BOUGHT W[TH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 DA 429.R?X2" "eeT"" ^'""^ ®°Tifi,i?ffi!{IlI.a!.,!!'.?.,.li»e..?nd opinions of Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027977432 THE LIFE AND OPINIONS OF A FIFTH-MONARCHY-MAN. M. Io„ 'Rogrers c Qf&Ot^^/m-c^ /-/.X - i ^ SOME ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE AND OPINIONS OF A Fifth-Monarchy-Man. CHIEFLY EXTRACTED FROM THE WRITINGS of JOHN ROGERS, Preacher, by THE REV. EDWARD ROGERS, M.A. Student of Chrift Church, Oxford. " The chief of thefe, among the Laiety, were Major-General Harrifon, Mr. John Carew, Colonel Rich s among the Clergy, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Peak, Mr. Sympfon." — Oldmixon's Hiflory of the Stuarts. LONDON: LONGMANS, GREEN, READER AND DYER. 1867. {V\ PREFACE. '^(^j^^lI^^^HE following account can claim no atten- tion on the ground of the merits and importance of a Fifth-Monarchy-Man, whofe name has been forgotten for nearly two hundred years. If it fhould prove interefting, it muft be becaufe it prefents the " vera effigies," the life-like and authentic por- trait of one who, with much perfonal Angularity, is no unfair reprefentative of a fadlion which by its turbulent fanaticifm earned for itfelf a momentary influence on poli- tics, the hearty abhorrence of its opponents, and a certain place in hiftory. In the endeavour to conftrudb a likenefs of fuch a man as John Rogers appeared to his contemporaries and to him- felf, I have fludioufly availed myfelf of his own words, for in truth it is fcarcely fo much what he thought, did, and fuffered, as the manner in which he himfelf defcribed what he thought, did and fufFered, which will enable the reader to underftand him. In thus compiling bis life, chiefly from his own writings, my great difficulty has arifen from his exceeding volubility. " You will talk, I fee," Oliver Cromwell faid to him. VI Preface. "although it be nothing to the purpofe." As he talked fo he v/rote ; mixing with much that is terfe and graphic a far greater quantity of what is tedious and irrelevant. I have been forced, therefore, to include in my extradls only fo much as anfwered fome purpofe, omitting without fcruple what I did not want, whether a word, a phrafe, or a para- graph. By thefe excifions the continuity of my extratls has been fo often interrupted that I have found it impoffible, without perplexing the reader and disfiguring my book, even to mark their places by afberifks ; I have printed, therefore, as confecutive what in ftridtnefs fliould have been printed as a feries of fragments. This acknowledgment applies chiefly to the hiftory of Rogers' early life and of his prifon fufferings, to the Epiftle to Purleigh, and to the five Epiftles to Cromwell. In fome of thefe, too, I have occafionally interpolated a word (within brackets) for the fake of grammar, or fubftituted a fynonym for an expreflion which might unduly offend our modern fenfe of decorum. In the Narrative of his interview with Oliver Cromwell I have indicated the omiffions by the ufual figns. In dealing with his controverfial works, " Bethfhemefh" and " Sagrir," and with Crofton's " Bethfhemefh Clouded," I have only aimed at giving a general and juft idea of their ftyle and the more charadleriftic parts of their contents; I have therefore not fcrupled to extradt, to re-arrange, or to condenfe, and that either in my own words, or in thofe of the refpeftive authors, according to my judgment and conve- nience. In extradts from books of the feventeenth century, the fpelling and dates have been modernifed except in a few in- Preface. ftances, where either inadvertently, or for fome exprefs purpofe,'; the old form of fpelling has been retained. Some of the more evident mifprints, with which books of that period abounded, have been corredted. I have only further to exprefs my cordial acknowledg- ments to Colonel J. L. Chefier, of the United States of America, the author of " The Life of John Rogers, the Marian Protomartyr," whofe biographical Iketch of the Fifth-Monarchy-Man in that book furniflied me with authorities from which I commenced my own inquiries, and who has given me much friendly and valuable afliftance in the courfe of them. VU CONTENTS, Date 1594101660 1627 1636 1637 1639 to 1642 Age 1643 1644 to 1646 12 to 16 to ' •9 CHAPTER I. Page Parentage of John Rogers i Nehemiah Rogers : his education and Church pre- ferments ....... I His ejeftion from his preferments ... 2 His charafter and writings .... 2 John Rogers : his birth 6 His experiences as a fchoolboy .... 7 He is roufed by Mr. Fenner and Mr. Marfhall . 7 How to keep from fleeping in church . . 9 Strange vifion at Meffing 10 A previfion in a dream at Maldon . . .11 Fearful affliftions and temptations at home . • 1 3 Diftrafted fits, inward melancholy, and defpair . 1 5 Reftored extraordinarily by a dream . . .16 And got into an alTurance of falvation . • • 7 Turned out of doors for conforting with Puritans and Roundheads . . . . . . li Footed it to Cambridge, and almoft ftarved there . 18 To murder himfelf prepared, but ftrangely pre- vented .... . , . .20 Comforted in a dream . . . . . zi Teaches fchool in Huntingdonfliire . . -23 His calls to the Miniftry . . . . -23 Is convinced of the juftice of the Parliament's Caufe ....... 23 Preaches in Huntingdonfliire . . . -23 X Contents. Date Age Page 1647 20 Receives Prefbyterian Ordination State of Affociated Counties, of Cambridge, anc Huntingdonfliire CHAPTER II. 23 24 1648 21 Rogers marries and fettles at Purleigh . Renounces Prefbyterianifm, and preaches as ar Independent in London 27 27 .65.. 24 Is fent by the Council of State to Ireland . His reception and career there . His quarrel with the Anabaptifts 27 28 29 1652. March 25 His return to England .... His opinion of the Seftaries in Ireland 29 31 1653. March 26 His Mournful Epiftle to Purleigh The ftate of affairs in London . Struggle between Prefbyterians and Independents Agitation againft Clergy and Lawyers Mutual jealoufy of Parliament and Army . 34 37 37 • 37 • 38 Rogers fides with the Independents and the Army 38 He preaches againft the Parliament, Clergy, and Lawyers ...... ■ 38 He quarrels with Serjeant Maynard and Zachary | Crofton • 38 Fifth-Monarchy-Men .... . 40 Major-General Harrifon .... . 42 April 20 Diflblution of Long Parliament by Oliver Crom well _ . • 45 April 25 Rogers' firft Epiftle to Cromwell (on Civil Go vernment) ...... • 49 June 3 His fecond Epiftle (Dedicatory) • 52 June 8 Cromwell fummons a Convention • 56 July 4 Meeting of the Barebones Parliament . CHAPTER III. • 56 •653 26 Rogers in controverfy .... • 57 June Bethftiemefti — Confeffion of Faith Definition of the Church . How a Church may be gathered and em bodied ...... Liberty of Confcience Infant Baptifm • 58 • 63 • 63 • 67 . 68 Contents. XI Date i6S3 oa. oa. Age 26 1653. July to Dec. Dec. 12 Dec. 16 Dec. 21 1654. Jan. 9 Jan. Jan. 23 26 Feb. 17 Mar. 20 Mar. July 28 27 26 27 Rights of Women in a Chriftian Church In what Papifts and Prelbyterians agree, and Independents differ from both Sagrir ...... Third Epiftle to Cromwell How the Author pleaded againft Tithes His fufferings in confequence Foreign policy .... Law and Lawyers The Fifth Monarchy Fadions in the Long Parliament . Bethfhemelh Clouded, by Zachary Crofton Criticifm of Bethfheraefli and its Author Vindication of " The Tafte of the Doflrine at Thomas Apoftle's " . CHAPTER IV. Proceedings of the Barebones Parliament Abolition of the High Court of Chancery Threatened abolition of Tithes Refignation of the Barebones Parliament Oliver Cromwell proclaimed Proteftor Anger of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men . Harrifon, Rich, and Carew arretted . Feake and Powell arrefted Rogers' Fourth Epiftle to Cromwell (Cautionary) He preaches againft Cromwell . Erberry's Letter of Remonftrance Ordinance of Treafon Feake and Simpfbn arrefted Plots againft Cromwell . Ellen Afke's information Rogers' houfe fearched and his papers feized His Fifth Epiftle to Cromwell (Mene, Tekel Perez) ..... Ordinance of Triers Rogers announces a day of humiliation His grounds for fo doing Information againft him and notes of his Sermon The Warrant of the Council of State for his arreft He is imprifoned at Lambeth .... Page 68 70 77 78 81 8+ 87 95 96 98 98 lOI 105 105 1 06 106 106 107 107 107 108 112 1 12 1 12 112 113 i'3 114 »«5 123 123 123 125 130 131 Xll Contents. Date 1654 1654 Age 27 27 Page Serjeant Dendy's Letter to the Proteflor . -132 Books written by Rogers in Prifon . . ■ '35 CHAPTER V. Prifon-born IVIorning Beams . . . -137 General Introdudlion by way of Lamentation . 137 Why he appeared not publicly before . .139 1. Becaufe of the cowardice of the Printers . 140 2. Becaufe of the cruelty of his enemies . 140 Their tyranny is worfe than that of Heathens . 142 (i). In that they punifli him uncondemned and without law . .... 142 (2). In the wickednefs of their gaolers . 143 A Hiftory of fome few inftances at Lam- beth 143 Extortions of Serjeant Dendy and his gaolers . . . . . ■ . 143 Sicknefs and death of two children . 147 Cavaliers and others fet to plot againft him 153 The Informer Abdy : his wickednefs and death 153 (3). In the prifon company they force upon him . . . . . . -154 (4). In their hindering his friends from miniftering to him . . . • ^'i'i (5). In their hindering him from preaching and praying . . . . .157 3. Impreparation has alfo impeded his appear- ing publicly . . . . . .159 His Call to this Treatife 1 60 1 . By a fpecial Meffage from the Lord by S. H.T 160 2. By the inceflant expeftation of the people of God . . . . . . .161 3. By the ftrange reports fpread abroad about him . . . . . . .161 4. By the proud boalling of his enemies . 163 5. By the cafes of confcience brought to him . 163 6. By the doubts occafioned by his abfence . 164 7. By the experience of frefli incomes of light 164 8. By the final removal of all temptations . 164 Contents. Xlll Date i6s4 1655. Feb. 3 1655 Age 28 28 Jan. 29 Feb. 6 Many objeftions made and anfwered The Meffage in bulk A Vindication againft the complaints of Mr. Rogers ....... CHAPTER VI. Rogers is brought before Oliver Cromwell at Whitehall Account of the Interview from the Government Newfpaper ...... Account of the Interview from the Narrative of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men .... An Apologetical Epiille to the Little Remnant Reafons why the Fifth-Monarchy-Men cannot be filent ...... They determine to go to Whitehall For this errand Twelve are chofen by lot The Meffage of the Church to O. C. by the Twelve The Lord Cromwell promifes that Mr. Rogers fliall be brought before him Mr. Rogers is brought from Lambeth to White- hall The Brethren and Sifters (many of them) go with him ...... The harfli ufage of the poor perfecuted Fifth- Monarchy-Men ..... They are brought before Oliver Cromwell The room fills with Courtiers O. C. begins his long fpeech with reproaching and untruths ...... The difcourfe between O. C. and Mr. Rogers The contumelies heaped on the Fifth-Mo- narchy-Men ...... Mr. Rogers is remanded to prifon . Major-General Harrifon and others follow up the Teftimony ..... A word of Caution againft Henry Walker Defcription of " the Twelve " from " Perfeft Proceedings "...... Page 164 16s 168 172 173 '75 176 176 180 181 182 185 185 185 186 189 190 191 192 217 219 220 223 223 xiv Contents. Date Age Page 1655 Mar. 30 CHAPTER VII. 28 Order of the Council for the removal of Rogers | to Windfor ..... . 225 Jegar Sahadutha ..... 226 Introdudlion ...... 227 Mar. 31 Rogers is removed to Windfor Caftle His reception there .... He and Mr. Feake are allowed accefs to on another ...... 229 231 231 Apr. 29 Their prayers and preaching are interrupted b}- the Soldiers ..... 232 May They are fumnioned before the Governor . And are brutifhly treated in the Chapel by the Soldiers ...... The wicked Enfign and the Serjeant Confiderations thereon .... CommilTioners are fent from Whitehall Mr. Feake and Mr. Rogers are fummoned before them ...... And refufe to acknowledge them The Commiffion is diiTolved . Obfervations thereon .... 232 233 236 237 239 239 241 2+3 2+3 oa. 2 A Cornet of Horfe is fent to carry him away He is feparated from his Wife and Prifon-born babe ...... His journey to Sandown Fort . 2 + 5 2+5 246 0(3.9 Order of the Council of State for his removal tc the Weft of the Ifle of Wight 250 oa. 31 He is carried to Afton Houfe, Frefliwater His ill-treatment there .... 251 251 Dec. 5 He is removed to Carifbrook Caftle . His journey ...... 253 253 Nov. 28 Order of the Council of State . He meets Major-General Harrifon and Quarter- mafter General Courtney in Cariftirook Caftle Many inftances of the cruelty and wickednefs Bull and his Soldiers .... 255 256 257 1656. Jan. 29 They try to ftarve him into compliance Obfervations ..... 261 273 Mar. 20 Major-General Harrifon is removed to Highgate 277 April More perfecutions of Mr. Rogers Defcription of his Prifon Chambers . 280 287 Contents. XV Date 1656 Age 29 1656. Sept.9 1657. Jan. April 29 30 June 1658. Feb. 3 31 Apr. 16 Apr. 22 Sept. 3 1659 32 May 7 July 19 Aug. Sept. 19 oa. 13 Dec. 26 1660. Feb. 33 May May 6 His Wife is forced to leave him Conclufion with refleftions Exhortations to the Brethren A loud Cry to O. P. A Poftfcript . A Word to the Reader . CHAPTER VIII. Sir Henry Vane is imprifoned at Carifbrook Rogers is releafed, and returns to London . Confpiracy of Fifth-Monarchy-Men . Information againft Rogers, Harrifon, and others Rogers, Harrifon, and others, are fent to the Tower ...... Cromwell's Letter and Warrant Rogers is releafed ..... Cornet Day's trial .... Death of Oliver Cromwell — Proteftorate of Richard ...... State of Parties ..... Rogers follows Sir Henry Vane And preaches againft Richard Cromwell . Abdication of Richard Cromwell Long Parliament reftored Rogers in controverfy with Prynne . The Council of State recommend him to the care of the Commiffioners for Ireland Sir George Booth's Infurreftion Rogers is nominated to a Regimental Chaplaincy He is difpenfed with from going to Ireland And nominated to a Lefturefhip at Shrewfbury The Long Parliament is dilTolved by the Army And reftored ..... Monk and his Army reach London . Reftoration of Charles II. . . . Death of Nehemiah Rogers Subfequent fate of Harrifon, Carew, Vane, &c. of Venner and the Fifth- Monarchy-Men of Feake, Courtney, Rathbone, Maynard, and Crofton ...... Rogers retires to Holland .... He ftudies Medicine at Leyden and Utrecht Page 290 293 297 302 304 305 310 310 310 312 3«3 3'3 316 316 318 318 318 3«8 318 318 320 322 323 323 324 324 324 326 326 326 326 327 327 329 329 330 Date l662.Oa.i7 1663 1664. Jun.13 1665 Age 35 36 37 38 July 3 1 His Degree of M.D. and Inaugural Addrefles at Utrecht ....... He returns to England and praflifes Medicine at Bermondfey .... Secretary Williamfon's Spy Book His " ad eundem " Degree at Oxford Second Edition of his Inaugural Treatifes The Great Plague of London . J. R.'s Antipeftilential Advertifements His Sons John and Prifonborn Page 330 330 330 330 331 33« 331 331 LIFE AND OPINIONS OF A Fifth-Monarchy-Man. CHAPTER I. ',OHN ROGERS, the Fifth-Monarchy-Man, was the fon of Nehemiah Rogers, Preben- dary of Ely in the reign of Charles I, and the grandfon of Vincent Rogers, minifter of Stratford-le-Bow, in the reign of Elizabeth. Family tradition afligns to him and them ^ defcent from 'John Rogers, the firfl: fufFerer for religion in the reign of Mary. The life and chara£ler of Nehemiah are only remarkable for the contraft they afford to the life and character of his fon. He was born in 1594, loft his father, Vincent, when he was eight years old, and was educated at Merchant Tailors' School and at Cambridge, where he became fellow of Jefus. Afterwards, as a clergyman of the Church of England, he held the curacy of St. Margaret's, Fifh Street, London, from which he was transferred to the vicarage of Mefling in Effex. In 1632 he publifhed a fermon which he had preached at Kelvedon, on the occafion of Laud's fecond triennial vifitation. In 1635 Laud announced to the prefident of St. John's, Oxford, that he had procured for the college the perpetual inheritance of the Redtory of Gatton, adding, " He that gives it to the college for my fake is Mr. Nehemiah Rogers, now a minifter in Effex, and a man of good note, . . To whom and in what order this benefice upon Liife and Opinions of a Laud's Works, Ang. Cath. Lib. vol. vii. p. 242. Newcourt's Repertorium, vol.i. p. 313. Walker's Sufferings of Clergy, part ii. p. 22. Parable of Prodigal Son, 2nd Ed. 1632. every avoidance fhall be given, Mr. Rogers hath left wholly to my care." In 1636 he was preferred to a prebend atEly, and in 1642 to the Reftory of St. Botolph's, Bifhopfgate, London. In 1642 and 1643 the Puritans caft out from their parfonages all the clergy of the Church of England who remained conftant to Church and King. Nehemlah Rogers fliared the fate of his brethren, and was thrown forth deftitute on the world. Like many others of the loyal clergy, when he loft his own home he found another in the homes of the country gentry. In procefs of time, but with great difficulty, he procured liberty to exercife his miniftry, and during the later years of his life he officiated in various parifhes in Effex. He died in 1660, a few days before Charles II. was publicly proclaimed in London. He was a diligent writer while he could fafely publifti — that is to fay, before 1640 and after 1658. His works, which were chiefly in expofition of the Parables, appear to have been popular in their day, but have not obtained any lafting reputation. One merit, however, they poffefs, for which they are here referred to ; they refle£t very clearly the character of the author, and it is in them that the contraft between father and fon ftands out moft diftinftly. Unlike his fon, Nehemiah Rogers was of a gentle and peaceful difpofition, and of moderate opinions ; unlike his fon, he had the art of conciliating thofe with whom he was brought in con- tadt ; and unlike his fon, he loved to dwell not on political, but on pradtical religion, not on the iniquity of his adverfaries, but on the kindnefs of his friends. Thefe charadteriftics are moft vifible in his dedications, and efpecially in the earlieft and the lateft of them. Two or three extradts from thefe compofitions, which are devoted, as he tells us, " to the teftification of a thankful heart to thofe from whom he had received undeferved kindnefs," feem to illuftrate his temper, and to a certain extent that of the times in which he lived. His firft dedications are to the London citizens, of whofe hofpitality he had partaken in the good old times of King James I. " While I Hve," he fays, " I fhall confefs your love, and the encouragement I had amongft you. What Candala, Queen of Pannonia, fometimes faid to the Venetians for her royal enter- tainment, that fhe never knew herfelf to be queen till fhe came to their territories, I think the preachers of the Gofpel may fay, hardly can they know themfelves, by their entertainment in the world, to be minifters of Jefus Chrift, till they come to Londoners' houfes and tables." Fifth- Monarchy- Man . His lateft dedications are to his parifliioners in Eflex, or to thofe friends and patrons among the country gentry who had befriended him in his adverfity and old age. He thus writes to the worfliipful and religious gentleman, Mr. Thomas Roberts, of Little Braxted in Eflex ; and to the pious and religious gentle- woman, Mrs. Dorothy Roberts, his virtuous and worthy wife : — " Good Sir ... . To you I am many ways obliged for your abundant favours and fruits of love really exprefled even then when it pleafed God mofl: to darken my outward efliate. For three years' fpace I moft comfortably enjoyed my minifliry through God's goodnefs and yours in that parifh where you now dwrell, all which time I found your houfe to be both to me and mine, as the houfe of Onefiphorus was to Paul, a houfe of great refrefhment Good Mrs. Roberts .... To myfelf you have been hke that godly Shunamite to Eliflia ; you have joined as a partner to your hulband in his love and bounty, providing light and lodging, houfe room and firing, and other necefTaries fitting for an Eliflia; and therefore I make bold to join you with him in this dedication, craving the like acceptance from you as from him." .... Thus, too, he commemorates the kindnefs of another of his lay patrons, Mr. Edward Herrys, of Much Badow : — " Worthy Sir .... Your friendly favours I may not bury in a kind of tacit acknowledgment, but I mufl: needs acquaint the world with part of them. Under God, you were the principal means of my obtaining my liberty for the exercifing of my minifl:erial functions, and that in fuch a time when it was thought fcarce feafible. You engaged your friends in it and were at cofl; about it, and at length effe£ted it, to my great comfort and content, who, having ferved my Lord and Mafter fix full 'prenticefhips in the works of the Gofpel, could not be but much troubled now in my old age, to be turned out of my fervice, and have my indenture torn before death brought me my freedom, which I daily expeft, wanting but few of thofe years which David allows in common account to the days of man. This being done, yet you had not done, but were pleafed, having the power in your hand, to remove me from that place where I was, from which I mufl: confefs I was drawn with much unwillingnefs, and prefent me to a living then vacant and in your power to difpofe of, where, with the general defire and Figlefs fig-tree, 1659. Epittle dedicatory. 2 Tim. i. J 6. "TheFaft Friend," 1658. Epiftle dedicatory. Ps. xc. 10. Life and Opinions of a good liking of the people as yet I am .... I have not been altogether idle in my younger time, no, not in a tem- peftuous feafon (to the glory of God who hath enabled me I fpeak Eccles. xii. 5. it) ; albeit I fee great caufe, now that my almond tree doth bloom, and the weather ferves, to double my diligence that my laft Rev. ii. ig. works may be more than my firft." The following is part of his farewell to the parifhioners from whom he had been drawn with fo much reluctance, and affords a curious contraft to a farewell addrefs from his fon John, which Infra, p. 34. will appear hereafter : — 'Faft Friend." " Friendly Reader,— .... Whilft God was pleafed to Refder?'^' caft out my lot amongft you at St. Ofyth* for the fpace of fix Galat. iv. 19. years and upwards, I can comfortably ufe the Apoftle's words 2 Cor. xii. 15. — I travailed with pain, that Chrift might be found in you. . ... St. Paul goes further, and tells the Corinthians, notwithftanding this, yet the more abundantly he loved, the lefs he was beloved of them ; but that was not my cafe, and it was a great part of my happinefs that it was fo, for it is many a good minifter's cafe. I found you for the generality at my firft coming amongft you to be a moft loving and willing people, and fo you continued (fo many as God continued life unto), even unto the time of my departing from you ; you prevented me with your abundant courtefies, nor could I modeftly defire anything of you that was not readily granted. To which, if I fliould add the great encouragement I had from thofe honourable perfons now refiding amongft you, both in countenancing my miniftry and other great favours received, it may ralfe a wonder how it came about that I deferted you. . . . And now that I am removed from you, I cannot forget you, and my defire is that I may not be forgotten by you. That I remember you thefe few fines may let you underftand, and that I may not be forgotten of you my hearty defire is that my labours amongft you may live in your hearts and lives. .... And fo, brethren, I com- * From a manufcript lift of the livings in Eflex about the year 1653, it appears that St. Ofyth had then " neither parfonage nor vicarage," and that Mr. Nehemiah Rogers, the Incumbent, was " maintained by the Countefs of Rivers." — Lanjdowne MSS. 459. Fifth-Monarchy-Man . mend you to God and to the word of his grace, which is able to build you up and to give you an inheritance amongft all them which are fanftified (Afts xx. 32), being the laft text that was preached among you by him who is A fervant to you all for the furtherance of your fouls' falvation, Doddinghurft, Nehemiah Rogers. July 22, 1658." St. Ofyth, the parilh which Nehemiah left, muft have been a remarkable parifli in thofe days, but Doddinghurft, to which he was transferred, mufl have been even more fo. He tells the inhabitants that God had fo bleffed the labours of his predeceflbrs " that there is not for anything that yet I perceive at prefent any faftion or fradtion amongft you, no Papift, Anabaptift, Quaker, or any fuch like fchifmatic i you live in amity and peace one with another (generally), which is not ordinary, and in thefe times a lingular mercy." The feelings with which he regarded the civil war and its confequences are fufficiently indicated in the following paflage from a fermon, which he publiftied about fix weeks before the death of Oliver Cromwell: — "Let us look backward, and then take forward. How can we, in the firft place, but lament and bewail our horrible ingratitude and unkind dealing with fo bountiful and liberal a mafter. Marvellous hath been God's dealings towards this land and nation. Never any nation under Heaven that tafted more of the riches of God's bounty, nor ftood more bound to God than this for his liberality. What peace ! ^ what plenty ! what deliverances ! What brightnefs of heavenly light for fourfcore years did we enjoy ! Whilft our neighbour nations were wearied with bloody wars, and fcarce received any other dew than the blood of the inhabitants, we fat under our own vines and fig-trees, having peace within our walls and plenteoufnefs within our palaces. We flept when they bled, we abounded when they wanted, we furfeited when they ftarved. Our fun did ftiine out glorioufly whilft theirs was fet. We had magiftrates, minifters, fchools, churches, laws, trade, all of the beft, whilft they would have been glad of the worft, being deprived of them all. A(k Bohemia, afk Ger- many, what they thought of us. Would they not fay, Happy Deut. xxxiii. 29. Life and Opinions of a Deut. iv. 7. Ifai. V. 4, 7. " Faft Friend," p. 449. Ohel or Beth/hem efh, p. 419. art thou, O England ! who is like unto thee, O people faved by the Lord ? That which Mofes faid to Ifrael might be made ours (Deut. iv. 7): 'What nation is there fo great, who hath God fo nigh to them as the Lord our God is in all things we call unto him for?' But what ufe made we of this our Matter's liberality ? Surely whilft we fliould have been recounting mer- cies we were finding faults and fpying flaws in our ftate and government. The civil was tyrannical, the ecclefiaftical papifti- cal, &c. Nothing pleafed, not the hedge, not the wine-prefs, not the watch-tower, not the watchmen. Thefe we trample down with our own feet, pluck down with our own hands. When God looked for grapes, behold wild grapes ; for judgment and righteoufnefs, fm and wickednefs, hellifli atheifm and pro- fanenefs, horrid oaths and blafphemies, contempt of God's word and ordinances, violation of God's fabbaths, rebellion againft go- vernors, murder, theft, lying, and what not. . . . This was that which caufed God to pull up the hedge, &c. to lay us even with other diftrefled churches, and make us know what we had by what we have loft. Thank we unthankfulnefs for what we have loft, for God takes no forfeiture but what unthankfulnefs makes." Nehemiah Rogers married Margaret, fifter of William Col- lingwood, a loyal clergyman of Effex, who was ejedted from his preferments in the Rebellion, and was one of the firft Preben- daries of St. Paul's after the Refloration. With fuch relations it is not furprifmg that yohn Rogers, the Fifth-Monarchy-Man, found but little fympathy in his own family when he broke away from them, and held communion with Puritans and Roundheads. This John was the fecond fon of Nehemiah, and was born in 1627. The following account of his early life is extradted from the hiftory of his religious experiences, which he narrated by word of mouth before a congregation at Dublin. It was one of his tenets that every candidate for church-memberfhip fhould deliver in according to his ability fome fuch account of the previous works of grace upon his heart. To give a formal account from year to year of my life would make me too tedious to you and myfelf. I hope we fhall have opportunities hereafter to open ourfelves in this kind one to another; in the mean time I fhall cite Fifth- Monarchy-Man . fome of the moft remarkable paflages which to my prefent remembrance I have met with in former years to this day to do their duty and homage before you. And firft, when I was a fchoolboy at iVIaldon, in Eflex, I began to be roufed up by two men, viz. Mr. Fenner and Mr. Marjhall* \ The firft of thefe about the tenth year of mine age, as I take it (for what I was before I know not, a mere — I know not what, although I was kept continually in good order, as to read every day and be catechized and the like), yet then hearing Mr. William Fenner full of zeal, ftirring about, and thundering, and beating the pulpit, I was amazed and thought he was mad, — I wondered what he meant, and whilft I was gazing upon him I was ftruck, and faw that it was we that were mad, which made him fo. " Oh," fays he, " you knotty ! rugged ! proud piece of flefti ! you ftony, rocky, flinty, hard heart, what wilt thou do when thou art roaring in hell amongft the damned!" &c. This made me at firft amazed, which run often in my mind after, and I began now to be troubled, being feared and frighted, and out of fear of hell I fell to duties, hear fermons, read the fcriptures, (though I knew not what I read, but only thought the bare reading was enough, morning and I. Call to awaken him by the Word. Scared at the thoughts of hell. Very formal and ftri^t In it. * Dr. William Fenner was born in 1600; was prefented by the Earl of Warwick to the Reftory of Rochford, in Eflex, in 1629, and died in 1640. Anthony a Wood fays that he " was much admired and frequented by the Puritanical party." — Brook's Lives of the Puritans, ii. 451 ; An- thony a Wood's Faft. Oxon. i. 223. Stephen Marfliall, the Prefbyterian, was minifter fucceflively of Weathersfield and Finchingfield, in Eflex, and lefturer at St. Margaret's, Weftminfler. He was a confliant preacher before the Long Parliament, by which he was confulted in all matters of importance relating to religion. Without doubt," fays Clarendon, " the Archbifliop of Canterbury had never fo great an influence upon the counfels at Court as Dr. Burgefs and Mr. Marfliall had then upon the Houfes " of Parliament. — Brook's Lives of the Puritans, iii. 241, and Clarendon, ii. 25. Life and Opinions of a Right formality. Under great bondage of works. 2. Call to awaken by the Word. evening), and learned to pray, at firft out of books, and all the graces, fo called, that I could get. And befides family prayers I was afraid every night left the devil ftiould carry me away to Hell, if I did not firft to myfelf, whilft my brother, my bedfellow, was faft afleep, fay my prayers and my " Our Father," and "I believe in God," &c. and the Ten Commandments, and my little catechifm (Dr. Hall's), which I had learned, and this I did every night duly before I durft fleep, and I made as much of them as of a charm to keep me well that night, which elfe I con- ceited the devils would tear me to pieces. And yet fome- times, when I was fleepy, to make the more hafte I fhould fay fome of them at leaft, to be in a forwardnefs, in the chimney corner, whilft I was unbuttoning me, or untying my hofe, or the like, preparing to go to bed, thinking all was well enough, fo 'twas but done, only fometimes, though I was unwilling to it, yet out of fear I remember of the Devil, or fome mifchief, being ready to fancy anything to be the Devil, I fhould fay my prayers, or commandments, or catechifm, or all, twice over, fufpedling I faid them not well enough before. Thus, as the Apoftle fays, when I was a child I did childifli things, and I thought this was very well, and very oftentimes would I be talking with fome boy or other, getting him from all the reft to walk with me, and I would tell him of Hell and fin, and fuch like things, for it ran always in my mind, and I lived under a defperate fear. ;^ But for all this, Mr. Mar/hall, a while after in the fame pulpit, took me napping, whiles I was, I know not how, bewitched to nod, and began to fleep; but his powerful voice* thundering againft luch as are drowfy, and fleep and flumber away their falvation, was at that time picked out for me, and very prevalent. I " Roar like Marfhall, that Geneva Bull, Hell and Damnation a pulpit-full." — Cleveland's Rebel Scot. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . ftarted up with an aching heart, and was frighted at his words, which he yet purfued, and wounded me to the heart, when he told us how that when time was loft we could not call it again. O, I was fufficiently wounded, and fell a weeping. I could not hold, and after fermon I went home where I boarded, and fat alone crying and complain- ing that I had loft my time : and at that time I took up a purpofe never to fleep at church more, and made a cove- nant with it, which I think to this day I obferved ever fince; and when I began (as at firft I was often tempted) to be drowfy, I would always ftand and hold on nothing, and caft my eyes about to open them more. ) But after this I refolved to write down as well as I could every lermon I heard, and to get them by heart, and to fay every night one fermon ; and this courfe which I took made me more ready at night, when my father repeated the fermons, or the landlord where I boarded — for they both did it, being very godly, — this made me readier to anfwer when we were aflced what we could remember. And this courfe I took cuftomarily for nine or ten years together, long after I came from Cambridge ; and hereby I was not only able to tell many men's fermons together, but alfo able (though chiefly by higher means) to preach at eighteen or nineteen years of age, as I did in Huntingdonfhire, if not fooner, to the amazement of many, but to the table-talk of more. But not long after this that I heard Mr. Mar/hall as before, I was further awakened by my father, who, preach- ing upon the Good Samaritan, and fhewing his compaflion, &c. preached and preffed fo powerfully, that I \yas thrown into a trembling as lying under the guilt of Chrift's blood, and was long perplexed about it. But after all this there is another remarkable paflage that I muft never forget, which I met with, or rather met with me, to the purpofe. About 1637, as I take it, at How to keep from fleeping in the church. More formal. How to keep Sermons many years. Nehemiah Rogers, that writ on the Parables. 3. Call to awaken by the Word. lO Life and Opinions of a 4. Call to awaken by a ftrange vilion. A warning to fuch as take God's name in vain. Meffing, in Eflex, I was playing with children, my fitteft companions then, and running round about the houfe we lived in through two or three little gates, in fport and idlenefs as I was running with the reft, I know not how or upon what occafion, I threw out vain words, and crying, " O Lord " (which we were not fufFered to do), my heart was fuddenly fmitten upon it, and I was fuddenly fet a running as if I had been poffefled by I know not what power or fpirit, not having any ftrength to ftay myfelf, were it upon my life, until I was headlong carried through a little gateway, where as plainly to my thinking and in my appearance as ever I faw anything by the funfliine, there was fet a naked fword gliftering with a fearful edge, I thought, and which took up the whole fpace of the gate from one poft to another, with a broad blade moft keen and cruel, at which fad fight fo fraught with frights I ghaftly fcreeched, and yet had not the leaft power to ftay or ftop my precipitant courfe, but I was quickly carried quite unto it, fo as that the edge of the cruel blade meeting with my body, it feemed to me impofllble I ftiould efcape death, and I made no other account but to be quite cut off and parted afunder ; but afterward being hurried through with that headlong and furious force, I had ftrength to ftay a little beyond it, and to perpend the perplexible peril which I was in. I ftood as one amazed, or rather as one that knew not whether he were alive or dead ; I knew not how to believe myfelf lefs than a dead man, and afterward at leaft mortally and deadly wounded, if not defperately and deplorably cut in twain. Oh ! how I ftood trembling and tumbling in my thoughts, until the vital blood, which was fled for the heart's defence, began to difperfe again and to go quietly to their own homes, and then I looked about and turned me to the gateway, but the appearance was pafled away, the fword gone and vaniftied, whilft I was left alone, the reft running away, in a labyrinth of fears, with- Fifth-Monarchy-Man. out any wound without, but deeply and woefully wounded within, and never fince (to the praife of God's grace), as I know of, have I had fuch extravagant, prepofterous expref- fions pafs from me. But, good God, what was thy will herein ? Thou who art not tied to means or order, beft ordereft and difpofeft of all things for thine own defign and glory, and fo this was, I am fure ; but what it was I know not, yet it left a lafting impreffion upon me, and the fear is yet to be feen in my heart, though the wound be healed. But, alas ! how long and lamentably I lay afflidted and in continual fears after this ! Every thunder and lightning I looked upon as my fate and fent for me, and then I would fall to my prayers, and faying my Creed and Commandments, and to my fermons, as faft as might be, that I might be found well-doing at leaft, if not as a charm to defend me, or a challenge to God by virtue of them to keep and blefs me. But all this while like an Ifraelite in Egypt I worked for life, and my fervices were my saviours, and I would to my brothers, fifters, and fchoolfellows and companions, take occafion to talk of Heaven and Hell, and what a hard thing it was to be faved. Some time after this in Maldon, where I was boarded, and put to the Free-fchool, I had a certain dream, which by the confequence proved a previfion of what is now come to pafs. It was on a night about the time when the Spaniards and Hollanders had a fcuffling and a kind of naumachie* upon the Downs, for then fome talking of that fight filled me full of fears, and in the night my dream was that fire rained (as I may fay), or rather poured down round about, and looking where I was, I thought it to be without the coach-yard gate of my father's houfe, and I I I A previfion in a dream at Maldon, in Effex. • "1639, Sept. 7, Fight in the Downs between the Spanilh and ETutch &ceK"—Hiprian's Guide. 12 Life and Opinions of a Interpreted by Dr. Drayton. Came to pafs. Refting in doings. was frighted to fee nothing but fire, looking upward and round about, praying for deliverance. None came nigh me round about by a good fpace, but flaming elfe I thought in all places, and I could fee none exempted ; wherefore being afflidled for my father and our family, I fell on my knees for them, and I thought I continued fo, long ere I could be heard, but was at laft bid to arlfe and look, and then I thought the fire fell not fo faft on my father's houfe as it did before, but by little and little abated till I awaked. Now, although this dream had feized much upon my fplrits, yet I made no other account of it than of a fancy till five or fix years after, in the Ifle of Ely, meeting with Dr. Drayton, D.D. he declared to me for feveral reafons that this muft be more than a mere dream, and that he was confident it did fliew fome fiery and angry difpenfation upon all our family, and my father and the reft ftiould lie under fome trouble by the times or otherwife, and myfelf fhould be fet free, and at this liberty to pray for them, and that by degrees they fhould be recovered and brought out, and the fire abate. Which interpretation (more fully by far from his own mouth) is for the moft part verified at this day. But all this while I was labouring for life, ex- ceedingly formal, and I did much covet to know the things of God, and therefore wifhed oft I were but a minifter, fuch a one as Mr. Fenner is, or Mr. Mar/hall, or Mr. Hooker, or my father, or fome other that was eminent, that I might attain to their knowledge, and then I thought I fhould do abundance more for God (as if God were be- holding to me for my obedience), and I would then, I thought, be fure to get falvation (as if I could then eafily do it). Thus, a poor creature, I continued for feveral years together, and If you knew but half what I met with in that time you would fay I was a poor creature indeed as any alive, for I kept to myfelf many faft-days, and would eat Fifth-Monarchy-Man. nothing ; heard, read, fang pfalms ; meditated, ufed folilo- quies, and prayed many times a day, and what not ; and yet at laft defpaired even to the depth. What by often thoughts of Hell, reading Drexellius upon eternity, and then thinking of endlefs, endlefs and remedilefs torments, and what by frequent frights as before, and what by my father once preaching on the fool in the Gofpel (Luke xii. 20), " Thou fool, this night will I take away thy foul ; then whofe fliall thofe things be that thou haft provided?" — whence he handled a point of the folly of men to lay up here and forget Heaven, and fhewing that Heaven came not with eafe on a down bed, but many fhall ftrive hard to enter and fhall not be able, and that except you exceed the righteoufnefs of the Scribes and Pharifees (Matt. v. 20), you fhall in no -cafe enter into the kingdom of Heaven, — what with thefe and other things I was almoft in the bot- tomlefs abyfmes of torments. I took the Bible to look thefe Scriptures, read them over and over and over again, but the more I read the more I roared in the black gulf of defpair, where I was caft fo deep as to me and others I feemed fometimes paft all recovery. I prayed, fafted, mourned, got into corners, yea many times, being I was afhamed to make my cafe known, I have ran into barns, ftables, anywhere, pretending as if I had bufinefs, on pur- pofe to pray, figh, weep, knocking my breaft, curfe that ever I was born, wifhing I were a ftone, anything but what I was, for fear of Hell and the devils, whom I thought I faw every foot in feveral ugly fhapes and forms, according to my fancies, and fometimes with great rolling flaming eyes like faucers, having fparkling firebrands in the one of their hands, and with the other reaching at me to tear me away to torments. O the leaps that I have made ! the frights that I have had ! the fears that I was in ! which continued ofF and on to the beginning of thefe times. Befides, great outward afHiftions that I met with were of 13 Defpaired, 5, Knock, awakened by the Word. Fearful afflictions and tears. H Life and Opinions of a Temptations. The greateft blow. Defpair. much force to bring me into this condition, being often (and doubtlefs I might deferve it too, too much) beaten, bruifed, turned out of doors, whirled and kicked about, hardly and unkindly ufed, at which times I fhould fome- times be tempted to murder myfelf, fometimes think I could not belong to God, for then he could not endure to fee me thus ufed and afflifted ; and yet I fly to Him and pray, and pray, and pray, but as good fpeak to a pofl, for I am not relieved. Sometimes I fliould read and weep, and, as my ufual manner was in the time of my great delpair, fall flat all along with my face on the ground, and cry, and call, and figh, and weep, and call for help ; but the Lord's time was not yet come to anfwer, and I was wont to weep half the night together, if not all fometimes, and to water my bed with my tears, for fear of Hell and the Devil, and therefore for fins or rebellious difobedience, and ever flept with my hands clafped clofe together in a praying pofture, that if I did die, or that the devils did prey upon me, they might find me in a praying pofture, fleeping as well as waking. I never durft go to fleep other- wife to my knowledge for five or fix years together. But the greateft blow I had was from the fentence of the aforefaid Scripture in Matt, v, 20. Surely, thought I, I but ftrive againft the ftream and feek out impoffibilities, if I muft exceed the righteoufnefs of the Scribes and Phari- fees ; I had often read of their ftridtnefs in their Houfes and Synhedriums and Schools, &c. [and] thefe confiderations and fuch like made me think it in vain to feek to be faved. In a word, to fuch a height was I grown up unto, that I did not only defpair, but began to be diftraded and out of my wits, as we ufe to fay. I thought trees fometimes good Angels, fometimes bad, and looked upon buflies as the Dens of Devils. I fliould fit up whole nights fometimes in a little turret we had, in an orchard, from the houfe, ftudying, finging, whiftling, whooping, or drawing figures, or one Fifth- Monarchy- Man . thing or other, or elfe be walking in the fields, woods, or fome other places, talking to myfelf, fpeaking to trees as to men, or as to angels or God, and thinking the leaft whiftling of the wind, or chirping of a bird, or lowing of a beaft, to be fome anfwer fent to me, as I would fancy it. But as thefe diftradted diftempers grew higher, I could not avoid the forcible temptations of a furious Devil, making me fometimes whet a knife, fometimes take a billet, fometimes one thing, fometimes another, to murder myfelf and fome- times others, and fometimes all — for I would have had all to have gone my way, methought. Many ways I tried, but was always prevented, till at laft I was taken and bound hand and foot, and held or tied faft in a bed till the raging fits were over ; and then, when I was fpent and patient, if let go, yet without a watchful eye, though it may be I faid nothing, yet the firft thing I went about, it may be, would be to feek a knife, or to get to the window to call myfelf down headlong; but I have been ftrangely and almoft miraculoufly kept, even in the very a6t and inftant of time, when a few minutes longer had been too late to fave my life. I dare boldly fay, few that faw me in thofe headlong diftempers did think me at the beft fit for any place but Bedlam, and that I fhould ever be reftored to what I am, which was alfo as ftrangely ; for, as the diftradled fits did much abate me, they did turn more to inward malady and melancholy, my continual cry being, " I am damned ! I am damned ! I am fure I can't be faved — it is impoffible. Oh, Hell ! Hell ! fire about me ! the devils are at me !" and I thought I heard the damned roaring and raving, and faw them as 'twere roafting, and their frifking and frying in everlafting torments. My mind and all was taken up with their bowlings and fcreechings. This fad condition, day and night, lafted upon me until I was perfuaded that there was a God, and that this God was righteous, and that he 15 Miraculoufly faved from felf-murder. Inward melancholy and defpairs. A word to the wicked. i6 Life and Opinions of a Reftored extraordinarily by a dream. would hear prayers if I continued but knocking with im- portunity and gave not over ; then I refolved with myfelf, (and gathered together here and there thofe fcattered reliques of reafon which were left me), that I would continue prayer, and fo I did (though by fits I was froward and mute, and wild and I know not how), yet off and on, five days together, fcarce eating a bit of bread in all that time, and was after that in another form and frame of fpirit, though by fits full of diftradtion and defperate thoughts, yet more ferious and fet to weigh things as in a balance, and to ex- poftulate with the Lord, and to pray by fits moft furloufly, and now and then tears began again, which were all dried up before, to trickle and come tumbling down my face like fwollen drops of blood, and I continued thus three or four days ; till one afternoon, coming into a chamber, my heart being as big as it could hold, I threw myfelf flat on my face as I ufed to do, knocking the boards and calling and crying to the Lord for deliverance, and ufing fuch exorcifing expreffions as might difcover me in defpair ; and ftarting up, I walked a turn or two, faying, " Is there not a God ? Is he gracious ? Are the Scriptures falfe ? Canft thou take delight to fee a poor foul thus fet on the rack, fighing and roaring in torment ? Rife up and appear for thyfelf, thou great God, fhow thyfelf gracious in one ad: of mercy, maugre all the devils in Hell !" And with knock- ing my breaft and tearing my hair, I threw myfelf upon the bed, whilft my eyes were glazed with tears, and there I lay in a fudden fleep which feized upon me, and I dreamed of the fame Scripture (the letter, which killed me), and yet of Chrift (the Spirit which quickened me), and that his righteoufnefs, by faith made mine, did exceed the righte- oufnefs of the Scribes and Pharifees, and except I, in and by the righteoufnefs of Chrift made mine, did excel the righteoufnefs of the Scribes and Pharifees, I could not be faved— that Is, not without the righteoufnefs of Chrift. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. When I awaked, I was fo much changed that I was amazed at myfelf at the fuddennefs of it; for I dreamed I was comforted and my heart filled with joy, and when I awaked it was fo indeed. I ftarted up and rebuked myfelf, faying, " Why, I am not damned ! What's the matter ? am I fo filled with a fancy ? with a fudden hope of I know not what nor whence ?" At which time I fell to pray, and whilft I was praying I faid, " Lord, is this true ? fay, is it true ? if it be fo, let it be fliown me that it is fo." So I was perfuaded that the righteoufnefs of Chrift was mine, and thus I had the fir ft aflurance of falvation, for that very fame Scripture that before condemned me did now juftify me, that is, in Chrift. Well, with this joy I continued to this hour, holding and keeping ground againft all tempta- tions (which are infinite) that I have met with ever fince. Yet Satan, my continual and never-ceafing enemy, now began to mufter up afrefti more troubles againft me, and to follow me with an hoft of afflidtions and temptations, as Pharaoh followed Ifrael with a purpofe to deftroy him. And fee how a bird that is efcaped out of the hand is hunted up and down by the boys ; the doors are ftiut, the windows and holes ftopped to hinder her efcape, and fee how they hunt her, throw their hats at her, fcare her up and down till they think to tire her and make her fall into their fingers again. So did Satan fet upon me, I may fay a thou- fand ways, by himfelf and his agents, to hunt me up and down, and to tire me out and to make me if he could fall into his fingers again, but that my God whom I unfeignedly ferve from my foul did deliver me, does deliver me, and I truft will deliver me, as the Apoftle fays. For though the Devil did ufe many fnares, and befet me fo about, as you will hear, that it feemed fcarce pofTible I ftiould efcape, yet the Lord fet me at liberty from the fnares of the fowler, though fometimes fo fubtlely laid that I could not difcern them ; and what he could not do by his fair infinuations '7 Evangelical. Confirmed and feconded by prayer and the Word. And got into an affurance of falvation, and how. Satan's freih bouts. 2 Cor, i. lo. i8 Life and Opinions of a Greater affliilions. Almoft ftarved at Cambridge. and fubtleties and inward motions and temptations, he tried to do by violence in tormenting me and making me the moft objedl of afflidlion and mifery all about. For, to proceed, my friends became mine enemies, and my precife- nefs was an eyefore to many ; near relations caft me off, and I was looked upon as difobedient for keeping company with fuch as were godly Puritans and accounted then Roundheads, and for praying and holding communion with them (though commanded to the contrary). At length I found fo little love and fo much malice from fome, that 1 was turned out of doors,* and forced, as men fay, to feek my fortune — to fly with my own feathers, with three fhil- lings and fixpence or thereabouts, as I take it — -to travel up and down in flrange countries, and that in the coldeft winter time of the year ; in fnowy weather up to the knees very often, and whilft the very icicles hung on my hair and cheeks a conflux of tears that came hot would thaw them, which fell abundantly from me in the open fields and high- ways, where none but God took notice of them. Yet I did often beg at poor cottages or fo, but to come in to warm me or dry me, or for a draught of fmall beer or fo, which would make fome poor fouls fall a weeping to fee me. But after many dangers and troubles, I footed it as far as Cam- bridge, where I fought from college to college to be but a fizer or poor fcholar, (my little fliock of money being all gone, and the fervitors of King's College, of which I was one before, being difmifled), but I could have no place, and I had no money, and I wanted bread, and that fo long that all others failed to do anything for me, infomuch I was forced for life to try all things, and eat leather, and drink water, and eat old quills and pens where I could pick them up out of the dufl:, roafted in a few coals which were left in * His father was "turned out of doors" alfo about this time (1642) by the Puritans. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . the chamber where I was, and I aflayed fometimes to eat grafs, and did it ; yea, I grew to that height of penury and famine that I fometimes tried to eat my own fingers, biting them till I could endure it no longer ; then tearing my hair and crying, I had recourfe to prayer, whereby the paffion, it may be, would away for the prefent ; but this continued fo long that I met with temptations in the wilder- nefs to turn ftones into bread ; and the Devil did often tempt me to ftudy Necromancy and Nigromancy, and to make ufe of Magic, and to make a league with him, and that then I fhould never want, but fhew me as 'twere upon the pinnacle the glory of the world, fo reprefented to me in my fancy, bidding me but obey him — that is, fall down and worftiip him, and I ftiould have both my bags of money by me and be honoured of all men and owned by all my friends, and go home with great riches and in great refpedt. But God would not fuffer me to hearken to him, but to tell him, " Thou art a liar from the beginning ; away, thou malicious accufer of the brethren, tempt me not." And then I prayed and read the Scriptures, and writ holy medi- tations and foul-foliloquies on the 88th Pfalm, all in verfe very pathetical and fuitable to my condition ; and I began Dives and Lazarus here, and Lazarus and Dives hereafter, two books which I foon after concluded, ufing in it Englilh, Latin, Italian, French — being very tragical, and all in verfe very fuitable to my condition under feveral temptations ; all which I had thoughts, with fome others which I have by me, to have printed for public profit, but wanted a purfe ; fo that inftead of Magical and Aftrological ftudies I bent my mind to holy meditations, foul comforting. Angelical and Evangelical contemplations. Yet I continued under ftrong temptations ; but, to the praife of God I fpeak it, I think never was I a more growing Chriftian than after Satan had thefe repulfes. But yet I muft not omit to tell you that I had one other temptation firft, which was almoft irrecover- 19 Temptations ftrong. The Devil tempts to yield to him. Is repulfed. The Devil tempts another way. 20 Life and Opinions of a A moft ftrong temptation to murder himfelf prepared, but ftrangely prevented. Much affliaed for his fm and yielding to Satan. able. For, finding myfelf almofl: ftarved and pined to death, my ftrength almofl: gone, my eyes funk deep in my head, and wearing death's colours, I was almoft at my wits' ends, for now one temptation got ground and came on audacioufly, and grew fl:rongly upon me, fo that I could not efcape it but it followed me. I took up the fkin of my wafl:ed hands and arms with a refolution to tear it off for hunger, but in vain. The Devil had fo befotted me that I could fee no ways to evade death ; for I had been beholding to all the fcholars I could find any courtefy in, to bring me fcraps, or fkins of fait fifh, or fomething or other, in their handkerchiefs or pockets, which kept me alive awhile, till at lafl: they were all weary, and I wafted almoft to death and aftiamed to beg openly about ; and I was blinded as to any way that I could find to recover out of this condition. Wherefore after violent and never-ceafing temptations, I drew my knife, whetted it fharp, opened my doublet and fhirt, and in the midft of the room where I was alone kneeled down to prayer to furrender my foul up into the hands of God, my knife lying by me prepared, and I pre- pared for the a6t ; when, behold, a door which I thought was bolted all the night before was but fhut to, which a fcholar opens, and with the fcreeking of it made me ftart up and throw my knife into the chimney in hafl:e, as aftiamed of what I was doing ; and in comes the fcholar to tell me of a place in Huntingdonftiire to teach gentlemen's children, at my Lord Brudenel's houfe, and how one of our college was fent to but refufed it ; by which means I was recovered out of that eminent danger, and after the fcholar was gone did exceedingly reprove and check myfelf for fuf- fering this temptation to grow fo upon me for want of faith, and was much afflidled at it ; but, being now night, I went, as I ufe to do, fupperlefs to bed (after duty), but my heart melting into abundance of tears — firft for the fin that I was about, and then for the love of God and his care Fifth-Monarchy-Man. appearing for me ; until, with an heart full, and head full, and eyes full, and all, I was fallen into a deep fleep, and vifited with an extraordinary token from on high, both in dream and vifion, which hath been fmce accomplifhed (as I take it), and the laft in Ireland the laft year. The dream was this : That I was walking home to my Father's houfe with a ftaff in my hand ; and fearing left I ftiould be out of the way, I looked for the path, which at firft I could fcarce difcern was a path, and began to look about and to queftion it, till by and bye I perceived fome footfteps of fome that had gone that way ; with that I went forward, and the further I went the plainer I perceived it to be the path, and that I was in the way, and I could fee no other ; at which I rejoiced, and went on confidently as if I feared no evil nor enemy, till I came to a fine, glorious, beautiful houfe and building on the left hand of me, out of which came forth a beam which reached a little crofs the way I was to go in ; fo that I being at a little ftand at firft, yet would not ftoop under this beam, but ftepped afide and fo pafTed away, laying my hand on it as I ftepped by the fide of it ; but the houfe I thought was all in a flame of a fudden ; fo that, being fomething troubled thereat, I pafTed on in the way, wondering in myfelf what this fliould be, till I was overtaken by fome rude, violent, malicious men, that laid to my charge the fetting this houfe on fire, and would not hear me {peak, but were harftily haling me away to prifon, with which, being fufficiently frighted and all my flefh fet a trembling, I awaked, and was of- fended with myfelf for being troubled at a dream — a foolifh fancy ; fo I laid me (it being yet dark) and fell afleep again, and was caft into the fame dream again word for word ; and at my right hand I thought there was a grave, ancient man, full of white hairs like wool, a long white beard, who ftood by me and bid me cheer up. " Fear not ; for the Lord hath fent me to comfort thee, 21 Comforted and confirmed in dream and viiion extraordinarily. The dream is reiterated. The dream interpreted in fleep. 22 How firft called to the Miniftsry in his fleep. Life and Opinions of a Prophetical. Partly performed of late in Ireland, as is well known j but I believe not wholly. and to tell thee that He hath chofen thee to preach His word and Gofpel of Chrift, which is the ftafF that thou haft in thy hand, and which ftafF (that is, the word of God) thou fhalt walk home with to thy Father's houfe, i. e. Heaven, where is fulnefs of joy. But after a time thou wilt be troubled with the different opinions and ways of men, and feem at firft to be at a lofs, but the Lord will be thy guide. Go on, and as thou goeft forward the way of the Lord will lie clearer and clearer before your eyes ; but the footfteps are the examples of the faints that have gone before you, which will be a great help unto you, and you fhall walk cheerfully on in the way which is clear to you (than the which you fhall fee no other) ; but yet you muft meet the fair houfe on the left hand, i. e. the glory and great ones of the world, who make a great and fair fhow to men, as built high, but they muft fall, and are but on the left hand of you, whilft you will defpife them, preach againft them, and turn your eye looking forward to go on in the way of God, and turn not about ; but the beam, that comes out of this great houfe which makes fo much fhow, is meant the powers and opinions of fuch, which, whilfb fomewhat crofs to the way, you ftep afide and will not ftoop under, they are fet on fire and inflamed of a fudden ; but be not troubled, go forward ; although they will fend after you faying you have brought this fire upon them, and they will falfely accufe you, and feek to hale you away to prifon for this fadt." At which I awaked again, this being morning, about daybreak, and being filled with confidence and comfort, I rofe up and writ it down prefently. And away I went that day towards Did- dington in Huntingdonfhire, where the Lord Brudenel once lived, but was then fequeftered ;* and one that the * An ordinance for fequeftering notorious delinquents' ellates was pafled April i, 1643. Fifth-Monarchy -Man. Committee put in had gentlemen's children to board with him, whom I afterward taught. But after all thefe deliver- ances I did multiply abundantly in gifts and graces, either to pray, expound, read, fing hymns and fpiritual fongs. And finding the Lord fo abundantly to endue me from above, and to qualify me for the call which I had before in the night for the miniftry, which then I little meant or imagined could be (it being often refolved againft before by my father, and my books ordered to be packed up) ; but finding things following fo fairly to concur, I was much confirmed in it that the Lord had defigned me thereunto. At this time I came to be convinced of the Parliament's proceedings and caufe to be more regular and in order to the great work that God hath to do in nations than the Kings, by comparing them together and bringing them to the Word, and then I faw clearly by the Word that God would do what he hath to be done by thehi, and for them, and for the Commonwealth. It was not long after this that I was, by a godly people in Tofeland,* earneftly importuned and at laft prevailed with to preach the Gofpel, and I was foon known in the country, and after fent for into Eflex, where I fettled, paffing twice through the AfTembly on examination and approbation. t So, although ever fince I have met with many forts of afflidlions and oppofitions, lies, flanders, threatenings, libels, vows, and endeavours to take away my life, yet many have added teftimony to the word I have delivered in all places, the Lord be praifed, to the great refrefhing of my foul, and towards the making up of my * A fmall parifl) near St. Neots. t He fpeaks elfewhere of having received Prefbyterian orders in "the vtry firft claffis that ever was in England." Claffes were fully organized nowhere except in Lancalhire in the year 1646, and in London in 1647. 23 From that time how he grew fit for the Miniftry. 2. Call to the Miniftrv. 3. Call to preach. Call. Vide Epiftle to Purleigh before the 2 Liber. Autobiography of Sir John Bramfton, Camden Soc. p. 85, 86. joy when I fhall give an account (to their comfort) at the great day." Either from choice or from neceffity Rogers ufually alighted on difturbed diftrifts. In 1642, a few months before he was turned out of his father's houfe at Meffing, the civil war had broken out. In Auguft, Charles J. had fet up his ftandard at Nottingham, and in October he had fought the indecifive battle of Edgehill. During the following winter thofe counties in which the parliamentary intereft was fufficiently ftrong were forming themfelves into Affociations for mutual defence. The moft in- fluential of thefe was that of Norfolk, Suffolk, Effex, Hertford- fliire, and Cambridge, to which Huntingdonfhire was afterwards annexed. It is known by the name of the Eaftern Affociation, and was placed under the command of Lord Grey of Wark and Oliver Cromwell. Rogers muft have paffed through the centre of this newly-formed affociation between Mefling and Cambridge in the winter of 1642-3. Poffibly he overrates the dangers and troubles of the road ; but in truth thofe Eaftern Counties, and efpecially Cambridgefhire, were at that time in a very difturbed ftate, and travellers were Uable to inconveniences and interrup- tions, if not to pofitive dangers. A few months earlier Sir John Bramjion, then a young man, had travelled on horfeback through the fame Affociation, on a miffion from his father in Effex to the King at York, and his travelling experiences exemplify the fort of trouble to which Rogers alfo would probably have been expofed. " I went," he fays, " from Skreenes thither (to York) in three days, flayed there one day, and returned home again to Skreenes in three days more on the fame horfe. . . . As we went about Stanford we were direiSted by the watchman a way to avoid the town, the plague being there. ... In our return on Sunday, near Huntingdon, between that and Cambridge, certain muf- keteers flart out of the corn, and command us to fland, telling us we muft be fearched, and to that end we mufl go before Mr. Crom- well., and give account from whence we came, and whither we were going. I afked where Mr. Cromwell was. A foldier told us he was four miles off. I faid it was unreafonable to carry us out of our way ; if Mr. Cromwell had been there I fhould have will- ingly given him all the fatisfaftion he could defire, and putting my hand into my pocket gave one of them twelve pence, who faid we might pafs." Fifth-Monarchy- Man. Nor could he have chofen a more unlucky feafon for refi- dence at Cambridge. In Auguft of the fame year (1642) the Colleges had endeavoured to fend their plate to the King, and " one Mqfter Cromwell^ burgefs for the town of Cambridge, and then newly turned a man of war," was fent by the Parliament to flop them. Cromwell furrounded the Colleges " while we were at our devotion in our feveral chapels," and carried away feveral heads of houfes and doctors of divinity prifoners to London. To- wards the end of the year Cambridge was garrifoned for the Par- liament, and from that time forward for nearly two years the Univerfity was harafled in every poffible way : gownfmen were ill-ufed by foldiers. King's College Chapel was turned into a drill- room, other Colleges into barracks, and finally upwards of two hundred fellows and tutors were expelled. In 1664, Rogers thus alludes to the interruption of his ftudies : — " Ultra jam duos vigintique annos elapfos dodlrinae laTpiKyj; hujus hofpes fueram in Athenis Palaeftrifque noftris donee inter arma non tantum leges, fed etiam literae omnes filebant, quum Bellona tan- topere matribus truculenta ac formidolofa, matri almae Cantab, noftrae bellicofa fuiflet, Minervamque Pieridefque noftras e col- leges et pofleffione deturbaffet." Again, when he left Cambridge, in 1643, ^'^'^ fettled in Huntingdonfliire, he found that county alfo in a ftate of diforder. An ordinance of Parliament, dated i8th July, 1643, declares that " the weekly afleffments for the County of Huntingdon have not yet been proceeded with, becaufe of the fears and difi:ra£tions of that county ; that the faid county being now become a frontier to the Aflbciated Counties of Cambridge, &c. is enforced through the emergent dangers to make extraordinary provifion of foot and horfe for the fafeguard of the faid county and the other Aflbciated againft the incurfions of the plundering enemy, and that this has occafioned extraordinary difburfements of money, of which the committee of that county is utterly unprovided." And three weeks afterwards Oliver Cromwell wrote as follows : — " For my noble Friends the Committee of the Affociation fitting at Cambridge : Thefe "Huntingdon, 6 Aug. 1643. " Gentlemen, " You fee by this Enclofed how fadly your affairs ftand. It's no longer difputing, but Out inftantly all you can ! Raife all your Querela ' Cantab. 4, 5. A colleflion of Orders, &c. publiflied by authority of Parliament in 1646, p. 239. Carlyle's Oliver Cromwell, Suppl. to ift Ed. p. 15. Bands ; fend them to Huntingdon ; get up what Volunteers you can J haften your Horfes. " Send thefe letters to Norfolk, Suffolk and Effex without delay. I befeech you fpare not, but be expeditious and induf- trious ! Almoft all our foot have quitted Stamford ; there is no- thing to Interrupt an enemy, but our horfe, that is confiderable. You muft aft lively ; do it without Diftraftion ! Negle£l: no means. I am Your faithful Servant, Oliver Cromwell." At this time Rogers came to be convinced of the juftice of the Parliament's caufe, and probably at this time alfo, and in Huntingdonfhire, he took up arms as a volunteer, and performed thofe fervices in the field againft the common enemy of which heboafted afterwards. CHAPTER II. OGERS left Huntingdonfliire and returned to Eflex in 1647 or 1648. About the fame time he received Prefbyterian ordination, married a daughter of Sir Robert Payne, Kt., of Midloe in Hunts, and became "fettled Minifter," or, in other words, Reftor of Purleigh* near Maldon, a neighbourhood in which he muft have been well known from his childhood. But he was too reftlefs to "fettle " anywhere. He hired a curate and betook himfelf to London. There he renounced his Prefbyterian ordi- nation, joined the Independents, became Ledurer at St. Thomas Apoftle's in the City, and preached violent pohtical fermons in fupport of the Long Parliament, which was ftill fitting. In 1650 the Parliament made an order " to fend over fix able minifters to preach in Dublin, and they to have £200 per annum apiece out of Bifhops' and Deans' and Chapters' lands in Ireland. And in the mean time, the Lord Lieutenant to take care that it be paid out of the public revenue ; and if any of thofe minifters die in that fervice in Ireland, that the Parliament will make competent provifion for their wives and children." And in the courfe of the next year Rogers was fent to Ireland by the Council of State on this Miflion. The government of the country was adminiftered at that time by the Commiflioners of the Englifh Parliament; of thefe Fretan and Ludlow conduced the military, and John Weaver, Miles Corbet, and Colonel John Jones the civil adminiftration. On * Walker fpeaks of Purleigh as " one of the beft livings in thofe parts.' -Sufferings of the Clergy, part 2, p. 395. Whitelock, P-445- March 12. 28 Liife and Opinions of a Reid's Hiftory of the Prefbyterlan Church in Ireland, ii. 245. his arrival, he found fome of the Commiflioners inftalled at Dublin. The following order teftifies to their care for his material comfort : — « Dublin Caftle, 22 Auguft, 1 65 1. " Ordered that the Commiflioners of Revenue at Dublin do forthvi^ith enquire vsfhat flipends and tithes or other maintenance do belong to the Minifters within the feveral parifhes in the City of Dublin, and do certify the fame to the Commiflioners of Par- liament. And they are likewife to provide two convenient houfes belonging to the Commiflioners, for the pleafant accommodation of Mr. Rogers and Mr. Wyke and their families." Shortly afterwards the Commiflioners afllgned Chrift Church Cathedral to him and his congregation as a place of worfhip, and caufed his name to be added to the lift of Independent Minifters who were empowered to take order that the Gofpel was preached in St. Patrick's Cathedral. Ireland was in a very unfettled ftate at this time. It was more than twelve months fmce Cromwell had returned to England after the fliort and bloody campaign which commenced with the ftorm of Drogheda and Wexford ; but the war ftill continued : Ireton was beiieging Limerick, where he met his death ; while the Irifh, if not actually befieging, were at leaft harafling and alarming Dublin. Col. Hewfon,* the governor of that city and of the adjoining diftrift, gives a deplorable account of the ftate of * Col. Hewfon began life as a flioemaker. When the civil war broke out he joined the army as captain, " fought on ftoutly, and in time became a colonel." In 1645 he commanded a regiment in the campaign of Sir Thomas Fairfax, and " manfully led the forlorn hope," at the ftorm of Bridgewater. In 1649 he fat in the High Court of Juftice, and figned the King's death-warrant. In the fame year he and his regiment accom- panied Oliver Cromwell to Ireland, where he did good fervice, and was appointed Governor of Dublin. He was a member of the Barebones and other Parliaments, of the Council of State in 1653 and 1659, and was knighted and raifed to Cromwell's Houfe of Peers in 1657. Shortly before the Reftoration he made himfelf very notorious and unpopular, by fiippreffing a riot of apprentices in the city with unneceffary feverity. — Anthony a Wood, Faft. 2, 78 ; Sprigge's Ang. Red., p. 70; Whitelock. Fifth-Monarchy-Man . his command, in a letter dated Oft. ii, 1651, and publiflied in the London newfpapers. The Irifliry were ravaging the Englifli territory, intercepting the Englifh convoys, and ftorming the Englifli garrifons. Fttzpatrick had made ufe of the hay that lay about Caftle Jordan to fire that Caftle, and fo " our men were all taken prifoners ;" nay, "in my abfence they engaged my own troop, took 25, and killed 27." The letter, in fliort, contains a catalogue of difafters, relieved, however, by the intelligence that Independency was flourifliing. " The Gofpel takes bleffed efFeii: in this city ; here is one church gathered, and they have chofen Mr. Winter for their paftor, and another church embodied this day that have not yet chofen their paftor, but I fuppofe they will pitch upon Mr. Rogers — both godly men." Governor Hew/on and his wife joined the church of Mr. Rogers^ and delivered in an account of their religious experiences, which may be read ftill in " Bethfliemefh." On the other hand, Rogers beftowed his afliftance upon Col. Heivfon in the field, boafting afterwards before Cromwell, that in Ireland, as well as in England, he had " engaged in the field and expofed his life to great dangers freely" for confcience fake. Hugh Peters had fet him a notorious example in this refpeft. But the patronage of thefe great perfonages was of no avail againft fedtarian animofities. The Anabaptifts were now very powerful in Ireland ; and a Mr. Thomas Patient, one of their preachers, who had been an army chaplain under Cromwell, and had fettled at Waterford, created a fchifm in Rogers' congregation on the queftion of adult baptifm. Rogers was willing to concede a great deal, but he never would allow that it was necefiary to re- baptize thofe who had been already baptized as infants. Patient, on the other hand, and the Waterford Anabaptifts, fent a letter by the hands oi Adjutant-General Allen and Captain Vernon, to divers of the Chrift Church Congregation, urging them to admit none to communion who allowed infant baptifm. "The Jews," they faid, " might as well have admitted uncircumcifed perfons to eat the Paflbver." Eventually Rogers became fo annoyed by thefe diflenfions that he threw up his appointment and returned to England, leaving Mr. Thomas Patient to preach at Chrift Church in his place. On his departure he received from the Commiflioners tor Ireland the following certificate : — 29 Mercurius Politicus, Oa. 16-13, 1651. 3° Reid, ii. 260. Bethfliemefli, p. 28, Great encouragement for Minifters in Ireland. I^ife and Opinions of a The way to rout the rank, corrupt national Miniftry. " Dublin Caftle, 22 March, 1652. " Whereas Mr. John Rogers, Minifter of the Gofpel, was fent over and recommended to us by divers virorthy members of the Council of State for preaching the Word of God in Ireland, where he hath continued for the fpace of — months, and being now defirous to return for England, we thought fit to certify whom it may concern, that the faid Mr. Rogers, during his refi- dence here, hath been painful and induftrious in the work of the minifbry ; and we fhall be glad that fuch laborious, faithful inftruments may receive encouragement to repair to this land for the refrefhing of poor fouls, and for the propagating and carrying on the intereft of Jefus Chrifl: there." On his return to England he declared his opinion of thofe with whom he had been affociated in Ireland with his ufual free- dom. He had no fault to find with the civil authorities ; indeed, their example was one which the Englifli might follow in fome refpefts with very great advantage. " I am bound," he fays, in an epiftle to the CommifEoners for the affairs of Ireland, " I am bound to bear teftimony to your integrity and fidehty, and wifh no worfe to England than your orderly and Gofpel-like way of maintaining the miniftry in Ireland ; not only that they have enough and to fpare, as I know by experience of two hundred pounds* per annum, a very large allowance, and paid them tax free and without fail, quarterly, out of the Treafury of Revenues, but in that they are not troubled with the thing called Tithes, nor with Parifn cures, f not being placed as Parifh Minifters in parifhes. So that their confciences are not tied up to pleafe men or malignant humours, as Parochial Minifters and Tithe- mongers here do. The Lord fend us fuch an ufeful and orderly provifion for the Miniftry in England too, which will be the beft means to fet an honeft, able, found, holy, and powerful Miniftry amongft us, and to caft down thofe wandering meteors, roving runagates, and thofe unworthy, wicked Preachers in the nation, who are fatted with Tithes and good liquor, but very lean and * Said to be equal to about four or five times that amount of the pre- fent currency. t A violent agitation againft tithes and the parochial fyftem was being carried on in England at this time. corrupt in good lives. But fuch as thefe will up as long as : Tithes and Pariflies are up, having the old corrupt lives and fottifli fuperftitions and opinions of their parifhioners to be their guard and w^all of defence round about them. And by this means will malignant humours be maintained in the nation, and Parifh Churches and orders and ordinances, and Common Prayers and croflings and cringing, and fuch accurfed ftufF, be in moll malignant parifhes provided for; whilft in Ireland thefe trum- peries muft tumble for want of maintenance, and the Godly Miniftry hath the more thereby, for no others are allowed falaries or ftipends by the State, but fuch as are fo reputed and approved of for godly and able." But the compliments Rogers paid to the Commiflioners of Ireland were not extended to the religious world of Dublin. During his fojourn there he wrote a book, and on his return to England juftice to his own reputation conftrained him to publifh it, for his enemies, not content with aflailing him in Dublin, were flandering him by their emiflaries in London alfo. A few extra£ls culled from this vindication will difclofe not only what he thought of his adverfaries, but alfo what they thought and faid of him, exem- plifying a ftate of feeling between paftor and flock by no means uncommon then, and one which he in his own perfon very ufually provoked. " The author writ this" (among other reafons) " for names' fake. It is time to refcue my name and reputation from thofe baylies that have arretted and roughly handled it at the Devil's fuit out of malice. I have met with men like college butlers, who have fet up apace upon honeft men's names, and charged them to the full (with full-maliced and foul-mouthed afperfions) which they will never wipe off again without I pay them (foundly) for it, which in time I may do more fully, before good witnefs too. So did fome in Dublin, afperfing my perfon and traducing the truth, poffeffing fome people with ftrange opinions of me, as if I held many errors, who therefore looked upon me as an outlandifh man, made up of ftrange fafliions And indeed there was fuch a neft of hornets (which I knew not of, till ftirring one I angered all) who came out all at once upon me fo faft that many feared I would lofe my life ere I got away ; and indeed it is much mercy that I efcaped them fo well as I did, by the means of the moft honourable Commiflioners Why the Author writ this ? For name's faice. The Author's fufFerings by evil tongues. 3^ Liife and Opinions of a Bethfliemefh, p. 50. The Author charges his own felf as much as they, and makes no account of himfelf, but as he is in a new felt". Great miftakes in their reports of the Author. of Parliament's care of me and countenance to me. But now thefe perfecuting and unchriftian fpirits, not being fatisfied to drive the poor, painful bees out of one hive into another, and from one nation to another, as they have done fome, but to have the honey, which they would have, they will burn the bees ; and therefore it feems they have fent fome (more anointed with brimflone than with the undtion of the Spirit) hither, to purfue here what they have begun fo ungodlily there. I will not for a world deny my daily failings, for which my foul is kept continually low ; I muft have many grains allowed me to make me weight. ' Quifnam fine crimine vivit .■" Gold hath drofs ; fome gravel will ftick on the toes coming out of the pureft bath. A good horfe may trip, too ; but is it not better that the waters run, though they run but muddily, than not at all.'' Sibbs fays it is, in his 'Smoking Flax,' p. 115. Why, then, do thefe crows light fo upon the carrion \ I will confefs it to my difgrace, as much as any man will have me, that I am fubjedi to paffion, and my heart is very proud and deceitful, and too felf-feeking, the Lord knows ; and I hope I am fo far from juflifying my corrupt felf in the leaft, that I am al- ways almoft charging it upon myfelf, and can as heartily complain of myfelf as any enemy I have in the world, even for thofe things they fay, as of pride, paffion, &c. " But, merciful friends ! deal not too rigidly with me ! . . . . Scotus, that famous fchoolman, in a fit of apoplexy, was, by the cruel kindnefs of his over-officious friends, buried before he was dead. And fo it feems I muft be (might fome have their wills) by the over-officious and cruel unkindnefs of fome fudden cen- fures. But, pray ftay ! It is not the interpofition of fome clouds that hinders or fruftrates the motion of the fun. And, befides, there is fome light in the very fpots of the moon ; and fo there may be in thofe things which they account my fpots, as paffion (perhaps), it may be zeal, &c. For when I met with them, and took them by the hand, and prayed that there might be love, they called this hypocrify. When I preached upon Job xxiii. 10, in Chrift's Church (the Cathedral is fo called), before the Commiffioners in Dublin — viz. ' The Lord knoweth the way that I take, and when he hath tried me I fhall come forth as gold,' — why .? becaufe they had abufed me abroad in the names of Pope, Hypocrite, Prieft, Proud, Paffionate, &c. — Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 33 they faid I preached myfelf and fought myfelf, with hundreds of fuch paflages, as would obviate any unbiafTed underftanding, and inform them how thefe reproaches are but the abortives of malice and mifinterpretation. Notwithftanding, I fay, I will not, nor can I, free myfelf from thefe that they accufe me for, nor would I recriminate : and yet I muft fay I met with numberlefs provocations. Now the moft exa£t archer, in fhooting at the mark, may fail much when a man jogs him. And would it not vex a fcrivener, after he had fpent many hours in writing a large leafe or patent, that one juftling him purpofely makes him blot fo at the laft word or line, that he muft be forced to write all over again and to lofe all his labour ? Such a plot there was to make me blot. But, blefled be God, Satan, I am fure, loft by it And albeit they fay I was not patient, I confefs (when a very little fpark made them like gunpowder fly in my face) I felt a fore afflic- tion to try my patience, to which ten for one have given a ' pro- batum eft' under their hands. But as the hufband that told his wife he had one ill fault, viz. that he was given to be angry without a caufe— 'O,' fays his wife, 'I will remedy that, I warrant ye ; fear not that fault, I ftiall do well enough with you for all that, for I ftiall give you caufe enough,'— fo I have often acknowledged it to them that I was given too much to be impatient ; but they have as often made it appear that they were as much given to give caufe enough — I ftiould not want for that. And, indeed, for flandering they excel all that I know of. Thus, dear friends, in a time of troubles and affliftions, dif- traaions' and difturbances at Dublin, I began this treatife." In truth, Rogers found himfelf at Dublin m a falfe pofition ; his old-faftiioned views, as they were confidered, on Infant Bap- tifm alienated one half of his congregation, and his new-faftiioned views on other points, e.g. on religious toleration and the rights of women, alienated the reft. For, "indeed in Dubhn they did no fooner efpy an opinion with a ftrange face, which they were not ufed to, within their doors, but they afked whence he came and what he did there, and bid him be thruft out by head and flioulders, or elfe carry him to the magiftrates, to be laid by the heels ; and thus they dealt with thofe truths whofe face they were "° On his return from Dublin Rogers re-eftabliftied himfelf at St. Thomas Apoftle's ; ftiortly afterwards his parifinoners in Effex Bethfliemelh, Epiftle to the ChurcheSj p. 43—54- Bethfliemelh, p. 48. Bethfliemefli, p. 219. l^ife and Opinions of a cited him for non-refidence. The cafe was argued in Court, was decided againft him, and he was deprived of the hving. This kind of ufage very much troubled him ; and he petitioned the Lords CommifTioners for his reftoration, but without fuccefs. He bade farewell to his parifhioners in an epiftle, which he pub- lifhed a year afterwards in " Bethfhemefli," and of which the following is the principal part : — An Epiftle to the Parijh of Purleigh, in EJfex, nigh Maldon, wherein the Author was Jet tied Minifter till of late : — Dear Friends, — I call you dear, not only that I found you at a dear rate, but I am forced to leave you fo ; yet fome of you are very dear to me and in my heart, and whom I can freely bear in my bofom to the Father. But becaufe the death or departure of a Minifter from his people fhould be his laft fermon, I muft therefore fay in general to you this, that my greateft grief for moft of you is, that, like the cyprefs, the more you were watered the more you withered. Would it not grieve you, hufbandmen, to fee your good feed every year to be loft and to lie and rot under huge hard clods, and never to bring forth fruits or to come up ? So how can it but be my com- plaints before my Lord and Mafter when I give up my accounts (Heb. xiii. 17), and fay. Lord, I have preached! prayed ! catechized 1 expounded ! conferred for above this five years at Purleigh to fuch a people, and they have not believed nor obeyed thy word, but many of them are as ignorant, arrogant, bitter, profane ftill, ungodly and oppofers of Chrift and his Gofpel ftill as ever. O fad ! what comfort can I have of this ! Ah, it is too noto- rioufly known that I have taken much pains to little pur- pofe amongft you ; and yet, O ! what plottings and confpi- racies there were againft me ! what lies and libels were invented ! what fcandals raifed ! what feoffs and fcorns I continually met with ! what huge taxes and troubles you Fifth-Monarchy -Man. 35 caft upon me ! what backbitings and railings every day ! what variety of defigns were hatched in the midft of you to affll(5t me ! — yea, with plotted and premeditated malice and menacings to undo me ! what work you made to render me contemptible to all the country, before magiftrates, minifters, people and all ; yea, the children and fervants fet upon me to abufe me ! yea, to ftone me ! yea, to fwear to take away my life from me ! All which forced me to be much abfent from you. And O, friends, do ye think God will not vifit you for thefe things ? Have ye not fuffered your fervants and children to laugh and fport in the public places openly in the fight of all the people whilft the Word hath been preaching, and when I have mildly reproved them, to make mows and mocks at me in the open church — yea, to lay dog-whips and what not on the pulpit cufhion when I was to preach ? What kind of injury and abufes have you not returned to me for all my love and pains, and care and continual prayers for you ! Hath there one poor foul of us in Church commu- nion efcaped your malice and menacing, and your diligence to raife ill reports, and to caufe wrongs to befall them ? Have ye not vowed not to leave us till you had rooted all of us from you, and not left a Roundhead or Independent to dwell nigh you ? Have ye not confulted with all the Malignants about how to bring to pafs thefe defigns, yet in the midft of all thefe troubles and every-day new trials and wrongs from fome or other of you, yet the Lord will one day witnefs what a care I had of you, when I could not be with or durft not, how I provided for you, and how ye were the travail, as well as the trouble, of my foul. Yet when you had not worried me away with all this, how often did many of you defign to ftarve me from you. And though like a bird kept in a cage without meat, yet I muft do my duty, and fing, though the thorn were ever at my breaft. Still I followed you with love, patience, pity to 36 Life and Opinions of a your poor miferable fouls (O that ye knew it!) and with fweat and fwink, praying, preaching, and expounding, in feafon and out of feafon. But as I have heard of the Seminary in Lancafhire, riding difguifed, that loft his glove, one that found it rode galloping after him to reftore it ; but the Seminary fearing he was a Purfuivant, put fpurs to horfe and flew from him as faft as he could, and for fear he fhould be overtaken, he makes his horfe take a hedge, and fuddenly fkipping over, fell full into a defperate deep pit, wherein he was drowned prefently. O fo. Sirs, the fafter I have followed you to do good, to recover you, to help to fave you, why, alas ! the fafter you fled away into fin, after fin rejecting all ofi^ers and opportunities almoft, refufing to come to hear the Word on the week-day, and many of you not coming above once on the Lord's day. Oh, alas ! for the Lord's fake, hear, make not fuch poft-hafte in fin, to the ruin of your foul, body, and all ; but, O, remember, the pit is but on the other fide ; ye may foon be in it, but have a care left you perifti. Have I not fpent out my own bowels, and, like a candle, confumed myfelf even out to give you light ? Have I thought my life too dear for your fouls ? O no, but you would not regard it. Some pretended I was young, to keep them ofi^; but alas ! this was but a colour. Did not young Solomon give good counfel, young 'Daniel difcern much, young Jojeph fill the granary with plenty, and excel all the grandees and gravities in Pharaoh's Court for wifdom and judgment .'' Did not young Timothy preach the Gofpel powerfully and profitably ? But indeed the main offence you know was my zeal for God, for filence is the bafeft tenure a Minifter can hold his living by. I could not be filent, but tell Israel of his fins and Jacob of his tranfgreflions. Thus having ftood fentinel all this while among you, though I muft be juftled afide now from you, I have given Fifth-Monarchy-Man, 37 you warning, and fo will leave you. And being thus to part, I fliall fay with Syneftus, I carry nothing from Pur- leigh (of TtZf and Aao?, fire and people) but " bonam con- fcientiam et malam valetudinem," — a good confcience, an ill conftitution, and an empty purfe (being denied by you the bread I have earned with fweating brows). Yet the Lord fliow you mercy and melt your.hearts. And fo farewell, dear hearts, farewell. Your affeftionate friend and late your Minifter in the hot bowels of love to you, yet ready to ferve the mean- eft and worft of you in the work of my Matter Jefus Chrift, in and for whom I am John Rogers. From my Study at Thomas Apoftle's, Lond. March 25, 1653. Rogers returned from Dublin to London in March or April, 1652 — that is to fay, about feven months after the defeat of Charles II. at Worcefter, about twelve months before the diffolution of the Long Parliament, and a few weeks before the beginning of the war between the Englifli and the Dutch.* In England the ftruggle between the Independents and Prefbyterian? had ended in the afcen- dancy of the former ; in Parliament a feries of defertions, " feclu- fions," and profcriptions had left i'carcely any but the Independents fitting ; and in the army, both officers and men, from the Lord General Cromwell downwards, were of the Independent or of fome kindred fe£t. But, though the Prefbyterians had been purged out of Parliament and the army, they were ftill ftrong among the lawyers and parochial clergy j and now the Independents and other fefta- ries began to clamour loudly for law reform and the abolition of tithes. If thefe two meafures could be carried, lawyers and clergy would fall, and the triumph of the Independents would be complete. * The Dutch ambafladors took their final departure from London on the 30th of June, 1652. But the firll naval engagement between Blake and Fan Tromp had taken place in May. The Author's leave of Purleigh, and he may fay of England. 38 Life and Opinions of a Corrupt lawyers. Befides the conteft between Prefbyterians and Independents, there was heart-burning alfo between the Parliament and the Army. The Parliament propofed to reduce the Army } in re- taliation the Army preffed for " a new Reprefentative " — that is to fay, for the diffolution of the exifting Parliament and the elec- tion of another. Rogers threw himfelf into all thefe ftruggles with his whole force, fiding, of courfe, with the Independents againft the Prefby- terians, and with the Army againft the Parliament. He wrote books againft the Prefbyterian Clergy, he preached and prophefied againft the Parliament, and he both wrote and pleaded againft the Lawyers. His enemies aflerted that his animofity againft clergy and lawyers originated in perfonal refentment againft Serjeant May- nard,* the eminent lawyer, and Zachary Crofton, a Prefbyterian Minifter. Maynard had been counfel againft him in the Pur- leigh cafe, had obftru6ted his preferment on another occafion, and, moreover, had infulted him, as he conceived, in open court. Rogers had a keen fenfe of any injuftice or indignity offered to himfelf, and the account he gives of this laft affront fhows perhaps that the allegations of his enemies againft his temper were not wholly groundlefs. " Little lefs (aid one of the corrupt lawyers, viz. Mr. Maynard, to me laft March, before the Lords Commiffioners of the Seal,t in the Parliament Chambers at the Temple, whilft he was pleading the law for a Delinquent, Malignant Patron, over and over an open noto- rious enemy and cavalier againft God and State, yet, having com- pounded, he muft have the power to prefent a man of a wicked, malignant fpirit — none elfe, and known for fwearing, company- * Serjeant Maynard was born at Taviftock in 1602, was member for Totnes in the Long Parliament, and one of the managers of the impeach- ment of the Ear^ of Strafford, " whom," fays Anthony Wood, " he baited to fome purpofe in the name of the Commons of England." Afterwards he performed the fame office by Archbijhop Laud- He, with other Pref- byterians, withdrew from the Long Parliament before the King's death. Macaulay defcribes him as being, in 1689, "byuniverfal acknowledgment the moft fubtle and the moft learned of Englifli jurifts." — Hiji. of Engl. iv. 32. t The Lords Commiffioners of the Great Seal at this time were Whitelock, Keeble, and John Ulfle. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . keeping, and other vices ; and he muft force fuch an one upon the poor people that never heard him fo much as preach, to the joy of all the malignant, godlefs wretches in the country all about. . . . This Mr. M., (one of the caft-out members of the Houfe, I hear), pleading for this caufe of the Devil (for I dare call it no other), much oiFended me, infomuch that I was urged in confcience to fay before the Lords Commiflioners, ' Sir, the Ads of the Apoftles had been your beft ftatute book in this bufinefs about fouls ; you ufe not God's word.' But before I could go further, he punched me afide, with fome abufive, foul-mouthed language, (as I hope ere long to declare to the world), faying, ' What do ye tell us of the word ? we have the law,' &c. So the lawyers pufhed me afide. But what a fad thing is this, that fuch laws and fuch lawyers fhould be fuffered ; and how can a good Reformation be laid upon fo bafe a foundation ? They are the lawyers all this while that have hindered the Reformation, and fo they will as long as they have fuch influence upon the Parliament." Zachary Crofton's ofFence was of a deeper dye. On his return from Dublin Rogers had eftablifhed a Friday evening exercife or lefture at St. Thomas Apoftle's, to which he attradled a large congregation. Shortly afterwards an anonymous pamphlet was publifhed, entitled, " A Tafte of the Doftrine of Thomas Apoftle," in which he and his exercife were feverely handled ; the author- fhip was attributed, apparently with truth, to Crofton, the Prefby- terian Minifter of Garlick Hythe. It was imprudent to attack anonymoufly a man who was fo regardlefs of conventionalities and fo unfcrupulous about perfonalities as his antagonift ; and Zachary Crofton found himfelf dragged into light as the author of the pam- phlet with the leaft poifible delay. " Memnon, the General of Darius his army, hearing a mercenary foldier with vile language revile Alexander and exclaim againfl him, he ftruck him with a lance, faying he hired him to fight againft him, not to rail upon him. Clamours againft a very enemy require rather reproof than praife ; and I think there was no man much commended, but much condemned that poor, empty, wide-mouthed libeller of Garlick-hithe for his pamphlet he put out lately, whereby he hath brought himfelf into the report and reproof of all that hear his name, which may be eminently up and famous ere long in London, as it is in Chefliire and other places. I had, I confefs, a full chara6ter of him indeed by Majier Mainwartng, one that 39 They mock at the Word. Lawyers hinder rerormation. Bethfliemefli, p. 220-3. As that libeller that put out The Tafte of Doftrine at Tho. Apoftle's. 4° Life and Opinions of a Bethfhemefli, p. 226-7. Old leaven purged out, p. 56. knew him well in Chefliire, at my Lord Bradjhaw^s table lately j whilft Sir William. Brereton,* with an eminent Minifter that knows him highly too, was by, and gave fo good account of him that I cannot but wonder how he could end in one lying, impudent pamphlet, and like a fquib too dry, it feems, flafh all out at once." About this time the Fifth-Monarchy-Men were attrafting much attention. Rogers joined their ranks, and became quickly one of their leading minifters. They were a fmall but determined body of men, recruited chiefly from among the more enthufiaftic Independents. They believed that the age of the four firft mo- narchies — the Affyrian, Perfian, Greek, and Roman, had palTed or was rapidly paffing away, that Chriji was now coming to reign perfonally and vifibly in the fifth, and that when he came he would utterly deflroy all thofe anti-chriftian Kings, Prielts and Lawyers who now fat on his throne and ufurped his powers. Then the faints would poffefs the earth, ruling it under Chriji as his minifters, and executing juftice upon all his enemies. They believed alfo, and declared that, in anticipation of his coming, the prefent work urgently incumbent on the Saints was " to bring things as near as might be before Chriji comes to what they fhall be when he is come." They were in hot hafte to commence this preparatory work ; and paft fuccefs had fo intoxicated them that they faw no appalling difficulty in it. The fword of the Saints had overthrown an anti- chriftian church, had beheaded a bloody tyrant, and had conquered three kingdoms. That fword, they thought, was in their hands ; and here in England nothing remained to withftand them but Prefbyterian priefts, corrupt lawvers, and a fuperannuated Parlia- ment. When the faints had firmly eftablifhed their dominion in Eng- land and had pulled down Antichrilt there, then they would wage war againft the enemies of Chriji and the opprefTors of his people over the whole earth. Never fhould the curfe of Meroz be applied to them — " Curfe ye Meroz ; curfe ye bitterly the inhabit- * Bradjhaw and Brereton, as well as Mainwarivg and Crofton, were Chefhire men. In t 644 Sir William Brereton was authorized by Parliament to ejefl all fcandalous and ill-affefted minifters in Chefhire, and to nominate others in their place. — ScobelVs Alls and Ordinances, pt. i, p. 67. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 41 ants thereof, becaufe they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord againft the mighty." Of courfe it was more eafy to juftify thefe vifions from the Old Teftament than from the New ; and accordingly it was in the Old Teftament that they fought for laws, maxims, precedents, and examples. There, too, they found thofe texts which, when neceflary, they could wreft into their fervice, either to palliate a piece of folly or to fandify a crime. Such were, for example, " The faints fhall take the kingdom and poffefs the kingdom ;"* "The fword of the Lord and of Gideon ;" " Curfed be he that doeth the work of the Lord deceitfully;"! "Overturn, over- turn, overturn ;"t and the latter part of the 149th Pfalm — " Let the faints be joyful with glory, let them rejoice in their beds ; let the praifes of God be in their mouth, and a two-edged fword in their hands, to be avenged of the heathen, and to rebuke the people ; to bind their kings in chains, and their nobles with links of iron : that they may be avenged of them, as it is written. Such honour have all his faints." As the Gofpel of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men was to be propa- gated with the fword, fo the fed itfelf feems to have originated in the army. Many officers of the higheft reputation belonged to it, or at the leaft fympathized with it. Such were Major-General Harnfon, Colonels Alured^ Overton, Okey, Rich, and Danvers, * " But the faints of the Moft High fliall take the kingdom, and pof- fefs the kingdom for ever, even for ever and ever And the kingdom and dominion, and the greatnefs of the kingdom under the whole heaven, fhall be given to the people of the faints of the Moft High, whofe kingdom is an everlafting kingdom ; and all dominion Ihall ferve and obey him.'' — Dan. vii. 18, 27. , , . ^ ,, ^. f " Curfed be he that doeth the work of the Lord deceitfully [m margin ' negligently,'] and curfed be he that keepeth back his fword from blood."— 7^r. xlviii. 10. South fpeaks of Harrifon as being "notable for having killed feveral after quarter given them by others, and ufing thefe words in the doing it—' Curfed be he,' 8cc"—South's Sermons, 11. ^^^'t " Thus faith the Lord God, Remove the diadem and take off the crown ; this Ihall not be the fame ; exalt him that is low, and aJDafe him that is high. I will overturn, overturn, overturn it, and it ihall be no more, until he come whofe right it is, and I will give it him."—Ezek. xxi. 26, 27. Sprigge's Anglia Rediviva, p. 139, ^uartermafler-General Courtney^ Adjutant-General Allen, and others ; befides men of inferior rank, fuch as Spittlehoufe, Cornet Day, and Buttiphant, of Cromwell's own life-guard — a6tive, in- triguing men, of conliderable influence amongft their equals. Thefe men generally were notorious as men who would neither fpare their own blood nor the blood of others in the " Good Caufe." Crawzw^// grudged no pains to gain them over to himfelf, and the baits he offered were the downfall of clergy and lawyers, and " No king but Jefus." This general account of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men would not be complete without more particular reference to Major-General Harrifon, their leader ; both becaufe in ability, refolution, and reputation he far furpafled all other members of his party, and becaufe he will appear hereafter in perfonal and familiar alTociation with Rogers. The fon of a grazier in StafFordfhire, he received a fair educa- tion at Nantwich, and was indentured afterwards to an attorney in Clifford's Inn. When the war broke out he joined the army of the Parliament as a cornet of horfe, and fteadily rofe to diftinition. In 1645 he ferved the campaign under Fairfax as major, and afterwards colonel of Fleetwood's regiment, and is particularly mentioned in connexion with the battle of Nafeby and the ftorm of Bafing Houfe. Hugh Peters fays, in a narrative of what fell under his own eyefight after the ftorm of Bafmg Houfe :— " In the feveral rooms and about the houfe were flain feventy-four, and only one woman, the daughter of Dr. Griffith, who by her railing provoked our foldiers, then in heat, into a further paffion. There lay dead upon the ground Major Cujffe, a man of great account amongft them and a notorious Papift, flain by the hands of Major Harrifon, that godly and gallant gentleman, and Robifon the player, who a little before the ftorm was known to be mocking and fcorning the Parliament and our army." Readers of Sir Walter Scott will remember Roger Wildrake's verfion of the death of " poor Dick Robifon the player " by the hand of the butcher Harrifon. In 1647 he received the thanks of the Houfe of Commons for his fervices in Ireland. But perhaps his behaviour to Charles I. in 1648-9 is that by which he was then beft known, and may ftill be beft appreciated. In 1648 he was charged with the refponfi- bility of guarding the King as a prifoner from Hurft Caftle to Fifth- Monarchy- Man . Windfor. The following account of the journey, condenfed from Anthony Wood., will not perhaps be thought wholly inadmiflible, in confideration of the light it throws on the charafteriftics of a man who was to his party the hero, faint, and martyr of their caufe. Major Hcirrijon reached Hurft Caftle, where the King was con- fined, unexpeftedly and at midnight. The noife awakened the King, who was in fome marvel to hear the drawbridge let down at that unfeafonable hour. When he heard the caufe, he told Herbert, his groom of the chambers, that this was the man who intended to aflaflinate him, as he had been informed by letter. The major tarried two nights at Hurft Caftle ; and when it was dark, having given orders for the King's removal, he departed to the place from whence he came. A week afterwards the King was conveyed by a party of horfe from Hurft to Windfor. Near Farnham Major Harrifon appeared at the head of another party, to the end that he might bring up the rear. His party was drawn up in good order, by which his Majefty was to pafs ; and the major in the head of them, gallantly mounted, with a velvet montier on his head and a new buff" coat on his back, with a crimfon filk fcarf about his waift, richly fringed. As the King paffed by on horfeback with an eafy pace, as delighted to fee men well horfed and armed, the major gave the King a bow with his head, a foldade which his Majefty requited. This was the firft time that the King faw the major ; at which time Thomas Herbert, groom of the chambers, "from whom" (fays Wood) "I had this ftory," riding a little behind the King, his Majefty called him to come near, and aflced him who that captain was ; and being told by him that it was Major Harrifon, the King viewed him more narrowly, and fixed his eyes fo fteadily upon him as made the major abaflied, and fall back to his party fooner than probably he intended. The King faid he looked like a foldier, and that his afpeft was good, and found him not fuch an one as he was reprefented ; and that, having judgment in faces, if he had obferved him fo well before he fhould not have harboured that ill opinion of him. That night the King got to Farnham, where he was lodged at a private gentleman's houfe ; and a little before fupper, his Majefty, ftand- ing by the fire in a large wainfcoated parlour, and in difcourfe wkh the miftrefs of the houfe, the King, notwithftanding the room was pretty full with army officers and country people that crowded in to have a fight of him, did at length fee the major at the farther Athente, Ii. 590. Fafti, ii. 76. 44 Liife and Opinions of a Clarendon, vol. vi. p. 224-6. end of the parlour, talking with another officer j whereupon, beckoning to him with his hand to come nearer, he did fo accord- ingly with due reverence j and his Majefty, taking him by the arm, drew him afide towards the window, where for half-an-hour or more they did difcourfe together. Amongft other things, the King minded him that he had received information concerning the murder that he had intended on him in the Ifle of Wight, which, if true, rendered him an enemy in the worft fenfe to his perfon. The major, in his vindication, affured his Majefty that what was reported of him was not true, yet he might report that the law was equally obliging to great and fmall, and that juftice had no refpedt of perfons ; which his Majefty finding affeftedly fpoken and to no good end, went to his fupper, being all the time very plea- fant, which was no fmall rejoicing to them there, to fee him fo cheerful in that company and in fuch a dolorous condition. Harrifon condudled the King fafely to Windfor, and again from Windfor to St. James's, in order to his trial, and fat with him in the coach with his head covered, and talked with little or no reve- rence to him ; and when the King propofed to him, " What do they intend to do with me, whether to murder me or not?" the major made anfwer that there was no intention to kill him : " We have no fuch thought; yet the Lord hath referved you for a public example of juftice." According to Clarendon, the officers about this time confulted frequently what to do with the King. Some were for depofing him, others for taking away his life by poifon ; a third party, headed by Ireton and Harrifon^ would not endure either of the other ways, and urged his being brought to juftice in the fight of the fun ; and this party carried their point. Harrifon fat in the High Court of Juftice, and figned the King's death-warrant. In 1 65 1, when Oliver Cromwell was in Scotland, Harrifon, as major-general, was left in charge of Cumberland and the borders. When the Scotch army marched into England, he attended and haraffed it. Afterwards he and Cromwell united their forces before Worcefter, where Charles II. and the Scotch army were finally defeated. Harrifon with the cavalry had charge of the purfuit. At the time of the diflblution of the Long Parliament, he was M.P. for Wendover and Aylefbury, and a member of the Council of State. Clarendon fays, " There were few men with whom Cromwell more communicated, or upon whom he more depended for the condudl of anything committed to him." Baxter fays of him, that he was like Cromwell., who would not openly profefs what opinion he was of, but was moft inclined to Anabaptifm and Antinomianifm. " He would not difpute with me at all," fays Baxter, " but he would in good difcourfe very fluently pour out himfelf in the extolling of free grace, which was favoury to thofe that had right principles, though he had fome mifunderftandings of free grace himfelf. He was a man of excel- lent natural parts for affeSlion and oratory, but not well feen in the principles of his religion ; of a fanguine complexion, naturally of fuch vivacity, hilarity, and alacrity as another man hath when he hath drunken a cup too much, but naturally alfo fo far from humble thoughts of himfelf that it was his ruin." Harrifon ufed to fcandalize the Puritans by the gaiety of his attire. Mrs. Hutchinfon, who was ftrongly prejudiced againft him, tells a ftory of his perfuading Colonel Hutchinfon and others to come to the Houfe of Commons on fome great occafion in plain black fuits, after which he appeared himfelf " in a fcarlet coat and cloak, both laden with gold and filver lace, and the coat fo covered with clinquant (foil) that one fcarcely could difcern the ground : and in this glittering habit he fet himfelf juft under the Speaker's chair; which made the other gentlemen think that his godly fpeeches the day before were but made that he alone might appear in the eyes of flrangers. But this was part of his weaknefs ; the Lord at laft lifted him up above thefe poor earthly elevations, which then and fome time afterwards prevailed too much with him." The hiflory of the diflblution of the Long Parliament (April 20, 1653,) h^s ^^^" *°^'^ ^° often, and is fo well known, that it would be unneceffary to repeat it, except for the fake of (bowing how Oliver Cromwell made ufe of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men in preparing the way for his defign, and of Harrifon in executing it. Contemporary writers ftate that Cromwell at this time made " higher pretences to honefty than ever he had done before, thereby to engage Major-General Harrifon, Colonel Rich, and their party to himfelf. To this end he took all occafions in their pre- fence to afperfe the Parliament as not defigning to do thofe good things they pretended to, but rather intending to fupport the corrupt interefts of the clergy and lawyers." And he "did induf- Clarendon, vi. 220. Reliquiae Baxterianae, pt. i.p. 57. Mem. of Col. Hutchinfon, p. 348. 46 Life and Opinions of a Ludlow, ii. 449- Heath's Flagellum, p. IZ4, 125. Ludlow, ii. 449. Do. p. 454. trioufly publifli that they were fo in love with their feats that they would ufe all means to perpetuate themfelves." " Every other day almofl: more fafts or fome fuch religious exercife was managed by Cromwell znd Harrifon, who mainly promoted the fame propofals for a new Reprefentative, in order to the perfonal reign of Chrift ; and that therefore it was high time the Government was placed in the hands of his faints, for all the prophecies thereof were now ready to be fulfilled j and this was cried up as the doftrine of the times. Cromwell ftemed to be of the fame judgment and of that Millenary principle So that he had abfolutely fooled Harrifon into a confidence of his good intentions, and that he aimed not at his own greatnefs ; and thereupon all the party Harrifon could make, which was Peak's, Rogers', and Simpfon's congregations, were im- patient to have the Parliament outed, and their fine module to take place, wherein righteoufnefs and holinefs fhould be exalted in the kingdoms of the world." " Divers of the clergy from their pul- pits began to prophecy the deflruition of the Parliament, and to propofe it openly as a thing defirable. Infomuch that the General, who had all along concurred with this fpirit in them, hypocriti- cally complained to ^artermafter-General Vernon,* " that he was pufhed on by two parties to do that the confideration of the iffue whereof made his hair to ftand on end. One of thefe," faid he, " is headed by Major-General Lambert Of the other Major-General Harrifon is the chief, who is an honeft man, and aims at good things, yet, from the impatience of his fpirit, will not wait the Lord's leifure, but hurries me on to that which he and all honeft men will have caufe to repent." Cromwell joined " with Major-General Harrifon, being confident that when he had ufed him and his party to diffolve the prefent Government, he could crufh both him and them at his pleafure ; and though it was no difficult matter to difcover this, yet thofe poor, deluded, however well-meaning men, would not believe it." In the meantime the fitting members of the Long Parliament had feen that a diffolution was inevitable ; but they hoped to anti- cipate the defigns of Cromwell by a bill which they had prepared themfelves. This bill, however, contained claufes which were * Qiiartermafter-General Vernon (fomedmes called Captain Vernon) was a rigid Anabaptift, and a ringleader of the party which drove Rogers out of Ireland [viJe p. 29). He preached violently againft the Proteclorate. Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 47 wholly incompatible with Cromwell's plans ; and accordingly, he was refolved that it fhould never pafs. On the morning of April 20th, 1653, Parliament met as ufual at Weftminfter, and Sir Henry Vane arofe and prefled for the pafling the bill immediately. At this time Cromwell, with fome of his officers, was in council at Whitehall ; while Harrifon and others were in their places in Parliament. By thefe laft a meflenger was hurried off to fummon Cromwell. Sir Henry Vane fat down, and Major-General Harrifon rofe, and " moft fweetly and humbly defired" the members to lay the bill afide, fliowing them the danger of it. Harrifon fat down. Vane rofe to reply, and Cromivell arrived. Calling to Harrifon, who was on the other fide of the Houfe, to come to him, he told him that he judged the Houfe ripe for a diflblution, and this to be the time of doing it. The major-general anfwered, (as he fmce told me, fays Ludlow), " Sir, the work is very great and dangerous ; therefore I defire you ferioufly to confider of it before you engage in it." " You fay well," replied the General, and thereupon fat flill for about a quarter of an hour ; and then, the queftion for pafling the bill being to be put, he faid again to Major-General Harrifon, "This is the time — I muft do it ;" and fuddenly ftanding up, made a fpeech wherein he loaded the Parliament with the vileft reproaches, charging them not to have a heart to do any- thing for the public good, to have efpoufed the corrupt interefls of Prefbytery and the lawyers, who were the fupporters of tyranny and oppreflion, accufing them of an intention to perpetuate them- felves in power, had they not been forced to the pafling of this aft, which, he affirmed, they defigned never to obferve ; and thereupon told them that the Lord had done with them, and had chofen other inftruments for the carrying on his work that were more worthy. Cromwell then called in the foldiers ; " whereupon the fer- geant attending the Parliament opened the doors, and Lieutenant- Colonel Worfley, with two files of mufketeers, entered the Houfe ; which Sir Henry Vane, obferving from his place, faid aloud, ' This is not honeft ; yea, it is againfl morality and common honeflyl' Then Cromwell fell a railing at him, crying out with a loud voice, ' O, Sir Henry Vane ! Sir Henry Vane ! the Lord deliver me from Sir Henry Vane I' Then, pointing to the Speaker in his chair, he faid to Harrifon, ' Fetch him down.' Harrifon went to the Speaker and fpoke to him to come down; but the *' Several Proceedings in Parliament," April 14-21, No. 186. Ludlow, 11. 455- Do. p. 456. Do. p. 457. 48 Life and Opinions of a Leicefter's Journal, p. 141, quoted ia Forfter's Oliver Cromwell, ii. 63. Whitelock, April 20, i653>P- 555- Do. p. 555. Ludlow, ii. 462. Forfter*s Oliver Cromwell, ii. 129. Speaker fat ftill and faid nothing. Then Harrifon went and pulled the Speaker by the gown, and he came down. It happened that Algernon Sidney fat next to the Speaker, on the right hand. The General faid to Harrifon^ ' Put him out.' Harrifon fpake to Sidney to go out ; but he faid he would not go out, but fat flill. The General faid again, ' Put him out.' Then Harrifon and Worfey (who commanded the General's own regiment of foot) put their hands upon Sidney's fhoulders, as if they would force him to go out. Then he rofe and went towards the door. Then the General went to the table where the mace lay, which ufed to be carried before the Speaker, and faid, ' Take away thefe baubles.' So the foldiers took away the mace." In the afternoon of the fame day Cromwell, attended by Lambert and Harrifon, came to the Council of State, where Brad/haw was prefiding, and diffolved that alfo. Whitelock fays the diffolution of Parliament " occafioned much rejoicing in the King's party, who now daily expected the deftruc- tion of Cromwell and his party and army, yet made great applica- tions and congratulations to him. Thofe of the Parliament's party were at a ftand ; divers fierce men, paftors of churches, and their congregations, were pleafed at it, and generally the officers and foldiers of the army." Cromwell convened a meeting of the chief officers of the army at Whitehall, on the 21ft, the day after the diffolution; and during the next ten days he and this Council were " bufy in con- fultation to find out a new Government and Governor for their Commonwealth." The creation of a Council of State was the firft difficulty ; and the propofals made when the fubjeft was debated were very charafteriftic of the times and the men. " Major-General Lambert moved that a few perfons, not ex- ceeding the number of ten or twelve, might be entrufled with the fupreme power. Major-General Harrifon was for a greater number — inclining moft to that of feventy, being the number of which the Jewifh Sanhedrim confifted ;" and Okey and others were for thirteen, in imitation of Chrift and his twelve apoftles. While the officers were debating, Rogers was writing ; and, five days after the diffolution of Parliament, he publifhed his opinion of the crifis, with a fcheme of his own for a new Govern- ment. It muft be obferved that the following, and the four fimilar letters which will appear hereafter, although not encum- Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 4Q bered with the ufual figns of omiflions, contain yet little more than fcanty extrafts from the letters originally publifhed : — To Ms Excellency the Lord General Cromwell : a few pro- pofals relating to Civil Government, humbly offered by John Rogers, an unworthy Jervant of Chriji, and preacher of the Gojpel, now at Tho. Apofiles, London. Right Honourable, — Whilft my foul is boiling over into earneft prayers to the Great Jehovah for wifdom, counfel, and courage for you in this exigency of importance, as the great deliverer of His people through God's grace out of the land of Egypt, I am vifited with that word in Exodus (xii. 42), " It is a night to be much obferved unto the Lord for bringing them out of Egypt. This is that night of the Lord to be obferved of all the children of Ifrael in their generations." So this is the day (viz. April 20, 1653) to be much obferved, the rather for that in the revolution of times the changes will run their round out, and then the Lord will come to reign. But, my Lord, my heart is full. I am prefled in fpirit, and fo are many others (after a folemn meeting of prayers with hundreds of this city at Thos. Apoftles, London, about this change, and to feek God for you), to prefent you with thefe following propofals : L That your Excellency do choofe the men that muft govern this Commonwealth (being that it is the judgment of many faithful difcerning Minifters that you are called thereunto by God). So Mofes did choofe able men to be Rulers in Exodus (xviii. 25, 26). And they judged the people at all feafons, but the hard cafes they brought to Mofes. And Jofhua, the next General (with 's officers), commanded the people. "The Lord faid to Jofhua (though in another cafe), take you twelve men out of the ift Propofal. 5° Ljife and Opinions oj a Propofal. 3 Propofal. people, one of a tribe," &c. After this Gideon, the Ge- neral of that little army of three bands that deftroyed the huge hofts of the Midianites, was offered by the Ifraelites the government (Judges viii. 22), for he had won it; and Nehemiah (chap. vii. 2) gave commiffions out to men fearing God to govern, and fo all the Governours that ever were vidorious in the Word were either Rulers themfelves, or elfe chofen to be fuch, or elfe chofe fuch. Wherefore we fay as Ezra (vii. 25), "And thou, after the wifdom of thy God that is in thine hand, fet magiftrates and judges, which may judge all the people that are beyond the river, all fuch as know the laws of thy God, and teach ye them that know them not." The fecond propofal, as to the number of perfons that fhall govern, I humbly propofe either a Synhedrin, Parlia- ment, Council of Seventy, or elfe one of a county; for that in the Commonwealth of Ifrael (which is our beft pattern) they had three forts of Courts — the Upper Court, or Synhedrin, which confifted of feventy. The fecond fort of Synhedrin was called the Lower Court, and confifted of twenty-three ; and the third Court confifted but of three Judges in fmall cities. But fecondly, or elfe choofe one of a county reprefenting that county, as one of a tribe did reprefent the tribe (Numbers i. 4), "And with you there ftiall be a man of a tribe." But if the prefent jundlure of affairs requires a quicker defpatch that in the interim twelve worthies may be chofen as prefent Governors (Jofhua iv. I, 2; Numbers i. 4), like to Ifrael's twelve Judges. The third propofal, as to their qualifications. They muft be men fearing God (Nehem. vii. 1 ; Exod. xviii. 21); lovers of truth and juftice (Deut. xvi. 18); hating bribes and covetoufnefs (which corrupt juftice), (Deut. xvi. 19; Exod. xviii. 21); not refpeders of perfons (Deut, i. 17, and xvi. 19); wife (though not politic), and under- ftanding in the times and feafons (Deut. i. 13). They Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 5« muft govern as the fervants of Jefus Chrift, but not as Lords over Chrift, left the nobles be like Oreb and Zeb, and the princes asZeba and Salmunna, that take the houfes of God (i. e. Chrift's government and jurifdidtion over churches and confciences) into their pofteffion. Such are fet as on a wheel upon the run till they have run them- felves all to pieces ; and this was openly declared would be the ruin of this Parliament at Tho. Apoftles, Feb. i8, unlefs God prevented : a day when we and the Navy were engaged all day long.* The fourth propofal is, that the righteous of the worthies of the late Parliament may be owned with honour. The fifth propofal is, that the Rulers be fet folemnly and publicly apart by prayer to God. Thefe five propofals (Right Honourable) put in prac- tice, with God's bleffing, fliall ferve as five fingers for the work, and will fhew that the hand of the Lord is with us, wherefore confult with the Saints (Deut. i. 13), and fend to all difcerning fpirited men for their propofals. And I befeech your Excellency to accept thefe few from a faithful Commonwealth man, and one who defires nothing of your Excellency for himfelf but to be one of the meaneft of your fervants for Chrift and this Common- wealth, John Rogers. From my Study, Tho. Apoftles, 25th day of fecond month Zin, 1653. Subfequent events fhowed that thefe " five-fingered propofals," as they were afterwards called, were not put forward without a pretty accurate foreknowledge of the Lord General's intentions. A few days after their publication Cromwell and the Council of Officers decided that the Council of State fhould confift of Oliver Cromwell himfelf and of eight officers and four civilians, amongft * " 1653, Feb. 18. A terrible fight near the Ifle of Wight and Port- land, and the Dutch beaten." — Hijlarian's Guide, p. 36. 4 Propofal. 5 Propofal. 52 Life and Opinions of a See Oliver Cromwell's Speech, Carlyle, ii. 217. Forfter, ii. 139. Thurloe, i. 395- " Exaa Relation," in Somers' Tracls, vi. 247, z66. Bethfliemcfl), p. I. whom the worthies of the late Parliament were confpicuoufly owned. Rogers' concluding recommendation of confulting the Saints was then fully complied with ; minifters in various parts of the country, on whom the Council could rely, were dire£ted to take the fenfe of the Congregational or Independent Churches in their feveral counties, and to fend up to the Lord General and his oiEcers the names of perfons " able, loving truth, fearing God, and hating covetoufnefs," whom theyjudged "qualified to manage a truft in the enfuing government." This being done, Cromwell chofe his own Parliament. He gave it the form of a county reprefentation, excluding all cities and boroughs except London; he impofed no other qualification than that " of fearing God and of approved fidelity ;" and within a week of their meeting his no- minees in Parliament had fet apart a day for feeking the diredlion of God, and had pafled a refolution to ftir up the godly of the nation to the fame effe£l. The only point, in faft, in which Rogers' programme was not accurately followed, was that of numbers. The Council of State confifted of 13 inftead of 12, and the Parliament of 140 inftead of 70. The Council met for the firft time April 29, 1653. -^ prefident was chofen weekly: Lambert was the firft, Pickering the fecond, and Harrlfon the third. Five weeks, however, elapfed between the nomination of the Council of State and that of the new Parliament, and in the mean time Rogers addreffed to Oliver Cromwell a fecond letter. It occurs as a dedicatory epiftle to one of his controverfial works. The following extracts will give fome notion of its ftyle and contents : — The Epiftle to the Right Honourable his Excellency the Lord General Cromwel, With an humble Requeft «/ John Rogers, Preacher of the Go/pel. My Lord, — I was bold to prefent your Excellency, fome five weeks fince, with a handful of propofals, fetched from the Com- monwealth of Ifrael, for which it is well known to God Fifth- Monarchy- Man. 53 and man what uncharitable cenfures, rigid reprehenfions, fcurrilous, keen-tongued, and cutting calumnies, my way lay in that (and fo doth in this), through both from Teem- ing friends and ferious foes. Thus far, my Lord, I am entered the lifts, and though in the midft of thefe hot engagements, and without a partner too but Chrift, yet have I and fo do I lift up my voice aloud, which I hope fomewhat moves your Excellency to fay. Be of good cheer, for we will engage with you — i. e. for Chrift in the quarrel againft Antichrift and the bloody Beaft. Wherefore that my words and your works may be fteeped all over in the undtion with fpread fails for good fuccefs, prayer comes with them and compofes them thus : — Firft, that your Excellency's eyes may fee the fall of Antichrift and of mere national interefts, the fame as they rofe up. Secondly, as to the Commonweale. That your Excel- lency (with the others of the Lords Worthies) go on in the name of the great Jehovah Elohim, in looking out for and then overlooking of the Governors of this Nation ; and feeing running waters are always fweeteft, that there might be a yearly eledlion (or fo) of officers in greateft truft or power, leaft they fliould in time aflume an abfolutenefs to themfelves, and become oppreflbrs. O deliver the Lord's people from proud, confronting Pharaohs, Tobiahs, and Sanballats, and fuch abominable, malignant Committee-men as are in the countries ; and from the intolerable oppref- fions (which fqueeze out the very hearts of thoufands) both of the Norman iron yoke of corrupt lawyers, that live by fin, and from the wills, humours, paffions and lufts of men, efpecially of fuch as grow rich by our ruin, of which many godly men and women of feveral parts of this nation have bitterly complained, and with tears told me how the lawyers had undone them and then laughed at them. And alfo from 54 Litfe and Opinions of a the opprefllon of that Babylonian, brazen yoke of tithes ; as alfo of parifh church conftitutions, foul-tyrannizing advow- fons and prefentations, which make a mere fale of fouls and keep up a national, antichriftian, corrupt intereftin minifters and people, as appears in the following treatife. And, in- deed, as to maintenance, I do as heartily feek the Lord that minifters might not have too much, as that they might not have too little. And to fpeak for one, I do profefs it from my heart that the greateft temptations I fhould fear falling into (if I know my own heart) would be great honour, efteem, place, preferment, or means too much and unfit for me. Thirdly and efpecially. Every tongue is now tipt with talk of a treaty with the Hollanders and other nations. But if you make leagues, O let not Chrift be forgotten! to covenant for your felves or national interefts and forget his ! Ola peace upon the account of Chrift, to engage together againft Antichrift, Rome, prelates, enemies in all nations — to ftand and fall, live and die together, in one caufe, for the bare and very intereft of Chrift, would be a blefled peace indeed, without a penny from the purfe of them to boot. But without this it is not all their treafures and eftates that can make us a comfortable peace or league. For in Judges ii. 2, " Ye fhall make no league with them, but throw down their altars," &c. But now. Right Honourable, I muft befeech you— 1. To ftiun thofe fhelves, fands, and rocks which your predeceflbrs (viz. Kings, Lords, and the late Parliament), ran aground againft and were broken all to pieces by j I mean in matters of religion ; for believe it, however feme fay, that if men will ufurp Chrift's power therein, they will find it a ftone that will grind them to powder (Zach. xii. 3). 2. Countenance all you can (in your orbs, civil and military) the Congregational churches, as the gates and Fifth-Monarchy- Man. palaces of Sion. For true zeal and devotion will take no pleafure to dwell flovenly, like Galba's wit, under a de- formed roof (as in mixed congregations or antichriftian church-ways). But — 3- Left we lofe the fubftance for the fhadow, there be, my Lord, a hidden number of faints (fo called in Ps. Ixxxiii. 3), that you muft be a fhield to, too, in your capa- city. They are as yet fcarce known in the world, as they will be ere long, when the elements are a little clearer. For thefe ends and ufes the Lcrd our God, we truft, hath anointed and appointed you ; wherefore let thefe lines be accepted by your Excellency, and ferve for refrefhment to you in your fubfecive hours, and when you can, to take a turn or two in this treatife, among fuch trees of righte- oufnefs as are of the Lord's own planting (in his gardens), which will lead you with delight (if the Lord give but light) to James's* (the Apoftle), yea, beyond, till you come to make Sion's Houfe for your Excel- lency's habitation. Some compare ^een Elizabeth to a fluttiih houfewife, who fwept the houfe, but left the duft behind the door. But now you, my Lord, have fwept the whole houfe indeed, even whilft they were faying, " We ftiall never be moved, but ftand fure as a mountain," Ps. XXX. 6, 7, as fome Parliament men have fince acknow- ledged it in difcourfe with me. O, then, fet not afide the broom now, (for new brooms fweep clean). Go on untill you caft all the duft and filth that lay behind the door (in the late Parliament) out, as fitteft for the common fewer. As faft as may be to it, my Lord, and the Lord fend you good fpeed ! But the moft wife God guide you ! And that he may * In Feb. 1650, the Houfe of Commons had refolved "that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (Oliver Cromwell) have the ufe of the lodgings called the Cock-pit, of the Spring Garden and St. James's Houfe, and the command of St. James's Park." — Carlyk, i. 507. 55 56 A Fifth-Monarchy-Man. "Whitelock, P 559- double the fpirit of your predecefTors upon you, viz. of Mqfes, Jojhua, Gideon, Nehemiah, and all others whom he hath anointed for the Government of his people, is and fhall be the prayer of one who is willing to be anything till he be nothing, and would be nothing, though in a dungeon or on a dung-hill, fo that his Lord and Mafter Chrift may be all, who is in him. Your Excellency's unfeignedly Humble Servant, John Rogers. Thomas Apoftles, Tamuz, the 4th month, the 3rd day, 1653. Cromweil's new Parliament, which has been already defcribed, was fummoned on the 8th of June, five days after the date of this dedicatory epiftle, and met at Whitehall on the 4th of July. It confl:ituted what was called by its friends " the Little Par- liament," and by others the " Barebones Parliament," from Praife-God Bar bone, a leather-feller in the City, one of the feven members for London, One hundred and thirty-eight members attended out of the one hundred and forty who were fummoned ; and by the inflrument of Government handed to them by Cromwell and his officers, they were empowered to fit until November 3, 1654. Three months before their dilTolution they were to make choice of other perfons to fucceed them, who were not to fit longer than a year, and were to provide for a further fucceflion in Government. At one of the earlieft fittings it was voted that the bufinefs of tithes fhould without delay be taken into confideration ; and prefently afterwards a fimilar refolution was carried in regard to the law. Committees were appointed, and tithes and law reform became again the prominent quefl:ions of the day. CHAPTER III. I N the courfe of this year Rogers publifhed his two chief controverfial works on the great religious and political queftions of the day. One of thefe books, from which I have al- ready quoted largely, was called " Bethfhe- mefh," and the other " Sagrir." The firft was written againft the Clergy (Prefbyte- rian), and the fecond againft the Lawyers. " Bethfhemefh " was anfwered, in its own ftyle and fpirit, by Zachary Crofton, in " Bethfliemefti Clouded." The following ac- count of thefe books will throw light on the perfonal charadler and hiftory of the controverfialifts, as well as on their ftyle of controverfy and their peculiar and antagoniftic tenets. But the reader for whom fuch difputes have no attradlion may omit the whole of this chapter and pafs on to the next, without any inter- ruption to the thread of the narrative. " Ohel or Bethfhemefh, a tabernacle for the Sun, or Ireni- cum Evangelicum, an Idea of Church Difcipline," was written before, and revifed and publifhed immediately after, the diflblution of the Long Parliament. It profeffed to prove that the Congre- gational form of church government adopted by the Independents was that which was moft in accordance with Scripture, with primitive practice, and with reafon. It contained, amongft other things, moft of the materials for a hiftory of the author's life up to the period of its publication, a confeflion of faith, and a full exhibition of his opinions and feehngs on the points of imme diate controverfy between his party and the reft of the Chriftian world, or at leaft thofe divifions of it which he enumerates as con- taining his probable opponents. " Of this number," he fays, " are Epifcopalians, Preft)yterians, Papifts, and Anabaptifts (I mean the 58 Life and Opinions of a Bethfliemefli, Epiftle to the Churches, P 56- P. 350. I Cor. viii. 5, 6 J John viji. 17, 18, 19; 1 John V. 5-9; Matt xxvlii. 19, 20. Rom. i. 19, 20. 1. The Father. Ifa. xl. 28 and xliii. 1551 Peter iv. 19 ; Rom. iii. 6 ; 2 Chron. xx. 6 i Ps. Ixvi. 7. 1.. The Son. Afts X. 42, 43 ; Ifa. xlv. 21, 22 ; I John V, 20 \ Ifa. ix. 6, 7 ; T Tim. ii. 5 ; I John iv. 2, 3 i 2 John 7. moft formal and furious of them,) and Ranters, yea, and the very formal and prelatic proud fort of Independents too will join iffue with the reft as difcontented perfons. The Prefbyterians," he adds, " I encounter moft with, and the hotteft confliift comes at laft, in chap. 9, lib. 2, though every foot we fall a pickeering before, and now and then have pretty hot fkirmifhes." The confeffion of faith it may be worth while to tranfcribe in extenfo. It is as follows : — " I acknowledge and profefs from my very heart, before the Lord and you all here prefent, that I do believe there is but one God, who Is omnipotent, omnifcient, omniprefent, and an infinite and all-glorious Being, and diftinguiflied into three fubfiftences, or (if that word offend) I will fay into three perfonal proprieties and relations, according to his feveral operations and adminiftrations, namely, of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. The Father Is of himfelf, the Son pro- ceedeth from the Father, and the Spirit from them both. And although the faints cannot take hold of God as God incomprehenfible and Inapprehenfible, yet they know him as a Father, as a Son, as a Spirit dwelling in them, and fo far as his feveral attributes makes him known to them. " FIrft, concerning the Firft Perfon (fo called) of the Trinity, or God the Father ; that He Is the Great Creator and Governour of all things in heaven and earth, eternally difUnd (as in Himfelf) from all creatures (as creatures) in His abfolute Being and abfolute Well-being, and that this God fhall judge the world. " But, fecondly, concerning the fecond In the Trinity, the Son, Jejus Chrifi, of whom Mofes, the Prophets, and the Apoftles wrote, and in whom all the Scriptures are and fhall be fulfilled, I believe him, as he is both God and man, making a complete mediator; and as God, equal to the Father, as man, of the tribe oijudah, the line of David, the feed of Abraham, and born of Mary, &c. and as both the only mediator between God and man. And he was Fifth- Monarchy- Man . from everlafting, (and yet) as man from the womb he was feparated, called, appointed, and anointed moft fully with all gifts and graces necefiary for all mankind. " Concerning his offices — that he is King, Prieft, and Prophet. " Firft, as the Prophet, he hath revealed his Father's whole will, fo far as is neceflary for falvation, in his word and ordinances, and fpeaks it to his Church and faints by his word and Spirit. " Secondly, as Prieft, being confecrated for us he hath appeared to put away fin, and hath offered himfelf the facri- fice for the fins of the people, once for all, laying down his life for his fheep ; and he hath abfolutely abolifhed all legal and ceremonial rites and fiiadows, and is now entered into the Holy of Holies, and fits at the right hand of Glory making interceffion for us. " Thirdly, as King in general, all power is given him in heaven and earth ; and he doth exercife his power over men and angels, good and bad, for the fafety of his faints, and deftrudtion of his enemies, till he hath made them all his footftool. " In particular, that Chrift is King over his Church, and fhall reign on earth fpiritually in the hearts of his faints and by his word and Spirit. He gathers all his peoples together from idolatry, fuperftition, darknefs, &c. into his own fpiritual way of worfhip and holinefs, and brings them to the Father ; and by his Spirit he makes them a peculiar people, a royal priefthood, a holy generation, and inftrudts and governs them by his laws prepared for his Church and people. " Thirdly, concerning the Spirit (the third of the Tri- nity), that he is fent by the Father and the Son to make ap- plication of the whole work of Redemption to thofe whom the Father hath given to the Son by His decree, and whom the Son hath brought to the Father by his blood, according His Offices : (l). Prophet. Mic. V. 4 ; Mai. iii. I ; Deut. xviii. 15 J A(fts iii. 22, 23 ; Ifa. 11 V. 13- (2). Prieft. Heb. ix. 12, 14; X. 3, 10; Ephes. V. 2 ; I Pet. ii. 24 i Johnx. 15; Colos. ii. 14, 1 5 i Ifa. liii. 12 ; Heb. xii. 24. (3)- King. Firft, in general. Matt, xxviii. 18 i Ps. ii. 6; xlv. 6 ; Heb. i. 8 ; Ifa. ix. 6, 7 ; Rev. ii. 26, 27. Secondly, in particular. Matt. ii. 2 i Luke i. 33, 74, 75.;. ^''^^ 27 J Phil. ii. 9; Haggai ii. 7 j Heb. xii. 27, 28 i Ifa. xlv. 22 J Mic. iv. 2, &c. 3. The Spirit. John xvi. 13, 14; Eph. i. 13, 14; iv. 30 i Zach. ix. II ; Mai. iii. I ; Heb. x. 295 xiii. 20 i vin. 6, 8, 9 ; John xvi. 8, 9 ; Rom. viii. 2 j Jolin XV. 26. Rom. viii. 16 j 1.4. Gal. V. 22, 23 ; I John V. 7. 5. The Scrip- tures. Ps. cxlvii. 19, 20 J John V. 39 J 2 Cor. i. I 3 J A6ts xxvi. 22 j 2 Tim. iii. 16 i 2 Pet. i. 20, 21 ; Gal. vi. 16. 6. Man. Ephes. ii. 1, 3 i Johniii. 3, 4; Adis xvii. 30, 3] ; Rom. viii. 13- 7. The Church. Ephes. iv. 4. Invifible and Univerlal. I Cor. xii. 27, 28. to the everlafting covenant made between the Father and the Son, which the Spirit carries on to us as the covenant of free grace for our falvation. By the operation of this Holy Spirit in me this grace was begun firft by and through the Law, which awakened me fo as that I faw I was loft and undone for ever, and then by the Gofpel, whereby Chrift was revealed to me (and in me by his Spirit), and his righteoufnefs cleared up mine. (But of this hereafter). " This Spirit applied Chrift Jefus (as far as I knew him) manifefted to and in me, by which I was brought at length to clofe with Chrift, and that fo unfeignedly that I refolved to lofe all before Chrift. So fuch are — firft, by Chrift's righteoufnefs juftified ; fecondly, by his Spirit adopted fons ; thirdly, by his grace fanftified and really changed to the piety and purity of God's holy image (gradually) ; and fourthly, glorified and changed from mifery to happinefs, which begins in the inward fenfe of God's foul-melting love to them in Chrift, from whence is the hope of glory and affurance of falvation, joy, peace, and happinefs within, &c. " Fifthly, concerning the Scriptures in Old and New Teftament, they are the Word of God, as they were writ and indited by the Holy Spirit, and that they are the ftanding rule left us both for our knowledge and pradbice, doftrine and difcipline here below. " Sixthly, I believe that by the firft Adam's difobedience we all fell, and that we are all by nature the children of wrath, dead in fins and trefpafl^es ; and that thofe who live and die in their fins cannot be faved, nor any without regeneration or new birth. " Seventhly, concerning the Church of Chrift, I know it is but one body Univerfal and Catholic, and that it is of all faints, paft, prefent, and to come, invifible and vifible, yea fpiritual and formal. But this I alfo believe, that God hath left a rule in his Word for Particular Congregational Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 61 Churches here upon earth as the vifible, to make up his one entire and univerfal body. " Eighthly. Now, concerning Chrift's particular Churches I believe, as I have preached and proved, fuch a church to be a fellowfhip called out of the world, and united to Chrift as members to the head, and all one with another according to the word, for tlie worfliip of God and the edification one of another ; and that fuch muft be feparate from falfe ways, worfhips, Antichriftian fuperftitlons, obfervances, &c. and willingly join in Chriftian communion and covenant or refolution of cleaving clofe to the Lord in this his way with purpofe of heart and by free confeffion of their faith and fubjeftion to the Gofpel ; and therein I fpecially believe that the ordinances of Chrift are to be freely and frequently difpenfed — as preaching, praying, prophecying one by one, finging of pfalms, hymns, and fpiritual fongs, facraments, cenfures, offices and officers, and often and ordinary exer- cifing of gifts. " And that there is a choofing of and fetting apart officers by the whole body, and that none doth orderly do the office of minifter among them but fuch ; and befides, to omit many other things and bring all up in this rear, I do really believe that fuch orderly churches have privileges royal, oracles and feals, and precious promifes of God's love, prefence, and prote6tion in a fpecial manner, more than all the world befides. And although particular churches be diftindt and independent bodies, even as cities compacft, temples, houfes, &c. yet all churches muft walk by the fame rule, and have counfel and comfort and help from one another when need requires, as being all members of one body, of which Chrift is the head. " And, to conclude, I am fully perfuaded in my very foul that at the day of judgment, when the dead fhall arife, that I fhall arife alfo, and fiiall rejoice in Chrift Jefus my Saviour, and reign with him for ever, and fing Hallelujah S, Churches vifible and Congregational. I Cor. xii. 20 ; Col. ii. 19 ; Eph. ii.2i, 22 ; Matt, xxviii. 20 ; Eph. iv. 29 ; I Thes. v. II ; John XV. 1952 Cor. vi. 16, 17. .19; Rev. xviii. 4 ; Ps. ex. 3 J Ifa. ii. 2, 4 ; 2 Cor. viii. 5 J A£ts xi. 23 ; Mai. iii. 16 ; Jude 20; Heb. X. 24, 25; Afts vi. 3 ; xiv.23i Exod. XX. 24 ; I Kings ix. 3 j Ifa. iv. 5, 6 ; XXV. 6, 7, 8 ; Ps. cxxxii. 13, 14, 15 ; Rev. ii. I ; 2 Cor. vi. 3 ; Cant. iv. 16 ; vi. 2, 3 ; vii. 12 ; Ifa. xxxiii. 17, 20 ; Ps. cxxii. 3. John V. 28 ; I Cor. XV. 19 ; A£ts xvii. 30, 31 ; 2 Tim. ii. 18 ; Heb. xii. 23. 62 Life and Opinions of a for all eternity in the congregation of the firft-born, where the fpirits of juft men are made perfect. " And this is my faith, fetched from my very heart, and prefented in the hearing of a heart-fearching God and all of you here prefent." The controverfial part, that is to fay, the bulk of the book, arofe of courfe out of the circumftances of the period. At this time the parifhes and parochial churches of the country were, generally fpeaking, in the hands of the Prefbyterians, whofe fyftem of church government had been fandioned and to a certain extent eftablifhed by Parliament. According to this, England was to be divided into parifhes and provinces, and church government was to be carried on by Prefbyteries and Affemblies, which were to be either parochial, claffical, provincial, or national. Each parifh was to have its parochial prefbytery for parochial purpofes ; a certain number of adjoining parifhes were to combine to form a claflis with a claffical afTembly ; thefe clafTes were to be united into provinces with provincial affemblies, and the provin- cial affemblies to fend reprefentatives to the national afTembly. But, in fpite of the letter of the law, the Prefbyterian fcheme was nowhere completely carried out except in Lancafhire and London. The whole fyflem of Prefbyteries and Affemblies fubordinate one to another was an abomination to the Independents, whofe inffinft it was to repudiate authority, whether in Church or State. With them each feparate congregation was a Church complete, felf-fufficient, owing no obedience or allegiance to any authority whatever external to itfelf ; in a word, every congregation was or ought to be, in fail as well as in name, an " Independent Church." If the Prefbyterian fcheme of government was an abomination to them, the Parochial fyflem, on which it was bafed, was fcarcely lefs fo. The Independents laughed at or utterly ignored the ex- clufive claims of a parochial clergy ; thefe claims they maintained were not only mifchievous and ridiculous, but efTentially Anti- chriflian, inafmuch as they were founded on the Antichriflian notion that the Church was a mixed multitude of believers and unbelievers — finners and faints indifcriminately, whereas in their opinion the Church was a feledl and exclufive fociety of the faints. " Bethfhemefh" is divided into two books, "Chathan" and Fifth-Monarchy-Man . Challah." In "Chathan" the author conftruas an elaborate definition of the Church, maintaining that " Congregational," i, e. Independent Churches, are alone true Churches, and that " Paro- chial," i.e. Prefbyterian (or Prelatic) Churches, are falfe and Antichriftian Churches. The following is his definition of a true Church : — " The true Church of Chrift is, i. A fociety of beHevers fanaified in Chrift Jefus ; 2. Separate from the world's falfe ways and worfhips, united together into one body, Independent, or having a plenary power within itfelf, without the leaft fubordination to any but Chrifi: ; 3. Having the fpecial prefence of God in the midft of her ; 4. And being ordered and gathered by Chrift's rule alone ; 5. All her members freely and voluntarily embodying without the leaft compulfion, having communion with the Father and the Son ; 6. All feeking the fame end, viz. the honour and glory of God in His worfhip." Such are Independent Churches. Each claufe of his definition fupplies him with a ftage from which to affail the Prefbyterian churches and the Parochial fyftem — i. Parochial Churches are a mixed multitude of the world, including faints and finners, believers and unbelievers indif- criminately ; 2. Parochial Churches are neither feparate from finners without nor united amongft themfelves within, they are fubordinate to cathedrals and convocations, fynods, clafles, and affemblies ; 3. Have not the beautiful and peculiar prefence of God ; 4. Are ruled and ordered by ordinances and direflories ; and 5. Are kept alive by flocks, prifons, fines, pillories, and punifhments ; Finally, 6 — they are full of profanity, excommuni- cate, and they rob God of His glory. Having defined the Church in the firft book, the author pro- ceeds in the fecond to defcribe how in any particular locality a church may be gathered, embodied, and perpetuated. In the firft place, perfons defiring to enter into church fociety muft be quite fure that they do fo on good grounds, and that they aft on their own free and unconftrained will, without any compulfion what- ever, focial, civil, or ecclefiaftical. Having thus refolved to unite, they give effea to their refolution in a folemn, orderly manner, fuitable to the occafion. Great fcandals have arifen from negleft- ing this. " The godly," he fays, " muft needs be much offended at the praaice of fomethat run prepofterou fly into a way offellow- fliip on a fudden, in an hour's warning or two, and in fome place 63 Bethfliemefli, p. 137. Boole ii. ch. i. Book ii. ch. iii. 64 Liife and Opinions of a or other, too, that is unknown to any but themfelves. They write down their names together, choofe officers, and all at once or fo, in an hour or two's time, make up a body and call them- felves a church ; and then all that will be joined muft be joined to them that are thus jumbled together in a moft undecent and undue order." As a means of checking fuch diforderly proceedings, the author offers the following order for church embodying which had been tefted by his own experience, leaving others to be guided by it or not, as they pleafed : — Firft, then, in order to a communion of faints in a Gofpel church-ftate, thofe that are godly muft meet often to fpeak and pray together, and make mention of the Lord with favoury fpeeches tending to edification. After this, being aiFedlionately defirous to walk together in this way, and having agreed to it, they do write and give up their names to one whom they appoint to receive them. In the mean time they moft unanimoufly appoint a day of humiliation, or more, on which day they do lie low before the Lord and lick the duft. (Neh. i. ii). This they do by them- felves, feparate from others. On fuch a day they appoint another day when they fliall make a church body and unite, and if any be nigh, they fend and feek for the affiftance of fome other church to bear teftimony with them and give them the hand of fellowfhip and familiarity, not of lordftiip and authority. On the day appointed, they judge it more to the honour of Jefus Chrift to appear in public (unlefs there be perfecution) in fuch a place, where any that will may come to hear and carry away anything they can. The day is begun and kept on for fome hours with the prayers of the faithful. They pray not in a flight and formal manner, but with a holy violence, and " bounce hard," " even until the room or houfe is ready to ftiake again." After this, there is fome preparatory fermon or fpeech made by one that is able and appointed thereto, and it is fit that the book of Chrift's Law be at that time read openly, unto which he that preaches and exhorts is principally appointed, in a pulpit of wood (Nehem. viii. 4), in the public place or elfewhere. Then the rules that the church is gathered by, and the grounds on which it is embodied, are laid open. Next is the confeffion of faith begun by him who is appointed thereunto as the ableft to lead. This brother befides gives an account of the works of grace upon his heart, holding out at leaft fome of his experiences. After this brother hath delivered himfelf at large, having the more liberty becaufe he leads as it were the others, then follow fome other of the ablefl: of the brethren (for herein care muft be had in public left the weaknefs of a brother give advantage to them without) who lay down the grounds of their perfuafion, and ren- der a reafon of the hope that is in them by Confeffion of Faith, Experiences of the work of grace, and the like. Then as many as are appointed for that day go on, one by one, and poffibly for this day but few as eight or ten, or more or lefs, be appointed, becaufe the work is this day the moft difficult and the moft public. Some will then have a formal covenant in writing ; but this is not eflential. After all this their names againft whom no exception is taken are written down in a regifter, and thefe by prayer toge- ther give themfelves up to God and to one another willingly. To conclude this bufy day, they pour out prayer and praife in fuch a meafure that as it was faid of Ifrael in Ezra — when the foundation of the temple was laid they could not difcern the noife of the fhout of joy from the noife of weeping, both were fo great, fo here it may be faid the faints are fo filled with praifes and prayers that the noife of the one can hardly be difcerned from the noife of the other. As to other brethren and fifters that are to be admitted, they do make their confeffion and declare the work of God on their hearts in private when they are enchurched among themfelves, feparate from the mixed multitude, fo that the world may not take notice of their weaknefs in utterance or expreffion, and upbraid them and the truth. After a church has been thus embodied, it admits members from time to time, as need requires. On thefe occafions the fol- lowing order may be obferved. The candidate muft acquaint the church of his defire, and his name is placed on the firft record, and fome elders or brothers are deputed to inquire concerning him and confer with him. If their report is fatisfadtory, a fpecial day is appointed for his admiffion ; then if he be very unable to fpeak in public in the church (as fome maids and others that are Book ii. ch. iv. 66 hife and Opinions of a Book ii. ch. Boole ii. ch. ^ Mr. Nehemiah Rogers, my honoured Father, in his Parables. Book ii. ch. bafhful) the church indulgently choofes out fome to receive in private the account of his faith and experiences, which they take in writing and deliver in to the church. But in ordinary cafes the candidate appears in perfon and delivers publicly by word of mouth a confeflion of faith and an account of the work of grace on his heart. Great liberty of opinion is to be allowed in the matter ; believers of all judgments are to be received, and none are to be rejeited for difFerence of opinion in matters indifferent. (As an example of a confeflion of faith, the author oilers that which was delivered* by himfelf by word of mouth at Dublin in 1651.) But befides this confeflion, every perfon to be admitted muft produce fome experimental evidence of the work of grace upon his foul for the church to judge of whereby he or fhe is con- vinced he is regenerate and received of God, This may have been given either by extraordinary ways in dreams, vifions, voices, and the like, to a poor foul under extraordinary fad temptations or foul-miferies, or elfe by the ordinary operation of the Spirit in the changing effedts of grace upon the judgment, will, and affedtions. Thefe experiences the Saints ought to declare in open congrega- tion, becaufe by them the Church is able to judge of fuch as are godly, and becaufe they are a warning piece fhot oft' in the ears of others, for "God teacheth by them as well as by precepts" (faith Mr. Rogers in the " Good Samaritan," p. 222). As models and examples the author inferts at full length the experiences of forty perfons, moft of whom were members of his congregation at Dublin, and amongft whom are Col. Hewfon^ the regicide, Governor of Dublin, and his wife, with feveral miniflrers and officers of the army. He concludes with his own experiences as delivered in at Dublin, and thefe fupply the account of his early life which has been already given. To return to the candidate for church memberfhip. After he has delivered in his confeflion of faith and account of experiences, he is queftioned by thofe that have any doubts, for none can deny that liberty ; but fhould he be weak and imperfedt in utterance, the queftions muft be eafy and difcreet, for " we muft take heed of grieving tender hearts in expefting too much from them," or of turning away for a form. Then he withdraws, and the queftion of his admiflion is debated. If approved, he is again called in, and * See page 58. Fifth-Monarchy- Man . received by the right hand of fellowfhip and a fhort exhortation by the Paftor or other perfon in the name of the whole church. The ceremony ends with prayer and praife. In the courfe of enunciating his fyftem of church difcipline, the author takes occafion to ftate and maintain his opinion on feveral other controverted queftions, and efpecially on thofe three which had led to the difruption and diffolution of his Church at Dublin. Thefe were, the proper relation of the civil magiftrate towards theChurch (including the queftion of liberty of confcience), the validity of infant baptifm, and the rights of women in Chrif- tian churches. On thefe three points he claimed the glory of having been perfecuted for the truth's fake. _As to liberty of confcience, the Prefbyterians had confiftently maintained that thofe who tolerated error were little better than thofe who held or propagated it, and that both ought to be dealt with by the civil magiftrate. In "A Teftimony to the Truth of Jefus Chrift, and to our Solemn League and Covenant, as alfo againft the Errors, Herefies, and Blafphemies of thefe times, and the tolera- tion of them," fubfcribed by the [Prefbyterian] minifters of Chrift in London, and publiftied in 1648, there is claffed among the errors which they " utterly loathe, execrate, and abhor," " the error of toleration, patronizing, and promoting all other errors and blafphemies whatfoever under the groflly abufed notion of liberty of confcience," and they mention particularly the error " that little can be done unlefs liberty of confcience be allowed for every man and fort of men to worftiip God in that way and per- form Chrift's ordinances in that manner as fhall appear to them moft agreeable to God's word, and no man punifhed or difcoun- tenanced by authority for the fame." The Preft)yterian minifters pray that " fome effecStual means" may be found "by authority of Parliament for the utter abolition and extirpation of" thefe errors " out of the Church." Rogers joins iffue with them, and maintains at fome length that magiftrates have nothing whatever to do with fchifmatics, heretics, blafphemers, and the like, as fuch, unlefs they commit fome adtion worthy of punifhment ; that God alone is the Lord and Judge of confciences, and that until magiftrates keep their own proper fphere, and meddle only with civil matters, minifters meddling only with fpiritual, " we fliall be far from a good reformation, and muft look only for a lamentable check." As he had been perfecuted by the Prefbyterians on one fide 67 Book i. ch. xiil. 68 Bookii. ch. iv. Book ji. ch. vjii Life and Opinions of a for his advocacy of religious liberty, fo he was perfecuted by the Anabaptifts on the other for his advocacy of infant baptifm. In fupport of his owm pradice of not requiring thofe wrho had been baptized as infants to be re-baptized as adults, he proves in "Bethfhemelh,"— I. That the Apoftles only baptized thofe who had never been baptized before ; 2. That the baptifm of infants, as generally adminiftered, even if we admit it to have been corruptly adminiftered, is notwithftanding true Baptifm in the effential points of matter and form, and therefore is not to be repeated; 3. That although immerfion may perhaps be preferable, inafmuch as it is more fignificant, yet afperfion is fufficient ; 4. That even if we have been baptized by a corrupt adminiftrator, ftill " his corrupt hand doth hot invalidate the ordinance." And finally, he declares, 5. That when we find the fruit and eff'e£l: of baptifm to follow the ordinance on thofe who have been baptized as infants, we are fatisfied "this covers all failings, and the outward is fwallowed up in the inward." The third queftion, to which he devotes a whole chapter in " Bethfhemefh," is the queftion of the rights of women in a Chriflian Church, and " this was one thing which helped to fet at a diftance the two focieties at Dublin." "The furies and harpies are flown up very high upon this point, and moft men do arrogate a fovereignty to themfelves which I fee no warrant for." He, on the other hand, alleges prophecy, precept, and reafon to fhow that fifters ought to have equal liberty with the brethren in fpeaking and voting, alking and anfwering, confenting and obje6ting, in the congregation of the Church. For prophecy he appeals to Joel.^ Ifaiah, and Jeremiah. For precept he quotes " Go, tell it to the Church." Papifts fay this means, tell it to the Pope and his Cardinals ; others fay, tell it to the Prelates ; Calvinifts fay, tell it to the Synod ; fome Independents fay, tell it to the brethren. We fay, tell it to the whole body, which confifts of women as well as men. Women, he fays, bare office in the Primitive Church ; women were chofen to look after the poor j women laboured with St. Paul in the Gofpel ; Phcehe was a dea- conefs, and Philip's four daughters were prophetefles. Again, women have frequently furpafled men for piety and judgment. Prudent Jblga 1 1 excelled her hufband; for knowledge Prifcllla excelled Jpollos, though a preacher ; for faith, the Ca- naanite, of whom Chrift faid, " I have not feen fo great faith, no, Fifth-Monarchy -Man, 69 not in Ifrael." For affedVion and zeal, " the Queen of the South fhall rife up againft the men of this generation." Mary Magdalen for piety and fpirit outran and outreached the twelve difciples. So we read how Jael excelled in courage, Deborah in thankful- nefs, Lois and Eunice in faith and obedience, Lydia in entertain- ing the word. The Shunamite in faith, and zeal, and under- ftanding excelled her hufband. So the Samaritanefs the reft of the citizens. We read of women exhorted to win their hufbands to the truth. Yea, and in Manoah's wife you fhall find a founder faith and judgment than in her hufband. " I remember I have read in 'Jerome'' s days of many holy women that exceeded others in learning and abilities, and in the ftudying of the Scrip- tures, and they had their commentaries upon them of their own making." A further reafon is taken from their ftrong affeftion to the truth, when once they be in the way of Chrift. Hence it is that Satan fo often makes the firft trial of women for his turn and fervice, feeing where they take their aff"e£lions are ftrongeft ; and he fped fo well at firft that he can't forget it. So he found out a Dalilah for Sampfon, a Jezebel for Ahab, Pharaoh's daughter for Solomon, &c. For where they are bad they are exceeding bad, but where they are good they are exceeding good ; for, as the gold fooner receives the form than iron or fteel, fo are women more readily wrought upon and perfuaded into the truth than men ; and as gold, fo women many times take the faireft ftamp and fuUeft impreffion. " Yet before I conclude I muft fpeak a word or two both to men and women. Let not men defpife them, or wrong them of their liberty of voting and fpeaking in common affairs. To women I fay, I wifli ye be not too forward, and yet not too back- ward, but hold faft your liberty ; keep your ground which Chrift hath got and won for you, maintain your rights, defend your liberties even to the life ; lofe it not, but be courageous and keep it. And yet be cautious too, fejiina lente— not too faft ; but firft be fwift to hear, flow to fpeak : your filence may fometimes be the beft advocate of your orderly liberty, and the fweeteft evi- dence of your prudence and modefty. And yet ye ought not by your filence to betray your liberty, trouble your confciences, lofe your privileges and rights, or fee the truth taken away or fuffer before your eyes. But, I fay, be not too hafty nor 7° Life and Opinions of a Book ii. ch. ix. too high ; for as the note that comes too nigh the margin is in danger to run into the text the next impreffion, fo fpirits that run too high at firft may foon fall into diforder and irregularity. In a word, I fay to all, ' Thofe whom God hath joined to- gether let no man put afunder.' " Rogers^ as he fays, had "fome pretty hot fkirmifhes " with the Prefbyterians incidentally in the earlier part of his book ; but he referves his dire£t and fyftematic affault upon them for the laft and longeft chapter, in which, hardly acknowledging their right to be ranked among Chrifirian churches, "properly fo called," he exhibits, by way of reduftio ad abfurdum, a long catalogue of the points in which they agree with the Papifts. The comparifon is interefting, as fhowing in fome detail how far the Prefbyterians of the day had diverged from the Epifcopalians, and had been themfelves left behind by the Independents. Papifts and Prefbyterians agree with each other, and of courfe differ from the Independents, in difcipline, dodtrine, and pradlice. They agree in difcipline. I. In dividing the Church into prin- cipal and lefs principal — firft the Pope and his Cardinals, or the AfTembly and claffes, and fecondly the people; 2. In faying that the Catholic Church always has been vifible ; 3. In aflerting a twofold headfhip to the Church — firft Chrift, and then the Pope or the AfTembly ; 4. In faying all belong to the Church who make profeffion of Chrift, whether Saints or not; 5. In calling all who feparate from them fchifmatics, heretics, or feparatifts, they them- felves being neither feparate out of Babylon or gathered and at unity in Sion ; 6. In laying the foundations of their Church not on Chrift but on St. Peter., or on confefEons of faith ; 7. In perfe- cuting all who difFer from them ; 8. In giving the power of the keys not to the congregation, but either to their prelates or to their claffes ; 9. In various points connedted with fynods and afTemblies, as to their neceflity, power, or the like. They agree in do£trine. I. The Papifts keep off the people from reading the Scriptures, find fault continually with the vulgar tranflation, affirm Scripture to be moft hard, difficult, and obfcure, and that it requires to be expounded by Fathers, Councils, &c. and make tradition necefl'ary over and above. And fo not only Prelates, of late, but the Prefby- terians are too rigid to keep off the poor people from the Scrip- Fifth-Monarchy-Man . 71 tures, fearing .they would excel their teachers, and take their pulpits from them. To fee fuch in their pulpits as have not had hands upon them, O, how they fcreech for fear ! (See this in that frothy, namelefs pamphlet of a lying libeller and fcandalous Philocompos, that is- much cried up by that party for his voluble tongue. It is entitled, " A Tafte of the Dodrine of the newly- eredled Exercife at Thomas Apoftle's.") Like the Papifts, they fright the people from the Scriptures by telling them they want the original ; others declare their Claffes, Synods, &c. muft determine the fenfe of the Scriptures, and add their authority thereto, or Fathers, Commentators, and fuch as are accounted orthodox : about which I have been in the lifts with many. We diffent from both, and affert that the vulgar tranflation of the Scripture is fufficient in matters of faith for knowledge ; that the Scriptures are to be believed, not becaufe Synods or Councils tell us they are true, but becaufe the Spirit tells us fo ; that we fliould fin againft our confciences if we fat down content with the expo- fition of others, inftead of feeking further and fuller ; that the Scriptures are neceflary to be known, and that it is not enough to hear the minifter preach ; that all things neceflary to falvation to be found in Scriptures ; and laftly, that the Scriptures are not fo dark and undifcoverable as they would urge upon the people. 2. They agree about Baptifm, impofing it as neceflary to fal- vation, maintaining that infants ought to be brought to Baptifm becaufe they have the habit if not the z.8c of faith, and becaufe of the faith of their parents, and adopting the Jefuitical dodrine that Baptifm wipes away fins going before. All this the Independents deny, affirming that the children of the faithful that are holy are holy before Baptifm. 3. They agree as to the ordinance of the Lord's Supper, in bidding men prepare themfelves for it, and faft the day before they receive it (while we Independents fay the pre- parations of the heart are of the Lord, and account fafting before the Lord's Supper to be mere foppery), in difpenfing indifcrimi- nately to all, in bidding the people fall down before it, or keep devoutly on their knees, or fit or kneel or ftand at a diftance from it. Some of them, too, affirm that all have had Chrift who have had the facrament; and fome of them cut the bread inftead of breaking it, which deftroys the nature of the ordinance. 4. They agree, too, about the doftrine of works, affirming the neceffity of works to falvation, crying up an inherent righteoufnefs in man ; 72 Life and Opinions of a and they agree in preffing works and duties for fear of hell and for hope of heaven, roaring out with fire and lightning about the ears of the people to fright and fcare them, and there to leave them. "They can fay little elfe but hell and damnation to fuch as are afBifted, inftead of ufing every means to bind up the broken, and pour in wine and oil into their wounds." 5. They agree too much about the merit of works. 6. Laftly, they agree in giving the civil magiftrates too much power over the Church. They agree in praftice. Firft, as to Ordination, (i). Papifts make impofition of hands effential ; fo do Prefbyterians. We affirm it to be a mere ceremony. (2). Papifts fay ordination is to be difpenfed by the Bifhops ; the Prefbyterians fay by the Prefbytery or claffes ; we fay by the congregation. (3). Papifts and Prefbyterians fay firft ordain a man, and then let him be called and chofen ; we fay they put the cart before the horfe. The Church muft firft choofe him, after trial and examination, and then ordain him. " And I affirm that, as ordination Popiftily difpenfed does not give the effentials to the outward call of a minifter, fo the Prefbyterian ordination, which I now difown before God and men, as being in the fteps of Popery and fucceffively from it, (though I was once, through dimfightednefs, under it, in the very firft claffis that e'er was in England, if I miftake not), yet I fay it is antichriftian and diforderly, as preceding the election of the and not giving the eflTentials to the call of a Chrift." Next, as to diftin6tions and diiFerences. I. The Prefbyterians, like the Papifts, keep up a diftindtion between themfelves as minifters and other people, and they would have no other dare to touch their facred funilion or to enter their pulpits on pain of anathema. We deny the diftin£tion between clergy and laity as Popifti ; there is no difference between minif- ters and the people, except it be to exceed them in knowledge and holy life. 2. Papifts make a diftinftion of their Priefts by garbs, gowns, caps, garments ; fo did the Prelates, and fo do the Prefby- terians, which we think a fuperftitious foppery. 3. Papifts give fome of their clergy principality or power over others of them; fo do the Prefbyterians in their claffes, but we affirm no fupe- riority among paftors any more than among churches. 4. Papifts people of God, true minifter of Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 73 and Prefbyterians are too alike about tithes ; they both fay the payment of tithes is of abfolute duty. We affirm three things — ( i ). That the Parliament, or any other fupreme power, may throw down tithes ; (2). That acompetent maintenance and comfortable allow- ance to all able Gofpel minifters who live foberly is of divine inftitution ; but, (3). That this ought to be in as voluntary a way as may be, fo that the people ought to be free in the manner of payment. 5. Papifts and Prefbyterians are too much alike in their names of days, months, and feafons. Such names as " Sunday" and "Monday," "January" and "February," " Chriftmas Michaelmas, Candlemas," &c. muft be reformed, as fprung from Popery or Paganifm. 6. Their praftice is too like the Papifts about their public meeting-places, which they call " churches." ( I ) . The Prefbyterians at this day hold what they can neither prove nor dare openly own — that there is a fpeciality in their churches, as if they were holier than other places ; from whom we diflent, and affirm their churches to be no better than ftreets or barns in themfelves, and fo fay all Proteftants againft Papifts. (2). The Papifts dedicated their churches to faints, and though the Prefby- terians cannot for fhame own thefe Popifli decrees, yet what do they lefs than approve of their churches being fo dedicated when they call them by their names as fainted — St. Alary, St. John, St. James, St. Thomas Apojile. " Therefore it would do well that our State would declare againft thofe churches as no churches, that they might never be eyed or owned more than any other places, further than for conveniency's fake, fo that as hot, violent minifters might not approve, fo not appropriate them as they do. For, indeed, fome proud, felf-conceited, hot-fpirited Preftjyterians I know (that account thefe churches their own inheritance) will keep or folely command the keys, and fufter none to preach but themfelves, or of their own feather, gang, and fancy with them, and on the week days keep the door fo clofe that a moufe may hardly get in, for fear of too much preaching, which they account dangerous, unlefs on their rounds on Sunday. So that they threaten to arreft fuch as dare preach in their pulpits or churches (as they fay) without their confent. O fad ! fuch doings we have in the countries yet ; and are forced to preach under hedges or on mountains (which I have done myfelf, when we have not had a twig to flielter us from the rain). But woe be to them, for they have taken away the key of knowledge, and have not entered in 74 Liife and Opinions of a oa. 20, 1653. themfelves, and them that were entering in they have hindered. But if thefe places muft be dedicated to Saints, let them be dedi- cated to the ufe of faints living, and for the churches that are fo indeed to meet in." " Laftly, Papifts and Prefbyterians are too alike in their accurate fcrutiny which they have of us, to obferve what diiFerences they can find among us, to make their advantage and outcry againft us. This is an old Popifli trick. We muft acknowledge too many differences amongft us, and that about forms too. But there may be unity where there is not uniformity. And though we have too, too many divifions and differences amongft us, God knows, which is our daily grief, yet they are not fo many or fo dangerous as the bitter brethren would have all believe by looking into their magnifying-glaffes. But thofe few that are, are not about points of faith, but for the moft part forms, which are by fome too hotly and haftily prefTed and purfued." The author concludes with an earneft exhortation to unity, which will be the refult, he thinks, of three things now coming on the churches, — a fhort but fharp time of trial, a large pouring out of the fpirit, and the near approach of the great and notable day of the Lord. Finally, he afferts and endeavours to prove that the Gofpel order of the Congregational Church way, or, in other words, the Independent form of church government, is one of the great promifes of thefe latter days, in which Chrift alone fhall reign and an earthly paradife be reftored. " TO ^0\l\,V, TO TEXEIV." In " Bethfhemefh," the greater part of which may be afligned to the laft days of the Long Parliament,* the author exhibits him- felf as an advanced Independent ; allufions to the Charadleriftic Fifth-Monarchy doftrines are comparatively few and faint. But in his next book, " Sagrir," which was publilhed while the Bare- bones Parliament was in full vigour, he not only makes his ufual onflaught on clergy, tithes, and lawyers, but he declares alfo, or developes, thofe views on foreign policy and a military millennium which were the charadteriftics of the Fifth-Monarchy-Man. The * Moft of the dedicatory Epiftles are dated March and April, 1653. The book itfelf had been written in Dublin in 1651-2. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. foreign policy advocated by the Fifth-Monarchy-Men, and enun- ciated in " Sagrir," was eminently warlike and aggreflive, and at the fame time eminently calculated to advance the interefts of Crojnwell. Macaulay fays truly, " There was nothing which Cromwell had for his own fake and that of his family fo much reafon to defire as a general religious war in Europe. In fuch a war he muft have been the Captain of the Proteftant armies. The heart of England would have been with him. His viftories would have been hailed with an unanimous enthufiafm unknown in the country fince the rout of the Armada, and would have effaced the ftain which one aiSt condemned by the general voice of the nation has left on his fplendid fame." It was for fome fuch war as this that the Fifth-Monarchy-Men thirfted ; a war for the defence and extenfion of the Proteftant faith over the whole world. To what extent Cromwell prompted them it is impoflible to fay, but it is worth remarking that he adtually made England " the moft formidable power in the world" by afferting within rational limits thofe very principles which they were then proclaiming with fuch exaggeration and extravagance, and that he infifted on almoft incredible demands from other nations on the plea that " his people would not be otherwife fatif- fied." In faft, Crawzw^// availed himfelf of the clamours of the fanatics againft foreign nations juft as he had availed himfelf of their clamours againft the Long Parliament, the clergy, and the lawyers, to ftimulate his friends, to intimidate his enemies, and to prepare the way for a policy which was, after all, entirely his own. " Sagrir," which appears to have been written in the autumn of 1653, i^ ^ volume of nearly 200 pages, and contains an Epiftle to Cromwell^ an Epiftle to the Reader, a violent denunciation of exifting laws and lawyers, and lengthy digreffions on tithes, foreign policy, and the Fifth Monarchy, its tone and temper are very fairly reprefented in its title-page, in which, however, the date feems to be wrongly printed : it was certainly publiflied in 1653. IS Macaulay, Hift. of Engl, i. 144 (Ed. 1858). Macaulay, i. 143. Clarendon, vii. 300. 'n''"lJD Sagrir, OR Doomes-day drawing nigh^ With Thunder and Lightening to LAWYERS, In an Alarum For New Laws, and the Peoples Liberties from the Norman and Babylonian Yokes. Making Difcoverie Of the pre/ent ungodly Laws and Lawyers of the Fourth Monarchy, and of the approach of the FIFTH ; with thofe godly Laws, OfBcers and Ordinances that belong to the Legijlatl've Power of the Lord Jejus, SHEWING The Glorious Work Incumbent to Civil Dijcipline (once more) fet before the Parliament, Lord Generall, Army and People of England, in their dillinft capacities upon the Account of Cbrift and his Monarchy. Humbly prefented to them by JOHN ROGERS, an unfai?ied Servant of Chrift, and this Common-wealth in their beji Rights, Laws and Liberties, lojl many years. Bread of Deceit is fweet to a man, but afterwards his mouth fliall be filled with Gravell. Prov. 20, 17. Whofo floppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he fliall cry himfelf, but flial not be heard. Prov. 21, 13. They are Brafle and Iron, they are all Corrupters, the Bellows are burnt the Lead is con- fumed of the fire, the Founder melteth in vain, for the Wicked are not plucked a- way. ler. 6. 28, 29. novJ '3 noK ^v^t^ nn'toDJ:^ ybo-n^n roati'j when |"T a* _ - T -; / ; IT : AV " ; I - vv " r ■» : : ' their Judges (or the greateft Lawyers) are thrown down into ftony places, they fliall hear my Words, becaufe then they are fweet. PJal. 141, 6. Caufidicis, Erebo, Y\{co,fas vivere rapto s Militibus, Medico, Tortori, occidere ludo ,• Mentiri Aftrologis, PiBoribus, atqne Poetis. LONDON, Printed by R. I. to be fold by Giles Calvert at the Black Spread Eagle, at t\\z VF eft end of Pauls 1654. Fifth-Monarchy -Man. " To the Right Honourable the Lord General Cromwell, the people's ViSlorious Champion in England^ Ireland, and Scotland. My Lord, His Excellency the Lord Jefus hath fent out his fum- mons to other nations alfo ; and the blade of that fword whofe handle is held in England will reach to the very gates of Rome ere long, but by what inftruments we know not; yet for what end we know, (Ps. Ixxii. 2, 4, 13) viz. to break in pieces the opprefTor and to deliver the poor and needy. Now, my Lord, hitherto he hath honoured you in his war. Let him alfo do fo in his work, which the war hath made way for, viz. in throwing down of tyranny and oppreffion, which as you have begun to do, fo this treatife hath unavoidable reference to yourfelf to carry on, as our conqueror upon Chrift's and the Common- wealth's account, and not upon your own. Therefore are the eyes of thoufands upon you, to fee what you will do for their fafety and freedom, according to the juft rights and liberties of the people of this nation, which they had before the Norman tyranny and conquefl: ; for it is far better for us, my Lord, now to hang us than not to help us againft thefe unfufFerable laws and lawyers, which rob us of juftice and righteoufnefs, as it is obvious in this treatife. It is without malice to a man of'them, and merely out of con- fcience to engage againft fin and enemies to Chrift and this Commonwealth that I muft make fuch a charadter of them as I do. It may be I fpeak fpiritfully yet not fpite- fully ; though oppreffion makes a wife man mad, fays Solomon (Eccl. vii. 7). And indeed, if it be madnefs to engage againft fin, I will be fo : for — ' Si natura negat facit indignatio verfum.' Wherefore, my Lord, I befeech you contemn not the n There Is a prediftion, which fays C. ihall found within the walls of Rome. 78 Liife and Opinions of a clock that tells you how the time pafles. A mean herald may go on great errands ; and on this errand he is con- tented to be mean and contemptible who is fent to you, and prays unfeignedly for you that you may never be fet afide, but be of Angular ufe yet In this generation ; and then, and not till then, reft from your labours as David did (Afts xiii. 36). The fword of the Lord and of Gideon* together gets the loud fufFrage of your fufFering yet your heartily humble fervant in the fervice of our Lord Jefus, John Rogers. From my Study, the 8th month, zoth day. Thomas Apoftle's." Some of thefe fufFerings are connefted with his unceafing pro- tefts againft the iniquity of tithes. He gives the following account of them in his Epiftle to the Reader : — " I confefs I was occafionally the fourteenth day of the feventh month at the Committee of Tithes,f in the Chequer * Gideon was a favourite example, and " the fword of the Lord and of Gideon" a favourite watchword with fuch men as Rogers; for Gideon with his handful of men firft routed whole hofts of his enemies, and then cut off the heads of their kings (" Bethlhemefh," p. 171). On the other hand, to fuch men as his father, Nehemiah, " the fword of the Lord and of Gideon " was lignificant only of religious intolerance, cruelty, and rebellion. " Theological hatreds as one termeth them are moft bitter hatreds. He that ftrikes for religion ftrikes with a razor ; the other thrufts with a foil. When a battle is fought ' by the fword of the Lord and of Gideon,' then it ever proceeds with the greateft cruelty ; and rebellion never proves fo loud and dangerous as when religion is pre- tended." — The Figlefs Fig-tree, p. 280. f The Committee of Tithes appointed by the Barebones Parliament confifted of thirty-two members. The firft, third, and fifth names on the lift were thofe oiMajor-General Harrifon, Sir Anthony Afiley Cooper, and Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 79 Chamber, where was a rude rabble, and amongft them many lawyers and minifters of the city and country too, to tug for tithes ; and finding liberty given to any to fpeak, I being defired fo to do by fome Parliament men, I accepted of the call, for that I could not in confcience be filent, feeing I had fuch a feafon to make my blow at Antichrift and to fpeak for Chrift ; but finding that the liberty was limited to what could be faid as to or againft their propriety by the law, I only laid a foundation for a future difcourfe, which I took up on the i6th day. And becaufe Majier Jacob, being of a like conftitution and complexion in prin- ciples with the priefts, with the affiftance of one of his brethren, that foul-mouthed fcandalous fellow of Garlick- hithe, cenforioufly and rafhly condemned me as full of impertinences therein, although they were well rebuked for their rough, proud fpirits, and the Committee took Mr. Jacob up fharply for his folly, impertinency, and im- patience (for he wanted his note-book) ; yet, to fatisfy fome of the precious fervants of God, I fhall here infert what I faid. ^ef. Whether the prefent clergy have right by the laws of this land to tithes ? Before my anfwer I premifed that, without fee, preferment, or bye-end, I fhould offer my judgment, being brought hereto by a good confcience, as perfuaded that I appeared for Chrift againft Antichrift, fo that I would not be daunted by the threats of any given out againft me. Then I digefted my difcourfe into four heads : — AnJ. Neg. i {ab origine). — From the rife of thofe common laws that they plead to give them this right, i. e. Praife-God Barbone. The Committee was ordered to fit in tlie Chequer Chamber. " This Committee hath power to punilh fcandalous minifters, and to prefer godly minifters in their place." — From "A New Lift of all the Members of this frefent Parliament. 1655." The Author's fpeech at the Committeej Sept. 16. The prefent Minifters no right to Tithes by the law proved. Anf. I. Becaufe com- mon laws which give the right are down. 8o Life and Opinions of a Anf. 2. Becaufe there the laws look on men ordained in another way. Anf, 3. The end of the law is loft by thofe laws which grant tithes. Anf 4. The foundation of fuch is land, and unfound. To the Parlia- ment. canon, or Chriftian law fo called. If the canon or ecclefi- aftlcal law is down, and gives them no right, then the common laws, which arofe therefrom, are down and fallen with them. But the canon law is down, &c : ergo, the confequence is clear Anf. 1 {ex obje5ld). The laws which they plead and pretend for propriety look on fuch only as were ordained according to the Popifh canons then in force when thofe laws were made ; but the prefent clergy difown thofe canons and ordination — ergo, the laws that refer thereto. . . . Anf. 3 {a fine). From the end of all honeft laws, which muft be preferred before the letter of the laws, viz. the public good and freedom of the people Anf. 4. From the foundation of the laws, which ought to be the eternal law of God Thus their propriety to tithes is proved rotten and in- valid by their own laws, as to the principle, objeft, end, and foundation of them ; and if God do not honour our prefent governours with fuch a ftripping of the ornaments and pulling away the black patches of the impudent harlot as this does, I fear they will hardly be the men then that muft tear her flefh from her bones and burn it with fire. . . . This is the fubftance of what I delivered by word of mouth, (which I had a copy of in writing, whence I have taken this), and afterward in writing by an honourable member of Parliament. But that the fplrit of Antichrift might appear for itfelf, there was fuch uncivil talking, hiffmg, mocking, threatenings, railings, and crowding me, whiles I was fpeaking to the Committee, to interrupt me, that the Chairman, with many members, were forced to check them, and to rife up to chide feveral times. After we were withdrawing by order from the Committee, Mr. Jacob exclaims againft me. With that I turned back, and heard him fay I offered many impertinencies, and he was glad the truth had fo many weak enemies as I was. Let Fifth- Monarchy- Man . him and all my enemies know that I truft I fhall be a very weak enemy to truth as long as I live ; I defire to be fo, and rather to die than be any enemy at all to truth. But yet tell him that Antichrift, againft whom I engaged in this bufinefs of tithes, which the blood of the martyrs will witnefs with me (Fox, p. 494, ii., 80, and 537, &c.) I fay, tejl him that Antichrift ihall find ftronger, and abler, and faithfuller, and more undaunted, refolute enemies than 1 am_ to this tralh, and trumpery, and relic of Antichrift ; and It is my joy to be one, though a weak one, that engages for Chrift herein, though I was grieved to be alone among fo many adverfaries of the clergy, lawyers, and rude rabble atthat time. But my anfwer to Mr. Jacob's affront was this — that he fpoke like himfelf (meaning a Prefbyterian, and one that would have been Mr. Love's fucceffor) ; and that as Auguftine once faid he was content to fpeak falfe Latin, fo he might but win their fouls to Chrift, fo I faid I was welcome to fpeak fooliftily and impertinently, fo I might but ferve my mafter Chrift therein, as I truft I had ; which fince, among many others, fome Parliament men and honeft minifters, too, and members of the army, have with thanks told me was well. But after he was reproved by the Committee, we withdrew, where a huge conflux of rigid clergy, folicitors, and rabble fell a railing and aflaulting me (among whom was Crofton, the preacher of Garlick-hithe, threatening and abufing me) ; but I was through mercy refcued by fome friends and members of the army, and carried away to a friend's houfe to refrefli my fpirits, which were much fpent with their violencies. But I did not feel the hurt which I had by their crowdings, punches, and pulling about, and getting me (as they had once that day) under their feet till I cried for help ; I felt it not till the next day ; and then, what with inward bruifes and outward forenefs and ficknefs, I fell into a fierce fever, when, amongft others. Colonel Rathbone came to vifit me, and told me how M 82 Clergy and Lawyers, Backbiters and Prelbyters. l^ife and Opinions of a the rabble the day before fell upon him alfo, upon the fame account of engaging againft that garbage of Antichrift ; and for applauding what I had offered to the Committee they fell upon him, and he was ftabbed twice, once in the fore- head and the other was in his fide, fo that he hardly efcaped with his life ; and as foon as he was dreffed by the chirur- gions, he faid, he came to give me warning of them, they were fo incenfed againft me it would be dangerous to ftir abroad for fome time, feeing my life was threatened. By this it appears what a fpirit it is that pleads for tithes ; infomuch as I wonder nothing at their lying, railing, and abufing me about this city, and in Martin-in-the- Fields, where the Preftyterian profefTors follow their old trade of venting and inventing to the amazement of honeft men But for all this ftorm their tithe muft tumble, and the ftanding, too, of thofe nationalifts ere long. There be two forts of men that muft and will be my profefled adverfaries, viz. the national clergy and the Norman lawyers. Whiles I am engaged againft the Babylonian and Norman yokes, and ftrike at the block or body of them (as I have done at the firft in a treatife of Church Difcipline, and do at the laft in thefe lines of Civil Difcipline), the fierce chips fly about mine ears; but they muft into the fire ere long, with the beaft and falfe prophets (Rev. xix. 20). Some brats of this brood are very bitter B_* * * biters as well as P * * * biters ; but I am pofitive, with Jo. Hujs, that all the (National Corrupt) Clergy muft be quite taken away ere the Church of Chrift be truly reformed, or Antichrift fall. I hear fome are purfuing me with the rage of the Red Dragon (Rev. xii.), and In chief the forenamed fcandalous libeller Crofton, of Garlick-hithe, the fitteft man for fuch a bufinefs I know of. He is, it feems, full of arts, and fciences, and tongues too, for wronging and flandering ; and whiles he dialogues with his nofe, his communication is mere fmoke. This is he that Fifth-Monarchy-Man . 83 calls all Independents Devils, and fays they are damned that are fo. This is he that preacheth they were damned that took the Engagement (as I have it to fhow under an honeft minifter's hand). This is he that, on pain of damna- tion, and as they will anfwer it before him at the day of Judgment, requires the people to hear him only, and not ftir from him to any other man. This is he that is fo notorioufly known for a fcurrilous and fcandalous Prieft in many counties, and is moft groffly Popifh, both in doctrine and praftice, as doth appear to many, and may ere long to more. This is he that is always flandering and perfecuting the people of God, calling them naufeous names and making lies of them in the pulpit ; yea, of fuch as are afleep in the grave, whom he inhumanly flanders, and what not that is ignoble and unworthy. Far, much worfe I might fpeak, but I fhall fpare him and the reader." Rogers concludes this part of his book with a few words on the approach of the Fifth Monarchy, of which he fpeaks more fully afterwards. " Schoolboys look after holydays, worldly men after rent days, chapmen after market days, travellers after fair days, profefTors after Lord's days, and the people of God long for thefe days of Chrift, viz. the end of the four monarchies (Dan. vii.), that the Fifth may come, wherein Chrift and his faints fhall rule the world. Mark it, by Anno 1656 the flood begins ; and, as in Noah's flood, after the doors were fliut up there was no mercy, though they came wading middle deep, fo let this be an alarum to all men to make hafte while the door of the ark is open. In few years they will find it fhut ; and then, though they wade through and through much danger, whether Parlia- ment men. Army men. Merchant men. Clergy men. Lawyers, or others, they may find it too late, and that their delays have bred dangers ; for the door will be fliut What days we ]ook for. 1656. By that year Hafte — Hafte— Hafte. 84 A digreffion. To affift our neighbours. France. Holland. Liife and Opinions of a ftiortly. My aim herein is to awaken them all up to their work, in the reftoration of God's laws and government, the people's liberties and privileges, the Commonwealth's comfort and advantages, in Chrift's kingdom and appear- ances, which is and fhall be the mark of my arrow, yea the rainbow of my cloud that looks on the fun, and that which my foul fhall pump out apace in all my prayers to God in Chrift for this Commonwealth, whofe honeft, faithful fervant I am in my heart, without the cunning politick or artificial compofition of compliments, though I muft and do fuffer for my fincerity and fimplicity." The charafter of the foreign policy which Rogers and his party advocated is exhibited in the following digreffion, which is introduced into tthe firft part of his book, and opens the way for the main attack upon Lawyers. " Let me digrefs a little now, for the public's fake, in this my difcourfe, to acquaint the Governours of our Nation how much the meffage from Bourdeaux in France, or any other nation concerns us ; for we are bound by the law of God to help our neighbour as well as ourfelves, and fo to aid the fubjeds of other princes that are either perfe- cuted for true religion or opprefled under tyranny. What mean our Governours to take no more notice of this ? How durft our army to be ftill, now the work is to do abroad ? Are there no Proteftants In France and Germany even under perfecution ? And do not the fubjedts of France that lie under the iron yoke of tyranny fend and feek and fue to us for affiftance ? Well, woe be to us ' if we help not the Lord (Judg. v. 23) againft the mighty ;' for it is the Lord hath fent for us thither, and calls for a part of our army at leaft into France or Holland. There- fore, ' Curfed be they that do the work of the Lord negligently,' or but by halves (Jer, xlviii. 10). Fifth-Monarchy-Man . Wherefore^ let me tell our army and ftatefmen that if they belong to the Lord yet, and if God hath good to do by them yet, that then they fhall not be able to fit ftill long ; for if they will not take their work abroad they {hall have it home, as fure as God lives and is righteous. For where the kingdom of Chrift comes, there is no fuch thing as bounds, or limits, or rivers, or feas, that fhall cage up or confine the fervent zeal and flaming affeftions of an Army, Reprefentative, or People fpirited for the work of Chrift, which is more and more public, and looks beyond feas now. O no ! no more than the bounds or limits of a parifh fhall confine a minifter of the Gofpel to the fpiritual work of Chrift. So, as it is againft the law of nature for the King of France to be worfe than an enemy to his own citizens and fubjedts, fo it is as much againft the law of God, fhould they fupplicate to us for affiftance, to be worfe than neighbours ; and then fuch profefTors and pretenders for the kingdom of Chrift as we make a noife of in the world to be, if we ftrike not now in for the intereft of Chrift, and take not the opportunity to vifit thofe coafts, and to view the condition of the Proteftants and opprefTed ones in that kingdom. The Gadites defired to be at reft and to go no further, but to ftay on the other fide Jordan and to live there ; which though Mo/es afl'ented to, yet it was with this provifo, that they fhould go on and affift their other brethren with their whole work, and go thorough-ftick with it, now they had begun it, until the Ifraelites had conquered the land of Canaan— yea, and to go firft out, as in the van, becaufe they would firft fit down ; and if they refufed to do this, then they were anathematized and deftined to deftrudlion, like them that were adjudged rebels at Cadefh Barnea, and none of them by the decree of God were ever to enter into the land of Canaan. So fuch of the Army, Reprefentative, 85 A word to the Army. The work will go beyond feas. Gadites — who, now. 86 Life and Opinions of a When *tis time for the Army to reft. Our warrant for this. An alarm. and Commonwealth that have no heart to go further beyond the feas (Jordan), but would be at reft on this fide, fhould hear a Mojes fay. What ! What ! your brethren go on and fight further for Canaan, and you fit ftill and live lazing and idling at home ! No, no ! away, you that would firft fit down and lay down your arms and live in peace, get you firft out beyond Jordan ; for you fliall not return to your cattle and corn, and fine, finical fig-leaves, to be coached and compli- mented into effeminacy and fooleries ; no, nor yet to dwell at home in England with your wives, until the Lord hath driven his enemies before you, and granted a place to your brethren beyond Jordan, as well as to you on this fide it ; and then you fhall return in peace and with welcome, and be innocent before the Lord and his people Ifrael, and abide in quietnefs, and not till then. And let not men difpute fo much whether it be lawful to defend or ftrike in for another's liberty and deliverance, if it were lawful to do fo for our own, feeing we muft love our neighbour as ourfelves. If we love Chrift in our own nation, why not in another ? and if juftice, and peace, and piety, and righteoufnefs among ourfelves, why not among others ? O ! for fliame, firs ! let's rub our eyes and look about us. And after the wicked lawyers have had a bang, let us beat a march and alarm the whole world (Jer. 1. a). ' Declare ye among the nations and publifti, and fet up a ftandard ; publifli and conceal not, (till ye) fay Babylon is taken.' ' Who is on my fide, faith the Lord — who ?' ' Come againft her from the utmoft border (even Ireland and Scotland), open her ftorehoufes, caft her up as heaps ; deftroy her utterly — let nothing of her be left. Woe unto them, for their day is come, the time of their vifitation. The vengeance of the Lord our God, yea the vengeance of his Temple (or Churches).' Jer. I. 16 — 29. I intended not this length, but the Lord would have it fo ; and fo I come in again to the Lawyers. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 87 The two plagues of this nation rofe up both from the bottomlefs fmoke, and are the Priefts and the Lawyers. Both alike they keep up a corrupt, carnal, antichriftian intereft. The Priefts would fill the cup of the harlot for the nation to drink of, and the Lawyers would clothe her with fcarlet. But woe be to us if either be fuffered to trade; 'for becaufe thou haft let go them that I have appointed to utter deftrudlion, therefore thy life ftiall go for theirs, and thy people for theirs' (i Kings xx. 42). They muft fall together, feeing ever fince Edward IIL his time in England they were advanced together, as to their height and intereft. The Lawyers, who are tyrants and oppreflbrs of the civil ftate, may as well be compared to the locufts, mentioned Rev. ix. 3,* &c. as the Priefts the tyrants and oppreflbrs of the Ecclefiaftical ftate. For— I. Out of the fmoke which darkened the air as well as the fun, earth as well as heaven, and fo out of that Anti- chriftian darknefs which arofe upon the ftate, civil as well * "And he opened the bottomlefs pit, and there arofe a fmoke out of the pit as the fmoke of a great furnace ; and the fun and the air were darkened by reafon of the fmoke of the pit. And there came out of the fmoke locufts upon the earth, and unto them was given power as the fcorpions of the earth had power; and it was commanded them that they ftiould not hurt the grafs of the field, neither any green thing, neither any tree, but only thofe men which have not the feal of God in their foreheads. And to them it was given that they fhould not kill them, but that they (hould be tormented five months; and their torment was as the torment of a fcorpion when he ftriketh a man. And in thofe days ftiall men feek death and ftiall not find it, and ftiall defire to die and death ftiall flee from them. And the ftiapes of the locufts were like unto horfes prepared unto battle ; and on their heads were as it were crowns like gold, and their faces were as the faces of men. And they had hair as the hair of women, and their teeth were as the teeth of lions. And they had breaftplates as it were breaftplates of iron ; and the found of their wings was as the found of chariots of many horfes running to battle. And they had tails like unto fcorpions, and there were flings in their tails ; and their power was to hurt men five months." — Rev. ix. 2-10. Priefts and Lawyers the two plagues that rofe together. Lawyers locufts. I. Ariiing out of the bottomlefs pit fmoke. 88 Life and Opinions of a 'i.. Unclean creatures. 3. For multi- tude. 4. For their variety of orders. 5. For their earthly difpoiition. 6. For their leaping. as ecclefiaftical, came thefe locufts (ver. 2, 3,) upon the earth, and Lawyers into this kingdom (vide Maltn/bury). In WilHam II. his time they proceeded from the Roman Clergy. 2. Locufts are unclean creatures, many times tranflated grafshoppers ; and the Midianites and Amalekites which came againft Ifrael in Gideon's days (Judg. vii. 1 2) were faid to be like grafshoppers, which, fays Cooper, fignifies bodily opprefTors, Egyptian plagues (as Exodus x. 13, 14.) Grievous ! Such are the Lawyers all over the nation. 3. Locufts have their ftrength in their multitude, O, what heaps of this noifome vermin may you fee at a time in the Temple or Weftminfter Hall. Thefe do make up the numerous army of Antichrift in this ftate againft Chrift, and are to torment men (Rev. ix. 3, 5, 7) ; and fo. Exodus X. 14, they cover the earth. 4. Locufts have their variety of orders, and ye may fee them noted in their feveral colours and marks. Thus have Antichrift's laity — I mean Lawyers, as well as Antichrift's Clergy — I mean Priefts. It were but loft labour to enter into this number of his name, or to reckon up the variety of orders and degrees of this brood of the beaft, diftinguiftied by feveral forms, fefts, and habits of divers faftiions. 5. Locufts are of earthly difpofitions, greedy devourers, infatiable for covetoufnefs, always defiring, but never de- lighting to work, fow, labour, nor plough, but to eat up the fruits of other men's labours, and to fall or feize upon and take pofleffion of the beft meadows, vallies, and plea- fant places of the land. Now the Lawyers, as well as Priefts, are fuch a plague of locufts. 6. Locufts have a leap like grafshoppers, and fo have the Lawyers ; for like the leopards they get their prey faliendo, by leaps, which are fometimes very large ; and as to the things of God, or religious exercifes, we ftiall find few of them frequent them unlefs by leaps now and then. Fifth-Monarchy -Man. I always except fuch as were Lawyers and are con- verted. But fuch are not many As to the fed; of them in general, (excepting fome particular rare ones — fuch Zenajes as are honeft and godly amongft them), thefe locufts may leap to a little honefty it may be on Sundays, but all the days after they follow their old trade of lying and oppreffing, and eating up the greens of the land. ' Subitos dant faltus fed protinus in terram cadunt.' Their ordinary going is but higgle-haggle, here and there, this way and that, on this fide and on that too, for any caufe or client, fo they meet but with an angel* in the way. 7. Thefe locufts that help to make up the army of Antichrift had a power like to fcorpions given to them (Rev. ix. 3) ; and fo have the Lawyers, (i). ' Scorpio eft blanda facie fed cauda pungit occulte.' The fcorpion hath a flattering face, and fo thefe locufts (Rev. ix. 7,8); ' their faces were as the faces of men, and they had hair as the hair of women.' But (ver. 10) their tails were like to fcorpions, that had flings to torment men. All this figni- fies their hypocrify and craft, as well as cruelty to hurt us. (2). As fcorpions, ever fince they were curfed, in Gen. iii. 14 — ' Thou art curfed above every beaft of the field, upon thy belly fhalt thou go and duft thou {halt eat ail thy days,' — I fay ever fince, with their tails (which torment us) they gather up the duft of the earth, and feed altogether upon earthly things as their meat. So they, like the unclean beafts under the law, creep on all four upon the earth, and all this upon their belly too. O bitter curfe ! they cannot abide the things above. And this makes them ready to receive petitions, opinions, caufes, complaints, many hours together, about bodies and eftates, but cannot abide a peti- tion that concerns fouls ; which lately I tried their patience with before the Lords Commiffioners, but upon the naming * The " angel " was worth originally 6s. id. 89 Titus iii. 13. 7. Like fcorpions. (i). Flattering faces full of craft and cruelty. (2), They eat the duft. They cannot abide a plea out of Scripture, 9° (3). Theyfting deadly, and by decrees. 8. Monfters. (i). In their bodies. (2). Their heads. (3). Their faces. Life and Opinions of a of a Scripture or two they would not hear it ; at which, drawing my Bible out of my pocket, and telling them that that was the ftatute book to be ufed in fuch cafes, and be- ginning to open fome Scriptures I came to that in Ezek. xxii. T] — ' Her princes are ravening wolves, they feek to • deftroy fouls, to get difhoneft gain,' &c ; but they fell a chafing and fuming, and would not hear it. But (3). Scorpions fting, but not dead at firft, but the wound works by degrees. The Lawyers, like them, fting deadly ; and it were better they killed us right out (Rev. ix. 6) than to confume, perplex, pain, grieve, afflidt us to death by degrees ; the plague of them is the worfe. Thus thefe locufts are like fcorpions. 8. Thefe locufts were monfter-form, and that multi- form, being made up of many forts of creatures. So thefe Lawyers are foxes for fubtlety, vipers for venom, dogs for mouthing it, but tigers for tearing it and cruelty. But (1) in their body, ' Horfes prepared for battle,' — horfes not common, but kept up, and fed, pampered — jades that work not but feed hard, and eat and drink of the beft. (2) ' On their heads as it were crowns ;' fo are thefe locufts or Lawyers Antichrift's army of crowned men in ftate matters, as well as the Priefts and Clergy his army in ecclefiaftical matters, not only in their wear of caps like crowns, but in that they get the legiflative power, and have (more regum), in the manner of kings, lords, and fuch like perfons, impofed laws and ties to confciences, tyrannizing and oppreffing all the people of God as their vaflals and fubjeds. (3). They had 'faces like the faces of men' — that is, (left men ftiould loathe and abhor them for their cruelty and curfed difpofition), they infinuate into great places, Kings' courts and palaces, &c. by Simulation and fine glozing, flattering ftiows of humanity and great humi- lity — having learned the art of diflembling in their Inns of Court, having it infufed as a principle, which Kings and Fifth-Monarchy-Man. rulers held by their authority, that none was fit to rule unlefs he can diilemble. Thefe Lawyers never more dif- femble than when they referable the faces of men ; for they put the faireft faces on the fouleft aftions. There be no greater flatterers in the world. But foft, firs. (4). ' Hair as the hair of women ' (Rev. ix. 8) ; that is, as Cotterius notes : i . ' Varias fraudes,' their variety of art to deceive and infinuate ; 1. ' Ornatum illicitum,' their un- lawful attire, to make a great ftiow with fine, foft, and deli- cate ornaments; and 3. ' EfFeminatos mores,' their effemi- nacy and womanifli fancies and fafiiions. And, like women, O how they love their long hair and ' delicate comam alunt, pingunt, mulcent,' powdering and painting it. (5.) * Their teeth as the teeth of lions' (Rev. ix. 8). Such an expref- fion is in Joel i. 6. ' Voraces et truculenti funt,' that is, they are ravenous and cruel ; fo that in the defcription of them there is ' falfi boni fimulatio et veri mali diffimulatio et aperta f^vitia,' a femblance of good in their faces, a diffemblance of evil in their hair ; but ' dentibus crudelitas fignificatur,' by their teeth is figured out open cruelty and tyranny ; and be fure thefe ftate locufts or Lawyers, where they cannot get what they would with the firft or fecond, they bring in the third, and fiiew their teeth to the purpofe in tearing away men's efliates, liberties, and lives too, if they can. ' Omnia rapiunt, asraria exhauriunt, domos devorant, agros vaftant, crudeles et fasvi funt in pios qui in manus eorum incidunt,' making themfelves rich by others' ruin. (6). ' They had habergeons of iron,' Rev. ix. 9. That is, their outward defences, whilft corrupt laws and Lawyers have been a long time, efpecially in thefe five months that they have fo fearfully tormented us (I mean for the 150 years laft paft), kept up by fecular powers, fo that there was no oppofing them. (7). ' And the found of their wings like the found of chariots.' This ftate army of Antichrift being, as we heard before, fo crafty, cruel, fierce, ftrong, 91 With their art of dilTembling. (4). Their hair. (5). Their teeth terrible. (6). Haber- geons of iron. (7). Their wings and privileges. 92 Liife and Opinions of a The army of locufts. Noife of their wings — what. Lawyers perplex us- how. (8). Stings in their tails. forcible, and armed with fecular powers, they have wings, that is, fuch things, advantages, and privileges, with which they fly high in boldnefs and ambition and are elevated exceed- ingly and lifted up, and efpecially to the terror of honeft people. Beda, writing on this place, fays, ' Expavefcendum magis quam exponendum.' It is rather trembled at than interpreted, how the army of thefe locufts increafe ; for with their wings they make fuch a huge noife as amazes and amufes men and makes them afraid of them. For the noife is firfl; confufed, like the found of many chariots, uttering no diftindt noife, terrifying the people with horror at their loud, clamorous voices, lamentable lying, pleadings and difputes, and violent janglings and indiftind voices which others mufl: not rightly underftand. Secondly, it is comfortlefs, for they neither found glory to God nor peace to men, but all vexation, fuits, troubles, mifchiefs that may be. As King Jabin (Judges, iv. 2, 3) had nine hundred chariots of iron, and for twenty years vexed Ifrael fore ; but thefe have a hundred and twenty years vexed England fore, fo that nothing but ruin and undoing is looked for from them, and a man needs no more trouble than to be within the found of their chariots and laws, I'll warrant him his heart will ache and quake too. For as ' diverfi currus diverfis viis cum impetu currunt,' &c. Divers chariots run divers ways, and all furioufly to battle, fo do thefe Antichrift's ftate locufts, in divers ways perplex us and fling us out of one court into another, with unrea- fonable reftlefliiefs, till they have run over us or ruined us with violent contentions or torments, and that which is worft is, that they are fo numerous and run fo many ways that we can by no means efcape them. 8. Thefe mon- ftrous locufts 'have ftings in their tails,' (Rev. ix. 10), not only the priefts and prelates, and fo Antichrift's eccle- fiaftical army, have their tails as officials, commifTaries, prodlors, regiftrars, and fuch like, that did grievoufly afflidt Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 93 and torment men, but alfo the lawyers, Antichrift's ftate army, have their long tails too, with terrible flings, and fuch are folicitors, clerks, bailifFs, ferjeants, gaolers, and fuch like, and it is fo much to their advantage in tormenting men to have terrible tails that they will have none to execute their warrants, writs, orders, or the like (as near as they can), but the moft curfed, gracelefs villains they can get, and by this means are men (in the country, above all places) abufed by bloody villains, drunken fots, who fit night and day drinking and fwilling upon an honeft man's fcore whom they have ferved with a warrant or fo, and yet ufe him (it may be), if he be a man fearing God, worfe than a dog, in beating, bruifing, pulling, threatening, and abufing him all manner of ways, if he do not fill their pouch with money and their paunch with liquor up to the throat. Thefe torment fo with their tails that fome men had better be hanged right out than fo ufed, and (v. 6) ' feek death but cannot find it,' "^ Mors optanda magis,' whiles clubs and canes lie thumping upon the backs of poor people that once come under the bailiiFs, being fo cruelly plagued, pulled away from their wives, hailed up and down by head and ears, bereaved of their relations, and robbed and fpoiled of their eftates and comfortable fubfift- ence. Oh ! how fad is the torment of their tails, as thou- fands can teftify to this hour. So that all the lawyers' eftates cannot make amends for the world of mifchief they have done and yet do daily with their tails, which are moft violent, virulent, and venomous. Thus are they defcribed in their monfter-formity, or monftrous deformity : — 9. Thefe locufts have a limited power; As, i, to per- fons (Rev. ix. 4), ' that they Ihould not hurt the grafs, nor the green things, nor the trees ; 2, to time (v. 5), ' they had power to hurt but five months.' t. To perfons. The Saints, who are of three forts, refembled (i) by grafs. Such multitude of clerks, &c. are againft juftice and true law. — Mir. of Juft. fol. 246. Judge Arnold was hanged for faving a bailiff from death who had robbed the people with diftrefles and extorted money from them. See Mir. of Juft. 241. And now the bailiffs do it daily, and no juftice. 9. Their limited power. To perfons. 94 Life and Opinions of a To time. The lawyers* end within a year or two. P(^opTo?, weak, yet fappy, and (2) by green, %Aw/)o?, flou- rifhing things, and (3) by trees of the higheft and taJleft ftature in Chrift, viz. — Fathers, young men, and children (i John ii). Yet all are to abftain from lawyers, and the lawyers are to have nothing to do with them, for, as the Apoftle fays, ' Dare any of you go to law before the un- juft,' but as it is in i Tim. i. 9, the law is not made for the righteous man, but for the lawlefs and difobedient, for ungodly and for finners, for unholy and profane, fo it is Rev. ix. 4, for them that have not the feal on their fore- heads. 2. To time. But five months. . . . taking in Scripture fenfe a day for a year (Num. xiv. 34) at thirty days for a month, yet five months is but 1 50 years, which is a fhort time. But to this I think BuUinger fays well that the allufion is made to the time of the locufts or grafT- hoppers coming forth, which is about April, as we fay, and continues to September, i. e. the five hot months. So thefe locufts have a fummer time of doing mifchief for about the fpace of 150 or 155 years, which will be a hot time for them. They fing, and leap, and devour. Don Pluto dares not to aflay, though he be Prince of Hell, So much as lawyers dare, though they their fouls to angels fell." He proceeds to argue that we muft not reckon from the firft time of power, for that is of long ftandlng, i. e. from Edward the Confeffor and William the Conqueror, but from the time when the weather began to grow warm upon them, i. e. from 1369 until H. 7, 1504. " Then their fummer months to do mifchief and to torment the people came on apace, and continued hot to them, that they had and did almoft what they lifted ; but now their five months, i. e. 150 years, are upon expiring, and their power to torment will be no more by a year or two, their September is hard by, and a weft wind will Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 95 remove them out of thofe places wherein they have fat, and fung, and plagued us for five months. But to conclude this chapter, we might well wonder how the lawyers yet flood, feeing the priefts, and prelates, and fuch like locufts were fwept away, but that their five months we find began here in England after the priefts and prelates, yet now the day of their deftiny draws nigh. ' Wherefore, gird up thy loins,' faith the Lord, ' and fpeak unto them all that I command thee. Be not dif- mayed at their faces, left I confound thee before them.' " This invedlive is given at much length, though alfo with much condenfation, both as a fpecimen of Rogers' detailed appli- cation of prophecy, and becaufe Law and Lawyers, fupplying as they did one of the two great political queftions of the day, were the fubjedl: of his book. From it he proceeds to declare the advent of the Fifth Monarchy. Daniel tells us of four Beafts. The laft of thefe beafts had ten horns, amongft which rofe another little horn, and this little horn perfecuted the faints till the judgment fat, when they took away his dominion and deftroyed it for ever. Now the four Beafts are the four great Monarchies ; the ten horns are the ten European kingdoms which arofe out of the laft of thofe Monarchies. As concerning the little horn, " with much aflurance and clear fight," he aflerts it to be William the Conqueror and his Norman fucceflbrs, all fierce perfecutors of the faints, but cut off at laft and for ever by "the Judgment, which was anno 1648 in that High Court of Judicature eredted for the King's trial." \ After this comes the Fifth Monarchy. By 1660 the work of this monarchy is to get as far as Rome, and by 1666, is to be vifible in all the earth. It will come myfterioufly, fuddenly, and terribly, and will redeem the people — ift, from ecclefiaftical bondage, decrees, councils, orders, and ordinances of the Pope, prieft, prelate, or the like ; 2, from civil bondage and flavery, or thofe bloody, bafe, unjuft, accurfed, tyrannical laws and fin-mono- polizing lawyers as now opprefs and afflidl the people. And fo he calls on the Parliament — the Barebones Parliament, then fitting — to prepare everything for the entry of the Fifth The Fifth Monarchy now hard by. The little horn — i. e. William the Conqueror. The manner how. For the Redemption of the people — from ecclefiafti- cal flavery of fouls — from civil flavery of bodies. 96 Life and Opinions of a 1. To model all for the Fifth Monarchy. 2. That the laws agree with God's laws. 3. To do all for Chrift and his monarchy. In the Fifth Monarchy. To avoid faftion and parties. The pretty defign of the former Parliament. Monarchy; and, in order to this — i. To appoint none except the faints to place or office. 2. To abolifh all thofe unjuft and cruel laws, and to pull down thofe courts, terms, and lawyers, yea, and tithes, too, which have occafioned fuch adtions, continued complaints, and vexations to the people, and wrongs to God and men, good and bad. 3. To fet up God's law alone, being that in Deut. vi. I. " Thefe are the Commandments" (i. e. the ten in two tables given to Mofes on Mount Sinai, Exod. xx.) " the Statutes," (i. e. the feveral cafes arifmg out of each Commandment tending to eftablifh and confirm each command) " and the judgments," (i. e. the fentence upon the breach of every law, how, and what, the punifliment mufi: be). Now this law, ftatute-book, and judgment- feat of God muft be fet up in the Fifth Monarchy, and then fhall we be reftored to (1) God's laws ; (2) in our own language, (3) read, and expounded, and made known to the people, (4) at free coft, without charge, (5) juftice will be had at home then, and judges fit in all the gates of the cities, (6) and every man plead his own caufe, (then no need of lawyers), (7) juftice will not be delayed, but fpeedy, (8) and executed without gainfaying, according to the law (fet) of God, and without refpedl of perfons, (9) then judges fhall be as at firft, and juftice alfo in every city, and (10) then the Lord will be our only lawgiver, and the law abide for ever, with- out alteration, as there is now, and ought to be, in the forms of men. " Wherefore, if you be men whom the Lord will own and honour in the work, up then and about it. . . The Lord Jefus awaken you with the noife of the Monarchy which is fwift in motion and now nigh us, left you be furprifed." Laftly, he urges them to avoid making of parties and run- ning into contentions, as the former Parliaments had done. " O what hot contefts were between the two parties In general of Prefbyterians and Independents (befides parti- cular parties) in the Parliament before. What ways they had thereby to advance and advantage themfelves and friends was obvious to every eye, and by this pretty artifice they fhared the Commonwealth almoft between them. Befides private cheats, what abundance of open ones, by gifts, rich offices, and employments in committees Fifth-Monarchy-Ma?i. 97 and treafures they obtained ! And in pretence of ferving the public, too, they fhuffled the trumps into their own hands, and how artificially have they confounded the accounts by laying on numberlefs taxes and afleflments, whilft the multitude of money ran through fo many muddy channels, committees, officers, and colledting Hckfingers, as it is impoffible to make any public account thereof So that, notwithftanding all fair promifes to the people, no accounts are or ever will be given of thofe many millions of money which were made by King's lands, bifhops' and deans' and delinquents' eftates, arrears, excife, afleflment, and the like, which fome have licked up fo handfomely into infa- tiable tubs, ek -r^i^oM t£T|di|U./a£K!i/, &c. that they bought great manors and lordfhips of many hundreds a year, whilft poor ■puHica fides is but Punka fides. Thus by their factions they had their feveral defigns for themfelves and interefts of their own, and with their Hocus Pocus could conjure up and carry their own for the public, and in pretence of the public, with honour and wealth enough, they did gladly facrifice the public peace to their own private interefts, and when they had fet all on fire, as feveral times they did in the nation by troubles and wars, they would with joy warm their own hands at thofe unhappy and unhallowed flames which themfelves kindled. Witnefs Hollis, Stapleton, Majfey, Sir John Clotworthy, and many others more lately whom I forbear. But fee thus the ifTue of parties and fadtions in the Parliament, to the hin- drance and hurt of the public ; and O how do honeft men's hearts ache already to hear what factions, fchifms, and parties are in this Parliament. Yea, about the poor, petty, Popifh trafh and trumpery of tithes, which fhall tumble in due time, when felf-intereft is more laid afide, and Chrift is with more unanimous concurrence accepted of; for the harlot {hall be ftripped, though Babylon's birds lament it fo. But in the interim, we truft our good God will give thefe So now parties about tithes. 98 Life and Opinions of a governours a new clue to lead them out of this laby- rinth. . . , But to conclude, the day of our deliverance is dawned. Let the priefts and lawyers, Antichrift's Church and State fervants and folicitors, fit and howl, and as many as trade with Babylon and gain thereby. Let them look and lament by 1655. fifty-five next, and caft duft on their heads (Rev. xviii. 19), for the hour of their torment makes hafte. Wherefore, woe ! woe ! woe ! to them that hear the voice which now warns them, and yet will not beware and come out." " Bethfhemefli" and " Sagrir" attrafted a hoft of critics, of whom Zachary Crofton was the moft eminent, and his book alone has defcended to pofterity. Crofton' s criticifms on " Bethfhemefli" are minute, perfonal, and pedantic. Commencing with reflections on the fize, the price, the frontifpiece, and the title-page of the book, he arrives by degrees at the dedicatory epiflles, and with the materials they fupply he attacks not only the political and religious opinions, but the perfonal and bodily infirmities of the author ; not only his "pride, paflion, and infolency," but the weaklinefs of his conflitu- tion and the colour of his face. A very few extrafts will fhow that in his attacks on the Prefbyterians Rogers did not attack men who were unwilling or unable to retaliate in kind, and will fliow alfo the eftimation in which he, his books and his " Exercifes," were held by contemporary and unfriendly critics. The following is Crofton s account, not perhaps a very unfair one, oi Rogers' ftyle of controverfy : — " Let any ingenuous man read his reafoning, and they fhall find him railing beyond the bounds of modefty, as the denominating parochial conftitution an antichriftian, corrupt, Chrift -crucifying, Chrift- flighting, and Chrift-deftroying Church ftate, and all parifhes fynagogues of Satan ; without any demonftration that they are fuch, more than that they differ from his fancy . So alfo, the reviling the late Affembly as lordly ufurpers of Chrift's power, bold brazen-faced myf- Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 99 tery of iniquity, compofers of a dodlrine for afles, and fuch- like epithets doth he ufe for all Prefbyterian Aflemblies and Minifters, which modefty doth blufh to mention. Amongfl: others, he Angles out by name but one antagonift, and takes notice of one only piece oppofing his doftrine. Yet the weapons with which you fhall find him fighting are no other than the flanderous traducing of the fuppofed author, calumniating him with the titles of lying, poor, empty, wide-mouthed libeller, fcandalous philo-compos, violent comet, Jefuitical Prefbyter, furious- pated, and one outed of his place for fcandal and malignancy ; and the work itfelf, though no other than a modeft propofal of juft exceptions, by denominating it a frothy pamphlet, malicious, fpurious, and frog-like froth, not rendering the leaft anfwer to any one objedion in it, nor reafon for fuch reviling terms, other than mere falfities and pofitive untruths." And this is Crof tori's own ftyle of rejoinder : — " His Firft Epiftle is to the General Cromwell, in which we may obferve thefe few confiderations. He faith, ' I do profefs it from my heart, that the greatefl: temptation I fhould fear falling Into would be great honour, efteem, place, preferment, or means too much or unfit for me.' A fair profeffion. But a little to expoftulate with the Rabbi. Do any that know your proud and ambitious genius, even your intimate friends that ob- ferve the very frame of your heart, give credit to the fame ? Will the Commiffioners of Ireland, from your infulting carriage and infolent conteft, nay, almoft any that knew you in Dublin, conclude this to be true, who generally reprefent you to be of a contrary difpofitlon .? Doth your holding Purleigh, in Effex, when you embraced another place not far thence, or of inferior means, when you offered you know who thirty or forty pounds per annum to be The Author of the Tafte of the Dodtrine of the Exercife at Thomas Apoftle's. " Bethfliemefli Clouded." ' lOO Liife and Opinions of a your curate in the one, or of your holding Purleigh and receiving the State's falary of £200 per annum, tax free, (as himfelf confefleth in page 28) in Ireland, nay Purleigh and Thomas Apoftles, London, fince at the fame time, fupplying the one by Mr. Needham; nay, will your felicitous feeking after great benefices, your rage againft Mr. Maynard (a known faithful man), but for being a juft inftrument to flop your purfuit, or yet your fubtle obtaining of the Great Seal for Martin's-in-the-Fields, to the fupplanting of Mr. Sangor, poflefled of it, and unjuft impofing of yourfelf and miniftry on the people, not only undefired and un- called for, but expresfly refufed and denied, conclude or proclaim to the world that the falling into great places and means is the great temptation you fear ? For fhame, man ! — recall your profeffion or publifh better demonftration, left you be not believed I fhall pafs from this briefly to his next epiftles, which are all of them fo full of levity, falfity, vanity, and loqua- city, for method indigefted, for matter various and varioufly repeated, for manner — fometimes complaining of his own mifliaps, and I doubt juftly incurred troubles and felf- created oppofition, proclaiming his own pride, paffion, infolency, as made obvious in every place whither he came — fometimes, Momus-like, carping at and condemn- ing others, with unjuft criminations, railing and reviling, more than rationally convincing ; and herein fometimes he reflects on the Preftayterians in general, then on the late Aflembly of Divines, fometimes on fome in Ireland, then on the men that carry on Blackfriars Exercife, fometimes on particular perfons, as Mr. Maynard and myfelf ; fo that, in a great, high-flown, furious fancy, he falls on all to clear himfelf; whilft he doth but more fully manifeft his ignorance, impudence, imbecility, imperti- nencies and what not, that may proclaim a man fwelling with pride to boil over in paflion ; and fo indeed prefents Fifth-Monarchy-Man. lOl himfelf much more Zoilus than Zealous (though he abun- dantly affedt the latter) ; fo that the very foam and froth that he difgorgeth in ' his Epiftle is fufficient to render his tabernacle diftafteful to any civil, modeft, ingenuous, rational man, though of his own judgment." Crofton proceeds to accufe his adverfary of being a£tuated by a fpirit of obfcurity and darknefs, a fpirit of error, a fpirit of felf- contradiftion, a fpirit of felf-condemnation, a fpirit moft grofsly abufing authors whom he pretendeth to produce, and tnofl: pal- pably abufing the Scriptures, with which he jingles and makes a ftir as if every text were the very principles he fancies, when many of them, to a due obferver, will be found altogether imper- tinent to the thing to which they are annexed as proof. All this it is unnecefsary to exhibit. But in the Appendix to " Beth- fliemefli Clouded " Crofton gives an account of the original difpute between himfelf and Rogers, which affords us, at no unreafonable length, a life-like pi6ture of a denominational fquabble of the time. " In the foregoing treatife," fays Crofton, " I have endea- voured to refcue the truths and churches of God from Mr. Rogers' fancies and falfe cenfures : give me leave a little to refcue my own name from his flanders, and reprefent to you his dealings with me in particular ; wherein I may fay of him, as Dr. Rivet of Bifhop Montague, ' This man cannot fo much as motion any man from whom he differs in opinion, though it be but in the flighteft matters, without reproach.' That I may be brief, I fhall, in order to my own vindication, lay before you the caufe and calumny or matter he urgeth againft me. I. In reference to the caufe, you muft underftand that about December laft there was eredted, then a new, already become a late exercife, at Thomas Apoftle's, London, on Friday evenings, at the firft of which Mr. Rogers preached, and with a loud cry called into his tabernacle or church way. Againft which exercife, and in fpecial Mr. Rogers' "A Vindica- tion of * A Tafte of the Dodtrine of Thomas Apoftle's' and of its Author." fermon, there was fome juft exception taken ; and in a little book entitled * A Tafte of the newly erefhed Exercife at Thomas Apoftle's, London/ firfl: fignified to the Rabbi, and fo indeed to the world ; and this was that which pro- voked Mr. Rogers againft me, for till this he heard me and embraced me. Well, many men wonder why the coming abroad of this pamphlet fhould fo much provoke, for the modefty of its ftyle may be fubmitted to the judgment and cenfure of the meekeft Independent ; nay, and withal it bears not my name upon it. Aye ! but upon a convention of faints at his houfe, it muft be judged my work, for two reafons, which muft be fent for to hear. (i). The words ' faith of affurance ' and ' faith of adherence ' had been in my mouth on the Lord's day, and in this on Friday following ; ergo, it was a judicious reafon. (2). I faid to Mr. Corken, ' I would break this exercife ;' and this was the way to it, to publifh this paper. That the exercife was broken up I was and am glad, but that I fo fpake I denied. Yet, indeed, when I faw the countenance of the fatherlefs child, I offered to be its nurfe, though I called not myfelf its father. I did and do aver the exceptions therein to be juftly laid and modeftly propounded, and fuch as ihould be maintained againft their fury ; and this was the caufe of laying this book at my door and fathering it on me as its author, and flying in my face for its exceptions — from which confider thefe. (1). That difference of opinion is the caufe of his rage. This is very fuitable to his liberty of confcience for all opinions, and unity among faints of all judgments. (Lib. 2). (2). That modeft exceptions are anfwered with violent calumniations of the author, not one reafonable anfwer being given to any one exception, but railing on the poor paper — branding it as a frothy and namelefs pamphlet, malicious, fpurious, frog-like froth. Fifth-Monarchy -Man . 103 (3). For this he muft fly in my face, on mere conjec- ture that I was the author. Suppofe I had been, was there caufe thus to whip home the poor babe, and with Billingf- gate weapons to fly in the face of the father ? Was this author the only exceptor againft his doftrine ? Witnefs the voice from the gallery the firfl: night, and in the chancel the fecond night, excepting againft his dodrine. Oh, but thefe were Anabaptiftical brethren, and therefore to be indulged. Nay, again, had I not caufe to have publifhed it, to the refcue of my name from the repute of falling in with fuch a fanatic fociety which began to arife ? — for that, on a paper fubtlely conveyed to me when in the pulpit, amongft the bills exprefling the wants to be prayed for, I had (being, indeed, fuddenly furprifed), given notice to my hearers of a ledture to be held at that place by minifters of Weftminfter and London, though not one that I know of appeared ; and for that alfo, expecfling the ledure to be accordingly performed, I was amongft them as a hearer, unto the offence of fome which fpake to me of it ; fo that I fay, had I as the author figned it with my name, what caufe had there been of fuch retort ? — but much lefs can fuch dealing with a man on mere conjedture be commended. But to pafs from the caufe of the Rabbi's rage to the matter which he chargeth on me. The matter charged is two- fold ; firft, that which concerns the book and its author — fecondly, that which concerns my perfon." After defending his book, Crofton charges Rogers with fetting about to deftroy his charadter. " In order to which, he lays about and enquires all Cheftiire men out that he can hear of that there have known me, and he ftridlly enquires of them concerning my carriage in that country — whether I were not a malignant or fcandalous man, and endeavours to get depofitions before the Committee for plundered minifters. The truth of this 104 A Fifth- Monarchy -Man. you may conje6lure from his dealing with Mr. Sam. Baxter, Minifter of St. Olave's, Silver Street, London, whom he fent for three feveral times to his houfe ; and when he came to the fame, he affifted with his learned colleague Rabbi • Walker* he requires his anfwers to certain interrogatories, compofed for the purpofe, concerning me and my carriage in Chefhire and thofe parts. Nay, and to deter him into accufations of me, he threatens the calling him before the Army — terrible judges, to give in evidence againft me. And yet, Mr. Baxter not regarding his threats, and fo not (as indeed he could not) anfwering his expedtations, he goes to Weftminfter, and from thence fends a deterring fummons to Mr. Baxter, figned by Mr. Shepherd, deputy of the ward of Martin's Vintry, wherein he was required forthwith to appear before him, to give in evidence againft Zachary Crofton. Is not this meeknefs — with a IVIahometan fpirit, to advance his principles * vi et armis,' by force and fury ?" So much for a theological quarrel, which probably received confiderable attention in the year 1653. * Henry Walker was originally an ironmonger, and afterwards a Iludent at Qiieen's College, Cambridge. He was ordained deacon by the Archbifliop of Canterbury. When Charles I. went to the city to demand the five members of the Houfe of Commons who had taken refuge there, Somers'Traas, Walker, from the crowd, fhouted " To your tents, O Ifrael !" and threw iv. 439, note. a pamphlet with that title into the King's coach. He took a very aftive part againft Laud in his adverfity, publifliing " Canterbury's Pilgrimage," "Canterbury's Dream," &c. During the Protedlorate he incurred the bitter hatred of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men as the editor of the Govern- ment newfpaper. CHAPTER IV. HILE Rogers was vituperating lawyers, and Crofton vituperating Rogers, the BareSones Parliament came to an end. Viewed as a Revolutionary Convention, which it was, and not as a Parliament, which it was not, it hardly deferved the amount of ridicule it has received. Carlyle thus fums up the hiftory of its doings and the caufe of its fall : — " In their five months time they paffed various good A£ts ; chofe, with good infight, a new Council of State ; took wife charge of the needful fupplies ; did all the routine bufmefs of a Parliament in a quite unexceptionable, or even in a fuperior manner. But, alas, they had decided on abolifhing Tithes, on fupporting a Chriflian Miniflry by fome other method than Tithes ; — nay, far worfe, they had decided on abolifhing the Court of Chancery ! Finding grievances greater than could be borne ; finding, for one thing, Twenty-three thoufand Caufes of from five to thirty years continuance lying undetermined in Chancery, it feemed to the Little Parliament that fome Court ought to be contrived which would acStually determine thefe and the like Caufes ; — and that, on the whole. Chancery would be better for abolition. Vote to that efFe£t ftands regiftered in the Commons Journals ; but ftill, for near two hundred years now, only expeds fulfilment. — So far as one can difcover in the huge twilight of Dryafduft, it was mainly by this attack on the Lawyers, and attempt to abolifh Chancery, that the Little Parliament perifhed. Tithes helped, no doubt ; and the clamours of a fafely fettled Miniftry, Prefbyterian-Royalifl: many of them. But the Lawyers exclaimed: 'Chancery.^ Law io6 Life and Opinions of a Carlyle's Oliver Crom- wellj vol. ii. p. 224. Burton's Diary, I. xiv. Merc. Pol., Dec. 9 to ) 6, No. 183. " Old Leaven Purged Out," p. 56. " An Exaa Relation," in Somers' Trades, vi. 266. Perfe(ft Diurnal, No. 210, Dec. r2 to 19, 1653. of the Bible ? Do you mean to bring-in the Mofa'ic dlfpenfatlon, then J and deprive men of their properties ? Deprive men of their properties ; and us of our learned wigs and lucrative long- windednefs,— with your fearch for ' Simple Juftice ' and ' God's Law ' inftead of Learned-Serjeant's Law ? ' There was immenfe ' caroufing in the Temple ' when this Parliament ended ; as great tremors had been in the like quarters while it continued." The attack on the lawyers was doubtlefs the main caufe of the fall of the Barebones Parliament, but the immediately preceding caufe was the Tithe queftion. On Saturday, the loth of De- cember, Parliament paffed a refolution by a majority of fifty-fix to fifty-four, which was confidered equivalent to a vote for the abolition of tithes. This was the time for Cromwell to interfere. The Parliament had previoufly alienated the army by backward- nefs in voting its pay ; it had now made deadly enemies of the lawyers, the clergy, and the lay impropriators of tithes. Cromwell and his party fpent Sunday in confultation. On Monday, De- cember 12, they packed the Houfe, and before the oppofite party had fully affembled it was moved and carried, " That the fitting of this Parliament any longer, as now conflituted, will not be for the good of the Commonwealth, and that therefore it is requifite to deliver up unto the Lord General Cromwell the powers which they received from him." Whereupon the Speaker rofe " in an irruptious way," and with many members of the Houfe departed to Whitehall, where they refigned their powers into the hands of Cromwell. Major-General Harrifon^ who with fome twenty-feven others remained fitting, was expelled from the Houfe — very much as he had expelled others — by a file of mufketeers. Thus periflied the "Barebones" or "Little" Parliament, after fitting from July 4 to December 12, 1653. Cromwell, ac- cording to his cuflom in fuch cafes, convened a council of his oiScers, who, after feveral days feeking of God and advifing therein, refolved that a Council of twenty-one godly, able, and difcreet perfons fhould be named, and that his Excellency ftiould be chofen Lord Prote£lor of the three nations. " In purfuance hereof," continued the Government newfpaper, " feveral perfons of eminency and worth are already made choice of to be of the faid council, and on Friday laft [the 1 6th] His Excellency came down to Weflrminfter and was inflalled Lord Protestor of the three nations." Fifth-Monarchy-Man. The Fifth- Monarchy-Men were furious. They execrated the government of any and every " fingle perfon," v/hether pope, prince, or proteftor. England's work and their own was not to raife up but to throw down principalities and powers ; they had fought and bled, they had preached and prayed, they had caft out and brought in, that they might have " no king but Jefus," and now they were outwitted, betrayed, and were likely to be op- preffed by the very man whom they had mofl: trufted. "Cromwell was fully aware of the fury of the Fifth-Monarchy- Men, which, indeed, they did not attempt to conceal. It is faid by Oldmixon, in his Hiftory of the Stuarts, that the chiefs of their party were at this time Major-General Harrifon, Colonel Rich, and Mr. Carew among the laity, and Rogers, Feake, and Simpfon among the clergy. The three firft were fummoned at once before Crom- well, and when they refufed to engage not to aft againft him, Harrifon was ordered to his houfe in StafFordfhire, Carew was imprifoned in Pendennis Caftle, and Rich committed to the cuf- tody of the Serjeant-at-Arms. The minifters would have been unmolefted if they could have remained filent, but filence in that day of rebuke and blafphemy was to them not only a fm but an impoflibility. The Barebones Parliament refigned on the I2th of December, the Proteftorate was announced on the 1 6th, and two days afterwards, that is to fay, on Sunday, the i8th, Feake and a certain Vavafor Powell declared open war, and told their hearers in Chrift Church, Newgate, that Oliver Cromwell vf2iS " the diffem- blingeft perjured villain in the world, and defired that, if there were any of his friends there, they would go and tell him what they faid, and withal, that his reign was but fhort, and that he fiiould be ferved worfe than that great tyrant the laft Lord Pro- teiftor was, he being altogether as bad, if not worfe than he." The next day, Monday, the 19th, the Lord Protecftor was pro- claimed bv the heralds in Weftminfter and the City, and Vavafor Powell preached againft him again in the fame ftrain. Two days afterwards, on the 21 ft, Feake and PowelvfCYe fummoned before the Council, and committed to the cuftody of the Serjeant-at- Arms, but they were releafed on the 24th, in time for Powell to preach againft Cromwell for the third time on Sunday the 25th. Nor was Rogers idle. On the very day (Dec. 21) on which his brethren were fummoned before the Council, he publiftied the following epiftle to Oliver Cromwell: — P. 423. Thurloe-, i. 641. " To HIS Highness Lord General Cromwell, Lord Protector, &c. The humble Cautionary Propofah of John Rogers, Minijier of the Go/pel according to the Difpenfation of the Spirit (now) at Thomas ApoflleSy London. My Lord, It is the great Jehovah Niffi, or Lord ProtecSlor of his people, who hath awakened me morning by morning, who would not let me reft day nor night fince you were pro- claimed Lord Protedlor, until his Spirit had fet me upon my feet in thefe following propofals with cautions. Now becaufe none elfe is upon this errand, which is fo eminently for Chrift and his intereft, and fo many are up and jocund already for the intereft of Antichrift, therefore I can find no truce nor peace within me till I become obedient to the Lord God which hath opened mine ear, and I will not rebel. Therefore have I fet my face like a flint, for I know that I ftiall not be aftiamed. I ft Propofal. Take heed of Protecting the plantations of Antichrift or the Towers of Babylon, which muft fall, and with fury too, upon the heads of their Proteftors, as Ifaiah xxxi. 3, ' When the Lord fhall ftretch out his hand, both he that helpeth (or is their Proteftor) and he that is holpen ftiall fall with him.' 2nd Propofal. Take heed of being guided or governed with the old State principles of carnal policy, for Antichrift works now more in a myftery of iniquity than ever. And what the Beaft could not do with his horns here in Eng- land (by cruel puftiing) which we hope are off", yet he hopes to do it with his heads (by cunning plotting) which we fear are on. This principle of policy was fatal to Jehu, AhithopheV s counfel came to nothing, and Antiochus could not Prote(5t himfelf. Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 109 3rd Propofal. Take heed of carnal counfellors, I mean fuch men as feek themfelves more than Chrift. Darius had fuch counfellors, who flattered him to his face (Dan. vi. 6, 7); but they were enemies to Daniel, the true prophet (who had an excellent fpirit). Therefore, my lord, let them give you counfel that are converfant with the fecrets of God and the vifions of thefe days. Bel/hazzar did fend for Daniel to open the vifion to him that concerned him, fo when you find, my Lord, all the wife men of the world to fail you in the vifions of thefe times and feafons by their liberal arts and fciences, philofophical notions or rules, then fend for the Daniels (of an excellent fpirit) to confer with upon the prophecies. Befides, my Lord, it concerns you, you will find fome day, to have a high efteem of thofe mofl: honourable members of the laft Parliament that proved faithful to Chrift againft Antichrift and his caufe. 4th Propofal. Take heed of meddling with the Protec- tion of men's carnal, cruel, heathenifh laws, guilty of tyranny, oppreffions, perjury, cheating, injuftice, perfecu- tion, and much innocent blood, and moft of them contrary to the laws of God, whofe laws are to be reftored and made republic law in thefe latter days, as Ifaiah xlii. 21, 11, 'for his righteoufnefs' fake he will magnify the law, and make it honourable.' His are the beft in all cafes that ever were made, which muft be known to all, (Deut. xxx. 10, 16). 5th Propofal. Take heed of Proteding the carnal,* * " There was a paper delivered to his highnefs from one Mr. Rogers. The perfons and titles of orthodox divines do feem to be much difpleafing to him. I fhall here give it to the difcreet reader for novelty's fake : — 'Take heed ofprotefting the carnal, national, antichriltian clergy,'" &c. — From the Weekly Intelligencer, Dec. 27 to Jan. 3, 1653 — 4, This paragraph feems to have been inferted in the newfpapers for the fake of fecuring the fympathies of the orthodox, i. e. the Prefbyterian Divines againft Rogers and his party. The firfl: four " propofals " are fuppreffed, while the fifth is copied at full length. I lO Lije and Opinions of a national, Antichriftian Clergy, though they come in the name of orthodox or learned So Ahab (a notable politician) did Protecfl his national Clergy, or Pro- phets (who were his not the Lord's), and by their fuggeftion hated and perfecuted the true Prophet Micaiah, which proved his ruin. Make hafte, my Lord, for Chrift's Protedion againft the plagues that are (as fure as God is righteous) coming upon Babylon, and all that will cleave to her in intereft. Luther was not too bold, in the name of the Lord, to tell his Lord Protedtor, the EleEior of Saxony^ ' Judico Celfi- tud. Veftr. plus a me prasfidii et tutels habituram efle quam mihi prsftare. Huic caufas nullus gladius confulere aut opem ferre pofle ' — that by his prayers he had gained him more fafety and Protedtion than he had received from him ; and that the caufe of Chrift needed not his Proteftion, but he needed that's Protecftion. And ' Sive id credat C. V. five non credat,' (fays he), whether you believe it or no, yet this way I will undertake to fecure and Protedb your Highnefles foul, body, eftate, and all, (viz. by faith and prayer), if you engage freely in the caufe of Chrift againft Antichrift. So fay I, my Lord, in that name which fent me, which fills me with courage and confidence, that if you will freely oblige for Chrift and his intereft, the faith and prayers of the faints, which were never higher than now, (hall Protedl you fufficiently in all emergencies; but if you will engage for Antichrift and his interefts, the loud-crying faith and incefiant high-fpirited prayers of the faints will all engage againft you, and never give Jehovah-Niffi, the Lord our Protedlor reft, till the excellency of Jacob have prevailed. (-2 Chron. xix. 6). ' Take heed what you do.' Thus the Lord hath ftirred me up by an irrefiftible and reftlefs power (once more) to lay his work before you, for that he hath ufed you as a moft glorious inftrument in the three nations (by the faith and prayers of this people), Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 1 1 1 to^ make way for this work, which if you rejed will rejetft you, and be the infallible forerunner of your fall ; which that God may prevent is the fervent prayers of the faithful people night and day, whofe fouls mourn in fecret for you, whofe hearts ache and bleed abundantly on your behalf, as for a man moft dear in their fouls, but under moft defperate temptations and dangers. I have freely expofed myfelf, in this my Matter's fervice, by whofe Spirit I am, I hope, full of power, to all the fharp cenfures, reproaches, revilings, and hard meafures that 1 can meet with from men or devils, choofing rather to have my peace within me than without me. ' Ruere cum Chrifto quam regnare cum Cagfare.' It may be men will judge me proud or felf-feeking, as they thought of Luther. . . But in thefe propofals, I am fure I have kept my fphere, and followed the ftrong impulfe of God's own Spirit in me and many others, however it be taken. Wherefore, the great God awaken you to his work ; elfe the time will come when God will fay, ' Let him alone, he is joined to idols.' (Hos. iv. 17). Now, that the hand of the Lord may be with you, fee what thefe five fingers point at to you, which, if you prac- tife, will be able to Prote(5t you as well as direft you in this dreadful day of the; Lord's Controverfy for Sion. They concern you, my Lord, more than Cajar's paper did him. Now, that they may not prove a handwriting againft you and a cup of trembling put into your hands, they are ftrengthened with a divine generofity, and fhall ftruggle with you in the faith, tears, and prayers of many who pray and mourn for you, and amongft others Yotir afHidled, faithful fervant. For the intereft of my Lord Jefus, John Rogers. From my Study, tlie 21 ft day of Tebeth, or the loth month. " I 12 Life and Opinio?2s of a Godwin's Hiftory of the Common- wealth, iv. 34, Rogers was probably as ailive in preaching as in writing ; for it appears that on Monday, the 9th of January, 1654, about three weeks after the date of his Cautionary letter, he and Vavafor Powell preached fo violently againft the Government in their church in Newgate market, that William Erberry, another Inde- pendent Minifter, was conflrained in confcience to remonflrate.* It appears, from the letter Erberry publiflied, that Rogers chofe for his text Jerem. xlii. 20 — " For ye diffembled in your hearts when ye fent me unto the Lord your God, faying. Pray for us,' ' &c. " This he \_Rogers'] interpreted as the diffembling of fome in power to afk the prayers of the Prophets and people of God in their troubles, who now ail contrary to their own profeffed pur- pofes of no perfonal rule." It is difficult to fuppofe that he would have allowed his congregation to overlook the two verfes which immediately follow that from which he took his text — " And now I have this day declared it to you ; but ye have not obeyed the voice of the Lord your God, nor anything for the which he hath fent me unto you. Now therefore know certainly that ye fhall die by the fword, by the famine, and by the peftilence, in the place whither ye defire to go and to fojourn." On the 23rd of January, 1654, a fortnight after the date of this fermon, Cromwell and his Council publiflied an ordinance declaring what oiFences fliould be accounted treafon. Thefe were — " to compafs or imagine the death of the Lord Proteftor ; to raife forces againfl: the prefent Government ; to deny that the Proteilor and the people affembled in Parliament are the fupreme authority of the nation, or that the exercife of the chief magif- tracy is centred in him ; or to affirm that the Government is tyrannical, ufurped, or illegal, or that there is any Parliament now in being ; alfo the proclaiming or in anywife promoting any of the pofterity of the late King to be King or Chief Magiftrate." All fuch ordinances ilTued by the Protector and Council had the force of law. Notwithftanding its laft claufe, this ordinance was confidered by the Fifth-Monarchy-Men to be levelled direftly at them ; and their anger was further inflamed when Feahe and Simpfon were * " An Olive Leaf; or, fome Peaceable Confiderations to the Chrif- tian Meeting at Chrift Church in London, Monday, Jan. 9, 1654. By William Erberry." Fifth-Monarchy -Man. arrefted under its authority, on Jan. 26, and fent to Windfor Caftle a few days later. But in truth it was high time for the Proteftor to take pre- cautions for the fecurity of his perfon and government. At that moment plots were being hatched by the Royalifts and Fifth- Monarchy-Men againft both ; and fuch plots were a fource of continual uneafmefs to Cromwell and his family for the reft of his life. The following is one of the many informations received by Thurloe, who had the management of this department : — 1^3 Whitelock, p. 580. "a letter of ELLEN ASKE. Mr. R. Nelson, — May it pleafe your worfhlpe to acquaint his highnes that I am able to difcover many of my lords deedly and deftruftive enemyes, and thofe that latly upon a faft day in London did gather together in a place that I can difcover, becaufe then there prefent, and did there mofl: ftrangly rayle againft his highnes and faid the plage of God confound him, calling him ' round-heded doge, I would I had his flefh between my teeth,' and much more as bade ; . . . . and one of them faid ' now he is gone to pray let us go charge and bind him.' Furder I have harde of a fecrett plot of many who refolve to have a runing army againt my lord his highnes for blood, and have as I underftand horfes bought redy for that purpofe, and my frinde . . . Ifaac Wellis doath know the man which I confave can defcover very much of this great plott which doath, I feare, drawe nere to be exe- cuted by a people called a 5* monirchy peopll ; and that there is a gentillwoman who did tell me that that work would not be accomplifhed until fhe went, for fhe ftiould be one of them that Ihould pull him down or help down with him, was the word faid. Whereas I am afraid to fpeak with any but my Lord or yourworfliipp; the refon of it is, becaufe there are 114 Life and Opinions of a in my Lords houfe or thereunto belonging them that doe declare to Mr. Rodger es, and fo to Mr. Pheake and oatheres, what allmoft foever is fpoken in my Lord's one houfe. I being not long fince a herer of John Rodgeres, did under- ftand much, and had almoft been deftroyed or fwalowed up with delufions that my Lord was not a man that ftood for truth and peace. So with my humble farvice prefente to you, .... I reft your Sarvant, Ellen Aske." Thurloe, iii. i6o. "THE EXAMINATION OF ELLEN ASKE. That Mr. Rogers told her that one Rachel or Abigal that lives about the Tower is very intimate with a gentleman that waits conftantly on his Highnefs, and ufually at his elbow when he is in his chair at dinner, that publifhes all he hears or knows to be done in his Highnefs's family to the faid Rachel or Abigal. That Mr. AJke, now in the ' Elizabeth ' of London, at Gravefend, .... hath a lift of the names of all thofe that fubfcribed for the raifing of horfe againft his Highnefs and this prefent Government. The faid Mr. AJke only named Major-General Harrifon, Rogers, Feake, and one that was a commander in fome great place, that fhould have been the Commander-in-Chief; but he could not remember his name Many other particulars ftie told me, of horfes that were bought for that purpofe, and to be lodged in the town, to be put in execution by way of furprife This examination was taken Feb. 17, 1654, by me, Ro. Nelson." In confequence, probably, of this information, the " powers " caufed Rogers' houfe to be fearched, and his papers feized, which elicited his fifth and laft letter to Cromwell. Mene^ Tekel^ Perez^ OR, A little Appearance of the HAN D-W R I T I N G (In a Glance of Light) Againft the Powers and Apoftates of the Times. By a Letter written to, and lamenting over Oliver Lord Cromwel, BY JOHN ROGERS. In this woful Howre of his Temptation, and of Sion's fore pangs, and i^ff/^OTn^ Appeals; andof the precious »Sa/n?f im- prifonments and perfecution for this moft Glorious^ betrayed, denyed, and crucified Caufe of Chriji Jefus KING OF SAINTS AND NATIONS. There fin is written with a Pen of Iron, and the point of a Diamond (ungue adamantino t'lDv) whiles there Children remember their Altars and Groves again. Jer. 17, 15. Why do ye perfecute me, as God? and are not fatisfied with my flejh ? oh that my words were now written ! oh that they were printed in a Book ! that they were graven with an iron pen in the Rock for ever! For I know that my Redeemer liveth, and that he Jhall ftand in the Latter end upon the EARTH, i£c. Job 19. 22, 23, 24, 25, l£c. Heu pietas ! ubi prifca ? profana o tempora ! Mundi ! Fax ! Vefper ! prope Nox ! O Mora ! Chrifte Veni ! Sinite Virgam Corripientem ne fentiatis Malleum Conterentem. Bern. ii6 Liife and Opinions of a "a word by the way to the reader. Since the time that I was lately fo illegally and arbi- trarily plundered without any caufe fhown or known by this unrighteous felf-created powers that is got uppermoft, I have with the words of Jeremy (ch. xx. 8, 9) 'cried out violence and fpoil ! becaufe the word of the Lord is made a reproach and derifion daily. Then I faid, I will not make mention nor fpeak any more in His name. But His word was in my heart as a burning fire fhut up in my bones, and I was weary with forbearing, and I could not ftay,' but conftrained in fpirit wrote this letter. Yet feeing by feveral meflengers I have affayed, and that feveral days together to get it delivered, and finding it fo difficult that it is doubtful whether it be fafely conveyed to him or no, you find it printed as the moft probable means of having it prefented to his eye, for that many flatterers are ready to run with the news to their mafter (as v. 10). ' Report, fay they, and we will report it. All my familiars watched for my halting, faying peradventure he will be enticed, and we fhall prevail againft him, and take our revenge on him.' Well, if they do fo, we come, Crofs of Chrift, for my next petition to ' Thy Kingdom come' is ' Thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven.' Yet who knows but this weak word may awaken him a little But whether this do or not, my confcience is now fo well fatisfied, my heart refreflied, and my fpirit fo warmed in the ftrength of our dear (defpifed) Chrift, that I hope to go on with Jer. XX. 11: ' For the Lord is with me who is the terrible one, therefore my perfecutors fhall ftumble, they fhall not prevail, but they fhall be greatly afhamed, for they fhall not profper (long), and their everlafting confufion Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 117 ftiall never be forgotten.' This is the vidtorious, over- turning,* already triumphing faith of hundreds (bleffed be Jehovah) befides John Rogers.' " My Lord, — While the fouls of many of the Lord's dear fervants (who fit weeping over you) are in travail and ftruggle for you in the hour of temptation, I moft humbly beg, as upon my knees, for your own foul and family, and for the poor afflifted faints' fake, that you will but weigh thefe few lines of our prefent lamentation in the balance of your heart and confcience, one part of an hour which you may beft fpare and be moft ferious in, which, if the Lord whom I ferve require it, I think I could as freely write with my own blood as with ink, in tears and gall of grief. O, our bowels ! our bowels ! Our hearts ache and are pained within us to hear the doleful groans, and crys, tears, prayers, and folemn appeals of godly people in the nation round about to the Righteous Judge of the whole earth, which doubtlefs will be anfwered with a dreadful difpenfa- tion and fevere decree upon thofe that be found the enemies to the Lord Jefus and his exaltation. The apprehenfion whereof hath fo feized upon my fpirit that I fbould fin if fome way or other I gave you no notice thereof, for that your own perfon is (yet) fo dear in our very fouls that bowels of aifedtion are frequently feen to you in mourning, * See Oliver Cromwell's Speech to Parliament, Sept. 4, 1654. He fays, in allufion to the Fifth-Monarchy-Men, " Whilft thefe things were in the midft of us, and the nation rent and torn from one end to the other, family againft family, parent againft child, and nothing in the hearts and minds of men but ' Overturn, Overturn, Overturn,' a Scripture very much abufed and challenged by all men of difcontented fpirits." — Whitelock's Memorials, p. 599. ii8 Life and Opinions of a Your own declarations. praying, and wreftling for you (if poflible) to recover you out of thofe bottomlefs fnares wherein you are fo deeply enfnared by the evil counfel of parafites, fubtle and felf- feeking flatterers, Dawbers and Deceivers, who have not that lively fenfe to the Lord Jefus, His poor faints, and interefl, nor yet to your foul (fo defperately engaged, we humbly conceive) as we who are counted enemies for the truth's fake, as the Lord will witnefs, have, of whom, as Philip, iii. i8, 19 : 'I have told you often, and now tell you again, even weeping, that they are the enemies to the Crofs of Chrifl:, whofe end is deftrudtion, whofe god is their belly, and whofe glory is in their fhame, who mind earthly things.' Jer. ix. 1 , 2 : ' Oh, that my head were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for the flain of the daughter of my people, and go from them, for they be all adulterers, an affembly of treacherous men.' I cannot fpeak with you in perfon, therefore I be- feech you, read thefe words, which our tears and prayers are the ambafladors and forerunners of, ' mittamus preces et lacrymas cordis legatos' (Cyprian), for that we have not the leaft grain of ill-will, hatred, or malice (as fome fuggeft and fay) againft any perfon, but only againft the fin and evil of this change of government, which God will (and if righteous, we are fure muft) judge, and then, as once you faid in your letter to the Kirk of Scotland, ' God, who knoweth us, will in His due time manifeft whether we do multiply thefe things as men, or do we them for the Lord Chrift, and his poor people's fake.' Wherefore, Firft, be pleafed, we befeech you with weeping tears, to compare a little prefent tranfaftions with former engage- ments, and with the Army's declarations, &c. as that of June 14, 1647, P^g^ 6, declaring that you took up arms in judgment and confcience for the people's juft rights and liberties, and refolved to aflert and vindicate them againfl: all arbitrary power, violence, and oppofition, and againfl: all particular parties and interefts whatfoever, fo page 7, that it is no refilling of magiftracy to fide with juft prin- ciples. ... So page 9 — that ' we are fo far from de- figning and complying to have an abfolute arbitrary power figned or fettled for continuance in any PERSONS WHAT- SOEVER, as that if we might be fare to obtain it, we can- not wilh to have it fo in the perfons of any whom we our- felves could mofl: confide in, or who fhould appear mofl: of our principles and opinions.' .... Secondly. Be pleafed, my Lord, a little to revife or reafon with the rife of this change upon the breaking up of the late Parliament, taking its being but for this end, to keep up the carnal interefts the Parliament had voted down, viz. of clergy, carnal church-ftate, tithes, prefentations, &c. Now, for the Parliament to do that which the army and good people round the nation have declared to be their duty, viz. to take off the civil dependence of the national clergy with their national Church-State, and to vote a new model of the law, viz. lefs intricate, uncertain, tyrannical, and unjuft, and more confonant with God's word and ftatutes, and judgments, and right reafon, and more plain, eafy, and clear ; and to take away corrupt and fimonious prefentations, whereby fouls and people are bought and fold to great men's lufts ; for this, formerly judged to be their duty, to be dIfl*olved and broken, yea, at that time, too, when this longed-for mercy after many years was brought to the birth . . yea, and after the long-fitting Parlia- ment was broken, too, for their negled of thefe very things (with others), feems ftrange to us, and the more dlfl^atlsfies us for that we fee this pov;er fucceed for the fupport and upholding of thofe things which that Parliament had voted down, and what the army and good people had fo often declared props of Antlchrift O, my Lord, that the opening and bleeding of our Againft abfolute government in one perfon. The rife of this G. upon the ruin of the laft Parfiament. Rev. xviii. 13, being merchandize of Babylon, 120 Life and Opinions of a The already efFefts and iruits of this change moft grievous to the faithful and godly. How alike this G. is to it which God hath thrown down before our eyes. Our weapons of warfare and our adverfaries — what they are. bowels for thefe things might be a little regarded and pitied. Thirdly. May you be (moft humbly, and as upon our bended knees) entreated to take a little account of the already fruits and effedbs of this alteration, (which the Lord knows we bitterly bewail before the great God as more heavy to us than the precedent changes) in ftiutting up the doors of our public meeting-places, hindering us in God's worfliip, imprifoning our dear brothers and friends, plundering, reproaching, and grieving them, (and them only) that have been all thefe wars, and yet are (and we hope ever will be) faithful to the Caufeand Kingdom of Chrift, threatening to take away their lives, and endeavouring to ftone and ftab them, afperfing them with moft palpable, loathfome, and notorious falfities, to poflefs good people in the counties with prejudice againft them, as if they were againft all Magiftracy, Minif- try, and Property, which with a wonderful and wicked confi- dence fome write and fpread about (the Lord lay it ferioufly to their hearts and humble them for it) but we cannot be fuffered to print the truth or to anfwer their cruel calum- nies or accufations, whilft we defire no other weapons (the Lord knoweth) for our warfare but the word of truth, which fliall be our defence ; yet we are not fuffered to print, but are plundered of our notes and writings, while all manner of lies, {landers, and malicious reports are printed and divulged of us Laftly, my Lord, may you be pleafed but to fee a little in the midft of our trouble and agony how like this prefent government looks to that which the Lord (by the faith and prayers of his defpifed people) hath fo eminently engaged againft, laid in duft, and ftamped upon with difdain. And muft we not pray that you may be freed from fuch as have fubtlely enfnared you, and do, prelate- like, poffefs you and others againft us that we are fanatic mad-men, fools, and heady enemies to Magiftracy, Minif- Fifth-Monarchy-Man. try, and all, &c. for which our hearts are pained within us, whiles we ponder thefe things and our fpirits grieved that men of fo much former merit and eminency fliould fo fin- fully and unchriftianlike condemn and accufe us of things our hearts abhor and loathe within us, and call for feverity under the name of juftice, and dealeth perfecution againft us in the matters of our faith and confcience, merely and alone for the exalting Jefus Chrift But, my Lord, may the prefented truth (or poor cru- cified Jefus) beg this favour, to give it as much favour as His adverfaries have for their grofs lies or falfities in print- ing or otherwife, therefore will you be pleafed (though but for a little time, a month or two) to releafe thofe laws which hinder the publifhing of the truth. Let our brethren or any that will oppofe us, convince or conquer all they can with the good word of God, and we fliall be fatisfied to try it out with them fo, but not with the weapons of the world, as they have them (now) all on their fide, to imprifon, per- fecute, or put to death, for that is Antichrift's not Chrift's way of warfare. . . Therefore, as Luther wrote to the Dukes of Saxony, fo do we humbly to you, my Lord. 'I would not,' faith he, * but all have free liberty, yet if any tranfgrefs Gofpel bounds, and would raife up feditions or wars againft you, then you may reprefs them.' . . So, my Lord, if we ftir up people to rifings, tumults, or carnal warfare, as men falfely charge us, then punifh us as you pleafe, for it is contrary to our principles fo to do. Furthermore, O that you would not believe every report of the Boutefeus or Fireblowers of thefe our new troubles againft us. . . . Will you be pleafed to perufe a little thofe writings taken out of my ftudy, and fatisfy yourfelf concerning the truth of them, and not believe thofe bits and parts which fome fycophants probably will acquaint you with But if we have no hopes left to prevail with you, yet 122 What to be done in order to return. Let out the Lord's prifoners, Mr. Feak, Mr. Simpfon, Han. Taprel In Bridewell. Our refolution. Liife and Opinions of a our hearts are filled with hope, and fure we are to prevail with God. Our appeal is in heaven, and the faith and prayer which are up (as high as ever fince the world flood) either will bring forth your converfion (for Luther faith the Church converts ' totum mundum fanguine et ora- tione ') or your confufion. For the death and deftruftion of the perfecutors was, as it was faid of the death of Arius, ' precationis opus non morbi.' But if it be afked what we would have you to do, our prefent anfwer is — Firft, advife with the Lord about your former declara- tions 2. And then proclaim a faft, a folemn day of humilia- tion for the errors and fins paft, as i Kings xxl. 27-29 — ' It came to pafs when Ahab heard thofe words he rent his clothes and fafted, and lay in fackcloth, &c. And the Lord faid, Seeft thou how Ahab humbleth himfelf before me. Becaufe he humbleth himfelf before me I will not bring the evil in his days.' .... Let out the Lord's prifoners whom the Churches are robbed of, viz. Mr. Feak and Mr. Simpfon. And that they may open to you the pre- fent vifion of God given them in thefe things according to the difpenfation of the Spirit, O, hear them once at leaft preach to you the power of Jefus .... let them have, though but for a month or two, and though but half fo much liberty to open the word of the Lord to you as your chaplains have But if you will yet go on, ' ad exitium potius quam ad exercitium,' after all our bleeding entreaties, and be hardened up by the dangerous counfel of your owh reafon or them about you, then, my Lord, our fouls fhall mourn in fecret for you as for one defperately loft indeed, and we fhall proceed to bear our teftimony againfl the fin of the times, for our appeal hangs in Heaven and we cannot recall it. Yea, as Luther once faid, ' Quo magis illi furunt eo amplius procedo,' the more men rage Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 123 the more refolute we hope to be in our appeals, faith, and prayer So far as I may. Your true fincere Servant, John Rogers." On the 20th of March, 1654, two months after the Ordi- nance of Treafon, another ordinance was pubHfhed, which was fcarcely lefs ofFenfive to the Fifth-Monarchy-Men. It was called an ordinance for the " Approbation of PubUc Preachers," and provided that every perfon who had been admitted to a benefice within the laft twelve months, or who might thereafter be ad- mitted, fhould be "judged and approved by the perfons hereafter named to be a perfon for the Grace of God in him, his holy and unblameable converfation, as alfo for his knowledge and utterance, able and fit to preach the Gofpel." Such as were approved received from the " Triers," as they were called, an inftrument in writing, without which no one was to be deemed lawfully pof- feffed of any living or benefice, and by virtue of which, when obtained, the holder was put in as full poffeflion as if he had been admitted by inftitution and indudtion. Thirty-feven Commif- fioners (or Triers) were named, and the partial and oppreflive way in which they ufed their power was bitterly complained of both by Royalift clergy on the one fide, and by fuch men as Rogers on the other. The authorities do not feem to have noticed Mene, Tekel, Perez, or the fermons which preceded it. To requite their for- bearance, Rogers held a folemn fervice of humihation over their fins, and as a prehminary he publifhed the grounds on which he adted. " "The Grounds of Meeting at Tho. Afoftle's, the i%th day of the firfi Month [March], 1654, in folemn humiliation before the Lord, beginning at 7 o'clock in the morning. I. The manner of the coming in of the prefent G with the fudden breaking up of the laft Parliament, for that they would have changed the prefent National Mi- niftry, lawyers, prefentations, taxes and oppreffions, and Scobell's Afts and Ordi- nances, part il. p. 279. I 24 L,ife and Opinions of a for that they would have ruled as Saints — therefore driven out of the houfe. 2. The prefent grand apoftacy of profefTors, churches, preachers, and eminent perfons of the nobles of Judah in the Army, city and country, from their former engage- ments, declarations, profeffions and promifes for Chrift and his kingdom, caufe and intereft. 3. The profecution of the faithful remnant that threat- ens them, wherein we may fpread before the Lord thofe new-made laws of treafon, &c. which look too much like tyranny, according to which the fervants of the Lord are imprifoned at Windfor, and others threatened. 4. The manifold tentations abroad, both here and in the country, which are of divers forts, as adverfity, impri- fonment, lofs of friends, liberties, &c ; on the other fide, offers of places, preferments, honours, &c ; and on all fides the fpirit of delufion by falfe deluding pamphlets, arguments, fallacies, and lies, whereby many good people are blinded in city and country. 5. The prefent deadnefs and flatnefs of fpirit that is upon the little remnant of Saints that are not yet back- fliden, as at All-hallows meeting and elfewhere ; that thofe that remain may have a full, free, fit and quickened fpirit, beyond whatever they yet had, to engage with one heart and mind, by conftant faith and prayer, in the prefent tef- timony. 6. As to deplore the prefent magiftracy and miniftry, and fuch wicked ones which are heightened in their ex- pedlations and exalted into places ; fo alfo to be earneft for the magiflracy and miniftry of the uncflion according to the promife in the latter days, that Chrift alone may be exalted. 7. To fpread before the Lord the animofities, jealoufies, heartburnings and divifions, that are amongft the Saints and Churches, about forms, opinions, or points of judg- Fifth- Monarchy-Man . ment, and that the Lord would make an union in the Spirit. 8. On thefe and divers other grounds which we might mention, as hypocrify, pride, and oppreffion ; to mourn alfo for the prefent unfeafonable weather and drought, which threatens famine and mortality, that the Lord would remove caufes that the efFedts might ceafe." It was very ufual in thofe days for the more zealous members of the congregation to take ftiort-hand notes of their minifter's fermons. This cuftom enabled Thurloe's fpies to provide them- felves, in the fame way, with the following abftraft of the fermon which Rogers delivered on this occafion. ^25 Thurloe, ii. 196. INFORMATION AGAINST MR, ROGERS. May* 2S, at Thomas Apoftles ; in his prayer thefe and fuch like paflages. Haften the time when all abfolute power fhall be devolved into the hand of Chrift, when we fhall have no Lord Protedlor but our Lord Jefus, the only true Protedor and Defender of the Faith. Let our faith have fo much of the grain of muftard feed as to fay to that great mountain, ' Be removed,' and it Ihall be removed. Look 'n mercy upon thy faints at Windfor, that are imprifoned for the truth and teftimony of Jefus ; be thou their freedom and enlargement, &c. Remember thy handmaid,'f who is brought to town, and threatened by the worldly powers, who crucify Chrift Jefus in the fpirit every day. Hear the blafphemies of the Court, and regard their ridiculous pomp and vanity. And now Chrift Jefus is proclaimed King, pour forth thy vials on the worldly powers, the powers of Antichrift. * The date " May 28 " in Thurloe is probably a mifprint for 'March 28." f Probably Hannah Taprell. 126 Life and Opinions of a Then he blefled God, that had yet referved himfelf a remnant, who had not bowed their knees to Baal. He named his text out of the 5th chapter of the letter of Matthew, 25th verfe — * Agree with thine adverfary quickly.' By the adverfary, he faid, was meant Chrift, whom the apoftate profeflbrs and wicked ones of this world had made their adverfary ; and fo made this his dodtrine. 'Tis the concernment of all adulterous, apoftate profeflbrs to make a fpeedy agreement with their adverfary. And becaufe the kingly office of Chrift was at this prefent time moft eminently oppofed, he would fpeak to the prefent powers, who are the oppofers of it in their Government, in their priefthood, in their armies. The apoftate profefTors of this age have openly broken all God's commandments, as I fhall ftiow in their order. 1 . To the firft. ' I am the Lord thy God, that brought thee out of Egypt ; thou ftialt have no other God but me.' But, as Ifrael of old made themfelves calves, and faid, ' Lo thefe are our Gods, which brought us out of Egypt,' fo the men of this generation fay, Lo this, and lo that ; lo our ftrength and lo our armies have brought us out of bondage from under monarchical government, &c. 2. '■ Thou fhalt not make to thyfelf any graven image.' But the prefent powers have fet up graven images, that is to fay, the works of men's imaginations. They have lately fet up Triers at Whitehall — a new fet of do6tors, worfliippers of the inventions of man ; a new com- raiffion-court to give out tickets and feals, and inftruments and picklocks to open houfes and pulpits, and pig-fties and hen-roofts, to fetch thence eggs and geefe, and pigs and tithes — a moft fottifti and ridiculous foppery, nay, mere idolatry. 'Tis an horrible fin in any to own them or receive commiffion from them. The laft Parliament would have proved a reformer and have pulled down this image, but that the powers of this world interpofed. And I believe Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 127 one day they muft give a fad account for it. If any have received fuch commiflion from them, let them return it, and quickly agree with the adverfary. 3. * Thou fhalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.' But the men in prefent power have emi- nently taken God's name in vain, by applying his attributes to finifter ends. Their pretenfions were for the honour of God, for the intereft of Chrift — what more frequent in their mouths ? Well ! God took them at their words, gave them many a vidtory in truft, to fee what they would do with It after fo many promifes and pretences. But at laft, what God gave them only in truft, for the advance- ment of his glory, they have purloined and abufed to the advancement of themfelves, breaking all oaths, promifes, covenants, engagements, declarations. When they go to fight another battle, they cannot give that for a word any more, ' No King but Jefus ' — a word which won them more than their fwords. No, they have fet up now a King of their own. 4. "Remember thou keep holy the Sabbath.' They are guilty of the breach of this commandment who do their own works. Thofe who have no foul-reft cannot keep a Sabbath. Such are they that gape after court honour, privileges, preferments, advantages. 5. ' Honour thy father and mother.' To obey the world before God makes us guilty of this commandment. God will fay to the men of this generation, ' Go to your Governour, go to your Protedtor,' 'If I be a father, where is my honour?' 6. ' Thou fhalt do no murder.' There is a heart murder ; thofe that hate the fpirit in the faints are mur- derers. Thofe who have it in their intent and defire to murder the faints, though for fome refpedts of their own they refrain from the outward adt, they are murderers before God. Some in the prefent power are guilty of this 128 Life and Opinions of a murderous intent. Before, nothing but the laws of Chrift and the intereft of Chrift ; but now 'tis a particular and per- fonal intereftj the intereft of a man, the caufe of a man. Thofe who were flain for the caufe of Chrift their blood cries aloud ' let Chrift reign ;' but thofe who fay, ' let us reign,' make themfelves guilty of that blood, and fo are murderers. Then he converted his difcourfe againft fpies and tale- bearers, recounting out (yi the Book of Martyrs and other ftories God's remarkable judgments againft them. 7. ' Thou fhalt not commit adultery.' There is a heart adultery, as Chrift alfo expounds it. He that looks upon pleafures and honours and profits, and lufts after them, this luft of the heart is adultery. The prefent powers have committed adultery with all interefts, with the cavalier party, with the army, with the clergy. 8. ' Thou fhalt not fteal.' They are thieves and robbers which take away violently that which is not their right, that which does not belong to them. We have great thieves and rich thieves, army thieves and clergy thieves. A poor pirate was brought before Alexander the Great for robbing ; and being demanded the reafon, the pirate anfwered him, ' This is the fole difference 'twixt you and me ; you are the great thief, and I am but the little one.' ' Do violence to no man,' faid John the Baptift to the foldiers ; but our foldiers do violence to all men. What right have thofe men in the throne to it ? The Cavalier party will fay Charles Stewart has a right ; but I fay there's no man breathing has more right to it than the meaneft child that walks the ftreets. The kingdom is the Lord's and his Chrift's. They which detain what they have unjuftly taken are thieves. Why do they not make refti- tution of their ftolen powers, their ftolen thrones and dignities, reftore them to the faints whom they defpifed and caft out, under the name of Fifth-Monarchy-Men. Fifth- Monarchy-Man. 129 They that make unlawful hafte to be rich are thieves and robbers. (Then he diredted his fpeech to my Lord Pro- teftor.) Certainly he is in a defperate condition. No wonder we hear fo much of plots — two or three already ; though, for my part, 'tis the defire of my foul that he may not be taken off by any of them, but rather that he may repent, and God recover him again to himfelf. Becaufe he hath opprefTed and forfaken the poor, becaufe he hath violently taken away a houfe which he builded not, furely he fhall not feel quietnefs in his belly, he (hall not fave of that which he defired (Job xx. 19). Oh, thou black Whitehall ! thou black Whitehall ! — fah ! fah ! it ftinks of the brimftone of Sodom and the fmoke of the bottomlefs pit ! The flying roll of God's curfes fhall overtake the family of that great thief there — he that robbed us of the benefit of our prayers, of our tears, of our blood ; the blood of my poor hufband will the widow fay, the blood of my poor father will the orphan fay, the blood of my dear friend will many fay. Thefe (hed their blood for the caufe of Jefus Chrift and for the intereft of his kingdom ; but that which they purchafed at fo dear a rate is taken from us by violence ; we are robbed of it, and the caufe of Chrifl is made the caufe of a man. He would have proceeded to the two other command- ments, but that time prevented him. At the conclufion of his difcourfe he produced a letter from Mr. Feake at Windfor, giving a large account of what betided him there ; how he had preached to fome foldiers of the guard, and that they were much affedted with what he fpake ; how he was remanded to his chamber by the governor, and a long dialogue betwixt them on that occafion. All which he diflindlly read to the people, being a very numerous affembly. And thus clofed all, — In fum, my dear friends, you may fhortly expedl a new book of Martyrs. The faints are worfe dealt with by the powers 130 Life and Opinions of a Thurloe, iii. 483. Appr. in pfon. Appr. in pfon. Entry or Fair Order Book of the Council of State, No. 103, in the Public Record Office. of this age than they were by the heathens of old. Paul was fufFered to preach at Rome, but they now are forbid to preach the Gofpel. Afterwards a hymn was fet, compofed for the occafion, which the people fung very afFedionately. It began thus — ' Come, glorious King of Sion, come to defend thy caufe againft all earthly powers, and to work deliverance for thy captives,' and much to that purpofe." This information was preferved and was afterwards produced, but it was not inftantly a6ted upon. Rogers remained at large until July. The following extracSts from the Order Book of the Council of State, and from the London newfpapers, will explain what happened next. "Council of State, July 25, 1654. His Highnefs prefent. Mr, Laurence, L? Prefident. Maj. Gen. Lambert, L? Vifc. Lifle, Col. Fiennes, Mr. Rous, Gen. Difbrowe, Col. Mackworth, Col. Montague, Sir Gilbert Pickering, Col. Sydenham, Col. Jones, Major- Gen. Shippon, Mr, Major, Mr. Strickland, Sir Charles Wolfeley. Ordered — That Hannah Taprell, formerly committed to Bridewell, be fet at liberty, and that a warrant to the Matter of Bridewell be in that behalf iflued. That Mr. John Rogers be fent for in fafe cuftody, to anfwer fuch matters as fhall be objedted againft him, and that a warrant to the Serjeant-at-Arms be in that behalf iflued. That Col. JoneSy Col. Sydenham, Col. Mackworth, Mr. Rous, Sir Charles Wolfeley, or any two of them, be a com- mittee to examine Mr. Rogers and the matters charged on him, he being ordered this day to be fent for in cuftody." Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 131 "July 1-1, 1654. Mr. John Rogers, of Thomas Apoftle's, London, was this day apprehended by a meflengerj touching fome things by him preached and written againft the prefent power. He was before a committee of the Council, and remains in the cuftody of a meflenger, but did much defire to have been in prifon." " Augujt 10, 1654. Mr. John Rogers, prifoner at Lambeth, preacheth daily to people that come to vifit him, whither many do refort. But Mr. John Sim/on, who now owns and prays for the prefent powers, hath been there with him." The following letter (from Thurloe, iii. 485), has neither date nor fignature. It was probably written at this time by Serjeant Dendy,* who was Serjeant-at-Arms to the Council of State, and was refponfible for the cuftody of his kinfman Rogers in Lambeth Palace.t Several Pro- ceedings in State Affairs, No. 253. Several Pro- ceedings In State Affairs, No. 255. * Serjeant Dendy, earlier in life, executed warrants for the Star Chamber. In 1637, with a warrant from Archbifbop Laud, he broke open Mr. Burton's houfe at midnight and arreiled him, for which he was cenfared by Parliament in 1640. In January, 1649, he was appointed Serjeant-at-Arms to the High Court of Juftice, which condemned Charles I. In this capacity he proclaimed the Court in Weftminfter Hall, and took charge of the King as a prifoner at the bar. On January 29, after fentence had been pafled, it was ordered " that the officer of the Ordnance at the Tower of London, in whofe hands or cuftody the bright execution axe for the executing malefaftors is, do forthwith deliver the fame unto Edward Dendy, Efq., Serjeant-at-Arms attending the Court, or his deputies." f Moft of the Bifhops' palaces and houfes in and near London were converted into prifons in 1642-3. — Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, part i. 57. 132 Life and Opinions of a a letter to the protector concerning mr. rogers. May it please your Highness, — Having for thefe five or fix years had more opportunities to read Mr. Rogers than many others, I humbly conceive it not altogether improper (efpecially at this time) to give your Highnefs as true a charadter of him as his aftings and ray flender obfervations thereupon hath led me to. Now, that your Highnefs may know Mr. Rogers of Thomas Apoftle's from that man which he defcribes and would have others to think him to be, by his book called a ' Taber- nacle,' I fliall, in as ftw words as I can, difcover more of the man than the Chriftian in him ; that fo your Highnefs may in fome meafure difcern him from fome others, and that before the change of Government, againfi: which Mr. Rogers, with a pretended zeal of God, hath fo furioufly appeared. About fix years fince Mr. Rogers married Sir Robert Paine's daughter, late of Huntingdonfhire, who was the relidt of Mr. Smyth, of St. Neot's, where for fome time he taught fchool, and from whence by Providence he was called to a living at Purleigh in Eflex, worth, as I have been informed, above £200 per annum, where the people, as in many other places, being but children in under- ftanding, and fuch as, I have heard him fay, did not know how to value men for their abilities, the faid Mr. Rogers — I fear overprizing his gifts, did thereupon turn non- refident ; and, hiring another to fupply his place at Purleigh, he came to London ; and endeavouring to get a lecture, which in fhort time he obtained at Thos. Apoftle's. Thus negledling his charge at Purleigh, about ^3 miles off London, it pleafed God to ftir up the patron and parifh againft him, fo that he was ejefted thence. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . Mr. Rogers, hereat being exceedingly troubled, peti- tioned the Lords Commiffioners for a reftoration, from whom not obtaining his defires, and meeting therein with oppofition from Serjeant Maynard, he thereupon, as incenfed againft lawyers, writ a pamphlet ; and how he vented his fpirit in that quarrel I prefume your Highnefs is not only a ftranger to. After the lofs of Purleigh, Mr. Rogers folicits hard for the reftory of Martin's, and to that end endeavours the removing of one Mr. Sangor, a. godly man ; and being afked why he would do fo, he replied that Mr. Sangor had a living of £ioo a year in the country — forgetting that it was lately his own cafe in Purleigh, when yet he had a ledture in London and lived there. But, not feeking a way of God, his endeavours here alfo proved abortive. Whereupon Mr. Rogers puts forth a book called ' A Tabernacle for the Sun,' and according to the dedication of it prefents one to your Highnefs, not doubting but that this book would have attracted your Highnefs' efpecial favour to him ; but the Lord, who weighs the fpirits and ponders all men's goings, did, for ought I know, caufe your Highnefs to fee more of Mr. Rogers than he could of himfelf. Whether a difappointment herein hath not been a ground of Mr. Rogers his difcontent (that I fay not malice) I will not pofitively affirm, yet fear (as the Apoftle fpeaks of a young novice) that he hath been lifted up of pride and fallen into the condemnation of the devil. For, faith the fame Apoftle, ' The fervant of the Lord muft not ftrive, but be gentle unto all men, apt to teach, patient, in meek- nefs inftrudting thofe that oppofe themfelves,' &c. My Lord, I could fay much more, but am unwilling to trouble your Highnefs ; only I befeech your Highnefs to permit me to fpeak my heart in one thing, which is this — viz. that if your Highnefs Ihould ftudy to pleafe Mr. Rogers, you cannot do it in a more diredt line than by imprifoning of 134 Life and Opinions of a Thurloe, iii. 485. him. Not that I believe he hath any principle wherewithal truly to glory before God, nor doth he fimply delight in being reftrained ; but, my Lord, by this means he gets great ftore of money, having many vifitants, and fome of quality. Wherefore, my Lord, I humbly fubmit it to your Highnefs' confideration, whether, after a fober and fharp reproof, it would not be well to give him his liberty ; for, my Lord, in reality and truth his defign is not for the Fifth Monarchy, but how to get money. And to that end he hath for above thefe two years given it out, that it hath been ftrong upon his heart that he fhall die a martyr, though, I fear, none of thofe whom Chrifl: hath as yet owned. And therefore, what other comfort he hath by imprifonment than getting money, I underftand not : for certain it is he adls not in the fpirit of Jefus ; and being not conformable to Chrift in his death and fufFerings, furely the Spirit of Glory, nor of God, doth not reft upon him. Wherefore, my Lord, I befeech you confider whether it would not be beft yet a little longer, by gentlenefs and meeknefs, to heap up coals of fire upon his head ; and if he turn not at fuch a reproof, which God ufually takes up to reduce finners, then certainly the Lord hath not called your Highnefs to bear the fword in vain : and yet, if he perfift in the forwardnefs of his heart, I hope when the Parliament fits they will call him to an account ; which I confefs I would rather they fhould do than your Highnefs, of whofe uprightnefs I hope the Lord will bear further witnefs to, notwithftanding all gainfayers. I defired to know of Mr. Secretary whether all comers might be admitted to Mr. Rogers, who told me that he had no diredtions at all therein. The laft Lord's Day I am informed that there was at the leaft a hundred perfons that went to fee him ; neither can I reftrain them until your Highnefs' pleafure be known herein." While he was in prifon Rogers wrote two books, — Fifth-Monarchy- Man. 135 1. " Prifon-born Morning Beams ;" or, a Hiftory of his Suf- ferings at Lambeth. The Introduftion only was faved, and this was printed as part of his fecond book, — 2. " Jegar Sahadutha j or, a Heart Appeal:" a Hiftory of his fufferings at Windfor and elfewhere. He was very much annoyed at the difficulty he found in fecuring a printer in the face of the Ordinance of Treafon, and at the cowardly mutilations to which his books were fubjefted. Of courfe they were printed fecretly, and, fo far as the printer was concerned, anonymoufly. It muft be remembered always that when thefe books were circulated he was ftill in prifon, wholly and entirely at the mercy of the authorities, the gaolers, and the foldiers whom he fo fiercely reviles. Accompanying the book is a fliort Preface, of which the follow- ing is a part : — " FROM A FRIEND TO A FRIEND. The books mentioned by the author are very ftrangely mifcarried ; only the Introductory part to the firfl: treatife, or ' Prifon-born Morning Beams,' are preferved and gotten together, as the occafion of his falling upon fo large a fyftem, fo fome part of his fufferings at Lambeth until Windfor, which therefore we have added unto his ' Heart Appeal,' (having been hardly kept and colledled) that the view of prefent perfecution may be the more clear, and his Hiftory the more complete, though to my know- ledge many things are omitted, paffages left out, fleeced, and fheered round, befides much more which in time may be added, if need be, as fome of us hear, of feveral reafon- ings between him and O. P., him and foldiers, him and minifters, him and many adverfaries, befides what fufferings have been added fince thefe papers came from him to this chain. It may be thefe fufferings may work upon fome that hear them ; they have on fome that faw them, yea, even amongft the foldiers, for we hear that one of them formerly 136 A Fifth-Monarchy-Man. bufy is now wounded and touched in confcience for it, and others have left them for their cruelty to thefe, whiles the Cavaliers can have liberty to drink, fwear, or anything, it feems, and live as they lift. And thus, fay the foldiers, may our friends too, fo they be for their Lord Proteftor and his G , whom the Lord protedb us from, and from their wickednefs in high places." The next chapter, compiled from various parts of the Intro- duftion to " Prifon-born Morning Beams," will give an account of his arreft and his imprifonment at Lambeth. CHAPTER V. ORNING BEAMS; or, THE VISION OF THE PRISON PATHMOS. LIB. I. Chapter I. — Hagah. The IntroduSlion, with the cauje accidental of the following Di/courfe upon theprefent truth and tejiimony. IT is none of the leaft part of our prifon Threnodies in the prefent tragedy, which the bloody Beaft by a new guife hath adted again upon the ftage of Great Brittanny, the trampling under foot the prefent truth and teftimony of Jefus, fo as that fcarce one interpreter of a thoufand durft entertain or own it fimply, which at beft hath but a paflport from many, and fo is whipped away from one to another, from poft to pillar, according to the Court law for a vagrant, with warrants like to Pope Euge- nius, ' hoc efle verum, fi ipfe velit, fed non aliter,' This or that is true if he. His Holinefs (or His Highnefs) will have it fo, but not otherwife. Who then can find the faith or courage to expofe his life, or at leaft his liberty and eftate to fo prodigal a hazard, as he muft do who will fetch it from under the Beaft's foot, and feel the acrimony or cruelty of his fharp clunch, claw, or horn piercing him to the very heart. The General Introduftion by way of Lamentation. 138 Life and Opinions of a Well may our prifons found and refound with exag- gerated night groans, for the Court and country increafe in lying and tranfgrefTing, and falling backwards, perpetrating iniquity at fo high a rate as will fuddenly fill up their mea- fure. This I fee evidently from my iron bars. And yet none intercede for the truth ; not one will run after it, follow it, meet It, or to the face of all own it. O what a lamentation is this ! if one doth like Wifdom's child but a little juftify it ... he that doth fo expofes him- felf to be fpoiled, plundered, imprifoned, and made a prey of to the ravenous beaft that eats bones and all. (Zeph. iii. 3). Alfo when I advert the height of the controverfy already between the Lamb and the Beaft (precious blood of faints having fealed thereto) and the vials fo lately poured out upon the King, lords, prelates, and corrupt powers of this State ; alfo our late zeal againft Common Prayer, Croffes, Painted Windows, Rails, Surplices, Corrupt Minif- ters, Magiftrates, and the like ; O ! my foul even bleeds within me to behold the prefent apoftacy of fpirit, prin- ciples, and perfons, not only among mercenary profefTors, but the little remnant whofe coldnefs, cowardlinefs, and carelefTnefs is almoft incredible, at this time of day too. And were it not to fulfil the word of God (Rev. xi.) that this prefent death is upon us for thefe three years and an half, I fhould be fo aftonifhed at it as not to know what to make of it. But when I am venting my burthen with thefe like words or paffions, ' Lord, where is the fpirit of old, yea, the fpirit, and faith, and courage that we ourfelves had fome ten, twelve, or fourteen years ago, among the good old Puritans ? Yea, the fpirit of Englifhmen and rational men among us. O ! what a change it is ! What fheepifhnefs, what fleepinefs, what deadnefs, what darknefs, what timor- oufnefs, and what tamenefs is now feized upon us ! ' The Fifth- Monarchy -Man. 139 light arifing in darknefs doth put an end to fuch reafonings and fyllogifms, giving reft to my fpirit till the time of the end, which is at hand. Now, if ever there were a time to hear the grave-groans of the living and the dead, of thofe who are in prifon- graves, and of thofe whofe fkulls and bones we left behind us in the field, and of thofe under the altar, who cry, ' How long, O Lord, holy and true?' (Rev. vi. 10). Yea, the fhrill heaven, heart, and earth tearing call of faints, paft, prefent, and to come, from the days of Abel to this day, to maintain their caufe, to revenge their blood and the Lamb's, and to be UP AND DOING for the Lord Jefus, the King of Saints, it is NOW within a year or two, as we fhall fhow you. Woe to them that are at eafe (Amos vi. i), yea, to the very women that are carelefs (Ifaiah xxxii. 9, 10, 11, 1 2), for they fhall lament ; and if ye will be all filent, the very graves fhall open, the dead fhall live, the dry bones fhall live, the flones of the ftreet fhall fpeak, and the beam of the timber utter it, the witnefTes will arife, and the earth- quake come to take vengeance againfl this apoftate gener- ation of four profefTors. But, fay fome, feeing the prifons are fo deeply fenfible, and bear fo heavy a burden for us, how falls it that before now your exonerating groans and fighs got not a free paf- fage abroad in the nation ? I . To which I mufl anfwer, that for above a year's im- prifonment now, partly more at large and partly clofe, I have been under the prefTure of the fpirit, as if my heart would break within me at times, to fee fo fervile and dege- nerate a fpirit, as yet, among the faints. Yet, with patience, purpofing to wait and pofTefs my foul, as unwilling to write what few if any were able to bear, though moft honourable truth, I kept in as long as I could, not knowing but there might have been before this a kindly recurrence among ift reafon why the prifons are fo lilent. 140 Life and Opinions of a 2nd Reafon, The prifon opprobries, abufeSj and injuries, efpecially at Lambeth. fome of thofe retrograde motions which fo tremendous and fearful a wrath as I eafily forefee follows the heels of. BelideSj fo great is the fervile fpirit and fear which pof- fefles the hearts of men againft the glorious caufe and con- troverfy of Chrift, for which we are imprifoned, plundered, exiled, or perfecuted, that what we write to eafe our hearts and confciences, with the greateft fobriety and fimplicity, we cannot carry through the prefs or get printed upon any terms almoft in the language, life, and favour of the prefent anointing from the Holy One which is upon us and teaches us all things. That new-found engine of the Beaft (the Ordinance of Treafon for words and imaginations) hath put them into fo panic and foolifh a fear that above an hundred fheets preparing for the prefs, to enlighten the deluded, abufed people of this nation as to us and our caufe, or rather Chrift's (while they give out we fuffer not for con- fcience) have been either betrayed by Ifcariot kiffes, plun- dered from me, or ftifled before they were born, and all this left the people fhould have light into the fufFerings of our confciences, or confcience of our fufFerings, viz. the truth of the Fifth Kingdom, or to receive a right informa- tion of the apoftacies, hypocrifies, perjury, cheating, perfe- cution, and unheard-of bafenefs of fuch as are gotten into power. 2. The marvellous trials which I have encountered with in the flefh fince imprifonment have much impeded my appearing in public until now. But the truth, caufe, and perfecuted faints do exped fome account at my hands, it feems, of the particular harlh ufage I and my family met with under this power in Lambeth Houfe (and fince), where I was for above five and thirty weeks, and then fent to Windfor Caftle the 31ft day of firft month, 1655, ^i*h two meflengers, who delivered me up prifoner here a little before noon. I was fetched out of my bed the 27th day of fourth Fifth-Monarchy -Man . 141 month in 1654, early in the morning; and at night, after all day waiting, I was fent to Lambeth Prifon, being very ill and diftempered with a fever ; yet for all that, at eleven in the night, did a meflenger rap at the gates, called another of the meflengers, who was going into his bed, made him put on his clothes again to affift him, and fo they came both, with Harding the under-gaoler, to carry me at that time of night I knew not whither (nor would they tell me). But being very ill on the bed, and my wife alfo unready, I told them I was not able, prayed them to let me alone for that one night — told them the righteous man was merciful to a beaft, and were a beaft of theirs, horfe or cow, fo ill or little able to ftir, they would be more merciful — with many more arguments I and my wife alfo defired them to forbear that night ; but they faid they had orders from Serjeant Dendy to remove me prefently, and I muft not ftay, one of them fpeaking very high and threatening. The iflue was, they made me rife, and my wife to make herfelf ready ; and I, fcarce able to go, my head being light with the fiercenefs of the fever, was forced that time of night to one Leadbeateff^ houfe, a meflenger, into a little low dark room, where was very little air, which I much needed, and for which I rather wifhed to be in the other prifon. The next day at night new orders came to carry me to Lambeth again, where I continued, till Serjeant Bendy procured my removal. Of which place I fhall choofe principally for the prefent to give a fhort hint or abftrad: account, leaving the whole hiftory for a fitter feafon, that the obftreperous falfe reports may be obviated, our fufFerings (a little) known and fympathized with. His poor fervants prayed for, their faith and patience owned, their God be glorified, and his enemies * Jofhua Leadbeater was appointed one of fourteen men to attend the Council as Deputies to the Serjeant-at-Arms, 26th Dec. 165 1. — Order in Council of that date. 142 Worfe than heathen tyranny to us. I. Uncon- demned and without law. This is contrary to all or moft of their declarations, where they call this tyranny in the King and Bifliops, and incongruous with the laws of God, of nature, and of nations. Life and Opinions of a found liars and afhamed of their worfe than heathen tyranny to us. Which appears in thefe particulars, I . By the law of the heathens (the Romans) none were to fufFer before the law had judged and condemned them. This is the rule of reafon, contrary whereunto our perfe- cutors now pradtife, having put us into prifon thus year after year, with worfe ufage and more clofe than the worfl: Malefa6tors, Cavaliers, Plotters, Ranters, Blafphemers, or offenders they put amongfl: us. For all the while I was, by order from Serjeant Dendy, kept out from the air of the common hall, the wicked crew of Cavaliers, Plotters, Ran- ters, Roarers, drinking, curling, fwearing, finging, fiddling, gaming, and blafpheming day and night, had the benefit of it. Yea, for above thirty weeks they would not fufFer me to ftir out of the gate for air ; but the worft of all other prifoners had their liberty with their keepers every day. And when order was to let but three at a time to come to fee me — yea, not to fufFer man, woman, or child to come at me, nor one of my family to ftir out for necefTaries for me, the worfl of men befides had all that would come to fee them, yea the moft loofe fort of people that could be, to fit up healthing, hooping, ranting, and revelling with them at the higheft rate in the moft hideous manner about mine ears. Thefe had abundance of liberty to fin, when we could not have liberty to pray together, or to have any holy affembly but at the prifon grates, when I put my head out at the iron bars to my dear brethren and fifters in Chrift who ftood in the ftreet. And all this without any law condemning, any crime charged formally upon us, any witnefs againft us, any trial of us, or licence given us to anfwer in any open Court. Only the fixth of the laft month the laft year I was carried to Whitehall into a chamber, (where what was objedled was denied to be any charge againft us), and fo remanded to prifon again ; but by no other law than luft and will — the beafts' law, ' fie Fifth-Monarchy-Man . Take hinij volo, fie jubeo, fit pro ratione voluntas.' gaoler/ being all the trial, law, and fentence. 2, Under the dragon power of Rome, the very gaolers, who are ufually the worft of men, were more civil, cour- teous, and urbane than ours are to us ; for Paul's gaoler let who would come to vifit him (A6ls xxiv. 23). Yea, their gaoler pitied them, and wafhed their wounds and ftripes, and made much of them (A6ts xvi. 23) ; but our gaolers do add ftripes, aggravate our crimes (pretended), augment our aiHictions, accumulate into mountains lies, flanders, vilifying fpeeches and reproaches upon us, invent and inform what they can, with any colour, againft us, daily going to Whitehall for that purpofe, and every way more to us than to the worft malefador they had. At Lambeth we found it fo, from the upper to the under, from the mafter to the man gaoler; whiles others found very fair quarters and civil courtftiip who fed them with round fums, which we could not buy at fo dear a rate, and therefore, befides other reafons, were forced to coarfer fare. For after a few weeks, word was brought to my wife that I muft pay in fees fomewhat more than fix pounds a week (which I was not able to do, having no eftate in the world, and what I had being all taken away from me), and this for the rooms to Serjeant Dendy. About a week's fpace after this one of Serjeant Dendy's men, old Meazy, came up at candle-light into my prifon chamber in the name of Serjeant Dendy, faying he came from him to demand the money which was due to him, for his fees and the chambers for fo many weeks ; faying I was to pay but ten fhillings a day fees for myfelf, for although it was twenty fhillings a day, yet the Parliament put down ten fiiillings a day of it ; and for that Serjeant Dendy would ufe me courteously, he would have but fourteen {hillings a week rent for the room where we kept a fire for my family while they were with me, and for the little inward lodging room, where was no chimney. z. Our gaolers worfe to us than the heathens. A hiftory of fome fewpafTages for an inftance. 144 Life and Opinions of a where I lay, I fhould know that when I came out. I told him I was not able to pay fo much, nor did I judge it reafonable, being in prifon upon will, and nothing brought to my charge ; and therefore thofe that imprifoned me muft pay him. Yet this I would do wilHngly : \i Serjeant Dendy will choofe one honeft man I will choofe another, and what they think meet for me to pay, as God fhall enable me, I will, faying withal I would know the loweft which I muft pay. He faid £4 ^s. a week was the loweft, at which I told him I was not able to do it, nor did my brother Feake at Windfor pay fo much, but as I heard, but fo much in a quarter as is demanded of me in a week ; and that it was worfe than tyranny to take away all I had to live on, turn my wife and children, poor fucking babes, out of doors, when the Lord allows a fnail a fhell, yet my poor wife and babes had not a ftiell to live in but my prifon ; yea, and to hinder thofe that would to minifter to our wants, and to demand £4 45. a week too, was wonderful unjuft. But the old man, being techy hereat, flew from me with thefe menaces, ' You muft and ftiall pay it, before you go out from hence.' But becaufe the carriage of this bufinefs was fo cruel, mercilefs, and unchrlftlan, Serjeant Dendy was aftiamed to own It to good men, ftoutly and often affirming that neither he nor any for him did ever demand it of me or threaten me about it. But with how little modefty and grace, and that ye may fee what wide mouths ravenous fifties have, it follows under the hands of fome prefent In the prifon chamber when the old man came for the money, two of them being church-members : — ' We whofe names are hereunder written do certify to whomfoever It may concern, that old Michael Meazy came as he faid from Serjeant Dendy (whofe fervant he is) Into the chamber where Mr. Rogers is prifoner now at Lam- Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 145 beth, and in our hearing demanded of Mr. Rogers the fum of ten ftiillings a day for fees for himfelf a prifoner to Serjeant Dendy, and of fourteen fhillings a week for his chambers (in all £4 4^. a week) : and for that Mr. Rogers made fcruple to pay fo much at prefent, the faid Meazy told him he muft and fliould pay it before he went out from thence. This we witnefs by our hands, who heard him demand that fum of him, and can depofe it. Dorothy Hill, Alice Lewis, Ann Evington.' Notwithftanding, with fo ftrange a face they denied this, and faid I was no minifter of Jefus Chrift if I affirmed it, and they would publifh in newfbooks againft me, and the like, I can fhew it under Serjeant Dendy's own hand, by feveral orders and letters, that the not paying thofe fees and fums of money was one thing that made him fo harfh to me above others. For, foon after, the old man went to Whitehall and told his tale againft me in his own mood and figure, and then followed the enfuing letter from Serjeant Dendy to me : — 'Sir, I took not my houfe at Lambeth to accommodate families, but only fuch prifoners as by order of the Council ftand committed to me ; and therefore, whereas I hear you fay Mr. Feake at Windfor hath his wife and children with him, and yet pays nothing, which is not altogether impro- bable, becaufe Windfor Caftle is the State's proper houfe, but fo is not mine nor the goods. Wherefore, inafmuch as I am informed that it is commonly reported that you are at £6 a week charge (though I know not of a penny that hath as yet been received from you) ; and this declared on purpofe to abufe the well-minded, by provoking their 146 Life and Opinions of a charity toward you, of which I wifh you were as capable as fome other. Further, your wife at your firft coming to my houfe, vapouring that fhe would give £5 aforehand, fo you might be accommodated at my houfe (which was more public than others of my deputies, and fo to ferve your defign was rather made choice of), upon thefe confidera- tions, having no allowance at all from the State to defray fo great a charge as my houfe at Lambeth amounts to, I defire you will remove your children and fervants to fome other place more proper for them, to which end I have ordered that you have a week's time from this day to difpofe of them, and for your own particular, and your wife, if Ihe be with you, to be treated with all civility, and have as good accommodation as my houfe can afford. So, wifhing that you may be partaker of Chrift's fufFerings rather than thofe of evildoers, I reft. Your loving friend, E. Dendy. Sept. 14, 1654.' I confefs I was much grieved at this letter, for that I knew not whither to fend my poor children from me, two of them being about a year old and very weak, and my poor family being thruft out of all. Befides, the lines were fraught with falfe reports, I perceived, of my wife and me, and pitiful, uncharitable cenfures and fuppofitions, as that I fought to come thither to abufe the well-minded, whereas I knew not of my returning to Lambeth till Harding came with a new order ; nor did I otherwife defire it but for air, in the time of my burning fever. I confefs I did defire more air; and fo my wife faid Ihe had better give five pounds than be fo choked up in a little hole for want of air (as Lead- beater's houfe was). But then came in confolation from Matt. v. — ' Blefled are ye when they fhall fpeak all manner Fifth- Monarchy-Man . ^M of evil of you.' So that I thought it beft to fpread it before the Lord, and wait with patience ; and fo I did, without any noife, as the fheep that is bit by the fierce teeth of a dog weeps inwardly moft, and whines not like a hog. But ere long he fends a moft fevere order to the under-gaoler to take away the beds from under us, yea, to execute his order that night that one of my children lay giving up the ghoft ; but becaufe the child was gafping he could not find the heart to execute it ; and the child dying that night, he then faid he would not have done it for a hundred pounds, though his mafter commanded him fo ftriftly to obferve his orders. But for all this, and the death of one child and the weak- nefs or drawing on of another,* their immanity without pity was profecuted upon me ; and to fhow it fufiiciently the under-gaoler brings me thefe two enfuing warrants : — ' William Harding:! I am informed one of Mr. Rogers his children was carried away laft night very fick, and which, for ought I ,„ , Peter"! Sons of John and Elizabeth Rogers, borne and baptized '°53- Paul J 28 September. 1654. Paul y= fon of John and Elizabeth Rogers, dec"* y' 12% bur''. y'' 13"" Oftober. 1654. Peter y' fon of John and Elizabeth Rogers, dec" y" 1=', bur"- y' z of November." From the Parijh Regifter of St. Thomas Afoftle's, London. t Anthony Wood gives the following account of this Harding :— " In the times of Ufurpation, when the Bifhops were put down and their lands fold, the faid palace [Lambeth] was inhabited by feveral lay perfons, of whom Tho. Scot, one of the Regicides, and one Harding, were two. Which laft having the chapel allotted to him as part of his fhare, he divided it into two rooms. ... At length, hearing that the corpfe of Archbifhop Parker had been there interred, he took up the floor and pavement under it, and having fo done dug up the corpfe, which was put into cere cloth of many doubles in a coffin of lead. The coffin he fold to a plumber; and after he had caufed the cere cloth to be cut open to the 148 Life a?id Opinions of a know, may be the fmall-pox, which you cannot but hear the city and fuburbs are much infefted with, and none more liable to take the difeafe than children. Wherefore, in regard of the danger through multitudes of perfons coming to Mr. Rogers, I would have you once more let him know that I expedt that he remove his children and fervants to fome other place. For I am refolved not to endanger the health of my prifoners any longer. There- fore, if Mr. Rogers will not remove his children after fo fair and civil a warning, let the bedding be carried into another room. Herein fail not. Yours, E. Dendy.' But the truth is, the gaoler's children were ill of the fwine-pox, whereby we and other prifoners were in danger, but, blefTed be the Lord, not one of ours ; and the child we fent away one night, for fear he fhould catch it in the houfe, the next day we had him home again to the prifon ; for we had not, nor have we any other earthly home but a prifon now. So that my family was forced to be with me, which was according to the law of God and nature (the child being in good health) ; nor was there the leaft ground to fufped: fuch a difeafe in my family. And indeed, the warning, which he calls civil, to fend my children from me (and the Lord knows I knew not whither) I could not fee civil or Chriftian, and therefore refted rather contented to have the bedding pulled from flefh (which he found frefti as if newly dead), he conveyed the corpfe into an outho'jfe where he kept poultry, and there privately tumbled it into an hole. About the tin:ie of the Reftoration of Charles II. that bafe fellow, the brute that removed it, was forced to difcover where he had laid it; whereupon it was brought into the chapel, and buried juft above the Litany de(k, near the fteps afcending to the altar." — J. Wood, Athen. Oxon. i. 689. Fifth-Monarchy- Man . under me, and to lie in pads of ftraw with my poor chil- dren, than to be fo mercilefs and unfatherly to them as he commanded. Befides, there were very few prifoners then in the houfe, and abundance of rooms flood empty for want of guefts, they not having a third part of the prifoners (I hear) are there now. Nor had we any more chamber room than one prifoner who was in before us, a plotter. With this he delivered me another at the fame time, which follows : — ' William Harding, It's not unknown to you the great charge I am at for my houfe, &c. and particularly for my goods, for which I pay feven pounds a month, which by the year is £gi. All which I perceive Mr. Rogers and his wife are not fenfible of, otherwife they would not take upon them to appoint what lodgings my prifoners fhould have, as that they fhould not lie two in a bed but fingle, fo as the prifoners' wives might come and live with them ; which freedom I fliall not deny to any prifoner, although I might do it. So I hereby again order you to remove Mr. Rogers his children and fervants forthwith. And if the printer's wife do come, let them lie in the chamber within Mr. Rogers, or in the outward room, which he will. For I fee no reafon that I fhould find bedding for Mr. Rogers his children and fer- vants, when he refufeth to pay me for it, I do expedt that my orders fhould be better obferved by you than hitherto they have been, otherwife I fhall fee that direftions be followed more to my quiet. If you find that Mr. Rogers or his wife will not remove their children and fervants, let * Two perfons of this name, " papifts," were amongft the Royalift " plotters" imprifoned in June, 1654, for Gerard and Vowel's plot. 149 Mr. Brown.' Mr. Chap- man's. The lodging room where I lodged. 15^ Liife and Opinions of a me know it, and I ftiall difpofe of Mr. Rogers to fome other place ; being refolded to free my houfe of fuch domi- neering fpirits. Yours, E. Dendy. 061. 20, 1654.' Thefe two together founded very harfh to my very heart, at that feafon too, whiles another fweet child was fo near the grave too, very weak, and died within three or four days after. I confefs the trials were very great ; but, for that I perceived this was a matter of money, and no- thing elfe would ftay the furges and fources of this raging fea, I fent my wife after candlelight to Whitehall, with five pounds, which I was glad I could get together for him (not being able to fend him more then), who carried it ; but at that time they thought it not fit to receive it, but to accoft her with coarfe courtfhip and dialedt, and fo to fend her home to prifon again, telling her that we domineered in his houfe, and took upon us to appoint lodgings for his pri- foners, &c. How fuch fl:ories could be coined or invented I wondered, when for three, four, or fix weeks together I ftirred not out of my room or fpake with one prifoner or gaoler, perceiving how they were fet together againft me — the prifoners for reproving their fins at fo high a rate day and night when I had liberty to preach and pray. Seeing I was in prifon with fo wicked a blafpheming, curfing, ranting crew — ' hominibus perfri6ts; frontis '— with men of fo much impudence and immodefty, with raving beafts, with very brutes, I judged it befl: not only to keep out of their company, but out of their fight, as much as might be ; infomuch that they could not tell, I am perfuaded, but on the Lord's day, or when I preached or prayed in family, or the like, whether I was in the prifon or no, but by hearfay. Yet it feems, the night before this laft warrant he fent me. Fifth- Monarchy -Man . Mr. Chapman and Mr. Spittlehouje* were brought in prifonerSj who fupped with me in my prifon-chambers. That night at table, in difcourfe they faid they lay both in one bed. I faid I thought, if they would, they might have each of them a chamber, one within the other ; for that all the other prifoners had fo that I faw. But the gaoler's boy liftening, as fome one or other frequently did for ftories at my chamber door, carried down, as unhappy boys ufe to do, what he could make of it to his father, who carried it or fent it next morning betimes to Whitehall, which occafioned the aforefaid's words, as I conceive. After, I put pen to paper and wrote thefe enfuing lines : — ' Cousin Dendy, I have received feveral meflages from you which have been very harfh and unexpe6bed, and indeed, I think, un- deferved. I had wrote unto you long before, had not my wife defired to come to you, as fhe did late laft night, and had done it long before had not my children been^ fo ill. One of them is dead, and another very weak ; and having but two left alive, I did hope for more mercy. I befeech 151 * Live-well Chapman was the printer of moll of the books publilhed by the Fifth-Monarchy-Men. Col. Barkftead, Lieutenant of the Tower, fpeaks of him as " the owner or at leaft a fharer in the private prefs, which hath and doth fo much mifchief." — Thurloe, iv. 379. Spittlehoufe publifhed, about this time, "Certain Queries propounded to the moft ferious confideration of thofe perfons now in power, or any others whom they may or do concern. By John Spittlehoufe (late of the Army), whom the Lord hath ftirred up (in the abfence of Mr. Feake and Mr. Rogers, now prifoners of the Lord Jefus), to mind our prefent Rulers and Army of their Perlecutions and Apoftacies, and what is likely to follow them for fo doing if they repent not. London ; printed for Live-well Chapman, in Pope's-head Alley. 1654." '52 Life and Opinions of a you, coufin, be not too ready to receive falfe and unworthy reports, &c. &c With our real and true refpefts to my coufin, your wife, and all our friends with you, I am Your unfeignedly loving, though Afflidled and opprefled kinfman, John Rogers. Lamb (i' th') Prifon, Viz. Chrift in this Mount with me. oa. 21. Poftfcript. — Here Harding denies that ever I or any of us domineered or faid anything of the prifoners about other rooms or lodgings. Mr. MeazyaKo denies that ever he told you I faid Mr. Feake pays nothing.' I confefs I wrote brokenly, my mind being fo diftrafted, but not fo as might minifter any juft occafion to ufe me and my poor family as they did afterwards, infulting over us, and adding afflidbion to our bonds daily. A while after this old Meazy came again for money, who had £5 of us, being all that we could then get him, which bought us quiet for a few days ; but then finding us unable to lay down the full price for it, we loft the manfion. And be- fides we bought our provifions, and had our drink at the beft hand from abroad, which made our gaolers, upper and under, more enemies to us than before ; for the gain which Harding had, and which it is faid he pays out of every barrel of beer to his mafter, is great from prifoners. So that now nothing but evaporating wrath, curfing and fwearing to be revenged, fetting all the wicked prifoners upon us, who put their wits upon the tent-hooks, to that purpofe inventing and coining new ways and words, faying they hoped to fee me dance in a rope and fwing in a halter, calling us Hypocrites, Liers, Deceivers, yea. Rogues and Fifth- Monarchy- Man . '53 Queans and Devils, and what not, affronting me to my face if I went but down flairs, which made me feldom ftir down for air, not above once or twice in a quarter of a year. When Paul was in danger of his life, his Gaoler, the Captain, came and refcued him from the Jews, and after loofed his bonds ; but thefe are fo far from pity, ingenuity, or Chriftianity, that their frequent dialed is bitter, bloody, malicious, and menacing, as if they longed to have our blood, fwearing to run me through if I offered to ftir, putting Cavaliers, Ranters, Blafphemers upon it to plot againft me for my life, to gather up articles againfl me from what they overheard or invented, from my praying or preaching, or finging of hymns, writing down all they could make for their purpofe, and then fending them to Serjeant Dendy, or to Whitehall to Mr. Thurloe, againft me. The firft informer they got up againft me was one Abdy, a high Ranter and Blafphemer and Atheift, who was ftabbed to death that day that he was promifed and expedted his reward at Whitehall for his good fervice againft me, and his were fome of the articles they read againft me at Whitehall. This man did frequently confult with the Devil, calling him his God, and, as I heard, in the chamber below me conjured him up in a perfonal fhape. When he heard me at prayer in my family he would come to the door, fhrieking, yelling, and fcreaming with a moft hideous noife, thump at the door, open it, and come in among us, finging, roaring, fmoking tobacco, curfing, fwearing, blafpheming, blowing horns, and the like, on purpofe to difturb us. Three days before he was ftabbed, and after he had fent in his forged articles, which he gathered againft me to take away my life, he made a moft blafphemous fong. This fong he and fome more of the fame fort came to my door with finging it together in the tune of a pfalm or hymn, fcoffing, laughing, fwearing, and blafpheming moft hideoufly between whiles. Befides him fome other 54 Ljife and Opinions of a 3. The prifon company with us vvorfe than in the Heathens' days. of the prlfoners were put on this pradice, and a Httle before I was called to Whitehall laft, old Meazy came, he faid, from Serjeant Dendy. to bid them get all their papers they had ready, who faid they would, and immediately went to- gether one day after another until they had gathered up articles into two or three fheets, as I hear, againft me, bragging what they would do, and fo fent them to Serjeant Dendy, and he appointed his man to carry them to Mr. Thurloe. They were grown fo high then as to come into my chamber upon me and invade me, my wife and family there, with violent and moft virulent invedives, ftabbing words and threats, 01 oSoting ocvruv 'ImXa, Jtai Y[ yXuo'orcc a,UTm (j-oixaip/x. o^iTa, infomuch as they being defperate, our lives we thought were in danger by them. So that I fay we received not Roman civility, or fo much as fober Heathen ufage from them, and were by many degrees more bru- tifhly and barbaroufly treated than the verieft mifcreant Cavaliers, Ranters, or Blafphemers they had. For they had the liberty of any room in the houfe ; of any of their friends, though ever fo rude, to fee them ; yea, the Cava- liers at this day, courted by Serjeant Dendy and his wife, offering to fend down-bedding if they lay too hard, giving them liberty to go abroad when they will, by day or by night, yea to go to Taverns when they lift, yea to take the key and let who they will in and who they will out, and to keep my friends out, as if they were the gaolers, fcoffing and mocking them by the name of holy fitters and holy brethren, and what not. 3. They furpafs the Roman tyranny, yea, of Nero too, in this, that Paul was prifoner in his own hired houfe two whole years, and he was fuffered to dwell by himfelf ; but we are torn out of our houfes like beafts out of holes, and brought as I was into fuch a company and crew at Lam- beth, with them that were brought in there, that for drink- ing, fwearing, revelling, fiddling, finging, roaring, and blafpheming, day and night, I never heard the like among the worft Cavaliers or wickedeft of men, making the Prifon to me a very Portraiture of Hell and Horror and hideous Blafphemy among the damned ones, as I may have a feafon to acquaint the world with ere long, for now I do but hint and inftance in things for proof. They were fo wicked that befides all their moft hideous mockery and contemning the ordinances of Chrift, and forefaid living in fin day and night, they would aflault my family, get the key, and folicit them to Taverns if they could, take the children, threaten them, and force them to fwear, curfe, and call vile names. Yet thefe were the informers againft and accufers of me. Though I expeft to fufFer the fharper for telling this little of the truth, yet Jehovah is on my fide, of whom fhall I be afraid ? 4. The Roman power under Dragon government did give liberty to all Paul's friends to vifit him and minifter to him ; but our friends and acquaintance are forbid as to their coming. The i8th of the laft twelfth month they let in a godly maid, after long waiting to fee me, who went into the kitchen, the way up to my chamber ; but there they fell upon her, and beat her about the head and body moft fadly, whiles others looked on, laughed at it, and made them fport with it, and then turned her fo abufed out of doors again without feeing me. Another they re- folved to let in on purpofe to pump him, feveral of the Cavaliers with the Gaoler having agreed it, as we hear; but the man hearing of it, prevented them, and never durft come to fee me there after that. As to their miniftering to us, they do ufe very ftrange and incredible lies, reports and means, for all that I can fee, to ftarve us and keep others from miniftering to us, for they have taken away all, and yet exadt heavy fees, and fay they afk none, and report high mountains of lies, either to make us odious that none might regard us, or elfe if a friend but come and 4. To hinder friends vifiting and miniftering to us worfe than the Heathens. ,56 I^ife and Opinions of a dine with us, reporting we fare fo bravely and better than their Lord Protestor, and that all the churches in England had gathered for us, and that the church of Hull* had fent me thirty pounds at Lambeth, with abundance more of fuch abominable untruths, on purpofe to poflefs our friends with thefe reports, and to bind up their hands from minif- tering to us, who have, may they be believed, fo little need, and had they been believed, the Lord knows we might have ftarved. Serjeant Dendy was very dihgent to vent fuch reports to fuch friends as have told me of it again with grief when they faw them fo untrue. Sometimes too they fay we are kept high in prifon, and it makes us proud, and that for this reafon we will keep in ; and at other times that their Lord ProteSior gives us a large table and liberal allowance. The truth, or rather the untruth, is foon known : neither doth their Lord Protestor's charity reach to us, fo far as to allow us bread and water, for all that he hath taken away our livelihood from us and our little ones, which is far more cruelty than King, Prelates, Papifts or Heathen did fhow, for they gave an allowance to every traitor, befides what friends miniftered to them. Yea, Bonner, as bloody a beaft as he was, fent provifion to Mr. Philpot and others into his Coal-houfe. But we know whom we ferve ; yea, when bread fails, faith feeds hard, (Ps. xxxvii. 3,) * pafcere fide,' as Junius reads it ; for faith fetched Daniel his dinner into the den, out of Hab- bacuc's belly too, if the ftory be true, whiles the Lions lacked, and fo faith fetches in food and raiment and out- ward things for us, fore againft our enemies' and perfecu- tors' minds, it feems (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; xxxiv. 10), by opening the hearts and minds of fome poor Saints to fave it out of their own bowels for us, though there be but few, and * His friend Colonel Overton had been the Governor at Hullj and Cann, the Fifth-Monarchy-Man, the Minifter of a church there. Fifth- Monarchy- Man thofe all poor, that dare or do own us at fuch a diftance. ' Dat bene, dat multum qui dat cum munere vultum.' But I fpeak for the difcovery of that unreafonable fplrit which is in our perfecutors, who report every mite or morfel of bread a mountain, upon a defign to ftay the hands of the Saipts from miniftering unto us, and fo to tire and ftarve us into an Apoftacy and yielding from our principles with them. But ' fides famem non formidat,' for as one fays ' if thefe perfecutors and purfuivants, tyrants and gaolers, will take away my meat, I truft my God will take away my ftomach, and fo 'tis all one ftill,' for this I am fure of, that we ftiall be fatisfied when our enemies fliall want and be afliamed (Prov. xiii. 25 ; Ifa. Ixv. 13). Amen, fays faith, who fetches this in alfo. But thus far for the fourth particular, which proves their inveterate malice and hatred to the caufe and me. 5. They fall fliort of heathen civility, in the allowance the Romans gave ; yea, Nero, as notorious a tyrant as he was, to Paul (Adls xxviii. 3 i), 'preaching the kingdom of God and teaching the things which concern the Lord Jefus Chrift, no man forbidding him ; ' yea, and this at Rome, too, under Nero's nofe. But we are forbidden to preach in prifon, and our friends forbidden to come to us to hear us. Yea, Serjeant Bendy fent a letter at large, which I have by me, to forbid It. Yea, the church fociety I walk with are not fuiFered to come at me to pray or exercife with me ; and after, they had an exprefs order to turn me out from the air and ufe of the common hall in Lambeth, becaufe I preached and prayed there. They faid alfo, they had order to keep prifoner any man that fhould dare to pray with me in my chamber. The fame day, when Jonathan 'Taylor, of Warwick Church, was with me and prayed, they gave warning thereof; and after that they took ftriifi; notice of any that looked like a gifted brother. Here alfo at Windfor we have like experience, having been beaten. 5. To hinder praying and preaching to poor fouls is beyond the Tyranny of Heathens. .58 Life and Opinions of a abufed, and clapped up clofe for it, as we fliall fhow ere long. This is doubtlefs fo high a crime, among Chriftians too, that Nero fhall find more mercy at the Day of Judg- ment, and it fhall be eafier for him than for thefe men, in this matter. But, ' lignum eft mihi majoris glorise ut omnes impii (fere) me deteftantur.' I might mention other particulars, too, wherein our perfecutors and gaolers are worfe to us than heathens or Romans under the Dragon Government, or Papifts and Prelates under the Beaft's Government ; and to us too, who have all along fought in the field, raifed men, fpent our eftates and ventured our lives, and for the very truths and upon the fame principles we now fufFer in. All this is the aggravation of the threnody. Much might we fay of Paul's plea of freeborn (Afts xxii. 28), and as we are the conquerors and never yet the conquered, though cheated and deceived fide ; and much more I might fay, but that the fword as it is hath neither eyes nor ears, and therefore can neither pity us as Englifh- men nor as Chriftians. ' The foldiers' counfel was,' Adts xxvii. 42, (and is it not ?) * to kill the prifoners.' But ftay. Brother Redcoat ! we except againft thee ; for we will have no butcher for a juryman. The main caufes which moved Serjeant Dendy to be fo long a fuitor, as I hear, to the Council for my removal to Windfor — according to his feveral threatenings by letters, meflages, word of mouth at Whitehall that day I was before them — was the complaint the prifoners made, being afraid to take that freedom and excefs in fin day and night as they would do, whiles I was there ; and then the gains which he loft by my being there, both in fees and other- wife. As Acts xvi. 19, ' When they faw that the hope of their gains was gone, they caught Paul and Silas and drew them to the market place to the rulers, and the rulers caft them into prifon ' (ver. 23, 24) ; yea they were ' thruft into the inner prifon.' But there they fang praifes ; and fo do we our ' antelucanos hymnos,' and fo we will, till the foundations of this earthly government rend. Amen, Hallelujah 1 Yet I can tell them, that with a better con- fcience, which is my continual feaft, I can look out at thefe iron bars and fing, whiles the thorn is at my breaft to keep me watchful, than they can at their belconas or rattling coaches, or ruffling in their gold and gaudinefs, died in the blood of faints, and gotten by hypocrify and cozening. No wonder they are alarmed with continual fears, whiles we poor worms in prifon need none of their courts of guard, but can fleep fweetly and fecurely, though madmen, drunkards, and devils are about us day and night. Thou proudeft tyrant, thou canft but batter the veflel, thou canft but hurt the bark ; but my life is hid with Chrift in God. Amen ! and Lord keep it there, that I faint not. 3. Another reafon why I appeared not publicly from prifon before was impreparation, having been in the valley for the vifion many days and months before I could come to this ; and I muft confefs I did deliberate with too much flefli and blood, at firft contenting myfelf more with the heavenly prifon and prefence of waiting than of writing, of praying than of publifhing anything to the world, fo that I i might run the lefs hazard to life, liberty, fame, or eftate, &c. But I was foon roufed up out of this contentation and kind of contemplation whether I will or no, by a loud call to me for what is already born of God in me about the work of this age, yea, of the forty-five enfuing years after this, wherein the Lamb's followers and fufferers under the banner of Chrift are to know their places, maintain their watches, keep their motions, continue their marches, renew their charges, till they rout Babylon, and deftroy the Beaft's dominion root and branch, yea, until they do wonders in this old world. For the years of wonders (Dan. xii. 6) are 3rd Reafon. now entering, upon the defcenfion of the i6o Liife and Opinions of a The order of the Author's call to this treatlfe. 1. A fpecial melTage from the Lord brought by a choice fervant ofChriftand his Church. Spirit of Life from God. And in order, I am to found the enfuing trumpet to the two witnefles and remnant of the woman's feed, for it is no time to dally ; the danger is great, the day is come, and we are engaged (there is no going off) ; live or die, ftand or fall, fight or flight, is at hand. So that, after a long and humble attendance at the Throne for my prefent work, I am put upon this ; what- ever I muft do or endure for it, fo Jefus be but magnified, my fpirit is pitched, having fo manifeft and manifold a call for it thus, I. A meffage brought to me the loth of this month by our S. H. 2".,* who had a week's clofe communion and conference with the Lord, in heavenly vifits and vifions — finging, praying, contemplating, communicating, and re- ceiving amongft other things a meffage to deliver me in the prifon, which I had to this effeft : — That the Lamb's Book fhould be unfealed and the vifion opened to me, bidding me be of good cheer, for I fhould fhortly know my own work and what Ifrael ought to do. Befides, upon the firft day of the third month laft, after a very folemn faff all day with my concaptive, to know our work and what we fhould do, the fucceeding night in my fleep, I thought I lay under the fhadow of a great mulberry tree, which hung full of great ripe mulberries." . [He dreams that the mulberries fall into his mouth, whereby he is abundantly refrefhed.] * Probably " our Sifter Hannah Taprell." (See p. 123, margin.) The newfpapers of the day report of her that flie was " a maid that lived at Hack- ney, and a member of Mr. John Simpfon's church. She appeared to be in a trance for a fortnight at a time ; and fome fay that what fhe does is by a mighty infpiration. Her cuftom is to pray fometimes an hour and fometimes two hours, and then fings two hymns in two feveral tunes, and then prays again, and fometimes fings again. Her prayers are in exceeding good method and order, and her matter is various." — From Several Proceedings, Jan. 16, 1654. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . i6i " And when I awaked I was fo indeed, full of joy, and could not hold, but told my wife of it pre- fently, and afterwards my friends. But before noon the fame day I received a letter from the aforefaid perfon with thefe lines : — ' Truly, brother, I have feen you frequently in the Divine bofom, and have fung abundantly Hallelujah for the cordials which I faw poured down your throat, which made you, I apprehended, like a champion, and like a triumphing conqueror. Go on, thou champion ; for He hath faid He will ftand by thee who ftood by Paul at his firft anfwer, when none ftood by him,' &c. Some may mufe at my admitting of thefe things, but I do aflure them it is neither to boaft of them nor to build upon them, which is very dangerous ; but it is to obferve the concurrence and good efFedts of fuch paftages. For though I am as far from taking notice of, or having dependence upon dreams or vifions as any man alive, yet I muft not omit the night teaching of the Spirit, nor fuch dreams or vifions which bring forth bleffed effedls upon the fpirits of men, or are ratifications of the truth and mind of God. 2. To fecond that fervant of God, the very next day, and fince, many days in a week, have men of much wifdom, grace, holinefs and integrity come unto me, to tell me that it is the expedtation of the choiceft faints in London, and fome in the country alfo, the Remnant of the woman, to hear fome news of the prifon vifion ; yea, that they have kept praying by whole days and whole nights for that purpofe, being very high to hear from us, that they, who are ready to give proof of their faith for the Lamb with us, in the very fame battalia and teftimony againft the Beaft, might be provoked by us in the prefent work, watch, and warfare. 3. The variety of reports, and of unfatiable reporters, which have run about city and country ; yea, their very preachers, to make us monfters in the eyes of the poor 2. The incef- fantexpe6lation of the people of God. 3. The flying reports which pafs and repafs upon our l62 Life a?td Opinions of a Principles and Pradlices by minifters in pulpits and out, and by falfe brethren. deluded people, report ftrange things of us as they ufe to do of dogs — firft fpread abroad they are mad, and then hang them. Thus are we reported, and their inhuman tyranny upon us is in the pulpits reported to be no perfecution, but an a(5t of juftice. But how any of the prefent friars, chap- lains or parfons can prove our fufFerings fo, or dare utter it with fuch boldnefs for orthodox dodlrine to their poor deluded people, had not they the fpirit of the Beaft, and forehead of the Whore newly painted, I profefs I fhould have wondered ; or how the people can be willing to hear fo high pulpit lies at their prieft's mouth is as much to be admired, were they not fuch pitiful flaves in foul and body. For can there be an adt of juftice without a trial, or trial without crime, or crime without a law, or the like ? Yet without all or any of thefe we lie in prifons year after year, only for preaching the truth, as their own confciences can and do tell them, and all the world knows, and no formal charge againft us to this day. So that the Prelates and Papifts, who had a law of the land, &c. had more colour of juftice than thefe men. Befides them, and the fore-men- tioned at Court, there be others, too, fet a-work by Satan, viz. falfe brethren of the Churches we walk with — efpecially two withdrawn from for fcandal and fin (whofe names I am loath to make too public, for who knows but they may repent and be other men, which would be a great rejoicing to me), have moft unchriftianly reported, if not invented, fuch things as my very foul abhors, which is publicly fpread as far as Lewes in Suflex — yea, the paftor of the church told me, for all he knew, as far as Edinburgh in Scotland. And this makes me mention it the more particularly, becaufe no author can be found for it, and the Caufe of Chrift is fo much concerned in it : which makes the Devil fo bufy at this day, by divers inftruments, after the aforefaid two, to report me to have played at cards in Lambeth Prifon (a very vile flander) the laft Chriftmas, as they call it. The Fifth- Monarchy-Man . 163 Cavalier prifoners, and the reft of the ranting crew in that prifon, did play, drink, and game day and night all the time ; but for my part, I neither faw nor touched a pair of cards all the time, nor to my knowledge any one of my family ; and to take ofF all fcruple, I have had a kind of antipathy to cards ever fince my fufFerings with the Puritans (fo called by the Prelates) when I was yet but a child, being then led to it by their example when I knew no other reafon, and cannot endure to fee a pair of cards ; and if I fee but any anywhere that I can lay hands of, I burn them. 4. Another degree of the call is the proud, flaunting, and Goliath-like challenge made us by fome of the Court- catchers and boafters. One of the late Clerical Commiffioners hath twice prefled it upon me in the prifon to print fome- what ; faying he would warrant I fliould have liberty to do it without offence and without danger, print what I would, withal that I fliould have an anfwer; which, with a kind of boafting and infulting, being urged fo hard upon me, for the truth's fake was a notable inducement to point my pen, for I hope to find a little ftone fit for the purpofe. 5. I find, befides all faid before, cafes of confcience come thick upon me, and fent apace unto me, for refolves in the work of the day about the witnefles, the time, the ftreet, the rife, the order and efi^edls of their rifing ; alfo about the vials and about the Beaft's dominion, the firft and fecond Beafts, with their charadters, and about the number of the Beaft's name, and who is the man that makes up the laft charafter of the Beaft, viz. 666 ; and feveral queries, which I may fay fome fcores of faints fent or brought to me— to whom I fliall minifter my light in the enfuing treatife, having a fufficient call (whatever it fliould coft me) in my place as a minifter of the Gofpel to anfwer all cafes of confcience. 4. The Chal- lenge of fome of the Court Champions. 5. The many cafes of confcience fent me alluding to this fubjeft. 164 hiife and Opinions of a 6. The doubts which are occafioned by contradidiion of do<^rine in our abfence. 7. Experiences of frelh incomes of light. 8. All tempta- tions removed and the way cleared with many fweet promifes. Many objec- tions made and anfwered. Objeftion. Anfwered. 6. The frequent news brought us of that unfteadinefs, darknefsj and indeed malignity and contradicftion of dodlrine which is delivered at London, whereby abundance of pre- cious hearts have told me they are fo confounded that they know not what to fay, and can fee no light in their dodtrine, which makes them take fo long journeys to the prifon for information ; for that fome of our brethren, inftead of fnuffing the candle, put it quite out, and fo leave our wonted hearers in the dark. 7 , • • 8. To name no more, I was fomewhat dejedted, yet not fo as to defpond or doubt of afliftance, to fee the moft tremendous and dreadful wrath of God, which is to begin within two or three years upon this apoftate generation, to pafs before me. Some temptations feized upon me, (through felf-diffidence and bodily diftemper), as at the apprehenfion of the inextricafy, depth, and incomprehenfivenefs of thofe deep prophecies which I have to ferry over or pafs through, wherein fo many more able have funk and fallen before me, Jo at the fierce looks, bellowing threats, and atrocity of the Beaft now up in England, who will not be able to bear the tidings of his deftrudlion. But as the firft part of the temp- tation was obviated and deforced by the former promifes, fo the other by what follows. For this morning, being the 1 8 th of the loth month, to make all the way clear, a full commiffion was given me, and ' quietus eft,' figned and fent to me thus. Firft, I faw in my fleep a great Dragon of large fize." ....... [He dreams that the Dragon periflies without power of hurt- ing, &c.] " Yet I objefted. But, Lord, though I have a call from circumftances and faints, &c. yet what have I from the Scriptures ? Then came into my mind tumbling abundance of Scriptures and promifes one upon another, as Ifaiah xxxv. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 3, 4 ; xl. I, 2 ; yea, that of Luke xxii. 32 was flung in forcibly upon my fpirit, with abundance more. But I objedled further. What particular call have I, who am in prifon, to publifh to the world anything that refledls fo fharply upon the prefent powers, perfons, armies, or the like ? But that of James V. 10 perched upon me in that point / immediately — ' Take the prophets who have fpoken in the name of the Lord for an example ;' for they feared not, in or out of prifon, the powers or perfons of Kings or the like. Then I fell upon my unfitnefs, fewnefs of years, fmall- nefs of light, fliallownefs of judgment, weaknefs of faith, and the like. But was prefently filenced by God's words to Mojes and Jeremiah fuggefl;ed unto me (Exod. iv. 11, fo Jer. i. 6, 7) — 'Say not I am a child; for what I command thee thou Ihalt fpeak (and write abroad, and) be not afraid of their faces ; for I am with thee to deliver thee, faith the Lord.' Do not I, the Lord, take when, where, and whom I will, and give of my Spirit, power, and ability to whom I will ? Now therefore arife, and my Spirit fhall be with thee, the pen of a ready writer. With which word my heart did exult and leap within me, being as full as I could hold. But, Lord, fald I, what is it that I muft write ? What mefTage fliall thy poor worm have for the world ? When prefently, before I aflced almofl:, much fell upon me at once. ' The day of the Lord is at hand ! It is his day ! the day of his wrath ! of his vengeance ! and of great deftrudtion upon the inhabitants of the world ! upon this land ! upon thefe apoftates and adulterous generation of evil-doers ! for they are all turned afide ! Blood cryeth unto blood, and the earth fliall cover her flain no more ! The Witneflles fliall up upon their feet, and the remnant T65 Objedlio Anfwered. Objeftion. Anfwered. The meffage in bulk. 1 66 T-jife and Opinions of a Objedlion. Anfwered. of the woman's feed do wondrous things ; for by the fpirit of Elijah they fhall reftore all again — Magiftracy and Miniftry as at the firft, and recover the Holy City from the Gentiles that have trod it under thefe 42 months. They fhall aflault the great city, and climb up the wall like men of war; they fhall pour out the vials upon the powers, priefls, and armies of the Beafl, and on all his dominion, and execute the vengeance on all his worfhippers and irre- fragable fupporters, fubjefts and followers that have his name or mark on their foreheads. Yea, the earthquake fhall rend them up by the very roots, and the little flone flrike them up by the very toes ; and none fhall fave them from the wrath of the Lamb that is to come.' But ah ! Lord, faid I, thefe men in power, haft thou not owned them in the field at Nazeby, Dunbar, Worcef- ter ? and wilt thou now rejedt them ? Upon which fell thefe Scriptures upon me : Ifaiah x. — ' Shall the axe boafl itfelf againfl him that heweth there- with, or the faw magnify itfelf againft him that fhaketh it ? as if the rod fhould fhake itfelf againfl them that lift it up, or as if the flafF fhould lift up itfelf as if it were not wood. Therefore fhall the Lord Jehovah of Armies fend among his fat ones leannefs, and under his glory he fhall kindle a burning like the burning of a fire ; and the light of Ifrael fhall be for a fire, and his Holy One for a flame ; and it fhall burn and devour his thorns and his briers in one day.' Befides this, that of Jer. xviii. — 'At the inflant that I fhall fpeak concerning a nation and a kingdom to build and to plant it, if it do evil in my fight and obey not my voice, then will I repent of the good wherewith I faid I would benefit them.' But efpecially that of Jeremiah — ' Tell Coniah, were he as a fignet upon my right hand, yet would I pluck him thence and give him into the hand of them that feek him.' With thefe things I was fatisfied and flefh was filenced. Fifth- Monarchy - Man . 167 and faith fo fupplied and well raifed that I fell forthwith upon this work. Wherein, according to my illumination, I muft defire leave to differ from many of our dear brethren whom I highly honour, that have put us and the prefent work at too great diftance, having fent it to Germany or to other places, from whence it being fent back again to us in Great Brittanny, as I can fhow by letter from foreign parts, where I hold correfpondence with the choiceft lights, who fee the rifing of the WitnefTes and ruin of the Beaft's dominion in this our ftreet firft. Thus far for the call to it. It may be I may be judged none of the wifeft to make fo much ado in the entry of the difcourfe, and to tell fuch a ftory of my Call to this treatife, which few men will heed or hear. Notwithftanding, it is not labour loft ; for one may learn wifdom by looking upon a fool ; and indeed, I do grant that I am inftrufted, and ftudy it every day more and more, to be and to fpeak like them whom the wife men of the times repute fools, i. e. in all plainnefs, fimpli- city, and experimental language, and not in the wifdom of words or adts, as the world would have us (i Cor. ii. 4). I have ftudied to be wife, as well as others ; but now I am learning to be a fool, which none will look after, becaufe fuch are the Lord's inftruments, and by fuch he will con- found the wifdom of the wife. Yea, fuch affes and idiots as we are (by grace) the King of Saints ihall ride upon into his throne ; for, as one faid, ' Afinos et idiotas Chriftus elegit.' And, indeed, I write to and for fuch fools, and not to the wife. But to fuch fools as Jehovah hath made promife to (Ifaiah xxxv. 8) that they Ihould not err in the way, I write. And who but fuch madmen and fools, in the world's opinion, would oppofe Powers, Armies, Kings, Councils, Priefts, Lawyers, or the reigning corruptions of the reigning Beaft, as they do ? who but they will run their lives, liberties, eftates, &c. into fuch apparent hazard ? We accounted fools and madmen, and how we are fo. i68 Life and Opinions of a or who but fools would defplfe preferments and places — £200, £300, or £1000 a year — and tread gold and filver under their feet at this day.? Who be they but fools or madmen, that dare be fo bold againft great perfons, &c. as to utter all their minds at once, though they die for it ? or who but fuch will be meddling fo ? Who but fools and madmen, that will be venturing with a Gideon army of 300 againft an army of 30, 40, or 100,000 men ? And who but fools that build upon things not izzn (Heb. xi. 1 ) nor likely in reafon to come to pafs, as if they were already prefent ? and who but they that look on the ends of the earth ? Yet amongft thefe fools for Chrift's fake I am con- tent to be numbered, and for fuch fools and madmen I calculate and inculcate the enfuing difcourfe ; fo that, as the Apoftle fays, ' Wherein any is bold (I fpeak fooliftily) I am bold alfo.' Some of the complaints poured forth at Lambeth were tranf- mitted to Whitehall ; the following reply is anonymous, but the fuperfcription, date, and contents feem to indicate that it was either one of the papers collefted by the Gaolers from Abdy and other prifoners, or the Gaolers' own vindication of themfelves : — '■'■A Vindication againft the Complaints 0/ Mr. Rogers, addrejfed to Edward Dendy, Efq. Lambeth, Feb. 3, 1655. Sir, In anfwer to yours about the unjuft complaint of Mr. Rogers, we return thefe lines, being part of our juft vindi- cation in brief, and remain ready to enlarge verbally. Firft, to his charge that drunkards and fwearers in- trude into his chamber and fit by his fire, we know of none but Mr. Spittlehoufe (of late a champion creature of Mr. Rogers, though now at defiance), fat in his chamber, as being ufe to it ; but for fwearing and drunkennefs, let Fifth-Monarchy- Man. 169 Spittlehouje clear himfelf. The whole houfe can witnefs us clear from thofe extravagancies. We were never in his chamber but at his public fpeak- ing, except once, when — fome three weeks agone — he challenged and fent for us five or fix times, as being galled by a relation fent him from us, occafioned by his abufes ofl^ered, wherein we difcovered that we would not have him think us fo ignorant, but that we difcerned out of what box he juggled, by his and his fociety's proceedings, in pub- lifhing fedition, treafon, rebellion, and therein included herefy. For though we hated informing, yet not being fatisfied if to conceal treafon were not treafon, we fliowed our diflike thereof to your ofiicers ; adding, moreover, that his High- nefs had but bad fervants if he were not acquainted with thefe odious proceedings, which to us are very Arrange that a handful of Scum, the very Raff of Billingfgate, Redriffe, RatclifF, Wappen, &c. fliall aim at the deflrrudlion of this Government, as being by Mr. Rogers encouraged, animated, inftigated, and feduced, not in any myflrical expreffions, but in plain words, viz : — That 'twill be all their own very fhortly, and the great man at Whitehall muft fuddenly be confounded and defliroyed, averring, with the mofl: of ugly expreffions and confidence, that they are the faints that muft fhortly enjoy and poffefs the glory of the earth, and all men being either faints or devils, whofoever is not of their mind are devils, they being the faints. That the Antichrift, the Babylon, the great Dragon, or the Man of Sin, Oliver Cromwell, at Whitehall, muft be pulled down, with much fuch-like fantaftic ftufi^. One of them, fpeaking or preaching in Mr. Rogers' chamber, had thefe words : that we did not live in an age to expedt miracles, that Babylon cannot be deftroyed, nor the faint at Windfor be releafed, by only faith and prayer. Life and Opinions of a but you muft be of courage, and make ufe of material inftruments, and proceed by force ; per example, faid he, if this houfe at Lambeth were to be pulled down, you muft make ufe of materials, and not expe(5t 'twill ever fall by faith and prayer. Another time praying thus — ' Lord, when wilt thou trample under feet him that hath ftolen the government into his hands ?' Another time praying — ' Lord, when wilt thou free thy faints from the fear of men ? when ftiall they by force redeem the captives of the Lord in Windfor, this place, &c ?' and as I apprehended, one faint at Maidftone by name was exprefled. We add to this his intentions to raife feditlons, treafon, rebellion, and herefy, as by witnefles here can atteft, that Mr. Rogers did read a letter openly to his auditors, which he faid came from Mr. Powel from Wales, who did aflure him of twenty thoufand faints there ready to hazard their blood in defence of their caufe. Thus much for prefent vindication, forced from us by Mr. Rogers his afperfions, occafioned by the aforefaid relation fent him, the heads or chief contents thereof, which fo much difturbed him, and which we, from the premifes and other evidences concluded, which were — That he had undeceived us from fuppofing his way a blind zeal, by his frequent bloodthirfty exprefTions. That his chief aim was carnal in ftriking at the head of the Government, that he, as counting himfelf the chief of faints, might attain to the height of temporal preferments. That he was uncharitable, damning and curfing all others not of his opinion. That his hocus was to feduce the filly multitude, and juggle their means into his pocket, appeared by the con- tinual gatherings at home and abroad, which we think is Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 171 one chief reafon why thofe journeymen that fadioufly join with him do follow his fteps in exclaiming againft the Government, that they might procure to themfelves fuch like profits, and why we judged him a perfedt hypocrite, was then related. We fhall conclude (being all paflages would take up many fheets) with Mr. Rogers' relation to his auditors the occafion why Col. Overton was fecured, whereby you may judge what edification he hath for his fociety, the whole defign being to turn and wind ftate proceedings by his commenting to their fond fenfe, faying 'twas not only for a private meeting with fome of the faints in the country, and proceeding, charged the Lord Proteifor for injuftice in that. And, finally, take notice of his felf-made hymns, read by him, and publicly fung by him and his fociety for divine fervice. This one verfe for pattern : — For God begins to honour us, The faints are marching on ; The fword is {harp, the arrows fwift, To deftroy Babylon : Againft the kingdom of the Beaft We witnefles do rife, &c. This and much more you Ihall not only, if needful, have hands for, but from us and others. Aio." Thurloe, 136. CHAPTER VI. ""^ S^f^^^ 'HE Gaolers' Vindication feems to have been prepared and forwarded to Secretary Thurloe on the 3rd of February, 1655, in anticipation of what was to happen on the 6th. On that day Rogers was taken by his keeper to White- hall, in order that he and Oliver Cromwell might debate face to face, and in the prefence of their refpeftive adherents, whether Rogers was a prifoner for the caufe of Chrift, or whether he fufFered as a bufy-body and evil-doer. In the debate Kiffin, the Anabaptift, and others of the Court party, interpofed on one fide, and fundry obfcure Fifth-Monarchy-Men on the other. The following account of Cromwell's policy towards the chief religious parties of the day— extraded from Heath's " Flagellum" — will perhaps help the reader to underftand his tone in the debate with Rogers. But if he entertained towards the Fifth-Monarchy- Men the feelings here attributed to him, it was not until after his repeated and evidently fincere efforts to conciliate them had proved abortive : — " We will difcourfe a httle," fays Heath, " of the prefent ftate of religion, and what opinion Cromwell beft afpedted. The ortho- dox Proteftants were wholly fupprefled ; and yet fome reverend perfons, as Dr. UJher, the Bifhop of Armagh, and Dr. Browning, the Bifhop of Exeter, received fome fhows of refpeft and rever- ence from him — which he more manifeflly boafled in the funeral expenfes of the learned VJher, and this to captate a reputation of his love to fcholars and the meek, modefl, and virtuous clergy. The Prefbyterian was rather tolerated than countenanced. . . . The Independents and Anabaptifls he loved and preferred by turns, and was mofl conflant to them, as the men that would and did fupport his ufurpation. Only he could by no means endure the Fifth-Monarchy-Men, though by their dotages he had raifed Fifth-Monarchy-Man, 173 himfelf to this height ; and therefore Feake and Rogers were by him committed to prifon in the Caftle of Windfor, where they continued a long while. And not only fo, but he fet Kiffn the Anabaptift (whom he had taken out of defign into his favour) with his party together by the ears with Feake' s, to the raifing of a feud between them — the balance of his fecurity in the Government. The like he did between the Prefbyterian and Independent, a fubdivided fchifm from the Church of England, as Feake' s and Ktffin's were from Independency." The following account of what paffed on the 6th of February is taken from the Government newfpaper of the day, and was afterwards incorporated by Anthony Wood into his account of John Rogers : — "Feb. 6, 1655. Mr. John Rogers, prifoner at Lambeth, was this day brought before his Highnefs the Lord Protestor at White- hall, occafioned by an addrefs laft week made by fome of his friends that had been with his Highnefs to defire his enlargement, who being told how high a charge was againft him, and that he was not a prifoner for the caufe of Chrift, but fufFered as a bufy-body and an evil-doer, did then defire that they might hear it debated by his Highnefs and Mr. Rogers, they being by, which his Highnefs confented to, and this night he was admitted to his Highnefs with many of his friends, and being told of an high charge exhibited againft him, Mr. Rogers charged them that brought it in to be drunkards and fwearers. His Highnefs afked him which of them ? and he could not name one of them that he knew. His Highnefs prefled him for Scrip- ture for his adlings. He faid the Scripture is pofitive and privative. His Highnefs aflced him which of thofe evil Kings that he mentioned that God deftroyed he would parallel to this prefent ftate ? to which his Highnefs having no pofitive but a privative anfwer, fhowed what a difpro- portion there is, thofe being fuch as laboured to deftroy the people of God, but his work was to preferve them Heath's Flagel- lum, p. 143. Athenae Oxon. ii. 594, ed. 1721. 174 A Fifth- Monarchy -Man. " Several Pro- ceedings in State Affairs," No. 280. from deftroying one another. As, if the whole power was in the Prefbyterians they would force all to their way, and they, the Fifth-Monarchy-Men, would do the like, and fo the re-baptized perfons alfo, and his work was to keep all the godly of feveral judgments in peace, becaufe like men falling out in the ftreet would run their heads one againft another, he was as a conftable to part them and keep them in peace. And when he cried down the National Miniftry and National Church mentioned to be Antichriftian, his Highnefs told him that it was not fo,*for that is to force all to one form that is National, which is not done in this Commonwealth. Thefe are but a tafte of much more as it was repre- fented to me by fome prefent. Afterwards Major-General Harri/on, Colonel Rich, and fome others, made addrefs to his Highnefs to defire the releafe of him, Mr. Feake, and fome others, or to try them. His Highnefs fhowed how he kept them from trial out of mercy, becaufe if they were tried the law would take away their lives." The Fifth-Monarchy-Men were very much diflatisfied with this account of the interview between Oliver Cromwell and their champion, and publifhed their verfion of the ftory in a " Narra- tive " of their own. It appears on the title-page of this trait that it was "printed in the year 1654;" it muft have been printed, therefore, within fix or feven weeks at the latefl: from the day on which the interview took place. The year at that time began, not on the ill of January, but on the 25th of March ; according to this computation, the interview took place, not on the 6th of February, 1655, as we fhould reckon it, but on the 6th of February, 1654, and the "Narrative" muft have been printed in the interval between that day and the 25th of March following, when the year 1654 expired. The following is a reprint of the original traft, except that the fpelling has been modernifed, and fome parts of the introduc- tory matter and a few words of the adtual narrative have been omitted, but every fuch cafe of omiflion is indicated to the reader by the cuftomary figns. The Faithfull NARRATIVE OF The late Teftimony and Demand made to Oliver Cromwel, and his Powers, on the Behalf of the LORDS PRISONERS, In the Name of the Lord 'Jehovah (Jefus Chrift,) King of Saints and Nations. Publifhed by Faithful hands. Members of Churches (out of the original Copies), to prevent miftakes, and mifreports there- upon. To the Faithful Remnant of the Lamb, who are in this Day of great Rebuke and Blajphe- my, ingaged againji the BEAST and his GOVERNMENT, ef- pecially, to the New Non- Conforming Churches, and Saints in City and Country, commonly called by the Name of Fifth Monarchy-men. Numb. i6. 5. Even to morrow the Lordwill Jhew who are his, and who is holy, and will caufe him to come near to him, even him whom he hath chofen will he caufe to come near to him : therefore take you Cen- fers, &c. Gen. 42. 16. Andyejhallbe kept in Prifon, that your words may be proved. Printed in the year. 1654. 176 Life and Opinions of a An Apolo- getical Epiftle to the little Remnant of the Lamb. " To the little Remnant of the Lamb againft the Beaft and his Government. Some may wonder what we mean, the meaneft of all the flock, to be fo public, and it may be our deareft brethren, the Lord's Prifoners at Lambeth, Windfor, and elfewhere. . But, befides other reafons, fhould we be longer filent, the three following would fall foully upon us : — I. For that fome of Satan's furrogates, the Court pen- fioners and pamphleteers, have let fly many filthy lies and falfe reports about city and country, to poflefs them with prejudicate apprehenfions and mifinformations againfl; us. , . . This we find State policy in all hiftories and ages, and the pradtice of proud tyrants, pedagogues, and perfecutors, firft creating lies againft the faints, and then bringing them into fuff^erings, when once they had made them fufficiently odious, fo that no eye might pity them. Thus IJaiah was reported for a liar, Jeremiah a traitor, Daniel a rebel, Chrift a blafphemer, Paul a peftilent fellow, the Apoftles ftirrers up of fedition and preachers of new laws and doftrine, and fuch as would fubvert all magif- tracy and miniftry, laws and cuftoms, and all then prefent. This principle and pradlice is revived again under this Government, Nero-like to enrobe the faithfulleft of the aflerters of the truth and teftimony of Jefus with bear- fkins, then to bait them with their maftiffs or bloodhounds, like men that will report their dogs mad when they have a mind to hang them. So, doubtlefs, the lies raifed againft the poor faints, trampled upon and traduced (now) every- where, efpecially the Lord's prifoners, Mr. Feake, Mr. Rogers, and others, are precurfory to fome bafe if not bloody defign againft them. Therefore it is they give out that they are railers, liars, ftirrers up of fedition and Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 177 tumults, enemies to Government, magiftracy, miniftry, laws, and evil-doers and what not, as perfecutors ufe to do of old. What is pretended againft Mr. Rogers may ap- pear in what follows, who refufed to make a full or formal reply without it were in an open court, by a juft and legal trial, according to honeft and known laws. Therefore, and for no other reafon, as he declared to them in our hearing, was it that he declined to anfwer, and not becaufe he was non-pluft, not able or afraid to anfwer, or the hke, as the Court creatures, who have made it their employment for fome days to blaze lies about, have moft wickedly and untruly reported; but the truth is, they all feem to be given up over head and ears into ftrong lies and delu- fions 1. It is and hath been, but now more than ever, fince the Court-glofles have been printed and publifhed upon it, the earneft defire, expedtation, and indeed call of many of the faints to have as true a narrative of the late teftimonies as we could publifh . . . and knowing no other are fo well accommodated to undertake it as fome of us who were either ear-witneffes or writers hereof, we refolve to publifh it, and therefore have compared the papers together that were taken in charaders, and have given this account, which we believe is as well taken as could be in fuch a crowd, and among fuch interruptions, confufions, and dif- turbances, we do not fay to every individual word, point, or circumftance, but in all the material paflages to the beft of our knowledge, obfervation, or remembrance. 3. It is of fome concernment to all the Remnant of the Woman's feed in city and country to know how far the Remnant in London with this teftimony of Jefus and Caufe have gone and are engaged .... left they alfo by their fleepinefs and filence incur the curfe (Judges v. 23), which God forbid ! For thefe and many other reafons are we ftirred up to this narrative, feeing as Ahab did fend for A A 178 Liife and Opinions of a Micaiah (2 Chron. xviii.) to fee if he would fay ' Go up and profper,' as his own prophets did fay to him, and as Ahab faid(v. 15), 'I adjure thee fay nothing but the truth/ which when he faid he would not fufFer, but faid (as v. 25), ' Carry him back, put this fellow in prifon, and feed him with the bread of affliftion,' fo alfo was Mr. Rogers re- manded to his bonds in Lambeth with more feverity than before, too. Neither are we without our temptations in this little bufinefs for the Lamb. . . . We confider how eagerly our enemies would gape for advantage againfl: us,fhould they find the leaft miftake, and poffibly they will find many, for as there is no pen, fo there is no man without erratas, yet for the truth's fake (fo far as the copies taken in fliorthand and our friends have agreed in one, though we confefs it cannot be publifhed fo exadly as we could wifh, feeing we met with fo much interruption, as we faid before) the Lord knows we have been as faithful and impartial as we could be for our lives, and we blefs our gracious Father, we fear not what flefh can do unto us as long as the Lord is with us, and on our fide, and as long as we can claim protection from Jehovah our King by covenant, intereft, privilege, and propriety (however fome cenfure that fit at ftern, as if we were ignorant of the Covenant of Grace ; they fhall find it otherwife, by the grace of our God, ere it be long). . . This confcience feafl:s us with very excellent viands from above, which we believe no caterer in the Court can provide their Great Mafters withal ; but theirs is like to have but four fauce, though it be but outlandifh, like as when chirurgions open the dead bodies of epicures, they find many indigefl:ed crudities, fo will the Ancient of Days ere long, when He fits to anatomize, difl'edt:, and rip up their confciences, find many a foul crudity — viz. the fkulls, blood, and bones of thoufands of the faints to fliick there. But the Lord have mercy upon them, for the plague is begun. Fifth-Monarchy - Man . 179 If they be not paft recovery or true repentance. But if they bcj then the righteous and holy juft God, who is our God, will appear againft them and their intereft fpeedily, powerfully, and efFetlually, according to all the faith, tears, and appeals of His poor worm Jacob, in whofe hand we be- lieve will be the new threfhing inftrument vifibly, ere long. And then this contemptible teftimony or coarfe barley-cake of truth will tumble from the Gideon camp and fmite down all their tents according to the faith and prayer of Chrift's and His poor Remnant's defpifed fervants, To do or to fuffer, to live or to die with them in this moft glorious though clouded, precious though perfecuted Caufe of Chrift Jefus, Hur Horton. Chriftopher Crayle. Hugh Day. Edward Grove. John Pugh. John Durden. Samuel Bradley. William Bragg. William Medley. Francis Young. James Wiljon. Daniel Ingoll. ' Lift up a banner upon the high mountain, exalt the voice unto them, fhake the hand that they may go into the gates of the nobles. I have commanded my fandlified ones, I have alfo called my mighty ones for mine anger, even them that rejoice in my Highnefs.' (Ifaiah xiii. 2,3). i8o Life and Opinions of a A Faithful Narrative to the Faithful Remnant round the Nation, the New Non-conformift Churches and Saints in City and Country that go under the name of Fifth- Monarchy-Men. The hope we have of fair weather arifes from the Rain- bow in the Cloud ; though the Cloud be black, the Sun is up and looks full upon it, which hath produced divers colours, and put the poor Saints hard upon faith, groans, and prayers to make up that tremendous Judgment and dreadful Thun- derbolt that muft fall out of this black cloud, and which begins to rattle already over the heads of the prefent perfe- cutors, as Rev. iv. and the 5. . . • And it is well known the New Non-conformifts round the nation are at it day and night . . . giving the Lord no reft, and though many have been as dead as dry bones, yet they begin to gather finews apace now, and are like (may we fpeak it without alaruming the New Court) to be an ex- ceeding great army, for the Witnefles are warm and begin to ftir, and benumbed fenfes by ufe get life apace, fo that the Remnant of the Woman's feed are like to have their hands full, ere long, and long they think it. Among them are thofe defpifed ones of the Lord that walk in fellowfhip with Mr. Rogers, now prifoner for the teftimony of Jefus at Lambeth, who after feveral folemn days and whole nights, did find it a prefent duty incumbent upon them (and preparative to future) to go to Whitehall, the revived Court, and demand the Lord's prifoners, and bear their Tef- timony againft thefe in prefent powers, for their grofs fins and apoftacies ; which the whole body agreed to, not one difl"enting, with a loud fuiFrage of joy and alacrity, bleffing the Lord that they fhould be honoured by the Lord Jefus as to be called to this Teftimony for his fuffering Truth and Saints at this day. Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 1 8 1 They fought the Lord earneftly two whole nights herein, though the firft night they were difturbed by fome rude abufive ruffians, that feemed zealots for their Protec- tor; they roughly handled, fcurriloufly mifcalled and abufed fome of the Brethren, that they hurried them away from prayer to prifon (for night-prayers are reputed dan- gerous and difturbful to the Court intereft), yet for all that they kept another night, to have diredlions from the throne in the management of fo high and noble a Meflage, and that they might not in the leaft difhonour the dear name of the Lord Jehovah, nor the Caufe and Kingdom of Jefus Chrift that now fuffers. So after they found much of God's prefence and many fweet promifes to apply, and con- cluded unanimoufly upon the number of Twelve (which is the Lamb's number againft the Beaft, and the root and fquare number of the hundred, forty-four thoufand, in Rev. xiv.) to deliver the Meflage in trufl; to Oliver Cromwell in perfon, in the name of the great Jehovah. And now, that God alone might have the choice of the men, another time was appointed to feek the Lord, and then they all agreed to take their call by lot given in the name of the Lord, fo that after folemn looking up to heaven the lot was given from the lap (Prov. xvi. 33, and xviii. 18), and fell upon twelve, but (to obferve the Lord's wifdom) thofe that they in their wifdom fhould probably and principally have pitched upon, for parts, utterance, and abilities, were by the Lord's lot put by ; yet this appearing fo undeniably to be of God, the fame Twelve were fully fatisfied and accepted their call. Afterward they agreed to go (every one with his Bible in his hand) upon the Meflage of the Church. Accordingly, upon the apth of the eleventh month, a folemn day of prayer was kept, and they were fent out in the name of the Lord Jefus. The contents of the Meflage with which they were entrufled is as followeth : — l82 The Meflage of the Twelve Brethren. The Reafons. Liife and Opinions of a THE MESSAGE OF THE CHURCH To O. C. by the Twelve* ' We are fent unto you, Twelve of us, in the name of our Lord Jefus, and of that Church Society whereof Mr. Rogers, now prifoner for the Lord Jefus at Lambeth, is overfeer in the Holy Ghoft, although we be poor defpifed worms, and the weakeft and unworthieft of the Lord's number or of the body to which we are related, and although we be not fo able to fpeak as others of our Society might have been, yet after much feeking the Lord to be with us, and trufting in the ftrength and name of our Lord Chrift, by which we are come out this day, after the feal of fome promifes upon our fpirits in the ftrength of the anointing, we are (as well as the Lord (ball enable us) come to deliver our Meflage to you from the Lord ; and that — Firft, becaufe the Lot of the Lord is caft upon us above others. Secondly, becaufe the Lord hath chofen the poor and * Anthony a Wood fays that this Meffage was drawn up by Rogers himfelf. — Athen. Oxon. ii. 594. Fifth-Monarchy-Man . moft defpifed things to confound and appear againft the wife and great ones of the world (i Cor. i. 27). Thirdly, becaufe we are bound to fympathife with the Saints in bonds (Heb. xiii. 3) in the defence of the Gofpel (Philip, i. 7-14) and the Apoftle blames them that ftood not by him in his bonds (2 Tim. iv. 16), but we are refolved by the grace of our God to own and ftand by thefe our brethren, the faithful fervants of the Moft High, and true and faithful minifters of Jefus Chrift, who are now per- fecuted and imprifoned by you and your powers. Fourthly, becaufe the Primitive Saints, who had a Pri- mitive Spirit (which we pray for and are in daily expecfta- tion of) fpake boldly in the name of the Lord (James v. and the 10), and fo muft we to you in the plainnefs, foolifhnefs, and fimplicity of the Gofpel, without any politic, ftudied, or artificial frame of words or expreffions after the wifdom of the world or the princes of the world ( i Cor. ii. 6, 8 ; 2 Cor. ii. 17) ; therefore it is we dare not give flattering titles to any man whofe breath is in his noftrils (Job xxxii. 21, 22), nor come we to make our petition to man, but to God we do, in thefe matters of our Faith and Confcience, for which we contend this day, and for which our dear Brethren are cruelly imprifoned at Lambeth (meaning our brother Rogers) and Windfor (meaning Mr. Feake). I . Wherefore, in the name of our Lord Jefus, and of that whole fociety who have entrufted us on this errand, we are to DEMAND the Lord's prifoners — thofe prifoners of hope at Lambeth and Windfor, as due to Chrift and His Churches, whom ye have fo unchriftianly rent and torn from us (we meaning the churches), and neither we nor they know for what to this day, but we are perfuaded it is for their Faith and Confcience in the Truth and Teftimony of Jefus Chrift, againft the foul apoftacies and fins of the times in profeflburs, whether in Powers, Priefts, Armies, or others, that have caft off the true Caufe and Intereft of 183 Nota. The teftimony. 184 In the prifon Mr.Feake, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Spittlehoufe, Col. Overton, Col. Alured, Adj. -Gen. Allen, with many others. Since that Maj.-Gen. Harrifon, Col. Courtney, Col. Rich, M. Chary, imprifoned the 1 6th day of this month, befides all in other countries and Scotland thofe there that are like to lofe their lives by bloody trials, all thefe with many others at this day fuffering for and with the Teftimony of a good confcience againft men that have betrayed the caufe of Chriftj others have been impri- foned, as Mr. Vavafor Powel, Mr.Jo.Simfon, Col. Okey, &c. Life and Opinions of a Chrift and have taken up the creature's inftead thereof, which can never ftand. This Demand we make according to Ifaiah xlii. 11 ; 1 Chron. xxviii. 11. 2. And laftly, though we never yet did it in public, yet fo long as you go on thus we dare not but join with our fuffering brethren (viz. in what prifons foever) for their Confciences and this Caufe of Chrift, and declare and teftify againft you and the reft that adhere unto you, whether in power or out, fo long as you are the enemies of Chrift and His Caufe at this day, which we muft do with the words of truth and fobriety, for the Lord will rend you and all up by the roots that are not plants of His own planting, and the great God will appear (ere long) to confound and deftroy this fpirit of perfecu- tion, injuftice, and tyranny, which the poor Non-conforming Saints feel fo forely, and we pray you confider that of AJa (2 Chron. xvi.) though a good man and a great general and conquerour, when once he forfook the Lord, relied on an arm of flefti, and began to imprifon the Lord's prophet, the hand of God was againft him (and fo on others), and fo will His wrath be upon you and thofe that belong to you, if you go on thus, and if God give you not a true and timely re- pentance of thefe great fins, which cry day and night for vengeance againft you and yours, and fo do thoufands of the poor perfecuted faints (however you are made to believe), therefore we pray you fee (if you will yet keep the cap- tives of the Lord) Jer. 1. 22>i '^"t mark it, v. 34 ; fo Ifai. xxix. 20, 21 ; Ps. cii. 17, 20, 21 ; Ps. xxxvii. 32, 33, 34; Ps, Ixxix. II, and faith Chrift, 'What you did unto thefe you did unto me,' and Acts ix. ' Saul, Saul, why perfecuteft thou me?' fo fee in Matth. xviii. 28, 30, 34; fee V. ^tS''' I^a- xlix. 24, 25 ; Mai. ii. 11, 12. Now to con- clude. The day of Chrift is at hand which will fet them free, and will, ere long, call you and all about you to judg- ment for all thefe things that you have done and fuffered Fifth-Monarchy-Man . 185 to be done againft the Lord Jefus and all His Saints, and for all the blood of the Saints that hath been fhed againft this intereft, and thefe evil things which you have fet up again to the joy of the wicked, the grief of the godly, and reproach of pure religion and undefiled. This is the fum of our Meflage which we are fent to deliver to you in the name of the Lord, and whether you will hear, or whether you will forbear, we leave it with you and to your con- fcience, before God, the righteous Judge of heaven and earth.' After long waiting they obtained accefs, and all Twelve being prefent together, one, as the mouth of them, deli- vered the meflage, but the word DEMAND would not go down well, but the hard Cromwell told them that Mr. Feake and Mr. Rogers fuffered not for confcience, but as evildoers and bufybodies in other men's matters. One of the Twelve then faid, ' If fo, why were they not tried by fome known andjuft law, and convidted for evildoers? but to keep them there in fo long and cruel imprifonment, without fliowing caufe, was contrary to God's law and the juft laws of men ; befides, they were fick and weakly men.' But he faid he would put it to an iflue, upon Friday or Tuefday (as he faid) Mr. Rogers fhould be brought before him. On the fixth day of this twelfth month, being the third day of the week, the brethren and lifters (many of them) of the Society met together, and with much difficulty got into the prifon to pray with Mr. Rogers, which they continued till between three and four of the clock, and then they were called away by the gaoler to go to White- hall, according to his Lord Protestor's order, fo that in the name of (another) the Lord Proteftor of heaven and earth, the great Jehovah (whofe face they had fo folemnly and fo often fought for His prefence with them) Mr. Rogers fet out of Lambeth along with Harding, his keeper, and the reft from the Church Society (twenty brethren being the Feb. 6 laft, 1654 [5]. B B 86 Life and Opinions of a The harfli ufage ot the poor perfecuted Fifth- Monarchy- Men. moft) going along with him, much rejoicing as they went (according to A6ts v. 41) that they were fo honoured to be called before men for the Name, Faith, and Caufe of Jefus ; and when they came to Whitehall Bridge others of the dear Saints of feveral Churches, waiting with tears, and prayers, and acclamations, partly of joy and partly of grief, to receive him, and with an unanimous fufFrage, and fignal tokens of love to him and to this blefTed Caufe he fuiFers in, they prayed the Lord's prefence to accompany him. So we pafled by, and Mr. Rogers was by his Keeper carried into the chamber hard by the Council Chamber ; but the keeper only had admittance into the long Gallery to give notice that the prifoner was there ; but by and by he came out again and told Mr. Rogers and his friends that they muft all go down again, and go through the Guard Cham- ber, but Mr. Rogers anfwered that was ftrange, being come fo near where the Great Man was they muft now go down to go through the Guard Chamber and about again ; but the Keeper anfwered they muft do it, he had order for it, which he did, not in the leaft refifting, but the main end was, as they found afterwards, to try whether they were fword-proof or no. So by force Mr. Rogers and his friends were carried the other way back again through the Guard Chamber. Many other people flocked about them, the Keeper going foremoft, Mr. Rogers and his wife next to him, and his friends following clofe after him, until they came up to the Guard Chamber door. Immediately was the word of command given to the Guard, who, as foon as they faw them and us coming in, fell foully upon us with their fwords and their halberds, faying, ' Keep back, keep back !' to which Mr. Rogers anfwered with all his heart he would go back, but his Keeper would not let him. We alfo faid if they would give us liberty we would go back as faft as we could, but they would not hear us, but fell upon us with a word and a blow, flaftiing and ftriking in a moft Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 187 violent manner, calling us rogues, damned rogues, and evacuating the moft venomous words in their bellies, &c. but we told them not one of us had a weapon, but the Bible in their hands fome had, and fo we told them ; but fome faid the fword of the Spirit would be too hard for them one day, which occafioned them to be the more vio- lent, who ftruck (to choofe) at their Bibles, hands, and heads, and fo followed them, fighting, flafhing, and beat- ing the poor naked Chriftians all the way into the court again, and there laying about them too, and faying they cared not for their Bibles, ftill inculcating, infulting, and calling us damned rogues and curfed dogs, and the like ; but Mr. Rogers and two or three more were fhut in among their fwords, whiles the reft of the brethren were kept without in the court, and did with very much patience bear all their railings, reproachings, feoffs, fcorns, flouts, jeers, and injuries offered them all the while by the foldiers and others of the Court Creatures. In the mean time Mr. Rogers with two or three more were brought into the Cham- ber of Henry the Eighth, where were many gentlemen of the Court complexion, fome excufing the aforefaid violence and affault, faying it was by accident, to which he anfwered he conceived it not, but that it was rather a plot, and for aught he knew there might be a defign to murder fome or other, for the word was given to fall on, and it is conceived by moft that they did it on purpofe to raife us to a mutiny, that fo they might have had, at leaft in appearance or pre- tence, fome (or a more juft) caufe againft Mr. Rogers and his friends in Church fellowftiip with him, for the Guardians confefs they did but as they were commanded. Whilft fome were excufing this affront put upon Chrift and His perfecuted Churches, others faid it was good enough for us, and it was pity we were not worfe ufed than we were. Mr. Rogers in the interim was talking with others, and two of the Guard told him how forry they were their fellows i88 Life and Opinions of a Nota. For fo it was to the late King and his Court, where his Meffengers and Guardmen were fo rough, and drew their fwords, flalhing fo fiercely, and what a mercy it was no more mifchief was done, feeing they had the command given them to do what they did, and that it was the readinefs of fome amongfl; them againft us, efpecially the outlandifh. There was a fhort difcourfe between Mr. Rogers and fome others. A. S. ' Why did you come up there ?' Mr. R. ' We were fent for and commanded to come, yea, brought by force upon you, and by your Matter's com- mand, who fell a flafhing us with your fwords, fo that it is probable it was a defign againft us on purpofe, elfe why fliould peaceable men that had no kind of weapons in their hands or about them, without fword or ftaff, but only the Bibles with us — poor naked men and women — be forced by order and command to come before your Mafter, and be thus abufed, affronted, flafhed, and driven into dangers ? But the Lord is righteous, who will judge.' fF. F. 'But why came you with fo many ?' Ro. 'We were fent for and commanded, and thofe that came are Chriftians and Church members, no ways uncivil or diforderly.' A. S. ' Well, it's well it was no worfe.' Ro. 'It was the Lord that made it fo, in whofe name we came ; and He hath delivered us from your fury and the rage of the fword, for they ftruck with rage, fury, and high purpofe to do more mifchief than they did, but it is Heb. xi. " By faith they obtained promifes, efcaped the edge of the fword, &c." and fo have we efcaped yours, though fome do bear the mark ; but the Lord Jefus will reward them when He comes. And you fee, gentlemen, your fword cuts bluntly, and doth little execution upon the poor Fifth-Monarchy-Men, though they be but naked and unarmed ; but it may be this bufinefs will be ominous to you in this place.' Fifth- Monarchy -Man. 189 A. S. ' We wonder to fee fo many women, and what they meant.' Ro. ' And are ye fo fearful ? It may be it is true, then, what we hear, that the barking of a dog lately running about the yard gave you a very great alarm, feeing the fight of a few women hath frighted you fo pitifully as to draw your fwords upon them and hurt them. Alas ! poor hearts ! you are pitifully affrighted, it feems. What would you have done, then, at the fight of weapons, if a few white aprons makes you fly to your fwords and halberds?' But by and by came a Gentleman Meflenger to Mr. Rogers, faying that his Lord was at leifurc to fpeak with him, but the keeper at the door fufFered none to go in with him fave whom they lifted. One of the Twelve that was fent for, going in with Mr. Rogers, a Guardman ftanding by took him by the fhoulders in a very hoftile manner and tore his cloak off his back and abufed him. But Mr. Rogers and three or four more went into the chamber where their Great Mafter was, to whom fome of his Court fyco- phants had told fuch tales as they ufed to do to juftify themfelves, and complained firft, which is the Machia- vellian policy and principle, as if we had intended a tumult, which was a thing our fouls abhorred, and a moft impudent untruth, for there was not one had a weapon or ftafFwith them, or fpake one uncivil word ; but after Mr. Rogers with three or four more were brought into the room by Serjeant Dendy, the Great Man had with him two gentlemen more, who ftood by the fire-fide, and a piftol lay prepared at the window where he himfelf at firft was. Then he came to the firefide in great majefty, without moving or fhowing the leaft civility of a man, though all ftood bare to him and gave refped:. By and by he fpake, and bid one call in two or three more of the Church Society, or of the Twelve that had been with him before, when the DEMAND was made. Whiles they were gone for them faith he,; — fell upon the Citizens with their fwords at the Gate, there was his blood fhed. 190 The Room fills with the Courtiers. Life and Opinions of a 0. C. *I fent for fome of you, Mr. Rogers and fome more of the Church ; but you bring with you about two hundred and fifty men to make tumults and rifings, therefore fend them away, or I will not fpeak one word.' To which Mr. Rogers anfwered, and to give him a civil refpeft, faid, 'My Lord' — Ro. ' You are ruled much by informations which you take upon the reports of them about you, whether true or falfe, which brings the Lord's people into fo much trouble by you, but there is no fuch matter.' O. P. ' Ha ! You will talk, I fee, although it be nothing to purpofe. Who fpeaks to you?' With that he turns to one of his Creatures, faying, ' What fay you — is there not fo many ?' Servant. His fervant anfwered, ' Yes, and it pleafe your Highnefs, there's above an hundred below, and it is to be feared they might have made a tumult.' Ro. ' If they muft be believed, they muft. Yet this I may fay, I think there are not thirty men that belong to us ; and befides, they are all peaceable Chriftians, related to us in the faith of the Gofpel, all unarmed, apprehending your order and command to reach them, and they are only thofe with us as have been this day together feeking the face of the Lord, and now, according to your order, at four o'clock attending here.' But by this time company was coming in apace into the room at both doors, but all were Court Creatures, to the number of fourfcore or more, as we conceive, either of the Council, army men, lawyers, and councillors, or of his creatures that were his minifters, or new made gentlemen, or the like ; but not one of them related to Mr. Rogers or that Church Society, till at laft, with much ado, two or three more were crowded in of them ; but all the reft were left waiting below in the yard, abufed, fcofFed, hifled and hooted at by fome of the foldiers, as will appear by and by. O. P. 'I promifed to fend for you, for fome of your Fifth- Monarchy-Man . friends came and fpake fharply to me, as if I had apoftated from the Caufe of Chrift, and perfecuting godly Minifters, naming Mr. Rogers and Mr. Feake, and fpake other things that were fharp enough. You might have had patience in your words. Now you have liberty to fpeak to thofe things, but do not abufe your liberty. You told me Mr. R. fuffered for the Gofpel. I told you he fuffered as a Railer, as a Seducer, and aBufybody in other men's matters, and a Stirrer up of Sedition, which rulers, led byjuft prin- ciples, might fupprefs. I told you Mr. Rogers fuffered juftly, and not for the Teftimony of Jefus Chrift ; and, in- deed, in fome degree it is blafphemy to call fuffering for evil-doing fuff"ering for the Gofpel ; and if he fuffers for railing, and defpifing thofe that God hath fet over us, to fay this his fuffering is for the Gofpel, is making Chrift the patron of fuch things ; but if it were fuffering for the Gofpel fomething might have been faid, yet not fo much as faying uncharitably he fuff^ered for evil-doing; fo that I fay this is the thing in Scripture, and if we ftiow you that you fuffer for tranfgreflion, then you abufe that Scripture, which I have often thought on, that it is '^ to make a man an off^ender for a word." I wifh it were better underftood in the plainnefs of the fpirit, for (to interpret that Scripture) it was the evil of thofe times, which was to lie in wait for words on purpofe to catch at words without acftions, and that is a fin ; but fome words are anions, and words are conjugal with adions, for aftions and words are as fharp as fwords, and fuch things I charge you with, and you fuffer not for the Teftimony of Jefus Chrift. I fpeak— God is my witnefs — I know it, that no man in England does fuffer for the Teftimony of Jefus. Nay, do not lift up your hands and your eyes, for there is no man in England which fuffers fo. There are thofe that are far better than Mr. Rogers, though comparifons are not good, and not near his principles, yet if they ftiould fuffer He begins his long fpeech with manifeft reproaching and manifold untruths. And is it not the evil of thefe times ? fo that he is condemned out of his own mouth, as in Luke xix. 22. It feems when he faid fo, " he called G. d to witnefs," Mr. Rogers lifted up his hand, and his eyes appealing to 92 Life and Opinions of a witnefs alfo, at which pofture he was oftended. Mr. Rogers told him that Ordinance making Treafon for words was fuch as Queen Mary herfelf, as bloody as Hie was, would abhor, as appears in Hollinfhed in the iirft year of her reign, which made for the Teftimony of Jefus: But there is fuch liberty, I wifh it be not abufed, that no man in England fuffereth for Chrift, and it is not your fancy, you muft bring ftrong words to acquaint me of your fharp expreffions.' After he had fpake, and all were filent, Mr. Rogers defired to know of him whom he expedled to reply, whe- ther himfelf or fome other — the anfwer to, ' Who would.' Rogers. ' Do you exped: me to anfwer ? I will pre- mife this, before I fpeak further. I have been twenty- feven weeks a prifoner (my brother Feake above a year), and there hath been no charge againft me ; but now I am brought before you, I defire to know in what capacity I ftand before you — as a Prifoner, or as a Freeman ; as a Chriftian to a Chriftian, with equal freedom that others have, or as a flave ? ' O. P. 'A Prifoner is a Freeman, as Chrift hath made you free, and fo you are a Freeman.' Ro. ' It's true, indeed, my Lord ; and yet I muft fay, as fome gentlemen here prefent know I did before I was imprifoned, and when they would have had me meet in Coleman Street- to difcourfe our principles upon which we fufFer, that it is unreafonable to defire it at the difadvan- tages we meet with, feeing they who are our antagonifts have the advantage of a law new made, which they call an " Ordinance of Treafon," to lafh us with, as a mafter hath a rod in his hand overawing his fchoolboys ; fo that it is a very unjuft and unequal thing that they fliould fpeak as freemen and we as flaves under an overawing ; but if that law he repealed, though but pro tempore, during fuch debates, and we be reftored to our juft and equal liberty with the adverfaries, fo as to engage on even ground, we are ready to argue it with them when and where they will ; but till then it is unreafonable, for every word we fpeak may be a fnare to us.' O. P . 'I know not what fnare may be in this. Are you Fifth-Monarchy-Man. What need you fear, that will fpeak their tyranny worfe than the Roman tyranny. That they feemed to do all this in juftice and by appeal and free courts. At this they were vexed, and look on one another. fo afraid of fnares? fo boldly ?' Ro. ' I blefs the Lord I fear them not, nor the force of any men or devils, in thefe matters of my Faith and Con- fcience, for which I fufFer ; yet I fhould be loath to run into fnares, which difputes have been to the people of God ; for Stephen, (A(5ts vi.) before he was tried for his life, he was firft enfnared by difputes and then brought to the Council, tried and arraigned for his life, and they murdered and deftroyed him. And in ^een Mary's days, before they put any to death, they began it cunningly with en- fnaring difcourfes in the Convocation houfe, and fo gathered matter to take their lives away and murder them.' O. P. ' You are afraid of fnares and advantages taken for your life, when there is no fuch a thing ; but I tell you, upon your friends' Petition I fent for you, to fatisfy them you fufFer as an evil-doer.' Ro. ' Say you fo, my Lord ? that is more than ever I heard before. Nor dare I take this liberty upon that account of Petitioning for it ; but that I believe the Lord will help me by his own Spirit to anfwer, as indeed I have not ftudied a form of words for you, though you have prepared matter againft me, I hear; but I am, in the o. was troubled ftrength of the Anointing, readv to anfwer.' at that word, U. f. 'An, we know you are ready enough. Preparation! Ro. ' Yea, although I have made no other preparation |'^'.™.''^''„ than raith m the promiles, however lome may fcoiF at them, known what yet I have, I blefs the Lord, the comfort of them, and hope ^Zelhf ^'^' __^ ^ ' Informations (fome lay on the table) a gathering againft him; and the prifoners put in for plotting had by one Meazy a charge to get all their papers ready upon the 30th day of the nth month laft, who were very bufy to get them, and are we hear a gathering more ; for when Mr. Rogers is forced to preach out at the window to the members of the church and thofe that come to hear him, thefe wicked and bloody beaft-like men have liberty to come into a room under him to write what they can catch or forge or patch together, though all the week long they are in another room at the further end of the houfe day and night, finging, fwearing, ranting, fiddling, blafpheming, day and night, to go out in the night, yea without a Keeper, to carry on the defign. C C •94 Liife and Opinions of a I fhall have the benefit of that promife which I have the feal of in my heart, in Matt. x. — " Take no care what to fay, for in that hour fhall it be given unto you ;" therefore I doubt not but to fpeak to you and them about you in the name of the Lord Jefus, and in the demonftratlon of his Holy Spirit.' (He was interrupted). O. P. ' Take heed you do not abufe the Scripture. If you be fuch a difciple, then that promife fhall be made good unto you, and then you may fay you fuffer for Chrift.' Ro. ' I doubt not but that will appear that I am His difciple who made me that promife ; and if we be not able to make it out to unbiafTed men that we fuffer for Chrlfl and a good confcience, by God's holy word, then chop off my head. But indeed, my Lord, we can clear it to all the world, would they hear us, and not handle us fo roughly as you do ; for we have had a very dangerous pafTage to you this day, an " ardua via" through fwords and halberds.' O. P. ' Indeed ?' (fays he in a feoff) ; ' and I pray who was wounded ?' Ro. ' It was a mercy there were no more hurt, though many were bruifed, beaten, and hurt, and among others my wife ; but who the refl be, as yet I know not.' O. P. ' No, fo I think ! But I have no time to difpute thofe things.' Ro. ' Why, then I fay, as I faid before, my way muft be clear before I can proceed further ; for if they Petitioned I have done, and dare not anfwer a word on that ground, becaufe I reprefent thoufands of the poor Saints, who are one with me in this Caufe, whofe trufl I cannot, I dare not betray.' O. P. ' Then we have done : for I tell you you came here by a defire. I told them I would put it to the iffue this meeting, and that I would prove it you fufFered for evil-doing.' Ro. ' That will not be fo eafily done. But, my Lord, I Fifth- Monarchy- Man . '95 fpeak as, I hope, I am a civil man, and in fome meafure a rational man, and I truft through grace I am a Chriftian, nor doth Chriftianity deftroy civility ; and yet I muft fay again, that [if J I came hither by the defire or requeft of my friends, I (hall not, I will not fpeak a word any farther than to tell you my reafons. For I would not have any friend Petition for me, wherein and to whom I cannot with a good confcience Petition for myfelf. Now, in the matters of faith and truth, for which we fufFer, we cannot Petition to you, for we are not debtors to man but to God, who is the lawgiver and only proper judge therein, and therefore we Petition to the Lord Jehovah our Judge. Then, 2. If they did fo, they did not anfwer the truft the Church whereto they are related repofed in them ; for it was fet upon their hearts as an incumbent point of duty to Chrift and his Churches to make Demand of the Lord's prifoners in the name of the Lord Jefus, whom you and your powers have fo unchriftianly, and indeed with worfe than Roman tyranny, rent and torn from the Churches ; fo that if they made a Petition to you I am filent, and Ihall fay no more, as I faid before.' Brother C. (one of the Twelve). 'I {hall lay open the whole ftate of the bufinefs, for we are entrufted with a MefTage from our Society, and did but according to our truft make the Demand and bear our Teftimony, and made no requeft at all to you ; but when you faid our brother Rogers fufFered as an evil-doer, we faid then. Why do you not make it appear ? and you faid you would on Friday or Tuefday, and this was all.' O. C. ' Well ! who fays it is more .? Who fays you Petitioned ? I told you he fuffered as an Evil-doer, as a Railer, as a Seducer.' Ro. ' But your words are not proofs, my Lord. But yet, feeing my way is more clear now, I ftiall fay fomewhat more ; there is no law of God nor yet of man that makes I 96 Liife and Opinions of a See their Ordinance for Treafon. What the teftimony is they fuffer in. How knows he that? for he hears him not preach. With that the officers and them prefent me fuch an offender but yours, which is worfe than the Roman law and tyranny, that makes a man a Traitor for words.' O. P. '^ Who calls you a Traitor? I call you not. See, I believe you fpeak many things according to the Gofpel, but you fuffer for evil doing.' Ro. ' The Gofpel of the Kingdom may occafionally be fo accounted and judged ; for, as Chrift our Saviour faith " I came not to fend peace but the fword," the dodlrine of Chrift by the powers of the world hath ever been reputed fedition, railing, lying, and fpeaking evil of dignities.' O. P. 'I grieve that you call this the Gofpel ; for every one is ready to come and fay, This is the Gofpel, with words in their mouths, and fay this Is the meaning of the Scrip- ture ; but there wants the power of godlinefs, for Chrift and his difciples will not fpeak evil of no man.' Ro. ' Yea, they did fpeak againft finners as finners, which is no evil-fpeaking. But who made you the judge of the Scriptures, my Lord ? Whatever you fay, it ftiall never appear, I truft, to the Saints or unbiaffed difcerning men that I fuffer as an evil-doer. Whatever you fay or fup- pofe, I can make It appear It is an effential fundamental principle of faith, which Is now under perfecution, and for which we fuffer, viz. the Kingly OfBce of Chrift ; and thofe that deny that truth, for and in which we fuffer, are Indeed heretics, and not we. It is true this prefent Tefti- mony for Chrift's Kingly Intereft hath two parts, viz. the pofitive and the privative ; now, for the laft it Is we fuffer, and not for evil-doing.' O. P. • Why, who will hinder your preaching the Gofpel of Chrift — yea. His Perfonal Reign ? who will hinder ? You fpeak of high notions, but you do not preach the Gofpel to build up fouls In Chrift.' Ro. ' I know, my Lord, that you are a Sophlfter. And fo It feems, for a part of the truth we may preach, but not Fifth-Monarchy- Man . the whole, not the Gofpel of the Kingdom preached for a witnefs, as Matt. xxiv. 14, to witnefs againft the crying fins of men in power or out of power ; for that feems to ftrike at your intereft too much.' O. P. ' Why, what intereft is mine ?' Ro. ' A worldly intereft, which God will deftroy.' O. P. ' Ha ! And do you judge me ?' Ro. ' Yea, by the word of the Lord, in the majefty, might, ftrength, power, vigour, life, and authority of the Holy Ghoft I can, do, and dare judge you and your adtions (i Cor. ii.) : " The fpiritual man judgeth all things, whilft he himfelf is judged of no man." Befides, I am called by the Holy Ghoft, which hath appointed me to preach the Gofpel, to judge fins.' O. P. ' And who will hinder you to preach the Gofpel or to do fo — fpeak againft fin as much as you will.' Ro. You do from preaching that part of the Gofpel which decries the public fins of the times, or of men in powers, armies, &c. Neither is it, as you fay, a railing, lying, or fpeaking evil of dignities ; for the word railing, in Jude 9, is (ixa(rtp7if/.to!.. Now this is no blafphemy, to fpeak the truth, or againft evils ; nor is it railing to call a man as he is. To call a drunkard a drunkard is no railing .... to call a thief a thief, to call an apoftate an apoftate, is no railing ; but to call one fo that is not fo is railing.' O. P. ' To call an honeft man a thief is railing. . . Though I do know you have truths of Chrift in you, yet I will prove you fuffer for railing, lying, and as a raifer of fedition ; and I told them that I would have you fent for to fatisfy them.' Ro. ' If that you fay can be made to appear, it is fit I ftiould fuffer ; but, as Reygnold faid, " Nihil eft quin male interpretando poffit depravari.' " O. P. ' This vs^ill appear in the informations that are upon the table there, what a railer you are ; and therefore 197 fcoffed, and fome gnalhed with their teeth at the prifoner. What fort of informers will ftrve againft Fifth- Monarchy- Men. He fdid there was no fuch word in his fpeechj but fee it, p. 13: "It is fome fatisfadlion, if a Common- wealth muft perifh, that it perifli by men and not by the liands of perfons " (fpeaking of the plotters) ** differing little from beafts." Meaning now another paper of informations of what was preached at Thomas Apoftle's, that alfo lay upon the table with the other out of Lambeth Prifon. let them be read,' (fays he to fome by him) ' for there be many of them : the witnefles and the evidences all are ready, it will appear eafily, and out of the prifon fuch informations, evidences there are brought in, let them be read.' Ro. ' Your informations will not make it appear ere the more to juft men. I looked to have had a fair trial, or a Chriftian debate. But this is otherwife, feeing men that are hired or any other ways bafely fuborned do inform againft me. As for them out of prifon, it is a fign that your caufe is not very good, that needs fuch informers as the prifoners at Lambeth. They are fuch as you yourfelf have put in for plotting againft you, left they fhould cut your throat, and of whom you yourfelf have faid, in your laft fpeech, that they differed little from Beafts ; and yet you can take their informations againft me, — yea, drunkards, fwearers . . . Cavaliers, ranters, any men that make nothing to lye, fwear, drink, curfe, ban . . . and blafpheme day and night, and what not .'' And yet thefe muft inform againft me, to take away my life. Thefe are but bad evidences, my Lord ; and befides, were they honeft men, it were illegal.' O. P. ' Nay, they are honeft, godly men, that mourn over you, and that are troubled for you, that will witnefs thefe things againft vou.' Ro. 'I hardly believe honeft men will accept of fuch an office, to inform againft the poor people of God, and to feek the blood of any one of Chrift's little ones ; but I rather believe they are fome of your hired men, who feek for any ftuff to gratify your ears. But might I but ftand on even ground, with equal freedom, I would undertake to any unbiafted Chriftian to make it appear that the fubjed matter of our fuffering [is] for the Truth and Teftimony of Jefus, our infirmities excepted, which the Lord knows are many, and therefore we muft overcome by the blood of the Lamb and the word of the Teftimony (Rev. xii.)' Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 199 O. p. ' Nay, but I know you well enough, I know you, and what your principle is too, I know that you never preached the Covenant of Grace, yea, I know it, I have had fome difcourfe with you formerly, I know you are ignorant of the Covenant, nay, for all your lifting up your eyes, it is fo.' Ro. ' That is ftrange you fhould judge fo. My condi- tion were uncomfortable then, indeed, if I did not know the Covenant of Grace, yea, fruition, whiles it may be fome have a national, difciplinary, or barely intuitive know- ledge, there be many can teftify whether I am fo ignorant or no of the Covenant of Chrift, who have been my hearers long ago. It is for a branch, yea a principal branch of the New Teftament Covenant that we are perfecuted (as Afts ii. 30), viz. that part that God hath fworn unto, to exalt Chrift over all His enemies, and to make Him King over all Nations. This Covenant of the Father to the Son makes us grapple with the Beaft, and conteft fo as we do with the powers of the world, though others are ignorant of the Covenant.' O. P. 'Nay, I tell you, I know you well enough, and I know your principles ; though you are but a young man, yet you have been in many places, and are known well enough.' Ro. ' Yea, I am, fo I hope, known of Chrift too ; and amongft other places, I have been in the Field too againft the common enemies, that are now gotten fo high again, where I think I have done more for nothing, in mere con- fcience for the Lord Chrift's fake (never feeking wages as your mercenary men), than any of your colonels can fay.' O. P. ' You talk of that is nothing to the purpofe.' Kiffin. ' I cannot fee, my Lord, there will be any dan- ger to have thofe papers read. We defired to hear how it appears that Mr. Ro. fuffers as an evil-doer ; and if it pleafe your Highnefs, let thofe informations be read that are At whofe confidence Mr. Rogers with admiration lifted up his eyes and hands. This being fpoken in fuch confufion of others and tiie Great Man's heat together, he was hardly heard, but only of them who flood nigh and wrote. One of his courtiers made anfwer, but he went on in his heat. Railing men, arming himfelf and others, engaging in the field in England and Ireland, fpending his eftate, killing his cattle for the army freely, expofing his perfon to great dangers freely. 200 Life and Opinions of a Which gentle- man was Mr. Kiffin, who fince with fome of his members hath flandered him behind his back. Mark it out of his own mouth. brought in there, that we may hear how it appears as your Highnefs fays.' O. P. ' Ah ! fo I fay. Let them be read.' Ro. ' My Lordj that gentleman fpake very fmoothly, but we know now by experience the greateft fnares are couched under the frnootheft words ; fo there is a great fnare in his, for he defires them to be read, that they may judge thereby whether I be an evil-doer or not, fo that I thank the gentleman for his charity. He feems before- hand refolved to judge me according to them, whether right or wrong, true or falfe, or whatever they be, and whoever informs, and whether they can be proved or no againft me. But I perceive by him he is fome mercenary man, that hath fome dependence upon you, and from fuch I look for no other. But the moft, my Lord, that can be faid againft me is but an evil fpeaker (which, by God's affift- ance, I truft in this matter fhall never be proved againft me neither) and not an evil-doer, for notwithftanding your former words, I can prove that the very heathens them- felves abhorred to make words matter of fad: as you do.' O. P . ' It is matter of fad: you are queftioned for, for fpeaking evil of authority, raifing falfe accufations ; for if they were as Nero you are not to fpeak evil of them, for what hath the Devil his name for, but becaufe he is an accufer of the brethren ; and it is not for your good deeds you are punifhed, for what faith Chrift, " for which of my good deeds do you punifti me ? " and fo you fay, but you fhall hear if thefe be read, whether it be for your good deeds or for evil doing.' Ro. ' And as they anfwered Chrift then, fo do you us : it was not for his good deeds they would ftone him, but for his blafphemy, and fo pretended to do it legally, for the law would have a blafphemer ftoned ; but that which they called blafphemy was indeed the truth and good, and fo it is now ; what you call evil is good, and the Devil, my Lord, Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 201 hath his name from calumniating, flandering, and lying, and accufing the good, or grace of God, but not for accuf- ing evil or declaring againft fin, the evils of Apoftacy, per- fecution, or the like. But if you will read the articles you may, yet expedt not a word of anfwer from me, unlefs it be in an open and legal court, before a competent and fit judge, which you are not, my Lord, nor thofe about you ; but thofe things which are my due right granted, I am ready to anfwer them in Weftminfl:er Hall, where I believe the Lord's Remnant, who are one with me in this Caufe, will {land by me ; and at lafl: you can have but a poor car- cafe, that is every day dying ; yet I am refolved with the help of God not to throw away my life, nor to betray this blefled Caufe fo as to anfwer to I know not what fpurious and forged informations or charge in a chamber, grounded on malice or that which is worfe ; nor will I be tried In hugger- mugger, but if I have offended, it is fit I have open juftice.' O. P. ' Who tries you ? and who fays it is a charge ? Who calls it a charge ? I fay not fo ; and fee ! before you hear them you call them fpurious.' (With that he takes up one that was titled from Lambeth, and was going to read fomewhat). R. ' Yea, and I have good grounds fo to do, feeing they come from fuch kind of informers as they are.' (Then O. F. read one article from Lambeth, as that he fliould call him, Oliver Cromwell, that great dragon that fits at Whitehall, pull him out, &c.) Ro. ' There is fuch ftuiF as I abhor to have in my mouth, but I fliall forbear to anfwer, for that it is not worth the anfwering to.' O. P. ' Thefe things will be proved.' Brother H. (one of the Twelve) ' We defire the things our brother Rogers fuffers for may be publicly known to all, for we apprehend he fuffers for the truth, and the things which you hear you may be mifinformed in.' So that the accufer of the good and grace of God is on that fide by the informers and perfecutors. One Abdy, the chief informer, that very day he came with his Keeper to look for his reward, he was (tabbed in Fleet Street, being impri- foned for Blafphemy, Adultery, Ranting, Atheifm, and the moil horrid fins that ever were heard of. D D 202 Ljife and Opi7tions of a Mr. Rogers, amazed at fuch language, again lifted up his hand and eyes towards heaven, appealing to God to judge righteoufly. Ro. ' Therefore let me have a fair hearing in a legal court ; and I hope the Lord will make me ready for what- ever I muft fuffer, right or wrong, if it muft be fo. But yet, I tell you, my Lord, I fear not anything that you can lay againft me juftly and honeftly, but the truth is you take up anything that your informers can handfomely patch together, who, like the Devil, take a bit here and a bit there, that makes for their turn, and you take it as it lies, for granted prefently. O, my Lord, I cannot but mourn for you and your condition, which is fad and to be bewailed, and the rather for that you have fo many about you who for their own ends to get the world into their hands do de- ceive you ; but the Lord will judge righteoufly, ere long, I am fure, and let appear whether you or we have the beft bottom to bear us up, for I blefs the Lord the comforter is with me. I think my condition, through Grace, though a poor prifoner, a great deal better than yours ; I would not change with you.' O. P. ' Well, well, you are known well enough, and what fpirit you are of. We know you, and to call your fufferings for Chrift when they are for evil-doing is not well ; yea, it is Blafphemy ; yea, I fay Blafphemy again, for all your lifting up of your eyes, and I tell you, yea, you, that in a good box of ointment a little thing — a dead fly — may fpoil all, yea, a little fly.' Ro. ' I dare not, my Lord, juftify myfelf in my infirmi- ties, but I blefs the Lord I can apply Chrift's merits. I befeech you, fpeak not fo reproachfully of the Spirit of God to call it fanatic, or an evil fpirit, for that is Blafphemy fo to do (and fee Ifai. Ixiii. lo), neither call evil good or good evil, for that is prevarication (Ifai. v. 20), that which you judge evil-doing the Lordjudgeth well-doing and my duty. Yet I muft tell you, the Lord never made you a judge over our faith, nor of His Scripture, whereof you take upon you.' O, p. 'Well, you know that the time was there was no great difference betwixt you and me. I had you in my eye, and did think of you for employment (and prefer- ment) ; you know it well enough.' Ro. ' True, my Lord ; and then you could fay to me you thought no man in England fo fit, but fince the cafe is altered indeed ; but I pray confider who it is is changed. Surely, it muft be Confcience that makes me fuffer, then, through fo many temptations as I have met with. And I have often faid, let me be convinced by good words that I am an evil-doer, as you faid, and I would lay my neck under your feet for mercy ; but till then I muft keep my Confcience.' One of the Grandees (as we take it it was G. DefiorougK) fays, 'Let the informations be read, let them be heard;' and then ScoMIv^^ls called to read them, not thofe from Lambeth, but thofe that were brought in from Thomas Apoftle's, from what Mr. Rogers prayed, what he preached, and what they fang in hymns. What he prayed was for the prifoners of the Lord at Windfor, and againft the tyranny of all Antichriftian powers, and to that purpofe, and that God would haften his Vials out upon them. What he preached was out of Matth. v.—' Agree with thine ad- verfary (Chrift) quickly,' and he obferved, 'Apoftate- adulterate profeflbrs muft agree quickly with Chrift, their adverfary,' applying it to the prefent Powers as fuch, proving they break the Ten Commandments. As the ift. In fetting up idols again, a golden calf ; fo the army and fleftily ftrength, and the like are idolized, whilft men fay, thefe are the gods that brought us up out of Egypt. and Command is, — Graven images, and fo are the Tryers, and High Court CommifTioners — fuch the inven- tions and graven images of men's making with their feals, parchments, black boxes, and picklocks, padlocks and keys for your hog-fties, pig-fties, and goofe-ftalls. The informa- tions from Thomas Apoftle's read. The Articles againft Mr. Rogers as well as they could be taken. Thefe Articles are many of them falfe for matter and form, as can be made appear by hundreds. 204 Life and Opinions of a Now is Mr. Rogers forced to preach out at the iron bars of the prifon on Lord's days. 3rd Command. Take not My name in vain, &c. Such as have broke all their Declarations, Engagements, and abufed His Attributes, ufing that name of God for the',r own ends, are guilty of this. 4th Command. Remember that thou keep holy the, &c. fpeaking of foul-reft, and faying that the prefent Powers kept not the Sabbath that refted in their pleafures, flefh, &c. and not in Chrift, but did their own work. 5th Command. Honour thy father and mother, &c. They break this Commandment in their difobedience to God, the heavenly Father. 6th. Thou fhalt not murder, &c. Murderers are of many forts — fuch as have betrayed the blood that hath been fhed againft this kind of Government, &c. And then he converted his difcourfe againft informers that come for blood, and faid, to hate a brother without a caufe is murder. 7th. Thou fhalt not commit adultery, &c. This they did with others, as Army, Lawyer's, Prieft's intereft, and that which they before deftroyed. 8 th. Steal not. Now there are great thieves and little thieves (great ones are now in prefent Powers) and army thieves, clergy thieves, lawyer thieves, and the Great Thief now in Whitehall. But the other two he left to another time. When he had done he read a letter from Mr. Feake, where was a dialogue between him and the Governor, and then he commented upon it, and faid it is worfe now than it was with the Romans, for then Paul might preach, though a prifoner, but now we are denied it. After that he fung an hymn, and the people joined with great alacrity, againft oppreffion and perfecution, &c. After this information was read, Mr. Rogers faid, ' My Lord, I had a purpofe not to anfwer one word hereto, this being no fuitable place or time to anfwer a charge, and no witneftes appearing againft me to make it good ; but yet I fhall tell you this, for I will not, with the Lord's help, fpeak Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 205 a word but what I will own to your face, for I love to ap- pear in the fincerity of my foul and confcience for my Lord and Matter (Jefus Chrift) plain to all men, and to lay open my principles, which I have no caufe (through grace) to be afhamed of. The matter of this is much of it true, but as to the form, there is a great deal of patching and botching put in by your mercenary hirelings which I will not own ; but as to much of the matter of it, I muft dare, and with the Lord's grace I will, though I die for it, and without you fhould cut my tongue out of my head, I fhall continue the Teflimony, up and tell you, moreover, with the reft about you here, that I regard your laws in the matters of my God no more than ftraws, for " Imperia Divina non funt fubjeda magiftra- tui," faith one of the Martyrs ; and tell you that I will not be accountable to the magiftrate nor fubmit to his judgment in the matters of my Faith, which the civil law can take no due cognizance of.' One of his Council faid : * Ha ! Imperia Divina ! ' Ro. ^ So I fay, Imperia Divina.' O. P. Saith he, 'Are thefe fpurious articles now ? put in by drunkards and fwearers too ? . . . Are they not ? Ha !— ha !— ' Ro. ' My Lord, I know what I fay. Thofe which were fent from Lambeth put in by the prifoners there ; thofe, I fay, are fuch. I did not fay all, but thofe that I fee there, which lie upon the table, titled from Lambeth ; and be- fides, there is Serjeant Bendy knows this that I fay, for he himfelf (I thank him) fent in their informations againft me to Mr. 'Thurloe, which he cannot deny.' S. Dendy. ' My Lord, I delivered him none.' Ro. ' I fay not you delivered them, but you fent them by your man, who delivered them according to your direc- tions.' S. Dendy. ' But my Mother, my Lord, this was my Mother, for fhe catechized me, my Lord, and I told her.' They would fain have fliifted off them from Lambeth as it feems, as if they were aOiamed of them. 2o6 Hiife and Opinions of a He confefled that Anti- chrift's Government is now up in England yet, fo tllat no wonder the Prifons are fo full of precious faints. Ro. ' So that is true, as I faid before, that thofe from Lambeth prifon are fpurious, wicked, and illegal.' Mr. Cre. ' Pray, my Lord, let Mr. Rogers have a copy of his charge, for the law allows it him.' O. P. ' No, this is not his trial.' Ro. ' Why, then let me have it, as you are a Chriftian ; for is it fit I be denied a fight of my accufation againfl: me?' (But he turned away and would not hear). Mr. Cre. ' Then, my Lord, let us have Liberty of Confcience. Will you not give us fo much liberty as the Parliament gave ?' (With that he turned about in anger). O. P. 'I tell you there was never fuch Liberty of Con- fcience, no, never fuch liberty fince the days of Antichrift as is now — for may not men preach and pray what they will ? and have not men their liberty of all opinions ? ' Ro. * It is true there is liberty enough, and too much too, for drunkards, fwearers, and men of vile debauched principles and evil lives. Common-prayer men, and fuch like, we know, round the nation.' (Then his creatures about him fcofFed). O. P. 'Ha ! — are drunkennefs, fwearing, opinions then ?' Ro. 'I fay not fo, but I fay fuch men may have their opinions, whilfl: we are perfecuted for the truth. But why do you not, my Lord, let out my brother Feake at Wind- for with myfelf ? Seeing we fuffer in one Caufe, for one Tefl:imony, and I trufl; by one Spirit of Jefus Chrifl:, let us both out to anfwer for ourfelves jointly together, and to make it appear to all uninterefted Chriftians that we are no evil-doers in the matter we fuffer for ; which if we do not, then let us fuffer.' O.P. ' Mr. Feake ! truly, Mr. Feake ! I think lefs evil may be faid of him than of you ; but there are many of different opinions that come to me, and they know they have all their liberty of their opinions.' Ro. ' Yea, every man almoft that talks with you is apt Fifth-Monarchy - Man . 207 to think you of his opinion, my Lord, whatever he be.' (His creatures fcofFed again). O. P. 'Nay, you do not,' (faith he in anger. His crea- tures fcoffed and laughed again). Ro. ' Some of this judgment do think you fo, although, as I faid before, the privative or negative part of the Tefti- mony you cannot bear.' O. P. '■ Pifh ! here is a great deal of pofitive and pri- vative to {how you are a Scholar, and 'tis well known what you are. And where do you find that diftindion ? ' Ro. ' In logic' O. P. 'Ha!' Ro. ' I muft tell you In the name of the Lord Jehovah that your condition is very defperate, and if you confult the holy oracles you will find it ; for the next Vial which is to be poured out is the fcorching hot one, and muft fall upon the Apoftate profefTors, that have forfaken and be- trayed the Caufe of Chrift, And look to it, it is like to fall heavy upon your heads and thofe that are about you ; I pray think of that in Hofea i. 4 — the blood of Jezreel fhall be upon the houfe of Jehu — though Jehu did obey the Lord in doing juftice on Ahab and Jezebel ; yet becaufe he fell into the fame predicament of fin, walking in the fame fteps of evil which Ahab walked in, the very blood of them fell upon his head.' O. P. ' Your fpirit is to judge, but I regard not your words ; look you to your confcience, and I will look to mine. Yet for that of Jehu, why, what was that for ? It was for fear left the people ftiould go back again to the houfe of David and to Jerufalem.' (And fo he was running into the ftory of Jeroboam, but he was corredled. Then Kiffin faid ' It is fo ;' then faid Mr. Rogers, ' It is not fo of Jehu, but of Jeroboam, which he fpeaks of.' Then he corredted himfelf, and faid), 'Well, but Jehu — can you parallel it now ? Why, his heart was hypocritical, and by But fome of that opinion do as Mr. T. G. and others. They thought Mr. Rogers to be an antic, becaufe he fpake in power and great zeal. 2o8 Life and Opinions of a For there were many poftures and adtions tending to difturb and interrupt him. policy clave to the fame fin of his predecefTorSj and Baal again, to pleafe the people.' Ro. ' True, my Lord ; and is it not fo now ? ' O. P. ' Hah ! ' — (faith he, and turned about to his army men) — ' and fo he fpake of the army too. What can you fay of them ? ' Ro. ' I fay they are an Apoftate army, that have moft perfidloufly betrayed the Caufe of Chrift, broken their faith in fo many Declarations and Engagements, and are odious to the Saints ; yea, the very name of them will be odious to the children that are yet unborn.' (With that the army men — for many officers were by — were forely vexed, fome grating their teeth and laying heads together). O. P. 'I tell you,' (faith he in a chafe) ' I tell you, and you ! that they have kept them all to a tittle. Not one of you can make it appear that they have broke one declara- tion or engagement, or a tittle of one ; prove it if you can, any of you.' Ro. Mr. Rogers did earneftly prefs for liberty to in- ftance in fome, and with much ado faid — ' My Lord, if you would have patience, I would inftance in many.' (They feoff again). O. P. ' Am I impatient, then ? let them that ftand by fee ! Nay, it is you are fo full, like the Pamphleteers.' Ro. ' They that write Pamphlets now never printed more lies and blafphemies fince the world flood.' O. P. 'I think fo too.' Ro. ' But, my Lord, if you pleafe to let me fpeak, for if I be extreme, [it] is not " paffio concupifcibilis," as we fee in fome men who fpeak all for themfelves, whilft we feek only for Chrift and his kingdom, but rather a " paffio irafcibilis," (which it may be is my weaknefs, but fure it is my indig- nation to fin and felf, and that which I fee fet up inftead of Chrift) ; but if you will give me leave I will inftance in declarations, as that in '47, for one, page 9, where they Fifth-Monarchy -Man. 209 declare againft any authority or abfolute power in any perfon or perfons whatfoever during life^ faying the people fo fubjedted were mere flaves, and that you would not have It fo in any, no, not in any of your own army, or of your own Principles, nor yet of whom you might have moft perfonal affurance, and that it was no refilling of magiftracy to fide with juft principles, and much more to that purpofe. Befides, in feveral others, as in Alban's, and that when the army went to Scotland againft the Clergy and Tithes.' (But Mafter Rogers was interrupted, and not fufFered to infift on any others). O. P. * And who ? Hear me: who? — who, I fay, hath broken that ? Where is an arbitrary or abfolute power ? (nay, hear me) : where is fuch a power ?' Ro. ' Is not the Long-fword fuch ? By what law or power are we put into prifon, my brother Feake above thefe twelve months, I above twenty-eight weeks, and feveral others of our brethren, and we know not for what to this day ? which I fay again is worfe, yea worfe than the Roman law. And is not this Arbitrary ? And is not your power with the armies Abfolute, to break up Parliaments and do what you will ? But, if you pleafe, let me inftance in others.' (But they would not fuffer him). One of the army— fome fay L. C. W* ' Sir,' (faith he to Mr. Rogers), ' you fay the army have broken all their Engagements.' Ro. ' Yea, every one of them ; and if they make another Declaration, they will hardly be believed again by good people.' L. C. ^. ' But I pray by what rule do you refift Powers fet up of God ? ' Ro. ' Sir, you are miftaken ; we do not refift fuch as are * Probably Lieut.-Col. Worfley, of Cromwell's own regiment. E E 210 I-jife and Opinions of a But Mr. Ro. was interrupted and forced to break off, whiles O. P. proceeded. The Contro- verfy cleared out of their own mouths. fet up of God, but we refill fin in all men. And as Luther faid, " Inveniar fane fuperbus, &c." I may be accounted proud, mad, or anything, but be it fo, " ne modo impii filentii arguar, dum Chriftus patitur," rather than I be guilty of the fin of filence.' O. P. ' Now, for the Army, they are refolved not to reft till they have performed all they engaged ; and they are about it as faft as they can do it in order.' (And much to that purpofe he fpake. But then Mr. Her. defired to fpeak). Mr. Her. ' I defire to fpeak a word.' O. P. ' Well, do.' Mr. Her. ' That gentleman' (meaning L. C. W.) ' afked by what rule we refift Powers. We defire, then, to be fatisfied by what rule you refifted the King, and warred againft him and his adherents, and defl:royed the Govern- ment before, feeing they were accounted too a lawful authority. And confider how much blood cries under the altar, " How long, O Lord, holy and true ?" ' O. P. Would undertake to anfwer by a long narrative of the people's grievances, the King's abfolute power, and his feeking to deftroy his fubjedts till they were forced to . take up arms for their own defence, fo that it was a defenfive War ; and the former Powers had broken their Engagements and forfeited their truft. Much more was fpoken by one or other thereto. But faith he, looking upon Mr. Ro. ' Ha ! ' O. P. 'I fee he is full to fpeak.' Ro. ' Yea, my Lord, I am, for (ex conceffis) our contro- verfy is decided, and the cafe is plain on our fide, and feems fo now more than ever ; for do not the poor people of God feel a Prerogative Interefl; now up ? As the old Nonconformifts, or the good old Puritans were perfecuted, imprifoned, reproached, and denied protedlion from men, and therefore were forced to fly to God by faith and prayer and tears day and night, not ceafing till the Vial of Fifth- Monarchy- Man . Wrath was poured out upon the heads of the King and his Prelates ; fo I fay the new Nonconformifts are abufed, difowned, and denied protedion, perfecuted, imprifoned, banifhed, and forced day and night (yea thoufands of them in city and country) to their faith, tears, prayers, and appeals, which are the " Bombarda Chriftianorum," and will prevail, as fure as God is in Heaven, to bring down the next hot, fcorching Vial of His Wrath upon thefe new enemies and Perfecutors. Befides, 2, in your own declaration, p. 7 of that 1643, you fay it is no refifting of magiftracy to fide with juft principles. And is it not juft to fide with that Intereft which the blood of fo many thoufands of the Saints hath fealed to in the three nations, and fo many Declarations, Vows, and Engagements have been made for, viz. for the Lamb's, and againft this your Intereft, which we have all engaged, prayed, bled, and fought againft ? Now, my Lord, let the loud cries of the blood, fhed againft thefe things you have fet up, be heard, and make reftitution of that blood, thofe lives, tears, bowels, faith, prayer, limbs, and fkuUs of us and our relations left in the fields and laid out againft this kind of Government, whether in Civil or Ecclefiaftical ; or elfe let us have what they were laid out for ; otherwife we muft and will, with the Lord's help, fide with thofe juft principles that have been fo fealed to and owned by the Lord. And this will be a moft apparent defenfive war as ever was in the world, to defend what the blood, and bones, and eftates of fo many thoufands of the Saints of God have bought at fo high a rate, which they are wronged [of], for they never thought of fetting up this. And therefore I fay, my Lord, if our God, the Lord Jehovah, do give his call, I am ready, for one amongft the Lord's Remnant, " to fide with juft principles " in the ftrength of the Anointing, whether it be " praedicando, precando, or prsliando," by preaching, praying, or fighting.' 21 I 212 Life and Opinions of a The ftate of the controverfy is between Chrift and O. P.— Chrift's Government and Man's, This fpeech feemed to trouble them all. An Ignoramus brought in very honeftly. Sir Gilb. P[ickering.'\ ' Said you not "prseliando ?" ' ' Yes,' (fays Mr. R.), ' in the Spirit of the Lord, for the cafe was never fo clear as now it is, in the ftate of the con- troverfy. For the controverfy is not now between man and man, one Government of the world and another Government of the world, or King and People, but it is now between Chrift and you, my Lord, Chrift's Govern- ment and yours ; and which of thefe two are the higher Powers for us to fide with and be obedient unto, judge ye.' O. P. ' Ha ! who denies the cafe to be clearer now ? But I heard indeed it is fome of your principles to be at it; Why, you long to be at it — you want but an opportunity.' Ro. ' The Remnant of the Woman's feed muft be at it when they have the Call. For I befeech you, my Lord, to confider how near it is to the end of the Beaft's dominion, the 42 months, and what time of day it is with us now.' (But Mr. Ro. was interrupted). O. P. ' Talk not of that, for I muft tell you plainly they are things I underftand not.' Ro. ' It feems, my Lord, fo, elfe furely you durft not lay violent hands upon us for the Teftimony and Truth of the day as you do.' B. D. (one of the Twelve). ' Why, then, do you impri- fon others for the light, if you yourfelf be fo ignorant ?' But then fome of the Court creatures pulled him by the cloak, and laid violent hands on him, and called him ftinking, bafe fellow, faying he knew not whom he fpake to, nor where he was, giving him many uncivil words. But afterward one of them faid to him, ' Afk for Mr. Rogers out of prifon ; aflc for him, and my Lord will let him out.' But B. D. anfwered, ' No, Sir, we came not for that.' B. P. ' Great men are not always wife.' O. P. ' See !' fays he, looking upon his army men. Ro. ' They are not always wife with the wifdom of God, though they may have much carnal policy, fubtilty, and Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 21 reafon of ftate. But the feed of the woman fhall break the ferpent's head.' (Which Mr. Ro. fpeaking with a high voice and great alacrity, it made the Courtiers feoff at him as if he were a madman). O. P. ' Ha ! And thus they talk of the Miniftery and Commiflioners for Approbation, and fay they are Anti- chriftian.' Ro. ' Yea, my Lord, we do fay fo, and they are fo, as to their {landing upon a wrong, un-Gofpel foot of account ; and I will prove them, and your Triers (I fpeak not as to their perfons, but as to their ftanding) Antichriftian for matter, and form, and rule, by which they fit, and end for which they fit.' O. P. ' You fix the name of Antichriftian upon anything.' Ro. ' Pray, my Lord, make no law againft that name ; let it not be Treafon to ufe the name of Antichriftian, for that name will up yet higher and higher, and many things that you think good and Chriftian will be found Antichrif- tian ere long.' O. P. (Being angry, looked on his army men). ' See,' (faid he), ' and fo all is Antichriftian, and Tithes are fo too, with you ; but I will prove they are not.' Ro. ' My Lord, you were once of another mind, and told me you'd have them pulled down, and put into a treafury.' O. P. ' Did I ever fay fo ? ' Ro. ' Yea, that you did, in the Cock-pit — the round place there ; and faid, moreover, that the poor fliould be maintained, and put to work with what remained of them, that we might have no beggar in England.' O. P. ' Ha ! there be many gentlemen know that I have been for them, and will maintain the juftnefs of them.' Ro. ' But, my Lord, how can that be that the National Miniftery is not Antichriftian ? ' See your Ordinance, March 20, 1653. The ground is upon Patrons' right to prefent to cure of fouls, the Creator is your L. P. Cromwell, the matter men of corrupt principles and pradlices, and moft of them of the National Church ; the end is to fill Parifh-cures and get Tithes — all Anti- chriftian. 214 Life and Opinions of a O. P. ' See, now, how you run ! It is not a National Miniftery that is now eftablifhed, nor can you make it appear they are Antichriftian.' Ro. ' Yea, my Lord, without any difficulty : out of your own law, which hath conftituted thefe Triers and High-Court- Commiffioners to eftablilh a worldly clergy.' O. P. ' 1 tell you, you and you, that you cannot, fof they ordain none.' Ro. ' No ; but if the Pope, Prelate, or Devil fhould ordain them, they muft approve of them, fettle them in their parifhes, and what not, if they be but conformable to ' (He is interrupted). O. P. 'I tell you — I tell you, it is their Grace they judge of, and not for parts or learning Latin, Greek, or Hebrew.' Ro. ' And who made them judges of Grace, my Lord ? At moft they can but judge of the fruits of Grace, and how dare they take upon them to be judges over Grace ? It is not you, but the Lord Jefus, that can make them fuch judges.' (With that he turned away, as very angry). B. H. ' My Lord, we are very much diflatisfied with what you have done againft thefe prifoners of the Lord Jefus, for fo they are, and we muft count them fo, for you have given us no fatisfadlion at all in what you pretend them to be as evil-doers.' O. P. 'I cannot tell you, then, how to help it.' B. H. ' For my part, I muft declare againft you, and will venture my life, if I be called to it, with thefe our brethren that fufi^er.' B. Cr. ' As for thofe Articles, we have heard them read againft our brother Rogers out of his fermons preached at Thomas Apoftle's, and from what he prayed at Thomas Apoftle's. Set afide but what is put in by your Informers, which we will take our oaths that heard them all preached, were never fpoken by him ; only I fay that excepted, we Fifth-Monarchy- Man . will live and die with him upon thofe Articles, and will own him with our lives.' ' Yea,' faid Mr. Ro. '■ and I believe an hundred will that heard and writ them.' O. P. ' Well,' faith he, ' I'll fend for feme of you ere long, but I have loft this time, and have public bufinefs upon me at this time : I had rather have given £500 ! — I tell you there wants brotherly love, and the feveral forts of forms would cut the throats one of another, fhould not I keep the peace.' Ro. ' Thofe you call Fifth- Monarchy-Men are driven by your fword to love one another.' O. P. ' Why, I tell you there be Anabaptifts' (pointing at Mr. Kiffin), ' and they would cut the throats of them that are not under their forms ; fo would the Prefbyterians cut the throats of them that are not of their forms, and fo would you Fifth-Monarchy-Men. It is fit to keep all thefe forms out of the Power.' Ro. ' Who made you, my Lord, a judge of our prin- ciples ? You fpeak evil of you know not what. For that Fifth-Monarchy principle, as you call it, is of fuch a lati- tude as takes in all Saints, all fuch as are fandlified in Chrift Jefus, without refpedt of what form or judgment he is. But " Judicium fit fecundum vim intelledtualis luminis'" — (He was interrupted). O. P. ' What do you tell us of your Latin ? ' Ro. ' Why, my Lord, you are Chancellor of Oxford, and can you not bear that language ? ' B. C. 'My Lord, we have great comfort by theMiniftery of our brother Rogers, and great mifs of him, and there- fore we have demanded his liberty, and defire to know whether he fhall be at liberty or no.' O. P. 'I will take my own time ; you fhall not know what I will do.' B. H. ' Then let us have liberty to hear him preach.' 215 2l6 Life and Opinions of a And yet for all S. Dendy's bafenefs to the poor perfecuted people of God, and his readinefs to prevent the Great Man's anfwerjWie can let in as many as will come to the drunken profane prifoners and plotters, fo that friends are glad to ufe their names (if they know any of them) that come to fee Mr. Rogers. S. Bendy. ' It cannot be, my Lord, for I have many prifonerSj and 'tis dangerous.' Ro. ' Pray, my Lord, confider that place in Ifaiah xlix. 24, 25, 26, for the Lord will deliver the lawful captive in that day which is coming. You can but have my blood at laft, and you had like to have had it already in the Prifon ere this. Two of my children have died there fince my imprifonment, and I have been at Death's door.' B. H. ' It is unreafonable our brother Ro. fhould be kept prifoner fo in fuch a place and at fuch a charge, as is for him above £200 per annum, and we know no caufe for it, but his confcience.' Then S. Dendy was fpoken to, to anfwer for himfelf. S. D. ' Now, my Lord, I fee one of my accufers. I never demanded a penny of Mr. Ro. nor of my Aunt, his wife, who is one of Sir Robert Payne's daughters.' O. P. 'I knew her father very well.' S. D. 'But they have, my Lord, three rooms, and it cannot be allowed.' Ro. ' No more room than one prifoner had before, being divided into three little rooms, and but one chimney in them all. The Plotter that went out before I came into them had them all. And for the fees, though you in perfon demanded them not, yet your man, old Meazy, did for you feveral times, viz. £4 4J. per week, which he did before witnefs, as I can prove under their hands, and he faid I fhould not go out till the Serjeant had it. And what befides I was to pay you I was not to know till I went out.' Mrs. Ro. faid to Serjeant Bendy — 'It's true, you have had but five pounds yet of it.' O. P. ' Why, he is your nephew, who was accounted one that loved the people of God.' Ro. ' So were others as well as he till this trial.' Mr. Cre. ' My Lord, will you not give us the liberty to Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 217 hear him in the prifon then, feeing you will not let us hear him abroad ? ' O. P. 'Is that the liberty you fought for ?' fays he in a fcofF. Mr. Cre. ' Yes, Sir, and that which we demand.' But then the Great Man would be gone, and as he was going out Mr. Ro. defired him to remember he mufl be judged, and the day of the Lord was near, and that he would ere long, and thofe about him, find them that now he and they counted falfe Prophets in Windfor and Lambeth true Pro- phets, and what they have faid they fhould find come to pafs ere many years yet, for that the righteous Jehovah who fitteth on high heareth all our prayers, fighs, groans, and tears. But away he went, and would not hear. As foon as we came out of the room Serjeant Dendy in the gallery threatened what he would do, and how he would fend them further off, and order them ere long, Mr. Rogers receiving the threatening without impatience or one word of reply unto him. That very night a ftrid: order was fent after him to Lambeth Prifon that no more than fix may come to fee Mr. R. at a time, no fuch order being made for any of the other prifoners, who have of lewd company as many as they will at a time. And fince that the gaoler hath been fo ftridt, efpecially upon the Lord's days, according to his orders from Whitehall, that he will not fufFer one Brother to come in to fee him or to pray with him, that is fent from the Churches of Chrift upon thofe days, if he knows him, to keep a holy reft with Mr. R. But to pafs over that, and leave it to the Judge of heaven and earth, who we are fure will not overpafs it. During this difcourfe between Mr. R. and the Great Man above, the brethren that were below in the yard had their fhare of reproaches and abufes. For the members of the Churches of Chrift who could not have accefs with In the mean time the contumelies, contempt, and opprobrious F F 2l8 abufes the members of Mr. Feake's, Mr. Rogers', Mr. Raworth's, and of fome other Churches, met with below in the yard, during the forefaid difcourfe with O. Cromwel. Life and Opinions of a SO' that we believe the Lord hath a little remnant in the Army alfo, whofe fouls do fecretly mourn for thefe abominations, and it is obfervable that Mr. Ro. were kept below, and encompafled about with divers of the deboift foldiers, who when they heard us declare againft thofe barbarous adlions which the Guard fo cruelly aded with their fwords againft our naked brethren and friends, thofe aforefaid foldiers began to queftion the occafion of our being there, which when we had told them they began to fet up their voices, many of them hooting and hifling at us, as if we had not been Chriftians or creatures of the like make with themfelves, telling us we had often rifen, and they had allayed us, and they made no queftion but they ftiould alfo allay us at this time, if we intended to rife. To whom we anfwered that there was no fuch thing in our eye now as to avenge ourfelves by or with external wea- pons, but faid, we have here Swords (fhowing our Bibles) which we believe will in God's appointed time, being guided and accompanied by his Spirit, deftroy and cut in pieces your Swords, which now you draw againft us and it. Afterwards we further obferved that whilft we were waiting below in the open yard for the return of our. friend and friends, there being of us, as near as we can remember, betwixt forty and fifty perfons, men and women, that we could find no place in the aforefaid yard where we might have any quiet, or be free from the uncivil reproaches, fcofEng, jeers, blafphemous nicknames, and what not, which fome of the aforefaid Foot-guard threw upon us with great contempt and fcorn, telling us Bridewell and fuch like places were fitter for us than to be there. But in the midft of their uncivil, unchriftianlike, and very lewd language to us, we cannot but remember that fpirit of remorfe and pity which feemed to be in fome of their Officers, to fee us fo abufed, infomuch as fome of the Officers told us they were forry to fee fuch things, namely, the uncivil carriage of fome of their foldiers ; yet, faid they, we cannot exped: better where it is not. Thus for the fpace of divers hours we were hurried up Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 219 and down, not being fufFered to be in quiet in any one place without the company of divers of thofe unruly fel- lows, whom we fhould have been content to let hear our difcourfe would they have fufFered us to ftand ftill or in quiet. But they fo uncivilly and moft ungodlily fhew their obfcene and filthy fpeeches and adlions .... ufing fuch words as we are afhamed to utter or exprefs, befides manifold more provocations, revilings, and threatenings, and finful adtions, wherein they feemed to take great delight. But after Mr. Rogers and the Brethren that were with him came down into the yard many friends gathered about him. Whiles Mr. R. being remanded again to prifon, was going to take water with his keeper, he heard Major-Gene- ral Harrifon, Colonel Rich, Mr. Carew, ^uartermafter-Ge- neral Courtney, Mr. Ireton, Mr. Squib, with many others, were there in the yard, fo that Mr, Ro. went to them, and after joyful falutations, he told them he was going to prifon again, and that there were articles put in by wicked men out of the prifon againft him, which he excepted againft as illegal, and as given in by plotters, and men given to drinking, fwearing, and fuch like fins, and fome others which were read againft him from Thomas Apoftle's. But as he was telling this he was interrupted by one that cried out, ' That is falfe ! it is falfe !' Upon which he was filent to look upon the man that fo faid, and it was Mr. Kiffin, who had crowded among us to liften for tales to carry to his Mafter, who then faid, ' They were not articles put in by drunkards; that is untrue, &c. but by honeft, godly men, that heard you at Thomas Apoftle's.' To which Mr. Rogers replied that the articles were of two forts — thofe read were from Thomas Apoftle's, but thofe unread (which he excepted againft) were from Lambeth, given in by fuch lewd men, and he faw them upon the table, and that his Lord Protestor befides faid they had informations from the prifon, and moreover read one of them, viz. that of the the Lord hath by degrees pulled the choiceft of them out of this Apoftate Army, that they might not partake of their plagues, as M. G. Harrifon, Col. Rich, Col. Okey, Col. Alured, Adj.- Gen. Allen, M.G.Overton, Maj. Wiggens, Dr. Day, and many others. 220 Life and Opinions of a M.G.Harrifon, Col. Rich, Mr. Carew, * Mr. Squib, Mr. Courtney, Mr. Ireton, and many others, con- tinued up the Teftimony and the Demand to O. P. the very fame night. Great Dragon, and Serjeant Bendy fent them to Mr. Thur- loe, as was proved ; fo that it was not falfe, but very true. At which Mr. Kiffin was fo filenced that he could not fay a word for himfelf, which fome of the gentlemen by feeing, reproved him for his rafhnefs, and fo Mr. Ro. and they parted, perceiving people to flock about them, and without doubt to have fomewhat to inform their Great Mafter againft Mr. Ro. or fome of the poor Saints, but that is the principle or practice of felf-feeking fycophants and Court parafites, to make themfelves, and not care how they murder others or what they inform againft them. Whiles Mr. R. was carried away to prifon again, the forefaid Gentlemen, of much merit and Angular honour amongft the choiceft Saints, for their unfpotted fanftlty and Integrity to the betrayed Truth and Caufe of Chrlft, went up to the Great Man, although before they could have any accefs the fword was drawn at them alfo, and fet at Mr. Carey's breaft, but after eight or ten of them had liberty to O. P. they brought him the fame kind of meflage from Jehovah that was before delivered him by the Twelve, making a * Mr. John Carew was the fecond fon of Sir Richard Carew of Antony. His elder brother, Sir Alexander Carew, was beheaded in 1644, by fen- tence of a Parliamentary Court-Martial, for attempting to furrender Drake's Ifland, in Plymouth Sound, to the King. John Carew figned the death-warrant of King Charles I, for which he was executed in 1660. Mr. Squib was one of the members for Middlefex in the Barebones Par- liament. When Fairfax and Oliver Cromwell vifited Oxford, in 1649, an ho- norary degree of M.A. was conferred upon the chief officers of their ftaff, and amongft others upon Hugh Courtney. He is defcribed by Anthony Wood as " an officer of note," and ferved afterwards as Quartermafter-Ge- neral in Ireland. He fat for North Wales in the Barebones Parliament, while a member alfo of the Council of State. Mr. Ireton was brother to Henry Ireton, the Lord Deputy of Ireland, was member for London in the Barebones Parliament, a member of the Council of State, and Lord Mayor of London in 1659. Fifth- Monarchy-Man . Demand of the Lord's prifoners, and bearing their Tefti- mony to his face againft him and his Government. In the mean time Mr. Kiffin below had got a company- together in Mr. Rogers' abfence, railing upon him, and faying he was a wicked man, and had told what was not true of the articles, and fpake againft his Lord. But Mr. G. a precious, godly Chriftian, and a member of the church at D. then fpake aloud to Mr. Kiffin, as Mr. Kiffin did before to Mr. Rogers, faying, ' That's falfe, for I can,' fays he, ' no more be filent for Mr. Rogers than you can be for your Lord ProteSor. What Mr. Rogers fpake was truth, as he made it appear to your face,' and then he told him how. So that poor Mr. K. was filenced again the fecond time, and could not go on till a more private and clandeftine meeting among his own kind of time- fervers and felf-feekers, where he might tell his untruths againft Mr. R., Major- General Harrifon, and others without control (as we hear he, with fome that belong unto him, have done at large), and have them taken upon the truft and credit of his word at a venture. It is but reafon and gratitude to his Great Mafter to poflefs all he can againft the poor perfecuted Saints in the behalf of him to whom he is fo highly obliged, above any one man almoft in England, for his large favours and beneficial patentees. But ere long the Merchants who were made rich (by com- pliance with Babylon) ftiall weep and wail, and fay * Alas ! alas!' (Rev. xviii. 15, 16).* It is to be obferved, that very day the fword was drawn twice at the Witnefles and Woman's feed. The Providence is alfo admirable; at that very juncture, when Mr. R.. and the Brethren were before him to maintain the Tefti- 221 Somewhat obfervable. * For an account of Kiffin's fubfequent profperity and misfortunes, fee ^Macaulay's Hiftory of England," ii. 488 (Ed. 1858). 222 Liife and Opinions of a TheTeftimony up at a high pitch. M.G.Harrifon, Mr. Carew, and Mr. Courtney fent away, with a troop of horfe, to prifon, we know not whither, the 22nd day of the I2th month [February]. A word of caution. mony and Demand made by the Twelve, that on that very day (many aflemblies of the Saints in feveral places being hard at the Throne) the Lord fhould call out one (unknown to any of us) whole meeting of the praying number, being about thirty-four men, to go to Whitehall and bear their Witnefs alfo. The concurrence of the Teftlmony and the Demand Is no lefs confiderable (feeing one had not the knowledge of the other's Meflage) that Major-General Harrifon, Mr. Carew, and the reft fhould fecond the aforefaid Twelve by a mere hand and call of God, which they were obedient unto, which is very exemplary and encouraging to all the Saints and Churches in England, who are faithful to the caufe of Chrift, feeing fo leading and calling a Providence. The Demand and the Teftlmony is of a fudden gotten to a high pitch, which doth mightily raife up the expedla- tions of the believing Remnant. It is not meet for us to publifh the matter of their Tef- tlmony, being of the fame nature with this Narrative ; neither can we do it fo accurately and faithfully as we hope fome others will. The prefent work of the day — to gag the mifreports thereupon, for the quickening and ftrength- ening them that are to follow us, calling for the publication thereof without delay, wherever it lies, and the rather for that thofe choice fervants of the Lord Jefus, Major-General Harrifon, Colonel Rich, Mr. Carew, and Colonel Courtney, are fo cruelly ufed for their Teftlmony and the Truth's fake, having no fa6t but their faith to charge them with, and hur- ried away to prifon with a troop of horfe, we know not whither. So that the man muft needs be wilfully blind indeed now, that will not fee and fay. The Saints are under perfecution. Therefore let not the good people of the nation be fo ftiamefully abufed and deceived as they have been with lying pamphlets and informers, whiles the Truth cannot. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 223 muft not, dare not be printed, for fear of offending the men in Power and fuifering a prifon or worfe. Of all, be- ware of that Abominable Oracle the late Ironmonger, but now Parifh Preacher, Walker (his Weekly Proceedings), whofe forehead hath for many years been plated and bra- zened in the trade and art of lying, making it his calHng and his living (except the Triers help him more eafily tothe parifh tithes). This drives the poor man to fo much piti- ful fcraping among the Court clerks for a few lies to fell every week at an eafy rate, that he and his family may live comfortably upon the lying, flandering, and traducing the Lord's peculiar ones, who are as the apple of his eyes. How lamentably he hath abufed Mr. Feake, Mr. Rogers, Major-General Overton, and many others, is well known, and one day he mufl anfwer before the juft Judge of all hearts with a wan countenance and woful confcience, how- ever he thinks to palliate it at prefent with a ' So 'twas told me.' But, as Solomon fays (Prov. xvii. 4), ' A liar giveth ear to a naughty tongue,' and the curfe is threatened not only to them that make but them that receive and report lies (Rev. xxi). Therefore (Exod. xxiii. i), 'Put not thy hand to an unrighteous witnefs.' Thefe things are publilhed in mere love to the Truth and defpifed Saints of God, for whofe fake we are contented to become a reproach in the world, and to fuffer anything, by his grace, that man can inflift upon us, fo our dear Lord Jefus may but reign, his Truth triumph, and his Kingdom be exalted. Amen, Amen." As will prefently appear, neither the " MefTage to O. C. by the Twelve," nor the reafonings of Rogers, nor the advocacy of Har- rifon, Carew, and Courtney could induce Cromwell to releafe his prifoner. In the mean time Henry Walker revenged himfelf on the Twelve for the abufe lavifhed upon him in the " Narrative," by publifhing the following account of them in his " Perfeft Pro- ceedings ;" — " There are twelve men about London, faid to be notorious A man fo bafe and fcandalous as makes him horrible, and his name to ftink among the Churches as very unfit matter to be a member of a Church, but rather fit. to be excommuni- cated and exploded the Society of all the Saints for bringing'fo foul a reproach upon Religion, which he hath formerly pretended to, till he followed this Trade of Merchant for lies. 224 Fifth- Monarchy- Ma n . See page 179. Perfeift Pro- ceedings, March 27, 1655. impoftors, who pretend to be of a Society whereof JIdr. Rogers, prifoner in Lambeth Houfe, is overfeer, but never a one of them are of the church at Weftminfter, of which JUr. Rogers is a member, but no overfeer neither, but another minifter of great worth and piety. Their names are Hur Horion, Chrijiopher Crayle," &c. " notable iirebrands, concerning whom divers honeft, godly men are ready to make it appear that abundance of filthy, bafe lies have been raifed and fpread about the city by them, fiich as all good Chriflians had need to take heed they be not poifoned with, for it is thought they have fome Jefuit or Popifli prieft at the helm with them, and they are much of the fame fpirit that yohn Spittlehoufe, prifoner at Lambeth, is of, who was once an under-marfhall in the army, and then bloody enough, but fince he was ftripped of that, as cunning an impoftor as the twelve. This is but a touch of them. I have many of their pranks ready by me to make known if need be, but I had rather fee them turn honeft CHAPTER VII. FTER his interview with Cromwell, Rogers was remanded to Lambeth Priion, where he remained until Serjeant Dendy procured from the Council of State the following order for his removal to Windfor : — "Council of State. Friday, 30 March, 16^^. His Highnefs prefent. Lo. Prefi. Laurence, Lo. Lambert, Col. Montagu, Mr. Rous, E. of Mulgrave, Col. Fiennes, Col. Sydenham, Col. Jones, Lord Lifle, Sir Glib. Pickering, Sir Chas. Wolfley, Mr. Strickland. A letter from Serjeant Dendy to the Lord Prefident was this day read. Ordered by His Highnefs the Lord Pro- testor and the Council that Mr. Rogers be removed from Lambeth Houfe to Windfor Caftle, and that warrants be iflued to the Serjeant at Arms to convey him to Windfor Caftle, and to the Governor of Windfor Caftle to receive him in Cuftody." " On the 30th of March, 1655," %^ Wood, " Oliver and his Council ordered that the faid Rogers ftiould be removed to Windfor Caftle. Whereupon the next day he was carried there, and his wife rode after him." Rogers records the hiftory of what he fufFered as a prifoner at Windfor and elfewhere, in the book entitled " Jegar Sahadvtha," from which all the remaining part of this chapter is extra£ted. As ufual, the title-page of the book is charafteriftic of the author; it is therefore reproduced here. Fair Entry Book of the Council of State, in tile Public Record Office. Atlienae Oxen, ii. 595. G G JEGAR gAHADVTHA: AN OTLED PILLAR. Set up for Pofterity. Againft the prefent Wickedneffes, Hypocrifies, Blafphemies, Perfecutions, and Cruelties of this Serpent power (now up) in England (the Out- Street of the Beaft.) Or, a HEART APPEALE to HEAVEN and EARTH, broken out of Bonds and Banljhment at laft, in a Rela- tion of fome part of the pafb and prefent Sufferings oiJOHN RO- GERS in clofe Prifon and continued Banifhment, for the moft blefled Caufe and Tefbimony of yESUS ; the found of the Seventh Trumpet and the Gofpel of the feven Thunders, or holy Oracles (called rayling by them in Power) fealed up to the time of the End. From Carisbrook Caflh in the third Year of my Captivity, the Fifth-Pri- J'on, and the third in Exile, having been hurried about from pojl to pillar, Quia perdere nolo fubftantiam propter Accidentia. Gen. 31. 36, 37. What is my trefpajfe ? What is my Jjn, that thou haft fo hotly ferjued after me? Set it here before my Bretheren and thy Bre- thren, that they may judge betwixt us both 1 Lam. 4. 3. The very Sea-monfter {or t'3J^ Tannin the old Serpent^ drawn out the Breaft, they fuckle their young ones [or P rote (led ones from the root "lljl gur, he fojourned with or dwelt under), the daughter of my people is a cruel one, as the Oftritch in the WilderneJJ'e. Lam. 3. 52, 53, 55. Mine enemies have hunted, hunting me like a Sparrow with- out Caufe [or grace o/'in chen), they have cut off my dayes in the dun- geon, and caft a ftone upon me : I called upon thy name ( O Jehovah) out of the under dungeon. Non Vindifta fed Viftoria. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 227 " The poor Prijoner, Pilgrim and Exile in Caines-br-Cafile from the top of Amana, the top of Shenir and Hermon, from the Lion's den, from the Mountains of the Leopards, to all his fellow-citizens in Sion and fellow-feparates out of Babylon, and to fuch as are not afhamed of our chain, efpecially in that Church Society whereof the Holy Ghoji hath made him an Overfeer. Because the cruelty of this Serpent in England (whom effeminate lufting Eve-like profefibrs have fallen in and fallen off and fallen down with) from whofe face we fly till the time, times and a dividend (Rev. xii. 14), is hardly heard of, known, or believed abroad, his horns looking fo like a Lamb, but that ye may hear a little how he fpeaks and perfecutes like a Dragon, I have held it a duty for further difcovery of him and his fpirit, to publifli thus much further of his Nimrodian Tyranny and Trading in this kingdom fince the late Apoftafy. That which I have feen I and felt of his fury at Lambeth, for fo many months, { among monflrers rather than men, fo greedy of ray blood, 1 omit here, as being mentioned in my preface to ' Prifonborn,' but that men, if they will, may fee, what an unreafonable, beaft-like Monfter this is that rends, tears, and devours fo, I have added this hiftory of fome pafTages fince Lambeth, which I have fufFered for the fake of my dear Matter Jefus Chrift in this his Caufe. Now I do declare it, as before the moft Righteous and Holy Judge of Heaven and Earth, fhould any one afk me why I have been, that is as fome fay, upon the civil account, fo long in prifon, hard bonds and banifhment, year after year (which long imprifonment the Martyrs accounted worfe than death) I muft acknowledge an abfblute ignor- ance in my own confcience before God, angels, and men, 228 L^ife and Opinions of a let fome Timefervers fay what they pleafe for themfelves, without this be it that I cannot in my confcience turn with the dog to the vomit, and in plain Enghfti, lie, diflerable, forfwear, and play the traitor to Chrift, the hypocrite to God, and the knave with men as others have done. I will not deny but my infirmities have been very many, which I think I could weep over the feet of any that fhall reprove me for them, but what I have done worthy of imprifon- ment and banifhment, (them excepted) I know not, this I can fay from my foul, that I think as I preached, fo I fought nothing but Chrift and his Kingdom. Canutus, King of England, in thofe thick times of popery, did con- fefs to all his lords about him no mortal worthy of the name of king, fave He to whofe beck, heaven, earth, and feaare obedient (Hen. of Hunt.), and ftiall we in thefe days after fuch folemn engagements for a Theocracy, as I have proved, admit of any other King, Lord Protedor, or Law- giver, to ravifh us with their lufts .'' God forbid ! Wherefore, for Chrift's fake, ftand faft, unmoveable, and abounding in the work of the Lord, and I do profefs, for my part, I will abide by it, for as one of the Martyrs often ufed Vefpafian's faying, ' Imperatorem decet ftantem mori,' it becomes us, that are Kings and Priefts to God, (Rev. V. lo), to die ftanding, not ftooping to the luft of any man, efpecially now the day of Chrift is come. Therefore let us all fall in, and on, and ftand to it, with the Lamb and the twenty-four elders, or the twenty-four orders of the Levites about the throne in this Caufe, by which tribe of Levi are indeed to be underftood the Generation Saints, the firft-born, who like the Levites (before under a curfe. Gen. xlix. 7) obtained the bleffing for executing judgment (Exod, xxxii. 27, 28, 29) with the fword on their brethren and fpared not. So that fuch Generation Saints (the twenty-four) ftiall join in one work and fong with the Lamb, and with all the living creatures about the throne. Fifth-Monarchy-Man . and with the Holy Angels, (Rev. iv. 9-1 1, v. 1 1) and alto- gether in one Hallelujah, Amen. As, Ifaiah Hi. 7, 8, which he waits for, who is buried with the body of Jefus in this new Sepulchre, where the foldiers feek to keep down his refurredtion, and the hope of your brother, John Rogers." 229 " yf High W^itnefs, or Heart appeal, ^c. I SHALL take up a few of my fubfecive hours, for the pub- lic good, in giving a fhort and fuccinft account of fome few more of thofe barbarous, brutifh afts of this Beaft now up in Great Britanny upon my body, fince my removal from Lambeth prifon to Windfor, and into this Me of Wight, where I am now, a poor pilgrim, prifoner and for- faken, banifhed man. As a preface to ' Prifonborn,' or my former treatife out of prifon, I gave a narrative of fome part of my Lambeth fufferings, and as an introduction to this ' Banifhborn' (I intended it) I fhall proceed fo far as I think it my duty. They brought me into the wide jaw of Windfor Caflle the 31ft day of the firft month, 1655, delivering my body up to that den of Leopards, according to this order from their angry matters, procured by Serjeant Bendy, whom the Dragon hath given a power unto for a time, and times, and a dividend, but he a6ts as a ferpent full fubtilely :— • Thefe are to will and require you, to receive into your Cuftody from the hands oi Edward Bendy, Efquire, Serjeant at Arms attending the Council, or his Deputy, the body of Mr. John Rogers, and him fafely to keep a prifoner in Windfor Caftle, until you fhall receive further order from the Council. Hereof you are not to fail, and for fo doing this fhall be your fufficient warrant. Given at Whitehall 230 Life and Opinions of a this 30th day of March, 1655. Signed in the name and by the order of the Council. Henry Lawrence, Prefident. To the Governor of Windfor Caftle or his Deputy.' Thus Serjeant Dendy, upon monftrous reports of my preaching out of the prifon grates, got this order by folicita- tion, and to fcrew up his power to the higheft peg of feverity, he fent ftrid: orders to his under gaolers that neither man, woman, or child fhould come at me, nor any of my family ftir out, fo much as for food, money or any other neceflaries whatfoever, infomuch as my friends who came to vifit me were forced to ftand in the ftreet, with foidiers •at their heels, to hear what we faid, whiles I fpake out at the iron bars unto them. And in the night, when no one of my friends or acquaintance might hear a word thereof, he fent a meflenger, very late, to bid me be ready by fix in the morning, for I muft be carried on the other fide the water, this being the firft notice I had of their fecret defign, nor would he tell me whither, to whom, or for what, nor (as then) fhow me any order for it, nor would he fufFer any of my friends to know of it, but to my great aftonifhment I heard feme calling under my windows almoft all night and by day break very much, whom we thought our enemies, till the morning difcovered them to be our friends, who by a fpecial providence of God were raifed out of their beds and had heard a rumour that I was to be carried away that morning by day break, and waited at the prifon gates where I was to come out, with many tears, and prayers, and fupplies of my wants, but the ruffians, ftruck, (hoved, and pufhed them away what they could, and hurried me from them, and fo carried me to Windfor Caftle. That day word was given before to the Governor of the Fifth-Monarchy-Man. Caftle, and by orders the foldlers were fet on both fides, with their arms and matches light, to receive the prifoner coming ; but when they faw me come in, fome of the Officers told me, they were ready to fink down in the place where they ftood, they expecting fome Cavalier, or lewd perfon rather, and not me, as they faid, to be fo dealt with, fome of them knowing me both in this nation, and in Ire- land, and looking upon one another with amazement, faw it an apparent perfecution, as they faid upon good men for their confcience and the Caufe of Chrift. After a longer attendance I was put into a little room, which had one little window, and which did fo exceffively fmoke, that the wind made it worfe than a prifon, if in that cold feafon we would keep a fire, the very coals thereof being blown into the room about, but I ran to the door to eafe my eyes a little, and to take fome air, thinking to have walked a little in the yard, but it was denied me, the fentinels ftand- ing at my door to keep me in, yet afterwards, for very fhame, and perhaps pity, I had more liberty, and the fentinels were taken ofl^, which continued till the fixth of the third month enfuing. With a tolerable modefliy and humanity, they admitted me the liberty of the prifon, and accefs to my brother Feakes' chamber for one month, without interruption, where we worfhipped the Lord together. But on the 29th day of the fecond month [April], being the Lord's day, in the abfence of the Governor, two of the officers, viz. Caft. IVeJion, and one Pepper, an enfign, the latter (being lately fetched out from a common foldier, and lifted up with fo fudden an excefllve pride, conceit, and ambition, zealous of higher promotion and therefore flriving to exceed and fo to fupplant his fuperior in cruelty to us), falling out with the other for admitting us to meet in the worfhip of our God upon the Lord's days, although privately in our prifon chamber, and to amend fo great a miftake and foul a crime. 231 232 Liife and Opinions of a they forthwith forced a Sentinel upon the door to hinder me going up to my fellow-prifoner's chamber, which, when I faw, I was defired by the Lord's people prefent to begin there, and fo I drew out my Bible; at the door, (feveral of our friends, with my brother Feake being by), we began in an Hymn and prayer, proceeded on with the text, but was often interrupted by the foldiers, and the hearers driven away with violence, at laft the aforefaid officers admitted we fhould go into the Chamber as before, and took off the Sentinels, and fo we continued together with much comfort, a few of us, in praying, finging, and exhorting one another, until late at night, according to the primitive pradlice of the perfecuted Saints. But the Devil did not like this, and therefore againft the next Lord's day follow- ing he had made ready his rage, the day before which the Governor* himfelf, being come home, and inftrudled with the matter by his Enfign Pepper, fent for us two prifoners with a peremptory fword power of coram nobis, who after we had looked up to the hills, from whence our help comes, went readily and cheerfully. The Governor affaulted us fiercely with fome other of his officers like fell beafts, charging my fellow prifoner with a foul fault in his child of three or four years old, that he fhould call O. C. fool, at which my Brother V. faid that he would affirm more, viz. that he is a tyrant, which made them high in their rage againft him, with whom I thought I was bound to bear my witnefs modeftly, but the Governor brake out into fuch bitter rage, that he was mere anger, without ears, or reafon, threatening to lay me forthwith into the hole, if I preached againft his matter. At which I rejoiced, and faid, yea do. * Colonel Whichcot who fix years before had " roughly and pofitively" refufed to allow Charles the lit to be buried according to the rites of the book of Common Prayer (Clarendon, vi. 242) was ftill Governor ofWind- for Caftle. Feake mentions him by name. — Thurloe, v. 757. Life a7td Opinions of a 233 Sir, with all my heart, I am as ready to fufFer it for my Mafter, as you are to do it for yours ; and I tell you, Sir, I fear not the worft you men can do, and, with the Grace of my God, I will preach for my Chrift, againft Cromwell, or any other that oppofe Chrift, though I die for it ; if I have but a peeping hole, or a hole to breathe out at, I fhall preach, if you do not fuffer us to do it in our prifon lodges privately, for my commiffion is not from man, but God, and my authority is greater from above than thy power. In the interim, be it known to thee, that I fear neither thee, nor thy fword, in thefe matters of our God. The next day (being the Lord's) they began to put their hell-begotten plot into pra6lice, for our friends that came to vifit us from London they kept upon their guard, and would not admit them to us, which when my con-captive heard, unknown to me, he went into the chapel, and with the people's leave, he began prayer in the pulpit, which they were attentive unto, I, hearing thereof, whilft I was plead- ing with the Governor in the yard for our Chriftian liberty upon the Lord's day, to meet together in our chambers, to pray and worfhip (who was called from me to fetch foldiers) I went into the chapel, where he was praying, without the leaft touch of the times, or government, I ftood at the pulpit door, but by and bye came up a file or two of fol- diers armed, and ready as if they would have difcharged pre- fently upon us, led up firft by the Governor and then by a Serjeant, one Baker, all very imperioufly, and with their hats on. This Baker till then feemed unfatisfied with fuch un- chriftian proceedings, but upon his rife to preferment of an Enfign he became very rigorous like the reft, he came up to the pulpit door where I ftood between him and my fellow- prifoner ftill praying, and, laying hands on me to pull me down and him out, I fpake foftly to him faying, 'O will you, a great profeftbr and one who feemed fmit in con- fcience for fuch cruelty, exercife it, and where too ? when H H 234 L,ife and Opinions of a he is praying ! let him but pray out, tarry but a little.' ' What/ fays he, ' will you juftify him?' 'Oh and alas,' faid I, ' and (hould I not ? Is he not ferving of a good Mafter ? Do not fight againft Chrift fo, oh, do It not, let him but conclude his prayer.' ' Pull him down,' faith the Governor. I faid, ' Sir, let him but pray out a quarter of an hour, but till the Minifter comes.' But then faid the rude foldiers to Baker, ' Do you not hear the Governor, pull him down,' and up came the foldiers like raging beafts, the Governor {landing under the pulpit to fee the execution. Then the firft foldier of the file with his mufket ftruck at my brother Feake, while he was yet praying, but I {landing received the blow, the Governor {lill purfuing his command, fo that Baker, (being prejudiced as hath been gathered by his words againft brother Feake for his judgment againft dipping, which this Baker was fo rigid unto) and the foldiers pulled, and tore me, who held the pulpit door, with fuch bitternefs, eager nefs, and rough- nefs, that they therewith and the blows ftruck at us, that fell upon the pulpit door, brake it in pieces, and fo pulled me down, and laid violent hands on him, and carried us away with very great abufes, both in word and deed. Pepper with one party of foldiers fent with me, who did drag, hale, punch and pu{h me one way to my prifon lodge, and another party of foldiers carrying him, another way, to his prifon lodge. Our friends, who feeing us fo brutifhly handled offered to intercede, or fpeak for us, were beaten, threatened and put quite out,and notfufFered tovifiteither ofus. After a little breathing being thus haled in and kept clofe with Sentinels fet at our doors, my brother Feake began to preach out of the prifon window, which I heard at my prifon door, the day being very calm, where the Sentinels ftood to keep me in, and when they beat up the drums to drown his voice at that end, I at my end was ftirred up upon the fame fubjecfl and text to proceed until the drums Fifth-Monarchy-Man. ceafed, and then he began again. In the afternoon, at the door, on the fame fubjedt, I proceeded, (fome few of our friends that came from London having gotten into fome holes and corners in the yard, where they were hid, to hear), but in my prayer was a Serjeant with foldiers fent up to drive me in and flop my mouth, a little fierce man, who fell to it with great fury. As I was yet in prayer holding up on a brick in the wall, defiring with tears the Lord to open their eyes and confciences, fome two or three of the poor foldiers were ftruck in their confciences, and though com- manded could not fall on in that duty, but with tears defi red the reft of their fellows to let me alone, faying they would to prifon firft. But the little fierce Green Dragon, the Ser- jeant with fome others, fell on the more barbaroufly, Jaid hold on my throat as if to have ftrangled me, tore off my cloak and rent it, and me, my arms, and clothes, ftill I praying, and looking up to my God whiles they were beat- ing, bouncing, tearing and thumping me. And then I faid, ' Yea, ftrike on, ftrike on, thus did the foldiers deal with Chrift my Mafter, him they beat, haled, thumped, fpit on, and the difciple is not better than his Mafter, beat on, beat on, firs, O, blefled blows ! ' But thus they caft me in, and ftiut the doors upon me, and fet other Sentinels upon me. So after a little breathing, being fo cruelly handled, I continued out at my prifon window, preaching, finging, praying, and praifing my moft dear Lord and Father in Chrift who hath made me, fo poor a finful wretch, to be numbered and accounted among them that fufi^er for Jefus, and his Kingdom's fake. In this clofe imprifonment, though nothing fo clofe as now it is, I was, though very ill and fore in my body, ftirred up to exercife every morning, as I ufe to do in my family, at the window of the prifon for the benefit of the poor Sentinels who ftood under in the yard, expounding the Scriptures, and praying, and upon the third day of the week, which v^'as the eighth of the third month, 1655, my brother [May, 1655.] Feake with two foldiers at his heels pafling by flood ftill to hear me pray, but an Irifh Enfign, then captain of the guard (formerly I hear a Cavalier) commanded them to bring him away, and not let him ftand, but he faid, Let me alone a little, I am much refrefhed, pray hear, fays he, &c. But that Enfign fent up more foldiers, who prefTed much upon him, but he faid he was about a good work, and wifhed them alfo to hear the prayers, but C. IV. faid it was forbidden fruit at that time, and defired one to come to me, and fpeak to me to be fo civil as to forbear praying, but the party refufed fo to do. The Enfign called upon them to bring him away without delay and to take him by head and heels, but a poor Serjeant, an officer fent up for that purpofe, refufed fo to do, and faid he had rather go to prifon, yet entreated B. F. to come away, and when he found his arguments of no more force with him in that duty the Serjeant was returning, but in the way this wicked Enfign, whofe feet were fwift to fhed blood, fainted him as an enemy, for not tearing him away by head and fhoulders at firft, with fword and fcabbard ftruck blows in fuch flrength that the iron thereof cut through his fkull, and brake his brain-pan. So fadly gafhed, mangled, and wounded, the blood fpinning out a great diflance from him, he with much ado reeled to a feat, where he affayed to break his fword, and throw away his fcabbard, with a wit- nefs againft them to wear it no more in fuch fervice. But in the mean time this enraged monfler with his naked fword laid about the reft who now ran away with B. F. as with a light burden, and fo, like the dog in the fmith's forge, they that would not flir at the many ftrokes upon God's anvil, whiles we were at our work, could run now at the fight of a wand, yea, with wind in their wings, lift up their Ephah (Zech.v. g). Work, poor wretches ! Such miferable flaves are they all. According to the Arabic adage (which for want of characflers the prefs omits) ' Men' la a-rifo-tchaira, Fifth-Monarchy-Man . 237 &Cj' they that cannot difcriminate are company for beafts. The Serjeant was conveyed into a houfe, and as it was by the Chirurgeon himfelf fuppofed, mortally wounded, and a dead man, for after he had taken out two or three pieces of his Ikull, he concluded him doubtful of recovery, if not beyond it, it being fo contiguous and ambiguous, for at lafi: he found it but a hair's breadth between him and death, being hewed to the caruncles and concavity of the head, and fhould have utterly defpaired but that the cerebran fkin was marvelloufly kept from the cuts. Thus blood was fhed in their rage againft religion and the worship of God, who formerly and when it was their intereft have with blood contended for it. But the Avenger of blood will purfue thefe fons of Belial, and woe unto them that build their city in blood, for when their plague comes the name of their place fhall be called Kibroth-hattaavah, the graves of luft, for whiles the flefli is between their teeth the Lord fhall fmite them. In the interim confider — Firft, that we lie as yet among the pots in the hot kiln, the iron furnace of Egypt between the very hearths, where the fire is kindled in the hotteft urn among the tile-pots. I mean in thofe ovens of men's wrath — garrifons of foldiers. Secondly, we may fee ' e polypragmofyne,' the pragma- tical proclivity and activity of the Cavalierifh fpirit to pro- fecute and execute the rage of the Beaft upon us under the Sword Sovereignty. Thirdly, it appears a conviftion of confcience is a capi- tal crime with them, and merits cutting, flafhing, and fhed- ding of blood without mercy, calling the touch of confcience contempt, melancholy, and madnefs, they themfelves being feared, and having made fhipwreck thereof. Fourthly, it is evident we are under as barbarous a fpirit of the Beaft as at this day exercifed in any part of the world, and as miferable a fervitude as among the Turks, for in all places they will ufe their prifoners civilly, and not 238 Litfe and Opinions of a multiply affliftions upon them every day as thefe men do, and ftudy to, much lefs fo monftroufly and murderoufly hack and hew men for making confcience in their unreafon- able commands. But to make us in a yet more Turk-like flavery, and that what is now our caufe may be quickly the cafe of others, and of all, if need be, behold the Bafhaws and Begler-Beys fent down to fettle their Divans and Militia into every county,* with the Timariots alfo, and Zamiacks, or Deputy Balhaws, under them, befides the Janizzaries, Gemoglanies, and Spahies, or Guards, about their Grand S. at Whitehall. And In the army there are alfo their Achingies (Hinds of the Country) or new Militia troops, too, to forage up and down for prey, and to keep the Lord's Lambs from meeting and feeding together on Chrift's commons. Is not this a new Turkey, then .'' Let them palliate all as they will with good words, yet as the proverb is, ' Soltanon bila adalin kanakrin bila maa.' 'Their Sultan without juftice fhall be found like a brook without water,' and neither his foldiers nor multi- tudes, can fave him when the time of his judgment is come, ' Iflah ho-rai, &c.' Fifthly, it is certain, too, thefe red EJaus muft have red meat, I mean blood, to feed on, and 1 eafily forefee with what greedinefs and defign they do provoke poor iimple plain Jacobs, honeft hearts, by exaggerating and accumulating, to fome rifing or (untimely) acflion of de- fence, for them to have a full blow at them, the belly-ful's of the Saints' blood, which they fo much threaten and thirft after, that their Shebna himfelf faid he^ could freely have his arms up to his elbows in their blood. * About this time the counties of England were diftributed into dif- trifts and with their militia placed under the government of " Major- Generals.'' The arbitrary condufi; of thefe military governors and their fubftitutes caufed great diffatisfaflion. Fifth-Monarchy-Man . 239 Sixthly, it is our comfort that all they can do unto us is but to drive us to our God and Father. For a teftimony whereof, I muft refer to that beam of light which led me into a moft lucid and facile fupputation, proved and illuf- tratedin my forefaid treatife, having found very excellent food from the roots of the Hebrew (Chaldy, Samaritan, Syrian), Arabic, (Perfian), and ^thiopic tongues, which I daily con- verfe with, and reading the Scriptures by, I find Manna wrapped up in the Dews of Heaven. But to proceed. Upon the i6th day of the third month, 1655, were Commiffioners fent from Whitehall, in a colour of juftice to be done for our diverfified injuries, which by this had made a loud noife in the ears of men, fo as the Courtiers were put to this policy for a ftiift, and in pretence of wrongs done unto us, and to enquire after the matter of fatft, we found the integral of their ne- gotiation to be againft us, that all the information they could fqueeze out of any forts of perfons, foldiers or ene- mies, might be modelled and formed up together againft us, and fo prefented to their Lord Prote£for. The Com- miffioners that fat upon us were Mr. H* Mr. Wood, Mr. Crejfet, Mr. Carter, Mr. Woodard, Mr. B., Mr. Oxen- bridge, and Angelo. The firft day they fat I was interrupted in the duty of expounding and praying in the morning, and from my fweat out of that exercife taken away by the Marfhall in the company of my brother F. to be cooled in * Mr. Cornelius Holland originally ferved the King, then fided againft him, and fat in the High Court of Juftice which condemned him to death. He was M.P. for Wendover in the Long Parliament, and his name, as well as that of Col. Whichcot, the Governor of WindforCaftle, appears on the lift of many Berkfliire committees. Mr. Woodard was Vicar of Bray, near Windfor ; and Oxenbridge was a fellow of Eton, and Woodard's fon-in-Iaw. — Athen. Oxon. ii. 537. the other. When we came before them in the Governor's lodgings they told us their errand by the mouth of Mr. Holland. We defired to fee their CommifTion and to hear it read, which their clerk did ; and as on the one fide it fignified fome wrongs we had received of the foldiers, fo on the other fide (and which was the main body of the bufi- nefs) upon complaint againft Mr. Chrijiopher Feake and Mr. John Rogers, that they ftirred up the foldiers to fedition and mutiny againft their officers and the Government, thofe whofe names were underwritten by the forefaid Commiffion were authorized to examine and make report to him. Given under his feal manual, and in the head of it O. P. When we heard it, the defign was obvious unto us. Under the head of hearing a little of what we fhould fay, to hear all they could poffibly fcrape up, or that any could forge or find out againft us. Brother Feake firft fpake, and I feconded him. We both told them we were in the capacity of pri- foners, and that clofe, but if they had power to right us we required our due liberty, or at leaft to be in Jiatu quo and to have the liberty of the Caflle as the Cavaliers and all prifoners butourfelves had to breathe in ; but that denied, we demanded a copy of their Commiffion. We were bid to withdraw, and after a long debate called in again with this recufation — that we did not own the Government, and therefore they could not allow us a copy of their Commif- fion without we would own the Power that fent them. We told them that was not the point, nor was it now the matter in hand, yet we could affure them we fliould not own them as they were Commiffioners, for fo our lives would be in jeopardy and our liberties betrayed, for that what they were to do was as Juftlces of the Quorum, to hear, exa- mine, prepare, and to give their prepared papers to their Lord Protestor, whereby he may pretend we have had a trial, depofitions taken, and nothing refts to do but to hang or head us ; therefore we did not intend to be involved into Ftfth-Monarchy-Man . 241 fuch a fnare, nor to be thus treated with or tried in a hole. Anfwer was made us they had no fuch defign, but we told them they had not the intentions of their Lord Prote£lor in their hands, however, and through our fimplicity, and it may be theirs too, he might make his game ; but although as Commiffioners we would not meddle with them, yet as brethren or friends in an amicable way, we were ready to give them or any other an account of our faith, hopes, and fuffer- ings. Anfwer was made us they were our friends and brethren too, but were fent for our good, and fat to hear what inju- ries we received. We told them, whether for our good or hurt, we excepted againft the matter, the form, the rule, and the end of their Commiffion, and could take no cogni- zance of them in the capacity of Commiffioners. For matter, I faid, for that fome men, as Mr. Oxenbridge, &c. were parties concerned ; as to form, they were an illegal court, nor ought they to rake the prifons for informations againft poor prifoners ; but to immure us fo long and bar- baroufly, and now to ftir every ftinking puddle to find matter for it is not fair, but like the Tyrant that did firft hang the man and then hear his caufe, or the Conftable (as the Protelfor calls himfelf ) that firft knocks the man down and then bids him ftand, &c. Befides, as they were in- competent judges, and no authentic court, fo the end for which they fat (let them fliape it as well as they can) was wicked and unchriftian, to rake up informations and decla- rations againft us in the matter of our faith and confciences. They told us they were to take report of matter of fa6t. We faw it incumbent to deal -plainly with them, and to tell them the utmoft our enemies had to impeach us was but for words in preaching and praying, or Chriftian conference with us. Mr. Oxenbridge anfwered that words were matter of fadt. With that we knew their meaning, and Mr. H. faid he muft needs confefs the charge againft us was very high ; yea, faid we, in your calendar or law See p. 174. I I L_ you make it Treafon to do fuch things as in your Commif- lion feems charged upon us ; but we valued not that, yet infifted upon a copy of their Commiffion. The next day thefe locomotive Commiffioners adjourned to Frogmore, the Governor's houfe beyond the town, and there fat to hear, receive, and examine all that would come in with any accufation againft us, which we in clofe prifon were kept in ignorance of. The next day early Mr. Br. came to me (who had preached the day before a little too reflefting upon us, but being my worthy friend, I am tender of him and entirely refpedl him), he defired me to forbear my exercife, which I did that morning, and we were haftened again before thefe gentlemen, with a friend or two then with us. They offered then to read the accufations and informations they had taken up againft us if we would confent they fhould report them to O. P. But we faid, as before, our minds were the fame, and they were the fame, fo that as Commif- fioners we would not fo much as hear them read to us or reply a word to them, with which they were offended, and we renewed our exception againft them, both grey and black Miffionaries, the Minifters having no fuch rule from Chrift left them to fit in Commiffion thus againft their bre- thren, nor had the other either law or conlcience to com- mend them to this employment, and particularly in that fome there prefent were conftituted members of the High Court of Juftice for the punifl^ing them with death who ftiould declare Charles Stuart or any other perjon chief Ma- giftrate in the three nations, &c. and this they had folemnly fworn to fo. I drew out the Adt of Parliament to read it to them, and offered reafons why we could not in confcience take cognizance of them, but they were deaf and obtufe of hearing; yea, two or three of them, viz. Mr. JVoodmA Oxen- bridge, rent away from the reft in difcontent, and fo, after a little difcourfe with fome of the other about the Fifth Kingdom, Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 24? they diflblved, and left us in our clofe prifons and cruel hands where they found us. They went home with a flea in their ears, it feems, but well fraught with informations againft us to their mafter, who hath doubtlefs laid them up with the reft for a timous and more terrible treatment, and whiles with Joab they fay brother with the one hand, they ftab us with the other hand under the fifth rib, and fhed out our bowels in the duft. But the Lord will raife the duft of Sion (Ps. 102), and in general we may note, — Firft, that Apoftates are the worft and fubtileft fort of perfecutors, and of all people moft brutiftily bent on their own ways, &c. Secondly, that more juftice is to be had from a down- right heathen Government than from an apoftate intereft. Thirdly, that the Juftice of God doth ever avenge with the fword upon an apoftate intereft (Lev. xxvi. 25), ' I will bring the fword upon you that fhall avenge the quarrel of my covenant.' So Exodus xxxii. 27. Now this Apoftafy is that which immediately precedes the rife of the Holy Camp or Sword in this our ftreet firft (Rev. xi. 3, Dan. vii. 22, 25, 27) at the end of the forty-two months. This is the male child that Sion's travail will bring forth now immediately, and begin to move us ; yea, the found of the feven trumpets gives the alarm, and the third woe is now at hand. Only this caution love as your lives, as not to ftay behind at the Call, fo not to ftir untimely, left you fall before your enemies, like them (Numbers xiv. 40, 42, 44), and they be heightened againft you. But be firft united in the inner court and the outer. Yea, thefe called Fifth-Monarchy -Men and Commonwealth-Men muft unite too* upon the principle of Righteoufnefs to all men, which * " That party of men called ' Levellers,' who call themfelves ' Com- monwealth's-men.'"— O. Cromwell's fpeech, Jan. 22, 165;, in Carlyle, 244 Life and Opinions of a may eafily be obtained, and then, March, for the figns are upon us, and the trumpets found, Horfe, horfe, and away ! Fourthly And note from hence, i. . . 2. . . 3. . . 4. . . 5. • . 6. What emi- nent teftimony hath been borne from Heaven againft thefe praftices of theirs. For at Lambeth the great accufer Abdy * was ftabbed that day he fhould have been rewarded by them for his good fervice, and another, one Porter, j fpitting upon my head when I was preaching with my head out at the grates, killed one of their own officers, for which he lies in th6 Gatehoufe, if he be not executed : and here at Windfor, Mr. Wood, one of our bittereft enemies amongft the Commiffioners, pleading much for the Governor and foldiers in the wrongs they did us, hath not enjoyed him- felf fince, as it is reported, but was prefently after fnatched away by a fudden hand of God, fo that ' in the way of Thy judgments, O Lord, have we waited for Thee.' And as Judges V. 31, ' So let all Thine enemies perifh, O Lord, ii. 330. "There have been endeavours — as there were endeavours to make a reconciliation between Herod and Pilate that Chrifl. might be put to death, fo there have been endeavours of reconciliation between the Fifth-Monarchy-Men and the Commonwealth-Men, that there might be union in order to an end — no end can be fo bad as that of Herod's was — but in order to end in blood and confufion." — O. Cromwell's fpeech, 17th Sept. 1656, in Carlyle, ii. 436. See alfo Thurloe, vi. .185. * "Fleet Street, London, Jan. 18. — There was one hanged this day at Fetter Lane end named James Rawlins, who not long fince, in a mad ranting humour, took a refolution to kill the firft he ftiould meet ; and fo meeting in the ftreet one Mr. George Abdy, he without any more ado ran him through. He upon the gibbet acknowledged the faft that he killed him wilfully, and profeffed hearty repentance." — Merc. Pol. No. 241. f " March 28. — Young Porter, fon of Endymion Porter, who lately carried away a young lady formerly mentioned, was brought before his Highnefs, he having yefterday run a foldier through in Covent Garden, who is fince dead. He was committed for it to the Gatehoufe." — Perfell Proceedings, No. 286. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 245 but let them that love thee be as the fun when he goeth forth in his ftrength.' Amen and Amen. My imprifonment at Windfor continued until the fecond day of the eighth month. Upon the firft day of the eighth month, in the evening, a Cornet of horfe came to Windfor with orders from Whitehall (or hell, rather, as from men, but indeed as to us from Heaven) to carry us away with him to Sandown fort; and fo he gave us time to prepare till the next morning, and we muft not difpute it. My difficulty lay in the managing of this fo fudden news to my poor wife, who was very weak and in childbed, ready to fink upon any fudden motion, in fo dangerous a condition as fhe was, being but four days (not five full) out in childbed, after fo hard and fore a labour as gave her up in the judgment of them about her for a dead woman, or at leafl; the child, but that the God of prayers, yea, our prifon God, almoft beyond expedtation faved both, but yet fo as the leaft trouble, grief, or fudden fright would probably have endangered her as much or more than before. This made me look up to Him in whom I centre, who giveth wifdom and upbraideth not. Weigh- ing her weaknefs, for a fpace of time I was treating with her upon the promifes efpecially to the perfecuted and fuf- fering ones for Chrift, and fo was I firft infinuating, pre- paring, warming and affedling her heart with the precious truths and promifes before I could break the matter unto her, who notwithftanding received it with tears and troubles of heart, not knowing whether they would banifh me to Barbados, or fuch like place, or elfe barbaroully murder me before we fee the faces of one another more, and not hav- ing time to provide for wife or children, or the poor Prifon- born babe, I was the next morning, notwithftanding I wanted neceffaries, and had not riding coat, boots, or things fit for fuch a journey, yet with mufketeers and officers they fetched me out of my chamber by violence, and rent [oa. 1655.] 246 Liife and Opinions of a me from my weak wife in childbed and weeping babes and children about me. But I blefs the Lord that I had firft feme fealing refrefhment to my inward man. For in my fleep, before I waked in the morning, the Lord met me, at which 1 faid, 'Jehovah is on my fide ; I will not fear what flefh can do unto me,' with which I awaked, fell to prayer, and arofe preparing my family with prayers and exhorta- tion to all that were about me ; and conveying a few of my papers into the bottom of my ftockings at the foles of my feet, to preferve them from their hands and fearches, I was brought away to my brother Feake. So by force we were brought to horfeback, and with the troopers led like the flock of thy flaughter, O Lord (Zech. xi. 4, 5), the poor people on both fides the ftreets, {landing weeping, lifting up their eyes, bleffing, pitying, and praying for us as we pafled through, to fee us fo carried and hurried into banifhment for the name of Chrift. I blefs my God I much rejoiced, though I was fo harfhly rent from my deareft relations and worldly commodities, not having one foot of land, houfe, or eflate in the world to live upon, but only the providence of my God. And yet I fang, I fay, in this blefled fuffering for joy, like the bird of the day or the nightingale at the thorn. Yea, 'Dum ova in gremio funt.' The firfl: night we reached Farnham. The next morn- ing was very cold, bluftering, ftormy, and bitter ; yet before I was fully ready they had taken horfe and I was called away and ftayed for, fo I hafted and we rode through great rain, ftorm, winds, and very fore weather to Alton, I think they call it, where we about noon being foaked quite through our clothes, and I and fome others bitterly ill, feverifh, and weary, had leave to refrefh a little with fire and provifions for ourfelves and horfes. So we all tarried there a fmall time hoping it would hold up, the weather yet continuing as bad as before, and the way which we had to go being worfe, which made the Cornet and his company Fifth-Monarchy- Man. 247 of troopers well content we fhould tarry until the next morn, and myfelfj being very violently afflided with the headache and in a high, burning, feverifh diftemper, did much defire it, as alfo did our friend, C. T). (now Epaphras our fellow- prifoner), he being likewife fomewhat troubled with the pain in head, fo I laid me down upon the bed, brother Feake and his wife being both well, through the goodnefs of God. Yet fome of them would be going, although we were fo ill, and the weather and the ways fo exceeding bad, but then I did beg in that bitter diftemper to ftay but one hour upon the bed, only until I had took a little flumber, hoping to be a little better by it, but I could not obtain it, notwith- ftanding fome did entreat it for me, yet to no purpofe, for away they went, took horfe and left me behind with fome troopers to follow in that violent, bad weather, which I was but ill provided againft, which when I faw I was forced to arife, muffle my face about with a fcarf, and ride after a great pace not only to overtake them, which I foon did, but to get to fome inn as foon as I could poffibly, that I might lie down and eafe my afflifted head, the Cornet ftraightways appointing the place we (hould go unto that night, which was a little village three or four miles fhortof Portfmouth, whither, I blefs the Lord that enabled me ! though with pain I reached, fome of the troopers and the Cornet himfelf being with me, late at night ; I called for a chamber, which the hoft brought me into, a little poor pitiful room, and made a fire. I laid my head a little on a bed for eafe, yet I entreated the man to make a good fire and provide a room for my brother Feake and his wife, who were near, the which he did, and fix, yea fix, were forced to lie in my room all that night, and fome four or five the next day and night, when we came to Portfmouth, fo ill were we accommodated in lodgings. The next day, being the fifth of the 8th month, 1655, we were in the morning called away with the tide to tranf- 248 Life and Opinions of a port out of our native country into exile, which was fome trial to our flefh, not knowing their further defign therein ; but whiles I was committing it to our Heavenly Father, I was called away and the friends that were with us, fo we went to the waterfide ; and upon the fea-fhore I put my brother F. in mind of our Lord and Mafter's pra(51:ice upon the feafhore to the people, and of Paul's praftice at fuch times to preach ; whereupon he agreed, and began fpeaking until the tide came very near us, then I effayed to exhort the people, which were gathered about and did affedtionately hear, out of Afts xxviii. 20, but the Cornet forbad me and interrupted me often with the tides rifing upon us and the people's increafing, fo I was broken off abruptly in the midft of the application, at which the people fhowed abund- ance of affe6tion by tears abundantly, prayers, and earneft cries to the Lord for us, fome laying hold on my hands, fome on my garments ; and fo we parted, the people looking after us upon the fhore a long time, and fo we were carried away to Ryde, tofling but a little on the feas, and there horfed away, and conveyed to Sandown fort. A mile before we came at it, the Enfign who was the keeper being at Brading, and knowing who we were, rode galloping, and overtook us, but gave no refped; at all ; he kept on before us prifonersvery full and fell, as it feems, againft us, at a venture fpeaking fuch bitter and enraged words, as made us wonder, and the Gaol being as black as the Gaoler and as threatening an earth-hole, without fhelter, tree, or houfe about it, upon the fea and bogs, it looked already as if it were the end of the world to us, infomuch as the very troopers were troubled and wept, fome of them, to fee it (a little defcrip- tion of the place I gave in my Poft-fcript of the Prifonborn Treatife, and fo I fhall forbear here), but when we came to it, we were carried into the fort, or rather dungeon, lately made out of the earth, fo bad as the worft prifoner, or Cavalier, that ever they had they never caft into it, though Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 249 Mr. Bull fpeaks of one C. Kern put there, nor was ever any prifoner, as the Enfign himfelf faid it often, put there before, and for many nights, fix nights together after our weary journey, they made us lie in our clothes, notwith- ftanding they had bedding locked up in a room, allowing us neither bed nor ftraw, thus turning us into the hole like beafts. This continued until the noife thereof about the ifland ftirred up fome honeft people in Newport to fend us beds, which was a great refreftiment to us, blefled be the Lord. For other things alfo we were forely put to it: the bread we could get for money, which was not eafy, was very bad, of bad favour and of worfe tafte, but good enough for poor prifoners ; and the water we drank was of a filthy ditch (without we catched fome rain now and then), brackifli, black, and very unwholefome, if not venomous. Now to obviate this report of our hard ufage, which brake abroad about the ears of the Court, they cunningly caufed an order to be printed (which was cried about London ftreets, and the report thereof fpread about the nation, to flop the other report of their inhuman Tyranny and bad ufage of us), that we were removed to a private houfe for better accommodation. The contents are as fol- loweth of the two orders : — 'Friday, the 2^th of September, 16 $S- At the Council at Whitehall. Ordered — By His Highnefs the Lord Protestor and the Council, that Mr. Feake and Mr. Rogers, now Prifoners in Windfor Caftle, be forthwith removed to Sandown Caftle, under the command of Captain Bourman* in the Ifle of * Captain Bourman was one of the three officers to whom Colonel K K 250 Life and Opinions of a Wight, there to be fecured in fafe Cuftody, till further orders, to which purpofe warrants are to be iflued, and it is referred to our Com. Gen. Whalley to take order for appointing a guard to convey them accordingly.' Upon this order and other warrants, as if we were felons or fearful villains and mifcreants, we were carried into this Banifliment. But that faying of our Saviour hath fweetly refrefhed me (Luke xxii. 52), ' Be ye come out as againft a thief with fwords and ftaves ? When I was daily with you teaching, ye ftretched forth no hands againft me ; but this is your hour, and the power of darknefs.' The other order follows : — ' At the Council at Whitehall, Tuejday, ^th of OBoheVy 1655. Whereas His Highnefs and the Council are informed that Sandown Caftle, in the Me of Wight, where Mr. Feake and Mr. Rogers are at prefent fecured, doth not afford them convenient accommodations, Ordered by His Highnefs and the Council, that the faid Mr. Feake and Mr. Rogers be removed from the faid Caftle to fuch part of the Weft of the Ifle of Wight as Maj. Bourman ftiall judge meet for accommodation of their health and with refpedt to their fecurity and privacy.' The pretence of this order they alfo printed and fpread about that the Cornet Str. who brought us hither, upon his return made report of the badnefs of the place and the want of fitting conveniences (as if they knew it not before), and thereupon they printed it (Odt. 12, 1655) that order was immediately fent for our removal to fome private Hammond entrufted the cuftody of Charles I. in the Ifle of Wight. — Rujhzuorth's State Papers, viii. 135 1. Fifth- Monarchy- Ma?2 . houfe, where we might be lodged, and have air and things fitting for our health. Now this counter-report pretending love and pity almoft quafhed the former of their cruelty to us, but for all this high noife there was no fuch matter really effefted, but people were deluded and gulled, and lulled with a good opinion of thefe Perfecutors for this pre- tence of their charity to us, and then the enemy could take a better blow in Cruelty at us, and with lefs noife than be- fore, as he did indeed at me, as fully as foully, in my removal to this monftrous Theatre of Tyranny, where I now am, under the rage of wild Beafts rather than rational creatures, looking when to be torn a-pieces, trampled under foot, yea murdered by them fliould the Lord, whom I ferve, fufFer them to be let loofe. For if ever there were fuch a people as Fhilaftrius tells us of (Lib. de Hsr.) called Caiani, from Cain, whom they honoured for his fra- tricide, faying he had the greateft power, but his brother Abel the leaft, and they would ferve the greateft power, fure thefe I am now amongft, of all men I ever faw, are fuch, and their Caftle may be called not Carifbrook fo much as Cains-brook, for they ferve his power and prin- ciple. But for all their pretences, there we continued at that worfe than Bonner's Coal Houfe until the 31ft day of the 8th month, and notwithftanding the Lord vifited me like a Father with a fore and fierce fever in the hole, I was, with that on my back, carried away through fad ftorms, ways, and weather, by order from the Court, with foldiers and the Enfign from this fort further into Baniftiment to Afton Houfe of Frefhwater Ifland, an Ifle within an Ifle, an exile within exile, &c. 'ubi lateres duplicantur,' and about this time did fome of the fifters of the Church fociety go to Whitehall with a Demand of me, refufing to petition or fend in a prayer, but after long tarrying and much diffi- culty, word was brought them from O. C. with a great afleveration, that orders were fent down to open the Prifon 251 [oa. 31,1655.] doors to me, and let me out, but if I would not, then to accommodate me with all conveniences in the prifon. But ' peftus Satanas mendaciis foecundiffimum eft,' there was never any fuch matter that ever I heard of, but this policy- was invented to pack them away by thofe that have made lies their refuge. They aflced why the brethren came not, and why my wife came not, but I had indeed fent letters to her to keep off, left parleying with the ferpent fhe fhould be enfnared. With me I carried about my papers in my clothes and other ways hiding them at Afton Houfe in holes and walls, and pots and pans, to preferve them from the enemy. In this prifon alfo, being near the fea, I had Klazianzen's fight of fad ftiipwrecks (as they have done with their faith and confcience that banifti us) and of the fea working (like the wicked enemies, who foam nothing but filth, mire and dirt). In this houfe was I guarded with a fierce company of Herodians (foldiers), for as they, who handled my Lord Chrift fo cruelly, would fancy Herod to be the Meffias (Epiph. Hasr. xx.), fo they who handle us fo hardly (fome of the beft) fancy their Lord Protestor C, to be the man on whofe fhoulders the Government of Chrift lies, according to Ifaiah ix. 6 (and blafphemous fpeech to his Parliament Jan. 22, 1654, p. 31, 32). But thefe fat up day and night to watch me, and yet indeed it was a much better prifon than the other for air and other accommodations, for diet, lodging, &c. Thither came my poor wife with two children unto me. Upon the Lord's days, becaufe I preached, were four foldiers, or fore biting leopards, fet afrefti upon my bones, but upon other days but two, who were renewed upon me day by day, and fol- lowed me fo clofe with their Herodian rudenefs that fome of them would force within my room at unfeemly feafons, and that with very irrational brutifhnefs indeed. Two or three gentlemen and my dear friends from London who came to fee me were there aflaulted, and more foldiers of the fiercefl; fort were fetched from Yarmouth, a mile or two ofF, to feize upon them and their horfes, carrying them prifoners before the Deputy Governor for no other reafon but for vifiting me. I fliall pafs over the daily wrongs the people had in whofe houfe I was kept prifoner, the foldiers put upon It by officers. Some poor people of the ifland that creeped in to hear me preach on the Lord's day were wonderfully menaced by the foldiers, yea their names taken and conveyed to the Deputy Governor to be ordered or committed, yea fome of thefe brutifh bears were fent abroad, before the poor creatures that came to hear the Word were at the houfe, to force them away left they fhould hear me preach. A Lieutenant came to tell me if I would not preach nor meddle with L. P. in my fermons I fhould have liberty to take the air a mile or two on the downs, a foldier or two attending me, to whom I faid that liberty was my right, but to take it on fuch terms I would lofe my right firft. The worft Churls they could pick were ap- pointed to watch and ward me day and night; but this prifon being too commodious where I might fee friends in the yard if they came to fee me, it being a good air and in itfelf well accommodated, I was removed from thence with a company of foldiers upon the fifth day of the tenth month to Carift)rook Caftle, or rather Cains- brook Caftle, where I now am. And indeed they did (how a moft unchriftian inhumanity in the manner of re- moval of me, the days being fo fhort, the ways fo bad, and the weather fo bitter, and, to boot, by reafon of fo long and lamentable an imprifonment, my body fo unufed to it, and yet with poor little horfes at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, fo late, they called me out and away, which when I boggled at (it being fo unreafonable an hour for fuch a journey in a dark cold night over bleak downs, dangerous ways, fcarce going by one houfe till Carifbrook, for my wife and two children), the Leopards confulted together, and one of the [Dec. 5, 1655.] ^54 Life and Opinions of a officers concluded to pull me out by the ears, and fo by force and fury to fetch me away ; but when I faw I muft go, knowing their bloody difpofitions, and that by no means I could be permitted to tarry until the morning, I required of the chief officer, the Serjeant, a copy of his warrant ; who fhowed me his, although the other officers, as they ufed to do, faid to fome others his fword was his warrant, pointing to it by his fide, which when I heard I faid, ' In good time is it come to that : and thus every thief in the Highway fays.' But in this Ifle it is the conftant and common anfwer of the foldiers, when we afk by what law or order, to fay, ' By this,' drawing their fword or laying hand on the hilt. The order was to convey me hither. Within one hour or little more the night was come upon us, the ways were exceeding glib and rough with ice and frofts, the winds high and fharp, which blew the fnow out of the clouds full upon our faces, the night was very black, difmal and dark, without moonfhine or ftarlight, until we came at Carifbrook town, the road being unbeaten and over high mountalny downs up and down, fo that we did alight often in the dark, and footed it as far and faft as we could. My wife being weak, rode, but once was very ill with the unufual black night air. I alfo was at laft over- come, and I fell down twice in the way, but with hot waters I was refreshed a little, and forced to trudge in the dark again, until, with a very dangerous difficulty, con- templating the hard travels of Saints and Martyrs, after feveral hours in the night we were brought into a poor houfe in Carifbrook, and there lying upon a bed I was pretty well refrefhed, after an hour or two, and then a Serjeant came to me in the deep of the night with a copy of the order for the keeper of the Caftle to receive me his prifoner under ScobeWs hand. Clerk of the Council in Whitehall, not fignifying for what caufe or crime, nor hath any order fo done to this day, that ever I could fee. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. ■55 but only their will and pleafure. loweth : — The orders are as fol- ' In purfuance of an order of the Council of the 28 th of November laft, you are hereby authorized and required fafely to convey Mr. Rogers from the houfe of Mr. Urry at Afton, and fo to deliver him to the Commander in Chief at Carifbrook Caftle, to be there fecured till further orders from His Highnefs or the Council. Given under my hand at Brook this 4th day of December, 1655. To Serjeant Nollard thefe. Thomas Boreman.' ' IVednefday, the 2^th day of November, 1655. At the Council at Whitehall, Ordered — That Mr. Rogers, now reftrained to a pri- vate houfe in the Ifle of Wight, be removed to Carifbrook Caftle, and there fecured till further order. And that the Deputy Governor of the Ifle of Wight do take care that he be removed accordingly. • Henry Scobell, Clerk of the Council.^ * * The removal of Rogers from a private houfe to the ftrifter confine- ment of Carifbrook Caftle was owing probably to the intelligence which the Government had received of a projedled infurreftion. On the 13th of November, 1655, Thurloe wrote to Henry Cromwell, "It is certain that the Fifth-Monarchy-Men (fome of them, I mean) have defigns of putting us into blood, but I truft this will be prevented." — Thurioe, iv. 191. 256 I^ife and Opinions of a Here is no crime nor caufe, I thank the Lord ; which minds me of that in Jer. 1. 10, ' Their iniquity fhall be fought for, and there fhall be none.' Nor could their juggle of accommodation be now pretended, it being be- caufe of the accommodation rather in Afton Houfe, and becaufe of the incredible cruelty and tyranny of this Caftle that I was brought hither. But to proceed. In this pitifully diftempered eftate of body I was fent for from that poor houfe, the Commiflary and fome others being ready, to convey me with the fore- faid Sergeant, Corporal, and Soldiers into the Caftle, and for my encouragement they told us the moon was up ; but perceiving their refolutlon and importunity, I defired liberty to prayer, after which we were carried up into the Caftle ; as I came in at the firft gate I made a ftand, refigning my- felf, foul and body, into the hands of my moft dear God and Father through Jefus Chrift, not knowing that ever I ftiould come out alive. I faid aloud to them all, "^ In the name of the Lord do I enter here, and for the fake of Jefus,' which they all witnefled unto, as well enemies as others. I was guarded through the Muflceteers, ftanding on both fides with mulkets, pieces, and matches light. I was with my wife and two children put up into a very little, poor, fmoking, cold garret, upon the top of all which was a common foldiers' room ; and although it was a little trial to my wife, not having a chair to fit on, and fo little that we could not readily turn or fet about bufinefs in it, the bedftead which was borrowed taking up the moft part, and the fmoke of the chimney turning all into the rooms at fome times, fo as we could fcarce fee one another ; yet did I much rejoice to be fo pent up. The next morning came my dear con-captives for this moft noble and excellent caufe of the King of Saints, to fee me, MaJ. Gen. Harrifon and Mr. Courtney, who were a long time kept up in this clofe Gaol where now I was brought to Fifth- Monarchy-Man . 257 be their companion. Some part of our time which was fpent together was in praying, inftrudling, and praifing our God, not omitting this His merciful overruling fweet Providence, which has brought us together into one Gaol as well as one exile, for one and the fame Mafter, and in one and the fame Caufe, Teftimony, and Truth, and this too by thofe very men that not long before would not let me come near this Caftle, left I fliould once have feen thefe fervants of the Lord upon the walls. Upon the Lord's days I preached in my room, as I ufed to do, and who of the foldiers would had liberty to hear me for two or three days. Yea Bull himfelf, the grand keeper hereof But this liberty at firft was to find out matter againft me for a colour of their pre- intended future Tragedy, Tyranny and Intrenchment. I was alfo foon after removed into better rooms, which now Mr. Bull brags of, where I now am, but the bedding we had in the garret was taken from us, and we forced to fome want therein, till fome at Newport fent fome in unto us, for which, with what we hire, we blefs the Lord, notwith- ftanding I told Bull I was well contented to lie on ftraw, or elfe, if they would not allow me ftraw, on bare boards, only I pitied my poor wife being not well. Some honeft people of the country did defire me to minifter to them fome light of the Kingdom of Chrift and of His fecond Coming, fo that we kept every fifth day in the afternoon for that purpofe, and poor people came in apace many miles about to hear me. Yea fome Prefbyterians who came out of novelty, or with no good will, when they once came brought others with them the next day, fo that the noife was great about the Ifland, and the Priefts raged, it is re- ported, left their offices ftiould be left unto them defolate ; and fome Officers came to hear with a purpofe to catch matter of accufation againft me, but went away with ap- proval. Yet the enemy could not reft thus, but finding nothing which they could fix upon againft me, and the L L 258 [Dec.27, i655-] Liife and Opinions of a people increafing, upon the twenty-feventh day of the tenth month Bull went forth of feafting, and left men of moft brutifh fpirit to manage his new plot and orders in his abfence, fetting Sentinels upon my door, and driving away the people who came to hear the Gofpel. Some poor people got in and ftood under my prifon windows, the Herodian foldiers not fuffering them to come into the room. But fome poor fouls having got in did occafion a defire to hear me preach in the yard, out of the window, or anywhere, but for this once, but the rude leopards began to rave and roar at that motion, faying they would not fuffer it, and were forely incenfed, uttering as we fay ' Decempedalia ' and ' fefquipedalia verba,' or ' Uper- olcha.' But I, Maj. Gen. and Mr. C. withdrew into my lodge, and after a little fpace I began in prayer, and fell a little to preaching out of the window to the poor people who defired it, and becaufe fome few of the foldiers were touched in confcience and could not exercife their com- manded cruelty, they took certain lewd fellows of the bafer fort, and fo fet upon us and the poor people hearing under the windows, who weeped, cried, and prayed that for this once they might hear, but the brutifh foldiers haled and furioufly drove them away with their fwords (the law we are now under), men and women, fhutting and fhoving them out at the gates, yea threatening to put the poor hearts into their hole or dungeon. Although I did fo ply the rough brutes with Scriptures, entreaties, tears (as the Lord did melt me then exceedingly, that I think I might fay with Aug. * Ad pedes prociderem et flerem quantum poflem '), to let the poor fheep alone for this once, yea but a little — a little, feeing they came fo far and fo many miles, about 8 or 9 miles afoot, poor hearts, many of them, yet thefe Soldiers would not hear me, only one or two who heard were weary of this work of the Devil, and others frefh and crank to it recruited them. They had Fifth-Monarchy -Man. 259 turned away that day, before this, many great companies round the Ifland, and Mr. S. a godly minifter, told me at leaft five hundred had come from about the Ifland, could they have had liberty to hear the noife of the Gofpel of the Kingdom. But by and by came Bull in to make a thorough execution of this perfecution. He took fome of the Soldiers to tafk, threatening them, and if any were re- folved to hear me he required them immediately to lay down their arms and begone. He told them they were weak and were foon deluded, and whatever I faid of Chrift I meant no fuch thing, and the Caflle would be in danger to hear fuch a one as I was, and he would not fufFer it. After, a while the Maj. Gen., Mr. C. and I did look up unto our Maker, and proceeded from fuch an accefs to fome difcourfe with Bull, who was worrying of the poor foldiers that were not yet in full compliance with him. When we came near he bruftled up fiercely through a forced compliment which he hath learned the art of. The Maj. Gen. firft fpake unto him, by whom we demanded his grounds to deal fo injurioufly with us and the poor people. But he in a quandary what to fay (though his tongue is too voluble and violent with lying and flander- ing), he hammered out at laft that he did it to prevent in- conveniences, faying the people had itching ears, and he confefled he had heard me preach very good things, but he believed I had a defign in time to infinuate into the people againft the Government, to throw down his Lord Prote£lor, and fet up Maj. Gen. ; notwithflanding I preached Chrift, yet that was the thing he perceived I drove on, and with words to that effed he fell on a very beftial fury of rage and railing upon the Maj. Gen., but yet as very grofsly flattering me to my face as abufing me behind my back. But we told him we drove on no defign but the pure defign of God, nor had I the leaft word or thought ever (I blefs God) of throwing down one man to fet up 26o Life and Opinions of a another, much lefs Maj. Gen. H. ; but this was his own device. And thus this pitiful, ignorant, but, as he carries it, a moft proud. Sultan-like, infulting OrMlius, and indeed a moft conceited Wretch of Wrath, he now foully falls upon the poor miferable enflaved people of this Ifland, falling into moft foul, irritating, unfavoury, provoking language, with his wonted impudence, and open faculty of lying, flandering, bearding and abufing, for which he is fo noto- rioufly famous in this Ifle, that we went for fhame from him, ' furdis auribus fed oculis intentis in Chriftum,' and fo left him to that fpirit that poflefled him. Upon the Lord's day after fome men of the Ifland came into the Caflle to hear, but the Sentinels at the door drove them off again and turned them into their own chapel. Yet I preaching near the window and my voice heard through, fome poor people would fteal under the wall and in holes to hear, but were foon difcovered and driven away. Yea Bull himfelf, when he came out of the Caftle, did befl:ir himfelf, and lay about him, and becaufe fome of the foldiers would ftand behind the guard door, or make as if they walked about bufinefs in the yard to hear (as they did at Windfor often make as if they lay on the grafs and flept), he drives his foldiers into the guard and there keeps them in himfelf till I had done (as the BiJJiop of L. ufed to tell K. James a tale in the fermon time, when any good man preached againft the Hierarchy or ceremonies of their Church, lefl; the King fliould overhear them, and fo receive the truth preached), talking to them of Cocks and Bulls as we fay, left any of them fhould hear a word of the Sermon. In the middle of the week he came to me, and threatened to deal with me and remove me out of thefe rooms if I let my voice be fo loud as to be heard out at the windows more, to their difturbance as he faid, but I told him I fliould obey God and not man in this matter ; then he bid Fifth-Monarchy-Man. the bed I had to lie on to be taken away, which was done, at which I demanded of him ftraw to lie on ; but the good people, efpecially Mr. B. a well afFefted honeft man, at whofe houfe the godly people meet at Newport, kept me from lying on the boards. Upon the aift or 22nd day of the nth month the Protestor's Bull began to roar and gore again more fiercely than formerly, without any caufe fhown why, kept us up clofe prifoners with incredible cruelty, fufFering none, man, woman or child to come near us, nor our vidluals or neceflaries to come to us, or any of our families to fetch it In unto us, but when we would have fent out for provifions the fervant was flayed by the Captain of the Guard and told none fliould go, which he had orders for, nor any provifions come to us, but by their hands, which when we heard we per- ceived clearly their defign, now began, to deftroy us, ftarve us, murder us, or maflacre us for to make us comply with their lufts, and thus they laid fiege againft us to conquer us to their fide, I.e. to play the Hypocrites, Apofl:ates, perjured Wretches and Beafts with them ; and now behold what a Providence of our Father, (who taketh care for the fpar- rows and worms and clotheth the lilies, feedeth the birds), did minlfter unto us In this great ftralt, there was fent In to the Major-General by a Knight of their own party (not of their own make nor of the poft), peradventure In pity, it being the firft and laft of that kind, a little lamb, and to my poor wife bound up in brown papers, and fo undif- covered, a neck of veal from Newport, yet, after all this was gone, and we in want as before, we prevailed with a little girl of one of the foldlers for a piece of money to fetch us a little bread, we being without ; but upon her return they took her and carried her into Bull's hall, and there examined, frighted, roughly handled and threatened her, and kept her from coming Into the Caftle any more. This day did a godly minlfter, Mr. S., of Newport, get 261 [January, 1656.] 262 Liife and Opinions of a in to a lodge of C. F. with exceeding defire to fee us, and a friend of the faid town had fent us a cold pie ; but the honefl: man which brought it was carried before Bull with his pie, with whom he had for a long time pleaded, near an hour, for liberty to come into my lodge and bring the pie ; but at laft and with much difficulty he obtained leave for a quarter of an hour with a Corporal, at his elbow, to peep into our prifon upon us. Who, poor man, with tears and troubles did deliver it ; and left this with us before the Corporal's face, that thefe cruel perfecutions, fo far exceeding them, in this matter, that we read of in the book of martyrs, had by all he could perceive fome bloody defign againft us, but he prayed us to be cheerful in the Lord, for they could but kill the body. I hearing of the Minifter of Chrift ftepped to the lodge where he was, with the foldier at my heels, but they put him out again at the gate prefently and would not fo much fuffer us, fo much as at the gate, to fee one another, though at a diftance and a foldier between ; fo I was return- ing in again to my own prifon full of comfort in my fpirit at all this, and prefently I heard feveral at once, the Ser- jeant, Corporal, and Soldiers falling upon the honefl: man who had brought the pie, with very vile and blafphemous language ; for that It feems he, as he was going out at the gate, with tears did exhort them to take heed of wliat they did, and to beware of perfecuting and offending of Chrift's little ones, &c. But they brake out many at once, ' What ! What ! Preaching ! We will have no preaching, no fermonizing, none of the Spirit, begone about your bufinefs. What ! you turn preacher too. All preachers now !' with much more of fuch ungracious, unfavoury fluff. At which I confefs my heart ached, and by a mere Providence hearing God and his Ordinances fo blafphemed and mocked at, I could not but turn me, contrary to my intention and purpofe, to them, and particularly fpake to one King, faying, ' O, Sirs, I am forry to hear fuch words, from you indeed I did hope better Fifth- Monarchy -Man . 263 things than fo to fcofF and mock at preaching at the Word and Spirit, indeed I have fcarce heard the like or worfe from the worft Cavaliers, and will you imitate them in this alfo ?' At which they were incenfed and turned upon me bruftling like wild boars whofe tufks were whetted in their own foam, and fo fell bitterly upon me and told me I was their prifoner and I did not know it, meaning, I fuppofe, for that I durft be fo bold as to reprove them. I told them I was the Lord's prifoner for all that, for whofe fake I was willing to fufFer bonds. But faid K., the Serjeant, ' You are not in prifon for the Lord.' ' For what then ?' faid I, (for I am fure none of their Orders or Mittimufes that ever I could fee yet did ever fignify any caufe why they committed me, and have kept me now in feveral prifons nearly two years already and in baniihment.) ' If we are tranfgreffors and you have matter againft us, why do ye not try us ? O fearch into your confciences, for you never treated the Cavaliers fo brutiftily here.' (Nay, they would let the Cavaliers that were there Hberty to go abroad and ride about to Newport, and up and down to ale-houfes, drinking, feafting, gaming, and committing fin every day and partake with them too in it, yet we muft gnaw the bit and be kept without bread.) 'Is this righteous in the fight of God ?' Corporal Haddaways anfwered me that we were worfe than Cavaliers therefore. Then I perceived that their teeth were on edge to be upon me, and one bade me begone in ; but being warm in my fpirit ' Quo magis illi furunt eo amplius procedo,' as Luther faid, I told them I was doing no harm, and prayed them to confult with the word of God about their prefent condition ; but then came out an old man and bid me go in ; I told him I was about the Lord's work and did no harm, nor was I ever forbid to Hand in that place where I ftood, and I did think it as good ground to ftand on as that in my prifon ; but now they began fierce upon me, many at once, like fo many wide- 264 Life and Opinions of a mouthed wolves, to fall on, as if they would not have left the bones until the morrow, and out came Bull, who imme- diately, without hearing me, gave them either the fign or the word to fall upon me, notwithftanding I cried out to him, ' What have I done, only rebuked fin and blafphemy.' But he was far more barbarous than the Heathen chief captain of the band (Afts xxi. 31, 32), who , as foon as he came, they left beating of Paul, and he refcued him ; but this worfe than Heathen was hot in his gall, and greedy, ^ furdis auribus fed plenis faucibus,' he commanded and encouraged them, and looked on and diredled them with his cane to do it ; and as foon as he came the cruel Soldiers, armed as for a combat, fell thick upon me with their bent fifts, beating and fome haling, as if they had intended my death forthwith (Adls xxi. 31), ' colaphis et verberibus pluentes et grandientes.' After a while two or three of them, efpeciallyiy. King, the Captain of the Guard, then cried out, ' Let us carry him to the Dungeon, to the Dungeon, to the Dungeon with him !' at which I was by fome hauled and turned about that way ; and then I faid, as they were thruft- ing, pulling, and ftriking me, ' Yea, yea, with all my heart, with all my heart, I rejoice more therein, for I fhall find my dear Chrift therein, I am fure, I fliall find my God there as well as in my chamber, do what you can.' And indeed I was refrefhed thereat. Thus in effed I faid and my fpirit leaped ; but when they faw my comfort and courage in ft when they cried out to the Dungeon, to the Dungeon with me, they were daunted at that, and then hauled me up a pair of flairs, at the foot of which came fome frefh foldiers to help the reft, who were weary with haling and abufing me. One Robert Jenkins particularly with his fifts ready bent, firft held them to my face to ftiow me them, (to whom I faid, ' Ah, I know your weapons') and then he fell upon me amain ; thefe greedy brutes learning no other way of preferment and favour with the grand Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 265 gaoler Bull, before whofe eyes he fhowed his valour in vio- lence, but by fuch exploits, as we fay, that when they can- not flioot men they will fhoot pigeons, or anything, Bull with others crying and following, as Adls xxi. 2,^, John xix. 15, 'Away with him, away with him.' 'Ah,' faid I, ' fo did the foldiers deal with my Lord Jefus, and the fer- vant is not greater than his Lord. But O, thou hypocrite, doft thou profefs the Word, and read it, and yet, contrary to the Word of God, Law, or Reafon, biddeft thy men to abufe me thus without any caufe ? the Lord will judge thee for thy hypocrify and contempt. Doth not the Word fay to foldiers, " Do violence to no man ? " ' But this renewed their rage and roughnefs, and then this Serjeant King, as if he had been at cuffs for his life, fell on afrefh with his fifts, doubled his blows about my head, neck, and ftioulders, fo unreafonably, that fome of their creatures cried out to him, ' Hold your hands — ftay your hands— hold your hands ! ' But I faid, ' Ah, Lord my God, look thou down ! — but do you flrike on. Sirs — ftrike, ftrike, ftrike ! for my Lord Jefus Chrift takes thefe blows, for His fake, well at my hands, though I am fure not at yours.' But as they had often done before, they mocked at Jefus. ' Pifh ! ' fays the Corporal Haddaways, 'what talk you of Chrift?' But they, fome hauling, fome thumping, and fome beating, had gotten me up a wrong pair of flairs, and when they knew that, they never flayed to let me come down, nor offered it, but fome at my back, thrufling, fome at each fide, and S. King at my hands, pulled me out at length with the Corporal, and all at once pulled me down, at one pluck, the flairs, as if they had rent mine arm from my fhoulders ; but falling upon other foldiers, by the gracious Providence of my moft dear Father I was preferved, my poor wife being by, and the maid fcreeching and crying, and then they hauled me, almofl fpent out of breath, the other pair of flairs, and at the door of the room wherein they with fuch M M 266 Life and Opinions of a cruelty carried me, and where I now am, they renewed their violence with fuch redoubled ftrength and atrocity, that feveral of them laying hold on me, fome at my back, feme on Ihoulders, and fome at fides, caft me headlong (who not knowing their defign could not prevent it) with fuch an united force, fiercenefs, fury and wrath, as if they meant no longer to dally, but dafh me in pieces, fo that the leafl: they could have conceived therein was to have broken my bones, or put them out of joint, imitating thofe favage fpirits filled with wrath which carried my moft blefi'ed Saviour to the brow of the hill (Luke iv. a8, 29), that they might cafl: him down headlong. But the fame God that delivered him, delivered alfo me, a poor wretch not worthy to be named, much lefs honoured thus, and that by a very marvellous appearance, for in the fall my head and face were preferved from the battery of the ground by lighting upon the arms and fhoulders of the maid and one of my children, the blow of which threw both them alfo to the ground, but my face was fo preferved though my body bruifed with the fall, which fall I per- ceived rejoiced the bloody fpeftators at their hearts, and if otherwife it was, I think, that I was not quite killed with the fall, as Tully fays, ' Quia totum telum in corpore non recepifiet,' to whom I turned with thefe words pafilng through tears unto them, ' Well, Sirs, now you have done thus, O that I could entreat you to fearch into the Scrip- ture, and fee if you find any warrant there for this pradtice. If you do, then the Lord give you the blefling for it ; but if not, then the moft righteous God convince you of it, and judge you for it.' And this was all I faid to them, know- ing they were hardened, and at thefe few words and tears they fell a fcoffing, and there left me, where I now am at the writing of this, with very great confolation and joy through believing, forafmuch as thefe ' verbera ' were ' ubera,' full dugs for my foul to fuck out of. Fifth-Monarchy- Man . And methinks I now may fay I begin to be the Minifter of Chrift, and the fervant of Chrift Jefus, and companion with Chrift in the world. As Ignatius, when he came to the wild beafts to be devoured, his bones broken, his blood fucked, and his whole body crufliedwith them, 'Now,' -fays he, 'now I begin to be a Chriftian.' Your dainty, mincing profeflbrs, who are afraid of fufferings at this day, fliall be fhut out in that day when the Bride- groom comes, for ' Chriftianus eft Crucianus' and ' Lu- cianus,' faith Luther. Obj. But we live not under fuch Perfecutors as the former Saints did, who were headed, hanged, flayed, beaten, broken on racks, toffed on bulls' horns, rent and torn of wild beafts, broiled on gridirons, ftarved, ftoned, &c. Anfw. I. No! If you did, I do wonder where we fliould find a Chriftian then, or them that would come run- ning to the tortures as thofe Martyrs, wearying the Tyrants with their faith, courage, and conftancy to their teeth as they did, when indeed ye are afraid of and faint at a little plun- dering, prifonment, baniftiment, foft beatings, and eafy deaths, for the Teftlmony of our dear Jefus, who now fuffers. 2. Yet we have fuch perfecutors of Chrift and his Caufe at this day as would not fpare us were we as high, as refo- lute, and of as noble a fpirit for Chrift as the former mar- tyrs, who had not learned the State policy of profeflbrs (now-a-days) to fpare themfelves and comply a little, and not to run themfelves into fufl^erings, for fo they call it, but they rather ran to them, accounting it their glory, chal- lenged and provoked in a manner their Tyrants. Now, it is not fo much becaufe our prefent Nimrods and Oppref- fors are better than the former tyrants, as becaufe we poor- fpirited Chriftians and white-livered milkfops are worfer, and Indeed a ftiame to the Saints and Martyrs of former days, that we fufFer fo little for Chrift our Lord. Ah^ 268 Life and Opinions of a alas ! we love, indulge, eafe, and pamper the flefla more than the former Saints ever did or durft. 3. To anfwer this objeftion with Mr. Burroughs out of Salvlan, I mufl; fay to them, then, the lefs they have to fhow of paffive obedience the more they are to fhow of adtive, and the greater faithfulnefs, conftancy, and courage in the prefent trials, for as there was fuch a magnanimity and fpirit in the fufFering Saints as made the whole world wonder amazed, and think them mad, defperate, and befide themfelves, fo is there to be in the adling Saints at thefe days, who are to make it a fport, play, and pleafure to them to run upon cannon-mouths, fword-points, and on thou- fands for one, in the fervice of Chrift. Therefore let us look to it, that we may make amends that way, and that the world may fay of us alfo, for the adive part, fuch men were never heard of. 4. I had my fingular confolation, too, that the Lord hath made it my lot to fall into this fierce Bull's hands, of any, becaufe he hath not his fellow in this dominion that I can hear of, for all manner of brutifh and barbarous tyranny, unreafonable and infatiable cruelty, fo that Bonner I believe had not a more apt gaoler for his turn in thofe times, if Cluny or Alexander* came near him ; wherefore let not my words be thought the complaints of a fqueamifh fpirit, for I afTure you I do heartily digeft all he can do againft me, and if it were faid of Luther that ' pafcitur conviciis,' I may fay it with no little foul-folace that ' pafcor conviciis et ver- beribus.' 5. For that it is fo teaching a difpenfation, O, it is good, it is good to be beaten into more good rather than be without it, for thefe blows do make my head ring with the mufic of Heaven. It is faid that Domitian his mother, when fhe was of child of him, dreamed that fhe had a wolf Cluny and Alexander, gaolers mentioned in " Foxe's Book of Martyrs." Fifth- Monarchy- Man . zbg in her, flaming with fire out of his mouth. Such a flame came out of thy mouth, O fierce Bull, as Ihall be fure to burn thee up, like Sampfon's foxes, in the field which thou thyfelf haft fet on fire, for thy wickednefs burneth as fire. 6. Nor is it fit we fliould lofe fuch fruit as this by our finful filence, for, as Solomon fays (Eccles. iii. 7), ' There is a time to fpeak and a time to be filent,' as Is. Ixii. 6, 'Ye that make mention of the Lord keep not filence.' To be filent in fuch day of rebuke and blafphemy as this is, is a crying fin. But I fay I have the feal of the Lord's acceptance, and Jehovah Shammah is my company in this clofe bonds and imprifonment, to whom I fay (as Ps. Ixix. 19), * Thou haft known my reproach, and my fliame, and my difiionour ; mine adverfaries are all before thee.' But to proceed. In this condition, thus beaten and bruifed, I was laid down, and fear being that my bruifes were moft inward, which as yet I had but little felt, means was ufed to have liberty but to fend out for a little Parmy Citterne * and fnow water to drink for an inward bruife, which they refufed to fuffer, with more barbarous tyranny than the very enemies in war fliow to wounded prifoners, and nothing near to the compaffion of that gaoler (Adls xvi.) who wafhed Paul and Silas' wounds, nor to the kind- nefs of the barbarians to Paul at Melita — the greater will be their judgment. When I began to be cold and ftiff I began to feel their blows fore indeed ; but by a good pro- vidence of the Lord's, the Major -General had a precious ointment and falve for fuch purpofes, as to outward bruifes, which I ufed. This horrible tyranny of theirs took report round the Ifland and into England our own land quickly, and this began by the means of a poor Barber then in the " And telling me the fovereign'ft thing on earth Was Parmaceti for an inward bruife." — Shakfpeare ; K. Henry IV. Aft i. Sc. 3. 270 Life and Opinions of a Caftle, who carried the faid news of this fad Tragedy to Newport, where the next day, being market, it abounded, and fo fpread of a fudden ; but this poor Barber was brought before 5a// for it, and hardly efcaped ; yet the truth, which is always beft to ftand to, fet him free from them. Then their work was to lay their heads together to kill this report by denying that ever they abufed, beat, or bruifed me, not- withftanding fome days after, when I ftirred forth again, I offered to fhow them the marks they had given me, both myfelf, wife, and maid being black and blue in divers places divers days after, on the one and thirtieth day of the eleventh month. But after this Bull fent word with an engage- ment to them we might fend out for things, which was the firft time they offered fo much to me ; but I could not com- pound with them in a Caufe which was none of my own to compound in. And in thefe flraits we had another feafon- able experience from our Father, for with the compaffion which Chriftians about the Ifland and Newport had to hear of our fufferings and want of provifions, they fent a man, and we defired him to come to the prifon-gates with fome provifions, as bread and meat, &c. every feventh day, and a woman once a week with butter for us to buy; and al- though they were threatened for coming, yet they made confcience thereof, and continued it to the praife of our dear God in this our extremity ; fo that we had fome pro- vifion brought to us for our money at laft, notwithftanding the vexation of the enemies (for fo they have declared they are) thereat, fearching, handling, toffmg, and tumbling our provifions in their hands up and down, yea, throwing the very butter in the dirt after we have bought it, and exa- mining the very bones of the meat for letters, as they pre- tended, or fome other fecret defigns ; fuch are the dreads of the Lord upon them. This hath already continued upon us above twelve weeks, and how long it may we know not. Some may think us fomewhat obftinate not to engage or Fifth- Monarchy- Man. 271 fubfcribe unto them, rather than be ftarved or fo ufed as we are to this day, but indeed it is a comfortable obftinacy then, and for my Chrift only, whofe Caufe I cannot with a good confcience betray upon a compofition with his enemies. What is this obftinacy but the fame with the primitive Saints who would not caft one grain into the fire, to fave their lives! and fhall we? God forbid ! But as Nic. Shellenden faid, he that kept off the ban-dogs at ftave's-end, not as thinking to efcape them, ' but that I would fee,' fays he, ' thefe foxes leap high above ground for my blood, if they have it.' And fhall not I for my moft dear Lord make thefe gaping Leopards get it then, ' Saliendo, faliendo,' by fweat and leaping for it too, that all men may fee they are greedy of it, whiles they give out they defire it not .'' Yes, furely ! Notwithftanding all this, their cruelty was yet greater to me in that they knew I had no eftate, nothing to live upon, nor would they fuffer one to minifter unto me or mine, nor one to come in, and fuch as have fent in have hitherto mifcarried. I have heard of fome letters with tokens fent to me, and at one time five or fix together, but I never received more than one, with fix fhillings and two cheefes, to this day, being above this twelve weeks now, the tokens not only caufing the letters to mifcarry, whether through the hands of thefe foldiers or no I am not fure, but Bull himfelf keeping fome of them from me ; and then they report about we are bloody men, bloody men, laying, yithaliah-Y\k.t therein, guilt upon the Lord's poor innocent ones, faying they intercepted letters which fhow it. The maid went to this upper gaoler for fome of my letters after he had done with them, read, and fhowed them to many with much fcoffing, but he faid they were not fit for fuch a fellow as I, but bid her tell me when I was fober and out of my frantic fits I fhould have them. She faying, ' Why, Sir, you have never feen him diftempered yet,' he threat- ened to kick her down flairs if fhe held not her tongue. 272 Life and Opinions of a calling her mifnames, and afterwards bade her pack up and begone forthwith that day, for that none fhould live with us but of his choofing, my wife all this while being very ill. The carriers of this Ifland are ftridtly warned, we hear, not to bring or receive our letters for us, but fhall bring them all to him. A letter which the Major-General's man wrote to fend out, after it had paflbd his approbation, was returned back again, writ upon in the fides, and after fo fent out, with a moft ungracious, unfavoury fpirit, mocking and flouting me thereon by name, faying I was in one of thofe fits which I was in when I was tied to my bed ; by which he meant my condition in the way which the Lord took to my converfion, which he had read in my book of Church Difcipline, among the experiences of the works of grace therein recorded ; but this fo profane a foul-mouthed Ifhmaelite, this fo irreligious a railing Rabfhakeh, may be fo miferable in foul and body for want of fuch experiences and deliverances that he one day may (and fhall if he make not hafte for ' posnitentia fera raro eft vera ') feek them with tears, and find no place for repentance ; to which judg- ment I muft leave him. But for all this, and an incomparable abundance more from day to day of our fufFerings which I might write, we are accounted no fufferers, nor this any perfecution, by the prefent Apoftates and timefervers. Yea, and notwithfland- ing all this tyranny and cruelty to us, my wife and chil- dren and all the family kept clofe prifoners with fuch heavy and unreafonable provocations every day, two officers of the army did profefs to us that in their hearing Bull is much blamed at Whitehall for not being more ftridl and rigid unto us, and fuffering us fo much as he does, which is but the very air to breathe in, and he doth what he can to difcontinue us in that. Therefore, O Lord God of Righteoufnefs, do thou declare whether this be a perfecution or no. Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 273 It was deemed ridiculous as well as moft rigorous in the hotteft of the wars upon the worft enemies to have im- pofed what they do daily upon us, and yet they have the face to juftify it, as if it were nothing. Wherein we ob- ferve : i. The exceeding, horrible height of their impu- dence and hypocrify ; and, 2. Their cruel fubtilty, whilfl they are whipping and beating us, they bid us be quiet and patient, like the tyran- nical ftep-dame, that knocks, beats, and makes the poor child cry, and then whips him without mercy for crying, and fays he may thank himfelf ; they call for patience, and bid us be patient in our fufferings, whiles they are laying on upon us till they make us cry out, and then they fay it Is our impatience ; fuch an unreafonable generation of men are our gaolers, perfecutors and murderers ; yea they pretend plots, and do this left there fhould be any rifings, when in- deed by their infupportable oppreffions, perfecutions, and provocations, they do all they can to ftir us up, whether we will or no, unto it, for the neceflary prefervation of our lives, liberties, relations, religion, and confciences, from their fo monftrous inhumanity and perfecution in hypocrify. 3. That they put us into the worft prifons and hardeft perfecutions, yea bait us with the wickedeft and worft per- fons they can find out, men of the moft notorious debauched principles, practices, fcandals, impudence and atheifm, and all this too in pretence of love to us, as appears in their Orders for removal from Sandown Fort ; and fo they faid in my laft removal from Afton Houfe, it was for my better accommodation, but indeed it was for my more bitter afflidtion in flefh and worfe ufage, except my dear com- panions' company. 4. We fee by this what it is to be ruled by the fword, which hath neither eyes nor ears but ' pro ratione voluntas.' 5. The impudent pradtice of the lying flanderous reports of us breaks out either immediately before an intended N N 274 T^if& and Opinions of a mifchief, or as foon as they have done it. Sometimes they report us mad and frantic, as perfecutors have done, and fo doth Bull and his mafters make as if we wanted fenfes, when we are fulleft of the Holy Ghoft, witneffing for our dear Chrift againft their rotten interefb and hypo- crify, and fometimes, as we find before of Bull, like Morgan to Philpot (Fox, vol. iii. 572), they fall a raving, and blaf- pheming of God and his tabernacle, and abufing us as if we were not fober. So faid Morgan, ' I ween it to be the fpirit of the buttery which your fellows have had that have been burned before you, who were drunk the night before they went to be burned, and, I ween, went drunken to it.' ' But it appeareth,' faith Philpot, ' you are better acquainted with the fpirit of the buttery than with the Spirit of God. Wherefore I muft now tell thee,' faith he (and fo fay I to thee, thou raging Bull, with the very fame fpirit and authority of the great Judge of Heaven and Earth), ' thou painted wall and hypocrite, in the name of the living God whofe truth I have told thee, that God fhall rain fire and brimfl:one upon fuch fcorners of his Word and blafphemers of his people as thou art. Thy foolifh blaf- phemies have compelled the Spirit of God which is in me to fay thus unto thee, O thou enemy of all righteoufnefs ; and I tell thee, thou Hypocrite, I pafs not this for thy fire and fagots or what thy bloody heart can do unto me, neither, I thank God my Lord, ftand I in fear of the fame, my faith in Chrift fhall overcome them ; but Hell fire is thy portion and is prepared for thee, except thou fpeedily repent, yea the hotteft of Hell for fuch Hypocrites as thou art.' At other times we are reported fools, and that is a very pleafant reproach too. Go on, fcorn, deride and flout us, as long as you lift, for this our foolifhnefs profits us, and fo for all your other reproaches which are chiefeft riches wherein we rejoice and make a jeft of them and of all they can do unto us. Fifth- Monarchy-Man . 275 6. It appeareth a plain defign to ftarve us or reduce us to fuch extremity as might make us to ftoop, and fo to betray our confciences and our Chrift in this Caufe, as appeared by their impofing of conditions upon us and the fervants for the meat we muft eat, if they went out to fetch us in any : befides as to my own particular, I confefs their conditions were moft hard to me and my family in the paflive part, they (knowing I lived by Providence, having no means, land, houfe, or eftate to live upon) kept back not only all people, but all letters, from coming or miniftering unto me, all this upon me being only becaufe I would not ' perdere fubftantiam propter accidentia,' lofe my Chrift for a crown, nor confcience for coin, which doubtlefs I might have had enough in my own country if I had fought or accepted of a defire to O. C. for his grace to remove me near to my acquaintance and friends at London (which my poverty in the world might call for more than any others), who would not have fuffered me to want, which notwithftanding the Lord of his mercy prevented (by the help of my honoured Con-captivated Coexiles and other ways), and of his great Grace, gave unto me in this difpenfation left I fhould feek a carnal kingdom. I remember Lot's wife lies at the entry of fuch temptations. But befides thefe there be fome other particular experi- ences as teaching me, I. In that I am all along fo clearly andconftantly under the Beaft's rage as if I were, I think, more than others more particularly aimed at, for their goring, guftiing, hornmg, worrying and grievous perfecuting from one prifon to another, both in my native country and in exile, efpecially fince I have been hurried about in this ifland, and put to Bulls and Boremans who obey the orders of the Beaft ; but efpecially in the firft's very brutifli and indeed barbarous, unreafonable, puftiing ftiarp horns, fo that it is evident I am thus ufed by the Beaft's dominion and fpirit. I remember 276 Life and Opinions of a that Purchas in his Pilgrim tells us of one that did write of the firft Creation of the Chaos, in which lived monftrous Creatures, bulls that were headed like men, and dogs with divers bodies, but I leave fuch fancies to the Adamites, only I dare affirm in this Chaos and confufion, which precedes the new Creation, men are very monftrous in their prin- ciples and adtions, and wild Bulls do bear the faces of men to flatter with in this ferpent eftate of the old world, whofe hired men are like bullocks (Jer. xlvi. 21) ; but (as Jer. 1. 27), ' Slay all their Bulls, let them go down to the flaughter. Woe unto them, for their day is come, the time of their vifitation.' ' O Lord, rebuke the Company of fpearmen, the multitude of the Bulls, with the calves of the people, till every one fubmit himfelf.' 2. In that my moft gracious over-ruling Father hath made the enemy to imprifon and perfecute me, not only in the fame way and fpirit, but in the very fame places where the Martyrs of old were imprifoned and perfecuted, which did refrefh me indeed, as at Lambeth, that old Butcher's fliop and fhambles of the Saints, where fo many, even Wickliffe himfelf, and all along fince, have fuffered, their rings whereto they were chained remaining in the walls to this day, which did affedl me much to fee. And after that at Windfor, where eminent martyrs, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were put, in their way to Oxford, in bloody ^een Mary's days. 3. In that I am alfo inftrufted how to want as well as to abound, having pafled through prifons, reproaches, tumults, beatings and buffetings often, throwings headlong, banifti- ment and fpitting upon, yea fpoiling of my goods, which hath been much (one letter hath fignified to me the lofs of an hundred pounds at one time), and in plunderings often, and in perils of life, ficknefs, fevers, ftorms, cold, fnow, and tempefts, without bed, without bread, in fore travels and feveral other trials. Yet all this for my moft dear Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 277 Chrift againft Cromwell and the whole earth, blefled be Jehovah. Therefore I wait but for Whitehall or the Prae- torium hall. 4. In that the enemy though he hath fought it greedily, yet to this day hath not found any juft caufe or colour for my imprifonment and exile, nor fo much as fignified why in their Orders of Commitment, which is my great comfort and advantage. As Paul faith in his fourth complaint (Ads XXV. 7, 8, xxiv. 12, 13). 3* * ■ • • ■ • • • • 6 7. In that the Lord hath in this fchool inftrudled me to preach in tumults and uproars (2 Cor. vi. 4, 5, 6), and in all things to prove myfelf the minifter of my God. But before I finifh we find a frefh aflault of Satan upon us, in this clofe prifon, perpetrated to make our bonds the more heavy. Upon the 20th of the firft month, 1656, came Captain Floyd and Major Strange with an order from Whitehall to remove Maj. Gen. Harrijon from us to Highgate to his own houfe, a prifoner, under pretence of the very defperate danger of death his father, the Colonel, was in, as alfo his dear yoke fellow fo near the time of her travail ; but our precious Con-captive thus furprifed was in great fears of the ferpent's fnares in this order, and would not give them any refolve what to do until he had acquainted us therewith, aflured us of his jealoufies left his further liberty, company, and outward comforts fhould be any entanglement unto him or let to his inward joys and prifon experiences, fo that he did earneftly defire us to fet it before the Throne for a refo- lution, which we agreed to, and at the end of that day came in the two again who were to take him into cuftody, who, after we had given him our apprehenfions, dealt very roundly and plainly with them that he could not thank them for their pretended love, nor did he think his father or wife would be worfe by his continuance in this prifon, but [20th March, 1656.] 278 Life and Opinions of a rather the better, for he was perfuaded they fliould do well, and for a gaol he had rather have this than any for the cruelty thereof, and of Bull (who made fo little confcience of what he faid or did, and who had indeed played the very Beaft with us), fo that for fuffering it was the bejft prifon we could be in, nor would he make his houfe a prifon ; to this eiFedt he fpake, and told them that he could not declare his readinefs to go with them, but if they would carry him away he could not help it. They faid they did defire to ferve him with all civility and refpecl, and were loath to ufe any violence, but could not go without him, and they were now to take cuftody of him, and fo defired him to prepare himfelf the next day and to give directions which way he would go. But he told them that he would have nothing to do with it, but he was a fufferer ; nor would he direft, nor bear any of the charges, for he was a prifoner ; and fo that night they parted, and we prayed, as we ufed to do together every night. The next morning Bull delivered him up to the other two, who took pofTeffion of him ; we had much difcourfe, and indeed the Lord gave him a very noble fpirit, though broken in himfelf, to deal plainly both with Bull and them, expreffing his unwillingnefs to leave us behind, or rather his defire to partake and tarry with us ftill in fo fore bonds. But when we faw he muft be gone, we parted with no little heavinefs for a feafon, and I faid to C. Fl. ' Sir, tell your Mafters or any that afk after us, that it were a little more mercy, if they had it, to put us into any Dungeon in London, our own land, than to leave us here in the hands of fuch Blafphemers and Brutes fo fkilful to deftroy, but ftill we blefs the Lord, for our Father makes it fweet to us.' We got upon a wall and looked after them till they came near to Newport, and then my dear feJlow- prifoner, Mr. Courtney (who is left here) and I kept the reft of the day in prayer, eafing our hearts and emptying our tears into the bofom of heaven, being a little troubled Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 279 for our lofs of fo precious a help, fo choice a companion as he was to us. After this, we being like men out of mind in this iron grave, their cruelty increafed yet more upon us to tire us out. And Bull's brutifti modefty was to have impofed upon the maid fervant's father that his daughter muft tell him all the tales that fhe could ; if {he heard us at table, bed, or board, but fpeak a word of O. C. or any of their cruelty, that fhe muft betray her mafter and bring him word of it, and would have bound her father to it in a bond. To me particularly was their malice monftrous ; they put another foldier and his wife and four children into our other room, where Bull himfelf had put us, threw our wood and things out of doors, brake open the locks, and nailed up the door from us, with reproachful words to boot, and this by Bull's command, but we let them patiently, in our own matters, ufe any tyranny without taking notice. Stridt orders were given that no one dare to fhow familiarity unto us, and the woman with her four children put into our room was charged when fhe came in to beware of us, for if any of them were found to be familiar, that is refpedful or civil to any of us, they fhould be turned out of the Caftle without remedy, or if any fhould but liften or ftand to hear me at prayer or in duty to God, except it be fuch as were or are fent to liften under the windows and into holes for that purpofe, to catch or fetch fome matter to make a crime of, which above thefe two years they have been raking for, fo good is my God who blinds them that they fee not where my infirmities lie moft — but where the Almighty hath armed me with His buckler of truth. His back-piece of innocency and breaft-plate of righteoufnefs, there they fhoot their arrows to hurt me. As for their rigidnefs continued unto us in clofe prifon, wherein they keep me and my wife and family, not fuffer- ing one of us to ftir out, nor man, woman, nor child to 28o Liife and Opinions of a [14th April, 1656.] come at us, the like cruelty was never inflidled upon the worft of men of late years in thefe nations, neither among Papifts, Prelates, nor to the Cavaliers, Scots or Irifh, nor in the worft of wars. Upon the 14th of the 2nd month were two brethren, fent from the Church at London to vifit us, and particu- larly to minifter to me, not fufFered to come in, the gaoler Bull and his complices being hard at bowls, yet had time to forbid it, and more too, fo that before they returned home to London again, I with my con-captive Mr. C. got out at a hole upon the Caftle wall on high, and they two were let into the Ramparts without the walls, and we fpake to one another on the walls with tears and joys at their defire (being their teacher and overfeer), but prefently orders came from the bowlers to the foldiers to fall upon the two MefTengers, which they did pretty greedily, and fo pulled, tore, and thumped them, who were ftanding by with nothing but Bibles in their hands, out of the Ram- parts into the highway ; but becaufe they could not well beat them out of the highways (which was as far off from the Caftle Wall as I could well be heard with my loudeft voice), and for that I think twenty were by this time gathered to hear me (and almoft all poor women), they did no more then but threaten them, and fend foldiers to over- fee and look whether any were foldiers' wives, that either their hufbands might corre<5t them, for that is an allowed pradtice with foldiers here to beat their wives, or elfe their hufljands be turned out upon it. Within thefe few days it was reported as if there would be fome ftirs in England, at which they rage againft the Independent and Anabaptift rogues as they call them, and particularly threaten what they will do with us upon it. Corporal Had. faying to his other foldiers that if he knew but one of themfelves that were any ways familiar, meaning civil in refpeft, with Courtney or Rogers, he would run his Fifth-Monarchy- Man . 281 fword into his guts prefently witli his own hands. Their daily breathing feems to be after our blood, for to name no more the laft fecond day Serj. King with fome others took my little child in coats, examined him about us, and with flatteries tempted the child to tell what we faid, did, and eat, or anything that he could get out. This S. King is fuch another ambitious, covetous, pragmatical youth as was Pepper at Windfor. The title this King gives to me is fagot-maker, and fo reports I hear that I was a fagot- maker up and down. But indeed I may live to make fagots by the King of Heaven's appointment to bind up fuch ftubble as they are for the day of wrath, if they repent not. He does alfo rage exceedingly that Quartermafter Gen. and I have our diftind; rooms. Thus are they every day infulting over us at their plea- fure ; if they do but fee us their hearts fo rife againft us that (as A(5ts vii. 54, 57) they do even gnafh, fome of them, as I have faid, with their teeth, and look as if they were ready to run upon us with one accord, notwithftand- ing we do endeavour when they do fall foully upon us to convince them with foft and found words, miniftering as we are able to their wives (whom they keep poor enough) either in money, clothes, or food, though they dare not be to know it, and fo returning good for evil ; and if any of them be feen by another to fhow any kind of refpedt to us, to do anything for us, or fl:ir his hat kindly, he is as I faid before under a public check, if not in danger to be turned out. Thefe are I confefs but trifles to what might be men- tioned, and to what we fee and fufFer every day ; yea to mention but yefl:erday, becaufe it was the lafl: day of all, for every day affords us new matter, and fo I conclude with this tragical hifliory at prefent." [They ill-treat his maid, and throw her out at the gate of the Caftle] o o 282 Liife and Opinions of a — " where the poor creature is even now, like Lazarus, and hath been many hours lying with her lame limbs and bundle for admittance if it may be, but there fhe may lie yet many a day, they that go by many of them fcofRng and abufing her bitterly, knowing all my family is ill, wife and children, and not a fervant that they fufFer to live with us and help us in this need. I afked indeed King by what rule he did this, and that on the Lord's day, faying if he were a Chriftian the rule was (Luke iii.), ' Soldiers, do violence to none,' but he made a feoff at what I faid and turned away in great fury, and then I faid, ' Well, the Lord will look down and fee all thefe things,' at which he turned and faid, ' Pifh ! the Lord ! What do you tell us, the Lord ! Who is the Lord ? You are not the Lord, are you ?' and fowent on raging and blafpheming, and the reft fcoffing for company, as full of fury as they could hold, who indeed have not the patience to hear the Lord's name fo much as mentioned unlefs at Ale-houfes and in fin, fo fadly profane are they ! and indeed how can they be other- wife ? When men with wicked and idle courfes have fpent all their means and cannot, or will not, work, they get into thefe garrifons, to drink and guzzle their pay out before their pay-day comes, and, for other mifdemeanours deferv- ing too to be cafhiered, can find no way to fecure their places but by their brutifh, premeditated and barbarous cruelty to us, wherein they merit moft that are monftrous. And thefe things I declare, as in the fight of the God of truth, to be true, having read over again and again what I have written, and do not know one line I have written too large, the Lord knows. _ I had thought long ere this to have been at an end, and that this perfecution would have added or impofed a Quietus eft to my body by death, out of the continuance of their cruelty, but it pleafes the Father that I fhould yet live as one always Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 2«3 dying under their immanity, and now, fince that of the poor maid's fufferings before mentioned, I am entreated by friends to enlarge this fad hiftory a little further, but I had rather a thoufand times to fet it before the Lord my God than once to make mention of it to any below, yet by reafon of friends' importunity, to whom I muft not be ungrateful, I fliall give you a fhort view of this new link added to my chain fince. Since the maid's fuch monftrous ufage without any caufe, and being caft out at the gate with her clothes rent and torn, where, befides that, fhe lay on the ground lame, like Lazarus at the gate, fix or feven hours the next day for admittance, and at laft was let in again with no little ftir and threatening, I had liberty to go into my dear Co- exile's chamber, not knowing of any defign they had upon me, which it feems they watched for, and had orders from BuH, as they fay, to obferve when I did fo, being now re- folved to take their rage from the lame creature (having little credit of their cruelty to her), and to wreak it upon me and my poor weak wife, which they did at prefent thus, (but O Lord, let the remainder of their wrath praife thee !) upon a fudden, after my fellow-prifoner had invited me into his chamber, four or fix mufketeers, with fwords, guns, and light matches were fet upon me there, and foon after more followed them, they fet alfo foldiers upon my weak wife and family, yea, into the very room raging, which frighted her for the fuddennefs of it, fhe being as ignorant as I of the meaning of this new piece of tyranny, and fo keeping us afunder that we could not come at one another, fee or hear, fo as to know of each other's condition or what the matter was, which made it look like a bad bufinefs, as bad as if forthwith they had intended to murder me atleaft ; my wife's ficknefs fubjed:ing her withal to very frightful fancies, fears, and apprehenfions, wondering what would become of me, ftill aflcing after me, and what was become Life and Opinions of a of me, or what they had done with me ; and befides, to make it a thorough piece monftrous matter to her, they fet within her chamber the moft uncivil, drunken, raging wretches, ftamping, threatening, grinding their teeth, call- ing jade, quean, carrion, with many fuch obfcene names, bending their fifts, ftriking, tearing, thumping, railing, with their ftaggering, if any offered to go in the room, not fuf- fering them to ftir for necefTaries within the room, offering and drawing the naked fword upon them with affeverations feveral times, without any provocation given them in word or deed ; and foon after followed ten or twelve more, as they inform me, and filled the room with fuch rude crea- tures and doings, without any regard at all to fex, ficknefs, or condition. As they were at this inhuman fport, perfe- cuting my wife and family, thofe armed foldiers with me were not wanting with great violence and fury to execute their orders, as they called it, for I, offering to go to the door with defire to fee my wife, being fearful of fome mif- chief to her, though I knew not of this cruel ufage of her in her fo weak and fickly condition, was forcibly beaten and punched in again, although I defired I might but fland at the window to fee her, with as many armed foldiers to grind me as they would, but it could not be obtained, which did augment our mutual fears and troubles for one another. But thus were they infulting over us, laughing at us, and abufing of us here, whiles others of them were rending, tearing, and ranfacking in my prifon chamber with great violence and threats, pulling the very fheets off the bed fo immodeflly as fome Turks would abhor, that the maid afking if they were not afhamed, they even fhouted at her again, calling her limping carrion, jade, quean, and what they pleafed. At all which and infinite other taunts, inci- vilities, threats, and abufes, my poor wife was, I may fay, frighted almoft unto death, as hath appeared ever fince, and for fome time days and nights her continual cry was ' they Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 285 would kill her, they would be her death, they will make an end of her, fhe fhall never recover it,' &c. Within this time the Commiflary came to me and told me I muft be put into a little hole or the dark chamber at the end of my fellow-prifoner's chamber, they would bring my things thither, but the bed I had allowed me to lie upon they would take away ; and fo, it may be, fuppofing they had fufficiently affedled my wife and me for once (if I do not wrong them with charity), they brought what pleafed them into this cave, where I am now left to feed upon, Heb. xi. 38, 'of whom the world was not worthy ; they wan- dered in deferts, mountains, in DENS and CAVES of the earth,' and v. '^d, ' others had trials of cruel mockings and fcourgings, yea, moreover, of BONDS and IMPRISON- MENT,' this being the 8th or 9th removal, 5th or 6th PRISON, and the 2nd or 3rd year, all which is true, though it may feem ftrange. Into this little dark, cold, fmoky, ftinking, and unwholefome HOLE they put me, my wife and family guarded hither to me. My family, which are five of us, caft into this one little room, as if like beafts we fhould be altogether day and night, and in a room too that would not hold two beds, for one will take up the greateft part, indeed, too little a cave for one body, the foldiers many of them deriding and making fport to fee this ufage, though fome had a little reludtancy and pitied us. Yea, for all my wife was fo very ill they took away our bedding, which a friend had lent us, and carried it into the Lieutenant's chamber, who had been a bufybody in this tragedy, as it proves to be, and there kept it, fome faying the boards were too good for us to lie upon, and what were we that we muft have beds, we were prifoners, in- deed they would have us to the dungeon, and we fhould live in that, and that we fhould know we were prifoners, and the like, although moderate men that have pleaded for them yet confefs where they have put us in is the very next degree to a dungeon, and all they can fay is, others have lived there ; but then they confider not how it was accommodated, hung, kept warm, and fitted for others, and that never any family did or could live in this hole, but had other rooms to live in that were lightfome, more whole- fome, and tolerable, and but that my dear fellow-prifoner's man left a little garret for the maid and child to lie in on his bed, we muft have lain one upon another like horfes in a litter ; nay that they will not allow us neither for our money which they allow to beafts. Yea, they took away even curtains and valance, not allowing us a curtain to keep out the wind or cold, which are known to be very bitter in this place. All which and more too I truft I can take thank- fully and joyfully for my deareft Jefus' fake. Only I muft confefs, the prefent condition, weaknefs, and illnefs of my dear yoke-fellow doth cut deep, and would deeper had not the Moft High cut a covenant in Jefus Chrift with me, which ftandeth fure and well-ordered in all things. (Gen. XV. i8 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 5). The ground of this aft of tyranny lies, as the reft does, in their arbitrary breafts to weary, tire, or provoke, con- fume, fpend us out, break our very hearts' ftrings with fuch lingering tyranny, and fo to kill us if they can that way, who feem weary with letting us live fo long, and fure the fpring of this continued frefli-fprouting cruelty cannot arife altogether out of WHITE-HELL. Nor can I conjedure other fubordinate caufe as to this unhandfome force upon us from that room, but that then we fhould fee their horrible wickednefs every day, drinking, fmoking, profaning the fabbath and name of God at the alehoufe, beating and abufing the Saints or fuch as came to vifit us, and if friends came to vifit us that they would not let in, at a back win- dow I could fee them, which was an offence, but in this hole we know not when any come, nor will they let them Fifth- Monarchy -Man. 287 fo much as with foldiers come to fee us, but turn them away weeping and unknown to us, as two men, friends that came from London, they have done fo to aheady, I hear ; and now one, a Gentlewoman from London, at this time we by a Providence hear is at the gate, that they will not let come to us, fo that I think thefe may be the reafons, befides the threats of Serjeant King, who lulled for this cruelty, and threatened it long. And here alfo have I done nothing that they fhould put me into this Dungeon, and that it is a Dungeon, yea, not only beyond Jofeph's, but far exceeding fome felon's in England, I Ihall a little defcribe it to you. It is fome three fteps long and three fteps broad, not fo long as one of the little garrets they put us into firft, when they brought me into this Caftle with a promife of two rooms, two beds, and better accommodation till they have gotten me in, but now they gripe me and perform not a tittle of their pro- mifes ; but 'tis no wonder from men of fuch principles that they make no more bones of breaking an oath than a fol- dier does of cracking a loufe. Nor is it fo large as any of the rooms we had at Windfor. Underneath it is a deep low vault, from whence arifes into the room day and night unwholefome vapours, winds, and filthy, damp mills, very dangerous, the boards being broken and rotten. The chimney is a little low thing, calling fmoke fo unreafon- ably in fuch a little clofe room that it is uncomfortable, and better to be bitten with cold than fmothered with fmoke. All the light that comes in is a little dark window, which for many hundred years I fuppofe never faw the fun, unlefs a little at nights upon the long days of fummer, fo that it looks at noon in the room as if it were night. Before the window is a great hill which keeps off light and air, fo that the air that comes in to us is either out of the vault, a deep, damp, hollow cave underneath us, exceeding un- wholefome, as we find by woful experience to the flelh day 288 Life, and Opinions of a and night, or elfe in at the door, and what that is let any- one judge, for at the very door, within three fteps, is the filthy common fewer, &c. And I think when it is beft and fweeteft it is when there is lefs of the common fewer air and more of the other, that is, when it fmells but fufty and foggy, like a well, cave, or low cellar underground, with raw, cold, and aguifh humours. Now, if in thefe and other refpefts it be not a Dungeon, and far exceeding many, yea, in many refpedts the very dungeon of this Caftle, which they threaten me fo much with, I am much miftaken. But now for fome fruits too of their tyranny, that we may tell you how it taftes, as from them, ever fince hath my poor wife been weak and fick, yea, fo by fits and through frights as I feared her diflblution before this, and that which made her yet the more dejeded and down, as at death's door, was the want of means, they not fuffering help to come when fent for, but rather upbraiding and faying, Pifii ! we could be fick and well when we would ; the fenfe whereof made her complain deeply and look upon herfelf as a loft woman for fome days. Befides, the lame maid was now taken ill alfo, fiie feeling their cruel ufage, lying and complaining full of pain and torment for fix or feven days together, but they would not fuffer fo much as a woman fent for to help her, flie keeping her bed, which one in pity lent her to lie on. But we fought the Lord for help, for compaflion, for remedy, we not being fufl^ered neither to fend out a letter to fignify a word of our condi- tion or cruel ufage ; fome feven or eight letters we have reckoned they have kept of late, though not a word in them, for the moft of them, that meddled with thefe matters or their government, only of my wife's ficknefs, fending for means, as alfo for a little money which one had of ours, but they neither let thofe letters go the right way, nor told us of their ftay, fo all loft it is like. All I hear they can fay is that I dated one of them from ' Carifbrook Caftle, a Fifth-Monarchy-Man. 289 Den of Cruelty,' which they pretend a high capital crime, fo afraid are they the leaft truth of their tyranny fliould come to light. But the Lord our God heard us gracioufly, and gave us fome hope of their recovery, infomuch as my wife began to grow a little cheerful, lively, and in hope to outgrow her frights and fits ; but ah ! behold their barbarous wickednefs, O thou God of righteoufnefs, O, how envious are they at thy goodnefs, for this time they take {Bull and a company of them being feafting, ranting, gaming, making merry and bowling in a green they have for that purpofe, and from this fport he orders his cruelty, commands a vio- lent party of foldiers, not once regarding my wife's long weaknefs and the maid's lamenefs) to fet upon us afrefh, and fo tear away this bed alfo, that my wife now lay upon, from under us ; but it pleafed God to give a forefight of it by feveral figns I had of a new trouble coming upon us. Bull with the foldiers being fo exceeding crank, merry, laughing, and like them in Amos vi. ' at eafe ;' whereat befides, feeing them call their eye fo at my dung-hole lodge, I did refolve they had a new defign, fo communi- cated my thoughts to my wife, wifhing her to be of good cheer, and fo going into my Co-exile's chamber, which is the help we have for air, we locked up our own chamber door, and a while after came in thefe foldiers, like greedy leopards, for the bed we lay on, and perceiving our door locked, according to orders with hatchets, fwords, &c, broke open the doory lock and all, notwithftandin'g that I pleaded with them my wife's weak condition, how they had already almoft killed her ; but they would not hear ; in they went, tore all the things off the bed and carried away to the very bolfter and pillow, where they now lie in the aforefald Lieutenant's chamber. And I was anfwered that in no prifons were felons and murderers allowed a bed to lie upon, ranking us with them. Yea, they had taken away the very fheets. My poor wife was this while ready to faint, very p p 290 Life and Opinions of a ill, and falling into her fits again, through frights, which for prefent were prevented by means, my fellow-prifoner alfo ufing all endeavours to comfort her, but afterwards fhe fell ill again as fhe ufed to be before this lafh cruelty re- newing her ficknefs, fo as all her flefti would fall a trem- bling, her whole body be as in an agony, but efpecially her head, which doth fwell fo that for want of the means here, and becaufe they feem refolved to give no reft, as we think, until they have murdered her or been her death, fhe muft now be forced to leave me in their clutches, and, if the Lord make her able, to get to London for the preiervation of her life, which the Lord in mercy grant me. I fhall break ofF abruptly here, by reafon my poor weak wife is now leaving me and creeping out of this Caftle gaol, yet Rehoboth, where is room for me, and my foul is left at a frelh fpring. O blefled be my God ! but I muft confefs it is grievous to the flefh to be left in the hands of fuch as have threatened and feemed to thirft for my blood as greedily as the dog for the fheep's ; but yet, by God's Grace, they fhall leap above ground for it, and not get it by gaping, (Ps. xxxvii. 32, 33, 34), 'The wicked watcheth the righteous and feeketh to flay him, but the Lord will not leave him in his hand ; wait on the Lord, and keep his way, and he fhall exalt thee to inherit the land.' This is a fure word, and in feafon here where I hope to wait, and wait in hope that will never make me afhamed, notwithftanding the violence done to my flefh, the afHic- tions of my body and relations, and the danger of death in this Dungeon-like hole, which I hope in Chrift we dare fometimes look full face upon and meet ; though many times I muft needs fay with Bi/hop Ridley, martyr, I think I could creep into a moufe-hole, and that is when through thefe late outrageous exercifes I have fits of fudden fear and am fo fubjedt to frightings. But O pray ! pray ! pray Fifth- Monarchy- Man . 291 for us inceflantly with faith, all ye that fhall hear thefe tidings, that He may always ftand by us, who ftood by Faul againft the Beafts of Ephefus, and before Nero^ not know- ing which way our moft dear deliverer will come, whether by life or death, to free us from fierce and unreafonable creatures, though for my own part I rather expedb the latter in this place ere long, defiring to be found faithful unto death in this moft glorious Caufe of Chrift Jefus, my Lord, King and Mafter. Nor do I think if I die that you will hear the perioding paflages of their Tyranny or this Tragedy upon my body ; or that I fhall write more to get it out, my papers lying hid under ground, where I fear they will rot, but the Lord will raife up the truth from the dead, I do know afluredly. Now to oiFer my thoughts a little further. From what I forefee and may eafily gather, I dare affirm — 1. That either extraordinary fufferings or extraordinary adings, in either of which we muft carry our lives in our hands to offer up, are at the door of England. But the laft rather I look for. 2. But if it break forth and continue in worfe fufFer- ings by perfecution, &c, I exped it in Julian the Apof- tate's way of policy, by returning the worft of the old Clergy and ejedted fecular P. or fuch like people and fpirits into place again, ' ut bello inteftino expugnarent ecclefiam,' notwithftanding our perfecutors feem at prefent fo unmerciful to fome of the honefteft and beft of them, that they would not have them by fchool* or otherwife to earn bread for their families honeftly, which is monftrous tyranny even to the worft of men, and makes mj; heart * By an Aft of Parliament, paffed in 1654, and confirmed in 1656, " no minifter was permitted to teach fchool in the parifh from which he had been ejefted."— Co//zVr, viii. 375 ; Scobell's ABs, part ii. 346. 292 Life and Opinions of a foraetimes bleed within me. But fomewhat like to this feems their reviving of the old orders, degrees, Popifh cuf- toms, forked caps, hoods and tippets, and fuch antichriftian trafh, which fo many martyrs have witnefled againft, befides the famous burial of the Archbifhop of Ireland at O. P . charges in England,* whiles we may rot in his prifons. 3. If in aftings amongft the Saints, as I am moft in- clined to think, then look for fuch a fpirit to be doing with, as the Saints had in primitive times to be fufFering with, like the woman of Valenciennes, who faid fhe would rather burn her body than burn her Bible, and fo was burnt ; or rather that woman which the martyr Guy de Briz mentions in a letter to his mother. ' I remember,' fays he, ' I have read how the poor Chrlftians in primitive times were aflem- bled together in great numbers to hear the Word, and a great Commander was fent by the Emperor to put them all to the fword, which a Chriftian woman hearing, hafted with all the fpeed fhe could to be at this meeting, carrying her little one in her arms. As flie drew nigh to the troop of horfemen fhe rufhed in to get through. The Governor, feeing her make fuch hafte, called to her and examined her whither fhe pofled fo fafl. She gave him this fhort an- fwer, " I am going," faith fhe, " to the afTembly of Chrif- tians." "What to do ?" fays he. " Haft thou not heard that I am commanded to put them all to death ?" " Yes, yes," fays fhe, " I know it well, and therefore make I hafle that I may not come too late, left I be not worthy to lofe my life with them." " But what wilt thou do with the little child .?" fays he. "I will carry it with me," fays fhe, " that it may alfo have the crown of martyrdom." ' I could tell you in primitive times of whole flocks that * ]n April, 1656, James Uflier, Archbifhop of Armagh, " was buried in Wellminfier Abbey, Cromwell allowing two hundred and fifty pounds for the expenfe of the funeral." — Collier, viii. 378. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. would run in voluntarily to be tormented when they heard Chriftians were to fufFer. Now I fay I do expect as high, forward, and excellent a fpirit to come down for adlion, that will make nothing but fport for Chrift's fake to run in among multitudes of enemies in the name of the Lord, and though men account them mad, defperate, or fuch as throw away their lives, they will on upon fwords and pikes, and play as prettily, merrily and cheerfully with cannon-bullets, as at ftool-ball. And if the Roman, Trojan, and Perfian fpirit was fo invincible and refolute in the day of it, do we think the Fifth- kingdom fpirit fhall not be fo much rather ? and what a fhameful thing is it, as Jerome fays, that faith in Chrift Jefus fhbuld not make us as courageous for Him as ever infidels or carnal men were, or are, for their Mafter. & . For that refolution goes before adtion I find in my profpeftive that the Lord hath ripened his Saints at a high rate already, efpecially fuch hidden ones of his as hang moft in the Sun of generation light. Methinks they begin to be fhod with Gofpel preparations (Ephes. vi.) and hoofs of brafs to break in pieces many people (Micah iv.) Thefe Levites, of the order of twenty-four (in Chron. xxiv. and XXV. and xxvi. and xxvii.) who are to execute the judgment thoroughly upon all that have run a whoring from the Lord (Exod. xxxii. 27, 28, 29) with the fword. In the mean time, O Lord, look down on thy prifoners and behold how greedy thefe beafts are (as Micah iii. 2) to pluck off their fkin and flefh from off their bones, yea to eat the flefh of thy people, to break their bones and chop them in pieces as for the pot, and as flefh within their chaldron ; yet (v. 4) ' They will cry unto the Lord.' Now for conclufion, let my moft dear and honoured brethren, in bonds and out alfo, be of good cheer, full of faith and expedlation, unmoveable in the Lord, knowing their labour, their love, and their bonds be accepted (i Cor. XV. 58) ; yea your infirmities, my friends, are over- 293 looked (Jer. I. 20) in the Covenant of Grace, and your Caufe of (Chrift) affifted and laboured after by the whole Creation. As Luther faid, upon Henry 8's letters againft him, ' Agant quicquid poffint Henrici, Epifcopi, atque adeo Turca, et ipfe Sathan, nos filii fumus regni." Pifli, let all the Harries, Bifhops, Turks, and Devils do their worft as long as Chrift is ours. And fo we are the chil- dren of the Kingdom, we care not, we fpare not, we fear not, though they kill us, fpit upon us, beat, bruife, imprifon, or crucify us to death for our Chrift. Therefore, O you, the Lord's prifoners and royal perfecuted ones, in Pathmos- ifle exiles, and in Pathmian prifons, my moft dear and honoured brethren indeed, and now more than ever, Maj. Gen. Harrifon and Mr. Courtney, Mr. Carew, Col. Rich, Maj. Gen. Overton, Cornet Day, Brother Feake, &c, and all the reft whom I falute in the Lord's name, and look towards from this top of Amana (for it is a nurfe as the word fignifies in the truth), this top of Shenir (where is the profperous teacher as the word fignifies), and this Hill of Hermon (Cant. iv. 8), full of dews dedicated to God, yea from thefe Lions' dens and mountains of Leopards, where I am now caft for a prey by man to be devoured, in Carif- brook Caftle, a clofe prifon and kennel of unclean creatures ; from hence, I fay, do I cry aloud and call upon you, (having no other way to fpeak unto you but this, where you be in the world) as men already forgotten by fome, and as dead men out of mind. And now, my brethren in bonds and baniftiment, how reft you in your Arimathasan fepul- chres ? are you not fweetly embalmed in your fufferings ? and do not the afFedlionate Marys find you out with their fpices ? or is it a refurredlion time with you firft, before they can do that? will the Whale's belly vomit you out, and up again, amongft your brethren at liberty, after you have lain like dead carcafes your part of the three days ? What fay you, O you honourable ones of the earth that is to come. to all thefe things ? Do you not lie eafy and fweet in your prifons and exiles ? are not your beds blefled and green for your beloved and you to lie down in ? O that I were with you ! O that I could vifit you ! that I could hear what you would tell me ! how cheer you, how live you, how feed you, how lodge you, what find you, what feel you, what fee you, what fatisfies you, and what enjoy you of the day- fprings from on high at hand ? Doth not the moft High Jehovah-Shammah ftand by you faying. Be of good cheer, Harrifon, Rich, Carew, Courtney, Overton, &c, for even to-day do I declare that I will render double unto thee, when I have bent Judah for me, filled the bow with Ephraim, and raifed up thy fons, O Sion, and made thee as a fword of a mighty man ? I am with you, I have oiled your bonds and made them eafy and fweet unto you. Yea I have muzzled of this mis-fhapen Court-Monfter, this ugly Creature, this Baftard of Afhdod, this feed of the Dragon, begotten in darknefs, brought forth in weaknefs, and nourifhed with unreafonablenefs, growing up in wicked- nefs, to continue with ftiortnefs and to be confounded with the fiercenefs of the wrath of God which is at hand (Rev. xiv. 10-20). Wherefore Up, Up, O Concaptives and Co- exiles, if ever now with courage. Sirs, be ready and look about you, for I tell you truly after our forty-two monthed voyage, we may fee the land. Let us fing and fhout for joy, for that our fails are filled, our tackling is good, our motion is fwift, our compafs is true, and we are near the haven ; come then, tack about. Sirs, and to our bufinefs, to our work with might and main, make hafte, keep ground, prepare the cable and caft anchor, yea awake, awake all you that be aboard, for the time is come to vifit the coafts and fet afhore, yea, my beloved, the Sun of perfecution grows now low and will fet foon, O therefore let us ftand to it like Heart of Oak without warping in the leaft, O con- fider a little, is it comely for us to hang down our heads ! 296 Life and Opinmis of a and fo near the Haven, or to droop at the end of the forty- two months ? What — Now ! — now to yield or parley about it, being this fort of Truth our ftronghold hath held out fo long and valiantly too againft the Beaft and his image by all the Saints and Martyrs and for fo many hundred years ; yea and all the Saints that have left us their fculls, blood, afhes, and bones behind them for an encouragement, yea the whole creation, yea God, Chrift, Angels, and men do expedt our conftancy and faithfulnefs to the end ; and fhall we now faint or fear the enemy, feeing we are fo well accommodated with all neceflaries, yea much beyond our blefled predeceflbrs for outward things ? and upon fo poor a flight fiege too of the enemy as this is — who is almoft worfted without hand, and now too that fuch great relief is raifing for us by the Spirit of Life, the Fifth-kingdom Spirit, which we wait for every day, fuch as hath not been heard of for above this thoufand years, and fhall not we ftand to it ? Shall not we hold it out, and die like Chrift's men ? or fhall we admit of any compofition, capitulation or terms with them, or be routed in the rear for want of faith or courage to carry it up ? Oh, no, no, God forbid, but let us rally by faith, and by the Grace of God keep our ground like men, and make hafte with the main body, as they began blefledly in that wing of honourable Wales,* to move for the relief of the engaged forlorn. For the Lord's fake make hafte and march up, yea fally out moft fiercely, O ye men of courage, upon this Apoftate and perfidious enemy, with fuch an undaunted, invincible, and impregnable refolu- tion as may make them know they are not ordinary prifoners whom they would bury alive in thefe iron graves, for the moft blefled Caufe that ever was on foot in earth, or that ever was betrayed by men. Come, come. Sirs, pre- * The Fifth-Monarchy Men relied much on an infurreflion which Vavafor Powell was to have organized in Wales. Fifth-Monarchy- Man, 297 pare your companies, for King Jefus His Mount Sion mufter-day is at hand ; His Magazines and Artillery, yea His mofl: excellent Mortar-pieces and batteries be ready ; we wait only for the word from on High to fall on, and faith and prayer to do the Execution according to Rev. xviii. 6, ' Reward her as flie hath rewarded you,' and then, by the Grace of God, the proudeft of them all fhall know we are engaged on life and death, to fink or fwim, ftand or fall with the Lord Jefus our Captain General upon his Red Horfe againft the Beaft's Government, fo as neither to give nor take quarter, but according to his orders. Therefore take the Alarum, my brethren, be up and ready, for we are not our own, but Chrift's, nor are we re- deemed to men, but to God; therefore, like champions refreihed with wine, let the fhout of a King be heard among us. Are_ we not yet awakened and warmed .? Is it not high time' for the two WitnefTes to be uniting, ftirring and rifing, yea ftanding upon their feet } and I hope we (you of the magiftracy and we of the miniftry) are of the fame fpirit with them. Befides, let us confider how eagerly Shear-jafub, or the little Remnant, is making ready for your rife ; yea, Maher-fhalal-hafh-baz is ready to pitch his great tent and to blow his great trump ; yea, the man among the myrtle-trees (Zech. i. 8) on his red horfe is already mounted, if I miftake not, and ready to march, with his f^yord to execute, and fire to plead with all nations ; for his bow he ufed upon his white horfe (Rev. vi. 2) hitherto, but the next is his fword on his red horfe, and the flain of the Lord fhall be many (Ifa. Ixvi. 16). Yea, and after the harveft (wherein I hope to be a reaper, a cutter down or a gatherer in), the blood of the vintage will be up unto the horfes' bridles (Rev. xiv. 20), viz. thofe horfes that are to carry the 4th Chariot from between the two mountains of brafs, wherein the Lord Jefus fits to give laws unto the whole earth (Zech. vi. i, 7, 8) ; and this I can eafily fore- Zg\ Life and Opinions of a fee, for I have a moft obvious undeniable profpedive of it from this cliff of the rock v/here ray prefent lot is. But ah ! Lord, may I fay, what meaneth this that men be fo hufh and ftill then at this day ? yea, good men fo afleep, fo fecure (Zech. i. ii). ' Behold, all the earth fitteth ftill and is at reft.' Why, it is that they may be furprifed as in the days of Noah and Lot, and with the coming as a thief in the night. Therefore, O my brethren, let us enter the Ark, for no fafety will be found but in the work, believe it ; liften, for the noife of his chariot wheels is in fome meafure come upon us ; look about, and believe with bold- nefs and with gladnefs ; yea, up, and make ready to run, to run with thefe horfemen who are at hand ; prepare, pre- pare, put on the whole armour of God to ftand, outftand, and withftand, in this evil day. Awake, awake, yea roufe up, O Saints, with moft royal refolution, and ftiake your- felves from your prifon duft, O captive daughter of Sion, for it is high time ; yea, the time is now come to ftart up like Lions (too ftout for fufferings as before), putting off your fackcloth or captivity garments, and putting on your beautiful Zion robes to follow the Lamb with (Ifa. lii. i, 2). And when you put on thefe robes you muft put off all thofe Relations, though ever fo dear, that may make you ftagger, yea even ftamp upon them ; as Jerome faid, ' If my father were weeping on his knees before me, and my mother hanging on my neck behind me, and all my bre- thren, fifters, and kindred round about me, I'd run over them all,' and in this cafe we are bidden even to hate them if we follow Chrift. Wherefore, O my moft honourable Brethren, Con-captives and Co-exiles, yea moft noble Fellow- commoners at the King's charges, let us up together all at once and fall in all at once (Numb. xiii. 30) with one mind, as one man (Zeph. iii. 9). Appoint the day, appro- priate the duty, and to it. Yea, do it with fuch a fhout too (Jer. 1. 14, 15 ; Amos. ii. 2) as may make the ears of Fifth-Monarchy-Man. the enemies to ring ; yea, begin the earthquake (Rev, xi, 13), and rend up by the very roots the foundations of thefe perfecuting Nimrods with their prifons (Adls xvi. 26), fo as one ftone be not left for a corner of them ; yea, till there be fuch a trembling, fhaking, and confternation, yea a /*£Ta'6£(rif, tranflation, over-turning, and total amotion of them, that the Beaft's government may never have a being more in England, neither in Civils, Ecclefiaftics, nor Mili- taries. For Jehovah Sabaoth will confound them and break them to pieces before us, yea this houfe of Saul rejected muft fall flat before the houfe of David, the little {tripling, and all this Apoflative interefl; of Councils, Courts, Triers, Clergy, Academies, and Armies, whom the Lord is de- parted from. But our Caufe cannot mifcarry, my friends ; it cannot fail us, who are heirs of the promife, becaufe every iota of it, as we contend for it, is founded in the new and everlafting covenant, blefled be the Lord the Holy one of Ifrael, who hath already given us fo many gracious and fpecifying prifon prognoflics of the great day of Jezreel at hand. I am prevented in my word to the little Remnant; I mean the Lamb's faithful followers, of the Woman's feed, that keep the commandments of God and teflimony of Jefus ; but in my Banifhborn treatife (lib. laft) I write at large to them and of their work (if it ever come to light), though I confefs my Bucer-Vike hand, which writes but bad, may be fome let or at leaft delay therein ; yet at pre- fent I am to bid them BEWARE and PREPARE : be- ware of running before orders come from Jehovah of Armies, and prepare for them when they come, yea to make all their arrows ready againft Babylon, for the time to vifit her is now come, and it is eafy to fee the figns of the times come upon us, yea the figns complete them, this little Horn, this laft B., this "Ai/OpwTro? tj?? 'ATroo-Tao-i'a? (as the learned read a'papTi'^?), this laft limb of the Beaft's go- 299 vernment and the man that maketh up his number fix thoufand fix hundred and fix (as we have proved in Prifon- born), he is now come. O up ! and be ready, then, like Roaring Lions againft the end, the time, times and dividend, to run and cHmb the wall like mighty men, and Jehovah fliall utter his voice before you, his dread fhall be on your ene- mies who have infiilted over you, but fhall fall before you (Jofli. ii. 9; Rev. xi. 11); yea, they fhall tremble and fear, and wax feeble as women (Jer. li. 30 ; Nahum iii. 13), and become bread for your fwords to eat, becaufe their de- fence is departed from them (Numb. xiv. 9). Nor are the moft godly among them that have apoftatized thefe times any more to be reckoned amongfl: the Lamb's number than Dan and Ephraim, becaufe of their Apoflafy (Judges xvii. and xviii.), were reckoned among the fealed ones of the 144,000 (Rev. vii. 5, 6, 7, 8). Wherefore up, O my dear Hearts, who are of that number that fl:and before the Throne (Rev. vii. 9), or with the Lamb in Mount Sion (Rev. xiv. i). Up and be ready with your Ahod weapon ; awake, arife, O Englifh Shear-jafub, for out of Judah, Chrift with us Gentiles of the fea, comes forth the corner, out of him the nail, out of him the battle bow, and they fhall be as mighty men which tread down the enemies as mire in the flreets in the battle, and they fliall fight becaufe the Lord is with them (Zech. x. 5). Wherefore — i. Be fure you begin your mufler or to mount your horfes(Zech. i. 8) upon a Mount Sion ground, or in a new covenant principle : that is, purely for or rather with Chrift and his Kingdom, and for no earthly perfons, things or Interefts of men whatfoever. Such a war was never yet in the Four Monarchies. And 2. Be fure that you be fully feparate from the Beaft's dominion in all things and in every miniftration, as well civil and military as eccle- fiaftic. And furthermore, 3. Be fure you lofe not the leaft opportunity or nick of time put into your hands to do the work when the end comes. And 4. Be fure you fet not upon it with your own fpirits, nor pour out in it your own wrath and revenge, but God's only, and upon fuch fubjefts too as the Word reveals. Yea, 5. Laftly, be fure that you in your adtings, executings, and fufFerings, be upon no other bottom or foundation but the Lord Jefus. Therefore, Up, O ye Saints, to take the Kingdom (Dan. vli. 18) and to poflefs it for ever, for the Gentiles have poflefTed the outer Court this 42 months, and 'tis now time to arife — yea, high time to deliver thyfelf, O Sion (Ifa. hi. I, 2), and fliake off thy duft to lay wafte the land o{ Nimrod with the fword (Mic. v. 6, 7). And the Rem- nant oi Jacob, the worm, fhall be in the midft of many people as a Dew from the Lord, as the fhowers upon the grafs that tarrieth not for man, yea among the Gentiles as a Lion, who if he go through both treadeth down and teareth in pieces, and none can deliver (Num. xxiii. 24). The Holy City is the Holy Camp in the outward Court of the tabernacle that is to arife with the two Witnefles, and rout the Beaft that trod it under foot. Therefore for the Lord's fake. Sirs, be Valiant, like David's worthies, yea King Solomon's men (Cant. iii. 7, 8), who all hold fwords, being expert in war. It is faid of Sadeel that with Genes, a citizen, he fought fo furioufly for the then Caufe of God that he himfelf put a thoufand Spaniards to flight, and fliall we fear? Regard not your lives for the work of Chriil when called to it. Bleffed Lord, when wilt thou raife us up with thy Spirit of life, or how long fliall all lie dead ? O what cowards are we now to run into holes and corners for fear of fufFerings ! Surely, Lord Jefus, had all thy Difciples dealt thus with thee in their generations, there would have been but few Martyrs or followers of the Lamb. O I blufli for fhame when I behold them that are gone before with thefe that now follow. Ignatius faid he had rather be a Martyr than a 3o: l^ife and Opinions of a Monarch, but now men had rather be Monfters than Mar- tyrs. When the Dragon Emperors gave orders to put all to death that would confefs themfelves Chriftians, they came in of themfelves by whole flocks, confeffing them- felves Chriftians, and defying the Heathen ; they ran in voluntarily to die and to be tormented. But ah, where be they that run in flocks to Whitehall now, faying, we are Fifth-Monarchy-Men, or for the Kingdom of Chrift, and will live and die with our brethren together ? (See i John iii. 16), 'Hereby perceive we the love of God, becaufe he laid down his life for us, and we ought to lay down our lives for the Brethren/ Now I befeech the Lord awaken you, if you be of that race, and roufe you up and fet you all awork, as upon life and death, with all fpeed to over- come the Beaft and his followers, with as lively a fpirit, as high a zeal, and readinefs to die in the fervice of Chrifl:, and fo to overcome with the word of the Teftimony and blood of the Lamb, not loving your lives. Bate me none of my fufi'erings, fays Gordius to his tormentors, for it is my lofs then, ' majora certamina, majora fequuntur prosmia.' Wherefore becaufe I mufl; break off with thefe few words to you as to Overcomers (for fo I truft you are, or will be, in Chrifl: Jefus), and clofe followers of the Lamb, I fhall leave you with that blefled man Mr. Holland's legacy bequeathed to his friends at his death againfl; Popery, ' Commendo vos diledlioni Dei et odio Papatus,' &c. So againfl: this Apoftate generation I commend you, my bre- thren, to the dearefl: love of God and to the deadliefl: hatred of thefe Hypocrites and Apoftates. Amen. For (Heb. X. 38) ' If any man draw back, my foul fliall have no plea- fure in him.' I would have had a word to this Bafl:ard of Aflidod, this illegitimate monfl:er, had he ears to hear, but his moft irrational rage hath hindered me, and I mufl: be filent, with a loud cry to thee, O. P., out of this den, where thou haft caft me fo inconfiderately, with fuch cruelty, and for (o long a time too, of whom I think I might have faid, as Tacitus of Galba, ' Digniffimus imperandi, nifi imperaflet.' How worthy hadft thou been of rule, if thou hadft not ruled. But as high as thou art, and as low as I am under thy foot, methinks when I am mounted and winged by the Holy Ghoft, thou art as much under me and my Chrift whom I ferve in thefe bonds and in this Caufe. Yea, as Cirus Theodoras faid to Modeftus about Bajil when he was under his tyranny, ' O Modeftus^ why Bafil is above thee : thou art but a poor Pifmire to him, though thou roareft againft him like a Lion,' and be not offended at it, for I tell thee through thy cruelty I am fet upon a Mount fo high, as I fee thee and all the Kings of the Earth to boot, as proud as they be, but like Hoppimithumbs — I mean but like ants about a molehill, which I laugh at when I fee them moft bufy about their nefts, which in one crufti will be deftroyed, kicked down, and difperfed like the duft on the floor (Dan. ii. 35). Wherefore, Sir, that you had but once this fight, and if I fpeak not to a man mofl; defperately refolved and hardened up to irrecoverable defl:ru6tion, yea to one worfe than a flone, yea guilty of the great fin againfl: the Holy Ghofl:, let me be heard. And O that I might be heard in thy confcience, O thou ! O thou finful man ! before the decree come forth, and thy fentence be executed. How fore a ruin is running upon thee, though thou fee it not ! Wherefore either deliver us quickly quit of thefe dens (admiring our hitherto prefervation from on high, whofe Angel hath delivered us out of the mouths of thefe favage beafts), and give you glory to God as Darius did, if thou canfl: find in thy heart fo to do, forafmuch as innocence and truth is found on our fide, or elfe I fay unto thee by the AUTHORITY of the Lord committed to me, that thou fhalt DIE like a BEAST, yea more miferably than in a DEN or a DUNGEON. And as Romanus faid to 304 Life and Opinions of a the Tyrant, fo I tell thee and them about thee, that I appeal from this thy Tyranny, which hath no pity, to the Throne of Chrift, ' et cito vos omnes ' (as Jerome of Prague faid to his perfecutors), ' ut refpondeatis coram altiflimo et juftiffimo judice poft (45) annos' — I fummon you all that have a hand or heart in this perfecution to appear before my Chrift, His eled Angels and Saints, the moft fupreme power and righteous Judge, after the 1335 days, where We ftiall judge you that now judge us, though this is your hour and the power of darknefs. So be it, as faith the faithful Witnefs, the Amen, for a little feafon, yea a very little while and He that fhall come will come, and will not tarry. Even fo. Amen, come quickly. Lord Jefus. Amos i. II, ' For three tranfgreffions and for four I will not turn away the puniftiment thereof, becaufe he did purfue his brother with the fword, and did caft ofF all pity, and his anger did tear perpetually, and he kept his wrath for ever.' Finis in Imis, Ultimis et Noviffimis. Amen. Hallelujah." ''A Poftjcript. Reader. Thou art defired to take notice, that in the forced abfence of the Author in banifhment, the Prefs lets many miftakes in printing pafs uncontrolled, and for want of due help and ability doth mifcarry of the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew which was intermingled in fome eminent paf- fages. Now the Lord blefs thee in thefe evil days, and give thee bowels to the fufFerIng Saints and truth, and help thee to follow that which is good, and which make for thy peace and comfort in the world to come. Amen." Fifth-Monarchy -Man. 305 " A Necejfary Word to the Ingenious Reader. My Christian Friend — It is about a year fince I had a perfun6tory glance and perufal of thefe papers in this piece called an Introduftion, &c, to Prifon-born Morning beams, which I found, as you fee, fo infinitely mangled and mifliaped, that I was, and yet am, in fuch a drefs afhamed to own them. Which deformity put upon them by others through want of fkill, care, or love to the fufFering author, fhall be greedily mul- tiplied by fome men to abufe me with, upon whofe back the erratas of other men it feems muft lie till truth and Inno- cency may come abroad and find juflice. But yet I mufl befeech you to a little charity and candid- nefs towards me, and not to impute the many pitiful fole- cifms of books, which ilTue in my name, to my pen, but to their pates and the prefs together intrufted. For fome, I hear, fince my long imprifonment have been glad of the opportunity of traducing me freely about my treatife of Church-difcipline, but I for ever blefs my God though the unreafonable fword hath given them leave to infult over me and trample upon me, yet the Truth is above them and their malice. She may be blamed but never fhamed by thofe monfl:rous reports, which be moft made of her in her fufferings and bonds, for ' chagor charbecha gnat-jarech' (wherein is written King of Kings and Lord of Lords, Rev. xix. 1 6), ' Gibbor hodecha ve hadarecha,' yea, 'tfelach rechab gnaldeberemet ve gnanvah tfedeg' is fome of my daily fong to my King. Nor do I greatly fear the foiling of the hotteft enemies I have, with the power of His truth, meek- nefs, and righteoufnefs, whether they be the ' Rozenim' (lean ones as rulers are called, Ps. xxii), or the ' Abburim,' fat BULLS (as enemies are called, Ps. xxii. 1 2), and fierceft R R 3o6 Life and Opinions of a foes that now triumph over us, for it is their time. Nor had that frothy rabble of airy fluff, gathered up together into a cloud of Vapour and exhaled from the dung hill of one CRAFTON, a malignant Prieft of London, a little before my imprifonment, efcaped the public fire, but the long law- lefs fword interpofed, took away my papers, and plundered from me amongft them the reply to (what is fober in) his ftage-play Treatife. Neverthelefs I do yet more abundantly blefs the Lord for his light of the feven lamps of fire which burn before the throne, only I muft entreat thee, my reader and friend, to wait with patience and in hope with us till deliverance and liberty to the truth be reftored, and in the interim mend with thy pen the following erratas before thou proceedeft in this part called the Introduftion.* What the other part called Jegar Sahadutha,t or a Heart Appeal, &c, is for errata I am ignorant, nor have I feen fheet of it, only I fear fo hard a travail, through fo many obftruftions in the birth and fo little help from the neigh- bourhood will at the leaft deform it, if not endanger the very being of it, in my abfence and exile. Yea, and which is worfe, I am informed thofe few feeming friends that do aflift the birth have agreed to cut off fome members of that little Treatife to facilitate the Birth, but how can it then live ? or if it does, fo monftroufly mifhapen as they think, I hear, to make it, I fliall want will and affetflion to own it as mine, for I differ from their vote who had rather have it born a cripple than not at all. My dear Reader, — A word more. It may be thou wilt wonder to fee the Introduftion to a year or two prifon * The hiftory of his fufferings at Lambeth, p. 137-168. t The hiftory of his fufferings at Windfor and in the Me of Wight, p. 225-304. Fifih- Monarchy- Man . travail of fpint put in this place, and therein hear news of an enfuing treatife or two about the Two Britlfh Witneflb, and of a more obvious fupputation of times according to the DanieHan and Apocalyptic accounts ; alfo of the 42 months period upon us, and of the flaughter of the two Witneffesinthis Street for the fingle time, dual time, and a dividend, with the myftery of that number 666 ; alfo a fynopfis of the Lamb's Government, fhewing the difference between the Lamb's and the Beaft's G. ; alfo a very lucid difcovery of the Kingdom of Chrift on earth, and the prefent work of Saints in England, the order, inftruments and matter of the vials, the thoufand years and firft Refurreftion with the order thereof, and much more, but fee nothing. Alas ! alas ! (as Lam. iv. 3) it is becaufe this (Tannin) ferpent fea monfter hath fought to devour it, and the truth betrayers and murderers have purfued thefe males that they cannot come forth, none being fo hardy to help them, he that offers it makes himfelf a prey. But this poor mifcellany of general matter hath with much ado remained untaken to declare aloud their cruelty, who have hindered and ftifled the mofl: fpecial. Much more might be added, in this Tragedy, of our hard trials to the flefh, both as to the prefent condition of my own body, fo much diftempered in this' unwholefome hole of this Caftle whereinto I am caft, fo alfo my wife, whofe fufferings have been fo great in this gaol, that feveral Dodors of Phyfic in London have affirmed her ficknefs to have rifen from the rude handlings and frights with the unwholefomenefs of the pit we are put into together, to the evident hazard of her life. (This is known to him in Power). Yea and the reft of my family with me, fome or other or all, being continually ill and afBifted with dif- tempers, pains, ficknefs, lamenefs, and other fore trials of the flefti. But I had much rather affedt to make my con- dition known to God than to men who have not the bowels 3o8 Life and Opinions of a of men. Wherefore ' karenu Shemcha Jehovah mibbor,' we have called upon thee, O God, from this grievous pit of Caines-brook-Chaines. To conclude ; forafmuch, loving reader, as I find no faith, no truth, or conftancy in men, but (through the per- fecution of undoubted foes and perfidioufnefs of dawbing and doubtful friends, who promifed fair but perform foully), all I do for the public is either betrayed, killed, fpoiled, or obftru(5ted in my abfence, and a true friend to one in prifon being ' rara avis in terris,' I am forced now, in this third year of my imprifonment and banifhment, to convert my time more particularly than I had intended to my own ufe and profit, by perfecting my fearch of and ftudies in the Holy Scriptures through the Hebrew, Chaldaic, Syriac, Arabic, and fo Perfian roots, which is my prefent and daily work, and I do blefs my God for this great blefling upon me in that little progrefs which through His Grace I have made into the Pentateuch, Pfalms and Prophets. For by the Hebrew, Chald., Samaritan (Rabbinic), Arabic (Per- fian), iEthiopic, Armenian, and Coptic tongues, in all which, except the two laft, I am now perufing the Scriptures of holy infpiration, I have received a moft fweet light, tafte, and fingular comfort to my own foul, and have yet a lively hope that I fhall one day therein ferve the public again, although for days, weeks, months, and years, I have now lain among the tile-pots in the fiery furnace and burning kiln, and by the walls like a Dead man out of mind. Now, O all ye friends, fellow-citizens of Sion and fel- low-waiters with us for the help of Ifrael, bear us a little in your bowels and bofom before the Father, (me and my deareft Concaptives and Co-exiles in this glorious Caufe of Chrift). When you come before the King into his Pre- fence Chamber of grace and fupplication, be fure you forget not Jqfeph, and I befeech you in thofe open, bleeding, yearning bowels, which hung upon the Crofs, to mind a poor Fifth- Monarchy-Man . 3C9 worm and prifoner of hope (and of a little faith) in this valley of Achor and Efhcol. Now I commit you all to the Inner Court comforts and counfelSj that ye may be meafured in thefe diforderly times by the Angel's cubit, the golden reed, and not by men's rotten rules, according to the which I am laid out and meafured in the Lord's tabernacle of Teftament, yea bound with thofe golden chains which fatten the fhoulder- pietes to the Breaft-plate, wherein is put the Urim and Thummim by the finger of God, and thereby I have an anfwer of God to my great encouragement and rejoicing, who yet remain, in the faith, hope, and patience of the Kingdom, THINE as a heave-ofFering to the Lord by the hand of Chrift, in this fat foil, wherein my foot is dipped in oil, Jo. Ro." CHAPTER VIII. Jan. 14, i657_ Thurloe, iv. 191 ; vi. 163, ' OGERS carries down the hiftory of his prifon fufFerings to July or Auguft, 1656. In Sep- tember of that year Sir Henry Vane became his fellow-prifoner at Carifbrook ; an inti- macy appears to have fprung up between them, and from this time Vane was fpoken of more and more as a leader of the Fifth- Monarchy-Men, and Rogers* became the flaunch and zealous fupporter of Vane. Towards the end of the year Cromwell felt himfelf able to releafe many of his political prifoners. Vane and Feake were releafed on the 31ft of Decem- ber, and Rogers a fortnight afterwards. + In the winter of 1655, while Rogers was a prifoner in the Ifle of Wight, a confpiracy had been organized in London, which came to a crifis in April, 1657, about three months • In one of his later publications he fpeaks of the great comfort he had received from hearing Sir Henry Vane open and apply the Scriptures "in Carilbrook Caftle and elfewhere." — Ai oi-toXirtia., p. 21. t "Whitehall, Jan. 14, 1657. It hath been ordered by his Highnefs and the Council that Mr. Rogers, who was committed to the Ifle of Wight, and Mr. David Jenkins, com- monly known by the name of Judge Jenkins, be fet at liberty." — Mereurius Politicus, No. 344. For an account of Judge Jenkins, fee " Forfter's Life of H. Martin," p. 258. " Mr. Rogers, preacher, being releafed by order of his Highnefs and the Council from the Ifle of Wight, came this Wednefday, Jan. 21ft, about three of the clock in the afternoon, into London." — Mercurius Poli- ticus, No. 345. Fifth-Monarchy-Man . after his liberation. The ringleader was a wine cooper of the name of Venner, and his accomplices were chiefly from the lower ranks of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men. The more confiderable members of the party — Harrifon, Rich, Carew, Rogers, &cc. — were founded, but refufed to aft. Some of the defigns of the confpirators are explained in the following extradts from Thurloe. '■'■ Refolutlons about fame defign of an infurreiiion. 1. That the time with fubmifEon to the will and providence of God be the third day of the week, and the feventh day of the fecond month in the night. 2. ...... . 3. That . . . principally we endeavour and engage againfl: the army and principals of the army, the greatefl: and .... the general and officers, and that according to reafon and wifdom we do not feparate colours and engage againfl: many flrong enemies at once, as the priefl:s and lawyers. 4. Our judgment is, that having a convenient place and provi- dence we will feize upon a troop of horfe and execute their officers and any fentinel of guard of any and all proved foldiers that do oppofe us, and take their horfes and arms, and horfe our men withal, to take in with us thofe proved foldiers that fhall fubmit themfelves. 5. That fuch gain and fpoil as is due to the Lord and to the treafury and work of the Lord, according to the rule and praftice of the Scripture, both of gold, filver, brafs, and precious things, &c, be brought into a common flock and treafury, and that officers be appointed to that charge, to receive that account and . it accordingly, and that that which is for the brothers for their particular encouragement be equally diftributed to the whole, thofe that engage and thofe that flay with the fluff; befides, refpedt is to be had to all others with us in the work, over and above their wages and hire. 24, I/? month. The meeting of Mr. Portman and his brother with us, what they propounded ... the anfwer we gave ... the 3H April, 1657. Thurloe, vl. 163. 312 Liife and Opinions of a Thurloe, vl. l86. Thurloe, vi. 185. June 15, 1657. three things he objedted. That Jones affirms that we have no the fpirit of God, fliall be blafted, &c, and his two realons— i. becaufe the ancient wife Chriftians are not with us, as Mr. Carew, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Harrifon, &c, and — 2. becaufe the time is not come by two months." .... The infurreftion was a complete failure. " It pleafed God to give fome light into their aftions all along," faid Thurloe ; in fa£i:, his fpies had given him from the beginning an exa6t account of the whole confpiracy, and when the proper time arrived " his Highnefs fent a party of horfe and feized upon twenty of them, who had with them twenty-five pair of piftols and holflers, powder, fhot, and match proportionable, their ftandard " [a red lion couchant, with the motto, 'Who fhall roufe him'], " and were booted and fpurred, ready to take horfe and begone." Afterwards fearch was made and more arms and ammunition were found. Other prifoners alfo were taken, and Harrifon was arretted and fent to the Tower. Rogers was not molefted. Thurloe defcribes Venner as a man " that had about two years fmce a place in the Tower, from whence he was removed, being obferved to be a fellow of defperate and bloody fpirit, and was fufpedled to have had defigns to blow up the Tower with powder, and would fay that the time would come that the hand- maids of the Lord would make no more of killing men, than . . . He had alfo fpake at the fame time very defperate words concerning the murdering of his Highnefs. This bloody man was to be the ringleader of this bloody bufinefs." Thurloe adds that his accomplices " were mean fellows of no note, but fuch as had blown up one another by a weekly meeting they had at a place called Swan Alley, in Coleman Street." The prifoners were fent to the Tower, but were never brought to trial. Two months later the Government received intelligence of another Fifth-Monarchy confpiracy. " An information about Col. Harrifon^ iffc. Col. Harrifon, Mr. Pheake, Mr. Can,* and Mr. Rogers, * John Cann was one of the moft adlive preachers of the Fifth- Monarchy-Men. About this time (1657) he publifhed " The Time of the End," to which are prefixed two prefaces, one by Feake and the other by Rogers. Fifth-Monarchy-Man. meet ordinarily at Mr. Daforme's houfe in Bartholomew Lane, near the Royal Exchange, where they profefs themfelves ready for an infurreftion, the time being now come, as they fay, wherein the three years and half is at an end in which the witneffes have lien dead, and that there will be a refurreftion of them. It is confidently believed that upon this delufion they will ground an attempt which may be attended with fome mifchief, they profefling it to be their refolution to defl:roy all that fhall oppofe them." — yune 15, 1657. It does not appear that this information was afted upon. In the beginning of the next year (1658) CromweWs Houfe of Commons grew reftive under his government, they fcrupled to recognize his " other Houfe " as " the Houfe of Lords," and " fome fpake reproachfully in the Houfe of Commons of the other Houfe." " The Proteftor looked upon himfelf as aimed at by them . . . and he was the more incenfed becaufe at this time the Fifth-Monarchy-Men began again their enterprifes to overthrow him and his Government by force, ... he there- fore took a refolution fuddenly to diffolve this Parliament." He arranged his plans with his uiual promptitude and completenefs. Before five o'clock in the morning of Feb. 3, he had defpatched the following note to the Lieutenant of the Tower. "Feb. 3, 1658. Sir, — I defire you to feize Major-General Harrifon, Mr. Carew, Portman, and fuch as are eminent Fifth-Monarchy-Men, efpecially Feake and Rogers. Do it fpeedily and you fhall have a warrant after you have done." The formal warrant was forwarded in the afternoon, and the arrefts were made before night. " Oliver P. Whereas we are given to underftand that feveral perfons have been of late endeavouring, inafmuch as in them lay, to afperfe, reproach, withftand, and fubvert the governors and government of this commonwealth, as it is now eftabUfhed ; and have been at work and fought by all means to difturb the public peace, raife feditions and commotions, feeking to difaffeft and exafperate the 313 Thurloe, vi, 349- Whitelock, 672. Feb, 1658. Somers' State Trafts, vi. 482. Burton's Diary, iii. 448, 494. S S 3H Life and Opinions of a ThurloCj vi. 775- hearts and fpirits of the people, fo that thereby they might bring the nation again into blood : And whereas fome of the contrivers and adtors are made known unto us to be Hugh Courtney^ John Rogers, and yohn Portman, who obfcure themfelves in and about our City of London : Thefe are, therefore, to will and require you to make, or caufe to be made, ftrift and diligent fearch for the faid perfons, and them and every of them to apprehend, or caufe to be apprehended and brought into our Tower of London ; and that you keep them there in fafe cuftody until you fhall receive our further order therein concerning them, every or any of them refpe6tively. And we do alfo hereby authorize and require you to feize or caufe to be feized all books, writings, letters, and papers, as {hall by you be found requifite ; as alfo all fuch weapons, arms, or any dangerous things, to them or any of them belonging, or that are in their cuflody. And for the better execution whereof, you are hereby authorized to break open any doors, locks, boxes, or bolts, trunks, chefts, boxes, or other places. And herein all our officers, as well civil and mili- tary, are required to be aiding and affifling you ; and for which this fhall be your Warrant. Given at Whitehall, this third day of February, 1658. To Sir yohn Barkjiead, Knt, lieutenant of our Tower of London." Having thus provided againft thofe who were moft likely to be dangerous, Cromwell, the next day (Feb. 4) went to the Houfe of Lords, fummoned the Houfe of Commons, and diflblved ParUament, the laft Parliament he was deflined to meet. The following account of the ftate of affairs in London, at this time, appeared in a foreign newfpaper : — " ExtraSi out of the printed news at Amjlerdam. De Londres, le lim. Febr. 165I-. Sur quelque difficultez furvenues entre le parliament et le fieur ProteSfeur Cromwell, de quoy on nous efcrit, que le mefme Parliament f'eft feparee avec un grand mefcontentment, ce que voyant ledit fieur Protedteur, il f'eft tenu maiftre abfolu de la Fifth-Monarchy -Man. 315 Tour, dans laquelle on efcrit que Monfieur Rogers a efte mis prifonier depuis peu de jours de quoy on ne parle point du fujet, et depuis Ton a imprime quantite de libelles ou lettres, que Ton a diftribues entre les foldats et le peuple, lefquels ne tendent qu'a fedition. ... . ... From Prejldent Downing \_to Thurloe]. I thought fit by the above extraft to let you fee what news is printed at Amfterdam, which is publifhed there by a brother of the Secretary of the Spanifh Ambaffador laft here." In the mean time the London Government newfpapers were bufy writing down the prifoners. " Feb. 4, 1658. — It is obfervable that Major-General Har- rifon and his wife, Mr. John Carew, and Major Courtney, though formerly fuppofed to be perfons a ftory or two above ordi- nances,* being defirous to enter into the way of the re-baptized, have all of them fometime fince the beginning of this frofty weather, been dipped, notwithftanding the bitternefs of the feafon, and it is further obfervable that when the faid Major Courtney was apprehended (who, with Mr. Rogers, the minifter, &c, now ftand committed to the Tower) there were found in his lodgings feveral dangerous printed pamphlets, divers of which were enclofed in letters direded to feveral perfons in the country, being the very fame pamphlets with thofe which have lately been fcattered up and down among the foldiery and elfewhere." "Tower of London, Feb. 10. " What endeavours have of late been ufed by fome to pervert the foldiery and others from their due obedience is now apparent. * Sir Henry Vane is fpoken of by Clarendon as " a man not to be defcribed by any charafter of religion, in which he had fwallowed fome of the fancies and extravagancies of every fed or faftion, and even became (which cannot be expreffed by any other language than was peculiar to that time) a man above ordinances, unlimited or unreftrained by any rules or bounds prefcribed to other men, by reafon of his perfeftion. - Clarendon, viii. 373. Thurloe, vi. 795- Merc. Pol., No. 402. See alfo Burton's Diary, iii. 44.9. 3' Merc. Pol. 402. No. Life and Opinions of a the feditious books and pamphlets which were fcattered up and down among the army and elfewhere being many of them taken in the lodgings of Major Courtney and Mr. Rogers, the minifler, who both ftand committed to this place, and bundles of the fame books they were preparing to fend abroad to infedl the people there. But befides thefe two there is a third who likewife ftands committed here, and that is one Mr. Portman, formerly a fecre- tary in the fleet under General Blake, of the fame party with Rogers and Courtney, and every whit as high and peremptory. . . More there are abroad of this gang." But two days afterwards the " Mercurius Politicus" qualifies the charge fo far as Rogers is concerned. Merc. Pol., No. 403. Merc. Pol., No. 411. 1658. " Tower, Feb. 12, 1658. Left the account from hence lately printed fliould feem to refleft upon Mr. Rogers, the minifter, prifoner here, as if the fe- ditious books and pamphlets then mentioned had been found with him as well as Mr. Courtney, the truth is none of them were found with him, but he ftands committed here by fpecial warrant for other caufes." Rogers was not detained long in the Tower. He and Feake were releafed on the 16th of April. There was a notorious Fifth-Monarchy meeting-houfe in Swan Alley, Coleman Street. In this had been contrived Venner' s abor- tive infurreftion of April, 1657, ^"'^ from this the Fifth-Monarchy- Men ifTued armed in the later infurre£lion of 1661. On the firft of April, 1658, the Lord Mayor and one of the Sheriffs proceeded to this meeting, and while they fat on horfeback outfide, the City Marfhall broke open the door and arrefted all who were within. " Old Brother Cann" was in the pulpit. The prifoners were fent to the Counter in the Poultry, and fome of them, Cornet Day amongft the reft, were examined afterwards before the Lord Mayor. Nothing could be drawn from Cornet Day "till he told them he would give it under his hand to prove Oliver Cromwell a juggler by his own confeffion, and fo much did he leave with the Mayor in a piece of paper, which was the great charge he was Fifth- Monarchy-Man. 317 afterwards arraigned for." After three weeks he was brought before the feflions at the Old Bailey, and came before them with his hat on, carefully explaining that he wore it, not becaufe he was a Quaker, but becaufe he did not acknowledge the authority of the Court. It was of courfe pulled ofF. He then refufed to plead. " I require," he faid, " that my accufers come face to face, and I will anfwer to my charge : that is, prove Oliver Crom- well a juggler by his own confeflion." But they preffed him to plead guilty or not guilty. On the third and laft day of the trial '■'■Brother Rogers" (who had been releafed from the Tower juft eight days before) " went with him and ftood by him at the bar." Day ftill perfifted that he could prove O. C. a juggler, and offered to call witnefles. The jury "found not the prifoner guilty of the indiftment; but for two or three words which he had fpoken, and brought Scripture for it, that they did not quit him of; for he had confeffed them and flood to the juftification of them." On this. Day was fentenced to a fine of 200 marks and fix months' imprifonment, after which he was to find bail. This account is taken from a pamphlet publifhed at the time.* Ludlow, writing probably from memory, gives a flightly diff"erent verfion of the ftory : — " Some perfons that ufed to meet in Coleman Street to deplore the apoftafy of the times, and particularly that of Whitehall, were feized by the Lord Mayor's officers, purfuant to Cromwell's orders, as they were coming out from their meeting- place. Amongft thefe was a Cornet whofe name was Day, and who being charged with faying that Cromwell was a Rogue and a Traitor, confefled the words, and to juftify himfelf faid that Crom- well had affirmed in the prefence of himfelf and divers other offi- cers, that if he did opprefs the confcientious, or betray the liberties of the people, or not take away Tithes by a certain time now paft, they ftiould then have liberty to fay he was a Rogue and a Trai- tor. He moved therefore that he might be permitted to produce his witnefles who were then prefent to the particulars before mentioned. But the matter was fo ordered that he and fome * "A narrative wherein is faithfully fet forth the fufFerings of John Cann, Wentworth Day, &c, called as their Newfbook faith < Fifth-Mo- narchy-Men,' publifhed by a friend to the prifoners and the Good Old Caufe they fuffer for." — Lond. 1658. 3'8 Life and Opinions of a Ludlow, ii. 604-5. Sept. 3, 1658. Reliquiae Baxterianse, part i, p. lol. Others were fined and imprifoned for their pretended mifdemea- nours." The third of September was in Oliver Cromwell's opinion his fortunate day, for on that day he had won the battles of Dunbar and Worcefter. On the third of September, 1658, he died. Richard Cromwell fucceeded to the Protedtorate, and fummoned a Parliament, which met on January 27, 1659. At this time the ftruggle for power lay between three parties. Firft were the fupporters of Richard Cromwell, including Baxter with feme of the more eminent Prefbyterians. Many of thefe men fupported the proteflorate not becaufe they loved it, but be- caufe they thought it the neareft approach to a monarchy which the nation would endure ; when Richard failed them they tranf- ferred their allegiance more or lefs openly to the King. Secondly were thofe Republicans, Independents, and Fifth- Monarchy-Men who ranged themfelves under Sir Henry Vane. Vane's republicanifm was fincere and uncompromifmg, and in fpite of a religious enthufiafm which bordered upon infanity, he was one of the moft able politicians of the day. The third party was compofed of officers, and was called the Wallingford Houfe* party, from the quarters of General Fleet- wood, where it met. Thefe men were noify Republicans, and great fticklers for the " Good Old Caufe," but as politicians they were felfifh and incapable. The two latter parties, under Vane and Fleetwood xti-^^Qiw^iy, coalefced for the overthrow oi Richard Cromwell. They forced him firft to diffolve Parliament, and then to abdicate. Rogers contributed his affiftance in his own peculiar depart- ment. " Richard Cromwell," fays Baxter, " was not fo formid- able as his father, and therefore every one boldly fpurned at him. The Fifth-Monarchy-Men followed Sir Henry Vane, and raifed a great and violent clamorous party againfl: him among the fec- taries in the city. Rogers and Feake and fuch like firebrands preach them into fury and blow the coals." After the abdication of Richard the Wallingford Houfe party were for a fliort time fupreme, and recalled to power on their own authority the remnant of the old Long Parliament. This Wallingford Houfe Hood on the fite of the prefent Admiralty. Fifth-Monarchy-Man, 319 confifted of thofe forty or fifty* members of that Parliament who had acquiefced in the King's execution, had eftablifhed a republic, and had clung to their feats in fpite of purgings, profcriptions, and feclufions, until they were violently expelled by Oliver Cromwell. They refumed their feats on the 7th of May, 1659, and imme- diately appointed a Committee of Safety and a Council of State. Sir Henry Vane was a member of both. Rogers was quite as much elated when they were reinftated as he had been formerly when they were expelled, and for his fervices on their behalf he claimed now as much credit as he had claimed formerly for his zeal againft them. In an addrefs " to the Parliament of the Commonwealth now returned to the great exercife of fupreme truft," he fays : " You are brought together to do your lafl: works by the fame hand that blefled you to do your firft, neither have we been wanting in our poor prayers to the Almighty, and incef- fant endeavours with the Mighty, particularly the Army, Council of Officers, and others, to efteft your return and the late turn." But a Parliament of Republicans and Regicides, reftored by the Army, and fupported by Fifth-Monarchy-Men, was very dif- tafteful to the Country generally, and quickly became equally diftafteful to the Army itfelf. It was particularly odious to the citizens of London, who had been fufficiently frightened by the plots and infurrerook, 256-295 ; warrant Chritt Church, Newgate Market, Ro- for his arrett, 313; in the Tower, gers and Vavafor Powel preach and re-baptized, 315 ; arretted. there, 112. 327 ; his releafe, baniftiment and Clotworthy, Sir John, 97. return, 328. Coleman Street Meeting Houfe, 192, Crayle,Chriftopher,aFifth-Monarchy- 312, 316, 327, 328. Man, 179. Colhngwood, William, Prebendary of Creflet, Mr., a Commiffioner fent to St. Paul's, 6. Windfor, 239. Commiffioners for Ireland, befriend Crofton, Zachary, a Preftjyterian Mi- Rogers there, 27-31. nifter, quarrels with Rogers, 38- of Approbation (Triers), 4O) 57) 79) 8i> 82 i his Bethlhe- 123, 126. metti Clouded, 98-104; the end of Inquiry fent to Windfor, of his career, 329. 239-244. Cromwell, Oliver, in the Aflbciated Cooper, Sir Anthony Aihley, 78. Counties and at Cambridge, 24, Corbet, Miles, one of the Commiffion- 25; diflblves the Long Parlia- ers for Ireland, 27 j executed. ment, 45-48 ; fummons the Bare- 327. bones Parliament, 56 j is declared Corken, Mr., 102. Proteftor, 106 ; confpiracies againft him, 113; his feelings Council of State, fend Rogers to Ire- Index. 339 towards religious parties, 172; narratives of his debate with Rogers, 173, 175-217; Rogers appeals to him from Carifbrook Caftle, 302 ; confpiracy againft him : his letter to Barkftead, 313; diflblves Parliament, 314J his death, 318. Cromwell, Richard, his Proteftorate and abdication, 318. CutBe, Major, 4.2. Daforme, Mr., Rogers and others confpire at his houfe, 313. Danvers, Colonel, 41. Day, Cornet Wentworth, 42 ; in pri- fon, 294; arrefted and tried, 316, 3T7 ; arrefted, 327. Day, Dr., 219. Day, Hugh, a Fifth-Monarchy- Man, 179. Dendy, Serjeant, account of him, 1 3 1 ; his letter to the Proteftor, 132; his extortions and tyranny at Lambeth, 142-154; brings Ro- gers before Cromwell at White- hall, 189 J takes part in the debate, 205, 216; procures the removal of Rogers to Windfor, 225, 230 ; is attainted and efcapes abroad, 327. Delborough, General, 203. Drayton, Dr., 12. Durden, John, a Fifth-Monai-chy- Man, 179. Erberry, William, an Independent Minifter, remonftrates with Ro- gers, 112. Evington, Ann, 145. Fairfax, Colonel Charles, 323. Feake (Feak), Chriftopher, a Fifth- Monarchy- Man, 46; preaches againft Cromwell, fummoned be- fore the Council, and releafed, 107; re-arrefted and fent to Windfor Caftle, 112; informed againft, 114; his letter, 129; in prifon, 122, 145, 152, 173, 184, 191, 192, 204, 206, 209, 218; with Rogers at Windfor, 231- 245 ; at Sandown Fort, 248-250 ; releafed, 310 ; informed againft, 312; arrefted, 313; preaches againft Richard Cromwell, 318; accufed of a defign to fire the City, 320 ; his fubfequent career, 328. Fenner, William, a PreftDyterian Mi- nifter, 7, 12. Fifth -Monarchy -Men, account of them, 40-42 ; their anger at the diflblution of the Barebones Par- liament, 107 ; their confpiracies, ii3j i'+, 310-313. 320; their Narrative of the Teftimony and Demand made to Oliver Crom- well, 175-223; their infurreflion and overthrow, 327, 328. Fleetwood, General Charles, head of theWallingford Houfe party, 318. Floyd, Captain, 277. Goodwin, Mr., 322. Griffith, Dr., 42. Grove, Edward, a Fifth-Monarchy- Man, 179. Haddaways, Corporal, ill-treats Ro- gers at Cariftjrook Caftle, 263, 265, 280. Harding, William, gaoler at Lam- beth, Anthony Wood's account of him, 147 ; takes Rogers to Whitehall, 185. Harrington, James, in controverfy with Rogers, 320. Harrifon, Major-General, account of him, 42-45 ; co-operates with Cromwell againft the Long Par- liament, 45-48 ; a member of the Committee of Tithes, 78 ; con- tinues fitting after the refignation of the Barebones Parliament until expelled by foldiers, 106; con- fined a prifoner in his houfe, 107; informed againft, 114; in prifon, 184, 294; teftifies at Whitehalj on be'.ialf of Rogers, 174, 220 340 Index. 222 ; prlfoner with Rogers at Carifbrook, 256-278 ; refufes to co-operate with Venner, 311, 312 ; informed againft, 312 ; ar- retted, 313; in the Tower, and re-baptized, 315 ; executed, 327. Herrys, Mr. Edward, of MuchBadow, 3- Hewfon, Colonel, Governor of Dub- lin, 28 ; a member of Rogers' congregation there : his experi- ences, 29 ; attainted, efcapes, and dies abroad, 327. Hill, Dorothy, 145. Holland, Mr., a Commiffioner fent to Windfor, 239, 240; attainted, and efcapes abroad, 327. HoUis, Mr., 97. Hooker, Mr., 12. Horton, Hur, a Fifth - Monarchy- Man, 179, 224.. Huntingdonftiire, ftate of, in 1642-3, Hutchinfon, Mrs., her anecdote of Harrifon, 45. Ingoll, Daniel, a Fifth -Monarchy- Man, 179. Ireton, General, 28, 44. Ireton, Mr., teftifies on behalf of Rogers at Whitehall, 219,220. Jacob, Mr., 80, 81. Jenkins, Judge, 310. Jenkins, Robert, a foldier, ill-treats Rogers at Carilbrook, 264, Jones, Colonel John, a Commiffioner for Ireland, 27 ; executed, 327. Kern, C, imprifoned at Sandown, 249. Kiffin, Mr., an Anabaptift, 172; taken into favour by Oliver Cromwell, 173; takes part in Cromwell's debate with Rogers, 199, 207 ; flanders him, 219, 221. King, Serjeant, ill-treats Rogers at Cariftrook, 262-265, 281, 287. Lambert, General, urges Cromwell to diffolve the Long Parliament, 46 ; affiUs in forming a new Govern- ment, 48, 52; fupprefles Sir George Bootli's infurreftion, 323 ; difmiffed from his com- mand, and interrupts the fitting of Parliament, 324, 325. Laud, Archbifhop, i. Leadbeater, Jolhua, a melfenger, 141. Lewis, Ann, 145. Love, Mr., the Preibyterian, 81. Ludlow, Lieut.-General, a Commif- fioner for Ireland, 27 ; attainted, and efcapes abroad, 327. Mackworth, Colonel, 130. Mainwaring, Mr., 39. Marfhall, Stephen, a Prefbyterian Minifter, 7, 8, 9, 12. Maffey, Maj.-Gen., 97. Maynard, Serjeant, account of him and of his quarrels with Rogers, 38, 100, 133; his fubfequent career, 329. Meazy, Michael, gaoler at Lambeth : his extortions in the name of Ser- jeant Dendy, 143-145, 152, 216 ; gathers informations againft Ro- gers, 193. Medley, William, a Fifth-Monarchy- Man, 179. Milton, John, 322. Monk, Genera], 326. Needham, Mr., 100, 320. Nelfon, Robert, 113, 114. Okey, Colonel, 41, 48; in prifon, 184: one of the Remnant in the Army, 219 ; arretted and exe- cuted, 327. Overton, Colonel, 41 ; Governor of Hull, 156 ; in prifon, 171, 184, 294, 295, 322; one of the Rem- nant in the Army, 219 ; arretted, 327. Oxenbridge, Mr., a Commiffioner fent to Windfor, 239, 241, 242. Index. 341 Patient, Thomas, an Anabaptift preacher in Ireland, 29. Payne, Sir Robert, 27, 132, 216, 331. Pepper, Enfign, perfecutes Rogers at Windfor, 231-234., 281. Peters, Hugh, 42. Pickering, Sir Gilbert, 52, 212. Porter, Philip, fon of Endymion Por- ter, fpits on Rogers' head at Lam- beth, and kills a foldier, 244. Portman, John, a Fifth-Monarchy- Man, implicated inVenner's con- fpiracy, 311 ; arrefted, 313, 316. Powel, Vavafor, an Independent preacher, preaches againft Crom- well, is arrefted, reieafed, and preaches again, 107 ; his letter, 170 ; in prifon, 184. Prynne, William, in controverfy with Rogers, 320, 321. Pugh, John, a Fifth-Monarchy-Man, 179. Purleigh, Rogers minifter at, 27 ; his Epiftle to the Inhabitants of, 34. Rathbone, Colonel, is ill-treated by a Prelbyterian rabble, 81 ; exe- cuted, 329. Raworth, Mr., 218. Rich, Colonel, courted by Cromwell, 45; imprifoned, 107; teftifies at Whitehall on behalf of Ro- gers, 174, 220; in prifon, 184, 222, 294 ; one of the little Remnant in the Army, 219; holds aloof from Venner's con- fpiracy, 311. Rivers, Countefs of, maintains Nehe- miah Rogers at St. Ofyth, 4. Roberts, Mr. Thomas, 3. Robifon, the aftor, 42. Rogers, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Robert Payne, and wife of John Rogers, 27, 132, 216, 331; ac- companies her huft)and to Lam- beth Prifon, 141 i fent to Ser- jeant Dendy, 150; accompanies her hulband to Whitehall, 186; to Windfor Caftle, 225; joins him at Freihwater, 252 ; accom- panies him to Cariftjrook Caftle, 253; her fufferings and illnefs there, 285, 286 ; forced to leave her huftjand and return to Lon- don, 290. Rogers, John, the Fifth-Monarchy- Man : his experience as a boy, 6- 12 ; turned out of doors, 18; his fuff^erings at Cambridge, 18-20; teaches at a fchool in Hunting- donlhire, 20 ; preaches in Tofe- land, 23 ; receives Preft)yterian Orders, marries, and fettles in Eflex, 27 J his career in Ireland, 28-33; his return to England, 33 ; his Epiftle to Purleigh, 34 ; he preaches againft the Preft)y- terians and the Parliament, 38; quarrels with Serjeant Maynard and Zachary Crofton, 38-40; joins the Fifth-Monarchy-Men, 40 ; his firft Epiftle to Oliver Cromwell, on the diffolution of the Long Parliament, 49 ; his fecond Epiftle, 52 ; his contro- verfial works ; Bethftiemefti, 57- 74; Sagrir, 76-98; his third Epiftle to Cromwell, 77 ; he pleads againft tithes, 78 ; his fufferings in confequence, 80 ; his opinion of lawyers, 87-95; his fourth Epiftle to Cromwell (cau- tionary), 108 ; Ellen Afke's in- formation againft him, 113, 114; his fifth Epiftle to Cromwell (Mene, Tekel, Perez), 115; his day of humiliation, 123 ; his fer- mon, 125 ; he is arrefted and fent to Lambeth Prifon, 1 3 1 ; a letter to the Proteftor concerning him, 132; his books, 134; his fuffer- ings at Lambeth, 137-168; a Vindication againft his com- plaints, 168 ; he is brought be- fore Oliver Cromwell at White- hall, 173 ; Narratives of the intenriew, 173-223 ; he is fent to Windfor Caftle, 225; his fuffer- ings there, 227-245 ; his journey 342 Indi to the Ifle of Wight, 245-248 ; his fufFerings at Sandown Fort, 249; at Frefliwater, 251; his journey to Carilbrook Caftle, 254; his fufferings there, 256- 304 ; his fellow-prifoners, Major- General Harrifon, Quartermafter- General Courtney, 256 ; and Sir Henry Vane, 310 ; he is releafed, 310; information againft him, 312 ; Cromwell orders his arreft : the warrant, 313 ; imprifoned in the Tower, 315; is releafed, 316; ftands by Cornet Day at the Old Bailey, 317; preaches againft Richard Cromwell, 318 ; in con- troverfy with Prynne, 320; is recommended by the Council of State to the Commiffioners for Ireland, 322 ; is nominated to a regimental chaplaincy, 323 ; is difpenfed with from going to Ireland, and nominated to a lec- tureftiip at Shrewfbury, 324; retires to Holland, 329 ; ftudies medicine, takes his degree of M.D. at Utrecht, and is infcribed in the Vilitation of Surrey, and in Secretary Williamfon's Spy-book : his " ad eundem " degree at Ox- ford, 330; his fons, 331. Rogers, John, fon of the Fifth-Mo- narchy-Man, 331. Rogers, Margaret, 6, 331. Rogers, Nehemiah, account of him, 1-6 ; reference to him, 9, 12, 66, 78, 330, 331 ; his death, 326. Rogers, Prifonborn, his birth, 245 ; his death, 332. Rogers, Vincent, 1. Sagrir, 76-98. Sangor, Mr., Reflor of St. Martin's, 100, 133. Scobell, clerk of the Council, 203, 254. Simpfon, John, a minifter, 46, 107 ; in prifon, 122, 184; owns the Government of Cromwell, 131. Smyth, Mr., of St Neots, 132. Spittlehoufe, John, a Fifth-Monarchy- f^i/\i • Man, 42 ; in prifon, 151, 168, 184, 224. Squib, Mr., 219, 220. Stapleton, Sir Philip, 97. Strange, Major, fent to remove Har- rifon from Carifbrook, 277. Sydenham, Colonel, 130, Taprell, Hannah, in prifon, 122, 125 j releafed, 130 ; fends a meflage to Rogers, 160. Taylor, Jonathan, 157. Thimbleton, Walter, 329. Thomas Apoftle's, St., Rogers lec- turer at, 27; extrafts from the Regifters of, 147 ; the Fifth- Monarchy-Men in infurrecSion march there, 327. Thurloe, Mr., 153, 154, 168. Tofeland, Rogers preaches there, 23. Triers (Commiffioners of Approba- tion), 123, 126. Urry, Mr., of Afton Houfe, 255. Uflier, Archbiihop, 1 72 ; his funeral, 292. Vane, Sir Henry, oppofes Cromwell's diffolution of the Long Parlia- ment, 47 ; imprifoned at Carif- brook Caftle, and releafed, 310; oppofes Richard Cromwell, 318 ,■ member of Committees of Safety- and Councils of State, 319, 326 ; retires to Raby, 326 ; executed, 327. Venner, a Fifth-Monarchy-Man, his confpiracy againft Oliver Crom- well, 311; Thurloe's account of him, 312 ; his infurre£l:ion after the Reftoration, 327 j his execu- tion, 328. Vernon, Captain, 29, 46. Walker, Henry, an Independent preacher, a colleague of Rogers, 104 ; his charafler, 223. Wallihgford Houfe party, 318. Weaver, John, a Commiffioner for Ireland, 27. Index. 343 Wellis, Ifaac, 113. Wefton, Captain, perfecutes Rogers at Windfor, 231. Whalley, Commiflary-General, 250. Whichcot, Colonel, Governor of Windfor Caftle, ill-treats Rogers there, 232-234. Whitelock,LordCommiffioner,38,325. Wiggens, Major, 219. Williamfon, Secretary : his Spy-book, 330. Wilfon, James, a Fifth-Monarchy- Man, 179. Winter, Mr., an Independent preacher, 29. Wolfeley, Sir Charles, i 30. Wood, Mr., a Commiffioner fent to Windfor, 239 ; his death, 244. Woodard, Mr., a Commiffioner fent to Windfor, 239. Worfley, Lieut.-Colonel, 47, 48, 209. Wyke, Mr., an Independent preacher, 28. Young, Francis, a Fifth-Monarchy- Man, 179. CHISWICK PRESS : PRINTED BY WHITTINGHAM AND WILKINS, TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE.