?^^lc' — 'H(^-t>ii-jij Ai ^ v./ CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1 89 1 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE 3 1924 013 DATE DUE n THE PALACE OF PLEASURE VOL. I. Of this Edition five hundred and fifty copies have been pinted, five hundred of which are for sale. THE alace of Isleasiure ELIZABETHAN VERSIONS OE ITALIAN AND FRENCH NOVELS FROM BOCCACCIO, BANDELLO, CINTHIO, STRAPASOLA, QUEEN MARGARET OF NAVARRE, AND OTHERS DONE INTO ENGLISH BY WILLIAM PAINTER NOW AGAIN EDITED FOR THE FOURTH TIME BY JOSEPH JACOBS VOL. I. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY DAVID NUTT IN THE STRAND MDCCCXC ^ A 9^^oz BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND Ca EDINBURGH AND LONDON TO EDWARD BURNE-JONES ^MRi>m ^^1 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013122605 TABLE OF CONTENTS. VOLUME I. FAGB PREFACE ix INTRODUCTION xi PRELIMINARY MATTER (FROM HASLEWOOD) . . . XXXvii APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER . . . liii ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE WHOLE WORK . . Ixiii INDEX OF NOVELS xcii TOME I. TITLE (facsimile OF FIRST EDITION) DEDICATION TO EARL OF WARWICK LIST OF AUTHORS TO THE READER NOVEL I. HORATII AND CURIATII II. RAPE OF LUCRECE III. MUCIUS SCjEVOLA IV. CORIOLANUS V. APPIUS AND VIRGINIA . VI. CANDAULES AND GYGES VII. CROESUS AND SOLON . VIII. RHACON AND CARTOMES IX. ARTAXERXES AND SINETAS X. CHARITON AND MENALIPPUS XI. CYRUS AND PANTHEA . XII. ABDOLOMINUS KING OF SCYTHIA XIII. ALEXANDER AND THE SCYTHIAN XIV. METELLUS ON MARRIAGE XV. LAIS AND DEMOSTHENES XVI. FABRICIUS AND PYRRHUS . AMBASSADORS I 3 9 lo IS 22 26 29 35 46 49 S3 S4 S6 S8 69 71 74 77 78 via TABLE OF CONTENTS. NOVEL XVII. CAMILLUS AND SCHOOLMASTER XVIII. PAPYRIUS PR^TEXTATUS XIX. PLUTARCH'S ANGER XX. ^SOP'S FABLE OF THE LARK XXI. HANNIBAL AND ANTIOCHUS XXII. ANDRODUS {Androcles) . XXIII. FAVORINUS . XXIV. SERTORIUS . XXV. SIBYLLINE LEAVES XXVI. MASTER AND SCHOLAR XXVII. SELEUCUS AND ANTIOCHUS XXVIII. TIMON OF ATHENS XXIX. MARRIAGE OF WIDOW AND WIDOWER XXX. THE THREE RINGS XXXI. BORSIERI AND GRIMALDI XXXII. ALBERTO OF BOLOGNA. XXXIII. RINALDO OF ESTE XXXIV. KING OF ENGLAND'S DAUGHTER XXXV. RANDOLPHO RUFFOLO . XXXVI. ANDRUCCIO XXXVII. EARL OF ANGIERS XXXVIII. GILETTA OF NARBONNE - XXXIX. TANCRED AND GISMONDA XL. MAHOMET AND IRENE. XLI. LADY FALSELY ACCUSED XLII. DIDACO AND VIOLENTA XLIII. LADY OF TURIN . XLIV. ALERAN AND ADELASIA XLV. DUCHESS OF SAVOY XLVI. COUNTESS OF SALISBURY ADVERTISEMENT TO READER 80 83 85 86 88 89 91 95 98 99 102 112 114 116 119 122 "25 130 138 143 156 171 180 190 198 218 240 249 285 334 364 PREFACE. THE present edition of Painter's "Palace of Pleasure/' the storehouse of Elizabethan plot, follows page for page and line for line the privately printed and very limited edition made by Joseph Haslewood in 1813. One of the 172 copies then printed by him has been used as " copy " for the printer, but this has been revised in proof from the British Museum examples of the second edition of 1575. The collation has for the most part only served to confirm Haslewood's reputation for careful editing. Though the present edition can claim to come nearer the original in many thousands of passages, it is chiefly in the mint and cummin of capitals and italics that we have been able to improve on Hasle- wood : in all the weightier matters of editing he shows only the minimum of fallibility. We have however divided his two tomes, for greater convenience, into three volumes of as nearly as possible equal size. This arrangement has enabled us to give the title pages of both editions of the two tomes, those of the first edition in facsimile, those of the second (at the beginning of vols. ii. and iii.) with as near an approach to the original as modern founts of type will permit. I have also reprinted Haslewood's "Preliminary Matter," which give the Dryasdust details about the biography of Painter and the bibliography of his book in a manner not too Dryasdust. With regard to the literary apparatus of the book, I have X PREFACE. perhaps been able to add something to Haslewood's work. From the Record Office and British Museum I have given a number of documents about Painter, and have recovered the only extant letter of our author. I have also gone more thoroughly into the literary history of each of the stories in the " Palace of Pleasure" than Haslewood thought it necessary to do. I have found Oesterley's edition of Kirchhof and Landau's Quellen des Dekameron useful for this purpose. I have to thank Dr. F. J. Furnivall for lending me his copies of Bandello and Belleforest. I trust it will be found that the present issue is worthy of a work which, with North's " Plutarch" and Holinshed's " Chro- nicle," was the main source of Shakespeare's Plays. It had also, as early as 1580, been ransacked to furnish plots for the stage, and was used by almost all the great masters of the Elizabethan drama. Quite apart from this source of interest, the " Palace of Pleasure" contains the first English translations from the Deca- meron, the Heptameron, from Bandello, Cinthio and Straparola, and thus forms a link between Italy and England. Indeed as the Italian novelle form part of that continuous stream of literary tradition and influence which is common to all the great nations of Europe, Painter's book may be termed a link connecting England with European literature. Such a book as this is surely one of the landmarks of English literature. INTRODUCTION. A YOUNG man, trained in the strictest sect of the Pharisees, is awakened one morning, and told that he has come into the absolute possession of a very great fortune in lands and wealth. The time may come when he may know himself and his powers more thoroughly, but never again, as on that morn, will he feel such an exultant sense of mastery over the world and his fortunes. That image* seems to me to explain better than any other that remarkable outburst of literary activity which makes the Eliza- bethan Period unique in English literature, and only paralleled in the world's literature by the century after Marathon,when Athens first knew herself. With Elizabeth England came of age, and at the same time entered into possession of immense spiritual trea- sures, which were as novel as they were extensive. A New World promised adventures to the adventurous, untold wealth to the enterprising. The Orient had become newly known. The Old World of literature had been born anew. The Bible spoke for the first time in a tongue understanded of the people. Man faced his God and his fate without any intervention of Pope or priest. Even the very earth beneath his feet began to move. Instead of a universe with dimensions known and circumscribed with Dantesque minuteness, the mystic glow of the unknown had set- tled down on the whole face of Nature, who offered her secrets to the first comer. No wonder the Elizabethans were filled with an exulting sense of man's capabilities, when they had all these realms of thought and action suddenly and at once thrown open before them. There is a confidence in the future and all it had * It was suggested to me, if I remember right, by my friend Mr. R. G. Moulton. Xll INTRODUCTION. to bring which can never recur, for while man may come into even greater treasures of wealth or thought than the Elizabethans dreamed of, they can never be as new to us as they were to them. The sublime confidence of Bacon in the future of science, of which he knew so little, and that little wrongly, is thus eminently and characteristically Elizabethan.* The department of Elizabethan literature in which this exu- berant energy found its most characteristic expression was the Drama, and that for a very simple though strange reason. To be truly great a literature must be addressed to the nation as a whole. The subtle influence of audience on author is shown equally though conversely in works written only for sections of a nation. Now in the sixteenth century any literature that should address the English nation as a whole — not necessarily all Englishmen, but all classes of Englishmen — could not be in any literary form intended to be merely read. For the majority of Englishmen could not read. Hence they could only be approached by literature when read or recited to them in church or theatre. The latter form was already familiar to them in the Miracle Plays and Mysteries, which had been adopted by the Church as the best means of acquainting the populace with Sacred History. The audiences of the Miracle Plays were pre- pared for the representation of human action on the stage. Meanwhile, from translation and imitation, young scholars at the universities had become familiar with some of the master- pieces of Ancient Drama, and with the laws of dramatic form. But where were they to seek for matter to fill out these forms ? Where were they, in short, to get their plots? Plot, we know, is pattern as applied to human action. A storv, whether told or acted, must tend in some definite direction if it is to be a story at all. And the directions in which stories can go are singularly few. Somebody in the Athenceum — probably Mr. Theodore Watts, he has the habit of saying such things — has re- marked that during the past century only two novelties in plot, " There was something Elizabethan in the tone of men of science in England during the " seventies," when Darwinism was to solve all the problems. The Marlowe of the movement, the late Professor Clifford, found no Shakespeare. INTRODUCTION. XUl Undine and Monte Christ o, have been produced in European literature. Be that as it may, nothing strikes the student of comparative literature so much as the paucity of plots throughout literature and the universal tendency to borrow plots rather than attempt, the almost impossible task of inventing them. That tendency is shown at its highest in the Elizabethan Drama. Even Shakespeare is as much a plagiarist or as wise an artist, call it which you will, as the meanest of his fellows. Not alone is it difficult to invent a plot ; it is even difficult to see one in real life. When the denouement comes, indeed — when the wife flees or commits suicide — when bosom friends part, or brothers speak no more — we may know that there has been the conflict of character or the clash of temperaments which go to make the tragedies of life. But to recognise these opposing forces before they come to the critical point requires somewhat rarer qualities. There must be a quasi-scientific interest in life guti life, a dispassionate detachment from the events observed, and at the same time an artistic capacity for selecting the cardinal points in the action. Such an attitude can only be attained in an older civilisation, when individuality has emerged out of nationalism. In Europe of the sixteenth century the only country which had reached this stage was Italy. The literary and spiritual development of Italy has always been conditioned by its historic position as the heir of Rome. Great nations, as M. Renan has remarked, work themselves out in effecting their greatness. The reason is that their great products overshadow all later production, and prevent all competition by their very greatness. When once a nation has worked up its mythic element into an epos, it contains in itself no further materials out of which an epos can be elaborated. So Italian literature has always been overshadowed by Latin literature. Italian writers, especially in the Middle Ages and the Renais- sance, were always conscious of their past, and dared not com- pete with the great names of Virgil, Ovid, Horace, and the rest. At the same time, with this consciousness of the past, they had evolved a special interest in the problems and arts of the present. The splitrup of the peninsula into so many small states, many of XIV INTRODUCTION. them republics, had developed individual life just as the city- states of Hellas had done in ancient times. The main interest shifted from the state and the nation to the life and develop- ment of the individual.* And with this interest arose in the literary sphere the dramatic narrative of human action — the Novella. The genealogy of the Novella is short but curious. The first known collection of tales in modern European literature dealing with the tragic and comic aspects of daily life was that made by Petrus Alphonsi, a baptized Spanish Jew, who knew some Arabic.-f- His book, the Disciplina Clericalis, was originally intended as seasoning for sermons, and very strong seasoning they must have been found. The stories were translated into French, and thus gave rise to the Fabliau, which allowed full expression to the esprit Gaulois. From France the Fabliau passed to Italy, and came ultimately into the hands of Boccaccio, under whose influence it became transformed into the Novella.]. It is an elementary mistake to associate Boccaccio's name with the tales of gayer tone traceable to the Fabliaux. He initiated the custom of mixing tragic with the comic tales. Nearly all the novelle of the Fourth Day, for example, deal with tragic topics. And the example he set in this way was followed by the whole school of Novellieri. As Painter's book is so largely due to them a few words on the Novellieri used by him seem desirable, reserv- ing for the present the question of his treatment of their text. Of Giovanne Boccaccio himself it is difficult for any one with a love of letters to speak in few or measured words. He may have been a Philistine, as Mr. Symonds calls him, but he was sorely a Philistine of genius. He has the supreme virtue of style. In fact, it may be roughly said that in Europe for nearly two centuries there is no such thing as a prose style but Boccaccio's. * See Burckhardt, Cultur der Renaisance in Italien, Buch II., especially Kap. iii. + On Peter Alphonsi see my edition of Caxton's ^sop, which contains selec- tions from him in Vol. II. t Signer Bartoli has written on / Precursori di Boccaccio, 1874, Landau on his Life and Sources (Leben, 1880, Quellen des Dekameron, 1884), and on his successors (Beiirage zur Geschickte der ital. Novelle, 1874). Mr. Symonds has an admirable chapter on the Novellieri \Xi his Renaissance, vol. v. INTRODUCTION. XV Even when dealing with his grosser topics — and these he derived from others — he half disarms disgust by the lightness of his touch. And he could tell a tale, one of the most difficult of literary tasks. When he deals with graver actions, if he does not always rise to the occasion, he never fails to give the due impression of seriousness and dignity. It is not for nothing that the De- camerone has been the storehouse of poetic inspiration for nearly five centuries. In this country alone, Chaucer, Shakespeare, Dryden, Keats, Tennyson, have each in turn gone to Boccaccio for material. In his own country he is the fountainhead of a wide stream of literary influences that has ever broadened as it flowed. Between the fifteenth and the eighteenth centuries the Italian presses poured forth some four thousand novelle, all avowedly tracing from Boccaccio.* Many of these, it is true, were imitations of the gayer strains of Boccaccio's genius. But a considerable pro- portion of them have a sterner tone, and deal with the weightier matters of life^ and in this they had none but the master for their model. The gloom of the Black Death settles down over the greater part of all this literature. Every memorable outburst of the fiercer passions of men that occurred in Italy, the land of passion, for all these years, found record in a novella of Boc- caccio's followers. The Novelle answered in some respects to our newspaper reports of trials and the earlier Last Speech and Con- fession. But the example of Boccaccio raised these gruesome topics into the region of art. Often these tragedies are reported of the true actors ; still more often under the disguise of fictitious names, that enabled the narrator to have more of the artist's freedom in dealing with such topics. The other Novellieri from whom Painter drew inspiration may be dismissed very shortly. Of Ser Giovanne Fiorentino, who wrote the fifty novels of his Pecorone about 1378, little is known nor need be known ; his merits of style or matter do not raise him above mediocrity. Straparola's Piacevole Notti were composed in Venice in the earlier half of the sixteenth century, and are chiefly interest- * Specimens of these in somewhat wooden English were given by Roscoe in liis Italian Novelists. XVI INTRODUCTION. ing for the fact that some dozen or so of his seventy-four stories are folk-tales taken from the mouth of the people, and were the first thus collected : Straparola was the earliest Grimm. His con- temporary Giraldi, known as Cinthio (or Cinzio), intended his Ecatomithi to include one hundred novelle, but they never reached beyond seventy; he has the grace to cause the ladies to retire when the men relate their smoking-room anecdotes oi feminine impudiche. Owing to Dryden's statement " Shakespeare's plots are in the one hundred novels of Cinthio " (Preface to Astrologer), his name has been generally fixed upon as the representative Italian novelist from whom the Elizabethans drew their plots. As a matter of fact only "Othello" (Ecat. iii. 7), and "Measure for Measure" {ib. viii. 5), can be clearly traced to him, though "Twelfth Night" has some similarity with Cinthio's "Gravina" (v. 8) : both come from a common source, Bandello. Bandello is indeed the next greatest name among the Novellieri after that of Boccaccio, and has perhaps had even a greater in- fluence on dramatic literature than his master. Matteo Bandello was born at the end of the fifteenth century at Castelnuovo di Scrivia near Tortona. He lived mainly in Milan, at the Dominican monastery of Sta Maria delle Grazie, where Leonardo painted his " Last Supper." As he belonged to the French party, he had to leave Milan when it was taken by the Spaniards in 1535, and after some wanderings settled in France near Agen. About 1550 he was appointed Bishop of Agen by Henri H., and he died some time after 1561. To do him justice, he only received the revenues of his see, the episcopal functions of which were performed by the Bishop of Grasse. His novelle are nothing less than episcopal in tone and he had the grace to omit his dignity from his title- pages. Indeed Bandello's novels * reflect as in a mirror all the worst sides of Italian Renaissance life. The complete collapse of all the older sanctions of right conduct, the execrable example given by the petty courts, the heads of which were reckless because their position was so insecure, the great growth of wealth and * The Villon Society is to publish this year a complete translation of Bandello by Mr. John Payne. INTRODUCTION. XVll luxury, all combined to make Italy one huge hot-bed of unblush- ing vice. The very interest in individuality, the spectator- attitude towards life, made men ready to treat life as one large experiment, and for such purposes vice is as important as right living even though it ultimately turns out to be as humdrum as virtue. The Italian nobles treated life in this experimental way and the novels of Bandello and others give us the results of their experiments. The Novellieri were thus the " realists " of their day and of them all Bandello was the most realistic. He claims to give only incidents that really happened and makes this- his excuse for telling many incidents that should never have happened. It is but fair to add that his most vicious tales are his dullest. That cannot be said of Queen Margaret of Navarre, who carries on the tradition of the Novellieri, and is represented in Painter by some of her best stories. She intended to give a Decameron of one hundred stories — the number comes from the Cento novelle ajitichi, before Boccaccio — but only got so far as the second novel of the eighth day. As she had finished seven days her collection is known as the Heptameron. How much of it she wrote herself is a point on which the doctors dispute. She had in her court men like Clement Marot, and Bonaventure des P^riers, who probably wrote some of the stories. Bonaventure des Pdriers in particular, had done much in the same line under his own name, notably the collection known as Cymbalum Mundi, Marguerite's other works hardly prepare us for the narrative skill, the easy grace of style and the knowledge of certain aspects of life shown in the Heptameron. On the other hand the frame- work, which is more elaborate than in Boccaccio or any of his school, is certainly from one hand, and the book does not seem one that could have been connected with the Queen's name unless she had really had much to do with it. Much of its piquancy comes from the thought of the association of one whose life was on the whole quite blameless with anecdotes of a most blameworthy style. Unlike the lady in the French novel who liked to play at innocent ganres with persons who were not innocent, Margaret seems to have liked to talk and write of things XVlll INTRODUCTION. not innocent while remaining unspotted herself. Her case is not a solitary one. The whole literature of the Novella has the attraction of graceful naughtiness in which vice, as Burke put it, loses half its evil by losing all its grossness. At all times, and for all time probably, similar tales, more broad than long, will form favourite talk or reading of adolescent males. They are, so to speak, pimples of the soul which synchronise with similar ex- crescences of the skin. Some men have the art of never grow- ing old in this respect, but I cannot say I envy them their eternal youth. However, we are not much concerned with tales of this class on the present occasion. Very few of the novelle selected by Painter for translation depend for their attraction on mere naughtiness. In matters of sex the sublime and the ridiculous are more than usually close neighbours. It is the tragic side of such relations that attracted Painter, and it was this fact that gave his book its importance for the history of English literature, both in its connection with Italian letters and in its own internal development. The relations of Italy and England in matters literary are due to the revivers of the New Learning. Italy was, and still is, the repository of all the chief MSS. of the Greek and Latin classics. Thither, therefore, went all the young Englishmen, whom the influence of Erasmus had bitten with a desire for the New Learn- ing which was the Old Learning born anew. But in Italy itself, the New Learning had even by the early years of the sixteenth century produced its natural result of giving birth to a national literature (Ariosto, Trissino). Thus in their search for the New Learning, Englishmen of culture who went to Italy came back with a tincture of what may be called the Newest Learning, the revival of Italian Literature. Sir Thomas Wyatt and the Earl of Surrey "The Dioscuri of the Dawn " as they have been called, are the representatives of this new movement in English thought and literature, which came close on the heels of the New Learning represented by Colet, More, Henry VIII. himself and Roger Ascham. The adherents of the New Learning did not look with too favourable eyes on INTRODUCTION. XIX the favourers of the Newest Learnhig. They took their ground not only on literary lines, but with distinct reference to manners and morals. The corruption of the Papal Court which had been the chief motive cause of the Reformation — men judge creeds by the character they produce, not by the logical con- sistency of their tenets — had spread throughout Italian society. The Englishmen who came to know Italian society could not avoid being contaminated by the contact. The Italians them- selves observed the effect and summed it up in their proverb, Inglese italianato e un diaholo incarnato. What struck the Italians must have been still more noticeable to Englishmen. We have a remarkable proof of this in an interpolation made by Roger Ascham at the end of the first part of his Schoolmaster, which from internal evidence must have been written about 1568, the year after the appearance of Painter's Second Tome.* The whole passage is so significant of the relations of the chief living exponent of the New Learning to the appearance of what I have called the Newest Learning that it deserves to be quoted in full in any introduction to the book in which the Newest Learning found its most characteristic embodiment. I think too I shall be able to prove that there is a distinct and significant reference to Painter in the passage (pp. 77-85 of Arber's edition, slightly abridged). But I am affraide, that ouer many of our trauelers into lialte, do not exchewe the way to Circes Court : but go, and ryde, and runne, and file thether, they make great haft, to cum to her : they make great fute to ferue her : yea, I could point out fome with my finger, that neuer had gone out of England, but onelie to ferue Circes, in Jtalie. Vanitie and vice, and any licence to ill liuyng in England was counted flale and rude vnto them. And fo, beyng Mules and Horfes before they went, returned verie Swyne and Affes home agayne ; yet euerie where verie Foxes with as futtle and bufie heades; and where they may, verie Woolues, with cruell malicious hartes. A maruelous mon- ^ ,. /•■(•, 1 • A trewe Picture fter, which, for filthmes of Imyng, for dulnes to learnmg ofaknightof him felfe, for wilineffe in dealing with others, for malice in hurting without caufe, fhould carie at once in one bodie, the belie of a Swyne, the head of an Affe, the brayne of a Foxe, the wombe of a * See Prof. Arber's reprint, p. 8. XX INTRODUCTION. wolfe. If you thinke, we iudge amiffe, and write to fore againft you, heare, what the Italian fayth of the Englifli Man, what the Mgimin t°of mafter reporteth of the fcholer : who vttereth playnlie, what £o?gh'l'^rm is taught by him, and what learned by you, faying Englefe "^"°- Italianato, e vn diabolo tncarnato, that is to say, you re- maine men in fliape and facion, but becum deuils in life and condition. This is not, the opinion of one, for fome priuate fpite, but the iudge- ment of all, in a common Prouerbe, which riseth, of that learnyng, and . . thofe maners, which you gather in Italic : a good Schole- fameth thrm' " houfe of wholefome dodlrine, and worthy Mailers of com- th=En°gihhr mendable Scholers, where the Mafler had rather diffame '"'"■ hym felfe for hys teachyng, than not fhame his Scholer for his learnyng. A good nature of the maifler, and faire conditions of the fcholers. And now chofe you, you Italian Englilhe men, whether you will be angrie with vs, for calling you monflers, or with the Italianes, for callyng you deuils, or elfe'with your owne felues, that take fo much paines, and go fo farre, to make your felues both. If fome yet do not well vnderltand, what is an Englifli man Italianated, I will man "^ '^ plainlie tell him. He, that by lining, and traueling in Italie^ a lana e . bringeth home into England out of Italic, the Religion, the learning, the policie, the experience, the maners of Italic Thefe be the inchantements of Circes, brought out of Italic, to marre mens maners in England ; much, by example of ill life, but more by preceptes of fonde bookes, of late tranllated out of Italian liahan bokes . t_^, ._.,,. „ ._, ., translated into mto Engufli, fold m eucry fliop m London, commended "^ '^ ' by honefl titles the foner to corrupt honefl maners : dedi- cated ouer boldlie to vertuous and honourable perfonages, the eafielier to begile fimple and innocent wittes. It is pitie, that thofe, which haue authoritie and charge, to allow and diffalow bookes to be printed, be no more circumfpedt herein, than they are. Ten Ser- mons at Paules Croffe do not fo moch good for mouyng men to trewe dodtrine, as one of thofe bookes do harme, with inticing men to ill lining. Yea, I fay farder, thofe bookes, tend not fo moch to corrupt honefl, lining, as they do, to fubuert trewe Religion. Mo Papiftes be made, by your mery bookes of Italic, than by your earnell bookes of Louain Therfore, when the bufie and open Papifl^es abroad, could not, by ^^ their contentious bookes, turne men in England fafl, enough, ^ from troth and right iudgement in dodtrine, than the futle and fecrete Papiftes at home, procured bawdie bookes to be tranflated out of the Italian tonge, whereby ouer many yong willes and wittes INTRODUCTION. XXI allured to wantonnes, do now boldly contemne all feuere bookes that founde to honeftie and godlines. In our forefathers tyme, whan Papis- trie, as a flandyng poole, couered and ouerflowed all England, fewe bookes were read in our tong, fauyng certaine bookes of Cheual- rie, as they fayd, for paftime and pleafure, which, as feme fay, were made in Monafleries, by idle Monkes, or wanton Chanons : as one for example, Morte Arthure: the whole pleafure of Morte Arthur. which booke flandeth in two fpeciall poyntes, in open mans flaughter, and bold bawdrye : In which booke thofe be counted the noblefl Knightes, that do kill mofl men without any quarrell, and commit fowlefl aduoulteres by fubtlefl fhiftes : as Sir Launcelote, with the wife of king Arthure his mafler : Syr Trijlram with the wife of king Marke his vncle : Syr Lamerocke with the wife of king Lote, that was his owne aunte. This is good ftuffe, for wife men to laughe att or honefl men to take pleafure at. Yet I know, when Gods Bible was banifhed the Court, and Morte Arthure receiued into the Princes chamber. What toyes, the dayly readyng of fuch a booke, may worke in the will of a yong ientleman, or a yong mayde, that liueth welthelie and idlelie, wife men can iudge, and honefl men do pitie. And yet ten Morte Arthures do not the tenth part fo much harme, as one of thefe bookes, made in Italie, and tranflated in England. They open, not fond and common ways to vice, but fuch fubtle, cunnyng, new, and diuerfe fhiftes, to cary yong willes to vanitie, and yong wittes to mifchief, to teach old bawdes new fchole poyntes, as the fimple head of an Engliftiman is not hable to inuent, nor neuer was hard of in England before, yea when Papiflrie ouerflowed all. Suffer thefe bookes to be read, and they (hall foone difplace all bookes of godly learnyng. For they, carying the will to vanitie and marryng good man- ers, fhall eafily corrupt the mynde with ill opinions, and falfe iudgement in dodtrine : firfl, to thinke nothyng of God hym felfe, one fpeciall pointe that is to be learned in Italie, and Italian bookes. And that which is mofl to be lamented, and ther- fore more nedefull to be looked to, there be moe of thefe vngratious bookes fet out in Printe within thefe fewe monethes, than haue bene fene in England many fcore yeare before. And bicaufe our Englifh men made Italians can not hurt, but certaine perfons, and in certaine places, therfore thefe Italian bookes are made Eng- lifh, to bryng mifchief enough openly and boldly, to all flates great and meane, yong and old, euery where. And thus yow fee, how will intifed to wantonnes, doth eafelie allure jhe mynde to falfe opinions : and how corrupt maners in liuinge, breede xxii INTRODUCTION. falfe iudgement in doarine : how finne and flefhlines, bring forth fefles and herefies : And therefore fuffer not vaine bookes to breede vanitie in mens wills, if yow would haue Goddes trothe take roote in mens myndes They geuing themfelues vp to vanitie, fhakinge of the motions of Grace, driuing from them the feare of God, and running headlong into all fmne, firfl, luftelie contemne God, than fcornefullie mocke his worde, and alfo fpitefuUie hate and hurte all well willers thereof. Then they haue in more reuerence the triumphes of Petrarche : than the Genefis of Mofes : They make more account of Tullies offices, than S. Faults epiflles : of a tale in Bocace, than a florie of the Bible. Than they counte as Fables, the holie mifteries of Chriflian Religion. They make Christ and his Gofpell, onelie ferue Ciuill poUicie : Than neyther Reli- gion cummeth amiffe to them For where they dare, in cumpanie where they like, they boldlie laughe to fcorne both proteftant and Papift. They care for no fcrip- ture : They make no counte of generall councels : they contemne the confent of the Chirch : They paffe for no Do(flores : They mocke the Pope : They raile on Luther: They allow neyther fide : They like none, but onelie themfelues : The marke they Ihote at, the ende they looke for, the heauen they defire, is onelie, their owne prefent pleafure, and priuate proffit : whereby, they plainlie declare, of whofe fchole, of what Religion they be : that is, Epicures in liuing, and a.6ni in dodtrine : this lafl worde, is no more vnknowne now to plaine Englifhe men, than the Perfon was vnknown fomtyme in England, vntill fom Eng- liflieman tooke peines to fetch that deuelifh opinin out of Italie. .... I was once in Italie my felfe : but I thanke God, my abode there, Venice. was but ix. dayes : And yet I fawe in that litle time, in one Citie, more libertie to fmne, than euer I hard tell of in our noble London. Citic of LondoH in ix. yeare. I fawe, it was there, as free to fmne, not onelie without all punifhment, but alfo without any mans marking, as it is free in the Citie of London, to chofe, without all blame, whether a man lull to weare Shoo or Pantocle Our Italians bring home with them other faultes from Italie, though not fo great as this of Religion, yet a great deale greater, than many Contempt of ^ood ^en will beare. For commonlie they cum home, mariage. couimon Contemners of mariage and readie perfuaders of all other to the fame : not becaufe they loue virginitie, nor yet becaufe they hate prettie yong virgines, but, being free in Italie, to go whither fo euer lufl will cary them, they do not like, that lawe and honeftie fhould be foche a barre to their like libertie at home in England. And INTRODUCTION. XXUl yet they be, the greatefl. makers of loue, the daylie daliers, with fuch pleafant wordes, with fuch ftnilyng and fecret countenances, with fuch fignes, tokens, wagers, purpofed to be loll, before they were purpofed to be made, with bargaines of wearing colours, floures and herbes, to breede occafion of ofter meeting of him and her, and bolder talking of this and that, etc. And although I haue feene fome, innocent of ill, and llayde in all honeflie, that haue vfed thefe thinges without all harme, without all fufpicion of harme, yet thefe knackes were brought firft. into England by them, that learned them before in Italic in Circes Court : and how Courtlie curteffes fo euer they be counted now, yet, if the meaning and maners of fome that do vfe them, were fomewhat amended, it were no great hurt, neither to them felues, nor to others An other propertie of this our Englifh Italians is, to be meruelous fmgular in all their matters : Singular in knowledge, ignorant in no- thyng : So fmgular in wifedome (in their owne opinion) as fcarfe they counte the bell Counfellor the Prince hath, comparable with them : Common difcourfers of all matters : bufie fearchers of mofl. fecret affaires : open flatterers of great men : priuie miflikers of good men : Faire fpeakers, with fmiling countenances, and much curteffie openlie to all men. Ready bakbiters, fore nippers, and fpitefull reporters priuily of good men. And beyng brought vp in Italie, in fome free Citie, as all Cities be there : where a man may freelie difcourfe againfl what he will, againfl whom he lufl. : againfl any Prince, agaynfl. any gouernement, yea againfl God him felfe, and his whole Religion : where he muft. be, either Guelphe or Gibiline, either French or SpaniQi : and alwayes compelled to be of fome partie, of fome faftion, he fhall neuer be compelled to be of any Religion : And if he medle not ouer much with Chrifles true Religion, he fhall haue free libertie to embrace all Re- ligions, and becum, if he lufl at once, without any let or punilhment, lewifli, Turkilh, Papilh, and Deuililh. It is the old quarrel of classicists and Romanticists, of the ancien regime and the new school in literature^ which runs nearly through every age. It might be Victor Cousin reproving Victor Hugo, or, say, M. Renan protesting, if he could protest, against M. Zola. Nor is the diatribe against the evil communication that had corrupted good manners any novelty in the quarrel. Critics have practically recognised that letters are a reflex of life long before Matthew Arnold formulated the relation. And in the disputing between Classicists and Romanticists it has invariably happened XXIV INTRODUCTION. that the Classicists were the earlier generation, and therefore more given to convention, while the Romanticists were likely to be experimental in life as in literature. Altogether then, we must discount somewhat Ascham's fierce denunciation, of the Itdiiaiiate Englishman, and of the Englishing of Italian books. There can be little doubt, I think, that in the denunciation of the "bawdie stories" introduced from Italy, Ascham was thinking mainly and chiefly of Painter's " Palace of Pleasure." The whole passage is later than the death of Sir Thomas Sackville in 1566, and necessarily before the death of Ascham in December 1568. Painter's First Tome appeared in 1566, and his Second Tome in 1567. Of its immediate and striking success there can be no doubt. A second edition of the first Tome appeared in 1569, the year after Ascham's death, and a second edition of the whole work in 1575, the first Tome thus going through three editions in nine years. It is therefore practically certain that Ascham had Painter's book in his mind * in the above passage, which may be taken as a contemporary criticism of Painter, from the point of view of an adherent of the New-Old Learning, who conveniently forgot that scarcely a single one of the Latin classics is free from somewhat similar blemishes to those he found in Painter and his fellow-translators from the Italian. But it is time to turn to the book which roused Ascham's ire so greatly, and to learn something of it and its author."!- Wil- liam Painter was probably a Kentishman, born somewhere about 1535.1 He seems to have taken his degree at one of the Universities, as we find him head master of Sevenoaks' school about 1560, and the head master had to be a Bachelor of Arts. In the next year, however, he left the paedagogic toga for some connection with arms, for on 9 Feb. 1561, he was appointed * Aschafn was shrewd enough not to advertise the book he was denouncing by referring to it by name. I have failed to find in the Stationer's Register of 1566-8 any similar book to which his remarks could apply, except Fenton's Tragicall Dis- courses, and that was from the French. t See Haslewood's account, reprinted infra, p. xxxvii., to which I have been able to add a few documents in the Appendix. t His son, in a document of 1591, speaks of him as his aged father (Appendix infra, p. Ivii. ). INTRODUCTION, XXV Clerk of the Ordnance, with a stipend of eightpence per diem, and it is in that character that he figures on his title page. He soon after married Dorothy Bonham of Dowling (born about 1537, died 1617)^ and had a family of at least five children. He acquired two important manors in Gillingham, co. Kent, East Court and Twidall. Haslewood is somewhat at a loss to account for these possessions. From documents I have discovered and printed in an Appendix, it becomes only too clear, I fear, that Painter's fortune had the same origin as too many private fortunes, in peculation of public funds. So far as we can judge from the materials at our disposal, it would seem that Painter obtained his money by a very barefaced procedure. He seems to have moved powder and other materials of war from Windsor to the Tower, charged for them on delivery at the latter place as if they had been freshly bought, and pocketed the proceeds. On the other hand, it is fair to Painter to say that we only have the word of his accusers for the statement, though both he and his son own to certain undefined irregularities. It is, at any rate, something in his favour that he remained in office till his death, unless he was kept there on the principle of setting a peculator to catch a peculator. I fancy, too, that the Earl of Warwick was implicated in his misdeeds, and saved him from their consequences. His works are but few. A translation from the Latin account, by Nicholas MofFan, of the death of the Sultan Solyman,* was made by him in 1557. In 1560 an address in prose, prefixed to Dr. W. Fulke's Antiprognosticon, was signed "Your familiar friend, William Paynter," -f- and dated " From Sevenoke xxii. of Octobre;" and the same volume contains Latin verses entitled " Gulielmi Painteri, ludimagistri Seuenochensis Tetrastichon." It is perhaps worth while remarking that this Antiprognosticon was directed against Anthony Ascham, Roger's brother, which may perhaps account for some of the bitterness in the above pas- sage from the Scholemaster. These slight productions, however, * Reprinted in the Second Tome of the " Palace,'' infra, vol. iii. p. 395. t In his own book, and in the document signed by him, the name is always " Painter." XXVI INTRODUCTION. sink into insignificance in comparison with his chief work, " The Palace of Pleasure," He seems to have started work on this before he left Seven Oaks in 1561. For as early as 156a he got a licence for a work to be entitled " The Citye of Cyuelite," as we know from the following entry in the Stationers' Registers : — W. Jonnes — Receyued of Wylliam Jonnes for his lycenfe for pryn- linge of a boke intituled Tke Cytie of Cyuelitie tranflated into engliffhe by William Paynter. From his own history of the work given in the dedication of the first Tome to his patron, the Earl of Warwick, it is probable that this was originally intended to include only tales from Livy and the Latin historians. He seems later to have determined on add- ing certain of Boccaccio's novels, and the opportune appearance of a French translation of Bandello in 1559 caused him to add half a dozen or so from the Bishop of Agen, Thus a book which was originally intended to be another contribution to the New Learning of classical antiquity turned out to be the most im- portant representative in English of the Newest Learning of Italy. With the change of plan came a change of title, and the "City of Civility," which was to have appeared in 156a, was replaced by the " Palace of Pleasure" in 1566.* The success of the book seems to have been immediate. We have seen above Ascham's indignant testimony to this, and the appearance of the Second Tome, half as large again as the other, within about eighteen months of the First, confirms his account. This Second Tome was practically the Bandello volume ; more than half of the tales, and those by far the longest, were taken from him, through the medium of his French trans- lators, Boaistuau and Belleforest. Within a couple of years another edition was called for of the First Tome, which appeared in 1569, with the addition of five more stories from the Heptameron, from which eleven were already in the first edition. Thus the First Tome might be called the Heptameron volume, and the second, that of Bandello. Boccaccio is pretty * The Dedication is dated near the Tower of London i January 1566, which must have been new style (introduced into France two years before). INTRODUCTION. XXVU evenly divided between the two, and the remainder is made up of classic tales and anecdotes and a few novelle of Ser Giovanni and Straparola, Both Tomes were reprinted in what may be called the definitive edition of the work in 1575. Quite apart from its popularity and its influence on the English stage, on which we shall have more to say shortly, Painter's book deserves a larger place in the history of English Literature than has as yet been given to it. It introduced to England some of the best novels of Boccaccio, Bandello, and Queen Margaret, three of the best raconteurs of short stories the world has ever had. It is besides the largest work in English prose that appeared between the Morte Darthur and North's Plutarch.* Painter's style bears the impress of French models. Though professing to be from Italian novellieri, it is mainly derived from French translations of them. Indeed, but for the presence of translations from Ser Giovanni and Straparola, it might be doubtful whether Painter translated from the Italian at all. He claims however to do this from Boccaccio, and as he owns the aid of a French "crib" in the case of Bandello, the claim may be admitted. His transla- tions from the French are very accurate, and only err in the way of too much literalness.t From a former dominie one would have expected a far larger proportion of Latinisms than we actually find. As a rule, his sentences are relatively short, and he is tolerably free from the vice of the long periods that were brought into vogue by " Ciceronianism." He is naturally free from Euphuism and for a very good reason, since Euphues and his Englande was not published for another dozen years or so. The recent suggestion of Dr. Landmann and others that Euphuism came from the in- fluence of Guevara would seem to be negatived by the fact that the " Letters of Trajan " in the Second Tome of Painter are taken from Guevara and are no more Euphuistic than the rest of the volume. Painter's volume is practically the earliest volume of prose trans- * Always with the exception of exceptions, the Bishop's Bible. + Mr. P. A. Daniel, in his edition of Painter's " Romeo and Juliet, " in the New Shakespere Society's Originals and Analogues, i., 1876, gives the few passages in which Painter has misunderstood Boaistuau. For lexicographical use, however, it would be well to consult Painter's original for any very striking peculiarities of his vocabulary. XXVlll INTRODUCTION. lations from a modern language into English in the true Eliza- bethan period after the influence of Caxton in literary importation had died away with Bourchier the translator of Froissart and of Huon of Bordeaux. It set the ball rolling in this direction, and found many followers, some of whom may be referred to as having had an influence only second to that of Painter in providing plots for the Elizabethan Drama. There can be little doubt that it was Painter set the fashion, and one of his chief followers recog- nised thisj as we shall see, on his title page. The year in which Painter's Second Tome appeared saw George (afterwards Sir George) Fenton's Certaine Tragicall Discourses writtene oute of Frenche and Latine containing fourteen "histories." As four of these are identical with tales contained in Painter's Second Tome it is probable that Fenton worked independently, though it was doubtless the success of the "Palace of Pleasure" that induced Thomas Marshe, Painter's printer, to undertake a similar volume from Fenton. The Tragicall Discourses ran into a second edition in 1569. T. Fortescue's Foreste or Collection of Histories . . . dooen oute of Frenche appeared in 157 1 and reached a second edition in 1576. In the latter year appeared a a work of G. Pettie that bore on its title page — A Petite Palace of Pettie his Pleasure — a clear reference to Painter's book. Not- withstanding Anthony k Wood's contemptuous judgment of his great-uncle's book it ran through no less than six editions between 1576 and 1613.* The year after Pettie's first edition appeared R. Smyth's Stravnge and Tragicall histories Translated out of French. In 1576 was also published the first of George Whetstone's collec- tions of tales, the four parts of The Rocke of Regard, in which he told over again in verse several stories already better told by Painter. In the same year, 1576, appeared G. Turberville's Tragical Tales, tranflated out of fundrie Italians — ten tales in verse, chiefly from Boccaccio. Whetstone's Heptameron of Ciuill Discourses in 158a was however a more important contribution to the English Novella, * The tales are ten— i. Sinorix and Camma [= Tennyson's Cup]; 2. Tereus and Progne ; 3. Germanicus and Agrippina ; 4. Julius and Virginia ; 5. Admetus and Alcest ; 6. Silla and Minos ; J. Curiatius and Horatia ; 8. Cephalus and Procris ; 9. Pigmalion and his Image ; 10. Alexius. INTRODUCTION. XXIX and it ran through two further editions by 1593.* Thus in the quarter of a century 1565-1590 no less than eight collectionSj most of them running into a second edition^ made their appear- ance in England. Painter's work contains more than all the rest put together, and its success was the cause of the whole move- ment. It clearly answered a want and thus created a demand. It remains to consider the want which was thus satisfied by Painter and his school. The quarter of a century from 1565 to 1590 was the seed-time of the Elizabethan Drama, which blossomed out in the latter year in Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great. The only play which pre- cedes that period, Gordobuc or Ferrex and Porrex, first played in 1561, indicates what direction the English Drama would natu- rally have taken if nothing had intervened to take it out of its course. Gor^^oiac is severely classical in its unities; it is of the Senecan species. Now throughout Western Europe this was the type of the modern drama,t and it dominated the more serious side of the French stage down to the time of Victor Hugo. There can be little doubt that the English Drama would have followed the classical models but for one thing. The flood of Italian novelle introduced into England by Painter and his school, imported a new condition into the problem. It is essen- tial to the Classical Drama that the plot should be already known to the audience, that there should be but one main action, and but one tone, tragic or comic. In Painter's work and those of his followers, the would-be dramatists of Elizabeth's time had offered to them a super-abundance of actions quite novel to their audience, and alternating between grave and gay, often within the same story. + The very fact of their foreignness was a further attraction. At a time when all things were new, and intellectual curiosity had become a passion, the opportunity * M. Jusserand gives a list of most of these translations of French and Italian novels in his just issued English Novel in the Elizabethan Age, 1890, pp. 80-1. He also refers to works by Rich and Gascoigne in which novels occur. t A partial exception is to be made in favour of the Spanish school, which broke loose from the classical tradition with Lope de Vega. + It is probable however that the " mixture of tones " came more directly from the Interludes. XXX INTRODUCTION. of studying the varied life of an historic country like Italy lent an additional charm to the translated novelle. In an interesting essay on the "Italy of the Elizabethan Dramatists,"* Vernon Lee remarks that it was the very strangeness and horror of Italian life as compared with the dull decorum of English households that had its attraction for the Elizabethans. She writes as if the dramatists were themselves acquainted with the life they depicted. As a matter of fact, not a single one of the Elizabethan dramatists, as far as I know, was personally acquainted with Italy."!* This knowledge of Italian life and crime was almost entirely derived from the works of Painter and his school. If there had been anything corresponding to them dealing with the tragic aspects of English life, the Elizabethan dramatists would have been equally ready to tell of English vice and criminality. They used Holinshed and Fabyan readily enough for their "Histories." They would have used an English Bandello with equal readiness had he existed. But an English Bandello could not have existed at a time when the English folk had not arrived at self-consciousness, and had besides no regular school of tale-tellers like the Italians. It was then only from the Italians that the Elizabethan dramatists could have got a sufficient stock of plots to allow for that inter- weaving of many actions into one which is the characteristic of the Romantic Drama of Marlowe and his compeers. That Painter was the main source of plot for the dramatists be- fore Marlowe, we have explicit evidence. Of the very few extant dramas before Marlowe, Appius and Virginia, Tancred and Gis- munda, and Cyrus and Panthea are derived from Painter, j We have also references in contemporary literature showing the great impres- sion made by Painter's book on the opponents of the stage. In 1 5 7 a E. Dering, in the Epistle prefixed to A brief e Instruction, says: "To this purpose we have gotten our Songs and Sonnets, our Palaces of Pleasure, our unchaste Fables and Tragedies, and such like sor- * Euphorim, by Vernon Lee. Second edition, 1885, pp. 55-108. t It has, of course, been suggested that Shakespeare visited Venice. But this is only one of the loot mare's nests of the commentators. X Altogether in the scanty notices of this period we can trace a dozen derivatives of Painter. See Analytical Table on Tome I. nov. iii., v., xi., xxxvii., xxxix., xl., xlviii., Ivii. ; Tome II. nov. i., iii., xiv., xxxiv. INTRODUCTION. XXXI ceries. . . . O that there were among us some zealous Ephesian, that books of so great vanity might be burned up." As early as 1579 Gosson began in his School of Abuse the crusade against stage- plays, which culminated in Prynne's Histriomastix. He was an- swered by Lodge in his Defence of Stage Plays. Gosson demurred to Lodge in 1580 with his Playes Confuted in Five Actions, and in this he expressly mentions Painter's Palace of Pleasure among the " bawdie comedies " that had been " ransacked " to supply the plots of plays. Unfortunately very few even of the titles of these early plays are extant : they probably only existed as prompt- books for stage-managers, and were not of suiBcient literary value to be printed when the marriage of Drama and Literature occurred with Marlowe. But we have one convincing proof of the predominating in- fluence of the plots of Painter and his imitators on the Eliza- bethan Drama. Shakespeare's works in the first folio, and the editions derived from it, are, as is well known, divided into three parts — Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies. The division is founded on a right instinct, and applies to the whole Elizabethan Drama.* Putting aside the Histories, which derive from Holin- shed. North, and the other historians, the dramatis personee of the Tragedies and Comedies are, in nineteen cases out of twenty, provided with Italian names, and the scene is placed in Italy. It had become a regular convention with the Elizabethans to give an Italian habitation and name to the whole of their dramas. This convention must have arisen in the pre-Marlowe days, and there is no other reason to be given for it but the fact that the majority of plots are taken from the " Palace of Plea- sure" or its followers. A striking instance is mentioned by Charles Lamb of the tyranny of this convention. In the first draught of his Every Man in his Humour Ben Jonson gave Italian names to all his dramatis personcB. Mistress Kitely appeared as Biancha, Master Stephen as Stephano, and even the immortal Captain Bobabil as Bobadilla. Imagine Dame Quickly as Putana, and Sir John as Corporoso, and we can see what a profound ' In the Warning for Fair Women there is a scene in which Tragedy, Comedy, and History dispute for precedence. XXXU INTRODUCTION. influence such a seemingly superficial thing as the names of the dramatis personce has had on the Elizabethan Drama through the influence of Painter and his men. But the effect of this Italianisation of the Elizabethan Drama due to Painter goes far deeper than mere externalities. It has been said that after Lamb's sign-post criticisms, and we may add, after Mr. Swinburne's dithyrambs, it is easy enough to discover the Elizabethan dramatists over again. But is there not the danger that we may discover too much in them ? However we may explain the fact, it remains true that outside Shakespeare none of the Elizabethans has really reached the heart of the nation. There is not a single Elizabethan drama, always of course with the exception of Shakespeare's, which belongs to English literature in the sense in which Samson ^gonistes, Absalom and Achitophel, Gulliver's Travels, The Rape of the Lock, Tom Jones, She Stoops to Conquer, The School for Scandal, belong to it. The dramas have not that direct appeal to us which the works I have men- tioned have continued to exercise after the generation for whom they were written has passed away. To an inner circle of stu- dents, to the 500 or so who really care for English literature, the Elizabethan dramas may appeal with a power greater than any of these literary products I have mentioned. We recognise in them a wealth of imaginative power, an ease in dealing with the higher issues of life, which is not shown even in those masterpieces. But the fact remains, and remains to be explained, that the Elizabethans do not appeal to the half a million or so among English folk who are capable of being touched at all by literature, who respond to the later masterpieces, and cannot be brought into rapport with the earlier masters. Why is this .■' Partly, I think, because owing to the Italianisation of the Elizabethan Drama the figures whom the dramatists drew are unreal, and live in an unreal world. They are neither English- men nor Italians, nor even Italianate Englishmen. I can only think of four tragedies in the whole range of the Elizabethan drama where the characters are English : Wiikins' Miseries of Enforced Marriage, and A Yorkshire Tragedy, both founded on a recent came ceUbre of one Calverly, who was executed 5 August INTRODUCTION. XXXIU 1605 ; Arden of Faversham, also founded on a cause ceUhre of the reign of Edward VI. ; and Heywood's JVoman Killed by Kindness. These are, so far as I remember, the only English tragedies out of some hundred and fifty extant dramas deserving that name.* As a result of all this, the impression of English life which we get from the Elizabethan Drama is almost entirely derived from the comedies, or rather five-act farces, which alone appear to hold the mirror up to English nature. Judged by the drama, English men and English women under good Queen Bess would seem incapable of deep emotion and lofty endeavour. We know this to be untrue, but that the fact appears to be so is due to the Italianising of the more serious drama due to Painter and his school. In fact the Italian drapery of the Elizabethan Drama disguises from us the significant light it throws upon the social history of the time. Plot can be borrowed from abroad, but characterisation must be drawn from observation of men and women around the dramatist. Whence, then comes the problem, did Webster and the rest derive their portraits of their White Devils, those impe- rious women who had broken free from all the conventional bonds ? At first sight it might seem impossible for the gay roysterers of Alsatia to have come into personal contact with such lofty dames. But the dramatists, though Bohemians, were mostly of gentle birth, or at any rate were from the Universities, and had come in contact with the best blood of England. It is clear too from their dedications that the young noblemen of England admitted them to familiar intercourse with their families, which would in- clude many of the grande dames of Elizabeth's Court. Elizabeth's own character, recent revelations about Mistress Fitton, Shake- peare's relations with his Dark Lady, all prepare for the belief that the Elizabethan dramatists had sufficient material from their own observation to fill up the outlines given by the Italian novelists.-j- The Great Oyer of Poisoning — the case of Sir Thomas * Curiously enough, two of the four have been associated with Shakespeare's name. It should be added, perhaps, that one of the Two Tragedies in One of Yarington is English. t The frequency of scenes in which ladies of high birth yield theihselves to men of lower station is remarkable in this connection. VOL. I. C XXXIV INTRODUCTION. Overbury and the Somersets— in James the First's reign could vie with any Italian tale of lust and cruelty. Thus in some sort the Romantic Drama was an extraneous product in English literature. Even the magnificent medium in which it is composed, the decasyllabic blank verse which the genius of Marlowe adapted to the needs of the drama, is ultimately due to theltalianTrissino, and hasnever kept a firm hold on English poetry. Thus both the formal elements of the Drama, plot and verse, were importations from Italy. But style and characterisa- tion were both English of the English, and after all is said it is in style and characterisation that the greatness of the Elizabethan Drama consists. It must however be repeated that in its highest flights in the tragedies, a sense of unreality is produced by the pouring of English metal into Italian moulds. It cannot be said that even Shakespeare escapes altogether from the ill effects of this Italianisation of all the externalities of the drama. It might plausibly be urged that by pushing unreality to its extreme you get idealisation. A still more forcible objection is that the only English play of Shakespeare's, apart from his histories, is the one that leaves the least vivid impression on us. The Merry Wives of Windsor. But one cannot help feeling regret that the great master did not express more directly in his immortal verse the finer issues and deeper passions of the men and women around him. Charles Lamb, who seems to have said all that is worth saying about the dramatists in the dozen pages or so to which his notes extend, has also expressed his regret. " I am sometimes jealous," he says, "that Shakespere laid so few of his scenes at home." But every art has it conventions, and by the time Shakepeare began to write it was a convention of English drama that the scene of its most serious productions should be laid abroad. The convention was indeed a necessary one, for there did not exist in English any other store of plots but that offered by the inexhaustible treasury of the Italian Novellieri. Having mentioned Shakespeare, it seems desirable to make an exception in his case,* and discuss briefly the use he made of * The other Elizabethan dramatists who used Painter are : Beaumont (I. xlii. ; II. xvii.), Fletcher (I. xlii. ; II. xvii., xxii.), Greene (I. Ivii.), Heywood (I. ii.), Marston INTRODUCTION. XXXV Painter's book and its influence on his work. On the young Shakespeare it seems to have had very great influence indeed. The second heir of his invention, The Rape of Lucrece, is from Painter. So too is Romeo and Juliet,* his earliest tragedy, and ^ll's Well, which under the title Love's Labour Won, was his second comedy, is Painter's Giletia of Narhonne (i. 38) from Ban- dello.-|- I suspect too that there are two plays associated with Shakespeare's name which contain only rough drafts left unfinished in his youthful period, and finished by another writer. At any- rate it is a tolerably easy task to eliminate the Shakespearian parts of Timon of Athens and Edward IIL, by ascertaining those portions which are directly due to Painter.J In this early period indeed it is somewhat remarkable with what closeness he followed his model. Thus some gushing critics have pointed out the subtle significance of making Romeo at first in love with Rosalind be- fore he meets with Juliet. If it is a subtlety, it is Bandello's, not ' Shakespeare's. Again, others have attempted to defend the inde- fensible age of Juliet at fourteen years old, by remarking on the precocity of Italian maidens. As a matter of fact Bandello makes her eighteen years old. It is banalities like these that cause one sometimes to feel tempted to turn and rend the criticasters by some violent outburst against Shakespeare himself. There is indeed a tradition, that Matthew Arnold had things to say about Shake- speare which he dared not utter, because the British public would not stand them. But the British public has stood some very severe things about the Bible, which is even yet reckoned of higher sanctity than Shakespeare. And certainly there is as much cant about Shakespeare to be cleared away as about the Bible. How- ever this is scarcely the place to do it. It is clear enough, how- (I. Ixvi. ; II. vii,, xxiv., xxvi.), Massinger (II. xxviii,), Middleton (I. xxxiii.), Peele (I. xl.), Shirley (I. Iviii.), Webster (I. v. ; II. xxlii.). See also I. vii., xxiv., Ixvi. * Shakespeare also used Arthur Brook's poem. On the exact relations of the poet to his two sources see Mr. P. A. Daniel in the New Shakespere Society's Ori- ginals and Analogues, i., and Dr. Schulze in Jakrb. d. deutsch, Shakespeare Cesell- schafl xi. 2 1 8-20. + Delius has discussed Shakespearis "All Well" und Pdynter's "Giletia von Narhonne " in the Jahrbuch xxii. 27-44, in an article which is also reprinted in his Abhandlungen ii. t I hope to publish elsewhere detailed substantiation of this contention. XXXVl INTRODUCTION. ever, from his usage of Painter, that Shakespeare was no more original in plot than any of his fellows, and it is only the un- wise and rash who could ask for originality in plot from a dra- matic artist. But if the use of Italian novelle as the basis of plots was an evil that has given an air of unreality and extraneousness to the whole of Elizabethan Tragedy, it was, as we must repeat, a necessary evil. Suppose Painter's work and those that followed it not to have appeared, where would the dramatists have found their plots .? There was nothing in English literature to have given them plot-material, and little signs that such a set of tales could be derived from the tragedies going on in daily life. But for Painter and his school the Elizabethan Drama would have been mainly historical, and its tragedies would have been either vamped-up versions of classical tales or adaptations of contem- porary causes ceUbres. And so we have achieved the task set before us in this Intro- duction to Painter's tales. We have given the previous history of the genre of literature to which they belong, and mentioned the chief novellieri who were their original authors. We have given some account of Painter's life and the circumstances under which his book appeared, and the style in which he translates. We have seen how his book was greeted on its first appearance by the adherents of the New Learning and by the opponents of the stage. The many followers in the wake of Painter have been enumerated, and some account given of their works. It has been shown how great was the influence of the whole school on the Elizabethan dramatists, and even on the greatest master among them. And having touched upon all these points, we have perhaps sufficiently introduced reader and author, who may now be left to make further acquaintance with one another. HASLEWOOD'S preliminary JHatter. OF THE TRANSLATOR. William Painter was, probably, descended from some branch of the family of that name which resided in Kent. Except a few official dates there is little else of his personal history known. Neither the time nor place of his birth has been discovered, AH the heralds in their Visitations are uniformly content with making him the root of the pedigree.* His liberal education is, in part, a testimony of the respectability of his family, and, it may be observed, he was enabled to make purchases of landed property in Kent, but whether from an hereditary fortune is uncertain. The materials for his life are so scanty, that a chronological notice of his Writings may be admitted, without being deemed to interrupt a narrative, of which it must form the principal contents. He himself furnishes us with a circumstance,-]- from whence we may fix a date of some importance in ascertaining both the time of the publication and of his own appearance as an author. He translated from the Latin of Nicholas MofFan, (a soldier serv- ing under Charles the Fifth, and taken prisoner by the Turks) J the relation of the Murder which Sultan Solyman caused to be * The Visitation Book of 1619, in the Heralds College, supplied Hasted with his account. There may also be consulted Harl. MSS. 1106, 2230 and 6138. t Palace of Pleasure, Vol. II. p. 663. J The translation is reprinted in the second volume. Of the original edition there is not any notice in Herbert. XXXviii PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIOGRAPHICAL. perpetrated on his eldest Son Mustapha.* This was first dedicated to Sir William Cobham Knight, afterwards Lord Cobham, War- den of the Cinque Ports ; and it is material to remark, that that nobleman succeeded to the title Sept. the a9th, 1558 ; f and from the author being a prisoner until Sept. 1555, it is not likely that the Translation was finished earlier than circa 1557-8. In 1560 the learned William Fulke, D.D. attacked some incon- sistent, though popular, opinions, in a small Latin tract called " Antiprognofticon contra invtiles aftrologorvm praediftiones Noftrodami, &c." and at the back of the title are Verses,J by friends of the author, the first being entitled "Gulielmi Painteri ludimagiftri Seuenochenfis Tetrafticon." This has been considered by Tanner as our author,§ nor does there appear any reason for attempting to controvert that opinion; and a translation of Fulke's Tract also seems to identify our author with the master of Sevenoaks School. The title is " Antiprognofticon, that is to faye, an Inuectiue agaynft the vayne and vnprofitable pre- diftions of the Aftrologians as Noftrodame, &c. Tranflated out of Latine into Engliflie. Wherevnto is added by the author a fhorte Treatife in Englyfhe as well for the vtter fubuerfion of that fained arte, as well for the better vnderftandynge of the com- mon people, vnto whom the fyrft labour femeth not fufficient. Hahet SS mufca fplenem ^ formice fua bills ineji. 1560" i2mo. At the back of the title is a sonnet by Henry Bennet : followed in the next page by Painter's Address. On the reverse of this last page is a prose address " to his louyng frende W. F." dated " From Seuenoke xxii of Octobre," and signed " Your familiar frende William Paynter."|| * This happened in 1552, and Moffan remained a captive until Sept. 1553. + Brydge's Peerage, Vol. IX. p. 466. Banks's Dormant Peerage, Vol. II. p. lo8. % These verses were answered by another Kentish writer. " In c6nuersium Palen- genii Barnabae Gogas carmen E. Deringe Cantiani," prefixed to the firste sixe bokes of the mooste christian poet Marcellus Palingenius, called the Zodiake of Life. Trans- lated by Barnabe Googe, 1561. i2mo. See Cens. Lit. Vol. II. p. 212. Where it appears that Barnaby Googe was connected with several Kentish families. He married a Darell. His grandmother was Lady Hales. § Bibliotheca, p. 570. II M. S. Ashmole, 302. Mr. H. Ellis has kindly furnished me with the above, PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIOGRAPHICAL. XXXIX Bj' the regulations of the sphool, as grammar-master, he must have been a bachelor of arts, and approved by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and to the appointment was attached a house and salary of ,^50 per annum.* Of the appointment to the School I have not been able to obtain any particulars. That situation -[• was probably left for one under government, of less labour, as he was appointed by letters patent of the 9th of Feb. in the ad of Eliz. (1560-1) to succeed John Rogers, deceased, as Clerk of the Ordinance in the Tower, with the official stipend of eightpence per diem, which place he retained during life. In 156a there was a license obtained by William Jones to print "The Cytie of Cyvelite, tranflated into Engleffhe by william paynter." Probably this was intended for the present work, and entered in the Stationers Register as soon as the translation was commenced, to secure an undoubted copy-right to the Publisher. Neither of the stories bear such a title, nor contain incidents in character with it. The interlocutory mode of delivery, after the manner of some of the originals, might have been at first in- tended, and of the conversation introducing or ending some of those tiken from the collection of the Queen of Navarre, a part is even now, though incongruously, retained. J By rejecting the gallant speeches of the courtiers and sprightly replies of the ladies, and making them unconnected stories, the idea of civility was no longer appropriate, and therefore gave place to a title equally alli- terative in the adoption of the Palace of Pleasure. Under this conjecture Painter was three years perfecting the during a late visit to Oxford, and observes that the reference to Tanner is wrongly, stated, the article being in Ashmole's study. * Hasted's Hist, of Kent, Vol. III. p. 98. t If Painter had laid in this School the foundation of that fortune, which he after- wards appears to have realised in land, he did no more than was done by a celebrated successor, Thomas Farnaby, a well-known annotator on Horace, who settled his male posterity at Keppington, in the parish of Sevenoaks, where they remained in rank and opulence, till the late Sir Charles Farnaby, Bart., who at one time in the present reign represented the County of Kent, sold that seat and estate to Francis Motley Austen, Esq., the present owner. X George Whetstone has An Heptarmron of Ciuill Discourses, &c. 1582. xl PRELIJIINARY MATTER — BIOGRAPHICAL. Translation of the first volume of the Palace of Pleasure. He subscribes the dedicatory Epistle " nere the Tower of London the firft of Januarie 1566," using the new style, a fashion recently imported from France.* It must be read as 1565-6 to explain a passage in another Epistle before the second volume, where he speaks of his histories " parte whereof, two yeares paft (almoft) wer made commune in a former boke," concluding " from my poore houfe befides the Toure of London, the fourthe of Nouember, 1567." The two volumes were afterwards enlarged with addi- tional novels, as will be described under a future head, and with the completion of this task ends all knowledge of his literary productions. It no where appears in the Palace of Pleasure that Painter either travelled for information, or experienced, like many a genius of that age, the inclination to roam expressed by his contemporary. Churchyard, " Of running leather were his shues, his feete no where could reste." + Had he visited the Continent, it is probable, that in the course of translating so many novels, abounding with foreign manners and scenery, there would have been some observation or allusion to vouch his knowledge of the faithfulness of the representation, as, in a few instances, he has introduced events common in our own history. He probably escaped the military fury of the age by being appointed " Clerk to the great Ordinance," contentedly hearing the loud peals upon days of revelry, without wishing to adventure further in "a game," which, "were subjects wise, kings would rot play at." In the possession of some competence he might pru- dently adjust his pursuits, out of office, to the rational and aot unimportant indulgence of literature,! seeking in the retirement * In France the style was altered in 1564. Clavis Calendaria. Vol I. p. 64. t Bibliographical Miscellanies, 1813. p. 2. X This is confirmed by his making the following observation : " When labour refteth him felfe in me, and leifure refrefheth other affairs, nothing delights more that vacant tyme than readinge of Histories in fuch vulgar fpeache, wherein my fmall knowledge taketh repaft." Epistle Dedicatory, Vol. II. p. 4. PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIOGRAPHICAL. xli of the study, of the vales of Kent, and of domestic society, that equanimity of the passions and happiness which must ever flow from rational amusement, from contracted desires, and acts of virtue ; and which the successive demands for his favourite work might serve to cheer and" enliven. As the founder of the family* his money must be presumed to have been gained by himself, and not acquired by descent. It would be pleasing to believe some part of it to have been derived from the labours of his pen. But his productions were not of sufficient magnitude to command it, although he must rank as one of the first writers who introduced novels into our language, since so widely lucrative to — printers. Yet less could there accrue a saving from his office to enable him to complete the purchases of land made at Gillingham, co. Kent. At what period he married cannot be stated. His wife was Dorothy Bonham of Cowling, born about the year 1537, and their six children were all nearly adults, and one married, at the time of his death in 1 S94. We may therefore conclude that event could not be later than 1555 ; and if he obtained any portion with his wife the same date allows of a disposition of it as now re- quired. It is certain that he purchased of Thomas and Christopher Webb the manor of East-Court in the parish of Gillingham, where his son Anthony P. resided during his father's lifetime. He also pur- chased of Christopher Sampson the manor of Twidall in the same parish with its appurtenances, and a fine was levied for that purpose * Some of the following notices, probably, relate to branches of the family. — William Paynter "de Vkefielde," possessed lands at Horsemonden, Benynden, and Merden, co. Kent. He left three sons, Alexander, John and Robert. His will dated 2Sth Feb. 24. Hen. 7th. (1509) and proved in November following. — John P. Citizen and Freemason of London, by Will dated 26th Nov. 1532, proved IS37, gave to the children of his late brother Richard P. late of Littleport, co. Kent, 6s. 8d. each. He was to be buried at St. Albans, Wood Street, where on inquiry I am informed the Registers of that period do not exist. — John P. twice mayor of Dover, died 14th July, 1540, buried at Rainham, same co. , See Weever's Funeral Monu- ments. — Edmonde P. Steward to the Bishop of Ely, held a patent place, and by his will dated 7th Sept. 14 Eliz. (1572) gave to his brother's daughter " Johane" forty pounds. Probably the eldest daughter of our Author. xlii PRELIMINARY MATTER BIOGRAPHICAL. in Easter Term i6 Eliz, Both the manors remained in the family, and passed by direct line from the above named Anthony, through William and Allington, his son and grandson, to his great grandson Robert, who resided at Westerham, in the same county, and ob- tained an Act of Parliament, 7 Geo. i. "to enable him to fell the manors of Twydal and Eaft-Court."* * Hasted's History of Kent. art. Gillingham. The following pedigree of the family is collected from Hasted and the Harleian MSS. William Painter.f: of Twedall, parish of Gillingham, the author. Ob. 1594. Dorothy, daughter of Bonham, of Cowling. Ob. Oct. 19, 1617, ^t. 80. Dorothy=John HeIena=John Anthonys Bagenhall Hornby Nathaniel=Joanna=John Partrich Orwell I. I ^Catherine, CatheTine= — Champ, Anna. J coheiress of Co. Suff. Robt. Harris, Master in Chancery. William of=Elizabeth, daughter GilUngham, died about the time ofi the Restoration of Charles II. of Walter Hickman, of Kew, Co. Surrey, Esq. relict of George Allington, jun. Allington= Elizabeth. § Anna.§ Robert, =Eleanora, youngest daughter who obtained an act of Sir Thomas Seyhard, of parUament to ali- Bart, buried at Wester- enate the manors of ham. Twedall and East Court. (^ Arms. Gules, u chevron between three griffins' heads erased or, on a chiff of the second an helmet sable between two pellets. Crest. A lizard (as sup- posed) vert, escaping from the trunk of an old tree, proper. + Also spelt Paynter and Payneter ; but neither used by the above-named William Pamter, if we may rely upon the repetition of ten printed authorities. . , ^,7''^' ^™^^ ""^ *e youngest child, is doubtful, from her father only naming her he sides Helena, as entitled to a portion. She resided with her mother, unmarried, 1617.' § One of these married William Wiseman, a civilian. PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIOGRAPHICAL. xliii Not any part of the real Estate was affected by the will of William Painter, who appears, from its being nuncupative, to have deferred making it, until a speedy dissolution was expected. It is as follows : " In the name of God, Amen. The nineteenth day of February in the Year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred ninety four, in the seven and thirtieth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth, &c. William Painter then Clerk of her Maj. Great Ordinance of the Tower of London, being of perfect mind and memory, declared and enterred his mind meaning and last Will and Testament noncupative, by word of mouth in effect as • followeth, viz. Being then very sick and asked by his wife who should pay his son in law John Hornbie the portion which was promised him with his wife in marriage, and who should pay to his daughter Anne Painter her portion, and to the others his children which had nothing ; * and whether his said wife should pay them the same, the said William Painter answered. Yea. And being further asked whether he would give and bequeath unto his said wife all his said goods to pay them as he in former times used to say he would, to whom he answered also, yea. In the presence of William Pettila, John Pennington, and Edward Songer. Anon after in the same day con- firming the premises; the said William Painter being very sick, yet of perfect memory, William Raynolds asking the aforesaid Mr. Painter whether he had taken order for the disposing of his Goods to his wife and children, and whether he had put all in his wives hands to deal and dispose of and to pay his son Hornby his portion,t and whether he would make his said wife to be his whole Executrix, or to that effect, to whose demand the said Testator Mr. William Painter then manifesting his will and true meaning therein willingly answered, yea, in the presence of William Ray- nolds, John Hornbie and Edward Songer." f He probably died immediately after the date of the will. Among the quarterly payments at the ordinance office at Christmas 1594 is entered to "Mr. Painter Gierke of thodiiice xvij""- xv'" and upon Lady Day or New Year's Day 1595. " To Willm Painter and to S'. Stephen Ridleftonj Clarke of Thordiice for the * Dorothy P. (the Executrix) by her will, dated 3d July, 1617, gave a specific legacy to her granddaughter Thomasine Hornby, which was to be void if she sued or impleaded her executor, relative to any gift, legacy or bequest, under the above will ; from which it may be concluded the portion of John Hornby's wife was never pro- perly adjusted. t Proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 3d Feb. 1595. t His patent, dated 21st June 1595, gives all emoluments from the day of the death of William Painter. xliv PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIOGRAPHICAL. like quarter alfo warranted xvij'* xv'- " He was buried in London.* After his death the widow retired to Gillingham, where she died Oct. 19th 1617. ^t. 80, and where she was buried. -f- * In the will of Dorothy P., already noticed, is the following direction. ' In cafe I dye or departe this life in the Citie of London, to be buryed in the fame parifti in London where my late loving hufband Mr. William Paynter, Gierke of the great Ordinance of the Tower of London, was buryed, and as neere to the place where he was buryed as conuenyentlie may be, with fome memoriall there to be engraven fett vp or placed as fhalbe devifed and appoynted by my executor and overfeers hereafter named ; yf elfewhere then allfo at their like difcretions and with the like me- moriall." Had she set up such a memorial for her husband, the name would pro- bably have been found in Stowe's Survey of London. It does not occur in the Registers of the Tower Chapel ; AUhallows Barking ; St. Catherine's ; or Aldgate. At St. Dunstan's, Tower Street, the register has been destroyed, and also at St. Alban's, Wood Street, where there was probably a family vault, and not being the church frequented when he lived by the Tower, the name might have been forgotten by the widow. t Her Will was not proved until July 1620. It is unusually long, and the bequests are trifling. She particularizes all her grand-children, whom, in the language then used, she calls nephews and nieces. There had probably been some difference in the family to occasion the following passage, whereby she bequeaths the only memorial mentioned of our author. " Item, whereas my very welbeloued niephue William Paynter, and I, and all my children, nowe are and I truft in God fo fhall continue loving hartie and inward frends, whereof I receyue great ioye and contentment, vnto the which my faied neiphue, for a gentle remembraunce, I give and bequeethe my tablet [of gould with a pearle to yt which fometymes was his graundfather's, beyng nowe all readie in his owne keeping and poffeflion." The will is subscribed with a cross, which the feebleness of age might render necessary. [For some additional points throwing light on the way in which Painter gained his fortune, see Appendix. Collier {Extr. Stat. Reg. ii. 107), attributes to Painter A moorning Ditti vpon the Deceas of Henry Earle of Arundel, which appeared in 1579, and was signed ' Guil. P. G.' [ = Gulielmus Painter, Gent.]. — J. J.] BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. Of the first volumfe of the palace of pleasure there were three editions, but of the second only two are known. Each of these, all uncommonly fair and perfect, through the liberal indulgence of their respective owners, are now before me; a combination which has scarcely been seen by any collector, how- ever distinguished for ardour of pursuit and extensiveness of research, since the age of Q. Elizabeth. Their rarity in a per- fect state may render an accurate description, though lengthened by minuteness, of some value to the bibliographer. The account of them will be given in their chronological order. The Palace of Pleafure | Beautified, adorned and | VdcU flinU£iI)eO, toltt) Plea= | faunt mjlories and excellent \ JOOUellS, £iel0Ctet) out of | diuers good and commen- j table auti)Or£i. | t By William Painter Clarke of the \ Ordinaunce and Armarie. \ [Wood-cut of a Bear and ragged Staff, the crest of Ambrose Earl of Warwick, central of a garter, whereon is the usual motto | honi : soit: qvi : mal: y: pense. | 1566. \JMPRINTJED ^r— Lontion, bp J^enrp 2Deni)am, | for Richard Tottell and William Jones.* — 4to. Extends to sig. Nnnij. besides introduction, and is folded in fours. This title is within a narrow fancy metal border, and on the back of the leaf are the Arms of the Earl of Warwick, which fill the page. With signature * a commences the dedication, and at IT 3 is " a recapitulacion or briefe reherfal of the Arguments of euery Nouell, with the places noted, in what author euery of the fame or the eflfeft be reade and contayned." These articles occupy four leaues each, and five more occupy the address " to the reader," * Herbert has this edition entered as printed by Thomas Marsha, upon the autho- rity of Mr. William White, p. 856. It was licensed to Jones as " certen hiftoryes colledted out of dyuers Ryght good and profitable authours by William Paynter." ib. 1319- xlvi PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. followed by the names of the Authors from whom the " nouels be felefted;" making the whole introduction, with title, 14 leaves. The nouels being Ix. in number, conclude with folio 345, but there are only 289 leaves, as a castration appears of ^6* On the reverse of the last folio are " faultes efcaped in the printing ; " and befides thofe corrected, there are " other faultes [that] by fmall aduife and lefle payne may by waying the difcourfe be eafely amended or lightly paffed ouer," A distinct leaf has the following colophon : Imprinted at Lon | don, by Henry Denham, | for JatCi)artl COttell anU | Snilltam ^OneS 1 Anno Domini. 1566 I lanuarij 26. | Cf)tse boofees ate to be solUe at tije long sljoppe | at tl)e CEOeast eiiDe of Paules, This volume is rarely discovered perfect. The above was pur- chased at the late sale of Col. Stanley's library for 30I. by Sir Mark Masterman Sykes, Bt. The fecond Tome | of the Palace of Pleafure | C0n= tepning manifolUe store of gooDlp | Hiiiories, Tragicali matters and | Oti)er iHOrall argument, | very requifttefor de- I Itg^t (J profit. I Chofen and /elected out of diuers good and commen- \ dable Authors. \ By William Painter, Clarke of the | Ordinance and Armarie. | anno. 1567. | Imprinted at London, in Pater Nofter Rowe, by Henrie I Bynneman, for Nicholas | England.t 410. Extends, without introduction, to signature P. P. P. P. p. iiij. and is folded in fours. A broad metal border, of fancy pattern, adorns the title page. At signature a. ij. begins the Epistle to Sir George Howard, which the author subscribes from his " poore house besides the Toure of London, the fourthe of Nouember 1567 : " and that is * There is a lapse of signatures from O o. j. to A a a. j. and of folios from 145, (misprinted 135) to 201. What occasioned the castration it is impossible to con- jecture ; the volume is certainly perfect, as the table of Contents has no article for the omitted leaves. t Herbert, 967. Entered in the Stationers' Register (as Mr. G. Chalmers obligingly informs me) in 1566-7, "to Nycholas Englonde." PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. xlvii followed by a summary of the contents and authorities, making, with the title, lo leaves. There are xxxiiij novels, and they end at fo. 426. Two leaves in continuation have " the conclusion," with " divers faultes efcaped in printyng," and on the reverse of the first is the printer's colophon. Imprinted at London | by Henry Bynneman | for Nicholas Englande ] anno m.d.lxvil | Nouembris 8. A copy of this volume was lately in the possession of Messrs. Arch, of Cornhill, Booksellers, with a genuine title, though dif- ferently arranged from the above, and varied in the spelling.* When compared, some unimportant alterations were found, as a few inverted commas on the margin of one of the pages in the last sheet, with the correction of a fault in printing more in one copy than the other, though the same edition.f C|)e IPallace | of IPleasure ^Seauttfieti, | adorned and wel furnijhed with \ Pleafaunt Hifloryes and excellent I Nouelles, felefted out of diuers | gOOti anil COmmen- Dable autl)OUrS. | ir By William Painter Clarke | of the Ordinaunce and | Armarie. | 1569. \ Jmprinted at Lon- don in I Fleteftreate neare to S. Dunftones | CI)Ut:ci) fig Ct)Oma£> iW[ar£iI)f- — 4to. Extends to K k. viij, & is folded in eights, * It stands thus : The fecond Tome | of the Palace of Pleafure, | conteyning ftore of goodly Hiftories | Tragicall matters and other mo- | rail argument, very re- | qui- fite for delighte | and profit, | Chofen and felefted out of | divers good and commen- I dable authors. | By William Painter, Gierke of the | Ordinance and Armarie | Anno. 1567. — Imprinted &c." Similar differences are found in the earliest stage of the English press. Thus a copy of Caxton's Cato, 1483, in possession of the Duke of Devonshire, has the first line IT Here begynneth the prologue or prohemye of the book callid : and in the fine copy belonging to the Library of Lee Priory, it stands Here begynneth the prologue or prohemye of the booke callyd. t The second volume is undoubtedly the rarest of the two. The industrious Lang- baine does not appear to have seen it, as in the Account of the English Dramatic Poets, 1691, he refers more than once to the originals for stories contained in that volume. xlviii PRELIMINARY MATTER — BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. The title is in the compartment frequently used by Marsh, having the stationers' arms at the top, his own initials at the bottom, and pedestals of a Satyr and Diana, surmounted with flowers and snakes, on the sides. It is a reprint of the first volume without alteration, except closer types. The introduction con- cludes on the recto of the eleventh leaf, and on the reverse of fo. 254 is the colophon. Jmprinted at London in Flete . \ Jlreate neare vnto Sain6l Dunjlones \ Churche by Thomas Marfhe | Anno Domini. 1569.* THE PALACE | of Pleafure Beautified | aUometl aniJ tuell furm0|)eti | with pleafaunt Histories and | ty- cellent jQouelg, selectcU out | of liiueis gooli anlJ com- menlraljle autUocs. Bp amtlliam painter Clarfee | of the Ordinaunce I and Armarie. | Eftfones perufed corredled | and augmented. | 1575. | Imprinted at Lon- don I by Thomas Marjh. — 4to. Extends to fignature O o, iiij. and is folded in eights, t Title in same compartment as the last. The introduction is given in nine leaves, and the novels commence the folio, and end at 279. The arguments of every novel, transposed from the beginning, continue for three leaves to reverse of O o iiij, having for colophon. Imprinted at London by ] CljOmaS ^arSt)e. Seven novels were added to the former number, and the lan- guage improved. * Dr. Farmer's copy was Vol. I. 1569, and Vol. II. 1567. Purchased at the sale by Mr. Payne for fifteen guineas. [Bibl. Farm. No. S993.] The opinion Dr. Far- mer entertained of their rarity may be given in his own words ; " The Two Tomes, which Tom Rawlinson would have called justa volumina, are almost annihilated. Mr. Ames, who searched after books of this sort with the utmost avidity, most cer- tainly had not seen them, when he published his Typographical Antiquities, as ap- pears from his blunders about them : and possibly I myself might have remained in the same predicament, had I not been favoured with a copy by my generous friend, Mr. Lort." Essay on the learning of Shakespeare. + Hence Tanner and others have been erroneously supposed to describe an edi- tion in Octavo, and I have seen copies where the margin, cropped by the intolerable plough of the binder, might have been shown in proof of the conjecture. haslewood's preliminary matter. xlix THE SECOND | Tome of the Palace of | pleasure containing mtt of gootilge | ipi^toneief, Cragical mattCCiSf, 5 OtfjCr I Morall argumentes, very requi- | fite for delight and ] profgtC. 1 Chofe and felefted' out I of diuers good and commendable au- \ thors, and now once agayn correc- \ ted and encreafed. | By Wiliam Painter, Gierke of the | Ordinance and Arm-arie. \ Im- printed at Zondon | In Fleatftrete by Thomas | marshe. — 4to. Has signature Z z 4, and is folded in eights. Title in the compartment last described. The introduction has seven leaves, and the "conclusion" is at fo. 360.* The summary of nouels, which stand as part of the introduction in the former edition, follows, making four leaves after discontinuing the folio. There is no printer's colophon, and the type throughout is fmaller than any ufed before. The translator added one historic tale, and made material alterations in the text. With respect to the date the year 1583 has been several times given, and it is doubtful if I have discovered the fource of the au- thority. Oldys, among the manuscript notes upon Langbaine, registers " W. Painter's Palace of Pleafure, &c. 4to. 1569, and in % vols. 1575, and 158a : " and Mr. Bindley, whofe friendly assist- ance it is always gratifying to record, pointed out to my attention the catalogue of the library of the Honorable Bryan Fairfax,-f- where the volumes are increased in number, and with only a single date. It stands thus. Lot " '^'^6, Painter's Palace of Pleafure, 3 vols.J B. L. 1583 : " again in the Osterley catalogue, p. 87, is No. * Folios 225 and 6 are repeated, and several others are erroneously numbered. + Prepared for sale by auction by Mr. Prestage, of Savile Row, in April, 1 756, and sold by private contract to Mr. Child. It forms the principal part of the library at Osterley Park. J It might be expected that the third volume was formed by adding the inferior performance of George Pettie, who imitated our author's title ; but that was the article in the succeeding lot. Pettie's work is called : A petite Pallace | of Pettie his Pleafure : | contayning many pretie Hiftories | by him fat foorth in comely colours I and moft delightfully dis-courfed. | Omne tulit punctum, \ qui miscuitvtile dulci. | Col. Printed at London, by R[ichard] W[atkins]. n. d. but entered in the Stationers' books 1576. Again by Wolfe, n. d. and other editions 1598, 1608, and 1613. The VOL. 1. d 1 haslewood's preliminary matter. " 26, Palace of Pleafure, 1583." * To decide positively on such an unexpected repetition of the date made it desirable to obtain a sight of the copy.f That, with some difficulty, has been effected. On visiting Osterley, strange as it may appear, I found the two volumes bound in one, the same editions as those now printed from, and both wanting title pages ! ! There is not much temerity in decisively pronouncing that there never was an edition in three volumes ; that the date of 1583 was intended by Oldys to be only applied to the second volume; and that that date was founded on an erroneous conjecture. Two of these points are already disposed of, and the last can require but few words. The translation of the tale of Sultan Soliman, from the circumstance of the dedication to Sir William Cobham, as shewn in a former page, must have been finished about I557"8j and Painter, on the reprinting, mentions that fact as " twenty- two yeares past or thereabouts," which decides that the printing the above volume could not be later than 1580. The Palace of Pleasure, as enlarged by the Translator, is now reprinted. The text of the latest edition of each volume has been carefully preserved ; except that, instead of numberless abbrevia- tions, every word is given at length. The character of the work did not require such minuteness, being followed for authority; and the rejecting what might seem a disfigurement of the page, it is hoped, will obtain the sanction of the reader: and it may be observed, that in the later editions many words are contracted which were first printed at length, and others given at length which were before contracted. In the punctuation some slight alterations have been made, where the sense or uniformity materially required it. contents of the volume are described in an article by Mr. Utterson in the British Bibliographer, Vol. II. p. 392. For an Account of the author see Wood's Ath. Oxon. by Bliss, 1813, Vol. I. col. 552. * Class (or rather case, the library not being classed) IX. ; division 2 ; shelf 7 • book 26. This explains the numerals used in the Osterley Cat. t To the unequalled store of bibliography, possessed by the Rev. T. F. Dibdin there has lately been added a copy of the Fairfax catalogue, priced according to the private valuation. There may be found Caxton's Prince Arthur rated at only fifty- five shillings, and lot 336 (the P. of Pleasure) at four guijteas : undoubtedly, from the above description in the catalogue, the copy was supposed unique. haslewood's preliminary matter. li From Earl Spencer, with that marked attention which always distinguishes the interest his Lordship takes in every literary undertaking, I received the unsolicited offer of the use of the copy belonging to the library at Althorpe. As there was the first edition of the second volume, it proved a needful and valuable acquisition, and from that source several obscure passages have been corrected, and whole sentences restored, which, in the last edition, appear to have been negligently omitted in the hurry of the press. For the purpose of collation. Sir Mark Masterman Sykes, Bart, obligingly assisted me with his copy, purchased at the Roxburghe sale; and has since also favoured me with the first edition, to perfect the Bibliographical Notices. Of an hundred and one novels, the whole number, the larger portion have been traced, as supposed, to their respective originals. In attempting this task, I have derived material assistance from the extensive researches made in that class of literature by Mr. Weber, who, though personally unknown, most promptly supplied the wanted information. The ingenious conjecture as to the origin of the story of Gismonde and Guiscardo, is by Mr. Singer. It is probable that many of the stories were appropriated as soon as published by the dramatic writers to the purposes of the English Stage.* To the instances discovered by the indefatigable Langbaine I have made some addition. From the application of Mr. Freeling to Mr. Crewe, I obtained an inspection of the earliest records preserved in the Ordnance Office; and the research was further facilitated by the assistance of Mr. Banovin. Sir Egerton Brydges, with his accustomed ardency to promote literary investigation, aided my endeavours to discover some trace of the translator as master of the school at Sevenoaks. * Malone, in a note on the Historical Account of the English Stage, has the fol- lowing extract from Gosson's Plays confuted in five Actions, printed about the year 1580. " I may boldly say it (says Gosson) because I have seene it, that The Palace of Pleasure, The Golden Asse, The Ethiopian Historic, Amadis of Fraunce, The Round Table, bawdie comedies in Latin, French, Italian and Spanish, have beene thoroughly ransackt to furnish the playe-houses in London." — Reed's Shakespeare, Vol. III. p. 40. Hi haslewood's preliminary matter. To Mr. George Chalmers and Mr. Utterson, I am indebted for some bibliographical communications, and also to the Rev. T. F, Dibdin for long extracts made from the work by Herbert, prepara- tory to a new edition of the Typographical Antiquities. When the present edition was announced, it was intended to consist of only one hundred and fifty copies. In order, however, to meet the common hazard of the press, seven quires of each sheet were printed, making about one hundred and sixty-five saleable copies; seven were also taken off on vellum. JOSEPH HASLEWOOD. Conduit Street, November ^th 1813. [It is only necessary to add that Haslewood's edition was in two volumes, of which the first ran to 34 (Introductory Matter) + xviii. (Dedication and Table of Contents) + 492 pages. The Second Tome, which is mostly found bound in two parts, ran to xv. (Dedication and Table of Contents) + 700 pages. The present edition, it will be observed by the above, is really the fourth and a half edition — i.e., it is the fifth of the first Tome, and the fourth of the second. I have however ventured to neglect the reprint of the First Tome in 1569, and taken account only of complete editions. It follows Haslewood's reprint page for page and line for line, except in two points. The Tables of Contents of the two Tomes have been brought to- gether, and their literary history connected directly with the Summary of Contents. In a few cases, where Haslewood inserted passages from the first edition, I have enclosed the interpolations in square brackets. The other point of difference between Haslewood's edition and the present is that we have divided the two Tomes into three volumes of as nearly equal size as possible. While Haslewood has been used as "copy" for the printer, it must be understood that every line has been collated with the British Museum copy of the original, and many thousands of corrections, mostly though not all of a minor kind, made in Haslewood's text. JOSEPH JACOBS. 4 Haselmere Road, Kilburn, 1st Aug. 1890.] APPENDIX. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. I. Assignments to Painter (Abstract), {Record Office Dom. State Papers, Eliz., xl. No. 36.) July 34, 1566. Assignment by Edward Randolph, Esq., to William Painter, Clerk of the Ordinance, Richard Webb, Master-Gunner of England, and Edward PartridgCj Keeper of the Queen's Harquebutts, Dagges, and Curriers, of certain annuities or pensions for a term of years. II. Petition of Hartnell, Saint Barbe, and Painter (Abst.). (Brit. Mus. Lands. MS. 51, No. 35.) Petition of Raulph Harknell, William Saintbarbe and William Painter to the Lord High Treasurer, c. 1586. Having lately been called before Sir W. Mildmay, Chanc" of the Exchequer, Mr. Fanshawe & Mr. Dodington for the sum of ,^7,075 and after conference the division was imposed upon Turville Bowland and Painter, and a brief was drawn, it pleased his Honour to will that if they could show cause why the said sums should not be burdened upon them they were to have allowance by petition which they have done and beseech his Honour to have regard to the present state of themselves their liv DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. wives and children & by him to at once decide what sum they have to pay. With regard to their estates : — Bowland's goods came to but .^431 ■.6:8. His land is given to three children, the eldest not twelve years old. As the land cannot be sold during their nonage he humbly begs that the land may be extended and prays that some allowance may be made for the education of the children. Turville's substance was chiefly in debts, his household stufF was of the value of .^120 : 3 : 4. Of this .^1,441 : 19 : 7 is to go to William Saintbarbe, the most part of which sum remains in the hands of the Earl of Warwick and Sir Philip Sydney. Notwithstanding he is willing to pay as much as His Honour shall think good. William Painter craves remembrance of a note of his estate delivered in 1586, expressing the particulars of all he has in the world to live upon in these his aged days, amounting to about ^64 a year. He has a wife and five children all marriageable and unprovided for. He begs his Honour's favourable consideration of his case and promises to be the occasion of saving unto Her Majesty of far greater sums than what he owes to her. HI. Charge against ^Turville, Bowland, and Painter (Abst.). {Brii. Mus. Lansd. MS. 55, No. 3.) Charge informed in the Exchequer by John Powell against Geoffrey Turville, Richard Bowland and William Painter. s d ^7,077 : 8 : I Of which Upon G. Turville 2,715 : 2 : 8 „ R. Bowland 2,413 : 2 :"8 „ W. Painter 1,949 : 2 : 8 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. Iv Of this sum of ^1949 : 3 : 8 William Painter confesses in his answer to owe s^io'jg : 17 : 3 which leaves unconfessed the sum of ,^869 : 5 : 5 of which he himself prays to be disburdened for divers good and reasonable considerations : — For Iron sold to the amount of ;^i6 18:4 For Powder sold for ;^ 4 : 8 : 10 For things conveyed from the ) „ , ^ y 4:0:0 Storehouse at Woolwich j For unserviceable shot sent into Barbary ^ i73 = ^3 o For Powder Munition &c. 205 : o For sale of Sulphur 10 : 10 : o Divers allowances 373 : 6 : 8 Work done at Portsmouth 8:6:8 He promises to pay what is due from him in reasonable time. The value of the Lands in Gillingham, Kent, belonging to William Painter is ^^413 : 10 : o, which brings him in ^€"94 : 10 of which he has to pay a^33 : 3 : 4 leaving him ^61 : 6 : 10. The said William Painter owes ^1300 for land in mortgage and is indebted to divers persons besides. He humbly beseeches Her Majesty to have pitiful regard for his wife and marriageable children IV. Powell's Charges against Earl of Warwick and Painter (Abstract). {Hatfield, Calendar iii., No. 581.) September, 1587. John Powell to the Queen, offers to expose frauds in the Ordnance Office, and begs the Queen to grant him a hearing before the Lord Chancellor^ Lord Treasurer, Lord Admiral, and Earl Warwick, which last named he accuses of great oppressions, and one Painter of false recording the office books. Ivi DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. W. Painter's Confession. {Record Office State Papers, Domestic, Eliz., vol. 224, No. 102.) xxiij"° Junii 1589. Willm PainP confeffeth that all thofe things that ftande nowe charged upon Thearle of Warrewicke by the twoe bookes delivered by M'. Coniers and M^ Bartholme Vodoington were in truthe taken out of the Quenes ftoare in the Towre of London and other places^ and promifeth that before Michaelmas Tearme next he will in writing und''. his hand fhewe difcharge of fo muche of the fame as the faid Earle is to be difcharged of, and will charge his L. w*"" fo muche thereof as in truth he ought to be charged w*** by ihewing of his owne warrant or other good proof that the fame came to his L. hands or to fuche as his Lo. did appoint for the receipt thereof, and the refidue he will charge upon fuche others as of right are to be charged therew*, and for his betf inftruftion he placeth a coppie of the faid twoe bookes delivered by the Audito'^. Jigned W. PAINTER. endorfed. 23 Junii, 1589. M^ Painters aunfweare for the Charging the E. of Warwick in the 2, books delivered to the Audito" of the Prefle. VI. {Record Office Dam. Pap. Eliz. ccxxv., No. 38.) June 23, 1589. Answer of John Powell, Surveyor of the Ord- nance, to the informations given against him by Mr. Wm. Paynter. Examined in the office of the Ordnance before Sir Robert Constable and the rest of the officers, and noted in the margin accordingly. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. Ivii VII. Application of A. Painter in behalf of his Father (Abst.). {Brit. Mus. Lansd. MS,. 6% f. 47.) April 6. 1591. He has many times besought his honour to accept of his serviceable endeavours with regard to his duty concerning the indirect government of the office of ordnance, the entries into the books &c. and as he. knows that many irregularities have been committed for which he fears he and his aged father may be blamed he has thought it his duty to crave access to his Honour as well to advertise what has been heretofore done as to declare the manner how this office . is managed, beseeching his honour, in regard his aged father is clerk of that office, whose duty it is to register all things, not to sign any proportion books of debt or monthe's books but by the delivery of the said clerk or his deputy. VIII. Grant in Reversion of Painter's Office (Docquet). (Record Off. Dom. State Papers, Eliz. ccxxxiii.) 1591. Grant in reversion of John Grenewaie of the office of Clerk of the Ordnance, with a fee of 8d. per diem, after the death of Wm. Paynter. IX. Accounts of the Ordnance (Abstract). {Record Off. Dom. State Papers, EUz. ccxliii., No. 96.) Accounts by John Powell, Wm. Painter and Thos. Bedcock for provisions and stores delivered unto her Majesty's Ordnance up to 31 Dec. 1592. Total of debts ^6,786 os ^^d ; of payments during Iviii DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. the last year .^3^960 ijs 6d; Balance due, ^3,825 2s g^d. Also of debts due for provisions brought into the stores, repairs. Sec, during the year: total .^4055 95 besides Sir Rob. Constable's debt. With note that as the books of the office have been deli- vered to the two auditors, the writers cannot set down every particular debt but have done so as far as they could. X. Specific Charges against Painter. {Brit. Mus. : Lansdown MS. 73, No. 59.) Right Honorable whearas I heartofore exhibited Articles vnto yo'' Lo^P therin revealing and Juftlie accufing William Painter clerke of Thordynaunce of notorious Deceiptes and abufes ppe- trated by him in Thexecution of his faide office vnto whiche he hathe made fome Anfweare as is reported./ May it ffurther pleafe yo'' Lo I haue thoughte yt my parte to reveall fuch further and more deceiptes as I haue difcovered of his lyke praftizes and abufes when he tooke vppon him the charge and difcharge of Thoffice as now his fonne feekethe to doe, which I Humblie proftrate heare inclofed. Cravinge of yo'' good Lo for proofe of bothe my Articles I may haue Aufthoritie to examine fuche wittnefles as I can produce by othe before fome Baron of Thexchequer as to Remaine vppon recorde leafte Deceafinge her Ma"^' feruece therbye be hindered and I in fome forte defcredited in (keming to Informe your Lo^P w*" matters I cannot proue./ So lyke wife if to yo'' Ho yt fhall feeme good to figne the war- rantate here to fore by me ^fented Aufthoriftinge me and others to pvfe and vewe Thaccomptes of Sir Robert Conftable Knyghte deceafed and m" willm Sugdon for Tower matters. I will bringe to lighte fuche matters agaynfte his fonne whearby yt fhall appeare that he is a mofte unfitt man to execute anie office of charge or trufte vnder her ma"° beinge fo corrupte a man as I will prooue him to be./ Pardon Right Ho my boldnes for Dutiful! zeale did pricke me to difcouer that I and fithence they are DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. lix abroache care of my credite dothe continuallie vrge mee not to be negligent or alowe vntill I haue by good proues confirmed and eftablifhed them. So reftinge Readie to pforme the fame and accordinge to my Bounden dutie to do her hignes anie fervice to my vttermofte./ I Humblie ceafe to trouble yo' Ho any further at this tyme. But never will omitt to pray Thalmightie to in- creafe yo' Honor with all healthe and happines. Your Honors moft humble G. HOGGE. Endorsed November 1793 George Hogg to my L. Difcouerie of certain abufes committed by W". Paynter clerk of the Ordinance w'in his office. Wronges offered by Willm Painter Gierke of Thordenance entered in his Jornall booke ffiar receiptes broughte into her ma''™ Store Anno i^^s a-nd -Ti'/'?' Right Honorable, firft ther was a receipte for one Lafte and a half of Serpentine powder broughte into her Ma"''' Store and de- benter made by Painter for the fame as made of forraigne Peeter the xiiij"" of Julie Tjy6, the which I will prooue vnto yo"^ Ho that yt was her Ma*'^' owen powder brought from Windfo' Gaftell the verie fame Soiuer./ Wherein he deceaved her Ma*'% and made her pay for that w* was her owen./ Defyringe that my proofes may be taken bye Othe before one of the Barons of her M*'^' Ex- checquer./ Secondlie, their was another Receipte made for xii° wh' of corne powder As made of fforraine provifion and brought into her ma*'''° Store and debenter made for the fame the xxj"' of Julie /57<5 at the Rate of xij* the pownde, the w"*" did amounte to the fome in money of Ix"" the w"'' I will prove to be her ma*"'' Owen Powder as aforfayde./ Third, there was another Receipte made for One Lafte of Serpen- tine powder by the fayd Painter at xj''the pownde/ and debenter made for the fame the xxj"' of Julie J^/d as brought into her maties Store beinge made lykwyfe of fTorraigne provifion the w* I will proove no fuch matter receaved into her ma"^' faide ftore and Ix DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. therefore her ma''° flatlie Deceaved by him of the Some of one c and x'" .-././ ffbwerthlie there was lykewyfe broughte into her Ma"°' fayde ftore by one Conftantine Watchindroppe the feconde of augufte I5'j6 certaine bowftaves to the number of fower Thoufande after fyxe Score to the Hundrethe at the Rate of xiij'* the Hundrethe the which dothe Amounte to v ° and xx'* and entred by Painter in his Jornall booke and debenter made for the fame I will proove vnto yo'' Ho notwithflandinge his debenter and entrie in his fayde booke that there was xj° of them neuer brought into her ma*'°^ Store / and therfore her Ma"° Apparentlie Deceaved by him of the fome of one '^ xliij"' ffiftlie wheras there was a Deliverie made in Thoffice of Thordi- nance the xxvi* of Aprill 15^6 for Se^'pentine Powder Delivered out of her M"°' Store for the fliootinge of Thordinance vppon the wharfe he did enter into his Jornall xx" wh' delivered whearas, I will proove vnto yo'' Ho there was but v'' Di deli- vered but heare he Dothe fliewe his conninge in the difcharginge of the keep of the Store for the overcharge layd vppon the sayd keep by him on his Receipte before fpecified the xxj** of Julie iSjd whearas he did charge the keep w"* a lafte of Powder which was never brought into the Store which he made her Ma"° pay for/ Syxtlie he made a Delyuerie of fower hundrethe wh* of Serpen- tine Powder the Lafte of Aprill 15^6 for the fhootinge of Thordy- naunce uppon May 6 vo accordinge to the olde accuftomed manners I will Proove there was but j Two hundredthe wh' De- lyvered whearin he hath abufed her Ma"° as in the Article befor fpecified/. XI. Application of J. Painter (Abstract). Brit. Mus. Lansd. MS. 75, No. 55.) Sept. 36. 1593. — The best experience of faithful and true endea- vours is to be opposed by politic and malicious adversaries whose DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. Ixi slanderous informations have lately been used against him which he has truely answered and has been examined by Sir Geo: Carewe with the copies of the monthe's books and therefore he trusts his Hon: will be satisfied. He hopes his slanderers will be punished, or it will be a precedent to others. He has served H. M. faithfully being encouraged by hopes of preferment. He yearly increases H. M. Store to the value of ^2,000 by taking the returns of such munitions as return from the seas unspent in H. M. ships, which formerly were concealed and converted to private use. He has deciphered so many deceipts as amount to above ^11,000. He is ready to show a number of abuses by which H. M. pays great sums of money which do not benefit her service, and finally by his experience he has been able to do Her Majesty profitable service, the particulars of which he is ready to show when required, and he trusts he deserves more favour and regard than to be utterly discredited and disgraced through the informa- tion of the person who through malice seeks to be revenged of him, because he saves H. M. £aP a year which this person sued for, for taking the aforesaid remains. XH. Charges against Painter's Son. (firit. Mus.: Lansdown MS. 78, No. 39.) Right Honourable, I thought it my duty to aduertife yo'' ho : of dyw'fe mifdemeano" comytted against her Ma'" in and about the Tower, when yo'' lo^ fhall pleafe to command me to attend yo" in the meane tyme I hold it mofi: fytt to give yo" to vnderftand that vnderftandinge of Mr. Anthonie Paynter should make his vawnt of his playnes and truth of thencifing of his fathers place being deputye vnto him thus much I am able to averr that in falfe entryes falfe debentes ymbefeling of powder, and other de- ceipte as come XVc" as by informand re°* to be put in against him the laft term begonn by hogg who had miftaking the daye Ixii DOCUMENTS RELATING TO PAINTER. ffor his father I fend yo'' lo^ matter of XXVIj m" Againft him It is uery fitt if it may ftand w*"" yo'' ho : good liking all booke and recorde apgteying to her Ma° be taken into the coftody of fome whom yo fhall think mete to kepe them to her Ma*° vfe And fo leaving the fame to yo"^ honourable care I doe humbly take my leave the Tower this XXj"" of february yr ho : mofi: humbly Att Coriimandme* N. Raynberd. Endorsed ai Feb. 1594 M"^ Rainberd fteward of y* Tower to my 1 : Informacbn againft M' Paynter of abufes in his office. ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. [In the following notes, Source refers to the origin whence Painter most probably obtained the tale ; Origin to the earliest appearance of it in literature : these often coincide. I have included all the information given by Haslewood.] I. HORATII AND CURIATII. The Romaines and the Albanes being at warres, for iniuries mutually inferred, Metius Suffetius, the Albane captaine, deuifed' a waye by a combate to ioygne bothe the cities in one. Vidlorie falling to the Romaines, the Romaine vidlor killed his fifler and was condemned to die. Afterwardes, upon his father's fute, he was deliuered. [Source and Origin. — Livy, i., 26. Parallels. — I. Ancient: Cicero, Pro Mil. 37 ; Dionys. Hal. iii. 21, 22 ; Plutarch, Par. Min. 16 ; Valerius Max. vi. 36 ; Florus, i. 3 ; Zonar, vii. 6. II. Mediceval: Holkot, Moral. 12. III. Modern: Wolge- muth, ii. 74 ; Kirchihof, Wendenmuth, i. 13, vi. 61 ; Albertinus, Lust- hauss, 1 619, 191 ; Comeille, Horace j Acerra Philologica, 1708, ii. 15. Painter, Ed. I. (1566) i. I ; II. (i575)* i- i ; HI- i- i ; IV. i. 15.] II. The Rape of Lucrece. Sextus Tarquinius ravifhed Lucrece. And fhe, bewailing the loffe of her chaflitie, killed herfelfe. \Source and Origin. — Liv^, i- 57-6o. Parallels. — I. Ancient: Dionys. Hal. iv. 64 ; Cicero, De Fin. ii. 20-26 ; Val. Max. 6, i. i ; Ovid, Fasti, ii. 761 ; Aurel. De Vir. III. 9 ; Augustin, De Civit. Dei, i. 19. II. Mediceval: Vincent Bellov. Spec. Doct. iv. 100; Gesta Rom., 135; Violier, 113. III. Modern: Hans Sachs, i. 2, 184 ; 3, 21, Ein schon spil von der geschickt der edlen Romerin Lucretia, Strassburg, 1550, 8vo ; Kirchhof, vi. 67-70; Eutrapelos, i. 92 ; Acerra, ii. 51 ; Histor. Handbiichlein, 247 ; Alber- tinus, 279 ; Abraham k Sta. Clara, EtwasfUr Alle, ii. 623. * The reprint of 1569 is not taken into account in giving the pagination. IxiV ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Painter^'S.A.. L i. 5 ; IL i. 5 ; IIL i. 8 ; IV. i. 22. ZJ^rzwa/w.— There can be no doubt Shakspeare derived his Rape of Lucrece from Painter, though he has expanded the four pages of his original into 164 stanzas. Haywood has also a play called The Rape of Lucrece^ III. MUCIUS SCiEVOLA. The fiege of Rome by Porfenna, and the valiaunt deliuerie thereof by Mutius Scseuola, with his ftoute aunfwere vnto the kinge. [Source and origin. — Livy, ii. 12. 13. Parallels.— I. Ancient: Plutarch, Public. 17 ; Valerius Max. 3. 3. 1 ; Dionys. 5 27-30; Aurel. Vict. 72; C\ct.xo, pro Sext. 11. 48; Flor. i. 105 ; Martial, i. 51 ; Orosius, ii. 5 ; Augustin, De Civil, v. 18; Zonar, vii. 12 ; Dio Cass. 45, 31 ; 46, 19 ; 53, 8. II. Modern: H. Sachs, i. 2. 156 ; 2. 3. 39 ; Kirchhof, i. 15 ; Acerra, i. 19 ; Albertinus, 287. Painter, I. i. 7 ; II. i. 7 ; III. i. 12 ; IV. 26. Derivates. — A play called Mutius Scevola was played at Windsor in 1577 (Fleay, Hist, of Stage, p. 380)]. IV. CoRIOLANUS. Martius Coriolanus goinge aboute to repreffe the common people of Rome with dearth of Come was banifhed. For reuengement whereof he perfwaded Accius Tullius king of the Volfcians, to make warres upon the Romaynes, and he himfelfe in their ayde, came in his owne perfon. The Citie brought to greate miferye, the fathers deuifed meanes to deliuer the fame, and fent vnto the Volfcian campe, the mother, the wife and children of Coriolanus. Vpon whofe complaintes Coriolanus withdrewe the Volfcians, and the citie was reduced to quietnes. \Source and Origin. — Livy, ii. 35 seq. Parallels. — I. Ancient: Dionys. Hal. viii. i; Zonar vii. 16; Plutarch Coriolanus; Val. Max. 5. 4. i ; Dio Cass. (Exc. Vat.) 16 p. 148 ; Aur. Vict. 19. II. Mediceval: Holkot Narrat. 175 ; Gesta Rom., Lat. 137 ; Germ. 89; Violier, 115 ; Rosarium, i. 120. III. Modern: Abr. k St. Clara; LaubenhUt, i. 301 ; Acerra, 2. 17; Albertinus, 291 ; Kirchhof, vi. 73-6, 82. Painter, I. i. 9 ; II. i. 9 ; III. i. 35 ; IV. i. 29. Derivates. — It is possible that Shakespeare first got the idea of the dramatic capabilities of the story of Coriolanus from Painter thou<^h he filled in the details from North's Plutarch.] ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Ixv V. Appius and Virginia. Appius Claudius, one of the Decemuiri of Rome, goeth about to rauifhe Virginia a yonge mayden, which indeuour of Appius, when her father Virginius vnderflode being then in the warres, hee repaired home to refcue his doughter. One that was betrouthed vnto her, clamed her, whereupon rofe great contention. In the ende her owne father, to faue the fliame of his flocke, killed her with a Bocher's knife, and went into the Forum, crying vengeance vpon Appius. Then after much conten- tion and rebellion, the Decemuiri were depofed. [^Source. — Giovanni, Pecorone, giorn. xx. nov. 2. Origin.— Lxvy, ui. 44, 47-57. Parallels. — Mediceval: Gower, 'Conf. Amant. vii.; Chaucer, Cant. Tales.,, Doctour's Tale ; Modern : Macaulay, Lays. Painter, I. i. 13 ; II. i. 12 ; III. i. 31 ; IV. i. 35. Derivates. — R. B.,.(4 new tragical comedy of Apius and Virginia, 1575. — Webster, Appius and Virginia. Hazlewood also refers to trage- dies on the subject by Betterton, Crisp, Dennis, Moncrieff, Brooke, Bidlake, &c. Vincent Brooke, the actor, made his greatest hit in the part of Virginius.] VI. Candaules and Gyges. Candaules king of Lidia, fhewing the fecretes of his wyues beautie to Gyges, one of his guarde : was by counfaile of his wife, flaine by the faid Gyges, and depriued of his kingdome. \Source and Origin. — Herodotus, i. 7-13. Parallels— ]-astm, i. 7. Mod. : Guicciardini, 44 ; Federmann, Erquick- stunden, 1574, 65 ; Albertinus, 186; Kirchhof, iv. i. Painter, I. i. 19 j II. i. 18 ; III. i. 32 ; IV. i. 46.] VII. Croesus and Solon. King Craefus of Lydia reafoneth with the wyfeman Solon, of the happie life of man. Who little efleeming his good aduife, vnderfloode before his death, that no man (but by vertue) can in this life attaine felicitie. {Source and Origin. — Herod, i. 50 seq. Parallels. — I. Ancient: Diod. xvi. 56; Plutarch, Solon. II. Modern: Albertinus, 235 ; Kirchhof, Wendenmuth, i. 4 ; Wanley, Wonders of the Little World, ed. 1774. III. li. 7. VOL. I, e Ixvi ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Painter, I. i. 21'; IL i. 20; IIL i. 35 ; IV. i. 49. Derivates. — A tragedy under'this name was written by Earl Stirling about 1601.] VIII. Rhacon and Cartomes. Of a father that made fuite, to haue his owne fonne put to death. \Source and Origin. — ^lian, i. 34. Parallels. — Wanley, Wonders, IV. iii. Ij Painter, I. i. 24 ; II. i. 22 ; III. i. 39 ; IV. i. 53.] IX. Artaxerxes and Sinetas. Water offered of good will to Artaxerxes King of Perfia, and the liberall rewarde of the Kinge to the giuer. {Source and Origin. — ^lian, i. 32. Painter, I. i. 24 ; II. i. 23 ; III. i. 40 ; IV. i. 54.] X. Chariton and Menalippus. The loue of Chariton and Menalippus. 1 \Source and Origin. — jElian, ii. 17 [Melanippus]. Painter, I. i. 25 ; II. i. 24 ; III. i. 42 ; IV. i. 56.] XI. Cyrus and Panthea. Kinge Cyrus perfwaded by Arafpas, to difpofe himfelfe to loue a ladie called Panthea, entreth into a pretie difputation and talke of loue and beautie. Afterwards Arafpas himfelfe falleth in loue with the faide ladie, but fhe indued with greate chaflitie, auoydeth his earneft fute. And when (hee heard tell that her hufbande was flaine in the feruice of Cyrus, (he killed herfelfe. \Source. — Probably Bandello, iii. 9. Origin. — Xenophon (given as source by Painter). Parallels.— Anc. : Plutarch, Moraliaj De curiositate. Modern: Belle- forest ; Hist. frag. iv. 265 ; Wanley, Wonders, I. xi. 30. ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Ixvii Painter, L i. 27 ; II. i. 25 ; III. i. 44 ; IV. i. 58.] Derivates — Warres of Cyrus, with the tragical Ende of Panthea, a tra- gedy, was printed in 1594.] XII. Abdolominus King of Scythia. Abdolominus is from poore eflate, aduaunced by Alexander the Great, through his honefl. life, to be kyng of Sydone. \S our ce and Origin. — Quinct. Curtius, IV. i. 19-16. Parallels — Anc. : Diod. Sic. xvii. Mod. : Wanley, Wonders, VI. xiv. Painter, I. i. 33 ; II. i. 31 ; III. i. 45 ; IV. i. 69.] XIII. Alexander and the Scythian Ambassadors. The oration of the Scythian Ambaffadours to Alexander the great, reprouing his ambicion, and defire of Empire. \Source and Origin. — Quintus Curtius, ix. 2. Painter, I. i. 34 ; II. i. 32 ; III. i. 57 ; IV. i. 71.] XIV. Metellus on Marriage. The woordes of Metellus of mariage, and wiuing with the prayfe and difpraife of the fame. \Source. — Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. i. 6. Origin. — Livy, ii. 32. Parallels. — I. Ancient: Plut. Coriol. 6. Dio. Halic. vi. 76.. Painter, I. i. 36 ; II. i. 24 ; III. i. 60 ; IV. i. 74.] XV. Lais and Demosthenes. Of Lais and Demosthenes. \Source and Origin, — A. Gellius, Noct. Att. i. 8. Parallels. — Repeated in Painter II. xiii. Painter, I. i. 38 ; II. i. 35 ; III. i. 63 ; IV. i. 77.] XVI. Fabricius and Pyrrhus. C. Fabritius and Emillius Confuls of Rome, beyng promifed that king Pyrrhus for a fomme of money fhould be flayne (which was a not- Ixviii ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. able enemie to the Romaine Hate) aduertised Pyrrhus thereof by letters, and of other notable thinges doen by the fame Fabritius. [Source. — A. Gellius, JVocf. Att. i. 14. Origin. — (?) Livy, E^it. xiii. Parallels.— \. Ancient: Plutarch Pyrr. 18, 19 ; An seni sit, &c., 21 ; Cicero, Pro Ccel, 14, 24 ; Brut. 14, 55 ; 16, 61 ; Phil. i. 5, n ; Cato, vi. 16 ; Val. Max., viii. 13, 5 : Sueton. Tib., 2 ; Justin, 18, 2 ; Ovid, Fasti, xvi. 203. Painter, I. i. 38 ; IL i. 36 ; IH. i. 64 ; IV. i. 78.] XVII. Camillus and Schoolmaster. A ScholemaiHer traiteroufly rendring the noble mens fonnes of Faleria to the hands of Camillus, was wel acquited and rewarded for his paines and labour. [Source. — A. Gellius, Noct. Att. xvii. 24. Origin. — Livy, v. 26. Parallels.— \. Ancient: Plutarch, Camillus, 10; Dion. Halic. excerp. Vatec. 13, I ; Frontinus, Strat. iv. 4, i ; Polyjenus, Strat. viii. 7 ; Val. Max. vi. 5, i ; Aur. Victor, De vir. ill. 33 ; Zonar. vii. 32. II. Modern: Enxemplos, 187. III. Modern : GaXlensis, Commumilog. 1489, i. II ; H. Sachs, III. ii. 46 ; Hanmer, Hist. Roseng. 1654,437 ; Acerra, i. loo ; Kirch, i. 18. Painter, I. i. 39 ; II. i. 37 ; III. i. 66 ; IV. i. 80.] XVIII. Papyrius PrjEtextatus. The Hyflorie of Papyrius Prsetextatus [and how he misled his mother]. [Source and Origin. — A. Gellius, Noct. Att. i. 23. Parallels — Sabell. Exemji. i. 3 ; Bruson, Facet, iv. 4 ; Wanley, Wonders, III. xlvii. 4. Painter, I. i. 41 ; II. i. 38 ; III. i. 69; IV. i. 83.] XIX. Plutarch's Anger. How Plutarche did beate his man, and of pretie talke touching fignes of anger. [Source and Origin. — A. Gellius, Noct. Att. i. 26. Painter, I. i. 42 ; II. i. 39 ; III. i. 71 ; IV. i. 85.] ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Ixix XX. .iEsop's Fable of the Lark. A pretie tale drawne out of the Larke of ^sope. [Source. — A. Gellius, Nod. Att. ii. 29. Origin and Parallels. — Cf. Caxton's Msop, ed. Jacobs, Ro. i. 20 ; vol. i. p. 238. Painter, \. i. 42 ; II. i. 40 ; III. i. 72 ; IV. i. 86. Derivates. — A ballad on the subject, entitled A mirror most true, was licensed to Richard Jones 1576-7.] XXI. Hannibal and Antiochus. A merie gefte, uttered by Hanniball to King Antiochus. {Source and Origin.— k^ Gellius. Painter, I. i. 44 ; II. i. 41 ; III. i. 74 ; IV. i. 88.] XXII. Androdus. The maraeilous knowledge of a Lion, being acquainted with a man, called Androdus. \Source. — A. Gellius, Noct. Att. v. 14, 10. Origin and Parallels. — Cf. Caxton's jEsop, ed. Jacobs, Ro. iii. i,"vol. ,i. P- 243- Painter, I. i. 44 ; II. i. 41 ; III. i. 79); IV. i. 89.] XXIII. Favorinus. A pretie difputation of the philofopher Phauorinus, to perfwade a woman not to put forth her child to nurffe, but to nouriflie it herfelfe with her owne milke. \Source and Origin. — A. Gellius, Noct. Att. xvii. 12. Painter, I. i. 45 ; II. i. 42 ; III. i. •]^ ; IV. i. 91.] XXIV. Sertorius. Of Sertorius, a noble Romaine capitaine. {Source and Origin. — A Gellius, Noct. Att. Painter, I. i. 48 ; II. i. 45 ; III. i. 81 ; IV. i. 95.] Derivates. — A tragedy with this title, by J. Bancroft, appeared in 1679, but it is scarcely likely to have been derived from Painter.] Ixx ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXV. Sibylline Leaves. Of the bookes of Sybilla. [Source.— K. Gellius, Noct. Att. i. 19. Origin.— YXxay, Hist. Nat. xiii. 28. Painter, I. i. 49 ; IL i. 46 ; HI. i- 84 ; IV. i. 98.] XXVI. Master and Scholar. A difference and controuerfie betwene a maifter and a fcholler, lo fubtile that the iudges coulde not geue fentence. \Source and Origin. — A. Gellius. Painter, I. i. 80 ; IL i. 46 ; III. i. 85 ; IV. i. 99.] XXVII. Seleucus and Antiochus. Seleucus king of Afia, gaue his wife to his owne fonne in manage, being his mother in lawe ; who fo feruently did loue her, that he was Hke to die, whiche by a difcrete and wyfe inuention, was difcouered to Seleucus by a Phifition. \Source and Origin. — Plutarch, Demetrius (probably in Amyot's trans- lation). Parallels — Val. Max. v. 7 ; Wanley, Wonders, TIL ix. 4. Painter, I. i. 51 ; II. i. 48 ; IIL i. 88 ; IV. i. 102.] XXVIII. TiMON OF Athens. Of the flraunge and beafflie nature of Timon of Athens, enemie to mankinde, with his death, buriall, and Epitaphe. \Source and Origin. — Plutarch, Marc Antonius (probably through Amyot's translation). Parallels — Erasmus, Adagio; Sabell. Exemp. ii. 2 ; Reynolds, Treatise of Passions, c. 13 ; Wariley, Wonders, II. ix. 8. Painter, I. i. 57 ; II. i. 54 ; III. i. 98 ; IV. i. 112. Derivates. — Shakespeare's Timon of Athens (c. 1608) is founded on this, though much expanded. There is a play of Timon anterior to Shakespeare's, and printed by Mr. Hazlitt.] XXIX. Marriage of Widow and Widower. The mariage of a man and woman, hee being the hufband of xx. wiues : and Ihee the wife of xxii. hufbandes. ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Ixxi [Source. — Pedro di Messia, Selva di varie Lszzioni, i. 34. Origin. — St. Jerome.. Painter, L i. 59 ; IL i. 55 ; HI- i- 100 ; IV. i. 114.] XXX. The Three Rings. How Melchifedech a iewe, by telling a pretie tale of three Ringes, saued his life. \Source. — Boccaccio, Decameron, giorn. i., nov. 3. Origin. — Cento novelle antichi, Ti (through Busone), Vavventuroso Ciciliano; cf. Landau, /JzV Quellen'^ 183. Probably original source was Jewish, Cf. G. Paris in Revue des Hudes juives, t. xvii., and A. Wiinsche in Lessing-Mendelssohn Gedenkbuch. Parallels. — Med.: Shebetjehuda (Heb.), Gesta Rom. 89. Lessing, Nathan der Weise. Painter. — I. i. 60 ; II. i. 56 ; III. i. lo3 ; IV. i. 116.] XXXI. BORSIERI AND GrIMALDI. One called Guglielmo Borfiere with certaine wordes well placed, taunted the couetous life of Ermino Grimaldi. [Source. — Boccaccjo, Dec, giorn. i., nov. 8. Origin. — Benvenuto Rambaldi. Commentary on Inferno xvi. Painter. — I. i. 61 ; II. i. 57 ; III. i. 105 ; IV. i. 119.] XXXII. Alberto of Bologna. Maifter Alberto of Bologna, by a pleafaunt aunfweare made a gentle- woman to bluflie, which had thoughte to haue put him out of counte- naunce, in telling him that he was in loue with her. [Source and Origin. — Boccaccio, Dec. i. 10. Painter.— \. i. 63 ; II. i. 58 ; III. i. 108 ; IV. i. 122.] XXXIII. RiNALDO OF ESTE. Rinaldo of Elli being robbed, arriued at Caftel Guglielmo, and was fuccoured of a wydowe : and reilored to his losses, retourning faulfe and founde home to his owne houfe. [Source. — Boccaccio, Dec. ii. 2. Origin.— Pantschatantra (Fables of Bidpai), II. iv. tr. Benfey, 183. Ixxii ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Parallels.— MecUcEval : von der Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer, No. 42 ; Mod. : Lope de Vega, Llegar en ocasion : Lafontaine, Loraison de St. Julien; La Moth, Le Talisman. Painter.— \. i. 64; IL i. 60; IIL i. iii ; IV. i. 125. Derivatives.— The Widow, attributed to Ben Jonson, Fletcher and Middleton, seems to have been derived from this.] XXXIV. The King of England's Daughter. Three yonge men hauing fondlye confumed all that they had, became verie poore, whofe nephewe (as he retourned out of Englande into Italia,) by the wave fell into acquaintaunce with an abbote, whome (vpon further familiaritie) he knewe to be the king of Englande's doughter, whiche toke him to hufbande. Afterwardes fhe reftored his vncles to all their loffes, and fent them home in good Hate and reputation. [Source and Origin.* — Boccaccio, Dec, giom. ii., nov. 3. Painter.— I. i. 68 ; IL i. 63 ; III. i. 116 ; IV. i. 130.]' XXXV. Landolfo Ruffolo. Landolpho Ruffolo being impooerifhed, became a pirate and taken by the Geneuois, was in daunger of drowning, who fauing hirafelfe vpon a litle coafer full of rich iewels, was receiued at Corfu, and beinge cherifhed by a woman, retourned home very riche. [Source and Origin. — Boccaccio, Decamerone, giom. ii., nov. 4. Painter.— \. i. 73 ; II. i. 68 ; III. i. 124; IV. i. 138.] XXXVI. Andruccio. Andreuccio of Perugia being come to Naples to buy horfes, was in one night furprifed, with three marueilous accidentes. All which hauinge efcaped with one Ruble he retourned home to his houfe. [Source. — Boccaccio, Decamerone, giom. ii., nov. 5. Origin. — Fabliau, Boivin de Provins. Barbazan, i. 357. Parallels — Mod. . Pitre, iViw. pop. sic. No. 163. Nerucci, Nov. monta- lesi. No. 45. Gianandrea, Trad. Marchigiane {cf. T. F. Crane, Academy, 22 Mar. 1879). Schiefner, Mahdkdtjdjana, 23. Painter. — I. 76 ; II. i. 71 ; III. i. 129; IV. i. 143.] * Landau, Quellen,"^ p. 331, points out that the tale is related to the "Youngest-best" folk tales, which deal with the successes of the youngest. ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. IxxHi XXXVII. The Earl of Angiers. The erle of Angiers being falfely accufed,, was baniflied out of Fraunce, and left his two fonnes in fondry places in Englande, and retourning (vnknowen) by Scotlande, founde theim in great authoritie, afterwardes he repayred in the habite of a feruaunte, to the Frenche kinges armie, and being knowen to be innocent, was againe aduaunced to his first eflate. [Source. — Boccaccio's, Decamerone, giom. ii., nov. 8. Origin. — Dante, Purg. vi. 22, and frame of Seven Wise Masters. Parallels. — Mediaval : Guillaume de la Barre, ed. P. Meyer; Jacob k NQ>xa%Ya&,Legendaaurea,\']b; Gesta Rom. i,Z \ Mod.: Goethe, Ver- triebener Graf. Painter.— \. i. 85 ; IL i. 78 ; III. i. 142 ; IV. i. 156. Derivates. — Ayres, the German dramatist (+ 1605), who derived much from the English comedians, had a drama called Graf von Angiers^ XXXVIII. GiLETTA OF NARBONNE. Giletta, a Phifition's doughter of Narbon, healed the French King of a Fiflula, for reward whereof fhe demaunded Eeltramo Counte of Roffiglione to hufband. The Counte being maried againll his will, for defpite fled to Florence and loued another. Giletta his wife, by pollicie founde meanes to lye with her hufbande, in place of his louer, and was begotten with childe of two fonnes : which knowen to her hufband, he receiued her againe, and afterwards he liued in great honour and felicitie. \Source. — Boccaccio, Decamerone, giorn. iii., nov. 9. Origin. — ? Terence Hecyra. ' Parallels. — Mediceval: Somadeva Katha-sarit-sagara, 11^ ; Von der Hagen, Gesammt. No. 32 ; Fauche Tetrade, ii. No. 6 ; Mod. : Gipsy Tale, by,F. Miklosich, Denks. K. Akad,,Wien, xxiii. p. 14. Painter.— \ i. 95 ; II. i. 87 ; III. i. 157 ; IV. i. 171. Derivates. — The main plot of Shakespeare's AWs Well that Ends Well certainly comes from Painter.] XXXIX. Tancred and Gismonda. Tancredi Prince of Salerne, caufed his doughter's louer to be flayne, and fente his harte vnto her in a cup of golde : whiche afterwardes fhe put into poyfoned water, and drinking thereof died. Ixxiv ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. [Origin. — Boccaccio, Decamerone, giorn. iv., nov. i. Source. — Romance of Raoul de Cougy. Parallels. — Med. : Aretini, De A77iore Guiscardii, F. Beroaldo, Latin verse, Paris, 1599; J. Fleury, L' amour ;parfaite de Giusgardu, Paris, 1493 ; A. Guasco in ottava rima, Venice, 1600 ; W. Walter, Amorous hysterie of Guistard; 1532, Howell, Letters, ed. Jacobs, p. 323 ; Wanley, Wonders, II. xii. 24. Painter. — I. i. 100 ; II. i. 92 ; III. i. 166 ; IV. i. 180. Derivates. — R. Wilmot, Tancred and Gismund (performed 1568, printed 1591) ; Turberville, Tragicall Tales, iv.] XL. Mahomet and Irene. Mahomet one of the Turkifh Emperours, executeth curffed crueltie vpon a Greeke maiden, whome hee tooke prifoner, at the wynning of Conflantinople. \Source and Origin. — Bandello, Part i., nov. 10 (through French trans- lation of Boaistuau, 1559, no. 2). Parallels. — Belleforest, Histories tragiques, \. 30 seq.; Knowles, Turk. Hist. 350 seq. J Waxi\e.y, Wonders, IV. x. 6. Painter.— I. i. 107 ; II. i. 94 ; III. i. 176 ; IV. i. 190. Derivates. — Peele's Famous play of the Turkish Mahomet and Hyren the Fair Greek, played in 1594 and 1601 (not extant). Ayres had also a drama on Mahomet. Also, L. Carlell, Osmond the Great Turk, \b^T ; G. Swinhoe, Unhappy fair Irene, 1658; C. Goring, Irene, 1708 ; Dr. Johnson, Irene, 1749.] XLI. Lady Falsely Accused. A Ladle faflie accufed of adultrie, was condempned to be deuoured of Lions : the maner of her deliuerie, and how (her innocencie being knowen) her accufer felt the paines for her prepared. {Source and Orz^««.— Bandello (through Belleforesfs translation, 1559, no. 2). Painter. — I. i. 112 ; II. i. 103 ; III. i. 184 ; IV. i. 198.] XLIL Didaco and Violenta. \ Didaco a Spaniarde, is in loue with a poore maiden of Valencia, and fecretly marieth her, afterwardes lothinge his firft mariage, becaufe (he was of bafe parentage, he marieth an other of noble birth. His firft ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. IxXV wyfe, by fecrete meffenger prayeth his company, whofe requeft he accomplilheth. Being a bedde, fliee and her maide killeth him. She throweth him into the ftreate : fliee in defperate wife confeffeth the fade before the Maieftrates, and is put to death. [Source. — Boaistuau, 1559, no. 5. Origin. — Bandello, Part i., nov. 42. Pai7iier.—\. i. 125 ; IL i. 114; IIL i. 204 ; IV. i. 218.] Derivates.—T. Achely put the story into verse, 1576. Beaumont and Fletcher's Triutnphof Death, t^itBtconAoixhtir Four Plays in One.] XLIII. Lady of Turin. Wantones and pleafaunt life being guides of infolencie, doth bring a miferable end to a faire ladie of Thurin, whom a noble man aduaunced to high ellate : as appereth by this hiilorie, wherein he executeth great crueltie vpon his fayde ladie, taken in adulterie. [Source. — Boaistuau, 1559, no. 4. Origin. — Bandello, Part ii., nov. 12. Parallels. — Belleforest, i. 78 seq. Q. Margaret, Heptameron, nov. 32 {cf. Painter I. 57, infra and parallels there). Painter. — I. i. 135 ; II. i. 127 ; III. i. 226 ; IV. i. 240.] XLIV. Aleran and Adelasia. The loue of Alerane of Saxone, and of Andelafia the doughter of the Emperour Otho the thirde of that name. Their flight and departure into Italie, and how they were known againe, and what noble houfes of Italie descended of their race. [Source and Origin.— Bandello, Part ii., nov. 27 (Belleforest, 1559, no. i). Parallels. — Belleforest, i. 57 segr. Painter. — I. i. 20 (sic) ; II. i. 130 ; III. i. 245 ; IV. i. 249.] XLV. Duchess of Savoy, y The Ducheffe of Sauoie, being the kinge of England's filler, was in the Duke her hulbandes absence, vniufllye accufed of adulterie, by a noble man, his Lieutenaunte : and (houlde haue beene put to death, if by the proweife and valiaunt combate of Don lohn di Mendozza, (a gentleman of Spaine) flie had not beene deliuered. With a difcourfe of maruelous accidentes, touchinge the fame, to the fmguler praife and commendation of challe and honed Ladies. Ixxvi ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. ^Source. — Boaistuau, 1559, no. 6. Origin. — Bandello, Part ii., nov. 44 (from Val. Baruchius). Parallels. — Belleforest, i. 107, seq. Painter.— \. i. 226 ; IL i. 153 ; III. i. 271 ; IV. i. 285. Derivates.—V>e. la Peend, History of John Lord Mandozze, 1565 {cf. Brit. Bibliographer, ii. 523). De la Peend must have had proof sheets of Painter.] XLVI. The Countess of Salisbury. A King of England loued the daughter of one of his noble men, which was Counteffe of Salefburie, who after great fute to atchieue that he could not winne, for the entire loue he bare her, and her greate con- flancie, hee made her his queene and wife. \Source. — Bandello, Part ii., nov. 26 (through Boaistuau, no. i). Origin. — Froissart, i., cc. 77-89. {N.B. — There is a confusion betweeii Edward III. and the Black Prince, who was really the Countess' lover.) Parallels. — Belleforest, i. § 18. Painter. — I. i. 258 ; II. i. 182 ; III. i. 320 ; IV. 334. Derivates. — The Shakespearian part of Edward III. is derived from the work of Painter.] XLVII. Galgano and Madonna Minoccia. A gentleman called Galgano, long time made fute to Madonna Minoccia : her hufband fir Stricca (not knowing the fame) diuers times praifed and commended Galgano, by reafon whereof, in the abfence of her hufband, fhe fent for him, and yelded herfelf vnto him, tellinge him what wordes her hufband had fpoken of him, and for recompence he refufed to dilhonefl her. \Source and Origin. — Ser Giovanne Fiorentino, Peccorone, I. i. Parallels. — Masuccio, Novellino, 1450, nov. 21. Painter. — I. i. 279 ; II. i. 199 ; III. i. 351 ; IV. ii. 3.] XLVIII. BiNDO and Ricciardo. Bindo a notable Architedl, and his fonne Ricciardo, with all his familie, from Florence went to dwell at Venice, where being made Citi- zens for diuers monuments by them done there, throughe inordinate expences were forced to robbe the Treafure houfe. Bindo beinge flaine ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Ixxvii by a pollicie deuifed by the Duke and flate, Ricciardo by fine fubtelties deliuereth himfelfe from foure daungers. Afterwards the Duke (by his owne confeffion) vnderflandinge the fleightes, giueth him his pardon and his doughter in mariage, [Source and Origin. — Ser Giovanne, Pecor., giorri. ix., nov. i. Parallels. — Anc: Herod ii. 121, 122; Diod. Sic. i. 62; Pausanius ix. 37, § 4. J/^^. .■ L. Valla. il/• 39 Theoxena and Poris , Thorello and Saladin Three Rings . . Timoclea of Thebes Timon of Athens . Tours, Lady of Trajan, Letters of Turin, Lady of ii. 8 ii. 20 i. 30 "• 3 i. 28 i. 64 ii. 12 i. 43 Venice, Duke of and Ric- ciardo i. 48 Venice, Two Ladies of . . ii. 26 Violenta and Didaco . . i. 42 Virginia and Appius ... i. 5 Virle, Lord of ii. 27 Widow and Widower Zenobia 29 u. 14 The Talace ofTleafure^ \ Beautified, adorned and faunt BiUories and excellent H^oucUeiS.feUcteDoutof diuers good and commen- oable SltttliOiS, ^ Sy V^ill'iam Painter CWkf »ftie Ordiaaunce tindoirmArle, for Richard Tottell and William lones. VOL. I. To the Right Honouralle, my very good Lord, Amlrofe Earle of Warwike, Baron ofLiJle, of the mojl nolle order of the Garter Knight, Generall of the Queenes Maie/iies Ordinaunce within her Highnes Realmes and Dominions. PROUOKED, or rather vehemently incited and moued, I haue been (right honorable my very good Lorde) to imagin and deuife all meanes poffible to auoyde that vglie vice of ingratitude (which as it is abhorred amonge creatures voyde of reafon and deuine knowledge, fo of men indued and full poffeffed with both, fpecially to be detefted.) And that I might not be touched with that vnkind vice, odible to God and man, I haue many timeSj with myfelfe debated how I might by any meanes fhew my felfe thanckfull and beneuolent to your honour, which hath not onely by frequent talke vnto my frendes priuately, but alfo vpon my felfe openly imployed benefits and commendation vndeferued. The one I haue receiued by frendly report of your dere and approued frends, the other I do feele and taft to my great flay and comfort. For when it pleafed your honour of curteous inclination, vpon the firft vew, willingly to confent and agree to the confirmation of that which I do enioy : for that bounty then, euer Athens I haue ftudied by what meanes I might commend my good will and affeftion to the fame. Wherefore incenfed with the generofitie, and naturall inftinft of your noble minde, I pur- pofed many times to imploy indeuor by fome fmall beginninges, to giue your honor to vnderftande outwardly, what the inwarde defire is willinge to do, if abilitie thereunto were correfpondent. And as oportunitie ferued (refpiring as it were from the waighty affaires of that office wherin it hath pleafed our moft drad Soue- raigne Ladye worthely to place you the chiefe and Generall) I perufed fuch volumes of noble Authors as wherwith my poore 4 DEDICATION. Armarie is furnifhed: and amonges other chaunced vpon that excellent Hiftoriographer Titus Liuius. In whom is contayned a large campe of noble fafe and exploites atchieued by valiaunt perfonages of the Romaine ftate. By whom alfo is remembred the beginning and continuation of their famous common wealth. And viewing in him great plenty of ftraung Hiftories, I thought good to feleft fuch as were the heft and principal^ wherin trauail- ing not far, I occurred vpon fome which I deemed mofl; worthy the prouulgation in our natiue tongue, reducing them into fuch compendious forme, as I trufte fliall not appeare vnpleafant. Which when I had finifhed, feing them but a handfull in refpeft of the multitude I fully determined to procede in the reft. But when I confidered mine owne weakenes, and the maieftie of the Authour, the cancred infirmitye of a cowardlye rainde, flayed my conceyued purpofe, and yet not fo flayed as vtterlye to fupprefle mine attempt. Wherefore aduauncing againe the Enfigne of courage, I thought good (leauing where I left in that Authour, till I knew better how they would be liked) to aduenture into diuers other, out of whom I decerped and chofe (raptim) fondry proper and commendable Hiftories, which I may boldly fo terme, becaufe the Authors he commendable and well approued. And thereunto haue ioyned many other, gathered oute of Boccatio, Bandello, Ser Giouanni Fiorentino, Straparole, and other Italian and French Authours. All which I haue recueled and bound together in this volume, vnder the title of the Palace of Pleafure, prefuming to confecrate the fame and the refl of my beneuolent minde to your honour. For to whom duly appertayneth mine induftry and dilligence, but to him that is the patrone and imbracer of my wel doinges ? Whereunto alfo I may apply the words of that excel- lent Orator Tullie, in his firfte booke of Offices. De leneuolentia autem, quam quifq' ; haleat erganos, primum illud eft in qfficia, vt ei plurimum trihuamus, h quo plurimum diligimur. Of beneuolence which ech man beareth towards vs, the chiefeft duty is to giue moft to him, of whom wee be moft beloued. But how well the fame is done, or how prayfe worthy the tranflation I referre to the flcilful, crauing no more prayfe, than they fliall attribute and DEDICATION. 5 giue. To nothing do I afpyre by this my prefumption (righte honourable) but cherefull acceptation at your handes : defirous hereby to fliew my felfe ftudious of a frend of fo noble vocation. And where greater thinges cannot be done, thefe fmall I trufte fhall not be contempned : which if I doe perceiue, hereafter more ample indeuor ftial be imployed to atchieue greater. In thefe hiftories (which by another terme I call Nouelles) be defcribed the Hues, geftes, conqueftes, and highe enterprifes of great Princes, wherein alfo be not forgotten the cruell aftes and tiranny of fome. In thefe be fet forth the great valiance of noble Gentlemen, the terrible combates of couragious perfonages, the vertuous mindes of noble Dames, the chafte hartes of conflant Ladyes, the wonderful patience of puiffaunt Princes, the mild fufFeraunce of well dif- pofed gentlewomen, and in diuers, the quiet bearing of aduers Fortune, In thefe Hiftories be depainted in liuelye colours, the vglye fhapes of infolencye and pride, the deforme figures of incon- tinencie and rape, the cruell afpeftes of fpoyle, breach of order, treafon, ill lucke and ouerthrow of States and other perfons. Wherein alfo be intermixed, pleafaunte difcourfes, merie talke, fportinge praftifes, deceitfull deuifes, and nipping tauntes, to exhilarate your honor's minde. And although by the firft face and view, fome of thefe may feeme to intreat of vnlawfull Loue, and the foule praftifes of the fame, yet being throughly reade and well confidered, both old and yonge may learne how to auoyde the ruine, ouerthrow, inconuenience and difpleafure, that lafci- uious deiire and wanton wil doth bring to their futers and purfuers. All which maye render good examples, the beft to be followed, and the worft to be auoyded : for which intent and purpofe be all things good and bad recited in hiftories, Chronicles and monu- mentes, by the firft authors and elucubrators of the fame. To whom then may thefe hiftories (wherin be contayned many dif- courfes of nobilitie) be offered with more due defert than to him that in nobilitie and parentage is not inferiour to the beft ? To whom may faftes and exploites of famous perfonages be con- figned, but to him whofe proweffe and valiant aftes be manifeft, and well knowen to Englifhmen, but better to ftraungers, which 6 DEDICATION. haue felt the puiffance thereof? To whom may the combats, gefts, and courfes of the vi(9:orious be remembred, but to him whofe frequent vfe of mightye incountrie and terrible fhocke of Shielde and Launce : is familier in Court, and famous in towne and country? In whom may pacient bearing of aduerfitie, and conftante fuffrance of Fortune's threates more duly to the world appeare, than in him that hath conftantly fufteyned and quietly paffed ouer the bruntes thereof? To whom may be giuen a Theatre of the world, and ftage of humaine mifery, more worthely than to him that hath with comely geftures, wife demeanor, and orderly behauiour, been an aftor in the fame ? Who is he that more condignelye doth deferue to be poflefl: in a Palace of Pleafure, than he that is daily refiant in a Palace of renowmed fame, guided by a Queene adorned with mofl: excellent beautie indued and garnifhed with great learning, paffing vertues and rare qualities of the minde. To whom (I fay) may conftancie of Ladies, and vertuous dedes of Dames, more aptly be applied than to him that hath in pofleffion a Lady and Countefle of noble birthe (whofe fire was the old Earle of Bedford, a graue and faith- full councelor to her Maiefhies moft noble progenitors, and father is the fame, in deare eftimation and regard with her high- nefle, vnder whom he truftily and honourably ferueth) whofe curteous and counteffe like behauiour gliftereth in court amongs the troupe of moft honourable dames : and for her toward difpo- fition, firfl: preferred by her Maiefty into her fecret Chamber, and after aduaunced to be Counteffe of your noble Earldome. Befides all which rare giftes, by nature grated in your honor, and by her bountifully befliowed, the perfect piety and brotherly loue be- tweene you and the right noble and vertuous the Earle of Leycefler your honourable brother is had in greateft admiration. Whofe noble courage in deedes of honour and paffing humanity to his inferiours, is very commendable to the worlde. But here I wyll ftaye, lefte whileft I goe about to extolle your fames, I doe (for want of perfit Ikill in due prayfe) feeme to diminifhe that whiche among all men by commune proofe is fufficientlye renowmed. And as your honor doth with great prudence gouerne that DEDICATION. 7 office of the Ordinance (whereof I am a member) euen fo, the fame hath with greate care and diligence commended fuche vnto her highneSj to ioyne and ferue, right worthy their voca- tions, fpecially the worfhipfull Edward Randolfe Esquire, Lieu- tenaunt of that office a man for his experience and good aduife rather foftred in the bofome of Bellona, than nourced in kentifh foile (although in the fcholehoufe of curtefie and humanitie he appeareth ful carefully to haue ben trained vp by his vertuous parents) which is famiarly knowne vnto me and other that domeftically (as it were) do frequent his companie. But alas my Lorde, among the mid of my reioyce of thofe before remembred, I cannot pretermit the lamentable lofle of the beft approued Gonner that euer ferued in our time his Prince and countrie, Robert Thomas, the Maifter Gonner, who for fkill and feruice, a title of Prince of Gonners iuftly did deferue : And fee the lucke, when he thought beft to fignifie his good will, by honouring Hymeneus bed, at nuptial night, a clap of that he neuer feared did ende his life. Such is the dread- ful furie of Gonners art, and hellifh rage of Vulcane's worke. And therefore that daungerous feruice by fkilful men is fpecially to be recommended and cherifhed, Whereunto as your honour hitherto hath borne finguler affection, by preferring to her Maieftie fuche as from their infancie haue bene trayned vp in that neceflarie feruice and very painefullye haue imployed their time, euen fo I humbly befeche your honour for continuance of the fame, fpecially in thofe, that be indewed with greateft experience, in whome only refteth the brunte of our defence. A feruice and fcience fo rare and nedefull, as none more. But what neede I to prouoke your willing mynde, whiche is more preft to cheriflie fuch, than I am able by wyfliing heart for to conceiue ? Finallie yet once againe, I humblie befech your honour gratefully to accept this booke, and at your Leifure and con.uenient time to reade and perufe it. By reuoluing whereof your honour I truft fhall be delighted with the rare Hiftories and good examples therin contained, fuch as to my knowledge heretofore haue not bene publifhed. And which with all my good wil and indeuour I dutifully exhibite. Befeching 8 DEDICATION. almightie God fauourably to defende and gouerne your honour, profperoufly to maintaine and keepe the fame, godlye to diredle my right honourable Ladie in the fteppes of perfeft vertue, bounti- fully to make you both happye parentes of manie children : and after the expence of Neftor's yeares in this tranfitorie life mercifully to condufte you both to the vnfpeakeable ioyes of his kingdome. Nere the Tower of London the firfl; of lanuarie, 1566. By your L. moft bounden William Painter. Authours out of whom thefe Nouelles le feleBed, or which be rememlred in diners places of the fame. GREEKE AND LATINE AUTHORS. Titus Liuius. Cicero. Herodotus. Polidorus Virgilius. Aelianus. Aeneas Syluius. Xenophon. Paludanus. Quintus Curtius. Apuleius. Aulus Gellius. L. Cselius Rhodoginus. S. Hierome. ITALIAN, FRENCH, AND ENGLISHE. Pietro Meffia di Siuiglia. A booke in French intituled Boccaccio. Comptes du Monde. Bandello. , Francois Belleforeft. Ser Giouanni Fiorentino. Pierre Boaiftuau, furnamed Straporole, Launay. The Queene of Nauarre. Froifarde. Fabian. TO THE READER. NOTHING in mine opinion can be more acceptable vnto thee (friendly Reader) then oft reading and perufing of varietie of Hyftories^ which as they be for diuerfitie of matter pleafaunt and plaufible, euen fo for example and imitation good and com- mendable. The one doth reioyce the werie and tedious minde, many times inuolued with ordinarie cares, the other prefcribeth a direfte pathe to treade the trafte of this prefent life. Wherefore if in thefe newes or Nouelles here prefented, there do appeare any thing worthy of regarde, giue thankes to the noble gentleman to whome this booke is dedicated, for whofe fake onely, that paine (if any feme to bee) was wholy imployed. Inioy therefore with him this prefent booke, and curteoufly with frendly talke report the fame, for if otherwife thou do abufe it, the blame fhal light on thee, and not on me, which only of good will did meane it firft. But yet if blaming tongues and vnftayed heades, wil nedes be bufy, they fhal fuftain the fhame, for that they haue not yet fhewen forth any blameleffe dede to like effedt, as this is ment of me, which when they do, no blame but prayfe they can receiue. For prayfe be they well worthy for to haue which in well doing do contende. No vertuous dede or zelous worke can want due prayfe of the honeft, though faulting fooles and youthly heades full ofte do chaunt the faultles checke, that Momus mouth did once finde out in Venus flipper. And yet from faultes I wyll not purge the fame, but whatfoeuer they feme to be, they be in number ne yet in fubftaunce fuch, but that thy curteous dealing may fone amende them or forget them. Wherefore to giue the full aduer- tifement of the whole coUeftion of thefe nouels, vnderflande that fixe of them haue I felefted out of Titus Liuius, two out of Hero- dotus, certaynoutof Aelianus,Xenophon,AulusGellius, Plutarche, and other like approued authors. Other Nouels haue I adioyned, chofen out of diuers Italian and Frenche wryters. Wherein I confefle my felfe not to be fo well trayned, peraduenture as the fine heads of fuche trauailers would defire, and yet I trufl: fuffi- TO THE READER. I I ciently to exprefle the fenfe, of euerye of the fame. Certaine haue I culled out of the Decamerone of Giouan Boccaccio, wherin be contelned one hundred NouelleSj amonges whiche there be fome (in my iudgement) that be worthy to be condempued to perpetual prifon, but of them fuch haue I redemed to the libertie of our vulgar, as may be beft liked, and better suffered. Although the fixt part of the fame hundreth may full well be permitted. And as I my felfe haue already done many other of thefame worke, yet for this prefent I haue thought good to publifh only tenne in number, the reft I haue referred to them that be able with better flile to expreffe the authour's eloquence, or vntil I adioyne to this another tome, if none other in the meane time do preuent me, which with all my heart I wilhe and defire : becaufe the workes of Boccaccio for his ftile, order of writing, grauitie, and fententious difcourfe, is worthy of intire prouulga- tion. Out of Bandello I haue felefted feuen, chofing rather to follow Launay and Belleforeft the French Tranflatours, than the barren foile of his own vain, who being a Lombard, doth frankly confeffe himfelfe to be no fine Florentine, or trimme Thofcane, as eloquent and gentle Boccaccio was. Diuers other alfo be extrafted out of other Italian and French authours. All which (I trufte) be both profitable and pleafaunt, and wil be liked of the indifferent Reader. Profitable they be, in that they difclofe what glorie, honour, and preferment eche man attaineth by good defert, what felicitie, by houeft attempts, what good fucceffe, laudable enterprifes do bring to the coragious, what happy ioy and quiet ftate godly loue doth affefte the imbracers of the fame. Profitable I fay, in that they do reueale the miferies of rapes and fleflily a£tions, the ouerthrow of noble men and Princes by difordered gouernment, the tragical ends of them that vnhappely do attempt pra6lifes vicious and horrible. Wilt thou learne how to behaue thy felfe with modeftie after thou haft atchieued any viftorious conqueft, and not to forget thy profperous fortune amyd thy glorious triumphe, by committing a fafte vnworthy of thy vali- aunce: reade the firft Nouel of the fortunate Romane Horatius ? Wilt thou vnderftande what difhonour and infamie, defire of libidinous luft doth bring, read the rape of Lucrece? Wilt thou I 2 TO THE READER. know what an vnkinde part it is vnnaturally to abufe the ftate of thine own countrie, reade Martins Coriolanus ? Wilt thou learne what fruite is reaped of wicked lufte, to difpoyle virgins and maydens of their greateft vertue fee the hyftorie of Appius Claudius and Sir Didaco the Spanifh knight ? Defireft thou to knowe howe clofely thou oughteft to keepe the fecrets of honor- able mariage, perufe the hiftory of Candaules ? Doft thou covet to be aduertifed what is true felicitie, reade of kyng Craefus and the wyfe man Solon? Hath the Lady, Gentlewoman, or other of the feminine kinde a defire to beholde a mirrour of chaf- titie, let theim reade ouer the nouelles of the lady Panthea, of the Duchefle of Sauoy, of the Counteffe of Salefburie, of Amadour and Florinda ? Is the nobleman affefted to vnderftand what happy end the vertue of loyaltie and fidelitie doth conduce, the Earle of Anglers may be to him a right good example ? Will gentlemen learne howe to profecute vertue, and to profligat from their minde, difordinate Loue, and affeftion, I referre theim to the Hiftorie of Tancredi, and to Galgano of Siena ? Is not the marchaunt con- tented with his goodes already gotten, but will needes go feeke fome other trade, let him note and confider the daungers wherein the Aduenturer Landolpho was. Is he difpofed to fende his fac- tor beyonde the feas, about his affaires, let him firft bidde him to perufe Andreuccio, and then commaunde him to beware of Madame Floredelice ? If the yeoman intendeth to be carefull of his bufineffe, meaning to reape that he hath fowen in due time, let him take hede howe he repofe any truft in friendes and kinf- men, leaft in harueft he be deceiued, which ^fope's larke doth pretely note. If the artificer will not faithfully deale according to the trufle repofed in him, I would not wyfhe him to fuffer that whiche Bindo did, but aduifedly to reade the Hiftorie, and truftelye to accomplifhe that he taketh in hande. If fcornefull fpeache or flouting fport do flowe in ripe wittes and lauifhe tongues of woman- kinde let them beware they do not deale with the learned fort, leafl Maifler Alberto with phificke drougues, or Philenio with Sophift art do flaine their face, or otherwife ofFende them with the innocencie of their great Graundmother Eue when fhe was fomoned from Paradife ioye. If the poore mayden of bafe TO THE READER. I 3 birth be aduaunced (by fortune's grace) to highe eftate : let her fixe in mynde the lady of Thurin. Finallye, for all ftates and degrees, in thefe Nouelles be fette forth finguler documentes and examples, right commodious and profitable to them that will vouchfafe to reade them. Pleafaunt they be, for that they recreate, and refreflie weried mindes, defatigated either with painefull trauaile, or with con- tinuall care, occafioning them to fhunne and auoid heauinefle of minde, vaine fantafies, and idle cogitations. Pleafaunt fo well abroade as at home, to auoyde the griefe of Winter's night and length of Sommer's day, which the trauailers on foote may vfe for a ftaye to eafe their weried bodye, and the iourneors on horfback for a chariot or leffe painful meane of trauaile, infteade of a merie companion to fhorten the tedious toyle of wearie wayes. Delect- able they be (no doubt) for al fortes of men, for the fad, the angry, the cholericke, the pleafaunt, the whole and ficke, and for al other with whatfoeuer paffion rifing either by nature or vfe they be affefted. The fad fhal be difcharged of heauinefle, the angrie and cholericke purged, the pleafaunt mainteined in mirthe, the whole furniflied with difporte, and the ficke appayfed of griefe. Thefe Nouelles then, being profitable and pleafaunt Hiftories, apt and meete for all degrees, I trufte the indiflPerent Reader, of what complexion, nature and difpofition fo euer he bee, will accepte in good parte, althoughe perchaunce not fo fet foorth or decked with eloquent ftile, as this age more braue in tongue then man- ners dothe require, and do praye thee to receiue them into thy curteous hands, with no lefle good wil (though not with like re- gard) then Alphonfus king of Arogon did Q. Curtius, out of whome be fome of thefe felefted, Who vpon a time beinge ficke at Capua, receiuing at the handes of diuers Phifitions manye medicines, in his greatefl: fit called for the hiftorie of Q. Curtius, in whome hauing great delight for his eloquent defcription of geftes and fadtes of king Alexander, when he was reftored to health, fayd : Farewell Auicen, Adieu Hipocrates and other Phifitians, welcome Curtius the reftitutor and recouerie of my health. Whereby he declared what pleafure he had in the exercife 14 TO THE READER. and reading of Hiftories, not contempning for all that, the honor- able fcience of Phificke, which in extremities be holfomely vfed. What commoditie and pleafure hiftories doe yelde to the diligent ferchers and trauailers in the fame, Tullie in his fift booke De Jinilus honorum et malorum ad Brutam, doth declare who affirmeth that he is not ignorant, what pleafure and profit the reading of Hiftories doth import. And after hee hath defcribed what difference of commoditie, is betweene fained fables, and liuely difcourfes of true hiftories, concludeth reading of hiftories to be a certain prouacation and allurement to moue men to learne experience. If Tullie then, the Prince of Orators, doth affirme the profite and pleafure to be in perufing of hiftories, then fitlye haue I intituled this volume the Palace of Pleafure. For like as the outwarde fliew of Princeffe Palaces be pleafaunt at the viewe and fight of eche man's eye, bedecked and garniftied with fumptu- ous hanginges and coftlye arras of fplendent fliewe, wherein be wrought and bet with golde and fylke of fondrye hewes, the dedes of noble ftates : Euen fo in this our Palace here, there bee at large recorded the princely partes and glorious geftes of re- nowmed wights reprefented with more liuely grace and gorgeous fight then Tapeftrie or Arras woorke, for that the one with deadlye fhape doth ftiewe, the other with fpeaking voyce declare what in their time they were. Vpon whom do wayte (as meete it is) inferiour perfones, eche one vouchfafing to tell what hee was, in the tranfitorie trade of prefent life. Wherefore accepte the fame in gratefull wife, and thinke vpon the mynde of him that did the fame, which fraughted is with no leffe plentie of good will, then the coafers of kyng Craefus were, with ftore of worldlye pelfe. Farewell. Ct)E palace of pleasure* THE FIRST NOUELL. The Romaines and the Alhanes being at warres,for iniuries mutually inferred, Metius Stiff'etius the Allane captaine deuifed a waye ly a comitate, to ioygne hothe the cities in one. ViStorie falling to the Romaines, the Romaine viSior killed hisffter and was condemned to die. Afterwardes vpon his fathers fute he was deliuered. AS the name of Palace doth carie a port of Maieftie as propre -iA. for princes and greateft eftates, and as a Palace and Court by glorious viewe of loftie Towers, doe fet forth an outwarde fhowe of greate magnificence; and as that glittering fight without im- porteth a brauer pompe and ftate within, whofe worthiefl: furni- ture (befides the golden and curious ornamentes) refteth in the Princely train of courtly perfonages, moft communely indowed with natures comliefl: benefites and rareft giftes incident to earthly Goddes, as well for the mindes qualities, as for the bodies acts. So, here at our firft entrie, I thought to fl:aye as it were at the gate of this palace, to difcouer the incountrie of fixe renowmed Gentlemen, brethren of equal numbre, that, by confent of either ftate, fought and vfed dedes of armes, not for fportes of Ladies, or for precious prifes, but for Countrie quarell and libertie of Natiue foyle. For the vpper hand and vniting two moft mighty Italian cities, that before bare eche other mofte mortall fpite and deadlye foode, whiche in ende after the bloudie fkirmifhe of thofe chofen brethren (for fauing of a bloudier battell) were conioyned in 1 6 A COMBATE BETWENE vuited Monarchic. An hiftorie though dreadfull to hearing as fitter for the Campe then Courte, yet, for the worthinefle of the quarell, not to bee fhunned from tendreft eares, for that it fpread- eth foorth a viftorious paterne of valiant Chiualrie. And fo do the reft fucceding, which fpeake of glorious chaftitie, of inuincible mindes, of bold Aduentures for Countries faufetie, of naturall pietie in parentes and children, and the othe of other honorable caufes, fitte to be difplaied to eche degree, and pra6lifed by fuch, whofe funftions, principally do, or ought to afpire femblable valiaunce, for defence of that whiche their Elders by bloudie fwette haue honorably gotten, and moft carefully kept. But not by tedious proeme to holde the defirous minde from what is pro- mifed, thus it beginneth. Numa Pompilius the fecond king of the Romaines being dead, Tullus Hoftilius fucceded, which was a luftie and couragious younge Gentleman : And as Numa was giuen to peace, fo was he to warres and valiance. It chaunced in his time that certaine peafauntes of the Romaine dition, and the like of the Albanes, were foraging and driuing of booties the one from the other. At that time raigned in Alba one C. Cluilius, from whence and from Rome, Ambafladours were fent to redemaunde the thinges ftoUen. Tullus commaunded his people that they fliould deliuer nothing till commaundement were giuen in that behalfe : for than he knewe right well that the Alban king would not reftore at all, and therefore might vpon iuft caufe, proclaime warres. Hee receiued the Alban Ambafladours in verie cour- teous manner, and they as courteoufly celebrated his honourable and fumptuous intertaignement. Amitie preceded on either parties, till the Romanes began to demaunde the firfl reftitution which the Albanes denied, and fummoned warres to bee in- ferred vppon them within thirtie daies after. Whereupon the Ambafladours craued licence of Tullus to fpeake, which being graunted, they firft purged themfelues by ignoraunce, that they knewe no harme or iniurie done to the Romaines, adding further, that if any thing were done that fliould not pleafe Tullus, it was againft their willes, hoping he would remember that they THE ROMANES AND ALBANES. 1 7 were but Ambafladours, fubieA to the commaundement of their Prince. Their coniming was to demaunde a reftitution, without whiche, they were ftraightlye charged to proclayme defiaunce. Whereunto Tullus aunfwered : "Tell your maifter^ that the king of the Romaines doth call the Gods to witnes, whether of them firfl: maketh the quarel, to thintent all men may expert the reuenge of thofe warres." Which anfwere the Albane Ambaf- fadours retourned to their maifter. Great prouifion for the warres was made on both partes, much like to a ciuile contention, almoft betwene the father and the fonne, for the citie of Lauinium was builded by the Troians, and Alba by the Lauinians, of whofe ftocke the Romaines toke their beginning. The Albanes feing that they were defied of the Romaines, began firft to enter in armes, and with a maine power perced the land of the Romaines, and encamped within fine miles of the citie, enuironing their campe with a trenche, which afterwardes was called Fofla Cluilia, of their capitaine, wherin Cluilius the king died. Then the Albanes appointed one Metius Suffetius, to be their Dictator. Tullus vnderftanding the death of their Prince, with great expedi- tion marched into the countrie about Alba, pffiang by the Albanes campe in the night which by the watche and fcoutes was Ikried. Then he retired to lodge as nere the enemie as hee could, fending an Ambafladour before, to require Tullus that he would come to parle before they fought, and than he had a thing to faye, no lefle profitable to the Romaines, then to the Albanes. Tullus not contempning that condition, agreed. Whereupon both did put them felues in readines, and before they ioyned, both the captaines with certain of their chiefe officers, came forth to talke, where Metius fayde thefe wordes : "The mutuall iniuries that hath been done, and the withholding and keping of thinges caried away, contrary to the truce, and that our king Cluilius, is the authour and beginner of thefe warres, I do heare and afluredly vnderflande for a trothe. And I do not doubte, Tullus, but thou alfo doeft conceiue the fame, to be the only occafion of this hoftilitie. Not- withftandinge, if I may fpeake rather the truthe, then vtter any glofing woordes by waye of flatterie, the ambicious defire of both the Empires, doth mofle of all ftimulate and prouoke both the VOL. I. B 1 8 A COMBATE BETWENE cities, being of one affinitie, and neighbours, to vfe this force of Armes. But whether this my coniefture bee righte or wrong, they oughte to confider, whiche firfte began the warres. The Albanes haue created me their Captaine of this enterpryfe. I come to geue aduertifement to thee, O Tullus, of this one thing. Which is, that the Thufcans being a great nation, and of power right famous, doth inuirone vs both rounde about, and the nerer they be vnto you, the more knowledge you haue of them. They be mightie vpon lande, and of great power vpon Sea. Call to thy remembraunce and confider, that when thou geueft the figne and watch worde of the battell, our twoo armies fliall bee but a ridiculous fpeftacle to them. So fone as they doe perceiue vs twoo to bee fpent, and weried with fighting, they will bothe afl^ayle the vanquished, and him alfo that doeth ouercome. Where- fore if the Goddes do fauour eyther of vs, let vs not fhewe our felues to bee wearie of our libertie and franchife that is certaine, and hazard the dice to incurre perpetuall feruitude and bondage, Therfore let vs deuife fome other waye, wherby the one of vs may gouerne the other without effufion of cithers bloud." This condition nothing difpleafed Tullus, although in courage, and hope of viftorie, he was more fierce and bolder then the other. And being in confultation about the purpofe, fortune miniftred an apt occafion to them both : for in either campes there were thre brethren, of age and valiance femblable. The brethren that were in the Romaine campe were called Horatij, the other Curiatij Whereupon a combate was thought meete betwene thefe fixe perfones. After the Romaines had vfed their folempne maners of confecrating the truces, and other rites concerning the fame, either partes repaired to the combate. Both the armies ftode in readines before their campes, rather voyde of prefent perill then of care : for the fl:ate of either of their Empires, confifted in the valiance and fortune of a fewe. Wherfore theire mindes were wonderfuUye bent and incenfed vpon that vnpleafant fight. The figne of the combat was giuen. The thre yonge men of either fide do ioigne with furious and cruel onfet, reprefenting the courages of two battelles of puifiaunt armies. For the loflfe con- fifted in neither thofe three, but the publique gouernement or THE ROMANES AND ALBANES. 1 9 common thraldome of both the cities, and that was the future fortune, whiche they did trie and proue. So fone as the clafliing armoure did found at their firfl: incountrie, and their glittering fwordes did fhine, an incredible horror and feare perced the be- holders, and hope inclining to either partes, their voyce and myndes were whift and iilent. But after they were clofed together, not onely the mouing of their bodies, and doubtfull welding and hand- ling of their weapons, but bloudye woundes appeared, two of the Romaines falling downe ftarke dead one vppon an other: But before the three Albanes were fore hurt. Whereat the Albane hofle fhouted for ioye. The Romaine Legions were voyde of hope, amazed to fee but one remayne againft three : It chaunced that hee that lined whyche as hee was but one alone (an vnmeete matche for the reft) fo he was fierce, and thought himfelfe good enough for them all. Therefore to feparate their fight, he flede backe, meaning thereby to geue euery of them their welcome as they followed. When he was retired a good fpace from the place wher they fought, loking back, he fawe them followe fome diflance one from an other, and as one of them approched, he let driue at him with great violence. And whiles the Albane hofle cried out vpon the Curiatij, to helpe their brother, Horatius had killed his enemie, and demaunded for the seconde battaile. Then the Romaines incouraged their champion with acclamations and fhoutes, as fearefull men be wont to do vpon the fodaine, and Horatius fpedeth himfelfe to the fight. And before the other could ouertake him, which was not farre off, hee had killed an other of the Curiatij. Nowe were they equally matched one to one, but in hope and flrengthe vnlike. For the one was free of wounde or hurte : cruell and fierce by reafon of double viftorie, the other faint for lofTe of bloud, and wearie of running, and who with panting breath, difcomfited for his brethrens flaughter, flaine before him, is now obiefted to fight with his viftorious enemy. A match altogether vnequall. Horatius reioyfing fayd, two of thy brethren I haue difpatched, the thirde, the caufe of this battaill, I will take in hand : that the Romaines maye bee lordes of the Albanes. Curiatius not able to fuftaine his blowe, fell downe, and lying vpon his backe, he thrufl him into the throte with his fworde. 20 A COMBATE BETWENE whiche done he difpoyled him of his armure. Then the Romaines in great triumphe and reioyfe intertaigned Horatius, and their ioye was the greater, for that the feare of their ouerthrowe was the nearer. This coinbate being ended, the Albanes became fubiedle to the Romaines, and before Metius departed, he afked Tullus if hee would commaunde him any further feruice. Who willed him to kepe the younge fouldiours ftill in intertaignement, for that hee woulde require their aide againft the Veientes. The armie dif- folued, Horatius like a Conquerour marched home to Rome, the three fpoyles of his ennemies being borne before hyra. The faid Horatius had a fifter, which was efpoufed to one of the Curiatij that were flaine, who meeting her brother in the triumphe, at one of the gates called Capena, and knowing the coate armure of her paramour, borne vpon her brothers flioulders, which fhe had wrought and made with her owne handes : She tore and rent the heare of her heade, and moft piteouflye bewayled the death of her beloued. Her brother being in the pride of his vic- torie taking the lamentation of his fifter, in difdainful part, drew cute his fword, and thrufte her through fpeaking thefe reprochfuU woordes: "Auaunt with thy vnreafonable loue, gette thee to thy fpoufe. Haft thou forgotten the deathe of thy two brethren that be flaine, the profperous fucceffe of thy vi£torious brother, and chiefelyethehappyedeliueraunceofthycountrie: Let that Romaine woman whatfoeuer fhe be, take like rewarde, that fliall bewaile the death of the ennemie." Which horrible fafte feemed moft cruell to the fathers and people. For which offence he was brought before the kinge, whom he deliuered to be iudged accord- ing to the lawe. The law condempned him, then he appealed to the people. In which appeale P. Horatius his father fpake thefe wordes: "My doughter is flaine, not without iuft defert, which if it were not fo, I would haue fued for condigne punifli- mente, to be executed vpon my fonne, according to the naturall pietie of a father: Wherfore I befeech you do not fuffer me, whom you haue feene in time paft, beautified with a noble race and progenie of children, nowe to be vtterlye deftitute and voyde of all together." Then hee embrafed his fonne amonges them all, and fhewed the THE ROMANES AND ALBANES. 2 I fpoiles of the CuratienSj fayinge : " Can you abide to fee this noble Champion (O ye Romaines) whom lately ye behelde to go in order of triumphe in viftorious maner, to lye nowe bounde vnder the gibet, expefting for tormentes of death : Which cruell and deformed fight, the Albanes eyes can not well be able to beholde, goe to then thou hangman, and binde the handes of him, who hath atchieued to the Romaine people a glorious Empyre : Goe, I faye, and couer the face of him that hath deliuered this citie out of thraldome and bondage. Hang him vpon fome vnhappie tree, and fcourge him in fome place within the Citie, either amongs thefe our triumphes, where the fpoiles of our enemies do remaine, or els without the walles, amonges the graues of the vanquiflied. Whether can yee deuife to carrie him, but that his honourable and worthye aftes, flial reueng the villanie of his cruel death." The people hearing the lamentable talke of his father, and feinge in him an vnmoueable minde, able to fuflaine al aduerfity, acquited him rather through the admiration of his vertue and valiance, then by iuftice and equity of his caufe. Such was the ftraite order of iuftice amonges the Romaines, who although this yonge gentleman had vindicated his countrie from feruitude and bondage (a noble memorye of perfefte manhode) yet by reafon of the murder done vppon his owne fifter, were very ftraite and flacke to pardon : becaufe they would not incourage the pof- teritie to like inconuenience, nor pro- uoke wel doers in their glorye and triumphe, to perpetrate thinges vn- lawfuU. 2 2 THE RAPE OF LUCRECE. THE SECOND NOUELL. Sextus Tarquinius rauijhed Lucrece. AndJIie hewayling the lojfe of her chqftitie, killed her f elf e. Great preparation was made by the Romaines^ againft a people called Rutuli, who had a citie named Ardea^ excelling in wealth and riches which was the caufe that the Romaine king, being exhaufted and quite voyde of money, by reafon of his fump- tuous buildinges, made warres vppon that countrie. In the time of the fiege of that citie the yonge Romaine gentlemen banqueted one another, amonges whom there was one called Col- latinus Tarquinius, the fonne of Egerius. And by chaunce they entred in communication of their wiues, euery one prayfing his feueral fpoufe. At length the talke began to grow hot, whereupon Collatinus faid, that words were vaine. For within few houres it might be tried, how much his wife Lucretia did excel the reft, wherefore (quoth he) if there be any liuelihod in you, let us take our horfcj to proue which of oure wiues doth furmount. Wheruppon they roode to Rome in poft. At their comming they found the kinges doughters, fportinge themfelues with fondrye paftimes : From thence they went to the houfe of Collatinus, where they founde Lucrece, not as the other before named, fpending time in idlenes, but late in the night occupied and bufie amonges her maydes in the middes of her houfe fpinning of woll. The victory and prayfe wherof was giuen to Lucretia, who when fhe faw her hufband, gentlie and louinglie intertained him, and curteouflye badde the Tarquinians welcome. Immediately Sextus Tarquinius the fonne of Tarquinius Superbus, (that time the Romaine king) was incenfed wyth a libidious defire, to conftrupate and defloure Lucrece. When the yonge gentlemen had beftowed that night pleafantly with their wiues, they retourned to the Campe. Not long after Sextus Tarquinius with one man retourned to Collatia vnknowen to Collatinus, and ignorant to Lucrece and the reft of her houf- hold, for what purpofe he came. Who being well intertayned, after fupper was conueighed to his chamber. Tarquinius burn- THE RAPE OF LUCRECE. 23 inge with the loue of Lucrece, after he perceiued the houfliolde to be at refte, and all thinges in quiet, with his naked fworde in his hande, wente to Lucrece being a fleepe, and keeping her downe with his lefte hande, faide: "Holde thy peace Lucrece, I am Sextus Tarquinius, my fworde is in my hand, if thou crie, I will kill thee." /The gentlewoman fore afrayed, being newely awaked cute of her fleepe, and feeing iminent death, could not tell what to do. Then Tarquinius confefled his loue, and began to intreate her, and therewithal! vfed fundry minacing wordes, by all meanes attempting to make her quiet : when he faw her obftinate, and that fhe woulde not yelde to his requeft, notwithftanding his cruell threates, he added fhameful and villanous fpeach, faying : That he would kill her, and when flie was flaine, he woulde alfo kill his flaue, and place him by her, that it might be reported howe fhe was flaine, being taken in adulterie. She vanquifhed with his ter- rible and infamous threate, his flefhlye and licentious enterprice, ouercame the puritie of her chafte and honefl: hart, which done he departed. Then Lucrece fent a poll to Rome to her father, and an other to Ardea to her hufbande, requiringe them that they would make fpeede to come vnto her, with certaine of their truflie frendes, for that a cruell fafte was chaunced. Then Sp. Lucretius with P. Valerius the fonne of Volefius, and Collatinus with L. lunius Brutus, made haft to Lucrece: where they founde her fitting, very penfife and fadde, in her chamber. So fonfe as fhe fawe them fhe began pitioufly to weepe. Then her hufband afked her, whether all thinges were well, vnto whom fhe fayde thefe wordes. "No dere hufbande, for what can be well or fafe vnto a woman, when {he hath lofl: her chaflitie? Alas Collatine, the fteppes of an other man, be now fixed in thy bed. But it is my bodye onely that is violated, my minde God knoweth is giltles, whereof my death fhalbe witneffe. But if you be men giue me your handes and trouth, that the adulterer may not efcape vnreuenged. It is Sextus Tarquinius whoe being an enemie, in fteede of a frende, the other night came vnto mee, armed with his fword in his hand, and by violence caried away from me (the Goddes know) a woful ioy." Then euery one of them gaue her their 24 THE RAPE OF LUCRECE. faith, and comforted the penfife and languifliing lady, imputing the offence to the authour and doer of the fame, affirming that her bodye was polluted, and not her minde, and where confent was not, there the crime was abfente. Whereunto fhee added : " I praye you confider with your felues, what punifhmente is due for the malefaftour. As for my part, though I cleare my felfe of the offence, my body Ihall feele the punifliment : for no vnchaft or ill woman, (hall hereafter impute no diftioneft a<9: to Lucrece." Then fhe drewe out a knife, which fhe had hidden fecretely, vnder her kirtle, and ftabbed her felfe to the harte. Which done, fhe fell downe grouelinge vppon her wound and died., Whereupon her father and hufband made great lamentation, and as they were bewayling the death of Lucrece, Brutus plucked the knife oute of the wound, which gufhed out with aboundance of bloude, and holding it vp faid : " I fweare by the chaft bloud of this body here dead, and I take you the immortall Gods to witnes, that I will driue and extirpate oute of this Citie, both L. Tarquinius Superbus, and his wicked wife, with all the race of his children and progenie, fo that none of them, ne yet any others fhall raigne anye longer in Rome." Then hee deliuered the knife to Collatinus. Lucretius and Valerius, who marueyled at the ftrangeneffe of his words : and from whence he fhould conceiue that determination. They all fwore that othe. And followed Brutus, as their captaine, in his conceiued purpofe. The body of Lucrece was brought into the market place, where the people wondred at the vileneiTe of that fade, euery man complayning vppon the mifchiefe of that facinorous rape, committed by Tarquinius. Whervpon Brutus perfwaded the Romaynes, that they fhould ceafe from teares and other childifhe lamentacions, and to take weapons in their handes, to fhew themfelues like men. Then the lufliefl and mofl defperate perfons within the citie, made themfelues prefl and readie, to attempte any enter prife : and after a garrifon was placed and beflowed at Collatia, diligent watche and ward was kept at the gates of the Citie, to the intent the kinge fhould haue no aduertifement of that flurre. The refl of the fouldiours followed Brutus to Rome. When he was come thither, the armed multitude did beate a THE RAPE OF LUCRECE. SJ marueilous feare throughout the whole Citie : but yet becaufe they fawe the chiefefte perfonages goe before, they thought that the fame enterprife was taken in vaine. Wherefore the people out of all places of the citie, ranne into the market place. Where Brutus complained of the abhominable Rape of Lucrece, committed by Sextus Tarquinius. And thereunto he added the pride and infolent behauiour of the king, the miferie and drudgerie of the people, and howe they, which in time pafle were vifitours and Conquerours, were made of men of warre, Artificers, and Labourers. He remembred alfo the infamous murder of Seruius Tullius t heir late kin p ; e. Thefe and fuch like he called to the peoples remembraunce, whereby they abrogated and depofed Tarquinius, banifhing him, his wife, and children. Then he leuied an armie of chofen and piked men, and marched to the Campe at Ardea, committing the gouernemente of the Citie to Lucretius, wTio before was by the king appointed Lieutenant. Tullia in the time of this hurlie burlie, fledde from her houfe, all the people curfing and crying vengeaunce vpon her. Newes brought into the campe of thefe euentes, the king with great feare retourned to Rome, to reprefle thofe tumultes, and Brutus hearinge of his approche, marched another waye, becaufe hee woulde not meete him. When Tarquinius was come to Rome, the gates were fliutte againft him, and he himfelfe commaunded to auoide into exile. The campe receiued Brutus with great ioye and triumphe, for that he had deliuered the citie of fuch a tyraunte. Then Tarquinius with his children fledde to Caere, a Citie of the Hetrurians. And as Sextus Tarquinius was going, he was flaine by thofe that premeditated reuengemente, of olde murder and iniuries by him done to their predeceflburs. This L. Tarquinius Superbus raigned xxv yeares. The raigne of the kinges from the firfl; foundation of the citie continued CCxliiii. yeares. After which gouernmente two Confuls were appointed, for the order and admi- niftration of the Citie. AndL, - for that yeare L. Juni- us Brutus, and L. Tarquinius, Col- latinus. 26 THE VALIAUNCE OF THE THIRD NOUELL. The fiege of Rome by Porfenna, and the valiaunt deliuerie thereof ly Mutius Scceuola, with hisfioute awnfwere vnto the kinge. When P. Valerius and T. Lucretius were created Confuls, Por- fenna kinge of Hetruria, vppon the inftigation of the banifhed TarquinianSj came before the citie with a huge armie. The brute wherof did wonderfully appall the Senate: for the like occafion of terrour, neuer before that time chaunced to the Romaines, who did not onely feare their enemies, but alfo their owne fubiefts, fufpefting left they fhould be forced to retaine the kinges againe. All which afterwards, were through the wifedome and difcretion of the fathers quietlye appeafed, and the citie reduced to fuch vnitie and courage, as all forts of people defpifed the name of king. When the enemies were approched, the rurall people aban- doning their colonies, fled for refcue into the citie. The citie was diuided into garrifons: feme kept the walles, and fome the waye ouer Tiber, which was thought very fafe and able to be defended. Althoughe the wodden bridge made ouer the Riuer,had almoft been an open way for the enemies entrie, whereof Horacius Codes, as fortune ferued that day, had the charge. Who fo manfully be- haued himfelfe, as after he had broken vp and burned the bridge, and done other notable exploites, he defended that palTage with fuch valiance, that the defence therof feemed miraculous, to the great aftonifhment of the enemies. In fine Porfenna feing that he coulde litle preuaile in the aflault, retourned to the Campe, deter- mining neuerthelefle to continue his fiege. At which time one Caius Mutius, a yonge gentleman of Rome, purpofed to aduenture fome notable enterprife : faying to the Senators thefe wordes : " I determine to paflethe Riuer, and enter if I can, into the campe of the enemies, not to fetch fpoile, or to reuenge mutuall iniuries, but to hazard greater matters, if the Gods be aflSfl:ant vnto me." The fenate vnderftanding the effeft of his indeuour, allowed his deuife. And then hauinge a fword vnder his garment, went forth. When MUTIUS SC^UOLA. 2/ he was come into the throng, he conueighed himfelfe as nere the kinges pauilion as he could. It chaunced that he was paying wages that day to his fouldiours, by whom his Secretarie did fit in fuch apparell, almofl: as the king himfelfe did weare. Mutius being afraide to demaunde which of them was the king, left he fliould bewray himfelfe, fodainly killed the Secretarie in fteede of the king, and as he was making waye with his bloudie fworde to efcape, he was apprehended and brought before the king, and with maruailous ftoutnefle and audacitie, fpake thefe wordes : " I am a citizen of Rome, and my name is Mutius^ and beinge an enemy, I woulde faine haue killed mine enemie. For which attempt I efteeme no more to die, then I cared to commit the murder. It is naturally giuen to the Romaines, both valiantly to do and ftoutly to fuffer. And not I alone haue confpired thy death, but a greate nomber of vs, haue promifed the like, and hope to profe- cute femblable prayfe and glorie : wherfore if this beginninge do not pleafe thee, make thy felfe ready euerye houre to expeft like perill, and to fight for thy felfe. And make accompt, that euery day euen at the dore of thine owne lodging, thy enemye armed doth waite for thee : we alone yong gentlemen of the Citie do ftand at defiance, and pronounce vppon thee this kinde of battaile. Feare no armies or other hoftilitie, for with thee alone, and with euerye one of vs thefe warres fhalbe tryed." The king aftonied with that bold and defperate enterprife, fell into a great rage and furie, commaundinge Mutius prefentlye to be confumed with fyre, vnlefTe he would out of hand tell him the order of the purpofed and deuifed treafon. "Behold O king (quoth hee) how litle they care for theyr bodies, that do afpire and feeke for fame and glorie." And then he thruft his right hand into the fire, and rofted the fame in the flame, like one that had been out of his wits. The king amazed wyth the ftraungnes of the fa6l, ftepped downe from the feate, and caufed him to be taken from the fire, faying: "Away, frend (quoth the king) thou haft killed thy felfe, and aduentured hoftilitie vppon thy felfe rather then againft mee. Surely I would thincke mine eftate happie, if like vali- aunce were to be found wythin the boundes of my countrye. Wherfore by law of Armes I fet the at libertie to go whither thou 2 8 THE VALIAUNCE OF MUTIUS SC^UOLA. lift." Whereunto Mutius for acquiting that defert, aunfwered : "For as much as thou haft thus honourably delt with me, I wil for recompence of this benefite, faye thus muche vnto thee, whych by threates thou fliouldeft neuer haue gotten at my handes. Three hundred of vs that be yonge noble men of Rome, haue confpired thy death, euen by the like attempt. It was my lot to come firft, the refte when fortune fhall giue opportunitie, euerye one in his tourne will giue the aduenture." Whereupon he was difmiffed, and afterwards was called Scaeuola, for the lofTe of his right hande. Then peace was offered to the Romaynes, who vpon conditions that the enemies garrifons ftiould be with- drawen from laniculum, and that the country wonne of the Veien- tines, ftiould be reftored againe, gaue hoftages, Amonges whom there was a gentlewoman called Cloelia deliuered into the handes of the Hetrurians, who deceyuinge her keepers, conueighed her- felfe and the other pledges from their enemies, and fwimming ouer the riuer of Tiber, arriued at Rome in fafetye, which being re- demaunded by Porfenna, were fent backe againe. The king driuen into a wonderfuU admiration for the defperate and manly enterprifes, done by the Romaine Nation, re- tourned the maiden home againe to Rome. In whofe honour the Romaines eredted an Image on horfe backe, placed at the vpper ende of the ftreate called Sacra via. And fo peace was concluded be- tweene Porfenna and the Ro- maynes. MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 29 THE FOURTH NOUELL. Martins Coriolanus goinge ahoute to reprejfe the common people oj Rome with dearth of Corne was hanijhed. For reuengement whereof he perfwaded Accius Tullius king of the Voljcians, to make warres upon the Romaynes, and he himfelfe in their ayde, came in his owne perfon. The Citie brought to greate miferye, the fathers deuifed meanes to deliuer the fame, andfent vnto the Volfcian campe, the mother, the wife and children of Corio- lanus. Fpon whofe complaintes Coriolanus withdrewe the Volfcians, and the citie was reduced to quietnes. In the yeare that Titus Geganius and Publius Minutius were Con- fuls, when all thinges were quiet abrode, and diflention at home appeafed, an other great mifchiefe inuaded the citie. Firfl a dearth of vidtuals, for that the land was vntiliedj by the peoples departure, then a famine, fuch as chaunceth to the befieged : which had brought a great deftruftion of people, had not the Con- fuls forfeene the fame, by prouifion in forren places. They fent purueiors into Scicilia : but the malice of the cities adioyning, flayed the prouifion that was made a farre of. The Corne prouided at Cumas was flayed for the goodes of Tarquinius by Ariftode- mus the tyrant, that was his heire. The next yere followinge, a greate maffe of Corne was tranfported oute of Scicile, in the time of the Confuls, M. Minutius and A. Sempronius. Then the Se- nate confulted, vppon the diftribution of the fame vnto the people. Diuers thought that the time was then come, to bridle and fup- prefle the people, that thereby they mighte the rather recouer thofe priuileges, which were extorted from the fathers. Amonges whom Martins Coriolanus a yonge gentleman was the chiefeft, who being an enemie to the Tribune authoritie, faid thefe woords. " If the people will haue victuals and corne at that price, whereat it was affifed and rated in time pafl, then it is meete and ne- ceflarie, that they render to the fathers, their auncient aufthoritie and priuilege : for to what purpofe be the plebeian Magiflrates 30 MARTIUS CARIOLANUS. ordained ? For what confideration fhall I fuffer my felfe to be fubiugate vnder the authoritie of Sicinius, as though I were con- uerfaunte amonges theeues ? Shal I abide thefe iniuries any longer to continue, then is neceflarie ? I that could not fuffer Tarqui- nius the king, fhal I be pacient with Sicinius? Let Sicinius depart if he will^ let him draw the people after him : the way yet is open to the facred hill, and to the other mountaines. Let them rob vs of our come which they toke away from our owne land, as they did three yeares pafte, let them enioy the victuals which in their furie they did gather. I dare be bold to faye thus much, that being warned and tamed, by this pre- fent penurie, they had rather plow and til the land, then they would fuffer the fame to be vncultured, by withdrawing them- felues to armure. It is not fo eafy to be fpoken, as I thincke it may with facilitie be brought to pafTe, that vpon conditions the prices of victuals fhould be abated, the fathers might remoue the auilhoritie of the Tribunes and difanul all thofe lawes, which againft their wills were ratefied and confirmed." This fentence feemed cruel to the fathers, and almoft had fet the people toge- ther by the eares, whoe woulde haue torne him in peeces, had not the Tribunes appointed a day for his appearance. Whervpon their furie for that time was appeafed, Coriolanus feinge the peoples rage to encreafe, and confideringe that they fhould be his ludge, when the day of his apparance was come, he abfented him- felfe, and therfore was condempned. Then he fled to the Volfcians, of whom he was gently interteigned : and lodged in the houfe of Accius Tullius, the chiefe of that citie, and a deadly enemie to the Romaynes. Vpon daily conference and confultation had betwene them, they confulted by what fleight or pollicie, they might com- ence a quarrell againft the'Romaines. And becaufe they doubted, that the Volfcians would not eafely be perfwaded thereunto, be- inge fo oft vanquifhed and ill intreated, they excogitated fome other newe occafion. In the meane time T. Latinius one of the plebeian forte, perceyuing that the Romaynes went about to infti- tute great paflimes, conceiued a dreame, wherein hee fawe lup- piter to fpeake vnto him, and faid that he liked not the towardnes of thofe games, and in cafe the fame were not celebratedj with MARTIUS CARIOLANUS. 3 I great royaltie and magnificens, they would ingender perill to the citie, which dreame he declared to the Confuls. Then the Senate gaue order, that the fame Ihoulde be addreffed with great pompe and triumphe: whereunto through th'inftigacion of Accius, a greate nomber of the Volfcians reforted. But before the plaies begunne, TuUius according to the compa6t agreed v