a3 53 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY FROM A FUND RECEIVED BY BEQUEST OF WILLARD FISKE 1831-1904 FIRST LIBRARIAN OF THIS UNIVERSITY : 1 868- 1 883 Date Due SifRlS"-'* "W^'S — aim. -^ "^'^"z:^- AP-ft- 2 1 1949 I W^ isjUI-M »* /A-^e r-~""=^'(^<2>— - jij-'A -•" w m^ -i»»» " ■* ncfi 1- — I#W^^ 9" erialism prepares the Way for Monotheism. — Momentous Transition of the Roman World in its religious Ideas. Opinions of the Raman Philosophers. — Coalescence of the new and old Ideas. — Seizure of Power by the Illiterate, and consequent Debasement of Christianity in Rome 177 CHAPTER IX. THE EnEOPEAH AGE OF INQUIRY. THE PBOGKESSIVE VABIATION OP OPINIONS CLOSED BY THE INSTITUTION OF COtlNOILB AND THE CONOENTEATION OF POWEB IN A PONTIFF. EI8E, EABLY VAEIATI0N8, CONFLICTS, AND PINAL ESTABLISHMENT OP CHKISTIANITT. Rise of Christianity. — Distinguished from ecclesiastical Organization. — It is demanded by the deplorable Condition of the Empire. -^ Its brief Conflict with Paganism. — Character of its first Organization. — Variations of Thought and Rise of Sects: their essential Difference in the East and West. — The three primitive Forms of Christianity : the Judaic Form, its End — the Gnostic Form, its End — the African Form, continues. Spread of Christianity from Syria. — Its Antagonism to Imperialism ; their Conflicts. — Position of Affairs under Dioclesian. — The Policy of Constantine. — He avails himself of the Christian Party, and through it attains supreme Power. — His personal Relations to it. The Trinitarian Controversy. — Story of Arius. — The Council of Nicea. The Progress of the Bishop of Rome to Supremacy. — The Roman Church; its primitive subor- dinate Position. — Causes of its increasing Wealth, Influence, and Corruptions. — Stages of its Advancement through the Pelagian, Nestorian, and Eutychian Disputes. — Rivalry of the Bish- ops of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Rome. Necessity of a Pontiff in the West and ecclesiastical Councils in the East. — Nature of those Councils and of pontifical Power. The Period closes at the Capture and Sack of Rome by Alaric. — Defense of that Event by St. Augustine. — Criticism on his Writings. Character of the Progress of Thought through this Period. — Destiny of the three great Bish- ops 197 Ylii CONTENTS. CHAPTER X, THEEUEOFEAN AGE OF FAITH. AGE OF FAITH IN TIIE EAST. Consolidation of the Byzantine System, or the Union of Church, and State. — The consequent Pa. ganization of Religion and Persecution ofPUhsophy. Political Necessity for the Enforcement of Patristidsm, or Science of the Fathers. — Its peculiar Doctrines. Obliteration of the Vestiges of Greek Knowledge hy Patristidsm. — Uie Libraries and Serapion of Alexandria. — Destruction of the latter by Theodosius. — Death ofHypatia. — Extinction of Learning in the East by Cyril, his Associates and Successors Page 228 CHAPTER XI. PKEMATHEE END OF THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE EAST. THE TIIEEE ATTACKS, VANDAL, PEEBIAN, ABAB. The Vandal Attack leads to the Loss of Africa. — Recovery of that Province by Justinian after great Calamities. The Peksian Attack leads to the Loss of Syria and Fall of Jerusalem. — The true Cross car- ried away as a Trophy, — Moral Impression of these Attacks. The Arab Attack. — Birth, Mission, and Doctrines of Mohammed. — Rapid Spread of his Faith in Asia and Africa. — Fall of Jerusalem. — Dreadful Losses of Christianity to Moham- medanism. — The Arabs become a kamed Nation. Review of the Koran. — Reflections on thi Loss of Asia and Africa by Christendom 241 CHAPTER XH. the age of faith in the ttest. The Age of Faith in the West is marked by Paganism. — The Arabian military Attacks pro- duce the Isolation and permit the Independence of the Bishop of Rome. Gkegoet the Great organizes the Ideas of his Age, materializes Faith, allies it with Art, rejects Science, and creates the Italian Form of Religion. An Alliance of the Papacy with France diffuses that Form. — Political History of the Agreement and Conspiracy of the Prankish Kings and the Pope. — Tlie resulting Consolidation of the new Dynasty in France, and Diffusion of Roman Ideas. — Conversion of Europe. The Vahe of the Italian Form of Religion determined from the papal Biography 258 CHAPTER XIII. digression on the passage of the ARABIANS TO THEIR AGE OF REASON. INFLUENCE OF MEDICAL IDEAS THEOUGH THE NESTOEIAJiS AND JEWa 77(6 intellectual Development of the Arabians is guided by the Nestorians and the Jews, and is in the medical Direction. — 27ie Basis of this Alliance is theological. Antagonism of the Byzantine System to scientific Medicine. — Suppression of the Asclepions. Their Replacement by Miracle-aire. — The resulting Superstition and Ignorance. Affiliation of the Arabians with the Nestorians and Jews. 1st. The Nestorians, their Persecutions, and the Diffusion of their sectarian Ideas. Tlmy in- herit the old Greek Medicine. Sub-digression on Greek Medidne. — The Asclepions. — Philosophical Importance ofSippocrales, who separates Medicine from Religion. — The School of Cnidos.—Its Suppression by Coti- stantine. Sub-digression on Egyptian Medidne. — It is founded on Anatomy and Physiology.— Dissec- tions and Vivisections. — The great Alexandrian Physicians^ 2d. The Jewish Physicians.— Thar Emandpation from Superstition.— They found Colleges and promote Science and Letters. The contemporary Tendency to Magic, Necromancy, the Black Art.— The Philosopher's Stone, Elixir of Life, etc. The Arabs originate sdenttfic Chemistry. — Discover the strong Adds, Phosphorus, etc.— CONTENTS. ix TTieir geological Ideas. — ^ppl>/ Chemistry to the Practice of Medicine. — Apjiroach of the Conflict between ilie Saracenic material and the European supernatural System Page 284 CHAPTEB XIV. THE AGE or FAITH IN IHE WEST — (^Continued). ' IMAOE-WOBBniP AK1> TKB MONICS. Origin o/'Image-worship. — Inutility of Images discovered in Asia and Africa during the Sara- cen Wars. — Eise of Iconoclasm. The Emperors prohibit Image-worship. — The Monks, aided by court Females, sustain it. — Final Victory of the latter. Image-worship in the West sustained by the Popes. — Quarrel between the Emperor and the Pope. — The Pope, aided'by the Monks, revolts and allies himself with the Franks. The Monks. — History of the Rise and Development ofMonasticism. — Hermits and Coenobites. — Spread of Monastidsm from Egypt over Europe. — Monk Miracles and Legends. — Hu- manizaiion of the monastic Establishments. — They materialize Religion, and impress their Ideas on Europe 306 CHAPTER XV. THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST. THE THREE ATTACKS : NOKTHEKN OK MORAL ; WEST- ERN OR INTELLECTUAL ; EASTERN OR MILITART. THE NOETHEEH OE MOEAL ATTACK OH THE ITALIAN BT8TEM, AND ITS TEMPOEABT EEPULBB. Geographical Boundaries of Italian Christianity. — Attacks upon it. The Northern or moral Attack.— -The Emperor of Germany insists on a reformation in the Pa- pacy. — Gerbert, the representative of these Ideas, is made Pope. — TTiey are bothpoisoned by the Italians. Commencement of the intellectual Rejection of the Italian System. — Originates in the Arabian doc- trine of the supremacy of Reason over Authority. — The question of Transubstantiation. — Rise and development of Scholasticism. — Mutiny among the Monks. Gregory VII. spontaneously accepts and enforces a Reform in the Cliurch. — Overcomes the Emperor of Germany, — Is on the paint of establishing a European Theoa'acy. — The Popes seize the military and monetary Resources of Europe ihrcmgh the Crusades 326 CHAPTER XVI. THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST — (^Continued). TIIB WESTEEN OB IMTBLLEOTDAL ATTACK ON TOE ITALIAN SYSTEM. The intellectual Condition of Christendom contrasted with that of Arabian Spain. Diffusion of Arabian intellectual Influences through France and Sicily. — Example of Saracen Science in Alhazen, and of Philosophy in Algazzdli. — Innocent III. prepares to combat these Influences. — Results to Western Europe of the Sack of Constantinople by the Catholics. The spread of Mohammedan light Literature is followed by Heresy. — The crushing of Heresy in the South of France by armed Force, the Inquisition, mendicant Orders, auricular Confession, and Casuistry, The rising Sentiment is embodied in Frederick II. in Sicily. — His Conflict with and Overthrow by the Pope, — Spread of Mutiny among the mendicant Orders < 345 CHAPTER XVn. THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST — (^Continued). OTEETHBOW or THE ITALIAN SYSTEM BY THE COMBINED INTELLECTUAL AND MOEAL ATTACK. Progress oflrreligion among the mendicant Orders. — Publication of heretical Books. — The Ev- erlasting Gospel and the Comment on the Apocalypse, Conflict between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII. — Outrage upon and death of the- Pope. The French King removes the Papacy from Rome to Avignon. — Post-mortem Trial of the Pope for Atheism and Immorality. — Causes and Consequences of the Atheism of the Pope. X CONTENTS. The Templars fall into Iiifidelity.— Their Trial, Conviction, and Pmishment. Immoralities of the Papal Court at Avignon. — Its return to Rmne. — Causes of the great Schism. —Disorganization of the Italian System.— Decomposition of the Papacy.— Three Popes. The Council of Constance attempts to convert the papal Autocracy into a constitutional Monarchy. —It murders John Huss and Jerome of Prague.— Pontificate of Nicolas V.—End of the in- tellectual influence of the Italian System Page 382 CHAPTER XVIII. THE AGE OP FAITH IN THE WEST — (^Concluded). EFFECT OF THE EA8TEEH OE MILITAEY ATTACK. — GENEEAL EEVIEW OP THE AGE Off FAITH. The Fall of Constantinople. — Its momentary Effect on the Italian System. , General Eetiew or the iNTELLECinAL Condition in the Age of Paith. — Supemat9- rallsm and its Logic spread all over Europe. — It is destroyed by the Jews and Arabians. — lis total Extinction. The Jewish Physicians. — Their Acquirements and Influence, — Their Collision with the Imposture- medicine of Europe. — Their Effect on the higher Classes. — Opposition to them. Two Impulses, the Intellectual and Moral, operating against the Mediceval state of Things. — Downfall of the Italian System through the intellectual Impulse from the West and the moral from the North. — Acticn of the former through Astronomy, — Origin of the moral Impulse. — Their conjoint irresistible Effect. — Discovery of the state of Affairs in Italy. — The Writings of Machiavelli. — What the Church had actually done. Entire Movement of the Italian System determined Jrom a consideration of the four Revolts against it 402 CHAPTER XIX.' approach op the age op reason m Europe. IT IS PRECEDED BY MAEITIMB DISCOVEEY, Consideration of the definite Epochs of Social Life. Experimental Philosophy emerging in the Age of Faith. The Age of Reason ushered in by Maritime Discovery and the rise of European Ciitidsm. Maritime Discovery. — The three great Voyages. Columbus discovers America. — ^De Gama doubles the Cape and reaches India. — ^Magellan circumnavigates the Earth. — The material and intellectual Results of each of these Voyages, Digression on the Social Condition of AMBRicA.,—In isolated human Societies the process of Thought and of Civilization is always the same. — Man passes through a determinate suc- cession of Ideas and imbodies themin determinate Institutions. — The state of Mexico and Peru proves the influence of Law in the development of Man 436 CHAPTER XX. approach of the age op reason in EUROPE. IT IS PKECEDED BY THE EI8E OF OEITIOISM. Restoration of Greek Literature and Philosophy in Italy.— Development of Modern Languages and Rise of Criticism. — Imminent Danger to Latin Ideas. Invention of Printing.— It revolutionizes the Communication of Knowledge, especially acts on Public Worship, and renders the Pulpit secondary. The Reformation.— rAeorj^ of Supererogation and Use of Indulgences.— The Right of Indi- vidual Judgment asserted.— Political History of the Origin, Cuhmnation, and Chech of the Reformation.— Its Effects in Italy. Causes^ of the Arrest of the Reformation.— Internal Causes in Protestantism.— External in the Policy of Rome.— The Counter-Reformation.— Inquiiition.— Jesuits.— Secession of the great Gntics.— Culmination of the Reformation in America.— Emergence of Individual Liberty of Thought ^gg CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER XXI. BIGBESSION ON THE CONDITION OP ENGLAND AT THE END OF THE AGE OE PAITH. BEBULT8 PRODUOnD BY THE AGE OF FAITH. Condition of England at the Suppression of the Monasteries. Condition of England at the Close of the seventeenth Century. — Locomotion, Literature, Libra- ries. — Social and private Life of the Tjdty and Clergy. — Brutality in the Administration of Law. Projiigacy of Literature. — The Theatre, its three Phases. — Miracle, Moral, and Real Plays. Estimate of the Advance made in the Age of Faith. — Comparison with that already made in the Age of Reason Page 494 CHAPTER XXII. THE EUROPEAN AGE OP KEASON. REJEOTION OF AUTHORITY AND TEADITION, AND ADOPTION OF SCIENTIFIC TEDTH DISCOVERY OF THE TEUE POSITION OF TDE EARTH IN THE UNIVERSE, Ecclesiastical Attempt to enforce the Geooenteic Docikine that the Earth is the Centre of the Universe, and the most important Body in it. Tlie Heliooenteio Dooieine that the Sun is' the Centre of the Solar System, and the Earth a small Planet, comes gradually into Prominence. Struggle between the Ecclesiastical and Astronomical Parties.— Activity of the Inquisition. — Burning of Bruno. — Imprisonment o/" Galileo. Invention op the Telescope. — Complete Overthrow of the Ecclesiastical Idea. — Rise of Physical Astronomy. — Newton. — Rapid and resistless Development of all Branches of Nat- ural Philosophy. Final Establishment of the Doctrine that the Universe is under the Dominion of mathematical, and, therefore, necessary Laws. Progress of Milhfrom Anthropocentric Ideas to the Discovery of his true Position and Insignif- icance in the Universe 511 CHAPTER XXIII. THE EUEOPEAN AGE OP REASON — (Continued). HISTORY OF THE EARTH HER SUCCESSIVE CHANGES EN THE COURSE OF TIME. Oriental and Occidental Doctrines respecting the Earth in Time. — Gradual Weakening of the Latter by astronomical Facts, and the Rise of Scientific Geology. Impersonal Manner in which the Problem was eventually solved, chiefly through Facts connected with Heat. Proofs of limitless Duration from inorganic Facts. — Igneous and Aqueous Rocks. Proofs of the same from organic Facts. — Successive Creations and Extinctions of living Forms, and their eontemporaneous Distribution. Evidences of a slowly declining Temperature, and, therefore, of a long Time. — The Process of Events by Catastrophe and by Law. — Analogy of Individual and Race Development. — ifioth are determined by unchangeable Law. Conclusion that the Plan of the Universe indicates a Multiplicity of Worlds in infinite Space, and a Succession of Worlds in infinite Time 542 CHAPTER XXIV. THE EUROPEAN AGE OP REASON — (Continued). THE HATUEB AND EEI.ATIONS OF MAN. Position of Man according to the Heliocentric and Geocentric Theories. Op Animal Life. — The transitory Nature of living Forms. — Relations of Plants and Ani- mals. — Animals are Aggregates of Matter expending Force originally derived from the Sun. The Organic Series. — Man a Member of it. — His Position determined by Anatomical and Physiological Investigation of his Nervous System, — lis triple Form : Automatic, Instinctive, Intellectual. XU CONTENTS. The same progressive Development is seen in individual Man, in the entire animal Series, and in the Life of the Globe. — They are all under the Control of an eternal, universal, irresistible Law. The Aim of Nature is intellectual Development, and human Institutions must conform thereto. Summary of the Investigation of the Position of Man. — Production of Inorganic and Organic Forms by the Sun. — Nature of Animals and their Series. — Analogies and Differences between them and Man. — The Soul. — The World Page 674 CHAPTER XXV. THE EUHOPEAN AGE OF HEASON — (Continued). TIIB UNION OP eoIENCB AND INDCSTBY. European Progress in the Acquisition of exact Knowledge. — Its Resemblance to that of Greece. Discoveries respecting the Air. — Its mechanical and chemical Properties. — Its Relation to Ani- mals and Plants. — TTie Winds. — Meteorology. — Sounds. — Acoustic Phenomena. Discoveries respecting the Ocean. — Physical and chemical Phefnomena. — Tides and Currents. — Clouds. — Decffmpositian of Water. Discoveries respecting other material Substances. — Progress of Chemistry. Discoveries respecting Electricity, Magnetism, Light, Heat. Mechanical Philosophy and Inventions. — Physical Instruments. — Tlie Result illustrated by the Cotton Manufacture — Steam-engine — Bleaching— Canals — Railways. — Improvements in the Construction of Machinery. — Social Changes produced.— Its Effect on intellectual Activity. IVie scientific Contributions of various Nations, and especially of Italy 595 CHAPTER XXVI. CONCLUSION. — THE FUTUEE OF ETJEOPE. Summary of the Argument presented in this Book respecting the mental Progress of Europe. Intellectual Development is the Object of individual life. — It is also the Result of social Prog- ress. Nations arriving at Maturity instinctively attempt their own intellectual Organization. — Example of the Manner in which this has been done in China. — Its Imperfection. — What it has aceom- plifihed. The Organization of public Intellect is the End to which European Civilization is tending.. 615 THE INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPE. , CHAPTER I. ' ON THE GOVERNMENT OF NATURE BY LAW. Tke SiAject of this Wori: proposed. — Its Diffimlty. Gradual Acjuisition of the Idea of Natural Government by Laia. — It is eventually sustained by Astronomical, Meteorological, and Physiological Discoveries. — Illustrations from Kepler's Laws, the Trade-winds, Migrations of Birds, Balancing of Vegetable and Animal Life, Va- riation of Species and their Permanence. Individual Man is an Emblem of Communities, Nations, and Universal Humanity. — They exhibit Epochs of Life like his, and like him are under ihe Control of Physical Conditions, and there- fore of Law. Plan of this Work. — The intellectual History of Greece. — Its Five characteristic Ages. — Euro- pean intellectual Historif. Grandeur of the Doctrine that ihe World is governed by Law. I INTEND, in this work, to consider in what manner the advancement of Europe in civilization has taken place, to ascertain how far ,j^^ m-b^enA its progress has been fortuitous, and how far determined by p^po^^J- primordial law. Does the procession of nations in time, like the erratic phantasm of a dream, go forward without reason or order? or, is there a predeterm- ined, a solemn march, in which all must join, ever moving, ever resist- lessly advancing, encountering and enduring an inevitable succession of events ? In a philosophical examination of the intellectual and political history of nations, an answer to these questions'is to be found. But how diffi- cult it is to master the mass of facts necessary to be collected, to handle so great an accumulation, to arrange it in the clearest point of view ; how difficult it is to select correctly the representative men, ^g affieuity to produce them in the proper scenes, and to conduct sue- »»* erandeur. cessfully so grand and complicated a drama as that of European life ! Though in one sense the subject offers itself as a scientific problem, and in that manner alone I have to deal with it, in another it swells into a noble epic — ^the life of humanity its warfare and repose, its object and its end. Man is the archetype of society. Individual development is the model of social progress. A 2 PRIMITIVE OPINIONS OF MAN, Some have asserted that human affairs are altogether determined hy the voluntary action of men, some, that the Providence of God directs us in every step, some, that all events are fixed by Destiny. It is for us to ascertain how far each 'of these affirmations is true. The life, of individual man is of a mixed nature. In part he submits Individual life of to the free-will , impulscs of himself and others, in part he a mixed kind, jg Tm(jer the inexorable dominion, of law. He insensibly changes his estimate of the relative power' of each of these influences as he passes through successive stages. In the confidence of youth he imagines that very much is under his control, in the disappointment of old age very little. As time wears on, and the delusions of early imag- ination vanish away, he learns to correct his sanguine views, and pre- scribes a narrower boundary for the things he expects to obtain. The realities of life undeceive him at last, and there steals over the evening of his days an* unwelcome conviction of the vanity of human hopes. The things he has secured are not the things he expected. He sees that a Supreme Power has been using him for unkno^wn ends, that he was brought into the^ world without his own knowledge, and is depart- ing from it against his own will. Whoever has made the physical and intellectual history of individual man his study, will be prepared to admit in what a surprising manner It foreshadows i* forcshadows social history. The equilibrium and move- Bociaiufe. jjjgjj^ Qf humanity are altogether physiological phenomena. Yet not without hesitation may such an opinion be frankly avowed, since it is offensive to the pride, and to many of the prejudices and in- terests of our age. An author who has been disposed to devote many years to the labor of illustrating this topic, has need of the earnest sup- port of all who prize the truth ; and, considering the extent and pro- fundity of his subject, his work, at the best, must be very imperfect, re- quiring all the forbearance, and even the generosity of criticism. In the intellectual infancy of a savage state, Man transfers to Nature First opinions his couccptions of himsclf, and, considering that every thing ofBavageiife. ]^g ^^gg -g determined by his own pleasure, regairds air pass- ing events as depending on the arbitrary volition of a superior but in- visible power. He gives to the world a constitution like his own. The tendency is necessarily to superstition. "Whatever is strange, or power- ful, or vast, impresses his imagination with dread. Such objects are only the outward manifestations of an indwelhng spirit, and therefoire worthy of his veneration. ^ After Eeason, aided by Experience, has led him io^^ from these delu- sions as respects surrounding things, he still clings to his originalideas as respects objects far removed. In the distance and irresistible mo- tions of the stars he finds arguments for the supernatural, and gives to THE IDEA OF GOVERNMENT BY LAW. 3 each of those shining bodies an abiding and controlling genius. The mental phase through which he is passing permits him to believe in the exercise of planetary influences on himself. But as reason led him forth from fetichism, so in due time it again leads him forth from star-wOrship. Perhaps not without Fetichism displaced regret does he abandon the mythological forms he has ere- *'' sfr-worahip. ated ; for, long after he has ascertained that the planets are nothing more than shining points, without any perceptible influence on him, he still venerates the genii once supposed to vivify them, perhaps even he exalts them into immortal gods. Philosophically speaking, he is exchanging by ascending degrees his primitive doctrine of arbitrary volition for the doctrine of law. As the fall of a stone, the flowing of a river, the movement of a shadow, the rustling of a leaf, have been traced to physical causes, to like causes at last are traced the revolutions of the stars. In events and scenes con- tinually increasing in greatness and grandeur, he is detecting the do- minion of law. The goblins, and genii, and gods who sue- The idea of gov- aessively extorted his fear and veneration, who determined «''™™' ^y ^'^■ events by their fitful passions or whims, are at last displaced by the no- ble conception of one Almighty Being, who rules the universe according to reason, and therefore according to law. In this manner the doctrine of government by law is extended, until at last it embraces all natural events. It was thus that, hardly two cen- turies ago, that doctrine gathered immense force from the discovery of Newton that Kepler's laws, under which the movements of jt^ application to the planetary bodies are executed, issue as a mathematical ^^^ ^°"^'' '^°'*'°' necessity from a very simple material condition, and that the complica- ted motions of the solar system can not be other than what they are. Pew of those who read in the beautiful geometry of the Principia the demonstration of this fact, saw the imposing philosophical consequences which must inevitably follow this scientific discovery. And now the investigation of the aspect of the skies in past ages, and all predictions of its future, rest essentially upon the principle that no arbitrary voli- tion ever intervenes, the gigantic mechanism moving impassively in vir-' tue of a mathematical law. . And so upon the earth, the more perfectly we understand the causes of present events, the more plainly are they seen to be the consequences of physical conditions, and therefore the results of law. To allude to one example out of many that might be considered, the winds, Andto tem* how proverbially inconstant, who can tell whence they come '""' *''™"- or whither they go ! If any thing bears the fitful character of arbi- trary volition, surely it is these. But we deceive ourselves in imag- ining that atmospheric events are fortuitous. Where shall a line be drawn between that eternal trade- wind, which, originating in well-un- 4 LAW IN THE INOBGANIC AND OEGANIO WOBLD. derstood physical causes, sweeps, like the breath of 4estiny, slowly, and solemnly, and everlastingly over the Pacific Ocean, and the variable gusts into which it degenerates in more northerly and southerly regions —gusts which seem to come without any cause, and to pass away with- out leaving any trace? In what latitude is it that the domain of the physical ends, and that of the supernatural begins? ^ All mundane events are the results of the operation of law. Every movement in the skies or upon the earth proclaims to us that the uni- verse is under government. But if we admit that this is the case, from the mote that floats in the sunbeam to multiple stars revolving round each other, are we willing to carry our principles to their consequences, and recognize a like operation of law among living as among lifeless things, in the organic as well as the inorganic world ? "What testimony does physiqlogy offer on this point ? Physiology, in its progress, has passed through the same phases as physics. Living beings have been considered as beyond the power of external influences, and, conspicuously among them, Man has been af- Andtotheor- firmed to be independent of the forces that rule the world in ganic world, -yy^ycii }xq liyes. Bcsidcs that immaterial principle, the soul, which distinguishes him from all his animated companions, and makes him a moral and responsible being, he has been feigned, like them, to possess another immaterial principle, the vital agent, which, in a way of its own, carries forward all the various operations in his economy. But when it was discovered that the heart of man is constructed upon the recognized rules of hydraulics, and with its great tubes is furnished with common mechanical contrivances, valves ; when it was discovered EspedaUytoman. that the eye has been arranged on the most refined princi- ples of optics, its cornea, and humors, and lens properly converging the rays to form an image — its iris, like the diaphragm of a telescope or mi- croscope, shutting out stray light, and regulating the quantity. admitted; when it was discovered that the ear is furnished with the means of deal- ing with the three characteristics of sound — ^its tympanum for intensity, its cochlea for pitch, its semicircular canals for quality ; when it was seen that the air brought into the great air-passages by the descent of the diaphragm, calling into play atmospheric pressure, is conveyed upon physical principles into the ultimate cells of the lungs, and thence into the blood, producing chemical changes throughout the system, disen- gaging heat, and permitting all the functions of organic life to go on ; when these facts and very many others of a like kind were brought into prominence by modem physiology, it obviously became necessary to ad- mit that animated beings do not constitute that exception once supposed, and that organic operations are the result of physical agencies. If thus, in the recesses of the individual economy, these natural agents bear sway, must they not operate in the social economy too? DOMINION OF LAW IN SOCIAL LIFE. 5 Has the great shadeless desert nothing to do with the habits of the no- made tribes who pitch their tents upon it — the fertile plain in a„ciai asweu aa no connection with flocks and pastoral life — ^the mountain individual iife. fastnesses with the courage that has so often defended them — the sea with habits of adventure ? Indeed, do not all our expectations of the stability of social institutions rest upon our belief in the stability of sur- rounding physical conditions ? From the time of Bodin, who nearly three hundred years ago published his work "De Eepublica," these principles have been well recognized : that the laws of Nature can not be subordinated to the will of Man, and that government must be adapt- ed to climate. It was these things which led him to the conclusion that force is best resorted to for northern nations, reason for the middle, and superstition for the southern. In the month of March the sun crosses the equator, dispensing his rays more abundantly over biir northern hemisphere. Following in his train, a wave of verdure expands toward the pole. The luxuriance is in proportion to the local brilliancy. The animal world is Effectaofthesca- also affected. Pressed forward, or solicited onward by the and plants" warmth, the birds of passage commence their annual migration, keeping pace with the developing vegetation beneath. As autumn comes on, this orderly advance of light and life is followed by an orderly retreat, and in its turn the southern hemisphere presents the same glorious phe- nomenon. Once every year does the life of the earth pulsate ; now there is an abounding vitality, now a desolation. But what is the cause of all this ? It is only mechanical. The earth's axis of rotation is inclined to the plane of her orbit of revolution round the sun. Let that wonderful phenomenon and its explanation be a lesson to us ; let it profoundly impress us with the importance of physical agents and physical laws. They intervene in the life and death of man personally and socially. External events become interwoven in our constitution ; their periodicities create periodicities in us. Day and night are incor- porated in our waking and sleeping; summer and winter compel us to exhibit cycles in our life. They who have paid attention to the subject have long ago ascer- tained that the possibility of human existence on the individual existence earth depends on conditions altogether of a material kind. cSuonT ^^^'"^ Since it is only within a narrow range of temperature that life can be maintained, it is needful that our planet should be at a definite mean distance from the source of light and heat, the sun ; and that the form of her orbit should be so little eccentric as to approach closely to a cir- cle. If her mass were larger or less than it is, the weight of all living and lifeless things on her surface would no longer be the same; but ab- solute weight is one of the primary elements of organic construction. A change in the time of her diurnal rotation, as affecting the length of OEIGIK, VARIATION, AND EXTINCTION OF SPECIES. the day and night, must at once be followed by a corresponding modifi- cation of the periodicities of the nervous system pf animals ; a change in her orbitual translation round the sun, as determining the duration, of the year, -would, in like manner, give rise to a marked effect. If the year were shorter, we should live faster and die sooner. In the present economy of our globe, natural agents are relied upon Animal an4,yege- ^s the mcans of regulation and of government. , Through ISI^'b^m'ateS beat, the distribution and arrangement of the vegetable conditions. tribes are accomplished; through their mutual relations with the atmospheric air, plants and animals are interbalanced, and neither permitted to obtain a superiority. Considering the magnitude, of this condition, and its necessity to general life, it might seem worthy of incessant Divine intervention, yet it is in fact accomplished automat- ically. Of past organic history the same remark may be made. The con- densation of carbon from the air, and its inclusion in the strata, constir tute the chief epoch in the organic life of the earth, giving a possibility And also appear- for the appearaucc of the hot-blooded and more intellectual ances and extinc- . ,,. ^.■7 __. .-,--. tjons determined, animal tribes. That great event was occasioned by the ii),t fluence of the rays of the sun. And as such influences have thus been connected with the appearance of organisms, so likewise have they been concerned in the removals. Of the myriads, of species which have be- come extinct, doubtless every one has passed away through the, advent, of material conditions incompatible with its continuance. Even now, a fall of half a dozen degrees in the mean temperature of any latitude, would occasion the vanishing away of the forms of warmer climates, and the advent of those of the colder. An obscuration of the rays of the sun for a few years would compel a redistribution of plants and ani- mals all over the earth ; many would totally disappear, and every where new-comers would be seen. The permanence pf organic forms is altogether dependent on the in- permanenoeofor- Variability of the material conditions under which they mTb^yofraJiro- ^^^^- -^^J Variation thereip, no matter how insignificant ai conditions. ^^ might bc, would bc forthwith followed by a correspond- ing variation in the form. The present invariability of the world, of organization is the direct consequence of the physical equilibrium, and so it will continue as long as th^ mean temperature, the annpal supply of light, the composition of the air, the distribution pf water, oceanic and ^atmospheric currents, and other such agencies remain unaltered; but if any one of these, or pf a hundred other incidents that might be men- tioned, should suffer modification, in an instant the fancifuldoctrine of the immutability of species would be brought to its true value. The organic world appears to be in repose, because natural influences have reached an equilibrium. A marble may remain forever motionless VAEIATION OF SPECIKS BY OEDERLY CHANGE. 7 upon a level table ; but let the surface bd a little inclined, and the mar- ble will quickly run off. What should we say of him who, contemplat- ing it in its state of rest, asserted that it was impossible for it ever to move ? They who can see no difference between the race-horse and the Shet- land pony, the bantam and the Shanghai f9wl, the greyhound and the poodle dog, who .altogether deny that impressions can be made on spe- cies, and see in the long succession of extinct forms, the ancient exist- ence of which they must acknowledge, the evidences of a continuous and creative intervention, forget that mundane effects ob- orderly aequence ■ serve definite sequences, event following event in the ne- ^^edby m-deriy'' cessity of the case, and thus constituting a chain, each link ™e™'c changes, of which hangs on a preceding, , and holds a succeeding one. Physical influences thus following one another, and bearing to each other the in- ter-relation of cause and effect, stand in their totality to the whole or- ganic world as causes, it representing the effect, and the order of suc- cession existing among them is perpetuated or embodied in it. Thus, in those ancient times to which we have referred, the sunlight acting on the leaves of plants disturbed the chemical constitution of the atmos- phere, gave rise to the accumulation of a more energetic element there- in, diminished the mechanical pressure, and changed the rate of evapo- ration from the sea, a series of events following one another so neces- sarily that we foresee their order, and, in their turn, making an impres- sion on the vegetable and animal economy. The natural -influences, thus varying in an orderly way, controlled botanical events, and made them change correspondingly. The orderly procedure of the one must be imitated in the orderly procedure of the other. And the same holds good in the animal kingdom ; the recognized variation in the material conditions is copied in the organic effects, in vigor of motion, energy of life, intellectual power. When, therefore, we notice such orderly successions, we must not at once assign them to a direct intervention, the issue of wise predetermina- tions of a voluntary agent ; we must first satisfy ourselves how far they are dependent upon mundane or material conditions, occurring in a defi- nite and necessary series, ever bearing in mind the important principle that an orderly sequence of inorganic events necessarily involves an or- derly and corresponding progression of organic life. To this doctrine of the control of physical agencies over organic forms I acknowledge no exceptions, not even in the case of man. umvermi control The varied aspects he presents in different countries are the over organS'^ necessary consequences of those influences. He who advocates the doctrine of the unity of the human race is plainly forced to the admission of the absolute control of such agents over the organization of man, since the originally-created type has been 8 VAEIATIONS IN MAN. bronglit to exhibit very different aspects in different parts of the world, apparently in accordance with the climate and other purely material circumstances. To those circumstances it is scarcely necessary to add The case of man. manner of life, for that itself arises from them. The doc- trine of unity demands as its essential postulate an admission of the par- amount control of physical agents over the human aspect and organ- ization, else how could it be that, proceeding from the same stock, all shades of complexion in the skin, and variety in the form of the skull should have arisen ? Experience assures us that these are changes as- sumed only by slow degrees, and not with abruptness ; they come as a cumulative effect. They plainly enforce the doctrine that national type is not to be regarded as a definite or final thing, a seeming immobility in this particular being due to the attainment of a correspondence with the conditions to which the type is exposed. Let those conditions be changed, and it begins forthwith to change too. I repeat it, therefore, that he who receives the doctrine of the unity of the human race, must also accept, in view of the present state of humanity on various parts of the surface of our planet, its necessary postulate, the complete control of physical agents, whether natural, or arising artificially from the arts of civilization and the secular progress of nations toward a correspondence with the conditions to which they are exposed. To the same conclusion also must he be brought who advocates the origin of different races from different centres. It comes, to the same thing, whichever of those doctrines we adopt. Either brings us to the admission of the transitory nature of typical forms, to their transmuta- tions and extinctions. Variations in the aspect of men are best seen when an examination is Hu&an variations, made of nations arranged in a northerly and southerly di- rection ; the result is such as would ensue to an emigrant passing slow- ly along a meridional track, but the case would be quite different if the movement were along a parallel of latitude. In this latter direction the variations of climate are far less marked, and depend much more on geo- graphical than on astronomical causes. In emigrations of this kind there is never that- rapid change of aspect, complexion, and intellectual power which must occur in the other. Thus, though tlie mean temper- ature of Europe increases from Poland to France, chiefly through the influence of the great Atlantic current transferring heat from the Gulf of Mexico and tropical ocean, that rise is far less than would be encoun- tered on passing through the same distance to the south. By the arts of civilization man can much more easily avoid the dif&culties arising from variations along a parallel of latitude than those upon a meridian, for the simple reason that in that case those variations are less. But it is not only comple?:ion, development of the brain, and, there- fore, intellectual power, which are thus affected. With difference of PEOGEESS OF XS ETHNICAL ELEMENT. 9 climate there must be differences of manners and customs, that is, differ- ences in the modes of civilization. These are facts which de- Their pouti- serve our inost serious attention, since such differences are in- ""^ '''^'^'• evitably connected with political results. If homogeneousness is an el- ement of strength, an empire that lies east and west must be more pow- erful than one that lies north and south. I can not but think that this was no inconsiderable Cause of the greatness and permanence of Eome, and that it lightened the task of the emperors, often hard enough, in ; government. There is a natural tendency to homogeneousness in the east and west direction, a tendency to diversity and antagonism in the north and south, and hence it is that government under the latter cir- . cumstances will always demand the highest grade of statesmanship. ' The transitional forms an animal type is capable of producing on a passage north and south are much more numerous than those it can pro- duce on a passage east and west. These, though they are truly transi- tional as respects the type from which they have proceeded, Nature of tran- are permanent as regards the locality in which they occur, sitioiiai forms, being, indeed, the incarnation of its physical influences. As long, there- fore, as those influences remain without change will the form that has been produced last without any alteration. For such a permanent form in the case of man we may adopt the designation of an ethnical element. An ethnical element is therefore necessarily of a dependent nature ; its durability arises from its perfect correspondence with the conditions of conditions by which it is surrounded. Whatever can affect ethnfeli'eir that correspondence will touch its life. ™™'- Such considerations carry us from individual man to groups of men or nations. There is a progress for races of men as well marked as the progress of one' man. There are thoughts and actions appertaining to specific periods in the one case as in the other. Without dif- Progress of na- ficulty we affirm of a given act that it appertains to a given rf SiaiYiduais. period. We recognize the noisy sports of boyhood, the business appli- cation of maturity, the feeble garrulity of old age. We express our sur- prise when we witness actions unsuitable to the epoch of life. As it is in this respect in the individual, so it is in the nation. The march of individual existence shadows forth the march of race existence, being, indeed, its representative on a little scale. Groups of men, or nations, are disturbed by the same accidents, or complete the same cycle as the individual. Some scarcely pass beyond infancy, some are destroyed on a sudden, some die of mere old Communities, age. In this confusion of events, it might seem altogether 'ixhibTSem- hopeless to disentangle the law which is guiding them all, and eS rt%t^*rf' demonstrate it clearly. Of such groups, -each may exhibit, at '^™'^^- the same moment, an advance to a different stage, just as we see in the same family the young, the middle-aged, the old. It is thus that Europe 10 DETERMINATION OF THE TRUE REPRESENTATIVE OF SOCIETT. shows in its different parts societies in very different states — here the restless civilization of France and England, there the contentment and inferiority of Lapland. This commingling might seem to render it dif- ficult to ascertain the true movement of the whole continent, and still more so for distant and successive periods of time. In each nation, moreover, the contemporaneously different classes, tte educated and illit- erate, the idle and industrious, the ricli and poor; tlie intelligent and su- perstitious, represent different contemporaneous stages of advancement. One may have made a great progress, another scarcely have advanced at all. How shall we ascertain the real state of the case ? Which of • these classes shall we regard as the truest and most perfect type ? Though difficult, this ascertainment is not impossible. The problem is to be dealt with in the same manner that we should estimate a family in whicb there are persons of every condition from infancy to old age. Each member of it tends to pursue a definite course, though some, cut off in an untimely manner, may not complete it. One may be enfeebled' by accident, another by disease ; but each, if his past and present circum- stances be fully considered, will illustrate the nature of the general movement that all are making. To demonstrate that movement most satisfactorily, certain members of such a family suit our purpose better than others, because they more closely represent its type, or have ad- vanced most completely in their career. So, in a family of many nations, some are more mature, some less ad-' vanced, some die in early life, some are worn out by extreme old age ; all sliow special peculiarities. There are distinctions among kinsmen, The inteuectuai whcthcr wc consldcr them intellectually or corporeally. S-eBeata™e ^^^^ry oue, nevertheless, illustrates in his own degree the of a community, march that all are making, but some do it more, some less completely. The leading, the intellectual class, is hence always the true representative of a state. It has passed step by step through the lower ■ stages, and has made the greatest advance. In an individual, life is maintained only by the production and de- struction of organic particles, no portion of the system being in a state of immobility, but each displaying incessant change. Death is, there- interstitM change fore, ueccssarily the condition of life, and the more ener- dTaoi' of'iSSvidS: getic the function of a par1>-or, if we compare different "i ^^ animals with one another— the more active the mode of existence, correspondingly, the. greater the waste and the more numer- ous the deaths of the interstitial constituents. To the death of particles in the individual answers the death of per- Particles in the in- sons in the uatiou, of which they are the integral constitu- to"erson'Tthe ^^^- I^ ^oth cases, in a period of time quite inconsiderar, ble, a total change is accomplished without the entire sys- tem, which is the sum of these separate parts, losing its identity. Each DISTURBANCE OF THE COUESB OF AN ETHNICAL ELEMENT. 11 particle or eaeli person comes into existence, discharges an appropriate d,uty, and then passes away, perhaps unnpticed. The production, con- tinuance, and death of an organic molecule in the person answers to the production, continuance, and death of a person in the nation, Nutrition and, decay in one case, are equivalent to well-being and transformation in the other, , . ' In the same manner -that the individual is liable to changes through the action of external agencies, and offers no resistance Epocha in national o I 7 , . rt , . the same as m m- thereto, nor any indication of the possession of a physio- dmduai ufe. logical inertia, but submits at once to any impression, so likewise it is with aggregates of men, constituting nations. A national type pursues its vay physically and intellectually through changes and developments answering to those of the individual, and being represented by Infancy, Childhood, Youth, Manhood, Old Age, and Death respectively. But this orderly process may be disturbed exteriorly or interiorly. If from its oriednal seats a whole nation were transposed to some Disturbance ■ ' *-■ ■*■ through em- new abode, in which the climate, the seasons, the aspect of na- sgration. ture 'were altogether different, it -v^ould appear spontaneously in all its parts to commence a movement to come into harmony with the new conditions — a movement of a secular nature, and implying the consump- tion of many generations for its accomplishment. During such a period of transmutation there would, of course, be an increased waste of life, a risk, indeed, of total disappearance or national death ; but the change once conipleted, the requisite correspondence once attained, things would go forward again in an orderly manner on the basis of the new modifi- cation that had been assumed. When the change to be accomplished is very profound, involving extensive anatomical alterations not merely in ,the appearance of the skin, but even in the structure of the skull, long periods of time are undoubtedly required, and many generations of individuals are consumed. Or, by interior disturbance, particularly by blood admixture, with more rapidity may a' national type be affected, the result And through , . , f ■'.. •' , •' -^ ^ . , - '. , blood admix- plainly depending on the extent to which admixture has t«re. taken place. This is a disturbance capable of mathematical computa- tion. If the blood admixture is only of limited amount, and transient in its application, its effect will sensibly disappear in no very great pe- riod of time, though never, perhaps, in absolute reality. This accords with the observation of philosophical historians, who agree in the con- clusion that a small tribe intermingling with a larger one will only dis- turb it in a temporary manner, and, after the course of a few years, the effect will cease to be perceptible. Neverth'eless, the influence must really continue much longer than is outwardly apparent; and the ^ result is the same as when, in a liquid, a drop of some other kind is placed, and additional quantities of the first liquid then successively 12 THE SECULAR VARIATIONS OF NATIONS. added. Thougli it might have been possible at first to detect thie adul- teration without trouble, it becomes every moment less and less possible ' to do so, and before long it can not be done at all. But the drop is as much present at last as it was at first : it is merely masked ; its proper- ties overpowered. Considering in this manner the contamination of a numerous nation, a trifling amount of foreign blood admixture would appear to be indelible, and the disturbance, at any moment, capable of computation by the ascer- tained degree of dilution that has takea place. But it must not be for- gotten that there is another agency at work, energetically tending to bring about homogeneousness : it is the influence of external physical conditions.- The intrusive adulterating element possesses in itself no physiological inertia, but as quickly as may be is brought into corre- spondence with the new circumstances to which it is exposed, herein running in the same course as the element with which it had mingled had itself antecedently gone over. » National homogeneousness is thus obviously secured by the operation of two distinct agencies : the first, gradual but inevitable dilution ; the second, motion to come into harmony with the external natural state. The two conspire in their effects. We must therefore no longer regard nations or groups of men as of- fering a permanent picture. Human affairs must be looked upon as in Secular variations continuous movement, not wandering in an arbitrary man- of nations. ^gj. jjgj.g ^^^ ^j^g^.^^ 1^^^. proceeding in a perfectly definite course. Whatever may be the present state, it is altogether transient. All systems of civil life are therefore necessarily ephemeral. Time brings new external conditions ; the manner of thought is modified ; with thought, action. Institutions of all kinds must hence participate in this fleeting nature, and, though they may have allied themselves to political power, and gathered therefrom the means of coercion, their permanency is but little improved thereby; for, sooner or later, the population on whom they have been imposed, following the external variations, spon- "^^^^es^nl *a^^o"sly outgrows them, and their ruin, though it may ingiy change. havc bccu delayed, is none the less certain. For the per- manency of any such system it is essentially necessary that it should in- clude within its own organization a law of change, and not of change only, but change in the right direction— the direction in which the soci- ety interested is about to pass, It is in an oversight of this last essen- tial condition that we find an explanation of the failure of so many such institutions. Too commonly do we believe that the affairs of men are. determined by a spontaneous action or free will; we keep that over- powering influence which really controls them in the background. In individual bfe we also accept a like deception, living in the belief that every thing we do is determined by the volition of ourselves or of those THE DEATH OF NATIONS. IS around us, nor is it until the close of our days that we discern how great/ / is the illusion, and that we have been swimming, playing, and strug-/,i gling in a stream which, in spite of all our voluntary motions, has silent-' ly and resistlessly borne us to a predetermined shore. In the foregoing pages I have been tracing analogies between the life of individuals and that of nations. There is yet one point more. Nations, like individuals, die. Their birth presents an ethnical ele- ment ; their death, which is the most solemn event that we can ^he death of contemplate, may arise from interior or from external causes. °*''™=- Empires are only sand-hills in the hour-glass of Time ; they crumble spontaneously away by the process of their own growth. A nation, like a man, hides from itself the contemplation of its final day. It occupies itself with expedients for prolonging its present state. It frames laws and constitutions Under the delusion that they will last, forgetting that the condition of life is change. Yery able modem states- men consider it to be the grand object of their art to keep ^things as "they are, or rather as they were. But the human race is not at rest ; and bands with which, for a moment, it may be restrained, break all the more violently the longer they hold. No man can stop the march of destiny. Time, to the nation as to the individual, is nothing absolute ; its du- ration depends on the rate of thought and feeling. For the -i^ere is nothing same reason that to the child the year is actually longer than absolute in time! to the adult, the life of a nation may be said to be no longer than the life of a person, considering the manner in which its affairs are moving. There is a variable velocity of existence, though, the lapses of time may be equable. ' The origin, existence, and death of nations depend thus on physical ] influences, whiph are themselves the result of immutable laws. Nations are ' Nations are only transitional forms of humanity. They must ttaai &ml undergo obliteration as do the transitional forms offered by the animal series. There is no more an immortality for them than there is an im- mobility for an embryo in any one of the manifold forms passed through in its progress of development; The life of a nation thus flows in a regular sequence, determined by invariable law, and hence, in estimating different nations, we must not be deceived by the casual aspect they present. The philosophical compar- ison is made by considering their entire manner of career or Their conrseia cycle of progress, and not their momentary or transitory state. i^g^^'S^r «(. Though they may encounter disaster, their absolute course "'s^^«- can never be retrograde; it is always onward, even if tending to disso- lution. It is as with the individual, who is equally advancing in infan- cy, in maturity, in old age. Pascal was more than justified in his asser- tion that "the entire succession of men, through the whole course of 14 PLAN OF THIS WORK. ages, must be regarded as one man, always living and incessantly learn- ings" In both cases, the manner of advance, though it may sometimes be unexpected, can never be abriipt. At each stage events and ideas emerge which not only necessarily owe their origin to preceding events and ideas, but extend far ifito the future and influence it. As these are crowded together, or occur more widely apart, national life, like indi- variawe rapidity vidual, shows a Variable rapidity, depending upon the in- of national ufe. tcnsity of thOught aiid actioii. But, no matter how great that energy may be, nor with what rapidity modiflcEitions may' take place — since eveilts are springiiig as c'onse^iiehces of preceding events, knd ideas from preceding ideas — in the midst of the most violent intel- lectual oscillations, a discerning observer will never fail to detect that there exists a law of continuous variation of human opinions. In the examination of the progress of Europe on which we now ei(- pian of this t^r, it is, of couTse, to intellectiial phenomena that we must, for ^'"^ the most part, refer'; material aggrandizement and political power offering us less important though still valuable indications, and Serving our purpose rather in a corroborative way. There are'ive ihtellectual manifestations to which we iri^y'. resort — philosophy, sci- ence, literature, religion, government. Our obvious course is, first, to Selection among gtudv the progress of that member of the European familv, European com- ^ ! -^^ ,^ ■*■. *? . n' ' ^ •» t ' . '' ' munities. the clqest m point oi advancement, and to endeavor to as- certain the characteristics of its mental unfolding. We may reasonably expect that the younger members of the family, more or less distinctly, will offer us illustrations of the same mode of advancement that we shall thus find for Greece; and that the whole continent, which is the sum of these different parts, will, in its secular progress, comport itself lii a like way. Of the early condition of Europe, since we have to consider it in its prehistoric times; our information miist necessarily be imperfect. Pe;r- haps, however, we may be disposed to accept that imperfection as a suf- ficient token of its true nature. Since history can offer us no aid, our guiding lights must be comparative theology and comparative philol- ourinvestiga. ^gj- Procccding from these times, we shall, in detail, ex- tteinteuectnai" ^.minc the intellectual or philosophical movement first exhib- fngTriS™""' ited in Greece,' endeavoring 'to ascei-tain its character at suo- Greece. ccssivc cpochs, and thereby to judge of its complete' nature. Fortunately for our purpose, the information is here sufficient, both in , amount and distinctness. It then remains to show that the mental From thence movcment of the whole continent is essentially of the same rSnaUoS^ kind, though, as must necessarily be the case, it is spread over of au Europe, far longer periods of time. Our conclusions will constantly .be found to gather incidental support and distinctness from illustrations presented by the aged populations of Asia, and the aborigines of Africa and America. THE FIVE EUROPEAN AGES. 15 The intellectual progress of Europe being of a nature answering to that observed in the case of Greece, and this, in its turn, be- Thefiveageaof ing like that of an individual, we may conveniently separate European iife. it into arbitrary periods, sufficiently distinct from one another, though imperceptibly merging into each other. To these successive periods I shall give the titles of, 1, the Age of Credulity ; 2, the Age of Inquiry ; 3, the Age of Faith ; 4, the Age of Eeason ; 5, the Age of Decrepitude ; and shall use these designations in the division of my subject in its several cTiapters. From the possibility of thus regarding the progress of a continent in definite .and succ'essive stages, answering respectively to the 'periods of individual life — infancy, childhood, youth, maturity, old age — we may gather an instructive lesson. It is the same that we have learned .from inquiries respecting the origin, maintenance, distribution, and extinction of animals and plants, their balancing against each other; from the va- riations of aspect and form of an individual man as determined by cli- mate; from his social state, whether in repose or motion ; from the sec- ular variations of his opinions, and the gradual dominion of The vovu ii reason over society : this lesson is, that the government of tha "ledtyiav. world is accomplished by immutable law. Such a, conception commends itself to the intellect of man by its ma- jestic grandeur. It makes him discern the eternal through the vanish- ing of present events and through the shadows of time. From the life, the pleasures, the sufferings of humanity, it points to the impassive ; from our wishes, wants, and woes, to the inexorable. Leaving the in- dividual beneath the eye of Providence, it shows society under the fiii- ger of law.- And the laws of Nature never vary; in their application , they never hesitate nor are wanting. But in thus ascending to primordial' laws, and asserting their immu- tability, universality, and paramount control in the government of this world, there is nothing inconsistent with the free action of man. And yet there The appearance of things depends altogether on the point of m»n. view we occupy. He who is immersed in the turmoil of a crowded city sees nothing but the acts of men, and, if he formed his opinion from his experience alone, must conclude that the course of events alto- gether depends on the uncertainties of human volition. But he who ascends to a sufficient elevation loses sight of the passing conflicts, and no longer hears the contentions. He discovers that the importance of individual action is diminishing, as the panorama beneath him is ex- tending. And if he could attain to the truly philosophical, the general point of view, disengaging himself from all terrestrial influences and en- tanglements, rising high enough to see the whole globe at a glance, his acutest vision would fail to discover the slightest indication of man, his 16 THE CONTBAST OF FOKMS AND OF LAW. free-will, or his works. .In her resistless, onward sweep, in the clock- like precision of her daily and nightly revolution,, in the well-known pictured forms of her continents and seas, now no longer dark and doubtful, but shedding forth a planetary light, well might he ask what had become of all the aspirations and anxieties, the pleasures and agony of life. As the voluntary vanished from his sight, and the irresistible remained, and each moment became more and more distinct, well might he incline to disbelieve his own experience,.and to question whether the seat of so much undying glory could be the place of so much human uncertainty, whether beneath the vastness, energy, and immutable course of a moving world, there lay concealed the feebleness and imbecility of man. Yet it is none the less true that these contra- dictory conditions co-exist — Free-will and Fate, Uncertainty and Des- tiny, and all are watched by the sleepless eye of Providence. It is only the point of view that has changed, but on that how much has depend- ed. A little nearer we gather the successive ascertainments of human inquiry, a little farther off we realize the panoramic vision of the Deity. Well has a Hindu philosopher remarked, that he who stands by the bank of a flowing stream sees, in their order, the various parts as tney successively glide by, but he who is placed on an exalted station views, at a glance, the whole as a motionless silvery thread among the fields. To the one there is the accumulating experience and knowledge of man in time, to the other there is the instantaneous and unsuccessive knowl- edge of God. Is there an object presented to us which does not bear the mark of changeaMiity ephemeral duration ? As respects the tribes of life, they are SnchmgMbu- scarccly worth a moment's thought, for the term of the great . ityofiaw. majority of them is so brief that we may say they are born and die before our eyes. If we examine them, not as individuals, but as races, the same conclusion holds good, only the scale is enlarged from a few days to a few centuries. If from living we turn to lifeless nature, we encounter again the evidence of brief continuance. The sea is ub- ceasingly remoulding its shores; hard as they are, the mountains are constantly yielding to frost and to rain; here an extensive tract of country is elevated, there it is depressed. We fail to find any thing that is not undergoing change. Then forms are in their nature transitory, law is everlasting. If from visible forms we turn to directing law, how vast is the difference. We pass from the finite, the momentary, the incidental, the conditioned, to the illimitable, the eternal, the necessary, the unshackled. It is of law that I am to speak in this book. In a world com- • The object of this posed of Vanishing forms I am to vindicate the imperisha- theco'n'roronaw bility, the majesty of law, and to show how man proceeds, in human affairs. ^^ ^g g^^jj^j mardh, lu obedicnce to it. I am to lead my DESCRIPTION OP EUKOPE. 17 reader, perhaps in a reluctant path, from the outward phantasmagorial illusions which surround us, and so ostentatiously obtrude themselves on our attention, to something that lies in sUence and strength behind. t am to draw his thoughts frorn the tangible to the invisible, from the limited to the universal, from the changeable to the invariable, from the transitory to the eternal ; from the expedients and volitions so largely amusing the life of man, to the predestined and resistless issuing from the fiat of God. CHAPTER 11. OF EUROPE : ITS TOPOGRAPHY AND ETHNOLOGY. ITS PEIMITIVE MODES OP THOUGHT, AND THEIK PROGRESSIVE VAEIATIONS, MANIFESTED IN THE GREEK AGE OF CREDULITY. Description of Europe ; its Topography, Meteorology, and secular geological Movements. — Tneir Effect on its Inhabitants. Its Ethnology determined thrcmgh its Vocabularies ; it was peopled from Asia. Comparative Theology of Greece; the Stage of Sorcery, the Anthropocentric Stage. — Becomes connected withfdUe Geography and Astronomy. — Heaven, the Earth, the Under World. — Or- igin, continuous Variation and Progress of Greek Theology. — It issues in Ionic Philosophy. Decline of Greek Theology, occasioned by the Advance of Geography and philosophical Criticism. — Secession of Poets, Philosophers, Historians. — Abortive public Attempts to sustain it. — Du- ration of its Decline. — Its Fall. Europe is geographically a peninsula, and historically a dependency of Asia. It is constructed on the western third of a vast mountain axis, which reaches in a broken and irregular course from the Sea of Japan Description to the Bay of Biscay. On the flanks of this range, peninsular °f^"°p«- slopes are directed toward the south, and extensive plateaus to the north. The culminating point in Europe is Mont Blanc, 16,000 feet above the level of the sea. The axis of elevation is not the axis of figure ; the in- cline to the south is much shorter and steeper than that to the north. The boundless plains of Asia are prolonged through Germany and Hol- land. An army may pass from the Pacificto the Atlantic Ocean, a dis- tance of more than six thousand miles, without encountering any eleva- tion of more than a few hundred feet. The descent from Asia into Eu- rope is indicated, in a general manner by the mean elevation of the two continents above the level of the sea, that for Asia being 1132 feet, and for Europe 671. Through the avenue thus open to them, the Oriental hordes have again and again precipitated themselves on the The great West. With an abundance of springs and head-waters, but i'»"'-™°^ without any stream capable of offering a serious obstacle, this track has B 18 DESCEIPTION OF EUEOPE. a temperature well suited to military movements. It coincides gener- ally with the annual isothermal line of 50°, skirting the northern boun- dary beyond which the vine ceases to grow, and the limiting region be- yond which the wild boar does not pass. Constructed thus, Europe is not only easily accessible from Asia, a Exterior and inte- f3,ct of uo little moment in its ancient history, but it is also rior acoessiijiuty. singularly acccssiblc interiorly, or from one of its parts to another. Still more, its sea-line is so broken, it has so many intrusive gulfs and bays, that, its surface considered, its maritime coast is -greater than that of any other continent. In this respect it contrasts strikingly with Africa. Europe has one mile of coast-line for every 156 square miles . of surface, Africa has only one for every 623. This extensive maritime contact adds, of course, greatly to its interior as well as exteri- or accessibility. The mean annual temperature of the European countries on the south- ern slope of the mountain axis is from 60° to 70° F., but of those to the north the heat gradually declines, until, at the extreme limit on the shores of Zembla, the ground is perpetually frozen. As on the other parts of the globe, the climate does not correspond to the latitud^'but Distribution of is disturbed by several causes, among which may be distin- heat in Europe, g^ig^ied the great Atlantic current-the Gulf Stream coming from America — and the Sahara Desert. The latter gives to the south of Europe an unduly high heat, and the former to Ireland, England, and the entire west a genial temperature. Together they press into higher ,_ latitudes the annual isothermal lines. If in Europe there are no deserts, there are none of those impenetrable forests seen in tropical countries. From the westerly shores of Portugal, France, and Ireland, the l^umidi- ty diminishes as we pass to the east, and, indeed, if we advance into Asia, disappears in the desert of Gobi. There are no vast homogene- ous geographical areas as in Asia, and therefore no wide-spread uni- formity in the races of men. But not only is the temperature of the European continent elevated by the Gulf Stream and the southwest w^ind, its luxuriance of vegetation depends on them ; for luxuriance of vegetation is determined, among Andthequan- ot^^er things, by the supply of rain. A profusion gives' to titjrofrain. gouth America its amazing forests, a want to Australia its shadeless trees, with their shrunken and pointed leaves. "With the di- minished moisture the green gardens of France are replaced in Gobi by ligneous plants covered with a gray down. Physical circumstances control the vegetable as .well sis the animal world. The westerly countries of Europe, through the influence of the south- west wind, the Gulf Stream, and their mountain ranges, are supphed with abundant rains, and have a favorable mean annual temperature; but as we pass to the eastern confines the number of rainy days dimin- DISTRIBUTION OF RAIN, SNOW, HEAT. 19 ishes, the absolute annual quantity of rain and snow is less, and the mean annual temperature is lower. On the Atlantic face of the mount- ains of Norway it is perpetually raining: the annual depth of water is there 82 inches ; but on the opposite side of those mountains it is only 21 inches. • For similar reasons, Ireland is moist and green, and in Corn- wall the laurel and camellia will bear the winter exposure. There are six maximum points of rain — Norway, Scotland, South- western Ireland and England, Portugal, Northeastern Spain, Lombardy. They respectively correspond to mountains. In general, the amount of rain diminishes from the equator toward the poles ; but it is greatly con- trolled by the disturbing influence of elevated ridges, which in many instances far more than compensate for the effects of latitude. The Alps exercise an influence over the meteorology of aU Europe. Not only do mountains thus determine the absolute quantity of rain, they also affect the number of rainy days in a year. The occurrence of a rainy season depends on the amount of moisture existing in the air, and hence its frequency is greater at the Atlantic sea-board than in the inte|[or, where the wind arrives in a drier state, much of its moisture having been precipitated by the mountains forcing it to a great eleva- tion. Thus, on the eastern coast of Ireland it rains 208 days Thenumherof in a year; in England, about 150; at Kazan, 90; and in Si- "'"y «»?=; beria only 60 days. When the atmospheric temperature is sufficiently low, the condensed water descends under the form of snow. In general, the annual depth of snow and the number of snowy days increase toward the north. In Home the snowy days are 1^; in Venice, 5^; in Paris, 12; in St. andofanow? Petersburg, 171. Whatever causes interfere with the distribu- ^^°- tion of heat must influence the precipitation of snow; among such are the Gulf Stream and local altitude. Hence, on the coast of Portugal, snow is of unfrequent occurrence ; in Lisbon it never snowed from 1806 to 1811. From such facts as that the difference between the summer and win- ter temperature increases toward the interior of the continent ; that the amount of rain, greatest on the mountain axis, diminishes as we go north or south, and also as we pass from the west to the east, and in hke manner the number of rainy days; but snowy days, and- the dura- tion of snow, in an opposite way ; we may learn how full of physical con- trasts Europe is, and how many climates it presents. It necessarily fol- lows that it is full of modified men. If we examine the maps of monthly isothermals, we obse;rve how won- derfully those lines change, becoming convex to the north vibrations of tiie as summer approaches, and concave as the winter. They "°«'«™=^ "»««• by no means observe a parallelism to the mean, but change their flex- ures,- assurning new sinuosities. In their absolute transfer they move 20 EUROPE IS FULL OF MODIFIED MEN. with a variable velocity, and througb. spaces far from insignificant. The line of 50° F., which in January passes through Lisbon and the south of the Morea, in July has traveled to the north shore of Lapland, and incloses the White Sea. As in some grand musical instrument, the strings of which vibrate, the isothermal lines of Europe and Asia beat back and forth, but it takes a year for them to accomplish one pulsa- tion. All over the world physical circumstances control the human race. They make the Australian a savage ; incapacitate the negro, who can Europe is fuu of ncvcr iuvcut an alphabet or an arithnietic, and whose theol- meteorological " i t ji j_ j? mi contrasts, and ogy ncvcr passcs beyond the stage oi sorcery. They cause ified men. the Tartars to delight in a diet of milk, and the American Indian to aboniinate it. They make the dwarfish races of Europe in- stinctive miners and metallurgists. An artificial control over tempera- ture by dwellings, warm for the wintfer and cool for the summer ; vari- ations of clothing to suit the season of the year, and especially the management of fire, have enabled man to maintain himself in all cli- mates. The single invention of artificial light has extended the availa- ble term of his life; by giving the night to his use, it has, by the social intercourse it encourages, polished his manners and refined his tastes, perhaps as much as any thing else has aided in his intellectual progress. Indeed, these are among the primary conditions that have occasioned his civilization. Variety of natural conditions gives rise to different na- tional types, artificial inventions occasion renewed modifications. "Where there are many climates there will be inany forms of men. Herein, as we shall in due season discover, lies the explanation of the energy of European life, and the development of its civilization. Would any one deny the influence of rainy days on our industrial habits and on our mental condition even in a civilized state? With how much more force, then, must such meteorological incidents have acted on the ill-protected, ill-clad, and ill-housed barbarian ! Would any one deny the increasing difficulty with which life is maintained as we pass from the southern peninsulas to the more rigorous climates of the north? There is a relationship between the mean annual heat of a lo- cality and the instincts of its inhabitants for food. The Sicilian is satis- fied with a light farinaceous repast and a few fruits ; the Norwegian re- quires a strong diet of flesh ; to the Laplander it is none the "less accept- able if grease of the bear, or train oil, or the blubber of whales be add- ed. Meteorology to no little extent influences the, morals ; the instinct- ive propensity to drunkenness is a function of the latitude. Food, houses, clothing, bear a certain relation to the isothermal lines. For similar reasons, the inhabitants of Europe each year tend to more complete homogeneousness. Climate and meteorological differences are more and more perfectly equalized by artificial inventions ; nor is it THE MEDITERRANEAN PENINSULAS AND SEA. 21 alone a similarity of habits, but also a similarity of physio- f^.'^i*^™sh^^'|- loffical constitution that is ensuing. The effect of such in- tendo to homoge- D n 1 * 1 neousneaa in mod- ventions is to equalize the influences to which men are ex- em times. posed; they are brought more closely to the mean typical standard, and — especially is it to be remembered — with this ■ closer approach to each other in conformation, comes a closer approach in feelings and hab- its, and even in the manner of thinking. On the southern slope of the mountain axis project the historic penin- sula's, Greece, Italy, Spain. To the former we trace un- The Medtemne- mistakably the commencement of European civilization. ™peii™uias- The first Greeks patriotically afl&rmed that their own climate was the best suited for man; beyond the mountains to the north there reigned a Cimmerian darkness, an everlasting winter. It was the realm of Boreas, the shivering tyrant. In the early ages ma^ recognized cold as his mortal enemy. Physical inventions have enabled him to overcome it, and now he maintains' a more diiScult and doubtful struggle with heat. Beyond these peninsulas, and bounding the continent on the south, is the Mediterranean, nearly two thousand miles in length, iso- ^he Mediterra- lating Europe from .Africa socially, JDut uniting them com- °<»'' sea. mercially. ■ The Black Sea and that of Azof are dependencies of it. It has, conjointly with them, a shore-line of 13,000 miles, and exposes a surface of nearly a million and a quarter of square miles. It is subdi- • vided into two basins, the eastern and western, the former being of high interest historically, since it is the scene of the dawn of European in- telligence ; the western is bounded by the Italian peninsula, Sicily, and the African promontory of Cape Bon on one side, and at the other has as its portal the Straits of Gibraltar. The temperature is ten or twelve de- grees higher than the Atlantic, and, since much of the water is removed by evaporation, it is necessarily more saline than that ocean. Its color is green where shallow, blue where deep. For countless centuries Asia has experienced, a slow upward move- ment, not only affecting her own topography, but likewise Secular geological that of her European dependency. There was a time when rope and Asia, and the great sandy desert of Gobi was the bed of a sea which quencea. communicated through the Caspian with the Baltic, as may be ptoved not only by existing geographical facts, but also from geological consid- erations. It is only necessary, for this purpose, to inspect the imperfect maps that have been published of the sUurian and even tertiary pe- riods. The vertical displacement of Europe, during and since the latter period, has indisputably been more than 2000 feet in many places. The effects of such movements on the flora and fauna of a region must, in the course of time, be very important, for an elevation of, 350 feet is equal to one degree of cold in the mean annual temperature, or to sixty miles horizontally northward. Nor is this slow disturbance ended. 22 _ SECULAE CHANGES OF LEVEL IN EUROPE. Again and again, in historic times, liave its results operated fearfully on Europe, by forcibly precipitating the Asiatic nomades along the great path-zone ; again and again, through such changes of level, have they been rendered waterless, and thus driven into a forced emigration. Some of their rivers, as the Oxus and Jaxartes, have, within the records of history, been dry for several years. To these topographical changes, rather than to political influences, we should impute many of the most ' celebrated tribal invasions. It has been the custom to refer these events to an excessive overpopulation periodically occurring in Central Asia, or to the ambition of warlike chieftains. Doubtless those regions are well adapted to human life, and hence liable to overpopulation, consid- ering the pursuits man there follows,, and doubtless there have been oc- casions on which those nations have been put in motion by their princes, but the modern historian can not too carefully bear in mind };he laws which regulate the ptoduction of men, and also the body of evidence which proves that the crust of the earth is not motionless, but rising in one place and sinking in another. The grand invasions of Europe by Asiatic hordes have been much more violent and abrupt than would answer to a steady pressure resulting from overpopulation, and too ex-' tensive for mere warlike incitement ; they answer more completely to , the experience of some irresistible necessity arising from an insuperable , physical cause, which could drive in hopeless despair from their homes the young and the old, the vigorous and feeble, with their cattle,, and wagons, and flocks. Such a cause is the shifting of the soil and dis- \ turbance of the courses of water. The tribes compelled to migrate were forced along the path-zone, their track being, therefore, on a parallel of latitude, and not on a meridian ; and hence, for the reasons set forth in the preceding chapter, their movements and journey of easier acccom- plishment. These geological changes enter then as an element in human history, Eate ana extent of ^0* '^''^^J ^OT Asia, of which the great inland sea has dwin- theae movements, (jjg^ ^^g^y ^q ^he Caspian, and lost its connection with the Baltic, but for Europe also. The traditions of ancient deluges, which are the primitive facts of Greek history, refer to such movements; per- haps -the opening of the Thracian Bosphorus was one of them., In much later times we are perpetually meeting with incidents depending on geological disturbances ; the caravan trade of Asia Minor was de- stroyed by changes of level and the accumulation of sands blown from the encroaching deserts ; the Cimbri were impelled into Italy by the invasion of the sea on their possessions. There is not a shore in Europe which does not give similar evidence ; the mouths of the Ehine, as they were in the Eoman times, are obliterated ; the eastern coast of England has been cut away for miles. In the Mediterranean the shore-line is altogether changed; towns, once on the coast, are far away inland; oth- THE ETHNOLOGY OF EUEOPE. 23 ers have sunk beneath the sea. Islands, like Ehodes, have risen from the bottom. The North Adriatic, once a deep gulf, has now become shallow ; there are leaning towers and inclining temples that have sunk with the settling of the earth. On the opposite extremity of Europe, the Scandinavian peninsula furnishes an instance of slow secular mo- tion, the northern part rising gradually above the sea at the rate of about four feet in a century. This elevation is observed through a space of many hundred miles, increasing toward the north. The south- ern extremity, on the contrary, experiences a slow depression. These slow movements are nothing more than a continuation of what has been going on for numberless ages. Since the tertiary period two thirds of Europe have been lifted above the sea. The Norway coast has been elevated 600 feet, the Alps have been upheaved 2000 to 3000, the Apennines 1000 to 2000. The country between Mont Blanc and Vienna has been thus elevated since the adjacent seas were peopled with existing animals. So intimately are the interests and occupations of men connected with the soil, that it is impossible for changes to take place on the great scale in it without being promptly followed by an equivalent political result. At the earliest period Europe presents us with a double population. An Indo-Germanic column had entered it from the east, and. had separ- ated into two portions the occupants it had encountered^ driving one to the north, the other to the southwest. These primitive tribes betray, physiologically, a Mongolian origin; and there are indiea- Early inhawt- tions of considerable weight that they themselves had been, ™'3 of Europe, in ancient times, intruders, who, issuing from their seats in Asia, had in- vaded and dislocated the proper autochthons of Europe. But, setting this aside, we have, as our starting-point, a barbarian population, be- lievers in sorcery, and, in some places, undoubtedly cannibals, maintain- ing, in the central and northern parts of Europe, their existence with difficulty by reason of the severity of the climate. In the southern, more congenial conditions permitted a form of civilization to commence, of which the rude Cyclopean structures here and there met with, such as the ruins of Orchomenos, the lion gate of Mycense, the tunnel of Lake Copais, are perhaps the vestiges. At what period this intrusive Indo-Germanic column made its at- tack can Hot be ascertained. The national vocabularies of Europe, to which we must resort for evidence, might lead us to infer that the con- dition of civilization of the conquering people was not very ,,,3;, ^^^^ advanced. They were acquainted with the use of domestic '""'*i''°''- animals, with farming implements, carts, and yokes;" they were also possessed of boats, the rudder, oars, but were unacquainted with the movement of vessels by sails. These conclusions seem to be established by the facts that words equivalent to boat, rudder, oar, are common to 24 ITS INDO-GERMANIC INVADERS. the languagesof the ofiEshoots of the stock, though located very widely asunder; but those for mast and sails are of special invention, and differ in adjacent nations. In nearly 5,11 the Indo-Germanic tongues, the family names, father, mother, brother, sister, daughter, are the same respectively. A similar Their civil state de- equivalencc may be observed in a great many familiar Mtoiarie" *"™' objects, house, door, town, path. It has been remarked, that while this holds good for terms of a peaceful nature, many of those connected with warfare and the chase are different in different lan- guages. Such facts appear to prove that the Asiatic invaders followed a nomadic and pastoral life. Many of the terms connected with such an avocation are widely, diffused. This is the case with plowing, grinding, weaving, cooking, baking, se/wing, spinning; with such objects as com, flesh, meat, vestment ; with wild animals common to Europe and Asia, as the bear and the wolf. So, too, of words connected with social or- ganization, despot, rex, queen. The numerals from 1 to 100 coincide in Sanscrit, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Gothic; but, this is not the case with 1000, a fact which has led comparative philologists to the conclusion that, though at the time of the emigration a sufficient intellectual- ad- vance had been made to invent the decimal system, perhaps from count- ing upon the fingers, yet that it was very far from perfectiojj. To the inhabitants "of Central Asia the sea was altogether unknown ; hence the branches of the emigrating column, as they diverged north and south, gave it different names. But, though unacquainted with the sea, they wfere familiar with salt, as is proved by the recurrence of its name. Nov is it in the vocabularies alone that these resemblances are remark ed ; the same is to be said of the grammar. M. Max Muller shows thai in Sanscrit, Zend, Lithuanian, Doric, Slavonic, Latin, Gothic, the forins. of the auxiliary verb io -be are all varieties of one common type, and that " the coincidences between the language of the Veda and the dia- lect spoken at the present day by the Lithuanian recruit at Berlin are greater by far than between French and Italian, and that the essential forms of grammar had been fully framed and established before the first separation of the Aryan family took place." 4 But it should not be overlooked that such interesting deduclioHB founded on language, its vocabularies and grammar, must not be pressed too closely. The state of civilization of the Indo-Germanic- column, as thus ascertained, must needs have been ' inferior to that of the centre from which it issued forth. Such we observe to be the case in all mi- gratory movements. It is not the more, intellectual pr civilized por- tions of a community which voluntarily participate therein, but those in whom the physical and animal character predominates. There may be a very rough offshoot from a very polished stock. Of course, the movement we are here considering must have taken place at a period THEIR MODIFICATION BY CLIMATE. 25 chronologically remote, yet not so remote as might seem to be indicated by the state of civilization of the invaders, used as an indication of the state of civilization of the country from which they had come. In Asia, social advancement, as far back as we can see, has ever been very slow; but, at the first moment that we encounter the Hindu race historically or philologically, it is dealing with philosophical and theological ques- tions of the highest order, and settling, to its own satisfaction, problems requiring a cultivated intellect even so much as to propose. All this implies that in its social advancement there must have already been consumed a very long period of time. But what chiefly interests us is the relation which must have been necessarily maintained between the intrusive people and those whom thev thus displaced, the commingling of the ideas of the one commingung *' li ^ 1 ■ • n 1 • • T n of blood and with those of the other, arising from their commingnng oi of ideas. blood. It is because of this that we find coexisting in the pre-Hellenic times the sorcery of the Celt with the polytheism of the Hindu. There can be no doubt that many of the philosophical lineaments displayed by the early European mythology are not due to indigenous thought, but were derived from an Asiatic source. Moreover, at the earliest historic times, notwithstanding the disturb- ance which must have lasted long after the successful and perhaps slow advance of the Asiatic column, things had come to a state of equilibrium or repose, not alone socially, but also physiologically. It takes a long time for the conqueror and conquered to settle together, without farther : disturbance or question, into their relative positions ; it takes a long time | for the recollection of conflicts to die away. But far longer does it take for a race of invaders to come into unison with the climate aimate-modifica- „ , . , , • J .1 . o Hon of the Asiatic 01 the countries they nave seized, the system oi man accom- intruders, modating itself only through successive generations, and therefore very slowly, to new physical conditions. It takes long before the skin as- sumes its determinate hue, and the skull its destined form. A period aniply sufficient for all such changes to be accomplished in Europe had transpired at the very dawn of history, and strands of population in conformity with meteorological and geographical influences, though of such origin as has been described, were already distributed upon it. A condition of ethnical equilibrium had been reached. Along each iso- thermal or climatic band wctc its correspondingly modified men, spend- ing their lives in avocations dictated by surrounding circumstances. These strands of population were destined to be dislocated, and some of them to become extinct, by inventing or originating among themselves new and unsuitable artificial physical conditions. Already Europe was preparing a repetition of those events of which Asia from time immemorial has been the scene. Already among the nations bordering on the Mediterranean, inhabitants of a pleasant cli- 26 OEIGIN OF GEEEK MYTHOLOGY. mate, in which life could be easUy maintained— where the isothermal First gieamB of of Januarj is 41° F., and of July 73^° F.— civilization was' civilization commencing. There was an improving agriculture, an in- creasing commerce, and, the necessary consequence thereof, germs of art, the accumulation of wealth. The southern peninsulas were offering to the warlike chieftains of middle Europe a tempting prize. So it had been in Asia. Under such influences Europe may be considered as emerging from and first reii - ^^^ barbarian state. It had lost all recollection of its ancient iou3 opinions, j-elatious with India, which have only been disclosed to us by a study of the vocabularies and grammar of its diverse tongues. Upon its indigenous sorcery an Oriental star-worship had been ingrafted, the legends of which had lost their significance. What had at first been feigned of the heavenly bodies had now assumed an air of persona;lity, and had become attributed to heroes and gods. The negro under the equinoctial line, the dwarfish Laplander beyond the Arctic Circle — man every where, in his barbarous state, is a believer j in sorcery, witchcraft, enchantments ; he is fascinated by the incompre^ '^ hensible. Any unexpected sound or sudden motion he refers to invis- . ible beings. Sleep and dreams, in which one third of his life is spent, assure him that there is a spiritual world. He multiplies these unreal- ities ; he gives to every grotto a genius, to every tree, spring, river, mountain, a divinity. Comparative theology, which depends on the law of continuous varia- tion of human thought, and is indeed one of its expressions, universally proves that, the moment man adopts the idea of an existence of invisible ioadizumn of bciugs, he rccoguizes the necessity of places for their resi- tho inTisibie. (je^ce, all nations assigning them habitations beyond the boundaries of the earth. A local heaven and a local hell are found in every > mythology. In Greece, as to heaven, there was a universal agreement that it was situated above the blue sky; but as to hell, much difference of opinion prevailed. There were many who thought that it was a deep abyss in the interior of the earth, to which certain passages, such as the Acherusian cave in Bithynia, led. But those who, with Anaximenes, considered the earth to be like a broad leaf floating in the air, and who accepted the doctrine that hell was divided into a Tartarus, or region of night on the left, and an Elysium, or region of dawn on the right, and that it was equally distant from all parts of the upper surface, were nearer to the original conception, which doubtless placed it on the under or shadowy side of the earth. The portals of descent were then in the west, where the sun and stars set, though here and there were passages leading through the ground to the other side, such as those by which Hercules and Ulysses had gone. The place of ascent was in the east, and the morning twilight a reflection from the Elysian Fields. ITS GBADUAL DEVELOPMENT. 27 The picture of "Nature thus interpreted has for its centre the earth ; for its most prominent object, man. Whatever there is has The anthropo- been made for his pleasure, or to mmister to his use. io of thought, this belief that every thing is of a subordinate value compared with himself, he clings with tenacity even in his most advanced mental state. Not without surprise do we trace the progress of the human mind. The barbarian, the believer in sorcery, lives in incessant dread. All nature seems to be at. enmity with him and conspiring for his hurt. Out of the darkness he can not tell what alarming spectre may emerge; he may, with reason, fear that injury is concealed in every stone, and hidden behind every leaf. How wide is the interval from this terror- stricken condition to that state in which man persuades himself of the human destiny of the universe ! Yet, wonderful to be said, he passes that interval at a single step. In the infancy of the human race, geographical and astronomical ideas are the same all over the world, for they are the interpretation of things according to outward appearances, the accepting of phenomena as they are presented, without any of the corrections that reason may offer. This universality and homogeneousness is nothing more than a mani- festation of the uniform mode of action of the human organization. But such homogeneous conclusions, such similar pictures, are strictly peculiar to the infancv of humanitv. The reasonins; fac- From homogeneouB , , ,. .11 1 • tn n ^ ni* ■• ideas the compara- ulty at length inevitably makes itseli lelt, and diversities tive sciences emerge. of interpretation ensue. Comparative geography, comparative astrono- my, comparative theology thus arise, homogeneous at first, soon esibit- ing- variations, but ending in identity. To that tendency for personification which marks the early life of man are due many of the mythologic conceptions. It was thus that the Hours, the Dawn, and Night, with her black mantle bespangled with stars, received their forms. Many of the most beautifiil introduction of pcr- legends were thus of a personified astronomical origin, soiled forms, many were derived from physical nature. The clouds were thus made to be animated things; a moving spirit was given toi the storm, the dew, •the wind. The suij setting in the glowing clouds of the west becomes' Hercules in the fiery pile; the morning dawn extinguished by the rising sun is embodied in- the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. These legends still survive in India. But it must not be supposed that all Greek mythology can be thus explained. It is enough for us to examine the circumstances under which, for many ages, the European communities had been placed, to understand that they had forgotten much that their ancestors had brought from Asia. Much that was new had also sponta- The gradual and neously arisen. The well-known variations of their the- of^Greektteoiiog! ogony are not merely different legends of different locali- '"*' '^^^ 28 ITS RESULTING COMPOSITE NATURE. ties, they are more frequently successive improvements of the same place. The general theme upon which they are based requires the ad- mission of a primitive chaotic disturbance of incomprehensible gigantic powers, brought into subjection by Divine agency, that agency dividing and regulating the empire it had thus acquired in a harmonious way. To this general conception was added a multitude of adventitious orna- ments, some of which were of a rude astronpmical, some of a moral, some, doubtless, of a historical kind. The primitive chaotic conflicts appear under the form of the war of the Titans; their end is the confine- ment of those giants in Tartarus ;■ their compulsory subjection is the commencement of order : thus Atlas, the son of lapetos, is made to sus- tain the vault of heaven in its western verge. The regulation of empire is shadowed forth in the subdivision of the universe between ZeuS' and The composite na- his brothers, he taking the heavens, Poseidon the sea, and inrmytMo^." ' Hadcs the under world, all having the- earth as thfeir- com- mon theatre of action. The moral is prefigured by such myths as those of Prometheus and Epimetheus, the fore-thinker and the after-thinker; the historical in the deluge of Deucalion, the sieges of Thebes and of Troy. A harmony with human nature is established through the birth and marriage of the gods, and likewise by their sufferings, passions, and labors. The supernatural is gratified by Centaurs, Gorgons, Harpies, and Cyclops. It would be in vain to attempt the reduction of such a patchwork system to any single principle, astronomical or moral, as some have tried to do — a system originating from no single point as to country or to time. The gradual growth of many ages, its diversities are due to many local circumstances. Like the romances of a later period, it will not bear an application of the ordinary rules of life. It recommended itself to a people who found pleasure in accepting without any question state- ments no matter how marvelous, impostures no matter how preposter- ous. Gods, heroes, monsters, and men might figure together without any outrage to probability when there was no astronomy, no geography, no rule of evidence, no standard of belief. But the downfall of sueh a system was inevitable as soon as men began to deal with facts — as soon as history commenced to record, and philosophy to discuss. Yet not without reluctance was the faith of so many centuries given up. The || extinction of a religion is not the abrupt movement of a day, it is a sec- jjular process of many well-marked stages — the rise of doubt among the I candid; the disapprobation of the conservative; the defense of ideas fast becoming obsolete by the well-meaning, who hope that allegory and new interpretations may give renewed probability to what is almost in- credible. But dissent ends in denial at last. - Before we enter upon the history of that intellectual movement which thus occasioned the ruin of the ancient system, we must bring to our- CONCEPTIONS OF HEAVEN, EARTH, HELL. 29 selves the ideas of tlie Greek of the eighth century before Christ, who thought that the blue sky is the floor of heaven, the habitation of the Olympian gods ; that the earth, man's proper seat, is flat, and ^'™^™^^«j circularly extended, like a plate, beneath the starry canopy, geography. On its rim is the circumfluous ocean, the source of the rivers, which all flow to the Mediterranean, appropriately in after ages so called, since it is in the midst, in the centre of the expanse of t\xe land. " The sea-girt disk of the earth supports the vault of heaven." Impelled by a celestial energy, the sun and stars, issuing forth from the east, ascend with diffi- culty the crystalline dome, but down its descent they more readily has- ten to their setting. No one can tell what they encounter in the land of shadows beneath, nor what are the dangers of the way. In the morn- ing the dawn mysteriously appears in the east, swiftly spreading over the confines of the horizon ; in the evening the twilight fades gradually • away. Besides the celestial bodies, the clouds are continually moving over the sky, forever, changing their colors and their shape. No one can tell whence the wind comes or whither it goes ; perhaps it is the breath of that invisible divinity who launches the lightning, or of him who rests his bow against the cloud. Not without delight might men contemplate the emerald plane, the sapphire dome, the border of silvery water, ever tranquil and ever flowing. Then, in the interior of the solid earth, or perhaps on the other side of its plane — under world, as it was well termed — is the realm of Hades or Pluto, the region of The under worm Night. From the midst of his dominion, that divinity, crown- ""* "° Bpectres. ed with a diadem of ebony, and seated on a throne iramed out of mass- ive darkness, looks into the infinite abyss beyond, invisible himself to mortal eyes, but made known by the nocturnal thunder which is his weapon. The under world is also the realm to which ,the spirits retire after death. At its portals, beneath .the setting sun, is stationed a nu- merous tribe of spectres — Care, Sorrow, Disease, Age, Want, Fear, Fam- ine, "War, Toil, Death, and her half-brother Sleep — Death, to whom it is useless for man to offer either prayers or sacrifice. In that land of for- getfulness and shadows there is the unnavigable lake Avernus, Acheron, Styx, the groaning Cocytus, and Phlegethon, with its waves of fire. There are all kinds of monsters* and forms of fearful import : Cerberus, with his triple head'; Charon, freighting his boat- with the shades of the dead ; the Fates, in their garments of ermine bordered with purple ; the avenging Brinnys ; Rhadamanthus, before whom every Asiatic must render his account ; ^acus, before whom every European ; and Minos, the dread arbiter of the judgment-seat. There, too, are to be seen those great criminals whose history is a warning to us : the giants, with drag- ons' feet extended in the burn&g gulf for many a mile; Phlegyas, in perpetual terror of the stone suspended over him, which never falls ; Ixion chained to his wheel ; the daughters of Danaus still vainly try- 30 THE AEGONAUTIC VOYAGE. ing to fill their sieve ; Tantalus, immersed in the water to his chin, yet tormented with unquenchable thirst ; Sisyphus despairingly laboring at his ever-descending stone. Warned by such examples, we may learn not to contemn the gods. Beyond these sad scenes, extending far to the right, are the plains of pleasure, the Elysian Fields ; and Lethe, the river of oblivion, of which whoever tastes, though he should ascend to the eastern boundary of the earth, and return again to life and day, for- gets whatever he has seen. If the interior or the under side of the earth is thus occupied by phantoms and half-animated shades of the dead, its upper surface, in- habited by man, has also its wonders. In its centre is the Mediterranean Sea, as we have said, round which are placed all the known countries, each full of its own mysteries and marvels. Of these how many we might recount if we. followed the wanderings of Odysseus, or the voy- The Argonau- ^S^ of Jasou and his heroic comrades in the ship Argo, when tic voyage, ^jj^ went to scize the golden fleece of the speaking ram. "We might tell of the Harpies, flying women-birds of obscene form ; of the blind prophet and the self-shutting rocks Symplegades, between which, as if by miracle, the Argonauts passed, the colliding cliffs almost entrapping the stern of their vessel, but destined by fate from that por- tentous moment never to close again ; of the country of the Amazons, and of 'Prometheus groaning on the rook to which he was nailed, of the avenging eagle forever hovering and forever devouring ; of the land of ^6tes, and of the bulls with brazen feet and flaming breath, and how Jason yoked and made them plow ; of the enchantress Medea, and the unguent she concocted from herbs that grew where the blood of Prome- theus had dripped ; of the field sown with dragons' teeth, and the mail- clad men that leaped out of the furrows ; of the magical stone that di- vided them into two parties, and impelled them to fight each other; of the scaly dragon that guarded the golden fleece, and how he was, lulled with a charmed potion, and the treasure carried away ; of the -Eiver Phasis, through whose windings the Argo sailed into the circumfluous sea ; of the circumnavigation round that tranquil stream to the sources of the Nile ; of the Argonauts carrying their sentient, self-speaking ship on their shoulders through the sweltering Libyan deserts ; of the island . of Circe, the enchantress ; of the rock, with its grateful haven, which in the height of a tempest rose out of the sea to receive them ; of the arrow shot by Apollo from his golden bow ; ,of the brazen man, the work of Hephsestos, who stood on the shore of Crete, and hurled at them as they passed vast fragments of stone ; of their combat with him and their safe return to lolcos ; and of the translation of the ship Argo by the goddess Athene to heaven. '^ Such were some of the incidents of that celebrated voyage, the story of which enchanted all Greece before the Odjssey was written. I have & GEOGRAPHICAL WONDEKS. 81 not space to tell of the wonders that served to decorate the geography of those times. On the north there was the delicious country union of the of the Hyperboreans, beyond the reach of winter; in the west SSS the garden of the Hesperides, in which grew apples of gold ; in '™i™»- the east the groves and dancing-ground of the sun ; in the south the country of the blameless Ethiopians, whither the gods were wont to re- sort. In the Mediterranean itself the Sirens beguiled the passers-by with their songs near where Naples now stands ; adjoining were Scylla and Charybdia; in Sicily were the one-eyed Cyclops and cannibal Laes- trygons. In the island of Erytheia the three-headed giant Geryon tend- ed his oxen with a double-headed dog. I need not speak of the lotus- eaters, whose food made one forget his native country ; of the floating island of ^olus ; of the happy fields in which the horses of the sun were grazing ; of bulls and dogs of immortal breed ; of hydras, gor- gons, and chimeras ; of the flying man Daedalus, and the brazen cham- ber in which Danae was kept. There was no river, no gr6tto that had not its genius ; no island, no promontory without its legend. It is impossible to recall these antique myths without being satisfied that they are, for the most part, truly indigenous, truly of European growth. The seed may have been brought, as comparative philologists assert, from Asia, but it had luxuriantly germinated and developed un- der the sky of Europe. Of the legends, many are far from answering to their reputed Oriental source; their barbarism and indel- Earuest Greek the- 1 p -n rrn j? ological ideas indi- icacy represent the state ot Europe. Tne outrage oi cate a savage state. Kronos qn his father Uranos speaks of the savageism of the times ; the story of Dionysos tells of man-stealing and piracy ; the rapes of Europa and Helen, of the abduction of women. The dinner in which Itys was served up assures us that cannibalism was practiced ; the threat of La- omedon that he would sell Poseidon and Apollo for slaves shows how compulsory labor might be obtained. The polygamy of many heroes often appears in its worst form under the practice of sister-marriage, a crime indulged in from the King of Olympus downward. Upon the whole, then, we must admit that Greek mythology indicates a barbaric social state, man -stealing, piracy, human sacrifice, polygamy, cannibal- ism, and crimes of revenge that are unmentionable. A personal inter- pretation, such as man in his infancy resorts to, is embodied in circum- stances suitable to a savage time. It was not until a later period that allegorical phantasms, such as Death, and Sleep, and Dreams were intro- duced, and still later when the old system was aflfected by Lydian, Phrygian, Assyrian, and Egyptian ideas. Not only thus from their intrinsic nature, but also from their record- ed gradual development, are we warranted in imputing to the greater part of the myths an indigenous origin. The theogony xheii- gradual im- of Homer is extended by Hesiod in many essential points, historic times. S2 SUCCESSIVE TEAJSrSFORMATIONS OJ) GREEK MYTHOLOGY. He prefixes the dynasty of Uranos, and differs in minor conceptions, as in the character of the Cyclops. The Orphic theogony is again another advance, having new fictions and new personages, as in the case of Za- . 'greus, the horned child of Jupiter by his own daughter Persephonei' " Indeed, there is hardly one of the great and venerable gods of Olympus whose character does not change with his age, and, seen from this point of view, the origin of the Ionic philosophy becomes a necessary step in The inevitable tend- the advauce. That philosophy, as we shall soon find, was ^SKphV' '°™ due not only to the expansion of the Greek intellect and the necessary improvement of Greek morals; an extraneous cause, the sudden opening of the Egyptian ports, 670 B.C., accelerated it. Euro- pean religion became more mysterious and more solemn. European philosophy learned the error of its chronology, and the necessity of ap- plying a more strict and correct standard of evidence for ancient events. It was an ominous circumstance that the Ionian Greeks, who first he- gan to philosophize, commenced their labors by depersonifying the ele- ments, and treating not of Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades, but of Air, Water, Fire'. The destruction of theological conceptions led irresistibly to the destruction of religious practices. To divinities whose existence he de- nied, the philosopher ceased to pray. Of what use were sacrificial offer- ings and entreaties directed to phantasms of the imagination ? but advan- tages might accrue from the physical study, of the impersonal elements. Greek religion contained within itself the principles of its own de- struction. It is for the sake of thoroughly appreciating this that I have been led into a detail of what some of my readers rftay be disposed to Inevitable destruo regard as idle and useless myths. Two circumstances of ii™ ideas'^ " '^" inevitable occurrence insured the eventual overthrow of the whole system ; they were geographical discovery and the rise of philosophical criticism. Our attention is riveted by the fact that, two thousand years later, the same thing again occurred on a greater scale. As to geographical discovery, how was it possible that all the marvels by geographi- of the Mediterranean and Black Seas, the sorcerers, enchanters, cai discovery, gjants, and monsters of the deep, should survive when those seas were daily crossed in- all directions ? how was it possible that the notion of a flat earth, bounded by the horizon and bordered by the cir- cumfluous ocean, could maintain itself when colonies were being found- ed in Gaul, and the Phoenicians were bringing tin from beyond the Pil- lars of Hercules? Moreover, it so happened that many of the most as- tounding prodigies were affirmed to be in the track which circumstances had now made the chief pathway of commerce. Not only was there s^| certainty of the destruction of mythical geography as thus presented on' the plane of the earth looking upward to day ; there was also an immi- nent risk, as many pious persons foresaw and dreaded, that what had been asserted as respects the interior, or the other face looking down- EFFECT OF GEOGRAPHICAL" DISCOVERY. 33 ward into night, would be involved in the ruin too. Well, therefore, might they make the struggle they did for the support of the ancient doctrine, taking the only course possible to them, of converting what had been affirmed to be actual events into allegories, under which, they said, the wisdom of ancient times had concealed many sacred and mys- terious things. But it is apparent that a system which is forced to this necessity is fast hastening to its end. Nor was it maritime discovery only that thus removed fabulous Drodigies and gave rise to new ideas. In due course of Fictitious marvels r D o _ replaced by gi'and time the Macedonian expedition opened a new world to actualities, the Greeks, and presented them with real wonders ; climates in marvel- ous diversity, vast deserts, mountains covered with eternal snow, salt seas far from the ocean, colossal animals, and men of every shade of color and every form of religion. The numerous Greek colonies found- ed all over Asia gave rise to an incessant locomotion, and caused these natural objects to make a profound and permanent impression on the Hellenic mind. If through the Bactrian empire European ideas were transmitted to the far East, through that and other similar channels Asiatic ideas found their way to Europe. At the dawn of reliable tradition the Phoenicians were masters of the Mediterranean Sea. Europe was altogether barbarous. On Dereiopment of the very verge of Asiatic civilization the Thracians scalped commerce, their enemies and tattooed themselves ; at the other end of the continent the Britons daubed their bodies with ochre and woad. Contemporane- ous Egyptian sculptures show the Europeans dressed in skins like sav- ages. It was the instinct of the Phoenicians every where to establish themselves on islands and coasts, and thus, for a long time, they main- tained a maritime supremacy. By degrees a spirit of adventure was en- gendered among the Greeks. In 1250 B.C. they sailed round the Eus- ine, giving rise to the myth of the Argonautic voyage, and creating a profitable traffic in gold, dried fish, and corn. They had also become infamous for their freebooting practices. From every coast they stole away men, women, and children, thereby maintaining a considerable slave-trade, the relic of which endures to our time in the traffic for Cir- cassian women. Minos, king of Crete, tried to suppress these piracies. His attempts to obtain the dominion of the Mediterranean were imi- tated in succession by the Lydians, Thracians, Ehodians, the latter being the inventors of the first maritime code, subsequently incorporated into Eoman law. The manner in which these and the inhabitants of other towns and islands supplanted one another shows on what trifling cir- cumstances the dominion of the eastern basin depended. Meantime Tyrian seamen stealthily sailed beyond the Pillars of Hercules, visiting the Canaries and Azores, and bringing tin from the British islands. They used every precaution to keep their secret to themselves. The C 34 EFFECT OF PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. adventurous Greeks followed those mysterious, navigators step by step, but in the time of Homer they were so restricted to the eastern basin that Italy may be said to have been to them an unknown land. The Phocseans first explored the western basin ; one of their colonies built Mar- seilles. At length Coleus of Samos passed through the frowning gate- way of Hercules into the circumfluous sea, the Atlantic Ocean. No little interest attaches to the first colonial cities ; they dotted the shores from Sinope to Saguntum, and were at once trading-depots and foci of wealth. In the earliest times the merchant was his own captain, and sold his commodities by auction at the place to which he camg. The primitive and profitable commerce of the Mediterranean was peculiar- it was for slaves, mineral products, and articles of manufacture ; for, run- ning coincident with parallels of latitude, its agricultural products were not very varied, and the wants of its populations the same. But tin was brought from the Cassiterides, amber from the Baltic, and dyed goods and worked metals from Syria. Wherever these trades centred the germs of taste and intelligence were developed ; thus the Etruscans, in whose hands was the amber trade across Germany, have left many relics of their love of art. Though a mysterious, they were hardly a gloomy race, as a great modern author has supposed, if we may judge from those beautiful remains. Added to the effect of geographical discovery was the development Effect of phiioaoph- of philosopMcal criticism. It is observed that soon after icai criticism. ^j^^ Q^^ Olympiad the Greek intellect very rapidly ex- panded. Whenever man reaches a certain point intis mental progress, he will not be satisfied with less than an application of existing rules to ancient events. Experience has taught him that the course of the world to-day is the same as it was yesterday ; he unhesitatingly beheves tkt this will also hold good for to-morrow. He will not bear to contem- plate any break in the mechanism of history ; he will not be satisfied ; with a mere uninquiring faith, but insists upon having the same voucli- j er for an old fact that he requires for one that is new. Before the face of History Mythology can not stand. The operation of this principle is seen in all directions throughout Greek literature after the date that has been mentioned, and this the ?a^men?r*om°' "^°^® Strikingly as thc time is later. The national intellect the public faith, became more and more ashamed of the fables it had be- lieved in its infancy. Of the legends, some are allegorized, some are modified, some are repudiated. The great tragedians accept the myths in the aggregate, but decline them in particulars ; some of the poets transform or allegorize them ; some use them ornamentally, as gracefiil decorations. It is evident that between the educated and the vulgar classes a divergence is taking place, and that the best men of the times see the necessity of either totally abandoning these cherished fictions to SECESSIOK OF LITEEARY MEN ASD PHILOSOPHERS. 35 the lower orders, or of gradually replacing them with something more suitable. Such a frittering away of sacired things was, however, very far from meeting with public approbation in Athens itself, although so many people in that city had reached that state of mental development in which it was impossible for them to continue to accept the national faith. They tried to force themselves to believe that there must bis ' something true in that which had been believed by so many great and pious men of old, which had approved itself by lasting so many centu- ries, and of which it was by. the common people asserted that absolute demonstration could be given. But it was in vain ; intellect had out- grown faith. They had come into that condition to which all men are liable — aware of the fallacy of their opinions, yet angry that another should remind them thereof. When the social state no longer permit- | ted them to take the life of a philosophical offender, they found means to put upon him such an invisible pressure as to present him the choice of orthodoxy or beggary. Thus they disapproved of Euripides permit- ting his characters to indulge in' any skeptical reflections, and discounte- nanced the impiety so obvious in the Prometheus Bound of ^schylus. It was by appealing to this sentiment that Aristophanes added no little to the excitement against Socrates. Those who are doubting them- \ selves are often loudest in public denunciations of a similar state in others. K thus the poets, submitting to common sense, had so rapidly fallen away from the national belief, the philosophers pursued the same course. It sopn became ttie universal impression that there was an intrinsic op- position between philosophy and religion, and herein pub- ana of philosophers. lie opinion was not mistaken ; the fact that polytheism furnished a re- ligious explanation for every natural event made it essentially antago- nistic to science. . It was the uncontrollable advancement of knowledge that overthrew Greek religion. Socrates himself never hesitated to de- nounce physics for that tendency, and the Athenians extended his prin- ciples to his own pursuits, their strong common sense telling them that the philosophical cultivation of ethics must be equally bad. He was not loyal to science, but sought to support his own views by exciting a theological odium against his competitors — a crime that educated men ought never to forgive. In the tragedy that ensued the Athenians only paid him in his own coin. The immoralities imputed to the gods were doubtless strongly calculated to draw the attention of reflecting men, but the essential nature of the pursuit in which the Ionian and Italian schools were engaged bore directly on the doctrine of a providential government of the world. It not only turned into a fiction the time- honored dogma of the omnipresence of the Olympian divinities — ^it even struck at their very existence, by leaving them nothing to do. For those personifications it introduced impersonal nature or the elements. 36 SEOESSiosr of histokians. Instead of uniting scientific interpretations to ancient traditions, it mod- ified and moulded the old traditions to suit the apparent requirements of science. We shall subsequently see what was the necessary issue of this, that the Divinity became excluded from the world he had made, the supernatural merged in natural agency ; Zeus was superseded by the air, Poseidon by the water; and, while some of the philosophers received in silence the popular legends, as was the case with Socrates, or, like Plato, regarded it as a patriotic duty to accept the public faith, others, like Xenophanes, denounced the whole as an ancient blunder, convert- ed by time into a national imposture. As I shall have in a detailed manner occasion to speak of Greek phi- losophy, it is unnecessary to enter into other particulars here. For the present purpose it is enough to understand that it was radically opposed Antagonism of to the national faith in all countries and at all times, from its poi^thefeSi. origin with Thales down to the latest critic of the Alexandri- an school. As it was with philosophers, so it was with historians ; the rise of Secession of t^ue Mstory brought the same result as the rise of true philos- historians, ophy. lu this instance there was added a special circumstance which gave to the movement no little force. Whatever might be the , feigned facts of the Grecian foretime, they were altogether outdone in antiquity and wonder by the actual history of Egypt. What was a pi- ous man like Herodotus to think when he found that, at the very period he had supposed a superhuman state of things in his native country, the ordinary passage of affairs was taking place on the banks of the Nile? And so indeed it had been for untold ages. To every one engaged in recording recent events, it must have been obvious that a chronology- applied where the actors are superhuman is altogether without basis, and that it is a delusion to transfer the motives and thoughts of men to those who are not men. Under such circumstances there is a strong inducement to decline traditions altogether ; for no philosophical mind wni ever be satisfied with different tests for the present and the past, but will insist that actions and their sequences were the same in the fore- [ time as now. Thus for many ages stood affairs. One after another, historians, phi- losophers, critics, poets, had given up the national faith, and lived under a pressure perpetually laid upon them by the public, adopting general- ly, as their most convenient course, an outward compliance w ^k^ Universal dis- rcligious rec|uiiements,c£.the state.^ Herodotus can not recon- belief of tlie ".V "i • — *-=Sr^;S»-^= -__~_-!^==— .-' .•,,., i i learned. cilc the mconsistencics of the Trojan War with his knowledge of human actions ; Thucydides does not dare to express his disbelief of it ; Eratosthenes sees contnadictions between the voyage of Odysseus and the truths of geography ; Anaxagoras is condemned to death for impiety, and only through the exertions of the chief of the state is his ATTEMPTS AT A REFOEMATION. 37 sentence mercifully commuted to banishment. Plato, seeing things from a Very general point of view, thinks it expedient, upon the whole, to prohibit the cultivation of the higher branches of physics. Euripides tries to free himself from the imputation of heresy as best he may. ^s- chylus is condemned to be stoned to death for blasphemy, and is only saved by his brother Aminias raising his mutUated arm — he had lost his, hand in the battle of Salamis. Socrates stands his trial, and has to drink hemlock. Even great statesmen like Pericles had become entangled in the obnoxious opinions. No one has any thing to say in explanation of the marvelous disappearance of demigods and heroes, why miracles are ended, or why human actions alone are now to be seen in the world. An ignorant public demands the instant punishment of every suspected man. In their estimation, to distrust the traditions of the past is to be guilty of treason to the present. But all this confusion and dissent did not arise without an attempt among well-meaning men at a reformation. Some, and they attempts at a were, perhaps, the most advanced intellectually, wished that ^formation, the priests should abstain from working any more miracles ; that rel- ics should be as little used as was consistent with the psychical de- mands of the vulgar, and should be gradually abandoned ; that philos- ophy should no longer be outraged with the blasphemous anthropo- morphisms of the Olympian deities. Some, less advanced, were disposed to reconcile all difficulties by regarding the myths as allegorical ; some wished to transform them so as to bring them in harmony with the ex- isting social state ; some would give them altogether new interpreta- tions. With one, though the fact of a Trojan War is' not to be denied, it was only the eidolon of Helen whom Paris carried away ; with an- other, expressions, perhaps once intended to represent actual events, are dwindled into mere forms of speech. Unwilling to reject the attributes of the Olympian divinities, their human passions and actions, another as- serts that they must once have all existed as men. While one dp- nounces the impudent atheists who find fault with the myths of the Iliad, ignorant of its allegorical meanifig, another resolves all its heroes into the elements ; and still another, hoping to reconcile to the improved moral sense of the times the indecencies and wickednesses of the gods, imputes them all to demons ; an idea which found much favor at first, but became singularly fatal to polytheism in the end. In apparent inconsistency with this declining state of belief in the higher classes, the multitude, without concern, indulged in the most sur- prising superstitions. With them it was an age of relics, of inveterate su- • 1.1- • mi n • 1 1 • 1 peratitionof weepmg statues, and wmkmg pictures. The tools with which the vulgar, the Trojan horse was made might still be seen at Metapontum, the sceptre of Pelops was still preserved at Chasroneia, the spear of Achilles at Phaselis, the sword of Memnon at Nicomedia; the Tegeates could still 38 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF POLYTHEISM. show the hide of the Calydonian boar, very many cities boasted their possession of the true palladium from Troy. There were staitues of Athene that could brandish spears, paintings that could blush, images that could sweat, and endless shrines and sanctuaries at which, miracle- cures were performed. Into the hole through which the deluge of Deucalion receded the Athenians still poured a customary sacrifice of honey and meal. He would have been an adventurous man who risk- ed any observation as to its inadequate, size. And', though the sky had been proved to be only space and stars, and not the firm floor of Olym- pus, he who had occasion to refer to the flight of the gods from mount- Their ieaious intoi- ^i^ t°ps into heavcn would find it to his advantage to eranceofdouMs. make no astrouomical remark. No a;dverse allusions to the poems of Homer, Arctinus, or Lesches- were tolerated ; he who per- petrated the blasphemy of depersonifying the sun went in peril of death. They would not bear that natural laws should be substituted for Zeus and Poseidon ; whoever was suspected of believing that Helios and Selene were not gods, would do well to purge himself to public sat- isfaction. The people vindicated their superstition in spite of all geo- graphical and physical difficulties, and, far from concerning themselves with those contradictions which had exerted such an influence on the thinking classes, practically asserted the needlessness of any historical evidence. It is altogether erroneous to suppose that polytheism maintained its Slowness of the ground as a living force until the period of Constantino and dBcliDB and fa>Il of Polytheism. Juliau. Its downfall commenccd at the time of the opening of the Egyptian ports. Nearly a thousand years were required for a consummation. The change first occurred among the higher classes, and made its way slowly through the middle ranks of society. For many centuries the two agencies — geographical discovery, arising from increasing commerce and the Macedonian expedition, and philosophical criticism — silently continued their incessant work, and yet it does not appear that they could ever enforce a change on the lowest and most numerous division of the social grade. In process of time, a third influ- ence was added to the preceding two, enabling them to address them- selves even to the humblest rank of life; this influence was the rise of The Bccondary the Eomau powcr. It produced a wonderful activitv all over downfall. the Mediterranean Sea and throughout the adjoining coun- tries. It insured perpetual movements in all directions. Where there had been oply a single traveler there were now a thousand legionaries, merchants, government officials, with their long retinues of dependents and slaves. Where formerly it was only the historian or philosopher in his retirement who compared together the different laws and creeds, habits and customs of different; nations incorrectly reported, now the same things were vividly brought under the personal observation of multi- KEPETITION OF THESE EVENTS IN EUROPE. 39 tudes. The crowd of gods and goddesses congregated in Eome served only to bring one another into disrepute and ridicule. ' Long, therefore, previous to the triumph of Christianity, paganism must be considered as having been irretrievably ruined. Doubtless it was the dreadful social prospect before them— the apparent impossibili- ty of preventing the whole world from falling into a totally godless state, that tiot only reconciled so many great men to give Theaiannofgooa their support to the ancient system, but even to look with- aodraiigio^B men. out disapprobation on that physical violence to which the uneducated multitude, incapable of judging, were so often wUling to resort. They never anticipated that any new system could be introduced which should take the place of the old, worn-out one ; they had no idea that relief in this respect was so close at hand ; unless, perhaps, it might have been Plato, who, profoundly recognizing that, though it is a hard piato-s remedy and tedious process to change radically the ideas of common '"'■"'ee^ men, yet that it is easy to persuade them to accept new names if they are permitted to retain old things, proposed that a regenerated system should be introduced, with ideas and forms suited to the existing social state, prophetically asserting that the world would very soon become ac- customed to it, and give to it an implicit adhesion. In this description of the origin and decline of Greek religion I have endeavored to bring its essential features into strong relief. Its fall was not sudden, as many have supposed, neither was it accomplished by ex- traneous violence. There was a slow, and, it must be emphatically add- ed, a spontaneous decline. But, if the affairs of men pass in recurring cycles — if the course of events with one individual has a resemblance to the course of events with another — ^if there are analogies in The Greet movc- ,^ J} J.- T ii • i7i 1 ■ ment has been the progress of nations, and things reappear after due pen- repeated on the ■ ods of time, the succession of circumstances thus displayed ^^pe!^ ° ^ " before us in the intellectual history of Greece may perhaps be recog- nized again in grander proportions on the theatre of all Europe. If there is for the human mind a predetermined order of development, may we not reasonably expect that the phenomena we have thus been- no- ticing on a small scale in a single nation will reappear on the great scale in a continent ; that the' philosophical study of this history of the past will not only serve as an interpretation of many circumstances in the history of Europe in the Dark and Middle Ages, but will also be a guide to us in pointing out future events as respects aU mankind ?' For, though it is true that the Greek intellectual movement was anticipated, as re- spects its completion, by being enveloped and swallowed up in the slow- er but more gigantic movements of the southern European mind, just as a little expanding circle upon the sea may be obliterated and borne away by more imposing and impetuous ;waves, so even the movement of a continent may be lost in the movement of a world. It was criti- 40 THE OEGANIZATION OF HYPOCEIST. cism, and physical discovery, and intellectual activity, arising from po- litical concentration, ihat""go profoundly affected the modes of Grecian thought, and criticism and discovery have within the last four hundred years done the same in all Europe. To one who forms his expectations of the future from the history of the past — who recalls the effect pro- duced by the establishment of the Eoman empire, in permitting free per- sonal intercommunication among all the Mediterranean nations, and thereby not only destroying the ancient forms of thought, which for cen- jturies had resisted all other means of attack, and replacing them by a homogeneous idea, it must be apparent that the wonderfully increased facilities for locomotion, the inventions of our own*age, are the ominous 'precursors of a vast philosophical revolution. Between that period during which a nation has been governed by its imagination and that in which it submits to reason, there is a melan- choly interval. The constitution of man is such that, for a long time The organization ^'^^r hc has discovcrcd the incorrectness of the ideas pre^ ofhyjocrisy. yaUing arouud him, he shrinks from .openly emancipating himself from their dominion, and, constrained by the force of circuni' stances, he lives a hypocrite, publicly applauding what his private judgJ ment condemns. Where a nation is making this passage, so universal do these practices become that it may be truly said that hypocrisy is organized. It is possible that whole communities might be found liv- ing in this deplorable state. Such, I conceive, must have been the, case in many parts of the Eoman empire just previously to the introduction of Christianity. Even after ideas have given way in public opinion, their political power may outlive their intellectual, and produce the dis- graceful effect we here consider. It is not to be concealed, however, that, to some extent, this evil is in- cident to the position of things. Indeed, it would be unfortunate if national hypocrisy could not find a better excuse for itself than indivii ual. In civilized life, society is ever under the imperious necessity of moving onward in legal forms, nor can such forms be avoided without the most' serious disasters forthwith ensuing. To absolve communities too abruptly from the restraints of ancient ideas is not to. give them liberty, but to throw them into political vagabondism, and hence it is that great statesmen will authorize and even compel observances the es- sential significance of which has disappeared, and the intellectual basis of which has been undermined. Truth reaches her fuU action by de- grees, and not at once ; she first operates upon the reason, the influence being purely intellectual and individual ; she then extends her spheif • : exerting a moral control, particularly through public opinion ; at last she gathers for herself physical and political force. It is in the time consumed in this gradual passage, that organized hypocrisy prevails. To bring nations to surrender themselves to new ideas is not the affair of a day. INDIAN AND EGYPTIAN INFLUENCES. 41 CHAPTER III. , DIGRESSION ON HINDU THEOLOGY AND EGYPTIAN CIVILIZATION. Comparative Theology of India ; its Phase of Sorcery ; its Anthropocemtric Phase. Vedaism the Contemplation of Matter, or Adoration of Nature, set forth in the Vedas and Institutes of Menu. — The Universe is God. — Transmutation of the World. — Doctrine of Emanation. — Transmigration. — Absorption. — Penitential Semces. — The Happiness of abso- lute Quietude. Buddhism the Contemplation of Force. — The supreme impersonal Power. — Nature of the World — of Man. — ITie Passage of every thing to Nonentity. — Development of Buddhism into a vast monastic System marked by intense Selfishness. — Its practical Godlessness. Egypt a mysterious Country to the old Europeans. — Its History, great public Works, and for. eignBelations — its Fall. — Antiquity of its Civilization and Art. — Its Philosophy, hieroglyphic lAterature, and peculiar Agriculture. Rise of Civilization in rainless Countries. — Geography, Geology, and Topography of Egypt. — The Inundations of the Nile lead to Astronomy. Comparative Theology of Egypt. — Animal Worship, Star Worship. — Impersonation of Divine Attributes — Pantheism. — The Trinities of Egypt. — Incarnation. — Redemption. — Future Judg- ment. — Trial of the Dead. — Rituals and Ceremonies. At tMs stage of our inTestigation of European intellectual develop- ment, it will be proper to consider briefly two foreign influences — Indian and Egyptian — which affected it. - , From the relations existing between the Hindu and European fam- ilies, as described in the preceding chapter, a comparison of their intel- lectual progress presents no little interest. The movement of ofjjindu the elder branch indicates the path through which the younger p'^o^"?''?- is traveling, and the goal to which it tends. In the advanced condition under which we live we notice Oriental ideas perpetually emerging in a fragmentary way from the obscurities of modern metaphysics — ^they are the indications of an intellectual phase through which the Indo-Eu- ropean mind must pass. And when we consider the ready manner in which these ideas have, been adopted throughout China and the entire Bast, we may, perhaps, extend our conclusion from the Indo-European family to the entire human race. From hence we may also infer how unphilosophical and vain is the expectation of those who would attempt to restore the aged populations of Asia to our state. Their intellectual condition has passed onward, never more to return. It remains for them only to advance as far as they may in their own line and to die, leaving their place to others of a different constitution and of a renovated blood. In life there is no going back ; the morose old man can never resume 42 VEDAISM AND BUDDHISM. the genial confidence of maturity ; the youth can never return to the idle and useless occupations, the frivolous amusements of boyhood; even the boy is parted by a long step from the innocent credulity of the nursery. , The earlier stages of the comparative theology of India are now in- accessible. At a time so remote as to be altogether prehistoric the The phase of aor- phasc of sorccry had been passed through. In the most poMntricphMe™' ancient records remaining the Hindu mind is dealing with anthropocentric conceptions, not, however, so much of the physical as of the moral kind. Man had come to the conclusion that his chief con- cern is with himself. "Thou wast alone at the time of thy birth, thou wilt be alone in the moment of death ; alone thou must answer at the bar of the inexorable Judge." From this point there are two well-marked steps of advance. The Comparative theoio- ^^st reachcs the Consideration of material nature ; the toerttons-jSntCT" second, which is very grandly and severely philosophical, ^0"^™- contemplates the universe under the conceptions of space and force alone. The former is exemplified in the Vedas and Institutes of Menu, the latter in Buddhism. In neither of these stages do the vedaiam contem- idcas lie idle as mere abstractions ; they introduce a moral Buadhism force, plan, and display a constructive power not equaled even by the Italian papal system. They take charge not only of the individual, but regulate society, and show their influence in accomplishing pohtical organizations, commanding our attention' from their' prodigious extent, and venerable for their a,ptiquity. I shall, therefore, briefly refer, first, to the older, Vedaism, and then to its successor, Buddhism. Among a people possessing many varieties of climate, and familiar with some of the grandest aspects of Nature — ^mountains the highest upon earth, noble rivers, a vegetation incomparably luxuriant, periodical rains, tempestuous monsoons, it is not surprising that there should have vedaijm is the ado- ^^^cu an admiration for the material, and a .tendency to the ration of Nature, worship of Naturc. Thesc spectacles leave an indeUble impression on the thoughts of man, and, the more cultivated the mind, the more profoundly are they appreciated. The Vedas, which are the Hindu Scriptures, and of which there are four, the Eig, Yagust, Saman, and Atharvan, are asserted to have been The Vedas and TCvcaled by Brahma. The fourth is, however, rejected by uieir doctrines. gQjjjg^ ^nd 'bears internal evidence of a later composition, at a time when hierarchical power had become greatly consolidated. These works are written in an obsolete Sanscrit, the parent of the more recent idiom. They constitute the basis of an extensive literature, TJpavedas, Angas, etc., of connected works and commentaries. For the most part they consist of hymns suitable for public and private occasions, prayers, THE VEDA DOCTRnSTE OF GOD AND THE WORLD. 43 precepts, legends, and dogmas. The Eig, wHcIl is the oldest, is com- posed chiefly of hymns, the other three of liturgical formulae. They are of different periods and of various authorship, internal evidence seeming to indicate that if the later were composed by priests, the ear- lier were the production of military chieftains. They answer to a state of society advanced from the nomade to the municipal condition. They are based upon an aoknowledgnient of a universal Spirit pervading all things. Of this God they therefore necessarily acknowledge ^he veda doc- the unity: "There is in truth but one Deity, the Supreme tam«°fG»'i, Spirit, the Lord of the universe, whose' work is the universe." " The God above all gods, who created the earth, the heavens, the waters." The world, thus considered as an emanation of God, is there- and of the world. fore a part of him; it is kept in a manifest state by his energy, and would instantly disappear if that energy were for a moment withdrawn. Even as it is, it is undergoing unceasing transformations, every thing being in a transitory condition. The moment a given phase is reached, it is departed from, or ceases. In these perpetual movements the pres- ent can scarcely be said to have any existence, for as the Past is ending the Future has begun. In such a never-ceasing career all material things are urged, their forms continually changing, and returning, as it were, through revolving cycles to similar states. For this reason it is that we may- regard our earth, and the various celestial bodies, as having had a mo- its transformation, ment of birth, a time of continuance, in which they are passing onward to an inevitable destruction, and that after the lapse of countless ages similar progresses will be made, and similar series of events will occur again and again. But in this doctrine of universal. transformation there is something more than appears at first. The theology of India is underlaid with Pantheism. " God is One because he is All." The Yedas, in speaking of the relation of nature to God, make use of the expression n is the visi- that he is the Material as well as the Cause of the universe, of ooa. "the Clay as well as the Potter." They convey the idea that while there is a pervading spirit existing every where of the same nature as the soul of man, though differing from it infinitely in degree, visible na- ture is essentially and inseparably connected therewith ; that as in man ' the body is perpetually undergoing changes, perpetually decaying and being renewed, or, as in the case of the whole human species, nations come into existence and pass away, yet still there continues to exist what may be termed the universal human mind, so forever associated and for- 'ever connected are the material and the spiritual. And under this as- pect we must contemplate the Supreme Being, not merely as a presiding intellect, but as illustrated by the parallel case of man, whose mental principle shows no tokens except through its connection with the body ; 44 OF THE SOUL — ^ABSORPTION AND TEANSMIGBATION. SO matter, or nature, or the visible universe, is to be looked upon as the corporeal manifestation of God. Secular, changes taking place in visible objects, especially those of an astronomical kind, thus stand as the gigantic counterparts both as The nature to space and time of the microscopic changes which we recog- ehS'Ss.'""' nize as occurring in the body of man. However, in adopting these views of the relations of material nature and spirit, we must con- tinually bear in mind that matter " has no essence independent of men- tal perception; that existence and perceptibility are convertible terms ;^ that external appearances and sensations are illusory, and would Vanish into nothing if the divine energy which alone sustains them were sus- pended but for a moment." As to the relation between the Supreme Being and man, the soul is Of the soul ^ portion or particle of that all-pervading principle, the Uni' of man. yersal Intellect or Soul of the World, detached for a while from its primitive source, and placed in connection to the bodily frame, hut destined by an inevitable necessity sooner or later to be restored and re- joined — as inevitably as that rivers run back 40 be lost in the ocean from which they arose. " That Spirit," says Varuna to his son, " from which all created beings proceed, in which, having proceeded, they live, Its final absorp- toward which they tend, and in which they are at last ah- tioninGod. sorbed, that Spirit study to know: it is the Great One." Since a multitude of moral considerations assure us of the existence of evil in the world, and since it is not possible for so holy a thing as the spirit of man to be exposed thereto without undergoing contamination, it comes to pass that an unfitness may be contracted for its rejoining the infinitely pure essence from which it was derived, and hence arises Of penances the neccssity of its undergoing a course of purification. And as the life of man is often too short to afford the needful opportunity, and, indeed, its events, in many instances, tend rather to increase than to diminish the stain, the season of purification is prolonged by perpetua- and tranamigra- tjug the councction of the sinful Spirit with other forms, and tionofaouiB. permitting its transmigration to other bodies, in which, hy the penance it undergoes, and the trials to which it is exposed, its ini- quity may be washed away, making it fit for absorption in the ocean of infinite purity. Considering thus the relation in which all animated nar ture stands to us, being a mechanism for purification, this doctrine of the transmigration of the soul leads necessarily to other doctrines of a moral kind, more particularly to' a profound respect for life under every form, human, animal, or insect. The forms of animal life, therefore, furnish a grand penitential mech- The religious use auism for man. Such, on these principles,, is their teleolog- of animal ufe. ^^^^ explanation. In European philosophy there is no equivalent or counterpart of this view. With us animal life is purpose- OF DEVOTION AND OBJECTS OF ADORATION. 45 less. Hereafter we sliall find that in Egjrpt, thoilgh the doctrine of transmigration must of course have tended to similar suggestions, it be- came disturbed in its practical application by the base fetich notions of the indigenous African population. Hence the doctrine was cherished by the learned for philosophical reasons, and by the multitude for the harmony of its results with their idolatries. From such theological dogmas a religious system obviously springs having for its object to hasten the purification of the soul, that it may the more quickly enter on absolute happiness, which is only to be found in absolute rest. The methods of shortening its wanderings and bring- ing it to repose are by the exercises of a pious life, penance, of proper moaea and prayer, and more especially by a profound contempla- "' d^™''""- tion of the existence and attributes of the Supreme Being. In this pro- found contemplation many holy men have passed their lives. Such is a brief statement of Vedic theology, as exhibited in the con- nected doctrines of the Nature of God, Universal Animation, Transmuta- tion of the World, Emanation of the Soul, Manifestation of Visible Things, Transmigration,* Absorption, the uses of Penitential Services, and Contemplation for the Attainment of Absolute Happiness in Absolute Eest. The Vedas also recognize a series of creatures superior to man, the gods of the elements and stars ; they likewise personify the attri- butes of the Deity. The three Vedic divinities, Agni, Indra, and Sur- ya, are not to be looked upon as existing independently, for all spirits are comprehended in the Universal Soul. The later Hindu Minor veaic trinity, Brahma, Yishnu, and Siva, is not recognized by them, ^o"**"^'- They do not authorize the worship of deified men, nor of images, nor of any visible forms. They admit the adoration of subordinate spirits, as those of the planets, or of the dernigods who inhabit the air,- the wa- ters, the woods ; these demigods are liable to death. They inculcate universal charity — charity even to an enemy : " The tree doth not with-/;. j draw its shade from the woodcutter." Prayers are to be made thrice a day, morning, noon, evening ; fasting is ordained, and ablution before meals; the sacrificial offerings consist of flowers, fruits, money. Consid- ered as a whole, their religious tendency is selfish: it puts in prominence the baser motives, and seeks the gratification of the animal appetites, as food, pleasure, good fortune. They suggest no proselyting spirit, but rather adopt the principle that all religions must be equally acceptable to God, since, if it were otherwise, he would have instituted a single one, and, considering his omnipotence, none other could have possibly prevailed. They contain no authorization of the division of castes, which probably had arisen in the necessities of antecedent conquests, but which have imposed a perpetual obstacle to any social progress, keeping each class of society in an immovable state, and concentrating knowledge and power in a hierarchy. Neither in them, nor, it is affirm- 46 THE INSTITUTES OF MENU. ed, ia the whole Indian literature, is there a single passage indicating a love of liberty. The Asiatics can not understand what value there is in It. They have balanced Freedom against Security ; they have deliber- ately preferred the latter, and left the former for Europe to sigh for. [ Liberty is alone appreciated in a life of action ; but the life of Asia is es- sentially passive, and its desire is for tranquillity. Some have affirmed that this imbecility is due to the fact that that continent has no true temperate zone, and that thus, for ages, the weak nations have been in contact with the strong, and therefore the hopeless aspirations for person- al freedom have become extinct. But nations who are cut off from the \ sea, or who have accepted the dogma that to travel upon it is unholy, 1 can never comprehend liberty. From the general tenor of the Vedas, it would appear that the condition of women, was not so much restrain- ed as it became in later times, and that monogamy was the ordinary state. From the great extent of these works, their various dates" and authorship, it is not easy to deduce from them consistent principles, and their parts being without any connection, complete copies are very scarce. They have undergone mutilation and restoration, so that great discordances have arisen. In the Institutes of Menu, a code of civil and religious law, written The Institutes ^bout the ninth century before Christ, though, like the Vedas, of Menu. betraying a gradual origin, the doctrine of the Divine unity becomes more distinctly mixed up with Pantheistic ideas. They pre- sent a description of creation, of the nature of God and the soul, and contain prescribed rules for the djity of man in every station of life, from the moment of birth to death. Their imperious regulations in all these minute details are a sufficient proof of the great development and pa,ramount power to which the priesthood had now attained, but their morality is discreditable. They indicate a high civilization and demor- alization, deal with crimes and a policy such as are incident to an ad- vanced social condition. Their, arbitrary and all-reaching spirit reminds one of the papal system ; their recommendations to sovereigns, their au- thorization of immoralities, recall the state of Italian society as reflected in the works of Machiavelli. They hold learning in the most signal esteem, but concede to the prejudices of the illiterate in a worship of the gods with burnt-offerings of clarified butter and libations of the juices of plants. As respects the constitution of man, they make a distinction between the soul and the vital principle, asserting that it is the latter only which expiates sin by transmigration. They divide society into four castes— the priests, the military, the industrial, the servile. They make a Brahman the chief of all created things, and order that his life shall be divided into four parts — one to be spent in abstinence, one in marriage, one as an anchorite, and one in profound meditation ; he may then " quit the body as a bird Ipves the branch of a tree." They vest CHANGES IN VEDAISM. 47 the government of society in an absolute monarch, having seven coun- cilors, who directs the internal administration by a chain of of&cials, the revenue being derived from a share of agricultural products, taxes on commerce, imposts on shopkeepers, and a service of one day in the month from laborers. : In their essential principles the Institutes therefore follow the Yedas, though, as must be the case in every system intended for men in the various stages of intellectual progress from the least advanced to the highest, thev show a leaning toward popular delusions. Both Both the vedas ° ,,.«TTTT. , . anil Institutes are pantheistic, for both regard the universe as the mam- are pantheistic. festation of the Creator ; both accept the doctrine of Emanation, teach- ing that the universe lasts only for a definite period of time, and then, the Divine energy being withdrawn, absorption of every thing, even of the created gods, takes place, and thus, in great cycles of prodigious dura-i tion, many such successive emanations and absorptions of universes occur. ' The changes that have taken place among the orthodox in India since the period of^the Institutes are in consequence of the diminution or disappearance of the highly philosophical classes, and Disappearance of the comparative predominance of the vulgar. They are cMss^^fanTioni stated by Mr. Elphinstone as a gradual oblivion of mono- nen"rof'a''ntt,ro- theism, the neglect of the worship of some gods and the in- p"™"'™ i^^^- troduction of others, the worship of deified mortals. The doctrine of human deification is carried to such an extent that Indra and other mythological gods are said to tremble lest they should be supplanted by men. This introduction of polytheism and use of images has probably been connected with the fact that there have been no temples to the Invisible God, and the uneducated mind feels the necessity of some re- cognizable form. Inthis manner the Trinitarian conception of Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva, with fourteen other chief gods, has been introduced. Vishnu and Siva are never mentioned in the Institutes, but they now engross the public devotions ; besides these there are angels, genii, pe- nates, and lares, like the Eoman. Brahma has only one temple in all India, and has never been much worshiped. Chrishna is the great fa- vorite of the women. The doctrine of incarnation has also become prevalent; the incarnations of Vishnu are innumerable. The opinion has also been spread that faith in a particular god is better than contem- plation, ceremonial, or good works. A new ritual, instead of the Vedas, has come into use, these scriptures being the eighteen Puranas, com- posed between the eighth and sixteenth centuries. They contain the- ogonies, accounts of the creation, philosophical speculations, fragmentary^ history, and may be brought to support any sectarian view, having never been intended as one general body, but they are received as in- controvertible authority. In former times great ef&cacy was attached to sacrifice and religious austerities, but the objects once accomplished 48 THE EISE OF BUDDHISM. in that way are now compassed by mere faitli. In the Baghavat Gita, the text-book of the modern school, the sole essential for salvation is de- pendence on some particular teacher, which makes up for every thing else. The efficacy which is thus ascribed to faith, and the facility with which ,sin may be expiated by penance, have led to great mental debility and superstition. It has added force to thc'doctrine of a material para- dise of trees, flowers, banquets, hymns ; and to a hell, a dismal place of flames, thirst, torment, and horrid spectres. If such has been the gradual degradation of religion, through the sup- pression or disappearance of the most highly cultivated minds, t^e tend-, Thephuosoph- ency of philosophy is not less strikingly marked. It is said ioai schools, ^jjg^^ gyg^ ^ ancient times not less than six distinct philosoph- ical schools may be recognized : 1, the prior Mimansa ; 2, the later Mi- mansa, or Yedanta, founded by Vyasa about 1400 B.C., having a Vedan- ta literature of prodigious extent; 3, the Logical school, bearing a, close resemblance to that of Aristotle, even in its details ; 4, the Atomic school of Canade; 5, the Atheistical school of Capila; 6, the Theistical school of Patanjali. This great theological system, enforced by a tyrannical hierarchy, did The rise of 1^0* maintain itself without a conflict. Buddhism arose as its Buddhism, antagonist. By an inevitable necessity, Vedaism must pass on- ward to Buddhism. The prophetic foresight of the great founder of this system was justified by its prodigious, its unparalleled, its enduring , success — a success that rested on the assertion of the dogma of the ab- [ solute ,^c|ua]it^:5£jiLffl®) ^^*i t^is in a country that for ages had been 1 oppressed iy castes. If the Buddhist admits the existence of God, it is not as a Creator, for matter is equally eternal ; and since it possesses a property of inherent organization, even if the universe should perish, this quality would quickly restore it, and carry it on to new regeneial^ tions and new decays without any external agency. It also is endued with intelligence and consciousness. The Buddhists agree with the Brahmins in the doctrine of, Quietism, in the care of animal life, in transmigration. They deny the Vedas and Puranas, have no castes, and, agreeably to their cardinal principle, draw their priests from all classes like the European monks. They live in monasteries, dress in yellow, go barefoot, their heads and beards being shaved ; they have constant services in their chapels, chanting, incense, and candles ; erect monu- ments and temples over the relics of holy men. They put an especial merit in celibacy ; renounce all the pleasures of sense ; eat in one hall; , receive alms. To do these things is incident to a certain phase of hu- man progress. Buddhism arose ^bout the tenth century before Christ, its founder be- ing Arddha Chiddi, a native of Capila, near Nepaul. Of his epoch there are, however, many statements. The Avars, Siamese, and Cingalese fix THE LIFE OP ITS FOUNDER. 49 him B.C. 600; the Cashmerians, B.C. 1332 ; the Chinese, Mon- iifeofArd. gols, and Japanese, B.C. 1000. The Sanscrit words occurring *»-«"<>'"• in Buddhism attest its Hindu origin, Buddha itself being the Sanscrit for intelligence. After the system had spread widely in India, it was car- ried by missionaries into Ceylon, Tartary, Thibet, China, Japan, Burmah, and is now professed by a greater portion of the human race than any other religion. Until quite recently, the history of Arddha Chiddi and the system he taught have, notwithstanding their singular interest, been very imperfectly known in Eurppe. He was born in affluence and of a royal family. In his twenty-ninth year he retired from the world, the pleasures of which he had tasted, and of which he had become weary. The spectacle of a gangrened corpse first arrested his thoughts. Leav- ing his numerous wives, he became a religious mendicant. It is said that he walked about in a shroud, drawn from the body of a female slave. Profoundly impressed with the vanity of all human affairs, he devoted himself to philosophical meditation, by severe self-denial eman- cipating himself from all worldly hopes and cares. When a man has brought himself to this pass he is able to accomplish great things. For the name by which his parents had called him he substituted that of Gotama, or " he who kills the senses," and subsequently Chakia Mouni, or the Penitent of Chakia. Under the shade of a tree Gotama was born ; under the shade of a tree he overcame the love of the world and the fear of- death ; under the shade of a tree he preached his first sermon in the shroud ; under the shade of a tree he died, In four months after he cordmenced his ministry he had five disciples ; at the close of the year they had increased to twelve hundred. In the twenty-nine centuries that have passed since that time, they have given rise to sects counting millions of souls, outnumbering the followers of all other religious teachers. The system still seems to retain much of its pristine vigor ; yet religions are perishable. There is no country, except India, which has the same religion now that it had at the birth of Christ. Gotama died at the advanced age of eighty years; his corpse was burnt eight days subsequently. But several years before this event his system must be considered as thoroughly established. It shows how little depends upon the nature of a doctrine, and how much ^^e organizauoa upon effective organization, that Buddhism, 'the principles °f Buddhism, of which are far above the reach of popular thought, should have been propagated with so much rapidity, for it made its converts by preach- ing, and not, like Mohammedanism, by the sword. Shortly after Gota- ma's death, a council of five hundred ecclesiastics assembled for the purpose of settling the religion. A century later a second council met to regulate the monastic institution ; and in B.C. 241, a third council, for the expulsion of fire-wof shipers. Under the auspices of King Aso- ka, whose character presents singular points of resemblance to that of D 50 CONFLICT OF VEDAISM AND BUDDHISM. the Eoman emperor who" summoned the Council of Nicea, for he, too, was the murderer of his own family, and has been handed down to pos- terity, because of the success of the policy of his party, as a great, a vir- tuous, and a pious sovereign — under his auspices missionaries were sent out in all directions, and monasteries richly endowed were every where established. The singular efficacy of monastic institutions was redis- covered in Europe many centuries subsequently. In proclaiming the equality of all men in this life, the Buddhists, as we have seen, came into direct colliston with the orthodox creed of India, long carried out into practice in the institution of castes — a collis- ion that was embittered by the abhorrence the Buddhists displayed for any distinction between the clergy and laity. To be a Brahman a man must be born one, but a Buddhist priest might voluntarily come from any rank — from the very dregs of society. In the former system mar- riage was absolutely essential to the ecclesiastical caste ; in the latter it -was not, for the priestly ranks could be recruited without it. And hence there followed a most important advantage, that celibacy and chastity might be extolled as the greatest of all the virtues. The expe- contest between riencc of Europc, as well as of Asia, has shown how powers and Buddhists, ful is the control obtained by the hierarchy in that way. In India there was, therefore, no other course- for the orthodox than to meet the danger with bloody persecutions, and in the end, the Bud- dhists, expelled from their native seats, were scattered throughotttEast- ern Asia. Persecution is the mother of proselytes. The fundamental principle of Buddhism is that there is a supreme Buddhism is founded power, but uo Supreme Being. From this it might be on the conception oft„ i,i..i i jl ^ j i. x. Power or Force. interred that they who adopt such a creed can not be pantheists, but must be atheists. It is a rejection of the idea of Being, an acknowledgment of that of Force. If it admits the existence of God, it declines him as a Creator. It asserts an impelling power in the uni- verse, a self-existent and plastic principle, but not a self-existent, an It does not recognize eternal, a personal God. It rejects inquiry into first a personal God, causcs as bciug unphilosophical, and considers that phe- nomena alone can be dealt with by our finite minds. Not without an air of intellectual majesty, it tolerates the Asiatic time-consecrated idea of a trinity, pointing out one not of a corporeal, but of an impersonal kind, Its trinity is the Past, the Present, the Future. For the sake of aiding our thoughts, it images the Past with his hands folded, since he has at- tained to rest, but the others with their right hands extended in token of activity. Since he has no God, the Buddhist can not expect absorp- ' tion; the pantheistic Brahman looks forward to the return of his soul to the Supreme Being as a drop of rain returns to the sea. The Bud- dhist has no religion, but only a ceremonial. How can there be a relig- ion where there is no God ? ITS IDEAS OF aOD, PROVIDHNCB, LAW, THE WOELD, MAN. 51 In all this it is plain that the impersonal and immaterial predomin- ates, and that Gotama is contemplating the existence of pure n„r a providential Force without any association of Substance. He neces- s"™™"™*. sarily denies the immediate interposition of any such agency as Provi- dence, maintaining that the system of nature, once arising, must proceed irresistibly according to the laws which brought it into being, and that from this point of view the universe is merely a gigantic engine. To the Brahnian priesthood such ideas were particularly obnoxious ; they were hostile to any philosophical system founded on the ^t refers aii events principle that the world is governed by law, for they sus- '" ■■^™"<'s» ^'^■ pected that its tendency would be to leave them without any mediatory functions, and therefore without any claims on the faithful. Equally does Gotama deny the existence of chance, saying that that which we call chance is nothing but the effect of an unknown, unavoidable cause. As to the external world; we can not tell how far it is a phantasm, how far a reality, for our senses possess no reliable criterion of fi°g'2jtj*go''/J^ truth. They convey to the mind representations of what visible woria. we consider to be external things, by which it is furnished with mate- rials for its various operations; but, unless it acts in conjunction with the senses, the operation is lost, as in that absence which takes place in deep contemplation. It is owing to our inability to determine what share these internal and external conditions take in producing a result that the absolute or actual state of nature is incomprehensible by us. Nev-, ertheless, conceding to our 'mental infirmity the idea of a real existence of visible nature, we may consider it as offering a succession of imper- manent forms, and as exhibiting an orderly series of transmutations, in- numerable universes in periods of inconceivable time emerging one aft- er another, and creations and extinctions of systems of worlds taking place according to a primordial law. Such are his doctrines of a Supreme Force, and of the origin and his- tory of the visible world.' With like ability Gotama deals of the nature with his inquiry into the nature of man. "With Oriental o^™™- imagery he bids us consider what becomes of a grain of salt thrown into the sea ; but, lest we should be deceived herein, he tells us that there is no such thing as individuality or personality — that the Ego is altogether a nonentity. In these profound considerations he brings to bear his conception of force, in the light thereof asserting that all sentient beings are homogeneous. K we fail to follow him in these exalted thoughts, bound down to material ideas by the infirmities of the human constitu- tion, and inquire of him how the spirit of man, which obviously displays so much energy, can be conceived of as being without form, without a past, without a future, he demands of us what has become of the flame of a lamp when it is blown out, or to tell him in what obscure condition it lay before it was kindled. Was it a nonentity? Has it been anni- 52 OF THE PASSAGE TO NIE-WANA OE NONENTITT. Mlated? By the aid of sucli imagery lie tries to depict the nature of existence, and to convey a vivid idea of the metamorphoses it under- goes. Outward things are to him phantasms ; the impressions they make on the mind are phantasms too. In this sense he receives the doctrine of transmigration, conceiving of it very much as we conceive of the ac- cumulation of heat successively in different things. In one sense it may be the same heat which occupies such objects one after another, but in another, since heat is force and not matter, there can be no such individuality. Viewed, however, in the less profound way, he is not oftranBimgratto Unwilling to adopt the doctrine of the transmigration of and penance, ^^^g gQ^j through various forms, admitting that there may accumulate upon it the effect of all those influences, whether of merit or demerit, of good or of evil, to which it has been exposed. The vital flame is handed down from one generation to another ; it is communi- cated from one animated form to aiiother. He thinks it may carry with it in these movements the modifications which may have been impress- ed on it, and require opportunity for shaking them off and regaining its original state. At this point the doctrine of Gotama is assuming the as- pect of a moral system, and is beginning to suggest means of deliver--- ance -from the accumulated evil and consequent demerit to which the spirit has been exposed. He will not, however, recognize any vicarious action. Each one must work out for himself his own salvation, remem- bering that death is not necessarily a deliverance from worldly ills, it may be only a passage to new miseries. But yet, as the light of the taper must come at last to an end, so there is at length, though it may be after many transmigrations, an end of life. That end he calls Nir- wana, a word that has been for nearly three thousand years of solemn import to countless millions of .men. Nirwana, the end of successive existences, that state which has no relation to matter, or space, or time, and the passage to wMch the departing flame of the extiriguished taper has to nonentity, gone. It is the supremc cud, Noucutity. The' attaining of this is the object to which we ought to aspire, and for that purpose we should seek to destroy within ourselves all cleaving to existence, wean- ing ourselves from every earthly object, from every earthly pursuit. We should resort to monastic life, to penance, to self-denial, self-mortifi- cation, and so gradually learn to sink into perfect quietude or apathy; , in imitation of that state to which we must come at last, and to which, by such preparation, we may all the more rapidly approach. The pan- theistie Brahman expects absorption in God ; the Buddhist, having no God, expects extinction. India has thus given to the world two distinct philosophical systems: Vedaism, which takes as its resting-point the existence of matter, and Philosophical esti- Buddhism, of which the resting-point is force. The philo- mate of Buddhism. gopHcal ability displayed in the latter is very great; in- GRADUAL DEBASEMENT OP BUDDHISM. 53 deed it may be doubted whether Europe has produced its metaphysical equivalent. And yet, if I have correctly presented its principles, it wUl probably appear that its primary conception is hot altogether consistent- ly carried out in the development of the details. Great as was the in- tellectual ability of its author-^so great as to extort our profoundest, though it may be reluctant admiration — there are nevertheless moments in which it appears that his movement is becoming wavering and un- steady — that he is failing to handle his ponderous weapon with self-bal- anced power. This is particularly the case in that point in which he isC passing from the consideration of pure force to the unavoidable consid-/ eration of visible nature, the actual existence of which he seems to be\ obliged to deny. But then I am not sure that I have caught with pre- ) cision his exact train of thought, or have represented his intention with critical correctness. Considering the extraordinary power he elsewhere displays, it is more probable that I have failed to follow his meaning, / than that he has been, on the points in question, incompetent to' deal with his task. The works of Gotama, under the title of " Verbal Instructions," are published by the Chinese government in four languages — Thibetan, Mon- gol, Mantchou, Chinese-^from the imperial press at Pekin, in eight hund- red large volumes. They are presented to* the Lama monasteries — a magnificent gift. In speaking of Vedaism, I have mentioned the manner in which its more elevated conceptions were gradually displaced by those Displacement of n 1 -I • • , •' 1 1 ' • I its liighei ideas of a base grade coming mto prommence; and here it may ty base ones. be useful in like- manner to speak of the corresponding debasement of Buddhism. Its practical working was the introduction of an immense monastic system, offering many points of resemblance to the subsequent one of Europe. Since its object was altogether of a personal kind, the attainment of individual happiness, it was not possible that it should do otherwise than engender extreme selfishness. It impressed on its anthropo- each man to secure his own salvation, no matter what became remains, its of all others. Of what concern to him were parents, wife, chil- declining, dren, friends, country, so long as he attained Nirwana ? Long before Buddhism had been expelled from India by the victori- ous Brahmans, it had been overlaid with popular ornaments. It had its \ fables, legends, miracles. Its humble devotees implicitly be- jjs i^geass and lieved that Mahamaia, the mother of Gotama, an immaculate "™'=i«=- virgin, conceived him through a divine influence, and that thus he was of the nature of God and man conjoined ; that he stood upon his feet and spoke at the moment of his birth ; that at five months of age he sat unsupported in the air; that at the moment of his conversion he was at- tacked by a legion of demons, and that in his penance-fasting he reduced himself to the allowance of one pepper-pod a day ; that he had been in- 54 ITS VAST DIFFUSION OVER EASTERN ASIA. Icarnate many times before, and that on his ascension through the air to heaven he left his footprint on a mountain in Ceylon, which is to be worshiped ; that there is a paradise of gems, and flowers, and feasts, and music for the good, and a hell of sulphur, and flames, and torment for the wicked ; that it is lawful to resort to the worship of images, but that those are in error who deify men, or pay respect to relics ; that there are spirits, and goblins, and other superhuman forms ; that there is a queen of heaven ; that the reading of the Scriptures is in itself an actual imerit, whether its precepts are followed or not ; that prayer may be of- Ifered by saying a formula by rote, or even by turning the handle of a mill from which invocations written on paper issue forth ; that the re- vealer of Buddhism is to be regarded as the religious head of the world. The reader can not fail to remark the resemblance of these ideas to some of those of Jhe Eoman Church. "When a knowledge of the Ori-. ental forms of religion was first brought into Europe, and their real ori- gin was not understood, it was supposed that this coincidence had arisen in the labors of Nestorian, or other ancient missionaries from the West, and hopes were entertained that the conversion of Eastern Asia would be promoted thereby. But this expectation was disappointed, and that which many good men regarded as a preparation for Christianity proved to be a stumbling-ttock in its way. It is not improbable that the pseudo-Christianity of the Chinese revolters, of which so much has recently been said, is of the same nature, and will end with the same result. Decorated with these extraneous but popular recommendations. Bud- dhism has been embraced by four tenths of the human race. It has a prodigious literature, great temples, many monuments. Its monasteries The great diffusion ^'^^ Scattered from the north of Tartary almost to the equi- of BaddMBm. noctial line. In these an education is imparted not unlike that of the European monasteries of the Middle Ages. It has been esti- mated that in Tartary one third of the population are Lamas. There are single convents containing more than two thousand individuals ; the wealth of the country voluntarily pours into them. Elementary educa- I tion is more widely diffused than in Europe ; it is rare to meet with a ' person who can not read. Among the priests there are many who are devout, and, as might be expected, many who are impostors. It is a melancholy fact that, in China, Buddhism has led the entire population Its practical ^0* OTxlj into indiffereutism, but into absolute godlessness. godieBsnesa. Tj^gy have comc to regard religion as merely a fashion, to he followed according to one's own taste; that as professed by the state it is a civil institution necessary for the holding of office, and demanded^hy society, but not to be regarded as of the smallest philosophical impor- tiance ; that a man is entitled to indulge his views on these matters just as he is entitled to indulge his taste in the color and fashion of his gar- EGYPTIAN CIVILIZATION. 55 ments ; that he has no more right, however, to live without some relig- ious profession than he ha*s a right to go naked. The Chinese can not comprehend how there should be animosities arising on matters of such doubtful nature and trivial concern. The formula under which they I live is: "Eeligions are many; reason is one; we are brothers." They smile at the credulity of the good-natured Tartars, who believe in the wonders of miracle-workers, for they have miracle-workers who can per- form the most supernatural cures, who can lick red-hot iron, who can cut open their bowels, and, by passing their hand over the wound, make themselves whole again — who can raise the dead. In China, these mir- acles, with all their authentications, have descended to the conjuror, and are performed for the amusement of children. The common expressions of that country betray the materialism and indifferentism of the people, and their consequent immorality. "The prisons," they say, "are locked night and day, but they are always full ; the temples are always open, and yet there is nobody in them." Of the dead they say, with an ex- quisite refinement of politeness, "He has saluted the world." The Laz- arist Hue, on whose authority many of these statements are made, tes- tifies that they die, indeed, with incomparable tranquillity, just as ani- mals die; and adds, with a bitter, and yet profoundly true sarcasm, they are what many in Europe are wanting to be. From the theology of India I turn, in the next place, to the civiliza- tion of Egypt. The ancient system of isolation which for many thousand years had been the policy of Egypt was overthrown by Psammetichus about B.C. 670. Up to that time the inhabitants of that country had been shut out from all Mediterranean or European contact by a rigorous ex- clusion exceeding that until recently practiced in China and Japan. As from the inmates of the happy valley, in Easselas, no tidings escaped to the outer world, so, to the European, the valley of the Nile Egypt » myste- „. T 1 A • 1 n riou3 country to was a region of mysteries and marvels. At intervals of cen- Europe, turies, individuals, like Cecrops and Danaus, had fled to other countries, and had attached the gratitude of posterity to their memories for the religion, laws, or other institutions of civilization they had conferred. The traditions connected with them served only to magnify those un- certain legends met with all . over Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, Sicily, of the prodigies and miracles that adventurous pirates reported hb reported they had actually seen in their stealthy visits to the enchanted ^"""i™- valley — great pyramids covering acres of land, their tops rising to the heavens, yet each pyramid nothing more than the tomb-stone of a king ; colossi sitting on granite thrones, the images of Pharaohs who lived in the morning of the world, still silently looking upon the land which thousands of years before they had ruled ; of these, some, obedient to the 56 OPENING OF THE EGYPTIAN PORTS TO EUEOPE. sun, saluted his approach when touched by his morning rays ; obelisks of prodigious height, carved by superhuman* skill from a single block of stone, and raised by superhuman power erect on their everlasting pedestals, their faces covered with mysterious hieroglyphs, a language unknown to the vulgar, telling by whom and for what they had beeu constructed ; temples, the massive leaning and lowering walls of which were supported by countless ranges of statues ; avenues of sphinxes, through the shadows of which, grim and silent, the portals of fanes might be approached; catacombs containing the mortal remains of countless generations, each corpse awaiting, in mysterious embalmment, a future life ; labyrinths of many hundred chambers and vaults, into which whoso entered without a clew never again escaped, but in the sameness and solitude of those endless windings found his sepulchre, It is impossible for us to appreciate the sentiment of religious awe with which the Mediterranean people looked upon the enchanted, the hoary, the civilized monarchy on the banks of the Nile. As Bunsen says, " Egypt was to the Greeks a sphinx with an intellectual human coun- tenance.'.' Her solitude, however, had not been altogether .unbroken. After a Its history : the old duration of 1076 ycars, and the reign of thirty-eight kings; empire; the Hyck- .,, " , , ^ ' , . ? , . -^ ° .° ' aos; the new empire, illustrated by the production 01 the most stupendous works ever accomplished by the hand of man, some of which, as the Pyramids, remain to our times, the old empire, which had arisen from the union of the upper and lower countries, had been overthrown by the Hycksos, or shepherd kings, a race of Asiatic invaders. These, in their turn, had held dominion for more than five centuries, when an in- surrection put an end to their power, and gave birth to the new empire, some of the monarchs of which, for their great achievements, are still re- membered. In the middle period of this new empire those events |j early Hebrew history took place — the visit of Abram and the elevation of Joseph — which are related with such simplicity in the Holy Scripturess* "With varied prosperity, the new empire continued until the time of Psammetichus, who, in. a civil war, having attained supreme power by the aid of Greek mercenaries, overthrew the time-honored policy of all the old dynasties, and occasioned the first grand impulse in the intellec^ Opening of the ^^^ lif^ of Europe by opening the ports of Egypt, and mak- Egyptian ports, jjjg ^^^^ couutry acccsslble to the blue-eyed and red-haired barbarians of the North. It is scarcely possible to exaggerate the influence of this event upon the progress of Europe. An immense extension of Greek commerce by the demand for the products of the Euxine as well as of the Mediterra- nean was the smallest part of the advantage. As to Egypt herself, it toheramefS" ®'^t^i^^d;a Complete change in her policy, domestic and for* itune state, eigu. In the former respect, the employment of the mer> THE GREAT CANAl AND CIBCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA. 57 cenaries was the cause of the entire emigration of the warrior caste, and in the latter it brought things to such a condition that, if Egypt would continue to exist; she must become a maritime state. Her geographical position for the purposes of commerce was excellent ; with the Eed Sea to the east and the Mediterranean to the north, she was the natural en- trepot between Asia and Europe, as, was shown by the prosperity of Al- exandria in later ages. But there was a serious difficulty in the way of her becoming a naval power ; no timber suitable for ship-building grew in the country — ^indeed, scarcely enough was to be found to satisfy the demands for the construction of houses and coffins for the dead. The early Egyptians, like the Hindus, had a religious dread of the sea, but their exclusiveness was, perhaps, not a little dependent on their want of material for ship-building. Egypt was therefore compelled to enter on a career of foreign conquest, and at all hazards possess herself of the timber-growing districts of Syria. It was this urgent necessity which led to her collisions with the Mesopotamian kings, and drew andtringo on mi- . •, , • J. i1 • 1 T jj -J.- liBioDs with the in its tram oi consequences the sieges, sacks, and captivities Bahyioniana. of Jerusalem, the metropolis of a little state lying directly between the contending powers, and alternately disturbed by each. Of the necessity of this Course of policy in the opinion of the Egyptian kings, we can have no better proof than the fact that Psammetichus himself continued the siege of Azotus for twenty -nine years ; that his son Necho reopened the canal between the Nile at Bubastes and the Eed Sea at openmgofthe Suez — ^it was wide enough for two ships to pass — and on be- ^"'^ *^™'^- ing resisted therein by the priests, who feared that it might weaken the country strategically, attempted the circumnavigation of Africa, and ac- tually succeeded in it. In those times such expeditions were not under- taken as mere matters of curiosity. Though this monarch also dispatch- ed investigators to ascertain the sources of the Nile, and determine the causes of its rise, it was doubtless in the hope of making such knowl- edge of use in a material or economical point of view, and therefore it may be supposed that the circumnavigation of Africa was un- circumnaviga. dertaken upon the anticipated or experienced failure of the "™°f^"»»- advantages expected to arise from the reopening of the canal ; for the great fleets which Necho and his father had built could not be advan- tageously handled unless they could be transferred as circumstances re- quired, either by the circumnavigation or by the canal, from one sea to the other. The time occupied in passing round the continent, which appears to have been three years, rendered the former method of little practical use. But the failure experienced, so far from detracting from the estimation in which we must hold those kings who could thus dis- play such a breadth of conception and vigor of execution, must even en- hance it. They resumed the policy of the conqueror Eameses II., who had many centuries before possessed the timber-growing countries, and 58 THE FALL OF EGYPT. whose engineers originally cut the canal from the Nile to the Eed Sea, HiBtoryofthe though the work cost 120,000 lives and countless treasuries Great canaL ^f money. The canal of Eameses, which, in the course of so piany centuries, had become filled up with sand, was thus cleaned out, as it was again in the reign of the Ptolemies, and again under the khalifs, and galleys passed from sea to sea. The Persians, under Darius Hys- taspes, also either repaired it, or, as some say, attempted a new work of the kind ; but their engineering must have been very defective, for they were obliged to abandon their enterprise after carrying it as far as the bitter lakes, finding that salt water would be introduced into the Delta. The Suez mouth of the canal of Eameses was protected by a system of hydraulic works, to meet difficulties arising from the variable levels both of the Nile and the Eed Sea. Well might the Egyptians, whose coun- try was the scene of such prodigious works of civil engineering, smile when the conceited Greeks boasted that Thales had taught them to meas- ure the height of their own Pyramids. The Egyptian policy continued by Pharaoh Hophra, who succeeded in the capture of Sidon, brought on hostilities with the Babylonian kings, now become thoroughly awakened to what was going on in Egypt — a coUision which occasioned the expulsion of the Egyptiai]? from Syria, and the seizure of the lower country by Nebuchadnezzar, who also took vengeance on King Zedekiah for the assistance Jerusa- lem had rendered to the Africans in their projects: that city was razed Attempts of the to the ground, the eyes of the king put out, and the people fouaMedL?;" carried captive to Babylon, B.C. 568. It is a striking ex- ranean shore, emplificatiou of the manner in which national policy will en- dure through changes of dynasties, that after the overthrow of Baby- lon by the Medes, and the transference of power to the Persians, the policy of controlling the Mediterranean was never for an instant lost sight of. Attempts were continually made, by operating alternately on the southern and northern shores, to push to the westward. The subse- quent history of Eome shows what would have been the consequences of an uncontrolled possession of the Mediterranean by a great maritime Egypt overthrown power. Ou the occasiou of a revolt of Egypt, the Persian bycamhyses. -^^^^ Cambyses so utterly crushed and desolated it, that from that day to this, though twenty-four centuries have intervened, it has never been able to recover its independence. The Persian ad- vance on the south shore toward Carthage failed because of the indis- position of the Phoenicians to assist in any operations against that city. We must particularly remark that the ravaging of Egypt by Cambyses was contemporaneous with tl}e cultivation of philosophy in the south- ern Italian towns — somewhat more than five hundred years feefore Christ. Among the incidents occurring during these struggles between the THE FALL OF TYKE. 59 Egyptian and Babylonian kings there is one deserving to be brougbt into conspicuous prominence, from the importance of its consequences in European history. It was the taking of Tyre by Nebu- Fan c* Tyre, chadnezzar. So long as that city dominated in the Mediterranean, it was altogether impossible for Greek maritime power to be developed. The strength of Tyre is demonstrated by her resistance to the whole Babylonian power for thirteen years, until " every head was bald and every shoulder peeled." The place was, in the _end, utterly destroyed. It was made as "bare as the top of a rock on which the fisherman spreads his nets. The blow thus struck at the heart of Tyrian commerce could not but be felt at the utmost extremities. Well might it be said that " the isles of the sea were troubled at her departure." It was during this time that Greece fairly emerged as a Mediterranean naval power. Nor did the inhabitants of New Tyre ever recover the ancient position. Their misfortunes had given them a rival. A re-establishment in an island on the coast was not a restoration of their supremacy. Carry- ing out what Greece instinctively felt to be her national policy, one of - the first acts of Alexander's Asiatic campaign, two hundred and fifty years subsequently, was the siege of the new city, and, after almost su- perhuman exertions, its capture, by building a mole from the main land. He literally leveled the place to the ground, a countless multitude was massacred, two thousand persons were crucified, and Tyrian influence disappeared forever from the Mediterranean. In early Greek history there are, therefore, two leading foreign events : 1st, the opening of the Egyptian ports, B.C. 670; 2d, the roreign epochs m downfall of old Tyre, B.C. 573. The effect of the first was '^'■''"' '^'=""7. chiefly intellectual ; that of the second was to permit the commence- ment of commercial prosperity and give life to Athens. At the dawn ©f European civilization, Egypt was, therefore, in process of decadence, gradually becoming less and less able to resist Antiquity of civ- . n T ■ T ^ ■ ilization and art its own interior causes of destruction, or the attempts of its in Egypt. Asiatic rivals, who eventually brought it to ruin. At the first histori- cal appearance of the country of the Nile it is hoary and venerable with age. The beautiful Scripture pictures of the journey of Abram and Sarai in the famine, the going down of Joseph, the exodus of the Israel- ites, all point to a long-settled system, a tranquil and prosperous state. Do we ask any proof of the condition of art to which the Egyptians had attained at the time of their earliest monuments, the masonry of the Great Pyramid, built thirty -four hundred years before Christ, has never yet been surpassed. So accurately was that wonder of the world laid down and constructed, that at this day the variation of the compass may«,ctually be determined by the position of its sides ; yet, when Jacob went into Egypt, that pyramid^ had been built as many centuries as have intervened from the birth of Christ to the present day. If we 60 INFLUENCE OF EGYPT ON EUROPE. turn from the monnments to their inscriptions, there are renewed evi. dences of antiquity. The hieroglyphic writing had passed through all its stagesof formation ; its. principles had become ascertained and settled long before we gain the first glimpse of it ; the decimal and duodecimo systems of arithmetic were in use ; the arts necessary in hydraulic engi- neering, massive architecture, and the ascertainment of the boundaries of land, had reached no "insignificant degree of perfection. Indeed, there would be but yery little exaggeration in affirming that we are practically as near the early Egyptian ages as was Herodotus himself. \ Well might the Egyptian priests say to the earliest Greek philosophers, "You Greeks are mere children, talkative and vain; you know nothing at all of the past." Traces of the prehistoric, premonumental life of Egypt are still pre- Prehistoric life Served in the relics of its language, and the well-known prin- of Egypt. ciples of its religion. Of the former, many of the words are referable to Indo-Germanic roots, an indication that the country at an early period must have been conquered from its indigenous African pos- sessors by intrusive expeditions from Asia, and this is supported by the remarkable principles of Egyptian religion. The races of Central Asia had at a very early time attained to the psychical stage of monotheism; Africa is only now emerging from the basest fetichism ; the negro priest is still a sorcerer and rain-maker. The Egyptian religion, as is well known, provided for the vulgar a suitable worship of complex idolatry, but for those emancipated from superstition it offered true and even noble conceptions. The coexistence of these apparent incoiflpatibilities in the same faith seems incapable of any other explanation than that of an amalgamation of two distinct systems, just as occurred again many ages subsequently under Ptolemy Soter. '■ As a critical attention is being bestowed by modern scholars upon inflaence of Egypt Egyptian rcmaius, we learn more trulv what is the place on tlie knowledge .:; F „ , , , ^ . , . , '^ , and art of Europe, m history 01 that venerable country, It is their boast that the day is not distant when there will be no more difficulty in translate : ing a page of hieroglyphics than in translating one of Latin or Greek I Even now, what a light has been thrown on all branches of ancient lit- erature, science, art, mythology, domestic life, by researches which it may I be said commenced only yesterday ! From Egypt, it now appears, were derived the prototypes of the Greek architectural orders, and even their ornaments and conventional designs; thence came the models of the' Greek and Etruscan vases ; thence came many of the ante-Homerio le- , gends — the accusation of the dead, the trial before the judges of hell; \ the reward and punishment of every nian, from the Pharaoh who had ^descended from his throne to the slave who had escaped from his chain j the dog Cerberus, the Stygian stream, .the Lake of Oblivion, the piece of money, Charon and his boat, the fields of Aahlu or Elysium, and the THE HIEEOGLYPHICS. 61 islands of the blessed ; thence came the first ritual for the dead, litanies to the sun, and painted or illuminated missals ; thence came the dogma of a,queen of heaven. What other country can offer such noble and en- during edifices to the gods ; temples with avenues of sphinxes ; massive pylons adorned with obelisks in front, which even imperial Eome and modern. Paris have not thought it beneath them to appropriate; porti- coes and halls of columns, on which were carved the portraits of kings and ef&gies of the gods? On the walls of the tombs still remain Pthah, the creator, and Neph, the divine spirit, sitting at the potter's wheel, turning clay to form men ; and Athor, who receives the setting sun into her arms; and Osiris, the judge of the dead. The granite statues have ■ outlived the gods ! Moreover, the hieroglyphics furnish us with intrinsic evidence that among this people arose the earliest attempts at the per- The hierogiypHcs. petuation and imparting of ideas by writing. Though doubtless it was in the beginning a mere picture-writing, like that of the Mexicans of our continent, it had already, at the first moment we meet with it, un- dergone a twofold development — ideographic and phonetic ; the one ex- pressing ideas, the other sounds. Under -the Macedonian kings the hieroglyphics had become restricted to religious uses, showing con- clusively that the old priesthood had never recovered the terrible blows struck against it by Cambyses and Ochus. From that time forth they were less and less known. It is said that one of the Eoman emperors was obliged to offer a reward for the translation of an obelisk. To the early Christian the hieroglyphic inscription was an abomination, as full of the relics of idolatry, and indicating an inspiration of the devil. He t defaced the monuments wherever he could make them yield ; and we are f indebted to the excess of his zeal for hiding the diabolical records on I the temples by plastering them over, which has preserved them for us. // In those enigmatical characters an extensive literature once existed, of which the celebrated books of Hermes were perhaps a corruption or a relic ; a literature embracing compositions on music, astronomy, cos- mogony, geography, medicine, anatoniy, chemistry, magic, and ipany other subjects that have amused the curiosity of man. Yet of those characters the most singular misconceptions have been entertained al-y most to our own times. Thus, in 1802, Palin. thought that the papyri were the Psalms of David done into Chinese, Lenoir that they wei'e He- brew documents ; it was even asserted that the inscriptions in the tem- ple of Denderah were the 100th Psalm, a pleasant ecclesiastical conceit, reminding him who has seen in Egyptian museums old articles of brass and glass, of the story delivered down from hand to hand, that brass was fifst made at the burning of Corinth, and glass first discovered by shipwrecked mariners, who propped their kettle, while it boiled, on pieces of nitre. 62 ANTIQUITY OF EGYPTIAN CIVILIZATION. Thousands of years have passed since the foundation of the first Egjrp. Antiquity of tiau dynastj. The Pyramids have seen the old empire, the monaSy!'"' Hycksos mouarchs, the New Empire, the Persian, the Macedo- nian, the Eoman, the Mohammedan. They have stood while the heav- ens themselves have changed. They were already " five hundred years old when the Southern Cross disappeared from the horizon of the coun- tries of the Baltic." The pole-star itself is a new-comer to them. Well may Humboldt, referring to these incidents, remark, that "the past seems to be visibly nearer to us when we thus connect its measurement with great and memorable events." No country has had such a varied history as this birthplace of European civilization. Through the dark- ness of fifty centuries we may not be able to discern the motives of men, but through periods very much longer we can demonstrate the condi- kions of Nature. If nations, in one sense, depend on the former, in a nigher sense they depend on the latter. It was not without reason that Causes of the rise the Egyptians took the lead in Mediterranean civihzation. of civilization, rpj^g geographical structure of their country surpasses even its hoary monuments in teaching us the conditions under which that people were placed. Nature is a surer guide than the traces of man, , whose works are necessarily transitory. The aspect of Egypt has I changed again and again; its structure, since man has inhabited it, nev- \ler. The fields have disappeared, but the land remains. Why was it that civilization thus rose on the banks of the Nile, and not upon those of the Danube or Mississippi? Civilization depends on climate and agriculture. In Egypt the harvests may ordinarily be foretold and controlled. Of few other parts of the world can the same be said. In most countries the cultivation of the soil is uncertain. From seed-time to harvest, the meteorological variations are so numer- ous and great, that no skill can predict the amount of yearly produce. Without any premonition, the crops may be cut off by long-continued droughts, or destroyed by too much rain. Nor is it sufficient that a requisite amount of water should fall ; to produce the proper effect, it must fall at particular periods. The labor of the farmer is at the mercy of the winds and clouds. With difficulty, therefore, could a civilized state originate under sucli circumstances. So long- as life is a scene of uncertainty, the hope of yesterday blighted by the realities of to-day, man is the maker of expe- dients, but not of laws. In' his solicitude as to his approaching lot, he has neither time nor desire to raise his eyes to the heavens to watch and record their phenomena ; no leisure to look upon himself, and consider what and where he is. In the imperious demand for a present support, he dares not venture on speculative attempts at ameliorating his state; ie is doomed to be a helpless, isolated, spell-bound savage, or, if not isola- ted, the companion of other savages as care-worn as himself. Under BEGINNING OF CIVILIZATION IN RAINLESS COUNTEIES. 63 such circumstances, if, however, once the preliminary conditions and mo- mentum of civilization be imparted to him, the very things which have hitherto tended to depress him produce an opposite effect. ' Instead of re- maining in sameness and apathy, the vicissitudes to which he is now ex- posed urge him onward ; and thus it is that, though the civilization of Eu- rope depended for its commencement on the sameness and stability of an African climate, the conquests of Nature which mark its more ad- vanced stage have been made in the trying life of the tempej-ate zone. There is a country in which man is not the sport of thf seasons, in which he need have no anxieties for his future well-being — ■ igncuiture in a a country in which the sunshines and heats vary .very littk ''^^'^^^ '=°™'^- from year to year. In the Thebaid heavy rain is said to be a prodigy. But, at the time when- the Dog-star rises with the sun, the river begins to swell ; a tranquil inundation by degrees covering the land, at once wa- tering and enriching it. If the Kilometer which measures the height \ of the flood indicates eight cubits, the crops will be scanty ; but if it \ reaches fourteen cubits, there will be a plentiful harvest. In the spring 1 of the year it may be known how the fields will be in the autumn. Ag- I riculture is certain in Egypt, and there man first became civilized. The f date, moreover, furnishes to Afirica a food almost without expense. | The climate renders it necessary to use, for the most part, vegetable diet, j and but little clothing is required. It is said that it costs less than three i dollars to raise a child to maturity. The American counterpart of Egypt in this physical condition is Peru, the 'coast of which is also a rainless district. Peru is RaMess countries the Egypt of civilization of the Western continent. There "f 'he west, is also a rainless strand on the Pacific coast of Mexico. It is an incident / full of meaning in the history of human progress, that, in regions far/// apart, civilization thus commenced in rainless countries. It is the hydrographic state of Upper Egypt, the cradle of civilization, that interests us. Here the influence of atmospheric water is altogether obliterated, for, in an agricultural point of view, the country is rainless. Variable meteorological conditions are here eliminated. Where the Mle breaks through the mountain gate at Essouan, it is observed that its waters begin to rise about the end of the inundations month of May, and in eight or nine weeks the inundation is at ""^eNUe. its height. This flood in the river is due to the great rains which have fallen in the mountainous countries among which the Nile takes its rise, and which have been precipitated from the trade-winds that blow, ex- cept where disturbed by the monsoons, over the vast expanse of the tropical Indian Ocean, Thus dried, the east wind pursues its solemn course over the solitudes of Central Africa, a cloudless and a rainless wind, its track marked by desolation and deserts. At first the river becomes red, and then green, because the flood of its great Abyssinian 64 GEOLOGICAL AGE OF EGYPT. brancli, the Blue Nile, arrives first ; but, soon after, that of the White Kile makes its appearance, and from the overflowing banks not only water, Gradual rise but Sb rich and fertilizing mud, is discharged. It is owing to of the whole , ,., . i i i in i i • t ' ■ country. the soiid material thus brought down that the river has raised its own bed in countless ages, and has embanked itself with shelving deposits that descend on either side toward the desert. For this reason it is that the inundation is seen on the edge of the desert first, and, as the flood rises, the whole country up to the river itself is laid under wa- ter. By the middle of September the supply begins to fail and the wa- ters abate; by the end of" October the stream has returned to its usual limits. The fields are left covered with a fertile deposit, the maximum quantity of which is about six inches thick in a hundred years. It is thought that the bed of the river rises four feet in a thousand years, and the fertilized land in its width continually encroaches on the desert. Since the reign of Amenophis III. it has increased by one third. He lived B.C. 1430. There have accumulated round the pedestal of his Co- lossus seven feet of mud. In the recent examinations made by the orders of the Viceroy of Egypt, close by the fallen statue of Eameses II., at Memphis, who reign- Geological age ed, accordiug to Lepsius, from B.C. 1394 to B.C. 1328, a shaft of Egypt. ^g^g gjjj^]^ ^Q j^Qj.g ^-j^^^ 24 feet. The water which then infil- trated compelled a resort to boring, which was continued until 41 feet 4J inches were reached. The whole consisted of Nile deposits, alternate layers of loam and sand of the same composition throughout. Froih the greatest depth a fragment of pottery was obtained. Ninety-five of these borings were made in various places, but on no occasion was solid rook reached. The organic remains were all recent ; not a trace of an ex- tinct fossil occurred, but an abundance of the residues of burnt bricks and pottery. In their examination from Essouan to Cairo, the French estimated the mud deposit to be five inches for each century. From an examination of the results at Heliopolis, Mr. Homer makes it 3.18 inch- es. The Colossus of Eameses II. is surrounded by a sediment nine feet four inches deep, fairly estimated. Its date of erection was about 3215 years ago, which gives 3^- inches per century. But beneath it similar I layers continue to the depth of 30 feet, which, at the same rate, would 1 give 13,500 years,' to A.D. 1854, at which time the examination was Imade. Every precaution seems to have been l^ken to obtain accurate results. The extent of surface affected by the inundations of the Nile is, in a Its geography aba geographical point of view, altogether insignificant! yet, topography. ^^^-^ ^ -^ ^^^ j^ constitutcd Egypt. Commencing at the Cataract of Essouan, at the sacred island of Philse, on which to this day here and there the solitary palm-tree looks down, it reached to the Medi- ' terranean Sea, from 24° 3' N. to 31° 37' N. The river runs in a valley, THE NILE. 65 bounded on one side by the eastern and on the other by the Libyan chain of mountains, and of which the average breadth is about seven miles, the arable land, however, not averaging more than five and a half At the widest place it is ten and three quarters, at the narrowest two. The entire surface of irrigated and fertile land in the Delta is 4500 square miles ; the arable land of Egypt, 2255 square miles ; and in the Eyoom, 340 — a surface quite insignificant, if measured by the American | standard, yet it supported seven millions of people. Here agriculture was so precise that it might almost be pronounced a mathematical art. The disturbances arising from atmospheric condi- tions were eliminated, and the variations, as connected with the supply of river-water, ascertained in advance. The priests proclaimed how the flood stood on the Nilometer, and the husbandman made corresponding preparations for a scanty or an abundant harvest. In such a state of things, it was an obvious step to improve upon the natural conditions by artificial means ; dikes, and canals, and flood- gates, with other hydraulic apparatus, would, even in the beginning of society, unavoidably be suggested, that, in one locality the water might be detained longer ; in another, shut off. when there was danger of ex- cess; in another, more abundantly introduced. There followed, as a consequence of this condition of things, the es- tablishment of a strong government, having a direct control control of agri- over the agriculture of the state by undertaking and sup- govMnmlnt. ° porting these artificial improvements, and sustaining itself by a tax cheer- fully paid, and regulated in amount by the quantity of water supplied from the river to each estate. Such, indeed, was the fundamental polit- ical system of the country. The first king of the old empire undertook to. turn the river into a new channel he made for it, a task which might seem to demand very able engineering, and actually accomplished it. It is more than five thousand years since Menesjived. There must have preceded his times many centuries, during which knowledge and skill had been increasing, before such a work could even have been contem- plated. I shall not indulge in any imaginary description of the manner in which, under such favorable circumstances, the powers of the TopograpMe- human mind were developed and civilization arose. In inac- oJ^j^^lf ^ cessible security, the inhabitants of this valley were protected ""^ '^"«- on the west by a burning sandy desert, on the east by the Eed Sea. Nor shall I say any thing more of those remote geological times when the newly-made river first flowed over a rocky and barren desert on its way to the Mediterranean Sea ; nor how, in the course of ages, it had by degrees laid down a fertile stratum, embanking itself in the rich soil it had .borne from the tropical mountains. Yet it is none the less true that such was the slow construction of Egypt as a habitable country ; E 66 ITS INUNDATIONS LEAD TO STAE-WORSHIP. such were the gradual steps by which it was fitted to become the seat of man. The pulse of its life-giving artery makes but one laeat in a "'''^'year ; what, then, are a few hundreds of centuries in such a process? The Egyptians had, at an early period, observed that the rising of the The inundations Nilc coiucided with the heliacal rising of Sirius, the Dog- oTaStrottomy" '' star, and hence they very plausibly referred it to celestial agencies. Men are ever prone to mistake coincidences for causes ; and thus it came to pass that the appearance of that star on the horizon at the rising of the sun was not only viewed as the signal, but as the cause of the inundations. Its coming to the desired position might, therefore, be well expected, and it was soon observed that this took place witli regularity at periods of about 360 days. This was the first determina- tion of .the length of the year. It is worthy of remark, as showing how astronpmy and religious rites were in the beginning connected together, that the priests of the mysterious temple of Philse placed before the tomb of Osiris every morning 360 vases of milk, each one commemora- ting one day, thus showing that the origin of that rite was in those re- mote ages when it was thought that the year was 360 days long. It iwas doubtless such circumstances that led the Egyptians to the cultivaf tion of historical habits. In this they differed from the Hindus, who kept no records of occurrences. The Dog-star Sirius is the most splendid star in the heavens ; to the Tiie philosophy Egyptian the inundation was the most important event upon of star-worship, earth. Mistaking a coincidence foi; a cause, he was led to the belief that when that brilliant star emerged in the morning from the rays of the sun, and began to assert its own inherent power, the sympa- thetic river, moved thereby, commenced to rise. A false inference lite this soon dilated into a general doctrine ; for if one star could in this way manifest a direct control over the course of terrestrial affairs, why should not another— indeed, why should not all ? Moreover, it could not have escaped notice that the daily tides of the Eed Sea are connected with the movements ^nd position of the sun and moon, following those luminaries in the time of their occurrence, and being determined by their respect- ive position for amount at spring and at neap. But the necessary result of such a view is no other than the admission of the a'^trological influ- .; ence of the heavenly bodies ; first, as respects inanimate nature, and then as respects the fortune and fate of men.' It is not until the vast distance ; of the starry bodies is suspected that man begins to feel the necessity of a mediator between him and them, and star-worship passes to its second phase. To what part of the world could the Egyptian travel without seeing in the skies the same constellations? Far from the banks of the Nile, ift , the western deserts, in Syria, in Arabia, the stars are the same. They are omniprasent; for we may lose sight of the things of the earth, but EGYPTIAN THEOLOGY AND' RELIGION. 67 not of those of the heavens. The air of fate-like precision with which their appointed movements are accomplished, their solemn silence, their incomprehensible distances, might satisfy an observer that they are far removed from the influences of all human power, though, perhaps, they may be invoked by human prayer. Thus star -worship found for itself a plausible justification. The Egyptian system, at its highest development, combined the adoration of the heavenly bodies — the sun, the moon, Venus, etc., with prfncipieB of Egyp. the deified attributes of God. The great and venerable ""-i theology.- divinities, as Osiris, Pthah, Amun, were impersonations of such attri- butes, just as we speak of the Creator, the Almighty. It was held that not only has God never appeared -upon earth in the human form, but that such is altogether an impossibility, since he is the animating prin- ciple of the entire universe, visible nature being only a manifestation of him. These impersonated attribiites were arranged in various trinities, in each of which the third member is a procession from the goi Trinities other two, the doctrine and even expressions in this respect ™'i"'™ pei-sona. being full of interest to one who studies the gradual development of comparative theology in Europe. Thus from Amun by Maut proceeds Khonso, from Osiris by Isis proceeds Horus, from Neph by Sat^ pro- ceeds Anouk^. While, therefore, it was considered unlawful to repre- sent God except by his attributes, these trinities and their persons offer- ed abundant means of idolatrous worship for the vulgar. It was ad- mitted that there had been terrestrial manifestations of these divine at- tributes for the salvation of men. Thus Osiris was incarnate in the flesh : he fell a sacrifice to the evil principle, and, after his death and res- urrection, became the appointed judge of the dead. In his capacity of j President of the West, or of the region of the setting stars, he dwells in ' the under world, which is traversed by the sun at night. The Egyptian priests affirmed that nothing is ever annihilated ; to die is therefore only to assume a new form. Herodotus says that they were the first to discover that the soul is immortal, their conception of it be- ing that it is an emanation from or a particle of the universal soul, which ■in a less degree animates all animals and plants, and even inorganic things. Their dogma that there had been divine incarnations incamations: ,»- . ° ^ _ ° - . fall of man ; obliged them to assert that there had been a fall of man, this redemption, seeming to be necessary to obtain a logical argument in justification of ; •prodigies so great. For the relief of the guilty soul, they prescribed in this life fasts and penances, and in the future a transmigration through animals for purification. At death, the merits of the soul were ascer- tained by a formal trial before Osiris in the shadowy region of Tj^g f^^^^ Amenti — the under world — in presence of the four genii of that J"^s™™*- realm, and of forty -two assessors. To this judgment the shade was con- 68 THE TBIAL OF THE DEAD — CEEEMONIES, ducted by Horus, who carried him past Cerberus, a hippopotamus, the gaunt guardian of the gate. He stood by in silence while Anubis weigh- ed his heart in the scales of justice. If his good works preponderated, he was dismissed to the fields of Aahlu— the Elysian Fields ; if his evil, he was condemned to transmigration. But that this doctrine of a judgment in another world might not d&. cline into an idle legend, it was enforced by a preparatory trial in this ,^a trial of fearful and living import. From the sovereign to the mean- / The trial of ^st subjgct,* evcry man underwent a sepulchral inquisition. As 1 dead. gQQ^ ag any one died, his body was sent to the embalmer's, who kept it for forty days, and for thirty-two in addition the family mourn- ed ; the mummy, in its coffin, was placed erect in an inner chamber of the house. Notice was then sent to the forty-two assessors of the dis- trict ; and on an appointed day, the corpse was carried to the sacred lake, of which every nome, and, indeed, every large town, had one to- ward the west. Arrived on its shore, the trial commenced; any person might bring charges against the deceased, or speak in his behalf; but woe to the false accuser. The assessors then passed sentence according to the evidence before them ; if they found an evil life, sepulture was denied, and, in the midst of social disgrace, the friends bore back the mummy to their home, to be redeemed by their own good works in fu- ture years ; or, if too poor to give it a place of refuge, it was buried on Origin of the ^^ margin of the lake, the culprit ghost waiting and wander-' Greek Hades, jjjg -f-Qj, g^ hundred ycars. On these Stygian shores the bones of some are still dug up in our day ; they have remained unsepulckred for more than thirty times their predestined century. Even to wicked tings a burial had thus .been denied. But, if the verdict of the assess- ors was favorable, a penny was paid to the boatman Charon for fer- riage ; a cake was provided for the hippopotamus Cerberus ; they row- ed across the lake in the baris, or death-boat, the priest announcing to Osiris and the unearthly assessors the good deeds of the deceased. Ar- riving on the opposite shore, the procession walked in solemn silence, and the mummy was then deposited in its final resting-place — ^thecata- combs. From this it may be gathered that the Egyptian religion did not t^, main a mere speculative subject, but was enforced on the people by the Ceremonies, creeds, i^ost solcmn cercmonies. Morcover, in the great tem- oracies, prc^heoy. pjgg^ grand proccssional services were celebrated, the pr& cursors of some that still endure. There were sacrifices of meat-offf '_ ings, libations, incense. The national double creed, adapted in one branch to the vulgar, in the other to the learned, necessarily implied mysteries ; some^ of these were avowedly transported to Greece. The machinery of oracles was resorted to. The Greek oracles were of Egyp- tian origin. » So profound was the respect paid to their commands that GREEK AGE OP INQUIRY. 69 even, the sovereigns were obliged to obey them. It was thus that a warning from the oracle of Amun caused Necho to stop the construc- tion of his canal. For the determination of future events, omens were studied, entrails inspected, and nativities were cast. CHAPTER IV. GREEK AGE OF INQUIRY. EISE AHD DECLISE OF PHYSICAL SPECULATION. Ionian Philosophy, commencing from Egyptian Ideas, identifies in Water, or Air, or Fire, the First Principle. — Emerging /rom the Stage of Sorcery, itjbunds Psychology, Biology, Cos- mogony, Astronomy, and ends in doubting whether there is any Criterion of Truth. Italian Philosophy depends on Numbers and Harmonies. — It reproduces the Egyptian and Hindu 'Doctrine of Transmigration. Eleatic VmLOSOVST presents a great Advance, indicating a rapid Approach to Oriental Ideas. — It assumes a Pantheistic Aspect. Rise op Philosophy in European Gkeece — Relations and Influence of the Mediterranean Commercial and Colonial System. — Athens attains to commercial Supremacy. — Her vast Progress in Intelligence and Art. — Her Demoralization. — She becomes the Intellectual Centre of the Mediterranean. Commencement of the Athenian higher Analysis. — It is conducted by the Sophists, who reject Philosophy, Heligion, and even Morality, and end in Atheism. Political Dangers of the higher Analysis.— -Illustration from the Middle Ages. In Chapter II. I have described the origin and decline of Greek My- thology ; in this, I am to relate the first European attempt at 0,^^,^ „( Greek philosophizing. The Ionian systems spring directly out of p'''ic=°p''y- the contemporary religious opinions, and appear as a, phase in Greek comparative theology. Contrasted with the psychical condition of India, we can not but be struck with the feebleness of these first European efforts. They corre- spond to that moment in which the mind has shaken off its ideas of sor- cery, but has not advanced beyond geocentral and anthropocentral con- ceptions. As is uniformly observed, as soon as man has ita imperfections. collected what he considers to be reliable data, he forthwith applies them to a cosmogony, and develops pseudo-scientific systems. It is not until a later period that he awakens to the suspicion that we have no absolute knowledge of truth. The reader, who might, perhaps, be repelled by the apparent worth- lessness of the succession of Greek opinions now to be described, will find them as^lJhie an interest, if considered in the aggregate, or viewed as a series of steps or stages of European approach to conclusions long before arrived at in Egypt and India. Far in advance of any thing that Greece can offer, the intellectual history of India furnishes systems 70 THE PHILOSOPHY OF THALES. \ at once consistent and imposing — systems not remaining useless specu- lations, but becoming inwoven in social life. Greek philosophy is considered as having originated with Thales, Commences in "^^^i though of Phoenician descent, was born at Miletus, a Asia Minor, (jj-gek colouy iu Asia Minor, about B.C. 640. At that time, as related in the last 'chapter, the Egyptian ports had been opened to foreigners by Psammetichus. In the civil war which that monarch had been waging with his colleagues, he owed his success to the Ionian and Other Greek mercenaries whom he had employed ; but, though proving victor in the contest, his political position was such as to compel him to ' depart from the -maxims followed in his country for so many thousand years, and to permit foreigners to have access to it. Hitherto the Euro- peans had been only known to the Egyptians as pirates and cannibals. Prom the doctrine of Thales, it may be inferred that, though he had Doctrine of "visited Egypt, he had never been in communication with its Thales sources of learning, but had merely mingled among the vulgar, from whom he had gathered the popular notion that the first principle is water. The state of things in Egypt suggests that this primitive is derived dogma of Buropcau philosophy was a popular notion in that from Egypt. couhtTy. "With but little care on the part of men, the fertiliz- ing Nile-water yielded those abundant crops which made Egypt the granary of the Old World. It might therefore be said, both philosoph- ically and facetiously, that the first principle of all things is water. Importance of The harvcsts depended on it, and, through them, animals and waterinEgypt. ^^^^ rpj^g government of the country was supported by it, for the financial system was founded on a tax paid by the proprietors of the .land for the use of the public sluices and aqueducts. There was not a .peasant to whom it was not apparent that water is the first prin- ciple of all things, even of taxation ; and, since it was not only neces- sary to survey lands to ascertain the surface that had been irrigated, but to redetermine their boundaries after the subsidence of the flood, even the scribes and surveyors might concede that geometry itself was indebted for its origin to water. If, therefore, in- any part of the Old World, this doctrine had both a vulgar and a philosophical significance, that country was Egypt. We may picture to ourselves the inquisitive but ill-instructed Thales carried in some pirate-ship or trading-bark to the mysterious Nile, respecting which Ionia was full of legends and myths. He saw the aqueducts, canals, flood-gates, the great Lake Mceris, dug by the hand of man as many ages before his day as have elapsed from his day to ours; he saw on all sides the adoration paid to the river, for it had a(?hially become deiEed ; he learned from the vulgar, with whom he alone came in'cto- ^toirthe'tot *'^°*' *^^^^ universal beUef that all things arise from water- principie. from the vulgar alone, for, had he ever been taught by the IT IS DERIVED FROM EGYPT. 71 priests, we should have found traces in his system of the doctrines of emanation, transmigration, and absorption, imported into Greece in later times. We may interpret the story of Thales on the principles which would apply in the case of some intelligent Indian who should find his way to the outposts of a civilized country. Imperfectly acquainted with the language, and coming in contact with the lower class alone, he might learn their vulgar philosophy, and carry back the fancied treasure to his home. As to the profound meaning some have been disposed to extract from the dogma of Thales, we shall, perhaps, be warranted in rejecting it altogether. It has been affirmed that he attempted to concentrate all supernatural powers in one ; to reduce all possible agents to unity ; in short, out of polytheism to bring forth monotheism ; 'to determine the invariable in the variable ; and to ascertain the beginning of things : that he observed how infinite is the sea ; how necessary moisture is to growth ; nay, even how essential it was to the well-being of himself; " that without moisture his own body would not have been what it was, . but a dfy husk falling to pieces." Nor can we adopt the opinion that the intention of Thales was to establish a coincidence betweeii. philoso- phy and the popular theology as delivered by Hesiod, who affirms that Oceanus is one of the parent-gods of Nature. The imputation of irre- ligion made against him shows at what an early period the antagonism of polytheism and scientific inquiry was recognized. But it is possible I, to believe that all things are formed out of one primordial substance,!'' without denying the existence of a creative power. Or, to use the In- dian illustration, the clay is not the potter. Thales is said to have predicted the solar eclipse which terminated a battle between the Medes and Lydians, but it has been suggestively re- marked that it is not stated that he predicted the day on which it should occur. He had an idea that warmth originates from or is other doownea nourished by humidity, and that even the sun and stars de- °fi''^i^<*- rived their aliment out of the sea at the time of their rising and setting. Indeed, he regarded them as living beings ; obtaining an argument from the phenomena of amber and the magnet, supposed by him to possess a living soul, because they have a moving force. Moreover, he taught that the whole world is an insouled thing, and that it is full of demons. Thales had, therefore, not completely passed out of the stage of sorcery. His system obtained importance not only from its own plausibility, but because it was introduced under favorable auspices and at a favora- ble time. It came into Asia Minor as a portion of the wisdom of Egypt, . and therefore with a prestige sufficient to assure for it an attentive re- ception. But this would have been of little avail had not the mental culture of Ionia been advanced to a degree suitable for offering to it con- ditions of development. Under such circumstances the Egyptian dog- ma formed the starting-point for a special method of philosophizing. ill 72 THE PHILOSOPHY OF ANAXIMENES. The manner in which that development took place illustrates the vig. They constitute the Or of the Grecian mind. In Egypt a doctrine might exist loS^ISSphy. for thousands of years, protected by its mere antiquity from controversy or even examination, and' hence sink with the lapse of time into an ineffectual and lifeless state ; but the same doctrine brought into a young community full of activity would quickly be made productive and yield new results. As seeds taken from the coffins of mummies, wherein they have been shut up for thousands of years', when placed under circumstances favorable for development in a rich soil, and ' 'nfeupplied with moisture, have forthwith, even in our own times, germi- ' ^ated, borne flowers, and matured new seeds, so the rude philosophy of Thales passed through a. like development. Its tendency is shown, in the attempt it at once made to describe the universe, even before the parts thereof had been determined. But it is not alone the water or ocean that seems to be infinite, and capable of furnishing a supply for the origin of all other things. The air, also, appears to reach as far as the stars. On it, as Anaximenes of Miletus remarks, "the very earth itself floats like a broad leaf.", Ac- Anaximenes ' cordiugly, this Ionian, stimulated doubtless by the hope of airTs'thtfirst sharing in or succeeding to the celebrity that Thales had en-, prmcipie. joycd for a century, proposed to substitute for water, as the primitive source of things, a'tmospheric air. And, in truth, there seem to be reasons for bestowing upon it such a pre-eminence. To those who ihave not looked closely into the matter, it would appear that water it- self is generated from it, as when clouds are formed, and from them rain-drops, and springs, and fountains, and rivers, and even the sea. He , also attributes infinity to it, a dogma scarcely requiring any exercise of '/the imagination, but being rather the expression of an ostensiblejfact; ' for who, when he looks upward, can discern the boundary of the atmos- ; phere. Anaximenes also held that even the human soul itself is^ noth- it is also the souL ing but air, since life consists in inhaling and exhaling it, and ceases as soon as that process stops. He taught also that warmth ; and cold arise from mere rarefaction and condensation, and gave as a I proof the fact that when we breathe with the lips drawn together the I air is cold, but it becomes warm when we breathe through the widely- opened mouth. Hence he concluded that, with a sufficient rarefaction, air might turn into fire, and that this probably was the origin of the sun < and stars, blazing comets, and other meteors ; but if by chance it should undergo condensation, it would turn into wind and clouds, or, if th^ operation should be still more increased, into water, snow, hail, and, at last, even into earth itself And since it is seen from the results d breathing that the air is a life-giving principle to man, nay, even is ac- The air is God. tually his soul, it would appear to be a just inference that the infinite air is God, and that the gods and goddesses have sprung from it THE Philosophy op diogenes of apollonia. 73 Such was the philosophy of Anaximenes. It was the beginning of that stimulation of activity by rival schools which played so distin- guished a part in the Greek intellectual movement. Its superiority over the doctrine of Thales evidently consists in this, that it not only assigns a primitive substance, but even undertakes' to show by observa- tion and experiment how others arise from it, and transformations occur. As to the discovery of the obliquity of the ecliptic by the aid of a gno- mon imputed to Anaximenes, it was merely a boast of his vainglorious coimtrymen. It was altogether beyond the scientific grasp of one who had no more exact idea of the nature of the earth than that it was "like a broad leaf floating in the air." The doctrines of Anaximenes received a very important development in the hands of Diogenes of ApoUonia, who asserted that all things originate from one essence, which, undergoing continual changes, be- coming different at different times, turns back again to the same state. He regarded the entire world as a living being, spontane- Diogenes asserts , ° . . . . . • ,n 1 1 ■ 1 that air ia the ously evolvmg and transiormmg itseli, and agreed with souioftheworia. Anaximfenes that the soul of man is nothing but air, as is also the soul of the world. From this it follows that the air must be eternal, imper- ishable, and endowed with consciousness. "It knows much; for with- out reason it would be impossible for all to be arranged so duly and proportionately as that all should maintain its fitting measure, winter and summer, night and day, the r^in, the wind, and fair weather; and whatever object we consider will be found to have been ordered in the -best and most beautiful manner possible." " But that which has knowl- edge is > that which men call air; it is it that regulates aijd governs all, and hence it is the use of air to pervade all, and to dispose aU, and to be in all, for there is nothing that has not part in it." The early cultivator of philosophy emerges with difiiculty from fe- tichism. The harmony observed among the parts of the Difficulty of risiug world is easily explained on the hypothesis of a spiritual *''°™ fetichiam. principle residing in things, and arranging them by its intelligent voli- tion. It is not at once that he rises to the conception that all this beau- 1, ty and harmony are due to the operation of law. "We are so prone to*^ judge of the process of external things from the modes of our own per- 1 sonal experience, our acts being determined by the exercise of our will, 1/ that it is with difficulty we disentangle ourselves from such notions in the explanation of natural phenomena. Fetichism may be observed in the infancy of many of the natural sciences. Thus the electrical power of amber was imputed to a soul residing in that substance, a similar ex- planation being also given of the control of the magnet over iron. The movements of the planetary bodies. Mercury, Yenus, Mars, were attrib- uted to an intelligent principle residing in each, guiding and controlling the motions, and ordering all things for the best. It was an epoch in 74 OEIGIN OF PSYCHOLOGY. the history of the human mind when astronomy set an example to all other sciences of shaking off its fetichism, and showing that the intricate Astronomy and ohem- movcments of the heavcnlv bodies were all capable not yond the fetich stage, only of being explained, but even foretold, if once was admitted the existence of a simple, yet universal, invariable, and eternal law. Not without difficulty do men perceive that there is nothing incon- sistent between invariable law and endlessly varying phenomena, and that it is a more noble view of the government of this world to im- pute its order to a penetrating primitive wisdom, which could foresee consequences throughout a future eternity, and provide for them in the original plan at the outset, than to invoke the perpetual intervention of an ever-acting spiritual agency for the purpose of warding off niisfor- tunes that might happen, and setting things "to rights. Chemistry, in like manner, furnishes us with a striking example — ;an example vew opportune in the case we are considering — of the doctrine of Diogenes of ApoUonia, that the air is actually a spiritual being ; for, on the dis- covery of several of the gases by the earlier experimenters, they were not. only regarded as of a spiritual nature, but actually received ty name under yyhich they pass to this day, gheist or gas, from a beUef that they were ghosts. If a laborer descended into a well and was suffo- cated, as if struck dead by some invisible hand ; if a lamp lowered down burnt for a few moments with a lurid flame, and was then extinguished; if, in a coal mine, when the unwary workman exposed a light, on a sud- den the place was filled with flashing flames and thundering explosions, tearing down the rocks and destroying every living thing in the way, often, too, without leaving on the dead any marks of violence; what better explanation could be given of such catastrophes than to impute them to some supernatural agent? Nor was there any want, in those times, of well-authenticated stories of unearthly faces and forms seen in such solitudes. The modification made by Diogenes in the theory of Anaximenes, by Origin of converting it from a physical into a psychological system,.is im- psyciioiogy. portant, as marking the beginning of the special philosophy of Greece. The investigation of the intellectual development of the uni- verse led Greeks to the study of the intellect itself. In his special doctrine, Diogenes imputed the changeability of the air to its mobility; a property in which he thought it excelled all other substances, because It IS among the rarest or thinnest of the elements. It is, however, said by some, who are disposed to transcendentalize his doctrine, that he did not mean the common atmospheric air, but something more attenuated and warm ; and since, in its purest state, it constitutes the most perfect intellect, inferior degrees of reason must be owing to an increase of its density and moisture. Upon such a principle, the whole earth is ani- THE PHYSIOLOGICAL EELATIONS OF THE AIB. . 75 mated by the breath of life ; the souls of the brutes, -vvhich differ from one another so much in intelligence, are only air in its various condi- tions of moisture and warmth. He explained the production of the world through condensation of the earth by cold from air, the warmth rising upward and forming the sun ; in the stars he thought he recog- nized the respiratory organs of the world. From the preponderance of moist air in the constitution of brutes, he inferred that they were, like the insane, incapable of thought, for thickness of the air impedes respira- tion, and therefore quick apprehension. From the fact that plants have no cavities wherein to receive the air, and are altogether unintelligent, he was led to the principle that the thinking power of man arises from the flowing of that substance throughout the body in the blood. He also explained the superior intelligence of men from their breathing a purer air than, the beasts, which carry their nostrils near the ground. In these crude aiid puerile speculations we have the beginning of men- tal philosophy. I can not dismiss the system of the Apollonian without setting in contrast with it the discoveries of modern science respect- Modem discover- ing the relations of the air. Toward the world ot^life it tionspftheair. stands in a position of wonderful interest. Decomposed intp its con- ■ stituents by the skill of chemistry, it is no longer looked upon as a homogeneous body ; its ingredients have not only been separated, but the functions they discharge have been ascertained. From one of these, carbonic acid, all the various forms of plants arise ; that substance being decomposed by the rays of the sun, and furnishing to vegetables carbon, their chief solid ingredient. For this it may be said, that all those beautifully diversified organic productions, from the mosses of the icy regions to the characteristic palms of the landscapes of the tropioe — all those we cast away as worthless weeds, and those for the obtaining of which we expend the sweat of our brow-* all, without any exception, are obtained from the atmosphere by the influence of the sun. And since without plants the life of animals could not be main- Dependence of an- tained, they constitute the means by which the aerial ma- '""^ ""'' '"'""'• terial, vivified, as it may be said, by the rays of the sun, is conveyed even into the composition of man himself. As food, they serve to re- pair the wastes of the body necessarily 'occasioned in the acts of moving and thinking. For a time, therefore, these ingredients, once a part of the structure of plants, enter as essential constituents in the structure of animals. Yet it is only in a momentary way, for the essential condition of animal activity is that there shall be unceasing interstitial death ; not a finger can be lifted without the waste of muscular material ; not a thought arise without the destruction of cerebral substance. From the animal system the products of decay are forthwith removed, often by mechanisms of the most exquisite construction ; but their uses are not 76 , THE PHILOSOPHY OF HEEACLITUS. ended, for sooner or later they find their way back again into the air, and again serve for the origination of plants. It is needless to trace these changes in all their details ; the same order or cycle of progress holds good for the water, the ammonia ; they pass from the inorganic to the living state, and back to the inorganic again ; now the same par- ticle is found in the air, next aiding in the composition of a plant, then in the body of an animal, and.back in the air once more. In this per- petual revolution material particles run, the dominating influence de- termining and controlling their movement being in that great centre of Agency of our systcm, the sun. From him, in the summer days, plants re- the sun. ceivc, and, as it were, store up that warmth which, at a subse- quent time, is to reappear in the glow of health of man, or to be rekin- dled in the blush of shame, or to consume in the burning fever. *Nor is there any limit of time. The heat we derive from the combustion of stubble came from the sun as it were only yesterday ; but that with which we moderate the rigor of winter when we burn anthracite or bi- tuminous coal was also derived from the same source in the ultra-trop- ical climate of the secondary times, perhaps a thousand centuries ago. . / In such perpetually recurring cycles are the movements of material things accomplished, and all takes place under the dominion of invaria- ble law. The air is the source whence all organisms have come ; it is the receptacle to which they all return. Its parts are awakened into life, not hj the influence of any terrestrial agency or principle concealed in itself, as Diogenes supposed, but by a star which is a hundred millions of miles distant, the source direct or indirect of every terrestrial move- ment, and the dispenser of light and life. To Thales and Diogenes, whose primordial elements were water and air r«spectively, we must add Heraclitus of Ephesus, who maintained Heraciitus as- that the first principle is fire. He illustrated the tendency Tthe'tot*''^ which Greek philosophy had already assumed of oppositioii;to principle. Polytheism and the idolatrous practices of the age. It is said that in his work, ethical, political, physical, and theological subjects were so confused, and so great was the difdculty of understanding his mean- ing, that he obtained the surname of " the Obscure." In this respect he has had among modern metaphysicians many successors. He' founds his system, however, upon the simple axiom that "all is convertible into- fire, and fire into all." Perhaps by the term fire he understood what is at present meant by heat, for he expressly says that he does not mean flame, but something merely dry and warm. He considered that this principle is in a state of perpetual activity, forming and absorbing every Tiie fictitious per- individual thing. He says, " All is and' is not ; for, though manence of sue- . - ^ 7 J o cesBive fonna. it docs m truth comc luto- being, yet it forthwith ceases tp be." " No one has ever been twice on the same stream, for different waters are constantly flowing down. It dissipates its waters and gath- HIS PHYSIOLOGICAL DOOTEINES. 77 ers them again, it approaches and recedes, overflows and fails." And to teach lis that we ourselves are changing and have changed, he says, " On the same stream we embark and embark not, we are and we are not." By snch illustrations he implies that life is only an unceasing motion, and we can not fail to remark that the Greek turn of thought is fast fol- lowing that of the Hindu. But Heraclitus totally fails to free himself from local conceptions. He speaks of the motion of the primordial principle in the upward and downward directions, in the higher and lower regions. He says that the chief accumulation thereof i/ above, and the chief deficiency below, and hence he regards the soul of man as a portion of fire migrated from heaven. He carries his ideas of the transitory nature of all phenomena to tkeir last consequences, and illustrates the noble doctrine that all which appears to us to be permanent is only a regulated and self-renew- ing concurrence of similar and opposite motions by such extravagances as that the sun is daily destroyed and renewed. In the midst of many wild physical statements many true axioms are dehvered. " All is ordered by reason and intelligence, though physical and all is subject to Fate," Already he perceived what the meta- Snef^' physicians of our own times are illustrating, that "man's, mind n«''i»<'i''°«- can produce no certain knowledge from its own interior resources alone." He regarded the organs of sense as being the channels through which the outer life of the world, and therewith truth, enters into the mind, and that in sleep, when the organs of sense are closed, we are shut out from all communion with the surrounding universal spirit. In his view ev- ery thing is animated and insouled, but to different degrees, organic ob- jects being most completely or perfectly. His astronomy may be antic- ipated from what has been said respecting the sun, which he moreover regarded as being scarcely more than a foot in diameter, and, like all other celestial objects, a mere meteor. His moral system was altogeth> er based upon the physical, the fundamental dogma being the excellence of fire. Thus he accounted for the imbecility of the drunkard by hia having a moist soul, and drew the inference that a warm or dry soul is the wisest and best ; with a justifiable patriotism asserting that the no- blest souls must belong to a climate that is dry, intending thereby to in. dicate that Greece is man's fittest and truest country. There can be no doubt that in Heraclitus there is a strong tendency to the doctrine of a soul of the world. If the divinity is undistinguishable from heat, whith- er can we go to escape its influences? And in the restless, activity and incessant changes it produces in every thing within our reach, do we not recognize the tokens of the illimitable and unshackled ? I have lingered on the chief features of the early Greek philosophy as exhibited in the physical school of Ionia. They serve to impress upon us its intrinsic imperfection. It is a mixture of the physical, met- 78- THE PHILOSOPHY OF ANAXIMANDEE. aphysical, and mystical, which, upon the whole, has no other value to us ■. Thepueriutyofio- ttan this, that it shows us how feeble were the beginnings man phuoaophy. ^f q^j, knowledge — ^that we commenced with the importa- tion of a few vulgar errors from Egypt. In presence of the utilitarian philosophy of that country and the theology, of India, how vain and even childish are these germs of scien'ce in Greece! Yet this very im- perfection is not without its use, since it warns us of the inferior posi- tion in which we stand as respects the time of our civilization when , compared with those ancient states, and teaches us to reject the doctrine : which so many European scholars have wearied themselves in estab- I lishing, that Greece led the way to all human knowledge of any value. ( Above all, it impresses upon us more appropriate, because more humhle I views of our present attainments and position, and gives us to xiMei- j stand that other races of men not only preceded us in intellectual cul- ture, but have equaled, and perhaps surpassed every thing that we have i yet done in mental philosophy. ' Of the other founders of Ionic sects it may be observed that, though' they gave to their doctrines ^different forms, the method of reasonifig was essentially the same in them all. Of this a better illustration could not be given than in the philosophy of Anaxiniander of Miletus, who was contemporary with Thales. He started with the postulate that Anarimander's thiugs arosc by Separation from a universal mixture of all : Infinite. his primordial principle was therefore chaos, though he veil- ed it in the metaphysically obscure designation "The Infinite." The want of precision in this respect gave rise to much difference of opinion as to his tenets. To his. chaos he imputed an internal energy, by which its parts spontaneously separated from each other; to those parts he imputed absolute unchangeability. He taught that the earth is of a cylindrical form, its base being one third of its altitude ; it is retained in the centre of the world by the air in an equality of distance from all the boundaries of the universe ; that the fixed stars and planets re- volved round it, each being fastened to a crystalline ring; and beyond them, in like manner, the moon, and, still farther off, the sun. He con- origin of C03- ccivcd of an opposition between the central and circumferen- mogony. ^^^-^ rogions, the former being naturally cold, and the latter hot; indeed, in his opinion, the settling of the cold parts to the centre, and the ascending of the hot, gave origin, respectively, to the formation of the earth and shining celestial bodies ; the latter first existing as a complete shell or sphere, which, undergoing destruction, broke up into . stars. Already we perceive the tendency of Greek philosophy to shape itself into systems of cosmogony, founded upon the disturbance of the chaotic matter by heat and cold. , Nay, more, Anaximander explained Origin of biology, the Origin of living creatures on like principles, for the sun's heat, acting upon the primal miry earth, produced filmy bladders THE PHILOSOPHY OF ANAXAGOEAS. 79 or bubbles, and these, becoming surrounded with a prickly rind, at length burst open, and, as from an egg, animals came forth. At first they were ill formed and imperfect, but subsequently elaborated and developed. As to man, so far from being produced in his perfect shape, he was ejected as a fish, and under that folfai continued in the muddy water until he was capable of supporting himself on dry land. Besides "the Infinite" being thus the cause of generation, it was also the cause of destruction : '^ things must all return whence they came, according to destiny; for they must all, in order of time, undergo due penalties and expiations of wrong-doing." This expression obviously contains a moral consideration, and is an exemplification of the commencing feeble interconnection between physical and moral philosophy. Agt to the. more solid discoveries attributed to this philosopher, we may dispose of them in the same manner that we have dealt with the like facts in the biographies of his predecessors — ^they are idle inven- tions of his vainglorious countrymen. That he was the first to make maps is scarcely consistent with the well-known fact that the Egyptians had cultivated geometry for that express purpose thirty centuries before he was born. As to his inventing sun-dials, the shadow had gone back -on that of Ahaz a long time before. In reality, the sun-dial was a very- ancient Oriental invention. And as to his being the first to make an exact calculation of the size and distance of the heavenly bodies, it need only be remarked that those who have so greatly extolled his labors must have overlooked how incompatible such discoveries are with a, system which assumes that the earth is cylindrical in shape, and kept in the midst of the heavens by the atmosphere ; that the sun is farther off than the fixed stars; and that each of the heavenly bodies is made to revolve by means of a crystalline wheel. The philosopher whose views we have next to consider is Anaxago- ras of Clazomene, the friend and master of Pericles, Euripides, and Socrates. Like several of his predecessors, he had visited Egypt. •Among his disciples were numbered some of the most eminent men of those times. The fundainental principle of his philosophy was the recognition of the unchangeability of the universe as a whole, the varie- Anaxagoma teaches J. J? ^ ii i 1 • 111 *^^ unchangeability ty 01 lorms that we see being produced by new arrange- oftheumverBe. ments of its constituent parts. Such a doctrine includes, of course, the idea of the eternity of matter. Anaxagoras says, "Wrongly do the Greeks suppose that aught begins or ceases to be, for nothing comes into being or is destroyed, but aU is an aggregation or secretion of pre-exist- ent things, so that all-becoming might more correctly be called becom- ing-mixed, and all corruption becoming-separate." In such a state- ment we can not iail to remark that the Greek is fast passing into the track of the Egyptian and the Hindu. In some respects his views re- 80 COSMOGONY OF ANAXAGOBAS. call those of the chaos of Anaximander, as -when he says, " Together were all things infinite in number and smallness ; nothing was distin- guishable. Before they were sorted, while all was together, there was The primal ^° quality noticeable." To the first moving force which ar- inteiieot. ranged the parts dS things out of the chaos, he gave the desig- nation of " the Intellect," rejecting Fate as an empty name, and imput- ing all things to Reason. He made no distinction between the Soul and Intellect. His tenets evidently include a dualism indicated by the mov- ing force and the moved mass, an opposition between the corporeal and mental. This indicated that for philosophy there are two separate routes, the physical and intellectual. "While Eeason is thus the prime mover in his philosophy, he likewise employed many subordinate agents in the government of things — for instance, air, water, and fire, being ev- idently unable to explain the state of nature in a satisfactory way by Cosmogony of ^^^ Operation of the Intellect alone. We recognize in the de- Anaxagoras. ^g^jjg ^f j^jg gygtem idcas dcrivcd from former ones, such as tlie settling of the cold and dense below, and the rising of the warm and light above. In the beginning the action of Intellect was only partial; that which was primarily moved was only imperfectly sorted, and con- tained in itself the capability of many separations. From this point liis system became a cosmogony, showing how the elements and fogs, stones, stars, and the sea, were produced. These explanations, as might be anticipated, have no exactness. Among his primary elements are many incongruous things, such as cold, color, fire, gold, lead, corn, mar- row, blood, etc. This doctrine implied that in compound things there was not a formation, but an arrangement. It required, therefore, many elements instead of a single one. Flesh is made of fleshy particlejj bones of bony, gold of golden, lead of leaden, wood of wooden, etc. . These analogous constituents are homoeomerise. Of an infinite number of kinds, they composed the infinite all, which is a mixture of theuif From such conditions Anaxagoras proves that all the parts of an atf mal body pre-exist in the food, and are merely collected therefrom.' As' to the phenomena of life, he explains it on his doctrine of dualism be- tween mind and matter ; he( teaches that sleep is produced by the reac- tion of the latter on the former. Even plants he regards as only rooted animals, motionless, but having sensations and desires ; he imputes the superiority of man to the mere fact of his having hands. He explains our mental perceptions upon the hypothesis that we have naturally within us the contraries of all the qualities of external things; and that, when we consider an object, we become aware of the preponder- ance, of those qualities in our mind which are deficient in them. Hence all sensation is attended with pain. His doctrine of the production of animals was founded on the action of the sunlight on the miry earth. The earth he places in the centre of the world, whither it was carried PKESECUTIGN' OF ANAXAGOKAS. 81 by a whirlwind, the pole being originally in the zenith ; but, when ani- mals issued from the mud, its position was changed by the Intellect, so that there might be suitable climates. In some particulars his crude guesses present amusing anticipations of subsequent discoveries. Thi^s he maintained that the moon -has mountains, valleys, and inhabitants like the earth ; that there have been grand epochs in the history of our globe, in which it has been successively modified by fire and water ; that the hills of Lampsacus would one day be under the sea, if time did not too soon fail. As to the nature of human knowledge, Anaxagoras asserted that by the Intellect alone do we become acquainted with the douMs whether we . ■ ■^_. - ._. .^^ have any criterion truth, the senses bemg altogether unreliable. He ilius- of truth. trated this by putting a drop of colored liquid into a quantity of clear water, the eye being unable to recognize any change. Upon such prin- ciples also he ^serted that snow is not white, but black, since it is com- posed of water, of which the color is black ; and hence he drew such conclusions as that " things are to each man according as they seem to him." It was doubtless the recognition of the unreliability of the senses that extprted from him the well-known complaint : " Nothing can be known ; nothing can be learned ; nothing can be certain ; sense is lim- ited ; intellect is weak ; life is short." The biography of Anaxagoras is not without interest. Born in afilu- ence, he devoted all his means to philosophy, and in his old age encouii- tered poverty and want. He was accused by the superstitious Athe- nian populace of Atheism and impiety to the gods, since he asserted that the sun and moon consist of earth and stone, and that the so-called divine miracles of the times were nothing more than common natural effects. For these reasons, and also because of the Magianism of his doctrine — ^for he taught the antagonism of mind and matter, a dogma of the detested Persians — he was thrown into prisou, con- Anaxagoras is demned to death, and barely escaped through the influence s«"«™'^^- of Pericles. He fled to Lampsacus, where he ended his days in exile. His vainglorious countrymen, however, conferred honor upon his mem- ory in their customary exaggerated way, boasting that he was the first" to explain the phases of the moon, the nature of solar and lunar eclipses, that he had the power of foretelling future events, and had even pre- dicted the fall of a meteoric stone. From the biography of Anaxagoras, as well as of several of his con- temporaries and successors, we may learn that a popular opposition was springing up against philosophy, not limited to a mere social protest, but carried out into political injustice. The antagonism between learn- ing and Polytheism was becoming every day more distinct. Of the phi- losophers, some were obliged to fly into exile, some suffered death. The natural result of such a state of things was to force them to practice con- F 82 THE PHILOSOPHY OF PYTHAGOEAS. cealment and mystification, as is strikingly shown in the history of the Pythagoreans. Of Pythagoras, the founder of this sect, but little is known with cer- pythagoraa, tainty ; even the date of his birth is contested. Probably he biography of. ^^ j^qj.^ ^^ Samos about B.C. 540. If we were not expressly told so, we should recognize from his doctrines that he had been in Egypt and India. Some eminent scholars, who desire on all occasions to mag- nify the learning of ancient Europe, depreciate as far as they can the universal testimony of antiquity that such was the origin of the knowl- edge of Pythagoras, asserting that the constitution of the Egyptian priest- hood rendered it impossible for a foreigner to become initiated. They forget that the ancient system of that country had been totally destroyed in the great revolution which took place more than a century before those times. If it were not exphcitly stated by the ancients that Py- thagoras lived for twenty-two years in Egypt, there is suf&cient internal evidence, in his story to prove that he had been there for a long time. Just as a connoisseur can detect the hand of a master by the style of a painting, so one who has devoted attention to the old systems of thought sees the Egyptian in the philosophy of Pythagoras at a glance. He passed into Italy during the reign of Tarquin the Proud, arid set- tled at Crotona, a Greek colonial city on the Bay of Tarentum. At first he established a school, but, favored by local dissensions, he gradually organized from the youth who availed themselves of his instructions a secret political society. Already it had passed into a maxim among the learned Greeks that it is not advantageous to communicate knowledge too freely to the people — a bitter experience in persecutions seemed to demonstrate that the maxim was founded in truth. The step from a L jsecret philosophical society to a political conspiracy is but short. Py- thagoras appears to have taken it. The disciples who were admitted to his scientific sedrets after a period of probation and process of examina- tion constituted a ready instrument of intrigue against the state, the is- sue, of which, after a time, appeared in the supplanting of the ancient senate and the exaltation of Pythagoras and his club to the adminisf a- tion of government. The actions of men in all times are determined by similar principles ; and as it would be now with such a conspiracy, so it was then ; for, though the Pythagorean influence spread from Crotona to other Italian towns, an overwhelming reaction soon set in, the innova- tors were driven into exile, their institutions destroyed, and their found- er fell a victim to his enemies. The organization attempted by the Pythagoreans is an exception to the general policy of the Greeks. The philosophical schools had been merely points of reunion for those entertaining similar opinions; but in the state they can hardly be regarded as having had any political exist- ence. CHAEACTEE OF PYTHAGOEAS. 83 It is difficult, when the political or religious feelings of men have been engaged, to ascertain the truth of events in which they have been concerned ; deception, and even falsehood, seem to be licensed. In the midst of the troubles befalling Italy as the consequence of these Pytha- gorean machinations, it is impossible to ascertain facts with certainty. One party exalts Pythagoras to a superhuman state ; it pictures him majestic and impassive, clothed in robes of white, with a golden coro- net around his brows, listening to the music of the spheres, or seeking relaxation in the more humble hymns of Homer, Hesiod, and Thales ; lost in the contemplation of Nature, or rapt in' ecstasy in his medita- tions on God ; manifesting his descent from Apollo or Hermes by the working of miracles, predicting future events, and con vers- His miracles, ing with genii in the solitude of a dark cavern, and even surpassing the wonder of speaking simultaneously in different tongues, since it was es- tablished, by the most indisputable testimony, that he had accomplished the prodigy of being present with and addressing the people in several different places at the same time. It seems not to have occurred to his disciples that such preposterous assertions can not be sustained by any evidence whatsoever ; and that the stronger and clearer such evidence is, instead of supporting the fact for which it is brought forward, it only serves to shake our confidence in the truth of man, or impresses on us the conclusion that he is easily led to the adoption of falsehood, and is readily deceived by imposture. By his opponents he was denounced as a quack, or, at the best, a visionary mystic, who had deluded the young with the mum- hib character. . meries of a free-masonry; had turned the weak-minded into shallow enthusiasts and grim ascetics ; that he had conspired against a state •which had given him an honorable refuge, aiid had brought disorder and bloodshed upon it. Between such contradictory statements, it is difficult to determine how much we should impute to the philoso- pher and how much to the trickster. In this uncertainty, the Pythago- reans reap the fruit of one of their favorite maxims, " ISTot unto all should all be made known." Perhaps at the bottom of these political movements lay the hope of establishing a central point of union- for the numerous Greek colonies of Italy, which, though they were rich and highly civilized, were, by reason of their isolation and antagonism, es- sentially weak:'^ Could they have been united together in a powerful federation hy the aid of some political or religious bond, they might have exerted a singular influence on the rising fortunes of Eome, and thereby on humanity. Pythago'rism did indeed exert an influence on Eome, but it was in a different way, through Numa, the second king, who was of this sect, and who introduced into the Eoman system many Pythagorean rites. The fundamental dogma of the Pythagoreans was that "number is 84 THE PYTHAGOEEANS ASSERT THE POWEE OF NUMBEES. Pythagoras asserfa the essence OT first principle of tilings." It led them at first pSoi^ie? ^ once to the study of the mysteries of figures and of arith- metical relations, and plunged them into the wildest fantasies when it took the absurd form that numbers are actually things. The approval so generally expressed for the doctrines of Pythagoras was doubtless very much due to the fact that they supplied an intel- lectual void. Those who had been in the foremost ranks of philosophy had come to the conclusion that, as regards external things, and even ourselves, we have no criterion of truth ; but in the properties of num- bers and their relations, such a criterion does exist. It would scarcely repay the reader to pursue this system in its details; a very superficial representation of it is all that is necessary for our pur- pose. It recognizes two species of numbers, the odd and even ; and since one, or unity, must be at once both odd and even, it must be the very essence of number, and the ground of all other numbers } hence the meaning bf the Pythagorean expression, "All comes from one;" which also took form in the mystical allusion, "God embraces all and actuates all, and is but one." To the number ten extraordinary import- ■ ance was imputed, since it contains in itself, or arises from the addition of, 1, 2, 3, 4 — that is, of even and odd numbers together ; hence it re- ceived the name of the grand tetractys, because it so contains the first four numbers. Some, however, assert that that designatio(n was imposed Pythagorean ^^ ^^^ uumbcr thirty-six. To the triad the Pythagoreans like- phuosophy. ^jg^ attached much significance, since it has a beginning, a. middle, and an end. To unity, or one, they gave the designation of the even-odd, asserting that it contained the property both of the even and o"dd, as is plain from the fact that if ohe is added to an even num- ber it becomes odd, but if to an odd number it becomes even. They. arranged the primary elements of nature in a table of ten contraries, of which the odd and even are one, and light and darkness another. They say that "the nature and energy of number may be traced not only in divine and demonish things; but in human works and words every where, and in all works of art and in music." They even linked their arithmetical views to morality, through the observation that numbers, never lie ; that they are hostile to falsehood ; and that, therefore, truth be- longs to their family : their fanciful speculations led them to infer that in the limitless or infinite, falsehood and envy must reign. Prora simi- lar reasoning, they concluded that the number one contained not only the perfect, but also the imperfect; hence it follows that the, most goody most beautiful, and most true are not at the beginning, but that they are in the process of time evolved. They held that whatever we know must have had a beginning, a middle, and an end, of which the hegin- iiing and end are the boundaries or limits ; but the middle is unUmited, and, as a consequence, may be subdivided ad infinitum. They therefore PYTHAGOEEAN COSHOGONT. 85 resolved corporeal existence into points, as is get forth in their maxim that " all is composed of points or spacial units, which, taken together, consti- tute a number." Such being their ideas of the limiting which constitutes the extreme, they understood by the unlimited the intermediate space or interval. By the aid of these intervals they obtained a conception of space ; for, since the units,' or monads, as they were also called, are mere- ly geometrical points, no number of them could produce a line, but by the union of monads and intervals conjointly a line can arise, and also a surface, and also a solid. As to the interval thus existing between monads, some considered it as being mere aerial breath, but the orthodox regarded it as a vacuum ; hence we perceive the meaning of their ab- surd affirmation that all things are produced by a vacuum. As it is not to be overlooked that the monads are merely mathematical points, and have no dimensions or size, substances actually contain no matter, and are nothing more than forms. The Pythagoreans applied these principles to account for the origin of the world, saying that, since its very existence is an illusion, it could not have any origin in time, but only seemingly so to human pythagprean thought. As to time itself, they regarded it as " existing only ""^"sow- by the distinction of a series of different moments, which, however, are again restored to unity by the limiting moments." The diversity of re- lations we find in the world they supposed to be occasioned by the bond of harmony. " Since the principles of things are neither similar nor congenerous, it is impossible for them to be brought into order except by the intervention of harmony,- whatever may have been the manner in which it took place. Like .and homogeneous things, indeed, would not have required harmony ; but, as to the dissimilar and unsymmetrical. Such must necessarily be held together by harmony if they are to be contained in a world of order." In this manner they confused together the ideas of number and harmony, regarding the world not only as a combination of contraries, but as an orderly and harmonical combination thereof. To particular numbers they therefore imputed great signifi- cance, asserting that "there are seven chords or harmonies, seven pleiads, seven vowels, and that certain parts of the bodies of animals change in the course of seven years." They carried to an extreme the numerical doctrine, assigning certain numbers as the representatives of a bird, a horse, a man. This doctrine may be illustrated by facts familiar to chemists, who, in like manner, attach significant numbers to the names of things. Taking hydrogen as unitv, 6 belongs to carbon, Modem py- o to oxygen, 16 to sulphur. Carrying these prmciples out, in chemistry, there is no substance, elementary or compound, inorganic or organic, to which an expressive number does not belong. Nay, even an archetypal form, as of man or any other such composite structure, may thus pos- sess a typical number, the sum of the numbers of its constituent parts. 86 PYTHAGOREAIT PHYSIOS AND PSYCHOLOGY. It signifies nothing what interpretation we give to these numbers, wheth- er we regard them as atoniic weights, or, declining the idea of atoms, consider them as the representatives of force. As in the ancient philo- sophical doctrine, so in the modem science, the number is invariably connected with the name of a thing, of whatever description the thing may be. The grand standard of harmonical relation among the Pythagoreanfe was the musical octave. Physical qualities, such as color and tone, were supposed to appeirtain to the surface of bodies. Of the elements they enumerated five — earth, air, fire, water, and ether, connecting there- with the fact that man has five organs of sense. Of the planets they numbered five, which, together with the sun, moon, and earth, are placed apart at distances determined by a musical law, and in their movements through space give rise to a sound, the harmony of the spheres, unno- . Pythagorean ticed by US bccausc WO habitually hear it. They place the sun psychology. ' in the centre of the system, round which, with the other plan- ets, the earth revolves. At this point the geocentric doctrine is being abandoned and the heliocentric taking its place. As the circle is the most perfect of forms, the movements of the planets are circular. They maintained that the moon is inhabited, and like the earth, but the peo- ple there are taller than men, in the proportion as the moon's periodic rotation is greater than that of the earth. They explained the MOky Way as having been occasioned by the fall of a star, or that it was for- merly the path of the sun. They asserted that the world is eternalybnt the earth is transitory and liable to change, the universe being in the shape of a sphere. They held that the soul of man is merely an efflux of the universal soul, and that it. comes into the body from without, From dreams and the events of sickness they inferred the existence of good and evil demons. They supposed that souls can exist without the body, leading a kind of dream-life, and identified the motes in the sun- beam with them. Their heroes and demons were souls not yet become imbodied, or who had ceased to be so. The doctrine of transmigration which they had adopted was in unison with such views, and, if it does not imply the absolute immortality of the soul, at least asserts its exist ence after the death of the body, for the disembodied spirit becomes in- carnate again as soon as it finds a tenement which fits it. To their Hfe after death the Pythagoreans added a doctrine of retributive rewards and punishments, and, in this respect, what has been said of the anima- ted world forming a penitential mechanism in the theology of India and Egypt, holds good for the Pythagoreans too. Of their system of politics nothing can now with certainty; be affirm- ed beyond the fact that its prime element was an aristocracy." Of theii rule of private life, but little beyond its including a recommendation' of moderation In all things, the cultivation of friendship, the observance THE ELEATIO PHILOSOPHY. 87 of faith, and the practice of self-denial, promoted by ascetical exercises. It was a maxim with them that a right education is not only of impor- tance to the individual, but also to the interests of the state. Pythago- ras himself, as is well known, paid much attention to the determination of extension and gravity, the ratios of musical tones, astronomy, and medicine. He inculcated on his disciples, in their orgies or secret wor- ship, to practice gymnastics, dancing, music. In correspondence with his principle of imparting to men only such knowledge as they were fit- ted to receive, he communicated to those who were less perfectly pre- pared only exoteric doctrines, reserving the esoteric for the privileged few who had passed five years in silence, had endured humiliation, and been purged by self-denial and sacrifice. We have reached now the consideration of the Eleatic philosophy. It differs from the preceding in its neglect of material things, ^he Euatic and its devotion to the supra-sensible. It derives its name phuosopny. from Elea, a Greek colonial city of Italy, its chief authors being Xe- nophanes, Parmenides, and Zeno. Xenophanes was a native of Ionia, from which having been exiled, he appears to have settled at last in Elea, after leading for many years the life of a v/andering rhapsodist. He gave his doctrines a poetical form for the purpose of more easily diffusing them. ' To xenoptanes repre. the multitude he became conspicuous from his opposition oaopWcai advance. to Homer, Hesiod, and other popular poets, whom he denounced for promoting the base polytheism of the times, and degrading the idea of the divine by the immoralities they attributed to the gods. He proclaimed God as an all-powerful Being, existing from eternity, and without any likeness to man. A strict monotheist, he denounced the pluraHty of gods as an inconceivable error, asserting that of the all- powerful and all-perfect there could not, in, the nature of things, be more than one ; for, if there were only so many as two, those attributes could not apply to one of them, much less, then, if there were many. This one principle or power was to him the same as the universe, the substance of which, having existed from all eternity, must necessarily be identical with God ; for, since it is impossible that there should be two Omnipre's- ents, so also it is impossible that there should be two Eternals. Well, therefore, may it be said that there is a tincture of Orientalism in his ideas, since it would scarcely be possible to offer a more succinct and lu- minous exposition of the pantheism of India. The reader who has been wearied with the frivolities of the Ionian philosophy, and lost in the mysticisms of Pythagoras, can ift approaches the not fail to recognize that here we have something of a very ii^iai' ideas; different kind. To an Oriental dignity of conception is added an ex- traordinary clearness and precision of reasoning. To Xenophanes all revelation is a pure fiction ; the discovery of the 88 THE PHILOSOPHY OF XENOPHANES. invisible is to be made by the intellect of man alone. The vulgar be- lief which imputes to the Deity the sentiments, passions, and crimes of Theology of ™^^i ^^ blasphemous and accursed. He exposes the impiety xenophanes. Qf thosc who would figure the Great Supreme under the form of a man, telling them that if the ox or the lion could rise to the cou- jception of the Deity, they might as well embody him under their own [shape; that the negro represents him with a flat nose and black face; j the Thracian with blue eyes and a ruddy complexion. " There is but one God ; he has no resemblance to the bodily form of man, nor are his thoughts like ours." He taught that God is without parts, and through- out alike; for, if he had parts, some would be ruled by others, and oth- ers would rule, which is impossible, for the very notion of God implies his perfect and thorough sovereignty. Throughout he must be Eeason, and Intelligence, and Omnipotence, "ruling the universe without trouble by Eeason and Insight.". He conceived that the Supreme understands by a sensual perception, and not only thinks, but sees and hears through- out. In a symbolical manner he represented God as a sphere, like the heavens, which encompass man and all earthly things. In his natural philosophy it is said that he adopted the four elements, Earth, Air, Fire, "Water ; though by some it is asserted that, from ob- serving fossil fish on the tops of mountains, he was led to the belief that His- physical views, the earth itsclf arose from water; and, generally, that the phenomena of nature originate in combinations of the primary elements. From such views he inferred that all things are necessarily transitoiy, and that men, and even the earth itself, must pass away. As to the latter, he regarded it as a flat surface, the inferior region of which ex- tends indefinitely downward, and so gives a solid foundation.' His physical views he, however, held with a doubt almost borderingt on skepticism : " No mortal man ever did, or ever shall know God and the universe thoroughly ; for, since error is so spread over all things, it is impossible for us to be certain even when we utter the true and the perfect." It seemed to him hopeless that man could ever ascertain the truth, since he has no other aid than truthless appearances. I can not dismiss this imperfect account of Xenophanes, who was, undoubtedly, one of the greatest of the Greek philosophers, without an allusion to his denunciation of Homer, and other poets of his country, ' because they had aided in degrading the idea of the Divinity ; and also to his faith in human nature, his rejection of the principle of concealing truth from the multitude, and his self devotion in diffusing it among all at a risk of liberty and life. He wandered from country to country, withstanding polytheism to its face, and imparting wisdom in rhapso- dies and hymns, the form, of all others, calculated most quickly in those times to spread knowledge abroad. To those who are disposed to de- preciate his philosophical conclusions, it may be remarked that, in some THE •PHILOSOPHY OF PAEMENIDES. 89 of their most striking features they have been reproduced in modern times, and I would offer to them a quotation from the General Scholium at the end of the third book of the Principia of ISTewton : " The Supreme God exists necessarily, and by the same necessity he ex- someofhisthoughtB ists always and every where. Whence, also, he is all sim- '""'^■^'^' ^ **'='"°"- ilar, all eye, all ear, all brain, all arm, all power to perceive, to under- stand, and to act, but in a manner not at all human, not at all corporeal; in a manner utterly unknown to us. As a blind man has no idea of colors, so have we no idea of the ijianner by which the all- wise God perceives and understands all things. He is utterly void of all body and bodily figure, and can therefore neither be seen, nor heard, nor touched, nor ought to be worshiped under the representation of any cor- poreal thing. We have ideas of his attributes, but what the real sub- stance of any thing is we know not." To the Eleatic system thus originating with Xenophanes is to be at- tributed the dialectic phase henceforward so prominently exhibited by Greek philosophy. It abandoned, for the most part, the pursuits which had occupied the lonians — the investigation of visible nature, the phe- nomena of material things, and the. laws presiding over them ; conceiv- ing such to be merely deceptive, and attaching itself to what seemed to be the only true knowledge — an investigation of Being and of God. By the Eleats, since all change appeared to be an impossibility, the phenomena of succession presented by the world were regarded as a pure illusion, and they asserted that Time, and Motion, and Space are phan- tasms of the imagination, or vain deceptions of the senses. They there- fore separated reason from opinion, attributing to the for- panneniaes on rea- mer conceptions of absolute truth, and to the latter imper- son ana opinion, fections arising from the fictions of sense. It was on this principle that Parmenides divided his work on " Nature" into two books, the first on Eeason, the second on Opinion. Starting from the nature of Being, the uncreated and unchangeable, he denied altogether the idea of succession in time, and also the relations of space, and pronounced change and motion, of whatever kind they are, to be mere illusions of opinion. His pantheism appears in the declaration that the All is phiiosopiiybeoom, thought and intelligence ; and this, indeed, constitutes the '"^ PamheiBm. essential feature of his doctrine ; for, by thus placing thought and being in parallelism with each other, and interconnecting them by the concep- tion that it is for the sake of being that thought exists, he showed that they must necessarily be conceived of as one. Such profound doctrines occupied the first book of the poem of Par- menides ; in the second he treated of opinion, which, as we have said, is altogether dependent on the senses, and therefore unreliable, not, how- ever, that it must necessarily be absolutely false. It is scarcely possi- ble for us to reconstruct from the remains of his works the details of 90 THE PHILOSOPHY OF ZENO THE.ELEAT. his theory, or to show his approach to the Ionian doctrines by the as- sumption of the existence in nature of two opposite species — ethereal fire and heavy night ; of an equal proportion of which all things con- sist, fire being the -true, and night the phenomenal. From such an un- substantial and delusive basis it would not repay us, even if we had the means of accomplishing it, to give an exposition of his physical system. In many respects it degenerated into, a wild vagary ; as, for example, when he placed an overruling demon in the centre of the phenomenal world. Nor need we be detained by his extravagant reproduction of the old doctrine of the generation of animals from miry clay, nor Follo\r his explanation of the nature of man, who, since he is composed of light and darkness, participates in both, and can never ascertain absoluft; truth. By other routes, and upon far less fanciful principles, modem philosophy has at last come to the same melancholy conclusion. ■ ' The doctrines of Paripenides were carried out by Zeno the Eleatic, Doctrines of Par- -vrho is Said to havc been his adopted son. He brought out ty Zeno into usfe the method of refuting error by the reductio adab- surdum. His compositions were in prose, and not' in poetry, as were those .of his predecessors. As it had been the object-of Parmenides to establish the existence of " the One," it was the object of Zeno to estab- lish the non-existence of " the Many." Agreeably to such principles, he started from the position that only one thing really exists, and that all others are mere modifications or appearances of it. He denied mo- tion, but admitted the appearance of it ; regarding it as a name given to , a series of conditions, each of which is necessarily rest. This dogma " against the possibility of motion he maintained by four arguments; the ] second of them is the celebrated Achilles puzzle. It is thus stated: , " Suppose Achilles to run ten times as fast as a tortoise, yet, if the tor- \ toise has the start, Achilles can never overtake him ; for, if they are sep- ; . arated at first by an interval of a thousand feet, when Achilles has run these thousand feet the tortoise will have run a hundred, and when ■ Achilles has run these hundred the tortoise will have got on ten, and so t on forever ; therefore Achilles may run forever without overtaking the - tortoise." Such were his arguments against the existence of motion; ■ t his proof of the existence of One, the indivisible and infinite, may. thus ' be stated : " To suppose that the One is divisible is to suppose it finite. I If divisible, it must be infinitely divisible. But suppose two thin^ to -^ exist, then there must necessarily be an interval between those two— ^something separating and limiting them. What is that something? It is some other thing. But then if not the same thing, it also, must be sep- % arated and limited, and so on ad infinitum. Thus only one thing caii .exist as the substratum for all manifold appearances." Zeno furnishes ius with an illustration of the unreliability of the indications of sense in ~ his argument against Protagoras. It may be here introduced as a speot THE PHILOSOPHY OF MELISSUS AND OP EMPBDOCLES. 91 men of his method: "He asked if a grain of corn, or the ten thousandth part of a grain would, when it fell to the ground, make a noise. Being answered in the negative, he farther asked whether, then, would a meas- ure of corn. This being necessarily af&rmed, he then demanded wheth- er the measure was not in some determinate ratio to the single grain ; as this could not be denied, he was able to conclude, either, then, the bushel of corn makes no noise on falling, or else the very smallest por- tion of a grain does the same." To the names already given as belonging to the Eleatic school may be added that of Melissus of Samos, who also founded his ^^^ ^j, Meiiasus argument on the nature of Being, deducing its unity, un- of samos. changeability, and indivisibility. He denied, like the rest of his school, all change and motion, regarding them as mere illusions of the senses. From the indivisibility of being he inferred its incorporeality, and there- fore denied all bodily existence. The list of Eleatic philosophers is doubtfully closed b^ the name of Empedocles of Agrigentum, who in legend almost rivals Py- Biography of thagoras. In the East he learned medicine and magic, the art Empedooiea. of working miracles, of producing rain and wind. He decked himself in priestly garments, a golden girdle, and a crown, proclaiming himself to be a god. . It is said by some that he never died, but ascended to the skies in the midst of a supernatural glory. By some it is related that he leaped into the crater of Etna, that, the manner of his death being unknown, he might still continue to pass for a god — an expectation dis- appointed by an eruption which cast out one of his brazen sandals. Agreeably to'^rhe school to which he belonged, he looked to Eeason and distrusted the Senses. Prom his fragments it has. been inferred that he was skeptical of the guidance of the former as well as of the latter, founding his distrust on the imperfection the soul has contracted, and for which it has been condemned to existence in this world, and even to transmigration from body to body. Adopting the Eleatic doctrine that like can be only known by like, fire by fire, love by love, the recognition of the divine by man is sufficient proof that the Divine ex- ' ists. His primary elements were four^-Earth, Air, Fire, and "Water ; to these he added two principles. Love and Hate. The He mingiea mysti- four elements he regarded as four gods, or divine eternal p™ '" ' ' °°°" forces, siiice out of them all things are made. Love he regards as the creative power, the destroyer or modifier being Hate. It is obvious, therefore, that in him the strictly philosophical system of Xenophanes had degenerated into a mixed and mystical view, in which the physical, the metaphysical, and the moral were confounded together ; and that, as the necessary consequence of such a state, the principles of knowledge were becoming ufisettled, a suspicion arising that all philosophical sys- tems were unreliable, and a general skepticism was already setting in. 92 ' THE PHILOSOPHY OF , DEMOCBITUS. To this result, in bo small degree, the labors of Democritus of Ahdera also tended. He had had the advantages derived from wealth in the procurernent of knowledge, for it is said that his father was rich enough to be able to entertain the Persian King Xerxes, who was so gratified thereby that he left several Magi and Chaldeans to complete the edu- cation of the youth. On their father's death, Democritus, dividing with his brothers the estate, took as his portion the share consisting of money, leaving to them the lands, that he might be better able to de- vote himself to traveling. He passed into Egypt, Ethiopia, Persia, and India, gathering knowledge from all those sources. According to Democritus, "Nothing is true, or, if so, is not certain to Democritus asserts US." Ncverthcless, as in his system sensation constitutes knowMga ' ^ ° thought, and, at the same time, is but a change in the sen- tient being, "sensations are of necessity true;" from which somewhat obscure passage we may infer that, in the view of Democritus, though sensation is tMe subjectively, it is not true objectively. The sweet, the bitter, the hot, the cold, are simply creations of the mind ; but in the outer object to which we append them, atoms and space alone exist, and our opinion of the properties of such objects is founded upon images emitted by them falling upon the senses. Confounding in this manner sensation with thought, and making them identical, he, moreover, in- cluded Eeflection as necessary for true knowledge. Sensation by itseK being unreliable. Thus, though Sensation may indicate to us that sweet, bitter, hot, cold, occur in bodies, Eeflection teaches us that this is- altogether an illusion, and that, in reality, atoms and space alone exist Devoting his attention, then, to the problem of perception — how the mind becomes aware of the existence of external things — he resorted to- the hypothesis that they constantly throw off images of themselves, which are assimilated by the air through which they have to pass, and enter the soul by pores in its sensitive organs. Hence such imageSj, being merely of the superficial form, are necessarily imperfect and un- true,, and so, therefore, must be the knowledge yielded by them. De- mocritus rejected the one element of the Eleatics, affirming that there must be many ; but he did not receive the four of Empedocles, nor his principles of Love and Hate, nor the homoeomerije of Anaxagoras. He He introduces the ^^^o denied that the primary elements had any sensible qual- afomic theory, j^jgg -^iiatcver. Hc couceived of all things as being com- posed of invisible, intangible, and indivisible particles or atoms, which, by reason of variation in their configuration, combination, or position, Ijgive rise to the varieties of forms : to the atom he imputed self-exist- fence and eternal duration. His doctrine, therefore, explains how it is ; that the many can arise from the one, and in this particular he tecon- .' ciled the apparent contradictions of the lonians and Eleatics. The the- ory of chemistry, as it now exists, essentially includes his views. The PHILOSOPHICAL ACTION OP EUEOPEAK GREECE. 93 t ' » general formative principle of Nature he regarded as be- Destiny, Fate, ana ing Destiny or Fate; but there are indications' that by this 'esistieaB law.' he meant nothing more than irreversible law. A system thus based upon severe mathematical considerations, end taking as its starting-point a vacuum and atoms — the former actionless and passionless; which considers the. production of new things as- only new aggregations, and the decay of the old as separations ; which recog- nizes in compound bodies specific arrangements of atoms to one another; which can rise to the conception that even a single atom may constitute a world — such a system may commend itself to our attention for its re- sults, but surely not to our approval, when we find it carrying us to the conclusions that even mathematical cognition is a mere semblance ; that ! ■; the soul is only a finely-constituted form fitted into the grosser bodily frame ; that even to reason itself there is an absolute im- is m to atheism, possibility of all certainty; that skepticism is to be indulged in to that i degree that we may doubt whether, when a cone has been cut asunder, jlj its two surfaces are alike ; that the final result of human inquiry is the absolute demonstration that man is incapable of knowledge ; that, even if the truth is in his possession, he can never be certain of it ; that the world is an illusive phantasm, and that there is np God. I need scarcely refer to the legendary stories related of Democritus, as that he put out his eyes with a burning-glass that he might legends of ' no longer be deluded with their false indications, and more Democritus. tranquilly exercise his reason — a fiction bearing upon itg face the con- ' temptuous accusation of his antagonists, but, by the stolidity of subse- ' quent ages, received as an actual fact instead of a sarcasm. As to his habit of so constantly deriding the knowledge and follies of men that Tie universally acquired the epithet of the laughing philosopher, we may receive the opinion of the great physician Hippocrates, who, being re- quested by the people of Abdera to cure him of his madness, after long discoursing with him,'expressed himself penetrated with admiration, and even with the most profound veneration for him, and rebuked those who had sent him with the remark that they themselves were the more distempered of the two. Thus far European Greece had done but little in the cause of philos- ophy. The chief schools were in Asia Minor, or among the Greek col- onies of Italy. But the time had now arrived when the Rise of philosophy in mother country was to enter upon a distinguished career, ^^p^"" "^^ece. though, it must be confessed, from a most unfavorable beginning. This | was by no means the only occasion on which the intellectual activity of the Greek colonies made itself felt in the destinies of Europe. The mercantile character in a community has ever been found conducive to mental activity and physical adventure ; it holds in light esteem pre- scriptive .opinion, and puts things at the actual value they "at the time 94 INFLUENCE OP THE GBEEK COLONIES. * possess. If the Greek colonies thus discharged the important function of introducing and disseminating speculative philosophy, we shall find them again, five hundred . years later, occupied with a similar task on the advent of that period in which philosophical speculation was about to be supplanted by religious faith. For there can be no doubt that, humanly speaking, the cause of the rapid propagation of Christianityj Commercial com- in its first ages, lay in the extraordinary facilities existine; munitiefl favorable ., .-, •,• i.xjn n to new, ideas. among the Commercial communities scattered, all around the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, from the ports of the Levant to those of France and Spain. An incessant intercourse was kept up among them during the five centuries before Christ ; it became, under Eoman influ^ce, more and more active, and of increasing political im- portance. Such a state of things is in the highest degree conducive to the propagation of thought, and, indeed, to its origination, through the constant excitement it furnishes to intellectual activity. Commercial communities, in this respect, present a striking contrast to agricultural. By their aid speculative philosophy was rapidly disseminated every where, as was subsequently Christianity. But the agriculturists stead- fastly adhered with marvelous stolidity to their ancestral traditions and polytheistic absurdities, uhtU the very designation — paganism— under which their system passes was given as a nickname derived from them- selves. The intellectual condition of the Greek colonies of Italy and Sicily phnoaophicai has not attracted the attention of critics in the manner it influence of the ., _, - , . ^, . ^ , Greek colonies, descrves. 1 Or, though its political result may appear to those whose attention, is fixed by mere material aggrandizement to "have been totally eclipsed by the subsequent power of the Eoman republic, to one who looks at things in a more general way it may be a, probable inquiry whether the philosophy cultivated in those towns has not, in the course of ages, produced as solid and lasting results as the military achievements of the Eternal City. The relations of the Italian penin- sula to the career of European civilization are to be classified under three epochs, the first corresponding to the philosophy generated in the southern Greek towns : this would have attained the' elevation long before reached in the advanced systems of India had it not been prevent- ed by the rapid development of Eoman power ; the second*presents the military influence of republican and imperial Eome ; to the third belongs the agency of ecclesiastical Eome ; for the production of the last we shall find hereafter that the two preceding conspire. The Italian effect upon the whole has therefore been philosophical, material, and mixed. We are greatly in want of a history of the first, for which doubtless many facts still remain to a painstaking and enlightened inquirer. It was on account of her small territory and her numerous population that Greece was obliged to colonize. To these motives must be added THE GEEEK COLONIAL SYSTEM. 95 internal dissensions, and particularly the consequences of unequal mar- riages. So numerous did these colonies and their offshoots become, that a great Greek influence pervaded all the Mediterranean ongin of the Greek shores and many of the most important islands, attention ^lo-^i By^t™. more particularly being paid to the latter, from their supposed strategi- cal value ; thus, in the opinion of Alexander the Great, the conamand of the Mediterranean lay in the possession of Cyprus. The Greek col- onists were filibusters ; they seized by force the women wherever they settled, but their children were taught to speak the paternal language, as has been the case in more recent times with the descendants of the Spaniards in America. The wealth of some of these Greek colonial towns is said to have been incredible. Croton was more than twelve miles in circumference ; and Sybaris, another of the Italiot cities, was so luxurious and dissipated as even to give rise to a proverb. The pros- perity of these places was due to two causes: they were not only the centres of great agricultural districts, but carried on an active com- merce in all directions, the dense population of the mother country offer- ing them a steady and profitable market; they also maintained an active traffic with all the Mediterranean cities ; thus, if they furnished Athens with corn, they also furnished Carthage with oil. In the Greek cities connected with this colonial system, especially in Athens, the business of ship-building and navigation were so extensively prosecuted as to give a special character to public life. In other parts of Greece, as in Sparta, it was altogether different. In that state the laws of Lycur- gus had abolished private property; all things were held in common ; it was savage life reduced to a system, and therefore there was no object in commerce. But in Athens, so far from being dishonorable was com- merce regarded, that some of the most illustrious men, whose names have descended to us as philosophers, were occupied with mercantile pursuits. Aristotle kept a druggist's shop in Athens, and Plato sold oil in Egypt. It was the intention of Athens, had she succeeded in the conquest of Sicily, to make an attempt upon Carthage, foreseeing therein the do- minion of the Mediterranean, as was actually realized subsequently by Eome. The destruction of that city constituted the point of ascendency in the histoiy of the Great Eepublic. Carthage stood upon a peninsula forty-five miles round, with a neck only three miles across. Her terri- tory has been estimated as having a sea-line of not less than 1400 miles, and containing 300 towns ; she had also possessions in Spain, in Sicily, and other Mediterranean islands, acquired, not by conquest, but by col- onization. In the silver mines of Spain she employed not less than forty thousand men. In these respects she was guided by the maxims of her Phoenician ancestry, for the Tynans had coltinized for depots, and had forty stations of that kind in the Mediterranean; Indeed, Carthage 96 THE PEESIAN WAE. herself originated in that way, owing her development to the position Carthaginian su- she held at the junction of the east and west basins. The 'ESanean^ Carthaginian merchants did not carry for hire, but dealt in their commodities. This implied an extensive system of dep6ts and bonding. They had anticipated many of the devices of modern com- merce. They effected insurances, made loans on bottomry, and it hag been supposed that their leathern money may have been_ of the nature of our bank notes. In the preceding chapter we have spoken of the attempts of the Asi- Attemptsofthe ^'tics ou Egypt and the south shore of the Mediterranean; we minio™ta°'thr lia^ve now to turn to their operations on the north shore, the Mediterranean, conscqucnces of wMch are of the utmost interest in the his- tory of philosophy. It appears that the cities of Asia Minor, after their contest with the Lydian kings, had fallen an easy prey to the Persian power. It remained, therefore, only for that power to pass to the Eu- ropean continent. A pretext is easily found where the policy is so clear. So far as the internal condition of Greece was concerned, nothing could be more tempting 'to an invader. There seemed to be no bond of union between the different towns, and, indeed, the more prominent ones might be regarded as in a state of chronic revolution.- In Athens, since B.C. 622, the laws of Draco had been supplanted by those of Solon ; and again and again the government had been seized by violence or gained through intrigue by one adventurer after another. Under these cir- oontest between cumstauccs the Persian king passed an army into Europe. Greeks. The military events of both this and the succeeding inva- sion under Xerxes have been more than sufficiently illustrated bj the brilliant imagination of the lively Greeks. It was needless, however, to devise such fictions as the million of men who crossed into Europe, or the two hundred thousand who lay dead upon the field after the battle of Platsea. If there were not such stubborn facts as the capture The fifty years' ^.nd buming of Athens, the circumstance that these wars last- uK°prema?y ed for fifty ycars would be sufficient to inform us that all of Athena. ^t^q advantages were not on one side. Wars do not last so long without bringing upon both parties disasters as well as conferring glories ; and had these been as exterminating and overwhelming as classical authors have supposed, our surprise may well be excited that the Persian annals have preserved so little memory thereof Greece did not perceive that, if posterity must take her accounts as true, thef: must give the palm of glory to Persia, who could, with unfaltering perseverance, persist in attacks illustrated by such unparalleled catas- trophes. She did not perceive that the annals of a nation may be more splendid from thejr exhibiting a courage which could bear up for half a century against continual disasters, and extract victory at last from defeat. RESULTS OF THE PERSIAN WAR. 97 In pursuance of their policy, the Persians extended their dominion to Gyrene and Barca on the south, as -well as to Thrace and Macedonia on the north. The Persian wars gave rise to that wonderful development in Greek art which has so worthily excited the admiration of subse- quent ages. The assertion is quite true that after those wars the Greeks could form in sculpture living men. On the part of the Persians, these a military undertakings were not of the base kind so common in antiq-j jj uity ; they were the carrying out of a policy conceived with great abil-| v ity, their object being .to obtain countries for tribute and not for devas- \ ' tation. The great critic Niebuhr, by whose opinions I am guided in the views I express of these events, admits that the Greek accounts, when examined, present little that was possible. The Persian empire does not seem to have suffered at all ; and Plato, whose opinion must be con- sidered, as of very great authority, says that, on the whole, the Persian wars reflect extremely little honor on the Greeks. It was asserted that only thirty-one towns, and most of them small ones, were faithful to Greece. Treason to her seems for years in succession to have infected all her ablest men. It was not Pausanias alone who wanted to be king under the supremacy of Persia. Such a satrap would have boi^ie about the same relation to the great king as the modem pacha does to the grand seignior. However, we must do justice to those able men. A king was what Greece in reality required ; had she secured one at this time strong eribugh to hold her conflicting interests in check, she would have become the mistress of the world. Her leading men saw this. The elevating effect of the Persian wars was chiefly felt in Athens. It was there that the grand development of pure art, litera- The consequence ture, and science took place. As to Sparta, she remained leotnai progress. barbarous as she had ever been ; the Spartans continuing robbers and impostors, in their national life 'exhibiting not a single feature that can be commended. Mechanical art reached its perfection at Corinth ; real art at Athens, finding a multitude not only of true, but also of new ex- pressions. Before Pericles the only style of architecture was the Doric; his became at once the age of perfect beauty. It also became the age of freedom in thinking and departure from the national faith. ^^^ progress In this respect the history of Pericles and of Aspasia is very ™ "'• significant. His, also, was the great age of oratory, but of oratory lead- ing to delusion, the demoeratical forms of Athens being altogether de- ceptive, power ever remaining in the hands of a few leading men, who did every thing. The true popular sentiment, as was almost always the case under those ancient republican institutions, could find for itself no means of expression. The great men were only too prone to regard their fellow-citizens as, a rabble, mere things to be played off against one another, and to consider that the objects of life are dominion and lust j G 98 SUPEEMACY OF ATHENS. that love, self-sacrifice, and devotion are fictions ; that oaths are only good for deception. T^hough the standard of statesinanship, at the period of the Persian wars, -was very low, there can be no doubt that among the Greek lead- ers were those who clearly understood the causes of the Asiatic attack and hence, with an instinct of self-preservation, defensive alliances were continually maintained with Egypt. "When their valor and endurance The treaty with ^^ givBu to the Grccks a glorious issue to the war, the arti- Persia. g|gg contained in the final treaty manifest clearly the mo- tives and understandings of both parties. No Persian vessel was to appear between the Cyanean Eocks and Chelidonian Islands ; no Per- sian army to approach within three days' journey of the Mediterranean Sea, B.C. 449. To Athens herself the war had given political supremacy. "We need only look at her condition fifty years after the battle of Platsea. She was the mistress of more than a thousand miles of coast along Asia Minor; she held as dependencies more than forty 'islands; she controlled the straits between Europe and Asia ; her fleets ranged the Mediterra- nean and the Black Seas uncontrolled ; she had monopolized the trade of all the adjoining countries; her magazines were full of the most valu- able objects of commerce. From the ashes of the Persian fire she had risen up so supremely beautiful that her temples, her statues, her works She becomes the of art, iu their exquisite perfection, have since had no paral- ^"dphiioB^phyf lei in the world. Her intellectual supremacy equaled her political. To her, as to a focal point, the rays of light from every di- rection converged. The philosophers of Italy and Asia Minor directed their steps to her as to the acknowledged centre of mental activity. As to Egypt, an utter ruin had befallen her since she was desolated by the Persian arms. Yet we must not therefore infer that though, as con- querors, the Persians had trodden out the most aged civilization on the globe, as sovereigns they were haters of knowledge, or merciless 8fl kings. "We must not forget that the Greeks of Asia Minor were satis- fied with their rule, or, at all events, preferred rather to remain their subjects than to contract any permanent political connections with. the conquering Greeks of Europe. In this condition of political glory, Athens became not only the birth- place of new and beautiful productions of art, founded on a more just appreciation of the true than had yet been attained to in any previous age of the world, and which, it may be added, have never been sur- passed, if, indeed, they have been equaled since, but she also became the receptacle for every philosophical opinion, new and old. Ionian, Italian, Egyptian, Persian, all were brought to her, and contrasted and compared together. Indeed, the philosophical celebrity of Greece is al- together due to Athens. The rest of the country participated but little CHARACTER OF HER PHILOSOPHY. 99 in the cultivation of learning. It is a popular error that Greece, in the aggregate, was a learned country. We have already seen how the researches of individual inquirers, passing from point to point, had conducted them, in many instances, to a suspicion of the, futility of human knowledge ; and looking at the re- sults reached by the successive philosophical schools, we can not fail to remark that there was a general tendency to skepticism, state of phuosopiy We have seen how, from the material and tangible begin- »'t«"a™ment. nings of the lonians, the Bleatics land us not only in a blank atheism, but in a disbelief of the existence of the world. And though it may be said that these were only the isolated results of special schools, it is not to be forgotten that they were of schools the most advanced. . The time had now arrived when the name of a master was no more to usurp the place of reason, as had been hitherto the case ; when these last results of the different methods of philosophizing were to be brought together, a criticism of a higher order established, and conclusions of a higher or- der deduced. Thus it will ever be with all human investigation. The primitive philosophicar elements from which we start are examined, commencement; „ , -,-,■, 1 1 1 • 1 . of the Mgher first by one and then by another, each drawing his own spe- analysis, cial conclusions and deductions, and each firmly believing in the truth of his inferences. Each analyst has seen the whole subject from a par- ticular point of view, without concerning himself with the discordances, cpntradictions, and incompatibilities obvious enough when his conclu- sions come to be compared with those of other analysts as skillful as himself In process of time, it needs must be that a new school of ex- aminers will arise, who, taking the results at which their predecessors have, arrived from an examination of thfe primary elements, will institute a secondary comparison ; a comparison of results with results ; a com- parison of a higher order, and more likely to lead to absolute truth. Perhaps I can not better convey what I here mean by this secondary and higher analysis of philosophical questions than by introducing, as an illustration, what took place subsequently in Eome niustrationfrom through her policy of universal religious toleration. The man history, priests and followers of every god and of every faith were permitted to pursue without molestation their special forms of worship. Of these, it may be su|)posed that nearly all were perfectly sincere in their adhesion to their special divinity, and, if the occasion bad arisen, could have fur- nished unanswerable arguments in behalf of his supremacy and of the truth of his doctrines. Yet it is very clear that, by thus bringing these several primary systems into contact, a comparison of a secondary and of a higher order, and therefore far more likely to approach to absolute truth, must needs be established between them. It is very well known, that the popular result of this secondary examination was the philo- sophical rejection of polytheism. 100 THE SOPHISTS— THEIR DOCTEINES. So, in Athens, the result of the secondary examination of philosophical systems and deductions was skepticism as regards them, all, and the rise The Sophists, of 3, ncw Order of men — the Sophists — ^who not only rejected the validity of all former philosophical methods, but carried their infi. delity to a degree plainly not warranted by the facts of the case, in this, that they not only denied that human reason had thus far succeeded in ascertaining any thing, but even af&rmed that it is incapable, from its very nature, as dependent on human organization, or the condition un- der which it acts, of determining the truth at all ; nay, that even if the truth is actually in its possession, since it has no criterion by which to recognize it, it can not so much as be certain that it is in such possession of it. From these principles it follows that, since we have no standard of the true, neither can we have any standard of the good, and that our ideas of what is good and what is evil are altogether produced by edu- cation or by convention. Or, to use the phrase adopted by the Sophists, " it is might that makes right." Eight and wrong are hence seen to be mere fictions created by society, having no eternal or absolute existence in nature. The will of a mona];ch, or of a majority in a community, declares what the law shall be ; the law defines what is right and what is wrong ; and these, therefore, instead of having an actual existence, are I mere illusions, owing their birth to the exercise of force. It is might j that has determined and defined what is right. And hence it follows 1 They r^ect phiios- that it is needless for a man to, trouble himself with the morality. monitious of consciencc, or to be troubled thereby, for con- science,, instead of being any thing real, is an imaginary fiction, or, at the ■ best, owes its origin to education, and is the creation of our social state. Hence the wise will give himself no concern as to a meritorious act or a crime, seeing that the one is intrinsically neither better nor worse than the other ; but he will give hirnself sedulous concern as respects his outer or external relations— his position in society ; conforming his acts to that standard which they in their wisdom or folly,' but in the exercise of their might, have declared shall be regarded as right. Or, if his oc- casions are such as to make it for his interest to depart from the social rule, let him do it in secrecy ; or, what is far better, let him cultivate rhetoric, that noble art by which the wrong may be made to appeal '^ the right ; by which he who has committed a crime may so mystify so- ciety as to delude it into the belief that he is worthy of praise ; and by which he may prove that his enemy, who has really performed some meritorious deed, has been guilty of a crime. Animated by such con- i siderations, the Sophists passed from place to place, offering to sell, for a i sum of money, a knowledge of the rhetorical art, and disposed of their services in the instruction of the youth of wealthy and noble families. What shall we say of such a system and of such a state of things? Simply this : that it indicated a complete mental and social demorali^a- IMPIETY AND IMMOEALITY OF THE SOPHISTS. 101 tion — mental demoralization, for the principles of knowledge were sap-,' ped, and man persuaded that his reason was no guide; social demoral-i ization, for he was taught that right ^nd wrong, virtue and vice, con- \ science, and law, and God, are imaginary fictions ; that there is no harm in the commission of sin, though there may be harm, as assuredly there is folly, dn being detected therein ; that it is excellent for a man to sell his country to the Persian king, provided that the sum of money he re- ceives is large enough, and that the transaction is so darkly conducted that the public, and particularly his enemies, can never findit out. Let him never forget that patriotism is the first delusion of a simpleton, and the last refuge of a knave. Such were the results of the first attempt to correct the partial philos- ophies, by submitting them to the measure of a more universal one ; such the manner in which, instead of only losing their exclusiveness and im- perfections by their contact with one another, they were wrested from their proper object, and made subservient to the purpose of deception. ISTor was it alone science that was affected ; already might be discerned the foreshadowings of that conviction which many centuries later occa- sioned the final destruction of polytheism in Eome. Already, in Athens, the voice of philosophers was heard, that among so many gods and so many different worships it was impossible for a man to They reject the na- ascertain what was true. Already, many even of the edu- """"^ "'^"sta- cated were overwhelmed with the ominous suggestion that, if ever it had been the will of heaven to reveal any form of faith to the world, such a revelation, considering its origin, must necessarily have come with such power as to override all opposition ; that if there existed only as many as two forms of faith synchronous and successful in the world, that fact would of itself demonstrate that neither of them is true, and that there never had been any revelation from an all- wise and om- nipotent Grod. Nor was it merely among the speculative men that these infidelities were cherished ; the leading politicians and statesmen had become deeply infected with them. It was not Anaxagoras alone who was convicted of atheism ; the same charge was made- against Per- icles, the head of the republic — he who had done so much spread of their opin- for the glory of Athens— the man who, in practical life, e8rciaTa™f " ^ ' was, beyond all question, the first of his age. With difficulty he suc- ceeded, by the use of what influence remained to him, in saving the life of the guilty philosopher his friend, but in the public estimation he was universally viewed as a participator in his crime. If the foundations of philosophy and those of religion were thus sapped, the foundations of law experienced no better fate. The Sophists, who were wandering all over the wOrld, saw that each nation had its own ideas of merit and de- merit, and therefore its own system of law ; that even in different towns there were contrary conceptions of right and wrong, ^nd therefore op- 102 CONDEMNATION OF THEIE DOCTRINES, posing codes. It is evident that in snchi examinations they applied the same principles which had guided them in their analysis of philosophy and religion, and that the result could be no otherwise than it was, to bring them to the conclusion that there is nothing absolute in justice or in law. To what an appa,lling condition has society arrived, when it reaches the positive conclusion that there i-s no truth, no religion, no jus- tice, no virtue in the world ; that the only object of human exertion is unrestrained physical enjoyment; the only standard of a man's position, wealth ; that, since there is no possibility of truth, whose eternal prin- ciples might serve for an uncontrovertible and common guide, we should resort to deception and the arts of persuasion, that we may dupe others to our purposes ; that there is no sin in undermining the social contract; no crime in blasphemy, or rather there is no blasphemy at all, since there are no gods; that "man is the measure of all things," as' Protago- ras teaches,, and that "he is the criterion of existence;" that "thought is only the relation of the thinking subject to the object thought of, and that the thinking subject, the soul, is nothing more than the sum of the different moments of thinking." It is no wonder that that Sophist who was the author of such doctrines should be condemned to death to sat- Theycndin isfy the clamors of a populace who had not advanced suffi- ism. " ciently into the depths of this secondary, this higher phi- losphy, and that it was only by flight that he could save himself from the punishment awaiting the opening sentiment of his book : " Of the gods I can not tell whether they are or not, for much hinders- us from knowing this — both the obscurity of the subject and the shortness of life." It is no wonder that the social demoralization spread apace, when men like Gorgias, the disciple of Empedocles, were to be found, who laughed at virtue, made an open derision of morality, and proved; by metaphysical demonstration, that nothing at all exists. From these statements respecting the crisis to which ancient philoso- phy had arrived, we might be disposed to believe that . the result was unmitigated evil, for it scarcely deserves mention that the quibbles and disputes of the Sophists occasioned an extraordinary improvement of the Greek language, introducing a precision into its- terms, and a won- derful dialectical skill in its use. For us there may be extracted from these melancholy conclusions at least one instructive lesson — ^that It is not during the process of decomposition of philosophies, and especially Political dangers of religions, that social changes occur, for such breakings- of the higher \ ■ • i ■•■,•,« . analysis. Up commouly go ou in an isolated, and therefore innocuous way; but if by chance the fragments and decomposed portions are brought together, and attempts are made by fusion to incorporate them anew, or to extract from them, by a secondary analysis, what truth they contain, a crisis is at once brought on, and — such is the course of events — in the catastrophe that ensues they are commonly all absolutely de- ILLUSTRATION FROM THE MIDDLE AGES. 103 stroyed. It was doubtless their foresight of such consequences that in- spired the Italian statesmen of the Middle Ages with a resolute pur- pose of crushing in the hud every encroachment on ecclesiastical au- thority, and every attempt at individual interpretation of religious doc- trines. For it is not to be supposed that men of clear in- mustrstions from tellect should be insensible to the obvious unreasonable- ^e Middle Ages, ness of many of the dogmas that had been consecrated by authority. But if once permission were accorded to human criticism and human in- terpretation, what other issue could there be than that doctrine upon doctrine, and sect upon sect should arise; that theological principles should undergo a total decomposition, until scarcely two men could be found whose views coincided ; nay, even more than that, that the same man should change his opinion with the changing incidents of the dif- ferent periods of his life. No matter what might be the plausible guise of the beginning, and the ostensibly cogent arguments for its necessity, once let the decomposition commence, and no human power could ar- rest it until it had become thorough and complete. Considering the prestige, the authority, and the mass of fact to be dealt with, it might take many centuries for this process to be finished, but that that result would at length be accomplished no enlightened man could doubt. The experience of the ancient European world had shown that in the act of such decompositions there is but little danger, since, for the time being, each sect, and, indeed, each individual, has a guiding rule of life. But as soon as the period of secondary analysis is reached a crisis must inev- itably ensue, in all probability involving not only religion, but also the social contract. And though, by the exercise of force on the part of the interests that are disturbed, aided by that popular sentiment which is abhorrent of anarchy, the crisis might, for a time, be put Danger of inteueot off, it could not be otherwise than that Europe should ^If feiSf °™°" be left in that deplorable state which must be the result when the Intel- 1 lect of a people has outgrown its formulas of jTaith. A fearful condition to contemplate, for such a dislocation mustalso'affect political relations, and necessarily implies revolt against existing law. Nations plunged in the abyss of ^religion must necessarily be nations in anarchy. For a time their tendency to explosion may be kept down by the firm appli- cation of the hand of power ; but this is simply an antagonism, it is no cure. The social putrefaction proceeds, working its way downward into classes that are lower and lower, until at length it involves the institu- tions that are relied on for its arrest. Armies, the machinery of com- pression, once infected, the end is at hand, but no human foresight can predict what the event shall be, especially if the contem- Absolute necesaity poraneous ruling powers have either ignorantly or willfully mSea'&f S neglected to prepare society for the inevitable trial it is "'^■'s^- about to undergo. It is the most solemn of all the duties of govern- 104 SUMMARY OF THE GREEK: PHILOSOPHIES. ments, when once they have become aware of such a momentous condi- tion, to prepare the nations for its fearful consequences. For this it may, perhaps, be lawful for them to dissemble in a temporary manner, as it is sometimes proper for a physician to dissemble with his patient; it may be lawful for them even to resort to the use of force, but never should such measures of doubtful correctness be adopted without others directed to a- preparation of the mass of society for the trials through which it is about to pass. Such, doubtless, were the profound views of the great Italian statesmen of the Middle Ages ; such, doubtless, were the arguments by which they justified to themselves resistance against the beginning of the evil — a course for which Europe has too often and unfairly condemned them. ' It remains for us now to review the details presented in the foregoing Summary of the pagcs for the purpose of determining the successive phases prcce ng eo- ^^ development through which the Greek mind passed; It is not with the truth or fallacy of these details that we have to do, but with their order of occurrence. They are points enabling us to describe graphically the curve of Grecian intellectual advance. The starting-point of Greek philosophy is physical and geocentral. The earth is the grand object of the universe, and, as the necessary re- sult, erroneous ideas are entertained as to the relations and dimensions of the sea and air. This philosophy was hardly a century old before it commenced to cosmogonize, using the principles it considered itself sure of. Long before it was able to get rid of local ideas, such as upward and downward in space, it undertook to explain the origin of the world. But, as advances were made, it was recognized that creation, in its various parts, displays intention and design, the adaptation of means to secure proposed ends. This suggested a reasoning and voluntary agency, like that of man, in the government of the world ; and from a continual reference to human habits and acts, Greek philosophy passed through its stage of anthropoid conceptions. A little farther progress awakened suspicions that the mind of man can obtain no certain knowledge ; and the opinion at last prevailed that we have no reliable criterion of truth. In the skepticism thus setting in, the approach to Oriental ideas is each successive instant more and more distinct. This period of doubt was the immediate forerunner of more correct cosmical opinions. The heliocentric mechanism of the planetary sys- tem was introduced, the earth deposed to a subordinate position. The doctrines, both physical and intellectual, founded on geocentric ideas, were necessarily endangered, and, since these had connected themselves with the prevailing religious views, aiid were represented by important material interests, the public commenced to practice persecution and the THE MODE OF PEOGKESS. 105 philosophers hypocrisy. Pantheistic notions of the nature of the world became more distinct, and, as their necessary consequence, Approach to on. the doctrines of Emanation, Transmigration, and Absorption *'"^' **'^'- were entertained. From this it is but a step to the suspicion that mat- ter, and motion, and time are phantasms .of t&e imagination — opinions embodied in the atomic theory, which asserts that atoms and space alone exist; and which became more refined when it recognized that atoms are only mathematical points ; and still more so when it consid- ered them as mere centres of force. The brink of Buddhism was here approached. As must necessarily ever be the case where men are coexisting in different psychical stages of advance, some having made a less, some a greater intellectual progress, all these, which we have described succes- sively, were at last contemporaneously entertained. At this point com- menced the action of the Sophists, who, by setting the doctrines of one school in opposition to those of another, and representing them all as of equal value, occasioned the destruction of them all, and the philosophy founded on physical speculation came to an end. Of this phase of Greek intellectual life, if we may compare the begin- ning with the close, we can not fail to observe how great is unifonnityintiie _ . fj,, , . T , . .. , - manner of intel- the improvement. The thoughts dealt with at the later leotuai progress. period are intrinsically of a higher order than those at the outset. Ftom the puerilities and errors with which we have thus been occupied, we learn that there is a definite mode of progress for the mind of man ; from the history of later times we shall find that it is ever in the same direction. 106 THE PHILOSOPHY OF SOCEATES. CHAPTER V. THE GREEK AGE OF FAITH. RISE AKD DECLINE OF ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. SoCEATES rejects Physical and Mathematical Speculations, and asserts the Importance ofVirlm and MoraUty, thereby inaugurating an Age of Faith. — His Life and Death. — Tlie Schools originating from his Movement teach the Pursuit of Pleasure and Gratification of Self. Flato founds the Academy. — His three primal Principles. — The Existence of a personal God. — Nature of the World and the Soul. — The ideal Theory, Generals or Types. — Reminiscence, — Transmigration. — Plato's political Institutions. — His Republic. — His Proofs of the Im- mortality of the Soul. — Criticism on his Doctrines. EiSE OF THE Skeptics, who conduct the higher Analysis of Ethical Philosophy. — Pyrrho de- monstrates the Uncertainty of Knowledge. — Inevitable Passage into tranquil Indifference, Quietude, and Irreligion, as recommended by Epiowrus. — Decomposition of the Socratic and Platonic Systems in the later Academies. — Their Errors and Duplicities. — End of the Greek Age of Faith. , The Sophists had brought on an intellectual anarchy. I^t is not in Greek philosophy the naturc of humanity to be contented with such a state, ethics. Thwarted in its expectations from physics, the Greek mind (turned its attention to morals. In the progress of life, it is but a step from the age of Inquiry to the age of Faith. * Socrates, who led the way in this movement, was born B.C. 469. He has exercised an influence in some respects felt to our times. Having experienced the unprofitable results arising from physical speculation, he set in contrast therewith the solid advantages to be enjoyed from the cultivation of virtue and morality. His life was one perpetual combat Socrates: his mode '^^'^^ t^® Sophists. His manner of instruction was by con- oftcachiDg. versation, in which, according to the uniform testimony of all who heard him, he singularly excelled. He resorted to definitions, and therefrom drew deductions, conveying his argument under the form' of a dialogue. Unlike his predecessors, who sought for truth in the in- vestigation of outward things, he turned his attention inward, asserting the supremacy of virtue and its identity with knowledge, and the neces- sity of an adherence to the strict principles of justice. Considering the depraved condition to which the Sophists had reduced society, he insist- ed on a change in the manner of educatjon of youth, so as to bring itm accordance with the principle that happiness is only to be found in the pursuit of virtue and goodness. Thus, therefore, he completely substi- tuted the moral for the physical, and in this essentially consists the phil- osophical revolution he effected. He had no school, properly speaking, HIS ETHICAL SYSTEM. 107 nor did lie elaborate any special ethical system ; for to those who in- quired how they should know good from evil and right from wrong, he recommended the decisions of the laws of their country. It does not appear that he ever entered on any inquiry respecting the na- The doctrines ture of God, simply viewing his existence as a fact of which "' Socrates, there was abundant and incontrovertible proof. Though rejecting the crude religious ideas of his nation, and totally opposed to anthropomor- phism, he carefully avoided the giving of public offense by improper allusions to the prevailing superstition ; nay, even as a good citizen, he set an example of conforming to its requirements. In bis judgment, the fault of the Sophists consisted in this, that they had subverted useless speculation, but had substituted no scientific convictions for it. Never- theless, if man did not know, he might believe, and demonstration might be profitably supplanted by faith. He therefore insisted on the great doctrines of the immortality of the soul and the government of the world by Providence ; but it is not to be denied that there are plain in- dications, in some of his sentiments, that the Supreme Being is the soul of the world. He professed that his own chief wisdom consisted in the knowledge of his own ignorance, and dissuaded his friends from the cultivation "of mathematics and physics, since he affirmed opposes mathemat. that the former lead to vain conclusions, the latter to i™ and physics, atheism. In his system every thing turns on the explanation of terms ; but his processes of reasoning are often imperfect, his conclusions, there- fore, liable to be incorrect. In this way, he maintained that no one would knowingly commit a wrong act, because he that knew a thing to be good would do it ; that it is only involuntarily that the bad are bad ; that he who knowingly teUs a lie is a better man than he who tells a lie in ignorance ; and that it is right to injure one's enemies. From such a statement of the philosophy of Socrates, we can not fail to remark how superficial it must have been ; it perpetually superficiality mistakes differences of words for distinctions of things; it ofi"'™''^- also possessed little novelty. The enforcement of morality can not be regarded as any thing new, since probably there has never been an age 'in which good men were not to be found, who observed, as their rule of life, the maxims taught by Socrates ; and hence we may reasonably inquire what it was that has spread over the name of this great man such an unfading lustre, and why he stands out in such extraordinary prominence among the benefactors of his race. Socrates was happy in two things: happy in those who recorded hisp^,, life, and happy in the circumstances of his death. It is causes of the ceieb-'''' not given to every great man to have Xenophon and "'yofsocrates. Plato fpr his biographers; it is not given to every one who has over- passed the limit of life, and, in the natural course of events, has but a little longer to continue, to attain the crown of martyrdom in behalf of 108 THE DEATH OF SOCRATES. virtue and morality. In an evil hour for the glory of Athens, his coun- trymen put him to death. It was too late when they awoke and saw that they could give no answer to the voice of posterity, demanding why they had perpetrated this cfime. With truth Socrates said, at the close of his noble speech to the judges who had condemned him, "It is now time that we depart — ^I to die, you to live ; but which has the bet- ter destiny is unknown to all except God." The future has resolved that doubt. For Socrates there was reserved the happier lot. No little obscurity still remains upon the true nature of this dart transaction. The articles of accusation were three : he rejects the gods The ostensible of his couutry ; he introduces new ones ; he perverts the ed- againsthim. ucation of youth. With truth might his friends say that it was wonderful that he should be accused of impiety, the whole tenor of whose life was reverence for God — a recognition not only of the divine existence, but of the divine superintendence. "It is only a madman," he wouldf say, " who imputes success in life to human prudence ;" and as to the necessity of a right education for the young, "It is only the wise who are fit to govern men." We must conclude that the accusa- tions were only ostensible or fictitious, and that beneath them lay some reality which could reconcile the Athenians to the perpetration, of so great a crime. Shall we find in his private life any explanation of this mysteiy? Unfortunately, the fragments which have desfiended to us are few. To the investigations of classical criticism we can scarcely look with any hope, for classical criticism has hitherto been in a state of singular inno- cence, so far as the actual affairs of life are concerned. It regards Athe- nians and Eomans not as men and women like ourselves, but as the per- sonages presented by fictitious literature, whose lives are exceptions to the common laws of human nature ; who live in the midst of scenes of endless surprises and occurrences ever bordering on the marvelous. If we examine the case according to every-day principles, we can not The character fail to remark that the Socrates of our imagination is a very Athens. different man from the Socrates of contemporaneous: Athe- nians. To us he appears a transcendent genius, to whom the greal names of antiquity render their profound homage ; a martyr in behalf of principles, of which if society is devoid, life itself is scarcely of any worth, and for the defense of which it is the highest glory that a man should be called upon to die. To them Socrates was no more than an idle lounger in the public places and comers of the streets; grotesque, and even repulsive in his person ; affecting in the oddities of his walk- ing and in his appearance many of the manners of the mountebank. Neglecting the pursuit of an honest calling, for his trade seems to have been thaf of a stone-cutter, he wasted his time in discoursing with such youths as his lecherous countenance and satyr-like person could gather HIS CHABACTEE. 109 around him, leading them astray from the gods of his country, the flimsy veil of his hypocrisy being too transparent to conceal his infidel- ity. Nevertheless, he was a very brave soldier, as those who serveS with him testify. It does not appear that he was observant of those cares which by most men are properly considered as paramount, giving himself but little concern for the support of his children and wife. The good woman Xantippe is, to all appearance, one of those charac- xantippe ters who are unfairly judged of by the world. Socrates married ^ "'"'^ her because of her singular conversational powers ; and though he him- self, according to universal testimony, possessed extraordinary merits in that respect, he found to his cost, when too late, that so commanding were her excellencies that he was altogether her inferior. Among the amusing instances related of his domestic dif&culties were the conse- quences of his invitations to persons to dine with him when there was nothing in the house wherewith to entertain them, a proceeding severely trying to the temper of Xantippe, whose cause would unquestionably be defended by the matrons of any nation. It was nothing but the mortification of a high-spirited woman at the acts of a man who was too shiftless to have any concern for his domestic honor. He would not gratify her "urgent entreaties by accepting from those upon whom he lav- ished his time the money that was so greatly needed at home. After his condemnation, she carried her children with her to his prison, and was dismissed by him, as he told his friends, from his apprehension of her deep distress. To the last we see her bearing herself in a manner hon- orable to a woman and a wife. There is surely something wrong in a man's life when the mother of his children is protesting against his con- duct, and her complaints are countenanced by the community. In view of all the incidents of the history of Socrates, we can come to no other conclusion than that the Athenians regarded him as an unworthy, and perhaps troublesome member of society. There can be no doubt that his trial and condemnation were connected with political measures. He himself said that he should have suffered death previously. He is reaiiy the in the. affair of Leon of Salamis, had not the government cai animosity. been broken up. His bias was toward aristocracy, not toward democ- racy. . In common with his party, he had been engaged in undertakings tha]t could not do otherwise than entail mortal animosities ; and it is not to be overlooked that his indictment was brought forward by Anytus, who was conspicuous in restoring the old order of things. The mistake made by the Athenians was in applying a punishment altogether be- yond the real offense, and in adding thereto the persecution of those who had embraced the tenets of Socrates by driving them into exile. Not alone admiration for the memory of their master, but a recollection of their own wrongs, made these men eloquent eulogists. Had Socrates appeared to the Athenians as he appears to us, it is not consistent with 110 human proceedings that they should have acted in so barbarous and totally indefensible a manner. ' If by the Daemon to whose suggestions Socrates is said to have list- The Damon ^ued any thing more was meant than conscience, we must in- of Socrates, fgj, ^-^^^ ^^ labored under that mental malady to which those are liable who, either through penury or designedly, submit to extreme abstinence, and, thereby injuring the brain, fall into hallucination. Such cases are by no means of infrequent occurrence. Mohammed was affect- ed in that manner. After the death of Socrates there arose several schools professing to be founded upon his principles. The divergences they exhibited when compared with one another prove how little there was of precision in The Megaric school, thosc principles. Amouff these imitators is numbered insensible to pain. Euclid of Mcgara, who had been in the habit of incurring considerable personal risk for the sake of listening to the great teacher, it being a capital offense for a native of Megara to be found in Athens; Upon their persecution, Plato and other disciples of Socrates fled to Euclid, and were well received by him. His system was a mixture of the Eleatic and Socratic, the ethical preponderating in his doctrine. He maintained the existence of one Being, the Good, having various as- pects — Wisdom, God, Reason, and showed an inclination to the tend- ency afterward fully developed by the Cynical school in his dogma ' that the wise man should be insensible to pain. With the Megaric school is usually classified the Cyrenaic, founded ' Tjhe Cyrenaic ^J Aristippus. Like Socratcs, he held in disdain physical nre°i3 the^^'- spcculatious, and directed his attention to the moral. In his jectof ufe. opinion, happiness consists in pleasure ; and, indeed, he rec- ognized in pleasure and pain the criteria of external things. He denied that we can know any thing with certainty, our senses being so liable to deceive us ; but, though we may not perceive things truly, it is true that we perceive. With the Cyrenaic school, pleasure is the great end and object of life. To these may be added the Cynical school, founded by Antisthenes, The Cynical school: whose systcm is personal and ferocious: it is a battle of errand'^atmcatn the miud agaiust the body; it is a pursuit of pleasure of "^^^^^ a mental kind, corporeal enjoyment being utterly un- worthy of a man. Its nature is very well shown in the character of ite founder, who abandoned all the conveniences and comforts of life, vol- untarily encountering poverty and exposure to the inclemency of the seasons. His garments were of the meanest kind, his beard neglected, his person filthy, his diet bordering on starvation. To the passers-hy this fagged misanthrope indulged in contemptuous language, and offend- ed them by the indecency of his gestures. Abandoned at last by every one except Diogenes of Sinope, he expired in the extreme of THE DOCTEINES OF CYNICISM. Ill •wretcliedness. It had been a favorite doctrine with him that Antiathenes. friendship and patriotism are altogether worthless ; and in his last agony, Diogenes asking him whether he needed a friend, " Will a friend release me from this pain?" he inquired. Diogenes handed him a dag- ger, saying, " This will." " I want to be free from pain, but not from life." Into such degradation had philosophy fallen, as represented by the Cynical school, that it may be doubted whether it is right to include a man like Antisthenes among those who derive their title from their love of wisdom — a man who condemned the knowledge of reading and writing, who depreciated the institution of marriage, and professed that he saw no other advantage from philosophy than that it enabled him to keep company with himself The wretched doctrines of Cynicism were carried to their utmost ap- plication by Diogenes of Sinope. In early life he had been Diogenes of accustomed to luxury and ease ; but his father, who was a ^"^°^^- wealthy banker, having been convicted of debasing the coinage, Dioge- nes, who in some manner shared in the disgrace, was in a very fit state of mind to embrace doctrines implying a contempt for the goods of the world and for the opinions of men. He may be considered as the pro- totype of the hermits of a later period in his attempts at the subjuga- tion of the natural appetites by means of starvation. Looking upon the body as a mere clog to the soul, he mortified it in every possible man- ner, feeding it on raw meat and leaves, and making it dwell in a tub. He professed that the nearer a man approached to suicide the nearer he approached to virtue. He wore no other dress than a scanty cloak ; a wallet, a stick, and a drinking-cup completed his equipment : the cup he threw away as useless on seeing a boy take water in the hollow of his hand.' It was his delight to offend every idea of social decency by performing all the acts of life publicly, asserting that whatever is not improper' in itself ought to be done openly. It is said that his death, which occurred in his ninetieth year, was in consequence of devouring a neat's foot raw. Prom his carrying the Socratic notions to an ex- treme, he merits the designation applied to him, " the mad Socrates." His contempt for the opinions of others, and his religious disbelief, are illustrated by an incident related of him, that, having in a moment of weakness made a promise to some friends that he would offer a sacrifice to Diana, he repaired the next day to her temple, and, taking His iiTeverema. a louse from his head, cracked it upon her altar. What a melancholy illustration of the tendency of the human mind do these facts offer. What a quick, yet inevitable descent from j^^j^ „f the morality of Socrates. . Selfishness is enthroned ; friendship =""a"ty- and patriotism are looked upon as the affairs of a fool : happy is the man who stands in no need of a friend ; still happier he who has not one. No action is intrinsically bad ; even robbery, adultery, sacrilege, 112 PLATO. are only crimes by public agreement. The sage will take care how he indulges in the weakness of gratitude or benevolence, or any other such sickly sentiment. If he can find pleasure, let him enjoy it ; if pain is inflicted on him, let him bear it ; but, above all, let him remember that death is just as desirable as life. If the physical speculations of Greece had ended in sophistry and atheism, ethical investigations, it thus appears, had borne no better fruit. Both systems, when carried to their consequences, had been found to be not only useless to society, but actually prejudicial to its best interests. As far as could be seen, in the times of which we are speaking, the pros- pects for civilization were dark and discouraging ; nor did it appear possible that any successful attempts could be made to extract from philosophy any thing completely suitable to the wants of man. Yet, in the midst of these discreditable delusions, one of the friends and disci- ples of Socrates — indeed, it may be said, his chief disciple, Plato, was lay- ing the foundation of another system, which, though it contained much that was false and more that was vain, contained also some things vigor- ous enough to descend to our times. Plato was bom about B.C. 426. Antiquity has often delighted to cast j^^'Birth of Plato, a halo of mythical glory around its illustrious names. The immortal works of its great philosopher seemed to entitle him to more ^■^than mortal honors. A legend, into the authenticity of which we will abstain from inquiring, asserted that his mother Perictione, a pure vir^ gin, suffered an immaculate conception through the influences of ApoEo. The god declared to Ariston, to whom she was about to be married, the parentage of the child. The wisdom of this great writer may justify such a noble descent, and, in some degree, excuse the credulity of his admiring and affectionate disciples, who gave a ready ear to the stu- pendous and idle story. To the knowledge acquired by Plato during the eight or ten years he had spent with Socrates, he added all that could be obtained from-|ke philosophers of Egypt, Gyrene, Persia, and Tarentum. With every ad- vantage arising from wealth and an illustrious parentage, if even it was only of an earthly kind, for he numbered Solon among his ancestors, k Hia education availed himself of the teaching of the chief philosophers- of the and teaching, g^gg^ ^^^ ^^ length, retumiug to his native country, founded a school in the grove of Hecademus. Thrice during his career as a teach- er he visited Sicily, on each occasion returning to the retirement' of his academy. He attained the advanced age of eighty -three years. It has been given to few men to exercise so profound an influence on the opin- ions of posterity, and yet it is said that during his lifetime Plato had na friends. He quarreled with most of those who had been his fellow-dte- " ciples of Socrates ; and, as might be anticipated from the venerable' age to which he attained, and the uncertain foundation upon which, his doc- PLATO'S DOCTRINES, THE PRIMAL PRINCIPLES, GOB, THE SOUL. 113 trines reposed, his opinions were very often contradictory, and his phi- losophy exhibited many variations. To his doctrines we must now attend. It was the belief of Plato that matter is coeternal with God, ,and that, indeed, there are three primary principles — God, Matter, The doctrines of Ideas ; all animate and inanimate things being fashioned by pdmaiy pdnd'° God from' matter, which, being capable of receiving any im- '*""• press, may be designated with propriety the Mother of Forms. He held that intellect existed before such forms were produced, but not antece- dently to matter. To matter he imputed a refractory or resisting qual- ity, the origin of the disorders and disturbances occurring in the world ; he also regarded it as the cause of evil, accounting thereby for the pre- ponderance of evil, which must exceed the good in proportion as matter exceeds ideas. It is not without reason, therefore, that Plato has been accused of Magianism. These doctrines are of an Oriental cast. The existence of God, an independent and personal maker of the world, he inferred from proofs of intelligence and design pre- Heasaertsthe sented by natural objects. "All in the world is for the sake personal God. of the rest, and the places of the singje parts are so ordered as to sub- serve to the preservation and excellency of the whole ; hence all things are derived from the operation of a Divine intellectual cause." From the marks of unity in that design he deduced the unity of God, whom he regarded as the Supreme Intelligence, incorporeal, without beginning, end, or change. His god is the fashioner and father of the universe, in contradistinction to impersonal Nature. In one sense, he taught that the soul is immortal and imperishable ; in another, he denied that each individual soul either has had or will continue to have an everlasting duration. From what has been said on a former page, it will be under- stood that this psychological doctrine is essentially Indian. His views of thB ancient condition and former relations of the soul en- N„mrg„fu,e abled Plato to introduce the celebrated doctrine of Eeminis- °™'- cence, and to account for what have otherwise been termed innate ideas. They are the recollections of things with which the soul was once familiar. The reason of God contemplates and comprehends the exemplars or original models of all natural forms, whatever they may be ; for visible things are only fleeting shadows, quickly passing away ; ideas or ex- emplars are everlasting. With so much power did he set forth pi^^to's iaeai this theory of ideas, and, it must be added, with so much ob- "'*°'^- scurity, that some have asserted an extramundane space in which exist incorporeal beings, the ideas or original exemplars of all organic and in- organic forms. An illustration may remove some of the obscurity of these views. Thus all men, though they may present different appear- ances when compared with each other, are obviously fashioned upon the H 114 THE IDEAL THEOEY. same model, to which they all more or less perfectly conform. All trees of the same kind, though they may differ from one another, are, in like manner, fashioned upon a common model, to which they more Exempiaraor ^T Icss perfectly couform. To such models, exemplars or types- types, Plato gave the designation of Ideas. Our knowledge thereof is clearly not obtained from the senses, but from reflection. Now, Plato asserted that these ideas are not only conceptions of the mirid, but actually perceptions or entities having a real existence ; nay, niore, that they are the only real existences.. Objects are thus only ma- terial embodiments of ideas, and in representation are not exact ; for cor- respondence between an object and its model is only so far as circum- stances will permit. Hence we can never determine all the properties or functions of the idea from an examination of its imperfect material representation, any liiore than we could discover the character or quali- ties of a man from pictures of him, no matter how excellent those pic- tures might be. The Ideal theory of Plato, therefore, teaches that, beyond this world of delusive appearances, this world of material objects, there is another world, invisible, eternal, and essentially true ; that, though we can not trust our senses for the correctness of the indications they yield, there are other impressions upon which we may fall back to aid us in coming Doctrine of Rem- to the truth, the reminiscenccs or rccoUections Still abiding ' inisceDce. ^^ ^]^g gQy][ q^ ^j^q thiugs it formerly knew, either in the realm of pure ideas, or in the states of former life through which it has passed. For Plato says that 'there are souls which, in pferiods of many thousand years, have successively transmigrated through bodies of var Beconections rious kinds. Of these various conditions they retain a reoot during trans- , n-i • • it i in migration. Icctiou, moro faintly or vividly, as the case may be. ideas seeming to be implanted in the human mind, but certainly never com- municated to us by the senses, are derived from those former states. If this recollection of ancieiit events and conditions were absolutely pre- cise and correct, then man would have an innate means for determ- ining the truth. But such reminiscences being, in their nature, imper- (fect and uncertain, we never can attain to absolute truth.' With Plato, ' ; the Beautiful is the perfect image of the true. Love is the longing of the soul for beauty, the attraction of like for like, the longing of the di- 'vinity within us for the divinity beyond us; and the Good, which is . ft beauty, truth, justice, is God — God in his abstract state. From the Platonic system it therefore followed that science is impos- sible to man, and possible only to God ; that, however, recollecting ^Bf -i origin, we ought not to despair, but elevate our intellectual aim as far# we may ; that all knowledge is not attributable to our present senses; for, if that were the case, all men would be equally wise, their senses be- ing equal in acuteness ; but a very large portion, and by far the surest THE NATURE OF THE GODS AND OF THINGS. 115 portion, is derived from reminiscence of our former states ; that each in- dividual soul is an idea; and that, of ideas generally, the low- (}„j ^ 4^^ ,^ er are held together by the higher, and hence, finally, by one ""*''=■'• which is supreme ; that God is the sum of ideas, and is therefore eternal and unchangeable, the sensuous conditions of time and space having no relation to him, and inapplicable in any conception of his attributes; that he is the measure of all things, and not man, as Protagoras sup- posed ; that the universe is a type of him ; that matter itself is an abso- lute negation, and is the same as space ; that the forms presented by our senses are unsubstantial shadows, and nojeality ; that, so far from there being an infinitv of worlds, there is but one, which, as the The nature of ° ■' ' , ' ' , .the world and work of God, is neither subject to age nor decay, and that it of the gods, consists of a body and a soul ; in another respect it may be said to be composed of fire and earth, which can only be made to cohere through the intermedium of air and water, and hence the necessity of the exist- ence of the four elements ; that, of geometrical forms, the pyramid cor- responds to fire, the cube to earth, the octahedron to air, these forms being produced from triangles connected by certain numerical ratios ; that the entire sum tif vitahty is divided by God into seven parts, an- swering to the divisions of the musical octave, or to the seven planets ; that the world is an animal having within it a soul; for man is warm, and so is the world ; man is made of various elements, and so is the world ; and, as the body of man has a soul, so too must the world have one ; that there is a race of created, generated, and visible- gods, who must be distinguished from the eternal, their bodies being composed for the most part of fire, and in shape spherical ; that the earth is the oldest and first of the starry bodies, its place being in the centre of the universe, or in the axis thereof, where it remains, balanced by its own equilibrium; perhaps it is an ensouled being and a generated god; that the mortal races are three, answering .to Earth, Air, and "Water ; that the male man was the first taade of mortals, and that from him the female, and beasts, and birds, and fishes issued forth ; that the superi- ority of man depends upon his being a religious animal ; that each mor- tal consists of two portions, a soul and a body — their separation consti- tutes death ; that of the soul there are two primitive component parts, a mortal and an iinmortal, the one being made by the ere- Triple comtitu- ated^gods, and the other by the Supreme; that for the pur- «oaofthe«id. pose of uniting these parts together it is necessary that there should be an intermedium, and that this is the dEemonic portion or spirit ; that our mental struggles arise from this triple constitution of Appetite, Spirit, and Eeason ; that Eeason alone is immortal, and the others die ; that the -number of souls in the universe is invariable or constant; that the sentiment of pre-existence proves the soul to have existed before the body ; that, since the soul is the cause of motion, it can neither be pro- 116 PHYSIOLOGY OF PLATO. duced nor deoay, else all motion must eventually cease ; that, as to the Transmigration and condition of departed souls, thev liover as shades around future rewards and , . . „ , ,. . .i • t^ i it punishments. the gravcs, pmmg for restoration to tneir lileless bodies, or migrating through various human or brute shapes, but that an unem- bodied life in God is reserved for the virtuous philosopher ; that valor is nothing but knowledge, and virtue a knowledge of good ; that the soul, on entering the body, is irrational or in a trance, and that the god, the star who formed its created part, influences its career, and hence its fortunes may be predicted by. astrological computations; that there are future rewards and punishments, a residence being appointed for the righteous in his kindred star ; for those whose lives have been less pure there is a second birth under the form of a woman, and, if evil courses are still persisted in, successive transmigrations through various brutes are in reserve — ^the frivolous passing into birds, the unphilosophical into beasts, the ignorant into fishes; that the world undergoes periodical revolutions by fire and water, its destructions and reproductions depend- ing upon the coincidences of the stars. Of Plato's views of human physiology I can offer no better statement than the following from Eit- The physioio- ^^r : "All in the human body is formed for the sake of the gyot Plato. Reason, after certain determinate ends. Accordingly, first of all, a seat must be provided for the god-like portion of the soul, the head, viz., which is round, and similar to the perfect shape of the whole, furnished with the organs of cognition, slightly covered with flesh, which impedes the senses. To the head is given the direction of the whole frame, hence its position at the top ; and, since the mortal crea- tion possesses all the six irregular motions, and the head ought not to roll upon the ground, the human form is long in its form, with legs for walking and arms for serving the body, and the anterior part is fash- ioned differently from the posterior. Now, the reason being seated in the head, the spirit or irascible soul, has its seat in the breast, under the head, in order that it may be within caTl and command of the Eeason, but yet separated from the head hj the neck, that it might not mix with it. The concupiscible has likewise its particular seat in the lower part of the trunk, the abdomen, separated by the diaphragm from that of the irascible, since it is destined, being separate from both, to be gov- erned and held in order both by the spirit and the Eeason. For this end God has given it a watch, the liver, which is dense, smooth, and shining, and, containing in combination both bitter and sweet, is fitted to receive and reflect, as in a mirror, the images of thoughts. When- ever the Eeason disapproves, it checks inordinate desires by its bitter- ness, and, on the other hand, when it approves, all is soothed into gentle repose by its sweetness ; moreover, in sleep,- or sickness, or in inspira- tion '^t becomes prophetic, so that even the vilest portion of the body is in a certain degree participant of truth. In other respects the lower THE EEPUBLiO OF PLATO. 117 portion of the trunk is fashioned with equal adaptation for the ends it has to serve. The spleen is placed on the left side of the liver, in order to secrete and carry off the impurities which the diseases of the body might produce and accumulate. The intestines are coiled many times, in order that the food may not pass too quickly through the body, and so occasion again an immoderate desire for more; for such a constant appetite would render the pursuit of philosophy impossible, and make man disobedient to the commands of the divinity within him." The reader will gather from the preceding paragraph how much of wisdom and of folly, of knowledge and of ignorance, the doctrines of Plato present. I may be permitted to continue this analysis of his writ- ings a little farther, with the intention of exhibiting the manner in which he carried his views into practice ; for Plato asserted that, though the supreme good is unattainable by our reason, we must try to re- mj ^^^^^^i semble God as far as it is possible for the changeable to copy ''^'^'"'• the eternal ; remembering that pleasure is not the end of man, and, though the sensual part of the soul dwells on eating and drinking, riches and pleasure, and the spiritual on worldly honors and distinc- tions, the reason is devoted to knowledge. Pleasure, therefore, can not be attributed to the gods, though knowledge may ; pleasure, which is not a good in itself, but only a means thereto. Each of the three parts of the soul has its own appropriate virtue, that of reason being wisdom ; that of the spirit, courage ; that of the appetite, temperance ; and, for the sake of perfection, justice is added for the mutual regulation of the oth- er three. In carrying his ethical conceptions into practice, Plato insists that the state is every thing, and that what is in opposition to it ought his proposed to be' destroyed. He denies the right of property ; strikes at BtStutioM."' the very existence of the family, pressing his doctrines to such an ex- treme as to consider women as public property, to be used for the pur- poses of the state ; he teaches that education should be a governmental 1 duty, and that religion must be absolutely subjected to the politician ; that children do not belong to their parents, but to the state ; that the aim of government should not be the happiness of the individual, but that of the whole ; and that men are to be considered not as men, but as eletnents of the state, a perfect subject differing from a slave only in this, that he has the state for his master. He recommends the exposure of deformed and sickly infants, and requires every citizen to be initiated into every species of falsehood and fraud. Distinguishing between mere social unions and true polities, and insisting that there shall be an anal- ogy between the state and the soul as respects triple constitution, he establishes a division of ruler, warriors, and laborers, preferring, there- fore, a monarchy reposing on aristocracy, particularly of talent. Tholigh he considers music essential to education, his opinion of the fine arts is 118 CEITICISM ON HIS DOCTEINES. SO low that he would admit into his state painters and musicians onlj under severe restrictions, or not at all. It was for the sake of having TheEepubiic ^^^^ chimerical republic realized in Sicily that he made a jour- of Plato. _ jjgy ^Q Dionysius ; an^ it may be. added that it was well for those whom he hoped to have subjected to the experiment that his wild and visionary scheme was never permitted to be carried into effect. In our times, extravagant social plans have been proposed, and some have been attempted ; but we have witnessed nothing so absurd as this vaunt- ed republic of Plato. It shows a surprising ignorance of the acts and wants of man in his social condition. Some of the more important doctrines of Plato are worthy of farther reflection. I shall therefore detain the reader for a short time to offer a few remarks upon them. It was a beautiful conception of this philosophy that ideas are con- Grandenrof Plato's nectcd together by others of a higher order, and these, in oonceptionsof God ^j^gj^. ^^^.^^ ^y othcrs Still higher, their generality and pow- er increasing as we ascend, until finally a culminating point is reached — a last, a supreme, an all-ruling Idea, which is God. Approaching in this elevated manner to the doctrine of an Almighty Being, we are free from those fallacies we are otherwise liable to fall into when we mingle notions derived from time and space with the attributes of God; we also avoid those obscurities necessarily encountered when we attempt the consideration of the illimitable and eternal. Plato's views of the immortality of the -soul offer a striking contrast and of the souL to thoso of the popular philosophy and superstition of his time. They recall, in many respects, the doctrines of Iridia. In Greece, those who held the most enlarged views entertained what might be termed a doctrine of semi-immortality. They looked for a continuance of the soul in an endless futurity, but gave themselves no concern about ■the, eternity which is past. But Plato considered the soul as having already eternally existed, the present life being only a moment in our career ; he looked forward, with an undoubting faith, to the changes through which we must hereafter go. As sparks issue forth from a flame, so doubtless to his imagination did the soul of man issue forth from the soul of the world. Innate ideas and the sentiment of pre-ex- The sentiment of istcnce indicate our past life. By the latter is meant ttat pre-exiatence. qj^ some occasiou perhaps of trivial concern, or perhaps^n some momentous event, it suddenly occurs to us that we have been in like circumstances, and surrounded by the things at that instant present on some other occasion before; but the recollection, though forcibly im- pressing us with surprise, is misty and confused. With Plato shall we say it was in one of our prior states of existence, and the long-forgott61i transactions are now suddenly flashing upon us? •"■ But Plato did not know the double structure and the double action DOUBLE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL. 119 of the braia of man ; he did not remember that the mind may lose all recognition of the lapse of time, and, with equal facility, compress into the twinkling of an eye events so numerous that for their occurrence days and even years would seem to be required: or, con- But this arisea J *' . • 1 - 1 1 ' 1 from the ana- verselv, that it can take a smgle, a simple idea, which one tomicai con- ■/' ,,.. in' 11 11 strnction o£the would suppose might be disposed ot in a moment, and dwell train, upon it, dilating or swelling it out, until all the hours of a long night are consumed. Of the truth of these singular effects we have not only such testimony as that offered by those who have been restored from death, by drowning, who describe the flood of memory rushing upon them in the last moment of their mortal agony, the long train of all the affairs in which they have borne a part seen in an instant, as we see the landscape, with all its various objects, by a flash of lightning at night, and that with appalling distinctness, but also from our own es- perience in our dreams. It is shown in my Physiology how the phe- nomena of the sentiment of pre-existence may, upon these principles, be explained, each hemisphere of the brain thinking for itself, and the mind deluded as respects the lapse of time, mistaking these simultaneous ac- tions for successive ones, and referring one of the two impressions to an indistinct and misty past. To Plato such facts as these afforded copious proofs of the prior existence of the soul, and strong foundations for a faith in its future life. Thus Plato's doctrine of the immortality of the soul implies a double immortality ; the past eternity, as well as that to come, falls The aouwe im- within its scope. In the national superstition of his time, andfuturk^'^ the spiritual principle seemed to arise wjthout author or generator, find- ing its chance residence in the tabernacle of the body, growing with its growth and strengthening with its strength, acquiring for each period of life a correspondence of form and of feature, with its companion the body, successively assuming the appearance of the infant, the youth, the adult, the white-bearded patriarch. The shade who wandered in the Stygian fields, or stood before the tribunal of Minos to receive his doom, was thought to correspond in aspect with the aspect of the body at death. It was thus thai Ulysses recognized the forms of Patroclus and Achilles, and other heroes of the ten years' siege ; it was thus that the peasant recognized the ghost of his enemy or friend. As a matter of superstition, these notions had their use, but in a philosophical sense it is impossible to conceive any thing more defective. The state of man differs from that of a lifeless body or a brute in this,- that it is not alone with the present moment that he has to Eeiationsofthe deal, or that the past, when gone, is clean gone forever, and toman, that the future, before it approaches, is as if it was never to be. Man, by his recollection, makes the past a part, of the present, and his fore- knowledge adds the future thereto, thereby coalescing the three in one. 120 CEITICISM ON THE IDEAL THEORY. Some of the illustrations commonly given of Plato's Ideal theory may Criticism on tiie ^Iso be instructively used for showing the manner in which weaitiieoiy. jjjg fg^^^g ^^q ^gg^j^ yjyij^ by the methods of modem science. Thus Plato would say that there is contained in every acorn the ideal type of an oak, in accordance with which, as soon as suitable circum- stances occur, the acorn will develop itself into an oak, and into no oth- er tree. In that act of development of such a seed into its final growth there are, therefore, two things demanding attention, the intrinsic char- acter of the seed and the external forces acting upon it. The Platonic doctrine draws such a distinction emphatically ; its essential purpose is to assert the absolute existence and independence of that innate type and its imperishabijity. Though it requires the agency of external cir- cumstances for its complete realization, its being is altogether irrespeet' ive of them. There are, therefore, in such a case, two elements con- cerned — an internal and an external. A like duality is perceived in many other physiological instances, as in the relationship of miud and matter, thought and sensation. It is the aim of the Platonic philosophy to magnify the internal at the expense of the external in the case of man, thereby asserting the absolute supremacy of intellect ; this being the particular in which man is distinguished from the brutes and lower organisms, in whom the external relatively predominates. The devel- opment of any such organism, be it plant or animal, is therefore nothing but a manifestation of the Divine idea of Platonism. Many instances of natural history offer striking illustrations, as when that which might have been a branch is developed into a flower, the parts thereof show- ing a disposition to arrange themselves by fives or by threes. The per- sistency with which this occurs in organisms of the same species is, in the Platonic interpretation, a proof that, though individuals may perish, the idea is immortal. How else, in this manner, could the like extricate itself from the unlike ; the one deliver itself from, and make itself mani- fest among the many ? Such is an instance of Plato's views ; but the very illustration, thus serving to bring them so explicitly before us, may teach us another, and, perhaps, a more correct doctrine. For, considering the duality present ed by such cases, the -internal and external, the immortal hidden type • and' the power acting upon it without, the character and the circum- stances, may we not pertinently inquire by what authority does Plato diminish the influence of the latter and enhance the value of the for- mer ? Why are facts to be burdened with such hypothetical creations, when it is obvious that a much simpler explanation is sufiBcient ? Let I us admit, as our best physiological views direct, that the starting-point \ of every organism, low or high, vegetable or animal, or whatever else, is I a simple cell, the manner of development of which depends altogether on the circumstances and influences to which it is exposed ; that, so THE IDEAL THEORY COMPABED WITH THE DOCTRINE OF LAW. 121 long as ttose circumstances are the same tlie resulting form will be the same, and that as soon as those circumstances differ the resulting form differs too. The offspring is like its parent, not because it in- cludes an immortal typical form, but because it is exposed in develop- ment to the same conditions as was its parent. Elsewhere I have en- deavored to show that we must acknowledge this absolute dominion of physical agents over organic forms as the fundamental principle in all the sciences of organization ; indeed, the main object of my work on Physiology was to enforce this very doctrine. But such a doctrine is' al- together, inconsistent with the Ideal theory of Platonism. It is no la- tent imperishable type existing from eternity that is dominating in such developments, but they take place as the issue of a resistless law, variety being possible under variation of circumstances. Hence we may per- haps excuse ourselves from that suprasensual world in which reside typical forms, universals, ideas of created things, declining this com- plex machinery of Platonism, and substituting for it a simple notion of law. N"or shall we find, if from this starting-point we direct our thoughts upward, as Plato did from subordinate ideas to the First Idea, any thing incompatible with the noble conclusion to which he eventual- ly came, any thing incompatible with the majesty of God, whose exist- ence and attributes may be asserted with more precision and distinct- ness from considerations of the operation of immutable law than they can be from the starting-point of fantastic, imaginary, ideal forms. "We have seen how the pre-Socratic philosophy ended in the Soph- ists; we have now to see how the post-Socratic ended in the Skeptics. Again was repeated the same result exhibited in former times, that the doctrines of the different schools, even those supposed to be mat- Eiseof the ters of absolute demonstration, were not only essentially differ- steptica. ent, but in contradiction to one another. Again, therefore, the opinion was resumed that the intellect of man possesses no criterion of the truth, being neither able to distinguish among the contradictions of the impressions of the senses, nor to judge of the correctness of philosophi- cal deductions, nor even to determine the intrinsic morality of acts. And, if there be no criterion of truth, there can be no certain ground of science, and there remains nothing for us but doubt. Such was the conclusion to which Pyrrho, the founder of the Skeptics, came. He lived about B.C. 300. His philosophical doctrine of the necessity of suspending or refusing our assent from want of a criterion of judgment led by a natural transition to the moral doctrine that virtue and happi- ness consist in perfect quiescence or freedom from all mental perturba- tion. This doctrine, it is said, he had learned in India from the Brah- mans, whither he had been in the expedition of Alexander. On his re- turn to Europe he taught these views in his school at Elis ; but Greek philosophy, in its own ordet of advancement, was verging on the dis- covery of these conclusions. 122 THE PHILOSOPHY. OF PYEEHO. The Skeptical school was thus founded on the assertion that man can never ascertain the true among phenomena, and therefore can never know whether things are in accordance or discordance with their ap- pearances, for the same object appears differently to us in different po- sitions and at different times. Doubtless it also appears differently to various individuals. Among such appearances, how shall we select the true one, and, if we make a selection, how shall we be absolutely certain that we are right? Moreover, the properties we impute to things, such as "color, smell, taste, hardness, and the like, are dependent upon our senses ; but we very well know that our senses are perpetually yielding to us contradictory indications, and it is iii vain that we expect Eeason seoondaiT anaiy- to enable US to distinguish with correctness, or furnish us a losophy. criterion of the truth. The Skeptical school thus made use of the weapon which the Sophists had so destructively employed, di- recting it, however, chiefly against ethics. But let us ascend a step higher. If we rely -upon Eeason, how do we know that Eeason itself is reliable? Do we not want some criterion for it? And, even if such a criterion existed, must we not have for it, in its turn, some higher cri- terion ? The Skeptic thus justified his assertion that to man there is no criterion of truth. In accordance with these principles, the Skeptics denied that we can ever attain to a knowledge of existence from a knowledge of phenomena. The doctrines They Carried their doubt to such an extreme as to assert that of pyrrho. ^g q^-j^ ncvcr know the truth of any thing that we have as- serted, no, not even the truth of this very assertion itself " We assert nothing," say they; "no, not even that we assert nothing." They de- clare that the system of induction is at best only a system of probabil- ity, for an induction can only be certain when every one and all of the No certainty in individual things have been examined and demonstrated to knowledge. agree with the universal. If one single exception among myriads of examples be discovered, the induction is destroyed. But how shall we be sure, in any one case, that we have examined all the in- dividuals? therefore we must ever doubt. As to the method of defini- tions, it is clear that it is altogether useless ; for, if we are ignorant of a thing, we can not define it, and if we know a thing, a definition adds nothing to our knowledge. In thus destroying definitions and induc- tions they destroyed all philosophical method. But if there be this impossibility of attaining knowledge, what is the use of man giving himself any trouble about the matter ? Is it not best to accept life as it comes, and enjoy pleasure while he may ? And this is what Epicurus, B.C. 842, had already advised men to do. Like Soc- rates, he disparages science, and looks upon pleasure as the main object of life and the criterion of virtue. Asserting that truth can not- be de- termined by Eeason alone, he gives up philosophy in despair, or regards THE PHILOSOPHY OF EPKURUS. 123 it as an inferior or ineffectual means for contributing to happiness. In his yiew the proper division of philosophy is into Ethics, The doctrines Canonic, and Physics, the two latter being of very little im- »f i^picurua. portance comp'ared with the first. The wise man or sage must seek in an Oriental quietism' for the chief happiness of life, indulging himself in a temperate manner as respects his present appetite, and adding thereto the recollection of similar sensual pleasures that are past, and the ex- pectation of new ones" reserved for the future. He must look on phi- losophy as the art of enjoying life. He should give himself no concern as to death or the power of the gods, who are only a delusion ; none as respects a future state, remembering that the soul, which is nothing more than a congeries of atoms, is resolved into those constituents at death. There can be no doubt that such doctrines were very well suit- ed to the times in which they were introduced ; for so great was the so- cial and political disturbance, so great the uncertainty of the tenure of property, that it might well be suggested what better could a man do than enjoy his own while it was yet in his possession ? nor was the in- ducement to such a course lessened by the extravagant dissipations when courtesans and cooks, jesters and buffoons, splendid attire and magnificent appointments had become essential to life. Demetrius Po- liorcetes, who understood the condition of things thoroughly, says, " There was not, in my time, in Athens, one great or noble mind." In such a social state, it is not at all surprising that Epicurus had many followers, and that there Were many who agreed with him in thinking that happiness is best found in a tranquil indifference, and in Tmnqnuindif- helieving that there is nothing in reality good or bad ; that for man. it is best 'to decide upon nothing, but to leave affairs to chance; that there is, after all, little or no difference between life and death ; 'that a ■wise man will regard philosophy as an activity of ideas and arguments which may tend to happiness ; that its physical branch is of no other use than to correct superstitious fancies as to death, and remove the fear of meteors, prodigies, and other phenomena by explaining their nature ; that the views of Democritus anad Aristotle may be made to some ex- tent available for the procurement of pleasure ; and that we may learn from the brutes, who pursue pleasure and avoid pain, what ought to be our course. Upon the whole, it will be found that there is a connection between pleasure and virtue, especially if we enlarge our views and seek for pleasure, not in the gratification of the present moment, but in the aggregate offered by existence. ' The pleasures of the soul all orig- inate in the pleasures of the flesh ; not only those of the time being, but also those recollected in the past and anticipated in the future. The sage will therefore provide for all these, and, remembering that pain is in its nature transient, but pleasure is enduring, he will not hesitate to encoun- ter the former if he can be certain that it will procure him the latter ; 1.24 ITS CONTEADICTIONS AND IMMORALITIES. he will dismiss from his mind all idle fears of the gods and of destiny, for these are 011I3;. fictions beneficial to women and the vulgar; yet since they are the objects of the national superstition, it is needless to procure one's self disfavor by openly deriding them. It will therefore be better for the sage to treat them with apparent solemnity, or at least outward respect, though he may laugh at the imposition in his heart, As to the fear of death, he will be especially careful to rid himself therefrom, remembering that death is only a deliverer from the miseries of life. Under the title of Canonic Epicurus delivers his philosophical views; Imperfections thcv are, however,of a very superficial kind. He insists that of theCanonic ■' ' . ' . , • ■ n i ■• , of Epicurus, our scnsuous impressions are the criterion 01 truth, and that even the sensations of a lunatic and dreamer are true. But, besides the impressions of the moment, memory is also to be looked upon as a cri- terion — memory, which is the basis of experience.. In his Physics he adopts the Atomic theory of Democritus, though and contradictions ^'^ many respccts it ill accords with his Ethics or Canonic; of his Physics. -[j^^ gQ jow is his cstccm of its value that he cares nothing for that. Though atoms and a void are in their nature imperceptible to the senses, he acknowledges their existence, asserting the occurrence of an infinite number of atoms of different kinds in the infinite void, which, because of their weight, precipitate themselves perpendicularly downward with an equable motion ; but some of them, through an un- accountable internal force, have deviated from their perpendicular path, and, sticking together after their collision, have given rise to the world. Not much better than these vague puerilities are his notions about the size of the sun, the nature of eclipses, and other astronomical phenom- ena; but he justifies his contradictions and superficiality by asserting that it is altogether useless for a man to know such things, and that the sage ought to give himself no trouble about them. As to the soul, he says that it must be of a material or corporeal nature, for this simple rea- son, that there is nothing incorporeal but a vficuunf ; he inclines to the belief that it is a rarefied body, easily movable, and somewhat, of the na- ture of a vapor ; he divides it into four activities, corresponding to the four elements entering into its constitution ; and that, so far from being immortal, it is decomposed into its integral atoms, dying when the body dies. "With the atomic doctrines of Democritus Epicurus adopts the notions of that philosopher respecting sensation, to the effect that eidola or images are sloughed off from all external objects, and find access to the brain through the eye. In his theology he admits, under the cir- cumstances we have mentioned, anthropomorphic gods, pretending to account for their origin in the chance concourse of atoms, and suggest- ing that they display their quietism and blessedness by giving them- His iireiigion. sclvcs no concsm about man or his affairs. By such derisive MODERN EPICUEEAKS — THE MIDDLE AND NEW ACADEMIES. 125 promptings does Epicurus mock at the religion of his country — ^its rit- uals, sacrifices, prayers, and observances. He offers no better evidence of the existence of God than that there is a general belief current among men in support of such a notion ; but, when brought to the point, he does not hesitate to utter his disbelief in the national theology, and- to declare that, in his judgment, it is blind chance that rules the world. Such are the opinions to which the name of Epicurus has been attach- ed ; but there were Epicureans ages before that philosopher was born, and Epicureans there will be in all time to come. They abound in our own days, eves characterized by the same features — an upicureana of intense egotism in their social relations, superficiality in their """J^™ '™«=- philosophical views, if the term philosophical can be justly applied to intellects so narrow ; they manifest an accordance often loud and particu- lar with the religion of .their country, while in their hearts and in their lives they are utter infidels. These are they who constitute the most specious part of modem society, and are often the self-proclaimed guard- ians of its interests. They are to be found in every grade of life ; in the senate, in the army, in the professions, and especially in commercial pursuits, which, unhappily, tend too frequently to the development of selfishness. It is to them that society is indebted for more than half its corruptions, all its hypocrisy, and more than half its sins. It is they who infuse into it falsehood as Respects the past, imposture as respects the present, fraild as respSbts the future ; who teach it by example that the course of a man's life ought to be determined upon principles of selfishness ; that gratitude and afiection are well enough if displayed for effect, but that they should never be felt ; that men are to be looked upon not as men, but as things to be used ; that knowledge and integrity, patriotism and virtue, are the delusions of simpletons ; and that wealiu is the only object which is really worthy of the homage of man. It now only remains in this chapter to speak of the later Platonism. The Old Academy, of which Plato was the founder, limited its labors to the illustration and defense of his doctrines. The Middle The Middle Ao^a- Academy, originating with ArcesUaus, born B.C. 316, main- «my"f ArccsoauB. , tained a warfare with the Stoics, developed the doctrine of the uncer- tainty of sensual impressions and the nothingness of human knowledge. The New Academy was founded by Carneades, born B.C. TieNew Academy 213, and participated with the preceding in many of its »f cameades. fundamental positions. On the one side Carneades leans to skepticism, on the other he accepts probability as his guide. This school so rapid- ly degenerated that at last it occupied itself with rhetoric alone. The gradual increase of skepticism .and indifierence throughout this period is obvious enough ; thus Arcesilaus said that he knew nothing, not even his own ignorance, and denied both intellectual and sensuous knowl- edge. Carneades, obtaining his views from the old philosophy, found 126 ENC OF THE GREEK AGE OF FAITH. therein arguments suitable for his purpose against necessity, God, sootli- saying ; he did not admit that there is any such thing as justice in the abstract, declaring that it is a purely conventional thing ; indeed, it was The dupucity of his rhetorical display, alternately in praise of justice and micians. ' agaiust it, ou the occasion of his visit to Eome, that led Cato to have him expelled from the city. Though Plato had been the repre- sentative of an age of faith, a secondary analysis of all his works, imply- ing an exposition of their contradictions, ended in skepticism. If we may undertake to determine the precise aim of a philosophy whose rep- resentatives stood in such an attitude of rhetorical duplicity, it may be said to be the demonstration that there is no criterion of truth in this world. Persuaded thus of the impossibility 'of philosophy, Cameades was led to recommend his theory of the probable. " That which has been most perfectly analyzed and examined, and found to be devoid of improbability, is the most probable idea." The degeneration of phi- losophy now became truly complete, the labors of so many great men being degraded to rhetorical and artistic purposes. It was seen by all that Plato had destroyed all trust in the indications of the senses, and substituted for it the Ideal theory. Aristotle had destroyed that, and The fourth and thcrc was nothing left to the world but skepticism. A fourth fifth Academies. Academy was founded by Philo of Larissa, a fifth by Anti- ochus of Ascalon. It was reserved for this teacher to attach the .Porch to the Academy, and to merge the doctrines of Plato in those of the Stoics. Such a heterogeneous mixture demonstrates the pass to which speculative philosophy had come, and shows us clearly that her disciples had abandoned her in despair. So ends the Greek age of Faith. How strikingly does its history re- End of the Greek Call the Corresponding period of individual life — ^the trust- age of Faith. jjjg spirit and the disappointment of youth. We enter on it full of confidence in things and men, never suspecting that the one may disappoint, the other deceive. Our early experiences, if consid- ered at all, afford only matter of surprise that we could ever have been seriously occupied in such folly, or actuated by motives now seeming so inadequate. It never occurs to us that, in our present state, though the pursuits may have changed, they are none the less vain, the objects none the less delusive. The second age of Greek philosophy ended in sophism, the third in skepticism. Speculative philosophy strikes at last upon a limit which it can not overpass. This is its state even in our own times. It rever- berates against the wall that confines it without the least chance of mak- ing its way through. THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGN. 127 CHAPTER YI. THE GKEEK AGE OF EEASON. KISE OF SCIENCE. The Macedonian Campaign. ^Z)isasiroMs in its political Effects to Greece, but ushering in the Age of Reason. Aristotle founds the Inductive Philosophy. — His Method the Inverse of that of Plato. — Its great Power. — In his own hands it fails for want df Knowledge, but is carried out by the Alexandrians. Zeno. — His Philosophical Aim is the Cultivation of Virtue and Knowledge. — He is in the Eth- ical Branch the Counterpart of Aristotle in the Physical. Foundation op the Museum op Alexandria. — The great Libraries, Observatories, Botani- cal Gardens, Menageries, Dissecting Houses. — Its Effect on the rapid Development of exact Knowledge. — Influence of Euclid, Archimedes, Eratosthenes, ApoUmius, Ptolemy, Hip- parchus, on Geometry, Natural Philosophy, Astronomy, Chronology, Geography. Decline of the Greek Age of Reason. The conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great is a most important event in European history. That adventurer, carrying out the inten- tions of his father Philip, commenced his attack with apparently very insignificant means, having, it is said, at the most, only The Greek inva- thirty-four thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and s'™"'!'''^™- seventy talents in money. The result of his expedition was the ruin of the Persian empire, and also the ruin of Greece. It was not without reason that his memory was cursed in his native country. Her life- blood was drained away by his successes. In view of the splendid for- tunes to be made in Asia, Greece ceased- to be the place for an enter- • prising man. To such an extent did military emigration go, that Greek recruits were settled all over the Persian empire; their number was sufficient to injure irreparably the coiintry from which they had parted, but not sufficient to hellenize the dense and antique populations among whom they had settled. Not only was it thus by the drain of men that the Macedonian expe- dition was so dreadfully disastrous to Greece, the political consequences following those successful campaigns added to the baneful its ruinous effect result. Alexander could not have more effectually ruined ™ <'^^™- Athens had he treated her as he did Thebes, which he leveled with the ground, massacring six thousand of her citizens, and selling thirty thou- sand for slaves. The founding of Alexandria was the commercial end of Athens, the finishing stroke to her old colonial system. It might have been well for her had he stopped short in his projects with the 128 ALEXANDER THE GEEAT AND AEISTOTLB. downfall of Tyre, destroyed, not from any vindictive reasons, as is some- injury to Athens times said, b.ut because he discovered that that city was an ing'^of MexaS?" essential part of the Persian system. It was never his in- ^"''- tention that Athens should derive advantage from the an- nihilation of her Phoenician competitor ; his object was effectually car- ried out by the building and prosperity of Alexandria. Though the military celebrity of this great soldier may be diminished by the history of the last hundred years, which shows a uniform result of victory when European armies are brought in contact with Asiatic, even under the most extraordinary disadvantages, there can not be de- nied to him a profound sagacity and statesmanship excelled by no other conqueror. Before he became intoxicated with success, and, unfortu- nately, too habitually intoxicated with wine, there was much that was noble in his character. He had been under the instruction of Aristotle for several years, and, on setting out on his expedition, took with him so many learned men as almost to justify the remark applied to it, that it Scientific tendency was as much 3. Scientific as a military undertaking. Among of tliG MfLCBdoniarii "^ •/ o o campaigns. thosc who thus accompauied him was Callisthenes, a rela^ tion and pupil of Aristotle, destined for an evil end. Perhaps the as- sertion that Alexander furnished to his master nearly a million of dol lars, and the services of several thousand men, for the purpose of ob taining and examining the specimens required in the composition of his work on the " History of Animals" may be an exaggeration, but there can be no doubt that in these transactions was the real beginning of that policy which soon led to the institution of the Museum at Alexandria. Origin of the infla- The importance of this event, though hitherto little under- througVAiexaif- stood, admits of no exaggeration, so far as the intellectual ^"- progress of Europe is concerned. It gave to the works of Aristotle their wonderful duration ; it imparted to them not alone a Gre- cian celebrity, but led to their translation into Syriac by the Nestorians in the fifth century, and from Syriac by the Arabs into their tongue four hundred years later. They exercised a living influence over Chris- tians and Mohammedans indifferently, from Spain to Mesopotamia. If the letter quoted by Plutarch as having been written by Alexan-' der to Aristotle, is authentic, it not only shows how thoroughly the pu- pil had been indoctrinated into the wisdom of the master, but warns us how liable we are to be led astray in the exposition we are presently to give of the Aristotelian philosophy. There was then, as unfortunately there has been too often since, a private as well as a public doctrine. Alexander upbraids the philosopher for his indiscretion in revealing things that it was understood should be concealed. Aristotle defends himself by asserting that the desired concealment had not been broken. By many other incidents of a trifling kind the attachment of the con- queror to philosophy is indicated; thus Harpalus and Nearchus, the THE MEKITS AND CEIMES OF ALEXANDER. 129 companions of his youth, were the agents employed in scientific training some of his scientific undertakings, the latter being engaged of Alexander. in sea explorations, doubtless having in the main a political object, yet full of interest to science. Had Alexander lived, Nearchus was to have repeated the circumnavigation of Africa. Harpalus, whUe governor of Babylon, was occupied in the attempt to exchange the vegetation of Europe and Asia; he intertransplanted the productions of Persia and Greece, succeeding, as is related, in his object of making all European plants that he tried grow in Mesopotamia except the ivy. The journey to the Caspian Sea, the expedition into the African deserts, indicate Alexander's personal taste for natural knowledge ; nor is it without sig- nificance that, while on his deathbed, and, indeed, within a few days of his decease, he found consolation and amusement in having Nearchus by his bedside relating the story of his voyages. Nothing shows more strikingly how correct was his military perception than the intention he avowed of equipping a thousand ships for the conquest of Carthage, and thus securing his supremacy in the Mediterranean. Notwithstanding all this, there were many points of his character, and many events of his life, worthy of the condemnation with which they have been visited ; the drunken burning of Persepolis, the prisoners he slaugh- his unbridiea tered in honor of Hephsestion, the hanging of Callisthenes, iniquities, were the results of intemperance and unbridled passion. Even so steady a mind as his was incapable of withstanding the influence of such enormous treasures as those he seized at Susa, amounting, it is said, to four hundred millions of dollars; the plunder of the Persian empire ; the inconceivable luxury of Asiatic life ; the uncontrolled power to which he attained. But he was not so imbecile as to believe hiniself the de- scendant of Jupiter Ammon ; that was only an artifice he permitted for the sake of influencing those around him. We must not forget that he lived in an age when men looked for immaculate conceptions and celes- tial descents. These Asiatic ideas had made their way into Europe. The Athenians themselves were soon to be reconciled to the appointment of divine honors to such as Antigonus and Demetrius, adoring them as gods — savior gods — and instituting sacrifices and priests for their wor- ship. Great as were the political results of the Macedonian expedition, they were equaled by the intellectual. The times were marked ^he Greek age of by the ushering in of a new philosophy. Greece had gone k^^™ "stared"- through her age of Credulity, her age of Inquiry, her age of Faith; she had entered on her age of Eeason, and, had freedom of action been per- mitted to her, she would have given a decisive tone to the forthcoming civilization of Europe. As will be seen in the following pages, that great destiny did not await her. From her eccentric po- its inability to ac- sition at Alexandria she could not civUize Europe. In her uatioa o{ Europe. 130 THE PHILOSOPHY OF ARISTOTLE. old age, the power of Europe, concentrated in the Eoman empire, over- threw her. There are very few histories of the past of more interest to modern times, and none, unfortunately, more misunderstood, than this Greek age of Eeason manifested at Alexandria. It illustrates, in the most signal manner, that affairs control men more than men control af- fairs. The scientific associations of the Macedonian conqueror directly arose from the contemporaneous state of Greek philosophy in the act of reaching the close of its age of faith, and these influences ripened under the Macedonian captain who became King of Egypt. As it was the learning of Alexandria, though diverted from its most appropriate and desirable direction by the operation of the Byzantine system, in the course of a few centuries acting forcibly upon it, was not without an influence on the future thought of Europe. Even at this day Eu- rope will not bear to be fully told how great that influence has been. The age of Eeason, to which Aristotle is about to introduce us, stands in striking contrast with the preceding ages. It can not escape the reader that what was done by the men of science in Alexandria resem- bles what is doing in our own times ; their day was the foreshadowing of ours. And yet a long and dreary period of almost twenty centuries parts us from them. Politically, Aristotle, through his friendship with The writings of Alexander and the perpetuation of the Macedonia influence Aristotle are it8.-^,\ ,■*•*■ . -,.-, i^i prelude. m ftolcmy, was the connecting Imk between the Greek age of Faith and that of Eeason, as he was also philosophically bythe na- ture of his doctrines. He offers us an easy passage from the speculative methods of Plato to the scientific methods of Archimedes and Euclid. The copiousness of his doctrines, and the obscurity of many of them, might, perhaps, discourage a superficial student, unless he steadily bears in mind the singular authority they maintained for so many ages, and the brilliant results in all the exact parts of human knowledge to which they so quickly led. The history of Aristotle and his philosophy is therefore our necessary introduction to the grand, the immortal achieve- ments of the Alexandrian school. Aristotle was born at Stagira, in Thrace, B.C. 384. His father was Biography of ^^ eminent author of those times on subjects of Natural His- Aristotle. ^Qpy . ^j profession he was a physician. Dying while his son was yet quite young, he bequeathed to him not only very ample means, but also his own tastes. Aristotle soon found his way to Athens, and entered the school of Plato, with whom it is said he remained for nearly twenty years. During this period he spent most of his patrimony, and in the end was obliged to support himself by the trade of a druggist At length differences arose between them, for, as we shall soon find, % great pupil was by no means a blind follower of the great master. Id a fortunate moment, Philip, the King of Macedon, appointed him pre- ceptor to his, son Alexander, an incident of importance in the intel COMPARISON OF ARISTOTLE WITH PLATO. 131 lectual history of Europe. It was to the friendship arising through this relation that Aristotle owed that effectual assistance to which we have alluded from the conqueror during his Asiatic expedition for the composition of "the Natural History," and also gained that prestige which gave his name such singular authority for more than fifteen cen- turies. He eventually founded a school in the Lyceum at Athens, and, as it was his habit to deliver his lectures while walking, his disciples received the name of Peripatetics, or walking philosophers. These lec- tures were of two kinds, esoteric and exoteric, the former being deliv- ered to the more advanced pupils only. He wrote a very large number of works, of which about one fourth remain. The philosophical method of Aristotle is the inverse of that of Plato, whose starting-point was universals, the very existence of Hefoundathe which was a matter of faith, and from which he descended to losophyr '' particulars or details. Aristotle, on the contrary, rose from particulars to universals, advancing to them by inductions ; and his system, thus an inductive philosophy, was in reality the true beginning of science. Plato therefore trusts to the Imagination, Aristotle to Eeason. The contrast between them is best seen by the attitude in which they stand as respects the Ideal theory. Plato regards universals, types, or ex- emplars as having an actual existence; Aristotle declares hib method mm- that they are mere abstractions of reasoning. For the omato? fanciful reminiscences derived from former experience in another life by Plato, Aristotle substitutes the reminiscences of our actual experi- ence in this. These ideas of experience are furnished by the memory, which enables us not only to recall individual facts and events witness- ed by ourselves, but also to collate them with one another, thereby dis- covering their resemblances and their differences. Our induction be- comes the more certain as our facts are more numerous, our experience larger. "Art commences when, from a great number of experiences, one general conception is formed which will embrace all similar cases." "If we properly observe celestial phenomena, we may demonstrate the laws which regulate them." With Plato, philosophy arises from faith in the past ; with Aristotle, reason alone can constitute it from exist- ing facts. Plato is analytic, Aristotle synthetic. The philosophy of Plato arises from the decomposition of a primitive idea into particu- lars, that of Aristotle from the union of particulars into a general con- ception. The former is essentially an idealist, the latter a materialist. From this it will be seen that the method of Plato was capable of producing more splendid, though they were necessarily more The results of unsubstantial results ; that of Aristotle was more tardy in its Aristoteiia^ operation, but much more solid. It implied endless labor in the collec- tion of facts, the tedious resort to experiment and observation, the appli- cation of demonstration. In its very nature it was such that it was im- 182 THE PEBIPATETIC PHILOSOPHY. possible for its author to carry by its aid the structure of science toward (iompletion. The moment that Aristotle applies his own principles we find him compelled to depart from them through the want of a sufficient experience and sufficient precision in his facts. The philosophy of Plato is a gorgeous castle in the air, that of Aristotle is a solid structure, laboriously, and, with many failures, founded on the solid rock. Under logic Aristotle treats of the methods of arriving at general Aristotle's propositions, and of reasoning from them. His logic is at once >»s'° the art of thinking and the instrument of thought. The com- pleteness of our knowledge depends on the extent and completeness of our experience. His manner of reasoning is by the syllogism, an argu- ment consisting of three propositions, such that the concluding one fol- , lows of necessity from the two premises, and of which, indeed, the whole theory of demonstration is only an example. Eegarding logic as the instrument of thought, he introduces 'into it, as a fundamental feature, the ten categories. These predicaments are the genera to which every thing may be reduced, and denote the most general of the attributes which may be assigned to a thing. His metaphysics overrides all the branches of the physical sciences. It undertakes an examination of the postulates on which each one of and metaphysics, them is fouudcd, determining their truth or fallacy. Considj ering that all science must find a support for its fundamental conditions in an extensive induction from facts, he puts at the foundation of his system the consideration of the individual ; in relation to the world of sense, he regards four causes as necessary for the production of a fact— the material cause, the substantial cause, the ef&cient cause, the final cause. But as soon as we come to the Physics of Aristotle we see at once his Temporary faUuie wcakness. The knowledge of his age does not famish him of his system. fg^^^g enough whcrcon to build, and the consequence is that he is forced into speculation. It will be sufficient for our purpose to allude to a few of his statements, either in this or in his metaphysical branch, to show how great is his uncertainty and confusion. Thus he asserts that matter contains a triple form — simple substance, higher sub- stance, which is eternal, and absolute substance, or God himself; that the universe is immutable and eternal, and, though in relation with'thei The Peripatetic vicissitudcs of the world, it is unaffected thereby; thatthd philosophy. primitive force which gives rise to all the motions and changes we see is Nature ; it also gives rise to Eest ; that the world is a living being, having a soul; that, since every thing is for some particular end, suhstance, Motion, the soul of man is the end of his body ; that Motion is the Space, Time. ' condition of all nature; that the world has a definite boundary and a limited magnitude ; that Space is the immovable ves- sel in which whatever is may be moved ; that Space, as a whole, is with- THE PEEIPATETIO PHILOSOPHY. 133 out motion, though its parts may move ; that it is not to be conceived of as without contents ; that it is impossible for a vacuum to exist, and hence there is not beyond and surrounding the world a void which con- tains the world ; that there could be no such thing as Time unless there was a soul, for time' being the number of motion, number is impossible except there be one who numbers ; that, perpetual motion in a finite right line being impossible, but in a curvilinear path possible, the world, which is limited and ever ia motion, must be of a spherical Theworid. form ; that the earth is its central part, the heavens the circumferential, hence the heaven is nearest to the prime cause of motion ; that the or- derly, continuous, and unceasing movement of the celestial bodies im- plies an unmoved mover, for the unchangeable alone can give birth to uniform motion ; that unmoved existence is God ; that the stars are passionless beings, having attained the end of existence, and worthy above other things of human adoration ; that the fixed stars are in the outermost heaven, and the sun, moon, and planets beneath : the former receive their motion from the prime moving cause, but the planets are disturbed by the stars ; that there are five elements — earth, air, fire, wa- ter, and ether ;■ that the earth is in the centre of the universe, since earthy matter settles uniformly round a central point ; that fire seeks the circumferential region, and intermediately wajer floats upon the earth, and air upon water ; that the elements are transmu table into one another, and hence many intervening substances arise ; that each sphere is in interconnection with the others ; the earth is agitated and disturbed by the sea, the sea by the winds, which are movements of the air, the air by the sun, moon, and planets. Each inferior sphere is controlled by its outlying or superior one, and hence it follows that the earth, which is thus disturbed by the conspiring or conflicting action of all above it, is liable to the most irregularities ; that, since animals are nour- ished by the earth, it needs must enter into their composition, but that water is required to hold the earthy parts together ; that every element nkist be looked upon as living, since it is pervaded by the soul of the world ; that there is an unbroken chain from the simple element through the plant and animal up to man, the different groups merging by insen- sible shades into one another : thus zoophytes partake partly organic beings. of the vegetable and partly of the animal, and serve as an intermedium between them ; that plants are inferior to animals in this, that they do not possess a single principle of life or soul, but many subordinate ones, as is shown by the circumstance that, when they are cut to pieces, each piece is capable of perfect or independent growth or life. Their inferi- ority is likewise betrayed by their belonging especially to the earth to which they are rooted, each root being a true mouth ; and this again dis- plays their lowly position, for the place of the mouth is ever an indica- tion of the grade of a creature : thus in man, who is at the head of the 134 aeistotle's physiology, scale, it is in the upper part of the body ; that in proportion to the heat of an animal is its grade higher : thus those that are aquatic are cold, and therefore of very little intelligence, and the same may be said of plants; but of man, whose warmth is very great, the soul is much more excellent ; that the possession of locomotion by an organism always im- plies the possession of sensa,tion ; that the senses of taste and touch in-. dicate the qualities of things in contact with the organs of the animal, but that those of smell, hearing, and sight extend the sphere of its exist- ence, and indicate to it what is at a distance ; that the place of reception PhyBioiogioai of the various sensations is the soul, from which issue forth conciusionB. the motious ; that the blood, as the general element of nutri- tion, is essential to the support of the body, though insensible itself: it is also essential__to the activity of the soul ; that the brain is not the recip- ient of sensations : that function belongs to the heart ; all the animal ac- tivities are united in it ; it contains the principle of life, being the prin- ciple of motion ; it is the first part to be formed and the last to die ; that the brain is a mere appendix to the heart, since it is formed after the heart, is the coldest of the organs, and is devoid of blood ; that the soul is the reunion of all the functions of the body : it is an energy or active essence; being neither body nor magnitude, it can not have extension. for thought has no parts, nor can it be said to move in space ; it is as a sailor, who is motionless in a ship which is moving ; that, in the origin of the organism, the male furnishes the soul and the female the body; that the body being liable to decay, and of a transitory nature, it is nec- essary for its well-being that its disintegration and nutrition should bal- ance one another ; that sensation may be compared to the impression of a seal on wax, the wax receiving form only, but no substance or matter; that imagination arises from impressions thus made, but endure for a length of time, and that this is the origin of memory ; that man alone possesses recollection, but animals share with him memory — memory being unintentional or spontaneous, but recollection implying voluntary exertion or a search ; that recollection is necessary for acting with de- sign. It is doubtful whether Aristotle believed in the immortality of the soul, no decisive passage to that effect occurring in such of his works as are extant. Aristotle, with a correct and scientific method, tried to build up a vast system when he was not in possession of the necessary data. Though Causes of Aria- a vcry leamcd man, he had not sufficient knowledge ; indeed and faUure. there was not suf&cient knowledge at that time in the world. For many of the assertions I have quoted in the preceding paragraph there was no kind of proof; many of them also, such as the settling of the heavy and the rise of the light, imply very poor cosmic ideas. B is not until he deals with those branches, such as comparative anatomy and natural history, of which he had a personal and practical knowl- ZENO, THE FOUNDER OF THE STOICS. 135 edge, that he begins to write well. Of his physiological conclusions, some are singularly felicitous ; his views of the connected chain of or- ganic forms, from the lowest to the highest, are very grand. His meta- physical and physical speculations — for in reality they are nothing but speculations — are of no kind of value. His successful achievements, and also his failures, conspicuously prove the excellence of his system. He expounded the true principles of science, but failed to apply them merely for want of materials. His ambition could not brook restraint. He would rather attempt to construct the universe without the necessary means than not construct it at all. Aristotle failed when he abandoned his own principles, and the mag- nitude of his failure proves how just his principles were; he succeed- ed when he adhered to them. If any thing were wanted to vindicate their correctness and illustrate them, it is supplied by the glorious achievements of the Alexandrian school, which acted in' physical sci- ence as Aristotle had acted in natural history, laying a basis solidly in observation and experiment, and accomplishing a like durable and brilliant result. From Aristotle it is necessary to turn to Zeno, for the Peripatetics and Stoics stand in parallel lines. The social conditions exist- Biography ing in Gfreece at the time of Epicurus may in some degree pal- "f^™"- liate his sentiments, but virtue and honor will make themselves felt at last. Stoicism soon appeared as the antagonist of Epicureanism, and Epicurus found in Zeno of Citium a rival. The passage from Epicurus to Zeno is the passage from sensual gratification to self-control. The biography of Zeno may be dismissed in a few words. Born about B.C. 300, he spent the early part of his life in the vocation of his father, who was a merchant, but, by a fortunate shipwreck, happily los- ing his goods during a voyage he was making to Athens, he turned to philosophy for consolation. Though he had heretofore been somewhat acquainted with the doctrines of Socrates, he became a disciple of the Cynics, subsequently studying in the Megaric/ school, and then making himself acquainted with Platonism. After twenty years of preparation, he opened a school in the stoa or porch in Athens, from which his doc- trine and disciples have received their name. He presided over his school for fifty-eight years, numbering many eminent men among his disciples. When nearly a hundred years old he chanced to fall and break his finger, and, receiving this as an admonition that his time was accom- plished, he forthwith strangled himself The Athenians erected to his memory a statue of brass. His doctrines long survived him, and, in times when there was no other consolation for man, offered a support in their hour of trial, and an unwavering guide in the vicissitudes of life, not only to many illustrious Greeks, but also to some of the great phi- losophers, statesmen, generals, and emperors of Eome. 136 THE PHILOSOPHY OF ZENO. It was the intention of Zeno to substitute for tlie visionaij specula- tions of Platonism a system directed to the daily practices of life, and Intention of hencc dealing chiefly with the morals. To make men vir- stoicism. tuous was his aim. But this is essentially connected with knowledge, for Zeno was persuaded that if we only know what is good we shall be certain to practise it. He therefore rejected Plato's fancies of Ideas and Eeminiscences, leaning to the common-sense doctrines of Aristotle, to whom he approached in many details. With him Sense furnishes the tiata of knowledge, and Eeason combines them ; the soul being modified by external things, and modifying them in return, he believed that the mind is at first, as it were, a blank tablet, on which sensation writes marks, and that the distinctness of sensuous impressions is the criterion of their truth. The changes thus produced in the soul constitute ideas ; but, with a prophetic inspiration, he complained that man will never know the true essence of things. In his Physics Zeno adopted the doctrine of Strato, that the world is The Phyaic3 ^ Hviug being. He believed that nothing incorporeal can pro- of zeno. ^^Qg jjQ effectj and hence that the soul is corporeal. Matter and its properties he considered to be absolutely inseparable, a property being actually a body. In the world there are two things, matter and God, who is the Reason of the world. Essentially however, God and matter are the same thing, which assumes the aspect of matter from the passive point of view, and God from the active ; he is, moreover, the prime moving force. Destiny, Necessity, a life-giving Soul, evolving things as the vital force evolves a plant out of a seed ; the visible world is thus to be regarded as the material manifestation of God. The trans- itory objects which it on all sides presents wiU be reabsorbed after a season of time, and reunited in him. The Stoics pretended to indicate, even in a more definite manner, the process by which the world has arisen, and also its future destiny ; for, regarding the Supreme as a vital heat, they supposed that a portion of that fire, declining in energy, be- came transmuted into matter, and hence the origin of the world; but that that fire, hereafter resuming its activity, would cause a universal confla- gration, the end of things. During the present state every thing is in a condition of uncertain mutation, decays being followed by reproductions; and reproductions by decays ; and, as a cataract shows from year toyear an invariable form, though the water composing it is perpetually chang- ing, so the objects around us are nothing more than a flux of matter ; offering a permanent form. Thus the visible world is only a moment in the life of God, and after it has vanished away like a scroll that is burned, a new period shall be ushered in, and a new heaven and a new earth, exactly like the ancient ones, shall arise. Since nothing can ex- ist without its contrary, no injustice unless there was justice, no cow- ardice unless there was courage, no lie unless there was truth, no STOICISM. 137 shadow unless there was light, so the existence of good necessitates that of evil. The Stoics believed that the development of the world is under the dominion of paramount law, supreme law. Destiny, to which God himself is subject, and that hence he can only develop the world in a predestined way, as the vital warmth evolves a seed into the predes- tined form of a plant. The Stoics held it indecorous to offend needlessly the religious ideas of the times, and, indeed, they admitted that there might Exoteric phuoso- be created gods like those of Plato ; but they disap- phyofthestote. proved of the adoration of images and the use of temples, making amends for their offenses in these particulars by offering a semi-philo- sophical interpretation of the legends, and demonstrating that the exist- ence, and even phenomenal display of the gods was in accordance with their principles. Perhaps to this exoteric philosophy wfe must ascribe the manner in which they expressed themselves as to final causes — ex- pressions sometimes of amusing quaintness — thus, that the peacock was formed for the sake of his tail, and that a soul was given to the hog in- stead of salt, to prevent his body from rotting ; that the final cause of plants is to be food for brutes, of brutes to be foo^ for men, though they discreetly checked their irony in its ascending career, and abstained from saying that men are food for the gods, and the gods for all. The Stoics concluded that the soul is mere warm breath, and that it and the body mutually interpervade one another. They Their opinions thought that it might subsist after death until the general oftheaoui. conflagration, particularly if its energy was great, as in the strong spir- its of the virtuous and wise. Its unity of action implies that it has a principle of identity, the I, of which the physiological seat is the heart. Every appetite, lust, or desire is an imperfect knowledge. Our nature and properties are forced upon us by Fate, but it is our duty to despise all our propensities and passions, and to live so that we may be &ee, intelligent, and virtuous. This sentiment leads us to the great maxim of Stoical Ethics, "Live according to Eeason ;" or, since the world is composed of matter and God, who is the Eeason of the world, "Live in harmony with Kature." As Eeason is supreme in Nature, it ought to be so in man. Our exist- ence should be intellectual, and all bodily pains and pleas- Their etucairuiea ures should be despised. A harmony between the hu- "f^a™- man will and universal Eeason constitutes virtue. The free-will of the sage should guide his actions in the same irresistible manner in which universal Eeason controls nature. Hence the necessity of a cultivation of physics, without which we can not distinguish good from evil. The sage is directed to remember that Nature, in her operations, aims at the universal, and never spares individuals, but uses them as means for ac- complishing her ends. It is for him, therefore, to submit to his destiny, 138 EISE OF GEEEK SCIENCE IN EGYPT, endeavoring continually to establisli the supremacy of Eeason, and cul- tivating, as the things necessary to virtue, knowledge, temperance, forti- tude, justice. He is at liberty to put patriotism at the value it is worth when he remembers that he is a citizen of the world; he must train him- self to receive in tranquillity the shocks of Destiny, and to be above all passion and all pain. He must never relent and never forgive. He must remember that there are only two classes of men, the wise and the fools, as " sticks can only either be straight or crooked, and very few sticks in this world are absolutely straight." From the account I have given of Aristotle's philosophy, it may be Rise of Greek sccn that he occupicd a middle ground between the specula- science. ^jqq q^ ^j^g ^^d philosophy and the strict science of the Alex- andrian school. He is the true connecting link, in the history of Euro- pean intellectual progress, between philosophy and science. Under his teaching, and the material tendencies of the Macedonian campaigns, there arose a class of men in Egypt who gave to the practical a devel- opment it had never before attained ; for that country, upon the break- ing, up of Alexander's dominion, B.C. 323, falling into the possession Political position of Ptolcmy, that general found himself at once the deposit- of the Ptolemies, ^■j.y of Spiritual aiid temporal power. Of the former, it is to be remembered that, though the conquest by Cambyses had given it a severe shock, it still not only survived, but displayed no inconsiderable tokens of strength. Indeed, it is well known that the surrender of Egypt to Alexander was greatly accelerated by hatred to the Persians, the Egyptians welcoming the Macedonians as their deliverers. In this movement we perceive at once the authority of the old priesthood. It is hard to tear up by the roots an ancient religion, the ramifications of which have solidly insinuated themselves among a populace. That of Egypt had already been the growth of more than three thousand years. The question for the intrusive Greek sovereigns to solve was how to co- They co-ordinate Ordinate this hoary system with the philosophical skepticism Sereefctkeptf- ^^^^ ^^d issucd as the result of Greek thought. With sin- cism. gular sagacity, they saw that this might be accomplished by availing themselves of Orientalism, the common point of contact of the two systems ; and that, by its formal introduction and development, it would be possible not only to enable the philosophical king, to ■whom all the pagan gods were alike equally fictitious and equally useful, to manifest respect even to the ultra-heathenish practices of the Egyptian populace, but, what was of far more moment, to establish an apparent concord between the old sacerdotal Egyptian party — strong in its un- paralleled antiquity, strong in its reminiscences, strong in its recent per- secutions, strong in its Pharaonic relics, regarded by all men with a su- perstitious or reverent awe — and the free-thinking and versatile Greeks. THE ALEXANDEIAN MUSEUM. 139 The occasion was like some other instances in history, some even in our own times ; a small but energetic body of inyaders was holding in sub- jection an ancient and populous country. To give practical force to this project, a grand state institution was founded at Alexandria. It became celebrated as the Mu- The Museum ot seum. To it, as to a centre, philosophers from all parts of J^'^'^''*'^- the world converged. It is said that at one time not fewer than fourteen thousand students were assembled there. Alexandria, in confirmation of the prophetic foresight of the great soldier who founded it, quickly became an immense metropolis, abounding in mercantile and manufac- turing activity. As is ever the case with such cities, its higher classes were prodigal and dissipated, its lower only to be held in restraint by armed force. Its public amusements were such as might be expected — theatrical shows, music, horse-racing. In the solitude of such a crowd, or in the noise of such dissipation, any one could find a r.etreat — atheists who had been banished from Athens, devotees from the Ganges, mono- theistic Jews, blasphemers from Asia Minor. Indeed, it has been said that in this heterogeneous community blasphemy was hardly looked upon as a crime ; at the worst, it was no more than an unfortunate,iand, it might be, an innocent mistake. But, since uneducated men need some solid support on which their thoughts may rest, mere abstract doctrines not meeting their wants, it became necessary to provide some corporeal representation for the eclectic philosophical Pantheism, and hence the Ptolemies were obliged to restore, or, as some say, import the EstabUsimenb worship of the god Serapis. Those who affirm that he was ofserapia. imported saythat he was brought from Sinope; modern Egyptian scholars, however, give a different account. As setting forth the Pan- theistic doctrine of which he was the emblem, his image, subsequently to attain world-wide fame, was made of all kinds of metals and stones. " All is God." But still the people, with that instinct which other. na- tions and ages have displayed, hankered after a female divinity, and this led to the partial restoration of the worship of Isis. It is interest- ing to remark how the humble classes never shake off the reminiscences of early life, leaning rather to the maternal than to the paternal attach- nient. Perhaps it is for that reason that they expect a more favorable attention to their supplications from a female divinity than a god. Ac- cordingly, the devotees of Isis soon outnumbered those of Serapis, though a magnificent temple had been built for him at Ehacotis, in the quarter adjoining the Museum, and his worship was celebrated with more than imperial splendor. In subsequent ages the worship of Se- rapis diffused itself throughout the Eoman empire, though the authori- ties — consuls, senate, emperors — knowing well the idea it foreshadowed, and the doctrine it was meant to imply, used their utmost power to put it down. 140 THE GREAT LIBBAEIES, OBSEEVATOEIES, ETC. The Alexandrian Museum soon assumed the character of a Univers- TheAiexandri- itj- ^^ i* t^o^e great libraries were collected, the pride and anUtearies. boast of autiquity. Demetrius Phalareus was instructed to collect all the writings in the world. So powerfully were the exertions of himself and his successors enforced by the government that two im- mense libraries were procured. They contained 700,000 volumes. In this literary and scientific retreat, supported in ease and even in luxury — luxury, for allusions to the sumptuous dinners have descended to our times — the philosophers spent their day in mental culture by study, or mutual improvement by debates. The king himself conferred appoint- ments to these positions ; in. later times, the Eoman emperors succeed- ed to the patronage, the government thereby binding in golden chains intellect that might otherwise have proved troublesome. At first, in honor of the ancient religion, the presidency of the establishment was committed to an Egyptian priest ; but in the course of time that policy was abandoned. It must not, however, be imagined that the duties of the inmates were limited to reading and rhetorical display ; a far more Botanical gar- practical character was imparted to them. A botanical gar- dene; menage- \ . . •in-ayr nt> t • ries; dissecting- dcn, lu counection With the Museum, ottered an opportunity atories.' to those who were interested in the study of the nature of plants ; a zoolo^cal menagerie afforded like facilities to those interest- ed in animals. Even those costly establishments were made to minis- ter to the luxury of the times : in the zoological garden pheasants were raised for the royal table. Besides these elegant and fashionable appoint- ments, another, of a more forbidding and perhaps repulsive kind, was added ; an establishment which, in the light- ef our times, is sufficient to confer immortal glory on those illustrious and high-minded kings, and to put to shame the ignorance and superstition of many modern nations: it was an anatomical school, suitably provided with means for .the dissection of the human body, this anatomical school being the basis of a medical college for the education of physicians. For the astronomers Ptolemy Euergetes placed in the Square Porch an equinoc- tial and a solstitial armil, the graduated limbs of these instruments being divided into degrees and sixths. There were in the observatory stone quadrants, the. precursors of our mural quadrants. On the floor a me- ridian line was drawn for the adjustment of the instruments. There were also astrolabes and dioptras. Thus, side by side, almost in the king's palace, were noble provisions for the cultivation of exact science and for the pursuit of light literature. Under the same roof were gath- ered together geometers, astronomers, chemists, mechanicians, engineers. There were also poets, who ministered to the literary wants of a dissi- pated city — authors who could write verse, not only in correct metre, Life in tiie ^^^ ill ^^H kinds of fantastic forms — trees, hearts, and eggs. Here Museum. ^^^ together the literary dandy and the grim theologian. At THE SEPTUAGINT TEANSLATIOK OP THE SCEIPTURES. 141 their repasts occasionally the king himself would preside, enlivening the moment with the condescensions of royal relaxation. Thus, of Phila- delphus it is stated that he caused to be presented to the Stoic Spliserus a dish of fruit made of wax, so beautifully colored as to be undistin- guishable from the natural, and, on the mortified philosopher detecting too late the fraud that had been practised upon him, inquired what he now thought of the maxim of his sect that "the sage is never deceived by appearances." Of the same sovereign it is related that he received the translators of the Septuagint Bible with the highest honors, enter- taining them at his table. Under the atmosphere of the place their usual religious ceremonial was laid aside, save that the king courteously requested one of the aged priests to offer an extempore prayer. It is naively related that the Alexandrians present, ever quick to discern rhetorical merit, testified their estimation of the performance with loud applause. But not alone did literature and the exact sciences thus find protection. As if no subjects with which the human mind has occupied it- self can be unworthy of investigation, in the Museum were cultivated the more doubtful arts, magic and astrology. Philadelphus, who, to- ward the close of his life, was haunted with an intolerable dread of death, devoted himself with intense assiduity to the discovery of the elixir of life and to alchemy. Such a comprehensive organization for the development of human knowledge never existed in the world before, and, considering the circumstances, never has since. To be connected with it was a passport to the highest Alexandrian society and to court favor. To the Museum, and, it has been asserted, particularly to Ptolemy Philadelphus, the Christian world is thus under obligation for that an- cient version of the Hebrew Scriptures — the Septuagint. -rheseptuagmt Many idle stories have been related respecting the circum- "^™i''""s- stances under which that version was made, as that the seventy-two translators by whom it was executed were confined each in a separate cell, and, when their work was finished, the seventy-two copies were found identically the same, word for word. From this it was supposed that the inspiration of this translation was established. If any proof of that kind were needed, it would be much better found in the fact that whenever the occasion arises in the New Testament of quoting fi:om the Old, it is usually done in the words of the Septuagint. The story of the cells underwent successive improvements among the early fathers, but is now rejected as a fiction ; and, indeed, it seems probable that the translation was not made under the splendid circumstances commonly related, but merely by the Alexandrian Jews for their own convenience. As the Septuagint grew into credit among the Christians, it lost favor among the Jews, who made repeated attempts in after years to sup- plant it by new versions, such as those of Aquila, of Theodotion, of 142 THEOLOGICAL AND SCIENTIFIC INFLUENCES OF THE MUSEUM. Symmachus, and others. From the first the Syrian Jews had looked on it with disapproval ; they even held the time of its translation as a day of mourning, and with a malicious grief pointed out its errors, as for instance, they afiirmed that it made Methusaleh live »until after the Deluge. Ptolemy treated all those who were concerned in providing books for the library with consideration, remunerating his translators and transcribers in a princely manner. But the modern world is not alone indebted to these Egyptian kings Lasting influence ^^ the particular here referred to. The Museum made an the'oioJfcTaSd imprcssiou upon the intellectual career of Europe so pow- Bcientific. Q-jiul and enduring that we still enjoy its results. That impression was twofold, theological and physical. The dialectical spirit and literary culture diffused among the Alexandrians prepared that people, beyond all others, for the reception of Christianity. For thirty centuries the Egyptians had been familiar with the conception of a tri- une God. There was hardly a ciby of any note without its particular triad. Here it was Amun, Maut, and Khonso ; there Osiris, Isis, and Horus. The apostolic missionaries, when they reached Alexandria, found a people ready to appreciate the profoundest mysteries. But with these advantages came great evils. The Trinitarian disputes, whjch subsequently deluged the world with blood, had their starting-point and focus in Alexandria. In that city Arius and Athanasius dwelt. There originated that desperate conflict which compelled Constantine the Great to summon the Council of Nicea, to settle, by a formulary or creed, the essentials of our faith. But it was not alone as regards theology that Alexandria exerted a power on subsequent ages, her influence was as strongly marked in the impression it gave to science. Astronomical qjaservatories, chemical laboratories, libraries, dissecting-houses, were not in vain. There went forth from them a spirit powerful enough to tincture all future times. Nothing like the Alexandrian Museum was ever called into existence in Greece or Kpme, even in their palmiest days. It is the unique and noble memorial of the dynasty of the Ptolemies, who have thereby laid the whole human race under obligations, and vindicated their title to be regarded as a most illustrious line of kings. The Museum was, in truth, an attempt at the organization of human knowledge, both for its development and its diffusion. It was conceived and executed in a practical manner worthy of Alexander. And though, in the night through which Europe has been passing — a night full »i dreams and de- lusions — men have not entertained a right estimate of the spirit in which that great institution was founded, and the work it accomplished, its glories being eclipsed by darker and more unworthy things, the time is approaching when its action on the course of human events wilihe better understood, and its "infiuences on European civilization more clearly discerned. ITS SCIENTIFIC TENDENCY. 143 Thus, then, about the beginning of the third century before Christ, in consequence of the Macedonian campaign, which had brought the Greeks in contact with the ancient civilization of Asia, a The MuBeum was great degree of intellectual activity was manifested in MfcSoni^n'Mm- Egypt. On the site of the village of Ehacotis, once held as ^^'^"■ an Egyptian post to prevent the ingress of strangers, the Macedonians erected that city which was to be the entrepot of the commerce of the East and "West, and to transmit an illustrious name to the latest genera- tions. Her long career of commercial prosperity, her commanding po- sition as respects the material interests of the world, justified the states- manship of her founder, and the intellectual glory which has gathered round her has given an enduring lustre to his name. There can be no doubt that the philosophical activity here alluded to was the direct issue of the political and military event to which we have referred it. The tastes and genius of Alexander were manifested by his relations to Aristotle, whose studies in natural history he promoted by the collection of a menagerie ; and in astronomy, by transmitting to him, through Callisthenes, the records of Babylonian observations ex- tending over 1903 years. His biography, as we have seen, shows a per- sonal interest in the cultivation of such studies. Jn this particular other great soldiers have resembled him ; and perhaps it may be inferred that the practical habit of thought and accommodation of theory to the ac- tual purposes of life pre-eminently required by their profession, leads them spontaneously to decline speculative uncertainties, and to be satis- fied only with things that are real and exact. Under the inspiration of the system of Alexander, and guided by the suggestions of certain great men who had caught the spirit of the times, the Egyptian kings thus created, under their own immediate auspices, the Museum. State policy, operating in the manner I have previously described, furnished them with an additional theological reason for founding this establishment. In the Macedonian campaign a vast amount of engineering and mathematical talent had been necessarily stimulated into existence, for great armies can not be handled, great marches can not be made, nor great battl^ fought without that result. When the period of energetic action was over, and to the military oper- ations succeeded comparative repose and temporary moments of peace, the talent thus called forth found occupation in the way most congenial to it by cultivating mathematical and physical studies. In Alexandria, itself a monument of engineering and architectural skill, soon .were to be found men whose names were destined for futurity — Apollonius, Eratosthenes, Manetho. Of these, one may be selected for The great men the i^emark that, while speculative philosophers were occu- " P'o^^ed. pying themselves with discussions respecting the criterion of truth, and, upon the whole, coming to the conclusion that no such thing existed, 144 THE WRITINGS OF EUCLID AND DISCOVERIES OF ARCHIMEDES. and that, if the truth was actually in the possession of man, he had no means of knowing it, Euclid of Alexandria was writing an immortal work, destined to challenge contradiction from the whole human race, and to make good its title as the representative of absolute and unde- niable truth — truth not to be gainsaid ia any nation or at any time. We still use the geometry of Euclid in our schools. It is said that Euclid opened a geometrical school in Alexandria about B.C. 300. He occupied himself not only with mathematical, but also physical investigation. Besides many works of the former class The writings supposcd to havc been written by him, as on Fallacies, Conic of EucUd. Sections, Divisions, Porisms, Data, there are imputed to him treatises on Harmonics, Optics, and Catoptrics, the two latter subjects being discussed, agreeably to the views of those times, on the hypothe- sis of rays issuing from the eye to the object, instead of passing, as we consider them to do, from the object to the eye. It is, however, on the excellencies of his Elements of Geometry that the durable reputation of Euclid depends; and though the hypercriticism of modem mathemati' cians has perhaps successfully maintained such objections against them as that they might have been more precise in their axioms, that they sometimes assume wh|t might be proved, that they are occasionally redundant, and their arrangement sometimes imperfect, yet they stffl maintain their ground as a model of extreme accuracy, of perspicuity, and as a standard of exact demonstration. They were employed uni- versally by the Greeks, and, in subsequent ages, were translated and preserved by the Arabs. Great as is the fame of Euclid, it is eclipsed by that of Archimedes The -writings the Syracusan, born B.C. 287, whose connection with Egyptian Aichimcdes. scieucc is uot aloue testified by tradition, but also by such facts as his acknowledged friendship with Conon of Alexandria, and his in- vention of the screw still bearing his name, intended for raising the wa- ters of the Nile. Among his mathematical works, the most interesting, perhaps, in his own estimation, as we may judge from the incident that he directed the diagram thereof to be engraved on his tombstone, was his demonstration that the solid content of a sphere is two thirds that of its circumscribing cylinder. It was by this mark that Cicero, when Qusestor of Sicily, discovered the tomb of Archimedes grown over with weeds.. This theorem was, however, only one of a large number of a like kind, which he treated of in his two books on the sphere and cylin- der in an equally masterly manner, and with equal success. His posi- tion as a geometer is perhaps better understood from the assertion made respecting him by a modern mathematician, that he came as near to the discovery of the Differential Calculus as can be done without the aid of algebraic transformations. Among the special problems he treated of may be mentioned the quadrature of the circle, his determination of the THE DISCOVERIES OF ARCHIMEDES. 145 ratio of the circumference being between 3.1428. and 3.1408, the true value, as is now known, being 3.1416 nearly. He also wrote on Conoids and Spheroids, and upon that spiral still passing under his name, the genesis of which had been suggested to him by Oonon. In his work entitled Psammites he alludes to the astronomical system subsequently established by Copernicus, whose name has been given to it. He also mentions the attempts' which had been made to measure the size of the earth; the chief object of the work being, however, to prove not only that the sands upon the sea-shore cau be numbered, but even those re- quired to fill the entire space within the sphere of the fixed stars ; the result being, according to our system of arithmetic, a less number than is expressed by unity followed by 63 ciphers. Such a book is the sport of a geometrical giant wantonly amusing himself with his strength. Among his mathematical investigations must not be omitted the quad- rature of the parabola. His fame depends, however, not so much on his mathematical triumphs as upon his briUiant discoveries in physics and his mechanical inventions. How he laid the foundation of Hydro- statics is familiar to every one, through the story of Hiero's crown.- j A certain artisan having adulterated the gold given him by King Hiero to make a crown, Archimedes discovered that the falsification might be de- tected, while he was accidentally stepping into a bath, and thereby in- vented the method for the determination of specific gravity. From these investigations he was naturally led to the consideration of the equilib- rium of floating bodies; but his grand achievement in the mechanical di- rection was his discovery of the true theory of the lever : his surprising merit in these respects is demonstrated by the fact that no advance was made in theoretical mechanics in the eighteen centuries intervening be- tween him and Leonardo da Vinci. Of minor matters not less than forty mechanical inventions have been attributed to him. Among these are the endless screw, the screw pump, a hydrauhc organ, and burning mirrors. His genius is well indicated by the saying popularly attrib- uted to him, " Give me whereon to stand, and I will move the earth," :and by the anecdotes told of his exertions against Marcellus during the siege of Syracuse : his invention of catapults and other engines for throwing projectiles, as darts and heavy stones ; claws which, reaching over the walls, lifted up into the air ships and their crews, and then suddenly dropped them into the sea ; burning mirrors, by 'v^hich, at a great distance, the Eoman fleet was set on fire. It is related that Mar- cellus, honoring his intellect, gave the strictest orders that no harm should be done to him at the taking of the town,-Bnd that he was killed, unfortunately, by an ignorant soldier — ^unfortunately, for Europe was not able to produce his equal for nearly two thousand years. Eratosthenes was contemporary with Archimedes. He was born at Gyrene B.C. 276. The care of the library appears to have been com- K 146 THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND OTHER WORKS OF ERATOSTHENES. The writings mitted to him by Euergetes ; but his attention was more spe- Erato8thene°8. ciallj directed to mathematical, astronomical, geographical, and historical pursuits. The work entitled Catasterisms,' doubtfully imputed to him, is a catalogue of 475 of the principal stars ; but it was probably intended for nothing more than a manual. He also is said to haye written a poem upon terrestrial zones. Among his important geo- graphical labors may be mentioned his determination of the interval between the tropics. He found it to be eleven eighty-thirds of the cir-' cumference. He also attempted the measurement of the size of the earth by ascertaining the distance between Alexandria and Syene, the difference of latitude between which he had found to be one fiftieth of the earth's circumferenc'e. It was his object to free geography from the legends with which the superstition of ages had adorned and oppressed it. In effecting 'this, he well deserves the tribute paid to him by Hum- boldt, the modern who of all others could best appreciate his labors. He considered the articulation and expansion of continents ; the position of mountain chains ; the action of clouds ; the geological submersion of lands; the elevation of ancient sea-beds; the opening of the Dardanelles and of the Straits of Gibraltar ; the relations of the Euxine Sea; the prob- lem of the equal level of the circumfluous ocean ; and the necessary ex- istence of a mountain chain running through Asia in the diaphragm of Dicsearchus. What an advance is all this beyond the meditations of Thales ! Herein we see the practical tendencies of the Macedonian wars. In his astronomical observations he had the advantage of using the armils and other instruments in the Observatory. He ascertained that the direction of terrestrial gravity is not constant, but that the ver- ticals converge. He composed a complete systematic description of the earth in three books — physical, mathematical, historical — accompanied by a map of all the parts, then known. Of his skill as a geometer, his solution of the problem of two mean proportionals, still extant, offers ample evidence ; and it is only of late years that the fragments remain- ing of his Chronicles of the Theban Kings are properly appreciated. He hoped to free history as well as geography from the myths that de- form it, a task that the prejudices and interests of man will never permit to be accomplished. Some amusing anecdotes of his opinions in these respects have descended to us. He ventured to doubt the historical truth of the Homeric legends. " I will believe in it when I have been shown the currier who made the wind-bags which Ulysses on his home- ward voyage received from ^Eolus." It is said that, having attained the age of eighty years, he became weary of life, and put an end to himself by voluntary starvation. I shall here pause to make a few remarks suggested by the chrono- chvonoiogy of, logical and astronomical works of Eratosthenes. Our current EratoBtiwneB. chrouology was the offspring of erroneous theological coiisid- PERVEESIOK OF CHEONOLOGY BY EUSEBIUS. 147 erations, the nature of whicli required not only a short historical term for the' various nations of antiquity, but even for the existence of man upon the globe. This necessity appears to have been chiefly experi- enced in the attempt to exalt certain facts in the history of the Hebrews from their subordinate position in human affairs, and, indeed, to give the whole of that history an exaggerated value. This was done in a double way : by elevating Hebrew history froni its true grade, and depreciating or falsifying that of other nations. Among those who have been guilty of this literary offense, the name of the celebrated Eusebius, the Bishop of Csesarea in the time of Constantine, should be designated, since in his chronography and synchronal tables he purposely "perverted chronol- ogy for the sake of making synchronisms" (Bunsen). It is true, as Nie- buhr asserts, " He is a very dishonest writer." To a great extent, the superseding of the Egyptian annals was brought about by his influence. It was forgotten, however, that of all things chronology is the least suit- ed to be an object of inspiration ; and that, though men may be wholly indifferent to truth for its own sake, and consider it not improper to wrest it unscrupulously to what they may suppose a just purpose, yet that it will vindicate itself at last. It is impossible to succeed complete- , ly in perverting the history of a nation which has left numerous endur- ing records. Egypt offers to us testimonials reaching over five thousand years. As Bunsen well remarks, from the known portion of the curve of history we may determine the whole. The Egyptians, old as they are, belong to the middle ages of mankind, for there is a period antece- dent to monumental history, or, indeed, to history of any kind, during which language and mythology are formed, for these must exist prior to all political institutions, all art, aU science. Even at the first moment that we gain a glimpse of the state of Egypt she had attained a high intellectual condition, as is proved by the fact that her system of hiero- glyphics was perfected before the fourth dynasty. It continued un- changed until the time of Psammetichus. A stationary condition of language and writing for thousands of years necessarily implies a long 'and very remote period of active improvement and advance. It was- doubtless such a general consideration, rather than a positive knowledge of the fact, which led the Greeks to assert that the introduction of geom- etry into Egypt must be attributed to kings before the times of Menes. Not alone do her artificial monuments attest for that country an ex-, treme antiquity ; she is herself her own witness ; for, though the Nile raises its bed only four feet in a thousand years, all the alluvial portion of Egypt has been deposited from the -fraters of that river. A natural register thus re-enforces the written records, and both together compose a body of evidence not to be gainsaid. Thus the depth of muddy silt accumulated round the pedestals of monuments is an irreproachable in- dex of their age. In the eminent position he occiipied, Eusebius might 148 ASTEOJSrOMY OF EEATOSTHENES. « succeed m perverting tlie received book-chronology, but he had no pow- er to make the endless trade-wind that sweeps over the tropical Pacific blow a day more or a day less ; none to change the weight of water pre- cipitated from it by the African mountains ; none to arrest the annual mass of mud brought down by the river. It is by collating such diEfer- ent orders of evidence together — ^the natural and the monumental, the latter gaining strength every year from the cultivation of hieroglyphic studies — that we begin to discern the true Egyptian chronology, and to put confidence in the fragments that remain of Eratosthenes and Manetho. At the time of which we are speaking — ^the time of Eratosthenes- general ideas had been attained to respecting the doctrine of the sphere, its poles, axis, the eq:uator, arctic and antarctic circles, equinoctial points, Astronomy of solsticcs, colurcs, horizou, ctc. No one competent to form an Eratosthenes, opinion any longer entertained a doubt respecting the globu- lar form of the earth. The arguments adduced in support of that posi- tion being such as are still popularly resorted to — ^the different positions of the horizon at different places, the changes in elevation of the pole, the phenomena of eclipses, and the gradual disappearance of ships as they sail from us. As to eclipses, once looked upon with superstitious awe, their true causes had not only been assigned, but their periodicities so well ascertained that predictions of their occurrence could be made. The Babylonians 'had thus long known that after a cycle of 223 luna- tions the eclipses of the moon return. The mechanism of the phases of Attempts of Ax- that Satellite was clearly understood. Indeed, Aristarchus tte"°Sii*ce^f* of Samos attempted to ascertain the distance of the sun from the Bun. ^^g earth on the principle of observing the moon when she • is dichotomized, a method quite significant of the knowledge of tlie time, though in practice unreliable ; Aristarchus thus finding that tbe sun's distance is 18 times that of the moon, whereas it is in reality 400. In like manner, in a general way, pretty clear notions were entertainel- of the climate distribution of heat upon the earth, exaggerated-,' how- ever, in this respect, that the torrid zone was believed to be too hot for human life, and the frigid too cold. Observations, as good as could be made by simple instruments, had not only demonstrated in a general manner the progressions, retrogradations, and stations of the planets, but attempts had been made to account for, or rather to represent them, by the aid of epicycles. It was thus in Alexandria, under the Ptolemies, that modern astron- omy arose. Of this line of kings, the founder, Ptolemy Soter, was not only a patron of science, but likewise an author. He composed a his- tory of the campaigns of Alexander. Under him the collection of the Biography of library was commenced, probably soon after the defeat of An- the Ptolemies, tigonus at the battle of Ipsus, B.C. 301. The Museum is due BIOGRAPHY OF THK PTOLEMIES. 149 to his son Ptolemy Philadelphus, who not only patronized learning in his own dominions, but likewise endeavored to extend the boundaries of human knowledge in other quarters. Thus he sent an expedition under his admiral Timosthenes as far as Madagascar. Of the succeed- ing Ptolemies, Buergetes and Philopator were both very able men, though the latter was a bad one ; he murdered his father, and perpetrated many horrors in Alexandria. Epiphanes, succeeding his father when only five years old, was placed by his guardians under the protection of Eome, thus furnishing to the ambitious republic a pretense for in- terfering in the affairs of Egypt. The same policy was continued dur- ing the reign of his son Philometor, who, upon the whole, was an able and good king. Even Physcon, who succeeded in B.C. 146, and who is described as sensual, corpulent, and cruel — cruel, for he cut off the head, hands, and feet of his son, and sent them to Cleopatra his wife — could not resist the inspirations to which the policy of his ancestors, continued for nearly two centuries, had given birth, but was an effective promoter of literature and the arts, and himself the author of an historical work. A like inclination was displayed by his successors, Lathyrus and Au- letes, the name of the latter indicating his proficiency in music. The surnames under which all these Ptolemies pass were nicknames, or titles of derision imposed upon them by their giddy and satirical Alexandrian subjects. The pohtical state of Alexandria was significantly said to be a tyranny tempered by ridicule. The dynasty ended in the person of the celebrated Cleopatra, who, after the battle of Actium, caused her- self, as is related in the legends, to be bitten by an asp. She took poison that she might not fall captive to Octavianus, and be led in his triumph through the streets of Eome. If we possessed a complete and unbiased history of these Greek kings, it would doubtless uphold their title to be regarded as the most illus- trious of all ancient sovereigns. Even after their political power had passed into the hands of the Eomans — a nation who had no regard to truth and to right — and philosophy, in its old age, had become extin- guished or eclipsed by the faith of the later Caesars, enforced by an un- scrupulous use of their power, so strong was the vitality of the intel- lectual germ they had fostered, that, though compelled to lie dormant for centuries, it shot up vigorously on the first occasion that favoring circumstances occurred. This Egyptian dynasty extended its protection and patronage to lit- erature as well as to science. Thus Philadelphus did not consider it beneath him to count among his personal friends the poet They patronize Callimachus, who had written a treatise on birds, and honor- weu as science. ably maintained himself by keeping a school in Alexandria. The court of that sovereign was, moreover, adorned by a constellation of seven poets, to which the gay Alexandrians gave the nickname of the Pleia- 1^0 THE WRITINGS OF APOLLONIUS AND SIPPARCSUS. des. They are said to have been Lycophron, Theocritus, Callimachus, Aratus, ApoUonius Ehodius, Nicander, and Homer the son of Macro.* Among them may be distinguished Lycophron, whose work, entitled Cassandra, still remains ; and Theocritus, whose exquisite bucolics prove how sweet a poet he was. To return to the scientific movement. The school of Euclid was worthily represented in the time of Euergetes by ApoUonius Pergsus, The writings of forty ycars subsequently to Archimedes. He excelled both in ApoUonius. ^-j^Q mathematical and physical department. His chief work was a treatise on Conic Sections. It is said that he was the first to intro- duce the words ellipse and hyperbola. So late as the eleventh century his complete works were extant in Arabic. Modern geometers describe him as handling his subjects with less power than his great predecessor Archimedes, but nevertheless displaying extreme precision and beauty in his methods. His fifth book, on Maxima and Minima, is to be re- garded as one of the highest efforts of Greek geometry. As an ex- ample of his physical inquiries may be mentioned his invention of a clock. Fifty years after ApoUonius, B.C. 160-125, we meet with the great astronomer Hipparchus. He does not appear to have made observations himself in Alexandria, but he uses those of Aristyllus and Timochares of that place. Indeed, his great discovery of the precession of the equi- noxes was essentially founded on the discussion of the Alexandrian ob- servations on Spica Virginis made by Timochares. In pure mathemat The writings of ^^ ^^ S^^^ methods fot solving all triangles, plane and spher- Hipparohns. j(,j^| . j^g ^^^q coustructcd a table of chords. In astronomy, besides his capital discovery of the precession of the equinoxes just mentioned, he also determined the first inequality of the moon, the equa- tion of the centre, and all but anticipated Ptolemy in the discovery of the evection. To him also must be attributed the establishment of the theory of epicycles and eccentrics, a geometrical conception for the pur- pose of resolving the apparent motions of the heavenly bodies, on the principle of circular movement. In the case of the sun and moon, Hip- The theory of parchus succcedcd in the application of that theorv, and indi- Qpigygjgg and eccentrics, catcd that, it might be adapted to the planets. Though never intended as a representation of the actual motions of the heavenly bod- ies, it maintained its ground until the era of Kepler and Newton, when the heliocentric doctrine, and that of elliptic motions, were incontestably established. Even Newton himself, in the 35th proposition of the third book of the Principia, availed himself of its aid. Hipparchus also un- dertook to make a register of the stars by the method of alineations— that is, by indicating those which were in the same apparent straight line. The number of stars catalogued by him was 1080. If he thus depicted the aspect of the sky for his times, he also endeavored to do THE ALMAGEST OF PTOLEMY. 151 the same for the surface of the earth by marking the position of towns 'and other places by lines of latitude and longitude. Subsequently to Hipparchus, we find the astronomers Geminus and Cleomedes ; their fame, however, is totally eclipsed by that of Ptolemy, A.D. 138, the author of the great work " The Syntaxis," or ^he writings the mathematical construction of the heavens — a work fully »f p'"'™?. deserving the epithet which has been bestowed upon it, "a noble expo- sition of the mathematical theory of epicycles and eccentrics." It was translated by the Arabians after the Mohammedan conquest of Egypt ; and, under the title of Almagest, was received by them as the highest authority on the mechanism and phenomena of the universe. It main- tained its ground in Europe in the same eminent position for nearly fif- teen hundred yearg, justifying the encomium of Synesius on the institu- tion which gave it birth, "the divine school of Alexandria." The Al- magest commences with the doctrine that the earth is globu- Hia great work: lar and fixed in space ; it describes the construction of a ta- *oMt?uctfon"?f ble of chords and instruments for observing the solstices, tiie i>eavenB. and deduces the obliquity of the ecliptic. It finds terrestrial latitudes by the gnomon ; describes climates ; shows how ordinary may be con- verted into sidereal time ; gives reasons for preferring the tropical to the sidereal year ; furnishes the solar theory on the principle of the sun's Drbit being a simple eccentric ; explains the equation of time ; advances to the discussion of the motions of the moon ; treats of the first inequal- ity, of her eclipses, and the motion of the node. It then gives Ptolemy's own great discovery — that which makes his name immortal — the dis- covery of the moon's evection or second inequality, reducing it to the epioyclic theory. It attempts the determination of the distances of the sun and moon from the earth, with, however, only partial success, since it makes the sun's distance but one twentieth of the real amount. It considers the precession of the equinoxes, the discovery of Hipparchus, the full period for which is twenty-five thousand years. It gives a cat- alogue of 1022 stars ; treats of the nature of the Milky Way ; and dis- cusses, in the most masterly manner, the motions of the planets. This point constitutes Ptolemy's second claim to scientific fame. His de- termination of the planetary orbits was accomplished by comparing his own observations with those of former astronomers, as those of Timo- chares on Venus. To Ptolemy we are also indebted for a work on Geography, used in European schools so late as the fifteenth century. The known gj, ^^^^ world to him was from the Canary Islands eastward to China, "'•y^ and from the equator northward to Caledonia. His maps, however, are very erroneous; for, in the attempt to make them correspond to the spherical figure of the earth, the longitudes are too much to the east; the Mediterranean Sea is twenty degrees too long. Ptolemy's determ- 152 LATEE ALEXANDEIAK GEOMETERS. inations are, therefore, inferior in accuracy to those of his illustrious predecessor Eratosthenes, who made the distance from the sacred prom- ontory in Spain to the eastern mouth of the Ganges to be seventy thou-, sand stadia. Ptolemy also wrote on Optics, the Planisphere, and Astrol- ogy. It is not often given to an author to endure for so many ages; perhaps, indeed, few deserve it. The mechanism of the heavens, from his point of view, has, however, been, greatly misunderstood. Neither he nor Hipparchus ever intended that theory as any thiag more than a geometrical fiction. It is not to be regarded as a representation of the actual celestial motions. And, as might be expected, for such is the destiny of all unreal abstractions, the theory kept advancing in com- plexity as 'facts accumulated, and was on the point of becoming alto- gether unmanageable, when/ it was supplanted by the theory of universal gravitation, which has ever exhibited that inalienable attribute of a true theory — affording an explanation of every new fact as soon as it was discovered, without requiring to be burdened with new provisions, and prophetically foretelling phenomena which had not as yet been ob- served. Prom the time of the Ptolemies the scientific spirit of the Alexan- drian school declined ; for though such mathematicians as Theodosius, whose work on Spherical Geometry was greatly valued by the Arab The later Aiexan- gcometcrs ; and Pappus, whose mathematical collections, in drian geometers, gigjit books. Still for the most part remain ; and Theon, doubly celebrated for his geometrical attainments, and as being the fa- ther of the unfortunate Hypatia, A.D. 415, lived in the next three cen- turies, they were not men like their great predecessors. That mental strength which gives birth to original discovery had passed away. The commentator had succeeded to the philosopher. No new development illustrated the physical sciences ; they were destined long to remain stationary. Mechanics could boast of no trophy like the proposition of Archimedes on the equilibrium of the lever ; no new and exact ideas like those of the same great man on statical and hydrostatical pressure; no novel and clear views like those developed in his treatise on floating bodies ; no mechanical invention like the first of all steam-engines— that of Hero. Natural Philosophy had come to a stop. Its great, and hitherto successfully cultivated department, Astronomy, exhibited no Decline of the farther advance. Men were content with what had been GtpggIc &?6 of Reason. dono, and continued to amuse themselves with reconciling the celestial phenomena to a combination of equable circular motions. To what are we to attribute this pause ? Something had occurred to enervate the spirit of science. A gloom had settled on the Museum. There is no dif&culty in giving an explanation of this unfortunate condition. Greek intellectual life had passed the period of its maturijy, and was entering on old age. Moreover, the talent which might have GEEEK INTELLECTUAL DECEEPITUDE. 153 been devoted to the service of science was in part allured to another pursuit, and in part repressed. Alexandria had sapped crasea of tiiat Athens, and m her turn Alexandria was sapped by Eome. ^^^«- From metropolitan pre-eminence she had sunk to be a mere provincial town. The great prizes of life were not so likely to be met with in such a declining city as in Italy or, subsequently, in Constantinople. Whatever affected these chief centres of Eoman activity necessarily in- fluenced her ; but, such is the fate of the conquered, she must await their decisions. In the very institutions by which she had once been glorified, success could only be attained by.a conformity to the manner of thinking fashionable in the imperial metropolis, and the best that could be done was to seek distinction in the path so marked but. Yet even with all this restraint Alexandria asserted her intellectual power, leaving an indelible impress on the new theology of her conquerors. During three centuries the intellectual atmosphere of the Eoman empire had been changing. Men were unable to resist the steadily increasing pressure. Tranquillity could only be secured by passiveness. Things had come to such a state that the thinking of men was to be done for them by others, or, if they thought at all, it must be in accordance with a prescribed formula or rule. Greek intellect was passing into decrepi- tude, and the moral condition of the European world was in antagonism to scientific progress. CHAPTEE YII. THE GEEEK AGE OF INTELLECTUAL DECEEPITUDE. IHE DEATH OP GEEEK PHILOSOPHT. DecUne of Greeh Phihsophy : it becomes Setrospective, and in Phih the Jew and Apollonius of Tyana leans on Inspiration, Mysticism, Miracles. Neo-Platonism founded by Ammonius Saccas, followed by Plotinus, Porphyry, lamblicus, Proclus. — The Alexandrian Trinity. — Ecstasy. — Alliance with Magic, Necromancy. The Emperor Justinian closes the philosophical Schools. Summary of Greek Philosophy. — Its four Problems : 1. Origin of the World; 2. Nature of the Soul; 3. Existence of God; 4. Criterion of Truth. — Solution of these Problems in theAgeof Inquiry — in that of Faith — in that of Reason — in that of Decrepitude. Determination of the Law of Variation of Greek Opinion. — The Development of National In- tellect is the same as that of Individual. Determination of the final Conclusions of Greek Philosophy as to God, the World, the Soul, the Criterion of Truth. — Illustrations and Criticisms cm each of these Points. In this chapter it is a melancholy picture that I have to present — the old age and death of Greek philosophy. The strong man Decide of Greek of Aristotelism and Stoicism is sinking into the superan- pi^° ti'^™*'- unnumbered shining stars, were set in their appropriate places, not at the pleasure or by the hand of God, but by innate properties of their L 162 GREEK PHILOSOPHICAL PEOBLEMS. own. Popular superstition was in some degree appeased by the locali- zation of deities in the likeness of men in a starry Olympus above the sky, a region furnishing unsubstantial glories and a tranquil abode. And yet it is not possible to exclude altogether the spiritual from this world. The soul, ever active and ever thinking, asserts its kindred with the divine. What is that soul? Such was the second question pro- pounded by Greek philosophy. A like course of superficial observation was resorted to in the solu- second problem. ^01^ of this inquiry. To breathe is to live ; then the breath What ia the soul! jg ^j^^ j^fg^ jf ^g gg^g ^ breathe, WO die. Man only be- comes a living soul when the breath of life enters his .nostrils ; he is a senseless and impassive form when the last breath is expired. In this life-giving principle, thp air, must therefore exist all those noble quahties possessed by the soul. It must be the source from which all intellect arises, the store to which all intellect again returns. The philosophical school whose fundamental principle was that the air is the primordial Its material so- element thus brought back the Deity into the world, though lution thereof. ^jQfjgp a material form. Yet still it was in antagonism to the national polytheism, unless from that one god, the air, the many gods of Olympus arose. But who is that one God? This is the third question put forth by Third prowem. Greek philosophy. Its answer betrays that in this, its be- What is God? ginning^ it is tending to Pantheism. In all tliese investigations the starting-point had been material con- ceptions, depending on the impressions or information of the senses. Whatever the conclusion arrived at, its correctness turned on the cor- rectness of that information'. When we put a little wine into a measure of water, the eye may no longer see it, but the wine is there. When a rain-drop falls on the leaves of a distant forest, we can not hear it, but the murmur of many drops composing a shower is audible enough. But what is that murmur except the sum of the sounds of all the indi- vidual drops ? And so it is plain our senses are prone to deceive us. Hence arises Fourth problem, the fourth great question of Greek philosophv : Have we Has man a crite- ••paio i.«/ rion of truth? any cntcrion oi Cruth i The moment a suspicion that we have not crosses the mind of inan, he realizes what may be truly termed intellectual despair. Is this world an illusion, a phantasm of the imagination ? If things material and tangible, and therefore the most solid props of knowledge, are thus abruptly destroyed, in what direction shall we turn ? Within a single century Greek philosophy had come to this pass, and it was not with- out reason that intelligent men looked on Pythagoras almost as a divin- Importance of ity upou earth whcu he pointed out to them a path of escape; the views of •*■ ^ i l,^ Pythagoras, when he bid them reflect on what it was that had thus taugm GREEK AGE OF FAITH. 163 them tlie unreliability of sense. For wliat is it but reason that has been thus warning us, and, in the midst of delusions, has guided us to the truth — reason, which has objects of her own, a world of her own? Though the visible and audible may deceive, we may nevertheless find absolute truth in things altogether separate from material nature, par- ticularly in the relations of numbers and properties of geometrical forms. There is no illusion in this, that two added to two make four ; or in this, that any two sides of a triangle taken together are greater than the third. If, then, we are living in a region of deceptions, we may rest ' assured that it is surrounded by a world of truth. From the material basis speculative philosophy gradually disengaged itself through the labors of the Eleatic school, the contro- influence of the ei- , . ., .,. , . , , n eatic school and the versy as to the primary element recedmg into insignm- sopMsta. cance, and being replaced by investigations as to Time, Motion, Space, Thought, Being, God. The general result of these inquiries brought into prominence the suspicion of the unreliability of the senses, the tendency of the whole period being manifested in the hypothesis at last attained, that atoms and space alone exist ; and, since the former are mere centres of force, matter is necessarily a phantasm. When, therefore, the Athe- nians themselves commenced a cultivation of philosophy, it was with full participation in the doubt and uncertainty thus overspreading the whole subject. As Sophists, their action closed this speculative period, for, by a comparison of all the partial sciences thus far known, they ar- rived at the conclusion that there is no conscience, no good or evil, no philosophy, no religion, no law, no criterion of truth. But man can not live without some guiding rule. If his speculations in Nature will yield him nothing on which he may rely, he will seek some other aid. K there is no criterion of truth for him in philosophy, he will lean on implicit, unquestioning faith. If he can not prove by physical arguments the existence of God, he will, with Socrates, ^^g^ „f faith- accept that great fact as self-evident and needing no demon- "' ""iiaons. stration. He will, in like manner, take his stand upon the undeniable advantages of virtue and good morals, defending the doctrine that pleas- ure should be the object of life — ^pleasure of that pure kind which flows from a cultivation of ennobling pursuits, or instinctive, as exhibited in the life of brutes. But when he has thus cast aside demonstration as needless for his purposes, and put his reliance in this manner on faith, he has lost the restraining, the guiding principle that can set bounds to his conduct. If he considers, with Socrates, who opens the third age of Greek development — its age of faith — ^the existence of God as not needing any proof, he may, in like manner, add thereto its continuation by the existence of matter and ideas. To faith there will be ty the skeptics. no difficulty in such doctrines as those of Eeminiscence, the double im- mortality of the soul, the actual existence of universals ; and, if such 164 GREEK AGE OF EEASON. faith, unrestrained and unrestricted, is directed to the regulation of per- sonal life, there is nothing to prevent a falling ^nto excess and base egotism. For ethics, in such an application, ends either in the attempt at the procurement of extreme personal sanctity or the obtaining of in- dividual pleasure — ^the foundation of patriotism is sapped, the sentiment of friendship is destroyed. So it was with the period of Grecian faith inaugurated by Socrates, developed by Plato, and closed by the Skep- tics. Antisthenes and Diogenes of Sinope, in their outrages on society and self-mortifications, show to what end a period of faith, unrestrained by reason, will come ; and Epicurus demonstrated its tendency when guided by self. Thus closes the third period of Greek philosophical development. In introducing us to a fourth, Aristotle insists that, though we must rely on reason, Eeason itself must submit to be guided by Experience; AgeofKeason ^^^ Zcno, taking up the same thought, teaches us that we —its solutions, ijiust appeal to the decisions of common sense. He disposes of all doubt respecting the criterion of truth by proclaiming that the distinctness of our sensuous impressions is a sufiicient guide. In all this, the essential condition involved is altogether different from that of the speculative ages, and also of the age of faith. Yet, though under the os- tensible guidance of reason, the human mind ever seeks to burst through such self-imposed restraints, attempting to ascertain things for which it possesses no suitable data. Even in the age of Aristotle, the age of Eeason in Greece, philosophy resumed such questions as those of the creation of the world, the emanation of matter from God, the existence and nature of evU, the immortality, or, alas ! it might perhaps be more truly said, judging from its conclusions, the death of the soul, and this even after the Skeptics had, with increased force, denied that we have any criterion of truth, and showed to their own satisfaction that man, at the best, can do nothing but doubt ; and, in view of his condition here upon earth, since it has not been permitted him to know what is right and what is wrong, what is true and what is false, his wisest course is to give himself no concern about the matter, but tranquilly sink into a state of complete indiffereijce and quietism. ""How uniformly do we see that through such variations of opinion in- dividual man approaches his end. For Greek philosophy, wha,t, other prospect was there but decrepitude, with its contempt for the present, its attachment to the past, its distrust of man, its reliance on the myste- rious — the unknown ? And this imbecility how plainly we witness he- fore the scene was finally closed. If now we look back upon this career of the Grecian mind, we find that after the legendary pre-historic period — the age of credulity- there came in succession an age of speculative inquiry, an age of faith, an age of reason, an age of decrepitude — the first, the age of credulity, LAW OF VARIATION OF GREEK OPINION. 165 was closed by geographical discovery ; the second by the criticisms of the Sophists ; the third by the doubts of the Skeptics ; the fourth, em- inently distinguished by the greatness of its results, gradually Duration of declined into the fifth, an age of decrepitude, to which the hand "'''* "s^- of the Eoman put an end. In the mental progress of this people we therefore discern the forthshadowing of a course like that of individual life, its epochs answering to Infancy, Childhood, Youth, Manhood, Old Age ; and which, on a still grander scale, as we shall hereafter find, has been repeated by all Europe in its intellectual development. In a space of 1150 years, ending about A.D. 529, the Greek mind had completed its philosophical career. The ages into which we Boundaries of have divided that course pass by insensible gradations into "^^^^s^^- each other. They overlap and intermingle, like a gradation of colors, but the characteristics of each are perfectly distinct. 2d. Having thus determined the general law of the variation of opin- ions, that it is the same in this nation as in an individual, I Determination of ' - _ _, Tint 1 • 1 the law of vana- shall next endeavor to disentangle the final results attained, uon of opinions, considering Greek philosophy as a whole. To return to the illustration, to us more than an empty metaphor, though in individual life there is a successive passage through infancy, childhood, youth, and manhood to old age, a passage in which the characteristics of each period in their turn disappear, yet, nevertheless, there are certain results in another sense permanent, giving to the whole progress its proper individuality. A critical eye may discern in the successive stages of PhUreopHcai conciu- /^ T t '1 T'11 T ,T-. T T- siong finally arrived Greek philosopnicai development decisive and enduring at by the Greeks, results. These it is for which we have been searching in this long and tedious discussion. There are four grand topics in Greek philosophy : 1st, the existence and attributes of God ; 2d, the origin and destiny of the world ; 3d, the nature of the human soul; 4th, the possibility of a criterion of truth. I. shall now present what appear to me to be the results at which the Greek mind arrived on each of these points. (1.) Of the existence and attributes of God. On this point the deci: sion of the Greek mind was the absolute rejection of all an thro- AstoGod— pomorphic conceptions, even at the risk of encountering the '™>""'y- pressure of the national superstition. Of the all-powerful, all-perfect, and eternal there can be but one, for such attributes are absolutely op- posed to any thing like a participation, whether of a spiritual or mate- rial nature ; and hence the conclusion that the universe itself is God, and that all animate and inanimate things belong to his essence. In him they live, and move, and have their being. It is conceivable that God may exist without the world, but it is inconceivable that the world should exist without God. We must not, however, permit ourselves to be deluded by the varied aspect of things ; for, though the universe is 166 GREEK PHILOSOPHICAL CONCLUSIONS— GOD — THE WORLD, thus God, we know it not as it really is, but only as it appears. God has no relations to space and time. They are only the fictions of our finite imagination. But this ultimate effort of the Greek mind is Pantheism. It is the But their solution Same rcsult which the more aged branch of the Indo-Euro- 18 Pantheism. pgg^jj family had long before reached. " There is no God independent of Nature ; no other has been revealed by tradition, per- ceived by the sense, or demonstrated by argument." Yet never will man be satisfied with such a conclusion. . It offers him none of that aspect of personality which his yearnings demand. This infinite, and eternal, and 'universal is no intellect at all. It is passion- less, without motive, without design. It does not answer to those hnea- ments of which he catches a glimpse when he considers the attributes of his own soul. He shudderingly turns from Pantheism, this final result of human philosophy, and, voluntarily retracing his steps, subordinates his reason to his instinctive feelings; declines the impersonal as having nothing in unison with him, and asserts a personal God, the Maker of the universe and the Father of men. (2.) Of the origin and destiny of the world. In an examination of As to the world-- the rcsults at which the Greek mind arrived on this topic, a manifestation , ^ . , , tti.i.t •, of God. our labor is rendered much lighter by the assistance we re- ceive from the decision of the preceding inquiry. The origin of all things is in God, of whom the world is only a visible manifestation. It is evolved by 'and from him, perhaps, as the Stoics delighted to say, as the plant is evolved by and from the vital germ in the seed. It is an ema- nation of him. On this point we may therefore accept as .correct the general impression entertained by philosophers, Greek, Alexandrian, and Eoman afi;er the Christian era, that, at the bottom, the Gre^k and Ori- ental philosophies were alike, not only as respects the questions they proposed for solution, but also in the decisions they arrived at. As we have said, this impression led to the belief that there must have been in the remote past a revelation common to both, though subsequently oh- scured and vitiated by the infirmities and wickedness of man. This doctrine of emanation, reposing on the assertion that the world existed eternally in God, that it came forth into visibility from him, and will be hereafter absorbed into him, is one of the most striking features of Veda theology. It is developed with singular ability by the Indian philoso- phers as well as by the Greeks, and is illustrated by their poets. The following extract from the Institutes of Menu will convey the Senticii" with *^^iental conclusion : " This universe existed only in the first the Oriental, divinc idea, yet unexpanded, as if involved in darkness; im- perceptible, undefinable, undiscoverable by reason, and undiscovered by revelation, as if it were wholly immersed in sleep. Then the sole self- existing power, himself undiscerned, but making this world discernible, ORIENTAL ANALOGIES TO THESE CONCLUSIONS. 167 with five elements and other principles of nature, appeared with undi- minished glory, expanding his idea, or dispelling the gloom. He whom the mind can alone perceive, whose essence eludes the external organs, who has no visible parts, who exists from eternity — even He, the soul of all beings, whom no being can comprehend, shone forth in person. He, having willed to produce various beings from his own divine substance, first with a thought created the- waters. The waters are so called (nara) because they were the production of Nara, or the spirit of God ; and, since they were his first ayand, or place of motion, he thence is named Narayana, or moving on the waters. From that which is the first cause, not the object of sense existing every where in substance, not ex- isting to our perception, without beginning or end, was produced the divine male. He framed the heaven above, the earth beneath, and in the midst placed the subtle ether, the light regions, and the permanent receptacle of waters. He framed all creatures. He gave being to time and the divisions of time — to the stars also and the planets. For the sake of distinguishing actions, he made a total difference' between right and wrong. He whose powers are incomprehensible, having created this universe, was again absorbed in the spirit, changing the time of en- ergy for the time of repose." ■ From such extracts from the sacred writings of the Hindus we might turn to their poets, and find the same conceptions of the emanation, man- ifestation, and absorption of the world illustrated. " The mustrations of the Infinite being is like the clear crystal, which receives into anfaiso^™^ itself all the colors and emits them again, yet its transpar- ^^^ ''°"*- ency or purity is not thereby injured or impaired." "He is like the diamond, which absorbs the light surrounding it, and glows in the dark from the emanation thereof." In similes of a less noble nature they sought to convey their idea to the illiterate. " Thou hast seen the spi- der spin his web, thou hast seen its excellent geometrical form, and how well adapted it is to its use ; thou hast seen the play of tinted colors making it shine like a rainbow in the rays of the morning sun. From his bosom the little artificer drew forth the wonderful thread, and into his bosom, when it pleases him, he can withdraw it again. So Brahm made, and so will he absorb the world." In common the Greek and Indian asserted that being exists for the sake of thought, and hence they must be one ; that the universe is a thought in the mind of God, and is unaffected by the vicissitudes of the worlds of which it is com- posed. In India this doctrine of emanation had reached such apparent precision that some asserted it was possible to demonstrate that the en- tire Brahm was not transmuted into mundane phenomena, but only a fourth part ; that there occur successive emanations and absorptions,- a periodicity in this respect being observed ; that, in these considerations, we ought to guard ourselves from any deception arising from the visi- 168 EMANATION AND ABSOEPTION. ble appearance of material things, for there is reason to believe that matter is nothing more than forces filling space. Democritus raised us to the noble thought that, small as it is, a single atom may constitute a world. The doctrine of Emanation has thus a double interpretation. It sets forth the universe either as a part of the substance of God, or as an un- substantial something proceeding from him : the former a conception more tangible and readily grasped by the mind ; the latter of unap- proachable sublimity, when we recall the countless beautiful and majes- tic forms which Nature on all sides presents. This visible world is only the shadow of God. In the farther consideration of this doctrine of the issue, forthcoming, or emanation of the universe from God, and its return into or absorption by him, an illustration may not be without value. Out of the air, which may be pure and tranquil, the watery vapor often comes forth in a visi- ble form, fi misty fleece, perhaps no larger than the hand of a man at first, bijt a great cloud in the end. The external appearance the forth- coming form presents is determined by the incidents of the times; it may have a pure whiteness or a threatening blackness ; its edges may be fringed with gold. In the bosom of such a cloud the lightning may be pent up, from it the thunder may be heard ; but, even if it should not ofier these manifestations of power, if its disappearance should be as tranquil as its formation, it has not existed in vain. No cloud ever yet formed on the sky without leaving an imperishable impression on the earth, for while it yet existed there was not a plant whose growth was not delayed, whose substance was not lessened. And of such a cloud, whose production we have watched, how often has it happened to us to witness its melting away into the untroubled air. From the un- ' troubled aif it came, and to the pure untroubled air it has again re- turned. Now such a cloud is made up of countless hosts of microscopic drops, each maintaining itself separate from the others, and each, small though it may be, having an individuality of its own. The grand aggregate may vary its color and shape ; it may be the scene of unceasing and rapid interior movements of many kinds, yet it presents its aspect un- changed, or changes tranquilly and silently, still glowing in the light that falls on it, still casting its shadow on the ground. It is an emblem of the universe according to the ancient doctrine, showing us how the visible may issue from the invisible, and return again thereto; that a drop too small for the unassisted eye to see may be the representative of S world. The spontaneous emergence and disappearance of a cloud is the emblem of a transitory universe issuing forth and disappearing, again to be succeeded by other universes, other like creations in the long lapse of time. GREEK PHILOSOPHICAL CONCLUSIONS — THE SOUL. 169 (3.) Of the nature of the soul. From the material quality assigned to the soul by the early Ionian schools, as that it was air, fire, or the like, there was a gradual passage to the opinion of its immateri- As to the soui— ality. To this, precision was given by the assertion that it vmity^ had not only an afi&nity with, but even is a part of God. Whatever were the views entertained of the nature and attributes of the Supreme Being, they directly influenced the conclusions arrived at respecting the nature of the soul. Greek philosophy, in its highest state of development, regarded the soul as something more than the sum of the moments of thinking. It held it to be a portion of the Deity himself This doctrine is the neces- sary corollary of Pantheism. It contemplated a past eternity, a future immortality. It entered on such inquiries as whether the number of souls in the universe is constant. As upon the foregoing point, so upon this, there was a complete analogy between the decision arrived at in •Grecian and that in Indian philosophy. Thus the latter says, "I am myself an irradiated manifestation of the supreme Beahm." "Never was there a time in which I was not, nor thou, nor these princes of the people, and never shall I not be ; henceforth we all are." Viewing the soul as merely a spectator and stranger in this world, they regarded it' as occupying itself rather in contemplation than in action, asserting that in its origin it is an immediate emanation from the Divinity — not a modi- fication nor a transformation of the Supreme, but a portion of him ; "its relation is not that of a servant to his master, but of a part to the whole." It is like a spark separated from a flame ; it migrates from body to body, sometimes found in the higher, then in the lower, and again in the higher tribes of life, occupying first one, then another body, as circumstances demand. And, as a drop of water pursues a devious career its immorM- m the cloud, m the rain, in the river, a part of a plant, or a absorption. part of an animal, but sooner or later inevitably finds its way back to the sea from which it came, so the soul, however various its fortunes may have been, sinks back at last into the divinity from whichi it emanated. Both Greeks and Hindus turned their attention to the delusive phe- nomena of the world. Among the latter many figuratively supposed that what we call visible nature is a mere illusion befalling the soul, because of its temporary separation from God. In the Buddhist phi- losophy tlfe world was thus held to be a creature of the imagination. But among some in those ancient, as among others in more modern times, it was looked upon as having a more substantial condition, and the soul a passive mirror in which things reflected themselves, or per- haps it might, to some extent, be the partial creator of its own forms. But, however that may be, its final destiny is a perfect repose after its absorption in the Supreme. 170 ORIENTAL ANALOGY TO THAT CONCLUSION. On this third topic of ancient philosophy an ilhistration may not he niuBtration of without usc. As a bubble floats upon the sea, and, by reason the nature of .^ i ^'"ouii thesouL 01 its form, reflects whatever objects may be present, whether the clouds in the sky, or the stationary and moving things on the shore, nay, even to a certain extent depicts the sea itself on which it floats, and from which it arose, offering these various forms not only in shapes re- sembling the truth in the proper order of light and shade,' the proper perspective, the proper colors, but, in 'addition thereto, tincturing them all with a play of hues arising from itself, so it is with the soul. From a boundless and unfathomable sea the bubble arose. It does not in any respect differ in nature from its source. From water it came, and mere water it ever is. It gathers its qualities, so far as external things are concerned, only from its form, and from the circumstances under which it is placed. As the circumstances to which it is exposed vary, it floats here and there, merging into other bubbles it meets, and emerging from the collected foam again. In such migrations it is now larger, now less; at one moment passing into new shapes, at another lost in a coalescence of those around it. But whatever these its migrations, these its vicissi- tudes, there awaits it an inevitable destiny, an absorption, a reincorpora- 'tion with the ocean. In that flnal moment, what is it that is lost? what is it that has come to an end? Kot the essential substance, for water it was before it was developed, water it was during its existence, and wa- ter it still remains, ready to be re-expanded again. Nor does the resemblance fail when we consider the general functions discharged while the bubble maintained its form. In it were depicted in their true shapes and relative magnitudes surrounding things. It hence had a relation to Space. And, if it was in motion, it reflected in succession the diverse objects as they passed by. Through such suc- cessive representations it maintained a relation to Time. Moreover, it imparted to the images it thus produced a colorsition of its own, and in all this was an emblem of the Soul. For Space and Time are the out- ward conditions with which it is concerned, and it adds thereto abstract ideas, the product of its own nature. But when the bubble bursts the]*e is an end of all these relations. No longer is there any reflection of external forms, no longer any motion, no longer any innate qualities to add. In one respect the bubble is an- Its continued exiat- uihilatcd, in another it still exists. It has returned to that enoe-its Nirwana. infinite expause in comparison with which it is altogether insignificant and imperceptible. Transitory, and yet eternal : transitoiy, since all its relations of a special and individual kind have come to an end ; eternal in a double sense — the sense of Platonism — since it was connected with a past of which there was no beginning, and continues in a future to which there is no end. (4.) Of the possibility of a criterion of truth. An absolute criterion THE CRITEEION OF TBUTH. 171 of trutli must at once accredit itself, as well as other things, as to the criterion , . 1 ' 1 -T 1 J^ ^ of trutli — seneede- At a very early period m philosophy the senses were de- lusiona. tected as being altogether unrehable. On numberless occasions, instead of accrediting, they discredit themselves. A stick, having a spark of fire at one end, gives rise to the appearance of a circle of light when it is turned round quickly. The rainbow seems to be an actually-existing arch until the delusion is detected by our going to the place over which it seems to rest. Nor is it alone as respects things for which there is an exterior basis or foundation, such as the spark of fire in one of these cases, and the drops of water in the other. Each of our organs of sense can palm off delusions of the most purely fictitious kind. The eye may present apparitions as distinct as the realities among which they locate themselves; the ear may annoy us with the continual repetition of a murmuring sound, or parts of a musical strain, or articulate voices, though we weU know that it is all a delusion ; and in like manner, in their proper way, in times of health, and especially in those of sickness, will the other senses of taste, and touch, and smell practice upon us their deceptions. This being the ease, how shall we know that any information derived from such unfaithful sources is true? Pythagoras rendered a great service in telling us to remember that we have within ourselves a means of detecting fallacy and demonstrating truth. What is it that assures us of the unreality of the fiery circle, the rainbow, the spectre, the voices, the crawling of insects upon the skin ? Is it not reason ? To reason may we not then trust? With such facts before us, what a crowd of inquiries at once presses upon our attention — inquiries which even in modem times have occu- pied the thoughts of the greatest metaphysicians. Shall we begin our studies by examining sensations or by examining ideas? uncertontiea in Shall we say with Descartes that all clear ideas are true? pi^o^opti^i^s- Shall we inquire with Spinoza whether we have any ideas iudependent of experience ? ' With Hobbes, shall we say that all our thoughts a,re begotten by, and are the representatives of, objects exterior to us ; that our conceptions arise in material motions pressing on our organs, pro- ducing motion in them, and so affecting the mind ; that our sensations do not correspond with outward qualities ; that sound and noise belong to the bell and the air, and not to the mind, and, like color, are only agi- tations occasioned by the object in the brain; that imagination is a con- ception gradually dying away after the act of sense, and is nothing more than a decaying sensation ; that memory is the vestige of former im- pressions, enduring for a time ; that forgetfulness is the obliteration of such vestiges ; that the succession of thought is not indifferent, at ran- dom, or voluntary, but that thought follows thought in a determinate andi-predestined sequence ; that whatever we imagine is finite, and hence 172 UNCEETAINTIES OF PHILOSOPHY. we can not conceive of the infinite, nor think of any thing not subject to sense? Shall we say with Locke that there are two sources of our ideas sensation and reflection ; that the mind can not know things directly, but only through ideas? Shall we suggest with Leibnitz that reflection is nothing more than attention to what is passing in the mind, and that between the mind and the body there is a syinpathetic synchronism? With Berkeley shall we assert that there is no other reason for infer- ring the existence of matter itself than the necessity of having some syn- thesis for its attributes; that the objects of knowledge are ideas and nothing else ; and that the mind is active in sensation ? Shall we listen to the demonstration of Hume, that, if matter is an unreal fiction, the mind is not less so, since it is no more than a succession of impressions and ideas ; that our belief in causation is only the consequence of habit ; and that we have better proof that night is the cause of day, than of thousands of other cases in which we persuade ourselves that we know the right relation of cause and effect ; that from habit alone we believe the .future will resemble the past? Shall we infer with Condillac that memory is only transformed sensation, and comparison double atten- tion ; that every idea for which we can not find an exterior object is destitute of significance ; that our innate ideas come by development, and that reasoning and running are learned together. With Kant shall we conclude that there is but one source of knowledge, the union of the object and the subject — but two elements thereof, space and time ; and that they are forms of sensibility, space being a form of internal sensi- bility, and time both of internal and external, but neither of them hav- ing any objective reality ; and that the world is not known to us as it is, but only as it appears ? I admit the truth of the remark of Posidonius that a man might as well be content to die as to cease philosophizing ; for, if there are con- tradictions in philosophy, there are quits as many in life. -In the light of this remark, I shall therefore not hesitate to offer a few suggestions Remarks on the respecting the Criterion of human knowledge, undiscouraged criterion. ^^y ^|jg fg^^ j-jjg^^ gQ jjjany of the ablest men have turned their attention to it. In this there might seem to be presumption, were it not that the advance of the sciences, and especially of human physiology, has brought us to a more, elevated point of view, and enabled us'to see the state of things much more distinctly than was possible for our pred- ecessors. I think that the inability of ancient philosophers to furnish a true Defective Inform- solutiou of this problcm was altogether owing totheimper- atioa of the old „ , ■,■-,■, ■^ ? ■■ -i » T v „<■ philosophy. feet, and, indeed, erroneous idea they had of the position oi man. They gave too much weight to his personal individuality. In the mature period of his life they regarded him as isolated, independtot, and complete in himself. They forgot that this is only a momentary INCEEASE OF INTELLECT IN THE INDIVIDUAL. 173 phase in bis existence, which, commencing from small beginnings, ex- hibits a continuous expansion or progress. From a single cell, scarcely- more than a step above the inorganic state, not differing, as we may in- fer both from the appearance it offers and the forms through which it runs in the earlier stages of life, from the cell out of which any other an- imal or plant, even the humblest, is derived, a passage is made through form after form in a manner absolutely depending upon surrounding physical conditions. The history is very long, and the forms are very numerous, between the first appearance of the primitive Necessity of a more , jj.T.T_ i. J? 1. Ti'i general coQception trace and the hoary aspect oi seventy years. It is not cor- as to man. rect to take one moment in this long procession and make it a repre- sentative of the whole. It is not correct to say, even if the body of the mature man undergoes unceasing changes to an extent implying the re- ception, incorporation, and dismissal of nearly a ton and a half of mate- rial in the course of a year, that in this flux of matter there is not only a permanence of form, but, what is of infinitely more importance, an un- changeableness in his intellectual powers. It is not correct to say this ; indeed, it is wholly untrue. The intellectual principle passes forth in a career as clearly marked as that in which the body runs. Even if we overlook the time antecedent to birth, how complete is the imbecility of his early days! The light shines upon his eyes, he sees not; sounds fall upon his earj he hears not. From these low beginnings we might de- scribe in succession the successive re-enforcements through The whole cycle infancy, childhood, and youth to maturity. And what is m«sti>e included, the result to which all this carries us? Is it not that, in the philosophic- al contemplation of man, we are constrained to reject the idea of person- ality, of individuality, and to adopt that of a cycle of progress ; to aban ■ don all contemplation of his mere substantial form, and consider Lis abstract relation ? All organic forms, if compared together and exam- ined fi-om one common point of view, are found to be constructed upon an identical scheme. It .is as in some mathematical expression contain- ing constants and variables ; the actual result changes accordingly as we assign successively different values to the variables, yet in those differ- ent results, no matter how numerous they may be, the original formula always exists. From such a universal conception of the condition and career of man, we rise at once to the apprehension of his relations to others like himself — that is to say, his relations as a member of society. We perceive, in this light, that society must run a course the counter- part of that we have traced for the individual, an4 that the appearance of isolation presented by the individual is altogether illusory. Each individual man drew his life from another, and to another and aiaohia race man he gives rise, losing, in point of fact, his aspect of «>'"»='*><'■«• individuality when these his race connections are considered. One epoch in life is not all life. The mature individual can not be disen- 174 CONNECTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL WITH THE EAOB, tangled from the multitudinous forms througli whicli lie has passed; and, considering the nature of his primitive conception and the issue of his reproduction, man can not be separated from his race. By the aid of these views of the nature and relationship of man, we can come to a decision respecting his possession of a criterion of truth. In the earliest moments of his existence he can neither feel nor think, and the universe is to him as though it did not exist. Considering the prog- ress of his sensational powers — ^his sight, hearing, touch, etc. — ^these,as ■his cycle advances to its maximum, become, by nature or by educa- tion, more and more perfect ; but never, at the best, as the ancient phi- losophers well knew, are they trustworthy. And so of his intellectual powers. They, too, begin in feebleness and gradually expand. The mind alone is no surer reliance than the organs of sense alone. If any doubt existed on this point, the study of the phenomena of dreaming is sufficient to remove it, for dreaming manifests to us how wavering and unsteady is the mind in its operations when it is detached from the solid support of the organs of sense. How true is the remark of Philo the Jew, that the mind is like the, eye; for, though it may see aU other ob- jects, it can not see itself, and therefore can not judge of itself. And thus we may conclude that neither are the senses to be trusted alone, nor is the mind to be trusted alone. In the conjoint action of the two, by reason of the mutual checks established, a far higher degree of cer- tainty is attained to ; yet even in this, the utmost vouchsafed to the in- dividual, there is not, as both Greeks and Indians ascertained, an abso- lute sureness. It was the knowledge of this which extorted from theni so many melancholy complaints, which threw them into an intellectual despair, and made them, by applying the sad determination to which they had come to the course of their daily life, sink down into indiffer- ence and infidelity. But yet there is something more in reserve for man. Let him cast off the clog of individuality, and remember that he has race connections — connections which, in this matter of a criterion of truth, indefinitely in- crease his chances of certainty. If he looks with contempt on the opin- ions of his childhood, with little consideration on those of his youth, with distrust on those of his manhood, what will he say about the opin- ions of his race ? Do not such considerations teach us that, through all these successive conditions, the criterion of truth is ever advancing in precision and power, and that its maximum is found in the unanimous opinion of the whole human race ? Upon these principles I believe that, though we have not, philosophic- Though no absolute ally speakiug, any absolute criterion of truth, we rise by criterion exists, a n . i • 1 i i • i . . i „™J practical one does, dcgrecs to higher and higher certainties along an ascena- ing scale which becomes more and more exact. I think that meta- physical writers who have treated on this point have been led into error THE MAXIMUM OP CERTAINTY. 175 from an imperfect conception of the true position of man ; they have limited their thoughts to a single epoch of his course, and have not taken an enlarged and philosophical view. In thus declining the Ori- ental doctrine that the individual is the centre from which the universe should be regarded, and transferring our stand-point to a more compre- hensive and solid foundation, we imitate, in metaphysics, the course of astronomy when it substituted the heliocentric for the geocentric point of view, and the change promises to be equally fertile in sure results. If it were worth while, we might proceed to enforce this doctrine by an appeal to the experience of ordinary life. How often, when we distrust our own judgment, do we seek support in the advice of a friend. How strong is our persuasion that we are in the right when public opinion is witb us. For this even the Church has not disdained to call together Councils, aiming thereby at a surer means of arriving at the truth. The Council is more reliable than an individual, whoever he may be. The probabilities increase with, the number of consenting intellects, and hence I come to the conclusion that in the unanimous con-. The maxinmm of sent of the entirei human race lies the human criterion of human race. truth — a criterion, in its turn, capable of increased precision with the diffusion of enlightenment and knowledge. For this reason, I do not look upon the prospects of humanity in so cheerless a light as they did of old. On the contrary, every thing seems full of hope. Good au- guries may be drawn for philosophy from the great mechanical and ma- terial inventions which multiply the means of intercommunication, and, it may be said, annihilate terrestrial distances. In the intellectual col- lisions that must ensue, in the melting down of opinions, in tbe exami- nations and analyses of nations, truth will come forth. Whatever can not stand that ordeal must submit to its fate. Lies and imposture, no matter how powerfully sustained, must prepare to depart. In that su- preme tribunal man may place implicit confidence. Even though, phil- osophically, it is far from absolute, it is the highest criterion vouchsafed to him, and from its decision he has no appeal. In delivering thus emphatically my own views on this profound topic perhaps I do wrong. It is becoming to speak with humility on that which has been_glorified by the great writers of Greece, of India, of Alexandria, and, in latter times, of Europe. In conclusion, I would remark that the view here presented of the re- sults of Greek philosophy is that which offers itself to me after a long and careful study of the subject. It is, however, the af&rmative, not the negative result; for we must not forget that if, on the one complete analogy hand, the pantheistic doctrines of the Nature of God, Uni- ana™diS*pmo versal Animation, the theory of Emanation, Transmutation, e^isoftiionght Absorption, Transmigration, etc., were adopted, on -the other there was by no means an insignificant tendency to atheism and utter infidelity. 176 APPLICATION OF PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLES. Even of. this negative state a corresponding condition occurred in the Buddhism of India, of which I have previously spoken ; and, indeed, so complete is the parallel between the course of mental evolution in Asia and Europe, that it is difficult to designate a matter of minor detail in the philosophy of the one which can not be pointed out in that of the other. It was not without reason, therefore, that the Alexandrian phi- losophers, who were profoundly initiated in the detail of both systems, came to the conclusion that such surprising coincidences could be only accounted for upon the admission that there had been an ancient revela- tion, the vestiges of which had descended to their time. In this, how- ever, they judged erroneously ; the true explanation consisting in the fact that the process of development of the intellect of man, and the final results to which he arrives in examining similar problems, are in all countries the same. It does not fall within my plan to trace the application of these philo- sophical principles to practice in daily life, yet the subject is of such boundless interest that perhaps the reader will excuse a single para- graph. It may seem to superficial observation that, whatever might be the doctrinal resemblances of these philosophies, their application was Variation of prac- vcry different. lu E general way, it may be asserted that explained. the Same doctrincs which in India led to the inculcation of indifference and quietism, led to Stoic activity in Greece and Italy. If the occasion permitted, I could, nevertheless, demonstrate in this appar- ent divergence an actual coincidence ; for the mode of life of man is chiefly determined by geographical conditions, his instinctive dispositiofl to activity increasing with the latitude in which he lives. Under the ' equinoctial line he has no disposition for exertion, his physiological re- lations with the climate making quietism most agreeable to him. The philosophical formula which, in the hot plains of India, finds its issue in a life of tranquillity and repose, will be interpreted in the more tracing air of Europe by a life of activity. Thus, in later ages, the monk of Africa, willingly persuading himself that any intervention to improve Nature is a revolt against the providence of God, spent his worthless life in weav- ing baskets and mats, or in solitary meditation in the caves of the desert of Thebais ; but the monk of Europe encountered the labors of agricul- ture and social activity, and thereby aided, in no insignificant manner, in the civilization of England, France, and Germany. These things, duly considered, lead to the conclusion that human life, in its diversities, is dependent upon and determined by primary conditipns in all countries and climates essentially the same. THE OLD EUROPEANS, 177 CHAPTEE VIII. DIGRESSION ON THE HISTOEt'aND PHILOSOPHICAL INELUENCES OF KOME. PBEPAEATION FOE EESUMING THE EXAMINATIOK OP THE rUTELLECTUAL PROGEESS OF EUROPE. Religious Ideas of the primitive Europeans. — The Form ofthdr Variations is determined by the Influence of Rome. — Necessity of Roman History in these Investigations. Rise and Development of Roman Power ^ its saocessive Phases^ territorial Acquisitums. — 'Becomes Supreme in the Mediterranean. — Consequent Demoralization of Italy. — Irresistible Concentra- tion of Power. — Development of Imperialism. — Eventual Extinction of the true Roman Race. Effect on the intellecnial, religious, and social Condition of the Mediterranean Countries. — Pro- duces homogeneous Thought. — Imperialism prepares the Way for Monotheism. — Momentous Transition of the Roman World in its religious Ideas. Opinions of the Roman Philosophers. — Coalescence of the new and old Ideas. — Seizure of Power by the Illiterate, and consequent Debasement of Christianity in Rome. Feom the exposition given in the preceding pages of the intellectual progress' of Grreece, we now turn, agreeably to the plan laid Transition from down, to an examination of that of all Europe. The move- '^'^""^ '° ^°^°- ment in that single nation is typical of the movement of the entire con- tinent. The first European intellectual age — that of Credulity — ^has already, in part, been considered in Chapter II., more especially so far as Greece, was concerned. I propose now, after some necessary remarks in conclu- sion of that topic, to enter on the description of the second European age European age — that of Inquiry. of inquiry. For these remarks, what has already been said of Greece prepares the way. Mediterranean Europe was philosophically and socially in ad- vance of the central and northern countries. The wave of civilization passed from the south to the north; in truth, it has hardly yet reached its extreme limit. The adventurous emigrants who in remote times had come from Asia left to the successive generations of their descend- ants a legacy of hardship. In the struggle for life, all memory of an Oriental parentage was lost ; knowledge died away ; religious ideas be- came debased ; and the diverse populations sank into the same intellect- ual condition that they would have presented had they been proper au- tochthons of the soil. The religion of the barbarian Europeans was in many respects hke that of the American Indians. They recognized a Great KeUgionofthe Spirit— ^omniscient, omnipotent, omnipresent. In the earliest oi* Europeans. M 178 THEIE PRIESTHOOD AND WOKSHIP. times they made no representation of him under the human form, nor had they temples ; but they propitiated him by sacrifices, offering ani- mals, as the horse, and even men, upon rude altars. Though it was be- lieved that this great spirit might sometimes be heard in the sounds of the forests at night, yet, for the most part, he was too far removed from human supplication, and hence arose, from the mere sorcerous ideas of a terrified fancy, as has been the case in so many other countries, star worship — the second stage of comparative theology. The gloom and shade of dense forests, a solitude that offers an air of sanctity, and seems a fitting resort for mysterious spirits, suggested the establishment of sacred groves and holy trees. Throughout Europe there was a confused idea that the soul exists after the death of the body ; as to its particular state there was a diversity of belief. As among other people also, the offices of religion were not only directed to the present benefit of indi- viduals, but also to the discovery of future events by various processes ,of divination and augury practiced among the priests.i^ Although the priests had thus charge of the religious rites, they do Their priest- ^^^ sccm to have been organized in such a manner as to be hood, g^ijjg iq ^q^ ^jij^ unanimity, or to pursue a steady system of policy. A class of female religious officials — prophetesses — -joined in the ceremonials. These holy women, who were held in very great es- teem, prepared the way for the reception of Mariolatry. In the stead of temples, rock-altars, cromlechs, and other rustic structures were used among the Celtic nations . by the Druids, who were at the same time priests, magicians, and medicine-men. Their religious doctrines, which recall in many particulars those of the Eig-Veda, were perpetuated from generation to generation by the aid of songs. The essential features of this system were its purely local form and its want of a well-organized hierarchy. Even the Celts offer no exception, though they had a subordination from the arch-Druid downward. This was the reason of the weakness of the old faith, and eventually the cause of its fall. When the German nations migrated to the south in and objects of t^^i^ Warlike expeditions, they left behind them their conse- adoration. cratcd grovcs. and sacred oaks, hallowed by immemorial ages. These objects the devotee could not carry with him, and no equivalent substitutes could be obtained for them. In the civilized countries to which they came they met with a very different state of things ; a priest- hood thoroughly organized and modeled according to the ancient Eo- man political system; its objects of reverence tied to no particular local- ity ; its institutions capable of universal action ; its sacred writings easy of transportation any where ; its emblems movable to all countries— the cross on the standards of its armies, the crucifix on the bosom of its saints. In the midst of the noble architecture of Italy and the splendid remains of those Eomans who had once given laws to the world, in the EOMAN HISTORY. 179 midst of a worship distinguished- by the magnificence of its ^„"™™,J^°y ceremonial and the solemnity of its mysteries, they found a upon them. people whose faith taught them to regard the present life as offering only a transitory occupation, and not for a moment to be weighed against the eternal existence hereafter— an existence very different from that of the base transmigration of Druidism or the drunken Paradise of "Woden, where the brave solace themselves with mead from cups made of the skulls of their enemies killed in their days upon earth. The European age of inquiry is therefore essentially connected with Eoman affairs. It is distinguished by the religious direction it took. In place of the dogmas of rival philosophical schools, we have importance of now to deal with the tenets of conflictmg sects. The whole ^S^S.^ to." history of those unhappy times displays the organizing and ■fe^^g"*'""- practical spirit characteristic of Eome. Greek democracy, tending to the decomposition of things, led to the Sophists and Skeptics. Epman imperialism, ever constructive, sought to bring unity out of discords, and draw the line between orthodoxy and heresy by the authority of coun-^ cils like that of Nicea. Following the ideas of St. Augustine in his work, "The City of God," I adopt, as the most convenient termination of this age, the sack of Eome by Alaric. This makes it overlap the age of Faith, which had, as its unmistakable beginning, the foundation of Constantinople. Greek intellectual life displays all its phases completely, but not so with that of the Eomans, who came to an untimely end. They were men of violence, who disappeared in consequence of their own conquests and crimes. The consumption of them by war bore, however, an insignifi- cant proportion to that fatal diminution, that mortal adulteration occa- sioned by their merging in the vast mass of humanity with which they came in contact. I approach the consideration of Eoman affairs, which is thus the next portion of my task, with no little diffidence. It is hard to rise to a point of view sufficiently elevated and clear, where the extent of domin- ion is so great geographically, and the reasons of policy are obscured by the dimness and clouds of so many centuries. Living in a Great difficulty social state the origin of which is in the events now to be <'f'"^^''t'"s"- examined, our mental vision can hardly free itself from the illusions of historical perspective, or bring things into their just proportions and po- sition. Of a thousand acts, all of surpassing interest and importance, how shall we identify the master ones ? how shall we discern with cor- rectness the true relation of the parts of this wonderful phenomenon of empire, the vanishing events of which glide like dissolving views into each other ? "Warned by the example of those who have permitted the shadows of their own imagination to fall upon the scene, and- have mis- taken them for a part thereof, I shall endeavor to apply the test of com- 180 • THE LEGENDARY TIMES. mon sense to tlie facts of whicli it will be necessary to treat ; and, believ- ing that naan bas ever been the same in bis mode of tbought and mo- tives of action, I shall judge of past occurrences in the same way as of those of our own times. In its entire form the Eoman power consists of two theocracies, with Triple form of ^ military domination intercalated. The first of these theoc- Eoman power, jacies Corresponds to the fabulous period of the kings ; the military domination to the time of the republic and earlier C^ars; the second theocracy to that of the Christian emperors and the popes. The first theocracy is so enveloped in legends and fictions that it is impossible to give a, satisfactory account of it. The biographies of the kings offer such undeniable evidence of being mere romances, that, since the time of Mebuhr, they have been received by historians in that light. The first theoora- But during the reigus of the pagan emperors it was not times. safe in Eome to insinuate publicly any disbelief in such honored legends" as those of the wolf that suckled the foundlings; the ascent of Eomulus into heaven ; the nymph Egeria ; the duel of the Horatii and Curiatii ; the leaping of Curtius into the gulf on his horse ; the cutting of a flint with a razor by Tarquin ; the Sibyl and her books. The modem historian has, therefore, only very little reliable material. He may admit that the Eomans and Sabines coalesced ; that they con- quered the Albans and Latins ; that thousands of the latter were trans- planted to Mount Aventine and made plebeians, these movements being Early Eoman tbc Origin of the castes which long afflicted Eome, the van- history. quishcd people constituting a subordinate class ; that at first the chief occupation was agriculture, the nature of which is not only to ac- custom men to the gradations of rank, such as the proprietor of the land, the overseer, the laborer, but also to the cultivation of religious senti- ment, and even the cherishing of superstition ; that, besides the more honorable occupations in which the rising state was engaged, she had, from the beginning, indulged in aggressive war, and was therefore per- petually liable to reprisal — one of her first acts was the founding of the town of Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, on account of piracy ; that, through some conspiracy in the army, indicated in the legend of Lucre- tia, since armies have often been known to do such things, the kings were expelled, and a military domination, fancifully called a republic, but consisting of a league of some powerful families, arose. Throughout the regal times, and far into the republican, the chief do- mestic incidents turn on the strife of the upper caste or patricians with the lower or plebeians, manifesting itself in the latter asserting their right to a share in the lands conquered by their valor ; by the extortion of the Valerian law ; by the admission of the Latins and Hernicans to conditions of equality; by the transference of the election of tribunes from the centuries to the tribes; by the repeal of the law prohibiting the GROWTH OF ROME. 181 marriage of plebeians with patricians, and by the eventual concession to the former of the offices of consul, dictator, censor, and praetor. In these domestic disputes we see the origin of the Eoman necessity for war. The high caste is steadily diminishing in number. The domestic the low caste as steadily increasing. In imperious pride, the foreign war. patrician fills his private jail with debtors and delinquents ; he usurps the lands that have been conquered. Insurrection is the inevitable con- sequence, foreign war the only relief. As the circle of operations ex- tends, both parties see their interest in a cordial coalescence on equal terms, and jointly tyrannize exteriorly. The geographical dominion of Eome was extended at first with infi- nite difficulty. Up to the time of the capture of the city by the Gauls a doubtful existence was maintained in perpetual struggles with the ad- jacent towns and chieftains. There is reason to believe that in the very infancy of the republic, in the contest that ensued upon the expulsion of the kings, the city was taken by Porsenna. The direction in which her influence first spread was toward the south of the pen- Gradual spread of „ , T IT Koman influence insula. Tarentum, one of the southern states, brought over to tie south. to its assistance Pyrrhus the Epirot. He did little in the way of assist- ing his allies — he only saw Eome from the Acropolis of Praeneste ; but from him the Eomans learned the art of fortifying camps, and caught the idea of invading Sicily. Here the rising republic came in contact with the Carthaginians, and in the conflict that ensued discovered the military value of Spain and Gaul, from which the Carthaginians drew an immense supply of mercenaries and munitions of war. The advance to greatness which Eome now made was prodigious. She saw that ev- ery thing turned on the possession of the sea, and with admira- jjome tniids ble energy built a navy. In this her expectations were more " '"''^' than realized. The assertion is quite true that she spent more time in acquiring a little earth in Italy than was necessary for subduing the world after she had once got possession of the Mediterranean. From the experience of Agathocles she learned that the true method of con- trolling Carthage was by invading Africa. The principles in- ^nd invades volved in the contest, and the position of Eome at its close, are ^*^'^' shown by the terms of the treaty of the first Punic War — that Carthage should evacuate every island in the Mediterranean, and pay a Eesnits of tiie war-fine of three millions of dollars. In her devotion to the war. acquisition of wealth Carthage had become very rich ; she had reached a high state of cultivation of art ; yet her prosperity, or rather the mode by which she had attained it, had greatly weakened her, as also had the pohtical anomaly under which she was living, for it is an anomaly that an Asiatic people should place itself under democratic forms. Her con- dition in this respect was evidently the consequence of her original sub- ordinate position as a Tyrian trading station, her rich men having for 182 THE PUNIC WAES. long been habituated to look to the mother city for distinction. As in other commercial states, her citizens became soldiers with reluctance, and hence she had often to rely on mercenary troops. From her the Eomans received lessons of the utmost importance. She confirmed them in the estimate they had formed of the value of naval power; taught them how to build ships properly and handle them ; how to make military roads. The tribes of Northern Italy were hardly in- cluded in the circle of Eoman dominion when a fleet was built in the Adriatic, and, under the pretense of putting 'down piracy, the sea- power of the Illyrians was extinguished. From time immemorial the Mediterranean had been infested with pirates ; man-stealing had been a profitable occupation, great gains being realized by ransoms of the captives, or by selling them at Delos or other slave-markets. At this time it was clear that the final mastery of the Mediterranean turned on the possession of Spain, the great silver-producing country. The rivalry for Spain occasioned the second Punic War. It is needless to Eesuitsofthesec- repeat the well-known story of Hannibal, how he brought ond Punic War. jjoj^g ^q ^-^q brink of Tuin. The relations she maintained with surrounding communities had been such that she could not trust to them. Her enemy found allies in many of the Greek towns in the south of Italy. It is enough for us to look at the result of that conflict in the treaty that closed it. Carthage had*to give up all her ships of war except ten triremes, to bind herself to enter into no war without the consent of the Eoman people, and to pay a war-fine often millioiis of dollars. Eome now entered on the great scale, on the policy of disor- ganizing states for the purpose of weakening them. Under pretext of an invitation from the Athenians to protect them from the King of Eome invades Maccdou, the ambitious republic secured a footing in Greece, Greece, ^]^g principle developed in the invasion of Africa of making war maintain war being again resorted to. There may have been truth in the Eoman accusation that the intrigues of Hannibal with Antiochus, king of Syria, occasioned the conflict between them and that monarcli. Its issue was a prodigious event in the material aggrandizement of Rome — it was the cession of all his possessions in Europe and those of and compels the Asia north of Mouut Taurus, with a war-fine of fifteen mil- Euro™ernprov-° Hous of dollars. Already were seen the effects of the wealth 'S. ° ° '° that was pouring into Italy in the embezzlement of the pub- lic money by the Scipios. The resistance of Perses, king of Macedon, EevoitofPeraes. could uot rcstorc independence to Greece; it ended in the annexation of that country, Epirus, and Illyricum. The results of this war were to the last degree pernicious to the viptors and the vanquish- ed ; the moral greatness of the former is truly affirmed to have disap- peared, and the social ruin of the latter was so complete that for long marriage was replaced by concubinage. The policy and practices of THE REPUBLIC TBANSFORMED INTO THE EMPIRE. 183 Eome now literally became infernal ; she forced a quarrel upon her old antagonist Carthage, and the third Punic War resulted in the utter de- struction of that city. Simultaneously her oppressions in Dreadfni aociai ef- Greec% provoked revolt, which was ended by the sack and fe-^teonEome. burning of Corinth, Thebes, Chalcis, and the transference of the plun- dered statues, paintings, and works of art to Italy. There was nothing now in the way of the conquest of Spain except the valor of its inhab- itants. After the assassination of Tiriatus, procured by the Consul Csepio, and the horrible siege of Numantia, that country ^^^^''^"^J™^ was annexed as a province. Next we see the gigantic re- spain. public extending itself over the richest parts of Asia Minor, through the insane bequest of Attains, king of Pergamus. The wealth of Africa, Spain, Greece, and Asia was now concentrating in Italy, and the cap- ital was becoming absolutely demoralized. In vain the Gracchi at- tempted to apply a remedy. The Roman aristocracy was intoxicated, insatiate, irresistible. The middle class was gone^ there was seizure of nothing but profligate nobles and a diabolical populace. In -^'^mi"" the midst of inconceivable corruption, the Jugurthine War served only to postpone for a moment an explosion which was inevitable. The Ser- vile rebellion in Sicily broke out ; it was closed by the extermination of a million of those unhappy wretches : vast numbers of ^he servue and them were exposed, for the popular amusement, to the wild ®°"^' ^''"'• beasts in the arena. It was followed closely by the revolt of the Italian allies, known as the Social War — this ending, after the destruction of half a million of men, with a better result, in the extortion of the freedom of the city by several of the revolting states. Doubtless it was the in- trigues connected with these transactions that brought the Cimbri and Teutons into Italy, and furnished an opening for the rivalries of Marius and Sylla, who, in turn, filled Eome with slaughter. The same spirit broke out under the gladiator Spartacus : it was only checked for a time by. resorting to the most awful atrocities, such as the crucifixion of pris- oners, to appear under another form in the conspiracy of Catiline. And now it was plain that the contest for supreme power lay between a few leading men. It found an issue in the first triumvirate — a Gradual converg- union of Pompey, Crassus, and Csesar, who usurped the ™'='=°fp™er. whole power of the senate and people, and bound themselves by oath to permit nothing to be done without their unanimous consent. Affairs then passed through their iaevitable course. The death of Crassus and the battle of Pharsalia left Csesar the master of the world, caeaar the master At this moment nothing could have prevented the inevita- "f *«»"'"•'*• ble result The dagger of Brutus merely removed a man, but it left the fact The battle of Actium reaffirmed the destiny of Eome, and the death of the republic was illustrated by the annexation of Egypt The circle of conquest around the Mediterranean was complete ; the function of the republic was discharged : it did not pass away prematurely. 18^ THE ROMAN SLAVE SYSTEM. From this statement of tlie geographical career of Eome, we may turn to reflect on the political principles which inspired her. From a remote Ancient necessity antiquity wars had been engaged in for the purpose of ob- fcr siave-waiB. taiuiug a supply of labor, the conqueror compelling those whom he had spared to cultivate his fields and serve him as slaves. Under a system of transitory military domination, it was more expe- dient to exhaust a people at once by the most unsparing, plunder than to be content with a tribute periodically paid, but necessarily uncertain in the vicissitudes of years. These elementary principles of the policy of antiquity were included by the Eomans in their system with modifi- cations and improvements. The republic, during ite whole career, illustrates the observation that the system on which it was founded included no conception of the act- ual relations of man. It dealt with him as a thing,~not as a being en- dowed with inalienable rights. Eecognizing power as its only measure of value, it could never accept the principle of the equality of all men in the eye of the law. The subjugation of Sicily, Africa, Greece, was Depopulation of ouickly foUowcd by the depopulation of those countries, as countries Sifter j. •/ 4/ x x 1 Eoman conquest. Livy, Plutarch, Strabo, and Poly bins testify. Can there be a more fearful instance than the conduct of Paulus ^milius, who, at the conquest of Epirus, murdered or carried into slavery 150,000 per' sons ? At the taking of Thebes whole families were thus disposed of, and these not of the lower, but of the respectable kind, of whom it .has been significantly said that they were transported into Italy to be melt- ed down. In- Italy itself the consumption of life was so great that there was no possibility of the slaves by birth meeting the requirement, and the supply of others by war became necessary. To these slaves the Atrocity of the laws Were atrociously unjust. Tacitus has recorded that on laws. ' the occasion of the murder of Pedanius, after a solemn debate in the senate, the particulars of which, he furnishes, the ancient laws were enforced, and four hundred slaves of the deceased were put to death, when it was obvious to every one that scarcely any of them had known of the' crime. The horrible maxim that not only the slaves within a house in which a master was murdered, but even those within a circle supposed to be measured by the reach of his voice, should be put to death, shows us the small value of the life of these unfortunates, and the facility with which they could be replaced. Their vast numbers necessarily made every citizen a soldier; the culture of the land and the manufacturing processes, the pursuits of labor and industry, were as- sooiai effects sigufid to them with contempt. The relation of the slave in siavl-syS. such a social system is significantly shown by the fact that the courts estimated the amount of any injury he had received by the dam- age his master had thereby sustained. To such a degree had this sys- tem been developed, that slave labor was actually cheaper than animal THE EOMAN WAE SYSTEM. 185 labor, and, as a consequence, much of the work that we perform by cat- tle was then done by men. The class of independent hirelings, which should have constituted the chief strength of the country, disappeared, labor itself becoming so ignoble that the poor citizen could not be an artisan, but must remain a pauper — a sturdy beggar, expecting from the state bread and amusements. The personal uncleanness and shiftless condition of these lower classes were the true causes of the prevalence of leprosy and other loathsome diseases. Attempts at sanitary improve- ment were repeatedly made, but they so imperfectly answered the pur- pose that epidemics, occurring from time to time, produced a dreadful mortality. Even under the Caesars, after all that had been done, there was no essential amendment. The assertion is true that the Old "World never recovered from the great plague in the time of M.Antoninus, brought by the army from the Parthian "War. In the reign of Titus ten thousand persons died in one day in Rome. The slave system bred that thorough contempt for trade which ani- mated the Eomans. They never grudged even the Carthaginians a market. It threw them into the occupation of the demagogue, making them spend their lives, when not engaged in war, in the intrigues of po- litical factions, the turbulence of public elections, the excitement of lawsuits. They were the first to discover that the privilege of inter- preting laws is nearly equal to that of making them ; and to this has been rightly attributed their turn for jurisprudence, and the prosperity, of advocates among them. The disappearance of the hireling class was the immediate cause of the downfall of the republic and the institution of the empire, for the aristocracy were left without any antagonist, and, therefore, without any restraint. They broke up into factions, involv- ing the country in civil war by their struggles with each other for power. The political maxims of the republic, for the most part, rejected the ancient system of devastating a vanquished state by an instant, unspar- ing, and crushing plunder, which may answer very well where the ten- ure is expected to be brief, but does not accord with the form- Thewarsys- ula subdue, retain, advance. Yet depopulation was the nee- ''"°- essary incident. Italy, Sicily, Asia Minor, Gaul, Germany, were full of people, but they greatly diminished under Eoman occupation. Her maxims were capable of being realized with facility through her mili- tary organization, particularly that of the legion. In some nations colonies are founded for commercial purposes, in others for getting rid of an excess of population : the Eoman colony implies the idea of a gar- rison and an active military intent. Each legion was, in fact, so con- structed as to be a small but complete army. In' whatever country it might be encamped, it was in quick communication with the head-quar- ters at Rome ; and this not metaphorically, but materially, as was shown 186 ROMAN COINAGE. by the building of the necessary military roads. The idea of permanent occupation, which was thus implied, did not admit the expediency of devastating a country, but, on the contrary, led to the encouragement of provincial prosperity, because the gfeater the riches the greater the ca- pacity for taxation. Such principles were in harmony with the condi- tions of solidity and security of the Eoman power, which proverbially had not risen in a single day — was not the creation of a -single fortunate soldier, but represented the settled policy of many centuries. In the act of conquest Eome was inhuman ; she tried to strike a blow that there would never be any occasion to repeat ; no one was spared who by pos- sibility might inconvenience her; but, the catastrophe once over, as a general thing, the vanquished had no Occasion to complain of her rule. Of course, in the shadow of public justice, private wrong and oppression were often concealed. Her officers accumulated enormous fortunes, which have never since been equaled in Europe, through injustice and extortion. Sometimes the like occurred in times of public violence; thus Brutus made Asia Minor pay five years' tribute at onCe, and short- ly after Antony compelled it to do it again. The extent to which rec- ognized and legitimate exactions were carried is shown by the fact that upon the institution of the empire the annual revenues were about two hundred millions of dollars. , The comparative value of metals in Eome is a significant poUtical in- .dication. Bullion rapidly increased during the Carthaginian wars. At Value of gold ^^^ Opening o^ the first Punic War silver and copper were as andsiiTcr. 1 to 960 ; at the^econd Punic War the ratio had fallen, and was 1 to 160; soon after there was another fall, and it became 1 to 128. The republic debased the coinage by reducing its weight, the empire by alloying it. The science, art, and political condition of nations are often illustrated by their coinage. An interesting view of the progress of Europe might be obtained from a philosophical' study of its numismiatic remains. The simplicity of the earlier ages is indicated by the pure silver, such as that Connection between coincd at Crotona B.C. 600 — the reign of Philip of fgea™poiifeu"" Macedon by the native unalloyed gold. A gradual de- decUne. cliue in Eoman prosperity is more than shadowed forth by the gradual deterioration of its money; for, as evil times befell the state, the emperors were conipelled to utter a false coinage. Thus, under Ves- pasian, A.D. 69, the silver money contained about one fourth of its weight of copper; under Antoninus Pius, A.D. 138, more than one third ; under Commodus, A.D. 180, nearly one half; under Gordian, A.D. 236, there was added to the silver more than twice its weight of copper. Nay, under Grallienus, a coinage was issued of copper, tin, and silver, in which the two first metals exceed the last by more than two hundred times its -vfeight.- It shows to what a hopeless condition the state had come. THE SOCIAL DEPEAYITY. 187 The Eoman demagogues, as is the instinct of tTieir kind, made politi' cal capital by attacking industrial capital. They lowered the rate of in terest, prohibited interest, and often attempted the abolition of debts. The concentration of power and increase of immorality proceeded with an equal step. In its earlier ages, the Eoman dominion was exer- cised by a few thousand persons ; then it passed into the hands of some score families; then it was sustained for a moment by indi- indescribable ae- . . ^ ^ "^ - pravity in the viduals, and at last was seized by one man, who became the Koman decline, master of 120 millions. As the process went on, the virtues which had adorned the earlier times disappeared, and in the end were replaced by crimes such as the world had never before witnessed and never will again. An evil day is approaching when it becomes recognized in a community that the only standard of social distinction is wealth. That day was soon followed in Eome by its unavoidable consequence, a gov- ernment founded upon two domestic elements, corruption and terrorism. No language can describe the state of that capital after the civil wars. The accumulation of power and wealth gave rise to a universal deprav- ity. Law ceased to be of any value. A suitor must deposit a bribe be- fore a trial could be had. The social fabric was a festering mass of rot- tenness. The people had become a populace ; the aristocracy was de- moniac; the city was a hell. No crime that the annals of human wickedness can show was left unperpetrated : remorseless murders ; the betrayal of parents, husbands, wives, friends ; poisoning reduced to a. system; adultery degenerating into incests, and crimes that Dissoluteness of can not be written. Women of the higher class were so avoitoncrof""* lascivious, depraved, and dangerous, that men could not be """^^ss- compelled to contract matrimony with them ; marriage was displaced by concubinage ; even virgins were guilty of inconceivable immodesties ; great officers of state and ladies of the court, of promiscuous baths and naked exhibitions. In the time of Csesar it had become necessary for the government to interfere, and actually put a premium on marriage. He gave rewards to women who had many children ; prohibited those who were under forty-five years of age, and who had no children, from wearing jewels and riding in litters, hoping by such social disabilities to correct the evil. It went on from bad to worse, so that Augustus, in view of the general avoidance of legal marriage and resort to concubin- age with slaves, was compelled to impose penalties on the unmarried — to enact that they should not inherit by will except from relations. Not that the Eoman \^omen refrained from the gratification of their desires; their depravity impelled them to such wicked practices as can not be named in a modern book. They actually reckoned the years, not by the consuls, but by the men they had lived with. To be childless, and therefore without the natural restraint of a family, was looked upon as a singular felicity. Plutarch correctly touched the point when he said 188 COMPARATIVE MORALITY OF THE PROVINCES. that the Eomans married to be heirs and not to have heirs. Of offenses that do not rise to the dignity of atrocity, but which excite our loathing, such as gluttony and the most debauched luxury, the annals of the times furnish disgusting proofs. It was said, " They eat that they may vomit, and vomit 'that they may eat." At the taking of Perusium, three hundred of the most distinguished citizens were solemnly sacrificed at the altar of Divus Julius by Octavian ! Are these the deeds of civilized men, or the riotings of cannibals drunk with blood ? The higher classes on all sides exhibited a total extinction of moral The whole system principle ; the lower were practical atheists. Who can pa- is past cure. j.^gg jtj^q annals of the emperors without being shocked at the manner in which men died, meeting their fate with the obtuse tran- quillity that characterizes the beasts ? A centurion with a private man- date appears, and forthwith the victim opens his veins and dies in a warm bath. At the best, all that was done was to strike at the tyrant. Men despairingly acknowledged that the system itself was utterly past cure. That in these statements I do not exaggerate, hear what Tacitus says : " The holy ceremonies of religion were violated; adultery reigning with- out control ; the adjacent islands filled with exiles ; rocks and desert Testimony placcs staiucd with clandestine murders, and Eome itself a the^ of Tacitus. ^|.j,g q£ horrors, where nobility of descent and splendor of for- tune marked men out for destruction ; where the vigor^ of mind that aimed at civil dignities, and the modesty that declined them, were of- fenses without distinction ; where virtue was a crime that led to certain ruin ; where the guilt of informers and the wages of their iniquity were alike detestable ; where the sacerdotal order, the consular dignity, the government of provinces, and even the cabinet of the prince, were seized by that execrable race as their lawful prey ; where nothing was sacred, nothing safe from the hand of rajiacity ; where slaves were suborned, or by their own malevolence excited against their masters ; where freemen betrayed their patrons, and he who had lived without an enemy died by the treachery of a friend." But, though these were the consequences of the concentration of pow- er and wealth in the city of Eome, it was otherwise in the expanse of Effects in the the empire. The effect of Eoman domination was the ces- trade. satiou of all the little wars that had heretofore been waged between adjacent people. They exchanged independence for peace. Moreover, and this in the end was of the utmost importance to them all, unrestricted commerce ensued, direct trade arising between all parts of the empire. The Mediterranean nations were brought closer to each other, and became common inheritors of such knowledge as was then in the world. Arts, sciences, improved agriculture, spread among them; the most distant countries could boast of noble roads, aqueducts, bridges, PRODUCTION- OF HOMOGENEOUS THOUGHT. 189 and great works of engineering. In barbarous places, the legions that were intended as garrisons proved to be foci of civilization. For the provinces, even the wickedness of Eome was not without some good. From one quarter corn had to be brought; from another, clothing- from another, luxuries ; and Italy had to pay for it all irf coin. She had nothing to export in return. By this there was a tendency to equal- ization of wealth in all parts of the empire, and a perpetual movement of money. Nor was the advantage altogether material ; there were con- joined intellectual results of no little value. Superstition and intellectual aa- the amazing credulity of the old times disappeared. In the ™°<=™™'- first Punic War, Africa was looked upon as a land of monsters ; it had serpents large enough to stop armies, and headless men. Sicily had its Cyclops, giants, enchantresses ; golden apples grew in Spain ; the mouth of Hell was on the shores of the Buxine. The marches of the legions and the voyages of merchants made all these phantasms vanish. It was the necessary consequence of her military aggrandisement that the ethnical element which really constituted Rome should Dia-appearance of expire. A small nucleus of men had undertaken to con- caTcieSmt quer the Mediterranean world, and had succeeded. In doing this they had diffused themselves over an immense geographical surface, and nec- essarily became lost in the mass with which they mingled. On the other hand, the deterioration of Italy was insured by the slave system, and the ruin of Rome was accomplished before the barbarians touched it. "Whoever inquires the cause of the fall of the Roman empire will find his answer in ascertaining what had become of the Romans. The extinction of prodigies and superstitious legends was occasioned by increased travel through the merging of many separate nations into one great empire. Intellectual communication attends material commu- nication. The spread of Roman influence around the borders Roman conquest of the Mediterranean produced a tendency to homogeneous l^eoulftought, thought eminently dangerous to the many forms of faith professed by so many different people. After Tarquin was expelled the sacerdotal class became' altogether subordinate to the military, whose whole history shows that they re- garded religion as a mere state institution, without any kind of philo- sophical significance, and chiefly to be valued for the control it furnished over vulgar minds. It presented itself to them in the light of a branch of mdustry, from which profit might be made by those who practiced it. They thought no more of concerning themselves individually about it than in taking an interest in any other branch of lucrative trade. As to any examination of its intellectual basis, they were not sophists, but soldiers, blindly following the prescribed institutions of ^nd revoiutionizea their country with as little question as its military com- «"p<>°swe>»- ■ mands. For these reasons, throughout the time of the republic, and 190 IMPERIALISM PEECEDES MONOTHEISM. also under the early emperors, there never was much reluctance to the domestication of any kind of worship in Eome. Indeed, the gods of the conquered countries were established there to the gratification of the national vanity. From this commingling of worship in the city, and intercommunication of ideas in the provinces, the most important events arose. For it very soon was apparent that the political unity which had been established over so great a geographical surface was the forerunner of imperiaiiam pre- intcUectual, and therefore religious unity. Polytheism be- pares the way . -- . . ^ . ^ - ^ "^ . for Monotheism, camc practically mconsistent with the Koman empire, and a tendency arose for the introduction of some form of monotheism. Apart from the operations of Eeason, it is clear that the recognition by so many nations of one emperor must soon be followed by the acknowl- edgment of one Grod. There is a disposition for uniformity among peo- ple who are associated by a common political bond. Moreover, the rivalries of a hundred priesthoods imparted to polytheism an intrinsic weakness ; but monotheism implies centralization, an organized hie- rarchy, and therefore concentration of power. The different interests and collisions of multitudinous forms of religion sapped individual faith; a diffusion of practical atheism, manifested by a total indifference to all ceremonies, ex,cept so far as they were shows, was the result, the whole community falling into an unbelieving and godless state. The form of superstition through which the national mind had passed was essentially founded upon the recognition of an incessant intervention of many di- vinities determining human affairs ; but such a faith became extinct by degrees among the educated. How was it possible that human reason should deal otherwise with all the contradictions and absurdities of a thousand indigenous and imported deities, each asserting his inconsistent pretensions. A god who in his native grove or- temple has been para- mount and unquestioned, sinks into insignificance when he is brought into a crowd of compeers. In this respect there is no difference be- tween gods and men. Great cities are great levelers of both. He who has stood forth in undue proportions in the solitude of the country, sinks out of observation in the solitude of a crowd. The most superficial statement of philosophy among the Romans, if philosophy it can be called, shows us how completely religious senti- Koman phi- mcnt was effaced. The presence of skeptical thought is seen in loaophy. ^^g explanations of Terentius Varro, B.C. 110, that the anthro- pomorphic gods are to be received as mere emblems of the forces of matter ; and the general tendency of the times may be gathered from Varro. Lucretiua. the pocm of Lucretius : his recommendations that the mind should be emancipated from the fear of the gods ; his insinuations against the immortality of the soul ; his setting forth Nature as the only God to be worshiped. In Cicero we see how feeble and wavering a ROMAN PHILOSOPHY — LUCRETIUS — OIOEEO. 191 guide to life in a period of trouble philosophy had become, and how one who wished, to stand in the attitude of chief thinker of his times was no more than a servile copyist of Grecian predecessors, giving to his works not an air of masculine and independent thought, but aiming at cicero. present effect rather than a solid durability ; for Cicero addresses him- self more to the public than to philosophers, exhibiting herein his pro- fessional tendency as an advocate. Under a thin veil he hides an undis- guised skepticism, and, with the instinct of a placeman, leans rather to the investigation of public concerns than to the profound and abstract topics of philosophy. As is the case with superficial men, he sees no difference between the speculative and the exact, confusing them to- gether. He feels that it is inexpedient to communicate truth publicly, especially that of a religious kind. Doubtless herein we shall agree when we find that he believes God to be nothing more than the soul of the world; discovers many serious objections to the doctrine of Provi- dence ; insinuates that the gods are only poetical creations ; is uncertain whether the soul is immortal, but is clear that. the popular doctrine of punishment in the world to come is only an idle fable. It was the attribute of the Eomans to impress upon every thing a practical character. In their philosophy we continually see this dis- played, along with a striking inferiority in original thought. Q,^i^ ge^. Quintus Sextius admonishes us to pursue a virtuous life, and, *™- Seneca, as an aid thereto, enjoins an abstinence from meat. In this opinion many of the Cynical school acquiesced, and some, it is said, even joined the Brahmans. In the troublous times of the first Csesars, men had oc- casion to derive all the support they could from philosophy ; there was no religion to sustain them. Among the Stoics there were some, as Seneca, to whom we can look back with pleasure. Through his writ- ings he exercised a considerable influence on subsequent ages, though, when we attentively read his works, we must attribute this not so much to their intrinsic value as to their happening to coincide with the prev- alent tone of i:eligious thought. He enforces the necessity of a cultiva- tion of good morals, and yet he writes against the religion of his coun- try, its observances, and requirements. Of a far higher grade was Bpic- tetus, at once a slave and a philosopher, though scarcely to Eptetetus. An- be classed as a true Stoic. He considers man as a mere spec- ">™"=- tator of God and his works, and teaches that every one who can no lon- ger bear the miseries of life is, upon just deliberation, and a conscientious belief that the gods will not disapprove, free to commit suicide. His maxim is that all have a part to play, and he has done well who has done his best-^that he must look to conscience as his guide. If Seneca said that time alone is our absolute and only possession, and that noth- ing else belongs to man, Epictetus taught that his thoughts are all that man has any power over, every thing else being beyond his control. 192 MAXIMUS TTEIUS — GALEN.. M, Aurelius Antoninus, the emperor, did not hesitate to acknowledge his thankfulness to Epictetus, the slave, in his attempt to guide his life according to the principles of the Stoics. . He recommends every man to preserve his daemon free from sin, and prefers religious devotions to the researches of physics, in this departing to some extent from the original doctrines of the sect; but the evil times on which men had fall- en led them to seek support in religious consolations rather than in Marimua TyriuB. philosophical inquirics. In Maximus Tyrius, A.D. 146, we discover a corresponding sentiment, enveloped, it is true, in an air of Platonism, and countenancing an impression that the worship of images and sanctuaries are unnecessary for those who have a lively remembrance of the view they once enjoyed of the divine, though excellent for the Alexander of vulgar, who havc forgottcu their past. Alexander of Aphro- Aphrodbiaa. jigi^s exMbits the tendency, which was becoming very preva- lent, to combine Plato and Aristotle. He treats upon Providence, both absolute and contingent ; considers its bearings upon religion, and shows a disposition to cultivate the pious feelings of the age. Of Galen, the physician, I shall have to speak subsequently. It is Galen, sufficient to remark that he asserts experience to be the only source of knowledge ; lays great stress on the culture of mathematics and logic, observing that he himself should have been a Pyrrhonist had it not been for geometry. In the teleological doctrine of physiology he considers that the foundations of a true theology must be laid. The physicians of the times exerted no little influence on the promotion of such views ; for the most part they embraced the Pantheistic doctrine. As one of them, Sextus'Empiricus may be mentioned ; his works, still remaining, indicate to us the tendency of this school to materiahsm. Such was the tone of thought among the cultivated Eomans ; and to this philosophical atheism among them was added an atheism of indif- ference among the vulgar. But, since man is so constituted that he can pwioaophicai athe- not livc for any length of time without a form of worship, ucated. it is evident that there was great danger, whenever events should be ripe for the appearance of some monotheistic idea, that it might come in a base aspect. At a much later period than that we are here considering, one of the emperors expressed himself to the effect that it would be necessary to give liberty for the exercise of a sound philosophy among the higher classes, and provide a gorgeous ceremo- nial for the lower ; he saw how difficult it is, by mere statesmanship, to co-ordinate two such requirements, in their very nature contradictory. Though polytheism had lost all intellectual strength, the nations who had so recently parted with it could not be expected to have ceased from all disposition to an animalizatiou of religion and corporealization of God. In a certain sense the emperor was only a more remote and more majestic form of the conquered and vanished kings, but, like them, POLITICAL BOUNDARIES OF THE NEW OPINIONS. 193 he was a man. There was danger that the theological system, thus changing with the political, would yield only expanded anthropomor- phic conceptions. History perpetually demonstrates that nations can not be permanently modified except by principles or actions conspiring with their existing tendency. Violence perpetrated upon them may pass away, leaving, perhaps, in a few generations, no vestige, of itselfT Even Victory is con- quered by Time. Profound changes alone ensue when principles, to be ef- the operating force is in unison with the temper of the age. darvSthSs'ttag' International peace among so many people once in con- 'pudencies, flict— peace under the auspices of a great overshadowing power ; the unity of sentiment and brotherhood of feeling fast finding its way round the Mediterranean shores; the interests of a vast growing commerce, un- fettered through the absorption of so many little kingdoms into one great republic, were silently bringing things to a condition that political force could be given to any religious dogma founded upon sentiments of mu- tual regard and interest, Nor could it be otherwise than that among the great soldiers of those times one would at last arise whose practi- cal intellect would discover the personal advantages that must accrue from putting himself in relation with the universally prevailing idea. How could he better find adherents from the centre to the remotest corner of the empire? And, even if his own personal intellectual state should disable him from accepting in its fullness the special form in which the idea had become embodied, could there be any doubt, if he received it, and was true to it as a politician, though he might de- cline it as .a man, of the immense power it would yield him in return — a power suflS.cient, if the metropolis should resist, of be otherwise un- suited to his designs, to enable him to found a rival to her in a more congenial place, and leave her to herself, the skeleton of so. much glory and of so much guilt. Thus, after the event, we can plainly see that the final blow to Poly- theism was the suppression of the ancient independent nationalities round the Mediterranean Sea ; and that, in like manner. Monotheism was the result of the establishment of an imperial a;overn- The coming Mon- , 7» , . ottieiBni must be ment m Eome. But the great statesmen of those times, bounded by the ., V p . IP limits of Roman who were ,at the general pomt oi view, must have foreseen influence, that, in whatever form the expected change came, its limits of definition would inevitably be those of the empire itself, and that wherever the language of Eome was understood the religion of Eome would prevail. In the course of ages, an expansion beyond those limits might ensue wherever the state of things was congenial. On the south, beyond the mere verge of Africa, nothing was to be hoped for — it is the country in which man lives in degradation and is happy. On the east there'were great unsubdued and untouched monarchies, having their own types of N 194 CONDUCT OF THE EDUCATED EOMANS. civilization, and experiencing no want in a religious respect. But on the north thej-e were nations who, though they were plunged in hideous barbarism, filthy in an equal degree in body and mind, polygamists, idolaters, drunkards out of their enemies' skulls, were yet capable of an illustrious career. For these there was a glorious participation in store. Except the death of a nation, there is no event in human history more profoundly solemn than the passing away of an ancient religion, though religious ideas are transitory, and creeds succeed one another with a periodicity determined by the law of cohtiauous variation of human thought. "The intellectual epoch at .which we have now arrived has for its essential characteristic such a succession of change — the abandon- The new Ideas ment of a timc-honored but obsolete system, the acceptance coalesce with „ it- t ■ ,t •■'•■, , •• the old. 01 a new and living one ; and, m the incipient stages, opinion succeeding opinion in a well-marked way, until at length, after a few centuries of fusion and solution, there crystallized on the remnant of Eoman power, as on a nucleus, a definite form, which, slowly modifying itself -into the Papacy, served the purposes- of Europe for more than a ■ thousand years throughout its age of Faith. In this abandonment, the personal conduct of the educated classes very powerfully assisted. They outwardly conformed to the ceremo- nial of the times, reserving their higher doctrines to themselves, as some- thing beyond vulgar comprehension. Considering themselves as an in- conduot of the Eo- tellcctual arfstocracy, they stood aloof, and, with an ill-con- man educated men -^ ., j_nj_j_ij_ i^n j at this period. cealcd smilc, consented to the transparent lolly around them. It had come to" an evil state when authors like Polybius and Strabo apologized to their compeers for the traditions and legends they ostensibly accepted, on the ground that it is inconvenient and needless to give popular offense, and that those who are children in understand- ing must, like those who are children in age, be kept in order by bug- bears. It had come to an evil state when the awful ceremonial of for- mer times had degenerated into a pageant, played off by an infidel priesthood and unbelieving aristocracy ; when oracles were becoming mute, because they could no longer withstand the sly wit of the initia- ted ; when the miracles of the ancients were regarded as mere lies, and of contemporaries as feats of legerdemain. It had come to an evil pass when even statesmen received it as a maxim that " when the people have advanced in intellectual culture to a certain point, the sacerdotal class must either deceive them or oppress them, if it means to keep its power." In Eome, at the time of Augustus, the intellectual classes — ^phUoso- phers and statesmen — had completely emerged from the ancient modes of thought. To them, the national legends, so jealously guarded by Keiigiods conditioa the populacc, had become mere fictions. The miraculous eiaBsea'j'a''Eome, ^sonceptioa of Rhca Sylvia by the god Mars, an event from INFLUENCE OF THE ILLITEEATE CLASSES. 195 which their ancestors had deduced with pride the celestial origin of the founder of their city, had dwindled into a myth ; as a source of ac- tual reliance and trust, the intercession of Yenus, that emblem of female loveliness, with the father of the gods in behalf of her human favorites, was abandoned ; the Sibylline books, once believed to contain all that was necessary for the prosperity of the republic, were suspected of an origin more sinister than celestial ; nor were insinuations wanting that from time to time they had been tampered with to suit the expediency of passing interests, or even that the true ones were lost and forgeries put in their stead. The Greek mythology was to them, as it is to us, an object of reverence, not because of any inherent truth, but for the sake of the exquisite embodiments it can yield in poetry, in painting, in marble. The existence of those illustrious men who, on account of their useful lives or excellent example, had, by the pious ages of old, been sanctified or even deified, was denied, or, if admitted, they were regarded as the exaggerations of dark and barbarous times. It was thus with jSJsculapius, Bacchus, and Hercules. And as to the various forms of worship, the multitude of sects into which the pagan nations were broken up offered themselves as a spectacle of imbecile and incon- sistent devotion altogether unworthy of attention, except so far as they might be of use to the interests of the state. Such was the position of things among the educated. In one sense they had passed into liberty, in another they were in bondage. Their indisposition to encounter those inflictions with which their Their irresolution. illiterate contemporaries might visit them may seem to us surprising : they acted as if they thought that the public was a wild beast that would bite if awakeiied too abruptly from its dream ; but their pusillanimity, at the most, could only postpone for a little an inevitable day. The ig- norant classes, whom they had so much feared, awoke spontaneously in due season, and saw in the clear light how matters stood. Of the Eoman emperors there were some whose intellectual endow- ments were of the highest kind; yet, though it must have been plain to them, as to all who turned their attention to the matter, in what di- rection society was drifting, they let things take their course, and no one lifted a finger to guide. It may be said that the genius of surrenaerofaf- Eome manifested itself rather in physical than in intellectual erate ciasaes, operations ; but in her best days it was never the genius of Home to abandon great events to freedmen, eunuchs, and slaves. By such it was that the ancient gods were politically cast aside, while the government was speciously yielding a simulated obedience to them, and hence it was not at all surprising that, soon after the introduction of Christian-* ity, its pure doctrines were debased by a commingling with ceremonies of the departing creed. It was not to be expected that the popular mind could spontaneously extricate itself from the vicious circle in 196 CON-SEQUENT DEBASEMENT OP EELIGIOUS IDEAS. which it was involved. Nothing bnt philosophy was competent to de- , liver it, and philosophy failed of its duty at the critical moment. The classical scholar need scarcely express his surprise that the Ferise Au- ana coneeqaent S'^^ti wcre Continued in the Church as the Festival St. Petri cSSyta ad vincula ; that even to our own times an image of the holy EomB. Yirgin was carried to the river in the same manner as in the old times was that of Cybele, and that many pagan rites still continue to be observed in Eome. Had it been in such incidental particulars only that the vestiges of paganism were preserved, the thing would have been 'of little moment ; but, as all who have examined the subject very well know, the evil was far more general and far more profound. When it was announced to the Ephesians that the Council of that place, headed by Cyril, had decreed that the Virgin should be called "the Mother of God," with tears of joy they embraced the knees of their bishop ; it was the old instinct peeping out ; their ancestors would have done the same for Diana. If Trajan, after ten centuries, could have re- visited Eome, he would, without difSciilty, have recognized the drama, though the aictors and scenery had all changed; he would have reflected how great a mistake had been committed in the legislation of his reign, and how much better it is, when the intellectual basis of a reHgion is gone, for a wise government to aljstain from all compulsion in behalf of what has become untenable, and to throw itself into the new movemenl; SQ as to shape the career by assuming the lead. Philosophy is useless when misapplied in support of things which common sense has begun to reject ; she shares in the discredit which is attaching to them. Tha opportunity of rendering herself of service to humanity once lost, agea may elapse before it occurs again. Ignorance and low interests seize the moment, and fasten a burden on man which the struggles of a thou< sand years may not suffice to cast off. ■ Of all the duties of an enlight- ened government, this of allying itself with Philosophy in the critical moment in which society is passing through so serious a metamorphosis, of its opinions as is involved in the casting off of its ancient inyestiture of Faith, and its assumption of a new one, is the most important, for it stands connected with things that outlast all temporal concerns. BISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 197 CHAPTEE IX. THE EUROPEAN AGE OF INQUIEY. THE PEOGEESSIVE VAEIATION OF OPINIONS CLOSED BY THE MSTIinTION OF COtnSClLS AND THE CONCENTRATION OP POWEK IN A PONTIFF. RISE, EAELT VABIATIONS, CONTUCTS, AND FINAI, ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. Rise of Christianity. — Distingmshed from ecclesiastical Organization. — It is demanded by the deplorable Condition of the Empire. — Its brief Conflict with Paganism. — Character of its first Organization. — Variations of Thought and Rise of Sects: their essential Difference in the East and West. — The three primitive Forms of Christianity : the Judaic Form, its End — the Gnostic Form, its End — the African Form, continues. I Spread of Christianity from Syria. — Its Antagonism to Imperialism ; their Conflicts. — Position of Affairs under Dioclesian. — The Policy of Constantine. — Se avails himself of the Christian Party, and through it attains supreme Power. — His personal Relations to it. The Trinitarian Controversy. — Story of Arius. — The Council of Nicea. The Progress of the Bishop of Rome to Supremacy, — Tlie Roman Church; its primitive subor- dinate Position. — Causes of its increasing Wealth, Influence, and Corruptions. — Stages of its Advancement through tlia^ Pelagian, Nestorian, and Eutychian Disputes. — Rivalry of the Bish- ops of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Rome. Necessity of a Pontiff in the West and ecclesiastical Councils in the East. — Nature of those Councils and of pontifical Power, The Period closes at the Capture and Saclc of Rome by Alaric, — Defense of that Event by St. Augustine. — Criticism on his Writings. Character of the Progress of Thought through this Period. — Destiny of the three great Bishops. From llie decay of Polytheism and the decline of philosophy, from the moral and social disorganization of the Eoman empire, I suyectoftue have now to turn to the most important of all events, the "'^'s^- rise of Christianity. I have to show how a variation of opinion pro- ceeded and reached its culmination ; how it was closed by the establish- ment of a criterion of truth, under the form of ecclesiastical councils, and a system developed which supplied the intellectual wants of Europe for nearly a thousand years. The reader, to* whom I have thus offered a representation of the state of Eoman affairs, must now prepare to look at the consequences there- of. Together we must trace out the progress of Christianity, intoduction examine the adaptation of its cardinal principles to the wants Christianity. of the empire, and the variations it exhibited — a task supremely diffi- cult, for even sincerity and truth will sometimes offend. For my part, it is my intention to speak with veneration on this great topic, and yet with liberty, for freedom of thought and expression is to me the first of all earthly things. 198 PEOPITIOUS COIirDITION OF THE EOMAK EMPIBE. But, that I may not be misunderstood, I here, at the outset, emphatic- Distinction be- S'lty distinguish between Christianity and ecclesiastical or- trrdeodSaslf. ganizations. The former is the gift of God ; the latter are cai organizations. |.j^g product of human exigencies and human invention, and therefore open to criticism, or, if need be, to condemnation. From the condition of the Eoman empire may be indicated the prin- ciples of any new system adapted to its amelioratidn. In the reign of Moral state of Augustus, violencc pauscd only because it had finished its the world at ° -n . i n -. t i i i • ' i this period, work. b aith was dead ; morality had disappeared. Around the shores of the Mediterranean the conquered nations looked at one another — ^partakers of a common misfortune, associates in a common lot. Not one of them had found a god to help her in her day of need. Eu- rope, Asia, and Africa were tranquil, but it was the silence of despair. Eome never considered man as an individual, but only as a thing, unpityingtyr- Her Way to political greatness was pursued utterly regardless anny of Eome. gf human Suffering. If advantages accrued to the conquer- ed under her dominion, they arose altogether from incident, and never from her purposed intent. She was no self-conscious, deliberate civil- izer. Conquest and rapine, the uniform aim of her actions, never per- mitted her, even at her, utmost intellectual development, to comprehend the equal rights of all men in the eye of the law. Unpitying in her stern policy, few were the occasions when, for high state reasons, she stayed her uplifted hand. She might, in the wantonness of her power, stoop to mercy ; she never rose to benevolence. When Syria was paying one third of its annual produce in taxeS, is it surprising that the Jewish peasant sighed for a deliverer, and eagerly Prepares the iray listened to the traditions of his nation that a temporal ttonofttowiu. Messiah, " a king of the Jews" would soon come? 'When ty of all men. there was announced the equality of all men before God, " who maketh the sun to shine on the good and the evil, and sendeth his rain on the just and the unjust," is it surprising that men looked for equal rights before the law ? Universal equality means universal be- nevolence ; it substitutes for the impersonal and easily-eluded commands of the state the dictates of an ever-present conscience ; it accepts the in- junction, " Do unto others as you would they should do to you." In the spread of a doctrine two things'are concerned — its own intrinsic nature, and the condition of him on whom it is intended to act. The spread of Christianity is' not difficult to be understood. Its antagonist, Attitude of Paganism, presented inherent weakness, infidelity, and a cheer- raganism. jggg prospcct ; a system, if that can be called so, which had no ruling idea, no principles, no organization; caring nothing for proselytes; its rival pontiffs devoted to many gods, but forming no political combi- nation; occupying themselves with directing public worship" and fore- telling future events, but not interfering in domestic life; giving itself no EARLY ORGANIZATIONS OF CHRISTIANITY. - 199 concern for the lowly and unfortunatei ; not recognizing, or, at the best, doubtfully admitting a future life ; limiting the hopes and destiny of man to this ■W9rld ; teaching that temporal prosperity may be selfishly gain- ed at any cost, and looking to suicide as the relief of the brave from misfortune. On the other side was Christianity, with its enthusiasm and burning faith ; its rewards in this life, and everlasting happiness or damnation in the next ; the precise doctrines it by degrees gathered of sin, repentance, pardon; the efficacy of the blood of the Son of God; its Attitude of chns- proselyting spirit ; its vivid dogmas of a resurrection fitom '"""'y- the dead, the approaching end of the world, the judgment-day. Above all, in a worldly point of view, the incomparable organization it soon at- tained, and its preaching in season and out of season. To the needy Christian the charities of the faithful werp freely given ; to the desolate, sympathy. In every congregation there were prayers to God that he would listen to the sighing of the prisoner and captive, and have mercy on those who were ready to die. For the slave and his master there was one law and one hope, one baptism, one Savior, one Judge. In times of domestic bereavement the Christian slave doubtless often con- soled his pagan mistress with the suggestion that our present separations are only for a little while, and revealed to her willing ear that there is another world — a land in which we rejoin our dead. How is it possi- ble to arrest the spread of a faith which can make the broken heart leap with joy ? At its first organization Christianity embodied itself in a form of com- munism, the merging of the property of the disciples into a common stock, from which the necessary provision for the needy was made. Such a system, carried out rigorously, is, however, only suited ng g^t ^^g^^. to small numbers and a brief period. In its very nature it is i^"*'"''- impracticable on the great scale. Scarcely had it been resorted to be- fore such troubles as that connected with the question of the Hebrew and Greek widows showed that it must be modified. By this relief or maintenance out of the funds of the Church, the spread of the faith among the humbler classes was greatly facilitated. In warm climates, where the necessities of life are small, an apparently insignificant sum will accomplish much in this way. But, as wealth accumulated, besides this, inducement for the poor, there were temptations for the ambitious: luxurious appointments and a splendid maintenance, the ecclesiastical dignitaries becoming more than rivals for those of the state. From the modification which the primitive organization thus under- went, we may draw the instructive conclusion that the special forms of embodiment which the Christian principle from time to time has as- sumed, and of which many might be mentioned, were, in re- Gradual eectan- ality, of only secondary importance. The sects of the early '"' ^''■^'■geiices. 200 . ITS THEEB CHIEF PRIMITIVE FORMS. ages have so totally died away that we hardly recall the meaning of their names, or determine their essential dogmas. From fasting, pen- ance, and the gift of money, things which are of precise measurement, and therefore well suited to intellectual infancy, there may be perceived an advancing orthodoxy up to the highest metaphysical ideas. Yet it must not be supposed that new observances and doctrines, as they emerged, were the disconnected inventions of ambitious men. If rightly considered, they are, in the aggregate, the product of the uniform pro- gression of human opinions. Those authoiJS who have treated of the sects of earlier times will point out to the curious reader how, in the beginning, the Church was agita- Eariy variation ^^^ hy a lingering ^attachment to the Hebrew rites, and with of opinions. difiaculty torc itself away from Judaism, which for the first ten years was paramount in it ; how then, for several centuries, it be- came engrossed with disputes respecting the nature of Christ, and creed after creed arose therefrom; to the Ebionites he was a mere man; to the Docetes, a phantasm ; to the Jewish Gnostic, Cerinthus, possessed of a twofold nature ; how, after the spread of Christianity, in succeeding ages, all over the empire, the intellectual peculiarities of the East and West were visibly impressed upon it — ^the East filled with speculdtive doctrines, of which the most important were those brought forward Eastern tiieoiogy hy the Platouists of Alexandria, for the Platonists, of all '^""^'-'°°'™"5'' philosophical sects, furnished most converts; the West, in accordance with its utilitarian genius, which esteems the practical and disparages the intellectual, singularly aided by propitious oppor- tunity, occupying itself with material aggrandizement and territorial power. The vanishing point of all Christian sectarian ideas of the East was in God, of those of the West in Man. Herein consists the es- westernto sential difference between them. The one was rich in doctrines Humanity, respecting the nature of the Divinity, the other abounded in regulations for the improvement and consolation of Humanity. For long there was a tolerance, and even liberality toward differences of opinion. Until the Council of ISTicea, no one was accounted a heretic if only he professed his belief in the. Apostles' Creed. A very astute ecclesiastical historian, referring to the early contamina- Foreign modifl- tlous of Christianity, makes this remark : " A clear and un- tianity. poHutcd fountalu, fed by secret channels with the dew of Heaven, when it grows a large river, and takes a long and winding course, receives a tincture from the various soils through which it passes." Thus influenced by surrounding circumstances, the primitive modifi- cations of Christianity were three — Judaic Christianity, Gnostic Chris- tianity, African Christianity. Of these, the first consisted of contaminations ffom Judaism, from JUDAIC CHEISTIANITT. 201 wMcli true Christianity disentangled itself with extreme diffi- judaic ctais- culty, at the cost of dissensions among the apostles them- *'°''"'y- selves. From the purely Hebrew point of view of the early disciples, who surrendered with reluctance their expectation that the Savior was the long-looked-for temporal Messiah, the King of the Jews, under which name he suffered, the faith gradually expanded, including successively proselytes of the Gate, the surrounding Gentiles, and at last the whole world, irrespective of nation, climate, or color. With this truly imperial extension, there came into view the essential doctrines on which it was based. But Judaic Christianity, properly speaking, soon came to an untimely end. It was unable to maintain itself against the powerful apostolic influences in the bosom of the Church, and the violent press- ure exerted by the unbelieving Jews, who exhibited toward it an in- flexible hatred. Moreover, the rapid advance of the new doctrines through Asia Minor and Greece offered a tempting field for enthusiasm. The first preachers in the Eoman empire were Jews ; for the first years circumcision and conformity to the law of Moses were insisted on ; but the first council determined that point, at Jerusalem, probably about A.D. 49, in the negative. The organization of the Church, originally modeled upon that of the Synagogue, was changed. In the beginning the creed and the rites were simple ; it was only necessary to profess be- lief in the Lord Je%us Christ, and baptism marked the admission of the convert into the community of the faithful. James, called the brother of our Lord, as might, from his relationship, be expected, occupied the position of headship in the Church. The names of. the bishops of the Church of Jerusalem, as given by Busebius, succeed to JameSj the broth- er of Christ, in the following qrder : Simeon, Justus, Zaccheus, Tobias, Benjamin, John, Matthew, Philip, Simeon, Justus, Levi, Ephraim, Jo- seph, and Judas. The names are indicative of the nationality. It was the boast of this Church that it was not corrupted with any heresy un- til the last Jewish Wshop, a boast which must be received with some limitation, for very early we find traces of two distinct parties in Jeru- salem — ^those who received the account of the miraculous conception and those who did not. The Ebionites, who were desirous of tracing our Savior's lineage up to David, did so according to the genealogy given in the Gospel of St. Matthew, and therefore they would not ac- cept what was said respecting the miraculous conception, afiirming that it was apocryphal, and in obvious contradiction to the genealogy in which our Savior's line was traced uj) through Joseph, who, it would thus appear, was not his father. They are to be considered as the na- tional or patriotic party. Two causes seem to have been concerned in arresting the spread of conversion among the Jews : the first was their disappoint- cauaea of the ment as respects the temporal power of the Messiah ; the sec- fah conversion. 202 GNOSTIC AND PLATONIC CHRISTIANITY. ond, the prominence eventually given to the doctrine of the Trinity. Their jealousy of any thing that might. touch the national doctrine of the unity of God became almost a fanaticism. Judaic Christianity may be said to have virtually ended with the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans ; its last trace, however, was the dispute respecting Easter, which was terminated by the Council of Mcea. The conversion of the Jews had ceased before the reign of Constantine. The second forni. Gnostic Christianity, had l-eached its full develop- ment within a century.after the death of Christ ; it maintained an active influence through the first four centuries, and gave birth, during that Gnostic Chris- time, to many different subordinate sects. It consisted essen- tianity. * tially in ingrafting Christianity upon Magianism. It made the Savior an emanated intelligence, derived from the eternal, self-existing mind ; this intelligence, and not the Man- Jesus, was the Christ, who thus, being an impassive phantom, afforded to Gnosticism no idea of an expi- atory sacrifice, none of an atonement. It was arrested by the reappear- ance of pure Magianism in the Persian empire under Ardeschir Bab- hegan ; not, however, without communicating to orthodox Christianity an impression far more profound than is commonly supposed, and of which indelible traces may be perceived in our day. The third form, African or Platonic Christianity, arose in Alexandria. Platonic Chris- Here was the focus of those fatal disputes respecting, the tianity. Trinity, a word which does not occur in the Holy Scriptures, and which, it appears, had been first introduced by Theophilus, the Bishop of Antioch, the seventh from the apostles. In the. time of Ha- • drian, Christianity had become diffused all over Egypt, and had found among th*e Platonizing philosophers of the metropolis many converts. These men modified the Gnostic idea to suit their own doctrines, assert- ing that the principle from which the universe originated was some- thing emitted from the supreme mind, and capable of being drawn into it again, as they supposed was the case with a raj and the sun. This ray, they afiirmed, was permanently attached to our Savior, and hence he might be considered as God. Thus, therefore, there were in his per- son three parts, a body, a soul, and the logos ; hence he was both God and man. But, as a ray is inferior to the sun, it seemed to follow that the Christ must be inferior to the Father. In all this it is evident that there is something transcendental, and the Platonizing Christians, following the habit of the Greek philosophers, considered it as a mystertous doctrine; they spoke of it as "meat for strong men," but the popular current doctrine was "milk for babes." Justin Martyr, A.D. 132, who had been a Platonic philosopher, believed that the divine ray, after it was attached to Christ, was never withdrawn The Logos, from him, or ever separated from its source. He offers two illustrations of his idea^ As speech (logos), going forth from one man, ANTAGONISM OF CHEISTIANITY AND IMPERIALISM. 203 enters into another, conveying to him meaning, while the same meaning remains in the person who speaks, thus the logos of the Father con- tinues unimpaired in himself, though imparted to the Christ; or, as from one lamp another may be lighted without any loss of splendor, so the divinity of the Father is transferred to the Son. This last illustra- tion subsequently became very popular, and was adopted into the Ni- cene Creed. " God of God, Light of Light." It is obvious that the intention of this reasoning was to preserve in- tact the doctrine of the unity of God, for the great body of Christians were at this time monarchists, the word being used in its theological acceptation. Thus the Jewish and Gnostic forms both died out, but the African, Platonic, or Alexandrian was destined to be perpetuated, permanence of ai- The manner in which this occurred can only be under- exancWan ideas. stood by a study of the. political history of the times. To such facts as are needffil for the purpose, I shall therefore with brevity allude. From its birthplace in Judea, Christianity advanced to the conquest .of the Eoman world. In its primitive form it received an urgency from the belief that the end of all things was close at hand, and ^^^^^^ ^ christi- that the earth was on the point of being burnt up by fire. ™ty ^o™ sym. From the civil war it had waged in Judea, it emerged to enter on a war of invasion and foreign annexation. In succession, Cyprus, Phrygia, Galatia, and all Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy, were penetrated. The persecutions of Nero, incident on the burning of Eome, did not for a moment retard its career ; during his reign it rapidly spread, and in every direction Petrine and Pauline, or Judaizing and Hellenizing churches were springing up. The latter gained the superiority, and the former passed away. The constitution of the churches Modifications of T T ii • i- J n 1 ■ 1 • 1 organisation be- changed, the congregations gradually losing power, which come necessary. became concentrated in the bishop. By the end of the first century the episcopal form was predominant, and the ecclesiastical organization so imposing as to command the attention of the emperors, who now be- gan to discover the mistake that had hitherto been made in confound- ing the new religion with Judaism. Their dislike to it, soon manifested in measures of repression, was in consequence of the peculiar attitude it assumed. As a body, the Christians not only kept aloof from all the amusements of the times, avoiding theatres and public rejoicings, but in eveiy respect constituted themselves an empire within the empire. Such a state of things was altogether inconsistent with the es- Becomes antagonis- tablished" government, and its certain inconveniences and «■= '» impe™ii8m- evils were not long in making themselves felt. The triumphant march of Christianity was singularly facilitated by free intercommunication over the Mediterranean, in consequence of that sea being in the hands of one sovereign power. The Jewish and Greek merchants aflforded it a 204 EAELY PERSECUTIONS. medium ; their trading towns w.ere its posts. But it is not to be sup. posed that its spread was without resistance; for at least the first century and a half the small farmers and land laborers entertained a hatred to it, looking upon it as a peculiarity of the trading communities, whom they ever despised. They persuaded themselves that the earthquakes, in- persecution con- uudatious, and pestilcnces were attributable to it. To these soiidateait. incitements' was added a. desire to seize the property of the faithful confiscated by the law. Of this the early Christians unceasingly and bitterly complained. But the rack, the fire, wild beasts were un- availingly applied. Out of the very persecutions themselves advantages arose. Injustice and barbarity bound the pious but feeble communitia together, and repressed internal dissent. In several instances there can be no doubt, however, that persecution Defiant air of the ^^ brought ou by the defiant air the churches assumed as young churchee. ^j^gy gathered strength. To understand this, we have only to peruse such documents as the address of TertuUian to Scapula, Full of intolerant spirit, it accuses the national religion of being the cause of all the public calamities, the floods, the fires, the eclipses ; it denounces the vengeance of God on the national idolatry. As was the opinion of the Christians at that time, it acknowledges the reality of the pagan gods, whom it stigmatizes as demons, and proclaims its determination to expel them. It warns its opponents that they may be stricken blind, devoured by worms, or visited with other awful calamities. Such a sentiment of scorn and hatred, gathering force enough to make itself po- Opposition of the litically felt, was certain to provoke persecution. That of emperors. Decius, A.D. 250, was chiefly aimed against the clergy, not even the bishops of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Eome escaping. Eigtt years after occurred that in which Sextus, the Bishop of Eome, and Cyp- rian of Carthage perished. Under Dioclesian it had become apparent that the self-governed Ohiis- Position of things ^^'^ Corporations every where arising were altogether in- nnder Dioclesian. compatible with the imperial system. If tolerated muoli longer, they would undoubtedly gain such strength as to become polit ically quite formidable. There was not a town, hardly a village in the empire — nay, what was indeed far more serious, there was not a legion in which these organizations did not exist. The uncompromising and in- exorable spirit animating them brought on necessarily a triple alliance of the statesmen, the philosophers, and the polytheists. These three parties, composing or postponing their mutual disputes, cordially united to put down the common enemy before it should be too late. It so fell out that the conflict first broke out in the army. When the engine of power is affected, it behooves a prince to take heed. The Christian sol- diers in some of the legions refused to join in the time-honored solemni- ties for propitiating the gods. It was in the winter A.D. 302-3. The THEIR POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES. 205 emergency' became so pressing that a council was held by Dioclesian and G-alerius to determine what should be done. The difficulty of the position may perhaps be appreciated when it is understood that even the wife and daughter of Dioclesian himself were adherents of the new religion. He was a man of such capacity and enlarged political views that, at the second council of th6 leading statesmen and generals, he ■vyould not have been brought to give his consent to repression if it had not been quite clear that a conflict was unavoidable. His extreme re- luctance to act is shown by the express stipulation he made that there should be no sacrifice of life. It is scarcely necessary to re- imperial perse- late the events which ensued ; how the Church of Nicomedia ™"™=- was razed to the ground ; how an ominous retaliation was exacted by setting fire to the imperial palace; how an edict 'was openly insulted and torn down ; how the Christian, officers in the army were compelled to resign ; and, as Eusebius, an eye-witness, relates, a vast number of martyrs soon suffered in Armenia, Syria, Mauritania, Egypt, and else- where. So resistless was the march of events that not even the em- peror himself could stop the persecution. The Christians were given over to torture, the fire, wild beasts, beheading ; many of them, in the moment of condemnation, simply returning thanks to God that he had thought them worthy to suffer. The whole world was filled with ad- miration.- The greatness of such holy courage could have no other re- sult. An internecine conflict between the disputants seemed to be in- evitable. But, in the dark and bloody policy of the times, the question was settled in an unexpected way. To Constantine, who had fled from the treacherous custody of Galerius, it naturally occurred that, if he should aUy himself to the Christian party, conspicuous advantages must forthwith accrue to him. It would give him in every cor- Their great poutu ner of the empire men and women ready to encounter fire '^^ consequences. and sword ; it would give him partisans, not only animated by the tra- ditions of their fathers, but — ^for human nature wiH even in the religious assert itself— demanding retribution for the horrible barbarities and in- justice that had been inflicted on themselves ; it would give him, and this was the most important of all, unwavering adherents in every le- gion of the army. He took his course. The events of war crowned him with success. He could not be otherwise than out- successM policy wardly true to those who had given him power, and who o'ccns'intine. continued to maintain him on the throne. But he never conformed to the ceremonial requirements of the Church till the close of his evil life. The attempt to make an alliance with this great and rapidly growing party was nothing new. Maximin tried it, but was distrusted. Li- cinius, fpreseeing the policy that Constantine would certainly pursue, endeavored to neutralize it by feebly reviving the persecution, A.D. 816, thinking thereby to conciliate the pagans. The aspirants for em- 206 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. pire at this moment so divided tlie strength of the state that, had the Christian party been weaker than it actually was, it so held the balance of power as to be able to give a preponderance to the candidate of its choice. Much more, therefore, was it certain to prevail, considering its numbers, its ramifications, its compactness. Force, argument, and per- suasion had alike proved ineffectual against its strength. To the reign of Constantine the Great must be referred the commence- influence of the meut of thosc dark and dismal times which oppressed Eu- uneT" ° ' rope for a thousand years. It is the true close of the Eoman empire, the beginning of the Greek. The transition from one to the other is emphatically and abruptly marked by a new metropolis, a new religion, a new code, and, above all, a new policy. An ambitious man had attained to imperial power by personating the interests of a rapid- ly growing party. The unavoidable consequences were a union be- tween the Church and State ; a diverting of the dangerous classes from civil to ecclesiastical paths, and the decay and materialization of relig- ion. This, and not the reign of Leo the Isaurian, as some have said, is the true beginning of the Byzantine empire ; it is also the beginning of the age of Faith in Europe, though I consider the age of Inquiry as overlapping this epoch, and as terminating with the military fall of Eome. Ecclesiastical authors have made every thing hinge on the conversion of Constantine and the national establishment of Christianity. The me dium through which they look distorts the position of objects, and mag nifies the subordinate and collateral into the chief Events had been gradually shaping themselves in such a way that the political fall of the city of Eome was inevitable. The Eomans, as a people, had disappear- ed, being absorbed among other nations ; the centre of power was in the army. One after another, the legions put forth competitors for the pur- ple— soldiers of fortune, whose success could never remove low habite due to a base origin, the coarseness . of a life of camps — who found no congeniality in the elegance and refinement of those relics of the ancient families which were expiring in Eome. They despised the military de- crepitude of the superannuated city ; her recollections they hated. To such men the expediency of founding a new capital was an obvious de- vice ; or, if indisposed to undertake so laborious a task, the removal of the imperial residence to some other of the great towns was an effectual substitute. It was thus that the residence of Dioclesian at Nicomedia produced such disastrous consequences in a short time to Eome. After Constantine had murdered his son Crispus, his nephew Licinius, and had suffocated in a steam-bath his wife Fausta, to whom he had been married twenty years, and who was the mother of. three of his He resolves on SOUS, the publio abhorrencc of his crimes could no longer be remoTmg the i n a • -i ' t i. f metropous. conccaled. A pasquinade, companng his reign to that oi HIS EELIGIOUS POLICY. 207 Nero, was affixed to the palace gate. The guilty emperor, in the first burst of anger, was on the point of darkening the tragedy, if such a thing was possible, by a massacre of the Eoman populace who had thus insulted him. It is said that his brothers were consulted on this meas- ure of vengeance. The result of their council was even more deadly, for it was resolved to degi^de Eome to a subordinate rank, and build a metropolis elsewhere. Political conditions thus at once suggested and rendered possible the translation of the seat of government : the temporary motive was the vengeance of a great criminal. Perhaps, also, in the mental occupation incident to such an undertaking, the emperor found a refuge from the accusations of conscience. But it is altogether erroneous to suppose that either at this time, or for many years subsequently, he He la a protector, was a Christian. His actions are not those of a devout I'ltn""' convert. convert ; he was no proselyte, but a protector ; never guiding himself by religious principles, but now giving the most valuable support to his new alhes, now exhibiting the impartiality of a statesman for both forms of faith. In his character of Pontifex Maximus he restored pagan tem- ples, and directed that the haruspices should be consulted. On the fes- tival of the birthday of the new city he honored the statue of Fortune. The, continued heathen sacrifices and open temples seemed to indicate that he intended to do no more than place the new religion on a level with the old. His recommendation to the Bishop of Alexandria and to Arius of the example of the philosophers, who never debated profound questions before ignorant audiences, and who could differ without hat- ing one another, illustrates the indifferentism of his personal attitude, and yet he clearly recognized his obligations to the party that had given him power. This conclusion is confirmed by the works of Constantine himself. They must be regarded as far better authority than the writings of re- ligious polemics. A medal was struck, on which was im- Hjg tenaencica pressed his title of " God," together with the monogram of t°.^'^^^^'^- Christ. Another represented him as raised by a hand from the sky while seated in the chariot of the Sun. But more particularly the great porphyry pillar, a column 120 feet in height, exhibited the true re- ligious condition of the founder of Constantinople. The statue on its summit mingled together the Sun, the Savior, and the Emperor. Its body was a colossal image of Apollo, whose features were replaced by those of 'Constantine, and round the head, like rays, were fixed the nails of the cross of Christ recently discovered in Jerusalem. The position of a patron assumed by Constantine may be remarked - in many of the incidents of his policy. The. edict of Milan gave liberty both to Pagans and Christians ; but his necessity for in some degree showing a preponderance of favor for the latter obliged him to issue a 208 HIS CiyiL POLICY. rescript exempting the clergy from civil offices. It was this also which led him to conciliate the bishops by the donation of large sums of money for the restitution of their churches and other purposes, and to exert himself, often by objectionable means, for destroying that which they who were around him considered to be heresy. A better motive, perhaps, led him to restore those Christians who had been degraded; to surrender to the legal heirs the confiscated estates of martyrs, or, if no heirs were to be found, to convey them to the Church ; to set at liberty those who had been condemned to the mines ; to recall those who had been banished. If, as a tribute to the Christians, who had sustained him politically, he made the imperial treasury responsible for many of their losses ; if he caused costly churches to be built not only in the great cities, but even in the Holy Land ; if he vindicated the triumphant po- sition of his supporters by forbidding any Jew to have a Christian slave ; if he undertook to enforce the decisions of councils by means of the power of the state ; if he forbade all schism in the Church, himself determining the degftes of heresy under the inspirations of his clerical Hia relations to cutouragc, his vacillations show how little he was guided by the Church, principle, how much by policy. After the case of the Donar tists hud been settled by repeated councils, he spontaneously recalled them from banishment; after he had denounced Arius as "the very image of the Devil," he, through the influence of court females, received him again into favor ; after the temple of ^sculapius at jEgse had been demolished, and the doors and roofs of others removed, the "pa- gans were half conciliated by perceiving that no steady care was taken to enforce the obnoxious decrees, and that, after all, the Christians would have to accept the intentions of the emperor for deeds. In a double respect the removal of the seat of empire was important to Christianity. It rendered possible the assumption of power by the Consequences of bishops of Eomc, who Were thereby secluded from impe- metropous. rial observation and inspection, and whose position, feeble at first, under such singularly auspicious circumstances was at last de- veloped into papal supremacy. In Constantinople, also, there were no pagan recollections and interests to contend with. At first the new city was essentially Eoman, and its language Latin ; but this was soon changed for Greek, and thus the transference of the seat of government tended to make Latin in the end a sacred tongue. Constantino knew very well where Eoman power had for many years lain. His own history, from the time of his father's death and his ex- altation by the legions at York, had taught him that, for the perpetua- tion of his dynasty and system, those formidable bodies must be dis- The poucy of poscd of. It was for this reason, and that no future command- conatantine. gj. migi^t ^q -^jijat himsclf and so many of his predecessors had done, that he reduced the strength of the legion from 6000 to 1500 oi KEVOLT OP THE DONATISTS. 209 1000 men. For this reason, too, lie opened to ambition the less danger- ous field of ecclesiastical wealth and dignity, justly concluding that, since the clergy came from every class of society, the whole people would look to the prosperity of the Church. By exempting the priest- hood from burdensome municipal offices, such as the decurionate, he put a premium on apostasy from paganism. The interest he personally took in the Trinitarian controversy encouraged the spreading of theo- logical disputation from philosophers and men of capacity to the popu- lace. Under the old polytheism heresy was impossible, since every man might select his god and his worship ; but under the new monotheism it was inevitable — heresy, a word that provokes and justifies a black cata- logue of crimes. Occupied in those exciting pursuits, men took but lit- tle heed of the more important political changes that were in progress. The eyes of the rabble were easily turned from the movements of the government by horse-racing, theatres, largesses. Yet already this di- version of ambition into new fields gave tokens of dangers to the state in future times. The Donatists, whom Constantine had attempted to pacify by the Councils of Eome, Aries, and MUan, maintained a more than religious revolt, and exhibited the bitterness that may be infused among competitors for ecclesiastical spoUs. These enthusiasts assumed to themselves the title of God's elect, proclaimed that the only true apostolical succession was in their bishops, and that whosoever denied the right of Donatus to be Bishop of Carthage should be eternally damned. They asked, with a truth that lent force to their demand, "What has the emperor to do with the Church, what have Christians to do with kings, what have bishops to do at court?" « Already the Cath- olic party, in preparation of their commencing atrocities, ominously in- quired, " Is the vengeance of God to be defrauded of its victims ?" Al- ready Constantine, by bestowing on the Church the right of receiving bequests, had given birth to that power which, reposing on the influ- ence that always attaches to the possession of land, becomes at last over- whelming when it is held by a corporation which may always receive and can never alienate, which is always renewing itself and can never die. It was by no miraculous agency, but simply by its organization, that the Church attained to power ; an individual who must die, and a family which must become extinct, had no chance against, a corporation whose purposes were ever unchanged, and its life perpetual. But it was not the state alone which thus took detriment from her connection with the Church ; the latter paid a full price for the temporal advantages she received in invoking civil intervention in her affairs. After a ret- rospect of a thousand years, well did the pious Fratricelli loudly pro- claim their conviction that the fatal gift of a Christian emperor had been the doom of true religion. . From the rough soldier who accepted the purple at York, how great O 210 THE TRINITABIAJSr CONTROVERSY. the change to the effeminate emperor of the Bosphorus, in silken rohes stiffened with threads of gold, with a diadem of sapphires and pearls, and false hair stained of various tints ; his steps stealthily guarded hy mysterious eunuchs flitting through the palace, and streets fall of spies, and an ever-watchful police. The same man who approaches us as the Eoman imperator retires from us as the Asiatic despot. In the last His converBion days of Ms life, he put aside the imperial purple, and, assum^ and death. jjjg ^]^q customary white garment, prepared for baptism, that the sins of his long and evil life might all be washed away. Since com- plete purification can thus be only once obtained, he was desirous to procrastinate that ceremony to the last moment. Profoundly politic, even in his relations with heaven, he thenceforth reclined on a white bed, took no farther part in ^worldly affairs, and, having thus insured a right to the continuance of that prosperity in a future life which he had enjoyed in this, expired, A.D. 337. In a theological respect, among the chief events of this emperor's The Ti-inUarian Tcigu are the Trinitarian controversy and the open materi- controversy. aUzatiou of Christianity. The former, commencing among the Platonizing ecclesiastics of Alexandria, continued for ages to exert a formidable influence. From time immemorial, as we have already re- lated, the Egyptians had been familiar with various trinities, different ones being worshiped in different cities, the devotees of each exercising a peaceful toleration toward those of others. But now things were great- ly changed. It was the settled policy of Constantino to divert ambition from the state to the Church, and to make it not only safer, but more profitable to be a great ecclesiastic than a successful soldier. A violent competition for the chief offices was the consequence — a competition, the prelude of that still greater one for episcopal supremacy. We are now again brought to a consideraltion of the variations of opinion which fnarked this age. It would be impossible to give a de- scription of them all. I therefore propose to speak only of the prom- inent ones. They are a sufficient guide in our investigation ; and of the Trinitarian controversy first. For some time past dissensions had been springing up in the Church. Prelude of sec Evcu out of persecution itself disunion had .arisen. The mar- tarian dissent, ^yj-g ^j^q ^^^^ suffcrcd for thcir faith, and the confessors who had nobly avowed it, gained a worthy consideration and influence, be- coming the intermedium of reconciliation of such of their weaker breth- ren as had apostatized in times of peril by authoritative recommenda-, tions to "the peace of the Church."- From this abuses arose. Martyrs were known to have given the use of their names to " a man and his friends;" nay, it was even asserted that tickets of recommendation had been bought for money ; and as it was desirable that a uniformity of discipline should obtain in all the churches, so that he who was exoom' ARIUS, HIS HEEEST. 211 municated from one should -be escommunicated from all, it was neces- sary that these abuses should be corrected. In the controversies that ensued, Novatus founded his sect on the principle that penitent apos- tates should, under no circumstances, be ever again received. Besides this dissent on a question of discipline, already there were abundant ele- ments of dispute, such as the time of observance of Easter, the nature of Christ, the millennium upon earth, and rebaptism. Already, in Syria, Noetus, the Unitarian, had foreshadowed what was coming; already there were Patripassians ; already Sabellianism existed. But it was in Alexandria that the tempest burst forth. There lived in that city a presbyter of the name of Arius, who, on occasion Arius,his of a vacancy occurring, desired to be appointed bishop. But d<"='=™<=»- one Alexander supplanted him in the coveted dignity. Both relied on numerous supporters, Arius counting among his not less than seven hundred virgins of the Mareotic nome. In his disappointment he ac- cused his successful antagonist of Sabellianism, and, in retaliation, was anathematized. It was no wonder that, in such an atmosphere, the question quickly assumed a philosophical aspect. The point of diffi- culty was to define the position of the Son in the Holy Trinity. Arius took the ground that there was a time when, from the very nature of sonship, the Son did not exist, and a time at which he commenced to be, asserting that it is the necessary condition of the filial relation that a son must be posterior in time to his father. But this assertion evi- dently might imply subordination or inequality among the three per- sons of the Holy Trinity. The partisans of Alexander raised up their voices against such a blasphemous lowering of the Eedeemer ; the Ari- ans answered them that, by exalting the Son in every respect to an equality with the Father, they impugned the great truth of the unity of Grod. The new bishop himself edified the giddy citizens, and per- haps, in some degree, justified his appointment to his place by display- ing his rhetorical powers in public 'debates on the question. The Alex- andrians, little anticipating the serious and enduring results soon to arise, amused themselves, with characteristic levity, by theatrical repre- sentations of the contest upon the stage. In the theatre of Alexandria many of the corruptions of Christianity originated. The passions of the two parties were roused ; the Jews and Pagans, of whom the town was full, exasperated them by their mocking derision. The dissension spread ; the whole country became convulsed. In the hot climate of Africa, theological controversy soon ripened into political disturbance. In all Egypt there was not a Christian man, and not a woman, who did not proceed to settle the nature of the unity of God. The tumult rose to such a pitch that it became necessary for the emperor to constantine at- interfere. Doubtless, at first, he congratulated himself on thTmntroveray, such a course of events. It was better that the provinces should be 212 THE COUNCIL OF KICEA. fanatically engaged in disputes than secretly employed in treason against his person or conspiracies against his pblicy. A united people is an inconvenience to one in power. ISTevertheless, to compose the matter somewhat, he sent Hosius, the Bishop of Cordova, to Alexandria; but, finding that the remedy was altogether inadequate, he was driven at last andsummona to the memorable expedient of summoning the Council of WMr"°"°^ Nicea, A.D. 325. It attempted a settlement of the trouble by a condemnation of Arius, and the promulgation of authoritative ar- ticles of belief as set forth in the Nicene Creed. As to the main point, the Son was declared to be of the same substance with the Father— a temporizing and convenient, but, as the event proved, a disastrous am- biguity. The Nicene Council, therefore, settled the question by evad- ing it, and the emperor enforced the decision by the banishment of Arius. "I am persecuted," Arius plaintively said, "because I have taugit that the Son had a beginning and the Father had not." It was the in- fluence of the court theologians that had made the emperor his personal The fortunes oncmy. Constantinc, as we have seen, had looked upon the of Arius. dispute, in the first instance, as altogether frivolous, if he did not, in truth, himself incline to the assertion of Arius, that, in the very nature of the thing, a father must be older than his son. The theatrical exhibitions at Alexandria in mockery of the question were calculated to confirm him in his opinion; his judgment was lost in the theories that were springing up as to the nature of Christ ; for on the Bbionitish, Gnostic, and Platonic doctrines, as well as on the new one that "the logos" was made out of nothing, it equally followed that the current opinion must be erroneous, and that there was a time before which the Son did not exist. But, as the contest spread through churches and even'families, Oon- stantine had found himself compelled to intervene. At first he attempt- ed the position of a moderator, but soon took ground against Arius, ad- vised to that course by his entourage at Constantinople. It was at this time that the letter was circulated in which he denounced Arius as the His condemnation image of the Dcvil. Arius might now have foreseen as a heretic. ^]^^ jjj^st Certainly occur at Nicea. Before that council was called every thing was settled. No contemporary for a moment supposed that it was an assembly of simple-hearted men, anxious, by a mutual comparison of thought, to ascertain the truth* Its aim was not to compose such a creed as would give unity to the Church, but one so worded that the Arians would be compelled to refuse to sign it, and so ruin themselves. To the creed was attached an anathema precisely de- fining the point of dispute, and leaving the foreordained victims no chance of escape. . The original Nicene Creed differed in some essential particulars from that now current under that title. Among other things, THE DEATH OF AEIUS. 213 the fatal and final clause has been dropped. Thus it ran : " The Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematizes those who say The Nicene that there was a time when the Son of God was not ; and that '*'^*- before he was begotten he was not, and that he was made out of noth- ing, or out of another substance or essence, and is created, or change- able, or alterable." The emperor enforced the decision of the council by the civil power ; he circulated letters denouncing Arius, and initi- ated those fearful punishments unhappily destined in future ages to be- come so frequent, by ordaining that whoever should find a book of Arius and not burn it should actually be put to death. It might be thought that, after such a decisive course, it would be impossible to change, and yet in less than ten years Constantine is found agreeing with the convict Arius. A presbyter in the confidence of Constantia, the emperor's sister, had wrought upon him. Arius received Athanasius, now Bishop of Alexandria, the representative of com-t fkTor, the other party, is deposed and banished. Arius is invited to Constan- tinople. The emperor orders. Alexander, the bishop of that city, to re- ceive him into communion to-morrow. It is Saturday. Alexander flies to the church, and, falling prostrate, prays to God that he will in- terpose and save his servant from being forced into this sin, even if it should be by death. That same evening Arius was seized with a sud- den and violent illness as he passed along the street, and in a few mo- ments he was found dead in a house, whither he had hasten- and is poisoned. ed. In Constantinople, where men were familiar with Asiatic crimes, there was more than a suspicion of poison. But when Alexander's party proclaimed that his prayer had been answered, they forgot what then that prayer must have been, and that the difference is little be- tween praying for the death of a man and compassing it. The Ariang afSrmed that it was the intention of Constantine to have called a new council, and have the creed rectified according to his more recent ideas ; but, before he could accomplish this, he was over- constantine taken by death. So little efficacy was there in the determin- anXcreed! ation of the Council of Nicea, that for many years afterward creed upon creed appeared. What Constantine's new creed would have been may be told from the fact that the Consubstantialists had gone out of power, and from what his son Constantius soon after did at the Council of Ari- minium. So far, therefore, from the Council of Nicea ending the controversies afflicting religion, they continued with increasing fury, spread of tueoiog. The sons and successors of Constantine set an example of '"^^ wMch the faithful may obey, in opposition to the law these events, ^f ^.^g Jg^^^^ ^J^g^ ^^ g^i^g ^T^^^j. ^g^g . ^.J^g j^^ ^f Qq^^ gS ex- pounded by the bishop, who can eternally punish the soul, must take precedence of the law of Csesar, who can only kill the body and seiae the goods ; 2d, that there is a supremacy in the Bishop of Eome, to whom Athanasius, the leader of the orthodox, by twice visiting that city, ORIGIN OF THE PAPACY. 215 submitted hia cause. The significance of these facts becomes conspicu- ous in later ages. Things were evidently shaping themselves for a trial of strength between the imperial and ecclesiastical powers, heretofore al- lied. They were about to quarrel over their booty. We have now to consider this asserted supremacy of the Bishop of Eome, and how it came.to be established as a political fact. mstoryofPapai We must also turn from the Oriental variations of opinion ""P'^emacy. to those of the West. Except by thus enlarging the field to be trav- ersed, we can gain no perfect conception of the general intellectual tendency. For long after its introduction to Western Europe, Christianity was essentially a Greek religion. Its Oriental aspect had become Heuenizca HeUenized. Its churches had, in the first instance, a Greek o^"™"?- organization, conducted their worship in that tongue, and composed their writings in it. Though it retained much of this foreign aspect so long as Eome continued to be the residence, or was more particularly under the eye of the emperors, it was gradually being affected by the influences to which it was exposed. On Western Europe, the questions which had so profoundly agitated the East, such as the nature of God, the Trinity, the cause of evil, had made but little impression, the intel- lectual peculiarity of the people being unsuited to such exercises. The foundation of Constantinople, by taking off the political pressure, per- mitted native peculiarities to manifest themselves, and Latin Christian- ity emerged in contradistinction to Greek. Yet still it can not be said that Europe owes its existing forms of Christianity to a Eoman origin. It is indebted to Africa for Modified ty them. We live under African domination. Africaniam. I have now with brevity to relate the progress of this interesting event ; how African conceptions were firmly estabhshed in Eome, and, by the time that Greek Christianity had lost its expansive power and ceased to be aggressive, African Christianity took its place, extending to the North and West, and obtaining for itself an organization copied from that of the Eoman empire ; sacerdotal preetors, proconsuls, and a Ceesar ; developing its own jurisprudence, establishing its own magistracy, ex- changing the Greek tongue it had hitherto used for the Latin, which, soon becoming a sacred language, conferred upon it the most singular advantages. The Greek churches were of the nature of confederated republics ; the Latin Church instinctively tended to monarchy. Far from assum- ing an attitude of conspicuous dignity, the primitive bishops of Eome led a life of obscurity. In the earliest times, the bishops of Jerusalem, of whom James, the brother of our Lord, was the first, are spoken of as the head of the Church, and so regarded even in Eome it- suioraiaate poss- seE The controversy respecting Easter, A. D. 109, shows, Eoman chS^ 216 ITS GEADUAL DEVELOPMENT. however, how soon the disposition for Western supremacy was exhib- ited, Victor, the Bishop of Kome, requiring the Asiatic bishops to conform to the view of his Church respecting the time at which the festival of Easter should be observed, and being resisted therein by Polycrates, the Bishop of Ephesus, on behalf of the Eastern churches, the feud continu- ing until the determination of the Council of Nicea. It was not in Asia alone that the growth of Koman supremacy was resisted. There is no difficulty in selecting from ecclesiastical history proofs of the same feel- ing in many other quarters. Thus, when the disciples of Montanus, the Phrygian, who pretended to be the Paraclete, had converted to their doc- trines and austerities the Bishop of Eome, and TertuUian, the Carthagini- an, on the former backsliding from that faith, the latter denounced him as a Patripassian heretic. Yet, for the most part, a good understanding obtained not only between Eome and Carthage, but also among the Grallic and Spanish churches, who looked upon Eome as conspicuous and illustrious, though no more than equal to themselves. At the Council of Carthage St. Cyprian said, " None of us ought to set himself up as a bishop of bishops, or pretend tyrannically to restrain his col- leagues, because each bishop has a liberty and power to act as he thinks fit, and can no more be judged by another bishop than he can judge an- other. But we must all wait for the judgment of Jesus Christ, to whom alone belongs the power to set us over the Church, and to judge of our actions." Eome by degrees emerged from this equality, not by the splendid talents of any illustrious man, for among her early bishops none rose itB gradual in- abovo mcdiocrity, but partly from her political position, and iDfluence, partly from the great wealth she soon accumulated, and partly from the policy she happened to follow. Her bishop was not present at the Council of Nicea, A.D. 325, nor at that of Sardica, A.D. 345 ; perhaps on these occasions, as on others of a like kind subse- quently, the immediate motive of his standing aloof was the fear that he might not receive the presidency. Soon, however, was discerned the ad- vantage of the system of appearing by representatives. Such an attitude, moreover, offered the opportunity of frequently holding the balance of power in the fierce conflicts that soon arose, made Eome a retreat for the discomfited ecclesiastic, and her bishop apparently an elevated and un- biased arbiter on his case. It was thus that Athanasius, in his contest3_ with the emperor, found a refuge and protector. "With this elevated position in the esteem of strangers came also domestic dignity. The prodigal gifts of the rich Eoman ladies had already made the bishopric to be sought after by those who esteem the ease and luxuries of life as well as by the ambitious. Fierce contests arose on the occurrence of vacancies. At the election,of Damasus, one hundred and thirty of the slain lay in the basilica of Sisinnius: the competitors had called in the NECESSITY FOR A StTPEEME PONTIFF. 217 aid of a rabble of gladiators, charioteers, and other ruffians ; nor could the riots be ended except by the iatervention of the imperial troops. It was none too soon that Jerome introduced the monastic system at Eome : there was need of a change to austerity ; none too soon ^^^ ^^^y ^_ that a law against legacy-hunting on the part of the clergy "e«°'«- was enacted : it had become a public scandal ; none too soon that Jerome struggled for the patronage of the rich Eoman women ; none too soon that this stern fanatic denounced the immorality of the Eoman clergy, when even the Bishop Damasus himself was involved in a charge of adultery. It became clear, if the clergy would hold their ground in public estimation against their antagonists the monks, that celibacy must be insisted on. The doctrine of the pre-eminent value of virgin- ity was steadily making progress; but it cost many years of struggle be- fore ^the monks carried their point, and the celibacy of the clergy was compelled. It had long been seen by those who hoped for Eoman supremacy that there was a necessity for the establishment of a definite Necessity for an and ascertained doctrine — a necessity for some apostolic man, ''P<'s'°ii"iieaa. who might be the representative of a criterion of truth. The Eastern system of deciding by councils was in its nature uncertain. The coun- cils themselves had no ascertained organization. Experience had shown that they were too much under the control of the court at Constanti- nople. This tendency to accept the republican decisions of councils in the East, and monarchical ones by a supreme pontiff in the West, Necessity for in reality, however, depended on a common sentiment enter- ponSff. tained by reflecting men every where. Something must be done to check the anarchy of opinion. To show how this tendency was satisfied, it will be sufficient to select, out of the numberless controversies of the times, a few leading ones. A clear light is thrown upon the matter by the history of the Pelagian, Nestorian, and Eutychian heresies. Their chronological period is from about A.D. 400 to A.D. 450. Pelagius was a British monk, who, about the first of those dates, pass- ed through Western Europe and Northern Africa, teaching the The Pelagian doctrines that Adam was by nature mortal, and that, if he had '^^'roversy. not sinned, he nevertheless would have died ; that the consequences of his sin were confined to himself, and did not affect his posterity ; that new-born infants are in the same condition as Adam before his fall; that we are at birth as pure as he was ; that we sin by our own free wUl, and in the same manner may reform, and thereby work out our own salvation ; that the grace of God is given according to our merits. He was repelled from Africa by the influence of St. Augustine, and de- nounced in Palestine from the cell of Jerome. He specially insisted on 218 THE PELAGIAN HERESY. this, that it is not the mere act of baptizing by water that Washes away sin, but that it can only be removed by good works. Infants are bap- tized before it is possible that they could have sinned. On the con- Effect of Peiap- trary, Augustine resisted these doctrines, resting himself on su^erioritr^'^ the words of Scripture that baptism is for the remission of sins. The case of children compelled that father to introduce the doc- trine of original sin as derived from Adam, notwithstanding the dread- ful consequences if they die unbaptized. In like manner also followed the doctrines of predestination, grace, atonement. Summoned before a synod at Diospolis, Pelagius was unexpectedly- acquitted of heresy — an extraordinary decision, which brought Africa and the East into conflict. Under these circumstances, perhaps without a clear foresight of the issue, the matter was referred to Rome as arbiter or judge. In his decision. Innocent I., magnifying the dignity of the Eoman,see and the advantage of such a supreme tribunal, determined in favor of the African bishops. But scarcely had he done this when he died, and his successor, Zosimus, annulled his judgment, and declared the opinions Settlement of the of Pelagius to bc orthodox. Carthage now put herself in by the Africans, an attitude of resistancc. There was danger of a metaphys- ical or theological Punic war. Meantime the wily Africans quietly pro- cured from the emperor an edict denouncing Pelagius as a heretic. Through the influence of Count Valerius the faith of Europe was set- tled ; the heresiarchs and their accomplices were condemned to exile and forfeiture of their estates ; the contested doctrine that Adam was created without any liability to death was established by law ; to deny it was a state crime. Thus it appears that the vacillating papacy was not yet strong enough to, exalt itself above its equals, and the orthodoxy of Europe was forever determined by an obscure court intrigue. Scarcely was the Pelagian controversy disposed of when a new heresy The Nestorian appeared. ISTestorius, the Bishop of Antioch, attempted to controversy, distinguish between the divine and human nature of Christ; he considered that they had become too much confounded, and that "the God" ought to be kept separate from "the Man." Hence it followed that the Virgin Mary should not be regarded as the " mother of God, " but only the ' ' mother of Christ— the God-man." Called by the Emperor Theodosius the Younger to the episcopate of Constantinople, A.D. 427, ISTestorius was very quickly plunged by the intrigues of a dis- appointed faction of that city into disputes with the populace. Let us hear the Bishop of Constantinople himself; he is preaching in The doctrines ^^^ g^sat metropolitan church, setting forth, with all the elo- of Nestoriua. quenog of whlch language is capable, the attributes of the il- limitable, the everlasting, the Almighty God. " And can this God hare a mother ? The heathen notion of a. god born of a mortal mother is THE NESTOEIAN HERESY. 219 directly confuted by St. Paul, who declares febe Lord to be without fa- ther and without mother. Could a creature bear the uncreated ?" He thus insisted that what, was bom of Mary was human, and the divine was added after. At once the monks raised a riot in the city, and Cyril, the Bishop of Alexandria, espoused their cause. Beneath the outraged orthodoxy of Cyril lay an ill-concealed motive, the desire of the Bishop of Alexandria to humble the Bishop of Con- stantinople. The uproar commenced with sermons, epistles, addresses. Instigated by the monks of Alexandria, the monks of Constantinople took up arms in behalf of "the mother of Grod." Again we remark the eminent position of Eome. Both parties turn to her as an arbiter Pope Celestine assembles a synod. The Bishop of Constantinople is or- dered by the Bishop of Eome to recant, or hold himself under excom^ munication. Italian supremacy is emerging through Oriental disputes, yet not without a struggle. Belying. on his influence at court, Nes- torius resists, excommunicates Cyril, and the emperor summons a coun cil to meet at Ephesus. To that council Nestorius repaired, with sixteen bishops and some of the city populace. Cyril collected fifty, together with a rabble of sail- ors, bath-men, and women of the baser sort. The imperial commission- er with his troops with difficulty repressed the tumult of the assembly. The rescript was fraudulently read before the arrival of the overthroiir of Syrian bishops. In one day the matter was completed ; the ^y afSw" Yirgin's party triumphed, and Nestorius was deposed. On '^^• the arrival of the Syrian ecclesiastics, a meeting of protest was held by them. A riot, with much bloodshed, occurred in the Cathedral of St. John. The emperor was again compelled to interfere ; he ordered eight deputies from each party to meet him at Chalcedon. In the mean time court intrigues decided the matter. The emperor's sister was in after times celebrated by the party of Cyril as having been the cause of the discomfiture of ISTestorius : "the Holy Yirgin of the court of woisupofthe Heaven had found an ally of her own sex in the holy virgin "^^^ ^''^■ of the emperor's court." But there were also other very efScient auxil- iaries. In the treasury of the chief eunuch, which some time after there was occasion to open, was discovered an acknowledgment of many pounds of gold received by him from Cyril, through Paul, his sister's son. ISTestorius was abandoned by the court, and eventually exiled to an Egyptian oasis. An edifying legend relates that his blasphemous tongue was devoured by worms, and that from the heats of an Egyp- tian desert he escaped only into the hotter torments of Hell. So, again, in the affair of ISTestorius as in that of Pelagius, Africa tri- umphed, and the supremacy of Eome, her ally or confederate, was be coming more and more distinct. A very important result in this gradual evolution of Eoman- suprem- 220 THE EUTYCHIAN HERESY. . acy arose from the affair of Eutyches, the Archimandrite of a convent of TheEutychian Hionks at Constantinople. He had distinguished himself aa controversy. ^ leader in the riots occurring at the time of Nestorius and in other subsequent troubles. Accused before a synod held in Con- stantinople of denying the two natures of Christ, of saying that if there be two natures there must be two Sons, Eutyches was convicted, and sentence of excommunication passed upon him. This was, however, only the ostensible cause of his condemnation ; the true motive was con- nected with a court intrigue. The chief eunuch, who was his godson, was occupied in a double movement to elevate Eutyches to the see of Constantinople, and to destroy the authority of Pulcheria, the emperor's sister, through Eudocia, the emperor's wife. On his condemnation, Eu- tyches appealed to the emperor, who summoned, at the instigation of the eunuch, a council to meet at Ephesus. This was the celebrated " Eobber Synod," as it was called. It pronounced in favor of the or- thodoxy of Eutyches, and ordered his restoration, deposing the Bishop of Constantinople, Flavianus, who was his rival, and at the synod had been his judge, and also Eusebius, who had been his accuser. A riot ensued, in which the Bishop of Constantinople was murdered by the Bishop of Alexandria and one Barsumas, who beat him with their fists amid cries of "Kill him! kill him!" The Italian legates made their escape from the uproar with difficulty. The success of these movements was mainly due to Dioscorus, the Bishop of Alexandria, who thus accomplished the overthrow of his rivals of Antioch and Constantinople. An imperial edict gave force to the determination of the council. At this point the Bishop of Eome intervened, refusing to acknowledge the proceedings. It was well that Alexandria and Constantinople should be perpetually struggling,' but it was not well that either should become paramount. Dioscorus there- upon broke off communion with him. Rome and Alexandria were at issue. In a fortunate moment the emperor died; his sister, the orthodox Pulcheria, the friend of Leo, married Marcian, and made him emperor. A council was summoned at Chalcedon. Leo wished' it to be in Italy, where no one could have disputed his presidency. As it was, he fell Another advance l^ack ou the aucient policy, and appeared by representa- ttoSgh EutyrM- ti'^es. Dioscorus was overthrown, and sentence pronounced aniam. agaiust Mm, in behalf of the council, by one of the rep- resentatives of Leo. It set forth that " Leo, therefore, by their voice, and with the authority of the council, in the name of the Apostle Peter, the Eock and foundation of the Church, deposes Dioscorus from his episcopal dignity, and- excludes him from all Christian rites and privileges." But, perhaps that no permanent advantage might accrue to Eome EIVALEY OF EOME, CONSTANTINOPLE, AND ALEXANDRIA. 221 from the eminent position she was attaining in these transactions, when most of the prelates had left the councU, a few, who were chiefly of the diocese of Constantinople, passed, among other canons, one The rivalry of to the effect that the supremacy of the Koman see was not Constantinople, in right of its descent from St. Peter, but because it was the bishopric of an imperial city. It assigned, therefore, to the Bishop of Constanti- nople equal civil dignity and ecclesiastical authority. Eome ever re- fused to recognize the validity of this canon. In these contests of Eome, Constantinople, and Alexandria for su- premacy — ^for, after all, they were nothing more than the rivalries of am- bitious placemen for power — the Eoman bishop uniformly came forth the gainer. And it is to be remarked that he deserved to KivaWeaoftue be so ; his course was always dignified, often noble ; theirs biBhopa. exhibited a reckless scramble for influence, an unscrupulous resort to bribery, court intrigue, murder. Thus the want of a criterion of truth, and a determination to arrest a spirit of inquiry that had become troublesome, led to the introduction of councils, by which, in an authoritative manner, theological questions might be settled. But it is to be observed that these councils did not accredit themselves by the coincidences of their decisions on successive occasions, since they often contradicted one another, nor jjatnre of eccieai- did they sustain those decisions only with a moral influence ^^""^ councus. arising from the understanding of man, enlightened by their investiga- tion§ and conclusions. Their human character is clearly shown by the necessity under which they labored of enforcing their arbitrary conclu- sions by the support of the civil power. The same necessity which, in the monarchical East, led thus to the republican form of a council, led in the democratic West to the development of the autocratic papt.1 power ; but in both it was found that the final authority thug appealed to had no innate or divinely derived energy. It was altogether help- less against any one disposed to resist it except by the aid of military or civil compulsion. It was impossible that any other opinion could be entertained of the character of these assemblages by men of practical ability who had been concerned in their transactions. Gregory of Nazianzen, one of the most pious and able men of his age, and who, during a part of its sittings, was president of the Council of Constantinople, A.I). 381, refused subse- quently to attend, any more, saying that he had never known an assem- bly of bishops terminate well ; that, instead of removing evils, they only increased them, and that their strifes and lust of power were not to be described. A thousand years later, Mneas Sylvius, Pope Pius II., speak- ing of another council, observes that it was not so much directed by the Holy Ghost as by the passions of men. Notwithstanding the contradictions and opposition they so frequently 222 NATUBE OF ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCILS. Progresaive va- exhibit, there may be discerned in the decisions of these thought mani- bodics the traccs of an affiliation indicating: the continuous cranci£^* °"" progression of thought. Thus, of the four oecumenical councils that were concerned with the facts spoken of in the preceding pages, that of Nicea determined the Son to be of the same substance with the Father ; that of Constantinople, that the Son and Holy Spirit are equal to the Father ; that of Bphesus, that the two natures of Christ make but one person ; and that of Chalcedon, that these natures remain two, notwithstanding their personal union. But that they failed of their object in constituting a criterion of truth is plainly demonstrated by such simple facts as that, in the fourth century alone, there were thir- teen councils adverse to Arius, fifteen in his favor, and seventeen for the semi-Arians — ^in all, forty-five. From such a confusion, it was nec- essary that the councils themselves must be subordinate to a higher au- thority — a higher criterion, ablie to give to them or refuse to them au- thenticity. That the source of power, both for the council in the East and the papacy in the "West, was altogether political, is proved by al- most every transaction in which they were concerned. In the case of the papacy, this was well seen in the contest between Hilary the Bishop of Aries, and Leo, on which occasion an edict was issued by the Emperor Valentinian denouncing the contumacy of Hilary, and setting forth that, Pontifical pow- " though the sentence of so great a pontiff as the Bishop of er BUBtamed by tt n. -in physical force. Eomo did uot need imperial confirmation, yet that it must now be understood by all bishops that the decrees of the apostolic see should henceforth be law, and that whoever refused to obey the citation of the Eoman pontiff should be compelled to do so by the moderator of the province." Herein we see the intrinsic nature of papal power dis- tinctly. It is allied with physical force. In the (Piidst of these theological disputes occurred that great event Thefauof which I havc designated as marking the close of the age of In- Eome. quiry. It was the fall of Eome. In the Eastern empire the Goths had become permanently settled, having laws of their own, a magistracy of their own, paying no taxes, but contributing 40,000 men to the army. The Visigoths were spread- spread of the ii^g through Greece, Spain, Italy. In their devastations of the barbarians, former couutry, they had spared Athens for the sake of her recollections. The Eleusinian mysteries had ceased. From that day Greece never saw prosperity again. Alaric entered Italy. StiHcho, the imperial general, forced him to retreat. Ehadogast made his invasion. Stilicho compelled him to surrender at discretion. The Burgundians and Vandals overflowed Gaul ; the Suevi, Vandals, and Alans overflow- ed Spain. Stilicho, a man worthy of the old days of the republic, though a Goth, was murdered by the emperor his master. Alaric ap- peared before Eome. It was 619 years since she had felt the presence THE FALL OF ROME. 223 of a foreign enemy, and that was Hannibal. She' still contained 1780 senatorial palaces, the annual income of some of the owners of ^^^"^^^^^ which was $800,000. The city was eighteen miles in circum- by Aiaric"™ ference, and contained above a million of people — of people, as in old times, clamorous for distributions of bread, and wine, and oil. In its conscious despair, the apostate city, it is said, with the consent of the pope, offered sacrifice to Jupiter, its repudiated, and, as it now believed, its offended god. A million of dollars, together with many costly goods, were paid as a ransom. The barbarian general retired. He was insulted by the emperor from his fastness at Eavenna. Altercations and new marches ensued ; and at last, for the third time, Alaric appeared before Eome. At midnight on the 24:th of April, A.D. 410, eleven hundred and sixty-three years from the foundation of the city, the Sa- larian gate was opened to him by the treachery of slaves ; there was no god to defend her in her dire extremity, and Eome was sacked by the Goths. Has the Eternal City really fallen ! was the universal exclamation throughout the empire when it became known that Alaric had taken Eome. Though paganism had been ruined in a national sense, the true Eoman ethnical element had never given it up, but was dying out with it, a relic of the population of the city stUl adhering to the Accusations of the . ancient faith. Among this were not wanting many of the christians. ' aristocratic families and philosophers, who imputed the disaster to the public apostasy, and in their shame and suffering loudly proclaimed that the nation was justly punished for its abandonment of the gods of its forefathers, the gods who had given victory and empire. It became necessary for the Church to iheet this accusation, which, whUe it was openly urged by thousands, was doubtless believed to be true by silent, and timid, and panic-stricken millions. With the intention of defend- ing Christianity, St. Augustine, one of the ablest of the fathers, solemnly devoted thirteen years of his life to the composition of his great work entitled " The City of God." It is interesting for us to remark the tone of some of these replies of the Christians to their pagan adversaries. ' For the manifest deterioration of Eoman manners, and for the im- pending dissolution of the state, paganism itself is responsible. Our po- litical power is only of yesterday ; it is in no manner concerned with the gradual development of luxury and wickedness, which rp^^ christian has been going on for the last thousand years. Your ances- "'''P'y- tors made war a trade ; they laid under tribute and enslaved the ad- jacent nations ; but were not profusion, extravagance, dissipation, the necessary consequences of conquest? was not Eoman idleness the inev- itable result of the filling of Italy with slaves ? Every hour rendered wider that bottomless gulf which separates immense riches from abject poverty. Did not the middle class, in which reside the virtue and 224 PAGAN ACCUSATION AND CHRISTIAN REPLY. Strength of a nation, disappear, and aristocratic families remain, in Eome, whose estates in Syria or Spain, Gaul or Africa, equaled, nay, even ex- ceeded in extent and revenue illustrious, kingdoms, provinces for the an- nexation of which the republic of old had decreed triumphs? Was there not in the streets a profligate rabble living in total idleness, fed and amused at the expense of the state ? We are not answerable for the grinding oppression perpetrated on the rural populations until they have been driven to despair, their numbers so diminishing as to warn ' us that there is danger of their being extinguished. We did not sug- gest to the Emperor Trajan to abandon Dacia, and neglect that policy which fixed the boundaries of the empire at strong military posts. We did not suggest to Caracalla to admit all sorts of people to Eoman citi- zenship, nor dislocate the population by a wild pursuit of civil offices or the discharge of military duties. We did not crowd Italy with slaves, nor make those miserable men more degraded than the beasts of the field, compelling them to labors which are the business of the brutes. We have taught and practiced a very different doctrine from that. We did not nightly put into irons the population of provinces and cities re- duced to bondage. We are not responsible for the inevitable insurrec tions, poisonings, assassinations, vengeance. We did not bring on that state of things in which a man having a patrimony found it his best in- terest to abandon it without compensation and flee. We did not de- moralize the populace by providing them food, games, races, theatres; we have been persecuted because we would not set our feet in a theatre. We did not ruin the senate and aristocracy by sacrificing every thing, even ourselves, for the Julian family. We did not neutralize the le- gions by setting them to fight against one another. We were not the first to degrade Eome ; Dioclesian, who persecuted us, gave the exam- ple by establishing his residence at Nicomedia. As to the sentiment of patriotism of which you vaunt, was it not destroyed by your own em- perors? When they had made Eoman citizens of Gauls and Egyp- tians, Africans and Huns, Spaniards and Syrians, how could they expect that such a motley crew would remain true to the interests of an Mian town, and that town their hated oppressor. Patriotism depends on concentration ; it can not bear diffusion. Something more than such a worldly tie was wanted to bind the diverse nations together; they have found it in Christianity. A common language imparts community' of thought and feeling ; but what was to be expected when Greek is the language of one half of the ruling classes, and Latin of the other? we say nothing of the thousand unintelligible forms of speech in use throughout the Eoman world. The fall of the senate preceded, by a few years, the origin of Christianity ; you will not surely say that we were the inciters of the usurpations of the Caesars ? What have we had to do with the army, that engine of violence, which in ninety-two years gave you thirty-two THE WORKS OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 225 emperors and twenty-seven pretenders to the throne ? We did not sug- gest to the Praetorian Guards to put up the empire at auction. ' Can you really wonder that all this should come to an end ? We do not wonder'; on the contrary, we thank God for it. It is time that the human race had rest. The sighing of the prisoner, the prayer of the captive, are heard at last. Yet the judgment has been tempered with mercy. Had the pagan Ehadogast taken Eome, not a life would have been spared, no stone left on another. The Christian Alaric, though a Goth, respects his Christian brethren, and for their sakes you are saved. As to the gods, those daemons in whom you trust, did they always save you from calamity ? How long did Hannibal insult them ? Was it a goose or a god that saved the Capitol from Brennus ? Where were the gods' in all the defeats, some of them but recent, of the pagan emperors? It is well that the purple Babylon has fallen, the harlot who was drunk with the blood of nations. 'In the place of this earthly city, this vaunted mistress of the world, whose fall closes a long career of superstition and sin, there shall arise "the City of God." The purifying fire of the barbarian shall remove her heathenish defilements, and make her fit for the kingdom of Christ. Instead of a thousand years of that night of crime, to which in your de- spair you look back, there is before her the day of the millennium, pre- dicted by the prophets of old. In her regenerated walls there shall be no taint of sin, but righteousness and peace ; no stain of the vanities of the world, no conflicts of ambition, no sordid hunger for gold, no lust of glory, no desire for domination, but holiness to the Lord.' Of those who in such sentiments defended the cause of the new relig- ion St. Augustine was the chief. In his great work, "the st AuguBtme's City of God," which may be regarded as the ablest specimen "c'tyfoo^-" of the early Christian literature, he pursues this theme, if not in the lan- guage, at least in the spirit here presented, and through a copious detail of many books. On the later Christianity of the Western churches he has exerted more influence than any other of the fathers. To him is due much of the precision of our views on original sin, total depravity, grace, predestination, election. In his early years St. Augustine had led a frivolous and evil life, plunging into all the dissipations of the gay city of Car- 1,5^^ ^nd writings thage. Through the devious paths of Manichaeism, astrol- "fsfcAugustme. ogy, and skepticism, he at last arrived at the truth. It was not, how- ever, the fathers, but Cicero, to whom the good change was due ; the writings of that great orator won him over to a love of wisdom, wean- ing him from the pleasures of the theatre, the follies of divination and superstition. From his Manichsean errors, however, he was snatched by Ambrose, the Bishop of Milan, who baptized him, together wit^ his il- legitimate son Adeodatus. In his writings we may, without difficulty, P • • • • 226 CRITICISM ON ST. AUGUSTrNE's WOEKS. recognize the vestiges of Magianism, not as regards the duality of God, but as respects the division of mankind — the elect and lost ; the king- doms of grace and perdition, of God and the devil ; answering to the Oriental ideas of the rule of light and darkness. From Ambrose, St. Augustine learned those high Trinitarian doctrines which were soon en- forced in the West. In his philosophical disquisitions on Time, Matter, Memory, this far- famed writer is, however, always unsatisfactory, often trivial. His doc- trine that Scripture, as the Word of God, is capable of a manifold meaning, led him into many delusions, and exercised, in subsequent ages, a most baneful influence on true science. Thus he finds in the Mosaic account of the creation proofs of the Trinity ; that the firmament spoken of therein is the type of God's word ; and that there is a corre- spondence between creation itself and the Church. His numerous books have often been translated, especially his Confessions, a work that has delighted and edified fifty generations, but which must, after all, yield the palm, as a literary production, to the writings of Bunyan, who, like Augustine, gave himself up to all the agony of unsparing personal ex- amination and relentless self-condemnation, anatomizing his very soul, and dragging forth every sin into the face of day. The ecclesiastical influence of St. Augustine has so completely eclipsed his political biography that but little attention has been given to his conduct in the interesting time in which he lived. Sismondi recalls to his disadvantage that he was the friend of Count Boniface, who invited Genseric and his Vandals into Africa; the bloody consequences of that conspiracy can not be exaggerated. It was through him that the count's name has been transmitted to posterity without infamy. Boniface was with him when he died, at Hippo, August 28th, A.D. 430. When Eome thus fell before Alaric, so far from the provincial Chris- Propitious effect ti^°s bewailing her misfortune, they actually gloried in it. of Aiaric's siege, rpj^gy critically distinguished between the downfall of the purple pagan harlot and the untouched city of God. The vengeance of the Goth had fallen on the temples, but the churches had been spared. Though in subsequent and not very distant calamities of the city these triumphant distinctions could scarcely be maintained, there can be no doubt that that catastrophe singularly developed papal power. The abasement of the ancient aristocracy brought into relief the bishop. It has been truly said that, as Eome rose from her ruins, the bishop was discerned to be her most conspicuous man. Most opportunely, at this period Jerome had completed his Latin translation of the Bible. The Vulgate henceforth became the ecclesiastical authority of the West. The influence of the heathen classics, which that austere anchorite had in early life admired, but had vainly attempted to free himself from by unremitting nocturnal flagellations, appears in this great version. It ANALOGY BETWEEN ECCLESIASTICAL AND CIVIL PEOGKESS. 227 came at a critical moment for the West. In the politic non-committal- ism of Eome, it was not expedient that a pope should be an author. The Vulgate was all that the times required. Henceforth the East might occupy herself in the harmless fabrication of creeds and of here- sies; the West could develop her practical talent in the much more im- portant organization of ecclesiastical power. Doubtless not without interest will the reader of these pages remark how closely the process of ecclesiastical events resembles that of civil. In both there is an irresistible tendency to the concentration of power. As in Eoman history we have seen a few families, and, indeed, at last, one man grasp the influence which in earlier times was disseminated among the people, so in the Church the congregations are quickly found in subordination to their bishops, and these, in their turn, succumbing to aperpetually diminishing number of their compeers. In the The fate of the period we are now considering, the minor episcopates, such as bishops, those of Jerusalem, Antioch, Carthage, had virtually lost their pristine force, every thing having converged into the three great sees of Con- stantinople, Alexandria, and Eome. The history of the time is a record of the desperate struggles of the three chief bishops for supremacy. In this conflict Eome possessed many advantages ; the two others were more immediately under the control of the imperial government, the clashing of interests between them more frequent, their rivalry more bitter. The control of ecclesiastical power was hence perpetually in Eome, though she was, both pohtically and intellectually, inferior to her competitors. As of old, there was a triumvirate in the world destined to concentrate into a despotism. And, as if to remind men that the principles involved in the movements of the Church are of the same na- ture as those involved in the movements of the state, the resemblances here pointed out are sometimes singularly illustrated in trifling details. The Bishop of Alexandria was not the first triumvir who came to an untimely end on the banks of the Nile ; the Eoman pontiff was not the first who consolidated his power by the aid of Gallic legions. 228 THE AGE OF FAITH ES^ THE EAST. CHAPTBE X. THE EUROPEAN AGE OF FAITH. , AGE OF PAITH DJ THE EAST. Consolidation of the Byzantine System, or the Union of Church and State. — The consequent Par gamsation of Religion and Persecution of Philosophy. Political Necessity for the Enforcement of Patristidsm, or Science of the Fathers, — ItspeaiSar Doctrines. Obliteration of the Vestiges of Greek Knowledge Try Patristidsm. — The Libraries and SemjAm of Alexandria, — Destruction of the latter by Theodosius. — Death ofHypatia.^Extinctionof Learning in the East by Cyril, his Associates and Successors. The policy of Constantine tlie Great inevitably tended to the pagan- ization of Christianity. An incorporation of its pure doctrines with de- caying pagan ideas was the necessary consequence of the control that had been attained by unscrupulous politicians and placemen. The faith, The age of/ tl^^s Contaminated, gained a more general and ready popular Faith. acceptance, but at the cost of a new lease of life to those ideas. So thorough was the adulteration that it was not until the EeformatioD, a period of more than a thousand years, that a separation of the true from the false could be accomplished. Considering how many nations were involved in these events, and the length of time over which they extend, a clear treatment of the sub- subdmsion of j^ct requires its subdivision. I shall therefore speak, 1st, of the Bubject. tj^g ^ge of pa,ith in the East ; 2d, of the Age of Faith in the "West. The former was closed prematurely by the Mohammedan con- quest ; the latter, after undergoing slow metamorphosis, passed into the European Age of Eeason during the pontificate of Nicolas V. In this and the following chapter I shall therefore treat of the age of Faith in the East, and of the catastrophe that closed it. I shall then turn to the Age of Faith in the "West — a long but an instructive story. The paganization of religion was in no small degree assisted by the The paganiza- influence of the females of the court of Constantinople. It anity. ' soou manifested all the essential features of a true mythol- ogy and hero-worship. Helena, the empress-mother, superintended the building of monumental churches over the reputed places of interest in the history of our Savior — those of his birth, his burial, his ascension, A vast and ever-increasing crowd of converts from paganism, who had become such from worldly considerations, and still hankered after won- PAaAJSriZATION OF CHRISTIANITY. 229 ders like those in which their forefathers had from time immemorial be- lieved, lent a ready ear to assertions, which, to more hesitating or better- instructed minds, would have seemed to carry imposture on their very face. A temple of Venus, formerly erected on the site of the Holy Sep- ulchre, being torn down, there were discovered, in a cavern be- Discovery of neath, three crosses, and- also the inscription written by Pilate, and naiis. The Savior's cross, being by miracle distinguished from those of the thieves, was divided, a part being kept at Jerusalem and a part sent to ConstantLaople, together with the nails used in the crucifeion, which were also fortunately found. These were destined to adorn the head of the emperor's statue on the top of the porphyry pillar. The wood of the cross, moreover, displayed a property of growth, and hence furnish- ed an abundant supply for the demands of pilgrims, and an unfailing source of pecuniary profit to its possessors. In the course of subsequent years there was accumulated iu the various churches of Europe, from this particular relic, a sufficiency to have constructed many hundred crosses. The age that could accept such a prodigy, of course found no difficulty in the vision of Constantino and the story of the Labarum. Such was the tendency of the times to adulterate Christianity with the spirit of paganism, partly to conciliate the prejudices of Poutioai causes worldly converts, partly in the hope of securing its more ofpaganization. rapid spread. There is a solemnity ia the truthful accusation which Faustus makes to Augustine: "You have substituted your agapse for the sacrifices of the pagans ; for their idols your martyrs, whom you serve with the very same honors. You appease the shades of the dead with wine and feasts; you celebrate the solemn festivals of the Gentiles, their calends and their solstices ; and as to their manners, those you have retained without any alteration. Nothing distinguishes you from the pagans except that you hold your assembUes apart from them." As we have seen in the last chapter, the course of political affiairs had detached the power of the state from the philosophical and polytheistic parties. Joined to the new movement, it was not long before it gave ■significant proofs of the sincerity of its friendship by commencing an active persecution of the remnant of philosophy. It is to be Eeiati™ action borne in mind that the direction of the proselytism, which pMol*h^* was thus leading to important results, was from below upward through society. As to philosophy, its action had been in the other direction; its depository in the few enlightened, in the few educated; its course, socially, from above downward. Under these circumstances, it was ob- vious enough that the prejudices of the ignorant populace would find, in the end, a full expression ; that learning would have no considera- tion shown to it, or be denounced as mere magic ; that philosophy would be looked upon as a vain, and therefore sinful pursuit. When once a political aspirant has bidden with the multitude for power, and still de- 230 PERSECUTION OP PHILOSOPHY. pends on their pleasure fot effective support, it is no easy thing to refuse their wishes or hold back from their demands. Even Constantine him- The emperors re- self felt the prcssurc of the influence to which he was allied aist their ecclesi- , ^ „ , i i • r • -i r^ ' asticaiauies. and was Compelled to surrender ms inend Sopater, the philosopher, who was accused of binding the winds in an adverse quar- ter by the influence of magic, so that the corn-ships could not reach Con- stantinople ;' and the emperor was obliged to give orders for his decapi- tation to satisfy the clamors in the theatre. Not that such requisitions were submitted to without a struggle, or that succeeding sovereigns were willing to make their dignity tacitly subordinate to ecclesiastical domi- nation. It was the aim of Constantine to make theology a branch of politics ; it was the hope of every bishop in the empire to make pohtics a branch of theology. Already, however, it was apparent that the ec- clesiastical party would, in the end, get the upper hand, and that the reluctance of some of the emperors to obey its behests was merely the revolt of individual minds, and therefore ephemeral in its nature, and that the popular wishes would be abundantly gratified as soon as em- perors arose who not merely, like Constantine, availed themselves of Christianity, but absolutely and sincerely adopted it. Julian, by his brief but ineffectual attempt at the restoration of pagan- ism, scarcely restrained for a moment the course of the new doctrines, The Emperor now Strengthening themselves continually in public estimation, Julian. ^y. incorporating ideas borrowed from paganism. Through the reign of Valentinian, who was a Mcenist, and Valens, who was an Arian, things went on almost as if the episode of Julian had never oc- curred. The ancient gods, whose existence no one seems ever to have denied, were now thoroughly identified with dsemons; their worship was stigmatized as the practice of magic. Against this crime, regarded by Persecutions of his the laws as cqual to treason, a violent persecution arose, successors. Persous rcsortiug to Eome for the purposes of study were forbidden to remain there after they were twenty-one years of age. The force of this persecution fell practically upon the old rehgion, though nominally directed against the black art, for the primary fane- tion of paganism was to foretell future events in this world, and hence its connection with divination and its punishment as magic. But the persecution, though directed at paganism, struck also at what remained of philosophy. A great party had attained to' power under circumstances which compelled it to enforce the principle on which it Necessity of learn- was originally founded. That principle was the exaction ing to the bishops. Qf unhesitating belief, which, though it will answer very well for the humbler and more numerous class of men, is unsuited for those of a higher intellectual grade. The policy df Constantine had opened a career in the state, through the Church, for men of the lowest rank. Many of such had already attained to the highest dignities. A EXTINCTION OP PAGANISM. 231 burning zeal rather tlian the possession of profound learning animated them. But eminent position once attained, none stood more in need of the appearance of wisdom. Under such circumstances, they were tempt- ed to set up their own notions as final and unimpeachable truth, and to denounce as magic, or the sinful pursuit of vain trifling, aU the learning that stood in the way. In this the hand of the civil power assisted. It was intended to cut off every philosopher. Every manuscript that could be seized was forthwith burned. Throughout the Bast, men in terror destroyed their hbraries, for fear that some unfortunate sentence contained in any of the books should involve them and their families in destruction. The universal opinion was that it was right to compel men to believe what the majority of society had now accepted Growth of wgotry as the truth, and, if they refused, it was right to punish ""a ^s^^tMo''- them. No one was heard in the dominating party to raise his voice in behalf of intellectual liberty. The mystery of things above reason was held to be the very cause that they should be accepted by Faith; a sin- gular merit was supposed to appertain to that mental condition in which belief precedes understanding. The death-blow to paganism was given by the Emperor Theodosius, a Spaniard, who, from the services he rendered in this particular, has been rewarded with the title of " The Great." From making i-anaticiam of the practice of magic and the inspection of the entrails of an- Tieoios™- imals capital offenses, he proceeded to the prohibition of sacrifices, A.D. 391, and even the entering of temples. He alienated the revenues of many temples, confiscated the estates of others, some he demolished. The vestal virgins he dismissed, and any house profaned by incense he declared forfeited to the imperial exchequer. When once the property of a rehgious estabhshment has been irrevocably taken away, it is need- less to declare its worship a capital crime. But not only did the government thus constitute itself a thorough auxiliary of the new religion, it also tried to secure it from its own dis- sensions. Apostates were deprived of the right of bequeathing their own property. Inquisitors of faith were established ; they were at once spies and judges, the prototypes of the most fearful tribunal of modem times. Theodosius, to whom the carrying into effect of these measures was due, found it, however, more expedient for himself to institute liv- ing emblems of his personal faith than to rely on any ambiguous creed. He therefore sentenced aU those to be deprived of civil rights, and to be driven into exUe, who did not accord with the belief of Damasus, the Bishop of Eome, and Peter, the Bishop of Alexandria. Those who pre- sumed to celebrate Easter on the same day as the Jews he condenjned to death. " "We will," says he, in his edict, " that all who embrace this creed be called catholic Christians" — the rest are heretics. Impartial history is obliged to impute the origin of these tyrannical 232 PATEISTICISM. and scandalous acts of the civil power to the influence of the clergy, and rf thede™'^ to hold them responsible for the crimes. The guilt of im- these events, pure unscrupulous women, eunuchs, parasites, violent sol- diers in possession of absolute power, lies at tTieir door. Yet human nature can never, in any condition of affairs, be altogether debased. Though the system under which men were living pushed them forward to these iniquities, the individual sense of right and wrong sometimes vindicated itself In these pages we shall again and again meet this personal revolt against the indefensible consequences of system. It was thus that there were bishops who openly intervened between the victim and his oppressor, who took the treasures of the Church to redeem slaves from captivity. For this a future age will perhaps excuse Am- brose, the Archbishop of Milan, the impostures he practiced, remember- ing that, face to face, he held Theodosius the Great to an accountability for the massacre of seven thousand persons, whom, in a fit of vengeance, Massacre at ^^ ^^ murdered in the circus of Thessalonica, A.D. 390, and Tbessaionica. inexorably compelled the imperial culprit, to whom he and all his party were under such obligations, to atone for his crime by such penance as may be exacted in this world, teaching his sovereign "that though he was of the Church and in the Church, he was not above the Church ;" that brute force raust giv^ way to intellect, and that even the meanest human being has rights in the sight of Grod. Political events had thus taken a course disastrous to human knowl- edge. A necessity had arisen that they to whom circumstances, had given the control of public faith should also have the control of public knowledge. The moral condition of the world had thus come into an- tagonism to scientific progress. As had been the case many ages before imroduotion of ^'^ India, the sacred writings were asserted to contain what- patriBtioism. gyg^ .^g^g necessary or useful for man to know. Questions in astronomy, geography, chronology, history, or any other branch which had hitherto occupied or amused the human mind, were now to be re- ferred to a new tribunal for solution, and there remained nothing, to be done by the philosopher. A revelation of science is incompatiblewith any farther advance ; it admits no employment save that of the humble commentator. The early ecclesiastical writers, or fathers, as they are often called, came thus to be considered not only as surpassing all other men in piety, but also as excelling them in wisdom. Their dictum was looked upon as final. This eminent position they held for many centuries ; indeed, it was not until near the period of the Eeformation that they were de- posed. The great critics who appeared at that time, by submitting the Patristic works to a higher analysis, comparing them with one another and showing their mutual contradictions, brought them aU to their proper level. The habit of even so much as quoting them went out of PATBISTIO DOCTRINES. 233 use, when it was perceived that not one of thesa writers could Apology of the present the necessary credentials to entitle Mm to speak with tristioiBm. authority on any scientific fact. Many of them had not scrupled to ex- press their contempt of the things they thus presumed to judge. Thus Busebius says: "It is not through ignorance of the things admired by philosophers, but through contempt of such useless labor, that we think so little of these matters, turning our souls to the exercise of better things." In such a spirit Lactantius holds the whole of philosophy to be "empty and false." Speaking in reference to the heretical doctrine of the globu- lar form of the earth, he says : " Is it possible that men can be so absurd as to believe that the crops and the trees on the other side of the earth hang downward, and that men have their feet higher than their heads ? If you ask them how they defend these monstrosities ? how things do not fall away from the earth on that side? they reply that the nature of things is such, that heavy bodies tend toward the centre like the spokes of a wheel, while Kght bodies, as clouds, smoke, fire, tend from the centre to the heavens on all sides. Now I am really at a loss what to say of those who, when they have once gone wrong, steadily perse- vere in their folly, and defend one absurd opinion by another." On the question of the antipodes, St. Augustine asserts that " it is impossible there should be inhabitants on the opposite side of the earth, since no such race is recorded'by Scripture among the descendants of Adam." Patristicism, or the science of the fathers, was thus essentially found- ed on the principle that the Scriptures contain all knowledge permitted to man. It followed, therefore, that natural events may be interpreted by the aid of texts, and that all philosophical doctrines must ^^ doctrines of be moulded to the standard of orthodoxy. It asserted that ^aTi""™™- God made the world out of nothing, since to admit the eternity of mat- ter leads to Manicheism. It taught that the earth is a plane, and the sky a vault above it, in which the stars are fixed, and the sun, moon, and planets perform their motions, rising and setting ; that these bodies are altogether of a subordinate nature, their use being to give light to man; that stiU, higher and beyond the vault of the sky is heaven, the abode of God and the angelic hosts ; that in six days the earth, and all that it contains, were made ; that it was overwhelmed by a universal deluge, which destroyed aU living things save those preserved in the ark, the waters being subsequently dried up by the wind ; that man is the moral centre of the world ; for him all things were created and are sustain- ed; that, so far from his ever having shown any tendency to improve- ment, he has fallen both in wisdom and worth, the first man, before his sin, having been perfect in body and soul: hence Patristicism ever look- ed backward, never forward ; that through that sin death, came into the world ; not even any animal had died previously, but aU had been immortal. It utterly rejected the idea of the government of the world 234 CBITICISM ON PATEISTICISM. by law, asserting the perpetual interference of an instant Providence on all occasions, not excepting the most trifling. It resorted to spiritual influences in the production of natural effects, assigning to angels the duty of moving the stars, carrying up water from the sea to form rain, and managing eclipses. It affirmed that man had existed but a few centuries upon earth, and that he could continue only a little longer, for that the world itself might be every moment expected to be burned up by fire. It deduced all the families of the earth from one primitive pair, and made them all morally responsible for the sin committed by that pair. It rejected the doctrine that man can modify his own organ- ism as absolutely irreligious, the physician being little better than an atheist, but it affirmed that cures might be effected by the intercession of saints, at the shrines of holy men, and by relics. It altogether repu- diated the improvement of man's physical state ; to increase his power or comfort was to attempt to attain what Providence had denied ; philo- sophical investigation was an unlawful prying into things that G-od had designed to conceal. It declined the logic of the Greeks, substituting miracle-proof for it, the demonstration of an assertion being supposed to be given by a surprising illustration of something else. A wild astrondmy had thus supplanted the astronomy of Hipparchus; the miserable fictions of Eusebius had subverted the chronology of Manetho and Eratosthenes ; the geometry of Eucli& and Apollonius was held to be of no use; the geography of Ptolemy, a blunder; the great mechanical inventions of Archimedes incomparably surpassed by the miracles worked at the shrines of a hundred saints. Of such a mixture of truth and of folly was Patristicism composed. Ignorance in power had found it acceptable to have a false and unpro- gressive science, forgetting that sooner or later the time must arrive Intrinsic weak- when it would be impossible to maintain stationary ideas in triBtic system, a world of which the affairs are ever advancing". A failure to include in the system thus imposed upon men any provision for in- tellectual progress was the great and fatal mistake of those times. Eaxili passing century brought its incompatibilities. A strain upon the work- ing of the system soon occurred, and perpetually increased in force. It became apparent that, in the end, the imposition would be altogether unable to hold together. On a future page we shall see what were the circumstances under which it at last broke down. The wonder-worker who prepares to exhibit his phantasmagoria upon the wall, knows well how much it adds to the delusion to have all lights extinguished save that which is in his own dark lantern. I have It commences T^°^ to relate how the last flickering rays of Greek learning S's^Greek'scI: werc put out ; how Patristicism, aided by her companion ™°°- Bigotry, attempted to lay the foundations of her influence in security. THE LIBRARIES OP ALEXAinORIA. 235 In the reign of Theodosius the Great, the pagan religion and pagan knowledge were together destroyed. This empero]^ was restrained by no doubts, for he was very ignorant, and, it must be admitted, was equal- ly sincere and severe. Among his early measures we find an order that if any of the governors of Egypt so much as entered a tern- j^^f^ „f j^e Em- ple he should be fined fifteen pounds of gold. He follow- p^™ Theodosius. ed this by the destruction of the teinples of Syria. At this period the Archbishopric of Alexandria was held by one Theophilus, a bold, bad man, who had once been a monk of Nitria. It was about A.D.390. The Trinitarian conflict was at the time composed, one party having got the better of the other. To the monks and rabble of Alexandria the tem- ple of Serapis and its library were doubly hateful, partly because of the Pantheistic opposition it shadowed forth against the prevailing doctrine, and partly because within its walls sorcery, magic, and other dealings with the devil had for ages been going on. We have related how Ptol- emy Philadelphus commenced the great library in the aristo- Alexandrian cratic quarter of the city named Bruchion, and added various '"'™*=- scientific establishments to it. Incited by this example, Eumenes, King of Pergamus, established out of rivalry a similar library in his metropo- lis. With the intention of preventing him from excelling that of Egypt, Ptolemy Bpiphanes prohibited the exportation of papyrus, whereupon Eumenes invented the art of making parchment. The second great Alexandrian library was that established by Ptolemy Physcon at the Serapion, in the adjoining quarter of the town. The library in the Bruchion, which was estimated to contain 400,000 volumes, was acci- dentally, or, as it has been said, purposely burned during the siege of the city by Julius Caesar, but that in the Serapion escaped. To make amends for this great catastrophe. Marc Antony presented to Cleopatra the rival library, brought for that purpose from Pergamus. Library of Perga- It consisted *of 200,000 volumes. It was with the library SEOTt^°"° in the Bruchion that the Museum was originally connected ; but after the conflagration thereof, the remains of the various surviving establish- ments were transferred to the Serapion, which therefore was, at the period of which we are speaking, the greatest depository of human knowledge in the world. The pagan Eoman emperors had not been unmindful of the great trust they had thus inherited from the Ptolemies. The temple The tempie of Serapis was universally admitted to be the noblest religious "' Serapis. structure in the world, unless perhaps the patriotic Eoman excepted that of the Capitoline Jupiter. It was approached by a vast flight of steps ; was adorned with many rows of columns ; and in its quadrangu- lar portico — a matchless work of skill — were placed most exquisite statues. On the sciilptured walls of its chambers, and upon ceilings, •were paintings of unapproachable excellence. Of the value of these works of art the Greeks were no incompetent judges. 236 THE SEBAFIOH". The Serapion, with these its precious contents, perpetually gave um- brage to the Archbishop Theophilus and his party. To them- it was a reproach and an insult. Its many buildings were devoted to unknown, and therefore unholy uses. In its vaults and silent chambers the popu- lace believed that the most abominable mysteries were carried on. There were magical brazen circles and sun-dials for fortune-telling in its porch ; every one said that they had once belonged to Pharaoh or the conjurors who strove with Moses. Alas! no one of the ferocious higofe knew that with these Eratosthenes had in the old times measured the size of the earth, and Timocharis had determined the motions of the planet Venus. The temple, with its pure white marble walls, and end- less columns projected against a blue and cloudless Egyptian sky, was to them a whited sepulchre full of rottenness within. In the very sanc- tuary of the god it was said that the priesfe had been known to delude the wealthiest and most beautiful Alexandrian women, who fancied that they were honored by the raptures of the god. To this temple, so well worthy of their indignation, Theophilus directed, the attention of his people. It happened that the Eraperor Constantius had formerly given to the Church the site of an ancient temple of Osiris, and, in digging the foundation for the new edifice, the obscene symbols used in that Worship chanced to be found. With more zeal than modesty, Theophi- lus exhibited them to the derision of the rabble in the market-place. The old Egyptian pagan party rose to avenge the insult. A riot en- Quarrei between susd. One Qlympius, a pMlosopher, being their leader. Their and p^m ta head-quartcrs were in the massive building of the Serapioif Aiexandria. iiQm whcnce issuiug forth they seized whatever Christians they could, compelled them to offer sacrifice, and then killed thein on the altar. The dispute was referred to the emperor, in .the mean time the pagans maintaining themselves in the temple-fortress. In the dead of the night, Olympius, it is said, was awe-stricken by thd sound of a clear voice chanting among the arches and pillars the Christian AUeluiah. Either accepting, like a heathen, the omen, or fearing a secret assassin, Theoaosim orders he oscaped from the temple and fled for his life. On the torn dJw?.°° ° ^ arrival of the rescript of Theodosius the pagans laid dow their arms, little expectiiig the orders of the emperor..- He enjoined that the building should forthwith be destroyed, intrusting the task to the swift hands of Theophilus. His work was commenced by the .pUlage and dispersal of the library. He entered the sanctuary of the god— that sanctuary which was the visible sign of the Pantheism of thi'-East, the memento of the alliance between hoary primeval Egypt and free-tiiinK-. ing Greece, the relic of the statesmanship of Alexander's captains.' , la statue of serapis gloomy silcncc the image of Serapis confronted its assail- ia destroyed. g^^^g_ j^ jg j^ g-^^-j^ ^ momcnt that the value of a religion is tried; the god who can not defend himself is a convicted' sham. The- DESTEUCTION OF THE LIBRARIES. 237 ophilus, undaunted, commands a veteran to strike the image with his battle-axe. The helpless statue offers no resistance. Another blow rolls the head of the idol on the floor. It is said that a colony of fright- ened rats ran forth from its interior. The kingcraft, and priestcraft, and solemn swindle of seven hundred years is exploded in a shout of laughter ; the god is broken to pieces, his members dragged through the streets. The recesses of the Serapion are explored. Posterity is edified by discoveries of the frauds by which priests maintain their power. Among other wonders, a car with four horses is seen suspended near the ceiling by means of a magnet laid on the roof, which being re- moved by the hand of a Christian, the imposture fell to the pavement. The historian of these events, noticing the physical impossibility of such things, has wisely said that it is more easy to invent a fictitious story than to support a practical fraud. But the gold and silver contained in the temple were carefully collected, the baser articles being broken in pieces or cast into the fire. Nor did the holy zeal of TheophUus rest until the structure was demolished to its very foundations — a work of no little labor — and a church erected in the precincts. It must, how- ever, have been the temple more particularly which experienced this devastation. The building in which the library had been contained must have escaped, for, twenty years subsequently, Orosius expressly states that he saw the empty cases or shelves. The fanatic Theophilus pushed forward his victory. The temple at Canopus next fell before him, and a general attack was made on aU similar edifices in Egypt. Speaking of the monks and of the worship of relics, Eu- Perseeuaons of napius says: "Whoever wore a black dress was invested ^eopuius. with tyrannical power; philosophy and piety to the gods were com- pelled to retire into secret places, and to dwell in contented poverty and dignified meanness of appearance. The temples were turned into tombs for the adoration of the bones of the basest and most depraved of men, who had suffered the penalty of the law, and whom they made their gods." Such was the end of the Serapion. Its destruction stands forth an enduring token of the state of the times. In a few years after this memorable event the Archbishop Theophi- lus had gone to his account. His throne was occupied by his nephew, St. Cyril, who had been expressly prepared for that holy and re- st. cyrn. sponsible office by a residence of five years among the monks of Nitria. He had been presented to the fastidious Alexandrians with due precau- tions, and by them acknowledged to be an effective and fashionable preacher. His pagan opponents, however, asserted that the clapping of hands and encores bestowed on the more elaborate passages of his ser- mons w.ere performed by persons duly arranged in the congregation, and paid for their trouble. If doubt remains as to his intellectual en- 238 ST. CYEIL AND HYPATIA. dowments, there can be none respecting the qualities of his heart. The three parties into which the population of the city was divided — Chris- tian, Heathen, and Jew — kept up a perpetual disorder by their disputes. Of the last it is said that the number was not less than forty thousand. The episcopate itself had become much less a religious than an import- ant civil office, exercising a direct municipal control through the Para- bolani, which, under the disguise of city missionaries, whose duty it was to seek out the sick and destitute, constituted in reality a constabulary force, or rather actually a militia. The unscrupulous manner in which Determinea on CvTil made' usc of tMs forcc, diverting it from its ostensible supremacy in. " . . -. i -i i /i i i 11., Alexandria, purposc, IS moicated by the fact that the emperor was obliged eventually to take the appointments to it out of the archbishop's hands, and reduce the number to five or six hundred. Some local circnni' stances had increased the animosity between the Jews and the Chri& Eiota in that tians, and riots had taken place between them in the theatre, city. These were followed by more serious conflicts in the streets and the Jews, for the moment having the advantage over their antago- nists, outraged and massacred them. It was, however, but for a moment for, the Christians arousing themselves under the inspirations of Cyril, a mob sacked the synagogues, pillaged the houses of the Jews, and en- deavored to expel those offenders out of the city. The Prefect Orestes was compelled to interfere to stop the riot ; but the archbishop was not so easily disposed of. His old associates, the Nitrian monks, now justi- fied the prophetic forecast of TheophUus. Five hundred, of those fanat- ics swarmed into the town from the desert. The prefect himself was assaulted, and wounded in the head by a stone thrown by one of them, Ammonius. The more respectable citizens, alarmed at the turn things were taking, interfered, and Ammonius, being seized, suffered death at the hands of the lictor. Cyril, undismayed, caused his body to be trans- ported to the Csesareum, laid there in state, and buried with unusual honors. He directed that the name of the fallen zealot should be changed from Ammonius to Thaumasius, or "the "Wonderful," and the holy mar- tyr received the honors of canonization. In these troubles there can be no doubt that the pagans sympathized with the Jews, and therefore drew upon themselves the vengeance of Cyril. Among the cultivators of Platonic philosophy whom the times Hypatia. had left there was a beautiful young woman, Hypatia, thei daugh- ter of Theon the mathematician, who not only distinguished herself by her expositions of the Neo-Platonic and Peripatetic doctrines, but was also honored for the ability with which she commented on the writings of Apollonius and other geometers. Each day before her door stood a long train of chariots ; her lecture-room was crowded with the wealth and fashion of Alexandria. Her aristocratic audiences were mpre than a rival to those attending upon the preaching of the archbishop, and THE CITY OF ALE2ANDBIA. 239 perhaps contemptuous comparisons were instituted between the philo- sophical lectures of Hypatia and the incomprehensible sermons of Cyril. But if the archbishop had not philosophy, he had what 'on such, occa- sions is more valuable — power. It was not to be borne that a heathen sorceress should thus divide such a metropolis with a prelate ; it was not to be borne that the rich, and noble, and young should thus be carried off by the black arts of a diabolical enchantress. Alexandria was too fair a prize to be lightly surrendered. It could vie with Con- Thedtyof stantinople itself. Into its streets, from the yellow sand-hills ■"«='»°<'^ of the desert, long trains of camels and countless boats brought the abundant harvests of the NUe. A ship-canal connected the harbor of Eunostos with Lake Mareotis. The harbor was a forest of masts. Sea- ward, looking over the blue Mediterranean, was the great light-house, the Pharos, counted as one of the wonders, of the world ; and to protect the shipping from the north wind there was a mole three quarters of a mile in length, with its drawbridges, a marvel of the skill of the Mace- donian engineers. Two great streets crossed each other at right angles — one was three, the other one mile long. In the square where they intersected stood the mausoleum in which rested the body of Alexander. The city was fiill of noble edifices — the palace, the exchange, the Csesa- reum, the halls of justice. Among the temples, those of Pan and Nep- tune were conspicuous. The visitor passed countless theatres, churches, temples, synagogues. There was a time before Theophilus when the Serapion migut have been approached on one side by a slope for car- riages, on the other by a flight of a hundred marble steps. On these stood the grand portico with its columns, its checkered corridor leading round a roofless hall, the adjoining porches of which contained the li- brary, and from the midst of its area arose a lofty pillar visible afar off at sea. On one side of the town were the royal docks, on the other the Hippodrome, and on appropriate sites the Necropolis, the market-places, the gymnasium, its stoa being a stadium long ; the amphitheatre, groves, gardens, fountains, obelisks, and countless public buildings with gilded roofs glittering in the sun. Here might be seen the wealthy Christian ladies walking in the streets, their dresses embroidered with Scripture parables, the Gospels hanging from their necks by a golden chain, Mal- tese dogs with jeweled coUars frisking round them, and slaves with par- asols and fans trooping along. There might be seen the ever-trading, ever-thriving Jew, fresh from the wharves, or busy concocting his loans. But, worst of all, the chariots with giddy or thoughtful pagans hasten- ing to the academy of Hypatia, to hear those questions discussed which have never yet been answered, "Where am I?" "What am I?" "What can I know ?" — to hear discourses on antenatal existence, or, as the vul- gar asserted, to find out the future by the aid of the black art, soothsay- ing by Chaldee talismans engraved on precious stones, by incantations 240 DEATH OF HYPATIA AND SUPPRESSION OF SCIENCE, witli a glass and water, by moonslaine on the walls, by tbe magic mir- ror, the reflection of a sapphire, a sieve, or cymbals; fortune-telling by the veins. of the hand, or consultations with the stars. Cyril at length determined to remove this great reproach, and overturn what now appeared to be the only obstacle in his way to uncontrolled authority in the city. We are reaching one of those moments in whicli great general principles embody themselves in individuals. It is Greek philosophy under the appropriate form of Hypatia ; ecclesiastical ambi- tion under that of Gyril. Their destinies are about to be fulfilled. As Murder of Hypa- Hypatia comes forth to her academy, she is assaulted by tia by cyru. Oyril's mob — an Alexandrian mob of many monks. Amid the fearful yelling of these barelegged and black-cowled fiends she is dragged from her chariot, and in the public street stripped naked. In her mortal terror she is haled into an adjacent church, and in that sa- cred edifice is killed by the club of Peter the Eeader. It is not always in the power of him who has stirred up the worst passions of a fanatical mob to stop their excesses when his purpose is accomplished. With the blow given by Peter the aim of Cyril was reached, but his merciless adherents had not glutted their vengeance. They outraged the naked corpse, dismembered it, and, incredibleto be said, finished their infernal crime by scraping the flesh from the bones with oyster-sheUs, and east- ing the remnants into the fire. Though in his privacy St. Cyril and his friends might laugh at the end of his antagonist, his memory niust bear the weight of the righteous indignation of posterity. Thus, in the 414th year of our era, the position of philosophy in the in- snppreaaion of tcUectual mctropolis of the world was determined ; henceforth science. scieuce must siukinto obscurity and Subordination. Its public existence will no longer be tolerated. Indeed, it may be said that fi-om this period for some centuries it altogether disappeared. The leaden mace of bigotry had struck and shivered the exquisitely tempered steel of Greek philosophy. Cyril's acts passed unquestioned. It was now ascertaiaed that throughout the Eoman world there must be no more liberly of thought. It has been said that these events prove Greek phUosophyto have been a sham, and, like other sha,ms, it was driven out of the world when it was detected, and that it could not withstand the truth. Such assertions might answer their purposes very well, so long as the victors maintained their power in Alexandria, but they manifestly are of incon- venient application after the Saracens had Captured the city.' Howevei these things may be, an intellectual stagnation settled upon the place, an invisible atmosphere of oppression, ready to crush down, morally and physically, whatever provoked its weight. And so for the next two dreary and weary centuries things remained, until oppression and force were ended by a foreign inVader. It was well for the World that the Arabian conquerors avowed their true argument, the cimeter, and made END OF THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE EAST. 241 no pretensions to superhuman wisdom. They were thus left free to pursue knowledge without involving themselves in theological contra- dictions, and were able to make Egypt once more illustrious among the nations of the earth — to snatch it from the hideous fanaticism, ignorance, and barbarism into which it had been plunged. On the shore of the Eed Sea once more a degree of the earth's surface was to be measured, and her size ascertained — but by a Mohanimedan astronomer. In Alexandria the memory of the illustrious old times was to be recalled by the disfcovery of the motion of the sun's apogee by Albategnius, and the third inequality of the moon, the variation, by Aboul Wefa ; to be discovered six centuries later in Europe by Tycho Brahe. The canal of the Pharaohs from the Nile to the Eed Sea, cleared out by the Ptolemies in former ages, was to be cleared from its sand again. The glad desert listened once more to the cheerful cry of the merchant's camel-driver instead of the midnight prayer of the monk. CHAPTER XI PREMATURE END OF THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE EAST. THE TKKEE ATTACKS, VANDAI,, PEESIAN, AKAB. The Vandal Attack leads to the Loss oj" Africa, — Recovery of that Province hy Justinian after great Calamities, The Peksian Attack leads to the Loss of Syria and Fall of Jerusalem, — TTte true Cross car- ried away as a Trophy. — Moral Impression of these Attacks. The Aeab Attack. — Birth, Mission, and Doctrines of Mohammed. — Ea2nd Spread of his Faith in Asia and Africa. — Fall of Jerusalem. — Dreadful Losses of Christianity to Moham- medanism. — The Arabs become a learned Nation. Review of the Koran. — Reflections on the Loss of Asia and Africa hy Christendom. I HAVE now to describe the end of the age of Eaith in the East. The Byzantine system, out of which it had issued, was destroyed Three attacks by three attacks : 1st, by the Vandal invasion of Africa ; 2d, g^^^^SeVy^! by the military operations of Chosroes, the Persian king ; 3d, *™- by Mohammedanism. Of these three attacks, the Yandal may be said, in a military sense, to have been successfully closed by the victories of Justinian, but, polit- ically,- the cost of those victories was the depopulation and ruin of the empire, particularly in the south and west. The second, the Persian attack, though brilliantly resisted in its later years by the Emperor Heraclius, left, throughout the East, a profound moral impression, which proved final and fatal in the Mohammedan attack. No heresy has ever produced such important political results as that of Anus. While it was yet a vital doctrine, it led to the infliction of Q 242 THE VAJJ-DAL ATTACK. The Vandal Unspeakable calamities on the empire, and, though, long ago forgotten, has blasted permanently some of the fairest portions of the globe. When Count Boniface, incited by the intrigues of the pa- trician iEtius, invited Genseric, the King of the Vandals, into Africa that barbarian found in the discontented sectaries his most effectual aid. In vain would he otherwise have attempted the conquest of the country with the 50,000 men he landed from Spain, A.D. 429. Three hundred Conquest of Douatist bishops, and many thousand priests, driven to despair Afnca. -^^ ^i^g persecutions inflicted by the emperor, carrying with them that large portion of the population who were Arian, were ready to look upon him as a deliverer, and therefore to afford him support. The result was the loss of Africa to the empire. It was nothing more than might be expected that Justinian, when he found himself firmly seated on the throne of Constantinople, should make an attempt to retrieve these disasters. The principles which led The reign of ,bim to Hs schems of legislation ; to the promotion of manufac- Justinian, taring interests by the fabrication of sUk; to the reopening of the ancient routes to India, so as to avoid transit through the Pereian dominions ; to his attempt at securing the carrying trade of Europe for the Greeks, also suggested the recovery of Africa. To this important step he was urged by the Catholic clergy. In a sinister but suitable manner, his reign was illustrated by his closing the schools of philoso- phy at Athens, ostensibly because of their afSliation to paganism, but' in reality on account of his detestation of the doctrines of Aristotle and Plato; by the abolition of the consulate of Eome ; by the extinction of the Eoman senate, A.D. 552 ; by the capture and recapture five times of the Eternal City. The vanishing of the Eoman race was thus marked by an extinction of the instruments of ancient philosophy and power. The indigiiation of the Catholics was doubtless justly provoked by the atrocities practiced in the Arian behalf by the Vandal kings of Af- rica, who, among other cruelties, had attempted to silence some bishops by cutting out their tongues. To carry out Justinian's intention of the His reconqueat Tccovery of Africa-, his general Belisarius sailed at midsum- of Africa. jjjgj.^ ^j) 533^ and in November he had completed the re- conquest of the country. This was speedy work, bijt it was followed by fearfiil calamities ; for Dreadful caiam- in this, and the Italian wars of Justinian, likewise under- by him" taken at the instance of the orthodox clergy, the human race visibly diminished. It is afiSj-med that in the African campaign five millions of the people. of that country were consumed; that during the twenty year-s .of the Gothic War Italy lost fifteen millions ; and that the wars, famines, and pestilences of the reign of Justinian diminished the human species by the almost incredible number of one hundred jnillions. • THE PEESIAN ATTACK. 243 It is therefore not at all surprising that in such a deplorable condi- tion men longed for a deliverer, in their despair totally regardless who he might be or from what quarter he might come. .Ecclesiastical par- tisanship had done its work. When Chosroes II., the Persian ^he Persian monarch, A.D. 611, commenced his attack, the persecuted sect- ^"°'°''- aries of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt followed the example of the Af- rican Arians in the Yandal invasion, and betrayed the empire. The revenge of an oppressed heretic is never scrupulous about its means of gratification. As might have been expected, the cities of Asia fell be- fore the Persians. They took Jerusalem by assault, and paii and puiage with it the cross of Christ ; ninety thousand Christians were "f Jerusalem, massacred ; and in its very birthplace Christianity was displaced by Magianism. The shock which religious men received through this dreadful event can hardly now be realized. The imposture of Constan- tine bore a bitter fruit ; the sacred wood that had filled the world with its miracles was detected to be a helpless counterfeit, borne off in tri- umph by deriding blasphemers. All confidence in the apostolic powers of the Asiatic bishops was lost ; not one of them could work a wonder for his own Salvation in the dire extremity. The invaders overran Egypt as far as Ethiopia ; it seemed as if the days of Cambyses Triumphs of had come back agaia. The Archbishop of Alexandria found ^•«»"«- it safer to flee to Cyprus than to defend himself by spiritual artifices or to rely on prayers. The Mediterranean shore to Tripoli was subdued. For ten years the Persian standards were displayed in view of Constan- tinople. At one time Heraclius had determined to abandon that city, and make Carthage the metropolis of the empire. His intention was defeated by the combination of the patriarch, who dreaded the loss of his position ; of the aristocracy, who foresaw their own ruiii ; and of the people, who would be deprived of their largesses and shows. Africa was more truly Eoman than any other of the provinces ; it was there that Latin was last used. But when the vengeance of the heretical sects was satisfied, they found that they had only changed the tyrant without escaping the tyranny. The magnitude of their treason was demonstrated by the facility with which Heraclius expelled the Persians as soon as they chose to assist him. In vain, after these successes, what was passed off for the true cross was restored again to Jerusalem — the charm was broken. The Magian fire had burnt the sepulchre of Christ, and the churches of Themoraiim- Constantine and Helena; the costly gifts of the piety of three tteTevents. centuries were gone into the possession of the Persian and the Jew. Never again was it possible that faith could be restored. They who had devoutly expected that the earth would open, the lightning descend, or sudden death arrest .the sacrilegious invader of the holy places, and had seen that nothing of the kind ensued, dropped at once into dismal 244 MOHAMMED. disbelief. Asia and Africa were already morally lost. The cimeter of the Arabian soon cut the remaining tie. Four years after the death of Justinian, A.D. 569, was born at Mecca, Biith of Mo- ill Arabia, the man who, of all others, has exercised the great- hammed. gg^ influence upon the human race — Mohammed, by Europeans surnamed " the Impostor." He raised his own nation from Fetichism, the adoration of a meteoric stone, and from the basest idol- worship ; he preached a monotheism which quickly scattered to the winds the empty disputes of the Arians and Catholics, and irrevocably wrenched from Christianity more than half, and that by far the best half of her posses- sions, since it included the Holy Land, the birthplace of our faith, and Africa, which had imparted to it its Latin form. That continent, and a very large part of Asia, after the lapse of more than a thousand years, still remain permanently attached to the Arabian doctrine. With the utmost diificulty, and as if by miracle, Europe itself escaped. Mohammed possessed that combination of qualities which more than once has decided the fate of empires. A preaching soldier, he was elo- His preaching, queut in the pulpit, valiant in the field. His theology was simple : " There is but one God." The effeminate SyriaUj lost in Mono- thelite and Monophysite mysteries ; the Athanasian and Arian, destined to disappear before his breath, might readily anticipate what he meant Asserting that everlasting truth, he did not engage in vain metaphysics,, but applied himself to improving the social condition of his people by regulations respecting personal cleanliness, sobriety, fasting, prayer. Above all other works he esteemed almsgiving and charity. With a liberality to which the world had of late become a stranger, he admitted the salvation of men of any form of faith provided they were virtuous^ To the declaration that there is but one God, he added, " and Moham- med is his Prophet." Whoever desires to know whether the event of things answered to the boldness of such an announcement, will do well and title to to examine a map of the world in our own times. He will aposticahip. £^^ ^j^g marks of something more than an imposture. To be the religious head of many empires, to guide the daily life of one third of the human race, may perhaps justify the title of a messenger of God. Like many of the Christian' monks, Mohammed retired to the solitude of the desert, and, devoting himself to meditation, fasting, and prayer, became the victim of cerebral delusion. He was visited by supernatural Hia deiusiona. appearanccs, mysterious voices accosting him as the Prophet of God ; even the stones and trees joined in the whispering. He him- self suspected the true nature of his malady, and. to his wife Chadizah he expressed a dread that he was becoming insane. It is related that, as they sat alone, a shadow entered the room. " Dost thou see aught?" said Chadizah, who, after the manner of Arabian matrons, wore her veil. " I do," said the prophet. Whereupon slie uncovered her face HIS OPPOSITION TO THE EASTERN CHUECHES. 245 and said, " Dost thou see it now ?" "I do not." " Glad tidings to thee, Mohammed!" exclaimed Chadizah: "it is an angel, for he has re- spected my unveiled face; an evil spirit would not." As his disease advanced, these spectral illusions became more frequent ; from one of them he received the divine commission. " I," said his wife, " will be thy first believer;" and they knelt down in prayer together. Since that day nine thousand milhons of human beings have acknowledged him to be a prophet of God. Though,,in the earlier part of his career, Mohammed exhibited a spirit of forbearance toward the Christians, it was not possible but that bitter animosity should arise, as the sphere of his influence extended. He ap- pears to have been unable to form any other idea of the Trinity than that of three distinct erods ; and the worship of the Virgin his gmdaai an- ° ' p •! ■ ■ tagonism to Mary, recently introduced, could not fail to come mto ir- chriatiamty. reconcilable conflict with his doctrine of the unity of God. To his con- demnation of those Jews who taught that Ezra was the Son of God, he soon added bitter denunciations of the Oriental churches because of their idolatrous practices. The Koran is full of such rebukes : "Verily, Christ Jesus, the Son of Mary, is the apostle of God." " Believe, there- fore, in God and his apostles, and say not that there are three gods. Forbear this ; it will be better for you. God is but one God. Far be it from Him that he should have a son." " In the last day, God shall say unto Jesus, Jesus, son of Mary ! hast thou ever said to men. Take me and my mother for two gods beside God? He shall say. Praise be unto thee, it; is not for me to say that which I ought not." Mohammed dis- dains all metaphysical speculations respecting the nature of the Deity, or of the origin and existence of sin, topics which had hitherto exercised the ingenuity of the East. He casts aside the doctrine of the superla- tive value of chastity, asserting that marriage is the natural state of man. To asceticism he opposed polygamy, permitting the practice of it in this life, and promising the most voluptuous means for its enjoy- institution of ment in Paradise hereafter, especially to those who had gain- ^"'ysamy- ed the crowns of martyrdom or of victory. Too often, in this world, success is the criterion of right. The Mo- hammedan appeals to the splendor and rapidity of his career as a proof of the divine mission of his apostle. It may, however, be per- j^^^^^ ^ mitted to a philosopher, who desires to speak of the faith of so ^' ■"*■ large a portion of the human race with profound respect, to examine what were some of the secondary causes which led to so great a political result. From its most glorious seats Christianity was forever expelled : from Palestine, the scene of its most sacred recollections ; from Asia Minor, that of its first churches ; from Egypt, whence issued the great doctrine of Trinitarian orthodoxy ; from Carthage, who imposed her behef on Europe. 246 CAUSES OF Mohammed's success. It is altogether a misconception that the Arabian progress was due to cauBeaofhiB ^^^ sword alon'o. The sword niay change an acknowledged succeaa. national creed, but it can not affect the consciences of men. Profound though its argument is, something far more profound was demanded before Mohammedanism pervaded the domestic life of Asia and Africa, before Arabic became the language of so many different nations. , The explanation of this political phenomenon is to be found in the so- cial condition of the conquered countries. The influences of rehgion in them had long ago ceased ; it had become supplanted by theology— a theology so incomprehensible that even the wonderful capabilities of the Greek language were scarcely enough to meet its subtle demands; the Latin and the barbarian dialects were out of the question. How was it possible that unlettered men, who with difficulty can be made to apprehend obvious things, should understand such mysteries? Yet they were taught that on those doctrines the salvation or damnation of the human race depended. They saw that the clergy had abandoned the guidance of the individual life of their flocks ; that personal virtue or vice were no longer considered ; that sin was not measured by evil works, but by the degrees of heresy. They saw that the ecclesiastical chiefs of Eome, Constantinople, and Alexandria were engaged in a desperate struggle for supremacy, carrying out their purposes by weapons and in ways revolting to the conscience of man. What an example when bish- Civil weaknesa ops are coucemcd in assassinations, poisonings, adulteries, li^ltat^^ie- bhndings, riots, treasons, civil war ; when patriarchs and pri- moraiization. mateg are excommunicating and anathematizing one another in their rivalries for earthly power, bribing eunuchs with gold, and courtesans and royal females with concessions of episcopal love, and in- iluencing the decisions of councils asserted to speak with the voice of God by those base intrigues and sharp practice resorted to by dema- gogues in their packed assemblies ! Among legions of monks, who car- ried terror into the imperial armies and riot into the great cities, arose hideous clamors for theological dogmas, but never a voice for intellect- ual liberty or the outraged rights of man. In such a state of things, what else could be the result than disgust or indifferentism? Certainly men could not be expected, if a time of necessity arose; to give help to a system that had lost all hold on their hearts. When, therefore,, in the midst of the wrangling of sects, in the incom- prehensible jargon of Arians, Nestorians, Eutychians, MonotheUtes, Monophysites, Mariolatrists, and an anarchy of countless disputants, there sounded through the world, not the miserable voice of the in- triguing majority of a council, but the dread battle-cry, " There is but one God," enforced by the tempest of Saracen armies, is it surprising that the hubbub was hushed? Is it surprising that all Asia and Africa THE SAEACEN CONQUESTS. 247 fell away ? vJn better times patriotism is too often made subojdinate to religion ; in those times it was altogether dead. Scarcely was Mohammed buried when his religion manifested its in- evitable destiny of overpassing the bounds of Arabia. The prophet' himself had declared war against the Eoman empire, and, at the head of 30,000 men, advanced toward Damascus, but his purpose ' conqnest of was frustrated by ill health. His successor, Abu-Bekr, the ■""™- first khalif, attacked both the Eomans and the Persians. The invasion of Egypt occurred A.D. 638, the Arabs being invited by the Copts. In a few months the Mohammedan general Amrou wrote to his master, the khalif, "I have taken Alexandria, the great city of the "West." Treason had done its work, and Egypt was thoroughly subjugated. To com- plete the conquest of Christian Africa, many attacks were nevertheless required. Abdallah penetrated nine hundred mUes to Tripoli, but re- turned. Nothing more was done for twenty years, because of the dis- putes that arose about the succession to the khalifate. Then Moawi- yah sent his lieutenant, Akbah, who forced his way to the Atlantic, but was unable to hold the long line of country permanently. Again oper- ations were undertaken by Abdalmalek, the sixth of the Ommiade dy- nasty, A.D. 698 ; his lieutenant, Hassan, took Carthage by storm and de- stroyed it, the conquest being at last thoroughly completed by Musa, who enjoyed the double reputation of a brave soldier and an eloquent preacher. And thus this region, distinguished by its theological acu- men, to which modern Europe owes so much, was forever silenced by the cimeter. It ceased to preach and was taught to pray. In this political result — ^the Arabian conquest of Africa — there can be no doubt that the same element which exercised in the Yandal invasion so disastrous an effect, came again into operation. But, if treason intro- duced the enemy, polygamy secured the conquest. In Egypt the Greek population was orthodox, the natives were Jacobites, more willing to accept the Monotheism of Arabia than to bear the tyranny of the ortho- dox. The Arabs, carrying out their policy of ruining an old metropo- lis and erecting a new one, dismantled Alexandria ; and thus the patri- archate of that city ceased to have any farther political existence in the Christian system, which for so many ages had been disturbed by its in- trigues and violence. The irresistible effect of polygamy in consolida- ting the new order of things soon became apparent. In little more than a single generation 1,he children of the north of Africa were speaking Arabic. During the khalifates of Abu-Bekr and Omar, -and within twelve years after the death of Mohammed, the Arabians' had reduced conquest of syr- thirty-six thousand fortified places in Persia, Syria, Africa, ^ ""* ^'^^ and had destroyed four thousand churches, replacing them with four- teen hundred mosques. In a few years they had extended their rule a 248 THE FALL OF JERUSALEM. thousand^ miles east and west. In Syria, as in Africa, thsjr early suc- cesses were promoted ia the most effectual manner by treachery. Da- mascus was taken after a siege of a year. At the battle of Aiznadin, *A.D. 633, Kalid, " the Sword of God," defeated the army of Heraclius, the Eomans losing fifty thousand men ; and this was soon followed by The fall of the fall of the great cities, Jerusalem, Antioch, Aleppo, Tyre, Jerusalem. Tripoli. On a red camel, which carried a bag of corn and one of dates, a wooden dish, and a leather water-bottle, the Khahf Omar came from Medina to take formal possession of Jerusalem. He entered the Holy City riding by the side of. the Christian patriarch Sophroniug, whose capitulation showed that his confidence was completely lost. The successor of Mohammed and the Eoman emperor both correctly judged how important in the eyes of the natipns was the possession of Jerusa- lem. A belief that it would be a proof of the authenticity of Moham- medanism led Omar to order the Saracen troops to take it at any cost. The conquest of Syria and the seizure of the Mediterranean ports ^ave to the Arabs the command of the sea. They soon took Bhodes and Cyprus. The battle of Cadesia and sack of Ctesiphon, the metrop- olis of Persia, decided the fate of that kingdom. Syria was thus com- pletely reduced under Omar, the second khalif ; Persia under Othman, the third. If it be true that the Arabs burned the library of Alexandria, there was at that time danger that their fanaticism would lend itself to the Byzantine system ; but it was only for a moment that the khalifs fell into The Araha be- this cvil policy. They Very soon became distinguished pa- nation, trons of learning. It has been said that they overran the domains of science as quickly as they overran the realms of their neigh- bors. It became customary for the first dignities of the state to be held by men distinguished for their erudition. Some of the maxims current show how much literature was esteemed. " The ink of the doctor is equally valuable with the blood of the martyr." " Paradise is as much for him who has rightly used the pen as for him who has fallen by the sword." " The world is sustained by four things only : the learning of the wise, the justice of the great, the prayers of the good, and the valor of the brave." Within twenty-five years after the death of Mohammed, under Ali, the fourth khalif, the patronage of learning had become a. settled principle of the Mohammedan system. Under the khalifs of Bagdad this principle was thoroughly carried out. The cultivators of mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and general literature abounded in the court of Almansor, who invited all philosophers, offering them his protection, whatever their religious opinions might be. His successor, Alraschid, is said never to have traveled without a retinue of a hundred learned men. This great sovereign issued an edict that no mosque should be built unless there was a school attached to it. It was he who SAEAOEN CULTIVATION OF SCIENCE. 249 confided the superintendence of his schools to the Nestorian Masu^. His successor, Almaimon, was brought up among Greek and Persian mathematicians, philosophers, and physicians. They continued his as- sociates all his life. By these sovereigns the establishment of libraries was incessantly prosecuted, and the collection and copying of manu- scripts properly organized. In all the great cities schools abounded ; in Alexandria there were not fewer than twenty. As might be expected, this could not take place without exciting the indignation of the old fa- natical party, who not only remonstrated with Almaimon, but threaten- ed him with the vengeance of God for thus disturbing the faith of the people. However, what had thus been commenced as a matter of pro- found policy soon grew into a habit, and it was observed that whenever an emir managed to make himself independent, he forthwith opened academies. The Arabs furnish a striking illustration of the successive phases of national life. They first come before us as fetich worship- Eapiaity of their .. T . rt TT ,.,. „ ..■ intellectual de- ers, having their age or credulity, their object oi superstition veiopment. being the black stone in the temple at Mecca. They pass through an age pf inquiry, rendering possible the advent of Mohammed. Then fol- lows their age of faith, the blind fanaticism of which quickly led them to overspread all adjoining countries; and at last comes their period of maturity, their age of reason. The striking feature of their movement is the quickness with which they passed through these successive phase's, and the intensity of their national life. This singular rapidity of national life was favored by very obvious circumstances. The long and desolating wars between Heraclius and Chosroes had altogether destroyed the mercantile , relations of the Eo- man and Persian empires, and had thrown the entire Oriental and Af- rican trade into the hands of the Arabs. As a merchant Mohammed himself makes his first appearance. The first we hear in his history are the journeys he haS made as the factor of the wealthy Chadizah. In these expeditions with the caravans to Damascus and other Syrian cities, he was brought in contact with Jews and men of affairs, who, from the nature of their pursuits, were of more enlarged views than mere Arab chieftains or the-petty tradesmen of Arab towns. Through such agency the first impetus was given. As to the rapid success, its canseaofthe causes are in like manner so plain as to take away all sur- h'a^^an^ prise. It is no wonder that in fifty years, as Abderrahman '"™- wrote to the khalif, not only had the tribute from the entire north of Africa ceased, through the population having become altogether Mo- hammedan, but that the Moors boasted an Arab descent as their 'great- est glory. For, besides the sectarian animosities on which I have dwelt as facilitating the first conquest of the Christians, and the dreadful shock that had been given by the capture of the Holy City, Jerusalem, the in- 250 THE POLICY OF THE SARACEN'S. siilting and burning the sepulchre of our Savior, and the carrying away of his cross as a trophy by the Persians, there were other very powerful causes. For many years the taxation imposed by the Emperors of Con- stantinople on their subjects in Asia and Africa had been not only ex- cessive and extortionate,- but likewise complicated. This the khalifs re- placed by a simple, well-defined tribute of far less amount. Thus, in the case of Cyprus, the sum paid to the khalif was only half of what it had been, to the emperor ; and, indeed, the lower orders were never made to feel the bitterness of conquest ; the blows fell on the ecclesiastics, not on the population, and between them there was but little sympatiy. In the eyes of the ignorant nations the prestige of the patriarchs and bishops was utterly destroyed by their detected helplessness to prevent the capture and insult of the sacred places: On the payment of a trifling sum the conqueror guaranteed to the Christian and the Jew ab- solute security for their worship. An equivalent was given for a price. Eeligious freedom was bought with money. Numerous instances migM be given of the scrupulous integrity with which the Arab commanders complied with their part of the contract. The example set by Omar on the steps of the Church of the Resurrection was followed by Moawiyah, who actually rebuilt the church of Edessa for his Christian subjects; and by Abdulmalek, who, when he had commenced converting that of Damascus into a mosque, forthwith desisted on finding that the Chris- tians were entitled to it by the terms of the capitulation. K these things were done in the first fervor of victory, the principles on which they de- pended were all the more powerful after the Arabs had become tinctured with Nestorian and Jewish influences, and were a learned nation. It is related of Ali, the son-in-law of Mohammed, and the fourth successor in the khalifate, that he gave himself up to letters. Among his sayings are recorded such as these: " Eminence in science is the highest of hon- ors;" "He dies not who gives life to learning;" "The greatest orna- ment of a man is erudition." When the sovereign felt and expressed such sentiments, it was impossible but that a liberal policy should pre- vail. Besides these there were other incentives not less powerful. To one whose faith sat lightly upon him, or who valued it less than the tribute to be paid, it only required the repetition of a short sentence acknowl- edging the unity of God and the divine mission of the prophet, and lie forthwith became, though a captive or a slave, the equal and friend of his conqueror. Doubtless many 'thousands were under these circum- stances carried away. As respects the female sex, the Arab system was very far from being oppressive; some have even asserted that "the Christian women found in the seraglios a delightful retreat." But above all, polygamy acted most effectually in consolidatirig the con- quests ; the large families that were raised — some are mentioned of more DISINTEGBATION OF THE AEAB SYSTEM. 251 than one hundred and eighty cMldren— compressed into the course of a few years events that would otherwise have taken many generations for their accomplishment. These children gloried in their Arab descent, and, being taught to speak the language of their conquering fathers, be- came to all intents and purposes Arabs. This diffusion of the language was sometimes expedited by the edicts of the khalifsj thus Alwalid I. prohibited the use of Greek, directing the Arabic to be employed in its stead. If thus without difficulty we recognize the causes which led to the rapid diffusion of the Arab power, we also without difficulty recognize those which led to its check and eventual dissolution. Arab conquest implied, from the scale on which it was pursued, the forth- cnuscHof thear. going of the whole nation. It could only be accomplished, medanism. and in a temporary manner sustained, by an excessive and incessant drain of the native Arab population. That immobility, or, at the best, slow progress the nation had for so many ages displayed, was at an end, society was moved to its foundations, a fanatical delirium possessed it, the greatest and boldest enterprises were entered upon without hesita- tion, the wildest hopes or passions of men might be speedily gratified, wealth and beauty were the tangible rewards of valor in this life, to say nothing of Paradise in the- next. But such an outrush of a nation in all directions implied the quick growth of diverse interests and opposing policies. The necessary consequence of the Arab system was subdivi- sion and breaking up. The circumstances of its growth ren- Necessary aism- dered it certain that a decomposition would take place in the Aiab system. political, and not, as has been in the case of the ecclesiastical Eoman system, in the theological direction. All this is illustrated both in the earlier and later Saracenic history. "War makes a people run through its phases of existence fast. It would have taken the Arabs many thousand years to have Effect on the low advanced intellectually as far as they did in a single cen- ^"^"^ °'*"- tury, had they, as a nation,. remained in profound- peace. They did not merely shake off that dead weight which clogs the movement of a na- tion — its inert mass of common people ; they converted that mass into a living force. National progress is the sum of individual progress ; national immobility the result of individual quiescence. Arabian" life was run through with rapidity, because an unrestrained career was opened to every man ; and yet, quick as the movement was, it mani- fested all those unavoidable phases through which, whether its motion be swift or slow, humanity must unavoidably pass. Arabian influence, thus imposing itself on Africa and Asia by mili- tary successes, and threatening even Constantinople, rested es- Ee™»of sentially on an intellectual basis, the value of which it is needful "'«k<»*°- 252 EEVIEW OF THE KORAN. for US to consider. The Koran, which is that basis, has exercised a great control over the destinies of mankind, and still serves as a rule of life to a very large portion of our race. Considering the asserted origin of this book — indirectly from God himself— we might justly expect that it would bear to be tried by any standard that man can apply, and vin- dicate its truth and excellence in the ordeal of human criticisto. In Its asaertedhomo- our estimate of it wc must constantly bear in mind that it geneousnesfl and , /i -i • i • n compieteneaa. docs uot profcss to be successivc rcvelations made at inter- vals of ages and on various occasions, but a complete production deliv- ered to one man. We ought, therefore, to look for universality, com- pleteness, perfection. We might expect that it would present us with just views of the nature and position of this world in which we hve. The characters it ^ud that, whether dealing with the spiritual or the material, tohave*p?eaS"' 1* wouM put to shamc the most celebrated productions of ^^- human genius, as the magnificent mechanism of the heavens andr the beautiful living forms of the earth are superior to the vain con- trivances of man. Far in advance of all that has been written by the ■sages of India or the philosophers of Greece on points connected with the origin, nature, and destiny of the universe, its dignity of concep- tion and excellence of expression should be in harmony with the great- ness of the subject with which it is concerned. We might expect that it should propound with authority, and defini- tively settle those , all-important problems which have exercised the mental powers of the ablest men of Asia and Europe for so many cen- turies, and which are at the foundation of all faith and all philosophy; that it should distinctly tell us in unmistakable language what is God, what is the world, what is the soul, and whether man has any' criterion of truth ; that it should explain to us how evil can exist in a world the Maker of which is omnipotent and altogether good ; that it should re- veal to us in what the affairs of men are fixed by Destiny, in what by free-will ; that it should teach us whence we came, what is the object of our continuing here, what is to become of us hereafter. And, since a written word claiming a divine origin must necessarily accredit itself even to those most reluctant to receive it, its internal evidences becom- ing stronger and not weaker with the strictness of the examination to which they are submitted, it ought to deal with those things that may be demonstrated by the increasing knowledge and genius of man, antic- ipating therein his conclusions. Such a work, noble as may be its ori- gin, must not refuse, but court the test of natural philosophy, regarding it not as an antagonist, but as its best support. As years pass on, and human science becomes more exact and more comprehensive, its conclu- sions must be found in unison therewith. When occasion arises, it should furnish us at least the foreshadowings of the great truths discov- ered by astronomy and geology, not offering for them the wild fictions EEVIEW OF THE KOEAHT. 253 of earlier ages, inventions of the infancy of man. It should tell us how- suns and -worlds are distributed in infinite space, and ho-w, in their suc- cessions, they come forth in limitless time. It should say how far the dominion of God is carried out by law, and ,what is the point at which it is his pleasure to resort to his own good Providence or his arbitrs^ry will. How grand the description of this magnificent universe written by the Omnipotent hand ! Of man it should set forth his relations to other living beings, his place among them, his privileges, and responsi- bilities. It should not leave him to grope his way through the vestiges of Greek philosophy, and to miss the truth at last, but it should teach him wherein true knowledge consists, anticipating the physical science, physical power, and physical well-being of our own times, nay, even un- fcjlding for our benefit things that we are still ignorant of. The discus- sion of subjects, so many and so high, is not outside the scope of a work of such pretensions. Its manner of dealing with them is the only crite- rion it can offer of its authority to succeeding times. Tried by such a standard, the Kora;n altogether fails. In its philoso- phy it is incomparably inferior to the writings of Chakia Mouni, the founder of Buddhism ; in its science it is absolutely worthless. Defects of On speculative or doubtful things it is copious enough; but '^e Koran, in the exact, where a test can be applied to it, it totally fails. Its astron- omy, cosmogony, physiology, are so puerile as to invite our mirth if the occasion did not forbid. They belong to the old times, of the world, the morning of human knowledge. The earth is firmly balanced in its seat by the weight of the mountains ; the sky is supported over it like a dome, and we are instructed in the wisdom and power of God by be- ing told to find a crack in it if we can. Eanged in stories, seven in number, are the heavens, the highesf being the habitation of God, whose throne — for the Koran does not reject Assyrian ideas — is sus- tained by winged animal forms. The shooting stars are pieces of red- hot stone thrown by angels at impure spirits when they approach too closely. Of God the Koran is full of praise, setting forth, often in not unworthy imagery, his majesty. Though it bitterly denounces those- who give him any equals* and assures them that their sin will 1*3 goi never be forgiven ; that in the judgment-day they must answer the fear- ful question, "Where are my companions about whom ye disputed?" though it inculcates an absolute dependence on the mercy of God, and denounces as criminals all those who make a merchandise of religion, its ideas of the Deity are altogether anthropomorphic. He is only a gigantic man living in a paradise. In this respect, though exceptional passages might be cited, the reader rises from a perusal of the 114 chap- ters of the Koran -with a final impression that they have given him low and unworthy thoughts; nor is it surprising that one of the Mohamme- dan sects reads it in such a way as to find no difEculty in asserting that, 254 REVIEW OF THE KORAN. "from the crown of the head to the breast God is hollow, and from the breast downward he is soUd ; that he has curled black hair, and roars like a lion at 6very watch of the night." The unity asserted by Mo- hammed is a unity in special contradistinction to the Trinity of the Christians, and the doctrine of a divine generation. Our Savior is never called the Son of God, but always the son of Mary. Throughout there is a perpetual acceptance of the delusion of the human destiny of the Its views universe. As to man, Mohammed is diffuse enough respecting of man. ^ future State, speaking with clearness of a resurrection, the judg- ment-day, Paradise, the torment of hell, the worm that never dies, the pains that never end ; but, with all this precise description of the future, there are many errors as to the past. K modesty did not render it un- suitable to speak of such topics here, it might be shown how feeble is his physiology when he has occasion to allude to the origin or genera- tion of man. He is hardly advanced beyond the ideas of Thales. One who is so unreliable a guide as to things that are past, can not be veiy trustworthy as to events that are to come. Of the literary execution of his work, it is, perhaps, scarcely possible Its literary infe- to ludgc fairlv from a trauslatiou. It is said to be the old- rioiifcy compared f «-> '' . . i a i i i -n- i with the Bible, est proso compositiou amoug the Arabs, by whom Moham- med's boast of the unapproachable excellence of his work is almost uni- versally sustained ; but it must not be concealed that there have been among them very learned men who have held it in light esteem. Its most celebrated passages, as those on the nature of God, in Chapters 11., XXrV"., will bear no comparison with parallel ones in the Psalms and Book of Job. In the narrative style, the story of Joseph, in Chapter . XII., compared with the same incidents related in Genesis, shows a like inferiority. Mohammed also adulterates his work with many Christian legends, derived probably from the apocryphal gospeV of St. Barnabas; he mixes with many of his own inventions the scripture account of the temptation of Adam, the Deluge, Jonah and the whale, enriching the whole with stories like the later Night Entertainments of his country, the seven sleepers, Gog and Magog, and all the wonders of genii, sor- cery, and charms. An impartial reader of the Koran may doubtless be surprised that so feeble a production should serve its purpose so well. But the theoiy Causes of its of religion is one thing, the practice another. The Koran fluence. abouuds in excellent moral suggestions and precepts ; its com- position is so fragmentary that we can not turn to a single page^rith- out finding maxims of which all men must approve. This fragmentary construction yields texts, and mottoes, and rules complete in themselves, suitable for' common men in any of the incidents of life. There 'is a perpetual insisting on the necessity of prayer, an inculcation of mercy, almsgiving, justice, fasting, pilgrimage, and other good works ; institu- REVIEW OF THE KOEAH". 255 tions respecting conduct both social and domestic, debts, witnesses, mar- riage, children, wine, and the like ; above all, a constant stimulation to do battle with the infidel and blasphemer. For life as it^passes in Asia, there' is hardly a condition in which passages from the Koran can not be recalled suitable for instruction, admonition, consolation, encourage- ment. To the Asiatic and to the African, such devotional fragments are of far more use than any sustained theological doctrine. The men- tal constitution of Mohammed did not enable him to handle important philosophical questions with the weU-balanced ability of the great Greek and Indian writers, but he has never been surpassed in adaptation to the spiritual wants of humble life, making even his fearful fatalism ad- minister thereto. A pitiless destiny is awaiting us ; yet the prophet is uncertain what it may be. " Unto every nation a fixed time is decreed. Death will overtake us even in lofty towers, but God only knoweth the place in which a man shall die." After many an admonition of the res- urrection and the judgment-day, many a promise of Paradise and threat of hell, he plaintively confesses, " I do not know what will be done with you or me hereafter." The Koran thus betrays a human, and not a very noble intellectual origin. It does not, however, follow that its author was, as is j^ j^jg n^. so often asserted, a mere impostor. He reiterates again and ""'^ again, I am nothing more than a public preacher. He defends, not al- ways without acerbity, his work from those who, even in his own life, stigmatized it as a confused heap of dreams, or, what is worse, a forgery. He is not the only man who has supposed himself to be the subject of supernatural and divine communications, for this is a condition of dis- ease to which any one, by fasting and mental anxiety, may be reduced. In what I have thus said respecting a work held by so many millions of men as a revelation from God, I have endeavored to speak with re- spect, and yet with freedom, constantly bearing in mind how deeply to this book Asia and Africa are indebted for daily guidance, how deeply Europe and America for the light of science. As might be expected, the doctrines of the Koran have received many fictitious additions and sectarian interpretations in the course of ages. In the popular superstition angels and genii largely figure. Popular mo- The latter, being of a grosser fabric, eat, drink, propagate i^"° their kind, are of two sorts, good and bad, and existed long before men, having occupied the earth before Adam. Immediately after death, two greenish, livid angels, Monkir and Nekkar, examine every corpse as to its faith ia God and Mohammed ; but the soul, having been separated from the body by the angel of death, enters upon an intermediate state, awaiting the resurrection. There is, however, much diversity of opin- ion as to its precise disposal beforethe judgment-day: some think that .^^it hovers near the grave ; some, that it sinks into the well Zemzem ; 256 POPULAR MOHAMMEDANISM. some, that it retires into the trumpet of the Angel of the Eesurrection; the dif&culty apparently being that any final disposal before the day of judgment wouid be anticipatory of that great event, if, indeed, it would not render it needless. As to the resurrection, some believe it to be merely spiritual, others corporeal ; the latter asserting that the os coo- cygis, or last bone of the spinal column, will serve, as it were, as a germ, and that, vivified by a rain of forty days, the body will sprout from it. Among the signs of the approaching resurrection will be the rising of the sun in the West. It will be ushered in by three blasts of a trum- pet : the first, known as the blast of consternation, will shake the earth to its centre, and extinguish the sun and stars ; the second, the blast of extermination, will annihilate all material things except Paradise, hell, and the throne of God. Forty years subsequently, the angel Israfil will sound the blast of resurrection. From his trumpet there will be blown forth the countless myriads of souls who have taken refuge there- in or lain concealed. The day of judgment has now come. The Koran contradicts itself as to the length of this day ; in one place making it a thousand, in another fifty thousand years. Most Mohammedans incline to adopt the longer period, since angels, genii, men, and animals bare to be tried. As to men, they will rise in their natural state, but naked; white winged camels, with saddles of gold, awaiting the Saved. When the partition is made, the wicked will be oppressed with an intolerable heat, caused by the sun, who, having been called into existence again, will approach within a ,mile, provoking a sweat to issue from tbem, which, according to their demerits, will immerse them from the ankles to the mouth ; but the righteous will be screened by the shadow of the throne of God. The judge will be seated in the clouds, the books open before him, and every thing in its turn called on to account for its deeds, i For the greater dispatch, the angel Gabriel will hold forth his balance, one scale of which hangs over Paradise and one over hell. In these all works are weighed. As soon as the sentence is delivered, the assembly, in a long file, will pass over the bridge Al-Sirat. It is as shaip as the edge of a Sword, and laid over the mouth of hell. Mohammed and his followers will successfully pass the perilous ordeal ; but the sinners, gid- dy with terror, will drop into the place of torment. The Messed will receive their first taste of happiness at a pond which is supplied by sil- ver pipes from the river Al-Cawthor. The soil of Paradise is of musk. Its rivers tranquilly flow over pebbles of rubies and emeralds. From tents of hollow pearls, the Houris, or girls of Paradise, will come forth, attended by troops of beautiful boys. Each saint will have eighty thousand servants and seventy-two girls. To these, some of the more merciful Mussulmans add the wives they have had upon earth ; but the grimly orthodox assert that hell is already nearly filled with women. How should it be otherwise when they are not permitted to pray m * MOHAMMEDAN SECTS. 257 mosque upon earth ? I have not space to describe the silk brocades, the green clothing, the soft carpets, the banquets, the perpetual music and songs. From the glorified body all impurities will escape, not as they did during life, but in a fragrant perspiration of camphor and musk. No one will complain I am weary ; no one will say I am sick. From the contradictions, puerilities, and impossibilities indicated in the preceding paragraphs, it may be anticipated that the faith of Mo- hammed has been broken into many sects. Of such it is said The Moham- that not less than seventy-three may be numbered. Some, as ™e'i«°««*»- the Sonnites, are guided by traditions ; some occupy themselves with philosophical difficulties, the existence of evil in the world, the attri- butes of God, absolute predestination and eternal damnation, the invis- ibility and non-corporeality of God, his capability of local motion ; these and other such topics furnish abundant opportunity for sectarian dis- pute. As if to show how the essential principles of the Koran may be departed from by those who still profess to be guided by it, there are, among the Shiites, those who believe that Ali was an incarnation of God ; that he was in existence before the creation of things ; that he never died, but ascended to heaven, and will return again in the clouds to judge the world. But the great Mohammedan philosophers, simply accepting the doctrine of the oneness of God as the only thing of which man can be certain, look upon all the rest as idle fables, having, how- ever, this political use, that they furnish contention, and therefore occu- pation to disputatious sectarians, and consolation to illiterate minds. Thus settled on the north of Africa the lurid form of the Arabian crescent, one horn reaching to the Bosphorus and one pointing beyond the Pyrenees. For a while it seemed that the portentous meteor would increase to the full, and that all Europe would be enveloped. Chris- tianity had lost forever the most interesting countries over Effect of mo- which her influence -had once spread, Africa, Egypt, Syria, on'cSriJtom" with the Holy Land, Asia Minor, Spain. She was destined, *''• in the end, to lose in the same manner the metropolis of the East. In . exchange for these ancient and illustrious regions, she fell back on Gaul, Germany, Britain, Scandinavia. In those savage countries, what were there to be offered as substitutes for the great capitals, illustrious in ec- clesiastical history, forever illustrious in the records of the human race — Carthage, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch, Constantinople ? It was an evil exchange. The labors, intellectual and physical, of which those cities had once been the scene ; the preaching, and penances, and pray- ers so lavishly expended in them, had not produced the anticipated, the asserted result. In theology and morality the people had pursued a descending course. Patriotism was extinct. They surrendered the state to preserve their sect; their treason was rewarded by subjugation. K 258 THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE "WEST. From these melanclioly events we may learn that the principles on Reflections on which the moral world is governed are analogous to thosp, the course of ..,,.., i • i t^ • a i • historic erents. which Obtain in the pnysical. it is not by incessant divine interpositions, which produce breaches in the continuity of historic ac- tion ; it is not by miracles and prodigies that the course of events is de- termined ; but affairs foUow each other in the relation of cause and ef- fect. The maximum development of early Christianity coincided with the boundaries of the Eoman empire ; the ecclesiastical condition de- pended on the political, and, indeed, was its direct consequence and issue. The loss of Africa and Asia was, in like manner, connected with the Arabian movement, though it would have been easy to pre- vent that catastrophe, and to preserve those continents to the faith by the smallest of those innumerable miracles of which Church hisiaiy is full, and which were often performed on unimportant, and obscure occasions. ' But not even one such miracle was vouchsafad, though an angel might have worthily descended. I know of no event in the history of our race on which a thoughtful man may more profitably meditate than on the loss of Africa and Asia. It may remove from his mind many erroneous ideas, and lead him to take a more elevated, a more philosophical, and, therefore, more correct view of the course of earthly events. CHAPTBE Xn. THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST. Tilt Age of Faith in the West is marked by Pagatasm. — The Arabian military Attacks pro- dvce the Isolation and permit the Independence of the Bishop ofBxyme. , Gkegort the Gkeat organizes the Ideas of his Age, materializes Faith, allies it with Art, rejects Science, and creates the Italian Form of Religion. An Alliance of the Fapacy toith France diffuses that Form. — Political History of the Agremmt and Conspiracy of the Prankish Kings and the Pope. — TTie resulting ConsoUdaiion of Ih new Dynasty in France, and Diffusion of Roman Ideas. — Conversion ofJEurope. The Value of the Italian Form of Religion determined from the papal Biography. From the Age of Faith in the East, I have now to turn to the. Age of Faith in the West. The former, as we have seen, ended prematurely, The Age of Faith through a mctamorphosis of the populations by militaiy in the West. operations, conquests, polygamy; the latter, under more favorable circumstances, gradually completed its predestined phases, and, after the lapse of many centuries, passed into the Age of Season. If so many recollections of profound interest cluster round Jerusalem, "the Holy City" of the East, many scarcely inferior are connected vith Eome, "the Eternal City" of the West. The By^ntine system, which, having- originated in the, polioyofafl POLITICAL EVENTS PEECEDmG IT. 259 ambitious soldier struggling for supreme power, and in the devices of ecclesiastics intolerant of any competitors', had spread itself all over the eastern and southern portions of the Eoman empire, and, n ease^wi^^- •vrith its hatred of human knowledge and degraded relig- Hon of religion. ious ideas and practices, had been adopted at last even in Italy. Not by the Eomans, for they had ceased to exist, but by the medley of Goths and half-breeds, the occupants of that peninsula. Gregory the Great is the incarnation of the ideas of this debased population. That evil system, so carefully nurtured by Constantine and cherished by all the Oriental bishops, had been cut down by the axe of the Vandal, the Persian, the Arab, in its native seats, but the offshoot of it that had been planted in Eome developed spontaneously with unexpected luxuriance, and cast its dark shadow over Europe for many centuries. He who knew what religion had been in the apostolic days, might look with boundless surprise on what was now ingrafted upon it, and was passing under its name. In the last chapter we have seen how, through the Vandal invasion, Afiica was lost to the empire — a dire calamity, for, of all the Effects of the provinces, it had been the least expensive and the most pro- J,n wentolr ductive ; it yielded men, money, and, what was perhaps of ^'^^• more importance, corn for the use of Italy. A sudden stoppage of the customary supply rendered impossible the usual distributions in Eome, Eavenna, Milan. A famine fell upon Italy, bringing in its train an in- evitable diminution of the population. To add to the misfortunes, Attila, the King of the Huns, or, as he called himself, " the Scourge of God," invaded the empire. The battle of Ghalons, the convulsive death- throe of the Eoman empire, arrested his career, A.D. 451. Four years after this event, through intrigues in the imperial family, Genseric, the Vandal king, was invited from Africa to Eome. ^^ and pii- The atrocities which of old had been practiced against Car- ^^"^^"'^^ thage under the auspices of the senate were now avenged. For fourteen days the Vandals sacked the city, perpetrating unheard-of cruelties. Their ships, brought into the Tiber, enabled them to accomplish their purpose of pillage far more effectually than would have been possible by any land expedition. The treasures of Eome, with multitudes of noble captives, were transported to Carthage. In twenty-one years after this time, A.D. 476, the Western Empire became extinct. Thus the treachery of the African Arians not only brought the Van- dals into the most important of all the provinces, so far as Italy was concerned; it also furnished an instrument for the ruin of Effects of the ™ra Eome. But hardly had the Emperor Justinian recon- o'JostmJan- quered Africa when he attempted the subjugation of the Goths now holding possession of Italy. His general Belisarius captured Eome, Dec. 10, A.D. 556. In the military operations ensuing with Vitiges, 260 CONTEMPOEAEY STATE OF EUEOPE. Italy was devastated, the population sank beneath the sword, pestileiwe, famine. In all directions the glorious remains of antiquity were de- stroyed ; statues, as those of the Mole of Adrian, were thrown upon the besiegers of Eome. These operations closed by the surrender of Yitiges to Belisarius at the capture of Eavenna. But, as soon as the military compression was withdrawn, revolt broke 'out. Eome was retaken by the Goths; its walls were razed; for forty days it was deserted by its inhabitants, an emigration that in the end proved its ruin. Belisarius, who had been sertt back by the emperor, re-entered it, but was too weak to retain it. For four years Italy was ravaged by the Franks and the Goths. At last Justinian sent the eu- nuch Narses with a well-appointed army. The Ostrogothic monarchy was overthrown, and the emperor governed Italy by his exarchs at Eavenna. But what was the cost of all this? We may reject the statement previously made, that Italy lost fifteen millions of inhabitants, on the ground that such computations were beyond the ability of the surviv- ors, but, from the asserted number, we may infer that they had passed through a horrible catastrophe. In other directions the relics of civili- zation were fast disappearing ; the valley of the Danube had relapsed into a barbarous state; the African shore had become a wilderness; Detasea ideas of Italy a hideous desert; and the necessa,rv consequence of the incomiiig Age -"^ .. „ i ._t *; ■*■_,, of Faith. the extermmation oi the native Italians by war, and tneir replacement by barbarous adventurers, was the falling of the sparse pop- ulation of that peninsula into a lower psychical state. It was ready for the materialized religion that soon ensued. An indelible aspect was stamped on the incoming Age of Faith. The East and the West had equally displayed the imbecility of ecclesiastical rule. Of both, the Holy City had fallen ; Jerusalem had been captured by the Persian and Arab, Eome had been sacked by the Yandal and the Goth. But, for the proper description of the course of affairs, I must retrace my steps a little. In the important political events coinciding with the death of Leo the Great, and the constitution of the kingdom of Italy by the barbarian Odoacer, A.D. 470-490, the bishops of Eome seem to have steady progress taken but little interest. Doubtless, on one side, they per- premaoy. ' ccived the trausitory nature of sucli incidents, and, on the other, clearly saw for themselves the road to lasting spiritual domina- tion. The Christians every where had long expressed a total careless- ness for the fate of old Eome ; and in the midst of her ruins the popes were incessantly occupied in laying deep the foundations of their power. Though it mattered little to them who was the temporal ruler of Italy, they were vigilant and energetic in their relations with their great com- petitors, the bishops of Constantinople and Alexandria. It had become clear that Christendom must have a head ; and that headship, once defi- EELATIONS OP ROME TO CONSTANTINOPLE. 261 nitely settled, implied the eventual control over the temporal power. Of all objects of human ambition, that headship was best worth strug- gling for. Steadily pursuing every advantage as it arose, Eome inexorably in- sisted that her decisions should be carried out in Constantinople itself. This was the case especially in the affair of Acacius, the bishop of that city, who, having been admonished for his acts by Felix, the Bishop of Eome, was finally excommunicated. A difficulty arose as to the man- ner in which the process should be served ; but an adventurous n^onk fastened it to the robe of Acacius as he entered the church. Acacius, undismayed, proceeded with his services, and, pausing deliberately, or- dered the name of Felix, the Bishop of Eome, to be struck from the roll of bishops in communion with the East. Constantinople and Eome thus mutually excommunicated one another. It is in reference to this affair that Pope Gelasius, addressing the emperor, says : " There are two powers which rule the world, -the imperial and pontifical. HMatttoac You are the sovereign of the human race, but you bow youT emperor. neck to those who preside over things divine. The priesthood is the greater of the two powers ; it has to render an account in the last day for the acts of kings." This is not the language of a feeble ecclesiastic, but of a pontiff who understands his power. The conquest of Italy by Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, A.D. 493, gave to the bishops of Eome an Arian sovereign, and presented to The Gothic con- the world the anomaly of a heretic appointing God's vicar ^"^'^f ^n* upon earth. There was a contested election between two ™''"'^''- rival candidates, whose factions, emulating the example of the East, fill- ed the city with murder. The Gothic monarch ordered that he who had most suffrages, and had been first consecrated, should be acknowl- edged. In this manner Symmachus became pope. Hormisdas, who succeeded Symmachus, renewed the attempt to com- pel the Eastern emperor, Anastasius, to accept the degradation of Aca- cius and his party, and to enforce the assent of all his clergy thereto, but in vain. On the accession of Justin to the imperial throne, Eome at last carried her point ; all her conditions were admitted ; the schism was ended in the humiliation of the Bishop of Constantinople, it was said, through the orthodoxy of the emperor. But very soon began to appear unmistakable indications that for this religious victory a temporal equivalent had been given. "Conspiracies were detected in Th^ emperor Eome against Theodoric, the Gothic king ; and rumors were spte'llS" whispered about that the arms of Constantinople would before '™°- long release Italy firom the heretical yoke of the Arian. There can be no doubt that Theodoric detected the treason: It was an evil iie Gothic reward for his impartial equity. At once he. disarmed the ttom.°'°°'*' population of Eome. From being a merciful sovereign, he exhibited an 262 EFFECT OF THE EECONQTTEST OF ITALY. awful vengeance. It was in these transactions that Boethius, the phi- losopher, and Symmachus, the senator, fell victims to his wrath. The pope, John, himself was thrown into prison, and there miserably died. In his remonstrances with Justin, the great barbarian monarch displays sentiments far above his times, yet they were the sentiments that had hitherto regulated his actions. " To pretend to a dominion over the conscience is to usurp, the prerogative of Grod. By the nature of things, the power of sovereigns is confined to political government. They have no right of punishment but over those who disturb the public peace. The most dangerous heresy is that of a sovereign who separates himself from part of his subjects 'because they believe not according to his be- lief." Theodoric had been but a few years dead — ^his soul was seen by an orthodox hermit carried by devils into the crater of the volcano of Li- pari, which was considered to Tie the opening into hell — when the inva- The conspiracy sion of Italy by Justinian showed how well-founded his sua- matures. picious had been. Eome was, however, very far from re- ceiving the advantages sh6 had expected ; the inconceivable wickedness of Constantinople was brought into Italy. Pope Sylverius, who was the son of Pope Hormisdas, was deposed by Theodora, the emperor's wife; This woman, once a common prostitute, sold the papacy to VigUius for two hundred pounds of gold. Her accomplice, Antonina, the unprinci- Subjugation of pled wifo of Bclisarius, had Sylverius stripped of his robes emperor. and habited as a monk. He was subsequently banished to the old convict island of Pandataria, and there died. VigiKuS embraced Eutyehianism, and, it was said, murdered one of his secretaries, and caused his sister's son to be beaten to death. He was made to feel what it is for a bishop to be in the hands of an emperor ; to taste of the cup so often presented to prelates at Constantinople ; to understand in what estimation his sovereign held the vicar of God upon earth. Compelled to go to that metropolis to embrace the theological views which Justin- ian had put forth, thrice he agreed to them, and thrice he recanted; he excommunicated the Patriarch of Constantinople, and was excommuni- cated by him. In his personal contests with the imperial officials, they dragged him by his feet from a sanctuary with so much violence that a part of the structure was pulled down upon him ; they confined him in a dungeon, and fed him on bread and water. Eventually he died an outcast in Sicily. The immediate effect of the conquest of Italy was the reduction of the popes to the degraded condition of the patriarchs of Constantinople. Such were the bitter fruits of their treason to the Gothic king. The success of Justinian's invasion was due to the clergy; in the ruin they brought upon their country, and the relentless tyranny they drew upon themselves, they had their reward. In the midst of this desolation and degradation the Age of Faith was GREGORY THE GREAT. 263 gradually assuming distinctive lineaments in Italy. Paganization, which, had been patronized as a matter of policy in the East, became a matter of necessity in the West To a man like Gregory the The paganization of Great, born in a position which enabled him to examine ««gi°" p^»^'1»- things from a very general point of view, it was clear that the psychical condition of the lower social stratum demanded concessions in accord- ance with its ideas. The belief of the thoughtful must be alloyed with the superstition of the populace. Accordingly, that was what actually occurred. For the clear under- standing of these events .1 shall have to speak, 1st, of the acts of Pope Gregorv the Great, by whom the ideas of the age were or- Division of the o./ './ •11 • n subjects to be ganized and clothed m a dress suited to the requirements of treated of. the times ; 2d, of the relations which the papacy soon assumed with the kings of France, by which the work of Gregory was consolidated, and upheld, and diifused all over Europe. It adds not a little to the inter- est of these things that the influences thus created have outlasted their original causes, and, after the lapse of more than a thousand years, though moss-covered and rotten, are a stumbling-block to the progress of nations. Gregory the Great was the grandson of Pope Felix. His patrician parentage and conspicuous abilities had attracted in early life Gregory the the attention of the Emperor Justin, by whom he was ap- '''^'■ pointed prefect of Eome. "Withdrawn by the Church from the Splen- dors of secular life, he was sent, while yet a deacon, as nuncio to Con- stantinople. Discharging the duties that had been committed to him with singular ability and firmness, he resumed the monastic life on his return, with daily increasing reputation. Elected to the papacy by the clergy, the senate, and people of Eome, A.D. 590, with well-dissembled resistance he implored the emperor to reject their choice, and, on being refused, escaped from the city hidden in a basket. It is related that the retreat in which he was concealed was discovered by a celestial hover- ing light thai} settled upon it, and revealed to the faithful their reluctant pope. It was during a time of pestilence and famine. Once made supreme pontiff, this austere monk in an instant resumed the character he had displayed at Constantinople, and exhibited the qualities of a great statesman. He regulated the Eoman liturgy, the calendar of festivals, the order of processions, the fashions of sacerdotal garments; he himself officiated in the canon of the mass, devised many solemn and pompous rites, and invented the chant known by his name. He established schools of music, administered the Church revenues with precision and justice, and set an example of almsgiving and charity ; for such was the misery of the times that even Eoman matrons had to accept the benevolence of the Church. He authorized the alienation of Church property for the redemption of slaves, laymen as well as eccle- siastics. 264 INCREASE OF SUPERSTITION. An insubordinate clergy and a dissolute populace quickly felt the hand that now held the reins. He sedulously watched the inferior pas- tors, dealing out justice to them, and punishing all who offended with rig- orous severity. He compelled the Italian bishops to acknowledge him as their metropolitan. He extended his influence to Greece; prohibited simony in Gaul; received into the bosom of the Church Spain, now re- nouncing her Arianism ; sent out missionaries to Britain, and converted the pagans of that country; extirpated heathenism from Sardinia; re- sisted John, the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had dared to take the title of universal bishop ; exposed to the emperor the ruin occasioned by the pride, ambition, and wickedness of the clergy, and withstood him on the question of the law prohibiting soldiers from becoming monks. It was not in the nature of such a man to decline the regulation of po- litical affairs : he nominated tribunes, and directed the operations of troops. No one can shakfe off the system that has given him power ; no one can free himself from the tincture of the times of which he is the rep- His BuperBtition. rcsentativc. Though in so many respects Gregory was far in advance of his age, he was at once insincere and profoundly supersti- tious. "With more than Byzantine hatred he detested human knowl' edge. His oft-expressed belief that the end of the world was at hand, was perpetually contradicted by his acts, which were ceaselessly directed to the foundation of a future papal empire. Under him was sanctified He material- t^^* mythol6gic Christianity destined to become the religion izes religion. q£ jjuropc for many subsequent centuries, and which adopted the adoration of the Virgin by images and pictures soon to adorn mag- nificent churches built to her glory; thei efficacy of the remains of mar- tyrs and relics; stupendous miracles wrought at the shrines of saints; the perpetual interventions of angels and devils in sublunary affairs; the truth of legends far surpassing in romantic improbability the stories of Greek inythology ; the localization of heaven a few miles above the air, and of hell in the bowels of the earth, with its portal in the crater of Lipari. Gregory himself was a sincere believer in miracles, ghosts, and the resurrection of many persons from the grave, but who, alas! had brought no tidings of the secret wonders of that land of deepest shade. He made these wild fancies the actual, the daily, the practical religion of Europe. Participating in the ecclesiastical hatred of human His hatred learning, and insisting on the maxim that " Ignorance is the of learning, ];nother of dcvotion," hc expelled from Eome all mathematical studies, and burned the Palatine library founded by Augustus Csesar. It was valuable for the many rare manuscripts it contained. He forbade the study of the classics, mutilated statues, and destroyed temples. He and ejTuision of hatcd the vcry relics of classical genius ; pursued with vin- ciasBicaianthorB. ^ictivc fanaticism the writings of Livy, against whom hfc CORRUPTIONS OF CHRISTIANITY. 265 was specially excited. "Well has it been said that " he was as inveter- ate an enemy against learning as ever lived;" that "no lucid ray ever beamed on his superstitious soul." He boasted that his own works were written without regard to the rules of grammar, and censured the crime of a priest who had taught that subject. It was his aim to substi- tute for the heathen writings others which he thought less dangerous to orthodoxy ; and so well did he succeed in rooting out of Italy her il- lustrious pagan authors, that when one of his successors, Paul I., sent to Pepin of France "what books he could find," they were "an antiphonal, a grammar, and the works of Dionysius the Areopagite." He was the very incarnation of the Byzantine principle of ignorance. If thus the misfortunes that had fallen on Italy had given her a base population, whose wants could only be met by a paganized religion, the more fortunate classes all over the empire- had long been craanai prep- tending in the same direction. Whoever will examine the aewmenuif progress of Christian society from the earlier ages, will find ""s*™- that there could be no other result than a repudiation of solid learning and an alliance with art. We have only to compare the poverty and plainness of the first disciples with the extravagance reached in a few generations. Cyprian complains of the covetousness, pride, luxury, and worldly-mindedness of Christians, even of the clergy and confessors. Some made no scruple to contract matrimony with heathens, comi Hon of Clement of Alexandria bitterly inveighs against " the vices Christianity. of an opulent and luxurious Christian community — splendid dresses, gold and silver vessels, rich banquets, gilded litters and chariots, and private baths. The ladies kept Indian birds. Median peacocks, mon- keys, and Maltese dogs, instead of maintaining widows and orphans ; the men had multitudes of slaves." The dipping three times at bap- tism, the tasting of honey and milk, the oblations for the dead, the sign- ing of the cross on the forehead on putting on the clothes or the shoes, or lighting a candle, which Tertullian imputes to tradition without the authority of Scripture, foreshadowed a thousand pagan observances soon to be introduced. As time passed on, so far from the state of things improving, it became worse. N"ot only among the frivolous class, but even among historic personages, there was a hankering after the ceremo- mes of the departed creed, a lingering attachment to the old rites, and, perhaps, a religious indifference to the new. To the age of Justinian these remarks strikingly apply. Boethius was, at the best, only a pagan philosopher ; Tribonian, the great lawyer, the author of the Justinian Code, was suspected of being an atheist. In the East, the splendor of the episcopal establishments extorted ad- miration even fi-om those who were familiar with the imperial court. The well-ordered trains of attendants and the magnificent banquets in the bishops' palaces are particularly praised. Extravagant views of 266 ALLIANCE OF THE PAPACY WITH AET. the pre-eminent value of celibacy had long been held among the more devout, who conceded a reluctant admission even for marriage itseE " I praise the married state, but chiefly for this, that it provides virgins," had been the more than doubtful encomium of St. Jerome. Among the Episcopal apien- clergVi who Under the force of this growing sentiment found nes3. it advisable to refrain from marriage, it had become custom- ary, as we learn from the enactments and denunciations against the practice, to live with "sub-introduced women," as they were called. These passed as sisters of the priests, the correctness of whose taste was often exemplified by the remarkable beauty of their sinful partners. ■ A Paganisms of 1^^ of Houorius put an end to this iniquity. The children ctoisuamty. ajig^ug from these associations do not appear to have occasion- ed any extraordinary scandal. At weddings itVas still the custom to sing hymns to Venus. The cultivation of music at a very early period attracted the attention of many of the great ecclesiastics — Paulof Samo- sata, Arius, Chrysostom. In the first congregations probably all the worshipers joined in the hymns and psalmody^ By degrees, however, °it auies it- more skillful performers had been introduced, and the chorus eeiftoart, q£ ^j^g Greek tragedy made available under the form of an- tiphonal singing. The Ambrosian chant was eventually exchanged for the noble Eoman chant of Gregory the Great, which has been truly characterized as the foundation of all that is grand and elevated in mod- ern music. With the devastation that Italy had suffered the Latin language was becoming extinct. But Eoman literature had never been converted to Christianity. Of the best writers among the Fathers, not one was a Eo- man; all were provincials. The literary basis was the Hebrew Scrip- tures and the New Testament, the poetical imagery being, for the most part, borrowed from the prophets. In historical compositions therewas a want of fair dealing and truthfulness to us almost incredible ; thus Eusebius naively avows that in his history he shall omit whaterer and rejects might tend to the discredit of the Church, and magnify what- learning, g^gj, migjit conducc to her glory. The same principle was car- ried out in numberless legends, many of them deliberate forgeries^ the amazing credulity of the times yielding to them full credit, no matter how they might outrage common sense. But what else was to be ex- pected of generations that could believe that the tracks of Phaiaxjhs chariot- wheels were still impressed on the sands of the Bed Sea, and could not be obliterated either by the winds or the waves? He who ventured to offend the public taste for these idle fables brought down upon himself the wrath of society, and bore the brand of an infidel. In the interpretation of the Scriptures, and, indeed, in all commentaries on authors of repute, there was a constant indulgence in fanciful mystifica- tion and the detection of concealed meanings, in the extracting of which ART TYPES OF THE SAVIOE AND VIKGIN. 267 aa amusing degree of ingenuity and industry was often shown ; but these hermeneutical writings, as well as the polemical, are tedious be- yond endurance ; of the latter, the energy of their vindictive violence is not suf&cient to redeem them. The relation of the Church to the sister arts, painting and sculpture, was doubtless fairly indicated at a subsequent time by the painting and second Council of Nicea, A.D. 787 ; their superstitious use »""1p'"«- had been resumed. Sculpture has, however, never forgotten the prefer- ence that was shown to her sister. To this day she is a pagan, emula- ting therein the example of the noblest of the sciences. Astronomy, who bears in mind the great insults she has received from the Church, and tolerates the name of no saint in the visible heavens ; the new worlds she discovers are dedicated to Uranus, or Neptune, or other Olympian divinities. Among the ecclesiastics there had always been many, occa- sionally some of eminence, who set their faces against the connection of worship with art ; thus TertuUian of old had manifested his displeasure against Hermogenes on account of the two deadly sins into which he had fallen, painting and marriage ; but Gnostic Christianity had ap- proved, as Eoman Christianity was now to approve, of their union. To the Gnostics we oWe the earliest examples of our sacred images. The countenance of our Savior, along with those of Pythagoras, Plato, • Aristotle, appears on some of their engraved gems and seals. Among the earlier fathers — Justin Martyn and Tertullian — ^there was the im- pression that the personal appearance of our Lord was ungainly; that he was short of stature ; and, at a later period Cyril says, mean of aspect "even beyond the ordinary race of men." But these unsuitable de- lineations were generally corrected in the fourth century, it Adopts a typi- being then recognized that God could not dwell in an hum- ttoSaAorf ble form or low stature. The model eventually received was perhaps that described in the spurious epistle of Lentulus to the Eoman senate: " He was a man of tall and well-proportioned form ; his countenance se- vere and impressive, so as to move the beholders at once with love and awe. His hair was of an amber color, reaching to his ears, with no ra- diation, and standing up from his ears clustering and bright, and flow- ing down over his shoulders, parted on the top according to the fashion of the Nazarenes. The brow high and open; the complexion clear, with a delicate tinge of red; the aspect frank and pleasing; the nose and mouth finely formed; the beard thick, parted, and of the color of the hair; the eyes blue, and exceedingly bright." Subsequently the oval countenance assumed an air of melancholy, which, though eminent- ly suggestive, can hardly be considered as the type of manly beauty At first the cross was without any adornment; it nest had a lamb at the toot ; and eventually became the crucifix, sanctified with the form of the dymg Savior. Of the Virgin Mary, destined in later times to 268 PAPAL CONSOLIDATION AND INTOLERANCE. and of the furnish SO many transcendently beautiful types of female love- Virgin, jiness, the earliest representations are veiled. The Egyptian sculptors had thus depicted Isis ; the first form of the Virgin and child was the counterpart of Isis and Horus. Si Augustine says her counte- nance was unktiown ; there appears, however, to have been a very early Christian tradition that in complexion she was a brunette. Adventurous artists by degrees removed the veil, and next to the mere countenance added a full-grown figure like that of a dignified Eoman matron ; then grouped her with the divine child, the wise men, and other suggestions of Scripture. While thus the papacy was preparing for an alliance with art, it did not forget to avail itself of the vast advantages within its reach by in- terfering in domestic life — an interference which the social demoraliza- tion of the time more than ever permitted. A prodigious step in pow- er was made by assuming the cognizance of marriage, and the determ- ination of the numberless questions connected with it. Once having conaoiidation of discovcrcd the influence thus gained, the papacy never sur- papal power ia ^^. . /»i . tiieWest. rendered it again; some oi the most important events in later history have been determined by its action in this matter. Per- haps even a greater power accrued from its difesuhiption of the cogni- zance of wills, and of questions respecting the testamentary disposal of property. Though in many respects, at the time we are now considei'- ing, the papacy had separated itself from morality, had become united to Monachigm, and was preparing for a future alliance with pohtical in- fluences and military power ; though its indignation and censures were less against personal wickedness than heresy of opinion, toward which it was inexorable and remorseless, a good effect arose from these as- sumptions upon domestic life, particularly as regards the elevation of the female sex. The power thus arising was re-enforced by a continually- increasing rigor in the application of penitential punishments. As in the course of years the intellectual basis on which that power rested he- came more doubtful, and therefore more open to attack, the papacy he- came more sensitive and more exacting. Pushed on by the influence Roman Church of the lowcr population, it fell into the depths of anthropd- phized, morphism, asserting for the Virgin and the saints such attri- butes as omniscience, omnipresence, omnipotence. Every where pres- ent, they could always listen to prayer, and, if necessary, control or arrest the course of Nature. As it was certain that such doctrines must and necessarily in the end bc overthrowu, the inevitable day was put off by eranr"^'""' an iustant and vindictive repression of anyvrant of conform- ity. Despotism in the state and despotism in the Church were upheld by despotism over thought. From the acts of Pope Gregory the Great, and his organization of the ideas of his age, the paganization of religion in Italy and its alliance POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE OF THE PAPACY. 269 with art, I have now to turn to the second topic to which this chapter is (ievoted — the relations assumed hy the papacy with the origin of the kings of France, by which the work of Gregory was consoli- pajTacy md"" dated and upheld, and diffused all over Europe. ^^'^"™- The armies of the Saracens had wrested from Christendom the west- ern, southern, and eastern countries of the Mediterranean; Military results their fleets dominated in that sea. Ecclesiastical policy had wars, undergone a revolution. Carthage, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch, had disappeared from the Christian system ; their bishops had passed away. Alone, of the great episcopal seats, Constantinople and Eome were left. To all human appearance, their fall seemed to be only a question of time. The -disputes of the Bishop of Eome with his African and Asiatic rivals had thus come to an untimely end. With them nothing more remained to be done ; his communications with the emperor independence at Constantinople were at the sufferance of the Mohammedan <>' ^epope. navies. The imperial power was paralyzed. The pope was forced by events into isolation ; he converted it into independence. But independence ! how was it to be asserted and maintained. In Italy itself the Lombards seemed to be firmly seated, but they were Arian heretics. Their presence and power were incompatible with his. Already, in a political sense, he was at their mercy. One movement alone was open to him; and,' whether he rightly under- stood his position or not, the stress of events forced him to take it. It was an alhance with the Franks, who had successfully resisted the Mo- hammedan power, and who were orthodox. An ambitious Frank officer had resolved to deprive his sovereign of the crown if the pope would sanctify the deed. They came to an un- derstanding. The usurpation was consummated by the one and conse- • crated by the other. It was then the interest of the intru- conditions of his sive line of monarchs to magnify their Italian confederate, ^m^''*''*''^ In the spread of Eoman principles lay the consolidation of the new Frankish power. It became desirable to compel the ignorant German tribes to acknowledge in the pope the vicegerent of God, even though the sword must be applied to them for that purpose for thirty years. * The pope revolted against his Byzantine sovereign on the question of images ; but that was a fictitious issue. He did not revolt against his new ally, who fell into the same heresy. He broke away from a weak and cruel master, and attached himself on terms of equality to a confederate. But from the first his eventual ascendency was assured. The repre- sentative bf a system that is immortal must finally gain supremacy over individuals and families, who must die. Though we can not undervalue the labors of the monks, who had al- ready nominally brought many portions of Europe to Christianity, the 270 CHEISTIANIZATIOK OF EUEOPE. The conversion passEge of the Centre of the Continent to its Age of Faith, of Europe. ^3,8, in an enlarged political sense, the true issue of the em- pire of the Franks. The fiat of Charlemagne put a stamp upon it which it bears to this day. He converted an ecclesiastical fiction into a polit- ical fact. To understand this important event, it is necessary to describe, 1st, the Three points for psycMcal State of Central Europe; 2d, the position of the cojiBideration. pontiff and his compact with the Franks. It is also neces- sary to determine the actual religious value of the system he representa, and this is best done through, 3d, the biography of the popes. 1st. As with the Arabs, so with the barbarians of Europe. They The psychical pass from their Age of Credulity to their Age of Faith with- lope. out dwelling long in the intermediate state of Inquiry. An age of inquiry implies self-iiivestigation, and the absence of an authori- tative teacher. But the Arabs had had the Nestorians and the Jews, and to the Germans the lessons of the monk were impressively dem- onstrated by the convincing argument of the sword of Charlemagne. The military invasions of the south by the barbarians were retaliated by missionary invasions of the north. The aim of the former was to Labors and sue- couquer, that of their antagonists to convert, if antagonists monks. those Can be called who sought to turn them from their evil ways. The monk penetrated through their most gloomy forests un- armed and defenseless; he found his way alone to their fortresses. Nothing touches the heart of a savage so profoundly as the greatness of silent courage. Among the captives taken from the south in war Influence of de- 'w^ere oftcu high-bom women of great beauty and, purity of vout women. ]jiin(j^ and somctimes even bishops, who, true to their relig- ious principles, did not fail to exert a happy and a holy influence on the tribes among whom their lot was cast. One after another the various nations submitted : the Yandals and Gepidse in the fourth cen- tury ; the Goths somewhat earlier ; the Franks at the end. of the fifth; Conversion t^® Alcmanui and Lombards at the beginning .of the sixth ; the of Europe. Bavarians, Hessians, and Thuringians in the seventh and eighth. Of these, all embraced the Arian form except the Franks, who were •converted by the Catholic clergy. In truth, however, these nations were only Christianized upon the surface, their conversion being indi- cated by little more than their naaking the sign of the cross. In all these movements women exercised an extraordinary influence: thus Clotilda, the Queen of the Franks, brought over to the faith her husband Clovis. Bertha, the Queen of Kent, and Gisella, the Queen of Hungary, led the way in their respective countries ; and under similar influences were converted the Duke of Poland and the Czar Jarislaus. To women thus Europe is greatly indebted, though the forms of reUgion at the first were nothing more than the creed and the Lord's prayer. It has CONVEESION OF ENGLAND. 271 been truly said that for these conversions three conditions were neces- sary — a devout female of the court, a national calamity, and a monk. As to the people, they seem to have followed the example of their rulers in blind subserviency, altogether careless as to what the required faith might be. The conversion of the ruler is naively taken by histo- rians as the conversion of the whole people. As might be expected, a faith so lightly assumed at the will or whim of the sovereign was often as lightly cast aside ; thus the Swedes, Bohemians, and Hungarians re- lapsed into idolatry. Among such apostasies it is interesting to recall that of the inhab- itants of Britain, to whom Christianity was first introduced by converBionof the Eoman legions, and who might boast in Constantino the ^"Biand. Great, and his mother Helena, if they were really natives of that coun- try, that they had exercised no little influence on the rehgion of the world. The biography of Pelagius shows with what acuteness theological doctrines were considered in those remote regions ; but, after the decline of Eoman affairs, this promising state of things was destroyed, and the clergy driven by the pagan invaders to the inaccessible parts of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The sight of some English children exposed for sale in the slave-market at Eome suggested to Gregory the Great the attempt of reconverting the island. On his assuming the pontificate, he commissioned the monk Augustine for that purpose ; and after the usual exertion of female influence in the court of King Ethelbert, by Bertha, his Frankish princess, and th6 usual vicissitudes of backsliding, the faith gradually won its way throughout the whole country. A little oppo- sition occurred on the part of the ancient clergy, who retained in their fastnesses the traditions of the old times, particularly in regard to Easter. But this at length disappeared; an intercourse sprang up with Eome, and it became common for the clergy and wealthy nobles to visit that city. Displaying the same noble quality which in our own times charac- terizes it, British Christianity did not fail to exert a proselyting spirit. As, at the end of the sixth century, Columban, an Irish monk irish andBrit- of Banchor, had gone forth as a missionary, passing through nes. France, Switzerland, and beyond the confines of the ancient Eoman em- pire, so ab«ut a century later Boniface, an Englishman of Devonshire, repaired to Germany, under a recommendation from the pope and Charles Martel, and labored among the Hessians and Saxons, cutting down their sacred oaks, overturning their altars, erecting churches, founding bishoprics, and gaining at last, from the hands of the savages, the crown of martyrdom. In the affinity of their language to those of the countries to which they went, these missionaries from the West found a very great advantage. It is the glory of Pope Formosus, the same whose body underwent a 272 ECCLESIASTICAi POLICY OF CHARLEMAGNE. posthumous trial, to have converted the Bulgarians, a people who came from the banks of the Volga. The fact that this event was brought about by a picture representing the judgment-day shows on what tri- fling circumstances these successes turned. The Slavians were convert- ed by Greek missionaries, and for them the monk Cyril invented an alphabet, as Ulphilas had done for the Goths. The predatory Nor- mans, who plundered the churches in their forays, embraced Christiani- ty on settling in Normandy, as the Goths, in like circumstances, had elsewhere done. The Scandinavians were converted by St. Anschar. Thus, partly by the preaching of missionaries, partly by the example of monks, partly by the influence of females, partly by the sword of the Frankish sovereigns, partly by the great name of Eome, Europe was at last nominally converted. The so-called religious wars of Charle- influence of Char- maguc, which lastcd for morc than thirty years, and which events. werc attended by the atrocities always incident to such undertakings, were doubtless as much, so far as he was concerned, of a political as of a theological nature. They were the embodiment of the understanding that had been made with Eome by Pepin. Charlemagne clearly comprehended the position and fanctions of the Church; he never suffered it to intrude unduly on the state. Eegarding it as furnish- ing a bond for uniting not only the various nations and tribes of his empire, but even families and individuals together, he ever extended to it a wise and liberal protection. His mental condition prevented him from applying its doctrines to the regulation of his own life, which was often blemished by acts of violence and immorality. From the point of view he occupied, he doubtless was led to the conclusion that the maxims of religion are intended for the edification and comfort of those who occupy a humbler sphere, and that for -a prince it is only necessary to maintain appropriate political relations with the Church. To him baptism was the sign, not of salvation, but of the subjugation' of people ; and the foundation of churches and monasteries, thg institution of bishoprics, and increase of the clergy, a more trustworthy means of government than military establishments. A priest must necessarily lean on him for support, a lieutenant might revolt. If thus Europe, by its conversion, received from Eome an immense benefit, it repaid the obligation at last by infusing into Latiif Christian- ity what was sadly needed — a higher moral tone. Earnestness is the Keflex action of con- attribute of savagc life. That divorce between morality verted Europe. ^^^ {^^^^ which the southem nations had experienced was not possible among these converts. If, by communicating many of their barbarous and pagan conceptions to the Latin faith, they gave it a tendency to develop itself in an idolatrous form, their influence was not one of unmitigated evil, for while they lowered the standard of pub- lic belief, they elevated that of private life. In truth, the contamination ■i A ' CHARLES MARTEL CHECKS THE SARACENS. 273 ttey imparted is often overrated. The infusion of paganism into relig- ion was far more due to the people of the classical countries. The in- habitants of Italy and Greece were never really alienated from the idol- atries of the old times. At the best, they were only Christianized on the surface. With many other mythological practices," they forced image- worship on the clergy. But Charlemagne, who in this respect may be looked upon as a true representative of Frankish and German senti- ment, totally disapproved of that idolatry. 2d. From this consideration of the psychical revolution that had oc curred in central Europe, I, in the next i^ace, turn to an in- t^/j,"""^?^^"^"^' vestigation of the position of the papacy and its compact with Franks, the Franks. Scarcely had the Arabs consolidated their conquest of Africa when they passed into Spain, and quickly, as will be' related in a subsequent chapter, subjugating that country, prepared to overwhelm Posj^nofthe Europe. It was their ambition and their threat to preach aeena. the unity of God in Kome. They reached the centre of France, but were beaten in the great battle of Tours by Charles Martel, the Duke of the Franks, A.D. 732. That battle fixed the religious destiny of Eu- rope. The Saracens did not, however, give, up their attempt. Three years afterward they returned into Provence, and Charles was himself repulsed. But by this time their power had expanded too extensively for consolidation. It was already giving unmistakable tokens of decompo- sition. Scarcely indeed had Musa, the conqueror of Spain, succeeded in his expedition, When he was arrested at the head of his army and or- dered to give an account of his doings at Damascus. It was the occur- rence of such disputes among the Saracens in Spain that constituted the true check to their conquest of France. Charles Martel had permitted Chilperic II. and Thierry IV. to retain the title of king ; but his fore- sight of approaching events seems to be indicated by the circumstance that after the death of the latter he abstained from appointing any suc- cessor. He died A.D. 741, leaving a memory detested by Eeiations of chaiies the Church of his own country on account of his having MarteitotheChurch. been obliged to appropriate from its property sufficient for the payment of his army. He had taken a tithe from the revenues of the churches and convents for that purpose. The ignorant clergy; alive only to their present temporal interests, and not' appreciating the great salvation he had wrought out for them, could never forgive him. Their inconceiva- ble greed could not bear to be taxed even in its own defense. "It is because Prince Charles," says the Council of Kiersi to one of his de- scendants, " was the first of all the kings and princes of the Franks who separated and dismembered the goods of the Church ; it is for that sole cause that he is eternally damned. We know, indeed, that St.Euche- rius. Bishop of Orleans, being in prayer, was carried up into the world S 274 COMPACT OF PEPIN AND THE POPE. of -spirits, and that among the things which the Lord showed to him, he beheld Charles tormented in the lowest depths of hell. The angel who conducted him, being interrogated on this matter, answered him that, in the judgment to come, the soul and body of him who has taken, or who has divided the goods of the Church, shall be delivered over, even be- fore the end of the world, to eternal torments by the sentence of the saints, who shall sit together with the Lord to judge him. This act of sacrilege shall add to his own sins the accumulated sins of all- those who thought that they had purchased their redemption by giving for the love of God their goods to holy places, to the lights of divine worship, and to the alms Of the servants of Christ." This amusing but instructive quotation strikingly shows how quickly the semibarbarian Frankish clergy had caught the iaethods of Eome in the defense of temporal pos- sessions. Pepin, the son of Charles Martel, introduces U6 to an epoch and a The epoch poHcy resembling in many respects that of Constantino the of Pepin. Qpgat ; for he saw that by an alliance with the Church it would be possible for him to displace his sovereign and attain to kingly power. A thorough understanding was entered upon between Pepin and the pope. Each had his needs. One wanted the crown of France, the, other liberation from Constantinople and the Lombards. Pepin com- menced by enriching the clergy with immense gifts, and assigning to the bishops seats in the assembly of the nation. In thus consolidating ecclesiastical power he occasioned a great social revolution, as was mani- fested by the introduction of the Latin and the disuse of the Frankic on those occasions, and by the transmuting of military reviews into theo- Hia compiracy logical asscmblics. Meantime the Pope Zachary, on his part, with the pope, jjjade Tcady to accomplish his engagement, the chaplain of Pepin being the intermedium of negotiation. On the demand being formally made, the pope decided that " he should be king who really possessed the royal power." Hereupon, in March, A.D. 752, Pepin caused himself to be raised by his soldiers on a buckler and proclaimed King of the Franks. To give solemnity to the event, he was anointed by the bishops with oil. The deposed king, Childeric, was shut up in the convent of St. Omer. Next year Pope Stephen IL, driven to ex- tremity, applied to Pepin for assistance against the Lombards. It was during these transactions that he fell upon the device of enforcing his demand by a letter which he feigned to have been written by St. Peter to the Franks. And now visiting France, the pope, as an earnest of his friendship, and as the token of his completion of the contract, in the monastery of St. Denis, placed, with his own hands, the diadem on Pe- pin's brow, and anointed him, his wife, and children, with "the holy oil, thereby reviving the Jewish system of creating kings by anointment. Its results, and imparting to his confederate " a divine right." Pepin now. CHARLEMAGNE THE EMPEEOE OF THE WEST. 275 finally defeated tlie Lombards, and assigned a part of the conquered territory to tte pope. Thus, by a successful soldier, two important events had been accomplished — a revolution in Prance, attended by a change of dynasty, and a revolution in Christendom — the Bishop of Eome had become a temporal sovereign. To the hilt of the sword of France the keys of St. Peter were henceforth so firmly bound that, though there have been great kings, and conquerors, and statesmen who have wielded that sword, not one to this day has been able, though many have desired, to wrench the encumbranca away. Charlemagne, on succeeding his father Pepin, thoroughly developed his policy. At the urgent entreaty of Pope Stephen III. he The reign of entered Italy, subjugated the Lombards, and united the crown chariemogue. of Lombardy to that of France. Upon the pagan Saxons burning the church of Deventer, he commenced a war with them which lasted thirty-three years, and ended in their compulsory Christianization. As the circle of his power extended, he every where founded churches and established bishoprics, enriching them with territorial possessions. To the petty sovereigns, as they successively succumbed, he permitted the title of counts. True to his own and his father's understanding with the pope, he invariably insisted on baptism as the sign of submission, punishing with appalling barbarity any resistance, as on the occasion of the revolt, A.D. 782, when, in cold blood, he beheaded in one day 4500 persons at Verden. Under such circumstances, it is not to be wondered at that clerical influence extended so fast ; yet, rapid as was its development, the power of Charlemagne was more so. In the church of St. Peter at Eome, on Christmas-day, A.D. 800, Pope Leo III., after the celebration of the holy mysteries, suddenly He is crowned placed on the head of Charlemagne a diadem, amid the ac- w^T"""''^ clamations of the people, " Long life and victory to Charles, the most pious Augustus, crowned by God, the great and pacific Emperor of the Eomans." His head and body were anointed with the holy oil, and, after" the example of the Caesars, the pontiff himself saluted or adored him. In the coronation oath Charlemagne promised to maintain the privileges of the Church. The noble title of "Emperor of the West" was not inappropriate, for Charlemagne ruled in France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Hungary. An inferior dignity would not have been equal to his deserts. Md carries ontws His princely munificence to St. Peter was worthy of the wC^'"*"' great occasion, and even in his noinor acts he exhibited a just apprecia- tion of his obligations to the apostle. He proceeded to make in his do- mmions such changes in the Church organization as the Italian policy required, substituting, for instance, the Gregorian for the Ambrosian chant, and, wherever his priests resisted, took from them by force their antiphonaries ; and, as an example to insubordinates, at the request of the pope burnt some of the singers along with their books. 276 ACTS OF CHARLEMAGNE. The rapid growtli of the power of Charlemagne, his overshadowing pre-eminence, and the subordinate position of the pope, who had really become his Italian lieutenant, are strikingly manifested by the event of image-worship in the "West. On this, as we shall in another chapter Hedeouneaim- See, the popes had revolted from their iconoclastic sovereigns age-worship, q£ Constantinople. The second Council of Nicea had au- thorized image-worship, but the good sense of Charlemagne was su- perior to such idolatry. He openly expressed his disapproval, and even dictated a work against it — the Carolinian bopks. The pope was therefore placed in a singular dilemma, for not only had image-wor- ship been restored at Constantinople, and the original cause of the dis- ptite removed, but the new protector, Charlemagne, had himself em- braced iconoclasm. However, it was not without reason that the pope but permits at this time avoided the discussion, for a profitable sale of reiic-woraiiip. bgncs and rclics, said to be those of saints, but in reaUty oh- tained from the catacombs of Eome, had arisen. To the barbarian peo- ple of the north these gloomy objects proved more acceptable than im- ages of wood, and the traf&c, though contemptible, was more honorable than the slave-trade in vassals and peasant children which had been carried on with Jews and Mohammedans. Like all the great statesmen of antiquity, who were unable to comprehend the possibility of a highly civilized society without the existence of slavery, Charlemagne accepted His pdioy as re- that unfortuuate condition as a political necessity, and at- spects slavery, tempted to draw from it as much benefit as it was capable of yielding to the state. , From certain classes of slaves he appointed, by a system of apprenticeship, those who should be devoted to the me- chanical arts and to trade. It was, however, slavery and warfare which, during his own life, by making the possession of property among small proprietors an absolute disadvantage, prepared the way for that rapid dissolution of his empire so quickly occurring after his death. Yet, though Charlemagne thus accepted the existence of slavery as a necessary political evil, the evidences are not wanting that he was de- sirous to check its abuses wherever he could. "When the Italian dukes The European accuscd Pope Adrian of selling his vassals as slaves to the slave-trade, garaccns, Charlemagne made inquiry into the matter, and, finding that transactions of the kind had occurred in the port of Oiyita. Vecchia, though he did not choose to have so infamous a scandal made public, he ever afterward withdrew his countenance from that pope. At that time a very extensive child slave-trade was carried on with the Saracens through the medium of the Jews, ecclesiastics as well as barons selling the children of their serfs. Though he never succeeded in learning how to write, no one better than Charlemagne appreciated the value of knowledge. ' He labored as- siduously for the elevation and enlightenment of his people. He col- ACTS OF CHAELBMAGNE. 277 lected toeretlier learned men; ordered his clergy to turn improvementa of ° . . , , ,. 1 T 1 1 1, T ■ the physical state their attention to letters; established schools of rehgious of the people, music; built noble palaces, churches, bridges; transferred, for the adornment of his capital, Aix-la-Chapelle, statues from Italy ; organ- ized the professions and trades of his cities, and gave to his towns a police. Well might he be solicitous that his clergy should state of the not only become more devout, but more learned. Very few of °'*'^^' thera knew how to read, scarcely any to write. Of the first half of the eighth century, a period of great interest, since^it includes the invasion of France by the Saracens, and their expulsion, there is nothing more than the most meagre annals ; the clergy understood much better the use of the sword than that of the pen. The schools of Charlemagne proved a failure, not through any fault of his, but because the age had no demand for learning, and the Eoman pontiffs and their clergy, as far as they troubled themselves with any opinion about the matter, thought that knowledge was of more harm than good. The private life of Charlemagne was stained with great immoralities and crimes. , He indulged in a polygamy scarcely inferior to prfyate we of that of the khalifs, solacing himself with not less than nine chnriemagne. wives and many concubines. He sought to increase the circle of the former, or perhaps it should be said, considering the greatness of hia statesmanship, to unite the Eastern and Western empires together by a marriage with the Empress Irene. This was that Irene who put out the eyes of her own son in t^e porphyry chamber at Constantinople. His fame extended into Asia. The Khalif Haroun al Easchid, A.D. 801, sent him from Bagdad the keys of our Savior's sepulchre as a mark of estlem from the Commander of the Faithful to the greatest h;, relations with of Christian kings. However, there was doubtless as much *' saracena. policy as esteem in this, for the Asiatic khalifs perceived the advantage of a good understanding with the power that could control the emirs of Spain. Always bearing in mind his engagement with the papacy, that Eoman Christianity should be enforced upon Europe wherever his influence could reach, he remorselessly carried into execution the penalty of death that he had awarded to the crimes of, 1, refusing baptism ; 2, false pretense of baptism ; 3, relapse to idolatry ; 4, the murder of a priest or bishop ; 5, human sacrifice ; 6, eating meat in Lent. To the pagan German his sword was a grim, but a convincing missionary. To the last he observed a savage fidelity to his bond. He died A.D. 814. Such was the compact that had been established between the Church and the State. As might be expected, the succeeding transactions ex- hibit an alternate preponderance of one and of the other, and the degra- dation of both in the end. Scarcely was Charlemagne dead course of events ere the imbecile character of his son and successor, Louis the of chlrfem^e. 278 EVENTS AFTER HIS DEATH. Pious, gave the Church her opportunity. By the expulsion of his fa- ther's numerous concubines and mistresses, the scandals of the palace were revealed. I have not the opportunity to relate in detail how this monarch disgracefully humiliated himself before the Church ; how, un- der his weak government, the, slave-trade greatly increased; how every shore, and, indeed, every country that could, be reached through a navi- gable river, was open to the ravages of pirates, the Northmen extending their maraudings even to the capture of great cities; how, in strong contrast with the social decomposition into which Europe was falling, Spain, under, her Mohammedan rulers, was becoming rich, populous, and great ; how, on the east, the Huns and Avars, ceasing their ravages, accepted Christianity, and, under their diversity of interests, the nations that had been bound together by Charlemagne separated into two di- visions — French and German — and civil wars between them ensued; how, through the folly of the clergy, who vainly looked for protection from relics instead of the sword, the Saracens ranged uncontrolled all over the south, and came vdthiif a hair's-breadth of capturing Eome itself; how France, at this time, had literally become a theocracy, the clergy absorbing every thing that was worth having ; how the pope, trembling at home, nevertheless maintaiued an external power by interfering with domestic! life, as in the quarrel with King Lothaire II. and his wife; how Italy, France, and Germany became, as Africa and Syria had once been, full of miracles; how, through these means the Church getting the advan- tage, John VIII. thought it expedient to "assert his right of disposing of the imperial crown in the case of Charles the Bald (the imperial suprem- acy that Charlemagne had obtained in reality implied the eventual su- premacy of the pope) ; how an opportunity occurring for reconstructing the empire of the West under Charles the Fat was thwarted by the im- becility of that sovereign, an imbecility so great that his nobles were obliged to depose him ; how, thereupon ,a number of new kingdoms arose, and Europe fell, by an inevitable necessity, into a poHtical' chaos; how, since there was thus no protecting government, each great land- owner had to protect himself, and the rightfulness of private war he- came recognized ; how, through this evil state, the strange consequence ensued of a great increase in the population, it becoming the interest of every lord to raise as many peasants as he could, offering his lands on personal service, the value of an estate being determined by the numher of retainers it could furnish, and hence arose the feudal system ; how the monarchical principle, once again getting the superiority, asserted its power in Germany in Henry the Fowler and his descendants, the three Othos ; how, by these great monarchs, the subjection of Italy was accomplished, and the morality of the German clergy vindicatedby their attempts at the reforination of the papacy, which fell to the last degree of degradation, becoming, in the end, an appanage of the Counts DEPLOEABLE CONDITION OF EUROPE. 279 of Tusculum, and, shameful to be said, in some instances given by pros- titutes to their paramours or illegitimates, in some, to mere boys of pre- cociously dissolute life ; before long, A.D. 1044, it was actually to be sold for money. We have now approached the close of a thousand years from the birthr of Christ ; the evil union of the Church and state, their rivalries, their intrigues, their quarrels, had produced an inevita- ble result, doing the same in the "West that they had done in the East : disorganizing the political system, and- ending in a universal social de- moralization. The absorption of small properties into large estates steadily increased the number of slaves ; where there had once been many free families, there was now found only a rich man. Even of this class the number diminished by the same process of absorp- gocM condition tion, untn there were sparsely scattered here and there ab- "f ^"'"p^- bots and counts with enormous estates worked by herds of slaves, whose numbers, since sometimes one man possessed more than 20,000 of them, might deceive us, if we did not consider the vast surface over which they were spread. Examined in that way, the west of Europe proves to have been covered with forests, here and there dotted with a con- vent or a town. From those countries, once full of the splendid evi- dences of Eoman civilization, mankind was fast disappearing. There was no political cause, until at a later time, when the feudal system was developed, for calling men into existence. "Whenever there was a par- tial peace, there was no occasion for the multiplication of men beyond the intention of extracting from them the largest possible revenue, a condition implying their destruction. Soon even the necessity for leg- islation ceased ; events were left to take their own course. Through the influence of the monks the military spirit declined; a vile fe- tichism of factitious relics, which were working miracles in all direc- tions, constituted the individual piety. Whoever died without be- queathing a part of his property to#the Church, died without confession Liud the sacraments, and forfeited Christian burial. Trial by battle, and the ordeals of fire and boiling water, determined innocence or guilt in those accused of crimes. Between places at no great distance apart in- tercommunication ceased, or, at most, was carried on as in the times of the Trojan War, by the peddler traveling with his packs. In these deplorable days there was abundant reason to adopt the popular expectation that the end of all- things was at hand. Expected end of and that A.D. 1000 would witness the destruction of the loooT" ' world. Society was dissolving, the human race was disappearing, and with difficulty the melancholy ruins of ancient civilization could be traced. Such was the issue of the second attempt at the union of po- litical and ecclesiastical power. In a former chapter we Effects of the mion saw what it "had been in the East, now we have found of«'""='ian4Btate. what it was in the West. Inaugurated in selfishness, it strengthens 280 LIVES OF THE POPES. itself by violence, is perpetuated by ignorance, and yields, as its inevita- ble result, social ruin. And while things were thus going to -wreck in the state, it was no bet- ter in the Church. The ill-omened union between them was bearing its only possible fruit, disgrace to both — a solemn monition to all future 3d. This brings me to the third and remaining topic I proposed to Value of the new considcr in this chapter, to determine the actual religious fromThfuTCl'of value of the system in process of being forced upon Eu- the popes. ^Qpg^ using, for the purpose, that which must be admitted as the best test — the private lives of the popes. To some it might seem, considering the interests of religion alone, de- sirable to omit all biographical reference to the popes ; but this can not Apology for refer- be done with justicc to the subject. The essential princi- phy of the popes, pie, of the papacy, that the Eoman pontiff is the vicar of Christ upon earth, necessarily obtrudes his personal relations upon us. How shall we understand his faith unless we see it illustrated in his life? Indeed, the unhappy character of those relations was the inciting cause of the movements in Germany, France, and England, ending in the extinction of the papacy as an actual political power, movements to be understood only through a sufi&cient knowledge of the private lives and opinions of the popes. It is well, as far as possible, to abstain from burdening systems with the imperfections of individuals. In this case they are inseparably interwoven. The signal peculiarity of the papacy is that, though its history may be imposing, its biography is infamous. I shall, however, forbear to speak of it in this latter respect more than the occasion seems necessarily to require ; shall pass in silence some of those cases which would profoundly shock my religious reader, and therefore restrict myself to the ages between the middle of the eighth and the middle of the eleventh cesituries, excusing myself to the im- partial critic by the apology that these were the ages with which I have been chiefly concerned in this chapter. On the death of Pope Paul I., who had attained the pontificate A,D. 757, the Duke of Nepi compelled some bishops to consecrate Constan- The popes from ^^^^t ^ue of his brothers, as pope; but more legitimate A.D.T57. electors subsequently, A.D. 768, choosing Stephen IV., the usurper and his adherents were severely punished ; the eyes of Con- stantine were put out ; the tongue of the Bishop Theodoras was ampu- tated, and he was left in a dungeon to .expire in the agonies of thirst. The nephews of Pope Adrian seized his successor, Pope Leo III., A.D. 795, in the street, and, forcing him into a neighboring church, attempted to put out his eyes and cut off his tongue ; at a later period, this pontiff' trying to suppress a conspiracy to depose him, Eome became the scene of a rebellion, murder, and conflagration. His successor, Stephen V ., LIVES OP THE POPES. 281 A.D. 816, was ignominiously driven from tlie city ; his successor, Paschal I., was accused of blinding and murdering two ecclesiastics in the Late- ran Palace; it was necessary that imperial commissioners should inves- tigate the matter, but the pope died, after having exculpated himself by oath before thirty bishops. John VIIL, A.D. 872, unable to resist the Mohammedans, was compelled to pay them tribute; the Bishop of Na- ples, maintaining a secret alliance with them, received his share of the plunder they collected. Him John excommunicated, nor would he give him absolution unless he would betray the chief Mohammedans and as- sassinate others himself. There was an ecclesiastical conspiracy to mur- der the pope ; some of the treasures of the Church were seized ; and the gate of St. Pancrazia was opened with false keys, to admit the Saracens into the city. Formosus, who had been engaged in these transactions, and excommunicated as a conspirator for the murder of John, was sub- sequently elected pope, A.D. 891 ; he was succeeded l:\y Boniface YL, A.D. 896, who had been deposed from the diaconate, and again from the priesthood, for his immoral and lewd life. By Stephen VII., who followed, the dead body of Formosus was taken from the grave, clothed in the papal habiliments, propped up in a chair, and tried before a coun- cil, and the preposterous and indecent scene completed by cutting off three of the fingers of the corpse and casting it into the Tiber; but Stephen himself was destined to exemplify how low the papacy had fallen : he was thrown into prison and strangled. In the course of five years, from A.D. 896 to A.D. 900, five popes were consecrated. Leo V., who succeeded in A.D. 904, was in less than two months thrown into prison by Chrisbpher, one of his chaplains, who usurped his place, and who, in his turn, was shortly expelled from Eome by Sergius III., who, by the aid of a military force, seized the pontificate, A.D. 905. This man, according to the testimony of the times, lived in criminal inter- course with the celebrated prostitute Theodora, who, with her daughters Marozia and Theodora, also prostitutes, exercised an extraordinary con- trol over him. The love of Theodora was also, shared by John X. : she first gave him the archbishopric of Eavenna, and then translated him to Eome, A.D. 915, as pope. John was not unsuited to the times ; he or- ganized a confederacy which perhaps prevented Eome from being cap- tured by the Saracens, and the world was astonished and edified by the appearance of this warhke pontiff at the head of his troops. By the love of Theodora, as was said, he had maintained himself in the papacy for fourteen years ; by the intrigues and hatred of her daughter Marozia he was overthrown. She surprised him in the Lateran Palace ; killed his brother Peter before his face ; threw him into prison, where he soon died, smothered, as it was asserted, with a pillow. After a short inter- val Marozia made her own son pope as John XI., A.D. 931. Many af- firmed that Pope Sergius was his father, but she herself inclined to at- 282 LIVES OF THE POPES. tribute Mm to her husband Alberic, whose brother Gruido she subse- sequently married. Another of her sons, Alberic, so called from his supposed father, jealous of his brother John, cast him and their mother Marozia into prison. After a time Alberio's son was elected pope, A.D. 956 ; he assumed 4he title of John XII., the amorous Marozia thus hav- ing given a son and a grandson to the papacy. John was only nineteen years old when he thus became the head of Christendom. His reign was characterized by the most shocking immoralities, so that the Em- peror Otho I. was compelled by the German clergy to interfere.. A syn- od was summoned for his trial in the Church of St. Peter, before which it appeared that John had received bribes for the consecration of bish- ops, that he had ordained one who was but ten years old, and had per- formed that ceremony over another in a stable ; he was charged ■with incest with one of his father's concubines, and with so many adulteries that the Lateran Palace had become a brothel ; he put out the eyes of one ecclesiastic and castrated another, both dying in consequence of their injuries ; he was given to drunkenness, gamblLog, and the invoca- tion of Jupiter and Venus. "When cited to appear before the council, he sent word that "he had gone out hunting;" and to the fathers who remonstrated with hirn, he threateningly remarked "that Judas, as Well as the other disciples, received from his master the power of binding and loosing, but that, as soon as he proved a traitor to the comnion cause, the only power he retained was that of binding his own neck." Hereupon he was deposed, and Leo VIII. elected in his stead, A.D. 963 ; but subsequently getting the upper hand, he seized his antagonists; cut off the hand of one, the nose, finger, tongue of others. His life was eventually brought to an end by the vengeance of a man whose wife he had seduced. After such details it is almost needless to allude to the annals of suc- ceeding popes : to relate that John XIII. was strangled in prison ; that Boniface VII. imprisoned Benedict VII., and killed him by starvation; that John XIV. was secretly put to death in the dungeons of the Castle of St. Angelo ; that the corpse of Boniface was dragged by the populace through the streets. The sentiment of reverence for the sovereign pon- tiff, nay, even of respect, had become extinct in Eome ; throughout Eu- rope the clergy were so shocked at the state of things, that, in their in- dignation, they began to look with approbation on the intention of the Emperor Otho to take from the Italians their privilege of appointing the successor of St. Peter, and confine it in his own family. But his kinsman, Gregory V., whom he placed on the pontifical' throne, was very soon compelled by the Eomans to fly ; his excommunications and' re- ligious thunders were turned into derision by them; they were too well acquainted with the true nature of those terrors ; they were living he- hind the scenes. A terrible punishment awaited the Anti-pope John CONCLUSION DEAWN rEOM THE PAPAL BIOGEAPHIES. 283 XVI. Otho returned into Italy, seized him, put out his eyes, cut off his nose and tongue, and sent him through the streets mounted on an ass, with his face to the tail, and a wine-bladder on his head. It seemed impossible that things could become worse; yet Eome had still to see Benedict IX., A.D. 1033, a boy of less than twelve years, raised to. the apostolic throne. Of this pontiff, one of his successors, Victor ILL., de- clared that his life was so shameful, so foul, so execrable, that he shud- dered to describe it. He ruled like a captain of banditti rather than a prelate. The people at last, unable to bear his adulteries, homicides, and abominations any longer, rose against him. In de- The papacy tonght at n ■ . ■ ■ I- •!• 1 i _ii auQtion, A.D. 1045, by spair 01 mamtammg his position, he put up the papacy Gregory vi. to auction. It was bought by a presbyter named John, who became Gregory VI., A.D. 1045. More than a thousand years had elapsed since the birth of our Savior, and such was the condition of Eome. .WeU may the his- conclusion respect, torian shut the annals of these times in disgust ; well may ^ *^ wography. the heart of the Christian sink within him at such a catalogue of hide- ous crimes. "Well may he ask. Were these the vicegerents of God upon earth — these, who had truly reached that goal beyond which the last ef- fort of human wickedness can not pass ? Not until several centuries after these events did public opinion come to the true and philosophical conclusion — the total rejection The pMiosophicai of the divine claims of the papacy. For a time the evils aSet"""'"' were attributed to the manner of the pontifical election, as if that could by any possibility influence the descent of a power which claimed to be supernatural and under the immediate care of God. The manner of election was this. The Eoman ecclesiastics recommended a candidate to the College of Cardinals; their choice had to be ratified by The ems imputed the populace of Eome, and, after that, the emperor must pa&'JSr' give his approval. There were thus to be brought into agreement the machinations of the lower ecclesiastics, the intrigues of the cardinals, the clamors of the rabble of Eome, and the policy of the emperoi; Such a system must inevitably break to pieces with its own incongruities. Though we may wonder that men failed to see that it was merely a hu- man device, we can not wonder that the emperors perceived the neces- sity of taking the appointments into their own hands, and that Gregory Vn. was resolved to confine it to the CoUege of Cardinals, to the exclu- sion of the emperor, the Eoman people, and even of the rest of Christen- dom — an attempt in which he succeeded. No one can study the development of the Italian ecclesiastical power without discovering how completely it depended on human „ _ A j7j. 1 J. ^ jr , Muman origin agency, too otten on human passion and intrigues ; how com- °^*« ^i^y- pletely wanting it was of any mark of the Divine construction and care —the offspring of man, not of God, and therefore bearing upon it the lineaments of human passions, human virtues, and human sins. 284 ARABIAN PASSAGE TO THE AGE OF REASON. CHAPTER XIII. DIGRESSION ON THE PASSAGE OF THE ARABIANS TO THEIR AGE OF REASON. INTLnENCE OP MEDICAL HJEAS THROUGH THE KESTOEIANS AND JEWS. The intellectual Development of the Arabians is guided iy the Nestorians and the Jews, and is in the medical Direction. — The Hasis of this Alliance is theological. Antagonism of the Byzantine System to scientific Medicine. — Suppression of the Asclepions.— Their Replacement by Miracle-cure. — The resulting Superstition and Ignorance. Affiliation of the Arabians with the Nestorians and Jews. 1st. The Nestorians, their Persecutions, alid the Diffusion of their sectarian Ideas. — Itey in- herit the old Greek Medicine. , Sub-digression on Greek Medicine. — The Asclepums. — Philosophical Impprtance ofHippocrates, who separates Medicine from Religion. — The School of Cnidos. — Its Suppression by Con- slantine. Sub-digression on Egyptian Medicine. — It is founded on Anatomy and Physiology, — Dissec- tions and Vivisections. — The great Alexandrian Physicians. 2d. The Jewish Physicians. — Their Emancipation from Superstition. — They found Colleges and promote Science and Letters. The contemporary Tendency to Magic, Necromancy, the Blaclc Art. — The Phibsopher's Stone, Elixir of Life, etc. The Arabs originate scientific Chemistry. — Discover the strong Adds, Phosphorus, etc. — Their geological Ideas. — Apply Chemistry to the Practice of Medicine. — Approach tf tk Conflict between the Saracenic material and the European supernatural System. The military operations of the Arabians, described in Chapter XI,, overthrew the Byzantine political system, prematurely closing the Age of Faith ^n the East; their intellectual procedure gave rise to an equally Importance of important Tcsult, being destined, in the end, to close the Age the influence of il . ' ■ mi f> it j ? the Arabians. 01 h aith m the W est. The Saracens not only destroyed the Italian .offshoot, they also impressed characteristic lineaments on the Age of Eeason in Europe. Events so important make it necessary for me to turn aside from the special description of European intellectual advancement, and offer a di- gression on the passage of the Arabians to their Age of Eeason. It is impossible for us to understand their action in the great drama ahout to be performed unless we understand the character they had assumed. In a few centuries the fanatics of Mohammed had altogether changed Their inteueet- ^^Q^^ appcarancc. Great philosophers, physicians, mathe- uai progress, maticians, astronomers, alchemists, grammarians, had arisen among them. Letters and science, in all their various departments, were cultivated. A nation stirred to its profoundest depths by warlike emigration, and FOREIGN TEACHERS OF THE ARABIANS. 285 therefore ready to make, as soon as it reaches a period of repose, a rapid intellectual advance, may owe the path in which it is Thetr teachers we™ ' .'' ..'■.. n ■ • ""^ Nestonana ami about to pass to those who are in the position oi pointing Jews. it out, or of officiating as teachers. The teachers of the Saracens were the Nestorians and the Jews. It has been remarked that Arabian science emerged out of medicine, and that in its cultivation physicians took the lead, its beginnings be- ins' in the pursuit of alchemy. In this chapter I have to Their scientific prog- ^ s: rti. IIP ^^3^ ^*^ through describe the origin of these circumstances, and therefore meaicine. must consider the state of Greek and Egyptian medicine, and relate how, wherever the Byzantine system could reach, true medical philoso- phy was displaced by relic and shrine-curing; and how it was, that while European ideas were in all directions reposing on the unsubstan- tial basis of the supernatural, those of the Saracens were -resting on the solid foundation of a material support. When the Arabs conquered Egypt, their conduct was that of bigoted fanatics; it justified the accusation made by some aigainst them, that they burned the Alexandrian library for the purpose of heating the baths. But scarcely were they settled in their new dominion when they exhibited an extraordinary change. At once they became lovers and zealous cultivators of learning. The Arab power had extended in two directions, and had been sub- mitted to two influences. In Asia it had been exposed to the Nestori- ans, in Africa to the Jews, both of whom had suffered persecution at the hands of the Byzantine government, apparently for causes of theu-tmion ,^ •• l^ , T • T ^ ^ .ii-in. with Neatorians and the same opinion as that which had now established it- Jews, self by the sword of Mohammed. The doctrine of the unity of God was their common point of contact. On this they could readily affili- ate, and hold in common detestation the trinitarian power at Constan- tinople. He who is suffering the penalties of the law as a heretic, or who is pursued by judicial persecution as a misbeliever, will readily consort with others reputed to cherish similar infidelities. Brought into unison in Asia with the ISTestorians, and in Africa with the Alexandrian Jews, the Arabians became enthusiastic admirers of learning. Not that there was between the three parties thus coalescing a com- plete harmony of sentiment in the theological direction ; for, though the Nestorians and the Jews were willing to accept one half Medicine hecomes of the Arabian dogma, that there is but one God, they «ieir neutral ground, could not altogether commit themselves on the other, that Mohammed is his Prophet. Perhaps estrangement on this point might have arisen, but fortunately a remarkable circumstance opened the way for a com- plete understanding between them. Almost from the beginning the ISTestorians had devoted themselves to the study of medicine, and had paid much attention to the structure and diseases of the body of man ; 286 BYZANTINE OPPOSITION TO MEDICINE. the Jews for long had produced distinguished physicians. These medi- cal studies presented, therefore, a neutral ground on which the three parties could intellectually unite in harmony ; and so thoroughly did the Arabians affiliate with these their teachers, that they acquired from them a characteristic mental physiognomy. Their physicians were theb great philosophers ; their medidal" colleges were their foci of learning. While the Byzantines obliterated science in theology, the Saracens il- luminated it by medicine. "When Constantine the Great and his successors, under ecclesiastical influence, had declared themselves the enemies of worldly learning, it Byzantine Bupprea- bccamo necessar;^ for the clergy to assume the duty of sion of medicine, geeing to the physical as well as the; religious condition of the people. It was unsuited to the state of things that physicians, whose philosophical tendencies inclined them to the pagan party, should be any longer endured. Their education in the Asclepions imparted to them ideas in opposition to the new events. An edict of Constantine suppressed those estaftlishnients, ample provision being, however, made for replacing them by others more agreeable to the genius of Chris- tianity. Hospitals and benevolent organizations were founded in the chief cities, and richly endowed with money and lands. In these mer- Substitution of puh- ciful Undertakings the empress-mother, Helena, was dis- uc ciiarities. tiuguishcd, her example being followed by many high- born ladies. The heart of women, which is naturally open to the deso- late and afflicted, soon gives active expression tb its sympathies when it is sanctified by a gentle Christian faith. In this, its legitimate direction, Christianity could display its matchless benevolenpe and charities. Or- ganizations were introduced upon the most extensive and varied scaje; one had charge of foundlings, another of orphans, another of the poor. We have already alluded to the parabolani or visitors, and of the man- ner in which they were diverted from their original intent. But, noble as were these charities, they labored under an essential de- fect in having substituted for educated physicians well-meaning hut un- skillful ecclesiastics. The destruction of the Asclepions was not attend- ed by any suitably extensive measures for insuring professional educa- Graduai fau into tion. Thc sick who wcrc placed in the benevolent institur miracie-oure. ^^Q^g ^gjg^ ^^ ^j^g T^gg^^ rathcr uudcr the care of kind nurses than under the advice of physicians ; and the consequences are seen in the gradually increasing credulity and imposture of succeeding ages, until, at length, there was an almost universal reliance on hairaculous interventions. Fetiches, said to be the relics of saints, but no better than those of tropical Africa, were believed to cure every disorder. To the shrines of saints crowds repaired as they had at one time to the temples of JEsculapius. The worshipers remained, though the name of the divinity was changed. SUBSTrrUTION OF MIRACLE-CURE. 287 Scarcely were the Asclepions closed, the schools of philosophy pro- hibited, the libraries dispersed or destroyed, learning brand- closing of the ed as magic or punished as treason, philosophers driven into f^^^tii^-' exile and as a class exterminated, when it became apparent ^°'°v^y- that a void had been created which it was incumbent on the victors to fill. Among the great prelates, who was there to stand in the place of those men whose achievements had glorified the human race ? Who was to succeed to Archimedes, Hipparchus, Euclid, Herophilus, Eratos- thenes ? who to Plato and Aristotle ? The quackeries of miracle-cure, shrine-cure, relic-cure, were destined to eclipse the genius of Hippoc- rates, and nearly two thousand years to intervene between Archimedes and Newton, nearly seventeen hundred between Hipparchus and Kep- ler. A dismal interval of almost twenty centuries parts Hero, whose first steam-engine revolved in the Serapion, from James "Watt, who has revolutionized the industry of the world. What a fearful blank! Yet not a blank, for it had its products — hundreds of patristic? folios fiUed with obsolete speculation, oppressing the shelves of antique libraries, en- veloped in dust, and awaiting the worm. Never was a more disastrous policy adopted than the Byzaptine sup- pression of profime learning. It is scarcely possible now to re- ^g depiora- aHze the mental d.egradation produced when that system was we results. at its height. Many of the noblest philosophical and scientific works of antiquity disappeared from the language in which they had been written, and were only recovered, for the use of later and better ages, from translations which the Saracens had made into Arabic. The inso- lent assumption of wisdom by those who held the sword crushed every intellectual aspiration. Yet, though triumphant for a time, this policy necessarily contained the seeds of its own ignominious destruction. An inevitable day must come when so grievous a wrong, to the human race must be exposed, and execrated, and punished — a day in which the poems of Homer would once more be read, the immortal statues of the (jreek sculptors find worshipers, and the demonstrations of insecurity of the Euclid a consenting intellect. But that unfortunate, that Byzantine system. audacious policy of usurpation once entfered upon, there was no going b^ck. He who is infallible must needs be immutable. In its very na- ture the action implied compulsion, compulsion implied the possession of power, and the whole policy insured an explosion the moment that the means of compression should be weak. It is said that when the Saracens captured Alexandria, their victorious general sent to the khalif to know his pleasure respecting the library. The answer was in the spirit of the age. "If the books are confirma- tory of the Koran, they are superfluous ; if contradictory, they Bigotry of the are pernicious. Let them be burnt." At this moment, to aU ^'^' ^"'"=™- human appearance, the Mohammedan autocrat was on the point of join- 288 CAUSES OF THIS POLICY. ing in the evil policy of the Byzantine sovereign. But fortunately it was but the impulse of a moment, rectified forthwith, and a noble course of action was soon pursued. The Arab incorporated into his literature the wisdom of those he had conquered. In thus conceding to knowl- The noble policy ^dgc a free and unembarrassed career, and, instead of re- quickly pursued, pressing, encouraging to the utmost all kinds of learning did the Koran take any harm? It was a high statesmanship which almost from the beginning of the impulse from Mecca, bound down to a narrow, easily comprehended, and easily expressed dogma the exacted belief^ and in all other particulars let the human mind go free. In the preceding paragraphs I have criticised the course of events, condemning or applauding the actions and the actors as circumstances seem to require, herein following the usual course, which implies that men can control affairs, and that the agent is to be held responsible foi The true causes his deed. We havc, however, only to consider the course events. of our own lives to be satisfied to how liniited an extent such is the case. We are, as we often say, the creatures of circum- stances. In that expression there is a higher philosophy than might at first sight appear. Our actions are not the pure and unmingled results of our desires ; they are the offspring of many various and mixed con- ditions. In that which seems to be the most voluntary decision there en- ters much that is altogether involuntary — more, perhaps, than we gen- erally suppose. And, in like manner, those who are imagined to have iexercised an irresponsible and spontaneous influence in determining public policy, and thereby fixing the fate of nations, will be found, when we understand their position more correctly, to have been the crea- tures of circumstances altogether independent and irrespective of them — circumstances which they never created, of whose influence they only availed themselves. They were placed in a current which drifted them irresistibly along. From this more accurate point of view we should therefore consider the course of these events, recognizing the principle that the affairs of men pass forward in a determinate way, expanding and unfolding them- selves. And hence we see that the things of which we have spoken as though they were matters of choice were, in reality, forced upon their apparent authors by the necessity of the times. But, in truth, they should be considered as the presentations of a certain phase of life which nations in their onward course sooner or later assume. In the individual, how well we know that a sober moderation of action, an ap- propriate gravity of demeanor, belong to the mature period of life; a change from the wanton willfulness of youth, which may be ushered m, or its beginning marked, by many accidental incidents: in one perhaps by domestic bereavements, in another by the loss of fortune, in a third by ill health. We are correct enough in imputing to such trials the CULTIVATION OF SCIENCE BY THE NESTORIANS. 289 change of character, but we never deceive ourselves by supposing that it would have failed to take place had those circumstances not occurred. There runs an irresistible destiny in the midst of all these vicissitudes. We may therefore be satisfied that, whatever may have been the par- ticular form of the events of which we have had occasion succeasion of affaire to speak, their order of succession was a matter of destiny, determined by law. and altogether beyond the reach of any individual. We may condemn the Byzantine monarchs, or applaud the Arabian khalifs — our blame and our praise must be set at their proper value. Europe was passing ' from its Age of Inquiry to its Age of Faith. In such a transition the predestined underlies the voluntary. There are analogies between the life of a nation and that of an individual, who, though he may be in one respect the maker of his own fortunes for happiness or for misery, for good or for evil, though he remains here or goes there, as his inclina- tions prompt, though.he does this or abstains from that, as he chooses, is nevertheless held fast by an inexorable fate — a fate which brought him into the world involuntarily so far as he was concerned, which presses him forward through a definite career, the stages of which are absolutely invariable — infancy, childhood, youth, maturity, old age, with aU their characteristic actions and passions, and which removes him from the scene at the appointed time, in most cases against his will. So also it is with nations ; the voluntary is only the outward semblance, covering, but hardly hiding the predetermined. Over the events of life we may have a control, but none whatever over the law of its progress. There is a geometry that applies to nations, an equation of their curve of ad- vance. That no mortal man can touch. We have now to examine in what manner the glimmering lamp of knowledge was sustained when it was all but ready to die put. Arabian science By the Arabians it was handed down to us. The grotesque sorcery. forms of some of those who took charge of it are not without interest. They exhibit a strange mixture of the Neoplatonist, the Pantheist, the Mo- hammedan, the Christian. In such untoward times, it was perhaps need- ful that tlie strongest passions of men should be excited and science stim- ulated by inquiries for methods of turning lead into gold, or of prolonging life indefinitely. We have now to deal with the philosopher's stone, the elixir vitse, the powder of projection, magical mirrors, perpetual lamps, the transmutation of metals. In smoky caverns under ground, where the" great work is stealthily carried on, the alchemist and his familiar are busy with their alembics, cucurbites, and pelicans, maintaining their fires for so many years that salamanders are asserted to be born in them. Experimental science was thus restored, though under a very strange aspect, by the Arabians. Already it displayed its connection with medicine — a connection derived from the influence of the Nestorians T 290 NESTORIAN TEACHERS OF THE SABACENS. and the Jews. It is necessary for us to consider briefly the relations of each, and of the Nestorians first. In Chapter IX. we have related the rivalries of Cyril, the Bishop of Alexandria, and Nestprius, the Bishop of Constantinople. The theo- The Nestorians. logical point of their quarrcl was whether it is right to re- gard the Virgin Mary as the mother of God. To an Egyptian still tainted with ancient superstition, there was nothing shocking in such a doctrine. His was the country of Isis. St. Cyril, who is to be looked upon as a mere ecclesiastical demagogue, found his purposes answered in adopting it without any scruple. But in Greece there still remained traces of the old philosophy. A recollection of the ideas of Plaix) had not altogether died out. There were some by whom it was not possi- ble for the Egyptian doctrine to be received.- Such, perhaps, was Nes- torius, whose sincerity was finally approved by an endurance of perse- cutions, by his sufferings, and his death. He and his followers, insisting on the plain inference of the last verse of the first chapter of St. Matthew, together with the fifty -fifth and fifty -sixth verses of the thirteenth of the same Gospel, could never be brought to an acknowledgment of the per- They deny the vir- petual virginity of the new queen of heaven. We have of heaven. described the issue of the Council of Ephesus: the Egyp- tian faction gained the victory, the aid of court females being called in, and Nestorius, being deposed from his office, was driven with his friends into exile. The philosophical tendency of the vanquished was soon indicated by their actions. While their leader was tormented in an African oasis, many of them emigrated to the Euphrates, and found- ed the Chaldsean Church. Under its auspices the college at Edessa, with several connected schools, arose. In these were translated into Syriac many Greek and Latin works, as those of Aristotle and Pliny. It was the Nestorians who, in connection with the Jews, founded the Tiieyijegin to cui- Hicdical coUegc of Djondcsabour, and first instituted a sys- ttvate medicine, ^gj^ ^f academical houors which has descended to our times. It was the Nestorians who were not only permitted by the khalife the free exercise of their religion, but even intrusted with the education of the children of the great Mohammedan families, a liberals ty in striking contrast to the fanaticism of Europe. The Khalif Aliss- The Arabs affli- cMd wcnt SO far as even to place all his public schools undei iate with them, ^j^g superintendence of John Masu^, one of that sect. Un- der the auspices of these learned men the Arabian academies were fur- nished with translations of Greek authors, and vast libraries were col- lected in Asia. Through this connection with the Arabs, Nestprian missionaries found Their great spread mcans to dissemiuatc their form of Christianity all over in the East, Asia, as far as Malabar and China. The successful in- HISTORY OF GREEK MEDICINE. 291 trigues of tlie Egyptian politicians at Ephesus had no influence in those remote countries, the Asiatic churches 9f' the Nestorian and Jacobite per- suasions outnumbering eventually all the European Christians of ftie Greek and Eoman churches combined. In later times the papal gov- ernment has made great exertions to bring about an understanding with them, but in vain. The expulsion of this party from Constantinople was accomplished by the same persons and policy concerned in destroying philosophy in Alexandria. St. Cyril was the representative of an illiterate and un- scrupulous faction that had come into the possession of andpereccutions power through intrigues with the females of the imperial ""i'^''^'^'- court, and bribery of eunuchs and parasites. The same spirit that had murdered Hypatia tormented Nestorius to death. Of the contending parties, one was respectable and had a tincture of learning, the other ignorant, and not hesitating at the employment of brute force, deporta- tion, assassination. Unfortunately for the world, the unscrupulous party carried the day. By their descent, the Nestorians had become the depositaries of the old Greek medical science. Its great names they revered. They inherit the mi n 1-11 • -I • 1 - old Greek medl- They collected, with the utmost assiduity, whatever works cine, remained on medical topics, whether of a Greek or Alexandrian origin, from the writings of Hippocrates, called, with affectionate veneration by his successors, "The Divine Old Man," down to those of the Ptolemaic school. Greek medicine arose in the temples of ^sculapius, whither the sick were in the habit of resorting for the assistance of the god. It does not appear that any fee was exacted for the celestial advice; but the gratitude of the pa^tient was frequently displayed ori^ of Greek by optional gifts, and votive tablets presented to the tem- ^ons!""^ pie, setting forth the circumstances of the case, were of value to those disposed to enter on the study thereof. The Asclepions thus became both hospitals and schools. They exercised, from their position, a tendency to incorporate medical and ecclesiastical pursuits. At this time it was universally believed that every sickness was due to the anger of some offended god, and especially was this supposed to be the case in epidemics and plagues. Such a paralyzing notion was neces- sarily inconsistent with any attempt at the relief of communities by the exercise of sanitary measures. In our times it is still difficult to remove from the minds of the illiterate classes this ancient opinion, or to con- vince them that under such visitations we ought to help ourselves, and not expect relief by penance and supplications, unless we join there- with rigorous personal, domestic, municipal cleanliness, fresh air, and light. The theological doctrine of the nature of disease in- ffippocrates destroys dicated its means of cure. For Hippocrates was reserved iy°of dlsrale. 292 REVIEW OF HIPPOCEATES. the great glory of destroying them both, replacing them by more practi- cal and material ideas, and, from the votive tablets, traditions, and other sources, together with his own admirable observations, compiling a body of medicine. The necessary consequence of his great success was the separation of the pursuits of the physician from those of the priest. Not that so great a revolution, implying the diversion of profitable gains from the ancient channel, could have been accomplished without a struggle. We should reverence the memory of Hippocrates for the complete manner in which he effected that object. Of the works attributed to Hippocrates, many are doubtless the pro- duction of his family, his descendants, or his pupils. The inducements Writings of Hip- to Htcrary forgery in the times of the Ptolemies, who paid pocratea. ^gj^ j^^jg]^ priccs for books of reputation, have been the cause of much difficulty among critics in determining such questions of au- thorship. The works indisputably written by Hippocrates display an extent of knowledge answering to the authority of his name ; his vivid descriptions have never been excelled, if indeed they have ever been equaled. The Hippocratic face of the dying is still retained in our medical treatises in the original terms, without any improvement. In his medical doctrine, Hippocrates starts with the postulate that the ma opinions, body is composed of the four elements. From these are form- ed the four cardinal humors. He thinks that the humors are hable to undergo change; that health consists in their right constitution and proper adjustment as to quantity ; disease, in their impurities and in- equalities; that the disordered humors undergo spontaneous changes or coction, a process requiring time, and hence the explanation of critical days and critical discharges. The primitive disturbance of the humors he attributed to a. great variety of causes, chiefly to the influence of sur- rounding physical circumstances, such as heat, cold, air, water. Unlike his contemporaries, he did not impute all the afflictions of man to the anger of the gods. Along with those influences of an external kind, he studied the spefcial peculiarities of the human system, how it is modi- fied by climate and manner of life, exhibiting different predispositions at different seasons of the year. He believed that the innate heat of the body varies with the period of life, being greatest in infancy and least in old age, and that hence morbific agents affect us with greater or less facility at different times. For this reason it is that the physician should attend very closely to the condition of those in whom he is in- terested as respects their diet and exercise, for thereby he is able not only to regulate their general susceptibility, but also to exert a control over the course of their diseases. Eeferring diseases in general to the condition or distribution of the humors, for he regards inflammation as the passing of blood into parts not previously containing it, he considers that so long as those liquids REVIEW OP HIPPOCRATES. 293 occupy the system in an unnatural or adulterated state, disease continues; but as they ferment of undergo coction, various characteristic symptoms appear, and, when their elaboration is completed, they are discharged by perspiration or other secfetions, by alvine dejections, etc. But where such a general relief of the system is not accomplished, the peccant hu- mors may be localized in some particular organ or special portion, and erysipelatous inflammation, mortification, or other such manifestations ensue. It is in aiding this eUmination from the system that the physi- cian may signally manifest his skUl. His power is displayed much more at this epoch than by the control he can exert over the process of coction. Now may he invoke the virtues of the hellebores, the white and the black; now may he use elaterium. The critical days which answer to the periods of the process of coction are to be watched with anxiety, and the correspondence of the state of the patient with the ex- pected condition which he ought to show at those epochs ascertained. Hence the physician may be able to predict the probable course of the disease during the remainder of its career, and gather true notions as to the practice it would be best for him to pursue to aid Nature in her operations. It thus appears that the practice of medicine in the hands of Hippoc- rates had reference rather to the course or career of disease -me nature ot than to the special nature thereof Nothing more than this ''i=P"'»"'i'=«- inasterly conception is wanted to impress us with his surprising scien- tific power. He watches the manner in which the humors are under- going their fermenting coction, the phenomena displayed in the critical days, the aspect and nature of the critical discharges. He does not at- tempt to check the process going on, but simply to assist the natural operation. When we consider the period at which Hippocrates lived, B.C. 400, and the circumstances under which he had studied medicine, we can not fail to admire the very great advance he made. His merit is conspicu- ous in rejecting the superstitious tendency of his times by teaching his disciples to impute a proper agency to physical causes. He altogether discarded the imaginary influences then in vogue. For the gods he sub- stituted, with singular felicity, impersonal Natare. It was the interest of those who were connected with the temples of ^sculapius to refer all the diseases of men to supernatural agency ; their doctrine being that every affliction should be attributed to the anger of some ofiended god, and restoration to health most certainly procured by conciliating his power. So far, then, as such interests were concerned, any contradic- tion of those doctrines, any substitution of the material for the super- natural, must needs have met with reprehension. Yet such opposition seems in no respect to have weighed with this great physician, who de- veloped his theory and pursued his practice without giving himself any 294 THE HIPPOOEATIC SCHOOL AND ITS RIVALS. concern in that respect. He bequeathed an example to all who should succeed him in his noble profession, and taught them not to hesitate in encountering the prejudices and passions of the present for the sake of the truth, and to trust for their reward in th8 just appreciation of a fu- ture age. With , such remarks we may assert that the medical philosophy of Hippocrates is worthy of our highest admiration, since it exhibits the ma doctrine is soicntiflc couditions of deduction and induction. The theory truly seicntific. itself is compact and clear; its lineanients are completely Gre- cian. It presents, to one who will contemplate it with a due allowance for its times, the characteristic quick-sightedness, penetration, and power of the Greek mind, fully vindicating for its author the title which has been conferred upon him by his European, successors — ^the Father of Medicine — and perhaps inducing us to excuse the enthusiastic assertion of Gralen, that we ought to reverence the words of Hippocrates as the voice of God. The Hippocratic school of Cos found a rival in the school of Cnidos, which offered not only a different view of the nature pf disease, but also ThesohoDi taught a different principle for its cure. The .Cnidians paid ofcnidoB. more particular attention to the special symptoms in individual cases, and pursued a less active treatment, declining, whenever they could, a resort to drastic purgatives, venesection, or 'Other energetic means. As might be expected, the professional activity of these schools called . into existence many able men, and produced many excellent works: thus Philiston wrote on the regimen for persons in health; Diodes on hygiene and gymnastics ; Praxagoras on the pulse, showing that it was a measure of the force of disease. The Asclepion of Cnidos ib destroyed by Continued Until the time of Constantino, when it was de- oonatantinei gtroycd along with many othei* pagan establishments. The union between the priesthood, and the profession was gradually becoming less and less close; and, as the latter thus separated itself, divisions or departments arose in it, both as regards subjects, such as pharmacy, surgery, etc., and also as respects the position of its cultivatorSj some pursuing it as a liberal science, and some as a mere industrial occupa- tion. In thoSe times, as in our own, many who were not favored with the gifts of fortune were constrained -to fall into the latter ranks. Thus Aristotle, than whom few have ever exerted a greater intellectual influ- ence upon humanity, after spending his patrimony in liberal pursuits, cittsaea of phy-' ^.?P* ^° apothccary's shop at Athens. Aristotle the druggist, Bida,na. behind his compter, selling medicines to chance customers, is Aristotle the great writer, whose dictum was final with the schoolmen of the Middle Ages. As a general thing however, the medical profess- ors were drawn from the philosophical class. Outside of these divis- ions, and though in all ages continually repudiated by the profession, EGYPTIAN MEDICINE. 295 yet continually hovering round it, was a host of impostors and quacks, as there will always be so long as there are weak-minded and shallow men to be deluded, and vain and silly women to believe. When the Alexandrian Museum was originated by Ptolemy Phila- delphus, its studies were arranged in four faculties— literature, mathe- matics, astronomy, medicine. These divisions are, how- Egyptian medicine, ever, to be understood comprehensively: thus, under the TheMnBeum. faculty of medicine were included such subjects as natural history. The physicians who received the first appointments were Cleombrotus, Herophilus, and Brasistratus ; . among the subordinate professors was Philo-Stephanus, who had charge of natural history, and was directed to write a book on Fishes. The elevated ideas of the founder can not be better illustrated than by the manner in which he organized his medi- cal school. It was upon the sure basis of anatomy. Herophilus and his colleagues were authorized to resort to the dissection of the dead, and to ascertain, by that only reliable method, the true PMiadeipims founds structure of the human body. The strong hand of Ptol- ™dicineon.natomy. emy resolutely carried out his design, though in a country where pop- ular sentiment was strongly opposed to such practices, hitherto unheard of in the world. To touch a corpse in Egypt was an abomination. Nor was it only this great man's intention to ascertain the human struc- ture : ' he also took rheasures to discover the mode in which He authorizes dis- ' - ■ . , . , . section and liumaD its functions are carried .forward, the manner m which it Ti™ection. works. To -this end he authorized his anatomists to make vivisections both of animals, and also criminals who had been condemned to death, herein finding for himself that royal road in physiology which Euclid once told him, at a dinner in the Museum, did not exist in geometry, and defending the act from moral criticism by the plea that, as the cul- prits had already forfeited their lives to the law, it was no injury to make them serviceable to the interests of humanity. He- physicians of the ai- rophilus had been educated at Cos ; his pathological views «='"'*"™ =*'"''-^ were those known as humoralism ; his treatment active, after the man- ner of Hippocrates, upon whose works he wrote commentaries. His original investigations were numerous; they were embodied, with his peculiar views, in treatises on the practice of medicine ; on obstetrics ; on the eye ; on the pulse, which he properly referred to contractions of the heart. He was 'aware of the existence of the lacteals, and their. ana- tomical relation to the mesenteric glands. Erasistratus, his colleague, was a pupil of Theophrastus and Chrysippus : he, too, cultivated anato- my. He described the structure of the heart, its' connections with the arteries and veins, but fell into the mistake that the former vessels were for the conveyance of air, the latter for that of blood. He knew that there are two kinds of nerves, those of motion and those of sensation. He referred all fevers to inflammatory states, and in his practice differed 296 THE ALEXAJSTDBIAN SCHOOLS. from the received methods of Hippocrates in observing a less active treatment. By these physicians the study of medicine in Alexandria was laid upon Improvements in 8ur- ^^^ soHd' foundatipn of auatomy. Besides them there gejy and pharmacy. ^gj,g j^^ny Other iustructors in specialties; and, indeed, the temple of Serapis was used for a hospital, the sick being received into it, and persons studying medicine admitted for the purpose of famil- iarizing themselves with the appearance of disease, precisely as in such institutions at the present time. Of course, under such circumstances, the departments. of surgery and pharmacy received many improvements, and produced mariy able men. Among these improvements may be mentioned new operations for lithotomy, instruments for crushing cal- culi, for reducing dislocations, etc. The active commerce of Egypt af- forded abundant opportunity for extending the materia medica by the introduction of a great many herbs and drugs. The medical school of Alexandria, which was thus originally based upon dissection, in the course of time lost much of its scientific spirit. Decline of Aiexan- But the influence of the first teachers may be traced through drian medicine, many subscqucnt agcs. Thus Galen divides the profes- sion in his time into Herophilians and Erasistratians. Various sects had arisen in the course of events, as the Dogmatists, who asserted that diseases can only be treated correctly by the aid of a knowledge of the structure and functions, the action of drugs, and the changes induced in the affected parts ; they insisted, therefore, upon the necessity of anato- my,- physiology, therapeutics, and pathology. They claimed a descent from Hippocrates. Their antagonists, the Empirics, ridiculed such knowledge as fanciful or unattainable, and relied on experience alone. These subdivisions were not limited to sects ; they may also be observed under the form of schools. Even Erasistratus himself, toward the close of his life, through some dispute or misunderstanding, appears to have left the Museum and established a school at Smyrna. The study of the various branches of medicine was also pursued by others out of the im- mediate ranks of the profession. Mithridates, king of Pontus, thus de- voted hims^f to the examination of poisons and the discovery of anti- dotes. "What a fall from this scientific medicine to the miracle-cure which soon displaced it! What a descent from Hippocrates and the great Alexandrian physicians to the shrines of saints and the monks ! To the foregoing sketch of the state of Greek medicine in its day of ThejewiBii glory, I must add an examination of the same science among phyeicians. tijejcws Subsequently to the second century; it is necessary for the proper understanding'of the origin of Saracen learning. In philosophy the Jews had been gradually emancipating themselves THE JEWISH PHYSICIAH-S. 297 from the influence of ancient traditions ; their advance in this direction is shown by the active manner in which they aided in the development of Neo-platonism. After the destruction of Jerusalem all Syria and Mesopotamia were full of Jewish schools ; but the great phi- Then emandpa- ^ , „ , . tion from the losophers, as weU as the great merchants oi tne nation, were supernatural, residents of Alexandria. Persecution and dispersion, if they served no other good purpose, weakened the grasp of the ecclesiastic. Perhaps, too, repeated disappointments in an expected coming of a iiational tem- poral Messiah had brought those who were now advanced in intellectu- al progress to a just appreciation of ancient traditions. In this mental emancipation their physicians took the lead. Por long, while their pur- suits were yet in infancy, a bitter animosity had been manifested toward them by the Levites, whose manner of healing was by prayer, expiatory sacrifice, and miracle ; or, if they descended to less supernatural means, by an application of such remedies as are popular with the vulgar every where. Thus, to a person bitten by a mad dog, they would give the di- aphragm of a dog to eat. As examples of a class of men soon to take no obscure share in directing human progress may be mentioned Han- nina, A.D. 205, often spoken of by his successors as the earliest of Jew- ish physicians ; Samuel, equally distinguished as an astronomer, ac- coucheur, and oculist, the inventor of a coUyrium which bore his name; Eab, an anatomist, who wrote a treatise on the construction of the body of man as ascertained by dissections, thereby attaining such celebrity that the people, after his death, used the earth of his grave as a medi- cine ; Abba Oumna, whose study of insanity plainly shows that he gave a material interpretation to the national doctrine of possession ij devils, and replaced that strange delusion by the scientific explanation of corporeal derangement. This honorable physician made it a rule never to take a fee from the poor, and never to make any difference in his assiduous attention between them and the rich. These men may be taken as a type of their successors to the seventh century, when the Oriental schools were broken up in consequence of the Arab military movements. In the Talmudic literature there are all the indications of a transitional state, so far as medicine is concerned; the supernatural seems to be passing into the physical, the ecclesiastical is mixed up with the exact : thus a rabbi may cure disease by the ecclesiastical operation of laying on of hands ; but of febrUe disturbances, an exact, though erro- neous explanation is given, and paralysis of the hind legs of an animal is correctly referred to the pressure of a tumor on the spinal cord. Some of its aphorisms are not devoid of amusing significance : " Any disease, provided the bowels remain open ; any kind of pain, provided the heart remain unaffected ; any kind of uneasiness, provided the head is not attacked ; aU manner of evils, except it 'be a bad woman." At first, after the fall of the Alexandrian school, it was all that the 298 THEIE POSITION AMONG THE ARABS. Jewish physicians could do to preserve the learning that had descended to them. But when the tumult of Arabic conquest was over, we find The Arahs afsii- them becomiug the advisers of crowned heads, and exerting ate with them, -j^y reasou of their advantageous position, their hberal edu- cation, their enlarged views, a most important influence on the intellect- ual progress of humanity. Maser Djaivah, physician to the Khalif Moa- Eise of Jewish phy- wiyah, was distinguished at once as a poet, a critic, a phi- BieianetoiBfluence. logopher; KaM translated many books from Greek ; Ha- roun, a physician of Alexandria, whose Pandects, a treatise, unfortunate- ly now lost, are saidto have contained the first elaborate description of the small-ppx and method of its treatment. Isaac Ben Bmran wrote an original treatise on poisons and their symptoms, and others followed Ids example. The Khalif Al Easchid, who maintained political relations with Charlemagne by means of Jewish, envoys, set that monarch an ex- ample by which indeed he was not slow to profit, in actively patroniz- Thcy found med- i^g the mcdical coUcgc at Djondesabour, and founding a loaicoueges, univcrsity at Bagdad. He prohibited any person from practising medicine until after a satisfactory examination before one of those faculties. In the Bast the theological theory of disease and of its cure was fast passing away. Of the school at Bagdad, Joshua ben Nim is said to have been the most celebrated professor, the school itself act ively promoting the translation of Greek works into Arabic — ^not alone works of a professional, but also those of a general kind. In this man- ner the writings of Plato and Aristotle were secured ; indeed, it is said and promote science that almost cvery day camels laden with volumes were and literature. enterjng'the gates of Bagdad. To add.tothe supply, the Emperor Michael III. was conipelljed by treaty to. furnish Greek books. The result of this intellectual movement could be no other than a diffii- sion of light. Schools arose in Bassora, Ispahan, Samarcand, Fez, Mo- rocco, Sicily, Cordova, Seville, Granada. Through the Nestorians and the Jews the Arabs thus became ac- quainted with the "medical science, of Greece and Alexandria; but to this w'as added other knowledge of a more sinister kind, derivedirom Intermingling of Persia, Or perhaps remotely from Chaldee sources, the Nes- magic and Borceiy. toriaus having important Church establishments in Meso- potamia, and the Jews long familiar with that country ; indeed, from thence their ancestors originally came. More than once its ideas had modified their, national religion. This extraneous knowledge was of an astrological or magical nature, carried into practice by. incantations, am- ulets, charms, and talismans. Its fundamental principle was that the planetary bodies exercise an influence over terrestrial things. As seven Dedication of por- plaucts and scveu metals were at that time known— the tiZtf the raper-'* sun, the mooil, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Yenus, Saturn, be- naturai. j^g ^j^q plancts of astrology— ft due allotment was made. NEOKOMANCY AND MAGIC. 299 Gold was held sacred to tlie sun, silver to tte moon, iron to Mars, etc. Even the portions of time were in like manner dedicated : the seven days of the week were respectively given to the seven planets of astrol- ogy. (The names imposed on those days, and the order in which they occur, are obviously connected with the Ptolemaic hypothesis of astron- omy, each of the planets having an hour assigned to it in its order of occurrence, and the planet ruling the first hour of each day giv- ongin of ing its name to that day. Thus arranged, the week is a remark- ^^<'^^^ able instance of the longevity of an institution adapted to the wants of man. It has survived through many changes of empire, has forced it- self on the ecclesiastical system of Europe, which, una,ble to change its idolatrous aspect, has encouraged the vulgar error that it owes its au- thenticity to the Holy Scriptures, an error too plainly betrayed by the pagan names that the days bear, and also by their order of occurrence. It was unknown to the classical ancients and to the inspired penmen. These notions of dedicating portions of matter or of time to the su- pernatural were derived from the doctrine of a universal spirit or soul of the world, extensively believed in throughout the East. It underlies, as we have seen in Chapter III., all Oriental theology, and is at once a very antique and not unphilosophical conception. Of this soul the spirit of man was by many supposed to be a particle like a spark given off from a flame. AH other things, animate or inaniniate, brutes, plants, stones, nay, tven natural forms, rivers, mountains, cascades, grottoes, have each an indwelling and animating spirit. Amulets and charms, therefore, did not derive their powers from the material substance of which they consisted, but from this indwelling spirit. In the case of man, his imniaterial principle was believed to cor- respond to his personal bodily, form. Of the two great sects into which the Jewish nation had been divided, the Pharisees accepted the Assyri- an doctrine ; but the Sadducees, who denied the existence of any such spirit, boaisted that theirs was the old Mosaic faith, and denounced their antagonists as having been contaminated at the time of the Babylonish capti-vity, before which catastrophe, according . to them, these doctrines were unheard of in Jerusalem. In Alexandria, among the Aie^nMan leading men there were many adherents to these opinions. °'='=!^™™<'5'- Thus Plotinus wrote a book on the association of daemons with men, and his disciple Porphyry proved. practically the possibility of such an alliance ;• for, repairing to the temple of Isis along with Plotinus and a certain Egyptian pripst, the latter, to prove his supernatural power, of- fered to raise up the spirit of Plotinus himself in a visible form. A magical circle was drawn, on the ground, surrounded with the customary astrological signs, the invocation comhienced, the spirit appeared, and Plotinus stood face to face with his own soul. In this successfiil. exper- iment it is needless to inquire how far the necromancer depended upon 300 THE BLACK AET. optical contrivances, and how far upon an alarmed imagination. Per- haps there was somewhat of both ; but if thus the spirit of a living man could be called up, how much more likely the souls of the dead. In reality, these wild doctrines were connected with Pantheism, which These ideaeorigi. was sccrctly bclievcd in every where'; for, though, in a nateiQ Pantheism, coarse mode of exprcssion, a distinction seemed thus to be made between matter and spirit, or body and soul, it was held by the initiated that matter itself is a mere shadow of the spirit, and the body a deiusive semblance of the soul. In the eighth century; many natural facts of a surprising and unac- countable description, well calculated to make a profound impression The black art. upon thosc who witncsscd them, had accumulated. They were such as are now familiar to chemists. Vessels tightly closed were burst open when tormented in the fire, apparently by some invisible agency ; intangible vapors condensed into solids ; from colorless liquids gaudy precipitates were suddenly called into existence; flames were disengaged without any adequate cause ; explosions took place spon- taneously. So much that was unexpected and. unaccountable, justified the title of " the occult science," " the black art." Prom being isolated marvels unconnected with one another, these facts had been united. The Ohaldee notions of a soul of the world, and of indwelling spirits, had furnished a thread on which all these pearls, for such they proved to be, might be strung. With avidity — ^for there is ever a charm in the supemataral— did the Arabs receive from their Nestorian and Jewish medical instructors The Arabians thcsc mystical interpretations along with true knowledge, delusions, And far from resting satisfied with what their masters had thus delivered, they proceeded forthwith to improve and extend it for themselves. They submitted all kinds of substances to all kinds of Op- erations, greatly improving the experimental processes they had been taught. By exposing various bodies to the fire, they found it possible to extract from them more refined portions, which seemed to concen- trate in themselves the qualities appertaining in a more diffuse way to the substances from which they had been drawn. These, since they were often invisible at their first disengagement, yet capable of bursting open4he strongest vessels, and sometimes of disappearing in explosions and flames, they concluded must be the indwelling spirit or soul of the body, from which the fire had driven them forth. It was the Chaldee doctrine realized. Thus they obtained the spirit of wine, the spirit of salt, the spirit of nitre. We still retain in commerce these designations, though their significance is lost. When first introduced they had a strictly literal meaning. Alchemy, with its essences, quintessences, and spirits, was Pantheism materialized. God was seen to be in every thing, in the abstract as well as the concrete, in numbers as well as realities. ALCHEMY. 301 Anticipating what will have hereafter to be considered in detail, I may here remark that it was not the Mohammedan alone who delivered • himself up to these mystic delusions ; Christendom was pre- and the chris- pared for them also. In its opinion, the earth, the air, the sea, "^"^ '^°- were full of invisible forms. "With more faith than even by paganism itself were the supernatural powers of the images of the gods accepted, only it was imputed to the influence of devils. The lunatic was troubled by a like possession. If a spring discharged its waters with a periodical gushing of carbonic acid gas, it was agitated by an angel ; if an unfor- tunate descended into a pit and was suffocated by the mephitic air, it was by some daemon who was secreted ; if the miner's torch produced an explosion, it was owing to the wrath of some malignant spirit guard- ing a treasure, and whose solitude had been disturbed. There was no end to the stories, duly authenticated by the best human testimony, of the occasional appearance of such spirits under visible forms ; there was no grotto or cool thicket in which angels and genii had not been seen ; no cavern without its daemons. Though the names were not yet given, it was weU understood that the air had its sylphs, the earth its gnomes, the fire its salamanders, the water its undines ; to the day belonged its apparitions, to the night its fairies. The foul air of stagnant places as- sumed the visible form of daemons of abominable aspect ; the explosive gases of mines took on the shape of pale-faced, malicious dwarfe, with leathery ears hanging down to their shoulders, and in garments of gray cloth. Philosophical conceptions can never be disentangled from social ideas ; the thoughts of man will always gather a tincture from the intel- lectual medium in which he lives. In Christendom, however, the chief application of these doctrines was to the relics of martyrs and saints. As with the amulets and talismans- of Mesopotamia, these were regarded as possessing supernatural powers. They were a sure safeguard against evil spirits, and an unfailing relief in sickness. A singular force was given to these mystic ideas by the peculiar di- rection they happened to take. As there are veins of water in the earth, and apertures through which the air can gain access, an analogy was inferred between its structure and that of an animal, leading to an inference of a similarity of functions. From this came the theory of the development of metals in its womb under the influence of Transmutation of the planets, the pregnant earth spontaneously producing "^efi^-^otamy. gold and silver from baser things after a definite number of lunations. Already, however, in the doctrine of the transmutation of metals, it was perceived that to ITature the lapse of time is nothing — to man it is ev- ery thing. To Nature, when she is transmuting a worthless into a bet- ter metal, what signify a thousand years ? To man, half a century em- braces the period of his intellectual activity. The aim of the cultivator 302 philosophek's stone and elixir of life. of the sacred art should be to shorten the natural term ; and, since we observe the influence of heat in hastening the ripening of fruits, may we not reasonably expect that duly regulated degrees of fire will answer the purpose ? by an exposure of base material in the furnace for a proper season, may we not anticipate the wished-for event? The Em- peror Caligula, who had formerly tried to make gold from orpiment PMioBopher'B ^J t^® forcc of fire, was only one of a thousand adepts pursuing *'™*- a similar scheme. Some trusted to the addition of a materid substance in aiding, the fire to purge away the dross of the base body submitted to it. . From this arose the doctrine of the powder of projec- tion and the philosopher,'s stone. This doctrine of the possibility of transmuting things into forms es- sentially different steadily made -its way, leading, in the material direc- TmuBmutatioi. and ^ou, to alchcmy, the art of making gold and silver oilt of tramubstantiation. ^^^^ metals, and in theology to transubstantiation. Trans- mutation and transubstantiation were .twin sisters, destined for a world- wide celebrity ; one became allied to the science of Mecca, the other to the theology of Eome. While thus the Arabs joined in the pursuit of alchemy, their medical tendencies led them simultaneously to cultivate another ancient delu- The elixir sion, the discovcry of a universal panacea or elixir which of Ufa should cure all diseases and prolong life forever. The mystical experimenters for centuries had been ransacking all nature, from the yellow flowers which are sacred to the sun, and gold his emblem and representative on earth, down to the vilest excrements of the human body. As to gold, there had gathered round that metal many fictitious excellencies in addition to its real values ; it was believed that in some preparation of it would be found the elixir vitse. This was the explana- Potable gold, tiou of the uuwe^ried attempts at making potable gold, for it was universally thought that if that metal could be obtained in a dis- solved state, it would constitute the long-sought panacea. Nor did it seem impossible so to increase the power of water as to impart to it new virtues, and thereby enable it to accomplish the desired solution. Were there not natural waters of very different properties? were there not some that could fortify the memory, others destroy it ; some re-en- force the spirits, some impart dullness, and some, which were highlj prized, that could secure a return of love ? It had been long known that both natural and artificial waters can permanently affect the health, and that insjtruments may be made to ascertain their qualities. Zosi- mus, the Panopolitan, had described in former times the operation of distillation, by which it may be purified ; the Arabs called the apparatus Chemical waters, for couductiug that experiment an alembic. His treatise on the virtues and composition of waters was conveyed under the form of a dream, in which there flit before us fantastically white-haired priests GUNPOWDEB, GREEK FIRE, AND INCOMBUSTIBLE MEN. 303 sacrificing before the altar; caldrons of boiling water, in which there are walking about men a span long; brazen-clad warriors in silence reading leaden books, and sphinxes with wings. In such incompre- hensible fictions knowledge was purposely, and ignorance conveniently concealed. The practical Arabs had not long been engaged in these fascinating but wild pursuits, when results of very great importance TheAraijaori^ate began to aippear. In a scientific point of view, the dis- =™n«flo chemistry. covery of the strong acids laid the true foundation of chemistry ; in a political point of view, the invention of gunpowder revolutionized the world. There were several explosive mixtures. Automatic fire was made from equal parts of sulphur, saltpetre, and sulphide of antimo- Gunpowder and ny, finely pulverized and mixed into a paste, with equal parts *^«-^°"^- of juice of the black sycamore and liquid asphaltum, a little quick-lime being added. It was directed to keep the material from the rays of the sun, which would set it on fire. Of liquid or Greek fire we have not a precise description, since the knowledge of it was kept at Constantinople as a state secret. There is reason, however, to believe that it contained sulphur and nitrate of potash mixed with naphtha. Of gunpowder, Marcus Grsecus, whose date is probably to be referred to the close of the eighth century, gives the composition explicitly. He directs us to pulverize in a marble mortar one pound of sulphur, two of charcoal, and six of saltpetre. If some of this powder be tightly rammed in a long narrow tube closed at one end, and then set on fire, the tube^wUl fly through the air : this is clearly the rocket. He says that thunder may be imitated by folding some of the powder in a cover and tying it up tightly : this is the cracker. It thus appears that fire-works preceded fire-arms. To the same au- mcombusti- thor we are indebted for receipts for making the skin incom- '''^ ™™- bustible, so that we may handle fire without being burnt. These, doubtless, were received as explanations of the' legends of the times, which related how miracle-workers had washed their hands in melted copper, and sat at their ease in flaming straw. : Among the Saracen names that might be mentioned as cultivators of alchemy, we may recall El-Easi, Ebid Durr, Djafar or G-e- Aratian chemiBts. ber, Toghrag^, who wrote an alchemical poem, and Dschildegi, one of whose works Isears the significant title of " The Lantern." The defini- tion of alchemy by some of these authors is very striking : the science of the balance, the science of weight, the science of combustion. To one of these chemists, Djafar, our attention may for a moment be drawn. He lived toward the end of the eighth century, Djafar aiscoveis and is honored by Ehases, Avicenna, and Kalid, the great ^^r^^^a,™* Arabic physicians, as their rnaster. His name ia memorable in chemis- 304 , piSCOVEEY OP NITBIO AND SULPHUEIC ACIDS. try, 'Since it marks an epoch, in that science of equal importance to that of Priestley and Lavoisier. He is the first to describe nitric acid and aqua regia. Before him no stronger acid was known than concen- trated vinegar. We can not conceive of chemistry as not possessing acids. Well, then, may Eoger Bacon speak of him as the magister magistrorum. He has perfectly just notions of the nature of spirits or gases, as we call them ; thus he says, " Oh, son of the doctrine, when and that oxidation Spirits fix thcmsclvcs in bodies, they lose their form ; in increases weight. ^}^q{j. nature they are no longer what they were. When you compel them to be disengaged again, this is what happens : either the spirit alone escapes with the air, and the body remains fixed in the alembic, or the spirit and body escape together at the same time." His doctrine respecting the nature of the metals, thougb erroneous, was not without a scientific value. A metal he considers to be a compound of sulphur, mercury, and arsenic, and hence he infers that transmutation is possible by varying tbe proportion of those ingredients. He knows that a metal, when calcined, increases in weight, a discovery of the greatest importance, as eventually brought to bear in the destruction of the doc- trine of Phlogiston of Stahl, and which has been imputed to Europeans of a much later time. He describes the operations of distillation, subli- mation, filtration, various chemical apparatus, water-baths, sand-baths, cupels of bone-earth, of the use of whicb he gives a singularly clear de- scription. A chemist reads with, interest Djafar's antique method of obtaining nitric acid by distilling in a retort Cyprus vitriol, alum, and saltpetre. He sets forth its corrosive power, and shows how it may be He solves the prob- made to dissolvc even gold itself, by adding a portion of lem of potable gold, g^-^ ammoniac. Djafar may thus be considered as having solved the grand alchemical problem of obtaining gold in a potable state. Of course, many trials must have been made on the influence of this solution on the animal system, respecting which such extrava- gant anticipations had been entertained. The disappointment that en- sued was doubtless the cause that the records of these trials have not descended to us. With Djafar may be mentioned Ehazes, bom A.D. 860, physician-in- Ehazes discover cl^ief to the great hospital at Bagdad. To him is due the sulphuric acid. gj,g^ dcscription of the preparation and properties of sul- phuric acid. He obtained it, as the Nordhausen variety is stijl made, by the distillation of dried green vitriol. To him are also due the first indications of the preparation of absolute alcohol, by distilling spirit of wine from quick-lime. As a curious discovery made by the Saracens Bechii discovers '^^J hic mentioned the experiment of Achild Bechil, who, by phosphorus. distilling together the extract of urine, clay, lime, and pow- dered charcoal, obtained an artificial carbuncle, which shone in the dark " like a good moon." This was phosphorus. ARABIAN SCIENTIFIC WORKS. 305 And now there arose among Arabian physicians a correctness of thought and breadth of view altogether surprising. It might almost be supposed that the following lines were written by one of our own con- temporaries ; they are, however, extracted from a chapter of Geological views Avicenna on the origin of mountains. This author was born "'■■*^"=«'"»- in the tenth century. " Mountains may be due to two different causes. Either they are effects of upheavals of the crust of the earth, such as might occur during a violent earthquake, or they are the effect of Water, which, cutting for itself a new route, has denuded the valleys, the strata being of different kinds, some soft, some hard. The winds and waters disinte- grate the one, but leave the other intact. Most of the eminences of the earth have had this latter origin. It would require a long period of time for all such changes to be accomplished, during which the mount- ains themselves might be somewhat diminished in size. But that water has been the main cause of these effects is proved by the existence of fossil remains of aquatic and other animals on many mountains." Avi- cenna also explains the nature of petrifying or incrusting waters, and mentions aerolites, out of one of which a sword-blade was made, but he adds that, the metal was top brittle to be of any use. A mere cata- logue of some of the works of Avicenna will show the then existing state of the Arabian mind: 1. On the Utility and Advantage of ms i^orka indicate ^---_T- TT-. ,. ^ f^ 'p T-ki • '^^ attainment of Science ; 2. Of Health and Eemedies; 3. Canons of Fhysic ; the times. 4. On Astronomical Observations ; 5. Mathematical Theorems ; 6. On the Arabic Language and its Properties; 7. On the Origin of the Soul and Eesurrection of the Body ; 8. Demonstration of Collateral Lines on the Sphere; 9. An Abridgment of Euclid; 10. On Finity and Infinity ; 11. On Physics and Metaphysics ; 12. An Encyclopedia of Human Knowl- edge, in 20 vols., etc., etc. The perusal of such a catalogue is suf&cient to excite profound attention when we remember what was the contem- poraneous state of Europe. The pursuit of the elixir made a well-marked impression upon Arab experimental science, confirming it in its medical applica- Effect of the search tion. At the foundation of this application lay the princi- pi-acticai medicine, pie that it is possible to relieve the diseases of the human body by purely material means. As the science advanced it gradually shook off its fe- tichisms, the spiritual receding into insignificance, the material coming into bolder relief Not, however, without great difficulty was a way forced for the great doctrine that the influence of substances on the con- stitution of man is altogether of a material kind, and not at all due to any indwelling or animating spirit ; that it is of no kind of use to prac- tice incantations over drugs, or to repeat prayers over the mortar in which medicines are being compounded, since the effect will be the same, whether such has been done or not ; that there is no kind of effi- cacy in amulets, no virtue in charms ; and that, though saint-relics may U 306 AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST. serve to excite the imagination of the ignorant, they are altogether be- neath the attention of the philosopher. This last sentiment it was which brought Europe and Africa into in- Medical conflict be- tcUectual collision. The Saracen and Hebrew physicians Africa. had become thoroughly materialized. Throughout Chris- tendom the practice of medicine was altogether supernatural. It was in the hands of ecclesiastics; and saint-relics, shrines, and miracle-cures were a source of lioundless profit. On a subsequent page I shall have to de- scribe the circumstances of the conflict that ensued between material philosophy on one side, and supernatural jugglery on the other; to show how the Arab system gained the victory, and how, out of that victory, the industrial life of Europe arose. The Byzantine policy in- augurated in Constantinople and Alexandria was, happily for the world, in the end-overthrown. To that future page I must postpone the great achievements of the Arabians in the fullness of their Age of Eeason. When Europe was hardly more enlightened than Caffraria is now, tlie Saracens were cultivating and even creating science. Their triumpLs in philosophy, mathematics, "astronomy, chemistry, medicine, proved to be more glorious, more durable, and therefore more important than their military actions had been. CHAPTEK'XIV. THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST— (Coniinaerf). IMAGE-WOESHIP AND THE MONKS Origin o/"lMiGE-woESHiP. — Inutility of Images discovered in Asia and Africa during the Sanr cen Wars. — Mise of Iconoclasm. The Emperors prohibit Image-worship. — The Monks, aided by court Femaks, sustainit. — Final Victory of the latter. Image-worship in the West sustained by the Popes. — Quarrel between the Emperor and the Pope. — The Pope, aided by the Monks, revolts and allies himself with the Franks. The Monks. — History of the Rise and Development of Monasticism. — Hermits and CcenoUtes, — Spread of Monastidsm from Egypt over Europe.' — Monk Miracles and Legends.— En- manization of the monastic Establishments. — They materialize Religion, and impress ihetr Ideas on Europe. The Arabian influence, allying itself to philosophy, was henceforth productive of other than military results. To the loss of Africa and Asia was now added a disturbance impressed on Europe itself, ending infl-uence of ^''^ ^^^ dccomposition of Christianity into two forms, Greek tho Ai-abians. g^j^^ Latin, and in three great political events— the emancipa- tion of *he popes from the emperors of Constantinople, the usurpation of power by a new dynasty in France, the reconstruction of a Eoman empire in the West. » IMAGE-WORSHIP. 307 It was the dispute respecting ,tlie worship of images which led to those great events. The acts of the Mohammedan khalifs and of the iconoclastic or image-breaking emperors occasioned that dispute. Nothing could be more deplorable than the condition of southern Europe when it first felt the intellectual influence of the Arabians. Its old Eoman and Greek populations had altogether disappeared; the races of half-breeds and mongrels substituted for them were woraWp of reiics immersed in fetichism. An observance of certain ceremo- "-""^ '"^^^■ liials constituted a religious life ; there seems to have been no percep- tion of morality. A chip of the true cross, some iron filings from the chain of St. Peter, a tooth or bone of a martyr, were held in adoration ; the world was full of the stupendous miracles which these medicines had performed. But especially were painted or graven images of holy personages supposed to be endowed with such powers. They had be- come objects of actual worship. The facility with which the Empress Helena, the mother of Constantiae the Great, had given an aristocratic fashion to this idolatry, showed that the old pagan ideas had never really died out, and that the degenerated populations received with ap- proval the religious conceptions of their great predecessors. The early Christian fathers believed that paintipg and sculpture were forbidden by the Scriptures, and that they were therefore wicked arts ; and, though the second Council of Nicea asserted that the use of images had always been adopted by the Church, there are abundant facts to prove that the actual worship of them was not indulged in until the fourth century, when, on the occasion of its occurrence in Spain, it was condemned by the Council of lUiberis. During the fifth century the practice of intro- ducing images into churches increased, and in the sixth it had become prevalent. The, common people, who had never been able to itsrapia spread comprehend doctrinal mysteries, found their religious wants ^ Christendom, satisfied in turning to these effigies. With singular obtuseness, they be- lieved that the saint was present in his image, though hundreds of the same kind were in existence, and each having an equal and exclusive right to the spiritual presence. The doctrine of invocation of departed saints, which assumed prominence in the fifth century, was greatly strengthened by these graphic forms. Pagan idolatry had reappeared. At first the simple cross was used as a substitute for the amulets and charms of remoter times; it constituted a fetich able to expel evil spirits, and even Satan himself This being, who had become singularly de- based from what he was in the noble- Oriental fictions, was an imbecile and malicious, though not a malignant spirit, affrighted not only at pieces of wood framed in the shape of a cross, but at the form thereof made with the finger in the air. A subordinate daemon simjie fetiches re- was supposed to possess every individual at his birth, but i''"™* ^^ ™*ees. this was cast out by baptism. When, in the course of time, the cross 308 CONTINUANCE OF THE OLD IDOLATRIES. became a crucifix, offering a representation of the dying Eedeemer, it might be supposed to have gathered increased virtue; andTsoon, in addi- tion to that adorable form, were introduced images of the Virgin, the apostles, saints, and martyrs. The ancient times seemed to have come back again, when these pictures were approached with genuflexions, lu- minaries, and incense. The doctrine of the more intelligent was that they were aids to devotion, and that, among people to whom the art of reading was unknown, they served the useful purpose of recalling sacred events in a kind of hieroglyphic manner. But among the vulgar, and monks, and women, they were believed to be endowed with supernat- Bieeding and wink- Ural powcr. Of somc, the wounds could bleed ; of others, mg images. ^j^g g^^g could wiuk ; of othcrs, the limbs could be raised. In ancient times, the statues of Minerva could brandish spears, and those of Venus could weep. In truth, the populations of the Greek and Latin countries were no more than nominally converted and superficially Christianized. The Idolatry never old traditions and practices had never been forgotten. A in'GrSJI''attd tcndcncy to idolatry seemed to be the necessary incident of "°*y- the climate. Not without reason have the apologists of the clergy af&rmed that image-worship was insisted upon by the people, and that the Church had to admit ideas that she had never been able to eradicate. After seven hundred years of apostolic labor, it was found that the populace of Greece and Italy were apparently in their old state, and that actually nothing at all had been accomplished ; the new-comers had passed into the track of their extinct predecessors. It is often said that the restoration of image-worship was owing to the extinction of civilization by the Northern barbarians. But this is not true. In the blood of the German nations the taint of idolatry is, but small. In their own countries they gave it little encouragement, and, indeed, hast- ened quickly to its total rejection. The sin lay not with them, but with the Mediterranean people. Nor are those barbarians to be held accountable for the so-called ex- tinction of civilization in Italy. The true Eoman race had prematurely died ; it came to an untimely end in consequence of its dissolute, its Influence of the violeut life. Its civilization would have spontaneously died barbarians. ^j[^^ j^ jja,d uo barbarian been present ; and, if these intruders produced a baneful effect at first, they compensated for it in the end. As, when fresh coal is added to a fire that is burning low, a still farther diminution will ensue, perhaps there may be a risk of entirely putting it out, but in due season, if all goes well, the new material will jom in the contagious blaze. The savages of Europe, thrown into the de- caying foci of Greek and Eoman light, perhaps did for a time reduce the general heat j but, by degrees, it spread throughout their mass, and the bright flame of modem civilization was the result. Let those who ICONOCLASM. 309 lament the intrusion of these men into the classical countries, reflect upon the result which must otherwise have ensued — the last spark would soon have died out, and nothing but ashes have remained. Three causes gave rise to Iconoclasm, or the revolt against image- worship : 1st, the remonstrances and derision of the Moham- origin of icon- medans ; 2d, the good sense . of a great sovereign, Leo the °°'^™- Isaurian, who had risen by his merit from obscurity, and become the founder of a new dynasty at Constantinople ; 3d, the detected inability of these miracle-working idols and fetiches to protect their worshipers or themselves against an unbelieving enemy. Moreover, an impression was gradually making its way among the more intelligent classes that religion ought to free itself from such superstitions. So important were the consequences of Leo's actions, that some have been disposed to as- sign to his reign the first attempt at making policy depend on theology ; and to this period, as I have elsewhere remarked, they therefore refer the ^commencement of the Byzantine empire. Through one hundred and twenty years, six emperors devoted themselves to this reformation. But it was premature. They were overpowered by the populace and the monks, by the bishops of Eome, amdby a superstitious and wicked woman. It had been a favorite argument against the pagans how little their gods could do for them when the hour of calamity came, wheii their statues and images were insulted and destroyed, and hence how vain was such worship, how imbecile such gods. When Africa inutmty of mi- and Asia, which were full of relics and crosses, pictures and Sscovered'Sf''' images, fell before the Mohammedans, those conquerors re- sIom/^ taliated the same logic with no little effect. There was hardly one of the fallen towns which had not some idol for its protector. Eemem- bering the stern objurgations of the prophet against this deadly sin, pro- hibited at once by the commandment of God and repudiated by the rea- son of man, the Saracen khalifs had ordered all the Syrian images to be destroyed. Amid the derision of the Arab soldiery and the Deatmotion tears of the terror-stricken worshipers, those orders were re- falty a' morselessly carried into effect, except in some cases where the ■*^'=''^- temptation of an enormous ransom induced ^ese avengers of the unity of God to swerve from, their duty. Thus the piece of linen cloth on which it was feigned that our Savior' had impressed his countenance, and which was the palladium of Edessa, was carried off by the victors at the capture of that town, and subsequently sold to Constantinople at the profitable price of twelve thousand pounds of silver. This picture, and also some other celebrated ones, it was said, possessed the property of multiplying themselves by contact, with other surfaces, as jn modern times we multiply photographs. Such were the celebrated images "made without hands." 310 THE ICONOCLASTIC EMPEEOES. It was currently asserted that the immediate origin of Iconoclasm was due to the Khalif Yezed, who had completed the destruction of the Syrian images, and to two Jews, who stimulated Leo the Isaurian to his The emperor task. However that may be, Leo published an edict. A D prohibits im- l_^_ i -i • o • m -*~»-'-^. age-worship. 726, prohibitmg the worship of images. This was followed by another directing their destruction, and the whitewashing of the walls of churches ornamented with them. Hereupon the clergy and the monks rebelled ; the emperor was denounced as a Mohammedan and a Jew. He ordered that a statue of the Savior in that part of the city called Chalcopratia should be removed, and a riot was the consequence. One of his of&cers mounted a ladder and struck the idol with an axe upon its face; it was an incident like that enacted some centuries before in the temple of Serapis at Alexandria. The sacred image, which had often arrested the course of Nature and worked many miracles, was now found to be unable to protect or to avenge its own honor. A rabble of women interfered in its behalf; they threw down the ladder and kill- ed the ofi&cer ; nor was the riot ended until the troops were called ia Themonka ^^^ ^ great massacre perpetrated. The monks spread the sedi- sustainit. .j-^Qj^ jj^ g^ij parts ofthe empire; they even attempted to proclaim a new emperor. Leo was every where denounced as a Mohammedan infidel, an enemy of the Mother of God ; but with inflexible resolution he persisted in his determination as long as he lived. His son and successor, Constantine, pursued the same iconoclastic pol- icy. From the circumstance of his accidentally defiling the font from which he was being baptized, he had received the suggestive name of Copronymus. His subsequent career was asserted by the monks to have been foreshadowed by his sacrilegious beginnings. It was pub- They accuse Hcly asscrtcd that he was an atheist. In truth, his biography, of atheism, in many respects, proves that the higher cla,sses in Constanti- nople were largely infected with infidelity. The patriarch deposed upon oath that Copronymus had made the most irreligious confessions to him, as that our Savior, far frorn being the Son of Grod, was, in his opin- ion, a mere man, born of his mother in the common way. The truth of these accusations was perhaps, in a measure, sustained by the revenge that the emperor took on the patriarch for his indiscreet revelations.. He seized him, put out his eyes, caused him to be led through the city mounted on an ass, with his face to the tail, and then, as if to show his unutterable cgntempt for all religion, with an exquisite malice appoint- ed him to his oflS.ce again. If such was the religious condition of the emperor, the higher clergy were but little better. A council was summoned by Constantine, A.D. 754, at Constantinople, which was attended by 388 bishops. It asserted Council of constan- for itsclf the positiou of the seventh general council. It imrie-wOTship! ' unauimously decreed that all visible symbols of Christy EESISTANCE TO ICONOCLASM. 311 except in the Eucharist, were blasphemous or heretical; that image- worship was a corruption of Christianity and a renewed form of pagan- ism ; it. directed all statues and paintings to be removed from the churches and destroyed, and degraded every ecclesiastic and excom- municated every layman who should be concerned in setting them up again. It concluded its labors with prayers for the emperor who had extirpated idolatry and given peace to the Church. But this decision was by no means quietly received. The monks rose in an uproar; some raised a clamor in their caves, some uproar among from the tops of their pillars ; one, in the church of St. Mam- ""^ "'™'"- mas, insulted the emperor to his face, denouncing him as a second apos- tate Julian. 'Noi could he deliver himself from the plague by the scourging, strangling, and drowning of individuals. In his wrath, Oo- pronymus, plainly discerning that it was the monks on one side and the government on the .other, determined to strike at the root of the evil, and to destroy monasticistn itself. He drove the holy men out tj,3 emperor of their cells and cloisters ; made the consecrated virgins marry ; '■«'*"^*^- gave up the buildings for civil uses ; burnt pictures, idols, and all kinds of relics ; degraded the patriarch from his of&ce, scourged him, shaved off his eyebrows, set him for public derision in the circus in a sleeveless shirt, and then beheaded him. Already he had consecrated a eunuch in his stead. Doubtless these atrocities strengthened the bishops of Eome in their resolve to seek a protector from such a master among the barbarian kings of the "West. Constantine Copronymus was succeeded by his son, Leo the Chazar, who, durmg a short 'reign of five years, continued the iconoclastic pol- icy. On his death his wife Irene seized the government, Ee-catabiiahment of ostensibly in behalf of her son. This woman, pre-em- S"the m'SdeLs. inently wicked and superstitious beyond her times, undertook the res- toration of images. She caused the patriarch to retire from his dignity, appointed one of her creatures, Tarasius, in his stead, and summoned another council. In this second Council of Mcea that of Constantino- ple was denounced as a synod of fools and atheists, the worship of im- ages was pronounced agreeable to Scripture and reason, and in conform- ity to the tisages and traditions of the Church. Irene, saluted as the s6(,cond Helena, and set forth by the monks as an exemplar of piety, thus accomplished the restoration of image- worship. In a few years this ambitious woman, refusing to surrender his rightful dignity to her son, caused him to be seized, and, in the porphyry cham- ber in which she had borne him, put out his eyes. Constantinople, long familiar with horrible crimes, was appalled at such an unnatural deed. During the succeeding reigns to that of Leo the Armenian, matters remained without change; but that emperor resumed the Eesnmption of icom- policy of Leo the Isaurian. By an edict he prohibited "/eJor"""''*' 312 IMAGE-WOBSHIP IN THE WEST. image-worship, and banished the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had admonished him that the apostles had made images of the Savior and the Virgin, and that there was at Eome a picture of the Transfigura- tion, painted by order of St. Peter. After the murder of Leo, his suc- cessor,' Michael the Stammerer, showed no encouragement to either party. It was affirmed that he was given to profane jesting, was in- credulous as to the resurrection of the dead, disbelieved the existence of the devil, was indifferent whether images were worshiped or not, and recommended the patriarch to bury the decrees of Constantinople and Nicea equally in oblivion. His successor and son, however, observed Their Sara- ^'^ such impartiality. To Saracenic tastes, shown by his build- cpnic tastes. ^^^ ^ palace like that of the khalif; to a devotion for poetry, exemplified by branding some of his own stanzas on his image-worship- ing enemies ; to the composition of music and its singing by himself as an amateur in the choir ; to mechanical knowledge, displayed by hydraulic contrivances, musical instruments, organs, automatic singing-birds sit- ting in golden trees, he added an abomination of monks and a determ- ined iconoclasm. Instead of merely whitewashing the walls of the churches, he adorned them with pictures of beasts and birds. Icono- clasm had now fairly become a struggle between the emperors and the monks. Again, on the death of TheophOus, image-worship triumphed, and Final restoration of triumphed in the samc manner as before. His widow, ite ImTrSs Tto- Theodora, alarmed by the monks for the safety of the soul ^""^ of her husband, purchased absolution for him at the price of the restoration of images. Such was the issue of Iconoclasm in the East. The monks proved' stronger than the emperors, and, after a struggle of 120 years, the im- ages were finally restored. « In the West far more important conse- quences followed. To image-worship Italy was devoutly attached. When the first edict Image-worship of I^^o was made known by the exarch, it produced a rebel- in the West, jjqjj^ q^ ^jjich Popc Gregory II. took advantage to suspend the tribute paid by Italy. In letters that he wrote to the emperor he defended the popular delusion, declaring that the first Christians had caused'pictures to be made of our Lord, of his brother James, of Stephen, and all the martyrs, and had sent them throughout the w6rld ; the rea- son that God the Father had not been painted was that his countenance was not known. These letters display a most audacious presumption of the ignorance of the emperor respecting common Scripture incidents, It is sustained ^'^'^1 ^s somc havc remarked, suggest a doubt of the pope|s fa- by the pope, miliarity with the sacrcd volumc. He points out the differ ence between the statues of antiquity, which are only the representa' tions of phantoms, and the images of the Church, which have approvec FmXL SEPABATION OF THE GREEK AND LATIN CHUECHES.' 313 themselves, by numberless miracles, to be the genuine forms of the Sa- vior, his mother, and his saints. Eeferring to the statue of St. Peter, which the emperor had ordered to be broken to pieces, he declares that the Western nations regard that apostle as a god upon earth, and omi- nously threatens the vengeance of the pious barbarians if it should be destroyed. In this defense of images Gregory found an active coadju- tor in a Syrian, John of Damascus, who had witnessed the rage of the khalifs against the images of his own country, and whose hand, having been cut off by those tyrants, was miraculously rejoined to his body by an idol of the Virgin to which he prayed. But Gregory was not alone in his policy, nor John of Damascus in his controversies. The King of the Lombards, Luitprand, and by the Lom- also perceived the advantage of putting himself forth as the ^^^ ^"'^■ protector of images, and of appealing to the Italians, for their sake, to expel the Greeks from the country. The pope acted on the principle that heresy in a sovereign justifies withdrawal of allegiance, the Lom- bard that it excuses the seizure of possessions. Luitprand accordingly ventured on the capture of Eavenna. An immense booty, the accumu- lation of the emperors, the Gothic kings, and the exarchs, which was taken at the storm of the town, at once rewarded his piety, stimulated him to new enterprises of a like nature, and drew upon him the atten- tion of his enemy the emperor, whom he had plundered, and of his con- federate the pope, whom he had overreached. . This was the position of affairs. If the Lombards, who were Arians, and therefore heretics, should succeed in extending their sway all over Italy, the influence and prosperity of the papacy must come Position of affairs to an end ; their action on the question of the images was *' "^ "™^- altogether of an ephemeral and delusive kind, for all the Arian nations preferred a simple worship like that of primitive times, and had never shown any attachment to the adoration of graven forms. If, on the oth- er hand, the pope should continue his allegiance to Constantinople, he must be liable to the atrocious persecutions so often and so recently in- flicted on the patriarchs of that city by their tyrannical master ; and the breaking of that connection in reality involved no surrender of any solid advantages, for the emperor was too weak to give protection from the Lombards. Already had been experienced a portentous difiiculty in sending relief from Constantinople, on account of the naval ThesaracenBdom. superiority of the Saracens in the Mediterranean. For the terranl™!'^ ^''^' taxes paid to the sovereign no real equivalent was received ; but Eome, m Ignominy, was obliged to submit, like an obscure provincial town, to the mandates of the Eastern court. Moreover, in her eyes, the emperor," by reason of his iConoclasm, was a heretic. But if alliance with the Lombards and allegiance to the Greeks were equally inexpedient, a third course was possible. A mayor of the palace of the Frankish kings 314 ALLIANCE OF THE LATIN CHUBCH WITH PEANCE. cauaesoftheaiu- had successfuUv led his armies asrainst the Arahs from ance of the popes „. ,•'.., . and the Franks. Spam, and had gamed the great victory of Tours. If the Franks, under the influence of their climate or the genius of their race had thus far sliown no encouragement to images, in all other respects they were orthodox, for they had been converted by Catholic mission- aries ; their kings, it is true, were mere phantoms, but Charles Martel had approved himself a great soldier; he was, therefore, an ambitious man. There was Scripture authority for raising a subordinate to sov- ereign power ; the prophets of Israel had thus, of old, with oU anointed kings. And if the sword of France was gently removed from the king- ly hand that was too weak to hold it, and given to the hero who had already shown that he could smite terribly with it — if this were donehy the authority of the pope, acting as the representative of God, how great the gain to the papacy ! A thousand years migbt not be enough to sep- arate the monarchy of France from the theocracy of Italy. The resistance which had sprung up to the imperial edict for the de- struction of images determined the course of events. The pope rebelled, and attempts were made by the emperor to seize or assassinate him. A vKevoit of the fear that the pontiff might be carried to Constantinople, and popefromthe , .■*- -."., -. .1^,. emperor. the preparations making to destroy the images in the church- es, united all Italy. A council was held at Eome, which anathematized the Iconoclasts. In retaliation, the Sicilian and other estates of thfe Church were confiscated. Gregory III., who in the piean time succeed- ed to the papacy, continued the policy of his predecessor. The emperor was defied. A fleet, which he fitted out in support of the exarch, was lost in a storm. With this termination of the influence of Constantino- ple in Italy came the imminent danger that the pope must acknowledge the supremacy of the Lombards. In his distress Gregory turned to AUiance of the Charlcs Martel. He sent him the keys of the sepulchre of Franks. St. Pctcr, and implored his assistance. The die was cast, Papal Eome revolted from her sovereign, aiid became indisgoluUy bound to the barbarian kingdoms. To France a new dynasty was given, to the pope temporal power, and to the west of Europe a fic- titious Eoman empire. The monks had thus overcome the image-breaking emperors, a result The monks, which proves them to have already become a formidable power in the state. It is necessary, for a proper understanding of the great events with which henceforth they were connected, to describe their on- gin and history. In the iconoclastic quarrel they are to be regarded as the representa- tives of the common people in contradistinction to the clergy; often, in- deed, the representatives of the populace, infected with all its instincts of superstition and fanaticism. They are the upholders of miracle- HISTOEY OF MONASTICIgM. 315 cures, invocation of saints, -worship of images, clamorous b,ssert- Their tot ers of a unity, of faith in the Church— a unity which they never 5™"*°° practiced, but which offered a convenient pretext for a bitter persecution of heresy and paganism, though they were more than half pagan them- selves. It was their destiny to impress on the practical life of Europe that mixture of Christianity and heathenism engendered by political events in Italy and Greece. Yet, while they thus co-operated in ^^a subsequent great affairs, they themselves exhibited, in the most signal ™p™™™nt. manner, the force of that law of continuous variation of opinion and habits to which all enduring communities of men must submit. Born of superstition, obscene in their early life, they end in luxury, refine- ment, learning. Theirs is a history to which we may profitably attend. From very early times there had been in India zealots who, actuated by a desire of removing themselves from the temptations of so- ^he first ciety and preparing for another life, retired into solitary places. ''^™''=- Such also were the Essenes among the Jews, and the Therapeutse in Egypt. Pliny speaks of the blameless life of the former when he says, " They are the companions of palms ;" nor does he hide his astonish- ment at an immortal society in which no one is ever born. Their ex- ample was not lost upon more devout Christians, particularly afier the infiuence of Magianism began to be felt. Though it is sometimes said that the first of these hermits were Anthony and Paulus, they dpubtless are to be regarded as only having rendered themselves more illustrious by their superior sanctity among a crowd of worthies who had preceded them or were^ their contemporaries. As early as the second and third centuries the practice of retirement had commenced among Christians ; soon after it had become common. The date of Hilarion is about A.D. 328, of Basil A.D. 360. Eegarding prayer as the only occupation in which man may profitably engage, they gave no more attention to the body than the wants of nature absolutely demanded. A little dried fruit or bread for food, and water for drink, were sufficient for its Th^;^ ^eif- support; occasionally a particle of salt might be added, but the *'*™'- use of warm water was looked upon as betraying a tendency to luxury. The incentives to many of their rules of life might excite a smile, if it were ^ight^to smile at the acts of earnest men. Some, like the innocent Essenes, who would do nothing whatever on the Sabbath, observed the day before as a fast, rigorously abstaining from food and drink, that nature might not force them into sin on the morrow. For some, it was not enough, by the passive means of abstinence, to refrain from fault or reduce the body to subjection, though starvation is the anti- dote for desire ; the more active, and, perhaps, more effectual opera- tion of periodical flagellations and bodily torture were added. Ingenu- ity was taxed to find new means of personal infliction. A hermit who 316 . HEEMITS, AERIAL AND SOLITAET, never permitted himself to sleep more tlian an liour without being awakened endured torments not inferior to those of the modern fakir who crosses his arms on the top of his head, and keeps them there for years, until they are wasted to the bone, or suspends himself to a pole by means of a hook inserted in the flesh of his back. Among the Oriental sects there are some who believe that the Su- Profonnd con- prcme Being is perpetually occupied with the contemplation God. * of himself, and that the nearer man can approach to a state of total inaction the more will he resemble God. For successive years tlie Indian sage never raises his eyes from his navel ; absorbed in the pro- found contemplation of it, his perennial reverie is unbroken by any outward suggestions, the admiring by-standers administering, as chance offers, the little food and water that his wants require. Under the influ- Aeriai martyrs, ^ncc of similar idcas, in the fifth century, St. Simeon Stylites, Holy birds. yj]^Q ^^ ]^jg youth had oftcn been saved from suicide, by as- cending a column he had built, sixty feet in height, and only one foot square at the top, departed as far as he could from earthly affairs, and approached more closely to heaven. Upon this elevated retreat, to which he was fastened by a chain, he endured, if we may believe the incredible story, for thirty years the summer's sun and the winter's frost. From ■ afar the passer-by was edified by seeing the motionless figure of the holy man, with outstretched arms like a cross, projected against the sky, in his favorite attitude of prayer, or expressing his thankfulness for the many • mercies of which he supposed himself to be the recipient by rapidly striking his forehead against his knees. Historians relate that a curious spectator counted twelve hundred and forty-four of these motions, and then abstained through fatigue from any farther tally, though the un- wearied exhibition was still going on. This " most holy aerial martyr," as Bvagrius calls him, attained at last his reward, and Mount Telenissa witnessed a vast procession of devout admirers accompanying to the grave his mortal remains. More commonly, however, the hermit declined the conspicuous noto- riety of these "holy birds," as they were called by the profane, and, re- tiring to some cave in the desert, despised the comforts of life, and gave himself up to penance and prayer. Among men who had thus alto- gether exalted themselves above the wants of the flesh, there was no The monks in- tolcration for its lusts. The sinfulness of the marriage rela- sistoncciiiiacy. ^jgjj^ ^nd the pre-emiucnt value of chastity, followed from their principles. If it was objected to such practices that by their uni- versal adoption the human species would soon be extinguished, and no man would remain to offer praises to God, these zealots, remembering the temptations from which they had' escaped, with truth rephed that there would always be sinners enough in the world to avoid that disas- ter, and that out of their evil works good would be brought. St. Jerome MENTAL CONDITION OF HERMITS. . 317 offers us the pregnant reflection that, though it may be marriage that fills the earth, it is virginity that replenishes heaven. If they were not recorded by many truthful authors, the extravagan-^ cies of some of these enthusiasts would pass belief. Men and women ran naked upon all fours, associating themselves with the beasts of the field. In the spring season, when the grass is tender, the gr^- Grazing her- ing hermits of Mesopotamia went forth to the plains, sharing ™"°- with the cattle their filth and their food. Of some, notwithstanding a weight of evidence, the stupendous biography must tax their admirers' credulity. It is affirmed that St. Ammon had never seen his own body uncovered ; that an angel carried him on his back over a river which he was obliged to cross ; that at his death he ascended to heaven through the skies, St. Anthony being an eye-witness of the event — St. Anthony, who was guided to the hermit Paulus by a centaur; that Didymus never spoke to a human being for ninety years. From the Jewish anchorites, who of old sought a retreat beneath^he shade of the palms of Engaddi, who beguiled their weary hours in thfe chanting of psalms by the bitter waters of the Dead Sea ; from the phil- osophic Hindu, who sought for happiness in bodily inaction and mental exercise, to these Christian solitaries, the stages of delusion are inaancher- numerous and successive. It would not be difficult to present ™"^- examples of each step in the career of debasement. To one who is ac- quainted with the working and accidents of the human brain, it will ex- cite ho surprise that an asylum for those hermits who had become hope- lessly insane was instituted at Jerusalem. The biographies of these recluses, for ages a source of consolation to the faithful in their temptations, are not to be regarded as mere works of fiction, though they abound in supernatural occurrences, and are the forerunners of the dsemonology of the Middle Ages. The whole world was a scene of daemoniac adventures, of miracles and wonders. So far from being mere impostures, they relate nothing more than may be wit- nessed at any time under similar conditions. In the brain of canseaof hai- man, impressions of whatever he has seen or heard, of what- i""°»*'™=- ever has been made manifest to him by his other senses, nay, even the vestiges of his former thoughts, are stored up. These traces are most vivid at first, but, by degrees, they decline in force, though they, prob- ably never completely die out. During our waking hours, while we are perpetually receiving new impressions from things that surround us, such vestiges are overpowered, and can not attract the attention of the mind. But in the period of sleep, when external influences cease, they present themselves to our regard, and the mind, submitting to the delu- sion, groups them into the fantastic forms of dreams. By the use of opium and other drugs which can blunt our sensibility to passing events, these phantasms may be made to emerge. They also offer them- selves in the delirium of fevers and in the hour of death. 318 EXPLAJfATION OF THEIR TEMPTATIONS. It is imraaterial in wHat manner or by wliat agency our susceptibility to the impressions of surrounding obj ects is benumbed, whether by drugs Supernatural or slcep, Or disease, as soon as their force is no greater than appearances. ^]^^^ ^^ forms already registered in the brain, these last will emerge before us, and dreams or apparitions are the result. So liable is the mind Ijp practice deception on itself, that with the utmost difficulty it is aware of the delusion. No man can submit to long-continued and rigorous fasting without becoming the subject of these hallucinations; and the more he enfeebles his organs of sense, the more vivid is the ex- hibition, the more profound the deception. An ominous sentence may perhaps be incessantly whispered in his ear ; to his fixed and fascinated eye some grotesque or abominable object may perpetually present itself. To the hermit, in the solitude of his cell, there doubtless often did ap- pear, by the uncertain light of his lamp, obscene shadows of diabolical import ; doubtless there was many an agony with fiends, many a stnig- gl^with monsters, satyrs, and, imps, many an earnest, solemn, and man- ful controversy with Satan himself, who sometimes came as an aged man, sometimes with a countenance of horrible intelligence, and sometimes as a female fearfully beautiful. St. Jerome, who, with the utmost difficulty, had succeeded in extinguishing all carnal desires, ingenuously confesses how sorely he was tried by this last device of the enemy, how nearly the ancient flames were rekindled. As to the reality of these appari- tions, why should a hermit be led to suspect that they arose from the natural working of his own brain ? Men never dream that they are dreaming. To him they were terrible realities ; to us they should be the proofs of insanity, but not of imposture. If, in the prison discipline of modern times, it has been found" that sol- itary confinement is a punishment too dreadful for the most hardened convict to bear, and that, if persisted in, it is liable to lead to insanity, how much more quickly must that unfortunate condition have been in- duced when the trials of religious distress and the physical enfeeblement arising from rigorous fastings and incessant watchings were added. To the dreadful ennui which precedes that state, one of the ancient monks pathetically alludes when he relates how often he went forth and re- turned to his cell, and gazed on the sun as if he hastened too slowly to his setting. And yet such fearful solitude is but of brief duration. Even though we flee to the desert we can not be long alone. Cut off from so- Deiusions crea- ^ial convcrse, the mind of man engenders companions for ted ly the mind, itsclf-^companions like the gloom from which they have emerged. It was thus that to St. Anthony appeared the Spirit of For- nication, under the form of a lascivious negro boy ; it was thus that mul- titudes of demons of horrible aspect cruelly beat him nearly to death, the brave old mfen defying them to the last, and telling them that he did not wish to be spared one of their blows ; it was thus that in the night. CEREBRAL SIGHT, OR INVERSE VISION. 319 with hideous laughter, they burst into his cell, under the form of lions, serpents, scorpions, asps, lizards, panthers, and wolves, each attacking him in its own way ; thus that when, in his dire extremity, he lifted his eyes for help, the roof disappeared, and amid beams of light the Savior looked down ; thus it was with the enchanted silver dish that Satan gave him, which, being touched, vanished in smoke ; thus with the gi- gantic bats and centaurs, and the two lions that helped him to scratch a grave for Paul. ' The images that may thus emerge from the brain have been classed by physiologists among the phenomena of inverse vision, or cerebral sight. Elsewhere I have given a detailed investigation of their nature (Human Physiology, p. 401), and, persuaded that they have played a far more important part in human thought than is commonly supposed, have thus expressed myself: " Men in every part of the world, even among nations the most abiect and barbarous, have an abid- important i^iig- *=• -.,. p ... . ious results of ce- ing faith not only m the existence of a spirit that animates rebrai sight us, but also in its immortality. Of these there are multitudes who have been shut out from all communion with civilized countries, who have never been enlightened by revelation, and who are mentally incapable of reasoning out for themselves arguments in support of those great truths. Under such circumstances, it is not very likely that the uncer- tainties of tradition, derived from remote ages, could be any guide- to them, for traditions soon disappear except they be connected with the wants of daily life. Can there be, in a philosophical view, any thing more interesting than the manner in which these defects have been pro- vided for by implanting in the very organization of every man the means of constantly admonishing him of these facts — of recalling them with an unexpected vividness before him even after they have become so faint as almost to die out? Let him be as debased and benighted a savage as he may, shut out from all communion w^th races whom Providence has placed in happier circumstances, he has still the same organization, and is liable to the same physiological incidents as ourselves. Like us, he sees in his visions the fading forms of landscapes which are a future woria. perhaps connected with some of his most grateful recollections, and what other conclusion can he possibly derive from these unreal pictures than that they are the foreshadowings of another land beyond that in which his lot is cast. Like us, he is revisited at intervals by the resemblances bf those whom he has loved or hated whUe they were alive, nor can he ever be so brutalized as not to discern in such manifestations suggestions which to him are incontrovertible proofs of the existence and immortality immortality of the soul. Even in the most refined social con- "^""^ '""^■ ditions we are never able to shake off the impressions of these occur- rences, and are perpetually drawing from them the same conclusions as did our uncivilized ancestors. Our more elevated condition of life in no 320 DEVELOPMENT OF EREMITISM INTO MONASTICISM. respect relieves us from the inevitable consequences of our own organ- ization any more than it relieves us from infirmities and disease. In these respects, all over the globe we are on an equality. Savage or civ- ilized, we carry within us a mechanism intended to present to us me- mentoes of the most solemn facts with which we can be -concerned, and the voice of history tells us that it has ever been true to its design. It wants only moments of repose or sickness, when the influence of exter- nal things is diminished, to come into full play, and these are precisely the ]jiioments when we are best prepared for the truths it is going to sug- gest. Such a mechanism is in keeping with the manner in which the course of nature is fulfilled, and bears in its very style the impress of in-- variability of action. It is no respecter of persons. It neither permits the haughtiest to be free from its monitions, nor leaves the humblest without the consolation of a knowledge of another life. Liable to no mischances, open to no opportunities of being tampered with by the de- signing or interested, requiring no extraneous human agency for its ef- fect, biit always present with each man wherever he may go, it marvel- ously extracts from vestiges of the impressions of the past oyerwhelm- ing proofs of the reality of the future, and gathering its power from what would seem to be a most unlikely source, it insensibly leads us, no mat- ter who or where we may be, to a profound belief in the immortal and imperishable, from phantoms that have scarcely made their appearance before they are ready to vanish away." From such beginnings the monastic system of Europe arose — that sys- Amelioration of t^m which prcscuts US with learning in the place of ferocious monasticiam. jgnorance, with overflowing charity to mankind in the place of malignant hatred ,of society. The portly abbot on his easy-going pal- frey, his hawk upon his fist, scarce looks like the lineal descendant of the hermit starved into insanity. How wide the interval between the monk of the third and the moijk of the thirteenth century — ^between tie caverns of Thebais and majestic monasteries hiding the relics of ancient learning, the hopes of modern philosophy — between the butler arranging his well-stocked larder, and the jug of cold water and crust of bread. A thousand years had turned starvation into luxury, and alas ! if the spoil- ito final cor- ^^s of the Ecformation are to be believed, had converted yisions ruptiona. qJ lovcliuess into breathing and blushing realities, who exer- cised their charms with better effect than of old their phantom sisters had done. The successive stages to this end may be briefly described. Around the cell of some eremite like Anthony, who fixed his retreat on Mount Colzim, a number of humble inaitators gathered, emulous of his austen- The modiflcationa ti^s and of his picty. A similar sentiment impels thena to of eremitism. obscrve Stated hours of prayer. Necessity for supporting the body indicates some pursuit of idle industry, the plaiting of mats or SPREAD OF MONASTICISM. 321 maMng of baskets. So strong is the instinctive tendency of man to as- sociation, that even communities of madmen may organize. Hilarion is said to have been the first who established a monastic community. Per- haps it may have been so. He went into the desert when he was only fifteen years old. Eremitism thus gave birth to Coenobitism, and the evils of solitude were removed. Yet stUl there remained rigorous an- chorites who renounced their associated brethren as they had renounced the world, and the monastery was surrounded by their circle of solitary cells — a Laura, it was called. In Egypt, the sandy deserts on each side of the rich valley of the river offered great facilities for such a mode of life : that of Nitria was full of monks, the climate being mild, Nmnier „f and the wants of man satisfied with ease. It is said that there *''*''"'^»- were at one time in that country of these religious recluses not less than seventy-sis thousand males and twenty-seven thousand females. With countless other uncouth forms, under the hot sun of that climate they seemed to be spawned from the mud of the Nile. As soon as from some celebrated hermitage a monastery had formed, the associates submitted to the rules of brotherhood. Their meal, eaten in silence, consisted of bread and water, oil, and a little salt. The bundle of papyrus which had served tie monk for a seat by day, while he made his baskets or mats, served him for a pillow by night. Twice he was roused from his sleep by the sound of a horn to offer up his prayers. The culture of su- perstition was compelled by inexorable rules. A discipline of penalties, confinement, fasting, whipping, and, at a later period, even mutilation, was inflexibly administered. -From Egypt and Syria monachism spread like an epidemic. It was first introduced into Italy by Athanasius, assisted by some of spread of mo- the disciples of Anthony ; but Jerome, whose abode was in e^™" "" Palestine, is celebrated for the multitude of converts he made to a life of retirement. Under his persuasion, many of the high-born ladies of Eome were led to the practice of monastic habits, as far as was possible, in 'secluded spots near that city, on the ruins of temples, and even in the Forum. Some were induced to retreat to the Holy Land, after bestow- ing their wealth for pious purposes. ' The silent monk insinuated him- self into the privacy of families for the purpose of making proselytes by stealth. Soon there was not an unfrequented island in the Mediter- ranean, no desert shore, no gloomy valley, no forest, no glen, no volcanic crater, that did not witness exorbitant selfishness made the rule of life. There were multitudes of .hermits on the desolate coasts of the Black Sea. They abounded from the freezing Tanais to the sultry Tabenn^. In rigorous personal life and in supernatural power the West acknowl- edged no inferiority to the East ; his admiring imitators challenged even the desert of Thebais to produce the equal of Martin of Tours. The solitary anchorite was soon supplanted by the coenobitic establishment, X 322 EASTEEN AND WESTEEN MONKS. the monastery. It became a fashion among the rich to give all that they had to these institutions for the salvation of their own souk. There was now no need of basket-making or the weaving of mats. The broth- erhood increased rapidly. Whoeyer wanted to escape from the barba- rian invaders, or to avoid the hardships of serving in the imperial army — ■whoever had become discontented with his worldly affairs, or saw in those dark times no inducements in a home and family of his own Increase of found in the monastery a sure retreat. The number of these houses. religious houses eventually became very great. They were usu- ally placed on the most charming and advantageous sites, their solidity and splendor illustrating the necessity of erecting durable habitations for societies that were immortal. It often fell out that the Church laid claim to the services of some distinguished monk. It was significantly observed that the road to ecclesiastical elevation lay through the mon- astery porch, and often ambition contentedly wore for a season the cowl, that it might seize more surely the mitre. Though the monastic system of the East included labor, it was greatly Difference of inferior to that of the West in that particular. The Oriental ind wSu monk, at first making selfishness his rule of hfe, and his own "'""H- salvation the grand object, though all the world efee should per- ish, in his maturer period occupied his intellectual powers in refined dis- putations of theology. Too often he exhibited his physical strength in the furious riots he occasioned in the streets of 'the great cities. He was a fanatic and insubordinate. On the other hand, the Occidental monk showed far less disposition for engaging in the discussion of things above reason, and expended his strength in useful and honorable labor. Be- ileath his hand the wilderness became a garden. To a considerable'ex- tent this difference was due to physiological peculiarity, and yet it must not be concealed that the circumstances of life in the cases were not without their effects. The old countries of the Bast, with their worn- out civilization and worn-out soil, offered no inducements comparable with the barbarous but young and fertile West, where to the ecclesiastio the most lovely and inviting lands were open. Both, however, coincided in this, that they regarded the affairs of life as presenting perpetual in- terpositions of a providential or rather supernatural kind-mangels and devils being in continual conflict for the soul of every man, who migtt become the happy prize of the one or the miserable prey of the other. These spiritual powers were perpetually controlling the course of nature and giving rise to prodigies. The measure of holiness in a saint was the Legends of West- numbcT of miraclcs he had worked. Thus, in the life of St. em saints; Benedict, it is related that when his nurse Cyrilla let fall a stone sieve, her distress was changed into rejoicing by the prayer of the holy child, at which the broken parts came together and were made whole ; that once, on receiving his food in a basket, let down to his oth- MIEACLES OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 323 erwise inaccessible cell, the devil vainly tried to vex him by breaking the rope ; that once Satan, assuming the form of a blackbird, nearly blinded him by flapping his wings ; that once, too, the same tempter ap- peared as a beautiful Eoman girl, to whose fascinations, in his youth, St. Benedict had been sensible, and from which he now hardly escaped by rolling himself among thorns. Once, when his austere rules and severity excited the resentment of the monastery over which he was abbot, the brethren — for monks have been known to do such things — attempted to poison him, but the cup burst asunder as soon as he took it into his hands. "When the priest Florentius, being wickedly disposed, attempted to perpetrate a like crime by means of an adulterated loaf, a raven car- ried away the deadly bread from the hand of St. Benedict. Instructed by the devil, the same ecclesiastic drove from his neighborhood the holy man, by turning into the garden of his monastery seven" naked girls ; but scarcely had the saint taken to flight, when the chamber in which his persecutor lived fell in and buried him beneath its ruins, though the rest of the house was uninjured. Under the guidance of two visible an- gels, who walked before him, St. Benedict continued his journey to Monte Casino, where he erected a noble monastery ; but even here miracles did not cease ; for Satan bewitched the stones, so that it was impossible for the masons to move them until they were released by powerful prayers. A boy, who had stolen from the monastery to visit his parents, was not only struck dead by God for his fault, but the consecrated ground threw forth his body when they attempted to bury it, nor could it be made to rest until the consecrated bread was laid upon it. Two garrulous nuns, who had been excommunicated by St. Benedict for their perverse prat- ing, chanced to be buried in the church. On the next administration of the sacrament, when the deacon commanded all those who did not communicate to depart, the corpses rose out of their graves and walked forth from the church. Volumes might be filled with such wonders, which edified the religious for centuries, exacting implicit belief, and being regarded as The character of of equal authority with the miracles of the Holy Scriptures. ""^^^ nuraciea. Though monastic life rested upon the principle of social abnegation, monasticism, in singular contradiction thereto, contained within itself the principle of organization. As early as A.D. 370, St. Basil, the hbc and prog- Bishop of Csesarea, incorporated the hermits and coenobites of tic oraerB?"""' his diocese into one order, called after him the Basilian. One hundred and fifty years later, St. Benedict, under a milder rule, organized those who have passed under his name, and found for them occupation in suit- able employments of manual and intellectual labor. In the ninth cen- tury, another Benedict revised the rule of the order, and made it more austere. Offshoots soon arose, as those of Clugni, A.D. 900 ; the Carthu- sians, A.D. 1084 ; the Cistercians, A.D. 1098. A favorite pursuit among 324 CIVILIZING AGENCY OF THE MONKS. them being literary labor, they introduced great improvements in the copying of manuscripts ; and in their illuminatioij and illustration are found the germs of the restoration of painting and the invention of cur- sive handwriting. St. Benedict enjoined his order to collect books. It has been happily observed that he forgot to say any thing about their nature, supposing that they must all be religious. The Augustinians were founded in the eleventh century. They professed, however, to be a restoration of the society founded ages "before by St. Augustine. The influence to which monasticism attained may be judged of from TheBenedic- the boast of the Benedictines that "Pope John XXlI., who tinea. jjg^ ^^ 1334, aftcr an exact inquiry, found that, since the first rise of the order, there had been of it 24 popes, near 200 cardinals, 7000 archbishops, 15,000 bishops, 15,000 abbots of renown, above 4000 saints, and upward of 37,000 monasteries. There have been likewise, of this order, 20 emperors and 10 empresses, 47 kings and above 50 queens, 20 sons of emperors, and 48 sons of kings ; about 100 princesses, daughters of kings and emperors; besides dukes, marquises, earls, countesses, etc., innumerable. The order has produced a vast number of authons and other learned men. Their Eabanus set up the school of Germany. Their Alcuin founded the University of Paris. Their Dionysius Bxiguus per' fected ecclesiastical computation. Their Guido invented the scale of mu- sic ; their Sylvester, the organ. They boast to have produced Anselm, Ildefonsus, and the Venerable Bede." We too often date the Christianization of a community from the con- version of its sovereign, but it is not in the nature of things that that should change the hearts of men. Of what avail is it if a barbarian chieftain drives a horde of his savages through the waters of a river by way of extemporaneous or speedy baptism? Such outward forms are of ciTiUzation of little Hioment. It was mainly by the monasteries that to the monks. peasant class of Europe was pointed out the way of civilization, The devotions and charities ; the austerities of the brethren ; their ab- stemious meal ; their meagre clothing, the cheapest of the country in which they lived ; their shaven heads, or the cowl which shut out the sight of sinful objects ; the long staff in their hands; their naked feet and legs ; their passing forth on their journeys by twos, each a watch upon his brother ; the prohibitions against eating outside of the wall of the monastery, which had its own mill, its own bake-house, and what- ever was needed in an abstemious domestic economy ; their silent hos- pitality to the wayfarer, who was refreshed in a separate apartment; the lands around their buildings tamed from a wilderness into a garden, and, above all, labor exalted and ennobled by their holy hands, and cel- ibacy, forever, in the eye of the vulgar, a proof of separation from the world and a sacrifice to heaven — these were the things that arrested the attention of the barbarians of Europe, and led them on to civilization. ULTIMATE EFFECTS OF MONASTICISM. 325 In our own material age, the advocates of the monastery have plaintive- ly asked, Where now shall we find an asylum for the sinner who is sick of the world — for the man of contemplation in his old age, or for the statesman who is tired of affairs ? It was through the leisure procured by their wealth that the monasteries produced so many cultivators of letters, and transmitted to us the literary relics of the old times. It was a fortunate day when the monk turned from the weaving Their later intei- of mats to the copying of manuscripts — a fortunate day i^'ii"' influence, when he began to compose those noble hymns and strains of music which will live forever. From the " Dies Iras" there rings forth grand poetry even in monkish Latin. The perpetual movements of the mo- nastic orders gave life to the Church. The Protestant admits that to a resolute monk the Eeformation was due. With these pre-eminent merits, the monastic institutipn had its evils. Through it was spread that dreadful materialization of relig- rphcir materiau. ion which, for so many ages, debased sacred things ; through ^^awo^ofreugion. it that worse than pagan apotheosis, which led to the adoration — for such it really was — of dead men ; through it were sustained relics and lying miracles, the belief in falsehoods so prodigious as to disgrace the common sense of man. The apostles and martyrs of old were forgotten ; nay, even the worship of God was forsaken for shrines that could cure all diseases, and relics that could raise the dead. Through it was devel- oped that intense selfishness which hesitated at no sacrifice either of the present or the future, so far as this life is concerned, in order to insure personal happiness in the next — a selfishness which, in the delusion of the times, passed under the name of piety ; and the degree of abasement from the dignity of a man was made the measure of the merit of a monk. 326 AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST. CHAPTEE XV. THE AGE OP FAITH IN THE WEST. THE THREE ATTACKS : NORTHERN OE MORAL; WESTERN OR INTELLECTUAL ; EASTERN OR MILITAET. THE NORTHERN OE MORAL ATTACK ON THE ITALIAN SYSTEM, AND US TEMPOBABT BEPTOSB. Geographical Boundaries of Italian Christianity. — Attacks upon it. The Northern or moral Attack. — The Emperor of Germany insists on a reformation in the Pa. pacy. — Gerbert, the representative of these Ideas, is made Pope. — They are ioth poisoned hy the Italians. Commencement of the intelleciual Rejection of the Italian System. — Originates in the Arabim doc- trine of the supremacy of Reason over Authority. — The question of Transuhstantiation. — Bisi and development of Scholasticism. — Mutiny among the Monies. ^ Gregory VII. spontaneously accepts and enforces a Reform in the Church. — Overcomes thi Emperor of Germany. — Is on the point of establishing a European Theocracy. — The Popes seize the military and monetary Resources of Europe through the Crusades. The realm of an idea may often be defined by geometrical lines. If from Eome, as a centre, two lines be drawn, one of which passes The geograph- eastward, and touches the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus, o?LatSehr£ the other westward, and crosses the Pyrenees, nearly all those tianity. Mediterranean countries lying to the south of these lines were living, at the time of which we speak, under the dogma, "There is but one God, and Mohammed is his prophet ;" but the countries to the north had added to the orthodox conception of the Holy Trinity the adoiration of the Virgin, tbe' worsbip of images, the invocation of saints, and a de- vout attachment to relics and shrines. I have now to relate how these lines were pushed forward on Europe, Foreea acting that to the cast by military, that to the west by intellectual upon it. force. On Epme, as on a pivot, they worked ; now opening, now closing, now threatening to curve round at their extremes and com- press paganizing Christendom in their clasp ; then, through the convul- sive throes of the nations they had inclosed, receding from one another and quivering throughout their whole length, but receding only for an instant, to shut more closely again. It was as if from the hot sands of Africa invisible arms were put forth, enfolding Europe in their grasp, and struggling to join their hands to give to paganizing Christendom a fearful and mortal compression. There were struggles and resistances, but the portentous hands clasped at last. Historically, we call the pressure that was then made the Eeformation. Not without difficulty can we describe the convulsive struggles of na- THE PRESSURES UPON ROME. 327 tions so as to convey a clear idea of the forces acting upon theni. I have now to devote many perhaps not uninteresting, certainly not unin- structive pages to these events. In this chapter I begin that task by relating the consequences of the state of things heretofore described — the earnestness of converted Ger- many and the immoralities of the popes. The Germans insisted on a reformation among ecclesiastics, and that they should lead lives in accordance with religion. This The Germans in- moral attack was accompanied also by an intellectual one, in tie papacy. arising from another source, and amounting to a mutiny in the Church itself In the course of centuries, and particularly during the more re- cent evil times, a gradual divergence of theology from morals had taken place, to the dissatisfaction of that remnant of thinking men who here and there, in the solitude of monasteries, compared the dogmas of theol- ogy with the dictates of reason. Of those, and the number was yearly increasing, who had been among the Arabs in Spain, not a few had be- come infected with a love of philosophy. Whoever compares the tenth and twelfth centuries together can not fail to remark the great intellectual advance which Europe was making. The ideas occupying the minds of Christian men, their very Eeappeamnce turn of thought, had altogether changed. The earnestness of "f piiu<'=»pi'y- the Germans, commingling with the knowledge of the Mohammedans, cduld no longer be diverted from the misty clouds of theological discus- sion out of which Philosophy emerged, not in the Grecian classical vest- ure in which she had disappeared at Alexandria, but in the grotesque garb of the cowled and mortified monk. She timidly came back to the world as Scholasticism, persuading men to consider, by the light of their own reason, that dogma which seemed to put common sense at defiance — ^transubstantiation. Scarcely were her whispers heard in the ecclesi- astical ranks when a mutiny against authority arose, and since it was necessary to' combat that mutiny with its own weapons, the Church was compelled to give her countenance to Scholastic Theology. Lending himself to the demand for morality, and not altogether refus- ing to join in the intellectual progress, a great man, Hildebrand, brought on an ecclesiastical reform. He raised the papacy to its maximum of power, and prepared the way for his successors tO' seize the material re- sources of Europe through the Crusades. Such is an outline of the events with which we have now to deal. A detailed analysis of those events shows that there were three direc- tions of pressure upon Eome. The pressure from the West xhe three pres.- and that from the East were Mohammedan. Their resultant ""^"^ iponsome. was a pressure from the North : it was iessentiaUy Christian. WhUe those were foreign, this was domestic. It is almost immaterial in what order we consider them ; the manner in which I am handling the subject leads 328 THE LIFE OF GERBEET, me, however, to treat of the Northern pressure first, then of that of the West, and on subsequent pages of that of the East. It had become absolutely necessary that something should be done for the reformation of the papacy. Its crimes, such as we have related in Foreign influ- Chapter XII., Outraged religious men. To the master-spirit enoe for reform- J- ' ° ° , . , . - r ^" ing the papacy, oi the movement for accomplishing this end we must closely look. He is the representative ,of influences that were presently to ex- ert a most important agency. In the train of the Emperor Otho IE., when he resolved to put a stop to all this wickedness, was Gerbert, a French ecclesiastic, born in Auvergne. In his boyhood, while a scholar Life of Gerbert. in the Abbey of Avrillac, he attracted the attention of his su- periors ; among others, of the Count of Barcelona, wjio took him into Spain. There he became a proficient in the mathematics, astronomy, and physics of the Mohammedan schools. He spoke Arabic with the His Saracen Auency of a Saraccn. His residence at Cordova, where the kha- education. jjf patrouized all the learning and science of the age, and his subsequent residence in Eome, wliere he found an inconceivable igno- rance and immorality, were not lost upon his future life. He established a school at Eheims, where he taught logic, music, astronomy, explained Virgil, Statins, Terence, and introduced what were at that time regarded as wonders, the globe and the abacus. He labored to persuade his coun- trymen that learning is far to be preferred to the sports of the field. He observed the stars through tubes, invented a clock, and an organ playfid by steam. He composed a work on Ehetoric. Appointed Abbot of Bobbio, he fell into a misunderstanding with his monks, and had to re- tire first to Eome, and then to resume his school at Eheims. In the po- litical events connected with the rise of Hugh Capet, he was again brought into prominence. The speech of the Bishop of Orleans at the Council of Eheims, which was his composition, shows us how his Mo- hammedan education had led him to look upon the state of things in Hia reproach- Christendom : " There is not one at Eome, it is notorious, who chmoS^ " knows enough of letters to qualify him for a door-keeper; with what face shall he presume to teach who has never learned ?" He does not hesitate to allude to papal briberies and papal crimes: "If King Hugh's embassadors could have bribed th^ pope and Crescentius, his affairs had taken a different turn." He recounts the disgraces and crimes of the pontiffs : how John XII. had cut off the nose and tongue of John the Cardinal ; how Boniface had strangled John XHI. ; how John XIY. had been starved to death in the dungeons of the Castle of St. Angelo. He demands, " To such monsters, full of all infamy, void of all knowledge, human and divine, are all the priests of God to submit — men distinguished throughout the world for their learning and holy lives ? The pontiff who so sins against his brother — who, when admon- ished, refuses to hear the voice of counsel, is as a publican' and a siiiner. THE LIFE OF GEBBERT. 329 With a prophetic inspiration of the accusations of the Eeformation, he asks, " Is he not Anti-Christ?" He speaks of him as " the Man of Sin," " the Mystery of Iniquity." Of Eome he says, with an emphasis doubt- less enforced by his Mohammedan experiences, " She has already lost the allegiance of the East ; Alexandria, Antioch, Africa, and Asia are separate from her ; Constantinople has broken loose from her ; the in- terior of Spain knows nothing of the pope." He says, "How do your enemies say that, in deposing Arnulphus, we should have waited for the judgment of the Eoman bishop ? Can they say that his judgment is be- fore that of God which our synod pronounced ? The Prince of the Eo- man bishops and of the apostles themselves proclaimed that Grod must be obeyed rather, than men ; and Paul, the teacher of the Gentiles, an- nounced anathema to him, though he were an angel, who should preach a doctrine different to that which had been delivered. Because the pon- tiff Marcellinus offered incense to Jupiter, must, therefore, all bishops sacrifice ?" In all this there is obviously an insurgent spirit against the papacy, or, rather, against its iniquities. In the progress of the political movements Gerbert was appointed to the archbishopric of Eheims. On this occasion, it is not ^^ ecclesiastical without interest that we observe his worldly wisdom. It advancement, was desirable to conciliate the clergy — ^perhaps it might be done by the encouragement of marriage. He had lived in the polygamic court of the khalif, whose family had occasionally boasted of more than forty sons and forty daughters. Well then may he say, " I prohibit not mar- riage. I condemn not second marriages. I do not blame the eating of flesh." His election not only proved unfortunate, but, in the tortuous policy of the times, he was removed from the exercise of his episcopal functions and put under interdict. The speech of the Eoman legate^ Leo, who presided at his condemnation, gives us an insight into the na- ture of his offense, of the intention of Eome to persevere in her igno- rance and superstition, and is an amusing example of ecclesiastical argu- ment: " Because the vicars of Peter and their disciples will not have for their teachers a Plato, a Virgil, a Terence, and the rest of the herd of philosophers, who soar aloft hke the birds of the air, -and dive into the depths like the fishes of the sea, ye say that they are not worthy to be door-keepers, because they know not how to make verses. Peter is, in- deed, a door-keeper— but of heaven !" He does not deny the systematic bribery of the pontifical government, but justifies it. " Did not the Sa- vior receive gifts of the wise men?" Nor does he deny the crimes of the pontiffs, though he protests against those who would expose them, remmding them that " Ham was cursed for uncovering his father's na- kedness." In all this we see the beginnings of that struggle between Mohammedan learning and morals and Italian ignorance and crime, at last to produce such important results for Europe. 330 POISONING OF GERBERT AND OTHO. Once more.G-erbert retired to tlie court of the emperor. It was at the time that Otho III. was contemplating a revolution in the empire and a reformation of the Church. He saw how useful Gerbert might be to his policy, and had him appointed Archbishop of Eavenna, and, on the death of Gregory v., issued his decree for the election of Gerbert as pope. The Gerbert the pope, low-born Frcnch ecclcsiastic, thus attaining to the utmost height of human ambition, took the name of Sylvester II., a name full of meaning. But Eome was not willing thus to surrender her sordid interests ; she revolted. Tusculum, the disgrace of the papacy, rebelled. It required the arms of the emperor to sustain his pontiff. 'For a moment it seemed as if the Eeformation might have been anticipated by many centuries^ that Christian Europe might have been spared the abomiaable papal disgraces awaiting it. There was a learned and upright pope, an able' and youthful emperor ; but Italian revenge, in the person of Stephania, the wife of the murdered Crescentius, blasted all these expectations. From the hand of that outraged but noble criminal, who, with more than Eoman firmness of purpose, could deliberately barter her virtue for ^ Poisoning of vcngeauce, the unsuspecting emperor took the poisoned cup. and pope, and left Eome only to die. He was but twenty-two years of age. Sylvester, also, was irretrievably ruined by the drugs that had been stealthily mixed with his food. He soon followed his patron to the grave. His steam organs, physical experiments, mechanical inven- tions, foreign birth, and want of orthodoxy, confirmed the awful impu- tation that he was a necromancer. The mouth of every one was full of stories of mystery and magic in which Gerbert had borne a part. Afar off in Europe, by their evening firesides, the goblin-scared peasants whis- pered to one another that in the most secret apartment of the palace at Eome there was concealed an impish dwarf, who wore a turban, and had a ring that could make him invisible, or give him two different bodies at the same time ; that, in the midnight hours, strange sounds had been heard, when no one was within but the pope ; that, while he was among the infidels in Spain, the future pontiff had bartered his soul to Satan, on condition that he would make him Christ's vicar upon earth, and now it was plain that both parties had been true to their compact. In their privacy, hollow-eyed monks muttered to one another under their cowls, " Homagium diabolo fecit et male finivit." To a degree of wickedness almo^ irremediable had things thus come. The sins of the pontiffs were repeated, without any abatement, in all the clerical ranks. Simony and concubinage prevailed to an extent that threatened the authority of the Church over the coarsest minds. Eccle- siastical promotion could in all directions be obtained by purchase; in all directions there were priests boasting of illegitimate families. But yet, in the Church itself, there were men of irreproachable life, who, like MUTINY IN THE CHURCH. 331 Peter Damiani, lifted up their voices against the prevailing commencing pro. ,,_..' ,^ 11,1 • i • test m the Church scandal. He it was who proved that nearly every priest in against its Bins. Milan had purchased his preferment and lived with a concubine. The immoralities thus forced upon the attention of pious men soon began to be followed by the consequences that might have been expected. It is but a step" from the condemnation of morals to the criticism of faith. The developing intellect of Europe could no longer bear the acts or the thoughts that it had heretofore submitted to. The dogma of transub- stantiation led to revolt. The early fathers delighted to point out the agreement of doctrines flowing from the principles of Christianity with those of Primitive agree- ^ iT-i i-ni • 11 ment of philosO' Greek philosophy, ior long it was asserted that a corre- phy and theology, spondence between faith and reason exists ; but by degrees, as one dog- ma after another of a mysterious and unintelligible kind was introduced, and matters of belief could no longer be co-ordinated with the conclu- sions of the Understanding, it became necessary to force the latter into a subordinate position. The great political interests involved in Their gradual these questions suggested the expediency and even necessity »''™'"'''°- of compelling such a subordination by the application of civil power. In this manner, as we have described, in the reign of Constantine the Great, philosophical discussions of religious things came to be discoun- tenanced, and implicit faith required in the decisions of existing author- ity. Philosophy was subjugated and enslaved by theology. We shall now see what were the circumstances of her revolt. In the solitude of monasteries there was every inducement for those who had become weary of self-examination to enter on the contempla- tion of the external world. Herein they found a field offering to them endless occupation, and capable of worthily exercising their acuteness. But it was not possible for them to take the first step without offending against the decisions established by authority. The alter- The mutiny against native- was stealthy proceeding or open mutiny ; but be- araongthe°mS?° fore mutiny there occurs a period of private suggestion and another of more extensive discussion. It was thus that the German monk Gots- chalk, in the ninth century, occupied himself in the profound problem of predestination, enduring the scourge and death in prison pereecution of for the sake of his opinion. The presence of the Saracens in Go'^chaik, Spain offered an incessant provocation to the restless intellect of the West, now rapidly expanding, to indulge itself in such forbidden ex- ercises. Arabian philosophy, unseen and silently, was diffusing itself throughout Prance and Europe, and churchmen could sometimes con- template a refuge from their enemies among the infidel. In his extrem- ity, Abelard himself expected a retreat among the Saracens — a protec- tion from ecclesiastical persecution. In the conflict with Gotschalk on the matter of predestination was al- 332 ATTACK ON TEAKSUBSTANTIATION. who seta upreMon ready foieshadowed the attempt to set up reason againsl against authority, authority. John Erigena, who was employed by Hincmar, the Archbishop of Eheims, on that occasion, had already made a pilgrim- age to the birthplaces of Plato and Aristotle, A.D. 825, and indulged the hope of uniting philosophy and religion in the manner pr6posed by the ecclesiastics who were studying in Spain. • i^rom Eastern sources John Erigena had learned the doctrines of the eternity of matter, and even of the creation, with which, indeed, he con- John Ei-igena faua fouuded the Deity himself He was, therefore, a Pantheist; into Pantheism, accepting the Oriental ideas of emanation and absorption not only as respects the soul of man, but likewise all material things. In his work " On the Nature of Things," his doctrine is, " That, as all things were originally contained in God, and proceeded from him into the different classes by which they are now distinguished, so shall they finally return to him and be resolved into the source from which they came ; in other words, that as, before the world was created, there was no being but God, and the causes of all things were in him, so, after the end of the world, there will be no being but God, and the causes of all things in him." This final resolution he denominated deification, or the- osis. He even questioned the eternity of hell, saying, with the empha- sis of a Saracen, " There is nothing eternal but God." It was impossi- ble, under such circumstances, that he should not fall under the rebuke, of the Church. Transubstantiation, as being, of the orthodox doctrines, the least ree- The confuct be- oncilablc to reason, was the first to be attacked by the new stantiation. philosophcrs. What was, perhaps, in the beginning, no more than a jocose Mohammedan sarcasm, became a solemn subject of ecclesi- astical discussion. Erigena strenuously upheld the doctrine of the Ster- corists, who derived their name from the fact that they asserted a part of the consecrated elements to be voided from the body in the manner customary with other relics of food ; a doctrine which was denounced by the orthodox, who declared that the priest could " make God," and that the eucharistic elements were not liable to digestion. And now, A.D.1050,Berengar of Tours prominently brought forward Opinions of Be- thc controvcrsy respecting the real presence. The question rengar of Tours, jj^d been formularizcd by Eadbert under the term transub- stantiation, and the opinions entertained respecting the sacred elements greatly differed ; mere fetish notions being entertained by some, by oth- ers the most transcendental ideas. In opposition to Eadbert and the or- thodox party, who asserted that those elements ceased to be what to the senses they appeared, and actually became transformed into the body and blood of the Savior, Berengar held that, though there is a real pres- ence in them, that presence is of a spiritual nature. These heresies were condemned by repeated councils, Berengar himself being offered the THE DOOTBINES OF ABELAED, 833 choice of death or recantation. He wisely preferred the latter, but more wisely resumed his offensive doctrines as soon as he had escaped from the hands of his persecutors. As might be supposed from the philosoph- ical indefensibility of the orthodox doctrine, Berengar's opinions, which, indeed, issued from those of Brigena, made themselves felt in the highest ecclesiastical regions, and, from the manner in which Gregory VII. dealt with the heresiarch, there is reason to believe that he him- ^he pope private- self had privately adopted the doctrines thus condemned. '^ adopto them. But it is in Peter Abelard that we find the representative of the in- surgent spirit of those times. The love of Heloisa seems-in our eyes to be juslfified by his extraordinary intellectual power. In his oratory, "The Paraclete," the doctrines of faith and the mysteries of re- Peter Ateiard T • -1 • T 1 -KT 1 ■ among the in- ligion were without any restraint discussed. JNo subject was surgents. too profound or too sacred for his contemplation. By the powerful and orthodox influence of St. Bernard, " a morigerous and mortified monk," the opinions of Abelard were brought under the rebuke of the authori- ties. In vain he appealed from the Council of Sens to Eome ; the power of St. Bernard at Eome was paramount. "He makes void the gt.Bemara whole Christian faith by attempting to comprehend the nature ""^"^ i"™- of Grod through human reason. He ascends up into heaven ; he goes down into hell. Nothing can elude him, either in the height above or in the nethermost depths. His branches spread over the whole earth. He boasts that he has disciples in Eome itself, even in the College of Cardinals. He draws the whole earth after him. It is time, therefore, to silence him by apostolic authority." Such was the report of the Council of Sens to Eome, A.D. 1140. Perhaps it was not so much the public accusation that Abelard denied the doctrine of the Trinity, as his assertion of the supremacy of reason ^rwhich clearly betrayed his intention of breaking the thraldom of au- thority — ^that insured his condemnation. It was impossible to restrict the rising discussions within their proper sphere, or to keep them from the perilous ground of ecclesiastical history. Abelard, in his The hoofsio work entitled " Sic e't Non," sets forth the contradictory opin- ^' *'°°-" ions of the fathers, and exhibits their discord and strifes on great doc- trinal points, thereby insinuating how little of unity there was in the Church. It was a work suggesting a great deal more than it actually stated, and was inevitably calculated to draw down upon its author the indignation of those whose interests it touched. Out of the discussions attending these events sprang the celebrated doctrines of NominaHsm and Eealism, though the terms scholastic phuos- themselves seem not to have been introduced till the end of "'^^^^ ™^ "*'• the twelfth century. The Eealists thought that the general types of things had a real existence ; the Nominalists, that they were merely a mental abstraction expressed by a word. It was therefore the old Greek 334 SCHOLASTIC PHILOSOPHY AND THEOLOGY. dispute revived. Of tlie Nominalists, Eosceliri of Compiegne, a little be- NominaiiBm fo^e A.D. 1100, was the first distinguislied advocate ; his ma- ana Eeaiiam. terializiug views, as might be expected, drawing upon him the reproof of the Church. In this contest, Anselm, the Archbishop of Can- terbury, attempted to harmonize reason in subordination to faith, and again, by his example, demonstrated the necessity of submitting all such questions to the decision of the human intellect. The development of scholastic philosophy, which dates from the time of Erigena, was accelerated by two distinct causes : the dreadful mate- rialization into which, in Europe, all sacred things had fallen, and the The Arabs in iHustrious example of the Mohammedans, who already, by their mote^theae physical inquiries, had commenced a career destined to end in disousBions. Tjrilliant results. The Spanish universities were filled with ec- clesiastics from many parts of Europe. Peter the Yenerable, the friend and protector of Abelard, who had spent much time in Cordova, and not only spoke Arabic fluently, but actually translated the Koran into Latin, mentions that, on his first arrival in Spain, he found many learned men, even from England, studying astronomy. The reconciliation of many of the dogmas of authority with common sense was impossible for men of understanding. Could the clear intellect of such a statesman as Hil- debrand be for a moment disgraced by accepting the received view of a doctrine like that of transubstantiation ? His great difficulty was to rec- oncile what had been rendered orthodox by the authority of the Church with the suggestions of reason, or even with that reverence for holy things which is in the heart of every intelligent man. In such senti- ments we find an explanation of the lenient dealings of that stern eccle- siastic with the heretic Berengar. He saw that it was utterly impossi- ble to offer any defense of many of the materialized dogmas of the age, but then those dogmas had been put forth as absolute truth by the Church. Things had come to the point at which reason and theology must diverge ; yet the Italian statesmen did not accept this issue with- Eiaeof scMaa- ^ut au additional attempt, and, under their permission, Scho- tic Theology. ig^g^^Q Theology, which originated in the scholastic philosophy of Erigena and his followers, sought, in the strange union of the Holy Scriptures, the Aristotelian Philosophy, and Pantheism, to construct a scientific basis for Christianity. Heresy was to be combated with the weapons of the heretics, and a co-ordination of authority and reason ef- fected. Under such auspices scholastic philosophy pervaded the schools, giving to some of them, as the University of Paris, a fictitious reputa- tion, and leading to the foundation of others in other cities. It answered the object of its politic promoters in a double way, for it raised around the orthodox theology an immense and impenetrable bulwark of what seemed to be profound learning, and also diverted the awakening mmd of Western Europe to occupations which, if profitless, were yet exciting, THE IMPORTANCE OF SCHOLASTICISM TO THE CHURCH. 835 and without danger to the existing state of things. In that manner was put off for a while the inevitable day in which philosophy and theology were to be brought in mortal conflict with each other. It was doubtless seen by Hildebrand and his followers that, though Berengar had set the example of protesting against the principle that the decision of a major- ity of voters in a councU or other collective body should ever be re- ceived as ascertaining absolute truth, yet so great was the uncertainty of the principles on which the scholastic philosophy was found- Jta advantages in ed, so undetermined its mental exercise, so ineffectual the oflhe ohnreL^ ° results to which it could attain, that it was unlikely for a long time to disturb the unity of doctrine in the Church. While men were reason- ing round and round again in the same vicious circle without finding any escape, and indeed without seeking any, delighted with the dexter- ity of their movements, but never considering whether they were mak- ing any real advance, it was unnecessary to anticipate inconvenience from their progress. * Here stood the difficulty. The decisions of the Church were asserted to be infallible and irrevocable ; her philosophy, if such it can be called — as must be the case with any philosophy reposing upon a The pwioBoph- final revelation from God — was stationary. But the awaken- the chS*° ing mind of the West was displaying, in an unmistakable way, its pro- pensity to advance. As one who rides an untuly horse will sometimes divert him from a career which could not be checked by main force by reining him round and round, and thereby exhausting his spirit and strength, and keeping him in a narrow space, so the wanton efforts of the mind may be guided, if they can not be checked. These princi- ples of policy answered their object for a time, until metaphysical were changed for physical discussions. Then it became impossible to divei t the onward movement, and on the first great question arising— that of the figure and place of the earth— a question dangerous to the last de- gree, since it inferentially included the determination of the position of man in the universe, theology suffered an irretrievable defeat. Between her and philosophy there was thenceforth no other issue than a mortal duel. Though Erigena is the true founder of Scholasticism, Eoscelin, al- ready mentioned as renewing the question of Pla,tonic TJni- cou„eof scho- versals, has been considered by some to be entitled to that i='=«™>»- distinction. After him, William of Champeaux opened a school of logic in Paris, A.D. 1109, and from that time the University made it a promi- nent study.' On the rise of the mendicant orders. Scholasticism received a great impulse, perhaps, as has been afiirmed, because' its disputations suited their illiterate state ; Thomas Aquinas, the Dominican, and Duns Scotus, the Franciscan, founding rival schools, which wrangled for three centuries. In Italy, Scholasticism never prevailed as it did in France 836 CONCENTRATION OF PAPAL POWER. and elsewHere, and at last it died away, its uselessness, save in the po- litical result "before mentioned, having been detected. The middle of the eleventh century ushers in an epoch for the papacy Reaction in the and for Europc. It is marked by an attempt at a moral ref- papaoy agaviat ■ J nn i 1. j. l i? • i . , these presBures. ormatiou IB. the (Jhurch — by a struggle tor securing the inde- pendence of the papacy both of the Emperors of Germany and of the neighboring Italian nobles — thus far the pope being the mere officer of the emperor, and often the creature of the surrounding nobility — by the conversion of the temporalities of the Church, heretofore indirect, into absolute possessions, by securing territories given " to the Church, the blessed Peter,.and the Eoman republic" to the first of those beneficiaries, Preparation for a excluding the last. As cvcnts proceeded, these minor af- concentration of„, , ^ „,,. ^ the papal power, fairs couverged, and out of their union arose the great con- flict of the imperial and papal powers for supremacy. The same policy which had succeeded in depriving the Eoman people of any voice in ap- pointments of popes — which had geculari^d the Church in Italy, for a while seized all the material resources of Europe through the device of the Crusades, and nearly established a papal autocracy in all Europe. These political events demand from us a notice, since from them arose intellectual consequences of the utmost importance. The second Lateran Council, under Nicolas II., accomplished the re- sult of vesting the elective power to the papacy in the cardinals. That was a great revolution. It was this council which gave to Berengar his choice between death and recantation- There were at this period three Three partien powcrs engaged in Italy — ^the Imperial, the Church party, and in Italy. ^j^g xtaliaii nobles. It was for the sake of holding the last in check — ^for, since it was the nearest, it required the most unremitting at- tention—that Hildebrand had advised the popes who were his immediate predecessors to use the Normans, who were settled in the south of the peninsula, by whom the lands of the nobles were devastated. Thus the difficulties of their position led the popes to a repetition of their ancient policy ; and as they had, in old times, sought the protection of the Frank- ish, kings, so now they sought that of the Normans. But in the midst of the dissensions and tumults of the times, a great man was emerging— HUdebrand, who, with 9,lmost superhuman a;bnegation, again and again Hildebrand be- abstained from making himself pope. On the death of Al- comes pope, exaudcr II. his opportunity came, and, with acceptable force, he was raised to that dignity, A.D. 1073. Scarcely was HUdebrand Pope Gregory YII. when he vigorously pro- Hfldebrana cccdcd to Carry into effect the policy he had been preparing a reform, during the pontificates of his predecessors. In many respects the times were propitious. The blameless lives of the German popes had cast a veil of oblivion over the abominations of their Italian prede- cessors. Hildebrand addressed himself to tear out every vestige of si- THE POLICY OF HILDEBRAND. 3^7 mony and concubinage with a remorseless hand. That task must be finished before he could hope to accomplish his grand project of an ec- clesiastical autocracy in Europe, with the pope at its head, and the cler- gy, both in their persons and property, independent of the civil power ; and it was plain that, apart from all moral considerations, the supremacy of Eome in such a system altogether turned on the celibacy Ngjg„,ity„f „gii,,. of the clergy. If marriage was permitted to the ecclesias- ^'^yoithecieigy. tic, what was to prevent hinr from handing down, as an hereditary pos- session, the wealth and dignities he had obtained. In such a state of things, the central government at Eome nee jsgairily stood at every dis- advantage against the local interests of an individual, and still more so if many individuals should combine together to promote, in common, similar interests. 'Bit very different would it be if the promotion must be looked for from Eome — very different as regards the hold upon pub- lic sentiment, if such a descent from father to son was absolutely pre- vented, and a career fairly opened to all irrespective of their station in life. To the Church it was to the last degree important that a man should derive his advancement from her, not from his ancestor. In the trials to which she was perpetually exposed, there could be no doubt that by such persons her interests would be best served. In these circumstances Gregory VII. took his course. The synod held at Eome in the first year of his pontificate denounced the marriage of the clergy, enforcing its decree by the doctrine that the effi- it ia enforced, cacy of the sacraments altogether depended on their being administer- ed by hands sinless in that respect, and made all communicants partners in the pastoral crime. "With a provident foresight of the coming oppo- sition, he carried out the policy he had taught his predecessors of con- ciliating the Normans in the south of Italy, though he did The pops seeks not "hesitate to resist them, by the aid of the Countess Ma- of theKormaL. tilda, when they dared to touch the possessions of the Church. It was for the sake of this that the Norman invasion of England under "William the Conqueror had already been approved of, a consecrated standard and a ring containing a hair from the head of St. Peter sent him, and per- mission given for the replacement of Saxon bishops and other dignita- ries by Normans. It was not forgotten how great had been the gains to the papacy, three centuries before, by changing the dynasty of the Franks;, and thus the policy of an Italian town gave a permanent im- press to the history of England. Hildebrand foresaw that the sword of the Italian-Norman would be wanted to carry out his projected ends. He did not hesitate to authorize the overthrow of a Saxon dynasty by the French-Norman, that he might be more sure of the fidelity of that sword. "Without the countenance of the pope, the Norman could never have consolidated his power, nor even held his ground in England. From these movements of the papacy sprang the conflict with the Y 338 CONFLICT BETWEEN THE EMPEEOE AND HILDEBEAND. The conflict on Emperors of Germany respecting investitures. The Bishop inveBtiturea. gf Milan — who, it appears, had perjured himself in the quar- rel respecting concubinage— had been excommunicated by Alexander II. The imperial council appointed as his successor one Godfrey ; the pope had nominated Atto. Hereupon Alexander had summoned the empe- ror to appear before him on a charge of simony, and granting investi- tures without his approbation. While the matter was yet in abeyance, Alexander died ; but Gregory took up the contest. A synod he had as- sembled ordered that, if any one should accept investiture from a lay- man, both the giver and receiver should be excommunicated. The pre- tense against lay-investiture was that it was a usurpation of a papal right, and that it led to the appointment of evil and ignorant men ; the reality was a determination to extend papal powerj by making Eome the fountain of emolument. Gregory, by.his movements, had thus brought upon himself three antagonists — the imperial power, the Italian nobles, and the married clergy. The latter, unscrupulous and exasperated, met him with his own weapons, not hesitating to calumniate his friendship with the Countess Matilda. It was also suspected that they were con- nected with the outrage perpetrated by the nobles that took place in Outrage on Rome. On Christmas night, A.D. 1075, in the midst of a vie- Hiidebrand. ^q^^ tsUu, while the popc was administering the communion, a band of soldiers burst into the church, seized Gregory at the altar, strip- ped and wounded him, and haling him on horseback behind one of the soldiers, carried him off to a strong-hold, from which he was rescued by the populace by force. But, without wavering for a moment, the un- daunted pontiff pressed on his conflict with the imperial power, sum- moning Henry to Eome to account for his delinquencies, and threaten- ing his excommunication if he should not appear before an appointed day. In haste, under the auspices of the king, a synod was assem'bled at Worms ; charges against the pope of licentious life, bribery, necro- mancy, simony, murder, a-theism, were introduced, and sentence of depo- sition pronounced against him. On his side, Gregory assembled the third Lateran Council, A.D. 1076, placed King Henry under interdict, absolved his subjects from allegiance, and deposed him. A series of He defines the constitutions, clcarly defining the new bases of the papal sys- Church, tern, was published. They were to the following effect: "That the Ronlan pontifi" can alone be called universal ; that he algne has a right to depose bishops ; that his legates have a right to preside over all bishops in a general council ; that he can depose absent prelates ; that he alone has a right to use imperial ornaments ; that princes are bound to kiss his feet, and his only; that he has a right to depose emperors; that no synod or council summoned without his commission can be call- ed general ; that no book can be called canonical without his authonty; that his sentence can be annulled by none, but that he may annul the HILDEBEAiitD'S VICTORY. 339 decrees of -all ; that the Eoman Churcli has been, is, and will continue to be infallible ; that whoever dissents from it ceases to be a catholic Chris- tian, and that subjects may be absolved from their allegiance to wicked princes." The power that could assert such resolutions was near its cul- mination. And now was manifest the superiority of the spiritual over the tem- poral power. The quarrel with Henry went on, and, after a hard strug- gle and many intrigues to draw the Normans over to him, that monarch was compelled to submit, and in the depth of winter to cross ^^ overcomes the the snowy Alps, under circumstances of unparalleled hard- ■"^"^ °' Germany, ship, to seek absolution from his adversary. Then -ensued the scene at Canosa — a penitent in white raiment standing in the dreary snow of three winter days, January, 1077, cold and fasting at the gate, seeking pardon and reconcihation of the inexorable pontiff; that penitent was the King of Germany. Then ensued the dramatic scene at the sacrament, in which the gray-haired pontiff called upon Heaven to strike him dead upon fhe spot if he were not innocent of the crimes of which he had been accused, and dared the guilty monarch to do the same. Whoever will reflect on these interesting events can not fail to discern two important conclusions. The tone of thought through- condusiona from out Europe had changed within the last three ages ; ideas ""^^ °^^°''- were entertained, doctrines originated or controverted, a policy conceived and attempted altogether in advance of the old times. Intellect, both among the clergy and the laity, had undergone a great development. But the peculiar character of the papal power is also ascertained — that it is worldly, and the result of the policy of man. The outrage on Hil- debrand shows how that power had diminished at its centre, but the vic- tory, over Henry that it maintained its strength at a distance. Natural forces diminish as the distance increases ; this unnatural force displayed an opposite quality. Gregory had carried his point. He had not only beaten back the Northern attack, but had established the supremacy of the ecclesiastical over the temporal power, and that point, with inflexible reso- culmination lution, he maintained, though in its consequences it cost Ger- asticai power' many a civil war. But, while he was thus unyielding in his temporal policy, there is reason to suppose that he was not without misgivings in his theological belief. In the war between Henry and his rival Kodolph, Gregory was compelled by policy to be at first neutral. He occupied himself with the Eucharistic controversy. This was at the time that he was associated with Berengar, who lived with him for a year. Nor did the pope think it unworthy of himself to put forth, in excuse Friendship of of the heretic; a vision, in which the Virgin Mary had assert- and^Beren^r. ed the orthodoxy of Berengar ; but, as his quarrel with King Henry, went on to new excommunications and depositions, a synod of bishops 340 HIS EVENTUAL DEFEAT AND DEATH. presumed to condemn him as a partisan of Berengar and a necromancer. On the election of Gilbert of Kavenna as antipope, Gregory, without hes- itation, pushed his principles to their consequences, denouncing kingship as a wicked and diabolical usurpation, an infraction of the equal rights The German con- of man. Hereupon Henry determined to destroy him or to test resumed. -j^g destroyed; and descending again into Italy, A.D.1081, for three successive years laid siege to Kome. In vain the amorous Ma- tilda, with more than the devotion of an ally, endeavored to succor her beleaguered friend. The city surrendered to Henry at Christmas, A.D. 1084. With his antipope he entered it, receiving from his hands the imperial crown. Ihe Norman allies of Hildebrand at last approached in strength. The emperor was compelled to retreat. A feeble attempt to hold the city was made. The Normans took it by surprise, and re- leased Gregory from his imprisonment in the Castle of St. Angelo. An awful scene ensued. Some cpnflicts between the citizens and the Nor- mans occurred ; a battle in the streets was the consequence, and Eome was pillaged, sacked, and fired. Streets, churches, palaces, were left a heap of smoking ashes.. The people by thousands were massacred, The Saracens, of whom there were multitudes in the Norman army, were The Mohammedana i^ t^6 Etcmal City at last, End, horrible to be said, were support imdej)rand. t]^gj,g ^g ^^g j^jj.^^ supportcrs of the Vicar of Christ. Ma- trons, nuns, young wom'en, were defiled. Crowds of men, women, and children were carried off and sold as slaves. It was the treatment of a Sack of Home, and city takcu by storm. In consternation, the blasted pontiff death of the pope, reared, with his infidel deliverers, from the ruined capital to Salerno, and there he died, A.D. 1085. He had been dead ten years, when a policy was entered upon by the papacy which imparted to it more power than all the exertions of Greg- The craaadea. ory. The Crusadcs were instituted by a French pope. Urban 11. Unpopular in Italy, perhaps by reason of his foreign birth, he aroused his native country for the recovery of the Holy Land. He be- gan his career in a manner not now unusual, interfering in a quarrel be- tween Philip of France and his wife, taking the part of the latter, as ex- perience had shown it was always advisable for a pope to do. Soon, however, he devoted his attention to something more important than these matrimonial broils. It seems that a European crusade was first distinctly conceived of and its value most completely comprehended by Gerbert, to whom, doubtless, his Mohammedan experiences had suggest- ed it. In the first year of his pontificate, he wrote an epistle, in the name of the Church of Jerusalem, to the Church throughout the world, ex- horting Christian soldiers to come to her relief either with arms or money. It had been subsequently contemplated. by Gregory "VII- For many years, pilgrimages to Palestine had been on the increase ; a very valua- ble export trade in relics from that country had arisen ; crowds from THE CRUSADKS. 341 all parts of Europe liad of late made their way to Jerusalem, for the sin- gular purpose of being present at the great assize which the Scriptures were supposed to prophesy would soon take place in the Valley of Je- hoshaphat. The Mohammedans had inflicted on these pious persons much maltreatment, being unable to comprehend the purport of their ex- traordinary journey, and probably perceiving a necessity of putting some restriction upon the apparition of such countless multitudes. Peter the Hermit, who had witnessed the barbarities to which his Christian breth- ren were exposed, and the abominations of the holy places now in the hands of the infidel, roused Europe, by his preaching, to a frantic state ; and Urban, at the CouncU of Clermont, A.D. 1095, gave au- TheCouncii thdrity to the Holy War. "It is the will of God," was the t?£'^i unanimous shout of the council and the populace. The period- "="™'i«- ical shower of shooting stars was seen with remarkable brilliancy on April 25th, and mistaken by the council for a celestial monition that the Christians must precipitate themselves in like manner on the East. From this incident we may perceive how little there was of inspiration in these blundering and violent ecclesiastical assemblages ; the moment that they can be brought to a scientific test their true nature is detected. As a preliminary exercise, a ferocious persecution of the Jews of France had burst forth, and the blood and tortures of multitudes offered a tardy expiation for the crimes that their ancestors had committed at the Cru- cifixion in Jerusalem, more than a thousand years before. It does not fall within my plan to give a detailed description of the Crusades. It is enough to say that, though the clergy had promised the protection of God to every one who would thus come to his assistance — an ample reward for their pious work in this life, and the happiness of heaven in the next — Urban's crusade failed not only disas- The first cmaade. trously, but hideously, so far as the ignorant rabbles, under Peter the Hermit and Walter the Penniless, were concerned. Nevertheless, under the better-organized expeditions that soon followed, Jerusalem was captured, July 15th, A.D. 1099. The long and ghastly line of bones whitening the road through Hungary to the East showed how different a thing it was for a peaceable and solitary pilgrim to beg his way, with his staff, and wallet, and scallop-shell, and a disorderly riot of thousands upon thousands to rush forward without any subordination, any organ- ization, trusting only to the providence of God. The van of the Cru- sades consisted of two hundred and seventy-five thousand men, accom- panied by eight horses, and preceded by a goat and a goose, into which some one had told them that the Holy Ghost had entered. Driven to madness by disappointment and famine — expecting, in their ignorance, that every town they came to must be Jerusalem — in their extremity they laid hands on whatever Was in their way. Their track was mark- ed by robbery, bloodshed, and fire. In the first crusade more than half 342 RESULTS OF THE CRUSADES. a million of men died. It was far more disastrous than the Moscow retreat. But still, in a military sense, the first crusade accomplished its object, storming of The Capture of Jerusalem, as might be expected under such cir- Jerusalem, cumstanccs, was attended by the perpetration of atrocities al- most beyond belief. What a contrast to the conduct of the Arabs I When thB Khalif Omar took Jerusalem, A.D. 637, he rode into the city by the side of the Patriarch Sophronius, conversing with him on its an- tiquities. At the hour of prayer, he declined to perform his deyotions in the Church of the Eesurrection, in which he chanced to be, but prayed on the- steps of the Church of ,Constantine ; " for," said he to the patri- arch, "had I done so, the Mussulmen in a future age would have in- fringed the treaty, under color of imitating my example." But, in the capture by the Crusaders, the brains of young children were dashed out against the walls ; infants were pitched over the battlements ; every wom- an that could be seized was violated ; men were roasted at fires ; some were ripped up, to see if they had swallowed gold ; the Jews were driven into their synagogue, and there burnt ; a massacre of nearly 70,000 per- sons took place; and the pope's legate was seen "partaking in the tri- umph." It had been expected by the politicians who fitst projected these wars Political results ^^^^ they would heal the divisions of the Latin and Greek of the Crusades, churchcs, and give birth to a European republic, under the spiritual presidency of the pope. In these respects they proved a fail- ure. It does not appear that the popes themselves personally had ever any living faith in the result. Not one of them ever joined a crusade; and the Church, as a corporation, took care to embark very little money in these undertakings. But, though they did not answer to the original intention, they gave, in an indirect way, a wonderful stimulus to the pa- pal power. Under the plausible pretenses offered by them, the pope ob- Give to Rome taincd coutrol over the person of every Christian man from the meVaSdmon- highest to the lowcst. The cross once taken, all civil control 67 in Europe. Q^gj. ^]^q Crusadcr ceased— he became the man of the Church. Under those pretenses also, a right was imperceptibly acquired of rais- ing revenue in all parts of Europe ; even the clergy might be assessed. A drain was thus established on the resources of distant nations for an object which no man dared to gainsay ; if he adventured on any such thing, he must encounter the odium of an infidel — an atheist. A steady stream of money flowed into Italy. Nor was it alone by this taxation of every Christian nation without permission of its government— this empire within every empire — immense wealth accrued to the projectors, , while the infatuation could be kept up, by the diminished rate at which land could be obtained. Domains were thrown into the market; there were few purchasers except the Church. Immense domains were also BEENAED OF CDAIEVAUX. 343 given away by weak-minded sinners, and those on the point of death, for the salvation of their spuls. Thus, all things considered, the effect of the Crusades, though not precisely that which was expected, was of singular advantage to the Church, giving it a commanding strength it had never possessed before. In their resistance to the German attack the popes never hesitated at any means. They prompted Prince Henry to revolt against their great antagonist, his father ; they intervened, not to rebuke, but to abet him, when he threw his father into prison and deprived him of the necessa- ries of life. They carried their vengeance beyond the grave. When the aged emperor, broken in heart, escaped from their torment, and was honorably buried by the Bishop of Liege, that prelate was forthwith ex- communicated and compelled to disinter the corpse. But crimes like these, against which human nature revolts, meet with a retribution. This same Prince Henry, becoming Henry Y., was forced by Resistance of circumstances to resume his father's quarrel, and to refuse to Heniyv. yield his right jaf granting investitures. He marched upon Eome, and at the point of the sword compelled his adversary. Pope Paschal IT., to surrender all the possessions and royalties of the Church — compelled him to crown him emperor — ^not, however, until the pontiff had been subjected to the ignominy of imprisonment, and brought into condem- nation among his ov^n party. Things seemed to be going to ruin in Eome, and such must inevita- bly have been the issue, had not an extraneous influence arisen in Ber- nard of Clairvaux, to whom Europe learned to look up as the Bernard of beater down of heresies, theological and political. He had been stimniateB a pupil of William of Champeaux, the vanquished rival of Ab- cmsade. elard, and Abelard he hated with a religious and personal hate. He was a wonder-worker, though some of his miracles now only excite a smile; as when he excommunicated the flies which infested a church, and they all fell down dead and were swept out by the basketful. He has been described as " the mellifluous doctor, whose works are not sci- entific, but full of unction." He could not tolerate the principle at the basis of Abelard's philosophy — the assertion of the supremacy of reason. Of Arnold of Brescia — who carried that principle to its political conse- quences, and declared that the riches and power of the clergy were in- consistent with their profession — he was the accuser and punisher. Ber- nard preached a new crusade, authenticating his power by miracles, af- firmed to be not inferior to those of our Savior ; promising to him who should slay an unbeliever happiness in this life and Paradise in the life to come. This second crusade was conducted by kings, and included fanatic ladies, dressed in the armor of men ; but it ended in ruin, its failure. It was reserved for the only Englishman who ever attained to the pa- pacy to visit Eome with the punishment she had so often inflicted upon 344 SUMMARY OF THE FOREGOING EVENTS. others, Nicolas Breakspear — Hadrian IV. — put the Eternal City under interdict, thereby ending the republic which, the partisans of Arnold of Brescia had set up. But herein he was greatly aided by a change of sentiment in many of the inhabitants of Eome, who had found to their cost that it was more profitable for their city to be the centre of Chris- tianity than the seat of a phantom republic. As an equivalent for his coronation by Adrian, Frederick Barbarossa agreed to surrender to the Church Arnold of Brescia. With indecent haste, the moment she had Murder of Arnold obtained possessiou of her arch enemy she put him to death of Brescia. — ^^^ delivering him over to the secular arm, as the custom had been, but murdering him with her own hand. Seven centuries have elapsed, and the blood of Arnold is still crying from the ground for retribution. Notwithstanding a new— the third — crusade, things went from bad to worse in the Holy Land. Saladin had retaken Jerusalem, A.D. 1187. Barbarossa was drowned in a river in Pisidia. Eichard of England was treacherously imprisoned ; nor did the pope interfere for this brave soldier of the Cross. In the mean time, the Emperors of Ger- many had acquired Sicily by marriage — an incident destined to be of Birth of Fred- ^^ little importance in the history of Europe; for, on the eriok II. death of the Emperor Henry VI. at Messina, his son Freder- ick, an infant not, two years old, was left to be brought up in that isl- and. What the consequences were we shall soon see. If we review the events related in this chapter, we find that theidol- Beviev of atry and immorality into which Eome had fallen had become ing eventB. connected with material interests sufficiently powerful to cause their perpetuation ; that converted Germany insisted on a reform, and therefore made a moral attack upon the Italian system, attempting to carry it into effect by civil force. This attack was, properly speaking, purely moral, the intellectual element accompanying it being derived from Western or Arabian influences, as will be shown in the next chap- ter ; and, in its resistance to this, the papacy was not only successful, but actually was able to retaliate, overthrowing the Emperors of Germany, and being even on the point of establishing a European autocracy, with the pope at its head. It was in these events that the Eeformation be- gan, though circumstances intervened to postpone its completion to the era of Luther. Henceforth we see more and more plainly the attitude in which the papacy, through its material interests, was compelled to stand, as resisting all intellectual advancement. Our subject has there- fore here to be left unfinished until we shall have described the Moham- medan influences making pressures on the West and the East. THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST. 345 CHAPTER XVI. THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST— ^Continued). THE WESTEEN OK INTELLECTnAL ATTACK ON THE ITALIAN gTSIBM. The intellectual Condition of Christendom contrasted with that of Arabian Spain. Diffusion of Arabian intellectual Influences through France and Sicily. — Example of Saracen Science in Alhazen, and of Philosophy in Algazzali. — Innocent III. prepares to combat these Influences. — Results to Western Europe of the Sack of Constantinople by the Catholics. The spread of Moliammedan light Literature is followed by Heresy. — The crushing of Heresy in the South of France by armed Force, the Inquisition, mendicant Orders, auricular Confession, and Casuistry, The rising Sentiment is embodied in Frederick II. in Sicily. — His Conflict with and Overthrow by the Pope. — Spread of Mutiny among the mendicant Orders. A PEESSUEE upon the Italian system had meantime been arising in the West. It was due to the presence of the Arabs in Spain. The pressure _ . 1 r> 11' n T • from the West It IS necessary, therefore, to relate the circumstances oi their upon Rome, invasion and conquest of that country, and to compare their social and intellectual condition with the contemporary state of Christendom. From the barbarism of the native people of Europe, who could scarce- ly be said to have emerged from the savage state, unclean in Barbarism person, benighted in mind, inhabiting huts in which it was a "f'^^T^- mark of wealth if there were bulrushes on the floor and straw mats against the wall ; miserably fed on beans, vetches, roots, and even the bark of trees; clad in garments of untanned skin, or at the best of leath- er — ^perennial in durability, but not conducive to personal purity — a state in which the pomp of royalty was sufficiently and satisfactorily manifested in the equipage of the sovereign, an ox-cart, drawn by not less than two yokes of cattle, quickened in their movements by the goads of pedestrian serfs, whose legs were wrapped in wisps of straw ; from a people, devout believers in all the wild fictions of shrine-miracles and preposterous relics ; from the degradation of a base theology, and from the disputes of ambitious ecclesiastics for power, it is pleasant to turn to the southwest corner of the continent, where, under auspices of a very different kind, the irradiations of light were to break forth. The cres- cent in the West was soon to pass eastward to its full. But I must retrace my steps through four centuries, and resume the description of the Arabian movement after the subjugation of Africa, as related on page 247. These were the circumstances of the Arab conquest of Spain. In that 846 MOHAMMEDAN CONQUEST OF SPAIN. country the Arian Creed liad been supplanted by the orthodox, and the Arab Invasion customary persecutious had set in. From the time of the Em- of Spain. peror Hadrian, who had transported 50,.000 Jewish families into Spain, that race had singularly increased, and, as might be expect- ed, had received no mercy at the hands of the orthodox. Ninety thou- sand individuals had recently suffered compulsory baptism, and so had been brought under the atrocious Catholic law that whoever has been baptized shall be compelled to continue the observances of the Church. The Gothic monarchy was elective, and Eoderic had succeeded to the throne, to the prejudice of the heirs of his predecessor. Though a very brave soldier, he was a luxurious and a licentious man. It was the cus- tom of the Goths to send their children to Toledo to be educated, and, under these circumstances, a young girl of extraordinary beauty, the daughter of Count Julian, governor of Ceuta in Africa, was residing there. King Eoderic fell passionately in love with her, and, being una- ble to overcome her virtuous resolution by persuasion, resorted to vio- lence. The girl found means to inform her father of what had occurred. "By the living God!" exclaimed the count, in a paroxysm of rage, "I will be revenged." But, dissembling his wrath, he crossed over into Spain, had an understanding with Oppas, the Archbishop of Toledo, and other disaffected ecclesiastics, and, under specious pretenses, lulled the suspicions of Eoderic, and brought his daughter away. And now he opened communications with the Emir Musa, prevailing upon him to at- tempt the conquest of the country, and offering that he himself would take ihe lead. The conditions were settled between them, and the con- sent of the khalif to the expedition obtained. Tarik, a lieutenant of the emir, was sent across the Straits with the van of the army. He landed on the rock called, in memory of his name, Gibraltar, April, A.D.711. In the battle that ensued, a part of Eoderic's troops, together with the Archbishop of Toledo, consummated their treasonable compact, and de- lta conqtTest. scrtcd to the Arabs ; the rest were panic-stricken. In the rout, Eoderic himself was drowned in the waters of the Guadalquivir. Tarik now proceeded rapidly northward, and was soon joined by his superior, the Emir Musa, who was not, perhaps, without jealousy at his success. As the Arab historians say, the Almighty delivered the idola- ters into their hand, and gave them one' victory after another. As the towns successively fell, they left them in charge of the Jews, to whose revenge the conquest was largely due, and who could be thoroughly trusted ; nor did they pause in their march until they had passed the French frontier and reached the Ehone. It was the intention of Musa to cross the European continent to Constantinople, subjugating the Frank, German, and Italian barbarians by the way. At this time it seemed impossible that France could escape the fate of Spain; and if she fell, the threat of Musa would inevitably have come to pass, that he AEBEST OF THE MOHAMMEDAN ADVANCE. 847 would preach the Unity of God in the Vatican. But a quarrel had arisen between him and Tank, who had been imprisoned and even scourged. The friends of the latter, however, did not fail him at the court of Da- mascus. An envoy from the Khalif Alwalid appeared, ordering Musa to desist from his enterprise, to return to Syria, and exonerate himself from the things laid to his charge. But Musa bribed the envoy to let him advance. Hereupon the angry khalif dispatched a second messenger, who, in face of the Moslems and Christians, audaciously arrested him, at the head of his troops, by the bridle of his horse. The conqueror of Spain was compelled to return. He was cast into prison, fined 200,000 pieces of gold, publicly whipped, and his life with difficulty spared. As is related of Belisarius, Musa was driven as a beggar to solicit charity, and the Saracen conqueror of Spain ended his days in grief and abso- lute want. These dissensions among the Arabs, far more than the sword of Charles Martel, prevented the Mohammedanization of France. Their historians admit the great check received at the battle of Arrest of Moham- Tours, in which Abderrahman was killed ; they call that ^ Europe." field the Place of the Martyrs ; but their accounts by no means corre- spond to the relations of the Christian authors, who afSrm that 375,000 Mohammedans fell, but only 1500 Christians. The defeat was not so dis- astrous but that in a few months they were able to resume their ad- vance, and their progress was arrested only by renewed dissensions among themselves — dissensions not alone among the leaders in Spain, but also more serious ones of aspirants for the khalifate in Asia. On the overthrow of the Ommiade house, Abderrahman, one of that family,- escaped to Spain, which repaid the patronage of its conquest by acknowl- edging him as its sovereign. He made Cordova the seat of his govern- ment. Neither he nor his immediate successors took any other title than that of emir, out of respect to the khalif, who resided at Bagdad, the metropolis of Islam, though they maintained a rivalry with him in the patronage of letters and science. Abderrahman himself strengthen- ed his power by an alliance with Charlemagne. Scarcely had the Arabs become firmly settled in Spain before they commenced a brilliant career. Adopting what had now be- civilisation come the established policy of the Commanders of the Faithful Iftj^Tip^n' in Asia, the Khalifs of Cordova distinguished themselves as ^^ ^''^^^■ patrons of learning, and set an example of refinement strongly contrast- ing with the condition of the native European princes. Cordova, under their administration, at its highest point of prosperity, boasted of more than two hundred thousand houses, and more than a million of inhabit- ants. After sunset, a man might walk through it in a straight line for ten miles by the light of the public lamps. Seven hundred years after this time there was not so much as one public lamp in London. Its 348 LUXURY OF THE SPANISH MOHAMMEDANS. strgets were solidly paved. In Paris; centuries subsequently, whoever stepped over his threshold on a rainy day stepped up to his ankles in mud. Other cities, as Granada, Seville, Toledo, considered themselves rivals of Cordova. The palaces of the khalifs were magnificently deco- rated. Those sovereigns might well look down with supercilious con- tempt on the dwellings of the rulers of Germany, Prance, and England, which were scarcely better than stables — chimneyless, windowless, and with a hole in the roof for the smoke to escape, like the wigwams of certain Indians. The Spanish Mohammedans had brought with them Their palaces ^^^ ^^^ luxuries and prodigalities of Asia. Their residences and gardera. g^od forth agaiust the clear blue sky, or were embosomed in woods. ;They had polished marble balconies, overhanging orange-gar- dens ; courts with cascades of water ; shady retreats provocative of slum- ber in the heat of the day ; retiring-rooms, vaulted with stained glass, speckled with gold, over which streams of water were made to gush; the floors and walls were of exquisite mosaic. Here, a fountain of quick- silver shot up in a glistening spray, the glittering particles faUing with a tranquil sound like fairy bells ; there, apartments into which cool air was drawn from flower-gardens, in summer, by means of ventilating towers, and in the winter through earthen pipes, or caleducts,'imbedded in the walls — ^the hypocaust, in the vaults below, breathing forth vol- umes of warm and perfumed air through these hidden passages. The walls were not covered with wainscot, but adorned with arabesques, and paintings of agricultural scenes and views of Paradise. From the ceil- ings, corniced with fretted gold, great chandeliers hung, one of which, it is ■ said, was so large that it contained 1084 lamps. Clusters of frail marble columns surprised the beholder with the vast weights they bore. In the boudoirs of the sultanas they were sometimes of verd antique, and Iricrusted with lapis lazuli. The furniture was of sandal and citron wood, inlaid with mother-of-pearl, ivory, silver, or relieved with gold and precious malachite. In orderly confusion were arranged vases of rock crystal, Chinese porcelains, and tables of exquisite mosaic. The winter apartments were hung with rich tapestry ; the floors were covered with embroidered Persian carpets. Pillows and couches, of elegant forms, were scattered about the rooms, which were perfumed with frankincense. It was the intention of the Saracen architect, by excluding the view of the external landscape, to concentrate attention on his work ; and smce the representation of the human form was religiously forbidden, and that soujce qf decoration denied, his imagination ran riot with the complica- ted arabesques he introduced, and sought every opportunity of replac- ing the prohibited works of art by the trophies and rarities of the gar- den. For this reason, the Arabs never produced artists ; religion turn- ed them from the beautiful, and made them soldiers, philosophers, and men of affairs. Splendid flowers and rare exotics ornamented the cour^ THEIE SOCIAL LIFE. 349 yards and even tte inner chambers. Great care was taken to make due provision for tlie cleanliness, occupation, and amusement of the inmates. Through pipes of metal, water, both warm and cold, to suit the season of the year, ran into baths of marble ; in niches, where the current of air could be artificially directed, hung dripping alcarazzas. There were whispering-galleries for the amusement of the women ; labyrinths and marble play -courts for the children ; for the master himself, grand li- braries. The IS^halif Alhakem's was so large that the cata- Libraries and logue alone filled forty volumes. He had also apartments for ^'"^^ of taste, the transcribing, binding, and ornamenting of books. A taste for calig- raphy and the possession of splendidly-illuminated manuscripts seems to have anticipated in the khalifs, both of Asia and Spain, the taste for statuary and paintings among the later popes of Eome. Such were the palace and gardens of Zehra, in which Abderrahman III. honored his favorite sultana. The edifice had 1200 col- me court of aij- umns of Greek, Italian, Spanish, and African marble. Its deiTahnmnni. hall of audience was incrusted with gold and pearls. Through the long corridors of its seraglio black eunuchs silently glided. The ladies of the harem, both wives and concubines, were the most beautiful that could be found. To that establishment alone 6300 persons were attached. The body-guard of the sovereign was composed of 12,000 horsemen, whose cimeters and belts were studded with gold. This was that Abderrah- man who, after a glorious reign of fifty years, sat down to count the number of days of unalloyed happiness he had experienced, and could only enumerate fourteen. " Oh man !" exclaimed the plaintive khalif, " put not thy trust in this present world." E"o nation has ever excelled the Spanish Arabs in the beauty and costliness of their pleasure-gardens. To them, also, we owe soOsa iiawta the introduction of very many of our most valuable cultivated "f "^^Moors. fruits, such as the peach. Eetaining the love of their ancestors for the cooling effect of water in a hot climate,