GEOGRAPHY OF THE CENTRAL ANDES ALAN G. OGILVIE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIEJV MAP OF HISPANIC A\5£RICA PUBLICATION NO ?'* W.ij % ius) X-.fi The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924050917818 GEOGRAPHY OF THE CENTRAL ANDES AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY MAP OF HISPANIC AMERICA PUBLICATION NO. i GEOGRAPHY OF THE CENTRAL ANDES A Handbcxik to Accompany the LA PAZ Sheet of the Map of Hispanic America on the Millionth Scale BY ALAN G. OGILVIE, M.A., B.Sc. (Oxon.) WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY ISAIAH BOWMAN PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK BROADWAY AT I56TH STREET 1922 COPYRIGHT, 1922 BY THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK THE CONDE NAST PRESS GREENWICH, CONN. / CONTENTS PART I THE LA PAZ SHEET OF THE i: 1,000,000 MAP PART n GEOGRAPHY OF THE LA PAZ SHEET AREA CHAPTER PAGE I General View 13 n Geological Structure and Land Forms 31 HI Minerals and Mines 49 IV The Ocean 61 V The Climate 67 VI Drainage, Water Supply, and Soils 95 VII The Natural Vegetation 109 VIII Animal Life 122 IX The Inhabitants and Their Adaptation to the Environment .... ... 136 Appendix A, The Social and Religious Organiza- tion of the Plateau Indians . 199 Appendix B, The Problem of Tacna and Arica 203 Appendix C, Selected Bibliography 211 Appendix D, Conversion Tables .... 224 Index 233 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE PAGE I Map showing distribution of population .... facing 146 II Map showing utilization of land facing 174 FIG. 1 Pisagua from the roadstead facing 18 2 Part of the Altiplano showing the Rio Desaguadero, facing 23 3 Source of the Rio Desaguadero, outlet of Lake Titicaca facing 24 4 Block diagram of the Cordillera Real and Altiplano ... 26 5 Sketch map of natural regions in the Central Andes ... 29 6 (A) and (B) Sketch maps of ancient lakes on the Altiplano 43 7 Diagram illustrating relationship of two ancient lakes . . 45 8 Horizontal section of the ocean floor and Western Cor- dillera 62 9 Sketch map showing precipitation, belts of cloud, and meteorological stations 67 ID Graphs showing monthly variations in temperature ... 70 1 1 Graphs showing daily variations in temperature .... 73 12 Wind roses for Arica 76 13 Wind roses for Arequipa 77 14 Wind roses for Vinocaya ... 78 15 Wind roses for Puno 79 16 Wind roses for La Paz 81 17 Wind roses for Cochabamba 83 18 Wind roses for Sucre 85 19 (A) and (B) Diagrams illustrating cloud types and rainfall belts in the Eastern Andes 87 20 (A) and (B) Diagrams illustrating cloud types and rainfall belts on the Pacific slope 9° 21 Graph showing monthly precipitation at various stations 92 22 The end of a river on the piedmont facing loi 23 Diagram of flow on the Rio Chili 102 24 Sketch map showing distribution of natural vegetation . no 25 Yareta, tola, and ichu grass facing 114 26 A stack of yarela ready for burning facing 1 14 vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS— (Co»ampa from the huge grassy plains of central Argentina. It is part of a continuous strip of desert extending from central Chile to a point some 80 miles beyond the western edge of the map area and continuing in patches to the northern limit of Peru. For the most part it is absolute desert and, except for widely separated river beds, is never better than semidesert with an exceedingly sparse cover of drought-resisting grasses. This piedmont surface between the guehradas is smooth or rolling, and rises slowly to east and northeast. Its soil varies from fine sand to coarse and angular rock fragments, the former being more characteristic of the lower and the latter of the higher parts. The surface layers are impregnated with salts to a greater or less degree. In most parts the lomas' crest is higher than the lower edge of the piedmont and overlooks it; but in places, such as north of Pisagua, there is a steady descent from the foot of the Andes to the cliff tops on the coast. The desert surface is roughened here and there by low hills which appear to be recent lava flows that have issued in general from local vents. Where the surface deposits contain much sand this is 20 THE CENTRAL ANDES blown by the prevailing southerly wind and built into crescentic moving dunes. Throughout the whole stretch the cordillera forms the distant horizon; and it frequently presents a strikingly smooth edge — generally the line along which the uplifted pene- plane has been warped up to form the highlands, but often the summit of a great mass of accumulated lava flows that obscure the older and rougher topography. In such places only the summit of the highest volcanoes, which stand farther back, appear to break the monotony of the crest line. In other places, as northeast of Arica, peaks like Tacora and TaapacA rise upon the western brink of the high plateau. The traveler through the desert zone finds few evidences of life of any sort. For long stretches between valleys there is no water. But where the valleys carry streams which permanently reach the piedmont there are thinly peopled settlements along their banks, each with its small fields of alfalfa or vegetables making the most of the shade provided by plantations of willow and chanar trees. Two such settlements near the lower limit of abundant water are the towns of Moquegua and Tacna, each lying beside a wide alluvial valley. These are veritable oases, and their importance as market towns serving many valleys above them is marked by their connection by rail with the ports of Ilo and Arica respec- tively. But by far the largest population of the zone is found in the nitrate fields of the south. These lie in complete desert, unlovely groups of barracks, vats, and railroad sidings dumped on the sun-baked pampa around the flat salars. The climate has allowed the nitrates to form and remain, and the workers in this surprising hive of industry have to put up with the climate while nearly all their food is brought to them from outside, and all of their most precious water has either to be pumped from wells carefully placed and sunk so as to be untainted by the salts or piped from distant springs and streams in the piedmont. The Western, or Maritime, Cordillera forms a belt within our area of 575 kilometers (some 360 miles) in length and is rarely much less than 125 kilometers (some 80 miles) in width, if we take the 1,500-meter contour as its foot. The landscape GENERAL VIEW 21 in this belt includes elements of great regularity which cannot be lost sight of — the smoothness of the western flank which is the warped portion of the peneplane above mentioned, the strong "family likeness" which all the steep-walled ravines and gorges incised on this flank bear to one another, and so on. But it is the supreme irregularity of the peaks together with their barren grandeur which most impresses the traveler. The belt of summits is no system of parallel ridges and valleys which may be looked for in most of the world's great mountain chains. Rather does it resemble some gigantic breastwork hurriedly built of any ma- terials which came to hand, the large and the small mixed indis- criminately. The atmospheric elements of denudation can be trusted to work to a plan; so can most of the great mountain- building forces. But we are here reminded that geologists have no basis for forecasting the nature and the scale of the out- pourings of volcanism. For all of these peaks are volcanoes old or new, and within the limits of their zone they seem to conform to no plan of distribution. Large and small mountains stand side by side, and if they stood upon a low plain instead of on the brink of a high plateau they would scarcely merit the name of Cordillera. Again, while all are "volcanic" peaks we must not suppose that they are necessarily symmetrical cones surmounted by craters. Many have this form indeed, such as El Misti, Tacora, and Sajama; but these are the youngest. The older members of the family have more or less lost their original shape under the influence of erosion. But, speaking generally, the slopes in the Western Cordillera are more or less the original slopes of deposit, whether of the lava flows or of the agglomerates and ash beds which have fallen round some center of eruption (see Fig. 36, page 167). So much for the form of the landscape. The other important element — color — is supplied not so much by the vegetation, as in more humid districts, but by the rocks themselves. These are painted again and again in the most vivid tints and with the finest mineral pigments from the purples and reds and pinks of the lavas to the pure yellow of the sulphur; two important 22 THE CENTRAL ANDES elements are the gleaming white of salt or borax crusts, which frequently fill the hollows, and the snows on the peaks themselves. The Cordillera is not a desert like the piedmont. The western flank and the lower slopes of many of the volcanoes themselves are clothed, although the cover is rarely complete. The traveler climbing from the west passes through a thirsty scrub dotted about with cacti of the candelabrum and pillar variety, which here and there close up to form a low cactus forest. Higher up the vegetation is also limited to scrub, but this time of tola and yareta with stretches of a pampa grass, and in many of the high valleys are grassy swards. A journey from end to end of this Cordillera is perfectly feasible, but it would be slow and would follow a very sinuous trail, and it is safe to say that no man has ever made it. Nowhere would animals be far from pasture or water. Groups of Indian habitations, all of the humblest variety, lie in nooks and corners everywhere throughout the entire range. The Indians are mainly occupied with the growing of crops, especially of potatoes and quinoa, sufficient for their sustenance. But they are also the owners of llama herds which they hire for the transport of ore and merchandise. Here and there they gather sulphur and borax and salt; and this, together with fuel consisting of scrub and llama dung, they carry on the backs of the llamas to the piedmont villages of the lowland. Thus they are able to satisfy the balance of their modest requirements. The major part of the Altiplano falls within the map area, but it extends beyond the limits for some 200 kilometers to the northwest and 300 kilometers to the south. Its eastern edge is well defined by the sharp rise and straight front of the Eastern Cordillera; but the western margin is less clearly cut for the reason aforementioned, that the volcanic d6bris has encroached upon it and forms hilly districts of irregular outline. Moreover, in the south the plateau is divided into two basins of interior drainage by a line of volcanoes and hills extending from the Western nearly to the Eastern Cordillera. Little is known of the country west of Lake Titicaca, but it seems probable that it consists of a plateau so much dissected by Q o O V -< a c GENERAL VIEW 25 for the great chain of the Cordillera Real rears its gleaming summits with cloud banners and hanging glaciers against a sky which is nearly always blue. The northern end of the Altiplano was the cradle of an ancient civilization which has left as its only evidence wonderful mega- lithic structures, the ruins of its temples and dwellings. Lake Titicaca and its neighborhood again was one of the chief centers of the later Inca civilization. Today, as then, the shores of Titicaca are more densely peopled than most other parts of Bolivia, while the situation of La Paz near by marks it as the real heart of the Republic, although close to its western frontier. East of Titicaca the plateau rises gently over a piedmont to the foot of the Cordillera Real. But for the traveler who makes his way by road or rail eastward from the lake's outlet by the valley of the Rio de Tiahuanaco a surprise is in store. He has barely reached the rising piedmont when he finds himself on the brink of a wide chasm separating him from the mountain front. This is the valley of the La Paz River, and the city of La Paz is spread over its floor and lower slopes six hundred meters beneath him. He may follow this canyon lip southeastward for nearly forty miles (60 km.) with the river bed deepening all the way (see Fig. 4), and then he must continue for nearly fifty miles more around the southern ramifications of the La Paz valley before he can start the ascent of the Cordillera. This great slice has been cut from the Altiplano by the La Paz River which is a head stream of one of the great tributaries of the Amazon, the Rio Madeira. So great is the erosive power of water fed by continuous condensation on the windward slope of the Andes that the Amazon has been able to break the resistance of one of the most powerful bulwarks of the Cordillera and so to begin the attack upon the interior basin of the Altiplano. The scale and grandeur of this evidence of power cannot fail to im- press the man who stands for the first time on the Alto of La Paz and sees below him a world apart. We shall see, however, that in spite of its apparent separation from the world above the inhabitants of La Paz valley cling to the links which bind them 26 THE CENTRAL ANDES J CO »z 2.S .S u GENERAL VIEW 27 to the Altiplano with its inhospitable climate and to the Pacific, and not to the soft and luxuriant world immediately below and the far distant Atlantic. The explanation of this lies in the fact that the people came from the plateau, as well as in the nature of the Cordillera and the plains to the east of them. The Eastern Cordillera in the area of the map falls into two quite different divisions, a northern section where it is relatively narrow and a southern where it is wide. The inner margin of the northern section runs from northwest to southeast while that of the southern is oriented nearly north-south. In the north the map includes practically a complete cross section of the Cordil- lera; but south of latitude 17° barely one quarter is included. The consequences of this division are many and important. The original character of an uplifted peneplane has been almost completely destroyed in the north, for the concentration of the rainfall in a narrow belt and the relatively steep gradient of the initial rivers have combined to enable these streams to cut the old surface to pieces. Moreover, the Cordillera Real even at the time when the peneplane surface had been developed else- where remained as a high range of hills above it. In the more southerly division perhaps the most striking feature is the general accordance of level of the summits and the complete absence of important peaks above the general summit level. At the highest altitudes, then, the old peneplane is in evidence, though by far the greatest part of the surface is hilly. The slopes are gentle and the valleys wide. This surface seems to have been formed by a long period of erosion after the pene- plane had been raised but long before it was pushed up to its present level. In places, as about Cochabamba, the surface has been warped or faulted down and the hollows are now filled with detritus, providing a rich soil which is occupied by the densest agricultural population in Bolivia. The process of rapid dis- section, which has gone so far since the great Andean uplift in the northern part of the Eastern Cordillera, has affected the southern division only on its outer edge — ^in the northeastern corner of the sheet— and where the main head streams of great 28 THE CENTRAL ANDES rivers such as the Grande and Pilcomayo have cut their beds in narrow gorges; and even these have barely touched the area included in the map. Thus the two mountain areas are strongly contrasted in their form, the northern being a region of tremendous declivities, sharp spurs, and swift rivers, while the southern consists almost entirely of wide hilly plateaus and graded rivers. Furthermore, there is a great difference of climate, already alluded to, the north receiving almost daily rain — or snow near the summit — the valleys constantly humid and lying for much of every day under great rolling clouds. In the south rainfall is much lighter, and save on the outer edge there are no hot and humid valleys. The valleys and basins of this section have perhaps the most delightful climate in South America. It is that of almost per- petual spring. All the products of temperate lands and many of the fruits of the tropical lowlands will grow. there. Moreover, there is much good pasture on the valley slopes. But on the higher parts conditions are even more rigorous than on the Altiplano. A humble scrubby vegetation and sparse Indian settlements hugging the sheltered hollows in general are the signs of life on this hilly upland. But there remain the mines. Colquechaca, Uncia, and Huanuni are three of the most impor- tant centers of tin-mining in the world. The La Paz River makes its break in the Cordillera Real in an immense gorge over twelve miles (20 km.) across in an air line from peak to p)eak and 3,500 meters deep, its slopes being ex- ceedingly steep in the lower part and more gentle above. North and south of this gorge the range has been heavily glaciated and in all respects is thoroughly alpine in character. Snow-clad peaks and sharp aretes rise from rounded cirques and lake- studded, troughlike valleys, in many of which small glaciers still remain. Mines of gold and silver and tin are worked at a number of points along the slopes even up to the snow line, and for every mine now open there are remains of many others; while scattered Indians cultivate their patches in most inhos- pitable spots even close to the snows. GENERAL VIEW 29 Fig. 5 — Natural regions of the Central Andes. 1. Coastal hills with moisture and vegetation in winter. 2. Desert piedmont with oases in some of the valleys. 3. The Puna: high, dry cordillera with interment basins in the south, unforested. 3a. The Altiplano: an intermont basin with "Puna" characteristics. 4. Broken mountain slopes, moist and forested. 5. Broken plateaus and intermont basins with scrub and some woodland. 6. Plains, hot, moist, and mostly forested. 7. Plains, with cover of bush, grass, and scrub, gradually changing from north to south. 30 THE CENTRAL ANDES From these summits the eastward descent leads to another world with astonishing abruptness. Yungas, as the region formed by these eastern slopes is called, is characterized by its intricate topography (see Figs. 29 and 37), its warm, humid climate, becoming hotter with every foot of descent, its dense forest of varied trees and impenetrable undergrowth, and its rich fauna. All products which require heat and moisture will grow there, and the only obstacles to its development as one of the world's leading areas of tropical agriculture are its inaccessi- bility and its lack of level spaces. As it is, however, there are many narrow river flats where sugar cane and tropical fruits are intensively cultivated. Moreover, its most valuable products are coffee and coca, which are suited to cultivation in -terraces and require a considerable rainfall and warmth without too much sun. The villages for the most part lie near the valley floors, or else on spurs which are of sufficient width, but always where the country jjermits of trails to connect them with other villages and ultimately with the Altiplano. For the plateau is their market; and even this district, so difficult of access from the west, looks up rather than down. Its connections with the Amazonian plains have yet to be made. The Indians of Yungas are still mainly of Aymari stock, which means that they hail from the plateaus. The limit of civilization and of economic life falls near the foot of the Andes and just touches the corner of our area. We have here reached the low sandstone ridges which form the outworks of the great Cordillera. A mantle of high tropical rain forest covers the land. It is unpenetrated save by the savage tribes which live along the rivers and by a very few missionaries and planters. Their numbers as well as their wants are small. The inhabitants of one valley have little intercourse with their neighbors on the next, and indeed they often speak different languages. CHAPTER II GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS The median line of the southern Andes from 18° S. to 56° S. approximates very closely to a meridian. Within the areal limits of the La Paz sheet this line swings abruptly to a north- westerly direction, and the Cordillera enters upon the great curve to the west which gives the northern Andes (from 18° S. to 10° N.) a nearly semicircular trend. The largest of the physical features in the area reflect this important change in direction. Thus in the northern half the coast line and the two chief Cordilleras have the northwest-southeast trend, and rivers in the main follow this trend or run perpendicularly to it. In the southern half of the coast line, the Western Cordillera and the western edge of the Eastern Cordillera trend almost north and south. But each of the tectonic forces which have affected the crust in this area has left its marks throughout both sections. Thus in the northern we find an important line of summits west of Titicaca which trends from north to south and continues the coastal direction south of Arica. And again the parallel line of escarpment east of Lake Poop6 is continued northward through the Cordillera by a furrow of lower land, the basin of the Ayopaya River. Moreover, in the southern half the meridional direction is not coincident with the strike of the folded rocks. For the folds, in so far as the volcanic rocks allow us to see them, follow the same direction as they do in the northern part — northwest- southeast — a direction which has been taken by the headstreams of the Grande and Pilcomayo rivers. The most outstanding contrast between the Andes immediate- ly north and south of the La Paz area is their much greater width to the south. This increase in width is abrupt; and it takes place about latitude 17°, or approximately the position of the bend in the Cordillera and coast. It is natural to seek for surface 32 THE CENTRAL ANDES features about this line of change which may be connected with the tectonic conditions which account for it. If we draw a straight line from the coastal bend at Arica to the point of bend- ing on the inner face of the eastern Cordillera just north of Oruro, we find this line passing through the two highest volcanic peaks in the area — Payachata and Sajama, the cone of the latter standing out to the east of the main cordillera; while beyond these the line traverses a swelling which forms a minor water parting on the Altiplano. Moreover, its continuation in the Eastern Cordillera coincides with the divide between the basins of the Rio Grande and Rio Beni systems; while still farther to the east it forms the axis of the basin of Cochabamba, which has been recognized as a region of crustal weakness and hence of sub- sidence. Thus there is strong superficial evidence of the existence of an important tectonic feature running east-northeastward from the Pacific at Arica. Beyond the map area in this direction the topography is not well known, but it is probably significant that the line if prolonged would reach the Amazonian plains under lOO kilometers; while a line drawn due east from Arica and produced beyond the area would leave the Cordillera at a point nearly 280 kilometers to the east. It is noteworthy that the Poop6-Coipasa basin on the Altiplano is divided from that of Uyuni by a range of hills — ^volcanic in its western part — ^which trends east-northeastward. This would seem to indicate a second line of crustal weakness following this direction and some 200 kilometers distant from the first. Geological knowledge of the area is not sufficient to permit the compilation of a complete map. Investigations have been made over a number of routes — by Orbigny, Castelnau, Pissis, Forbes, Steinmann, Sundt, Dereims, J. A. Douglas, H. E. Gregory, Block, Rogers, Kozlowski, Washburn, and others. Of these geologists Orbigny and Forbes made geological maps of the whole region. But neither of these can now be accepted as accurate. In addition to this, much detailed work has been done in the limited areas of the mines, and the Bolivian Gov- ernment has published maps of each department showing areas GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 33 which are supposed to yield the various minerals. These maps also show the distribution of hot springs, which throws some light upon the situation of geological faults. The physiography of the area has been studied by Bowman, who has been able to compare it with that of the adjoining regions to north and south. The glaciation features of the Eastern Cordillera have been examined by Hauthal and later by Sefve. Several special physical features have been examined scientifi- cally, amongst them the hydrographic system of the lakes on the Altiplano by Neveu-Lemaire of the Cr6qui-Montfort expedi- tion, the La Paz gorge by Gregory, and the sand dunes of the Pampa de Islay by A. E. Douglass. The relation of the geology to the minerals as well as the mining activities of the area have been admirably summarized by Miller and Singewald after an inspection of all the more important mining localities, and they have also published a valuable bibliography of these subjects.^ While the total amount of geological knowledge is too incom- plete to permit a general geological map to be drawn, it is possible with the help of the writings above mentioned and from observa- tions made in other parts of the Andes to arrive at a fairly rea- sonable account of the physical history of the region from Silurian to Cretaceous.^ For our present purpose it is unnecessary to go into this; but without some conception of the region as it must have appeared about the middle of the Tertiary it is impossible to understand the present physical features of the Andes. Sedimentary rocks of nearly all geological ages and of very varied character occur in the region, and all alike are folded with a northwest-southeast strike. The general arrangement and posture of the rocks in the northern half may be studied in the four cross sections of Forbes' and of J. A. Douglas'' although these two authors differ considerably in their interpretations. Similar sections have been made in the southern part by A. P. 1 References to the published writings of the geologists above mentioned are given in Appendix C, Bibliography. 2 The structure and paleogeography of the Central Andes is discussed by Guido Bonarelli in a recent paper (S9). • David Forbes, (57). • James Archibald Douglas, (61, 62). 34 THE CENTRAL ANDES Rogers and Washburn, but these remain unpublished. It is clear that the present high Andes had an ancestor, probably of much lower elevation, which owed its origin in the main to the crumpling of the rocks above mentioned. There is ample evi- dence of the later destruction of this range by denudation. The various folded strata of the Altiplano, which is the part least disturbed by later erosive agencies, remain truncated and worn almost to a plain — now greatly elevated, and the general ac- cordance of summit level in the Eastern Cordillera south of latitude 17° bears further witness of this. The Cordillera Real was apparently a residual mountain area, but the smooth slopes of the present Western Cordillera have been recognized by Bow- man', where he studied them just south of the map limit, as a warped peneplane surface. It may be further surmised with reason that an old erosion surface, if not a peneplane, extended out over the edge of the present Pacific Ocean. That a moderate uplift of the peneplane in our area followed is evidenced by the dissected nature of the peneplane surface and especially on the eastern side of the range. That the uplift was slow or that a long period elapsed after this moderate eleva- tion is clear from the fact that the dissected surfaces of the Eastern Cordillera are mature. This uplift was probably accom- panied by a sagging in the middle — ^as if it were the keystone of an arch — in that the Altiplano has remained protected from this mature erosion. The sagging was probably accomplished at least in part by faulting. Any fractures at the western border are of course concealed by volcanic rocks, but the eastern margin of the Altiplano south of Oruro is a dissected fault scarp truncating the strike of the rocks and having hot springs at its foot. More- over, at least two important faults have been mapped, at Coro- coro and at Coniri, 45 kilometers north-northeast of that place. The Strait of Tiquina apparently coincides with a fault line, and the form of the submerged slopes of Lake Titicaca and the rectangular shape of its basin led Gregory^ with reason to describe this as a warped and down-faulted section of the crust. In the ■Is^ah Bowman, (74). ■ Herbert E. Gregory, (76). GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 35 Eastern Cordillera two important faults with their downthrow to the east have been recognized by Block' at the crest of the mountains northeast of La Paz; and it is most probable that the straight edge of the hills bounding the subsidence basin of Cochabamba on the north is a fault scarp. The earlier elevation of the Andes — ^the first which has exer- cised direct influence upon the relief of the Andes of today — went on through Tertiary time, and it had the further accom- paniment of vast volcanic activity in the western part and igneous intrusions in the east. Amongst the intrusions we may include the porphyrite boss which forms a hill group on the southwestern side of Lake Titicaca, the diorite which accounts for the Cerro de Comanchi north of Corocoro and probably other hills in its neighborhood, the igneous mass of the hills of Oruro — ^which bears its ores, and a number of separate intrusive sills on the Altiplano west of Oruro described by Orbigny as of trachite. All of these form isolated hills to roughen the surface of the Altiplano. Beyond the escarpment of the Eastern Cordillera the plateaus about the Cerro de Morococalla are composed for several hundred square miles of andesite, which appears to have overflowed a surface already dissected to maturity and must therefore be regarded as one of the most recent intrusions. Lastly we must mention the granite which crops out in the Cordillera Real both in its summits and to the east of them. The injection of this rock may, however, be much older than all the others mentioned above. From these brief indications some idea will be gained of the extent to which the land forms of this part of the Andes owe their origin to the processes of mountain building and crustal fracture anterior to the greatest uplift of the Cordillera. We have to look back to a picture in the mid-Tertiary of a belt of upland much lower than the present Andes but having already many of the existing surface features. And without this portrait of the earlier form the significance of the present mountain 'Henry Block, (66). 36 THE CENTRAL ANDES surfaces cannot be appreciated. Thus the folding of the rocks to their present postures had already been accomplished, and most if not all of the igneous injections in the eastern part had taken place. The surface of the folded rocks, which long before had been reduced to a peneplane save in the Cordillera Real, had again been etched to a mature relief in most parts; the chief exception being the Altiplano, which had by this time sagged down to its present relative position. Already the volcanoes had begun to pile up in the western part of the area. It cannot be stated with any certainty that the Pacific waters had yet taken the place of a land area beyond the present coast line, or whether the subsidence of this land took place in its entirety contem- poraneously with the great uplift of the Andes. This lower Andean land must have offered a much less serious barrier to the mobile elements — atmospheric, vegetable, and animal; and the intensification of contrasts of climate, vegeta- tion, and fauna which now exist in the region must have been brought about gradually throughout the progressive uplift of the Andes after this stage. The present constitution of the flora and fauna can be understood only by taking into account this condition which prevailed prior to the upthrust of the great land mass; and the existing cUmatic belts are manifestly the result of the great differences in altitude of land lying athwart the normal currents of air circulation. After detailed study in a surveyed portion of Peru (.73rd meridian) Bowman' has calculated that the recent uplift of the Andes in that section amounts to at least a mile (1,610 meters). In this uplift the entire Cordilleran belt seems to have behaved as a unit, although there were probably local warps and frac- tures which broke the uniformity of the surface of erosion along the line now followed by the Western Cordillera. The increased height is not the result of renewed crumpling of the rocks, and the uplifting force may be presumed to have acted vertically. The further modification of the landscape in our area results in large measure from this rapid uplift. The change in form 'Isaiah Bowman, (8) Chap. ii. GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 37 effected by the elevation appears to be a warping of the surface along the western margin of the highland; on the eastern side, a tilting of the plateaus towards the east. Apart from the con- tinued and perhaps increased volcanic outbursts in the Western Cordillera most of the physical features which remain to be accounted for are due to the denudation processes acting on the high block from the time of its maximum elevation. The rejuvenation of all the rivers save those draining to the central depression gave a fresh start to erosion in their valleys. On the eastern slopes the greater height of the cordillera occa- sioned increased rainfall and so added to the erosive power of the rivers there. On the other hand, the decreased humidity on the western slope somewhat neutralized the effect of uplift upon the activity of the streams or at least restricted rapid valley deepening to the beds of the larger streams. At the same time it initiated complete desert conditions on the coastal highland and gave effective play to the mechanical disintegration of rock and to the eroding and transporting power of the wind. To a lesser extent similar characteristics developed on the Altiplano; but there the surface features were greatly modified by the dis- tribution of water, of which more remains to be said. The eleva- tion of the Andes brought their crests above the line of permanent snow where they still remain, the present limit being at about 5,000 meters. But the cold climate now characteristic of the higher parts of the region is warm as compared with the rigorous conditions which prevailed throughout the periods of Pleistocene ' glaciation. The long-drawn cold phases of this climatic episode caused the formation of snow fields and groups of glaciers on the mountains — widespread on the Eastern Cordillera, smaller on the volcanoes of the western range. There were certainly two and perhaps three such glacial epochs, and between the cold phases came an interval — or intervals — of mild climate. The glaciers radiating from the eastern snow fields reached to the piedmont on the rim. of the Altiplano, on the one hand, and extended far down into the gorges of the Yungas, on the other. The ice tongues from Illimani and Tres Cruces met in the bottom 38 THE CENTRAL ANDES of the La Paz gorge during the last great extension of the ice, at the point where it cuts through the Cordillera, and probably dammed back the waters of the upper valley to form a temporary lake. The glaciers which now lie in the fastnesses of the Cordillera Real and Quimsa Cruz are mere vestiges of these giants. But the ice caps have left their mark in profound modification of the mountains which nourished them. The summit of the Cordillera is a succession of alpine pyramids connected by knife-edged ridges which are the limits of great ice-chiseled cirques and troughs. In the cordillera north of Cochabamba the ice cap found a different type of site for its work. Here the ice must have lain upon smooth plateaus creeping downward over their edges much as the ice fields of Norway do today. The valleys which notch the plateaus have been deeply modified by ice, but the high surfaces display as evidences of glaciation mainly the shallow lake-filled hollows and morainic litter of dying glaciers . To appreciate the nature of the surface and underlying rocks on the Altiplano it is necessary to have some conception of the recent physical history of the plateau. We have seen that among the chief irregularities of surface in this long structural depres- sion are its deepest hollow — ^the bed of Titicaca — and a shallower saucer to the south of latitude i8° S. The residual ridges on the plateau corresponding to the outcrops of stronger rocks — for the most part the folded sandstones with interbedded rhyolites in some of the western ridges and igneous intrusive rocks in places — follow the strike of these rocks. While more or less parallel, these ridges are neither continuous nor straight, and on account of the bends their directions vary between east-southeast and south-southeast (see Fig. 4). It is specially important to notice the course of the most easterly of the ridges. North of the Alto of La Paz this appears as a line of low discontinuous hills closely hugging the piedmont, but south of the Alto it forms an un- broken and widening rampart dividing the plateau from the La Paz gorge, while the next ridge lying en Echelon performs the same function in regard to the valleys of the Rios Sapahaqui and Luribay (see Fig. 4). GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 39 These ridges are the last outcrops of the folded sedimentary rocks of the Altiplano. They are superficially separated from the folded sediments (shales, quartzites, etc.) of the Cordillera Real by an apron of piedmont deposits north of La Paz, and south of that by immensely thick detrital beds — of gravel, sand, and clay with some intercalated tuff and lignite — in which the valleys of the La Paz, Luribay, and Sapahaqui Rivers have been incised to a depth, in the case of the first, of nearly 2,500 meters and have been carved into fantastic buttresses and pyramids. Over large tracts of the Altiplano in its lower parts is a mantle of deposits which have been named the Puna beds. These lie horizontally on the truncated edges of the folded rocks of the peneplane. They consist of reddish and yellowish sands with irregular lenses of gravel and occasional marl and clay bands. The beds are coarser in character near the ridges and finer at a distance from them. They contain, at Ulloma and other places, the fossil remains of large mammals which required in life a luxuriant vegetation for their nourishment and presumably a milder climate. The Puna beds are believed to have been laid down in standing water probably of a lake or lakes, and in their waters the mammals must have perished. The elements of an important geological problem are provided by these features: the La Paz gorge and its moraines, the La Paz basin deposits, and the Puna beds with their mammalian remains. Contro- versial views have long been stated regarding each of them; and even now, while they can be recognized as elements of the same problem, no complete solution can be offered. Nevertheless since the unraveling of the latest stages in the physical history of the region with which these elements are so closely related must be based on the keenest examination of the existing surface features and probably upon accurate leveling which has still to be carried out, it will be useful to state briefly the views of those who have studied the question. Philippi' believed that the animals whose remains are now > A. R. Philippi: Vorlaufige Nachricht Uber fossile Saugthierknochen von Ulloma, Bolivia, Zeitsrhr. dor Deufschen Ceol. CeseU., Vol. 45, 1893. PP. 87-96. 40 THE CENTRAL ANDES found at 4,000 meters above the sea lived in a tropical lowland and that the elevation of the Puna region took place after their extermination. Sundt at first believed that the Puna beds were of marine origin and that their fossils were probably contem- poraneous with those of the Argentine pampa, which necessitated an elevation of some 4,000 meters since the advent of man. In 1900*° he renounced this view in favor of the opinion that the Puna beds were laid down in a huge Quaternary lake stretching from Lipez in southern Bolivia nearly to Cuzco in Peru, whose waters were dammed by glaciers; but he adds that since it is improbable that the mammals could have lived in the glacial climate it is possible that the beds are post-glacial and were deposited in lakes of reduced size. In 1902 Pompeckj made a careful examination of the UUoma locality and stated his belief" that the Puna beds were formed after the elevation of the Andes. Sefve in a similar investigation in 1910, examines the whole question of origin" in considerable detail and in the light of previous researches. Beyond stating that the change in the hydrography of the plateau after its peneplanation was due to the filling up of valleys — probably on account of fluvioglacial agency — resulting in the formation of lakes, he reaches no very definite explanation of the presence in their deposits of mammals such as the mastodon; but he concludes that the critical point at which to find evidence regarding the damming of the drainage outlet is the La Paz valley. Many geologists have studied the La Peiz sedimentary deposits. Their results are briefly summarized by H. E. Gregory," but he omits to mention the important observations of Hauthal made in 1908." Gregory confines himself to a geological description of the strata, and while stating that they are deposits of low-grade pied- mont streams with temporary lakes, he draws no conclusion "Lorenzo Sundt, Bot. Soc. Nad. de Mineria, Sen. 3, Santiago de Chile, 1900; also Rev. Chilerra de Hist, y Geog., Vol. 36, 1920. 11 J. P. Pompeckj, Paleontographica, Vol. 52, Stuttgart, 1905. «Ivar Sefve, (77). "Herbert E. Gregory, (76). " Rudolf Hauthal, (73). GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 41 regarding their age or the regional significance of their formation. Hauthal regards them as of interglacial age, relying upon his dis- covery of glacial till below them at Ananta, while he, like other observers, found moraines resting upon them. Sefve, returning to his investigations in 1920, followed the La Paz valley to the An- gostura gorge where the valley enters upon its northeastward trend through the Cordillera. In a provisional account" he states that he found no evidence of the La Paz valley above that point having been occupied by a glacier but is satisfied that immense ice streams from the Illimani group on the one hand and the Quimsa Cruz group on the other converged at the gorge of Angostura and that these were sufficient also to flood the Alti- plano. Sefve further reports the recent discovery by Kozlowski that the materials resting upon the till found by Hauthal at Ananta are not the La Paz beds but are deposits formed by the river." The La Paz beds, therefore, are probably preglacial. The complete geological history of the La Paz gorge remains to be written. Unfortunately the thick detrital deposits in which the existing valley is cut have furnished no fossils. If the deep and wide hollow in which they lie was carved by a river, it seems evident either that the latter was a large and powerful stream perhaps having its source in the present bed of Titicaca or be-, yond or else that an immense space of time was occupied in excavating the hollow. Equally clear is it that another long period elapsed in which this longitudinal furrow became filled to the level of the Altiplano by the La Paz deposits. If Gregory's view be the right one, it would seem that the deep furrow con- taining the deposits — ^whatever its origin — ^is a very old feature, probably an important feature of the older and lower precursor of the present high Andes. The period of deposit here would then correspond to the long period in which other surfaces attained maturity in their development; while the re-erosion of a deep valley in the deposits — the present gorge of the La Paz River — ^would correspond to the main uplift of the Andes. In addition to the detailed examination of the Puna beds at UUoma " Ivar Sefve, (7S). " •'*»''• 42 THE CENTRAL ANDES and vicinity, scattered observations on their distribution have been made by a number of scientists from Orbigny onwards. Of these J. B. Minchin probably had the widest knowledge of the Altiplano, and after numerous journeys made during his long residence in Bolivia he was able to construct a tentative map of what he called a former high-level lake now represented by shrunken fragments like Titicaca and Poop6. This map is represented in Figure 6 (A). It was sent to Dr. Bowman only a few weeks before Minchin's death and has not been published hitherto. But Minchin and many others based their interpreta- tions upon notions that were much too simple. They assumed but one lake period whereas there were several. The precise level of each lake and its real extent will not become known until a detailed topographic survey has been made. It will then be revealed also to what extent deformations have occurred of shore lines and marginal and bottom deposits from the end of the lake period down to the present. Only an outline of the lake history can be given from the fragmentary information now available It is theoretically sound to conclude that by the end of the period of greatest erosion lakes were probably absent from the Central Andean landscape. There followed a period of deforma- tion, and great lakes were formed; and in respect to them and to other local and especially marginal base levels mature slopes were carved in a second erosion cycle whose effects are among the most prominent today. But all these changes took place at a much less elevation than the surface has today. Moreover, the deposits are of far greater age than those directly associated with the existing levels of lake basins. When a second period of deformation set in with contempo- raneous elevation a second opportunity was given for lakes to form ; but whether or not they did form depended upon climatic conditions as well as relief. A high-lying series of calcareous deposits, old and weathered in appearance and fragmentary in occurrence, mark an earlier lake period; as the benched hills and spurs, fresh tufaceous deposits, and far more continuous GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 43 44 THE CENTR7VL ANDES distribution of shore forms mark a later period of lake develop- ment. Each of these periods may be divisible into several phases, but of the existence of at least two main periods there can be little doubt. To the first and higher of these lakes Bow- man has given the name Lake Ballivi&n, and to the second and lower, Lake Minchin. In the second of the two periods the general position, level, and outlines of Lake Titicaca did not differ materially from their present condition. In Figure 6 (B) an attempt has been made to represent the probable outline of Lake Minchin. The level of the highest bench top at the Cerro de Oruro (with reference to the railroad) corresponds with the level of laminated near-shore clays and other deposits in the Desaguadero valley near Naza- cara, six meters below even the present surface of Titicaca. Whatever extra water supply Titicaca may have had was com- pensated by increased discharge. On the contrary, the Poop6 basin, without outlet, was all but filled up. Its northern arm was but six meters below Lake Titicaca. Had the climatic conditions been only a little more extreme an actual junction with Titicaca would have been made. Whether the successive benches and calcareous shore deposits on the border of the Poop6 basin mark stages in the lowering of the lake as a drier climate intervened or whether the former lake dried up altogether to come again into existence and rise to a lesser level than before, has not yet been determined. In any case, the whole series of changes ended with the almost complete drying up of the Poop6 basin. Poop6 itself and Coipasa are but shallow pans of extremely saline water bordered by wide marshes and salars. In 1914 Bowman gave an interpretation of the rela- tions of the two main lakes to each other" and to their sur- roundings, and his diagram is reproduced herewith (Fig. 7). The ancient Lake Minchin extended up the Desaguadero valley as far as UUoma, and northward beyond it, and we may conclude tentatively that it was in this water body that the fossil remains were originally submerged. If the glacial dam in " Isaiah Bowman, (75). GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 45 Fig. 7 — Sketch showing relations of lake levels at Fairweather Gap, ten kilo- meters north of Calacoto. Lake Minchin, a temporary lake of glacial times, came into existence long after the Desguadero had cut down its valley from the level of Lake BalUvidn to that of Titicaca. the lower La Paz gorge was the agent which caused the im- pounding of the water, we may further conclude that this lake and its deposits are of Pleistocene age. In this connection we may note that in other sections of the Central Andes fossiliferous lacustrine deposits have been assigned with good reason — on geological and paleontological evidence — to the late Pliocene or early Pleistocene; for instance, the strata examined by Herbert E. Gregory and G. F. Eaton^* in the Upper Apurimac basin. These beds near Ayusbamba lying at an altitude of about 3,800 meters — approximately the same as the UUoma deposits — ^were found to contain remains representing the Camelidae, Equidae, Elephantidae, and Mylontidae. The Drainage Systems Recalling the outlines of the probable physical history of the Central Andes, we may discern interesting relations of the present drainage systems with the rock structure on the one hand and 18 Herbert E. Gregory: Geologic Reconnaissance of the Ayusbamba (Peru) Fossil Beds. Amer. Journ. of Sci., Ser. 4, Vol. 37, 1914. PP- "S-IS4; George F. Eaton: Vertebrate Fossils from Ayusbamba, Peru, ibid., pp. 141-154- 46 THE CENTRAL ANDES the various surfaces of erosion and deposition on the other. The earlier and lower predecessor of the present high Andes pre- sumably was originally drained in the first instance by conse- quent rivers running generally to the northeast and southwest. We do not know where the original divide of these ancient moun- tains lay; but it is worthy of note that the existing hollow in the Western Cordillera now followed by the Mauri River and by the railway is approximately west-southwest of the gorge of the La Paz River where it pierces the Cordillera Real. Owing to the volcanic nature of the Western Cordillera it is unlikely that any other similar valleys can be found; but it is possible that de- tailed surveys would reveal remnants of an ancient drainage system — possibly consequent — in the non-volcanic parts of the high plateaus west of Lake Titicaca and in the Eastern Cordil- lera south of the La Paz gorge. The long period of erosion which supervened before the Andes were elevated to their present position and which sufificed to produce mature surfaces in most parts of the land undoubtedly brought into existence the type of valley which prevails today in the Eastern Cordillera and on the Altiplano — the "subse- quent," or "strike," valleys, in which rivers have incised their courses in the weakest rocks and so follow the general direction of their strike — north-northwest to south-southeast. Such val- leys are numerous in the basins of the Rio Grande and Rio Pil- comayo, as well as on the Altiplano. The present network of rivers, then, on the Altiplano and east of it probably conforms in general to the net which was already developed before the greatest uplift of the Andes. The chief effect which this uplift has had upon the rivers is the progressive and rapid deepening of their beds. The Desaguadero is a "strike stream" from Titicaca at least down to Ulloma. Beyond this it may be occupying a slight structural depression. In the Cordillera west of Titicaca it looks as if the present divide were older than the line of volcanoes which stand upon the western brink of the high country. The Chili and Tambo Rivers have succeeded in maintaining a south- GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 47 westward course in spite of this volcanic barrier. Elsewhere in the Western Cordillera the rivers of the Pacific slope have their sources amongst the volcanoes. Their relatively straight courses are consequent in general upon the warped slopes which date from the great uplift. In detail they depend doubtless upon local conditions such as the form of lava flows. The various agents of erosion and transportation act differ- ently in the various parts of the area of the La Paz sheet. Me- chanical disintegration of rocks plays a much greater part than chemical decomposition in the puna and the desert littoral. The intense insolation on the mountains and high plateaus followed by rapid radiation at night or when the sky becomes overcast causes a crumbling of the rocks which probably takes place at as rapid a rate as anywhere in the world. In the drier regions occasional rain storms quickly fill the dry quebradas, and the streams bring down quantities of rock fragments to the Altiplano or to the coastal desert, where they are added to the alluvial fans that mark the lower end of every gorge. Where streams are absent on the mountain slopes the downward creep of the frag- ments is less rapid but no less sure. The wind carries the sifting of the debris a stage further, rolling the lighter grains, lifting the lightest and building them into sand dunes. These probably occur sporadically all over the Altiplano and the desert. But they are particularly characteristic of the plain southeast of Oruro and of the Pampa de Islay, where they are well knowi> from the fact that the Arequipa railway goes through them. These dunes, which are known as mSdanos, are crescentic in form like the barchans of central Asia. They lie with the horns of the crescent away from the effective wind which puts them frequently in motion. The undrained hollows of the Western Cordillera and Altiplano act as local base levels, below which gravity cannot act, and their surface is being gradually raised by deposit. Where water brings salts in solution to these hollows, or where gaseous vol- canic emanations reach the stagnant water from below, the water becomes highly saline; and on its evaporation the salts crystal- 48 THE CENTRAL ANDES lize. Thus the salars are formed. Their composition varies from the surface downwards and from the edge towards the center. But in general they form nearly flat expanses of dazzling white- ness. Their surface generally is much broken and is difficult to cross, and the sharp buckled salty crust injures the feet of ani- mals. Where rails are laid over their surface the bed has con- stantly to be remade, since crystallization goes on and causes the surface to bulge by pressure from below. In the foregoing description much has been said of volcanoes and of geological faults. Both of these of course are evidences of the instability of the earth's crust; and before leaving the subject it is necessary to add a few words on present conditions in this respect. There are now no volcanoes in the area under discussion which are in active eruption or which are definitely known to have erupted in historical time. But several of the peaks of the Western Cordillera still emit steam and volcanic gases from their craters or from fumaroles on their flanks. This is true of Misti, Ubinas, Tacora, and TaapacA. That the earth's crust is now more stable in the east of our area than on the Pacific slope is made clear by the fact that serious earthquakes occur only in the latter; although some geological faults in the Eastern Cordillera are still marked by the presence of springs of high temperature. Earthquakes on the Pacific littoral have been numerous and severe in historical times. Arequipa'was destroyed by an earthquake in 1746, Pisagua in 1868, and Arica successively in 1605 and 1746. CHAPTER III MINERALS AND MINES Incomparably the most important facts regarding minerals in the area are, first, that Chile produces 99 per cent of the world's supply of nitrates and, secondly, that Bolivia produces about 21 per cent of the world's tin.^ In 1918, 2,919,000 tons of nitrate were exported by Chile, and of this 495,000 were embarked at the ports of Caleta Buena, Caleta Junfn, and Pisagua, the re- mainder of the Chilean export coming from ports to the south. Thus approximately 19 per cent of the world's supply of nitrates comes from a narrow strip of land in the La Paz sheet area lying for the most part immediately to the west of the longitudinal railway south of Jazpampa. In 1915, Bolivia exported 36,492 metric tons of tin concen- trates, which on smelting produced 21,900 tons of metal; and this was 17 per cent of the world's supply. Of the 36,000 tons of concentrates about 21,000, representing about 10 per cent of the world's tin supply of that year, were produced in thirteen groups of mines situated in the map area. Moreover, the world importance of these mines presumably increased after 1915, for in 1917 and 1918 Bolivia supplied not 17 per cent of the total tin but 21 per cent. The region also supplies important contributions of borax and of copper and could turn out a somewhat larger proportion of each. The special demands for tungsten and bismuth during the World War resulted in an intensive production of these minerals in Bolivia; but it remains to be seen whether the coun- try's importance as a source of them will be maintained under normal conditions. The silver and gold production of this part » The mineral deposits of the region and their extraction have been so admirably treated by Miller and Singewald in their recent work (ss) that the brief statement made on this subject in the introductory chapter will be elaborated here only in its most salient geographical aspects. 50 THE CENTRAL ANDES of Bolivia has now merely local importance, and this is true also of sulphur and salt, although the sulphur deposits on the Chilean side of the border have a prospect of becoming very important. Moreover, it is a matter of great interest to the world that the chief commercial source of iodine is the nitrate deposits of Chile. The various minerals occur in distinct geographical zones which follow broadly the outcrop of the various geological sys- tems and therefore lie more or less parallel, trending from north- west to southeast. The nitrate zone, although it does not ex- tend much north of Pisagua, lies parallel to the coast. The sul- phur, being found in active or extinct volcanoes, lies entirely in the Maritime Cordillera; likewise the borax, ultimately derived from volcanic exhalations, is now found in the lake beds of this Cordillera, where it has crystallized. Copper occurs in the native form and has been injected into the interstices of the reddish sandstones of the western Altiplano from Corocoro southeastwards; while other copper ores are found in continua- tion of this zone northwestwards along the shores of Titicaca. The other minerals — tin, tungsten, bismuth, silver, and gold — are all found in the rocks of the Eastern Cordillera, while gold is extracted from the alluvial valley deposits derived from them. Lastly, if oil be later found in this section of Bolivia, it will lie in the sub-Andine zone which crosses the northeast corner of the La Paz sheet and possibly also on the Altiplano, contained in the anticlines which follow the general strike of the rocks there. The region as a whole has long been one of the most famous mining countries of the earth, and it is well known how the treasure of the Incas was the original lure of the conguistadores. Before the Spanish Conquest silver, gold, and copper were mined by the Ayraar4 and Quichua Indians of the plateau.'' Although the mineral wealth of the Andean region probably meant little to the Indians in the earlier stages of their develop- ment, yet as their culture advanced they exploited some of the deposits of gold, silver, and copper for the manufacture of tools, ' A fuller statement of general conditions in this early period will be found at the beginning of Chapter IX. MINERALS AND MINES 51 household utensils, and ornaments. With the growth in the demand for such metals, mining became an important industry, and the making of metal objects became one of the features which characterized their culture. Gold was obtained from placer mines, one of the most notable of the gold-yielding districts being the valley of La Paz, known in ancient times (and still known among the Indians) as Chu- quiapo, "heritage of gold," with its neighboring district Chuquia- guillo or Orco-jahuira. The region of Inquisivi also contains gold deposits that are said to have been worked in pre-Conquest days. In fact, from those regions of the Colla (or Ay mark) country, and particularly from the region about Carabaya, just north of Lake Titicaca and just beyond the border of this sheet, came a large part of the gold of the Inca empire. Silver was mined in a number of places. One of the most noted of the silver-bearing districts was Porco, which like the world-famous PotosS lies just over the southeastern border of this sheet. Some of the veins in the Oruro hills were also said to have been worked before the Conquest. The Indians had learned to smelt the silver by means of pottery furnaces (guayras), which were set up upon the higher slopes of the hills so as to receive a constant natural draft. The molten metal ran out from openings left in the bottom of the furnace. Charcoal brought from the timbered hills of the eastern slope of the Andes was used for fuel, as was also probably the dried dung of llamas {taquia), still the most common combustible on the plateau. Copper was very generally used among the Indians for their tools, weapons, and such ornaments as the tupus, long pins with the head in shape of a spoon, with which the women fastened their shawls. Sometimes pure copper was used, sometimes a bronze which was long thought to have been an accidental alloy but which is now known to have been made by the Indians.' The copper was obtained from the copper belt that runs south- eastward from Lake Titicaca through the Altiplano. Ancientmines are spoken of at Cerro de Scapi near Chuyca in Lipez, at Tara- •Erland Nordenskiold, (113). 52 THE CENTRAL ANDES buco in Chichas, and at Caraguara (modern Corocoro) in Paca- jes. It is thought that the art of producing bronze was known even in the very ancient period represented by the ruins of Tia- huanaco, although it did not become common or widespread until late Inca times. It has been ascertained that tin was added to the copper in the making of tools and weapons, in order that the articles might then be better hardened by cold hammering,* and it is thought that a still larger percentage of tin was used in bronze ornaments in order that they might be more easily molded. That tin was used alone seems doubtful, although in one instance pure tin objects that seemed to be of pre-Conquest origin have been found. A number of tin deposits were worked in this region, however, in Inca times, notably that at Carabuco near Lake Titi- caca, and it is probable that barter carried this material to dis- tant parts of the empire. About the mining centers settlements had grown up, composed of men trained in the process of ore extraction and in the arts of simple metallurgy. Mining, however, did not reach any exten- sive development even during Inca times, since the uses to which metal objects were put were quite restricted. All the precious metals were claimed for the royal household, either for adornment of the person, or for the beautifying of palaces and temples. No metals were used for money, so far as known, commerce being carried on entirely by barter. When the Spaniards had become masters of the Inca empire in the sixteenth century they at once initiated a feverish campaign of mining activity, devoting their attention almost entirely to the precious metals. With the establishment of a system of forced labor (repartimientos and mitas) the mines already being worked by the Indians were extended, and every Spaniard became a pros- pector for new deposits. As a result of this it is probably no great exaggeration to say that every square league of hilly country occupied by the Spaniards bears some sign of having been ex- plored for its mineral wealth. The richest of all silver mines — * H. W. Foote and W. H. Buell: The Composition, Structure, and Hardness of Some Peruvian Bronze Axes, Amer. Jour, of Set., Vol. 34, 1912, pp. 128-Z32. MINERALS AND MINES 53 those of Potosi and Porco — lay just beyond the area we are dis- cussing; but the Cerro de Oruro, opened in 1568, was soon almost as important. The Spaniards introduced improvements in the extraction of the metals. Extensive deposits of mercury were found in Peru (near Guamanga) in 1567, and this metal was imported and applied to the reduction of silver, thus making possible the working of lower-grade ore than formerly. The ore was milled by horse power or by water power, where that was available, reservoirs being constructed to increase the resources. With the richer and more accessible ores of silver worked out, and with gold more easily obtainable elsewhere, mining activity fell off in the eighteenth century; and, when the attention of prospectors was again directed to the Bolivian plateau in the nineteenth century, it was no longer gold and silver but the baser metals — tin and copper — ^which drew them thither. In comparing the output of metals during the earlier periods with that of today it is necessary to bear in mind, first, that under the Incas and earlier Spaniards there was no question of making a mine pay, for the amount of labor available was limited prac- tically only by the population — the labor being forced, and, secondly, that mining for the most part took place at or near the surface; and we must remember further that many mines formerly rich in silver ores now yield only tin and that the depreciation in the value of silver some thirty years ago greatly restricted the output of the less valuable ores. The Nitrate Fields For nearly a century scientists have sought to explain how nitrogen has become fixed in these coastal pampas as sodium nitrate or "Chile saltpeter" on such a large scale, and while the problem is still unsolved it is clear that a very important element in the genesis of the mineral is the regional peculiarity of the nitrate fields. This peculiarity results from the coincidence of several features. The high range of the Maritime Cordillera causes regular precipitation of moisture which drains westward. The range is bordered by a piedmont belt of detrital material — 54 THE CENTRAL ANDES thicker near the mountains and sloping gently westward. The surface of the water table in this detritus also slopes westward and comes nearer to the surface in that direction; but the water is prevented from escaping to the sea by the coastal hills, com- posed of crystalline or other compact rock and higher than the lower piedmont east of them. The climate, as we have seen, is arid, and evaporation by day is intense; but humidity often reaches saturation at night, when sea fogs drift over the coastal lands. Discussion regarding the origin of the nitrates has recently been summarized by authors who come to different conclusions.' The explanation offered by Miller and Singewald may perhaps be stated in a few words. They point out that the ground water is evaporated in proportion to its nearness to the surface, and the process therefore is most intense near the western edge of the piedmont where more water will be raised by capillary action than elsewhere. Such water if it contain nitrates in solution will deposit them on evaporation at or near the surface — in the same way, indeed, that sea salts are deposited near the shores of the Red Sea above sea level. These authors are not convinced that the underground waters of the district necessarily carry an un- usual amount of nitrate in solution and consider that the coin- cidence of such soil and atmospheric conditions with the resulting long continued efflorescence of the salt may be sufficient to ac- count for the unique deposits of northern Chile. Previous investigators, however, have mostly sought for some abnormal fixation of nitrogen in the region. Their theories may be divided into four classes. The first attributes the nitrates to the slow oxidation of masses of seaweed accumulated when the area formed a shallow sea bottom. The second group assumes that a guano deposit about the shores of a salt lake or sea inlet was either flooded by salt water and so formed sodium nitrate, or after forming calcium nitrate was slowly liquefied by night dews and then coming in contact with the salt of the salars was ' Joseph T. Singewald, Jr., and Benjamin L. Miller: The Genesis of the Chilean Nitrate Deposits, Econ, Geology, Vol, ii, pp. 103-114; 1916. W. L. Whitehead: The Chilean Nitrate Deposits, ibid., Vol. is, 1920, pp. 187-224. Both papers con- tain bibliographies. MINERALS AND MINES 55 converted to sodium nitrate. The third group attributes the work of nitrification to organisms acting upon ancient vegetable matter in the soil, the nitrates being concentrated by water and evaporated as outlined above. The last group invokes the aid of electricity as an oxidizer of atmospheric nitrogen — either electrostatic tension accompanying the coastal fogs which invade the pampas at night or electric storms in the cordillera. One author believes that the nitric acid from the atmosphere forms nitrates only when rocks containing a high percentage of sodium are present, which is the case in the porphyries of this part of the Andes. Whitehead' believes that the source of the nitrates is volcanic material, especially tuffs, in the neighborhood. He points out that the deposits lie on the gentle hill slopes on the west above the level of the pampa, and he shows how the salts, dissolved mainly by dews from the rocks of the hilltops to the west, have been carried progressively downward by the occasional rains. He regards the ground water as a possible source only in rare cases, since the d6bris of the pampa is of too loose a character to allow extensive capillary action to take place. It would seem possible, however, that even if this theory is the right one in general it is necessary to invoke another in the fields east of Pisagua, for the hills there are not composed of volcanic rocks but of limestone. The process of mining or "extracting" the nitrates is simple. The upper layers which vary as to composition and thickness are broken by blasting; and the rich caliche, which has an aver- age thickness of about one foot, is dug out for the most part in open workings. The material is then taken to the mdquina or refining plant where after being crushed it undergoes a succession of boilings in vats. Thence the solution flows by gravity to huge evaporation pans where the salt is recrystallized. If it has 95 per cent purity, it is exported for agricultural purposes; if its purity exceeds 96 per cent, it is marketed for chemical manufactures. Iodine is obtained as a by-product by a very • 0/>. cit. 56 THE CENTRAL ANDES simple treatment of the mother liquor after the nitrate has been crystallized out. Nitrate extraction has produced an industrial oasis in the desert. Machinery, food, and fuel all have to be imported, the latter being mainly oil from Peru or California. The refining could not be effected without adequate water; and this, as we shall see below, is obtained from the ground water. It is interest- ing to note that the materials for the manufacture of blasting powder are found locally — saltpeter, sulphur from the Cordillera, and charcoal (formerly) from the roots of extinct forests buried in the sands. But charcoal is now replaced by imported coal dust. Mining in the Western Cordillera As there is no other important mining activity west of the Maritime Cordillera we may pass to this range, merely noting that the lomas of the coast and the crystalline foothills have in the past produced valuable copper ores, notably near Ilo and about the headwaters of the Rfo de Moquegua, and at any time metal mining may take a fresh start along the western side of the Andes. One copper mine, at Cerro Verde south of Arequipa, has already been reopened and is exporting its ore to Mollendo. The group of volcanic peaks east of Arequipa encloses a basin with no outlet — the Pampa de Salinas. Formerly it contained a lake, but now water lies there only in the wet months, so that the bed is virtually a salar. A large part of the salt beds consist of boronatrocalcite (ulexite) which is the chief source of borax. The position and impermeable character of the bed points to an origin due to boric exhalations — derived from the volcanoes — having penetrated the water from below. The material from this bed is dried in ovens and exported on llama or mule back to Arequipa. At present this salar produces only a small proportion of the world's borax supply, the major part of which comes from the similar but greater salar of Ascotan, south of our region. But, when the projected railway to Arequipa is built, a much greater output is anticipated. A further source of borax has MINERALS AND MINES 57 been located at Chilicolpa on one of the head streams of the Mauri, but this is as yet undeveloped. There are probably few volcanic peaks in the Western Cor- dillera which do not have sulphur deposits as a witness of their recent activity, and the digging and collection of it form one of the occupations of the mountain Indians — ^the crude sulphur being carried by them down to the nitrate fields, there to be used in making blasting powder. From the standpoint of pro- duction, however, the volcano of Tacora is by far the most im- portant locality in the Andes, while there are other important deposits in the vicinity of the volcano of Isluga (19° 10' S.). The deposits of Tacora are still in process of formation in solfa- taras; the sulphur is extracted simply by digging, which is car- ried on by AymarA Indians who come from the Bolivian side for periods of work. The mining is often interrupted in winter by snow. The sulphur is refined by sublimation in iron retorts, the local yareta shrub supplying the fuel. With the railway station of Ancara a few miles away these mines can undoubtedly look forward to supplying foreign markets with sulphur. Mining in the Western Altiplano Native copper is of commercial importance in only two places in the world — on the shores of Lake Sujierior and at Corocoro. The occurrence on the Altiplano of the metal in its pure state was of great importance in prehistoric times since it led to the malleable copper being employed before sufficient metallurgical knowledge had been acquired to enable the miners to extract the metal by smelting the commoner ores of copper. The native copper at Corocoro is intimately associated with the grains of the sandstone and occurs in the neighborhood of one of the main geological faults of the plateau, to which reference has been made. The copper ore, like other minerals of the Altiplano, was formerly exported on llama back to the coast; and the cost of exporting the heavy product in this manner long delayed the full development of the mines. But improved transport facilities^ ' See below, p. 182. 58 THE CENTRAL ANDES culminating in the opening of the railroad to Arica have greatly simplified the export of the copper concentrates, from which about 6,000 metric tons of the metal are now procured annually, and the mines are probably entering upon an era of increased prosperity. Mining in the Eastern Cordillera The map on Plate II shows the position of the more impor- tant mines falling within the La Paz sheet. For the metals tin and copper conventional signs are inserted indicating the amount of concentrated ore produced in 1915, the last year for which the writer has had access to detailed statistics. It will be seen from this map that the mines of the Eastern Cordillera fall in two zones extending from northwest to southeast, the one in the Cordillera Real including all the mines from Milluni to Beren- guela, and the other beginning at Oruro and including all mines to the southeast of it. It will be noted that the second zone starts at the latitude of the supposed structural break in the Cordillera, to which attention was drawn in Chapter II. It is not necessary here to draw attention to the mineralogical distinctions between these two zones; but it must be pointed out that, while both produce the metals tin, silver, tungsten, and bismuth the more southerly has by far the greater output of tin and it alone still carries a large amount of silver. In passing it should be noted that in the extension of this zone, beyond the sheet limit, occur the remaining important tin and silver mines of Bolivia. Gold is practically restricted to the northern zone. This metal, while it occurs in thin threads in many of the rocks of the Cor- dillera Real, is not found in sufficient quantity to repay the working of the lodes. It has been extracted by washing in the valleys since very early times; but the only placer mine which has been successful in recent years is in the Chuquiaguillo valley north of La Paz. We have seen that silver was the main attraction for the early Spanish settlers in this region, and with easily accessible lodes and practically unlimited labor they produced enormous MINERALS AND MINES 59 quantities of the metal. It has been estimated that from 1553 to 1910 the mines of Bolivia produced 48,800,000 kilograms of silver, and of this 30,000,000 were credited to the silver mountain of Potosi which lies just outside our area. Oruro, Colquiri, and Colquechaca have all been great silver producers; and the city of Oruro in 1678 had a Spanish population of nearly 38,000 and at least as many Indians, or a total of about five times its present population. Today the chief silver mines of Bolivia are outside the region under discussion, and only Colquechaca and Colquiri are producing this metal in quantity. On the other hand, the tin mines in the Uncia-Llallagua dis- trict are amongst the richest in the world and together they produce about three-sevenths of the Bolivian supply of that metal, while the Oruro, Huanuni, Morococala, Totoral, and Avicaya tin mines are of great importance today. A wide stretch of the high plateaus southeast of Oruro is formed of thick beds of andesite lavas which in the past have flooded the older denuded surface. These volcanic beds doubtless conceal much of the metalliferous rocks, as the richest lodes occur about its southern and western margins — Llallagua, Huanuni, and Negro Pabellon — or, as at Morococala, in hills of the older rock which protrude through the andesite. One of the most striking features of the mines of the La Paz sheet is their great altitude. Some of them are responsible for leading important population groups far above the limit of com- fortable living and into a zone which would otherwise be unin- habited. The heights above sea level of the leading mines are in round figures: Morococala, 5,000 meters, Colquechaca and Caracoles, 4,800 m.; Milluni and Araca, 4,500 m., Uncia, 4,400 m.; while Oruro, Huanuni, Colquiri, Totoral and Avicaya and Llallagua are all at about 4,000 m. Manual labor at such alti- tudes is of course possible only for the native Indians. The mines formerly had to rely entirely upon the local sources oi fuel, either taquia, yareta, or charcoal from the forests. But imported fuel, and especially oil, is gradually taking their place. The ores of all metals are concentrated mechanically or by hand 6o THE CENTRAL ANDES sorting at or near the mines and until recently have all been ex- ported in this condition. But tin smelting has made a start both at La Paz and Arica. Since 1913 the mines have had two railroads at their disposal — to Antofagasta and Arica respec- tively, and at present it looks as though the export of all ores in the area will eventually take place from Arica.' * See below, p. 183. CHAPTER IV THE OCEAN The part of the Pacific Ocean which is included in the La Paz sheet requires some description, for certain of its characteristics are of peculiar interest in themselves and have in addition an important bearing on the geography of the land. The South Pacific Ocean is shallowest in the center; near its eastern and western limits it exhibits profound depth. The marginal hollow on the east is known as the Atacama Trench, which extends from about latitude io° S. to 28° S. and forms part of a wider and longer though shallower basin. The basin and trench form a feature comparable in magnitude to the Andes themselves, and these land and ocean features have to be considered together in discussing the major relief of the earth's crust. Without entering into such topics we may note here in passing that in the spheroidal surface of the earth it is such depressions as the Atacama Trench which alone form concave hollows. The sound- ings in this trench are few in number, and we have consequently but a very general idea of its shape. But it seems certain that its depth varies considerably from place to place; and while its slopes in general are probably so gentle that, were the sea removed, they would scarcely be perceptible to the eye, yet in places there are high submarine precipices. This has been demonstrated by Agassiz, who recorded soundings close together in the latitude of Callao of 836 and 5,706 meters. The only men other than scientists who are directly interested in the form of the ocean floor at such great depths are those concerned in the laying of submarine cables. All three of the main cables on the west coast of South America cross the area represented on this map, one close to the shore and the other two at depths of be- tween 2,000 and 4,000 meters. These latter link Callao with Iquique, and, instead of following the most direct track between 62 THE CENTRAL ANDES ^! these ports and so traversing the deep trench, they keep to shallower floor and follow contour lines rather closely. From the recorded soundings it is possible to recognize four — perhaps five — separate abysses in the Atacama Trench . The deepest of these, which reaches at least to 7i635 meters (4,175 fathoms), lies to the south of our area; and Kriimmel Deep, of which a large portion appears on the La Paz sheet, exhibits a bottom below 6,500 meters (max- imum recorded, 6,827 m-)- This represents a somewhat greater depression below sea level than the elevation above it of the Western Cordillera. The horizontal distance between these parallel features — the Cordillera crest and the trench — is about 300 kilometers, and the present coast line is about midway be- tween them. ■ The comparative relief on land and sea is shown on Figure 8, which represents the slopes on the true scale. The waters which are represented on the map form part of one of the major ocean streams of the earth — the Humboldt, or Peru, Current; the entire body of water within a range of about 100 miles of the coast being constantly on the move northward with an average velocity of from ten to fifteen sea miles in every twenty-four hours at the surface decreasing downwards prob- ably to a slow creep along the bottom. We shall see that the consequences of this fact are far-reaching. Without discussing here the causes of oceanic circulation let us recall that an important element in setting up the currents is variation in density, which THE OCEAN 63 depends largely on temperature and on relative salinity; and this in turn leads us to evaporation, which is closely related to atmospheric temperatures. On the other hand, surface drifts are set up by the prevailing winds, and the deeper waters tend to be carried along with these by friction. All these elements help to bring a mass of water from the sub-Antarctic Ocean northward along the west coast of South America to the neighborhood of the equator as an ocean current. Moreover, since moving objects of all kinds in the southern hemisphere are deflected to the left by the earth's rotation, the current would move more and more strongly towards the north- west as it approached the equator. This deflection is accelerated in the case of the Humboldt Current by the changed trend of the coast beyond Arica. Apart from this the upper layers are blown along more rapidly in the same direction by the pre- vailing southerly and southeasterly winds, and the current in places attains the velocity oi i}4 knots (2.75 km. per hour). Over the open sea in this area the southeasterly trade wind predominates to a greater extent than it does on the coast, where it is pulled notably inwards to the land ; and the result is that the surface water is constantly being driven away from the coast south of the latitude of Arica and north of that place is carried along parallel to the coast more rapidly than the lower strata. ' To maintain the level there is a steady up-welling of deep water to the surface, and this water is relatively cold. Deep ocean water coming to the surface in any part of the world would be relatively cold, but here, owing to the Humboldt Current the ocean on its floor has a lower temperature — below 35° F. (1.67° C.) — ^than the water to the west of it. The records concerning the water actually represented on the map are meager. The data assembled by Hoffmann^ bring out the very gradual increase of average surface temperature from south to north. In the lati- tude of Arica this average is given as 18.1° C. (65° F.), whereas the average for the South Pacific Ocean between latitude 16° and 20° S. is 23.5° C. (74.3° F.)." Murray in his maps of ocean > Paul Hoffmann, (So), p. 76. ^ Otto KrUmmel, (79). Vol. i, p. 400. 64 THE CENTRAL ANDES surface temperature shows' the area as having a minimum (Aug.) between 50° and 60° F. (10° and 15.56° C.) and a maximum (Feb.) between 70° and 80° F. (21.11° and 26.67° C.); but this annual range would appear to be too great, for Coker* after taking over 300 readings between January, 1907, and July, 1908, along the whole coast of Peru as far south as Mollendo (western limit of the La Paz sheet) arrived at the tentative con- clusion that the surface waters of the current undergo little change of temperature either from month to month or place to place. This at least is true of the water near shore where the maximum up-welling takes place. Here the surface tempera- tures are lowest and most uniform. Hoffmann gives tempera- tures for Valparaiso (33° S.), Coquimbo (30° S.), and Callao (12° S.) which show less than 1° C. of difference between Co- quimbo and Callao in March and a similar difference between Valparaiso and Callao in November and December. Observa- tions further point to an increase seawards of at least 1° C. for every 15 miles. Buchanan' who made temperature and other observations on this coast in April, 1885, records 67° F. at Arica and 73° crossing the bight to the west and emphasizes the con- trast in color from the green, cold water of the coast to the deep ultramarine water from ten to fifteen miles off shore. We have seen that the Humboldt Current is cool and stable in temperature. In winter, sea and air temperatures are almost identical. The British survey ship Beagle in sailing from Iquique to Callao (in July, 1835) records both as between 60° and 63° F. (15.6 and 17.2 C.).° But in summer the water is cooler than the air over it and much cooler than the air over the coast lands. The early conguistadores realized this fact and made a practice of submerging their wine to cool it in the absence of an ice supply. The important climatic features which result from this tempera- ture difference have already been noted. Equally important is the effect which low ocean temperature has in the development ■ John Murray, (82). « R. E. Coker, (83). •John Y. Buchanan, (8i). • Robert Fitz-Roy, (30). THE OCEAN 65 of living things in its waters. Wherever the cold bottom water wells up-ras in the northwest and southwest coasts of Africa, off California and northern Mexico, and in our region — the ocean abounds with life of all sorts. But Buchanan, with wide oceanographical experience, states' that "no waters in the ocean so teem with life as those of the west coast of South America. A bucket of water collected over the side is turbid with living organisms (visible and microscopic), the food of countless shoals of fish who in their turn afford prey for innumerable schools of porpoises" and, as we shall see, for immense numbers of seals, sea lions, and birds also. Four physical features of these waters combine to make them a leading area for the propagation of marine life. These are the relatively low salinity, the lowness and stability of tempera- ture, and the upward movement of bottom water. Low salinity and temperature help absorption of oxygen and nitrogen from the air at the surface, and the marine plants and animals are able to retain these elements in the water by their physiological processes. Moreover, low salinity favors solution of silica by water. Silica is supplied constantly by the volcanic and other dust from the land, and it is an essential to the skeletons of many of the humbler forms of life. The microscopic plants such as algae, whose nitrogenous tissue feeds the Crustacea, etc., live in the light zone, i. e. near the surface. At death they sink and in most parts of the ocean remain below; but here the coastal up-welling again restores them to the light zone, there to be de- composed and so to furnish an unending source of material for new plant life and hence an unending supply of the higher forms of life. The Pacific as a whole is a relatively calm ocean, and in this section storms are most infrequent. The trade winds blow with a moderate force — on the Beaufort scale 3^^ in winter and 4 to ^yi in summer. A sailing ship before a wind of this force with shortened sail would travel under 5 knots in winter and some 6}4 knots in summer. But, as the current and wind act together, ' John Y. Buchanan, of. cit. 66 THE CENTRAL ANDES these speeds are increased by nearly i knot. It is worthy of note that the coasting steamers charge a lo per cent increase in fare on the southerly as compared with the northerly journey. For some two centuries after the Conquest the Spanish navigators sailing southward to Chile hugged the coast, and the voyage from Callao to Valparaiso commonly occupied twelve months or more. It was not until the early eighteenth century that a bolder spirit sailed out on the ocean and, by utilizing the pre- vailing westerlies in southern latitudes, reduced the passage to one month. While storms are seldom experienced, the sea is never still, and the constant swell produces breakers along the whole coast. This makes it impossible for larger vessels to come alongside anywhere, and landing is often difficult for small ships and lighters even at the ports and coves. These are few in num- ber, as is to be expected in such a smooth coast line. Caleta Buena, considering its exposed position, is singularly free from bad surf, and the loading of nitrates from the cliff railroad to the lighters and so to the vessels is seldom interrupted. Caleta Junin, another nitrate port, on the other hand, has many "surf days" on which loading work is suspended. Pisagua with its southern protection of Punta da Pichalo is a relatively good port for this coast. Caleta Chica is small and well protected but is used chiefly as a refuge. The port of Arica, although it has a mole 250 yards long, has wharfage only for lighters. The anchorage is the best on the coast, but from June to August the rollers are often so heavy as to stop all traffic in the port. The roadstead of Ilo forms one of the best harbors, since "surf days" are unknown. On this coast tides scarcely enter into naviga- tional considerations, the average rise at spring tide being only in the neighborhood of five feet (1.5 m.). CHAPTER V THE CLIMATE Continuous meteorological records, mostly for short periods, have been kept at six stations within the area of the La Paz sheet and at six around its borders. The following discussion of climatic conditions is based upon these records and upon iso- lated observations made by travelers and residents. Such de- ductions as are drawn regarding cause and effect must be taken as tentative, in view of the character of the data available. The facts regarding stations for which continuous meteorologi- cal records are available are as in Table L r ' J ~xv\k i„^i. V^ ""iS-' Fig. 9 — Distribution of the mean annual precipitation and of the belts of cloud. Names of stations for which meteorological data exist are printed in capitals. 68 THE CENTRAL ANDES Table I — Meteorological Records Nature of Altitude Period Records Station H § 5 ^ (Meters) 5 B i S S 1 p. ^ g H B. X i ♦Arlca . 5 1905 onwards' + + + + + + Iquique 9 1900 onwards' + + + + + + MoUendo 25 Nov., 1888-May, iSgio' + + + Mollendo Apr., 1892-Dec., 189s' + + + + MoUendo Apr., 1894-Dec., i89S« + *La Joya 1,261 Apr., 1892-Dec., 189s' + + + + •La Joya Apr., 1894-Dec., 189s' + *Arequipa 2,4S6 Nov., 1888-June, 1890' + + + *Arequipa Nov., 1888-Apr., 1890' + *Arequipa Jan.-Oct., 1889 (less Mar.) + Vinocaya 4.380 Nov., 1888-Apr., 1890* + + + + Chosica a.013 May, 1889-Sept., 1890" July, 1889-Sept., 1890' + + + Puno . 3.82s Nov., 1888-Mar., i889« + + + + •La Paz. 3.630 Mar., 1898-Apr., 1898' + + + + + + Aug., 1 899- June, 1903' + + + + + + •Cocha- bamba 2.SS7 Jan.-Aug., i874-Jan.-Mar., 1876* + •Cocha- bamba Jan., 1882-Dec., 1885* + + + + •Oruro . 3.706 Jan., I88s-Dec., l888» + + Sucre . 2,848 May, 1882-Feb., 1898' + Feb., igis-Mar., 1918' + + + + + + Irregular observations of varying character were made in the mountains near Arequipa as follows: *Chachani Ravine, Jan., 1892— Mar., 1893; *E1 Misti summit, Oct., 1893— Dec, 1895; *"M. B. Station," Dec, 1893— Dec, 1895; Alto de los Huesos, Mar — Dec, 1895.* * The asterisk indicates stations witliin tlie map area. ', ', '. '. ', denote sources given in Appendix C, Bibliography, viz: 2 (87), 3 (88), 4 (89), S (90). + denotes tliat records are available. ■ Source for all these records is (87). I (86), THE CLIMATE 69 Temperature In order to appreciate the great climatic variation throughout the area of the La Paz sheet we must bear in mind above all the very wide diflferences in altitude which occur — ^from ovefr 6,000 meters down to sea level on the one side and to some 300 meters on the other. With the pressure at sea level normal this means a difference of temperature of some 30° C. (54° F.) between our lowest and highest zones. This diflference of temperature is the most outstanding of the climatic features. It made such an impression on the white settlers that they recognized well-defined natural zones of altitude and temperature, the names of which are in common use: the Puna Brava from the snow line (about 5,000 meters) down to about 3,900 meters; the Puna, 3,900 to 3,350 meters; the Cabezera de Valle or valley head, 3,350 to 2,900 meters; the Valle 2,900 to 1,600 meters; and the Yungas below that. These names for the two lower zones apply only to the eastern slopes of the Andes. Mean annual temperatures in these zones, for places in each case about the middle of the zone, may be taken in order from highest to lowest as approxi- mately: 7° C, 12°, 15°, 20°, 25°; the Fahrenheit equivalents being approximately 45°, 54°, 59°, 68°, and 77°.' Of the meteoro- logical stations above-mentioned Vinocaya is in the Puna Brava, Oruro, Puno, and La Paz are in the Puna, none are in the Cabezera; though Cochabamba, Arequipa, and Sucre are near the upper limit of the Valle, which is sometimes referred to as the Medio Valle; La Joya is in the desert, and MoUendo, Arica, and Iquique are on the coast. Almost everywhere on the plateau and in the low desert west of it the amount of cloud is small, and consequently radia- tion after sundown is very rapid. The examples given of daily variation of temperature (Fig. 11) for summer and winter periods bring this out clearly. The contrast of sun and shade temperatures is most striking in the Puna and higher. Figure 10 shows a series of temperature curves for seven stations of which ' On later pages centigrade degrees only will be given, but a table of equivalents will be found in Appendix D. 70 THE CENTRAL ANDES l§ ? ^ S £ % 3 ? V o c 3 s ^ ? ' R 3 o o OJ o c 3 i -< s o —> -IS. 1 1 J ^ ' yen —> a ■z. o CO ^ w 1 1 — VsV — — \ , I S — "Vs — — / / N — N — — ^ ,^-- s ^ 1 \ / V \ \ / 1 \ ^- _>,_ -> Oio cogg S LiJ << ■^ UJ ^5 <• / CL \ \- ! :i>. <.— _/. 1 1 O" \ i..- NH l''--^ ^ , _ Ld 1 \ \ < \ \ ai 1 1 \ < u. -> a °s CO — < CO oo -I it ^5 \ 1 \ I - ' -1 \ . "?*" / — : \ \ 1 'f— ' — O 1 \ 1 "/■ — -J _/_ ~v ~v — — / v f — — .'_ _/ / 1- ( ~ / ! M \ ~n — — \ ■■ < CL A_ A_ , ^ s — ~\ - ' — 1 — 1 1 1 1 1 ' < ^ \ CO < -3 CO -3C3) 5 < -5 1 ) s / f 1 / \ 1 1 / \ • / " _(- , / —( ■^i _f / ~r ' q:: / —\ < ?- 7 i (_ _t /I _\ \ \ I j \j \- j.._ . , \ \ ; 1 _\_ ..N ,^^ lo o m ^Lfjo, lO o lo tJfOCVJC^ — — — — lOCDLnoiooiooio THE CLIMATE 71 only Vinocaya is outside the area. The records from which they have been plotted supply data for one year or more in every case and include in four cases mean maxima, mean minima, and mean temperatures for every month. But for Oruro only maxi- mum and minimum averages are available; and the mean of the two has been introduced to serve for general comparison. In the case of Cochabamba mean temperatures only have been published, and of these three sets of figures exist. All of these have been plotted, the curves having been derived as follows: upper, computed by Hann' from all observations of Von Boeck and said to be too high, since the readings were too numerous ; middle, by Hann, using von Boeck's observations for 1885 only ; lower, by Kriiger' from observations for the period of Feb., 1900, to Jan., 1901. The mean annual temperatures correspond- ing to these three curves are 18.1° C, 16.4°, and 15.1° respec- tively. The curves are arranged in ascending order of altitude from Arica at 5 meters to Vinocaya at 4,380 meters, and a glance will show the progressively lower temperatures in general. Cocha- bamba, however, is 100 meters higher than Arequipa, and yet even the lowest version of its mean curve is higher than that of the lower station. This is explained in all probability by the sheltered position of Cochabamba in a basin; and we shall see that the wind observations suggest a center of warmer air over this basin. Again, Oruro is only 76 meters higher than La Paz, but the curves are very different. Oruro is typical of the Alti- plano on which it is situated and shows a much greater annual variation and much lower winter temperatures than La Paz, which lies in a sheltered valley and 500 meters below the rim of the plateau. The seasonal movement of the sun over the area brings it vertical twice during the summer, in the end of November and early in January; and theoretically there should be two tempera- ture maxima. The only trace of this in the curves, however, is ' Julius Hann, (91). ' Rodolfo Kriiger, Bol. Ohsav. Melerol. de La Paz, No. 4. 72 THE CENTRAL ANDES in those for La Paz and Vinocaya. If the observations were for longer periods, however, it is possible that this feature would emerge more clearly. As it is, the curves for Arequipa, La Paz, Oruro, and Cochabamba exhibit a tendency to rise in the spring more steeply than they descend in the autumn. There is considerable variation in position of the maximum at the dif- ferent stations between November and March; but the lowest temperatures are always in June or July. If we compare the three stations west of the Cordillera we find that, save for one month at Arequipa during the rains, the mean maxima are always above 20° C, and the mean minima are never below 0° C. Of the three stations La Joya, in the middle of the desert, experiences the most regular temperature varia- tion, its maxima and minima being almost always equidistant. The Arequipa curves show the smallest difference between high and low in January and February, that is during the rains. In comparing the three high stations we may note the more equable temperatures of La Paz, with its mean maximum nearly always above 15° C. and its mean minimum never below 0° C. At Oruro we find six months with mean maxima below 15° C. and mean minima below the freezing point. At Vinocaya in an eighteen months period only six months show mean maxima over 15° C, and only one has a mean minimum over 0° C. These curves do not give us a quite correct impression of the temperatures experienced by man on the plateaus because they are shade observations, and during the day men shun the shade . Everywhere west of the Eastern Cordillera the amount of sun- shine is great, and its heating effect on account of the thinness of the atmosphere is high. Thus, while ice may be Ijdng all day in shady spots, the sun's rays may be burning the skin of the white man in the open. The suddenness with which temperature drops when a cloud obscures the sun is one of the features which most impresses the traveler in these high regions. We shall be able to appreciate more fully the effects of the altitudinal range, attenuated atmosphere, and absence of cloud, if we examine examples of daily variation in temperature. THE CLIMATE 73 Figure ii represents a plotting of records for typical weeks in summer and winter at five of the above stations and a summer week for Puno in addition. Two features stand out in a general way at first sight, the reduction in temperature with increase of altitude and the great difference in daily range between the Fig. IX — Graphs showing daily variations in temperature for typical weeks in summer and winter at six stations. Constructed from data published as follows (numbers refer to Appendbc C, Bibliography) : Arica (86) ; La Paz (88) ; Remainder (87). coast and the highest station. At four stations the range is greater in winter than in summer. Let us examine the graphs for each place in turn. At Arica in summer the thermometer behaves with almost clocklike regularity. During the morning the temperature 74 THE CENTRAL ANDES mounts fast, reaching a maximum soon after noon. Then the sea breeze begins to blow, and the influx of cool air from the coastal waters causes a sudden drop in temperature, while after sunset radiation produces a further drop to the minimum. Observations for 7 A. m., 2 P. M., and 9 P. M. are almost identical. In winter the sea breeze blows with less regularity, and there is consequently more variation in maximum temperatures. La Joya is a railway station in the desert 1,250 meters above sea level. Its greater altitude gives it lower summer tempera- tures than at Arica. The clearness of its desert sky gives it lower night temperatures throughout the year. The winter maxima are higher than those of Arica because the sky was overcast on all but the first day of the week at that place. At both Arequipa and La Paz the extremes were markedly greater in winter than in summer, the La Paz thermometer going below 0° C. nearly every night in the June week. Puno is on the western shore of Lake Titicaca, and, although it is 100 meters higher than Oruro, it enjoys a much more equable climate, thanks to the stabilizing effect upon temperature of the large body of lake water. Observations are available for the months November to March, but these give ground for believing that the temperature curves are much more like those of La Paz, 200 meters below it, than those of Oruro. The mean daily range for the five months observed was between 3.6° and 18° C, and the variation from that was very slight. The weekly curves of Vinocaya are probably a good represen- tation of typical winter and summer conditions on the higher plateaus and along the lower slopes of the mountains which rise above them. Pressure and Winds The great differences in altitude of course lead to very large normal pressure variation throughout the region. It is the de- partures from these normals which produce pressure gradients and the consequent movement of air, or winds. We have a certain limited knowledge of wind direction and force through- THE CLIMATE 75 out the region, but the data regarding barometric variation are much too sparse to be of any use in explaining the winds observed. We must be satisfied, then, for the present with a statement of wind observations and, while offering suggestions as to causes, await further investigation before attempting complete explana- tion. Theoretically the area is entirely within the limits of the belt of southeast trade winds. But actually these regular winds with their normal direction seem to affect only the outer fringe of the eastern Andes and the ocean well away from the coast. Winds on the Coast and Western Cordillera In this western section of the area under discussion the normal trade winds do not blow; but the movement of cdr is, neverthe- less, extremely regular, and seasonal variation is relatively un- important. The factor determining the dominant winds is the contrast of temperature and pressure over ocean and land. The rapid heating of the low desert and mountain slopes as the sun climbs throughout the forenoon produces a strong indraft from the cool ocean, diverting the wind from its normal southeasterly to a southwesterly direction. This strong sea breeze — virazdn — blows every afternoon in the year on the coast and presumably also in the desert. From sunset till after sunrise calm or a light land breeze — terral — prevails; but the amount of outflow in nowise compensates for the indraft of the viraz6n, perhaps be- cause the general dominant movement of air is towards the equator. Figure 12 shows wind roses for Arica. These bring out the marked uniformity of regimen throughout the year. The dis- tinction between summer and winter is chiefly the greater pro- portion of morning and evening calm in the former. This feature as well as the more frequent land winds in winter (at 7 A. M. and 9 P. M.) seems to indicate that in summer the greater warmth of the continent keeps the relative pressure sufificiently low to prevent most of the outflow of air to the ocean. Wind conditions at Iquique and MoUendo — respectively just south and west of the sheet — are very similar to those at Arica. At 76 THE CENTRAL ANDES Iquique calms are less frequent, and at Mollendo the sea breeze rarely blows from west or south, southeast being a common direction. The general directions of coast and trade wind nearly coincide from Mollendo onwards, but there are many afternoons on which the air moves inwards from south to north. The viraz6n Oct. to Mar r'-'A-M; 2'S'P.M.- s^pn 2^m.- 9^.n. 82Z Calm Fig. 12 — Wind roses for Arica; constructed from the three daily observations for the period: Feb. 1911 to Dec. 1913, from Anntiario MettorMgico de Chile. is both an advantage and a disadvantage to the inhabitants of the coastal towns. On the one hand it brings sudden relief every day from the relentless heat (cf. Fig. ii), and on the other, as the raiser of surf it provides a serious obstacle to embarkation operations at every port. THE CLIMATE 77 NOV. to MAY N JUNE to OCT. N NOV. to JUNE N 7«5A.H. 295P.M. 8»P.M. Fig. 13 — Wind roses for Arequipa. Constructed from the three daily observations for the period: Nov. 1888 to June 1890; from Annals of the Astronomical Observatory 0} Harvard. College, Vol. 39. Part 1, 1899- Arequipa, 80 kilometers from the ocean and 2,400 meters above it, is still under the influence of land and sea winds. The published records for the period 1888-1890 show a remarkable change in conditions in the autumn of 1888. The wind roses on Figure 13 have, therefore, been drawn for three periods — two summers and one winter — with the first division at this abrupt change between May and June. A glance at the figure shows that throughout the entire period November-May, 1888, winds were from between south and west-southwest from morning till THE CENTRAL ANDES NOV. to MAY N JUNE to OCT. N NOV. to APRIL N 72SA.R imvi. 9KP.M. 35% calm 44% calm 16% calm Fig. 14 — Wind roses for Vinocaya. Constructed from the three daily observa- tions for the period: Nov. 1888 to Apr. 1890; from Annals qf the Astronomical Ob- servatory of Harvard College, Vol. 39, Part i, 1899. evening; while in the year following only the afternoon winds — the sea breezes— had that direction, the morning and evening movement being consistently from northeast. In the year 1889- 1890, then, there were twice as many observations of wind from the higher plateaus as there were of ocean wind. The Arequipa station is situated opposite the deep gorge of the Chili which would serve to divert any northerly or easterly wind to the direction observed. The observations of calm at this station are negligible. THE CLIMATE 79 The data for Vinocaya cover approx- imately the same period as those for Arequipa, and wind roses have been plotted (Fig. 14) for the same subdivi- sions of time, in order that comparison may be made. No change of condi- tions appears to have taken place here at the end of May, 1888, the propor- tions of the wind roses being fairly constant. There are some easterly and north-easterly winds, chiefly confined to the early morning, but even at 7 A. M. the winds were often from the south. From 2 p. m. till 9 P. m. at least the sea breezes were completely dom- inant at Vinocaya, which is 150 kilo- meters from the ocean and 4,380 meters above it. The morning and evening winds were mostly light, and there is an important percentage of calm weather. Winds on the Altiplano and Eastern Cordillera 7«AM. 2BP.M. 982P.M. 16% calm Fig. is — Wind roses for Puno. Constructed from the three daily observations for the period; Nov. 1888 to Mar. 1889; from Annals of the Astronomical Observatory of Harvard College, Vol. 39, Part I, 1899. The records for Puno cover only the summer of 1 888-1 889. The wind roses for this period (Fig. 15) seem to in- dicate the presence of a local air circula- tion in the Titicaca basin. Through- out most of the day, air is passing from the cool lake to the warm land, and by 9 p. m. we find a return current as the land cools. Of the winds observed at 7 a. m. and 2 p. m. 86 per cent and 96 per cent respectively blew from east or southeast, while at 9 P. M. 93 per cent were from between southwest and northwest. To prove that such a cause explains the Puno observations it would be necessary to have data from the other side of the lake. 80 THE CENTRAL ANDES But it may be noted that the recollections of a resident regard- ing the winds in the southern part of the lake only partially con- firm the existence of such a simple system. This observer," who knows the lake well, states that on the eastern shore of the lower lake there is a light early morning breeze from north or northeast, followed by a calm about lo A. M. Towards noon a westerly wind springs up over the whole lake and becomes strong about 2 p. M. About 4 p. m. this veers to north, whence it con- tinues to blow till about 9 P. m. Thereafter calm or light air from the lake follows. At Huaqui the westerly wind prevails in the early afternoon, then dies down, giving place often to a southerly breeze, to be followed in the evening again by a strong westerly lasting several hours. Winds are strongest and most continuous in August when they are chiefly westerly, while the smallest amount of wind is in June. In the rainy season — which corresponds in time to the records for Puno — ^he describes rapid changes of wind accompanied by hailstorms on the moun- tains and sometimes by whirlwinds. In this season the wind may blow from all points of the compass within two hours. From this and other accounts it is clear that at least in summer deep local depressions form and disperse over the Altiplano, but we have no evidence as to the direction they follow. Several erstwhile residents of Oruro agree that by far the strongest and incidentally most unpleasant winds in that dis- trict come from the west, and this seems to apply also on the Altiplano to the south of Oruro. An ofRcial statement" gives the dominant winds as northwest, west, and southwest, of which the last are the strongest. From July to September they often have the force of gales and carry clouds of dust. They are known locally as Cosecha de la muerte — ^"harvest of death" — on account of the bronchial troubles which are engendered by the dust. It is doubtless in part owing to these winds that the city is sited on the east side of the hills, and the sand dunes to the south have been built up by these westerlies. '» Charles W. Foster, M. D., In a letter. " Dicdonario geogr&fico de la Reptiblica de Bolivia, Vol. 4, 1904, p. 71. THE CLIMATE N 8l Fig. i6 — ^Wind rosea for La Paz for each month, and mean annual for the period, August 1899 to July 1901. Constructed from data in BoMn del Obsmia- torio MetearoUgico, La Paz, 1901. 82 THE CENTRAL ANDES Wind observations have been kept at La Paz, and some of them are set forth in Figure i6. La Paz is an extremely bad station from which to draw conclusions regarding air circulation, since the winds which reach it must necessarily be diverted locally so as to blow up or down the valleys which converge there. By making allowances for these features, however, it is possible to deduce certain useful facts regarding wind direction. The wind rose for the year shows that on by far the largest number of days the wind is southeasterly, while there are about equal amounts of wind from east and northeast and of wind varying between west and northwest. The first three directions correspond to the directions of the La Paz valley and the two passes in the Cordillera Real, and we may reasonably suppose that together the winds from these points are the trade winds, finding their way through and over the mountains. The winds from between west and northwest seem to correspond to the dominant winds of Oruro, and they are most marked in the winter months at both places. But they are less important than the easterly group, and thus La Paz is the first station we have discussed at which the normal trade winds are dominant. Resi- dents of La Paz often notice a cloud banner streaming eastward from the summit of lUimani for days and even weeks on end. At first sight this might seem to indicate a westerly wind at an altitude of 6,000 meters — perhaps the anti-trade. But it may equally well denote the presence of the normal trade wind con- densing the last of its moisture on the slopes of the mountain. The monthly wind roses for La Paz, which represent the averages of two years, show that winds with an easterly component pre- vail in all months except June and July and that from December to May southeast is the dominant direction. Wind records for Cochabamba are unsatisfactory. They are available only for eight consecutive months of one year and the numbers of observations vary in the case of two months.^ 12 The records of H. Ugarte given by Eugen von Boeck, (89), p. 458, are for 1874, Jan.-Aug. and 1875, Jan.-Mar. In July and August 74 and 58 observations were made respectively with no indication of date or hour. In the case of these months, therefore, the totals have been reduced by the factors "Ai and'Vfcs. THE CLIMATE 83 Roses have, however, been constructed (Fig. 17), and they possess some points of interest. The only mountain barrier close to Cochabamba lies to the north, and apparently it does not eliminate wind from that quarter. It will be noted that from January to March and again in May and June winds have a Fig. 17 — ^Wind roses for Cochabamba for the period January to August 1874. Constructed from observations by E. von Boeclc in Mittdungen der K. K. Geogr. Gesell. in Wien, Vol. 19, N. S., 1886. strong westerly component but that otherwise southeast is the dominant wind direction. The combined wind rose brings out the great proportion of winds from between southeast and south- west. 84 THE CENTRAL ANDES Other observations were made in 1851 by Gibbon from Decem- ber to April, generally at 9 A. m., and 3 P. M." In the 283 observa- tions winds were distributed as follows: NE. E. SE. sw. w. NW. CALM 39 I 100 69 I 13 60 The windiest periods in Cochabamba are August-October and November-December. Like most of the other stations considered Cochabamba has most of its wind in the afternoon — starting here about 3 P. M. It is possible that the southwesterly winds here may be evidence of a low pressure area in the southern Altiplano; this is perhaps supported by the observations at Oruro and at Sucre (see below). But equally well would they be accounted for by a local depression in the relatively warm basin of Cocha- bamba itself. We have but one other wind station to note, and it is some 70 kilometers east of the sheet area. Sucre is situated on a high plateau with only low hills about it, which do not divert winds in any appreciable degree. With this in mind we must attach im- portance to the somewhat surprising nature of the observations of wind direction. The records from which the wind roses on Figure 18 have been constructed are those of a well-equipped station maintained by Jesuits. They are believed to have been published regularly since 191 5; but, owing to gaps in the series at my disposal, I have had to limit the data for discussion to the months Feb.-Dec, 1915, taking in January, 1917, in order to get a diagram for each month. From the regularity of the wind direc- tion exhibited, however, these data may reasonably be taken as tjTjical of any year. Throughout the entire year winds from northeast and north-northeast were by far the most frequent, the former prevailing for ten months and the latter for two, February and April. Appreciable divergence from these directions took place only between April and June and then mainly in the morn- ing. Calm periods were noted only in the morning (7 A. m.) and i> William Lewis Hemdon and Lardner Gibbon: Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon, a Report to the U. S. Navy Department, Vol. 2, pp. 323-331, Wash- ington, D.C., 1854. THE CLIMATE 85 Fig. 18 — ^Wind roses for Sucre, showing dominant winds for each month in 1915 save January (observations missing) which is replaced by January 1917- Constructed from data published in Boletin del Observatorio Meteoroldgico (S. J.)> Sucre. then rarely. It must be noted, however, that the movement of wind at higher levels over Sucre, as revealed by cloud observa- tion during the same period, was most frequently from northwest to southeast. 86 THE CENTRAL ANDES Summary In conclusion we may summarize the results of this examina- tion of wind conditions. We have no records from the eastern slope, but it is generally conceded that the prevailing winds there are from the east or southeast, as they are over the ocean away from the coast. These winds, however, do not blow constantly; they prevail as up-valley winds throughout most of the day but are to some extent compensated for by down- valley winds at night. Over the western Andes and most of the Altiplano the main movement is from west and southwest. At Sucre it is from northeast. At Cochabamba southeasterly winds predominate, while the southwesterlies are next in importance. At La Paz the same is true — allowing for configuration. It would, therefore, appear that the Bolivian plateau draws air towards it and must consequently be a center of low pressure. The winds of Sucre and Oruro would seem to indicate that the kernel of this "low" is at about 20° S., over the great white salars. If this be so there must be a strong up-draught here, and the local cyclones of the plateau may take their origin in this area. The Cordillera Real appears to form a real barrier to air movement, although the easterlies succeed in penetrating here and there, as at La Paz. Lastly, if the anti-trades exist above this region they are probably not to be met below 6,500 meters. Precipitation Bearing in mind the average conditions of air circulation, we may proceed to consider the moisture it carries and the conditions of condensation and precipitation. With the barrier of the Eastern Cordillera thrown across its path, the trade wind, which has passed from the Atlantic over the lower portions of the conti- nent, is forced to rise rapidly on the slopes. Moreover, in the southern summer these winds are reaching their goal — the vicinity of the thermal equator — in this latitude, and the air has an upward tendency on that account. The result of this is cloud formation and rain. The former — orographical — cause provides a THE CLIMATE 87 :4 a fo < o t a o '^ si OJ at ■a B a, g §^ Is ss •a E Is ilS ■as M s ri^ ES (^W^ .a s C JJ o x) SB ■§1 . Hi 88 THE CENTRAL ANDES reason for snow and rain on the cordillera in winter, while in summer both causes act together to produce much heavier con- densation and precipitation on the mountains and over the plains of the Amazon basin. These meteorological conditions in the two seasons are illustrated by the diagrams (Figs. 19-A and 19-B) which, while they refer to a more northern portion of the Andes, still apply in our region, the only difference consisting in the longer dry period in the Bolivian mountains. Figure 9 is a tentative map of the annual precipitation in the La Paz sheet area. It is based upon exceedingly meager data, dis- cussed below, and upon deduction. But in spite of its problemat- ical nature it will serve as a connecting link in visualizing the approximate physical conditions of life. Precipitation on the Eastern Cordillera No rainfall measurement has been recorded east of the Cor- dillera Real, and no isohyets have been drawn in that area. It is certain, however, that everywhere the annual amount is over 600 millimeters, and in the zones described as "maximum" the total is over i ,000 millimeters. From the geographical standpoint a very important feature of these eastern slopes is the cloud which is constantly formed and driven up the valleys to the passes, where it dissolves. This serves to reduce the temperature. It keeps the ground and the vegetation saturated and accounts for the very dense undergrowth of the Montana forest. It makes possible the growing of fine coca and coffee. The cloudy area, which is represented by a stipple on the map, is somewhat reduced in the winter months (see Fig. 19). The importance of convection currents is indicated by the frequency of thunder and hail storms in the valleys. Occasionally the latter are so severe that fruit trees are stripped bare of leaves and fruit. Two rainfall stations lie just on the lee side of the Cordillera, La Paz and Cochabamba, for which the mean annual rainfall is 538 and 462 millimeters respectively." The precipitation at La Paz must be derived from air which continues to rise after over- " These and other means are derived from Ernst Ludwig Voss, {8s). THE CLIMATE 89 topping the mountains and so has still more moisture wrung from it. December, January, and February are the wettest months, and June is the driest (see Fig. 21). At Cochabamba we have seen that winds from the north and east are rare, and it is likely that much of the rain is brought by the southeast wind from over the wide lower plateaus of the Eastern Andes. The same is true of Sucre, which is farther east and receives 694 millimeters of rain. Here the wind, however, is northeast. The graphs for Cochabamba show two years with slight winter rain and two with practically none. Precipitation on the Western Cordillera and Coast Given an ocean and a prevailing on-shore wind striking a mountain range, the obvious result would at first sight appear to be a copious rainfall and well-filled rivers. And yet the Western Cordillera is very dry, and its piedmont is a desert. The solution of this enigma lies, of course, in the relative temperatures of sea and land. These are in strongest contrast in summer. At that season the wind from the warmer outer ocean is cooled in travers- ing the waters of the Humboldt Current and the still colder up- welling water of the shore. Fog, therefore, is common over the sea. The wind, still charged with humidity, is then forced up- ward on striking the low but steep coast range; but apparently these hills have absorbed sufficient heat to cause reevaporation, for cloud rarely hangs over them at this season. The strong after- noon winds of summer, as they rise gradually with the land and are probably urged upward by convectional currents, form more and more cloud and at about 2,000 meters begin to form fog at ground level. Above this altitude there is more cloud in the sky, and rain or snow falls at intervals. But even here on the upper slopes of the cordillera the mountains are sufficiently warm to prevent regular or heavy precipitation. Figure 20 (A) and (B) illus- trates the cloud conditions in summer and winter on the Pacific slope. It seems probable that precipitation is connected in some way with the mingling or contact of air currents from ocean and plateau, since on all rainy days at Arequipa between December 90 THE CENTRAL ANDES and March 1888-1889, wind blew from the northeast or north- northeast in the morning or evening at least. On Figure 21 the monthly rainfall for four summers at Arequipa is given, and the mean quantity for these is only 113 millimeters. The wettest period falls between January and March, the maximum being usually in February. Rainfall varies greatly from year to year, and it is probable that a longer series of observations would bring out the cyclic character of this variation. The virtual absence of rain in some years, as in 1888-1889, when less than 10 milli- meters fell, makes the storing of water imperative for the success CASTERtf WtNDSATHIGHELEVATIOH DRV SEASON SEA BREEZE -^ Written by a Jesuit, Alonso de Barzana, in the sixteenth century and preserved in the "Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum," Naples, 1607. ' R. de la GrassiSre: Langue Puquina, Leipzig, 1894- 138 THE CENTRAL ANDES The origins of the Aymar4s and of their conquerors, the Quichuas, remain in obscurity. Some have believed that the two races are related; but the anthropologist Chervin, after detailed investigations and measurements stated' that they con- stitute two distinct brachycephalic peoples. It seems likely that prior to the advance southward of the Quichua armies of the Incas the entire highland area of our region was dominated by the CoUas, or — ^to give them their modem name — the AymarSs; but little is known regarding the history of the period before the conquest by the Inca of Collasuyo, the title by which most of our region was known in ancient times. The most eloquent testimony to the greatness of the race which once ruled in the Collasuyo, is the ruins of their monu- ments. The most noted of these are found at Tiahuanaco, a few miles east of the southern end of lake Titicaca. Here are remains of buildings — probably temples or palaces — constructed out of massive blocks of stone and showing a very advanced develop- ment of the art of masonry. It is not known whether these ruins are vestiges of an isolated empire that existed in this part of the plateau or whether they were the work of the same people who built the megalithic structures at Cuzco, OUantaytambo, and other places on the Andean highlands. It is thought that they were ruins even at the time the Inca empire was founded, since there existed among the Indians no tradition that would connect them with that dynasty. This place was apparently the site of an ancient city of great size, for the ground over an area of several square miles, and to a depth of a meter or more is filled with the relics of an ancient settlement. This was probably the metropolis of the entire region, since, although there are evidences of a large population over almost the entire lake region, there is no other known center such as this. The ruins, moreover, point to the existence of a well organized authority and apparently a far greater production than now is found or than even seems possible in this high, cold region. This has led some to conclude that there must have taken place an extreme 'Arthur Chervin, (ia6). POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 139 change of climate or even to conjecture that the entire plateau has been subject to a great elevation in very recent times. But it is also possible that some economic system was devised where- by the people who lived in this populous center might be sup- ported by the more productive lands of the valleys that descend from the surrounding plateau. It is known that the Inca dynasty in later times employed a system of tribute whereby the products of many other regions were poured into the storehouses of Cuzco and other royal depositories. A similar system had been evolved in Mexico, where the populous capital of the Aztecs, situated on their narrow island home, was supported by the contributions exacted from conquered tribes. Perhaps some such scheme of support enabled the people of Tiahuanaco to live in what seems to the modern observer an impossible location for a large city. It is known, too, that the Incas had developed a system of colonization, whereby the various diverse regions were settled and their products put at the disposal of the highlanders. They had also the system of the mita, or forced labor, by which the services of any man in the empire might be drafted periodically to work for the emperor and his associates. It is possible that these arrangements were not innovations introduced by the Incas but were customs which had been established among the aboriginal peoples from remote antiquity and which had served to make the existence of such a city as the ancient Tiahuanaco possible in its unfavorable site. The CoUas have a long legendary history. Their culture apparently far antedated that of the Inca empire. A list exists containing the names of 92 kings who are said to have reigned before the establishment of the Inca dynasty. Moreover, the excellent workmanship displayed in their ruins, the relative perfection of social organization among the Aymards, the existence of many varieties of cultivated plants, and the evident antiquity of domestication of the llama and the cuey (the cavy, or guinea pig) all point to a very ancient culture that existed in this region of CoUasuyo. Consequently it is not improper to 140 THE CENTRAL ANDES consider the highland section of the La Paz sheet as distinctly the AymarS, country. It is clear that Quichua penetration under the Incas operated from north to south, and the topography of the interior table- land of the Central Andes is such that between the mountains of Vilcanota and the southern limit of our area the only great natural obstacle to conquest is Lake Titicaca. It is behind this barrier that the main body of the CoUas have maintained them- selves, resisting all eflForts to incorporate them into the unity of the great Inca empire. In spite of subsequent conquest by the Spaniards, they remained and remain little mixed with other ethnic elements, speaking their own language (somewhat cor- rupted by Quichua and Spanish, it is true) and preserving their own customs much as in ancient times. In the southern part of the sheet area, however, the population today is thoroughly Quichua in culture, a fact which may perhaps be accounted for by deliberate colonization on the part of the Incas of the south- ern marches of the empire. The great bulk of the people, then, are either Aymaris or Quichuas. Mainly in the towns there is a fair proportion of whites, the descendants of the Spanish conquerors, while a larger body scattered throughout the land are the mestizos, or cholos, who carry white blood in widely varying proportions. The Bolivian census of 1900 gave the white population of the Repub- lic as 231,000, or over 14 per cent of the whole. But the great majority of these are undoubtedly people of mixed blood. Racial statistics for the parts of Chile and Peru in the region are not available. In the coastal districts there is some admixture of negro blood, derived from slaves introduced by the Spaniards. The tale of races in the region is completed by the small Uru groups above-mentioned, and by the Moseteiios, Chimanes, and Yuracares (in order northwest to southwest), forest tribes of purely Amazonian affinities, but practically nothing is known of their distribution. The two great peoples of the Central Andes closely resemble each other in several characteristics; thus they are brachy- POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 141 cephalic (index 82), and their average stature is about the same (about 160 centimeters, or 5 feet 3 inches) ; but the Aymari has a longer and broader thorax, and from this results a body abnor- mally long in proportion to the legs. The Aymard, then, has a more massive appearance. He is also somewhat lighter in skin tint. His forehead and his chin recede more, and the former is narrower than in the case of the Quichua; while he is wider across the cheek bones, so that his face has a typical lozenge shape. The Aymari, in spite of his shorter legs, takes a longer pace. He wears his hair loose, clipped at the shoulder, while the Quichua wears his in a plait. There are also minor differences in dress, while all observers notice a striking psychological diver- gence. The Quichua is distinctly docile, while the Aymar4 is intractable, independent, and often stubborn. The Quichuas have better-developed social qualities; the Aymaris, being lovers of solitude, commonly live in small groups or even single families. In discussing the color of the Aymar^, Forbes' notes distinct differences of tint in the various climatic provinces. In the dry regions, whether hot or cold, the color is described as blackish brown; in cold, moist areas, light coppery brown; and in the hot, wet, eastern valleys, yellowish brown. Distribution of the Population Plate I is a map showing the approximate distribution of population in the La Paz sheet area. It may be considered as sufficiently reliable to give a basis for discussion at least of the outstanding features of the distribution and agglomeration of people in the region. Unfortunately, no very recent statistics are given in sufficient detail to allow of the construction of a population map. We have, therefore, had recourse to the official census returns of Bolivia, Chile, and Peru made respectively in 1900, 1907, and 1876. The lack of contemporaneity in these three documents is of course a drawback, as is their antiquity. Further- more, the census returns themselves cannot be regarded as accurate, since the difficulties of taking the census— widely • David Forbes, (122). 142 THE CENTRAL ANDES scattered population and native hostility to enumeration, to mention only two of them — have so far baffled the governments concerned. This map should be compared with Plate II for the occupation and mode of life of the various groups. The method of constructing the population map was as fol- lows. The boundaries of the smallest political units for which population was given in the census were plotted on the map, and it may be noted in passing that for most of the region these boundaries have appeared on no map hitherto; indeed the posi- tion of such lines is often quite vague in the minds of the in- habitants themselves. In the light of geographical knowledge an estimate was then made regarding the real location of people within these small political divisions; and lines were drawn limiting the various groups. Little difficulty was encountered in fixing the limits of strictly sedentary population, as, for instance, in mining districts or areas under irrigation. But where the physical environment is relatively inhospitable and the inhabi- tants have to move over wide areas to gain their sustenance, an effort has been made to spread such people over the total land on which they are in any way dependent. Thus throughout by far the greater part of the map low densities are shown covering wide spaces with but little variation, instead of villages or ham- lets as the centers of small areas of greater density. For two reasons the former method is regarded as the better. First, because there are many small aggregations which do not appear on the map; and, secondly, because the Indians of these areas are largely occupied with pastoral pursuits and their flocks roam far and wide over the plateaus. The population represented on this map is approximately 828,000, made up as follows: in Bolivia 635,000; in Chile 62,000, and in Peru 131,000. These numbers accounted for the following proportions of the total populations of the three countries: Bolivia .36, Chile .02, Peru .03. The total land area of the sheet, with lakes and salars deducted, is in round figures 230,000 square kilometers, so that the average density per square kilometer is 3.6 (9.3 per square mile). POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 143 The population of Bolivia was officially estimated in 1918, and a comparison of the census figures for the four departments which touch the area is given below: I goo 1918 La Paz 397.643 734.021 Oruro 86,081 137.336 Cochabamba 326,153 SI2.S90 Potosl 323.61S SIS.4S8 Of this pKjpulation the following proportion occupies territory covered by the La Paz sheet: In the Department of Oruro — all In the Department of La Paz — about four-fifths In the Department of Cochabamba — about one-half In the Department of Potost — about one-fifth The two most outstanding dense agglomerations (grade K, over 125 per square kilometer, or 324 per square mile) are those in the basins of Arequipa and Cochabamba' both of which repre- sent agricultural populations practicing irrigation for the most part and living in a number of villages as well as in the two cities themselves. The latter, however, in common with all towns of over 4,000 inhabitants, other than mining centers, have been eliminated from the density calculation. The other areas of the highest degree of density are all about centers of mining indus- try. The lines have been drawn so as to include all the important mines about the centers. Thus we find a lower density on the nitrate fields than about Corocoro or Uncia, where the mines are more concentrated. The same tint appears in conventional rectangles over a few small towns which are not shown by special signs. The districts in which agriculture is important, although less intensively practiced than in the case above mentioned, are those which bear a population of grades H, G, F, E, and D — varying in density between 125 and 10 per square kilometer (324 and 26 per square mile). The grading within those limits ' In this connection see Isaiah Bowman: The Distribution of Population in Bolivia, Bull. Geogr. Soc. of Philadelphia, Vol. 7. 1909. pp. 28-47. 144 THE CENTRAL ANDES will be found to bear a close relationship to the water and soil conditions described elsewhere; and it should be noted that agricultural populations denser than 50 per square kilometer (grade F and upwards) are all to be found below an altitude of 3,000 meters, except on the shores of Titicaca where the climate is less rigorous than in the rest of the puna. The three lowest grades, C, B, and A (less than 10 per square kilometer), while they cover a few areas of sparsely settled and purely agricultural population, represent in the main the distribution of people who depend upon pastoral pursuits. On account of the wide range of the domestic and other animals upon which such people rely for their sustenance, very few areas are shown as uninhabited. They are restricted to the hot deserts, the salars, and those parts of the mountains and plateaus where soil and vegetation are reduced to a minimum. The northeast corner of the map is left blank owing to lack of data. To make a proper comparison between the distribution of people in one area with that in another it is necessary to have population maps for both on about the same scale. Moreover, it is of greatest interest to compare regions where people follow similar pursuits — in this case agriculture, mining, and stock rearing. If, then, we had population maps on the same scale for parts of Colorado, the southern Ural, and New South Wales, to select from^as««continents, we might make some interesting deductions; but for the present we must be satisfied with two maps, of Wallachia (Rumania*) and Sicily,* both of them long- settled agricultural regions. In Wallachia, which contains some- thing over one-third of the land area of the La Paz sheet, the population as a whole is much denser; but we find examples of most of the grades represented on our map. Thus the steppes east of Bucharest and theCarpathian forests correspond generally to grade C. The great contrast appears when we note that while the Bolivia grades E and K are limited to the few closely cul- ' Emmanuel de Martonne: Density de la population en Valachie en 1899, 1:1,- 200,000, Bull Soc. Geogr. Romina, Vol. 23, 1902; and Attilio Mori; Densita della popolazione in Sicilia nell anno 1911; scala i: Soo,ooo, Memorie Geogr., No. 36, Firenze, 1920. POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 145 tivated spots about Arequipa, Titicaca, Cochabamba, etc., these grades are found all over the plains of Wallachia; and several of the valleys there support wide belts of more than 200 people to the square kilometer. Sicily would fit roughly into the corner of our map northeast of the Cordillera Real, and its average population density is higher than grade K. Actually it has a number of areas support- ing more than 500 people to the square kilometer and only a few small spaces with less than 50. Such comparisons are useful if only in causing us to reflect upon the remoteness of this Andean region from the great world centers of population from which it might be more closely peopled, as well as upon its great altitude and other physical features which will certainly prevent it ever attaining such densities, save in the most favored spots. The arrangement of population has of course undergone a number of modifications in the past. We have seen that at one stage of the prehistoric period Tiahuanaco was a great center probably maintained by a food supply from distant provinces. Otherwise the people who were dependent upon the llama and alpaca were probably more evenly distributed on the plateau than at present, and only small numbers lived in the marginal valleys. With the coming of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century great changes took place in a short time. The lodestone which brought the conquistadores into the region was the mineral wealth, and the opening of numerous mines led to a concentra- tion of population in regions hitherto very sparsely occupied. The development of these mining centers is treated below; but we may note here that the Spaniards in flocking to the mines took many Indians with them, either as impressed laborers or free workmen. The new overlords were not long in control of the land before they took advantage of the presence of sedentary agricultural Indians and secured extensive grants of land {en- comiendas) with serfs attached. Many of them settled upon these estates to enjoy the ease of life and the comforts which such a system of land tenure brought them. Thus new centers of popu- 146 THE CENTRAL ANDES lation were formed, located as a rule in the valleys of the eastern .Andes and the irrigated parts of the Pacific slope. For it was there that the Spaniards found the climate most suited to their comfort and to the animals and plants which they introduced from Spain. This led to the enhanced importance of the valleys and to the increase of their population. The new era was marked by the foundation of many valley towns such as Cochabamba, Inquisivi, and Quime. The redistribution of the population was also undertaken by the enactment of measures intended to reorganize the newly acquired territories somewhat on the model of European coun- tries. The scattered nature of the Aymar4 settlements' was not suited to the purposes of the Spanish Government, which wished to secure complete political control over the Indians in order to convert them to Christianity, to induct them into the ways of European civilization, and to collect a small tribute from them. Consequently the Viceroy, Don Francisco de Toledo (1569- 1581), issued orders that all Indians should be compelled to gather together and to live in properly organized towns. While this order was not carried out fully, it brought many of the Indians into larger settlements and subjected them to the more complete authority of the colonial officials. Many, however, continued to live as formerly, either independently or upon the estates of the Spanish encomenderos, who generally opposed the reduction of the Indians to towns, being loath to see their serfs transferred from their properties. This was particularly the case among the hills and valleys of the eastern Cordillera, where most of the Spaniards had established their rural holdings. About Lake Titicaca and along the piedmont at the eastern border of the Altiplano the Indians became congregated in a string of rela- tively important towns. Upon the western slope of the Maritime Cordillera there also grew up a number of Spanish towns, founded usually upon the sites of ancient Indian settlements, since few of the widely separated oases along this desert slope had not already been • See Appendix A. PIdie I Scale 1-2,000,000 Kilr.nietrfi in r. o 10 20 .10 toiib^b mJei ,, 5 o 10 ■■!' -HI 40 i<) 8 t:; £=== - ' T"^-^ I ' * ' < ruiaJ ,.i 5 o „i 20 ju C.0 :.o w> T I , ^~ -> 1 ^-L . -: - "■!- ■ ■■ I POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 147 occupied by aboriginal agriculturalists. The Spaniards, well accustomed to an arid country and the use of irrigation, found these west-coast valleys, with their warm climate and fertile soil, choice sites for vineyards, olive orchards, and fields of cotton, cane, and wheat. In spite of the severe handicap of de- structive earthquakes, these valleys soon became centers of European population. The Indians were reduced to serfdom upon the estates of the invaders, or were crowded out of the valleys and forced into the colder, less productive grasslands of the higher slopes, where they eked out a miserable existence from the small patches of tillable land or from the droves of llamas and alpacas which could be pastured at these heights. Along the coast itself, too, there grew up a number of ports, most of them small, since no good harbors are found on this section of the Pacific littoral. The Indians had been little accus- tomed to navigation in these waters. Coastwise traffic was almost, if not entirely, unknown among them. Hence they had no ports of any importance. The Spaniards promptly founded a line of ports as the exploration of the coast advanced, and before many decades had passed there appeared a series of these, a formal port or a caleta (cove or bay) being established at the mouth of almost every valley. Sometimes a town grew up about these landing places; but more often, because of the utter aridity of the coast, the towns were built a few leagues in- land, where both water and fertile soil served to support the inhabitants. In later years, chiefly in the following century, even the towns that had been built upon the coast were often moved inland, for fear of the English privateers which frequented these waters and because of the dread of "tidal" waves that sometimes accom- panied the earthquakes. This resulted in the existence of pairs of towns; a little port at the seashore and, inland a few leagues, a thriving agricultural settlement — the two linked by a road leading up the dry river course. Of such twin towns the most notable in the area we are discussing were Arequipa and its port of Quilca (beyond the limit of the map); Moquegua and 148 THE CENTRAL ANDES Ilo; Tacna and Arica. These valley towns while primarily of agricultural importance also served as the last way stations for the silver that was being shipped from the mines on the high plateau to the coast and thence to Lima (the viceroyalty capital) or to Spain via Panama. The agricultural occupation of the land by whites also resulted in a partial zoning of the two races. The Spaniards who settled upon the land, as already indicated, sought out the districts where the climate was best suited to their requirements. From such districts the former Indian occupants were crowded out, or such as remained became gradually absorbed into the growing popu- lation of mestizos. Only the great expanse of the Altiplano, and the higher ridges between the valleys were left to the native Indian population. Thus the high valleys from 2,500 to 3,000 meters became largely European in racial character and in cul- ture, while the regions above the 3,000-meter contour remained distinctly aboriginal in both. The exceptions to this were the mining centers, generally located at high altitudes. These, though composed in large part of Indian inhabitants, were organized on a European model and became more and more European in character, thus forming islands of white or mestizo residents among the prevailingly Indian population of the higher regions. The mixing of the Spanish and Indian races which took place in these Andean highlands is in contrast to the process which went on in most of the lowland countries of both North and South America, where a war of extermination was carried on between the whites and the Indians and where the latter were either annihilated or were driven back before the whites into the interior parts of the country. Upon the plateaus both of the Andes and of Mexico, where the Indians were sedentary and firmly attached to the soil, the Spaniards came in as a race of masters, subjugating but neither exterminating nor driving out the natives. The fact that the conquerors seldom brought their women with them led to the growth of a mixed race which very soon outnumbered the Spaniards themselves. Since a number of POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 149 negro slaves had been brought in with the conquerors and also made alliances with Indian women, there grew up as well a smaller but important element of mixed negro and Indian blood. This mingling of races and the clearly drawn lines of social demarcation produced a number of slightly differing racial groups. There were the Spaniards, born in Spain; the Creoles, of pure Spanish blood, but born in America of parents who had virtually severed their ties with the homeland; the mestizos, children born of Spanish fathers and Indian mothers; the mulatos, born of white and negro parents; and the eambaigos, or sambos, descendants of Indian and negro parents. As the time passed, the blending of these various groups brought about still other com- binations, each of which received a separate name, until there resulted the greatest variety of racial types. Mode of Life By far the greater part of the population is still living almost entirely on the produce of the country itself, and as regards physical requirements these people are more or less in the con- dition in which their ancestors were found by the conquistadores. Let us therefore analyze briefly these simple needs and see how they are met. The three concrete demands of peoples in an early stage of culture are food, shelter, and clothing; and as soon as the value of exchange is realized some means of transport becomes imperative. Long before the Spanish Conquest the natural resources of the land — and indirectly of the sea — had been luUy exploited to meet these needs in an entirely inde- pendent manner; and, moreover, the rulers at least were main- tained in a state of affluence, so that luxuries were already known and procured. Food The period at which the CoUas and Quichuas became sedentary peoples must have been very remote; and ever since their settle- ment they must have been primarily occupied with pastoral and agricultural pursuits, their food being furnished by the soil. ISO THE CENTRAL ANDES The primitive and native food staples still form the main por- tion of the Indians' diet throughout the land. Thus the natives of the puna subsist almost entirely on potato, oca, dried beans, the grain of quinoa {Chenopodium guinoa) with aji (capsicum) ground up as seasoning, and a certain amount of maize brought from lower altitudes. It is noteworthy that, unlike the inhabi- tants of other high plateaus, the Andean natives do not make any extensive use of milk and its products, although these might presumably be procured from both llama and sheep. The potato is alternately frozen and thawed till the water is expelled, leaving a shrunken, light, and corklike substance known as chuno. Their food thus consists largely of carbohydrates, with protein derived chiefly from the beans. Sugar and sweet stuffs play no important part in the diet of the plateau Indians. In the past probably the only sweet fruit available was that of the cactus, which they still eat with relish. Animal foods are eaten only on rare occa- sions; but it would seem that, when hunting was a commoner pursuit than it is now, meat played a larger part in their diet. The cold climate, however, would seem to demand a greater consumption of fats or oil than exists, and it may be noted that lard, when sold in the towns, finds a good market. Around the shores of Titicaca fish is eaten; but the greater part of the catch is marketed in La Paz, a certain amount being dried and sent farther afield, as for instance to the valleys of the Yungas, where it is one of the main items offered in exchange for coca and fruit. It is said that fresh fish from Titicaca, as well as from the sea, was sent to the Inca's table at Cuzco by means of a system of relay runners {chasquis) which he maintained. At the time of the Conquest the settlements about Titicaca were recognized as amongst the most prosperous in Peru. It would appear that the fisheries were chiefly responsible for this. The chief signifi- cance of maize to the plateau Indians is as the basis of chicha, an alcoholic beverage prepared from the fermentation of the grain. This drink, which is the commonest form of alcohol in use, is responsible for much of the drunkenness, habitual among the Indians but most apparent during the excesses of the feast POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 151 periods. But it is rather on the purer alcohol (aguardiente) brought from the cane fields of coast and Yungas, that they rely, at the fiestas, to obtain the desired excitement and subsequent oblivion. Salt, a necessary ingredient of the diet throughout the entire region, is found in the salars in unlimited quantity and is one of the standing elements of internal trade. A curious habit amongst the Ay maris is the eating of clay mixed with their food. Apparently the only purpose it serves is to delay digestion and give a sense of repletion. On the Pacific slope maize must long have been the chief staple, as indeed it is today, although fish has always been eaten in the coastal villages. In the districts settled by the Spaniards wheat, barley, and alfalfa were introduced from Europe. The first has ever since been the chief staple of the whites and is used to a more limited extent by the Indians of these parts. Barley has been widely cultivated, even on the plateau, where it does not usually ripen but is used for fodder and straw. Apparently in ancient times there was no such variety of fruit and vegetable here as there is now that the native products have been supple- mented by those introduced both from Spain (see p. 113) and from the Yungas. In these valleys of the eastern Andes the indigenous yuca and banana still supply starchy foods, which are supplemented by maize and a number of tropical fruits. Here again the variety of products has been greatly increased by the Spaniards; but the foodstuffs such as coffee, cacao, and cane sugar are mainly for export to the plateau for use by the whites and cholos. The savage Indians of the lower valleys, however, are hunters and fishers and so mingle a vegetable diet with game. Cattle, intro- duced from Spain, are kept in the clearings of the lowland. The dried meat of these, known as charqui, like the biltong of Africa forms a common food of the mestizos, especially when traveling. Shelter Climatic control is reflected in the type of dwelling throughout the region. In the coast lands protection is required against the 152 THE CENTRAL ANDES sun's rays but not against cold or rain. On the plateau the maxi- mum shelter from wind, rain, and snow is sought. In the Yungas adequate cover from heavy rain as well as shade have to be provided. Generally speaking, therefore, the houses of the coast and the Yungas are more frail than those on the plateau; but in the Yungas, as well as in the Puna, roofs have to be well constructed. Throughout the entire area Indian dwellings with few exceptions are of one story, and on the Pacific slope this is true of almost all habitations, even in Arequipa, for people live in constant and well-founded fear of earthquakes. Arequipa provides an exception to the general frailty of structure on the Pacific slope because it commands a remarkably fine building stone — a volcanic breccia — easily cut and dressed; and many of the older houses are beautifully ornamented with carving. Additional strength in construction is often obtained by doming the roofs and ceilings. In other towns and villages the building materials may be adobe, stone if to hand, or simply branches plastered with mud. Roofs are thatched with various materials, often the desert grasses. The chief change in recent years has been the introduction of corrugated iron for roofing and even for walls. The ruins of Tiahuanaco contain some of the world's finest example of masonry. Each of the blocks of hard lava, many of them of immense size, has been shaped and smoothed so that it fits its neighbors accurately and without mortar. We have seen that the architects and builders of this prehistoric city are be- lieved to have been Aymar^s. It is, therefore, not surprising that their descendents still furnish accomplished masons, when re- quired, for government structures, although they have lost the consummate skill of their ancient forefathers. Their own dwellings are solidly built though rude. Where stone is used the modern Indian does not take the time to trim the frost-broken blocks which are abundant everywhere but uses mud to bind them, and in many villages adobe has completely supplemented stone (see Figs. 30 and 31). In the Cochabamba district the houses are often round in plan. The primitive Chipayas (Urus) POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 153 north of Lake Coipasa build adobe huts of the beehive pattern, with or without a thatch of reeds. The walls everywhere are thick; there are few windows, and these are seldom glazed. Owing to the scarcity of timber from which boards can be cut, a wooden door is a rarity (if we except those made of the split stems of cacti), a stretched hide often serving the purpose. On the highlands, roofs are thatched with puna grass or reeds, and chimneys do not exist. The family spends much of its time in the yard — ^working and cooking there, for warmth normally is to be found without, in the sun, rather than within the house. About the dwelling there are usually several smaller buildings for storage, and also corrals for various animals enclosed by dry stone walls. The adobe house is the rule in the towns — even in La Paz, but the roofs there are of red, curved tiles. These, however, are gradually giving place to the corrugated iron of commerce. A striking example of the difficulty of procuring wood and iron in highland Bolivia is furnished by the telegraph posts which often consist simply of rough pillars of stone or adobe or the crooked, slender stems of valley shrubs. Household utensils, as is to be expected on the plateau, are the simplest, and even these are treasures, so scarce is material — especially wood — for their replacement. Llama bones are still largely utilized in making household implements. In the Yungas, wooden posts and laths form the walls of most of the houses, the frame being filled in with banana leaves, ferns, or other dried vegetation. In the higher villages, stone is often used, or a combination of stone and wood. The houses of the whites are frequently two-storied adobe structures with an out- side stair. Roofs are always well thatched and have wide eaves to carry ofl the rain. Chthing The contrast of highland and lowland again is represented in the clothing of the inhabitants, cotton in the warm lands, wool in the cold highlands. Cotton is native and is still grown and woven in the coastal valleys; but the garments of the modern 154 THE CENTRAL ANDES Indian are largely cut from the imported article. The need for warm clothing on the Andean heights was the main cause for the great vicuna hunts carried on throughout the Inca period — in which the captured vicunas were usually not killed but were shorn and set free. Moreover, the same demand, as well as the need for a beast of burden, must have led to the domestication of the llama and alpaca and to the early perfection of the hand loom. Today the wool of the llama is less used for clothing; and indeed the animal is seldom shorn. Sheep, introduced by the Spaniards, now furnish wool for the bulk of the clothing, the alpaca wool being reserved for the finer garments and for export. The wool of the vicuna, which is now very scarce, can be woven to give a material as soft as the finest silk. During the Inca period vicuna fleeces were reserved for the exclusive use of the emperor and his household. While these wools are often dyed, a certain amount of design is possible while using only the natural wools — ^the black and white of alpaca, the usual brown or gray of llama, and the bright tan of huanaco and vicufia. The costume of the plateau Indian is presumably the same today as it was before the Conquest: underwear of cotton, brought from the hot lands; loose woolen trousers reaching below the knee; and, in the case of the women, innumerable petticoats also of wool. The feet are bare save for leather sandals. The hat is of home-made felt on the plateaus; but in the warm lands this is replaced by a wide-brimmed straw hat. The men of the puna wear a closely fitting woolen cap under the hat. Fashion demands that natives of different localities shall wear hats of different pattern. The typical garment of the Puna is the poncho, or cloak, which is woven in one piece with square corners and a hole in the middle for the head (see Figs. 33 and 35). It is in the color and design of this that the inherent art of the plateau Indians finds its best expression. The limited vegetation of the puna provides a surprisingly large choice of dyes — eighteen such plants are known to science in Bolivia,"* and the women have long since mastered the processes of their extraction, as they 1° Annuario Geogrifico y Estadlstico de la Republica de Bolivia, igig, p. 21. POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 135 have the crafts of spinning the wool and weaving it on their hand looms. When traveling the Indian as a rule carries ponchos of two weights, the lighter to be worn by day, the heavier by night. In the forests raw material for the loom is not limited to cotton; for there are a dozen other plants which provide fibers and are used for a variety of purposes. Health Every traveler in the high Andes is struck by the fact that while he, in common with the non-Indian inhabitants, suffers from mountain sickness, or soroche as it is called in this region, the Indians are immune. Most foreigners and the inhabitants with Spanish blood become more or less accustomed to life at high altitudes; but travelers who have time find it well to stop for a period at some station like Arequipa on their way up to the plateau, in order that the transition may not make too sudden a strain upon the body. It appears that in the thinner atmos- phere of the high plateaus the oxygen content of arterial blood is lower than at sea level in all individuals — white and Indian alike. Apparently, however, the Indian is able to compensate for this on account of greater lung capacity. In the case of the Aymari this is accompanied by a chest abnormally large in height and width which is noticed by so many observers. Endemic diseases seem to be few in the Central Andes. Prob- ably the most serious of them is that generally known as peste, or fiebre amariUa ("yellow fever") which possesses symptoms akin to typhus and which breaks out at intervals causing great rav- ages among the Indians. The inhabitants of the Yungas valleys are subject to the curse of malaria, and while they also possess the source of the remedy, they can ill afford the cost of manu- factured quinine or neglect its use. Goitre is a prevalent disease, and in fighting it the natives have long ago discovered one of the antidotes of modern medicine, iodine. The sufferers eagerly purchase dried seaweed from the Pacific coast, and it is doubtless the iodine contained in this which works the cure. Both syphilis and gonorrhea seem to be very ancient diseases 156 THE CENTRAL ANDES in the country, and it has even been suggested that the former originated here. The chief reasons given for this are that diseased skulls and bones have been found in ancient graves, and that the alpaca suffers from a similar if not identical disesise. The Indians have long treated syphilis with mercury brought from the mines of Peru. Since the Conquest the population has been decimated from time to time with epidemics such as smallpox, measles, and influenza. The plateaus so far have not been stricken with tuberculosis, but the Bolivians live in great dread of its intro- duction from Chile and Argentina where it exists. Reck made an examination of vital statistics for Bolivia in 1846 and found an interesting variation in the death rate in different zones." Thus in the Puna it was lowest, 1.97 per cent; in the Valles, 2.38 per cent; and highest in the Yungas, 3.70 per cent. He also found that there is great danger in childhood from birth to the end of the fourth year, five out of every twelve children dying before that age; but from then onwards the expec- tation of life is high, and there are probably many cases of Indians living to over a hundred. Transport The advantages of exchange must have early become apparent to the inhabitants of this region, and especially of the inter- change of the commodities of plateau and lowland. The llama, then, as the only beast of burden, has been an essential feature of Andean economy from a remote period; and throughout the plateaus the wealth of the humble Indian may be judged today by the number of llamas or other animals which he owns. The llama has the great advantage over other beasts of burden that it is not subject to mountain sickness {soroche). Moreover, it needs only the roughest fodder and little water. Its flesh and wool can be utilized, and it is marvelously surefooted on the worst trails. But, on the other hand, as compared with animals of other lands, the llama does not carry a heavy burden, the load varying from 50 to 100 pounds. The animal is extremely " Hugo Reck, (6) 1866, p. 304. POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 157 stubborn, and its pace is slow. Moreover, it is exceptional for a llama to live more than twelve years, and in many districts the average life period is much shorter. Since the Spanish occupation the mule and the ass have been added as carriers, while the ox has been introduced as the servant of the plow, an implement which itself was unknown before the Conquest. More Complex Influences With this brief statement of the concrete elements of life in the region we may with advantage review more broadly the life of the pteople in the various geographical zones of our region. Hitherto we have discussed matters which affect all men alike when in a simple state; but to understand how people live today we have to bear in mind the complications introduced from time to time in their history. In the Andes stress must be laid upon two of these — the one economic, the other primarily social. The first is based upon a geographical fact — the mineral wealth of the country. The mining development and its consequences have had a far-reaching effect upon the people and the status of their countries. The second is not in itself a geographical fact, although geography has much to do with its effect in different districts. I refer to the peonage system introduced by the Spaniards, with some slight background from the Inca regime, by which the bulk of the Indian population is to a considerable extent in bondage to the whites or the mestizos who are the owners of the land. As the mining industry, economically important though it is, affects only the smaller proportion of the population we may leave it for later treatment and turn to the social basis of agri- culture and stock raising. Ever since the arrival of the conquistadores, when that portion of the land allotted to the service of the Inca and of the sun became alienated to the Spaniards there has been a constant absorption of land by their successors, white and mestizo. Al- most the only land now in the hands of the Indians is that held by the communities; and the community Indians are now vir- tually the only free Indians in the region. It is they who furnish 158 THE CENTRAL ANDES the carriers of the Andes and the laborers of the mines and the railroads. Most of the fishing is in their hands; and the Calla- huayas, or traveling herb doctors of the Cordillera Real, are community Indians." In fact we have to go to this much- reduced class to see -the pre-Conquest life of the Aymara and other stocks in all its phases. The community lands are now restricted to the least desirable areas from the point of view of the white man — to districts off the main routes or with poor soil or specially inhospitable climate." With these exceptions it seems probable that there is no part of the region where the land is not claimed by some individual or group, and where the inhabitants are dependent upon the owners of the estates. This does not mean, however, that these Indians are serfs but simply that by law they are bound to give some service — ^mostly in cultivating the owner's land. And it is largely due to the conservatism of the AymarA that the law based upon long-established custom is maintained. Indeed in most cases, at least in highland Bolivia, the landowner would not dare to demand more service than custom determines, and he generally considers it wise to take the service at the time and in the manner ordained by custom. Violation of the custom by proprietors is always liable to lead to a revolt of the Indians. The estates are of variable size, probably being larger on the less productive areas. They are generally distributed in such a way that each contains a proportion of land suitable for various crops and on the plateau a certain amount of better pasture fit for alpacas and a much greater area of poor pasture — mainly ichu grass — suitable for llamas and sheep. In the agricultural life of the country, then, there are four classes involved: the community Indian, who is self-sufficient and who ekes out a living derived from primitive agriculture on poor fields by fishing, carrying, or hiring his labor to the mines; the landed proprietor — of white or mixed blood — ^who is generally 13 On these interesting iieople, whose home is just north of the La Paz area, see Gladys M. Wrigley, (144). >■ On this and other aspects of land tenure see George McCutchen McBride, (143) . POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 159 an agriculturist only by proxy, living in a town and visiting his finca for the harvest and the sowing; the mayordomo, generally a cholo, to whom the proprietor delegates his authority and who is in effect master of the farm; and, lastly, the colono, or peon. The colonos, or Indians bound to the estates, are by far the most numerous class. They receive small patches of land in the estate — about three hectares on the average — to be worked for their own use, and these in common with the owner's land are reallot- ed from time to time. The number of colonos families on each estate varies with its size and character; for instance an estate of 5,000 hectares near Oruro has sixty families, while on another, in the Cochabamba basin, 750 hectares are worked by 150 families. The price of a farm generally varies according to the number of Indians upon it rather than to its extent. The colonos remain on the land in case of transfer of ownership. Examples of Peasant Life and Utilization of the Land We may now examine in greater detail the manner in which life is controlled in different situations by the physical environ- ment and by the social system of the country. The map (PI. II) showing the distribution of different types of land utilization will be found to illustrate the examples. Let us first consider a typical finca on the Altiplano. It is centered round a small alluvial fan at the foot of one of the low ridges which rib the plateau. It extends, on the one hand, to the banks of the Desaguadero and includes a wide stretch of the hills as well as of the pampa between. It is bleak and wind-swept. The most sheltered spot is occupied by the houses of the owner — rarely occupied by him — ^and of the mayordomo. About these there is a plantation of eucalyptus — ^the only trees visible on the wide landscape. A small church, distinguished from other build- ings mainly by its size, stands near the center. It may be used as a granary; but at least once a year it is visited by the padre, and the entire population comes to service. If the farm be called San Antonio, the priest will probably choose St. Anthony's Day for his visit. The houses of the colonos are dotted about within i6o THE CENTRAL ANDES a short range of the main farm buildings and enclosures. The alluvial fan is the center of things, not because it is capable of permanent irrigation — ^as it would be in a better watered area — but because the soil is thicker and because there are permanent wells around its margin. Near the Desaguadero and along the flat bottom of a wet-weather tributary there are strips of pasture of a fairly good quality. Elsewhere on the flat pampa the light soil is scarcely concealed on the numerous fallow fields, and the fields under crops are rather widely scattered. The hills show many outcrops of bare rocks and stony hollows with patches of tola bushes, puna grass, and other humbler plants, sometimes thick but mostly isolated, giving a speckled appearance to the hillside. The fields and pasture land of the Indians are not distinguish- able from those of the patrdn, save that they do not occupy the best land. The limits of the finca are not clearly marked on the ground except on the good land, where a rough stone wall is the boundary. Heaps of stones gathered from the fields dot the pampa, and these are often placed at the corners of fields. Each family knows exactly what is expected of it by the pro- prietor. Two days in every week they must work on his fields bringing with them their own oxen for plowing (see Fig. 32). Moreover, each year the group as a whole has to designate one or two of their number as herdsmen as well as to maintain for the master a house servant (pongo) — in this case probably in La Paz — who is changed each week. They also deliver to his house so many loads of fuel, tola shrubs or taquia (dried llama dung). Throughout the year a few men find a continuous occupation in herding the sheep and alpacas. In this case the latter are owned only by the master, for the area of short, green grass required by alpacas is small, and the Indians are not allowed to use this pasture. In the summer at a convenient week the flocks will be corralled and shorn, and the Indians, after keeping what they need of the wool, will carry the remainder -of their own share as well as all of the patr6n's to the market at La Paz or Huaqui, using their own asses or llamas. POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT i6i The average temperature of the soil here is low, and its recov- ery after cropping is slow; so the fields lie fallow — in some cases as much as twelve years — before recultivating, the weeds which spring up being used as pasture. In such land manure is very valuable, and every particle of dung and ashes which can be gathered after the fuel has been provided for is put upon the fields to be cultivated. But in this farm they must use much taquia as fuel, for both tola and yareta are scarce or their sources dist£mt, and they grow very slowly. Winter is the slack time, when clothing and implements are made in the cottages, while the patr6n takes advantage of it to have ditches dug, or building and other odd jobs done. But when the spring rains begin in September or October all get busy with the sowing of quinoa and the planting of early potatoes and ocas. With all of these crops the farmer need have no fear of damage from frost, for they are natives of the Puna, and most of the many Andean varieties of potato are also remarkably immune from pests. About November other varieties of potato are put in to give a later harvest. With the human food supply for the year thus provided for, the Indian thinks of his beasts. We have seen that pasture here is poor and thin. The owner may have taken care to have part of his moist land sown with alfalfa which will meet most of his requirements. But for the Indians another crop must be sought, and it is found in barley. This cereal will ripen only in sheltered spots near Lake Titicaca, but if sown before the height of the summer rains it may be cut while green in the autumn for fodder purposes. This crop is scarcely sown when the first potato harvest is at hand. The owner's crop has to be carried to market, but most of the workers' yield is turned over to the women who are occupied as oppor- tunity offers with the preparation of chuno, which takes two or three weeks. The potatoes are first put out to be frozen through, and thereafter in turn are tramped with the feet in water, dried in the sun and again tramped in water to remove the skin. The starchy product will then keep for years. There follow in quick succession in the autumn a second i62 THE CENTRAL ANDES potato harvest and the cutting of the fodder barley and the quinoa — generally in May. The quinoa is cut just before it is fully ripe to prevent loss of the grain. The heads are threshed by primitive flails and winnowed by throwing in the air. The conclusion of the agricultural year is the plowing carried out shortly before the sowing, by which soil is merely scratched to the depth of a few inches by the ancient wooden plow of Spain with or without an iron tip. Such is the annual routine, but there are notable interruptions to all work at the fiestas as well as after the principal harvests. When occupied with digging pota- toes every one is notably happy, and much jollification takes place. The chief religious festivals are celebrated by the entire population. Attendance at mass in the village is merely an incident preceding traditional revels which include dances of pre-Christian origin, in which the dancers wear masks and gaudy trappings of skins and feathers. Dances and drinking bouts alternate and are kept up for an entire week in the case of the greater occasions such as the carnaval, thus putting a complete stop to the autumn labor, important though it is. That this traditional and spasmodic drunkenness is so important and universal a feature of the high Andes may be due to the rigor of the climate and extreme monotony of life. The visits to the market furnish opportunity for the purchase or bartering of alcohol or more commonly aguardiente from the Yungas or coast, as well as of coca which the Indian chews more or less as other men smoke tobacco, so that every family is well stocked with stimulants when the fiesta breaks out. The type of life on the iincas throughout the Altiplano varies but little from that described. These farms are widely scattered over most of the plateau and cluster more closely where there is better soil and a more certain supply of water or a milder climate. On Plate II this feature has been shown by distinguishing be- tween the main area described as "pasture with intermittent agriculture" and a number of smaller patches of ''agriculture more or less permanent." This means that in the agricultural fringe round Titicaca and along the piedmont of the eastern a, I 6 » 3J n.'-X'i*"' 3J>> .''•'■'^■^ ■i .-St; o *i II o od IS il °> 5' tu o _: a aj 13 n) P. C t>g « - E2 1 6 S ■■3 3 0. J3 j- ■^a'g sa POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 163 Cordillera fields are closer together, and a smaller proportion of them are fallow at one time than out on the plateau. Moreover, on the alluvial fans east of Lake Poop6 a limited area is under irrigation at least for part of the year, and this of course renders the land more valuable. In the La Paz sheet it has not been possible always to distinguish fincas from villages; and, further- more, it is probable that many of the smaller farms are not located. The village of the plateau is for the most part the domain of the cholo who is engaged in trade, and the number of them who live there as a rule is small, though such villages often present an animated scene owing to the presence of Indian visitors from the surrounding farms, particularly on market days or at reli- gious celebrations. The slopes of the hills about Lake Titicaca and the Altiplano as well as the ridges which rise from the plateau are marked in many places by parallel terraces known as andenes (see Fig. 34). These are clearly artificial and have been made to retain the soil and facilitate the cultivation of steep slopes. But they are now almost entirely abandoned; and this fact has often been quoted as evidence that the population of the Central Andes was formerly much greater, the decrease usually being attributed to diminished rainfall. But it would appear unnecessary to postulate any such climatic change to explain abandoned andenes. The modern development of mines, railroads, and towns has drawn large numbers of the Indians from the fields, and the hillside farms would be the first to be deserted, since the main- tenance of the terraces demanded considerable labor. Further- more, much of the land passing from small to large owners has been found to give better results when devoted to pasture. Plate II shows a large proportion of land under irrigation in the high valleys of the western Cordillera, much of it over 4,000 meters in altitude. The information upon which most of this is based was derived from the Chilean boundary surveys, and while the representation is presumably accurate in extent it may be somewhat misleading if we fail to remember the altitude. i64 THE CENTRAL ANDES The population density in these mountains is low, but the flocks are large, and the colored areas on the map for the most part do not represent irrigated crops, but rather pasture improved, in part artificially, by waters from the melting snows of the high peaks. An interesting example of this type of land has come to light." The small group of Chipayas — or Urus — ^living north of Lake Coipasa have developed an industry called forth by the demands for lard by the nitrate workers of the coastal pampas. The Chipayas, by damming the Lauca River, have made suf- ficient pasture to feed herds of swine; and from these they obtain the lard which they carry down to the coast for sale.- There appear to be numerous community Indians in this Cordillera, and information is lacking as to the extent of occupation by Chilean landowners. Probably the grazing limits of the various proprietors and communities are more fluid here than anywhere ■ else in the region. Even the international boundary is frequently disregarded by the shepherds of the Bolivian side, who are naturally tempted by the greener hollows to the west. A con- siderable amount of seasonal movement of flocks takes place between the high pastures and the lower valleys on the Chilean side, but here again exact data are lacking. Cattle are kept in small numbers about Lake Titicaca, and an important source of food for these is the aquatic weed growing in the shallow water. Through long habit of diving for their dinner these animals have become almost amphibian, and they spend much of their time in the water. The annual round of the community Indians on the Altiplano is more varied than that of the colonos. As has been pointed out the free Indian's life today approximates much more nearly to that of the pre-Conquest AymarSs than does that of their peon brethren. The agricultural year makes the same demand in both cases, but the free Indian has time to make use of other oppor- tunities of gaining a livelihood. There are the chinchilla, viscacha, and vicuna to be hunted; and in this they display infinite patience, for when they have carried the skins down to " Arthur Posnansky, (119). POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 165 Tacna, Arequipa, Puno, or La Paz they will receive payment which to them is almost a king's ransom. There is fish to be caught in Lake Titicaca, and here their community organiza- tion comes into play; for the most effectual method demands the collaboration of a number of boats dragging a net between them. But fishing from individual boats is also carried on, both the net and the spear being used. The scarcity of wood on the plateau is evident from the nature of the Titicaca fishing boats, or balsas, built, save for the mast, entirely of reeds bound to- gether, and the sails are likewise made of reeds woven like a mat (see Fig. 35). Fishing with the spear is carried on in shallow water, the boat being propelled by a long pole. The wood for these and for the masts is brought from the Yungas. The fisher- men of the Pacific coast also employ the reed balsa propelled by paddles, and' examples still exist there of the floats in common use at the time of the Conquest made of inflated sea-lion skins, which the fisherman bestrides. But the wooden fishing boat of Mediterranean type has been generally employed since the Spaniards settled on the coast; and, while even this is too primi- tive a craft with which to develop an up-to-date fishing indus- try commensurate with the immense supply, yet it is much more useful than the balsa. These boats are now also constructed on Lake Titicaca from imported boards. On Titicaca there are no better practical meteorologists than the fishermen. They are accustomed to predict breezes which will take their boats out in the evening and bring them back in the morning in time to get their catch to market in La Paz the same evening. The community Indians of the southern Altiplano can occupy the winter months in gathering salt from the great salars, pack- ing it on their beasts, and hawking it round the country. Every- where there is the demand for fuel, the taquia of the farms and vicinity is often insufficient, and the best growth of the resinous yareta is generally far from the settlements and at higher and higher elevations. It is the free Indians who gather and sell it, incidentally pulling it up by the roots and so preventing its spread. The arriero, as the carrying Indian is called, is a feature i66 THE CENTRAL ANDES of the landscape on every road and trail, never riding but leading or driving his little caravan of llamas, asses, and occasionally mules. He is indispensable to trade, and till within the last few years he was essential to the export of minerals. It is to the Indian community that the mine agent, the railway engineer, and the public works officer must go for their laborers, since the colonos are not available. And this means frequently a tem- porary draining of population from long distances. In the districts more favored climatically than the plateaus and Cordilleras — the Cabezas del Valle, the Medio Valle, the Yungas, and the coastal valleys — life differs in many respects. In the first place, of community Indians there are none; the land is too valuable. There are, it is true, in some parts — in the Cocha- bamba basin for example — other free Indians engaged in agri- culture who farm their own land. But, generally speaking, these regions are occupied by valuable fincas worked by numerous colonos. Secondly, since the climate permits the cultivation of a much greater variety of crops, agricultural operations are more complicated; and, while modern machinery and implements are still rare, the more numerous alternative crops present oppor- tunity for development of greater agricultural skill than in the zones of the Puna and the Puna Brava. It is noteworthy that the most accomplished farmers are often found amongst these peasant proprietors, a fact which recalls the dictum of Arthur Young in 1789 when visiting peasant farms — then rare — in France, "the magic of property turns sand into gold." In the coastal valleys irrigation is essential, and it is greatly valued in the valley heads of the Eastern Cordillera; so that in both regions a new complication is introduced in the distribution of water; and water rights are a constant source of broken heads and of litigation. In the zone of the Medio Valle is found the densest agricultural population of the area — about Cochabamba and Arequipa (see Fig. 36). To illustrate the valuable nature of this land with its fine alluvial soil and sufficient water we may note the composi- tion of a typical farm near Luribay in the deep basin below the POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 167 Quimsa Cruz Cordillera and at about 2,700 meters altitude. The farm evidently includes some hill pasture, for it supports a flock of 600 sheep; but its real value rests upon ten hectares of grapevines for wine and a ten-hectare orchard containing 1,000 fig trees, 2,000 pear trees, and 800 trees of apple, peach, and that most luscious of all Andean fruits — the cherimoya. In addition, there are five hectares in alfalfa or other pasture supporting six cows, four oxen, and twenty-two horses, asses, and muies. This farm is worked by loi families of colonos.^' The majority of the fincas have a smaller proportion of fruit land and many fields of cereals; for not only does barley always ripen at these altitudes, but wheat, oats, and maize are grown, as well as large quantities of beans and alfalfa. Another feature of this fine agricultural zone is the possibility of obtaining by irrigation several harvests of alfalfa., as well as reaping two different crops in the same year. For instance beans will be sown in May and reaped in July (midwinter), and then by immediate plowing and sowing in August or September a good crop of maize, grown under the summer rains, will be harvested in May. In the Cochabamba basin the irrigated land is mostly under maize, and the best crops come from the fields watered by streams carrying much silt. In such places the grain will yield as much as two hundred fold as compared with the forty fold return on unirrigated land. Moreover, no manure and no fallow time are needed on such land. The greater part of the unirrigated fields produce wheat and barley, the wheat giving a tenfold yield, the barley somewhat more. The ground as a rule is not manured and lies fallow for only two years. In the Pampa of Arequipa, which is lower than the Cocha- bamba basin, the crops are similar; and there is a noticeable response to local climatic diflferences in the higher yield of crops, especially of maize, in the lower and more sheltered district of Tiabaya as compared with the environs of Arequipa. Similarly the colder winter of the higher section accounts for a difference of from two to three months in the time of plowing and sowing « Karl Kaerger, (141), Vol. 2, p. 3". i68 THE CENTRAL ANDES a a 8S U S B s o B S o> u . §•§ O o us I wheat and barley. Manuring is much more prevalent about Arequipa than at Cocha- bamba, and the Peruvian district has the advantage of being able to procure cheaply the guano of the coast. The map on the scale 1:1,000,000 is rather too small to bring out clearly the real nature of habitable land in the Yungas; but study of Figfure 37 will reveal the fact that valley floors are of very limited extent and that the wealth of the region is derived from the slopes. Moreover, this drawing, made from a photograph unfortunately too large for reproduction here, demonstrates better than any description the importance of the altitudinal zone in the Eastern Cordillera. The vil- lage in the foreground is Coroico, and we are looking westward towards the Cor- dillera Real. The summits of the range are hidden by clouds, and the even crest lines of the background represent remnants of the ancient peneplane surface ly- ing to the east of the snowy peaks. The highest visible point is about 3,600 meters in POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 169 altitude. Coroico is at 1,725 meters, and the stream is runningsome 700 meters below it. Perhaps the most striking feature of the view is the upper limit of terrace cultivation following almost with pre- cision a contour line as far as the eye can reach. The level of this is about 2,000 meters, and nearly up to this height every- where the close-packed fields are coca plantations like those in the foreground. This land has once been forested, and we may note that timber still remains above the zone, climbing to the top of the nearest ridge but concealed by distance in the farther valleys. The upper Montafia was probably never so dense here as at similar levels on the outer slopes behind us, for the valleys in view form a rather sheltered basin. This, then, is the coca belt of the Yungas, which represents the chief wealth of the Atlantic slope of the Andes. It winds about in the valleys and is more or less continuous from southern Peru to the Yungas of Cochabamba east of the map limit, never varying far from the altitudinal limits illustrated in the figure. The zone, however, is not everywhere so intensively cultivated as it is here, and the coca production is of distinctly smaller importance south of the La Paz-Bopi River, the chief centers of the industry being Coroica, Chulumani, and Irupana. The climatic requirements of coca — ^warmth and moisture with a cloud shield from a blazing sun — are also those of coffee, and the two cultures are associated; but by far the greater area in the belt is under coca, and the coffee bushes are planted largely in hedges between the coca fields and along the paths. When the traveler, making his first descent to the Yungas, thinks of the immense benefit which the human race derives from the cocaines, extracted from the leaf of Erythroxylon coca, his journey becomes in a sense a pilgrimage to the birthplace of the precious drug; and, moreover, he can recall that the same zone is the home of the cinchona tree, whose bark provides another alkaloid and an equal treasure to mankind — quinine. It happens, however, that the Yungas of Bolivia are no longer of first importance to the world in furnishing these precious remedies, for both plants have been introduced to southern 170 THE CENTRAL ANDES Asia, which now yields the greater proportion of the drugs. But coca is an essential to the life of the entire native population of our region, not as an anaesthetic but as a stimulant. The dried leaves have been a leading staple of internal trade since prehis- toric times. No Indian will work or travel without his ration of coca, which he mingles with ashes of the quinoa and chews systematically three or four times a day. His nervous system is adjusted to this practice, and he cannot do without it. While the effect is primarily stimulating, the coca dulls the sensation of hunger. In the coca belt we have an exception to the rule that free Indians do not occupy the valuable land. The bulk of the harvest is reaped by Indians who cultivate their own land ; but the best quality of leaf is produced on the haciendas. In the view from Coroico we are struck by the paucity of isolated dwellings. Most of the workers are grouped in the village. We may note also the groups of trees scattered amongst the fields on the slopes. Some of these are merely original forest trees left for shade; but most of them are fruit trees, largely orange and cherimoya. The Yungas Indian, then, is occupied throughout the year with his coca, his coffee, and his fruit — ^all of which when ready he will sell to the middlemen in the market of his village for export to the highland or beyond. To maize, sweet potato, beans, and other vegetables he devotes just sufficient land and time to supply his own limited needs. Although the Yungas are always moist, there is a seasonal rhythm in the agricultural year, for irrigation is not practiced, and the preparations of new planta- tions as well as the biggest harvests of the mature bushes take place during the heavier rains of the summer. The seed for a new coca field is sown in November in beds and covered with a layer of grass. Then as the plants spring up a low shade canopy of grass or banana leaves is raised over them. At the end of a year the foot-high plants are ready for planting out in the deep trenches of the field, and another year must elapse before the first harvest can be made. The life of a plantation (cocal) is from twenty years in the warmer parts to forty in the cooler POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 171 parts of the belt. The leaves are picked from three to four times a year, and female labor is the rule. The two big harvests are early and late in the rainy season, in November — Mita de Santos (All Saints) — ^and March. In June comes the third — Mita de San Juan, and, if the winter rains are plentiful, a fourth between June and November. Similar preparations are necessary in planting coffee, but three or four years elapse before a yield. The three harvests fall, with some variation, respectively in October or November, January to March and May to July — the last being the heaviest. Coffee picking as a rule does not clash with the coca harvest. The drying of coca leaves and coffee berries alike is carried out on the stone- paved seccador. The Yungas coffee, which is famous for its aroma, is exported with the parchment covering still on the bean. The above description of life in the coca belt accounts for the life of the largest number of people in our area east of the Alti- plano. But both above and below this zone men live and in entirely different conditions. In a belt limited below by the coca fields and above by the talus slopes of the mountain core there are widely scattered haciendas, most of them centered on the narrow alluvial playas of the valley, but some of them on the flat-topped spurs high above the rivers. A little agriculture is practiced about these — maize and the temperate fruits in the valleys; barley, potatoes, and quinoa on the high spurs. But the belt is chiefly known for its cattle pastures. Where the forest thins out and above that on all the gentle slopes the grass is thick and good. The herds are small, and they graze untended where the topography limits their range naturally. This zone is one of the two sources of draft oxen and of beef, the other being the clearings and possibly also natural savana country of the hot lowlands. Where the natural forest — the upper Montana — still exists, as it does almost everywhere south of the La Paz- Bopi River, it is the haunt of the cinchona gatherers. These Indians live a hard life in the dense forest. The best trees are found in the valleys between 2,000 and 3,000 meters altitude. All the bark which they cut they must transport on their own backs. 172 THE CENTRAL ANDES The remaining area to be mentioned lies below the coca belt. It is naturally forest, and the scattered population is grouped round isolated plantations or missions along the rivers. It is the upper limit of the Montana, the forest whose natural re- sources of timber are scarcely tapped and where the rubber pain- fully gathered by the miserable cascarilleros has now but small importance in face of scientific cultivation elsewhere and of the enormous difficulties of export. On the farms, which are situated on the playas, or flat strips on the river banks, the patr6n is the master of his colonos in a much more absolute sense than on the plateau. The finca is here a plantation in the accepted sense. Cacao and sugar cane are the main crops of the patr6n. The products of these are easy of export either separately or mixed, as chocolate. Moreover, the patr6n operates his own distillery and finds in alcohol his most remunerative commodity. In addition to these crops all the tropical fruits, including the pine- apple and various bananas, grow with the minimum of cultiva- tion; and the natives themselves need put very little energy into supplementing these by other food crops such as yuca and sweet potato. In early chapters we have learned to appreciate a number of physical causes for the restricted nature of cultivated land near the Pacific coast. Topography, soil, and climate combine to limit agriculture to the narrow strips of the valley oases. Since the river water is the life blood of these, it follows that success or failure in raising crops depends upon its even distribution on the land ; and here again physical conditions are modified by the historical circumstances of its occupation. It has been a case of first come, best served. The irrigable land is held almost entirely by hacendados, only the higher valleys remaining in the hands of Indian communities; and, since the first grants were naturally made for the lands nearest to the source of water, the proprietors with the longest line of landholding ancestors are often in effect the masters of the valley, the water rights of estates lower down being usually much less valuable. Recent changes have certainly been in the direction of equity in this matter; but it would appear POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 173 that the irrigable land as a whole could be made more productive if the interests of all were considered equally. The valley oases within the limits of our sheet are farmed almost entirely by Peruvian or Chilean landholders; and it would seem that with the limited amount of water and of initiative at their disposal the population is sufficient to provide the requisite labor. It may be noted, however, in passing that such is not the case in the Peruvian oases farther north where many foreign proprietors, in striving to develop the land to its maximum capacity, have constantly been thwarted by lack of hands and have made various attempts to introduce foreign labor such as coolies from China. In our own area we have seen that there is a marked strain of negro blood in the coastal valleys, derived from the numerous African slaves introduced by the early Spaniards to work their newly settled land. Agriculture in the valleys in Tacna and Arica has labored under a further disadvantage in the last half-century — the uncertainty of the political future of the two departments. Temperature is always sufficiently high to produce the crops of the coast; but the water comes in its full measure only when the rivers are filled by the summer rains on the Cordillera, so that the seasonal distribution of work in most of the oases is not very different from that in other parts of the country; although the crops in most respects are those characteristic of the Medi- terranean, where they depend upon winter rains. But there is another point of similarity which may be mentioned. Many of the coastal farmers own cattle, and it is in the winter — as in the Mediterranean — that these are driven to the valuable if fugitive pastures of the Lomas. The most favored areas, however, such as the lower Tambo valley, can command water at all seasons, and here we find sugar cane in quantity. These coastal oases serve as the garden of Bolivia and northern Chile, and agriculture is perhaps more varied than elsewhere in the region on account of the production of the numerous Medi- terranean crops. Thus there are the olives to pick and press, olive oil to can and export, vines to tend, grapes to pick, and wine 174 THE CENTRAL ANDES to make — much prized despite a flavor described as "foxy" or "mousey." The Bolivian Indian would almost as soon go without his coca as his universal seasoning of aji — known to the world as chili or red pepper; and the coastal valleys annually send several hundred tons of these to the plateau. The Chilean nitrate workers are without local food supplies for man or beast save for the small production in the canckones described below. A proportion of the meat can be obtained from the herds above- mentioned. Hay and alfalfa are raised in the oases in quantities for export as dried forage. Likewise vegetables and fruits of all sorts are produced, and the coastal farmers have an ever ready and increasing market for these in the ships which call to pro- vision at Arica. Maize is the chief food staple of the Indians in the valleys themselves, and in point of production it is probably the most important crop. But wheat and barley are also grown for home use, the grain being roasted and ground to meal by hand. The farmers of the valleys are very careful in the use of the precious irrigation water. For instance, where aji is the chief crop the soil is raised about the edges of the beds, and wheat or barley is sown on the embankments in clumps about a meter apart. This holds the bank together and helps to keep the water on the aji beds. The cold coastal water is probably responsible for the fact that the southern limit of true tropical products lies in our area and not farther south. Cotton is not cultivated with suc- cess south of the oasis of lea in Peru, and no Egyptian cotton at all is raised in our area. Sugar cane, however, thrives where the water is sufficient, and a large part of the alluvial Tambo valley and delta is occupied by cane plantations. The contrast of arid desert slopes and wide verdant flats is here most striking. The eye is further attracted by the lines of poplar trees along the ditches between the fields. These trees, however, can have no good effect upon the yield of the sun-loving cane. The plants need two years to come to maturity and may then be cut twice where the soil is shallow and from three to five times on the deeper alluvium nearer the mouth, the harvest taking place LA pa; Plate n Pnsturc land, indicated 0:1 this small scale nap by a uui'oi-^i opj.i s^ippi^, is liihi'.cd on the bi.ibc.t n;oi:i:ta:i]S ]>y the snowline, for v.'hicb see the L,a Paz sheet, Scale l»2,ooo,ooo 20 JO kO 50 eo 70 80 90 UHt UO Sob mileti to s 10 30 30 English milea to s o POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 175 between August and December. The bulk of the cane in these valleys is devoted to the production of alcohol, which, as we have seen, is in great demand throughout the country and especially on the plateau. Sugar extraction, when carried out locally, is primitive, there being no separation of the crystalline and colloidal materials. The solidified mass (chancaca) is exported in cakes. Where the soil is salt but yet is not far from the water table, as is the case in parts of the Pampa del Tamarugal, a remarkable form of cultivation has long been carried on. The superficial saline layer is removed and built up in long banks known as canchones, set at right angles to each other. The intervening spaces are now fit for cultivation, the hollows being sufficiently deep to allow roots to penetrate to the ground water, or perhaps to allow the water to reach the roots by capillarity, while the banks serve as a protection against wind and reduce evaporation. Vegetables or wheat and even trees such as a mesquite (Prosopis dulcis) are sown in separate holes. As they sprout the plants are surrounded with good earth, and while they are still small they are protected by individual shelters. Mining We have so far omitted to deal with an important element in the life of the region and especially of the Puna. Throughout the century following the Conquest every Spaniard was a pros- pector, and individuals obtained valuable mining concessions subject to the payment of a fifth to the royal treasury. For the working of the mines the government established the system of forced labor {reparlimienlos and mitas) by which concessionaries were allowed to impress the Indian laborers, many of whom were already skilled in mining. The great initial prosperity of mining came to an end when silver fell in value and also became more difficult to extract. But the increasing value of tin in the nine- teenth century led to a great recrudescence of the industry helped by foreign capital. The mines today are nearly all in the hands of foreign companies or of a few Bolivian individuals. 176 THE CENTRAL ANDES While the foreign companies are mainly European and North American, there is an important and growing Chilean interest in Bolivian mines, especially at Corocoro and Llallagua. The population about a mine consists, as a rule, of a small number of white engineers, a larger number of cholo overseers, who live with their families, and the much larger number of Indian miners. The latter, as pointed out, are free Indians drawn from the old communities. Some of them have settled in the district, espe- cially where the mines are long established; and these have with them their wives and families who often cultivate a little land near the mine, generally with poor results, since the mines are mostly situated at high altitudes. But the great bulk of the miners are transitory, the Indians engaging voluntarily in many cases but leaving their community only for a period of months. Where located far from centers of population it is so difficult for mine owners to obtain the necessary hands that they some- times adopt methods which are far from being above criticism. The revels of the fiestas are favorite occasions for the visits of the cholo mine agents to the communities. Liquor is flowing freely, and it is easier to persuade the Indian to agree to serve then than at other times. A large advance of money — promptly spent on drink — clinches the bargain, and the Indian when sober becomes the slave of the mine, to remain so until his debt is paid off. Of the total population of the province of Tarapaci, given in the census of 1907 as 110,000, 23,000 were Peruvians, and 12,000 were Bolivians. A large proportion of these were un- doubtedly workers in the nitrate fields, so that we have to note an important movement of Indians from the plateaus to the coast for mining purposes. Many of these are engaged by con- tract; and, taking their families with them, they remain for long periods. Others come down with caravans and take service for a few months before returning to their homes. Movement Figure 38 consists of three sketch maps, showing approximately the relative importance of traffic routes in the area at different POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 177 periods, and a fourth map on which are indicated the dates of construction of the various railways. On maps A, C, and D the thickness of the lines mark in a general manner a grading of the amount of traffic on the routes; and such lines are to be compared only with other lines on the same map. On map A, illustrating conditions in the colonial period, all of the lines, of course, indicate pack roads. On maps C and D only the most important of these and of the coach roads are shown, the majority of them being feeders of the railways. In prehistoric times prior to the rise of the Inca dynasty it would appear that Tiahuanaco was the kernel of the whole puna region of South America. It was a large city whose inhabitants could not have been fed by the immediate neighborhood, evi- dently a center of government supported by tribute from distant provinces, like Rome at the height of its splendor. With the decay of Tiahuanaco and the rise of the Inca capital at Cuzco the center of gravity in the Puna shifted north of our area, and arteries of communication developed, leading from the heart of empire to the outer marches which lay well beyond the La Paz area. Throughout the Inca period, then, the maximum move- ment of people must have been along roads following the north- south trend of the Puna, with branches to the coast lands by Arequipa, to the Yungas by La Paz, and to the eastern Andes by Cochabamba. The Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru was governed from Lima, and the same roads which served the Incas became the means of interchange between the various mountain provinces of the new state. But the Spaniards sailed upon the sea and so developed ports, Quilca, at the mouth of the Rio Vitor, to serve Arequipa ; lea, by which some of the coastal valleys were tapped; and Arica, as the main point of access to the Altiplano. Moreover the Spaniards occupied Chile, far beyond the domain of the Inca; and, since it often took twelve months to reach the Chilean settle- ments against adverse winds and currents, they developed the desert road along the foot of the Cordillera. The great mining activity of the early Spaniards caused them to seek an outlet 178 THE CENTRAL ANDES POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 179 for their minerals. Arica, the first accessible port north of the Atacama desert, was the obvious goal; and so there developed a great fan-shaped concentration on this port reaching out to the eastern Andes as far south as Potosf. A considerable pro- portion of the Potosi silver, however, went southwestward to the port of Cobija. Such were the main currents of movement up to the time of railroad development; and, since the Indian population is not yet given to railway travel, it may be said that the old roads still have great though somewhat lessened importance. Let us examine in more detail the location of these. Of the longitudinal routes by far the most important is that leading from Puno in Peru, following the west shore of Titicaca, crossing the Desaguadero by a bridge at its source, and thence leading by Viacha, with a branch to La Paz, along the foot of the eastern ridges and Cordillera. At Paria this road divides, one branch continuing southwards by Oruro and the other leading over the hills to Cochabamba. The southward road splits at Rio Mulato, as does the modern railway, its branches leading respectively to Potosi and Sucre and to the Argentine border via Uyuni and Tupiza, both beyond our limit. From Paria to Cochabamba the easier route now followed by the railway provided for normal traffic while a hill road, passing through Tapacari, comes into more general use during the wet weather when the Arque River causes obstruction on the lower road. Beyond Cochabamba the main road passes eastwards into the basin of Cliza and so, by a gradual descent, to Santa Cruz at the eastern foot of the Andes. Prior to railroad construction the mineral output from the southeastern part of our area found its way to Arica by a caravan trail which strikes west-southwest from Oruro across the plateau and then, after passing through the pastures about the upper Lauca River, descends either by the Lluta or Azapa valleys to the coast. Of the trans-Cordillera roads, however, the one which has been of most constant importance is that which leads from the town of Tacna northeastward and succeeds in maintaining i8o THE CENTRAL ANDES an almost straight course to La Paz, striking the upper Mauri River and then keeping to the higher ground north of it, and crossing the Desaguadero at Nazacara. The direct road from Arequipa to the Puna finds fairly easy gradients by passing east- ward over the Pampa de Salinas and then northeastward over the high plateaus to Puno on Titicaca. La Paz has always been the main starting point for the Bolivian Yungas. The bulk of the through traffic which moves along the eastern shore of Titicaca is going. to or from Sorata, the collecting point in the northern Yungas, and an even more important traffic is main- tained on the road over the pass at Rinconada and thence down either to Coroico or Chulumani. An observer has counted 1, 600 laden animals making their way up from Yungas on this road in one day, and that not the chief market day of La Paz. The traffic from Arequipa to the coast formerly went down the Vitor valley to its mouth where Quilca was long maintained as the port of Arequipa. But since the railroad was built Mollendo has become the port, and the Vitor road has lost in importance. The position of the desert road, followed during the conquest of Chile by Almagro on his return and by Valdivia on his outward march, is determined by the points at which limited supplies of food, water, and fodder can be obtained. It therefore passes over the piedmont from oasis to oasis, keeping as near to the edge of the desert as is possible without climbing far on the slopes of the mountains. This route is said to have been in con- stant use by the Spaniards up to the time when the ocean sailing track — as opposed to the coastwise course — ^was discovered early in the eighteenth century. These were the chief avenues of movement up to the period of railroad construction. Other routes are either of purely local importance or serve as tribu- taries to these main arteries. The term "road" has been used in the above description as well as in the legend printed on the La Paz sheet. It cannot be too strongly emphasized, however, that roads in this area are not like those of more progressive parts of the world. So far as has been ascertained, there is but one metalled road within the POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT i8i sheet area, and that has been built by a mining company to bring their ores from the Caracoles and other mines in the Quimsa Cruz Cordillera over the Abra de Tres Cruces and down to the railway at Eucalyptus. Elsewhere on the sheet the symbol for a "coach road" where shown implies that passenger or mail coaches and other wheeled vehicles, such as occasional auto- mobiles, use them or have used them in recent years. It does not imply that the surface is maintained or that streams are all bridged; but the roads are kept in repair and graded in many places — especially where cut along a mountain slope to avoid the washouts which damage roads at lower levels. On the other hand, the symbol used for "pack roads, trails, and paths" includes routes of all qualities, from the trail linking villages on the Altiplano which are often diiBcult to distinguish from the pampa on either side to the main pack roads of the mountains, such as that from La Paz to Chulumani, upon which an immense amount of labor and money has been spent in cutting, embanking, paving, and bridging. In Bolivia it is such caminos de herradura that are the chief concern of the Department of Public Works. Railways The Revolution led to increased interest in this region on the part of foreigners, and it is only natural that the first railway construction took place in the most accessible part — the coast lands. The line from Moquegua to its port of Ilo was opened in 1873 to serve for the export of the products of the Moquegua valley — ^largely wine and brandy. This railroad, however, was destroyed in the War of the Pacific and was not rebuilt until 1907. Another and more important result of the introduction of foreign capital was the development of the nitrate industry with the foundation of the port of Pisagu^ (see Fig. i) and construction of a railway to it in 1875, to be followed in the early nineties by the opening of lines to the newer ports of Caleta Buena and Caleta Junfn. An essential feature of the political and strategic organization of Chile has been the building of the longi- tudinal railroad throughout its great length north of 40° S. i82 THE CENTRAL ANDES Only the final section of this remains to be built, the plan being to connect Zapiga on the Pisagua line with Arica. The Peruvians, encouraged by the success of the Moquegua railway, and to meet a similar need, constructed the line from Tacna to Arica; and this was long thought of as the first section of a railway to Bolivia. But the continuation was never undertaken. The greatest feat in opening up the Central Andes — the build- ing of railways up to the high plateaus — still remains to be treat- ed; and the great importance of topography in this elevated region is brought home to us in a remarkable manner when we consider the facts of route selection, railway competition, and movement of commodities in the last half-century. Primarily of course railways have penetrated to the heart of the Cordilleras in order to tap the ores they produce and so to promote mining; and we may note with advantage the swift changes which have taken place in the direction of this export, as the various railways in turn crept up to the plateau and pushed their heads nearer to the different mining centers. The Peruvian Corporation was first in the field with its line from MoUendo along the shore and up over the desert pampa to Arequipa and thence by severe gradients to the plateau and Lake Titicaca, which it reaches at Puno. This line was opened in 1874. In addition to serving Arequipa and tapping the agri- cultural and pastoral resources of a wide area of Peru, it opened a new route for export of Bolivian ores; for after some delay a steamer service was established on Lake Titicaca from Puno to Huaqui, which had the effect of diverting much of the ore from the llama caravans on the Tacna road. In particular, the new route took the entire production of the Corocoro copper mines and greatly stimulated production there. This is all the more striking in that the distance by the new route was so much greater, while the ore had to be handled six times between mine and ocean steamer, viz.: loaded on mule cart or llama back; carried to the Desaguadero; shipped in shallow-draft barges on that river; transshipped to the lake steamer at Huaqui (see Fig. 39); loaded on the train at Puno; and finally at MoUendo, POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 183 where steamers cannot come alongside, first put into lighters and thence hoisted into the steamer hold in the roadstead. In 1902 La Paz was linked to this sytem by the building of a rail- way to Huaqui. ^ The port of Antofagasta is over 400 kilometers south of our hmit of 20 degrees. From this port a narrow-gauge railroad was constructed in a northeasterly direction to tap the rich copper mmes of northern Chile and pushed up over the plateau, reaching Oruro in 1892 and thus at once draining the bulk of the mineral districts of Bolivia southwards to Antofagasta. In 1912 the facility of export in this direction was further increased by opening of the line from Rio Mulato to PotosJ; but it is worthy of note that even after the Antofagasta railroad had reached Oruro a constant stream of freight from the plateau as far south as that city continued for many years to be moved by caravan to Arica, and the extension of the Antofagasta line from Oruro up to Viacha in 1909 did not completely drain the produce of this region to the southern port. The last stage in this contest for the traffic of the plateau was initiated in 1913 by the completion of the Arica-La Paz railroad. This line was not made an extension of the Arica-Tacna railway but was constructed in the Lluta basin, reaching the summit near Lago Blanco, continuing down the Mauri River, and taking an easy course over the plateau which brought it within a few miles of Corocoro. About the same time the railway from Oruro to Cochabamba by way of the Arque valley was finished. In consequence of these recent developments the freight routes at the present time are again undergoing readjustment but prob- ably for the last time. To help in visualizing the changes in the relative importance of routes, three sketch maps are given (Fig. 38) representing conditions in different periods. As far as the country south of La Paz is concerned, com- petition is now entirely between the ports of Arica and Anto- fagasta, Mollendo having dropped behind, presumably on account of the transshipment difficulties. In 1916 the relative volume of exportation by the three ports in metric tons was as 1 84 THE CENTRAL ANDES follows: Antofagasta 80,977, Arica 43,563, MoUendo 4,957. It seems clear that the figure for Arica does not represent the posi- tion which that port and its railway will hold in the future. The new line suffered greatly for the first two years from the lack of rolling stock, and it is unlikely that by 1916 complete adjust- ment had taken place. We may usefully compare certain fea- tures of the three railway routes to La Paz. Summit in Port Length in THE Cordil- Time from Time to Kilometers lera Occi- La Paz La Paz dental Arica . . . 439 4,257 meters 17 hrs. 25 hrs. Antofagasta . I.IS7 3,9S6 meters 48 hrs. S3 hrs. Mollendo . . 850 4,470 meters 35 hrs. 45 hrs. Considering distances from the ports along the various routes we may note that a point which is halfway between Arica and Antofagasta on the now continuous railway linking the ports by way of Viacha and Oruro would form a natural divide for freight north bound and south bound. This point is just south of Challapata, east of Lake Poop6, and it would appear that under present conditions the Viacha-Arica railway should form the avenue for all freight derived from or destined for all the plateau area represented on the La Paz sheet save a small strip in the south. Furthermore, a railway project which has been much favored by mine owners south of Oruro is the construc- tion of a line from Charana, the frontier station on the Arica railroad, directly to Oruro, keeping to the south of the middle Desaguadero. There is no geographical reason for thus doubling the line in the Mauri valley, and great economy would evidently be effected by making a junction in the neighborhood of the Mauri viaduct near Viscachani. But, whatever be the detail of this railway construction, it remains true that, if it be carried out, the imaginary line which we term the "freight divide" POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 185 would be moved southward beyond Rfo Mulato. By this the Arica railroad would be the gainer, having tapped the heavy traffic from the Potosl district. Of the railways so far mentioned probably the only one that serves agricultural interests to any great extent is that from Oruro to Cochabamba. This line serves as distributor of produce emanating not only from the Cochabamba basin itself but also from the southern Yungas and the warm valleys drained east- wards to the Rfo Grande. There is a project to extend the existing railway, on the one hand, into the former district and so to reach the head of navigation on the Chapard, a tributary of the Mamord, and, on the other, to Santa Cruz and so on to the Parana River at Puerto Suarez. In the latter direction there is already a short electric road as far as Punata in the rich agri- cultural basin of Cliza. East of La Paz lies the best-developed section of the Yungas. And we have seen that traffic up and down these valleys is heavy. It would seem, then, that the Bolivian government is fully justified in the construction of the mountain railroad up the Chuquiaguillo valley and down the Unduavi. This railway will undoubtedly be prolonged to Chulumani, but it remains to be seen whether it will ever connect with navigation on the Beni River. A railway route has been surveyed from Coroico to Rur- renabaque, some 200 kilometers to the north, so that in time the traffic link between La Paz and the Amazon may be forged in that direction. In discussing railroads in this region we have not had to make reference to projects in any great degree. The riches of the mines have made realities of most of the projects here. Development of additional mines will probably mean new branch lines or at least new automobile roads, but of trunk lines there would seem to be room for no more, unless it be the linking of the Peruvian and Bolivian systems by a line along the western shore of Titicaca from Puno to Huaqui." " For related discussione see Isaiah Bowman; Trade Routes in the Economic Geography of Bolivia, Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc, Vol. 42, 1910, pp. 22-37, 90-104, and 180-192; and idem: Regional Population Groups of Atacama, ibid.. Vol. 41 1909, pp. 142-154 and 193-211. 1 86 THE CENTRAL ANDES Leading Cities and Centers The La Paz sheet includes five cities and towns which demand special attention from their importance, not only to this parti- cular area but to the Central Andes as a whole. These are La Paz, Arequipa, Cochabamba, Oruro, and Arica. We have seen how the early Spanish settlers gradually pushed their dominion southwards from Peru towards the pampas of Argentina, and it has already been noted that it was found convenient to establish an important post about halfway between Cuzco and Potosf. This post, which has become the city of La Paz, was founded in 1548 under the name. El Pueblo Nuevo (The New Town). Had the post been fixed actually upon the route, it would have stood in the neighborhood of the present Viacha, that is on the bare plateau itself; and it is most unlikely that it would have developed into the greatest city in the Central Andes. La Paz holds this position in virtue of its being the center of government in Bolivia; and the government is centered there and not at Sucre, the legal capital, because of the nodal position required by a metropolis.'^ The city enjoys a climate which, while it is not ideal, is yet far more supportable than that of Viacha, and its disadvantage of lying nearly 20 miles off the main road on the plateau and 600 meters below its level is now met by two railroads which descend to the city itself. Thus La Paz is now in a position to draw almost the maximum advantage from its nodality. This advantage will be complete if and when the Yungas railway has been extended to the head of navigation on the Beni River. The population of Bolivia is crowded — rela- tively — in this western section of the country. From south, from west, and from both shores of Titicaca routes converge here. Moreover, La Paz is the starting point of the easiest road from the plateau to the Yungas and ultimately to the Amazonian plains. Successful government in the less accessible parts of South America is largely a matter of communications. Where these are difficult the government is ill-informed of happenings " It is in virtue of this that La Paz is indicated on the map by the symbol for capital city. POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT i87 in its more remote territories, and it is in these that revolutions tend to break out. A President at Sucre would be hopelessly out of touch with affairs in the Yungas, and that city stands on the very edge of the mining zone and beyond the well-peopled region of Bolivia. La Paz as the center of government and of business has grown very rapidly in recent years. Its population has increased from 60,000 in 1900 to 78,000 in 1909 and 101,000 (estimated) in 1920. With its public buildings, churches, plazas, markets, busy thoroughfares, the city really looks like a capital. The foreign visitor to La Paz carries a lifelong memory of its wonderful setting, unique among capitals. From the Alto the Fig. 40 — The site of the city of La Paz, from the southwest. In the distance are peaks of the Cordillera Real with Caca-Aca and Huaina Potosi (left) ; the smooth upper surface in the middle distance is an extension of the Altiplano; the glaciated valleys of the upper La Paz (left) and Chuguiaguillo (center) are incised below this surface. The city is partly on a terrace and partly on the lowest slopes of the main valley. Drawn from a photograph. city is seen to nestle far below, not quite at the head of the deep trench in which it lies but near the spot where the torrential Chuquiaguillo River tumbles down to join the La Paz River, which threads the city itself. The steep valley sides contrast with the smooth upper edges of spurs and plateau, and these remnants of an ancient topography rise gently as they recede, till they lap against the rugged walls of the Cordillera with its crown of snow and ice. The latter is visible in more than half its extent — from Caca Aca on the left to Illimani on the right. Towards the latter the middle distance is occupied by a labyrinth of spurs and narrow valleys cut in the weakest of rocks. Light and shade bring out the valley sculpture in its finest tracery of i88 THE CENTRAL ANDES earth pillars and dendritic scrolls. Perhaps aesthetic apprecia- tion of this magnificent situation as well as the city's history contributed, when the New Town was rechristened under the dignified title: Nuestra Senora de la Paz, which name, after independence had been won, was changed to its present form. La Paz de Ayacucho. Arequipa is the metropolis of southern Peru and the second city in that country. Throughout its long history it has derived its relative importance mainly from three facts: that it possesses a considerable stretch of irrigable land on a gently sloping pampa ; that in all of southern Peru this is the only extensive agricultural area intermediate in altitude — Arequipa is at 2,295 meters — between the hot coast lands and the Puna; and, lastly, that it is situated on a relatively easy route between a port — Quilca — and the thickly peopled Puna north and west of Lake Titicaca. Arequipa is therefore admirably placed as a center for exchange of the products of Puna and coast. The city stands on the open pampa on the eastern bank of the Rio Chili which flows in a deep quebrada. It is a well built city of stone laid out in rectangular blocks, and slopes gently from north to south. Above the city stands the astronomical observa- tory maintained by Harvard University. From the scenic stand- point it is the background which makes Arequipa. Seen from the southwest the city appears to be crowned by the perfect cone of El Misti with its peak, snow-capped for most of the year, 3,500 meters above the town and 18 kilometers distant. To left and right stand respectively the triple peaks of Chachani and the rugged ridges of Pichu Pichu, the first separated from El Misti by the profound canyon of the Chili and the second standing out from the flat horizon of the Pampa de Salinas. The census of 1876 credited Arequipa and its suburb of Miraflores with a population of 29,000, while the number today is not much less than 40,000, and it would appear that the greatest increase took place soon after railway communication was opened. One result of this was the development of industry, such as cotton and grain mills. Arequipa, like Cuzco, is noted as a hotbed of revolution. POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 189 Both are centers of outlying departments, and the lack of direct railway communication with the capital is doubtless a con- tributory cause. In 1574 the Spaniards, appreciating the kindly climate and good soil of the ''wet plain" {khocha pampa) of the Rocha, founded the Villa de Oropeza there. The city remains under the Indian name as Cochabamba. Its site in the enclosed basin which it dominates is determined by a rocky prong of the southern hill, which causes a constriction in the pampa threaded by the Rocha. Just below the city that river receives the tributary which drains the wide basin of Cliza to the southeast. Cochabamba is the meeting point of the ways leading, on the one hand, through this basin and spreading fan-wise over wide tracts of the eastern Andes and, on the other hand, up the Rocha valley and over to the Yungas and the RJo Chapar6. The impression left in the mind of the visitor to Cochabamba is of a pleasant, hospitable city with many trees and animated by the life of an important market brimming with the fruits of the soil. As such it has an importance much greater than is indicated by the number of its permanent inhabitants. These were esti- mated in 191 8 at 31,000; the census of 1900 giving a total of 22,000. The pampa presents a smiling aspect with its well-grown crops and innumerable fruit trees. The rushing Rocha forms an alluring foreground in this arid land, and the bold scarp of the Tunari, while it does not match the background of La Paz, yet fits the landscape, and without the presence of this protecting range the fertile basin is unthinkable; indeed it would not exist. Cochabamba is the most Spanish of all the cities in our area. Its climate and the fertility of its soil caused the early settlers to make it their home, and today the customs of old Spain prevail to a marked degree. A greater contrast in aspect and life could scarcely be found in the region than that between Cochabamba and Oruro. The con- vergence of the road from the former with the piedmont road of the Altiplano would naturally be an important place, especially as it is halfway between La Paz and PotosL But its location 190 THE CENTRAL ANDES would be that of Paria, close to the hills. But Oruro is the real junction of roads as it is of railways. The cause for the momen- tum acquired by this city is the small group of hills which raise their bald heads from a still more barren pampa, which separates them by ten kilometers from the escarpment of the eastern pla- teaus. To this inhospitable spot the early Spaniards were at- tracted by the silver lodes of the hills, and they made their settlement as best they could on the east side of the grcSup where they obtained at kast some shelter from the cold and dust-laden winds which sweep the Altiplano in the winter. The city was styled the Villa de San Felipe de Austria, but its aboriginal name Uru Uru — ^probably derived from the presence of a group of Uru Indians — ^has survived in the present form. But Oruro has been little better than a mining camp throughout its long history. It is in no way favored by nature; at no season is its climate pleas- ant, scarcely a tree is to be found in or about the city, and even the inadequate water supply hia.s to be piped across the pampa from the Cordillera. The drab aspect of the blocks of low adobe houses is only heightened by the artificial pretentiousness of the ornate government buildings in the main plaza. Oruro was founded as a mining center in 1568, and such fever- ish activity reigned in the following century that by 1678 there were some 38,000 Spaniards living there, and the Indian popula- tion must have been at least as great, making a total of 76,000. The extent to which silver mining had fallen off by 1859 is re- flected in the population of that date — 7,980. From then on- wards the Cerro de Oruro has again been known as a great tin- mining center. By 1900 its population had grown to 15,900, and, as this industry received a great impetus from the advent of the railroad, it is not surprising that the city in 1920 numbered about 31,000 inhabitants. Arica, little more than a village with its 5,000 inhabitants, merits special treatment here because of its future rather than on account of its past. Yet even in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it would have maintained a greater population, had it not been for a well-grounded fear of the English raiders, of whom POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 191 Sir Francis Drake was the first and best known. This, as well as the frequency of earthquakes, discouraged settlement in the little port. Arica is of great importance strategically and commercially. At the present time it is occupied by the strongest naval power in western South America, Chile, which holds the nitrate fields. Early in the War of the Pacific the capture of Arica was effected by Chile, and it was a vital stroke. So long as attack by neigh- bors is likely the holder of the nitrate fields must be able to dom- inate Arica and its relatively sheltered harbor from the sea. We have seen that as the terminus of the La Paz railway the port of Arica is destined to deal with an ever-increasing traffic with Bolivia. Without a doubt it must soon become Bolivia's first port. The town with its limited resources of water and food will probably never grow to be a large city, but with the future development of warehouses and possibly of smelters a consider- able increase in its population is to be expected, and its impor- tance to the Central Andes will always be greater than its size would imply. The absolute dependence of the Andean Indians upon the produce of the soil accounts for the deep-seated desire on their part to propitiate the natural elements, or rather the spirits which they conceive to control them. Their religion, while nom- inally that of the Roman Catholic Church, at bottom consists in the worship of such spirits, and, while the celebrations of the Church are observed, these often coincide with the time-honored festivals of the pre-Christian period. Thus the celebration of Corpus Christi about the end of May coincides with the primitive festival marking the conclusion of chuno making. The ancient festivals, or holidays, were combined with periodic fairs, and so today there is a general agreemertt of the dates of the important Christian celebrations with the holding of annual fairs in one place or another. There is however, a general absence of fairs in the rainy season, for there is much work to be done in the fields, and roads are then difficult to traverse. These annual fairs are a feature in the life of all large villages which are centers of districts; but there are two places in our 192 THE CENTRAL ANDES area whose fame spreads beyond these limits. Each of them draws thousands of people from far and wide for one week in the year. These are Copacabana, on the western side of the penin- sula of that name in Titicaca, and Huari, on the eastern side of Lake Poop6. Copacabana is the reputed birthplace of the Chil- dren of the Sun, and the wise ecclesiastics of the Conquest in their effort to convert the natives erected on this most sacred spot of the Indians the shrine of Our Lady of Copacabana. There is a weekly market at this place — as in hundreds of others — but mar- ket day here is Sunday, so that trading may be combined with religion. Moreover, it is the idea of annual pilgrimage which renders the Copacabana fair so important when it is held. Were it not for its religious importance Copacabana would probably not have been chosen as the location of a leading fair. Huari is a small village situated on the narrow piedmont strip between Lake Poop6 and the eastern Andes. For fifty-one weeks it is a much less impwrtant place than Challapata, ten kilometers north of it. But in the week following Holy Week the village may contain ten thousand people, and during that time a busy trade is carried on. From its location Huari is a convenient point for such a concourse. By the road from Sucre which reaches the piedmont at Challapata come the farmers of the warm valleys in the Rio Grande basin as far as Santa Cruz bringing their grain, sugar, wine, and fruit. By the roads from the north come the traders of Yungas with their coca and other tropical produce. By the southern road come grain from Tupiza and chinchilla skins from Lipez, and from distant Argentina come droves of fattened cattle, mules, and donkeys for sale. The Puna itself sends its products in quantities — woolen fabrics, wrought silver, chuno, etc. Since the resources of Huari are limited, elaborate preparations have to be made. The fair is administered by the municipality of Challapata for which a contractor organizes temporary shops, corrals, etc., paying a high price for the privilege but deriving good profit from his week's labor." IB For details see Gladys M. Wrigley. (14s). POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 193 Geography and Political Organization Just as the physical characters of the land have largely deter- mined the course of man,'s occupation of it and his distribution upon it, so also the political organization of the country has always been guided at least in part by geographical considera- tions. This is best seen in the positions and movements of politi- cal boundary lines. In the earlier periods of their history — and prehistory — ^territories of clans, races, and empires were probably separated not by boundary lines but by frontier zones which were contested incessantly by neighboring tribes. Archeology has revealed the existence of a prehistoric empire, of whose cul- ture the chief feature is megalithic structures. This empire is believed to have extended over the high Andes from 12° S. north- wards to 5° S. and down to the coast between 5° and 15°. The later Inca empire from its nucleus at Cuzco was extended gradu- ally in both directions along the Andes, until at its apogee, be- tween 1488 and 1530 A. D., it included all of the ancient megalithic empire and more, reaching on coast and mountains to the equator and along the Pacific coast to the site of Valparaiso. These great empires, then, furnish a wonderful example of polit- ical units extending throughout entire natural regions — the Puna on the mountains and the desert on the coast. All the high lands and dry lands came under their sway, but never the wet and forest lands. The Inca empire in fact corresponded in marked degree with the range of the condor — the animal king of the Andes." The frontier zone with the forest tribes was the eastern slopes of the Andes. Where this frontier was regarded as vulnerable, in parts of Peru and in the plateaus east of our area for instance, it was defended by forts dominating the valleys. But apparently the Cordillera Real was considered as a sufficiently strong natural barrier, for no undoubted remains of fortifications have been found there. Similarly throughout the whole of the Spanish !• The maps in the papers of Philip A. Means, (in), and Erland Nordenski&ld, (128) may be consulted. 194 THE CENTRAL ANDES period, while various expeditions went down into the forest, mostly in search of gold, many never returned, and the forested lowlands were never occupied. They were organized as "military governments." We have seen that Lake Titicaca from an early period has divided Quichuas from Aymaris; and ever since the Spanish Conquest a political boundary has existed, running from the Cordillera Occidental in the neighborhood of the Arica-La Paz route in a general northeasterly direction to the Cordillera Real. This was first the limit of the Audiencia de los Reyes (i.e. Lima) and the Audiencia de los Charcas out of which the modern Bo- livia has grown. These were two of the five principal divisions of the Viceroyalty of Peru.'" That the line between the two audi- encias was subject to variation from time to time is apparent from the sketch map shown on Figure 41, but it is also clear that Titicaca has always been in a frontier zone traversing the Puna region. The importance of the boundary was increased when in 1777 Alto Perti was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Vice- royalty of La Plata or Buenos Ayres — a change which resulted largely from the development of lines of communication across the eastern Andean plateaus to the Argentine pampas. With the wars of independence in the early nineteenth century this divid- ing line again acquired increased importance as the international boundary between Peru and Bolivia. The line, from a point on the main divide east of the village of Ancomarca to the point where it meets the Rfo Desaguadero, is always referred to as the traditional boundary. It is shown on the La Paz sheet in con- formity with the most recent available official Bolivian map."' This position does not agree with the delimitation contained in the Treaty of 1909,"^ which describes it as starting at Ancomarca, following the summits of Lucilla and Tapara, and thence extend- ■»The Audiencia y Chancellaria de la Plata, Provincia de los Charcas, com- monly known as the Audiencia de Charcas, was established by Philip II in ISS9. It came to be known as Alto Perfl. It is described by Ren6-Moieno, (133), pp . aoi-32S. " Mapa del Departamento de La Paz por Eduardo Idiaquez, i : 750,000, 1919. " Quoted by Luis S. Cres[>o, (17). POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 195 Fig 41 — Sketch map showing boundary changes in the Central Andes. Sources for boundaries are as follows: for 1656, Map by N. Sanson d'Abbeville, Le P^rou etc Paris, i6s6; for I77S, Carte du P«rou by M. Bonne in Atlas moderne. Pans, 1771, andMapa GeogrSfico de America meridional by La Cruz Cano y Oraedilla, Madrid, 177s; for 1859, Mapa de la Repliblica de BoliTia by Ondarza and Muua, 1859- 196 THE CENTRAL ANDES ing down to the source of the Yaro, which it follows to the Desa- guadero. But it seems likely that the topography in this area has become better known since 1909 and modifications of the line consequently adopted. This section of boundary has not yet been surveyed or demarcated. From the outlet of Lake Titicaca the position of the boundary is accurately known on the ground, but later accurate surveys of the shore line Tvill necessarily modify its position on the map. Where the line traverses the peninsula of Copacabana it follows a very sinuous course, determined by the limits of properties owned by Peruvians and Bolivians. A more obvious natural frontier is the summit of the Western Cordillera. Soon after the Spanish Conquest it was decided that the whole of the territory within the La Paz sheet should belong to the Viceroyalty of Peru, the northern boundary of Chile being fixed at the Rio Copiap6, and by the creation of the Audiencia of Charcas the Altiplano south of Titicaca and the coast lands be- tween the Tambo and the Copiap6 were included in this single political unit. Thus for a period the cordillera in our area was not a political boundary. But even at this time the coastal strip south of Arica was virtually disregarded by the Spanish colonists of the plateau, and the barrier shutting off the desert was none the less real. Between 1760 and 1770, however, there was a change in organization of the Kingdom of Peru by which the partido of Arequipa had been extended down the coast to the vicinity of Pisagua^ and the cordillera thus became the boundary between the two Audiencias. Again, after Charcas had been transferred to the Viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres we find an official map" showing Peru as extending well beyond our area — to the Rio de Loa, thus pushing the coast line of Charcas to the south of that river. Thus the Cordillera Occidental became established as the political boundary which after 1810 separated Peru from Bolivia. In the War of the Pacific, 1879-1883, Bolivia lost to Chile all of her coastal territory and Peru her province of TarapacA, lying to the south of the Rio Camarones, while Chile occupied the " Cf. map by M. Bonne, "Carte du P6rou," in Atlas Moderne, Paris, 1771. " "Piano General del Reyno del.PerlS," by Dr. Andres Baleato, 1796. POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 197 Peruvian provinces of Arica and Tacna. The boundary in the Cordillera thenceforward separated Bolivia from Chile and the occupied provinces of Peru. It was delimited in a treaty between Bolivia and Chile in 1904 and a protocol in 1907, and the whole frontier zone was surveyed, and the boundary demarcated, by a mixed commission operating in 1904 and 1905. The entire sec- tion of the Bolivian boundary lying north of 20° S. is situated well to the east of the continental divide in the cordillera. This at first sight seems strange and unwise, and we have already noticed some of the disadvantages to Bolivia of this .fact. The explana- tion is simple. The cession by Peru to Chile of her province of Tarapacci and the occupation by Chile of Tacna and Arica meant that the existing eastern limit of TarapacS. became the Chile- Bolivia boundary, while the existing limits of Arica and Tacna for all practical purposes from 1883 till the present time have been regarded as the boundary between Chile and Bolivia. The task of the mixed commission, then, was to establish and de- marcate these old provincial limits. Going further back, it may be presumed, in the absence of evidence, that the audiencia of Lima in extending its territory down the coast in the eighteenth century went somewhat beyond the divide in the cordillera, be- cause individual settlers in the coastal oases were interested in utilizing the high pastures of the mountains, while the Spaniards in Charcas who were much farther off, on the east side of the Altiplano, were not interested in such developments. The boun- dary claimed by Chile as corresponding to the limits of the old Peruvian provinces does not seem to have been seriously con- tested by Chile. With the conclusion of the War of the Pacific, Bolivia became an inland state, while Peru shrank northward on the coast. The boundary between her territory and that of Chile remains unsettled on account of the dispute over Tacna and Arica. This subject is treated in some detail in Appendix B, and I shall only refer here to the nature of the various boundaries which are af- fected. In the event of the old provinces being returned to Peru the international boundary will be the northern limit of Tara- 198 THE CENTRAL ANDES pac4. This line, which is marked on the La Paz sheet, lies in the Rfo Camarones and its more northerly head stream, the Aja- tama, as far as a point west of Tarahuire, whence it runs north- east to the Cerro de Puquintica where it meets the Bolivian boun- dary. In the event of the occupied territory becoming Chilean the international line will presumably be the Rfo Sama from its mouth to a point above Caribaya. Beyond this its position would be in doubt. Chile occupies all the land up to the boundary shown on the La Paz sheet which follows the RJo Cano to its source and thence crossing the upper Mauri runs eastward to the Bolivian boundary at the Cerro Chipe. The Peace Treaty of 1883 allowed Chile to occupy the provinces of Tacna and Arica "bounded on the north by the Rfo Sama from its source in the Cordilleras which limit Bolivia to its mouth." Peruvians hold that Chile went beyond her rights in selecting the westernmost branch of the Sama for her boundary and claim that the district of Tarata, which corresponds roughly to the basin of the Sama within the Cordillera, was wrongfully occupied by Chile. The line dividing two Chilean departments of Tacna and Arica, shown on the La Paz sheet on the synoptical index only, follows the Quebrada de Caunani, crosses the Arica-La Paz railway north of the station of Puquios, and passes by the Cerro de Tarapacd to the Bolivian boundary on the Nevados de Payachata. If this line were to be adopted as the international boundary, by way of compromise, two railways would be cut by it — the Arica-La Paz and that from Tacna to Arica. It is noteworthy that all the boundaries mentioned on the Pacific slope follow rivers which feed oases in the desert; and the inconvenience that must result from making a frontier out of a river, of which every drop is required for irrigation, must be apparent. APPENDIX A THE SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION OF THE PLATEAU INDIANS By George M. McBride From very early times the social organization of the Indians was based upon the clan, as among other American aborigines; and the kinship group, which was the unit of their society, was the ayllu. It would seem that after the establishment of the Indians as a sedentary agricultural people, the ayllu had become an agrarian unit as well as a social bond, since the land was held collectively by this body and was administered by the head man of the community. E^ch year the land was distributed anew; one portion being set aside to be cultivated by the people for religious purposes and for the sustenance of those engaged in this, another portion — usually the best — for the head chief (in later times the Inca) and his attendants, the remaining land being distributed among the heads of individual families. The land, however, was not alienable. All parts of it continued to belong to the ayllu, even that assigned to the rulers and the priests. These latter re- ceived only the fruits of the land, the people in this way (in cul- tivating these portions for their superiors) paying taxes or tribute. This constituted, in fact, about the only form of tribute exacted from the people. Neither were the individuals who received annual allotments permitted to alienate any portion of it. Apparently even the houses in which the people lived could not be alienated, although, today at least, a man is entitled, if he moves, to take the thatch roof of his house with him. Thus true property in land or buildings was almost if not entirely unknown among the Indians of this region, as in other parts of America, before the coming of Europeans. It is not known whether the office of chief among the CoUa 200 THE CENTRAL ANDES people before the Inca conquest was hereditary, as was that of the Inca ruler, or whether a chief was elected, as among the Mexicans. The list of ancient kings, given by Montesinos, and thought by some to refer to the dynasties that ruled in Tiahua- naco, records direct lineal succession in most cases. At the present time, however, both the alcaldes and the ilacatas — ^the jjolice and the administrative officers respectively — of the Aymar& communities are elected. While the local organization of society was that of the consan- guineal group, there had been superimposed upon this a system of government by the conquering Inca dynasty. It is somewhat difficult to distinguish what features of the government pertained to the central authority and what to the local communities; but, as the policy of the Incas was generally to leave the already exist- ing customs and institutions of conquered peoples as far as possi- ble undisturbed, it would seem that the central government con- cerned itself chiefly in the collecting of revenue and in the mili- tary organization of the country — even in this, operating, for the most part, through the recognized chiefs of the local communi- ties. Since there are repeated references to the clan organization among the Spanish writers who describe the social institutions of the Indians and since many features of such kinship organiza- tion, characteristic of almost all American aborigines, are pre- served among the Indian communities today, it would seem that the Inca's government did not at all supersede this form of polity but rather recognized the local units and ruled the country through them. The religious life of the CoUas was a mixture of a primitive animistic worship of hills, mountains, rocks, and many other natural objects and the more elevated concept of the sun as the giver of all life. There are evidences, too, of the worship of a Great Spirit, thought of as superior to all of these other deities. Reverence for ancestors also approached a form of worship. The first of these, a superstitious regard for the spirits of familiar inanimate objects, probably had most intimate influence upon their daily lives, since they lived in constant dread of the displeas- SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION 201 ure of these spirits. The same is true of the Aymaris of today, who build tiny stone houses to the spirits of the hills at every high pass, throw an offering of masticated coca leaves upon overhang- ing cliffs along the roads, dash the blood of a slaughtered animal upon the gable of their adobe houses, spill a little of every cup of liquor which they drink, in reverence to Pachacmama (Earth Mother), and hear the movements of spirits in every rolling rock upon the hillside. The worship of the sun was probably more remote in its appeal to them, although a very natural result of the desire for its heat in the penetrating cold of their native high- lands. Some of the great religious festivals were connected with the movements of the sun; and careful observations were made with astronomical instruments, constructed of masonry, to deter- mine the equinoxes and solstice.^ The most notable sun festival — the Intip Raymi — -is still observed in many parts of the high- lands but with the Christian name of St. John's Day. This oc- curred at the time of the winter solstice (southern hemisphere) on June 21 and was apparently a combination of harvest celebra- tion and an attempt to bring back the sun from the most distant point of his yearly journey. In the old Spanish accounts the former feature is most prominent, but at the present time the observance consists principally of the lighting of fires in the streets, in the house yards, on the hillsides, and wherever bundles of grass or other combustible can be collected. For several days and nights, but particularly the first night, the whole country seems ablaze. Bundles of weeds and brushwood are lighted about every cottage, bonfires are made in the streets, and the bunch grass and weeds upon every hillside are lighted, continuing the ancient custom of calling back the sun, the source of heat and light and life. For several days before the solstice, trains of mules and donkeys loaded with the combustibles make their way into the towns, while for several days afterwards the valleys are filled with smoke, so dense, sometimes, as completely to shut out sight of the surrounding hills. Among the objects of special veneration were the jaguar, 1 See Clements Robert Markham, (113), pp. Iiii-ii6. 202 THE CENTRAL ANDES llama, puma, condor, and serpent, if we may judge from the appearance of these objects among their sacred symbols. Each household also had its own particular huaca (object of worship) or reverenced that of the ayllu to which it belonged, usually repre- senting the person or object from which tradition said that the ancestor of their clan had sprung. With the establishment of the Inca dynasty the worship of the sun apparently took on new importance, inasmuch as the Incas considered themselves the children of the sun, and the sun cult was quite directly connected with allegiance to the royal family. Cuzco, the Inca capital, was also the seat of the great temple of the sun, a structure whose exquisite masonry (a part of which still stands) and elaborate ornaments of gold caused wonder in all who saw them. The Island of the Sun (Isla de Titicaca) also was a place of sacred character to the Incas, and they had a temple of the sun erected there. The Incas themselves came to worship there, either because of some superstition connected with the natural Rock of the Cat, which stands upon the island, or perhaps because of the tradition that the island was the cradle of the Inca rulers themselves. It seems, however, that the island had already long had something of a sacred character before it was made a place of Inca pilgrimages. Copacabana was also a place of pilgrimages, where a huaca existed. In place of this huaca there now exists the Virgin of Copacabana, and thousands of Indians journey long distances each year to worship at this time-honored shrine. It is possible that in pre-Inca times these shrines and perhaps also Tiahuanaco were principal religious centers of the Aymaris, but at the time of the Spanish Conquest they were secondary to Cuzco, which had become the religious as well as the political capital. APPENDIX B THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA Dispute over this territory dates from the War of the Pacific (1879-1883), in which Bolivia and Peru united against Chile. Up to a few decades before that time the entire desert of Atacama which lay on the border of the three countries, had been consid- ered practically worthless, except for the silver mines of Guanta- jaya and Santa Rosa near Iquique, and the boundaries were but ill defined. About the middle of the last century, however, there developed a demand in Europe for the guano which was found on the coast and among the adjacent islands. This impelled the three countries to assert their respective claims. The discovery of rich nitrate deposits (1830-1850) and the development of steam navigation — the first line on the west coast was established in 1840 — greatly accentuated the interest in these hitherto valueless territories. Chile created the province of Atacama (1843), with undefined northern limits. Peru developed a state monopoly of the newly discovered resources in her desert provinces; and Bo- livia, for the first time, organized an effective administration over the section that traditionally belonged to her. Both guano and nitrate were developed chiefly for export to Europe, and the trade that resulted was almost entirely maritime. The most active exploiters of these natural resources were foreigners resi- dent in Chile or citizens of that country itself. To the Chileans the traffic in these commodities was of greatest interest, because, on their way to Europe, all the vessels trading in guano or nitrate passed the length of her thousand miles of coast and frequently put in at her ports, while to both Peru and Bolivia it meant the exploitation of resources that lay on the extreme borders of their possessions. Consequently it was Chile which first learned to prize the desert region and became most active in advances into it. Treaties of 1866 and 1874 with Bolivia pushed the Chil- 204 THE CENTRAL ANDES ean frontier northward from El Paposo (latitude about 25°) to latitude 24° S., just south of Antofagasta, and guaranteed Chilean citizens against the imposition of increased exportation duties in the territory between that and latitude 23°. An alleged violation of these rights, in the imposition of an additiopal export tax, brought about war between the two countries (1879). Peru, in compliance with a secret treaty of mutual defense which she had signed with Bolivia in 1873, was drawn into the conflict. This secret treaty was evidently intended to check Chile's ag- gressive advance northward and to prevent her acquiring the newly discovered wealth of the desert. The war thus sprang from economic causes, the desire of each nation to secure the greatest gain from the valuable guano and nitrate deposits. The conflict proved disastrous to the allied nations. Chile early established her superiority on the sea and thus commanded the coast with its line of ports, upon which almost all life in the desert depended. Peru and Bolivia were unable to move their armies across the desert to attack the Chilean forces which, landing at convenient points on the coast, had overrun all the nitrate prov- inces and had even established themselves in the fertile oases of the Tacna and Arica valleys. Further naval successes and the decisive defeats inflicted upon the allies at the battles of the Campo de Alianza near Tacna and the Morro of Arica permitted Chile to capture Lima and dictate the terms of peace, Bolivia having already withdrawn from the war."- As a result of the war Bolivia was compelled to cede to Chile her entire littoral, containing the major portion of the nitrate depos- its. She became an inland country dependent upon the goodwill of her neighbors for all outlet to the sea. This lack of coast line has accentuated her already embarrassing isolation and has greatly retarded her progress. By the treaty of Anc6n (1883), which terminated the war between Peru and Chile, Peru was forced to surrender outright her southernmost province, Tarapac&, containing the rest of the 'See Isaiah Bowman: The Military Geography of Atacama, Educational Bi- Monthly, igii, pp. 1-21. THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA 205 nitrate deposits, Chile thus gaining what had apparently been her goal in the war, complete possession of these enormous sources of wealth. Since that time the export duty on nitrate has been her principal fount of national income, supplying some threer fourths of her total revenue. Chile also made a determined effort to secure the cession of Tacna and Arica, the two succeeding Peruvian provinces, not because of any natural wealth that they contained, for they were not only desert but, as far as was known, held no important mineral deposits. They offered, however, a far better protection to her recently acquired treasure than any fron- tier farther south and, in the hands of Peru, would be a constant menace to Chilean possession of the nitrate fields. The distance from seacoast to cordillera at this point is considerably less than it is to the south. Moreover, the fertile, irrigated valleys of Sama, Tacna, and Tarata afford supplies whereby an army could subsist independent of the sea, and they are the only valleys north of Copiap6 where such is the case. The port of Arica also is a key position in this section of the coast, in that it gives easy access to the valleys mentioned above, is the most feasible entrance to Bolivia for either trade or war, and affords the most favorable point of attack against the nitrate fields of Tarapaci. Peru, while resigning herself to the loss of the valuable mineral depwsits in her southernmost province — largely developed by Chileans and containing relatively few Peruvian inhabitants, stubbornly resisted all attempts of Chile to appropriate Tacna and Arica with their old-established Peruvian towns. A compro- mise was finally effected whereby Chile was to occupy these two provinces for a period of ten years, at the expiration of which a plebiscite should determine their ultimate destiny. The nation favored by the plebiscite should then pay to the other 10,000,000 pesos (from $2,000,000 to $3,000,000). Unfortunately, the conditions of the plebiscite were left undefined, the two countries were later unable to agree upon satisfactory terms, and Chile continued to hold Tacna and Arica, which under her administra- tion have become the two departments composing the province of Tacna. 2o6 THE CENTRAL ANDES Since the expiration of the ten-year period, during which time the provinces were to be held and completely administered as Chilean territory, the question of ownership has constantly agi- tated the two nations concerned. Its influence has also extended far beyond the bounds of these countries and has constituted a problem which at any time might throw a large part of the conti- nent into war. More than any other problem this affair has been a source of discord in South American international relations. It has caused a multitude of attempts at forming defensive or of- fensive alliances among the various republics and thus creating a South American balance of power, as each of the disputants has sought to secure the support of neighbors or to align other nations against its opponent. Bolivia in particular, as the country most directly affected, has suffered both in her international affairs and in her domestic politics from the inquietude engendered by this vexing problem. Her recent revolution (1919) was brought about largely as a result of divergent views and sympathies in regard to the Chile-Peru embroglio. Both Chile and Peru have agreed that the plebiscite provided for by the treaty of Anc6n should be held. They have main- tained, however, quite diverse views as to the real purpose of that vote and as to the manner in which it should be carried out. Peru has demanded that a bona fide vote should be taken to as- certain the desire of the permanent residents of the occupied provinces. She has felt confident that such a vote would restore her provinces to her, believing that the sparse population, always predominantly Peruvian, has remained loyal in spite of adverse conditions throughout the lapse of nearly forty years. Chile, on the other hand, has insisted that the plebiscite be conducted in such a way as practically to assure her permanent possession of the provinces and of late years has clearly stated that she has no intention of allowing them to pass out of her power. In fact she has indeed asserted that it was never the intention that the ple- biscite should be more than a mere form of transfer whereby the national pride of the Peruvians might be spared the humiliation of an outright cession. She has held that the plebiscite is neces- THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA 207 sary merely as the formal act of transfer provided by the treaty. Since both nations wish to see the plebiscite carried out, the dispute has centered about the form in which the voting should be conducted. The history of the negotiations has been one of proposals and counterproposals, each nation seeking a form that would be acceptable to her opponent and at the same time would assure her own success in the vote. The principal questions at issue have been the following: First, Who shall be entitled to vote? Peru claims that only Peruvians or at least bona fide residents whose residence has been established by a term of years, shall be given this right. This would include few Chileans, since the resources of the provinces are so limited that few actual settlers have entered the region since the War of the Pacific. By far the greater part of the Chileans found in the territory are ofificials or members of military forces stationed there. Most of both of these classes are tran- sients. There are many more or less permanent Bolivian resi- dents, constituting perhaps half of the population other than Peruvians. These Peru could probably count upon to vote for her. Chile insists that all inhabitants, even those with a short residence of a few months, shall be allowed to vote, not excluding Chilean officials and soldiers. This point Peru has hitherto been willing to arbitrate, while Chile has not. Second, By what authority shall the plebiscite be conducted? The two nations have agreed that each should have a represen- tative upon the commission named to carry out tjie vote. Chile has insisted upon her right to preside over such a commission, since the departments are actually under her administration. Peru has been willing that any neutral representative should preside, but not a Chilean. She has been prepared to arbitrate this point also, while Chile has not. Third, What shall be the method of balloting? Peru wishes the vote to be public, Chile that it should be secret. Peru is also willing to arbitrate this point. Fourth, In what form shall the 10,000,000 pesos due to the loser be paid? This apparently has never concerned Peru since 2o8 THE CENTRAL ANDES she has not doubted the result of a popular vote. Chile has found all guarantees offered by Peru acceptable. Controversy over these points was maintained almost con- stantly from 1892-1894 (the final years of the ten-year period) until 1901. Negotiations were often seriously interrupted by changes of ministry in Chile and by unstable political conditions in Peru. The nearest approach to a settlement was reached in 1897 in the Billinghurst-Latorre Convention. In this document the two nations agreed to submit to the Queen of Spain as arbi- trator the questions numbered one and three above. They also agreed that the plebiscite should be conducted by a commission over which a neutral representative should preside and that the 10,000,000 pesos should be paid by installments within a period of four years. This treaty was ratified promptly by the Peruvian Congress and by the Chilean Senate but was delayed in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies and finally shelved. The usual explanation of Chile's willingness to settle at that time her con- troversy with Peru, is that the Chile- Argentine boundary ques- tion was just then threatening trouble and there was a very nat- ural desire to dispose of all possibilities of complications on the west coast. Before the convention was completely ratified, how- ever, the crisis had passed, and it is supposed that Chile found it no longer necessary to accede to Peru's demands. After the failure to reach a settlement Peru severed diplomatic relations with Chile and for several years had no representative at Santiago. Relations were finally renewed, only to be broken again in 1910 when another attempt at settlement failed. In the meantime Chile had actively carried on attempts to develop the two departments left indefinitely under her juris- diction. In compliance with a treaty with Bolivia in 1904, she constructed the Arica-La Paz railway, which forms part of her system of state lines. She has organized (1884) the two provinces as one political unit which she now calls the province of Tacna and which she divides into the two departments of Tacna and Arica. The Department of Tacna is divided into two Municipios — THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA 209 those of Tacna and Tarata. The latter comprises the subdelega- ciones of PocoUai, Pachia, Palca, Tarata, Sama, and Calana and includes practically all the territory of the department save a small portion near the town of Tacna. This arrangement is con- fusing, since the Peruvian organization also included a Province of Tarata which comprised the whole basin of the Sama in the Cordillera but not the lower country traversed by that river south of Caribaya. In 1884 Chile occupied the territory up to the Rio Cano, which is the most westerly head stream of th^ Sama, claiming this interpretation of the treaty and thus going beyond the limits of the Peruvian province of Tacna. The port of Arica is being improved, and the hills about it have been fortified. Education is being fostered in accordance with the Chilean system. Ecclesiastical authority has been trans- ferred from Peruvian to Chilean priests, many of the Peruvian priests having been expelled as instigators of disloyalty to Chile. The colonization of the departments by Chileans has been at- tempted, although little has so far been accomplished. In 191 8 it seemed that war would break out between the two nations as a result of Chilean activities in the "captive prov- inces." But a note from President Wilson, urging them to avoid an appeal to arms was effective in averting actual hostilities. At present (1922), upon invitation from President Harding, the two claimants have agreed to meet in Washington in an at- tempt to reach a satisfactory solution of the matter. Prior to this conference nothing has transpired publicly to indicate that the positions of the two governments have altered, viz., that Peru has refused to surrender her sovereignty; Chile has stated her determination to retain the territory; and no agreement has been reached regarding the plebiscite. Compromise would therefore seem to be essential to the success of the conference. The entire problem of Tacna and Arica has been complicated by the desire of Bolivia to secure an outlet to the sea. Arica has always been her most natural port, and a large part of her for- eign trade has been carried on through this gateway; formerly by mule and llama train, more recently by railway. Since the loss 210 THE CENTRAL ANDES of her littoral and her own ports of Antofagasta, Cobija, and Mejillones she has come to covet the port of Arica and a strip of territory leading back from the coast to her mountain boundary. In 1895 a secret treaty was actually signed with Chile, in which the latter country agreed to turn over Tacna and Arica to Bolivia in case the plebiscite resulted in favor of Chile. The treaty failed to obtain ratification in the Chilean Congress, but the effort has been renewed in a more or less open way on later occasions. APPENDIX C SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Systematic Geographical Works I. SiEVERS, WiLHELM. Sfld- und Mittelamerika, 3rd edit., revised. Leipzig and Vienna, 1914. [The standard geographical work on the continent.] ^. SiEVERS, WiLHELM. Die Cordillerenstaaten, Vol. i, Einleitung, Bolivia und Peru. (Sammlung GSschen.) Berlin and Leipzig, 1913- 3. Reclus, Elisee. Nouvelle geographic universelle; La terre et les hommes. Vol. 18, Amgrique du Sud; les regions andines. Paris, 1893. 4. Keane, a. H. Central and South America. (Stanford's Compen- dium of Geography and Travel.) and edit., revised, 2 vols. London, 1909-11. [Vol. i deals with South America.] 5. Martin, Carl. Landeskunde von Chile, Publikation des Geo- graphischen Instituts der Universit^t Jena, Hamburg, 1909. 6. Reck, Hugo. Geographic und Statistik der Republik Bolivia. Petefmanns Mitt., Vol. 11, 1865, pp. 257-261 and 281-295; Vol. 12, 1866,' pp. 299-305 and 373-381; Vol. 13, 1867, pp. 243-251 and 317-329- 7. Reck, Hugo. Geographische Skizze tiber das Hochland der Re- publik Bolivia. Jahresberickt Geogr. Gesell. zu Hannover, No. 6, 1884-85, pp. 1-19. 8. Bowman, Isaiah. The Andes of southern Peru: Geographical reconnaissance along the seventy-third meridian. New York, 1916. [While this work refers almost entirely to country outside the area here discussed, the observations and deductions are of the highest importance in understanding the geography of the La Paz area.] 9. Bowman, Isaiah. The highland dweller of Bolivia: An anthropo- geogiaphic interpretation. Bull. Geogr. Soc. of Philadelphia, Vol. 7, 1909, pp. 159-184. 10. MiDDENDORF, E. W. Peru: Beobachtungen und Studien fiber das Land und seine Bewohner wahrend eines 25-j£lhrigen Aufent- halts. 3 vols., Berlin, 1894-95. [Vol. 2, Das KUstenland, and Vol. 3, Das Hochland.] 212 THE CENTRAL ANDES 11. Hettner, Alfred. Regenverteilung, Pfianzendecke und Besied- lung der tropischen Anden. In Festschrift Ferdinand Freiherm von Richthofen zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, pp. 199-233. Berlin, 1893. 12. UzARSKi, JxjLius. Bolivia: Natur und wirtschaftliche Verhaltnisse. Inaugural-Dissertation. Bonn, 1911. Works Mainly Descriptive and Statistical 13. Pentland, J. B. On the general outline and physical configuration of the Bolivian Andes; with observations on the line of perpetual snow upon the Andes between 15° and 20° south latitude. Journ. Royal Geogf. Soc, Vol. S, 183S, pp. 70-89. 14. HuOT, Victor. Geographic des hauts-plateaux des Andes; Pub- lication de la Mission G. de Crequi-Montfort et E. Senechal de la Grange. Paris, 1908. 15. Paz Soldan, D. D. Mateo. Geografia del Peril, corregida y au- mentada por M. F. Paz Soldan, Vol. i, Paris, 1862. 16. Bravo, Carlos. La patria boliviana, estado geogrdfico. La Paz, 1894. 17. Crespo, Luis S. Geografia de la republica de Bolivia. 2nd edit., revised. La Paz, 1910. 18. Van Brabant, William. La Bolivie. Paris and Brussels, n. d. 19. Walle, PAtTL. Bolivia, its people and its resources, its railways, mines, and rubber-forests. London and Leipzig, 1914. 20. BoLLAERT, William. Observations on the geography of southern Peru, including survey of the province of Tarapacd, and route to Chile by the coast of the desert of Atacama. Journ. Royal Geogt. Soc, Vol. 21, 1851, pp. 99-130. 21. BiLLiNGHURST, GuiLLERMO E. Estudio sobre la geografia de Tara- paca. Santiago, 1886. 22. Latrille, Roch. Notice sur le territoire corapris entre Pisagua et Antofagasta, avec la region des hauts plateaux boliviens. Bull. Soc. de Clogr. de Paris, Ser. 7, Vol. 18, 1897, pp. 473-49S- 23. L6pez Loayza, Fernando. La provincia de Tarapacd (Al rededor de su industria i de Iquique, su principal Puerto). Iquique, 1912- 1913- 24. Knochb, Walter. Communicaciones breves sobre algunas ob- servaciones hechas en la cordilleia de Quimsa Cruz. Bol. Soc. Geogf. de La Paz, Vol. 7, 1909, Nos. 27, 28, and 29, pp. 22-24. 25. Parbdes, M. Rigoberto. Altiplanicie Pacefia. Bol. Oficina Nad. de Estadistica, Year 1912, Nos. 81-84, PP- 37S-393. La Paz, 1913. 26. Paredes, M. Rigoberto. Provincia de Inquisivi. Bol. Soc. Geogr. de La Paz, Vol. 6, Nos. 24, 25, and 26, pp. 75-137. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 213 Accounts of Exploration and Travel 27. AzARA, Felix de. Voyages dans I'Am&ique mSridionale . . . 1781-1801. 4 vols., Paris, 1809 [contains (2)]. 28. Haenke, Tadeo. Introduction t I'histoire naturelle de la prov- ince de Cochabamba et des environs, et description de ses pro- ductions. [Contained in (i). Vol. 2, pp. 391-541.] 29. Orbigny, Alcide d'. VoyagesdansrAm#riqueni€ridionaledei826- 1833. 9 vols. Paris, 1835-47. [Vol. 3 deals with the area of the La Paz sheet.] 30. FiTZ-RoY, Robert. Narrative of the surveying voyages of His Majesty's ships Adventure and Beagle, 3 vols., London, 1839. 31. Castelnau, Francis de. Expedition dans les parties centrales de TAmerique du Sud, de Rio de Janeiro Sl Lima, et de Lima au Para . . . 1843-1847. 7 vols, and an atlas, Paris, 1851. [Chaps. 37 to 40, Vol. 3, deal with the route from Potosi to Arequipa via La Paz, Desaguadero, and Puno.] 32. TscHUDi, JoHANN JACOB VON. Reisen durch Siidamerika. s vols. Leipzig, 1866-1869. [Chaps. 2-4, in Vol. 5 include the journey from Arica to Oruro via Tacna and thence by Puno to Arequipa and Islay.] 33. Weddell, H. a. Voyage dans le nord de la Bolivie et dans les parties voisine du Perou. Paris and London, 1853. [Journey from Arica to La Paz, Achacachi, and thence By Sorata to the northern Yungas, up the Rio de Coroico and Unduavi to La Paz; thence via Desaguadero and Puno to Arequipa and Islay. Contains numerous references to the fiora.] 34. Grandidier, E. Voyage dans rAm^riquedu Sud; P&ou et Bolivie. Paris, 1 86 1. 35. Ursel, C. d'. Sud-Am6rique, sSjours et voyages en Bolivie. Paris, 1879- 36. Wiener, Charles. Perou et Bolivie: R&it de voyage sulvi d'^tudes arch&jlogiques et ethnographiques et de notes sur I'&riture et les langues des populations indiennes. Paris, 1880 [Routes from Ilo to La Paz by Arequipa, Puno, and Desaguadero; Ascent of lUimani.] 37. Musters, George Chaworth. Nptes on Bolivia, to accompany original maps. Journ. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 47, 1877, pp. 201- 216. 38. Heath, Edwin R. Exploration of the River Beni in 1880-1. Proc. Royal Geoff. Soc, Vol. 5, 1883, pp. 327-347. 39. MiNCHiN, John B. Notes of a journey through part of the Andean table-land of Bolivia in 1882. Proc. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 4, 1882, pp. 671-676. 214 THE CENTRAL ANDES 40. Bresson, Andre. Bolivia; Sept ann&s d'explotations, de voyages et de sSjours dans I'Am&ique australe. Paris, 1886. [Part IV deals with northern Bolivia; Part V contains notes on Bolivian cartography and agriculture in Bolivia.] 41. Hbttner, Alfredu Berichte iiber seine Reisen in Peru und Bolivia. Verh. der Gesell. fur Erdkunde zu Berlin, Vol. is, 1888, pp. 402- 407, Vol. 16, 1889, pp. 154-160, and Vol. 17, 1890, pp. 232-237. [Contain accounts of the coast, the desert northwest of Arica, the southwest shore of Titicaca, and the 'VTungas of La Paz.] 42. Balzan, L. (i) Da Asuncion a La Paz. Boll. So(l Geogr. Jtaliana, Ser. 3, Vol. 4, 1891, pp. 452-472 and 561-580. (2) Da La Paz a Irupana, Ibid., pp. 725-737. (3) Da Irupana a Covfendo, Ibid., pp. 911-929. 43. Urquhart, D.R. The Bolivian Altiplanicie. Scottish Geogr. Mag., Vol. 10, 1894, pp. 302-312 and 360-371. [Deals mainly with the eastern border.] 44. Conway, William Martin. The Bolivian Andes: A record of climbing and exploration in the Cordillera Real in the years 1898 and 1900. New York and London, igoi. 45. HOEK, Henry and Steinmann, Gustav. Erlauterung zur Routen- karte der Expedition Steinmann, Hoek, v. Bistram in d|en Anden von Bolivien, 1903-04. Pelermanns Mitt., Vol. 52, 1906, pp. 1-13, and 25-32. [Refers to the Eastern Cordillera south of La Paz.] 46. HoEK, Henry. Exploration in Bolivia. Geogr. Journ., Vol. 25, 1905, pp. 498-513. [Eastern Cordillera.] 47. Hoek, Henry. Bergfahrten in Bolivia. Zeitschr. Deutschen und Oesterreichischen Alpenvereins, Vol. 36, 1905, pp. 165-192; 1906, pp. 162-190. Innsbruck. 48. Bandelier, A. F. The basin of Lake Titicaca. BuU. Amer. Geogr. Soc, Vol. 37, 1905, pp. 449-460. 49. Zalles, Jorje E. Quinientas leguas i. trav^ de Bolivia: Relacion del viaje de reconocimiento practicado para establecer un sis- tema de ferrocarriles en Bolivia, 1904-1905. La Paz, 1906. [Routes described include the entire eastern edge of the Altiplano, south of La Paz; Machaca marca to Colquechaca and beyond; Oruro to Cochabamba and through Yungas to Coroico; thence back to La Paz.] 50. Therese Prinzessin von Bayern. Reisestudien aus dem west- lichem SUdamerika. 2 vols. Berlin, 1908. [Vol. 2 contains an account of the journey from Mollendo by Arequipa, Puno, La Paz, and along the eastern edge of the Altiplano.] 51. Meyendorff, Conrad de. L'Empire du soleil: P&ou et Bolivie. Paris, 1909. [Route as in preceding work.] SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 215 52. Bryce, James. South America. London and New York, 1912. [Especially pp. 166-204.] 53. Herzog, Theodor. Vom Urwald zu den Gletschem der Kordillere; zwei Forschungsrelsen in Bolivia. Stuttgart, 1913. [Describes the Cordillera from the Quimaa Cruz southeastward.] 54. Herzog, Theodor. Die bolivischen Kordilleren. Petermanns Mitt., Vol. 59, I, 1913, pp. 192-19S, 247-250, and 304-308. Geological Structure, Physiography and Mining 55. * Miller, Benjamin L., and Singewald, Joseph T., Jr. The mineral deposits of South America. New York and London, 1919. [Discusses minerals in relation to geology. Contains chapters on Bolivia, Chile, and Peru each with a bibliography.] 56. Orbigny, Alcide d". Estudios sobre la geologia de Bolivia, tradu- cidos y acompanados de algunas notas y un mapa geol6gico de Bolivia por V. E. Marchant Y. La Paz, 1907. [The numerous footnotes in some measure correct the faults of the original and give additional information. The Appendix contains several papers by L. Sundt.] 57. Forbes, David. On the geology of Bolivia and southern Peru. Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc, Vol. 17, 1861, pp. 7-84. 58. Romero, Belisario Dias. Bolivia geol6gica y mineral6gica, bosquejo sin6ptico. Bol. Dir. Nad. Eslad. y Esiud. Geogr. segunda ipoca. Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 5-13; Nos. 7 and 8, pp. 12-36. La Paz , 1918. 59. Bonarelli, Guido. Tercera contribuci6n al conocimiento geol6gico de las regiones petroliferas subandinas del norte. Anal. Minist. de Agric: Secci&n Geol., Mineral, y Minas, Vol. IS. No. i, Buenos Aires, 1921. [Discusses structure and paleogeography of the Central Andes.] 60. Adams, George I. An outline review of the geolpgy of Peru. Ann. Rept. Smithsonian Instn. for igo8, pp. 385-430. Washington, D. C. [Contains a bibliography.] 61. Douglas, James Archibald. Geological sections through the Andes of Peru and Bolivia: I — ^From the coast at Arlca . . . to La Paz and the Bolivian "Yungas." Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc, Vol. 70, 1914, pp. 1-53- 62. Douglas, James Archibald. Geological sections through the Andes of Peru and Bolivia: II — From the Port of MoUendo to the Inambari River. Ibid., Vol. 76. 1920, pp. 1-58. * The present list may be supplemented by use of the bibliographies given in this work. 2i6 THE CENTRAL ANDES 63. Dereims, a. Geologia nacional, excursiones cient!iicas en 1901 y 1904. La Paz, 1906. 64. Dereims, A. Le haut plateau de Bolivie. Ann. de Giogr., Vol. 16, 1907. pp. 3SO-3S9. 65. CouRTY, G. Explorations g^ologiques dans I'Am&ique du Sud. Publication de la Mission scientifique G. de Cr€qui Montfort et E. S€nichal de la Grange. Paris, 1907. [Studied eastern border of Altiplano.] 66. Block, Hans. El corte geol6gico del ferrocarril a Yungas. Anuario Geogrdfico y Bstadistico de la RepUhlica de Bolivia, appendix. La Paz, 1919. [Contains a geological map and section.] 67. KozLOWSKi, Roman. Informe sobre un viaje en el Norte de la Pro- vincia de Carangas. Bol. Direcc. Gen. de Eslad. y Estud. Geogrdf., No. 88, pp. 34-48. La Paz, 1914. 68. KozLOwsKi, Roman. Informe sobre una excursidn geologica de la regi6n petrolifera de Pacajes, . . . 1914. Bol. Direcc. Nad. Eslad. y Estud. Geogr. segunda tpoca, Nos. 3, 4, pp. 30-39. La Paz, 1918. 69. KozLOwsKi, Roman. Apimtes acerca de un viaje geoI6gico por los departamentos de Oruro, Potosi y Chuquisaca. Bol. Soc. Geogr. de La Paz, Vol. 28, Nos. 51 and 52, pp. 37-92. La Paz, 1920. 70. Marsters, V. F. The physiography of the Peruvian Andes, with notes on early mining in Peru. Annals New York Acad, of Sci., Vol. 32, 1912, pp. 225-258. 71. Tight, W. G. Glaciation of the high plateau of Bolivia, South America. (Abstract.) Bull. Geol. Soc. of America, Vol. 15, 1904, pp. 584-586. 72. Steinmann, Gustav. Diluvium in Sildamerika. Zeitschr. der Deutschen Geol. Gesell., Vol. 58, 1906, pp. 215-229. Berlin. 73. Hauthal, Rudolf. Reisen in Bolivien und Peru, ausgeffihrt, 1908. Leipzig, 1911. [Author made hasty observations along the east- ern edge of the Altiplano and detailed geological and glaciological studies in the Cordillera Real; contains many photographs and an extensive bibliography.] 74. Bowman, Isaiah. The physiography of the Central Andes. Amer. Journ. of Set., Ser. 4, Vol. 28, 1909, pp. 197-217 and 373-402. [Results of an expedition along the Pacific coast, over the Western Cordillera just beyond the southern limit of the La Paz sheet, along the eastern edge of the Altiplano, with detailed study in the Cochabamba region, the Quimsa Cruz, and Cordillera Real.] 75. Bowman, Isaiah. Results of an expedition to the Central Andes. Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc., Vol. 46, 1914, pp. 161-183. [Continues the investigations on the Altiplano by a study of the ancient lake system there.] SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 217 76. Gregory, Herbert E. (1) The La Paz (Bolivia) gorge. Amer. Journ. of Sci., Ser. 4, Vol. 36, 1913, pp. 141-150. (2) Geologic sketch of Titicaca Island and adjoining areas. Ibid., pp. 187-213. [Contains a bibliography.] 77. Sefve, Ivar. Uber eine neue Art der Gattung Macrauchenia aus Ulloma, Bolivien. Bull. Geol. Inst. Upsala, Vol. 12, pp. 205-256. [Mainly paleontological, but discusses physical conditions in recent geological time.] 78. Sefve, Ivar. Rektor Ivar Sefves resai Sydamerika. Ymer, 1921, pp. 77-80. Stockholm. [A provisional account — sent from Bolivia— ^of investigations on Quaternary glaciation.] Oceanography 79. KrOmmel, Otto. Handbuch der Ozeanographie, 2nd edit., 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1907. 80. Hoffmann, Paul. Zur Mechanik der Meeresstromungen an der oberflache der Oceane. Berlin, 1884. 81. Buchanan, John Y. On similarities in the physical geography of the great oceans. Proc. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 8, 1886, pp. 753- 770. 82. Murray, John. On the temperature of the floor of the ocean, and of the surface waters of the ocean. Geogr. Journ., Vol. 14, 1899, pp. 34-51- 83. CoKER, R. E. Ocean temperatures off the coast of Peru. Geogr. Rev., Vol. s, 1918, pp. 127-135. 83a. Murphy, Robert Cushman. The oceanography of the Peruvian littoral with reference to the abundance and distribution of marine life. Geogr. Rev., January, 1923 (in press). Climate 84. Hann, Julius. Handbuch der Klimatologie, 3rd edit., 3 vols. Stuttgart, 1910. [Especially Vol. 2, pp. 360-379.] 85. Voss, Ernst Ludwig. Die Niederschlagsverhaltnisse von Siida- merika. Petermanns Mitt. ErgSnzungsheft No. IJT, 1907. 86. Annuario MeteorolSgico de Chile, 1905 onwards, Santiago. 87. Annals of the Astronomical Observatory of Harvard College, Vol. 39, Parts I and II. Cambridge, Mass., 1899 and 1906. 88. Boletin del Observatorio Meteorol6gico de La Paz, published from time to time with the Bol. Soc. Geogr. de La Paz between March, 1898, and June, 1903, and between August, 1899, and June, I903. 2i8 THE CENTRAL ANDES 89. BOECE, EuGEN VON. Klimatologie von Cochabamba in Bolivien. Mitt. K. K. Geogr. Gesell. in Wien, Vol. 29, 1886 (Vol. 19, N. S.), pp. 455-465. 90. Boletin del Observatorio Meteoroldgico, Sucre, from February 1915 to March 1918. [The observations are conducted and the bulletin published by the members of the Monastery of the Society of Jesus in Sucre.] 91. Hann, Julius. Eugen von Boeck ilber das Klima von Cochabamba. Meteorol. Zeitschr., Vol. s. 1888, pp. 195-197. Hydrography 92. Agassiz, a., and Garman, S. W. Exploration of Lake Titicaca. Bull. Museum ofComp. Zool. at Harvard College, Vol. 3, 1871-76, pp. 273-286. 93. Agassiz, Alexander. Hydrographic sketch of Lake Titicaca. Proc. Amer. Acad, of Arts and Set., Vol. 11, 1875-76, pp. 283- 292. Boston. 94. La PuenxS, Ignacio. Estudio monogriiico del Lago Titicaca, bajo su aspecto fisico 6 histdrico. Bol. Soc. Geogr. de Lima, Vol. i, 1891-92, pp. 363-391. 95. Neveu-Lemairs, M. Les lacs des hauts plateaux de I'Amerique du Sud, Publication de la Mission de Criqui Montfort et Sgnfichal de la Grange. Paris, 1906. 96. Sever, Jacques. Le Desaguadero (Bolivie). La Clographie, Vol. 36, 1921, pp. 35-44- 97. Aguirre Acha, JosS. La desviaci6n del rio Mauri (controversia boliviano-chilena). La Paz, 1921. 98. Alayza y Paz-Soldan, Francisco. Informe sobre la provincia literal de Moquegua y el departamento de Tacna. Bol. Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del PerA No. 3, Lima, 1903. 99. HuRO, H. C. Estudio para aumentar las aguas del rio Chili. Bol. Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del PerA No. 34, Lima, 1906. 100. HuRD, H. C. Informe sobre el aprovechamiento de aguas en el valle de Moquegua, Bol. Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del PerA No. 39, Lima, 1906. loi. Adams, George I. Caudal, procedencia y distribucidn de aguas en los Departamentos de Arequipa, Moquegua y Tacna. Bol. Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del PerA No. 4S, Lima, 1906. Vegetation and Zoogeography 102. Reiche, Karl. Grundziige der Pflanzenverbreitung in Chile. Die Vegetation der Erde, Vol. 8, Leipzig, 1907. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 219 103. Weberbauer, August. Die Pflanzenwelt der peruanischen Anden. Die Vegetation der Erde, Vol. 12, Leipzig, 1911. [Both of these works contain extensive bibliographies.] 104. Murphy, Robert Cushman. The seacoast and islands of Peru. Brooklyn Museum Quart., Vol. 7, 1920, pp. 69-95, 165-187, and 239-272; Vol. 8, 1921, pp. 1-28, 35-55, 91-10S, and 142-155; Vol. 9. 1922, pp. 44-70, 95-107, and 141-154. [These papers on the animal life of the coast are particularly valuable for the numerous graphic descriptions they contain, and on account of the con- stant allusion to geographical setting and ecology. In Vol. 7, p. 249, there will be found reference to useful papers by H. O. Forbes and R. E. Coker.] 105. Nichols, John Treadwell, and MxmpHY, Robert Cushman. On a collection of marine fishes from Peru. BuU. Amer. Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. 46, 1922, pp. 501-516. 106. Chapman, Frank Michler. The distribution of bird-life in Colom- bia. Bull. Amer. Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. 36, 1917. Also pub- lished separately. [This valuable study throws much light upon the similar conditions on the eastern slopes of the Bolivian Andes.] 107. Menegaux, a. Estudio de una colecci6n de aves proveniente de los altiplanos de Bolivia y del sud del Peru. Bol. Soc. Geogr. de La Paz, Vol. II, No. 39, pp. 1-50, 1913. [Translated with notes by B. Diaz Romero.] 108. EiGENMANN, Carl H. The nature and origin of the fishes of the Pacific slope of Ecuador, Peru and Chili. Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc, Vol. 60, 1921, pp. 503-523. 109. EvERMANN, Barton Warren, and Radcliffe, Lewis. The fishes of the west coast of Peru and the Titicaca basin. U. S. Natl. Museum Bull. OS, Smithsonian Instn., Washington, D. C, 1^17. Works Mainly Archeological, Historical, and Ethnological 1 10. Dorsby, George A. A bibliography of the anthropology of Peru. Field Columbian Museum Publ. 23 (Anthropol. Ser., Vol. a. No. 2), Chicago, 1898. 111. Means, Philip A. An outline of the culture-sequence in the Andean area. Proc. 19th Internatl. Congr. of Americanists held at Washington, Dec. 27-31, lOZS, PP. 236-252. Smithsonian Instn., Washington, D. C, 1917. [Contains a chronological table and sketch maps and a bibliography.] iia. JOYCB, Thomas A. South American archaeology, London, 1913. 220 THE CENTRAL ANDES 113. Markham, Clements Robert. The Incas of Peru. London and New York, 1910. 114. Squier, E. George. Peru: Incidents of travel and exploration in the land of the Incas. New York, 1877. 115. N0RDENSK16LD, Erland. The Copper and Bronze Ages in South America. G5teborg, 192 1. 116. Bandelier, Adolph F. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati. New York, 1910. [One of the most distinguished works of scholarship in the Hispanic-American field.] 117. PosNANSKY, Arthur. Eine praehistorische Metropole in Sild- amerika. Berlin, 1914. [An elaborate description of Tiahuanaco, text in German and Spanish.] 118. PosNANSKY, Arthur. Templos y viviendas prehisp^icas. La Paz, 1921. [Contains a bibliography of the author's previous works, 40 in number, mostly dealing with the prehistory of the Altiplano.] 119. PosNANSKY, Arthur. Los Chipayas de Carangas. Bol. Soc. Ceogr. de La Paz, Vol. 16, 1918, No. 47, pp. 137-14S. 120. StObel, a., and Uhle, M. Die Ruinenstaette von Tiahuanaco im Hochlande des Alten Peru; eine kulturgeschichtliche Studie. Leipzig, 1892. 121. BalliviAn, Manxjel Vicente. Monumentos prehistdricos de Tia- huanacu, Homenaje al XVII° Congreso de los Amencanistas. La Paz, 1910. 122. Forbes, David. On the Aymard Indians of Bolivia and Peru. Journ. Ethnolog. Soc, Vol. 2, 1870, pp. 1-113. London. 123. Crequi Montfort, G. de, and Rivet, P. L'Origine des aborigines du P6rou et de la Bolivie. Comptes Rendus de I'Acad. des Inscrip- tions el BelUs-Letires {de Paris\, 1914, pp. 196-202. 124. Crequi Montfort, G. de. Linquistique bolivienne: La langue Uru ou Pukina, Internatl. Archiv. fUr Ethnogr., Vol. 25, pp. 87-113, Leiden, 1921. [To be continued.] 125. Polo, Jose Toribio. Indios Urus del Peril y Bolivia. Bol. Soc, Geogr. de Lima, Vol. 10, 1900-01, pp. 445-482. 126. Chervin, Arthur. L'Anthropologie bolivienne. Extrait des Comptes Rendus de V Assoc. Francaise pour I'Avanc'ement des Sci., Congrfe de Rheims, 1907. 127. RouMA, Georges. Les Indiens Quitchouas et Aymaras des hauts plateaux de la Bolivie. Brussels and La Paz, 1913. 128. NoRDENSKiOLD, Erland. The Guarani invasion of the Inca empire in the sixteenth century; An historical Indian migration. Ceogr. Rev., Vol. 4, 1917, pp. 103-121. 129. CiEZA DE Leon, Pedro de. The travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A. D. 1532-50, contained in the First Part of his Chronicles of Peru. Transl. and edit, with notes and aa introduction by C. R. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 221 Markham. Hakluyt Soc. Pubis., Ser. i. Vol. 33, London, 1864; Second Part, ibid., Ser. i, Vol. 68, London, 1883. 130 Prescott, William H. History of the conquest of Peru with a pre- liminary view of the civilization of the Incas. New York, 1847. 131. AcosTA, Joseph de. The natural and moral history of the Indies, by Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English translated edition of Edward Grimston, 1604, and edited by C. R. Mark- ham. Hakluyt Soc. Pubis. , Ser. 1, Vols. 60 and 61. London, 1880. 132. Markham, Clements R. Pizarro and the conquest and settlement of Peru and Chili; in Vol. 2 of Justin Winsor's "Narrative and Critical History of America," pp. SOS-S78, Boston and New York, 1889. 133- Rene-Moreno, G. Bolivia y Peru: Noticias hist6ricas y biblio- giiSczs. Santiago de Chile, 1905. 134. Bourne, Edward Gaylord. Spain in America, 1450-1580. (The American Nation: A History, Vol. 3.) New York and London, 1904. 135. Alcedo, Antonio de. Diccionario geografico-hist6rico de las Indias occidentales 6 America. 5 vols., Madrid, 1786—89. 136. Relaciones geogr&ficas de Indias: Peru. 4 vols. Madrid, 1881- 1897. 137. Ballivian y R61CAS, V. DE. Archivo boliviano: Colecci6n de documentos relativos & la historia de Bolivia durante la Spoca colonial. Vol. i (the only one issued). Paris, 1872. [Contains a catalogue of printed and manuscript documents relating to Alto Perfi on the colonial period.] 138. Urquidi, Jose Macedonio. Nuevo compendio de la historia de Bolivia. 3rd edit. La Paz, 1921. 139. Markham, Clements R. The war between Peru and Chile, 1879- 1882. 4th edit. London, 1883. 140. Wambaugh, Sarah. A monograph on plebiscites, with a collection of official documents. Publ. of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. New York, 1920. [Contains a statemlent of the Tacna-Arica Question, pp. 156-165, and extracts from offi- cial correspondence, pp. 985-1050.] ACRICXn-TURAL AND SOCIAL 141. Kaerger, Karl. Landwirtschaft und Kolonisation im Spanischen America. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1901. 142. PFANNENSCHnnoT, E. Boliviens Land- und Volkswirtschaft. (Be- richte ttber Land- und Forstwirtschaft in Auslande Mitgeteilt vom AuswSrtigen Amte, No. 24.) Berlin, 1916. [Contams a bibliography.] 222 THE CENTRAL ANDES 143. McBride, George McCutchen. The agrarian Indian communi- ties of liighland Bolivia. Amer. Geogr. Soc. Research Ser. N.o. 5. New York, 1921. 144. Wrigley, Gladys M. The traveling doctors of the Andes; The Callahuayas of Bolivia. Geogr. Rev., Vol. 4, 1917, pp. 183-196. 145. Wrigley, Gladys M. Fairs of the Central Andes. Geogr. Rev., Vol. 7, 1919, pp. 65-80. 146. Ross, Edward Alsworth. South of Panama. New York, 191S. [Contains valuable observations upon social conditions in South America; Chapters 2 and 3 deal especially with Peru and Bolivia.] Official Statistics, Etc. 147. Censo general de la poblaci6n de la Republica de Bolivia segtin el empadronamiento de 1° de Septiembre de 1900. 2 vols. Oficina Nacional de Inmigraci6n, Estadistica y Propaganda Geogrdfica. La Vaz, 1904. 148. Censo de la Republica de Chile levantado el 28 de Noviembre de 1907. Santiago de Chile, 1908. 149. Republica del Perfl; Direccion General de Estadistica, Censo general, 1876. 150. La linea de frontera con la Repiiblica de Bolivia. Repiiblica de Chile. Oficina de Mensura de Tierras. Santiago de Chile, 1910. 151. SissON, W. Lee. Informe del reconocimiento sobre el proyectado sistema de ferrocarriles bolivianos (transl. by J. E. Zalles). Edi- ci6n Oficial, La Paz, 1905. [Contains maps and profiles.] 152. Diccionario geogrdfico de la Republica de Bolivia. Vol. i, De- partamento de La Paz, 1890; Vol. 2, Departamento de Cocha- bamba, 1901 ; Vol. 4, Departamento de Oruro, 1904. 153. Crespo, Luis S. GuJa del viajero en Bolivia, Vol. 1. La Paz, 1908. The following official and societies' publications contain occasional data hearing upon one or other of the aspects discussed in the present work. BOLIVIA 154. Boietln de la DirecciSn (up to 1913 Oficina) Nacional de Estadistica y Bstudios Geogrificos. From 1901. 155. Sinopsis Estadistica y Geogrdflca de la RepAblica de Bolivia, 3 vols., 1903-04. 156. Annuario Nacional, Estadistica y Ceogr&Jico de Bolivia, 1917 and 1919. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 223 IS7- Revista del Ministerio de CoUmizacidn y Agricultura, Seccidn de Estadistica, 1905-07. 158. Anexos d las Memorias que presenta el Ministro de ColonizaciSn y Agricultura al Congreso. [Irregular.] 159. Ministerio de Gobierno y Fomento (after 1918 Fomento e Industria). Appendices k las memorias presentadas k la Legislatura. [Ir- regular,] 160. Injorme del Director General de Obras PUbHcas. [Annual reports.] CHILE i6i. Memoria de la Inspeccidn Jeneral de ColonizaciSn e InmifraciSn. From 191 1. 162. Boletin de la Inspeccidn de Geografia y Minces. Ministerio de In- dustria y Obras Publicas. From 1905. 163. Boletin del Ministerio de Relaciones Esterioras. From 191 1. 164. Annuario Estadistico. Oficina Central de Estadistica. From 1909. i6s. Memorie del Director. Oficina de Mensura de Tierras. Annually from X908. 166. Revista de Agricultura. Sociedad Agron6mica de Chile. From 1915, 167. Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia. Sociedad Chilena de His- toria y Geografia. Santiago, from 1911. 168. Boletin de la Sociedad Nacional de Mineria, Santiago, from 1888. PERU 169. Boletin del Ministerio de Fomento. From 1903. 170. Statistical Abstract of Peru. Ministerio de Fomento, Bureau of Sta- tistics. 1919- 171. Boletin del Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minus y Aguas. 172. Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica de Lima. ADDENDUM 109a. RusBY, Henry Hurd. Report of Work on the Mulford Biologi- cal Exploration of 1921-22. Journ. New York Bot. Garden. Vol. 22, pp. 101-112. APPENDIX D CONVERSION TABLES Table I Millimeters into Inches I mm. — 0.03937 inch. I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 In. In. In. In. In. In. In. In. In. In. 0.0000 0.0394 0.0787 0.1181 0.1575 0.1968 0.2362 0.2756 0.3150 0.3543 10 0.3937 0.4331 0.4724 0.5118 0.5512 0.5906 0.6299 0.6693 0.7087 0.7480 20 0.7874 0.8268 0.8661 0.90SS 0.9449 0.9842 1.0236 1.0630 1. 1024 1.1417 30 1.1811 1. 220s 1.2598 1.2992 1.3386 1.3780 1.4173 1.4567 1.4961 I.S3S4 40 I.S748 1.6142 1.653s 1.6929 1.7323 1.7716 1.8110 1.8504 1.8898 1.9291 so 1.9685 2.0079 2.0472 2.0866 2.1260 2.1654 2.2047 2.2441 2.2835 2.3228 60 2.3622 2.4016 2.4409 2.4803 2.S197 2.5590 2.5984 2.6378 2.6772 2.7165 70 2-7SS9 2.79S3 2.8346 2.8740 2.9134 2.9528 2.9921 3.0315 3.0709 3.1102 80 3-1496 3.1890 3.2283 3.2677 3.3071 3.3464 3.3858 3.4252 3.4646 3.5039 90 3-S433 3.5828 3.6220 3.6614 3.7008 3.7402 3.7795 3.8189 3.8S83 3.8976 Milli- meters Inches Milli- meters Inches Milli- meters Inches 100 39370 500 19.6850 800 31.496 200 7.8740 600 23.6220 900 35.4330 300 11.8110 700 27.559 1000 393700 400 15.7480 CONVERSION TABLES Table II Meters into Feet I meter — 39.3700 inches — 3.280833 feet. 225 M. 8 o 10 20 30 40 SO 60 70 80 90 Feet 0.00 32-81 65.62 98.42 131.23 164.04 196.8s 229.66 262.47 295.27 Feet 3.28 36.09 68.90 101.71 134.51 167.32 200.13 232.94 265.75 298.56 Feet 6.56 39-37 72.18 104.99 137.79 170.60 203.41 236.22 269.03 301.84 Feet 9-84 42.65 7S-46 108.27 141.08 173-88 206.69 239-50 272-31 305-12 Feet 13-12 45-93 78.74 III-S5 144-36 177.16 209.97 242.78 275-59 308-40 Feet 16-40 49-21 82.02 114.83 147.64 180.45 213-25 246.06 278.87 311.68 Feet 19.68 52.49 85-30 118-11 150.92 183.73 216.53 249-34 282-15 314-96 Feet 22.97 55.77 88.58 121.39 154-20 187.01 219.82 252.62 285-43 318.24 Feet 26.25 59-05 1-866 124.67 157-48 190-29 223.10 255.90 288-71 321-52 Feet 29-53 62.34 95.14 127.95 160.76 193.57 226.38 259-19 291.99 324-80 Meters Feet Meters Feet Meters Feet 800 2624.7 100 328.08 900 2952.7 4000 13123.3 200 656.17 1000 3280.8 4500 14763.7 300 984.25 1500 4921.2 5000 16404.2 400 1312.33 2000 6561.7 5500 18044.6 500 1640.42 2500 8202.1 6000 19684.8 600 1968.50 3000 9842.5 6500 21325.2 700 2296.6 3500 11482.9 7000 22965.6 226 THE CENTRAL ANDES Table III Kilometers into Miles I kilometer — 0.621370 mile Km. I 2 3 4 s 6 7 8 9 Mi. Ml. Mi. Ml. Ml. Ml. Mi. Mi. Mi. Ml. 0.0 0.6 1.2 1.9 2.S 31 3-7 4-3 S-o S.6 10 6.2 6.8 7.S 8.1 8.7 9-3 9.9 10.6 11.2 11.8 20 12.4 13.0 13-7 14-3 14.9 IS-S 16.2 16.8 17.4 18.0 30 18.6 19-3 19.9 20.5 21. 1 21.7 22.4 23.0 23.6 24.2 40 24.9 25-S 26.1 26.7 27-3 28.0 28.6 29.2 29.8 30.4 SO 31.1 31.7 32.3 32.9 33.6 34-2 34.8 3S.4 36.0 36.7 60 37-3 37-9 38.S 39-1 39-8 40.4 41.0 41.6 42.3 42.9 70 43.S 44.1 44-7 45.4 46.0 46.6 47.2 47.8 48.S 49.1 80 49.7 S0.3 Si.o SI.6 S2.2 S2.8 S3-4 S4.I 54-7 5S-3 90 SS-9 S6.S 57-2 57.8 S8.4 59-0 S9-7 60.3 60.9 61.S Kilo- meters Miles Kilo- meters Miles Kilo- meters Miles 100 62.1 600 372.8 2000 1242.7 200 124-3 700 435-0 3000 1 864. 1 300 186.4 800 497-1 4000 248S-5 400 248.S 900 559-2 5000 3106.8 500 310.7 1000 621.4 CONVERSION TABLES Table IV Square Kilometers into Square Miles I km.' — 0.3861 16 mile' 227 8 o 10 20 30 40 SO 60 70 80 90 Mi.s 0.000 3.861 7.722 11.S84 IS.44S 19-306 23.167 27.028 30.889 34-750 Mi.2 0.386 4-247 8.108 11.970 IS.831 19.692 23.SS3 27.414 31.27s 35-137 Ml.! 0.772 4-633 8-495 I2-3S6 16.217 20.078 23-939 27.800 31.662 35.523 Mi.» 1. 158 5-020 8.881 12.742 16.603 20.464 24-325 28.187 32-048 35-909 M1.2 1-545 5.406 9.267 13-128 16.989 20.850 24.711 28.573 32.434 36.295 M1.2 1. 93 1 5-792 9-6S3 13-S14 17-375 21.236 25.098 28.959 32.820 36.681 M1.2 2.317 6.178 10.039 13.900 17.761 21.623 25.484 29-345 33-206 37-067 Mi.s 2.703 6.564 10.425 14.286 18.148 22.009 25.870 29-731 33-S92 37-453 Mi 3-089 6-950 10.811 14.672 18.534 22.395 26.256 30.117 33-978 37.839 M1.2 3-47S 7-336 11-197 15.059 18.920 22.781 26.642 30.503 34-364 38.226 Km.' Mile' Km.' Mile' 100 38.61 600 231-67 200 77.22 700 270.28 300 115.84 800 308.89 400 154-45 900 347-50 Soo 193-06 1000 386.10 Table V Hectares into Acres Hectares Acres Hectares Acres 1 2.471 6 14.826 2 4.942 7 17.297 3 7-413 8 19.768 4 9.884 9 22.239 S 12.35s 10 24.710 228 THE CENTRAL ANDES Table VI Centigrade Scale to Fahrenheit Cg. •4 ■7 .8 .9 + 60 S9 58 57 56 55 54 53 52 SI + SO 49 48 47 46 45 44 43 42 41 + 40 39 38 37 36 3S 34 33 32 31 F. + 140.00 138.20 136.40 134.60 132.80 131.00 129.20 127.40 125.60 123.80 + 122.00 120.20 118.40 116.60 114.80 113.00 III.20 109.40 107.60 105.80 + ' 104.00 102.20 100.40 98.60 96.80 95.00 93.20 91.40 89.60 87.80 "F. .+ 140.18 138.38 136.58 134-78 132.98 I3II8 129.38 127.58 125.78 123.98 + 122.18 120.38 118.58 116.78 114.98 II3.I8 HI.38 109.58 107.78 105.98 + 104.18 102.38 100.58 98.78 96.98 95-18 93-38 91.58 89.78 87.98 F. + 140.36 138-S6 136-76 134-96 133.16 131-36 129.56 127.76 125.96 124.16 + 122.36 120.56 118.76 116.96 115-16 113.36 111.56 109.76 107.96 106.16 + 104.36 102.56 100.76 98.96 97.16 95.36 93-56 91.76 89.96 88.16 F. + 140.54 138.74 136.94 135.14 133.34 131-54 129.74 127.94 126.14 124-34 + 122.54 120.74 118.94 117.14 115-34 "3-54 111.74 109-94 108.14 106.34 + 104-54 102.74 100.94 99-14 97.34 95.54 93.74 91.94 90.14 88.34 F. + 140.72 138.92 137.12 135.32 133.52 131.72 129.92 128.12 126.32 124.52 + 122.72 120.92 119.12 117.32 115.52 113.72 111.92 110.12 108.32 106.52 + 104.72 102.92 101.12 99.32 97.52 95.72 93.92 92.12 90.32 88.52 F. + 140.90 139.10 137.30 135.50 133.70 131.90 130.10 128.30 126.50 124.70 + 122.90 121. 10 119.30 117.50 115.70 113.90 112. 10 110.30 108.50 106.70 + 104.90 103.10 101.30 99.50 97.70 95.90 94.10 92.30 90.50 88.70 °F. + 141.08 139.28 137.48 135.68 133.88 132.08 130.28 128.48 126.68 124.88 + 123.08 121.28 119.48 117.68 115.88 114.08 112.28 110.48 108.68 io6.'88 + 105.08 103.28 101.48 99.68 97.88 96.08 94.28 92.48 90.68 88.88 F. + 141.26 139.46 137.66 135.86 134.06 132.26 130.46 128.66 126.86 125.06 + 123.26 121.46 119.66 117.86 116.06 114.26 112.46 110.66 108.86 107.06 + 105.26 103.46 101.66 99.86 98.06 96.26 9446 92.66 90.86 89.06 "F. + 141.44 139.64 137.84 136.04 134.24 132.44 130.64 128.84 127.04 125.24 + 123.44 121.64 119.84 118.04 116.24 114.44 112.64 110.84 109.04 107.24 + 105.44 103.64 101.84 100.04 98.24 96.44 94.64 92.84 91.04 89.24 F. + 141.62 139.82 138.02 136.22 134.42 132.62 130.82 129.02 127.22 125.42 + 123.62 121.82 120.02 118.22 116.42 114.62 1X2.82 III.02 109.22 107.42 + 105.62 103.82 102.02 100.22 98.42 96.62 94.82 93.02 91.22 89.42 CONVERSION TABLES 229 Table VI (Continued) Centigrade Scale to Fahrenheit Cg. .1 .2 .3 -4 -S .6 .7 .8 ■9 • •F. "F. »F. "F. •F. -F. "F. °F. °F. "F. + + + + + + + + + + + 30 86.00 86.18 86.36 86.54 86.72 86.90 87.08 87.26 87.44 87.62 ap 84.20 84.38 84.56 84.74 84.92 85.10 85.28 85.46 85.64 85.82 28 82.40 82.58 82.76 82.94 83.12 83.30 83.48 83.66 83.84 84.03 27 80.60 80.78 80.96 81.14 81.32 81.50 81.68 81.86 82.04 82.22 26 78.80 78.98 79.16 79.34 79.52 79.70 79.88 80.06 80.24 80.42 25 77.00 77.18 77.36 77-54 77.72 77.90 78.08 78.26 78.44 78.62 24 7S.20 75.38 75-56 75-74 75-92 76.10 76.28 76.46 76.64 76.82 23 7340 73.58 73.76 73-94 74.12 74.30 74.48 74.66 74.84 75.02 22 71.60 71.78 71.96 72.14 72.32 72.50 72.68 72.86 73.04 73.22 21 69.80 69.98 70.16 70.34 70.52 70.70 70.88 71.06 71.24 71.42 + + + + + + + + + + + 30 68.00 68.18 68.36 68.54 68.72 68.90 69.08 69.26 69.44 69.62 19 66.20 66.38 66.56 66.74 66.92 67.10 67.28 67.46 67.64 67.82 18 64.40 64.58 64.76 64.94 64.12 65.30 65.48 65.66 65.84 66.02 17 62.60 62.78 62.96 63.14 63-32 63.50 63.68 63.86 64.04 64.22 16 60.80 60.98 61.16 61.34 61.52 61.70 61.88 62.06 62.24 62.42 IS 59-00 59.18 59.36 59.54 59-72 5990 60.08 60.26 60.44 60.62 14 57.20 57.38 57.56 57.74 57-92 58-10 S8.28 58.46 58.64 58.82 13 55.40 55.58 55.76 55.94 56.12 56.30 56.48 56.66 56.84 57.02 12 53.60 53.78 53.96 S4.I4 54-32 54.50 54-68 54.86 SS.04 55.22 II 51.80 SI. 98 52.16 52.34 52-52 52.70 52.88 53.06 '53.24 53.42 + + + + + + + + + + + 10 50.00 50.18 50.36 50.54 50.72 50.90 51-08 51.26 51.44 SI.62 9 48.20 48.38 48.56 48.74 48.92 49.10 49.28 49.46 49.64 49.82 8 46.40 46.58 46.76 46.94 47-12 47.30 47.48 47.66 47.84 48.02 7 44.60 44.78 44.96 45.14 45-32 45.50 45-68 45.86 46.04 46.22 6 42.80 42.98 43.16 43-34 4352 43.70 43-88 44.06 44.24 44.42 S 41.00 41.18 41.36 41.54 41.72 41.90 42.08 42.26 42.44 42.62 4 39.20 39-38 39.56 39-74 39.92 40.10 40.28 40.46 40.64 40.82 3 37.40 37.58 37.76 37-94 38.12 38.30 38.48 38.66 38.84 3902 2 35.60 35.78 35.96 36.14 36.32 36.50 36.68 36.86 37.04 37.22 I 33.80 33.98 34.16 34.34 34.52 34.70 34.88 35.06 35.24 35.42 + + + + + + + + + + + 32.00 32.18 32.36 32.54 32.72 32.90 33.08 33.26 33.44 33.62 230 THE CENTRAL ANDES Table VI (Continued) Centigrade Scale to Fahrenheit Cg. .1 .2 .3 .4 .5 .6 -7 .8 •9 o •F. °F. °F. 'F. °F. °F. »F. "F. "F. °F. - + + + + + + + + + + 32.00 31.82 31.64 31.46 31-28 31.10 30.92 30-74 30.56 30.38 I 30.20 30.02 29.84 29.66 29.48 29.30 29.12 28.94 28.76 28.58 2 28.40 28.22 28.04 27.86 27.68 27.50 27.32 27.14 26.96 26.78 3 26.60 26.42 26.24 26.06 25.88 25.70 25.52 25-34 25.16 24.98 4 24.80 24.62 24.44 24.26 24.08 23.90 23.72 23-54 23.36 23.18 5 23.00 22.82 22.64 22.46 22.28 22.10 21.92 21.74 21.56 21.38 6 21.20 21.02 20.84 20.66 20.48 20.30 20.12 19.94 19.76 19-58 7 19.40 19.22 19.04 18.86 18.68 18.50 18.32 18.14 17.96 17-78 8 17.60 17.42 17.24 17.06 16.88 16.70 16.52 16.34 16.16 iS-98 9 15-80 15.62 15.44 15.26 15.08 14.90 14.72 14-54 14.36 14.18 - + + + + + + + + + + 10 14.00 13.82 13.64 13.46 1328 13.10 12.92 12.74 12.56 12.38 II 12.20 12.02 11.84 11.66 11.48 11.30 II. 12 10.94 10.76 10.58 12 10.40 10.22 1.0.04 9.86 9.68 9-50 932 9.14 8.96 8.78 13 8.60 8,42 8.24 8.06 7.88 7.70 7-52 7-34 7-16 6.98 14 6.80 6.62 6.44 6.26 6.08 S-90 5-72 5.54 5.36 5.18 - + + + + + + + + + + 15 S-00 4.82 4.64 4.46 4.28 4.10 3-92 3-74 3.56 3.38 + + + + + + + + + + i6 3.20 3.02 2.84 2.66 2.48 2.30 2.12 1-94 1.76 1.S8 + + + + + + + + - - 17 1.40 1.22 1.04 0.86 0.68 0.50 0.32 0.14 0.04 0.22 i8 0.40 0.58 0.76 0.94 1. 12 1.30 1.48 1.66 1.84 2.02 19 2.20 2.38 2.56 2.74 2.92 3.10 3.28 3.46 3.64 3.82 20 4.00 4.18 4.36 4.54 4-72 4.90 508 5.26 5.44 5.62 21 S.80 5.98 6.16 6.34 6.52 6.70 6.88 7.06 7.24 7.42 22 7.60 7.78 7.96 8.14 8.32 8.50 8.68 8.86 9.04 9.22 23 9.40 9.58 9.76 9.94 10.12 10.30 10.4S 10.66 10.84 11.02 24 11.20 11.38 11.56 11.74 11.92 12.10 12.28 12.46 12.64 12.82 25 13.00 13.18 13.36 13.54 13-72 13-96 14.08 14.26 14.44 14.62 26 14.80 14.98 15.16 15.34 15.52 15-70 15.88 16.06 16.24 16.42 27 16.60 16.78 16.96 17.14 17.32 17-50 17.68 17.86 18.04 18.22 28 18.40 18.58 18.76 18.94 19.12 19.30 19.48 19.66 19.84 20.02 29 20.20 20.38 20.56 20.74 20.92 21.10 21.28 21.46 21.64 21.82 30 22.00 22.18 22.36 22.54 22.72 22.90 23.08 23.26 23.44 23.62 f INDEX INDEX Ach&, J. A., 105 Adobe, 152. 153 Agriculture, Pacific coast, 172; social basis, 157; Yungas Indians. 170 Aguardiente, 151, 162 Aji, 150, 174 Alcaldes, 200 Alcatraz, 127 Alcohol, ISO, 162, 172, 175 Alfalfa, 161, 167 Alpacas, 24, 128, x6o Altiplano, 3, 4, 6, 14; description. 22; drainage, 96 ; hydrography, 98 ; isolated hills, 35; looking across near Nazacara (ill.), opp. 23; mineraliza- tion, 15; mining in western part, 57; part, with Cordillera Real and La Paz valley (block diagr.). 26; precipitation, ^i; soil. 108; surface and underlying rocks, 38; typical finca, 159; winds, 79 Altitude, 13; life at high altitudes, 128, 155; of mines, 59; population and, 145; zones, 69 Alto Perfi, 194 Amazon River. 25 American Geographical Society, His- panic American program, ix, x American Museum of Natural History, viii, 124 Ananta, 41 Ancestor worship, 200 Anchovetas, 126 Ancomarca, 194 Anc6n, treaty of, 204, 206 Andenes, 163, opp. 163 (iU-) Andes, change of trend, 31 ; earlier form, 35; north and south of ha Paz, con- trast, 31; recent uplift, extent and effect, 36; Tertiary conditions, 33, 35 Angostura gorge, 41 Animal life, 122; Atlantic slope, 132; belts of distribution, 123; coast, 124; desert pampa, 127; reproduction, climatic control. 134; Western Cordillera and Puna, 12S Anthony, H. E.. viii Antofagasta, 183, 184 Araca, 59 Arequipa, 18; agriculture near, 166-167, opp. Z67 (ill.); borax, 56; buildings, 152; daily temperature variations, 73 (graph), 74; earthquake, 48; importance, 188; monthly tempera- ture variations, 70 (graph), 71, 72; precipitation, 90, 92 (graph) , 93 (graph); railway, 182; traffic, 180; winds, 77 (with diagr.) Arica, 60, 177, 178, 182, 209; coast near, 19; daily temperature variations, 73 (graph), 74; earthquakes, 48; im- portance, 19, 190; monthly tem- perature variations, 70 (graph), 71; port and railway, 66, 184; tectonic feature from, 32; wind roses, 75, 76 (diagr.). 5«c a/jo Tacna-Arica prob- lem Arica-La Paz railway, 107, 183, 184, 208 Aridity. 15 Arriero, 165 Ascotan. 56 Atacama, loi, 203 Atacama Trench, 61 Audiendas, I94> 196 Avicaya, S9 Ayllu, X99 Aymari Indians, 17, 30, 136, 138; fishermen on the shore of Lake Titicaca (ill.), opp. 165; procession at a fiesta in La Paz (ill.)i opp. 162 Ayopaya River, 31 Ballivi^n, Lake. 44. 45 (diagr.) Balsas, 165, opp. 165 (ill.) Barley, 15 ii 161 Bathymetric lines, 8 Beagle (ship) , 2, 64 Beans, 24, 118, 150 Bears, spectacled, 123, 130, 134 Beni River, 4, 185, 186 Bibliography, 211 Billinghurst-Latorre Convention, 208 Birds. Atlantic slope. 132; Chapman, F. M., on, 126; desert pampa, 127; guano-producing, 124; Puna, 130 Bismuth, 49, 58 Bolivia, lack of coast line and seaports, 204, 209; population. 142; vital sta- tistics, 156 234 THE CENTRAL ANDES Bolivian census* 140, 14X Boobies, 126 Borax, IS, 49, S6 Boundaries, political. 193; changes (map), I9S Bowman, Isaiali, vi, viii; Introduction, ix; on Lakes Ballivi^ and Minchin, 44, 45 (diagr.); physiography, 33; uplift of Andes, 36; Western Cor- dillera slopes. 34 Bronze, Si, 52 Buildings, 152 Cabezera de Valle, 69 Cables. 61 Caca Aca, 187 Cacti, 114, lis, ISO; La Paz valley (ill.), opp. 119 CaUta, 147 Caleta Buena, 66, iSx; importance. 19 Caleta Chica. 66 Caleta Junin, 66. 181 Caliche, S5 Callahuayas. 158 Callas. soundings near, 61 Camanchaca, 112 Caminos de herradura, 181 Canal. Mauri River to Palcota valley, 104 Canchimes, 106, 174, 17s Cano River, 198, 209 Carabaya. 51 Carabuco, 52 Caracoles. 59 Camaval, 162 Cascarilleros. 172 Cattle. 151. 164, 171, 173 Cavies. 129. 139 Ceja de la Montafia, 119. 120. opp. 120 (iU.) Census returns. 141 Cereus, 114 Cerro Verde, 56 Chachani, 18S Challapata. 192 ChaHar trees. 20. 112. 113 Chancaca, 175 Chapman. F. M.. viii; on bird life in Colombia, 132; on birds of the coast. 126 Charcas. 194. 196 Charcoal, si. S6. 59 Charqui, 151 ChasquiSt 150 Cherimoya, 167 Chicha, ISO Chile, longitudinal railway, x8i; nitrates. 49; population. 142; war with Bolivia and Peru. 203 Chile-Bolivia Boundary Commission, 3 Chile saltpeter. See Nitrates Chilean census, 141 Chili pepper, 150. 174 Chili River. 78. 90. 96. 106. 188; des- cription, loi; flow at Arequipa (graph), 102 Chili valley, farms (ill.), opp. 167 Chilicolpa, 57 Chinchillas, 128, 129 Chipayas, 137. 152-153; swine-raising. 164 Cholos, 140 Chulumani, 185 ChuHo, 150. 161, 191 Chuquiaguillo River. 51. 58, 185. 187 Chuquiapo, 51 Cinchonas, 121, 169. 171 Cities, 186 Clan, 199, 200 Clay-eating. 151 Climate. 13. 16, 28, 67 Clothing. I S3 Clouds, 88; precipitation and cloud con- ditions (map), 67; types and rainfall belts on eastern border of Andes (diagrs.). 87 Coach roads. 181 Coast, faunal studies. 124; features. 18; precipitation. 89. 90 (diagrs.); towns, 147; valley oases, 172; winds, 75 Coast line, survey, 2 Coast Range, wet and dry seasons (diagrs.), 90 Coastal desert, 108 Coastal escarpment, 18 Coastal hills, 17. See aim Lomas Coca, 30, 121, 162; cultivation. 169, 170 Cocaines, 169 Cocal, 170 Cochabamba, 18, 27, 146; agriculture in the basin. 166-167; basin. 32. 35; monthly temperature variations. 70 (graph), 71, 72; precipitation, 88, 92 (graph); railway to Oruro. 183. 185; situation. 2, 189; soil, 108; water supply, 98; winds, 82, S3 (diagr.), 84 Cofifee, 30, culture, 169, 171 Coipasa, salar of, 23, 32, 44, 100 Coker, R. E., 124 Collas, 136, 138, 139, 199, 200. See also AymarS Indians INDEX 235 Collasuyo, 138 CoUmos, IS9; farming in La Paz valley (ill.), opp. 160 Colonization, Incas, 139, 140 Color, 21, 118, 128 ColQUechaca, 28, 59 Colquiri, S9 Comanchi, Cerro de, 35 Community Indians, 157, 164; annual round of life on the Altiplano, 164 Compass traverses, 3 Compilations, 4 Condors, 123, 12s, 131, 193 Conlri, 34 Conquistador es^ 18, so, 14s Contours, approximate, S! treatment, 6 Conversion tables, 224 Conway, Sir W. M., 3, 4 Copacabana, 24, 202; fair, 192 Copaos, 114 Copiap6 River, ig6 Copper, 49; Altiplano, is, 57; Corocoro mines, 182; occurrence, si Cordillera Real, 3, 4, 7, 14; looking toward, from the Yungas (with ill.), 168; part, with Altiplano and La Paz valley (block diagr.), 26; structure and relief, is; water resources, 97 Cormorants, 126, 127 Corocoro. 24, los, 176; copper mines, 182; fault, 34; native copper, 57 Coroico, 168 (with ill.), 170, 185 Coroico River, upper basin, with plan- tations, and the town (ill.), 168 Corry, T. A., 2, s Cosecha de la muerte, 80 Costumes of plateau Indians, IS4 Cotton, IS3, 174 Creoles, 149 Cr6qui'Montfort expedition, 4 Crustal weakness. 32 Culli, 117 Cuzco, 139, 140, ISO, 177, 188, 193, 202, Deer, 133 Denudation, 13 Desaguadero (ill.), opp. 24 Desaguadero River, 4, 23, los; descrip- tion, 99; near Nazacara (ill.), opp. 23; source (ill.), opp. 24; "strilce" character, 46 Desert, 19; fauna, 127; piedmont, 19; road, 180; vegetation, 112 Desert bird. 127 Dew, III Diseases, 155 Distichlis grass, 112 Dogs, wild, 127, 13a Dolores, 106 Donkeys, 24 Doors, IS3 Douglas, J. A., 33 Drainage, 4S, 9S Drake, Sir Francis, 190 Drunkenness, 150," 162 Dunes, 47, 80 Dust, 80 Dwellings, Indian, IS2; Indian, in high country west of Lake Titicaca (ill.), opp. I S3: Uru house and woman (ill.), opp. IS2 Dyes, IS4 Earthquakes, 48, 147 Eastern Cordillera, approximations, s; divisions, 27; faunal barrier, 123; minerals, is; mining, s8; pasture (ill.), opp. 153; precipitation, 88; vegetation, 118; winds, 79 El Misti, 21, 48, opp. i6s (ill.), 188 Encomiendas, 14s Environment and population, 136 Epidemics, is6 Equatorial rains, 16 Erosion, 14, 34, 37, 47, 107 Eucalyptus, 118, IS9 "Eyebrow" of the forest, 119, 120, opp. 120 (ill.) Fairs, annual, 191 Farms, Altiplano, 159; Chili valley(ill.), opp. 167; peon laborers, La Paz valley (ill.), opp. 160; typical farm near Luribay, 166-167 Faults, 34, 3S Fauna, 122. See also Animal life Fawcett, P. H., 2 Festivals, 162. 201; procession of Aymard Indians in La Paz (ill.), opp. 162 Piebre amariUa, ISS Pincas, IS9, 163 Fish, as food, 150; marine, 12s; plateau, 131 Fishing in Lake Titicaca, i6s Flamingos, 123. 130 Floods. los. 106 Flora, 109 Fog, 89, 112 Food, 149 Forbes, David. 33; geological map, 32 Forbes, H. O., 124 236 THE CENTRAL ANDES Forests, 17; bird life, 132; "eyebrow" of the forest, 119, 120, opp. X20 (ill.); mammals, X33; tropical rain forest, 30 Fossils, 39, 44, 45 Foster, C. W., 80 French commission survey, 3 Frogs, 132 Frontiers, 193 Fruits, 30, 113, 114, 151, 167, 173 Garia, 108, iii Geological structure, 3X Geologists' investigations, 32 Geology, extent of knowledge, 3a; utili- zation in mapping, 5 Glaciation, 37 Glaciers, 37, 96, 97 Goitre, ISS Gold, 28, 49, 58; Eastern Cordillera, is; occurrence, 51 Grande River, 28, 46 Grass steppe, 117, 119 Grassiire, R. de la, 137 Grebes, 130 Gregory, H. E., on La Paz beds, 40; on Titicaca basin, 34 Guanay, 127 Guano, 124, 203 Guano-producing birds, X24 GuayraSt 51 Guemal, 133 Cuillaves, X14 Guinea pigs, 130, 139 Haba beans, 24, 118 Harvard University, Astronomical Ob- servatory, 77, 78, 79, 188 Hats, X54 Hauthal, Rudolf, on La Paz beds, 40, 41 Health, 155 Highlands, climate, 16; population, 17 Hispanic-American research plan, ix Hot springs, 33, 34, 48 Household implements. X53 Houses. See Dwellings Huaca, 202 Huanaco, X28 Huanuni, 28, 59 Huaqui, port (ill.), opp. X82; winds, 80 Huati, 192 Huata, 24 Humboldt Current, 62, 89 Huot, Victor, 4 Hurricanes, 91 Hydrographic data, 3 lea, 177 Ichu, opp. 23 (ill.), opp. 114 (ill.), 116; pasture land in Eastern Cordillera (ill.), opp. X53; Puna Brava zone (ill.), opp. 1x6 Ilacatas, 200 lUimani, 82, X87; from the Yungas (ill.), opp. X20 Ilo, 66, x8i Inca empire, 138, 139, 193; local Indian government and, soo; movement of the people, 177 Indian names, 8 Indians, community Indians, X57; cul- ture, 17; diet, 150; habitations and occupations on Western Cordillera, 22; mine workers, 176; mining and metal-working, 50, 51; mixture with Spaniards, X48; plateau, costume, 154; plateau, social and religious organization, 199; religion, 191; Spanish control, 146; Yungas, occu- pations, X70. See also Community Indians Inquisivi, 51, X46 International Map Committee. 6 Intip Raymi, 20X Inundations, 91 Iodine, 55, 155 Iquique, 75 Iron, 153 Irrigation, 163, 166, 167; projects, 103 Island of the Sun, 202 Isluga, 57 Junfn. See Caleta Junfn Kings, 200 Krttmmel Deep, 62 Labor, forced, 139, 175 Lacahahuira River, 100 La Joya, daily temi)erature variations, 73 (graph). 74; montlily tempera- ture variations, 70 (graph), 72; Lakes, 97; development, 42 . Land, absorption by whites and mes- tizos, 157; utilization, 159, opp. 174 (map) Land forms, 31 Landowners, 158 Landscape, 2X. See also Scenery La Paz, daily temperature variations, 73 (graph), 74; from the southwest (ill.), 187; monthly temperature variations, 70 (graph), 71, 72; preci- INDEX 237 La Paz (.continues) pitation, 88, 93 (graph); raUway routes to the sea, 183, 184; situation, 25, 186; traSac, 180; water supply, 98; winds, 81 (diagr.), 82 La Paz, Alto of, 25, 38 La Paz area, compilation of sheet, ix, i; geological structure, 14; maps used in constructing sheet, list, 8; natural regions, 18; physical history, 13 La Paz River, 4, 25, 38, 39, 187; gorge, 28, 41, 45 La Paz valley, cactus vegetation (ill.), opp. 119; part (block diagr.), 26; sedimentary deposits, 40 Lard, 164 Lauca River, 164 Lava flows, 19, 20 Lima, 177, 194, 204 Linguistic researches, Z36 Llallagua, 59, 176 Llamas, 22, 24, 12S; as beasts of burden, 156; domestication and wool, X54 LoboSt 126 Lomas, 17. x8, 108, 173; tiempo de lomas, 9X; vegetation, no Luribay, farm near, X66-167 Luribay River, 38, 39 McBride, G. M., vi, viii; on the social and religious ox^anization of the plateau Indians, X99 Madeira River, 25 Maize, 150, 151, 167 Malaria, 155 Maps, index map of natural regions, 29; list used in constructing the La Paz sheet, 8; previous compilations, 4 M&quina, 55 Marbut, C. F., vii Marine life, 122, 125 Maritime Cordillera, X4. See also West- ern Cordillera Masonry, X52, 202 Mauri River, 23, 46; diversion project, X04 Mayordomo, IS9 Meat, ISO, xsx MSdanos, 47 Medio Valle, 69; agriculture and life, 166 Megalithic structures, 25, 138. X93 Mercury, S3 Mesquite, I7S Mestizos, X40, X48, 149 Meteorological records, 67, 68 Milk, 150 Miller and Singewald, on minerals, 49; on nitrates, 54 Milluni, 59 Minchin, J. B., x; sketch map of an ancient lake, 42, 43 (map A); tra- verse, 3 Minchin, Lake, 43 (map B), 44, 45 (diagr.) Mineralization, 13 Minerals, 49; geology and, 33; occur- rence, 50 Miners, 176 Mines, 49; altitude, 59 Mining, 24, X75; Eastern Cordillera, 28, 58; western Altiplano, 57; Wes- tern Cordillera, 56 Mirafiores, x88 Misti, El, 21, 48, opp. X65 (ill.), 188 Mita, S2, 139, 175 Mollendo, 180, X82; port and railway, 184; winds, 75 MontoOd forest, X19, X2X Moquegua, 20, X03, x8i Morococala, 59 Mountain sickness, IS 5, 156 Mulatos, X49 Murphy, R. C, viii; 124; on anchovetas, X26 Names, selection, 7 Natural regions, vii, 18; map — index to international map, 29 Natural vegetation, 109; distribution (map), xio. See also Vegetation Negroes, 149, X73 Nitrates, 19, 20, 49, 203; extraction, SS; origin of fields, 53; ports 66; work- ers, 174 Nitrogen fixation, 53, 54 Oases, 1x2, X72, 173 Obrajes, cactus vegetation (ill.), opp. X19 Oca, lis, X18, ISO, x6x Ocean, 6x Oil, 50, 59 Olives, 173 Opuntia, 1x4, lis Orbigny, Alcide d', 6; geological map, 32 Oruro, 24, 59; hills, 35, sx. 53; monthly temperature variations, 70 (graph), 7x, 72; precipitation, 92 (graph); situation, 189; water supply, 98; winds, 80 238 THE CENTRAL ANDES Oniro-Cochabamba railway, 183, 185 Otters, IZ7 Pachacmama, 201 Pacific Ocean, 61; currents, 62; marine life, 65; navigation, 65; soundings, 61; surface temperature, 63 Pacific slope, desert vegetation, 112; hydrography, 100 Pack roads, 181 Padua, 133 Palcota valley, 104 Pampa, 19 Pampa de Salinas, 3 ; borax, 56 Pampa del Tamarugal, cultivation, 17s; name, 112; water conditions, 105 Parinacota, 131 Pasto de miel, 113 Patrdn, 160 Payachata, 32 Peasant life, IS9 Peasant proprietors, 166 Peneplane, 14, 27, 34 Pentland, J. B., i Peonage, 157 Peons, 159 Peru, population, 142; Viceroyalty, 177. 194, ig6 Peru Current, 62, 89 Peruvian census, 141 Peruvian Corporation, 182 Peste, iss Pichu Pichu, 188 Piedmont, desert nature, 19; end of a river on (ill.), opp. loi Pilcomayo River, 28, 46 Piguero, 127 Pisagua, 181; earthquake, 48; from the roadstead (ill.), opp. 18; importance, 19; port, 66; water supply, 106 Place names, 7 Plebiscite, 205 Pleistocene glaciation, 36 Podsol, 107 Political organization, 193 Polo, J. T.. 137 Pompeckj, J. P., on Puna beds, 40 Poncho, 1 54 Pongo, 160 Poop6, Lake, 23, 32. 9i; description, 100; development, 44; reed beds, 117; shorelines, 4 Population, 1 8 ; agglomerations, 143 ; distribution, 141, opp. 146 (map); distribution — comparisons with oth- er countries, 144; environment and, Population (continued) 136; life in the various zones, 157; mode of life, 149; modifications of arrangement in the past, 145; move- ment, 176; Spanish Conquest and, 14s Porco, SI. S3 Ports, 19. 66, 147, 177, 184 Potatoes, 22, 24, 115, 118, ISO, 161 Potost, S3, 59, 179 Powder, blasting, 56, 57 Precipitation. 86; Altiplano, 91; Are- quipa, 90, 92 (graph); cloud condi- tions and (map), 67; cloud types and rainfall belts on eastern border of Andes (diagrs.), 87; Eastern Cor- dillera, 88; monthly, for five sta- tions (graphs) , 92-93 ; Western Cordillera and coast, 89, 90 (diagrs.) Prehistoric empire, 193 Pressure, 74 Property, 199 Pueblo Nuevo, El, 186. 188 Puna, 17; bird life, 130; fauna, 128; vegetation, 115 Puna beds, 39. 41-42 Puna Brava, 69f 116; ichu (ill.), opp. 116 Puno, daily temperature variations, 73 (graph), 74; railway to, 182; winds, 79 (with diagr.), 80 Puquina language, 137 Quenua trees, it6 Quichua Indians, 17. 136, 13S, 140 Quilca, 177. 180, 188 Quime, 146 Quimsa Cruz, 4 Quimsachata, Cerro de, opp. 24 (ill.), opp. 182 (ill.) Quinine, 121, 169 Quinoa, 22, 24, 115, 118, 150, 162 Races, 136, 148 Railways, 4, 178 (map). 179, 181 Raimondi's map. s, 6 Rainfall. See Precipitation Red pepper. 150. 174 Reeds, 117, 130 Religion of the plateau Indians, 199 Repartimientos, 52. 175 Rivera, 46; as frontiers, 198; diversion schemes, 103; end of a river on the piedmont (ill.), opp. 101; Maritime Cordillera, 96; nature, 95; Pacific slope, loi; regularizing flow, 103 Roads, 176, 179, 180. See also Routes INDEX 239 Rocha River. 98, x8<> Rodents, 129, 134 Rogers, A. P., traverse, 3 Roofs, 152, IS3 Routes, traffic, 176, 178 (maps) Rubber, 172 Ruins, 2S; Tiahuanaco, 138, 152 Rurrenabaque, iSs St. John's Day, 201 SaJEima, 21, 32 Salars, 20, 23, 44, 48 Salt, IS, 47, so, 151, i6s Saltpeter, 56. See also Nitrates Sama River. 198. 209 Sapahaqul River, 38, 39 Sardinas, 125 Scenery, Cordillera Real, 25; La Paz. 187-188; Titicaca, 24 Seccador, 171 Sefve, Ivar, on Puna beds, 40, 41 Serfdom, 146, 147 Shade and sunshine, 72 Sheep, 24, ZS4, 160 Shelter, isi- See also Dwellings Silver, 49, S8, 175; occurrence. Si; Oruro, 190; shipment, 148; Spanish production, 58 Singewald. See Miller and Singewald Snipe, 131 Snow line, 37, 96, 109 Social system 157; plateau Indians, 199 Sodium nitrate. See Nitrates Soils, 107 Soroche, isS, 156 Spaniards, descendants, 140; lomas vegetation and, in; mining, 52, 14s; mixture with Indians, 148; population redistribution, 14s Spanish towns, 146 Spectacled bears, 123, 130, 134 Spellings, 7 Spirits, 200 Steinmann, Hoek, and von Bistram traverse. 4 Steppes, grass, 117. ii9 Stiles, A., 4 Stone, building. 1S2. 153 Streams. See Rivers Strike valleys, 46 Submarine cables, 61 Subsequent valleys, 46 Succulent vegetation, 113 Sucre, 186, 187; precipitation, 92 (graph); winds, 84, 85 (diagr.) Sugar. 175 Sugar cane, 30, i73, i74 Sulphur, IS. so, S7 Sun, Island of the, 202 Sun worship, 200, 201 Sundt. Lorenzo, on Puna beds, 40 Sunshine and shade, 72 Surveys. 3 Sweets, 150 Swine, 164 Syphilis, iss Taapacii, 20, 48 Tacna, 20, 182; water supply, 104, 106 Tacna-Arica problem, 203 Tacora, 20, 21, 48, S7 Tamarugal. See Pampa del Tamarugal Tambo, Pampa of, 19 Tambo River, loi, 103, los; valley, sugar cane, 173. i74 Taquia, si, 59. 160, 161, 165 Tarapacd, 176, 197, 204 Tarata, 208, 209 Tayra, 134 Temperature, is, 16, 69; daily varia- tions at six stations (graphs), 73; monthly variations at seven stations (graphs), 70; ocean surface, 63 Terraces, abandoned artificial, 163, opp. 163 (Ul.) Terral, 7s Tertiary conditions. 33, 35 Thermal equator, 15, 16 Tiahuanaco, 136, i4S; importance, pre- historic, 177; ruins, 138, 152 "Tidal" waves, 147 Tides, 66 TiemPo de lomas, 91 Tin, 28, 49. 58, 17s; smelting, 60 Tiquina. Strait of, 34 Titicaca, Isla de, 202 Titicaca, Lake, 3, 23; air circulation. 79; as boundary, 194; basin, 34; descrip- tion, 98; development. 44; fish, 150; fishing, 165. opp. 165 (ill.); Inca civilization. 25; outlet (ill.), opp. 24; port of Huaqui and (ill.), opp. 182; reed beds, 117; shore lines. 4; steam- er service, 182 Tola, 22, 24. 114, opp. X14 (ill.) Totoral, S9 Towns. Spanish ports, 147; twin towns, 147 Trade winds, 16, 65, 75, 82 Traffic routes, 176. 178 (maps) Trails. 181 Transport, 256 240 THE CENTRAL ANDES Traveraes, 3 Tree line, 17, 119 Tree planting, 118 Tribute, 139, 146, 199 Tunari, Cordillera de, 98, 189 Tungsten, 49, 58 Tutus, SI Ubinas, 48 Ulexite, s6 UUoma, 39, 40, 41 Uncia, 28, S9 Uru Indians, 136, 19a; woman grinding (ill.), opp. IS3 Uyuni, 23, 32 VaUe, 69, 166 Vegetation, 16; divisions, 109; Eastern Cordillera. 118; lomas, no; past influences, 109; Puna, lis; succu- lent, 113; tola, 114; Western Cor- dillera, 22, 113 Venereal diseases, 155 Viacha, 186 Viacha-Arica railway, 184 Viceroyalty of Peru, 177, 194, 196 Vicufias, 128, 154 Villages, 24; plateau, 163; Yungas. 30 Vinocaya, daily temperature variations, 73 (graph), 74; monthly tempera- ture variations, 70 (graph), 71, 72; winds, 78 (diagr.), 79 Viratdn, 75, 76 Viscacha, 128, 129 Vitor River, loi Volcanic activity, 3s, 37, 147 Volcanoes, 20, 21, 35, 36, 48 War of the Pacific, 196, 197, 203, 204 Water rights, 166, 172 Water supply, 97 Western (Maritime) Cordillera, 3; as boundary, 196; description, 20; drainage, 96; fauna, 128; mineraliza- tion. 15; mining, s6; precipitation, 89, 90 (diagrs.) ; structure and relief. IS; vegetation. 22. 113; winds, 75 Wheat, isi Whitehead, W. L., on nitrates, S4. 55 Winds. 74. 86; Altiplano. 79; Areguipa, 77 (with diagr.); Arica, 75, 76 (diagr.); coast and Western Cor- dillera, 75; Cochabamba, 82, 83 (diagr.), 84; Eastern Cordillera, 79; Iquique, 75; La Paz, 81 (diagr.), 82; Mollendo, 75; Puno, 79 (with diagr.). 80; Sucre, 84, 85 (diagr.); Titicaca basin, 79; Vinocaya, 78 (diagr.), 79 Wine, 173-174 Wool, 153, 154 Wrigley, G. M., viii Yareta, 22, 24, 57, 59, opp. 114 (ills.), 116, 165 Young, Arthur, 166 Yuca, 151 Yungas, 30, 69, 107; coca belt, 169; drainage, 95; plantations in Coroico basin (ill.), 168 Zambaigos, 149 ZamboSt 149 Zofilogy, 124 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 050 917 818