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 Cornell University Library 
 D 21.W45 1922a 
 
 Outline oj hjstor 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028328866 
 
THE OUTLINE OE HISTORY 
 
THE OUTLINE OF 
 HISTORY 
 
 Being a Plain History of Life and Mankind 
 
 BY 
 
 H. G. WELLS 
 
 WBITTEN OMGINAIXT WITH THE ADVICE AND EDITOBIAL HELP OF 
 
 MR. ERNEST BARKER, 
 
 SIR H. H. JOHNSTON, SIR E. RAY LANKBSTER, 
 
 AND PROrESSOR GILBERT MURRAY 
 
 Am) IIXtrSTBATED BY 
 
 J. P. HORRABIN 
 
 The Entibe Work, Revised and 
 
 REABEAB-dsD BY THE AtlTHOll 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 FOB THE 
 
 EEVIEW O:^' EEVIEWS COMPANY 
 
 New; York 
 
 1922 
 
 All Rights Reserved 
 
 E.h, 
 
doptRIGliT, 1920 4ND 1921, 
 
 Bt the MACMItLAN COMPANY. 
 
 COPTMOHT, 1920 AND 1921, 
 
 By H, G. wells. 
 
 Set up and electrotyped. Published November, 1920, 
 Third Edition revjsed' 'and' reatrapged- September, 1921. 
 
 A-1<W- 33- 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 .. "A- phildsophy of the history of the human race, worthif 
 of its' name, must ietiin with the heavens and descend to 
 ' the earth, must be charged with the conviction that aU 
 ■ existence is one — a single conception sustained from be- 
 ginning to end upon one identical law." 
 
 — Friedrich BaTZEIi. 
 
 THIS Outline of History, of which this is. a third edition, 
 freshly revised and rearranged, is an attempt to tell, 
 truly and clearly, in one continuous narrative, .the whole 
 story of life and mankind so far as it is known to-day. It is 
 written plainly for the general reader, but its aim goes beyond 
 its use as merely interesting reading matter. There is a feeling 
 abroad that the teaching of history considered as a part of gen- 
 eral education is in an unsatisfactory condition, and particu- 
 larly that the ordinary treatment of this "subject" by the class 
 and teacher and examiner is too partial and narrow. But the 
 desire to extend the general range of historical ideas is con- 
 fronted by the argument that the available time for instruction 
 is already consumed by that partial and narrow treatment, and 
 that therefore, however desirable this extension of range may 
 be, it is in practice impossible. If an Englishman, for example, 
 has found the history of England quite enough for his powers 
 of assimilation, then it seems hopeless to expect his sons and 
 daughters to master universal history, if that is to consist of 
 the history of England, plus the history of France, plus the 
 history of Germany, plus the history of Eussia, and so on. To 
 which the only possible answer is that universal history is at 
 once something more and something less than the aggregate 
 of the national histories to which we are accustomed, that it 
 must be approached in a different spirit and dealt with, in a 
 different manner. This book seeks to justify that answer. It 
 has been written primarily to show that history as one whole 
 is amenable to a more broad and comprehensive handling than 
 is the history of special nations and periods, a broader handling 
 
Ti INTRODUCTION 
 
 that will bring it -within the normal limitations of time and 
 energy set to the reading and education of an ordinary citizen. 
 This outline deals with ages and races and nations, where the 
 ordinary history deals with reigns and pedigrees and campaigns ; 
 but it will not be found to be more crowded with names and 
 dates, nor more difficult to follow and understand. _ History is 
 no exception amongst the sciences ; as the gaps fill in, the out- 
 line simplifies; as the outlook broadens, the clustering multitude 
 of details dissolves into general laws. And many topics of quite 
 primary interest to mankind, the first appearance and the growth 
 of scientific knowledge for example, and its effects upon human 
 life, the elaboration of the ideas of money and credit, or the 
 story of the origins and spread and influence of Christianity, 
 which must be treated f ragmentarily or by elaborate digressions 
 in any partial history, arise and flow completely and naturally 
 in one general record of the world in which we live. 
 
 The need for a common knowledge of the general fapts of 
 human history throughout 'the world has become very evidept 
 during the tragic happenings of the last few years. Swifter 
 means of communication have brought all men closer to one 
 another for good or for evil. War becomes a universal disaster, 
 blind and monstrously destructive; it bombs the baby in its 
 cradle and sinks the food-ships that cater for the non-combatant 
 and the neutral. There can be no peace now, we realize, but a 
 common peace in all the world; no prosperity but a general 
 prosperity. But ihere can he no common peace and prosperity 
 without common historical ideas. Without such ideas to hold 
 them together in harmonious co-operation, with nothing but nar- 
 row, selfish, and conflicting nationalist traditions, races and 
 peoples are bound to drift towards conflict and destruction. This 
 truth, which was apparent to that great philosopher Kant a 
 century or more ago — it is the gist of his tract upon universal 
 peace — is now plain to the man in the street. Our internal 
 policies and our economic and social ideas are profoundly 
 vitiated at present by wrong and fantastic ideas of the origin 
 and historical relationship of social classes. A sense of history 
 as the common adventure of all mankind is as necessary for 
 peace within as it is for peace between the nations. 
 
 The writer will offer no apology for making this experiment. 
 His disqualifications are manifest. But such work needs to be 
 done- by as many people as possible, he was free to make his 
 
INTRODUCTION vii 
 
 contribution, and lie was greatly attracted by the task. He 
 has read sedulously and made the utmost use of all the help 
 he could obtain. There is not a chapter that has not been 
 examined by some more competent person than himself and 
 very carefully revised. He has particularly to thank his friends 
 Sir E. Kay Lankester, Sir H. H. Johnston, Professor Gilbert 
 Murray, and Mr. Ernest Barker for much counsel and direc- 
 tion and editorial help. Mr. Philip Guedalla has toiled most 
 eflBciently and kindly through all the proofs. Mr. A. Allison, 
 Professor T. W. Arnold, Mr. Arnold Bennett, the Eev. A. H. 
 Trevor Benson, Mr. Aodh de Blacam, Mr. Laurence Binyon, 
 the Eev. G. W. Broomfield, Sir William Bull, Mr. L. Cranmer 
 Byng, Mr. A. J. D. Campbell, Mr. A. Y. Campbell, Mr. L. Y. 
 Chen, Mr. A. R. Cowan, Mr. O. G. S. Crawford, Dr. W. S. 
 Culbertson, Mr. E. Langton Cole, Mr. B. G. Collins, Mr. 
 J. J. L. DuyveHdak, Mr. O. W. Ellis, Mr. G. S. Ferrier, Mr. 
 David Freeman, Mr. S. N. Fu, Mr. G. B. Gloyne, Sir Eichard 
 Gregory, Mr. F. H. Hayward, Mr. Sydney Herbert, Dr. Fr. 
 Krupicka, Mr. H. Lang Jones, Mr. C. H. B. Laughton, Mr. 
 B. I. Macalpin, Mr. G. H. Mair, Mr. F. S. Marvin, Mr. J. S. 
 Mayhew, Mr. B. Stafford Morse, Professor J. L. Myres, the 
 Hon. W. Ormsby-Gore, Sir Sydney Olivier, Mr. E. I. Pocock, 
 Mr. J. Pringle, Mr. W. H. E. Eivers, Sir Denison Eoss, Dr: 
 E. J. Eussell, Dr. Charles Singer, Mr. A. St. George Sanford, 
 Dr. C. O. Stallybrass, Mr. G. H. Walsh, Mr. G. P. Wells, Miss 
 Eebecca West, and Mr. George Whale have all to be thanked for 
 help, either by reading parts of the MS. or by pointing out 
 errors in the published parts, making suggestions, answering 
 questions or giving advice. Numerous other helpful corre- 
 spondents have pointed out printer's errors and minor slips in 
 the serial publication which preceded the book edition, and 
 they have added many useful items of information, and to those 
 writers also the warmest thanks are due. Mr. C. M. Anton 
 Belaiew, Mr.' Henry Coates, Mr. J. A. Corry, Mr. Archibald 
 Craig, Mr. W. V. Cruden, Mr. A. H. Dodd, Mr. T. B. Gold- 
 smith, Mr. F. E. Green, Mr> F. S. Hare, Mr. Homer B. Hul- 
 bert, Mr. Walter Ingleby, Mr. J. H. Leviton, Mr. H. Comyn 
 Maitland, Mr. Karsten" Meyer, Mr. William Piatt, Mr. F. 
 Gordon Eoe, Mr. Alden Sampson, Mr. Neville H. Smith, Mr. 
 M. Timur, Mr. W. H. Thompson, Mr. A. J. Vogan, Mr. W. A. 
 Voss, Mr. G. F. Wates, and one or two correspondents with 
 
viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 illegible . signatures, have made valuable suggestions since the 
 publication of the second edition. Pamphlets against the Ovi- 
 line by Mr, Gomme and Dr. Downey have also been useful in 
 this later revision. But of course none of these helpers, are to 
 be held responsible for the judgments, tone, arrangement or 
 writing of this Outline. In the relative importance of the 
 parts, in the moral and political implications of the story,; the 
 final decision has necessarily fallen to the writer. The problem 
 of illustrations was a very difficult one for him, for he, had 
 had no previous experience in the production of an illustrated 
 book. In Mr. J. F. Horrabin he has had the good fortune to 
 find not only an illustrator but a collaborator. Mr. Horrabin 
 has spared no pains to make this work informative and exact. 
 His maps and drawings are a part of the text, the most vital 
 and decorative part. Some of them represent the reading and 
 inquiry of many laborious days. 
 
 The index to this edition is the work of Mr. Strickland Gib- 
 son of Oxford. Several correspondents have asked for a pro- 
 nouncing index and accordingly this has been provided. 
 
 The writer owes a word of thanks to that living index of 
 printed books, Mr. J. F. Cox^ of the London Library., He 
 would also like to acknowledge here the help he has received 
 from Mrs. Wells. Without her labour in typing and re-typing 
 the drafts of the various chapters as they have been revised and 
 amended, in checking references, finding suitable quotations, 
 hunting up illustrations, and keeping in order the whole mass 
 of material for this bistoi-y, and without her constant help and 
 watchful criticism, its completion would have been impossible. 
 
 H. G. Wells.' 
 
§ 2. Flying dragons 
 
 § 3. The first birds 
 
 §4. An age of hardship and death , 
 
 §5. The first appearance of fur and feathers 
 
 SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 Chaptbk I. The Eakth in Space and Time ''*°1 
 
 Chapter II. The Record of the Rocks 
 
 § 1. The first living things .5 
 
 §2. How old is the world? 10 
 
 Chaptee III. Natitbai. Selection and the Changes or Species . 13 
 
 Chapteh IV. The Invasion of the Dkt Land by Life 
 
 § 1. Life and water ........ .19 
 
 §2. The earliest animals 21 
 
 Chapter V. The Age or Reptiles 
 
 § 1. The age of lowland life 25 
 
 29 
 30 
 32 
 34 
 
 Chapter VI. The Age of Mammals 
 
 § 1. A new age of life . . . . . . . . .37 
 
 §2. Tradition comes into the world 38 
 
 § 3. An age of brain growth . ... . . .42 
 
 §4. The world grows hard again ..... .44 
 
 Chapter VII. The Ancestry of Man 
 
 § 1. Man descended from a walking ape 46 
 
 §2. First traces of man-like creatures ,51 
 
 §3. The Heidelberg sub-man ,52 
 
 § 4. The Piltdown sub-man 53 
 
 Chapter VIII. The Neanderthal Men, an Extinct Race. (The 
 Early PALiEOLiTHio Age) 
 
 § 1. The world 50,000 years ago 55 
 
 §2. The daily life of the first men 59 
 
 Chapter IX. The Later Postglacial Palaeolithic Men, the First 
 Trpe Men. (Later Paleolithic Age) 
 
 § 1. The coming of men like ourselves .65 
 
 § 2. Hunters give place to herdsmen 7i 
 
 §3. No sub-men in America 75 
 
X SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 FAGS 
 
 Chapteb X. Neolithic Man in Europe 
 
 § 1. The age of cultivation begins 77 
 
 §2. Where did the Neolithic culture arise? .... 81 
 
 §3. Everyday Neolithic life 81 
 
 § 4. Primitive trade ' 87 
 
 § 5. The flooding of the Mediterranean valley . ... 88 
 
 Chaptee XI. Eaelt Thought 
 
 § 1. Primitive philosophy 92 
 
 §2. The Old Man in religion 94 
 
 § 3. Fear and hope in religion 96 
 
 § 4. Stars and seasons 97 
 
 § 5. Story-telling and myth-making 99 
 
 § 6. 'Complex origins of religion 100 
 
 Chapteb XII. The Eaces of Mankind 
 
 § 1. Ib mankind still differentiating? 106 
 
 §2. The main races of mankind 110 
 
 § 3. The Heliolithic culture of the Brunet peoples . . . Ill 
 
 Chapteb XIII. The Languages of Mankind 
 
 § 1. No one primitive language 117 
 
 §2. The Aryan languages 118 
 
 § 3. The Semitic languages 120 
 
 § 4. The Hamitic languages 121 
 
 §5. The Ural-Altaic languages 123 
 
 § 6. The Chinese languages 123 
 
 §7. Other language groups 124 
 
 § 8. A possible primitive language group .... 127 
 
 § 9. Some isolated languages 129 
 
 Chapteb XIV. The First Civilizations 
 
 § 1. Early cities and early nomads 131 
 
 §2a. The Sumerians 135 
 
 § 2b. The empire of Sargon the First 137 
 
 § 2c. The empire of Hammurabi . 137 
 
 § 2d. The Assyrians and their empire . . . , . .138 
 
 §2e. The Chaldean empire 140 
 
 §3. The early history of Egypt 141 
 
 § 4. The early civilization of India 147 
 
 § 5. The early history of China 147 
 
 § 6. While the civilizations were growing 152 
 
 Chapter XV. Sea Peoples and Trading Peoples 
 
 § 1. The earliest ships and sailors 155 
 
 § 2. The ^gean cities before history 158 
 
SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 zi 
 
 IPAOB 
 
 § 3. The first voyages of exploration . ' 162 
 
 §4. Early- traders 164 
 
 §5. Early travellers 166 
 
 Chaptee XVI. Wbiting^ 
 
 § 1. Picture wHting 168 
 
 §2. Syirdble writing 171 
 
 § S. AlpMb'et -WTitiilg .172 
 
 § 4. THe pkee of Wi-iting ijl human life 173 
 
 Chaptkb XVll. God's and Stabs, Pkiests and Kings 
 
 § i. Thfe priest cottifeB into history 177 
 
 §2. Priests and thfe stars 181 
 
 § 3. Priests and the dawn Of Ifearning 184 
 
 § 4. King against priests 185 
 
 §5. How Bel-liarduk struggled against the kings . . .188 
 
 §6. The god-kings of Egypt 191 
 
 §7. Shi Hwang-ti destroys the books 195 
 
 Chaptee XVIII. Serfs, Slaves, Social Classes, and Free In- 
 dividuals 
 
 § 1. The common man in ancient times 196 
 
 § 2. The earliest slaves . 198 
 
 § 3. The first "independent" persons 201 
 
 §4. Social classes three thousand years ago .... 204 
 
 § 5. Classes hardening into castes 207 
 
 § 6. Caste in India 210 
 
 § 7. The system of the Mandarins 212 
 
 § 8. A s'ummUry of flVe thousand years 214 
 
 Cha*teb XIX, The Hebbew Scbiptubes and the Pbophets 
 
 § 1. The place of the Isritfilitfes in history 217 
 
 §2. Saul, IJavid, and SolomOn 225 
 
 §3. The Jfew6 a people 6f mixfed origin 230 
 
 §4. liie importance of the Hebrew prophets . , . > 232 
 
 Chai'teb XX. The Aetan-speAkino Peoples in Prehistobic Times 
 
 § 1. The spreading of the Aryan-speakers ..... 236 
 
 §2. Primitive Aryan life 240 
 
 § '3. Early Aryan daily life 245 
 
 Chapter XXI. The Gbeeks and the Pebsians 
 
 § 1. The Hellenic peoples 252 
 
 § 2. Distinctive features of the Hellenic civilization . . . 255 
 
 §3. Monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy in Greece . . 258 
 
 § 4. The kingdom of Lydia 265 
 
 § 5. The rise of the Persians in the East 266 
 
 §6. The story of Croesus 270 
 
xii SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 §7. DariuB invades Russia; . . . • ; ■• • ■ 274 
 
 §8. The battle of Marathon . . ....-• . . 280 
 
 § 9. Thermopylae and Salamis , , . • . ■ 282 
 
 §10. Platsea and Mycale - . ..... 288 
 
 CtAPTEE XXII. Greek Thought in Relation ToHuMAjf Sooibtt- 
 
 §1. The Athens of Pericles . . . ,. ■ . . . . 291 
 
 §2. Socrates .: .- • . • ■• . . '■■ . 298 
 
 " ■ p3. Plato and the Academy , , . •'..,.. ., ...,■■.. , . .299 
 
 8 4. Aristotle and. the Lyceum . . . . ._ , . .301 
 
 §5. Philosophy becomes unworldly , , . ,. , '. • ,- 303 
 
 §6. The quality and lim.itations of Greek thought . . . 304 
 
 Chapteb XXIU. The Cabebe OF AxEstANDEB THE Great .. 
 
 § 1. Philip of .Macedonia , . . . . ■ . .. . ■ . 310 
 
 §2. The murder of King Philip . •: ;■,.■■•. • • . • 3^5 
 
 §3. Alexander's first conquests . ... ■ - . . 319 
 
 §4. The wanderings of Alexander. . .• . . . 327 
 
 §5. Was Alexander indeed great? ..... . 331 
 
 §6." The successors of Alexander . . •.,.'■ • ' • 337 
 
 §7. Pergamum a refuge of culture. ...... ..... • . 338 
 
 § 8. Alexander as a portent of world unity . . , . . , 340 
 
 Chapter XXIV. Science and Religion at Alexandria . 
 
 ' §1. The science of Alexandria . . .• '; . '. ■ ; ' ; 342 
 
 §2. Philosophy of Alexandria . '■. ■ '. ■ '■■■;■ . . . 349 
 
 §3. Alexandria as a factory of religions •;''.• i-'- : . . 349 
 
 Chapter XXV. The Rise and Spread or Buddhx.sm ' '' 
 
 § 1. The story of Gautama .' 354 
 
 §2. Teaching and legend in conflict . . . ..'s . ■. ,359 
 
 §3. The gospel of Gautama Buddha ■ . ■.'■■.••';•"■. ;' 361 
 
 §4. Buddhism and Asoka . .■ '. ■;- .'■;■• .. ■■■ . . 365 
 
 §5. Two great Chinese teachers ' . ' . •■■-•- ,■ ■ . . 371 
 
 §6. The corruptions of Buddhism". ■ ;■ '. : , 376 
 
 §7. The present range of Buddhism ,. . .,.,.,. . . 378 
 
 Chapter XXVI. The Two Webtben Repltblics 
 
 §1. The beginnings of the Latins . . . •• . . . 330 
 
 § 2. A new sort of state . . . ' . . • . . _ 338 
 § 3. The Carthaginian republic . of rich men .... 399 
 
 §4. The First Punie War . . . . . 400 
 
 §5. Cato the Elder and the spiri^ of. Catp,. .... , . . 404 
 
 §6. The Second Punic, War ,,, . . .., ' . 407 
 
 §7. The Third Punic War . . . -,.. . ..'."..'. '. 412 
 
 ■ ■ §8. How the Punic War. undermined Roman.,liber4;y. , . . .. 417 
 § 9, Comparison of the Roman republic Xfith a. modern state ., 418 
 
SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 xui 
 
 CHAPTEat 
 §1- 
 
 §2. 
 §3. 
 §4. 
 §5- 
 §6. 
 §7. 
 Ceaftes 
 
 il- 
 ia, 
 ia. 
 
 i4. 
 
 §5. 
 §6. 
 
 Chapteb 
 
 il- 
 ia. 
 
 §3. 
 i4. 
 §5. 
 §6. 
 i7. 
 §8. 
 §9. 
 §10. 
 
 Chapter 
 
 il- 
 ia. 
 
 i3. 
 
 i4. 
 
 §5. 
 §6. 
 i7. 
 §8. 
 
 i9- 
 
 Chapteb 
 
 il- 
 ia. 
 
 crumples up 
 
 XXVII. Feom TiBEBius Gkacchtts to the God-Empebob 
 IN Rome 
 
 The science of thwarting the common man 
 
 Finance in the Boman state . 
 
 The last years of republican politics . 
 
 The era of the adventurer generals 
 
 The end of the republic 
 
 The coming of the Princeps . 
 
 Why the Boman republic failed . 
 
 XXVIII. The C^esaes between the Sea and the Great 
 Plains of the Old World 
 
 A short catalogue of emperors 
 Roman civilization at its zenith . 
 Limitations of the Roman mind . 
 The stir of the great plains . 
 The Western (true Roman) Empire 
 The Eastern (revived Hellenic) Empire 
 
 XXIX. The Beginnings, the Rise, and the Divisions 
 OF Christianity 
 
 Judea at the Christian era .... 
 The teachings of Jesus of Nazareth . 
 The universal religions .... 
 
 The crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth . 
 Doctrines added to the teachings of Jesus . 
 The struggles and persecutions of Christianity 
 
 Constantino the Great 
 
 The establishment of official Christianity . 
 
 The map of Europe, a.d. 500 
 
 The salvation of learning by Christianity . 
 
 XXX. Sb^ten Centuries in Asia (cieca 50 
 A.D. 650) 
 
 Justinian the Great .... 
 The Sassanid empire in Persia . 
 The decay of Syria under the Sassanids 
 The first message from Islam 
 Zoroaster and Mani .... 
 Hunnish peoples in central Asia and India 
 The great age of China .... 
 Intellectual fetters of China 
 The travels of Yuan Chwang 
 XXXI. Muhammad and Islam 
 Arabia before Muhammad . 
 Life of Muhammad to the Hegira . 
 Muhammad becomes a fighting prophet 
 
 424 
 427 
 429 
 435 
 439 
 443 
 446 
 
 451 
 458 
 467 
 469 
 480 
 487 
 
 493 
 496 
 505 
 507 
 509 
 516 
 520 
 522 
 526 
 530 
 
 535 
 537 
 
 540 
 544 
 545 
 547 
 550 
 555 
 561 
 
 567 
 570 
 574 
 
XIV 
 
 SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 §4. 
 §5. 
 §6. 
 
 §7. 
 §8. 
 
 Chapter 
 
 §1- 
 §2. 
 §3. 
 §4. 
 §5. 
 §6. 
 §7. 
 §8. 
 
 §9. 
 §10. 
 §11. 
 §12. 
 §13. 
 §14. 
 
 The teachings of Islam .... 
 The caliphs Abu Bekr and Omar 
 The great days of the Omayyads . 
 The decay of Islam under the Abbasids 
 The intellectual life of Arab Islam 
 
 XXXII. Christendom and the Cetjsades 
 The Western world at its lowest ebb . 
 The feudal system ..... 
 
 The Prankish kingdom of the Merovingians 
 The Christianization of the western barbarians 
 Charlemagne becomes emperor of the West . 
 The personality of Charlemagne . 
 The French and the Germans become distinct 
 The Nprmans, the Saracens, the Hungarians, and 
 
 I'lirks 
 
 How Qqnstantinople appealed to Rome 
 
 The Crusades 
 
 The Crusades a te^t of Christianity . 
 The Emperor Frederick II . 
 Defects and limitations of the papacy 
 A list of leading popes .... 
 
 the S. 
 
 eljuk 
 
 PAGB 
 
 579 
 582 
 588 
 596 
 599 
 
 605 
 
 607 
 610 
 613 
 619 
 623 
 626 
 
 028 
 637 
 640 
 648 
 650 
 654 
 660 
 
 Chapter XXXIII. The Great Empire of Jengis Khan and his 
 
 §1- 
 §2. 
 §3. 
 
 §4. 
 
 §5. 
 
 §5A. 
 
 §5b. 
 
 §.5o. 
 
 §5D. 
 
 §5e. 
 
 §5F. 
 
 Successors (The Age of the Land Ways) 
 Asia at the end of the twelfth century 
 The rise and victories of the Mongols . 
 The travels of Marco Polo .... 
 The Ottoman Turks and Constantinople 
 Why the Mongols were not Christianized . 
 Kublai Khan founds the Yuan dynasty 
 The Mongols revert to tribalism . 
 The Kipchak empire and the Tsar of Muscovy 
 
 Timurlane 
 
 The Mongol empire of India .... 
 The Mongols and the Gipsies 
 
 Chapter XXXIV. The Renascence op Western Civilization 
 (Land Ways Give Place to Sea Ways) 
 
 § 1. Christianity and popular education 
 
 § 2. Europe begins to think for itself 
 
 § 3. The Great Plague and the dawn of communism . 
 
 § 4. How paper liberated the human mind 
 
 §5. Protestantism of the princes and Protestantism of the 
 peoples 
 
 666 
 609 
 675 
 681 
 687 
 688 
 688 
 688 
 690 
 693 
 697 
 
 699 
 707 
 712 
 717 
 
 719 
 
 § 6. The reawakening of science 725 
 
SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 XT 
 
 § 7. The new growth of European towns . 
 
 § 8. America comes into history . 
 
 §9. What Machiavelli thought of the world 
 §10. The republic of Switzerland 
 § llA. The life of the Emperor Charles V . 
 § 11b. Protestants if the prince wills it . 
 § lie. The intellectual under-tow . 
 
 Chapteb 
 
 §1- 
 §2. 
 §3. 
 
 §4- 
 
 §S. 
 
 §6. 
 
 §7. 
 
 §8. 
 
 §9. 
 §10. 
 §11. 
 §12. 
 
 Chapter 
 
 Il- 
 §3. 
 §4. 
 §5. 
 §6. 
 §7. 
 §8. 
 §9. 
 
 §10. 
 
 §11. 
 
 §12. 
 
 §13. 
 
 XXXV. Princes, Parliaments, and Power? 
 
 Princes and foreign policy . 
 
 The Dutch republic .... 
 
 The English republic .... 
 
 The break-up and disorder of Germany 
 
 The splendours of Grand Monarchy in Europe 
 
 The growth of the idea of Great Powers 
 
 The crowned republic of Poland and its f: 
 
 The first scramble for empire overseas . 
 
 Britain dominates India 
 
 Russia's ride to the Pacific . 
 
 What Gibbon thought of the world in 1780 
 
 The social truce draws to an end 
 
 te 
 
 PAOE 
 
 734 
 740 
 749 
 753 
 
 754 
 765 
 765 
 
 767 
 769 
 773 
 783 
 786 
 793 
 798 
 801 
 805 
 809 
 811 
 818 
 
 XXXVI. The New Democratic Kepubi,ics or America 
 AND France 
 
 Inconveniences of the Great Power system .... 826 
 
 The thirteen colonies before their revolt . . . . 828 
 
 Civil war is forced upon the colonies 833 
 
 The War of Independence 838 
 
 The constitution of the United States 840 
 
 Primitive features of the United States constitution . . 847 
 
 Eevolutionary ideas in France 853 
 
 The Revolution of the year 1789 856 
 
 The French "crowned republic" of '89-'91 . . . .859 
 
 The Revolution of the Jacobins 866 
 
 The Jacobin republic, 1792-94 876 
 
 The Directory 881 
 
 The pause in reconstruction and the dawn of modern 
 
 Socialism 883 
 
 Chapter XXXVII. The Career or Napoleow Eonapabte 
 
 § 1. The Bonaparte family in Corsica . 
 
 §2. Bonaparte as a republican general 
 
 §3. Napoleon First Consul, 1799-1804 
 
 §4. Napoleon I Emperor, 1804-14 
 
 §5. The Hundred Days .... 
 
 § 6. The map of Europe in 1815 . 
 
 892 
 893 
 898 
 903 
 911 
 916 
 
xvi SCHEME OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAOK 
 
 Chapter XXXVIII. The Kbalities and Imaginations of the 
 Nineteenth Centuby 
 
 §1. The mechanical revolution • .922 
 
 § 2. Relation of the mechanical to the industrial revolution . 931 
 
 §3. The fermentation of ideas, 1848 . . ' . • • .936 
 
 §4. The development of the idea of Socialism . . . .938 
 
 § 5. Shortcomings of Socialism as a scheme of human society . 946 
 
 §6. How Darwinism affected religious and political ideas . 951 
 
 §7. The idea of Nationalism 959 
 
 § 8. Europe between 1848 and 1878 963 
 
 §9. The (second) scramble for overseas empires . . .977 
 
 § 10. The Indian precedent in Asia 987 
 
 § 11. The history of Japan 991 
 
 § 12. Close of the period of overseas expansion . . . • . 996 
 
 §13. The British Empire in 1914 997 
 
 Chapter XXXIX. The Inteenationai, Catastrophe of 1914 
 
 § 1. The armed peace before the Great War .... 1000 
 
 §2. Imperial Germany 1002 
 
 §3. The spirit of Imperialism in Britain and Ireland . . 1011 
 
 § 4. Imperialism in France, Italy, and the Balkans . . . 1023 
 
 §5. Russia still a Grand Monarchy in 1914 .... 1025 
 
 § 6. The tTnited States and the Imperial idea .... 1027 
 
 §7. The immediate causes of the Great War .... 1031 
 
 § 8. A summary of the Great War up to 1917 .... 1036 
 
 §9. The Great War from the Russian collapse to the armistice 1Q46 
 
 § 10. The political, economic, and social disorganization caused 
 
 by the Great War 1053 
 
 § 11. President Wilson and the problems of Versailles . . . 1061 
 
 § 12. Summary of the first Covenant of the League of Nations 1072 
 
 § 13. A general outline of the treaties of 1919 and 1920 . . 1076 
 
 § 14. A forecast of the next war 1081 
 
 Chapter XL. The Next Stage op History 
 
 § 1. The possible unification of men's wills in political matters 1086 
 § 2. How a, Federal World Government may come about . . 1090 
 §3. Some fundamental characteristics of a modern world state 1092 
 § 4. What this world might be were it under one law and justice 1094 
 
 A Crbonolooicai, Table fboii 800 b.c. to 1920 .... .1102 
 
 Five Time Charts of the World's Affairs from 1000 B.C. to 
 
 A.D. 1920 1122 
 
 lOTJKX . . . 1127 
 
LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Life in the Early Palaeozoic 9 
 
 Time Cliart from earliest life to present age 11 
 
 Life in the Later Palseozoic Age 16 
 
 Australian Lung Fish . . .22 
 
 Some Keptiles of the Later Paleozoic Age 23 
 
 Some Mesozoic Reptiles . . . . . ■. . . .27 
 
 Later Mesozoic Reptiles . 30 
 
 Pterodactyls and Archaeopteryx . . ' 31 
 
 Hesperornis 35 
 
 Some Oligocene Mammals . . . . . • • • .39 
 Miocene Mammals . . . ...... .41 
 
 Time Diagram of the Glacial Ages • .47 
 
 Early Pleistocene Animals, contemporary with Earliest Man . . 48 
 
 The Sub-Man Pithecanthropus 49 
 
 Map of Europe and Western Asia 50,000 Years Ago .... 56 
 
 Neanderthal Man 58 
 
 Early Stone Implements . . . ... . . .60 
 
 Australia and the Western Pacific in the Glacial Age ... 62 
 
 Cro-magnon Man ^^ 
 
 Europe and Western Asia in the Later Palaeolithic Age ... 68 
 
 Reindeer Age Articles ®^ 
 
 A Reindeer Age Masterpiece . . . . ■• . • .72 
 
 Reindeer Age Engravings and Carvings 73 
 
 Neolithic Implements . . "^ 
 
 Pottery from Lake Dwellings . . . • • • ' ' ^^ 
 
 Hut Urns ' " os 
 
 A'Meahir of the Neolithic Period . . . . . . . ' . 98 
 
 •Bronze Age Implements . . . .■.-.. . . 1 i 
 
 Diagram showing the Duration of the' Neolithic Period . . .' 103 
 
 Heads of Australoid Types "^ 
 
 Bushwoman 
 
 Negro Types ' ' 113 
 
 Mongolian Types • * -nq 
 
 Caucasian Types 
 
 Map of Europe, Asia, Africa 15,000 Years Ago ..... 114 
 
 The Swastika ]]^ 
 
 Belationship of Human Races (Diagrammatic Summary) . . .lib 
 
 xvii 
 
XVIU 
 
 LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 FAQB 
 
 Possible Belationship of Languages 122 
 
 Racial Types (after ChampoUion) 128 
 
 The Cradle of Western Civilization 133 
 
 Sumerian Warriors in Phalanx 136 
 
 Assyrian Warrior (temp. Sargon II) 139 
 
 Time Chart 6000 B.C. to A.D. 142 
 
 Egyptian Hippopotamus Goddess 143 
 
 The Cradle of Chinese Civilization (Map) 149 
 
 Boats on Nile, 2500 b.c ' 1S7 
 
 Egyptian Ship on Eed Sea, 1250 b.o. 158 
 
 -SIgean Civilization (Map) . . . 160 
 
 A Votary of the Snake Goddess 161 
 
 American Indian Picture-Writing 171 
 
 Egyptian Gods — Set, Anubis, Typhon, Bes 179 
 
 Egyptian Gods — ^Thoth-lunus, Hathor, Chnemu ..... 182 
 
 An Assyrian King and his Chief Minister 186 
 
 Pharaoh Chephren 190 
 
 Pharaoh Eameses III as Osiris (Sarcophagus relief) . . . 192 
 
 Pharaoh Akhnaton . . .194 
 
 Egyptian Peasants (Pyramid Age) .,■..... 199 
 
 Brawl among Egyptian Boatmen (Pyramid Age) . . . ; 201 
 
 Egyptian Social Types (from Tombs) 203 
 
 The Land of the Hebrews 219 
 
 Aryan-speaking Peoples 1000-500 B.C. (Map) 237 
 
 Combat between Menelaus and Hector 246 
 
 Archaic Horses and Chariots 247 
 
 Hellenic Races 1000-800 B.C. (Map) 253 
 
 Greek Sea Fight, 550 B.C. 254 
 
 Atheniaa Warship, 400 b.c 257 
 
 Scythian Types 269 
 
 Median and Second Babylonian Empires (in Nebuchadnezzar's Reign) 270 
 
 The Empire of Darius 276 
 
 Wars of the Greeks and Persians (Map) 280 
 
 Athenian Foot-soldier 282 
 
 Persian Body-guard (from Frieze at Susa) 286, 
 
 The World according to Herodotus 287 
 
 Athene of the Parthenon 296 
 
 Philip of Macedon 311 
 
 Growth of Macedonia under Philip 313 
 
 Macedonian Warrior (Bas-relief from Pella) ..... 316 
 
 Campaigns of Alexander the Great ....... 323 
 
 Alexander the Great 333 
 
 Break-up of Alexander's Empire 335 
 
 Seleucus I 336 
 
LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS xk 
 
 Later State of Alexander's Empire 339 
 
 The World according to Eratosthenes, 200 B.o 344 
 
 The Known World, 250 b.c , 346 
 
 lais and Horua 35I 
 
 Serapis 352 
 
 The Rise of Buddhism . 358 
 
 Hariti 366 
 
 Chinese Image of Kuan-yin 369 
 
 The Spread of Buddhism 370 
 
 Indian Gods — Vishnu, Brahma, Siva 374 
 
 Indian Gods — ^Krishna, Kali, Ganesa 377 
 
 The Western Mediterranean, 800-600 u.c 381 
 
 Early Latium 382 
 
 Burning the Dead: Etruscan Ceremony 384 
 
 Statuette of a Gaul 385 
 
 Ronian Power after the Sanmitc Wars 386 
 
 Italy after 275 B.c • . ... 387 
 
 Koman Coin Celehrating the Victory over Pyrrhus .... 389 
 
 Mercury 391 
 
 Carthaginian Coins 400 
 
 Boman As ...'. 404 
 
 Rome and its Alliances, 150 B.c 414 
 
 Gladiators 421 
 
 ■ Roman Power, 50 B.O. 438 
 
 Julius Caesar ... 442 
 
 Roman Empire at Death of Augustus 448 
 
 Roman Empire in ■ Time of Trajan 453 
 
 Asia and Europe: Life of the Period (Map) 471 
 
 Central Asia, 200-100 b.c. 477 
 
 Tracks of Migrating and Raiding Peoples, a.d. 1.-700 . . . .483 
 
 Eastern Roman Empire 488 
 
 Constantinople (Map to show value of its position) .... 490 
 
 Galilee 495 
 
 Map of Europe, a.d. 500 529 
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Sassanids ...... 541 
 
 Asia Minor, Syria and Mesopotamia 543 
 
 Ephthalite Coin . . , 549 
 
 Chinese Empire, Tang Dynasty 552 
 
 Yuan Chwang's Route from China to India 562 
 
 Arabia and Adjacent Couptries 569 
 
 The Beginnings of Moslem Power 583 
 
 The Growth of Moslem Pov/er in 25 Years 587 
 
 The Moslem Empire, A.D. 750 590 
 
 Europe, a.d. 600 609 
 
XX LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATION'S 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Frankish DominionB in the Time of Charles Martei ' . . . .611 
 
 England, a.d. 640 ' . . . • .615 
 
 England, a.d. 878 . . . 617 
 
 Europe at the Death of Charlemagne 620 
 
 France at the Close of 10th Century 629 
 
 Empire of Otto the Great 633 
 
 The Coming of the Seljuks (Map) 634 
 
 The First Crusade (Map) 641 
 
 Europe and Asia, 1200 668 
 
 Empire of Jengis Khan, 1227 . . ' 671 
 
 Travels of Marco Polo 676 
 
 Ottoman Empire, 1453 684 
 
 Ottoman Empire, 1566 686 
 
 Empire of Timurlane . . . . ' 692 
 
 Europe at the Fall of Constantinople 701 
 
 "We have the payne . . ." John Ball's Speech . , . . . .714 
 
 Ignatii^ of Loyola '^22 
 
 European Trade Icoutes in the 14th Century 738 
 
 The Chief Voyages' of Exploration up to 1522 . . . . 745 
 
 Mexico and Peru 748 
 
 Switzerland 753 
 
 Europe in the Time of Charles V 756 
 
 Martin Luther 757 
 
 Francis I 759 
 
 Henry VIII 760 
 
 Charles V 761 
 
 Central Europe, 1648 784 
 
 Louis XIV 787 
 
 Europe in 1714 790 
 
 The Partitions of Poland 800 
 
 Britain, France and Spain in America, 1750 804 
 
 Chief Foreign Settlements in India, 17th Century .... 807 
 
 India in 1750 810 
 
 American Colonies, 1760 830 
 
 Boston in 1775 837 
 
 U.S.A. in 1790 .841 
 
 The U.S.A., showing Dates of the Chief Territorial Extensions . . 845 
 
 Benjamin Franklin g4g 
 
 George Washington 850 
 
 The Flight to Varennes (Map) 867 
 
 North Eastern Frontier of France, 1792 874 
 
 Napoleon's Egyptian Campaign 89j 
 
 Napoleon as Emperor qq^ 
 
 Tsar Alexander 1 _ _ gQg 
 
LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS xxi 
 
 Napoleon's Empire, 1810 908 
 
 Trail of Napoleon 912 
 
 Europe after the Congress of Vienna 918 
 
 Tlie Natural Political Map of Europe 921 
 
 Tribal gods of the 19th Century 961 
 
 Map of Europe, 1848-1871 966 
 
 Italy, 1861 967 
 
 Bismarck 970 
 
 The Balkans, 1878 974 
 
 Comparative Maps of Asia under different projections . . . 976 
 
 The British Empire in 1815 978 
 
 Africa in the Middle of 19th Century 985 
 
 Africa, 1914 986 
 
 Japan and the East Coast of Asia 995 
 
 Overseas Empires of European Powers, 1914 999 
 
 Emperor William II 1006 
 
 Ireland 1016 
 
 The Balkan States, 1913 . 1024 
 
 The Original German Plan, 1914 . . . . , . . .1035 
 
 The Western Front, 1915-18 1039 
 
 Time Chart of the Great War, 1914-18 1052-53 
 
 President Wilson 1066 
 
 M. Clemenceau 1067 
 
 Mr. Lloyd George 1068 
 
 Germany after the Peace Treaty, 1919 1075 
 
 The Turkish Treaty, 1920 1077 
 
 The Break-up of Austria-Hungary 1079 
 
 Time Chart 1000 B.C.-300 b.c 1122 
 
 400 B.C.-A.D. 300 1123 
 
 A.D. 200-A.D. 900 1124 
 
 " " A.D. 800-A.D. 1500 1125 
 
 « « A.D. 1220-A.D. 1920 1126 
 
,THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 THE EAKTH m SPACE AND TIME 
 
 THE earth on which we live is a spinning globe. Vast 
 though it seems to us, it is a mere speck of matter in 
 the greater vastness of space. 
 
 Space is, for the most part, emptiness. At great intervals 
 there are in this emptiness flaring centres of heat and . light, 
 the "fixed stars." They are all moving about in space, not- 
 withstanding that they are called fixed stars, but for a long 
 time men did not realize their motion. They are so vast and 
 at such tremendous distances that their motion is not per- 
 ceived. Only in the course of many thousands of years is it 
 appreciable. These fixed stars are so far off that, for all their 
 immensity, they seem to be, even when we look at them through 
 the most powerful telescopes, mere points of light, brighter 
 or less bright. A few, however, when we turn a telescope upon 
 them, are seen to be whirls and clouds of shining vapour 
 which we call nebulse. They are so far off that a movement of 
 millions of miles would be imperceptible. 
 
 One star, however, is so near to us that it is like a great ball 
 of flame. This one is the sun. The sun is itself in its nature 
 like a fixed, star, but it differs from the other fixed stars in 
 appearance because it is beyond comparison nearer than they 
 are ; and because it is nearer men have been able to learn some- 
 thing of its nature. Its mean distance from the earth is 
 ninety-three million miles. It is a mass of flaming matter, hav- 
 ing a diameter of 866,000 miles. Its bulk is a million and 
 a quarter times the bulk of our earth. 
 
 These are difficult figures for the imagination. If a bullet 
 fired from a Maxim gun at the sun kept its muzzle velocity 
 unimpaired, it would take seven years to reach the sun. And 
 
 1 
 
2 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 yet we say the sun is near, measured by the scale of the stars. 
 If the earth were a small ball, one inch in diameter, the sun 
 would be a globe of nine feet diameter; it would fill a small 
 bedroom. It is spinning round on its axis, but since it is an in- 
 candescent fluid, its polar regions do not travel with the same 
 velocity as its equator, the surface of which rotates in about 
 twenty-five days. The surface visible to us consists of clouds 
 of incandescent metallic vapour. At what lies below we can 
 only guess. So hot is the sun's atmosphere that iron, nickel, 
 copper, and tin are present in it in a gaseous state. About 
 it at great distances circle not only our earth, but certain 
 kindred bodies called the planets. These shine in the sky 
 because they reflect the light of the sun ; they are near enough 
 for us to note their movements quite easily. ITight by night 
 their positions change with regard to the fixed stars. 
 
 It is well to understand how empty is space. If, as we have 
 said, the sun were a ball nine feet across, our earth would, in 
 proportion, be the size of a one-inch ball, and at a distance 
 of 323 yards from the sun. The moon would be a speck the 
 size of a small pea, thirty inches from the earth. Nearer 
 to the sun than the earth would be two other very similar specks, 
 the planets Mercury and Venus, at a distance of 125 and 250 
 yards respectively. Beyond the earth would come the planets 
 Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune, at distances of 
 500, 1,680, 3,000, 6,000, and 9,500 yards respectively. There 
 would also be a certain number of very much smaller specks, 
 flying about amongst these planets, more particularly a num- 
 ber called the asteroids circling between Mars and Jupiter, 
 and occasionally a little puff of more or less luminous vapour 
 and dust would drift into the system from the almost limit- 
 less emptiness beyond. Such a puff is what we call a comet. 
 All the rest of the space about us and around us and for un- 
 fathomable distances beyond is cold, lifeless, and void. The 
 nearest fixed star to us, on this minute scale, be it remem- 
 bered — ^the earth as a one-inch ball, and the moon a little pea — 
 would be over 40,000 miles away. Most of the fixed stars we 
 see would still be scores and hundreds of millions of miles away. 
 
 The science that tells of these things and how men have 
 come to know about them is Astronomy, and to books of 
 astronomy the reader must go to learn more about the sun and 
 
TRE EARTH l^ SP^CE AND TIJVIE 3 
 
 stars. The science and degcription Off th.e world on which we 
 live are called respectively Geology and Geography. 
 
 The diameter of our world is a little under 8,000 miles. Its 
 surface is rough, the more projecting parts of the roughness 
 are mountains, and in the hollows of its surface there is a 
 film of water, the oceans and seas. This film of water is about 
 five miles thick at its deepest part — that is to say, the deepest 
 oceans have a depth of five miles. This is very little in com- 
 parison with the bulk of the world. 
 
 About this sphere is a thin covering of air, the atmosphere. 
 As we ascend in a balloon or go up a mountain from the level 
 of the sea-shore the air is continually less dense, until at last it 
 becomes so thin that it cannot support life. At a height of 
 twenty miles there is scarcely any air at all — not one hun- 
 dredth part of the density of air at the* surface of the sea. The 
 highest point to which a bird can fly is about four miles up — ■ 
 the condor, it is said, can struggle up to that ; but most small 
 birds and insects which are carried up by aeroplanes or bal- 
 loon^ drop off insensible at a much lower level, and the greatest 
 height to which any mountaineer has ever climbed is under 
 five miles. Men have flown in aeroplanes to a height of over 
 four miles, and balloons with men in them have reached very 
 nearly seven miles, but at the cost of considerable physical 
 suffering. Small experimental balloons, containing not men, 
 but recording instruments, have gone as high as twenty-two 
 miles. 
 
 It is in the upper few hundred feet of the crust of the earth, 
 in the sea, and in the lower levels of the air below four miles 
 that life is found. We do not know of any life at all except in 
 these films of air and water upon our planet. So far as we 
 kno^y, all the rest of space is as yet without life. Scientific 
 men have discussed the possibility of life, or of some process 
 of a similar kind, occurring upon such kindred bodies as the 
 planets Venus and Mars. But they point merely to question- 
 able possibilities. 
 
 Astronomers and geologists and those who study physics 
 have been able to tell us something of the origin and history 
 of the earth. They consider that, vast ages ago, the sun was a 
 spinning, flaring mass of matter, not yet concentrated into a 
 compast centre of heat and light, considerably larger than it is 
 now, and spinning very much faster, and that as it whirled, 
 
4 . THE OUTLINE OF HIST^OBY 
 
 a series of fragments -detaehed themselves from it, which. lie- 
 came the planets. Our earth is one of these planets. , The 
 flaring mass that was the material of the earth broke into two 
 masses as it spun; a larger, the earth itself, and a smaller, 
 which is now the dead, still moon. Astronomers give us- con- 
 vincing reasons for supposing that sun and earth and moon 
 and all that system were then whirling about at a speed much 
 greater than the speed at which they are moving to-day, and 
 that' at first our earth was a flaming thing upon which no 
 life could live. The way in which they have reached these 
 conclusions is by a very beautiful and interesting series of 
 observations and reasoning, too long and elaborate for us to 
 deal with here. But they oblige us to believe that the sim, 
 incandescent though it is, is now much cooler than it was, 
 and that it spins more slowly now than it did, and that it 
 continues to. cool and slow down. And they also show that 
 the rate at which the earth spins is diminishing and con- 
 tinues to diminish — ^that is to say, that our day is growing 
 longer and longer j and that the heat at the centre of the earth 
 wastes slowly. There was a time when the day was not a half 
 and not a third of what it is to-day; when a blazing hot sun, 
 much greater than it is now, must have moved visibly — ^had 
 there been an eye to mark it— from its rise to its setting 
 across the skies. There will be a time when the day will be 
 as long as a year is now, and the cooling sun, shorn of its beams, 
 will hang motionless in the heavens. 
 
 It must have been in dstys of a much hotter sun, a far 
 swifter- day and night, high tides, great heat,, tremendous 
 storms and earthquakes, that life, of which we are a part, begaii 
 upon the world. The moon also was nearer and brighter in 
 those days and had a changing face. 
 
n 
 
 THE RECORD OF THE ROCKS 
 ^'1. The First Living Things. § 2. How OU Is -the World? 
 
 § 1 
 
 WE do not know how life began upon the earth.^ 
 Biologists,,, that is to say, students of life, have 
 made guesses about these beginnings, but we will 
 not discuss theni here. Let us only note that they all agree 
 that life began where the tides of those swift days spread and 
 receded over the steaming beaches of mud and sand. 
 > The atmosphere was much denser then, usually great cloM 
 masses obscured the sun, frequent storms darkened the heavens. 
 The land of those days, upheaved by violent volcanic forces, 
 -was. a barren land, without vegetation, without soil. The 
 almost .incees,ant rain7Storrns. swept, down upon it, and rivers 
 .and. torrents ■ .ca.rri.ed. ..great loads ,of seclimesnt out 'to sea,' to 
 become muds that hardened later into slates and' shales/ and 
 sandsu. that, became sandstones.. The geologists have' studied 
 the whole accum.u.lfttign of these .pediments, as it remains to- 
 day, ..from those ..of the earliest ages to the most recent. Of 
 course the oldegj, deposits are the most distorted and changed 
 and worn, an,d in them there, is now no certain trace to be 
 found: of life at all. Probably the earliest forms of life were 
 small and soft, leaving no evid.enee of their existence' behind 
 
 'Here iii this history of life we are doing our best to give only known 
 and established facts in the broadest way, and to reduce to' a minimum 
 the speculative element that must necessarily enter into our account. The 
 reader who 1b curious upon this question of life's beginning will find a very 
 good.-summary .of ,current suggestions done by Professor L. L. Woodruff 
 in. President Lull's exce.llent compilation The Evolution of the Earths (YaXe 
 University Ptess);' Professor H. F. Osborn's Origin and Evolution of. Life 
 is-also avery .dgorous-and suggestive book upon -this subject, but it de- 
 mands .a fair knowl^dge of physics and chemistry. Two very stimulating 
 essays for the ktudent"a.T'e A. H. Church's SotcmtdoJ MemoirB. NoolSS, 
 -els'.' -tlliiv;- Press.' ' -•" ' ---'•.-• . ....,■,.. . . , 
 
(B THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 them. It was only when some of these living things developied 
 skeletons and shells of lime and suoh-like hard material that 
 they left fossil vestiges after they died, and so put themselves 
 on record for examination. 
 
 The literature of geology is very largely an account of the 
 fossils that are fofiifd ifl thy r'ocks, aifd of tHe order in which 
 Uyfeir'^ kfter layers of rtoclii lid bnti on tooifier. Th^ very 
 olde'at i^dckg must have Ijeell formed before there was ariy sea 
 at sllf .when the earth was iao hot for a sea id exist, ktii when 
 the Wate thai iS fiow sea was kn atliiospliere of sfeam mixed with 
 the air. tt'S highet levels were dense with clouds, from which 
 a hot rain fell towards the roeks below, to be eonve!rted again 
 into Steam long before it reached their incandescence. Be- 
 low this steam atmosphere the molten world-stuff solidified ias 
 the first rocks. These first rocks must have solidified as a 
 cake over glowing liquid material beneath, much as cooling 
 lava does. They must have appeared first aa crusts and 
 clinkers. They must have been constantly remelted and re- 
 crystallized before any thickness of them became permanently 
 solid. The name of Fundamental Gneiss is given to a great 
 underlying system of crystalline rocks which probably formed 
 age by age as this hot youth of the world drew to its close. 
 THe scenery of the world in the days when the Fundamental 
 Gneiss was formed must Have been more like the interior of a 
 fiiriiace thttn anything else to be fburid ttpdn earth at the pres- 
 ent time. 
 
 After long ages the steam in the atmrtsi^here beg;an also to 
 condense ahd fkll right down tb ^arthj poufiiig at la^^ over 
 theS"^ warm liriitiordial tdckS iji riiriilets df hot watgl* arid 
 gdtHei-irig iri depressions as peels arid lake^ ahd the flr^t sfes. 
 Into those seas the streams that poured over the rocks' brbc'ght 
 with them dust and particles to form a sediment, and this sedi- 
 ment accumulated in layers. Or as geologists call them, strata, 
 and formed the first Sedimentary Rocks. Those earliest s'edi^ 
 mentary rocks sank into depressions and were covered by 
 others; they were bent, tilted upj and torn by great volcanic 
 disturbances and by tidal strains that swept through the rocky 
 crust of the earth. We find these first sedimentary rocks still 
 coming to the surface of the land here arid there, either not 
 covered by later strata or exposed after vast ages of conc^al- 
 ment by the weairing off of the rock that covered them iaier — 
 
THE RECORD OF THE ROCKS 7 
 
 there are great surfaces of them in Canada especially; they 
 are cleft and bent, partially remelted, recryatallized, hardened 
 and compressed, but rect^izable for what they are. And 
 they contain no single certain trace of life at all. They are 
 frequently called Azoic (lifeless) Eocks. But since in some 
 of these earliest sedimentary rocks a substance called graphite 
 (black lead) occurs, and also red and black oxide of iron, and 
 since it is asserted that these substances need the activity of 
 living things for their production, which may or may not be 
 the case, some geologists prefer to call these earliest sedi- 
 mentary rocks ArchoBozoic (primordial life). They suppose 
 that the first life was soft living matter that had no shells or 
 skeletons or any such structure that could remain as a recog- 
 nizable fossil after its death, and that its chemical influence 
 caused the deposition of graphite and iron oxide. This is pure 
 guessing, of course, and there is at least an equal probability 
 that in the time of formation of the Azoic Eocks, life had 
 not yet begun. 
 
 Overlying or overlapping these Azoic or Archseozoic rocks 
 come others, manifestly also very ancient and worn, which do 
 contain traces of life. These first remains are of the simplest 
 description ; they are the vestiges of simple plants called algae, 
 or marks like the tracks made by worms in the sea mud. There 
 are also the skeletons of the microscopic creatures called Eadio- 
 laria. This second series of rocks is called the Proterozoic (be- 
 ginning of life) series, and marks a long age in the world's 
 history. Lying over and above the Proterozoic rocks is a third 
 series, which is found to contain a considerable number and 
 variety of traces of living things. First comes the evidence 
 of a diversity of shellfish, crabs, and such-like crawling 
 things, worms, seaweeds, and the like ; then of a multitude of 
 fishes and of the beginnings of land plants and land creatures. 
 These rocks are called the Palaeozoic (ancient life) rocks. 
 They mark a vast era, during which life was slowly spreading, 
 increasing, and developing in the sea^ of our world. Through 
 long ages, through the earliest Palaeozoic time, it was no more 
 than a proliferation of such swimming and creeping things 
 in the water. There were creatures called trilobites ; they were 
 crawling things like big sea woodlice that were probably re- 
 lated to the American king-crab of to-day. There were also 
 sea scorpions, the prefects of that ear}y world. The individuals 
 
8 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of feertain species of these were nine feet long. These were 
 the very highest sorts of life. There, were abundant different 
 sorts of an order of shellfish called brachiopods, . There were 
 plant animals, rooted and joined together like plants, and loose 
 weeds that waved in the waters. 
 
 It was not a display of life to excite our imaginations. There 
 was nothing that ran or flew or even swam swiftly or skiKuUy, 
 Except for the size of some of the creatures, it was. not very 
 different from, and rather less various than, the kind of lifi 
 a student would gather from any summer-time ditch nowadays 
 for microscopic examination. Such was the life of the shallow 
 sieas through a hundred million years or more in the early 
 Palaeozoic period. The land during that time was apparently 
 absolutely barren. We find no trace nor hint of land lifa 
 Everything that lived in those days lived under water for most, 
 or all of its life. 
 
 Between the formation of these Lower Palaeozoic rocks in 
 which the sea scorpion and trilobite ruled, and our own time, 
 there have intervened almost immeasurable ages, represented 
 by layers and masses of sedimentary rocks. There axe first 
 the Upper Palaeozoic rocks, and above these the geologists dis- 
 tinguish two great divisions. Next above the Palaeozoic come 
 the Mesozoic (middle life) rocks, a second vast system of fossil- 
 bearing rocks, representing perhaps a hundred millions of 
 swift years, and containing a wonderful array of fossil re- 
 mains, bones of giant reptiles and the like, which we will pres- 
 ently describe ; and above these again are the Cainozoic (recent 
 life) rocks, a third great volume in the history of life, an un- 
 finished volume of which the sand and mud that was carried 
 out to sea yesterday by the rivers of the world, to bury the bones 
 and scales and bodies and tracks that will become at last fossils of 
 the things of to-day, constitute the last written leaf. 
 
 These markings and fossils in the rocks and the rocks them- 
 selves are our first historical documents. The history of life 
 that men have puzzled out and are still puzzling out from them 
 is called the Eecord of the Rocks, By studying this record 
 men are slowly piecing together a story of life's beginnings, 
 and of the beginnings of our kind, of which our ancestors a 
 century or so ago had no suspicion. But when we call these 
 rocks and the fossils a record and a history, it must not be 
 supiposed that there is any sign of an orderly keeping of a 
 
THE RECORD OF THE ROCKS 
 
10 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 record. It is merely that whatever happens leaves some trace, 
 if only we are intelligent enough to detect the meaning of that 
 trace. 'Not are the rocks of the world in orderly layers one 
 above the other, convenient for men to read. They are not 
 like the books and pages of a library. They are torn, dis- 
 rupted, interrupted, flung about, defaced, like a carelessly ar- 
 ranged office after it has experienced in succession a bombard- 
 ment, a hostile military occupation, looting, an earthquake, 
 riots, and a fire. And so it is that for countless generations 
 this Record of the Eocks lay unsuspected beneath the feet 
 of men. Fossils were known to the Ionian Greeks in the sixth 
 century b.c, they were discussed at Alexandria by Eratos- 
 thenes and others in the third century B.C., a discussion which 
 is summarised in Strabo's Geography ( ?20-10 B.C.). They 
 were known to the Latin poet Ovid, but he did not understand 
 their nature. He thought they were the first rude efforts of 
 creative power. They were noted by Arabic writers in the 
 tenth century. Leonardo da Vinci, who lived so recently as 
 the opening of the sixteenth century (1452-1519), was one 
 of the first Europeans to grasp the real significance of fossils, 
 and it has been only within the last century and a half that 
 man has begun the serious and sustained deciphering of these 
 long-neglected early pages of his world's history. 
 
 § 2. 
 
 Speculations about geological time vary enormously. Esti- 
 mates of the age of the oldest rocks by geologists and 
 astronomers starting from different standpoints have varied 
 between 1,600,000,000, and 25,000,000. That the period of 
 time has been vast, that it is to be counted by scores and pos- 
 sibly by hundreds of millions of years, is the utmost that can 
 be said with certainty in the matter. It is quite open to the 
 reader to divide every number in the appended time diagram 
 by ten or multiply it by two; no one can gainsay him. Of 
 the relative amount of time as between one age and another 
 we have, however, stronger evidence; if the reader cuts down 
 the 800,000,000 we have given here to 400,000,000, then he 
 must reduce the 40,000,000 of the Cainozoic to 20,000,000. 
 And be it noted that whatever the total sum may be, most 
 geologists are in agreement that half or more than half of the 
 
THE RECORD OF THE ROCKS 
 
 11 
 
 whole of geological time had passed before life had developed 
 to ike Later Palmozoic level. The reader reading quickly 
 through these opening chapters may be apt to think of them 
 
 roQO 
 
 'S/so 
 
 600, 
 
 %0 ^ ' 
 
 t^4 " 
 
 > Azottf or Archaeosottf 
 
 ^ossihh -wi&iovtt U& cctaR 
 
 If/tdioixb' vLffiiZe traces df lonxia steads 
 ura. 3a» cP^PcxaxaalxxxLae.,Jeij^ ■RskiT' 
 Green, Sctaci caicL liia. Ixka 
 
 ' Se&m -Ae appeartaiea. oPamf vertiirais. 
 
 aiaauJsOjge. of Sea Scairpiaas if TxiiotniM. 
 
 "haa oP'ReMjes. 
 
 }CiaxiOZOVC ^^ioa c^Mxmmdls, C^vass, & 
 LcccidL 'Farasts. 
 
 as a mere swift prelude of preparation to the apparently much 
 longer history that follows, but in reality that subsequent his- 
 tory is longer only because it is more detailed and more in- 
 teresting to us. It looms larger in perspective. For ages 
 that stagger the imagination this earth spun hot and lifeless, 
 
12 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and again for ages of equal vastness it held no life above the 
 level of the animalculse in a drop of ditch-water. 
 
 Not only is Space from the point of view of life and human- 
 ity empty, but Time is empty also. Life is like a little glow, 
 scarcely kindled yet, in these void immensities. 
 
Ill 
 
 NATUEAL SELECTION AND THE CHANGES 
 OF SPECIES 
 
 NOW here it will be well to put plainly certain general 
 facts about this new thing, life, that was creeping in 
 thei shallow waters and intertidal muds of the early 
 Palaeozoic period, and which is perhaps confined to our planet 
 alone in all the immensity of space. 
 
 Life differs from all things whatever that are without life 
 in certain general aspects. There are the most wonderful dif- 
 ferences among living things to-day, but all living things past 
 and present agree in possessing a certain power of growth, all 
 living things tdke nourishment, all living things wMve about 
 as they feed and grow, though the movement be no more 
 than the spread of roots through the soil, or of branches in the 
 air. Moreover, living things reprpduce; they give rise to 
 other living things, either by growing and then dividing or 
 by means of seeds or spores or eggs or other ways of producing 
 young. Reproduction is a characteristic of life. 
 
 No living thing goes on living for ever. There seems to 
 be a limit of growth for every kind of living thing. Among 
 very small and simple living things, such as that microscopic 
 blob of living matter the Anuxba, an individual may grow and 
 then divide completely into 1;wo new individuals, which again 
 may divide in their turn. Many other microscopic creatures 
 live actively for a time, grow, and then become quiet and 
 inactive, enclose themselves in an outer covering and break 
 up wholly into a number of still smaller things, spores, which 
 are released and scattered and again grow into the likeness 
 of their parent. Among more complex creatures the reproduc- 
 tion is not usually such simple division, though division does 
 occur even in the case of many creatures big enough to be 
 visible to the unassisted eye. But the rule with almost all 
 
 13 
 
14 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 larger beings is that the individual grows up to a certain limit 
 of size. Then, before it becomes unwieldy, its growth declines 
 and stops. As it reaches its full size it matures, it begins to 
 produce young, which are either bom alive or hatched from 
 eggs. But all of its body does not produce young. Only a 
 special part does that. After the individual has lived and 
 produced offspring for some time, it ages and dies. It does 
 so by a sort of necessity. There is a practical limit to its 
 life as well as to its growth. These things are as true of plants 
 as they are of animals. And they are not true of things that 
 do not live. Non-living things, such as crystals, grow, but 
 they, have no set limits of growth or size, they do not move of 
 their own accord and there is no stir within thenw Crystals 
 once formed may last unchanged for millions of years. There 
 is no reprodiiction for any non-living thing. 
 
 This growth and dying and reproduction of living things 
 leads to some very wonderful consequences. The young which 
 a living thing produces are either directly, or after some inter- 
 mediate stages and changes (such as the changes of a cater- 
 pillar and butterfly), like the parent living thing. But they 
 are never exactly like it or like each other. There is always 
 a slight difference, which we speak of as individvulity. A 
 thousand butterflies this year may produce two or three thou- 
 sand next year; these latter will look to us almost exactly 
 like their predecessors, but each one will have just that slight 
 difference. It is hard for us to see individuality in butter- 
 flies because we do not observe them very closely, but it is easy 
 for us to see it in men. All the men and women in the world 
 now are descended from the men and women of a.d. 1800, but 
 not one of us now is exactly the same as one of that vanished 
 generation. And what is true of men and butterflies is true 
 of every sort of living thing, of plants as of animals. Every 
 species changes all its individualities in each generation. That 
 is true of all the minute creatures that swarmed and repro- 
 duced and died in the Archseozoic and Proterozoic seas, as it is 
 of men to-day. 
 
 Every species of living things is continually dying and 
 being born again, as a multitude of fresh individuals. 
 
 Consider, then, what must happen to a new-born generation 
 of living things of any species. Some of the individuals will 
 be stronger or sturdier or better suited to succeed in life in 
 
NATURAL SELECTION 15 
 
 some way than the rest, many individuals will be weaker or 
 less suited. In particular single cases any sort of luck or 
 accident may occur, but on the whole the better equipped in- 
 dividuals will live and grow up and reproduce themselves and 
 the weaker will as a rule go under. The latter will be' less able 
 to get food, to fight their enemies and pull through. So that 
 in each generation- there is as it were a picking over of a 
 species, a picking out of most of the weak or unsuitable and 
 a preference for the strong and suitable. This process is called 
 Natural Selection or the Survival of the Fittest.^ 
 
 It follows, therefore, from the fact that living things grow 
 and breed and die, that every species, so long as the conditions 
 under which it lives remain the same, becomes more and more 
 perfectly fitted to those conditions in every generation. 
 
 But now suppose those conditions change, then the sort of 
 individual that used to succeed may now fail to succeed and a 
 sort of individual that could not get on at all under the old 
 conditions may now find its opportunity. These species will 
 change, therefore, generation by generation; the old sort of 
 individual that used to prosper and dominate will fail and die 
 out and the new sort of individual will become the rule, — 
 until the general character of the species changes. 
 
 Suppose, for example, there is some little furry whitey- 
 brown animal living in a bitterly cold land which is usually 
 under snow. Such individuals as have the thickest, whitest 
 fur will be least hurt by the cold, less seen by their enemies, 
 and less conspicuous as they seek their prey. The fur of this 
 species will thicken and its whiteness increase with every gen- 
 eration, until there is no advantage in carrying any more fur. 
 Imagine now a change of climate that brings warmth into 
 the land, sweeps away the snows, makes white creatures glar- 
 ingly visible during the greater part of the year and thick 
 fur an encumbrance. Then every individual with a touch of 
 brown in its colouring and a thinner fur will find itself at 
 an advantage, and very white and heavy fur will be a handi- 
 cap. There will be a weeding out of the white in favour of 
 the brown in each generation. If this change of climate 
 come about too quickly, it may of course exterminate the 
 species altogether; but if it come about gradually, the species, 
 although it may have a hard time, may yet be able to change 
 ' It mig^t IJe called v?ith mgre exactn?s? the Swvivgi of the Fitter, 
 
16 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
NATURAL SELECTION H 
 
 itself and adapt itself generation by generation. This change 
 and adaptation is called the Modification of Species. 
 
 Perhaps this change of climate does not occur all over the 
 lands inhabited by the species ; maybe it occurs only on one side 
 of some great arm of the sea or some great mountain range 
 or such-like divide, and not on the other. A warm ocean cur- 
 rent like the Gulf Stream may be deflected, and flow so as 
 to warm one side of the barrier, leaving the other still cold. 
 Then on the cold side this species will still be going on to its 
 utmost possible furriness and whiteness and on the other side 
 it will be modifying towa,rds brownness and a thinner coat. 
 ,At the same time there will probably be other changes going 
 on;, a difference in the paws perhaps, because one half 
 of ,th?! species will be frequently scratching through snow for 
 it^ food, while the other will be scampering over brown earth. 
 Probably also the difference of climate will mean differences in 
 the sort of food available, and that may produce differences 
 in the teeth and the digestive organs. And there may be 
 changes in the, sweat and oil glands of the skin due to the 
 changes in the fur, and these will affect the .excretory organs 
 and all the internal chemistry of the body. And so through 
 all the structure of the creature. , A time will come when 
 the two separated varieties of this formerly single species will 
 become so unlike each other as to be recognizably different 
 species. Such a splitting up of a species in the course of gen- 
 erations into two or more species is called the Differentiation 
 of Species. 
 
 And it should be clear to the reader that given these ele 
 mental facts of life, given growth and death and reproduction 
 with individual variation in a world that changes, life must 
 change in this way, modification and differentiation mvist 
 occur, old species miist disappear, and new ones appear. We 
 have chosCTi for our instance here a familiar sort of animal, 
 but what, is true of furry beasts in snow and ice is true of 
 all life, and equally true of the soft jellies and simple be- 
 ginnings that flowed and crawled for hundreds of millions of 
 years between the tidal levels and in the shallow, warm waters 
 of the Proterozoic seas. 
 
 The early life of the early world, when the blazing sun 
 rose and set in only a quarter of the time it now takes, when 
 the warm seas poured in great tides over the sandy and 
 
18 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 muddy shores of the rocky lands and the air was full of 
 clouds and steam, must have been modified and varied and 
 species must have developed at a great pace. Life v?as prob- 
 ably as swift and short as the days and years ; the generations, 
 which natural selection picked over, followed one another in 
 rapid succession. 
 
 l!fatural selection is a slower process with man than with 
 any other creature. It takes twenty years or more before an 
 ordinary human being in western Europe grows up and re- 
 produces. In the case of most animals the new generation 
 is on trial in a year or less. With such simple and lowly be- 
 ings, however, as first appeared in the primordial seas, growth 
 and reproduction was probably a matter of a few brief hours 
 or even of a few brief minutes. Modification and differentia- 
 tion of species must accordingly have been esctremely rapid, 
 and life had already developed a great variety of widely con- 
 trasted forms before it began to leave traces in the rocks. 
 The Eecord of the Eocks does not begin, therefore, with any 
 group of closely related forms from which all subsequent and 
 esxisting creatures are descended. It begins in the midst of 
 the game, with nearly every main division of the animal 
 kingdom already represented. Plants are already plants, and 
 animals animals. The curtain rises on a drama in the sea 
 that has already begun, and has been going on for some time. 
 The brachiopods are discovered already in their shells, accept- 
 ing and consuming much the same sort of food that oysters 
 and mussels do now; the great water scorpions crawl among 
 the seaweeds, the trilobites roll up into balls and unroll and 
 scuttle away. In that ancient mud and among those early 
 weeds there was probably as rich and abundant and active 
 a life of infusoria and the like as one "finds in a drop of ditch- 
 water to-day. In the ocean waters, too, down to the utmost 
 downward limit to which light could filter, then as now, there 
 was an abundance of minute and translucent, and in many 
 cases phosphorescent, beings. 
 
 But though the ocean and intei-tidal waters already swarmed 
 with life, the land above the high-tide line was still, so .far as 
 we can guess, a stony wilderness without a trace of life. 
 
IV 
 
 THE INVASION OF THE DRY LAND BY LIFE 
 § 1. Life and Water. § 2. The Earliest Animals. 
 
 WHEREVER the shore line ran there was life, and 
 that life went on in and by and with water as its 
 home, its medium, and its fundamental necessity. 
 
 The first jeUy-like .beginnings of life must have pferished 
 whenever they got out of the water, as jelly-fish dry up and 
 perish on our beaches to-day. Drying up was the fatal thing 
 for life in those days, against which at first it had no protec- 
 tion. But in a world of rain-pools and shallow seas and tides, 
 any variation that enabled a living thing to hold out and keep 
 its moisture during hours of low tide or drought met with 
 every encouragement in the circumstances of the time. There 
 must have been a constant risk of stranding. And, on the 
 other hand, life had to keep rather near the shore and beaches 
 in the shallows because it had need of air (dissolved of course 
 in the water) and light. 
 
 No creature can breathe, no creature can digest its food, 
 without water. We talk of breathing air, but what all living 
 things really do is to breathe oxygen dissolved in water. The 
 air we ourselves breathe must first be dissolved in the moisture 
 in our lungs; and all our food must be liquefied before it 
 can be assimilated. Water-living creatures which are always 
 under water, wave the freely exposed gills by which they 
 breathe in that water, and extract tiie air dissolved in it. But 
 a creature that is to be exposed for any time out of the water 
 must have its body and its breathing apparatus protected from 
 drying up. Before the seaweeds could creep up out of the 
 Early Palaeozoic seas into the intertidal line of the beach, they 
 had to develop a tougher outer skin to hold their moisture. 
 
 19 
 
20 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Before the ancestor of the sea scorpion could survive being 
 left by the tide it had to develop its casing and armour. The 
 trilobites probably developed their tough covering and rolled 
 up into balls, far less as a protection against each other and 
 any other enemies they may have possessed, than as a precau- 
 tion against drying. And when presently, as we ascend the 
 Palaeozoic rocks, the fish appear, first of all the back-boned 
 or vertebrated animals, it is evident that a number of them 
 are already adapted by the protection of their gills with gill 
 covers and by a sort of primitive lung swimming-bladder, to 
 face the same risk of temporary stranding. 
 
 Now the weeds and plants that were adapting themselves 
 to intertidal conditions were also bringing themselves into a 
 region of brighter light, and light is very necessary and 
 precious to all plants. Any development of structure that 
 would stiffen them and hold them up to the light, so that in- 
 stead of crumping and flopping when the waters receded, they 
 would stand up outspread, was a great advantage. And so 
 we find them developing fibre and support, and the beginning 
 of woody fibre in them. The early plants reproduced by soft 
 spores, or half-animal "gametes," that were released in water, 
 were distributed by water and could only germinate under 
 water. The early plants were tied, and most lowly plants to- 
 day are tied, by the conditions of their life cycle, to water. 
 But here again there was a great advantage to be got by the 
 development of some protection of the spores from drought 
 that would enable reproduction to occur without submergence. 
 So soon as a species could do that, it could live and reproduce 
 and spread above the high-water mark, bathed in light and 
 out of reach of the beating and distre-ss of the waves. The 
 main classificatory divisions of the larger plants mark stages 
 in the release of plant life from the necessity of submergence 
 by the development of woody support and of a method of 
 reproduction that is more and more defiant of drying up. The 
 lower plants are still the prisoner attendants of water. The 
 lower mosses must live in damp, and even the development of 
 the spore of the ferns demands at certain stages extreme wet- 
 ness. The highest plants have carried freedom from water 
 so far that they can live and reproduce if only there is some 
 moisture in the soil below them. They have solved their 
 problem of living out of water altogether. 
 
THE mVASlOM Of THE DRY LAND 21 
 
 The essentials of that problem were worked out through 
 the vast aeons of the Proterozoic Age and the early Palaeozoic 
 Age by nature's method of experiment and trial. Then slowly, 
 but in great abundance, a variety of new plants began to 
 swarm away from the sea and over the lower lauds, still keep- 
 ing to swamp and lagoon and water-course as they spread. 
 
 § 2 
 
 And after the plants came the animal life. 
 
 There is no sort of land animal in the world, as there is 
 no sort of land plant, whose structure is not primarily that of 
 a water-inhabiting being which has been adapted through 
 the modification and differentiation of species to life out of the 
 water. This adaptation is attained in various ways. In the 
 case of the land scorpion the gill-plates of the primitive sea 
 scorpion are sunken into the body so as to make the lung- 
 books secure from rapid evaporation. The gills of crustaceans, 
 such as the crabs which run about in the air, are protected 
 by the gill-cover extensions of the back shell or carapace. The 
 ancestors of the insects developed a system of air pouches 
 and air tubes, the tracheal tubes, which carry the air all over 
 the body before it is dissolved. In the case of the vertebrated 
 land animals, the gills of the ancestral fish were first supple- 
 mented and then replaced by a bag-like growth from the throat, 
 the primitive lung swimming-bladder. To this day there sur- 
 vive certain mudfish which enable us to understand very clearly 
 the method hj which the vertebrated land animals worked 
 their way out of the water. These creatures (e.g. the African 
 lung fish) are found in tropical regions in which there is a 
 rainy full season and a dry season, during which the rivers 
 become mere ditches of baked mud. During the rainy season 
 these fish swim about and breathe by gills like any other fish. 
 As the waters of the river evaporate, these fish bury them- 
 selves in the mud, their gills go out of action, and the creature 
 keeps itself alive until the waters return by swallowing air, 
 which passes. into its swimming-bladder. The Australian lung 
 fish, when it is caught by the drying up of the river in stagnant 
 pools, and the water has become deaerated and foul, rises to 
 the surface and gulps air. A newt in a pond does exactly 
 the same thing. These creatures still remain at the transition 
 
^s 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 stage, the stage at which the ancestors of the higher vertebrated 
 animals were released from their restriction to an under-water 
 life. 
 
 The amphibia (frogs, newts, tritons, etc.) still show in their 
 life history all the stages in the process of this liberation. 
 They are still dependent on water for their reproduction ; their 
 eggs must be laid in sunlit water, and there they must develoj>. 
 The young tadpole has branching external gills that wave m 
 
 the water; then a 
 gill cover grows 
 back over them and 
 forms a gill cham- 
 ber. Then as the 
 creature'si legs ap- 
 pear and its tail is 
 absorbed, it begins 
 to use its lungs, and 
 its gills dwindle 
 and vanish. The 
 adult frog can live all the rest of its days in the air, but 
 it can be drowned if it is kept steadfastly below water. When 
 we come to the reptile, however, we find an egg which is pro- 
 tected from evaporation by a tough egg case, and this egg 
 produces young which breathe by lungs from the very moment 
 of hatching. The reptile is on all fours with the seeding plant 
 in its freedom from the necessity to pass any stage of its life 
 cycle in water. 
 
 The later Palaeozoic Eocks of the northern hemisphere give 
 us the materials for a series of pictures of this slow spreading 
 of life over the land. Geographibally, all round the northern 
 half of the world it was an age of lagoons and shallow seas 
 very favourable to this invasion. The new plants, now that 
 they had acquired the power to live this new aerial life, de- 
 veloped with an extraordinary richness and variety. 
 
 There were as yet no true flowering plants,^ no grasses nor 
 trees that shed their leaves in winter ; ^ the first "flora" con- 
 sisted of great tree ferns, gigantic equisetums, cycad ferns, 
 and kindred vegetation. Many of these plants took the form 
 of huge-stemmed trees, of which great multitudes of trunks 
 survive fossilized to this day. Some of these trees were over 
 'Phanerogams. 'Deciduous trees. 
 
THE INVASION OF THE DRY LAND 
 
 23 
 
 a hundred feet high, of orders and classes now vanished from 
 the world. They stood with their stems in the water, in which 
 no doubt there was a thick tangle of soft mosses and green 
 
 
 
 Gahlosaax' 
 
 J.F.H. 
 
 slime and fungoid growths that left few plain vestiges behind 
 them. The abundant remains of these first swamp forests 
 constitute the main coal measures of the world to-day. 
 
 Amidst this luxuriant primitive vegetation crawled ,and 
 glided and flew the first insects. They were rigid-winged, four- 
 winged creatures, often very big, some of them having wings 
 
84 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 measuring a foot in length. There were numerous dragon flies 
 — one found in the Belgian coal-measures had a wing span 
 of twenty-nine inches ! There were also a great variety of 
 flying cockroaches. Scorpions abounded, and a number of 
 early spiders, which, however, had no spinnerets for web mak- 
 ing. Land snails appeared; So, too, did the first-known step 
 of our own ancestry upon land, the amphibia. As we ascend 
 the higher levels of the Later Palaeozoic record, we find the 
 process of air adaptation has gone as far as the appearance of 
 true reptiles amidst the abundant and various amphibia. 
 
 The land life of the Upper Palaeozoic Age was the life of 
 a green swamp forest without flowers or birds or the noises 
 of modern insects. There were no big land beasts at all ; wal- 
 lowing amphibia and primitive reptiles were the very highest 
 creatures that life had so far produced. Whatever land lay 
 away from the water or high above the water was still alto- 
 gether barren and lifeless. But steadfastly, generation by 
 generation, life was creeping away from the shallow sea-water 
 of its beginning. 
 
V 
 
 THE AGE OF EEPTILES 
 
 § 1. The Age of Lowland Life. § 2. Flying [Dragons. 
 § 3. The First Birds. § 4. An age .of Hardship, amd^ 
 Death. § 5. The first appearance of Fur arid Feathers. 
 
 WE know that for hundreds of thousands of years the 
 wetness and ■ -warmth, the shallow lagoon • conditions 
 that made possible- the vast accumulations of vegetable 
 matter which, compressed and mummified,^ are now coal', pre- 
 vailed over most of the world. There were some cold intervals, 
 it is true; but they did not last long enough to destroy the 
 growths. Then that long age of luxuriant low-grade vegetation 
 drew to its end, and for a time life on the earth seems to have 
 undergone a period of world-wide bleakness. 
 
 We cannot dispuss fully here the changes that have gone 
 on and are going on in the climate of the earth. A great variety ' 
 of causes, astronomical movements, changes in the sun and 
 changes upon and within the earth, combine to produce a cease- ' 
 less ;fluctuation of the conditions under which life existsi As 
 these conditions change, life, tooj must change or perish. 
 
 When the story resumes again after this arrest at the end 
 of the Palaeozoic period we find life entering upon a fresh 
 phase of richness and expansion. Vegetation has made great 
 advances in the art. of living out of water. While this Palseozodc 
 plants of the coal measures probably gi'ew with swamp water 
 flowing over their roots, the Mesozoic flora from its very out- 
 set included palm-like cycads and low-grown conifers that were 
 distinctly land plants growing on soil above the water level. 
 
 'Dr. Marie Stopes, Monograph on the Constitution of Coal. 
 
 25 
 
26 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The lower levels of the Mesozoic land were no doubt covered 
 by great fern brakes and shrubby bush and a kind of jungle 
 growth of trees. But there existed as yet no grass, no small 
 flowering plants, no turf nor greensward. Probably the Mes- 
 ozoic was not an age of very brightly coloured vegetation. It 
 must have had a flora green in the wet season and brown and 
 purple in the dry. There were no gay flowers, no bright autumn 
 tints before the fall of the leaf, because there was as yet no 
 fall of the leaf. And beyond the lower levels the world was 
 still barren, still unclothed, still exposed without any mitigation 
 to the wear and tear of the wind and rain. 
 
 When one speaks of conifers in the Mesozoic the reader 
 must not think of the pines and firs that clothe the high moun- 
 tain slopes of our time. He must think of low-growing ever- 
 greens. The mountains were still as bare and lifeless as ever. 
 The only colour effects among the mountains were the colour 
 effects of naked rock, such colours as make the landscape of 
 Colorado so marvellous to-day. 
 
 Amidst this spreading vegetation of the lower plains the 
 reptiles were increasing mightily in multitude and variety. 
 They were now in many cases absolutely land animals. There 
 are numerous anatomical points of distinction between a reptile 
 and an amphibian; they held good between such reptiles and 
 amphibians as prevailed in the carboniferous time of the Upper 
 Palaeozoic; but the fundamental difference between reptiles 
 and amphibia which matters in this history is that the am- 
 phibian must go back to the water to lay its eggs, and that in 
 the early stages of its life it must live in and under water. 
 The reptile, on the other hand, has cut out all the tadpole stages 
 from its life cycle, or, to be more exact, its tadpole stages are 
 got through before the young leave the egg case. The reptile 
 has come out of the water altogether. Some had gone back to 
 it again, just as the hippopotamus and the otter among mam- 
 mals have gone back, but that is a further extension of the 
 story to which we cannot give much attention in this Outline. 
 
 In the Palaeozoic period, as we have said, life had not spread 
 beyond the swampy river valleys and the borders of sea lagoons 
 and the like; but in the Mesozoic, life was growing ever more 
 accustomed to the thinner medium of the air, was sweeping 
 boldly up over the plains and towards the hill-sides. It is well 
 for the student of human history and the human future to 
 
THE AGE OF REPTILES 
 
 27 
 
28 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 note that. If a disembodied intelligence with no knowledge 
 of the future had come to earth and studied life during the early 
 Palaeozoic age, he might very reasonably have concluded that 
 life was absolutely confined to the water, and that it could never 
 spread over the land. It found a way. In the Later Palae- 
 ozoic Period that visitant might have been equally sure that 
 life coujd not go beyond the edge of a swamp. The Mesozoic 
 Period would still have found him- setting bounds to life far 
 more limited than the bounds that, are set to-day. And so 
 to-day, though we mark how life and man are still limited to 
 five miles of air and a depth of perhaps a mile or so of sea, 
 we must not conclude from that present limitation that life, 
 through man, may not presently spread out and up and down 
 to a range of living as yet inconceivable. 
 
 The earliest known reptiles were beasts with great bellie? 
 and not very powerful legs, very like their kindred amphibia^, 
 wallowing as the crocodile wallows to this day; but in the 
 Mesozoic they soon began to stand up and go stoutly on all 
 fours, and several great sections of them begali to balance them- 
 selves on tail and hind-legs, rather as the kangaroos do now, 
 in order to release the fore limtej for grasping food. The bones 
 of one notable division of reptiles which retained a quadrupedal 
 habit, a division of which many remains have been found in 
 South African and Eussian Early Mesozoic deposits, display 
 a number of characters which approach those of the mammalian 
 skeleton, and because of this resemblance to the mammals 
 (beasts) this division is called the Theriomorpha, (beastlike). 
 Ailother division was the crocodile branch, and another devel- 
 oped towards the tortoises and turtles. The Plesiosaurs and 
 IcMhyosaurs were two groups which have left no living repre- 
 sentatives; they were huge reptiles returning to a whale-like 
 life in the sea. Pliosaurus, one of the largest plesiosaurs, 
 measured thirty feet from snout to tail tip — of which half was 
 neckj The Mosasaurs were a third group of great porpoise-like 
 marine lizards. But the largest and most diversified group of 
 these Mesozoic reptiles was the group we have spoken of as 
 )lsangaroo-like, the Dinosaurs, many of which, attained' enor- 
 mous proportions. In bigness these greater Dinosaurs have 
 never been exceeded, although the sea can still show in the 
 whales creatures as great. Some of these, and the largest 
 among them, were herbivorous animals; they browsed on the 
 
THE AGE OF REPTILES 29 
 
 rushy vegetation and among the ferns and bushes, or they stood 
 up and grasped trees with their fore-legs while they devoured 
 the foliage. Among the browsers, for example, were the 
 Diplodocus camegii, which measured eighty-four feet in length, 
 and the Atlantosaurus. The Oigantosaurus, disinterred by a 
 German expedition in 1912 from rocks in East Africa, was 
 still more colossal. It measured well oyer a hundred feet! 
 These greater monsters had legs, and they are usually figured 
 as standing up on them ; but it is very doubtful if they could 
 have supported their weight in this way, out of water. Buoyed 
 up by water or mud, they may have got along. Another note- 
 worthy type we have figured is the Triceratops. There were 
 also a number of great flesh-eaters who preyed upon these 
 herbivores. Of these, Tyrannosauriis seems almost the last 
 word in "frightfulness" among living things. Some species of 
 this genus measured forty feet from snout to tail. Appar- 
 entlyit carried this vast body kangaroo fashion on its tail and 
 hindlegs. Probably it reared itself up. Some authorities 
 even suppose that it leapt through the air. If so, it pos- 
 sessed muscles of a quite miraculous quality. A leaping 
 elephant would be a far less astounding idea. Much more 
 probably it waded half submerged in pursuit of the herbivorous 
 river saurians. 
 
 , § 3 
 
 One special development of the dinosaurian type of reptile 
 was a light, hopping, climbing group of creatures which de- 
 veloped a bat-like web between the fifth finger and the side 
 of the body, which was used in gliding from tree to tree after 
 the fashion of the flying squirrels. These bat-lizards were the 
 Pterodactyls. They are often described as flying jreptiles, and 
 pictures are drawn of Mesozoic scenery in which they are 
 seen soaring and swooping about. But their breastbone has 
 no keel such as the breastbone of a bird has for the attachment 
 of muscles strong enough for long sustained flying. They 
 must have flitted about like bats. They must have had a 
 grotesque resemblance to heraldic dragons, and they played the 
 part of bat-like birds in the Mesozoic jungles. But bird-like 
 though they were, they were not birds nor the ancestors of 
 birds. The structure of their wings was altogether different 
 from that of birds. The structure of their wings was that of 
 
30 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 a hand with one long finger and a weh; the wing of a bird 
 13 like an arm with feathers projecting from its hind edge. 
 And these Pterodactyls had no feathers. 
 
 Sovaa, ^y. 
 
 lUptilc^ 
 
 .At...... 
 
 Six-'&ctftiuia. 
 dtaxm ii) rama- ^ 
 seaJU 
 
 § 3 
 
 Far less prevalent at this time were certain other truly bird- 
 like creatures, of which the earlier sorts also hopped and 
 
THE AGE OF REPTILES 
 
 SI 
 
 clambered and the later sorts skimmed and flew. These were 
 at first — ^by all the standards of classification — Eeptiles. They 
 developed into true birds as they developed wings and as their 
 
 reptilian scales became long and complicated, fronds rather 
 than scales, and so at last, by much spreading and Splitting, 
 feathers. Feathers are the distinctive covering of birds, and 
 they give a power of resisting heat and cold far greater than 
 
32 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 that of any other integumentary covering except perhaps the 
 thickest fur. At a very early stage this , novel covering of 
 feathers, this new heat-proof contrivance that life had chanced 
 upon, enabled many species of birds to invade a province for 
 which the pterodactyl was ill equipped. They took to sea fish- 
 ing — if indeed they did not begin with it— and spread to the 
 north and south polewards beyond the temperature limits set 
 to the true reptiles. The earliest birds seem to have been car- 
 nivorous divers and water birds. To this day some of the 
 most primitive hird forms are found among the sea birds of 
 the Arctic and Antarctic seas, and it is among these sea birds 
 that zoologists still find lingering traces of teeth, which have 
 otherwise vanished completely from the beak of the bird. 
 
 The earliest known bird (the ArchoBopteryx) had no beak; 
 it had a row of teeth in a jaw like a reptile's. It had three 
 claws at the forward comer of its wing. Its tail, too, was pe- 
 culiar. All moderli birds havt their tail feathers set in a 
 short compact bony rump ; the Archoeopteryx had a long bony 
 tail with a row of feathers along each side. 
 
 ; ;~ .- § 4 
 
 ' Thi^. great period of Mesozoie life, this second volume of 
 the book of life, is indeed an amazing story of reptilian life 
 proliferating and developing. But the most striking thing of 
 all the story rcimains to be told. Eight up to the latest Meso- 
 zoic Eocks we find all these reptilian orders we have enumerated 
 still flourishing unchallenged. There is no hint of an enemy 
 or competitor to them in the relics we find of their world. 
 Then .'thie record is broken. We do not know how long a time 
 the break represents ; many pages may be missing here, pages 
 that may represent some great cataclysmal climatic change. 
 When next we find abundant traces of the. land plants and the 
 land animals of the earth, this great multitude of reptile species 
 had gone. For the most part they have left no descendants. 
 They have been "wiped out." The pterodactyls have gone ab- 
 solutely, of the plesiosaurs and ichtkyosaurs none is alive ; the 
 mosasaurs have gone; of thp lizards a few remain, the moni- 
 tors of the Dutch East Indies are the largest ; all the multitude 
 and diversity of the dinosaurs have vanished. Only the croco- 
 ,dijes and the turtles and tortoises carry on in any quantity into 
 
THE AGE OF REPTILES 33 
 
 Cainozoic times. The place of all these types in the picture that 
 the Cainozoic fossils presently unfold to us is taken by other 
 animals not closely related to the Mesozoic reptiles and cer- 
 tainly not descended from any of their ruling types. A new 
 kind of life is in possession of the world. 
 
 This apparently abrupt ending up of the reptiles is, beyond 
 all question, the most striking revolution in the whole history 
 of the earth before the coming of mankind. It is probably 
 connected with the close of a vast period of equable warm 
 conditions and the onset of a new austerer age, in which the 
 winters were bitterer and the summers brief but hot. The 
 Mesozoic life, animal and vegetable alike, was adapted to warm 
 conditions and capable of little resistance to cold. The new 
 life, on the other hand, was before all things capable of re- 
 sisting great changes of temperature. 
 
 Whatever it was that led to the extinction of the Mesozoic 
 reptiles, it was probably some very far-reaching change indeed, 
 for the life of the seas did at the same time undergo a similar 
 catastrophic alteration. The crescendo and ending of the 
 Reptiles on land was paralleled by the crescendo and ending 
 of the Ammonites, a division of creatures like squids with coiled 
 shells which swarmed in those ancient seas. All through the 
 rocky record of this Mesozoic period there is a vast multitude 
 and variety of these coiled' shells ; there are hundreds of species, 
 and towards the end of the Mesozoic period they increased in 
 diversity and produced exaggerated types. When the record 
 resumes these, too, have gone. So far as the reptiles are con- 
 cerned, people may perhaps be inclined to argue that they were 
 exterminated because the Mammals that replaced them, com- 
 peted with them, and were more fitted to survive; but nothing 
 of the sort can be true of the Ammonites, because to this day 
 their place has not been taken. Simply they are gone. Un- 
 known conditions made it possible for them to live in the 
 Mesozoic seas, and then some unknown change made life im- 
 possible for them. 'No genus of Ammonite survives to-day 
 of all that vast variety, but there still exists one isolated genus 
 very closely related to the Ammonites, the Pearly Nautilus. It 
 is found, it is to be noted, in the warm waters of the Indian 
 and Pacific oceans. 
 
 And as for the Mammals competing with and ousting the 
 less fit reptiles, a struggle of which people talk at times, there 
 
34 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 is not a scrap of evidence of any such direct competition. To 
 judge by the Record of the Rocks as we know it to-day, there 
 is much more reason for believing that first the reptiles in 
 some inexplicable way perished, and then that later on, after a 
 very hard time for all life upon the earth, the mammals, as 
 conditions became more genial again, developed and spread 
 to fill the vacant world. 
 
 "Were there mammals in the Mesozoic period? 
 
 This is a question not yet to be answered precisely. Pa- 
 tiently and steadily the geologists gather fresh evidence and 
 reason out completer conclusions. At any time some new 
 deposit may reveal fossils that will illuminate this question. 
 Certainly either mammals, or the ancestors of the mammals, 
 must have lived throughout the Mesozoic period. In the very 
 opening chapter of the Mesozoic volume of the Record there 
 were those Theriomorphous Reptiles to which we have already 
 alluded, and in the later Mesozoic a number of small jaw- 
 bones are found, entirely mammalian in character. But there 
 is not a scrap, not a bone, to suggest that there lived any 
 Mesozoic Mammal which could look a dinosaur in the face. 
 The Mesozoic mammals or mammal-like reptiles — for we do not 
 know clearly which they were — seem to have been all obscure 
 little beasts of the size of mice and rats, more like a down- 
 trodden order of reptiles than a distinct class; probably they 
 still laid eggs and were developing only slowly their distinctive 
 covering of hair. They lived away from big waters, and per- 
 haps in the desolate uplands, as marmots do now ; probably they 
 lived there beyond the pursuit of the carnivorous dinosaurs. 
 Some perhaps went on all fours, some chiefly went on their 
 hind-legs and clambered with their fore limbs. They became 
 fossils only so occasionally that chance has not yet revealed 
 a single complete skeleton in the whole vast record of the 
 Mesozoic rocks by which to check these guesses. 
 
 These little Theriomorphs, these ancestral mammals, de- 
 veloped hair. Hairs, like feathers, are long and elaborately 
 specialized scales. Hair is perhaps the clue to the salvation 
 of the early mammals. Leading liveS' upon the margin of ex- 
 istence, away from the marshes mi the warmth, they developed 
 
THE AGE OF REPTILES 
 
 35 
 
 an outer covering only second in its warmth-holding (or heat- 
 resisting) powers to the down and feathers of the Arctic sea- 
 birds. And so they held out through the age of hardship be- 
 
 jt^espi 
 
 'iVOl'lUS 
 
 (JimQitm. vuu^,z6s waite'-iird) 
 
 jr.RH. 
 
 tween the Mesozoic and Oainozoic ages, to which most of the 
 true reptiles succumbed. 
 
 All the main characteristics of this flora and sea and land 
 fauna that came to an end with the end of the Mesozoic age 
 were such as were adapted to an equable climate and to shallow 
 
86 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and swampy regions. But in the case of their Oainozoic suc- 
 cessors, both hair and feathers gave a power of resistance to 
 variable temperatures such as no reptile possessed, and with it 
 they gave a range far greater than any animal had hitherto 
 attained. 
 
 The range of life of the Lower Palaeozoic Period was con- 
 fined to warm water. 
 
 The range of life of the Upper Palaeozoic Period was con- 
 fined to warm water or to warm swamps and wet ground. 
 
 The range of life of the Mesozoic Period as we know it 
 was confined to water and fairly low-lying valley regions under 
 equable conditions. 
 
 Meanwhile in each of these periods there were types in- 
 voluntarily extending the range of life beyond the limits pre- 
 vailing in that period; and when ages of extreme conditions 
 prevailed, it was these marginal types which survived to in- 
 herit the depopulated world. 
 
 That perhaps is the most general statement we can make 
 about the story of the geological record ; it is a story of widen- 
 ing range. Classes, genera, and species of animals appear and 
 disappear, but the range widens. It widens always. Life 
 has never had so great a range as it has to-day. Life to-day, 
 in the form of man, goes higher in the air than it has ever 
 done before; man's geographical range is from pole to pole, 
 he goes under the water in submarines, he sounds the cold, 
 lifeless darkness of the deepest seas, he burrows into virgin 
 levels of the rocks, and in thought and knowledge he pierces 
 to the centre of the earth and reaches out to the uttermost star. 
 Yet in all the relics of the Mesozoic time we find no certain 
 memorials of his ancestry. His ancestors, like the ancestors 
 of all the kindred mammals, must have been creatures so rare, 
 so obscure, and so remote that they have left scarcely a trace 
 amidst the abundant vestiges of the monsters that wallowed 
 rejoicing in the steamy air and lush vegetation of the Meso- 
 zoic lagoons, or crawled or hopped or fluttered over the great 
 river plains of that time. 
 
VI 
 
 THE AGE OF MAMMALS 
 
 § 1. A New Age of Life. § 2. Tradition Comes into the- 
 World. § 3. An Age of Brain Qrowih. § 4. The World 
 Grows Hard Again. 
 
 § 1 
 
 THE third great division of the geological record, the 
 Cainozoic, opens "with a world already physically very 
 like the world we live in to-day. Probably the day 
 was at first still perceptibly shorter, but the scenery had be- 
 come very modern in its character. Climate was, of course, 
 undergoing, age by age, its incessant and irregular variations ; 
 lands that are temperate to-day have passed, since the Cainozoic 
 age began, through phases of great warmth, intense cold, and 
 extreme dryness; but the landscape, if it altered, altered to 
 nothing that cannot still be paralleled to-day in some part of 
 the world or other. In the place of the cycads, sequoias, and 
 strange conifers of the Mesozoic, the plant names that now 
 appear in the lists of fossils include birch, beech, holly, tulip 
 trees, ivy, sweet gum, bread-fruit trees. Flowers had developed 
 concurrently with bees and butterflies. Palms were now very 
 important. Such plants had already been in evidence in the 
 later levels of the (American Cretaceous) Mesozoic, but now 
 they dominated the scene altogether. Grass was becoming a 
 great fact in the world. Certain grasses, too, had appeared in 
 the later Mesozoic, but only with the Cainozoic period came 
 grass plains and turf spreading wide over a world that was 
 once barren stone. 
 
 The period opened with a long phase of considerable warmth ; 
 then the world cooled. And in the opening of this third part 
 of the record, this Cainozoic period, a gigantic crumpling of 
 
 37 
 
38 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the earth's crust and an upheaval of mountain ranges was in 
 progress. The Alps, the Andes, the Himalayas, are all Cain- 
 ozoic mountain ranges; the background of an early Cainozoic 
 scene to be typical should display an active volcano or so. It 
 must have been an age of great earthquakes. 
 
 Geologists make certain main divisions of the Cainozoic 
 period, and it will be convenient to name them here and to 
 indicate their climate. First comes the Eocene (dawn of re- 
 cent life), an age of exceptional warmth in the world's his- 
 tory, subdivided into an older and newer Eocene; then the 
 Oligocene (but little of recent life), in which the climate was 
 still equable. The Miocene (with living species still in a 
 minority) was the great age of mountain building, and the 
 general temperature was falling. In the Pliocene (more living 
 than extinct species), climate was very much as its present 
 phase; but with the Pleistocene (a great majority of living 
 species) there set in a long period of extreme conditions — i^; 
 was the Great Ice Age. Glaciers spread from the poles towards 
 the equator, until England to the Thames was covered in ice. 
 Thereafter to our own time came a period of partial recovery. 
 We may be moving now towards a warmer phase. Half a mil- 
 lion years hence this may be a much sunnier and pleasanter 
 world to live in than it is to-day. 
 
 § 2 
 
 In the forests and following the grass over the Eocene plains 
 there appeared for the first time a variety and abundance of 
 mammals. Before we proceed to any description of these mam- 
 mals, it may be well to note in general terms what a mammal is. 
 
 From the appearance of the vertebrated animals in the Lower 
 Palaeozoic Age, when the fish first swarmed out into the sea, 
 there has been a steady progressive development of vertebrated 
 creatures. A fish is a vertebrated animal that breathes by 
 gills and can live only in water. An amphibian may be de- 
 scribed as a fish that has added to its gill-breathing the power 
 of breathing air with its swimming-bladder in adult life, and 
 that has also developed limbs with five toes to them in place 
 of the fins of a fish. A tadpole is for a time a fish, it becomes 
 a land creature as it develops. A reptile is a further stage in 
 this detachment from water; it is an amphibian that is no 
 
THE AGE OF MAMMALS 
 
 3d 
 
 longer amphibious ; it passes through its tadpole stage — its fish 
 stage that is — in an egg. From the beginning it must breathe 
 in air; it can never breathe under water as a tadpole can do. 
 
 Sovac OKgpcctie jVIeutitttals' 
 
 > '\ I 
 
 _ilK.__ 
 
 Stx-^oattma 
 
 Jraxm-to 
 
 ssxac ecsLe 
 
 Tltiuumi^re 
 
 (cxarsacuiL 
 
 C^uant pig) 
 
 Uuthiili 
 
 Ixeum 
 
 (cormvorouf J 
 
 J.T'.H. 
 
 Now a modem mammal is really a sort of reptile that has de- 
 veloped a peculiarly effective protective covering, hair ; and 
 that also retains its eggs in the body until they hatch so that 
 
40 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 it brings forth living young (viviparous), and even after 
 birth it cares for them and feeds them by its mammae for a 
 longer or shorter period. Some reptiles, some vipers for ex- 
 ample, are viviparous, but none stand by their young as the real 
 mammals do. Both the birds and the mammals, which escaped 
 whatever destructive forces made an end to the Mesozoic rep- 
 tiles, and which survived to dominate the Cainozoic world, 
 have these two things in common; first, a far more effective 
 protection against changes of temperature than any other 
 variation of the reptile type ever produced, and, secondly, a 
 peculiar care for their eggs, the bird by incubation and the 
 mammal by retention, and a disposition to look after the young 
 for a certain period after hatching or birth. There is by com- 
 parison the greatest carelessness about offspring in the reptile. 
 '• Hair was evidently the earliest distinction of the mammals 
 from the rest of the reptiles. It is doubtful if the particular 
 Theriodont reptiles who were developing hair in the early 
 Mesozoic were viviparous. Two mammals survive to this day 
 which not only do not suckle their young,^ but which lay ^gs, 
 the Omithorhynchus and the Echidna, and in the Eocene there 
 were a number of allied forms. They are the survivors of 
 what was probably a much larger number and variety of small 
 egg-laying hairy creatures, hairy reptiles, hoppers, climbers, 
 and runners, which included the Mgsozoic ancestors of all ex- 
 isting mammals up to and including man. 
 
 Now we may put the essential facts about mammalian re- 
 production in another way. The mammal is a famdly animal. 
 And the family habit involved the possibility of a new sort of 
 continuity of experience in the world. Compare the com- 
 pletely closed-in life of an individual lizard with the life of 
 even a quite lowly mammal of almost any kind. The former 
 has no mental continuity with anything beyond itself; it is a 
 little self-contained globe of experience that serves its purpose 
 and ends; but the latter "picks up" from its mother, and 
 "hands on" to its offspring. All the mammals, except for the 
 two genera we have named, had already before the lower Eocene 
 age arrived at this stage of pre-adult dependence and imitation. 
 
 'They secrete a nutritive fluid on which the young feeds from glands 
 scattered over the skin. But the glands are not gathered together Into 
 mammse with nipples for suckling. The stuff oozes out, the mother lies 
 on her back, and the young browse upon her moist skin. 
 
THE AGE OF MAMMALS 
 
 41 
 
 They were all more or less imitative in youth and capable of a 
 certain modicum of education ; they all, as a part of their de- 
 
 2Asuxuxials 
 
 (prunijtive 
 
 auraii^'cameL) 
 
 'Dicrorerzis 
 
 1ctrabalc>d<yn. 
 
 Six-iootr man 
 
 clrawn. -ba 
 sazcLz scale. 
 
 
 'Dutcti^ere 
 
 a.F".H. 
 
 velopment, received a certain amount of care and example and 
 even direction from their mother. This is as true of the hyaena 
 and rhinoceros as it is of the dog or man; the difference of 
 
42 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 educability is enormous, but the fact of protection and educa- 
 bility in the young stage is undeniable. So far as the verte- 
 brated animals go, these new mammals, with their viviparous, 
 young-protecting disposition, and these new birds, with their 
 incubating, young-protecting disposition, introduce at the open- 
 ing of the Cainozoic period a fresh thing into the expanding 
 story of life, namely, social association, the addition to hard 
 and inflexible instinct of tradition, and the nervous organisa- 
 tion necessary to receive tradition. 
 
 AH the innovations that come into the history of life begin 
 very humbly. The supply of blood-vessels in the swimming- 
 bladder of the mudfish in the lower Palseozoic torrent-river, 
 that enabled it to pull through a season of drought, would 
 have seemed at that time to that bodiless visitant to our planet 
 we have already imagined, a very unimportant side fact in 
 that ancient world of great sharks and plated fishes, sea 
 scorpions, and coral reefs and seaweed; but it opened the nar- 
 row way by which the land vertebrates arose to predominance. 
 The mudfish would have seemed then a poor refugee from the 
 too cl?owded and aggressive life of the sea. But once lungs 
 were launched into the world, every line of descent that had 
 lungs went on improving them. So, too, in the upper Palaeozoic, 
 the fact that some of the Amphibia were losing their "amphibi- 
 ousness" by a retardation of hatching of their eggs, would have 
 appeared a mere response to the distressful dangers that threat- 
 ened the young tadpole. Yet that prepared the conquest of 
 the dry land for the triumphant multitude of the Mesozoic 
 reptiles. It opened a new direction towards a free and vigor- 
 ous land-life along which all the reptilian animals moved. And 
 this viviparous, young-tending training that the ancestral mam- 
 malia underwent during that age of inferiority and hardship 
 for them, set going in the world a new continuity of percep- 
 tion, of which even man to-day only begins to appreciate the 
 significance. 
 
 § 3 
 
 A number of types of mammal already appear in the Eocene. 
 Some are differentiating in one direction, and some in another, 
 some are perfecting themselves as herbivorous quadrupeds, 
 some leap and climb among the trees, some turn back to the 
 water to swim, but all types are unconsciously exploiting and 
 
THE AGE OF MAMMALS 43 
 
 developing the brain which is the instrument of ^s new power 
 of acquisition and educability. In the Eocene rocks are found 
 small early predecessors of the horse j^ohippus), tiny camels, 
 pigs, early tapirs, early hedgehogs, moiikeys and lemurs, 
 opossums and carnivores. Now, all these were more or less 
 ancestral to living forms, and all have brains relatively much 
 smaller than their living representatives. There is, for in- 
 stance, an early rhinoceros-like beast, Titanotherium, with a 
 brain not one tenth the size of that of the existing rhinoceros. 
 The latter is by no means a perfect type of the attentive and 
 submissive student, but even so it is ten times more observant 
 and teachable than its predecessor. This sort of thing is true 
 of all the orders and families that survive until to-day. All 
 the Cainozoic mammals were doing this one thing in common 
 under the urgency of a common necessity ; they were all grow- 
 ing brain. It was a parallel advance. In the same order or 
 family to-day, the brain is usually from six to ten times what 
 it was in the Eocene ancestor. 
 
 The Eocene period displayed a series of herbivorous brutes 
 of which no representative survives to-day. Such were the 
 Uintatheres and the Titanotheres. They were ousted by more 
 specialized graminivorous forms as grass spread over the world. 
 In pursuit of such beasts came great swarms of primitive dogs, 
 some as big as bears, and the first cats, one in particular (Smi- 
 lodon), a small fierce-looking creature with big knife-like 
 canines, the first sabre-toothed tiger, which was to develop into 
 greater things. American deposits in the Miocene display a 
 great variety of camels, giraffe camels with long necks, gazelle 
 camels, llamas, and true camels. North America, throughout 
 most of the Cainozoic period, appears to have been in open and 
 easy continuation with Asia, and when at last the glaciers of 
 the Great Ice Age, and then the Bering Strait, came to separate 
 the two great continental regions, the last camels were left in the 
 old world and the llamas in the new. 
 
 In the Eocene the first ancestors of the elephants appear in 
 northern Africa as snouted creatures ; the elephant's , trunk 
 dawned on the world in the Miocene. 
 
 One group of creatures is of peculiar interest in a history that 
 is mainly to be the story of mankind. We find fossils in the 
 Eocene of monkeys and lemurs, but of one particular creature 
 we have as yet not a single bone. It must have been a creature 
 
44 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 half ape, Ahal%nonkey ; it clambered about the trees and ran, 
 and probably ran well, on its hind-legs upon the ground. It 
 was small-brained by oil* present standards, but it had clever 
 hands with which it handled fruits and beat nuts upon the 
 rocks and caught up sticks and stones to smite its fellows. 
 Spite of the lack of material evidence, the facts of biological 
 science almost compel us to believe that such a creature existed, 
 the common ancestor of the anthropoid apes and the two species 
 of men we will describe in the next chapter, 
 
 § 4 
 
 Through millions of simian generations the spinning world 
 circled about the sun; slowly its orbit, which may have been 
 nearly circular during the equable days of the early Eocene, 
 was drawn by the attraction of the circling outer planets into 
 a more elliptical form. Its axis of rotation, which had always 
 heeled over to the plane of its orbit, as the mast of a yacht under 
 sail heels over to the level of the water, heeled over by imper- 
 ceptible degrees a little more and a little more. And each year 
 its summer point shifted a little further from perihelion round 
 its path. These were small changes to happen to a one-inch ball, 
 circling at a distance of 330 yards from a flaming sun nine feet 
 across, in the course of a few million years. They were changes 
 an immortal astronomer in Neptune, watching the. earth from 
 age to age, would have found almost imperceptible. But from 
 the point of view of the siirviving mammalian life of the 
 Miocene, they mattered profoundly. Age by age the winters 
 grew on the whole colder and harder and a few hours longer 
 relatively to the summers in a thousand years; age by age 
 the summers grew briefer. On an average the winter snow 
 lay a little later in the spring in each century, and the glaciers 
 in the northern mountains gained an inch this year, receded 
 half an inch next, came on again a few inches. . . . 
 
 The Kecord of the Eocks tells of the increasing chill. The 
 Pliocene was a temperate time, and many of the warmth-loving 
 plants and animals had gone. Then, rather less deliberately, 
 some feet or some inches every year, the ice came on. 
 
 An arctic fauna, musk ox, woolly mammoth, woolly rhino- 
 ceros, lemming, ushers in the Pleistocene. Over North Amer- 
 ica, and Europe and Asia alike, the ice advanced. Eor thou- 
 
THE AGE OF MAIilkALS 45 
 
 sands of years it advanced, and then for thousands of years it 
 receded, to advance again. Europe down to the Baltic shores, 
 Britain down to the Thames, North America down to New 
 England, and more centrally as far south as Ohio, lay for ages 
 under the glaciers. Enormous volumes of water were with- 
 drawn from the ocean and locked up in those stupendous ice 
 caps so as to cause a world-wide change in the relative levels 
 of land and sea. Vast areas were exposed that are now again 
 sea bottom. 
 
 The world to-day is still coming slowly out of the last of four 
 great waves of cold. It is not growing warmer steadily. There 
 have been fluctuations. Remains of bog oaks, for example, 
 which grew two or three thousand years ago, are found in Scot- 
 land at latitudes in which not even a stunted oak will grow at 
 the present time. And it is amidst this crescendo and diminu- 
 endo of frost and snow that we first recognize forms that are 
 like the forms of men. The Age of Mammals culminated in ice 
 and hardship and man. 
 
 to 
 
VII 
 
 THE ANCESTKY OF MAK 
 
 1. Man Descended from a WaXkmg Ape. § 2. First Traces 
 of Mavrlike Creatures. § 3. The Heidelberg Svb-Man. § 4. 
 The Piltdown Sub-Man. § 5. The Middle of the Piltdown 
 Remains. 
 
 THE origin of man is still very obscure. It is commonly 
 asserted that he is "descended" from some man-like ape 
 such as the chimpanzee, the orang-utang, or the gorilla, 
 but that of course is as reasonable as saying that I am "de- 
 scended" from some Hottentot or Esquimau as young or 
 younger than myself. Others, alive to this objection, say that 
 man is descended from the common ancestor of the chimpanzee, 
 the orang-utang, and the gorilla. Some "anthropologists" have 
 even indulged in a speculation whether mankind may not have 
 a double or treble origin; the negro being descended from a 
 gorilla-like ancestor, the Chinese from a chimpanzee-like an- 
 cestor, and so on. These are very fanciful ideas, to be men- 
 tioned only to be dismissed. It vs^as formerly assumed that the 
 human ancestor vs^as "probably arboreal," but the current idea 
 among those who are qualified to form an opinion seems to be 
 that he was a "ground ape," and that the existing apes have 
 developed in the arboreal direction. 
 
 Of course if one puts the skeleton of a man and the skeleton 
 of a gorilla side by side, their general resemblance is so great 
 that it is easy to jump to the conclusion that the former is 
 derived from such a type as the latter by a process of brain 
 growth and general refinement. But if one examines closely 
 into one or two differences, the gap widens. Particular stress 
 has recently been laid upon the tread of the foot. Man walks 
 
 46 
 
THE ANCESTRY OF MAN 
 
 47 
 
 .81 
 
 
 X A V Q 
 
 % 
 
THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 on his toe and his heel; his great toe is his chief lever in walk- 
 ing, as the reader may see for himself if he examines his own 
 footprints on the bathroom floor and notes where the pressure 
 
 tvitti. eaxiicst "Miax 
 HfftiM' 
 
 M' 
 
 'Rem^e«r 
 
 VV! 
 
 'A ' 
 
 Sisc-^at tnatv 
 
 axawtfto 
 same scale.. 
 
 |i.,l..i.C^^ 
 
 
 'W^olUr "Rlunocero,^ 
 
 falls as the footprints become fainter. His great toe is the 
 king of his toes. 
 
 Among all the apes and monkeys, the only group that have 
 
THE ANCESTRY OF MAN 
 
 49 
 
 their great toes developed on anything like the same fashion 
 as man are some of the lemurs. The baboon walks on a flat foot 
 and all his toes, using his middle toe as his chief throw-off, 
 much as the bear does. And the three great apes all walk on 
 the outer side of the foot in a very different manner from the 
 walking of man. 
 
 The great apes are forest dwellers; their walking even now 
 
 is incidental; they 
 
 are at their happiest 
 among trees. They 
 have very distinctive 
 methods of climb- 
 ing; they swing by 
 the arms much more 
 than the monkeys do, 
 and do not, like the 
 latter, take off with 
 a spring from the 
 feet. They have a 
 specially developed 
 climbing style of 
 their own. But man 
 walks so well and 
 runs so swiftly as to 
 suggest a very long 
 ancestry upoja the 
 ground. Also, he 
 does not climb well 
 now; he climbs with 
 caution and hesita- 
 tion. His ancestors may have been running creatures for 
 long ages. Moreover, it is to be noted that he does not 
 swim naturally; he has to learn to swim, and that seems to 
 point to a long-standing separation from rivers and lakes and 
 the sea. Almost certainly that ancestor was a smaller and 
 slighter creature than its human descendants. Conceivably the 
 human ancestor at the opening of the Cainozoic period was a 
 running ape living chiefly on the ground, hiding among rocks 
 rather than trees. It could still climb trees well and hold things 
 between its great to« and its second toe (as the Japanese can 
 to .this day),, but it was already coming down to the ground 
 
 Possible Appeaeance of the Sub-Mait 
 
 Pithecanthropus. 
 
 The face, jaws, and teeth are mere guess-work 
 
 (see text). The creature may have been much 
 
 less human-looking than this. 
 
60 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 again from a still remoter, a Mesozoic arboreal ancestry. It is 
 quite understandable that sueh a creature would very rarely die 
 in water in such circumstances as to leave bones to become 
 fossilized. 
 
 It must always be borne in mind that among its many other 
 imperfections the Geological Record necessarily contains abun- 
 dant traces only of water or marsh creatures or of creatures 
 easily and frequently drowned. The same reasons that make 
 any traces of the ancestors of the mammals rare and relatively 
 unprocurable in the Mesozoic rocks, probably make the traces 
 of possible human ancestors rare and relatively unprocurable 
 in the Cainozoic rocks. Such knowledge as we have of the 
 earliest men, for example, is almost entirely got from a few 
 caves, into which they went and in which they left their traces. 
 Until the hard Pleistocene times they lived and died in the 
 open, and their bodies were consumed or decayed altogether. 
 
 But it is well to bear in mind also that the record of the rocks 
 has still to be thoroughly examined. It has been studied only 
 for a few generations, and by only a few men in each genera- 
 tion. Most men have been too busy making war, making profits 
 out of their neighbours, toiling at work that machinery could 
 do for them in a tenth of the time, or simply playing about, 
 to give any attention to these more interesting things. There 
 may be, there probably are, thousands of deposits still untouched 
 containing countless fragments and vestiges of man and his 
 progenitors. In Asia particularly, in India or the East Indies, 
 there may be hidden the most illuminating clues. What we 
 know to-day of early men is the merest scrap of what will 
 presently be known. 
 
 The apes and monkeys already appear to have been differen- 
 tiated at the beginning of the Cainozoic Age, and there are a 
 number of Oligocene and Miocene apes whose relations to one 
 another and to the human line have still to be made out. Among 
 these we may mention Dryopithecus of the Miocene Age, with 
 a very human-looking jaw. In the Siwalik Hills of northern 
 India remains of some very interesting apes have been found, 
 of which Sivapithecus and Palceopithecus were possibly related 
 closely to the human ancestor. Possibly these animals already 
 used implements. Charles Darwin represents baboons as open- 
 ing nuts by breaking them with stones, using stakes to prise 
 up rocks in the hunt for insects, and striking blows with sticks 
 
THE ANCESTRY OF MAN 51 
 
 and stones. The chimpanzee makes itself a sort of tree hut 
 by intertwining branches. Stones apparently chipped for use 
 have been found in strata of Oligocene Age at Boncelles in 
 Belgium. Possibly the impiement-using disposition was al- 
 ready present in the Mesozoic ancestry from which we are 
 descended. 
 
 § 2- 
 
 Among the earliest evidences of some creature, either human 
 or at least more manlike than any living ape upon earth, are a 
 number of flints and stones very roughly chipped and shaped 
 so as to be held in the hand. These were probably used as hand- 
 axes. These early implements ("Eoliths") are often so crude 
 and simple that there was for a long time a controversy whether 
 they were to be regarded as natural or artificial productions. 
 The date of the earliest of them is put by geologists as 
 Pliocene — that is to say, before the First Glacial Age. They 
 occur also throughout the First Interglacial period. We know 
 of no bones or other remains in Europe or America of the quasi- 
 human beings .of half a million years ago, who made and used 
 these implements. They used them to hammer with, perhaps 
 they used them to fight with, and perhaps they used bits of 
 wood for similar purposes.-^ 
 
 But at Trinil, in Java, in strata which are said to correspond 
 either to the later Pliocene or to the American and European 
 First Ice Age, there have been found some scattered bones of 
 a creature, such as the makers of these early implements may 
 have been. The top of a skull, some teeth, and a thigh-bone 
 have been found. The skull shows a brain-case about half-way 
 in size between that of the chimpanzee and man, but the thigh- 
 bone is that of a creature as well adapted to standing and run- 
 ning as a man, and as free, therefore, to use its hands. The 
 creature was not a man, nor was it an arboreal ape like the 
 chimpanzee. It was a walking ape. It has been named by 
 naturalists Pithecanthropus erectus (the walking ape-man). 
 "We cannot say that it is a direct human ancestor, but we may 
 guess that the creatures who scattered these first stone tools 
 
 *Some writers suppose that a Wood and Shell Age preceded the earliest 
 Stone Age. South Sea Islanders, Negroes, and Bushmen still make use 
 of wood and the sharp-edged shells of land and water molluscs as im,- 
 plements. 
 
52 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 over tlie world must have been closely similar and kindred, and 
 that our ancestor was a beast of like kind. This little trayful 
 of bony fragments from Trinil is, at present, apart from stone 
 implements, the oldest relic of early humanity, or of the close 
 blood relations of early humanity, that is known. 
 
 While these early men or "sub-men" were running about 
 Europe four or five hundred* thousand years ago, there were 
 mammoths, rhinoceroses, a huge hippopotamus, a giant beaver, 
 and a bison and wild cattle in their world. There were also 
 wild horses, and the sabre-toothed tiger still abounded. There 
 are no traces of lions or true tigers at that time in Europe, but 
 there were bears, otters, wolves, and a wild boar. It may be 
 that the early sub-man sometimes played jackal to the sabre- 
 toothed tiger, and finished up the bodies on which the latter 
 had gorged itself. 
 
 § 3 
 
 After this first glimpse of something at least sub-human in the 
 record of geology, there is not another fragment of human or 
 man-like bone yet known from that record for .an interval of 
 hundreds of thousands of years. It is not until we reach de- 
 posits which are stated to be of the Second Interglacial period, 
 200,000 years later, 200,000 or 250,000 years ago, that another 
 little scrap of bone comes to hand. Then we find a jaw-bone. 
 
 This jaw-bone was found in a sand-pit near Heidelberg, at a 
 depth of eighty feet from the surface, and it is not the jaw- 
 bone of a man as we understand man, but it is man-like in 
 every respect, except that it has absolutely no trace of a chin ; 
 it is more massive than a man's, and its narrowness behind 
 could not, it is thought, have given the tongue sufficient play 
 for articulate speech. It is not an ape's jaw-bone; the teeth 
 are human. The owner of this jaw-bone has been variously 
 named Homo Heidelhergensis and Palmoanthrojms Heidelher- 
 gensis, according to the estimate formed of his humanity or 
 sub-humanity by various authorities. He lived in a world not 
 remotely unlike the world of the still earlier sub-man of the 
 first implements; the deposits in which it is found show that 
 there were elephants, horses, rhinoceroses, bison, a moose and 
 so forth with it in the world, but the sabre-toothed tiger waa 
 declining and the lion was spreading over Europe. The imple- 
 ments of this period (known as the Chellean period) are a very 
 
THE ANCESTRY OF MAN S3 
 
 considerable advance upon those of the Pliocene Age. They 
 are well made but very much bigger than any truly human 
 implements. The Heidelberg man may have had a very big 
 body and large fore limbs. He may have been a woolly, strange- 
 looking creature. 
 
 § 4 
 
 We must turn over the Record for, it may be, another 100,000 
 years for the next remains of anything human or sub-human. 
 Then in a deposit ascribed to the Third Interglacial period, 
 which may have begun 100,000 years ago and lasted 50,000 
 years, the smashed pieces of a whole skull turn up. The de- 
 posit is a gravel which may have been derived from the washing 
 cut of still earlier gravel strata, and this skull fragment may 
 be in reality as old as the First Glacial Period. The bony re- 
 mains discovered at Piltdown in Sussex display a creature still 
 ascending only very gradually from the sub-human. 
 
 The first scraps of this skull were found in an excavation 
 for road gravel in Sussex. Bit by bit other fragments of this 
 skull were hunted out from the quarry heaps until most of it 
 could be pieced together. It is a thick skull, thicker than that 
 of any living race of men, and it has a brain capacity inter- 
 mediate between that of Pithecanthropus and man. This crea- 
 ture has been named Eoanthropus, the dawn man. In the 
 same gravel-pits were found teeth of rhinoceros, hippopotamus, 
 and the leg-bone of a deer with marks upon it that may be cuts. 
 A curious bat-shaped instrument of elephant bone has also been 
 found. 
 
 There was moreover a jaw-bone among these scattered re- 
 mains, which was at first assumed naturally enough to belong to 
 EoantJiropus, but which it was afterwards suggested was prob- 
 ably that of a chimpanzee. It is extraordinarily like that of a 
 'chimpanzee, but Dr. Keith, one of the greatest authorities in 
 these questions, assigns it, after an exhaustive analysis in his 
 Antiquity of Man (1915), to the skull with which it is found. 
 It is, as a jaw-bone, far less human in character than the jaw 
 of the much more ancient Homo Heidelbergensis, but the teeth 
 are in some respects more like those of living men. 
 
 Dr. Keith, swayed by the jaw-bone, does not think that 
 Eoanthropus, in spite of its name, is a creature in the direct 
 ancestry of man. Much less is it an intermediate form between 
 
54 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the Heidelberg man and the Neandertlial man we shall pres- 
 ently describe. It was only related to the true ancestor of man 
 as lie orang is related to the chimpanzee. It was one of a 
 number of sub-human running apes of more than ape-like in- 
 telligence, and if it was not on the line royal, it was at any 
 rate a very close collateral. 
 
 After this glimpse of a skull, the Kecord for very many 
 centuries gives nothing but flint implements, which improve 
 steadily in quality. A very characteristic form is shaped like a 
 sole, with one flat side stricken off at one blow and the other 
 side worked. The archaeologists, as the Eecord continues, are 
 presently able to distinguish scrapers, borers, knives, darts, 
 throwing stones, and the like. Progress is now more rapid; 
 in a few centuries the shape of the hand-axe shows distinct 
 and recognizable improvements. And then comes quite a num- 
 ber of remains. The Fourth Glacial Age is rising towards its 
 maximum. Man is taking to caves and leaving vestiges there; 
 at Krapina in Croatia, at Neanderthal near Diisseldorf, at 
 Spy, human remains have been found, skulls and bones of a 
 creature that is certainly a man. Somewhen about 50,000 
 years ago, if not earlier, appeared Homo Neanderthalensis 
 (also called Homo antiquus and Homo primigenius) , a quite 
 passable human being. His thumb was not quite equal in flexi- 
 bility and usefulness to a human thumb, he stooped forward 
 and could not hold his head erect, as all living men do, he was 
 chinless and perhaps incapable of speech, there were curious 
 differences about the enamel and the roots of his teeth from 
 those of all living men, he was very thick-set, he was, indeed, 
 not quite of the human species; but there is no dispute about 
 his attribution to the genus Homo. He was certainly not de- 
 scended from Eoanthropus, but his jaw-bone is so like the 
 Heidelberg jaw-bone, as to make it possible that the clumsier 
 and heavier Homo HeideTbergensis, a thousand centuries before 
 him, was of his blood and race. 
 
VIII 
 
 THE NEANDERTHAL MEN, AN EXTINCT RACE 
 
 (The Early Palaeolithic Age ^) 
 
 § 1. The World 50,000 Years Ago. § 2. The Daily Life of 
 the First Men. % 3. The Last Palceolithic Men. 
 
 IN the time of the Third Interglacial period the outline of 
 Europe and Western Asia was very different from what it 
 is to-day. Vast areas to the west and north-west which 
 are now under the Atlantic waters were then dry land; the 
 Irish Sea and the North Sea were river valleys. Over these 
 northern areas there spread and receded and spread again a 
 great ice cap such as covers central Greenland to-day (see Map 
 on p. 56). This vast ice cap, which covered both polar regions 
 of the earth, withdrew huge masses of water from the ocean, 
 and the sea-level consequently fell, exposing great areas of land 
 that are now submerged again. The Mediterranean area was 
 probably a great valley below the general sea-level, containing 
 two inland seas cut off from the general ocean. The climate 
 of this Mediterranean basin was perhaps cold temperate, and 
 the region of the Sahara to the south was not then a desert of 
 baked rock and blown sand, but a well-watered and fertile coun- 
 try. Between the ice sheets to the north and the Alps and 
 Mediterranean valley to the south stretched a bleak wilderness 
 
 * Three phases of human history before the knowledge and use of metals 
 are often distinguished. First there is the so-called Eolithic Age (dawn 
 of stone implements), then the Palaeolithic Age (old stone implements), 
 and finally an age in which the implements are skilfully made and fre- 
 quently well finished and polished (Neolithic Age). The Palaeolithic 
 Period is further divided into an earlier (sub-human) and a later (fully 
 human) period. We shall comment on these divisions later. 
 
 55 
 
56 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE NEANDERTHAL MEN 57 
 
 whose climate changed from harshness to a mild kindliness 
 and then hai-dened again for the Fourth Glacial Age. 
 
 Across this "wilderness, which is now the great plain of 
 Europe, wandered a various fauna. At first there were hippo- 
 potami, rhinoceroses, mammoths, and elephants. The sabre^ 
 toothed tiger was diminishing towards extinction. Then, as 
 the air chilled, the hippopotamus, and then other warmth-loving 
 creatures, ceased to come so far north, and the sabre-toothed 
 tiger disappeared altogether. The woolly mammoth, the woolly 
 rhinoceros, the musk ox, the bison, the aurochs, and the reindeer 
 became prevalent, and the temperate vegetation gave place to 
 plants of a more arctic type. The glaciers spread southward to 
 the maximum of the Fourth Glacial Age (about 50,000 years 
 ago), and then receded again. In the earlier phase, the Third 
 Interglacial period, a certain number of small family groups 
 of men (Homo Neanderthalensis) and probably of sub-men 
 (Eoanihropus) wandered over the land, leaving nothing but 
 their flint implements to witness to their presence. They prob- 
 ably used a multitude and variety of wooden implements also; 
 they had probably learnt much about the shapes of objects and 
 the use of different shapes from wood, knowledge which they 
 afterwards applied to stone; but none of this wooden material 
 has survived; we can only speculate about its forms and uses. 
 As the weather hardened to its maximum of severity, the 
 !Keanderthal men, already it would seem acquainted with the 
 use of fire, began to seek shelter under rock ledges and in caves 
 — and so leave remains behind them. Hitherto they had been 
 accustomed to squat in the open about the fire, and near their 
 water supply. But they were sufficiently intelligent to adapt 
 themselves to the new and harder conditions. (As for the sub- 
 men, they seem to have succumbed to the stresses of this Fourth 
 Glacial Age altogether. At any rate, the rudest type of Palaeo- 
 lithic implements presently disappears.) 
 
 ISat merely man was taking to the caves. This period also 
 had a cave lion, a cave bear, and a cave hysena. These creatures 
 had to be driven out of the caves and kept out of the caves in 
 which these early men wanted to squat and hide ; and no doubt 
 fire was an effective method of eviction and protection. Prob- 
 ably, early men did not go deeply into the caves, because they 
 had no means of lighting their recesses. They got in far 
 enough to be out of the weather, and stored wood and food in odd 
 
5S 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 comers. Perhaps they harricaded the cave mouths. Their 
 only available light for going deeply into the caverns would be 
 torches. 
 
 What did these Neanderthal men hunt ? Their only possible 
 weapons for killing such giant creatures as the mammoth or 
 the cave bear, or even the reindeer, were spears of wood, wooden 
 clubs, and those big pieces of flint they left behind them, the 
 "Chellean" and "Mousterian" implements ; ^ and probably their 
 usual quarry was smaller game. But they did certainly eat 
 the flesh of the big beasts when they had a chance,, and perhaps 
 
 they followed them 
 when sick or when, 
 wounded by combats, 
 or took advantage of 
 them when they were 
 bogged or in trouble 
 with ice or water. 
 (The Labrador Indi^ 
 ans still kill the cari- 
 bou with spears at 
 awkward river cross- 
 ings.) At Dewlish, 
 in Dorset, an artifi- 
 cial trench has been 
 found which is sup- 
 posed to have been a 
 Palaeolithic trap for 
 elephants.^ "We know 
 that the Neanderthalers partly ate their kill where it fell ; but 
 they brought back the big narrow bones to the cave to crack and 
 eat at leisure, because few ribs and vertebrae are found in the 
 caves, but great quantities of cracked and split long bones. 
 They used skins to wrap about them, and the women probably 
 dressed the skins. 
 
 We know also that they were right-handed like modern men, 
 because the left side of the brain (which serves the right side 
 of the body) is bigger than the right. But while the back parts 
 of the brain which deal with sight and touch and the energy 
 of the body are well developed, the front parts, whici' are con- 
 
 'From Chellea and Le Moustier in France. 
 
 •Osmond Fisher, quoted in Wright's Quatemari/ Ice Age. 
 
THE NEANDERTHAL MEN 59 
 
 nected witli thouglijt and speech, are comparatively small. It 
 was as big a brain as oura, but different. This species of Homo 
 had certainly a very different mentality from ours; its indi- 
 viduals were not merely simpler and lower than we are, they 
 were on another line. It may be they did not speak at all, 
 or very sparingly. They had nothing that we should call a 
 language. 
 
 §2 
 
 In Worthington Smith's Mom the Primeval Savage there is 
 a very vividly written description of early Palaeolithic life, 
 from which much of the following account is borrowed. In 
 the original, Mr. Worthington Smith assumes a more extensive 
 social life, a larger community, and a more definite division of 
 labour among its members than is altogether justifiable in the 
 face of such subsequent writings as J. J. Atkinson's memorable 
 essay on Primal Law.^ For the little tribe Mr. Worthington 
 Smith described, there has been substituted, therefore, a family 
 group under the leadership of one Old Man, and the suggestions 
 of Mr. Atkinson as to the behaviour of the Old Man have been 
 worked into the sketch. 
 
 Mr. Worthington Smith describes a squatting-place near a 
 stream, because primitive man, having no pots or other vessels, 
 must needs have kept close to a water supply, and with some 
 chalk cliffs adjacent from which flints could be got to work. 
 The air was bleak, and the fire was of great importance, be- 
 cause fires once out were not easily relit in those days. When 
 not required to blaze it was probably banked down with ashes. 
 The most probable way in which fires were started was by 
 hacking a bit of iron pyrites with a flint amidst dry dead leaves ; 
 concretions of iron pyrites and flints are found together in 
 England where the gault and chalk approach each other.^ The 
 little group of people would be squatting about amidst a litter 
 of fern, moss, and such-like dry material. Some of the women 
 and children would need to be continually gathering fuel to 
 keep up the fires. It would be a tradition that had grown up. 
 
 ^Social Origins, by Andrew Lang, and Primal 'Law, by J. J. Atkinson. 
 (Longmans, 1903.) 
 
 'This first origin of fire was suggested by Sir Jobn Lubbock (Ptehistorio 
 Times), and Ludwig Hopf, in The Htiman Species, says that "Flints and 
 pieces of pyrites are found in close proximity in palaeolithic settlements 
 neai the remains of mammoths." 
 
60 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 u--ChelUsux 
 
 TeJLseAiiidc Stone Irxx^^lemeaiS 
 
 (all rcfoghly to 
 scale of hAnd 
 shown) 
 
 Xhre£ meyfs of a tTW#t*0* 
 
 carinate (earliest perwd) 
 
 unplement 
 
 Chopping 
 
 [N.B.This xs 
 a modern. — not a. Ncajif^ar- 
 
 Hajid-axes 
 
 Point /^i'^^Moustirum. 
 
 ' S^KiTcer 
 
 
 Eablt Stone Implements. 
 The Mousterian Age implements, and all above it, are those of 
 Neanderthal men or, possibly in the case of the rostro-carinates, of 
 sub-men. The lower row (Reindeer Age) are the work of true men. 
 The student should compare this diagram with the time diagram 
 attached to Chapter VII, § 1, and he should note the relatively large 
 size of the pre-human implements. 
 
THE NEANDERTHAL MEN 61 
 
 The young would imitate their elders in this task. Perhaps 
 there would be rude wind shelters of boughs on one side of 
 the encampment. 
 
 The Old Man, the father and master of the group, would 
 perhaps be engaged in hammering flints beside the fire. The 
 children would imitate him and learn to use the sharpened 
 fragments. Probably some of the women would hunt good 
 flints; they would fish them out of the chalk with sticks and 
 bring them to the squatting-place. 
 
 There would be skins about. It seems probable that at a 
 very early time primitive men took to using skins. Probably 
 they were wrapped about the children, and used to lie upon 
 when the ground was damp and cold. A woman would perhaps 
 be preparing a skin. The inside of the skin would be well 
 scraped free of superfluous flesh with trimmed flints, and then 
 strained and pulled and pegged out flat on the grass, and dried 
 in the rays of the sun. 
 
 Away from the fire other members of the famiJy group prowl 
 in search of food, but at night they all gather closely round 
 the fire and build it up, for it is their protection against the 
 wandering bear and such-like beasts of prey. The Old Man 
 is the only fully adult male in the little group. There are 
 women, boys and girls, but so soon as the boys are big enough 
 to rouse the Old Man's jealousy, he will fall foul of them and 
 either drive them off or kill them. Some girls may perhaps go 
 off with these exiles, or two or three of these youths may keep 
 together for a time, wandering until they come upon some other 
 group, from which they may try to steal a mate. Then they 
 would probably fall out among themselves. Some day, when 
 he is forty years old perhaps or even older, and his teeth are 
 worn down and his energy abating, some younger male will 
 stand up to the Old Man and kill him and reign in his stead. 
 There is probably short shrift for the old at the squatting- 
 place. So soon as they grow weak and bad-tempered, trouble 
 and death come upon them. 
 
 "What did they eat at the squatting-place ? 
 
 "Primeval man is commonly described as a hunter of the 
 great hairy mammoth, of the bear, and the lion, but it is in the 
 highest degree improbable that the human savage ever hunted 
 animals much larger than the hare, the rabbit, and the rat. 
 Man was probably the hunted rather than the hunter. 
 
62 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 AUSTRALIA 
 
 Westam 
 Peuri-fic 
 
 Glacial Swj« 
 
 (77^ 100-fsthom 
 line as cossiiuie . .) 
 
 "The primeval savage was both herbivorous and carnivorous. 
 He had for food hazel-nute, beech-nuts, sweet chestnuts, earth- 
 nuts, and acorns. He had crab-apples, wild pears, wild cherries, 
 wild gooseberries, bullaces, sorbs, sloes, blackberries, yewberries, 
 hips and haws, watercress, fungi, the larger and softer leaf-, 
 buds, Nostoc (the vegetable substance called 'fallen stars' by 
 countryfolk), the fleshy, juicy, asparagus-like rhizomes or sub- 
 terranean stems of the Labiates and like plants, as well as other 
 delicacies of the vegetable kingdom. He had birds' eggs, young 
 
 birds, and the honey 
 and honeycomb of 
 wild bees. He had 
 newts, snails, and 
 frogs — ^the two latter 
 delicacies are still 
 highly esteemed in 
 Normandy and Brit- 
 tany. He had fish, 
 dead and alive, and 
 fresh-water mussels; 
 he could easily catch, 
 fish with his hands 
 and paddle and dive 
 for and trap them. 
 By the seaside he 
 would have fish, mol- 
 lusca, and seaweed. 
 He would have many 
 of the larger birds 
 and smaller mam- 
 mals, which he could easily secure by throwing stones and sticks, 
 or by setting simple snares. He would have the snake, the 
 slow worm, and the crayfish. He would have various grubs 
 and insects, the large larvae of beetles and vfarious cater- 
 pillars. The taste for caterpillars still survives in China, where 
 they are sold in dried bundles in the markets. A chief and 
 highly nourishing object of food would doubtlessly be bones 
 smashed up into a stiff and gritty paste. 
 
 "A fact of great importance is this — primeval man would 
 not be particular about having his flesh food over-fresh. He 
 would constantly find it in a dead state, and, if semi-putrid, he 
 
 Whxlz thz nraiizPS ujere helA i^ in 
 ihe Polar Ice C&ps , th^ sea-Zepei 
 was ?£W ennujgh in enaile PaZ^o- 
 IjBiic Maji to reach Tasm^nui. 
 
THE NEANDERTHAL MEN 63 
 
 would relish it none the less — ^the taste for high or half-putrid 
 game still survives. If driven by hunger and hard pressed, he 
 would perhaps sometimes eat his weaker companions or un- 
 healthy children who happened to be feeble or unsightly or 
 burthensome. The larger animals in a weak and dying state 
 would no doubt be much sought for ; when these were not forth- 
 coming, dead and half -rotten examples would be made to suffice. 
 An unpleasant odour would not be objected to; it is not ob- 
 jected to now in many continental hotels. 
 
 "The savages sat huddled close together round their fire, 
 with fruits, bones, and half-putrid flesh. We can imagine 
 the old man and his women twitching the skin of their shoul- 
 ders, brows, and muzzles as they were annoyed or bitten by 
 flies or other insects. We can imagine the large human nostrils, 
 indicative of keen scent, giving rapidly repeated sniffs at the 
 foul meat before it was consumed ; the bad odour of the meat, 
 and the various other disgusting odours belonging tO' a haunt 
 of savages, being not in the least disapproved. 
 
 "Man at that time was not a degraded animal, for he had 
 never been higher; he was therefore an exalted animal, and, 
 low as we esteem him now, he yet represented the highest 
 stage of development of the animal kingdom of his time." 
 
 That is at least an acceptable sketch of a ^Neanderthal squat- 
 ting-place. But before extinction overtook them, even the Nean- 
 derthalers learnt much and went far. 
 
 Whatever the older Palaeolithic men did with their dead, there 
 is reason to suppose that the later Homo Neanderthalensis 
 buried some individuals at least with respect and ceremony. 
 One of the best-known JSTeanderthal skeletons is that of a youth 
 who apparently had been deliberately interred. He had been 
 placed in a sleeping posture, head on the right fore-arm. The 
 head lay on a number of flint fragments carefully piled to- 
 gether "pillow fashion." A big hand-axe lay near his head, 
 and around him were numerous charred and split ox bones, 
 as though there had been a feast or an offering. 
 
 To this appearance of burial during the later ^STeanderthal 
 age we shall return when we are considering the ideas that were 
 inside the heads of primitive men. 
 
 This sort of men may have wandered, squatted about their 
 fires, and died in Europe for a period extending over 100,000 
 years, if we assume, that is, that the Heidelberg jaw-bone 
 
64 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 belongs to a member of the species, a period so vast that all the 
 subsequent history of our race becomes a thing of yesterday. 
 Along its own line this species of men was accumulating a dim 
 tradition, and working out its limited possibilities. Its thick 
 skull imprisoned its brain, and to the end it was low-browed 
 and brutish. 
 
IX 
 
 THE LATER POSTGLACIAL PALEOLITHIC MEN, 
 THE FIEST TRUE MEN 
 
 (Later Palseolithic Age) 
 
 § 1. The Coming of Men Like Ourselves. § 2. Hunters Give 
 Place to Herdsmen. § 3. No Sub-Men in America. 
 
 § 1 
 
 THE Neanderthal type of man prevailed in Euro-pe at 
 least for tens of thousands of years. For ages that make 
 all history seem a thing of yesterday, these nearly human 
 creatures prevailed. If the Heidelberg jaw was that of a 
 Neanderthaler, and if there is no error in the estimate of the 
 age of that jaw, then the Neanderthal Race lasted out for more 
 than 200,000 years! Finally, between 40,000 and 25,000 
 years ago, as the Fourth Glacial Age softened towards more 
 temperate conditions (see Map on p. 68), a different human 
 type came upon the scene, and, it would seem, exterminated 
 Homo Neanderthalensis.^ This new type was probably de- 
 veloped in South Asia or North Africa, or in lands now sub- 
 
 ^The opinion tliat the Neanderthal race {Homo Neanderthalensis) is 
 an extinct species which did not interbreed with the true men {Bomo 
 sapiens) is held by Professor Osborn, and it is the view to which the 
 writer inclines and to which he has pointed in the treatment of this 
 section; but it is only fair to the reader to note that many writers do not 
 share this view. They write and speak of living "Neanderthalers" in 
 contemporary populations. One observer has written in the past of such 
 types in the west of Ireland; another has observed them in Greece. These 
 so-called "living Neanderthalers" have neither the peculiarities of neck, 
 thumb, nor teeth that distinguish the Neanderthal race of pre-men. The 
 cheek teeth of true men, for instance, have what we call fangs, long fangs; 
 the Neanderthaler's cheek tooth is a more oomplioated amd specialized 
 cheek tooth, a long tooth with short fangs, and his canine teeth were Jess 
 marked, less like dog-teeth, than ours. Nothing could show more clearly 
 that he was on a different line of development. We must remember that 
 so far only western Europe has been properly explored for Palseolitbie 
 
 65 
 
66 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 merged in the Mediterranean basin, and, as more remains are 
 collected and evidence accumulates, men will learn more of 
 their early stages. At present we can only guess where and 
 how, through the slow ages, parallel with the Neanderthal 
 cousin, these first trv^ men arose out of some more ape-like 
 progenitor. For hundreds of centuries they were acquiring 
 skill of hand and limb, and power and bulk of brain, in that 
 still unknown environment. They were already far above the 
 Neanderthal level of achievement and intelligence, when first 
 
 they come into our 
 ken, and they had al- 
 ready split into two 
 or more very distinc- 
 tive races. 
 
 These newcomers 
 did not migrate into 
 Europe in the strict 
 sense of the word, 
 but rather, as cen- 
 tury by century the 
 climate ameliorated, 
 they followed the 
 food and plants to 
 which they were ac- 
 customed, as those 
 spread into the new 
 realms that opened 
 to them. The ice was receding, vegetation was increasing, 
 big game of all sorts was becoming more abundant. Steppe- 
 like conditions, conditions of pasture and shrub, were bringing 
 with them vast herds of wild horse. Ethnologists (students of 
 race) class these new human races in one same species as our- 
 selves, and with all human races subsequent to them, under one 
 
 remains, and that practically all we know of the Neanderthal species 
 comes from that area (see Map, p. 56). No doubt the ancestor of 
 Homo sapiens (which species includes the Tasmanians) was a very similar 
 and parallel creature to Homo neanderthalensis. And we are not so 
 far from that ancestor as to have eliminated not indeed "Neanderthal," 
 but "Neanderthaloid" types. The existence of such types no more proves 
 that the Meanderthal species, the makers of the Chellean and Mousterian 
 implements, interbred with Homo sapiens in the European area than do 
 monkey-faced people testify to an interbreeding with monkeys; or people 
 with faces Ukg horses, that th?re i§ an e<}uine strain iii our population. 
 
THE FIRST TRUE MEN 67 
 
 common specific name of Homo sapiens. They had quite human 
 brain-casts and hands. Their teeth and their necks were 
 anatomically aa ours are. 
 
 We know of two distinct sorts of skeletal remains in this 
 period, the first of these known as the Cro-Magnon race, and 
 the second the Grimaldi race; but the great bulk of the human 
 traces and appliances we find are either without human bones 
 or with insufficient bones for us to define their associated phys- 
 ical type. There may have been many more distinct races than 
 these two. There may have been intermediate types. In the 
 grotto of Cro-Magnon it was that complete skeletons of one 
 main type of these Newer Palseolithic men, these true men, 
 were first found, and so it is that they are spoken of as Cro- 
 Magnards. 
 
 These Cro-Magnards were a tall people with very broad faces, 
 prominent noses, and, all things considered, astonishingly big 
 brains. The brain capacity of the woman in the Cro-Magnon 
 cave exceeded that of the average male to-day. Her head had 
 been smashed by a heavy blow. There were also in the same 
 cave with her the complete skeleton of an older man, nearly six 
 feet high, the fragments of a child's skeleton, and the skeletons 
 of two young men. There were also flint implements and 
 perforated sea-shells, used no doubt as ornaments. Such is one 
 sample of the earliest true men. But at the Grimaldi cave, 
 near Mentone, were discovered two skeletons also of the later 
 Palseolithic Period, but of a widely contrasted type, with 
 negroid characteristics that point rather to the negroid type. 
 There can be no doubt that we have to deal in this period with 
 at least two, and probably more, highly divergent races of true 
 men. They may have overlapped in time, or Cro-Magnards 
 may have followed the Grimaldi race, and either or both may 
 have been contemporary with the late iN^eanderthal men. Vari- 
 ous authorities have very strong opinions upon these points, 
 but they are, at most, opinions. 
 
 The appearance of these truly human postglacial Palaeolithic 
 peoples was certainly an enormous leap forward in the history 
 of mankind. Both of these main races had a human fore- 
 brain, a human hand, an intelligence very like our own. They 
 dispossessed Homo NcanvJerthalensis from his caverns and his 
 stone quarries. And they agreed with modem ethnologists, it 
 would seem, in regarding him as a different species. Unlike 
 
68 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE FIRST TRUE MEN 
 
 69 
 
 most savage conquerors, who take tie women of the defeated 
 side for their own and interbreed with them, it would seem that 
 the true men would have nothing to do with the Ifeanderthal 
 
 Arfcictcr scales) 
 
 'Bonepcfiitts 
 
 (JixUiazi-' 
 
 pierced 
 
 tiaz-poons ozTetncLaec horn 
 
 cap 
 
 mortal' 
 
 Tkfi 
 
 J.F.H. 
 
 •omna 
 
 ■stick 
 
 (remAearhom) 
 
 race, women or men. There is no trace of any intermixture 
 between the races, in spite of the fact that the newcomers, being 
 also flint users, were establishing themselves in the very same 
 spots that their predecessors had occupied. We know nothing 
 
70 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of the appearance of the Neanderthal man, but this ahsence of 
 intermixture seems to suggest an extreme hairiness, an ugliness, 
 or a repulsive strangeness in his appearance over and above his 
 low forehead, his beetle brows, his ape neck, and his inferior 
 stature. Or he — and she — may have been too fierce to tame. 
 Says Sir Harry Johnston, in a survey of the rise of modem 
 man in his Views and Reviews: "The dim racial remeinbrance 
 of such gorilla-like monsters, with cunning brains, shambling 
 gait, hairy bodies, strong teeth, and possibly cannibalistic tend- 
 encies, may be the germ of the ogre in folklore. . . ." 
 
 These true men of the Palseolithic Age, who replaced the 
 Neanderthalers, were coming into a milder climate, and al- 
 though they used the caves and shelters of their predecessors, 
 they lived largely in the open. They were hunting peoples, 
 and some or all of them appear to have hunted the mammoth 
 and the wild horse as well as the reindeer, bison, and aurochs. 
 They ate much horse. At a great open-air camp at Solutre, 
 where they seem to have had annual gatherings for many cen- 
 turies, it is estimated that there are the bones of 100,000 horses, 
 besides reindeer, mammoth, and bison- bones. They probably 
 followed herds of horses, the little bearded ponies of that age, 
 as these moved after pasture. They hung about on the flanks 
 of the herd, and became very wise about its habits and disposi- 
 tions. A large part of these men's lives must have been spent 
 in watching animals. 
 
 "Whether they tamed and domesticated the horse is still an 
 open qi;iestion. Perhaps they learnt to do so by degrees as the 
 centuries passed. At any rate, we find late Palaeolithic draw- 
 ings of horses with marks about the heads that are strongly 
 suggestive of bridles, and there exists a carving of a horse's 
 head showing what is perhaps a rope of twisted skin or tendon. 
 But even if they tamed the horse, it ia still more doubtful 
 whether they rode it or had much use for it when it was tamed. 
 The horse they knew was a wild pony with a beard under its 
 chin, not up to carrying a man for any distance. It is improb- 
 able that these men had yet learnt the rather unnatural use of 
 animal's milk as food. If they tamed the horse at last, it 
 was the only animal they seem to have tamed. They had no 
 dogs, and they had little to do with any sort of domesticated 
 sheep or cattle. 
 
 It greatly aids us to realize their common humanity that 
 
THE FiilST TRUE MEN n 
 
 these earliest true men could draw. Both races, it would seem, 
 drew astonishingly well. They were by all standards savages, 
 but they were artistic savages. They drew better than any of 
 their successors down to the beginnings of history. They drew 
 and painted on the cliffs and cave walla th^t they had wrested 
 from the Neanderthal men. And the surviving drawings come 
 to the ethnologist, puzzling over bones and scraps, with the 
 effect of a plain message shining through guesswork and dark- 
 ness. They drew on bones and antlers; they carved little 
 figures. 
 
 These later Palaeolithic people not only drew remarkably well 
 for our information, and with an increasing skill as the cen- 
 turies passed, but they have also left us other information about 
 their lives in their graves. They buried. They buried their 
 dead, often with ornaments, weapons, and food; they used a 
 lot of colour in the burial, and evidently painted the body. 
 From that one may infer that they painted their bodies during 
 life. Paint was a big fact in their lives. They were inveterate 
 painters; they used black, brown, red, yellow, and white pig- 
 ments, and the pigments they used endure to this day in the 
 caves of France and Spain. Of all modern races, none have 
 shown so pictorial a disposition ; the nearest approach to it has 
 been among the American Indians. 
 
 These drawings and paintings of the later Palaeolithic people 
 went on through a long period of time, and present wide fluctua- 
 tions in artistic merit. We give here some early sketches, from 
 which we learn of the interest taken by these early men in the 
 bison, horse, ibex, cave bear, and reindeer. In its early stages 
 the drawing is often primitive like the drawing of clever chil- 
 dren; quadrupieds are usually drawn with one hind-leg and 
 one fore-leg, as children draw them to this day. The legs on 
 the other side were too much for the artist's technique. Possi- 
 bly the first drawings began as children's drawings begin, out 
 of idle scratchings. The savage scratched with a flint on a 
 smooth rock surface, and was reminded of some line or gesture. 
 But their solid carvings are at least as old as their first pic- 
 tures. The earlier drawings betray a complete incapacity to 
 group animals. As the centuries progressed, more skilful artists 
 appeared. The representation of beasts became at last astonish- 
 ingly vivid and like. But even at the crest of their artistic 
 time they still drew in profile as children do; perspective and 
 
72 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the fore-shortening needed for back and front views were too 
 much for them.^ They rarely drew themselves. The vast 
 majority of their drawings represent animals. The mammoth 
 and the horse are among the commonest themes. Some of the 
 people, whether Grimaldi people or Cro-Magnon people, also 
 made little ivory and soapstone statuettes, and among these are 
 some very fat female figures. These latter suggest the physique 
 of Grimaldi rather than of Cro-Magnon artists. They are like 
 
 
 J.P.H. 
 
 fainting rti -(mar coLonrs (Save cf^Hbuahra. , SpMti) 
 
 Bushmen women. The human sculpture of the earlier time£ 
 inclined to caricature, and generally such human figures as 
 they represent are far below the animal studies in vigour and 
 veracity. 
 
 Later on there was more grace and leas coarseness in the 
 human representations. One little ivory head discovered is 
 that of a girl with an elaborate coiffure. These people at a 
 later stage also scratched and engraved designs on ivory and 
 bone. Some of the most interesting groups of figures are 
 
 »R. I. Pocock. 
 
THE FIRST TRUE MEN 
 
 73 
 
 carved very curiously round bone, and especially round rods 
 of deer bone, so that it is impossible to see the entire design 
 
 Stxa a2u2 sshiwti 
 etuttaved on 
 peiiia£cr iWtn 
 
 
 Horse's 
 
 had. 
 
 carvaii 
 
 Head, cfa woman, carved in. ivorjr "*^ 
 
 Pamted. pMiUs (ftxUian. A^e) 
 
 S'tone stabxetttf 
 
 altogeliier. Figures have also been found modelled in clay, 
 although no Palaeolithic people made any use of pottery. 
 
 Many of the paintings are found in the depths of unlit 
 caves. They are often difficult of access. The artists must 
 
74 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 have employed lamps to do their work, and shallow soapstone 
 lamps in which fat could have been burnt have been found. 
 Whether the seeing of these cavern paintings was in some way 
 ceremonial or under what circumstances they were seen, we 
 are now altogether at a loss to imagine. 
 
 At last it would seem that circumstances began to turn alto- 
 gether against these hunting Newer Palaeolithic people who had 
 flourished for so long in Europe. They disappeared. New 
 kinds of men appeared in Europe, replacing them. These 
 latter seem to have brought in bow and arrows; they had do- 
 mesticated animals and cultivated the soil. A new way of 
 living, the Neolithic way of living, spread over the European 
 area ; and the life of the Reindeer Age and of the races of Kein- 
 deer men, the Later Palaeolithic men, after a reign vastly greater 
 than the time between ourselves and the very earliest begin- 
 nings of recorded history, passed off the European stage. 
 
 § 2 
 
 It was about 12,000 or fewer years ago that, with the spread 
 of forests and a great change of the fauna, the long prevalence 
 of the hunting life in Europe drew to its end. Reindeer van- 
 ished. Changing conditions . frequently bring with them new 
 diseases. There may have been prehistoric pestilences. Eor 
 many centuries there may have been no men in Britain or 
 Central Europe (Wright). For a time there were in Southern 
 Europe drifting communities of some little known people who 
 are called the Azilians.^ They may have been transition gen- 
 erations; they may have been a different race. We do not 
 know. Some authorities incline to the view that the Azilians 
 were the first wave of a race which, as we shall see later, has 
 played a great part in populating' Europe, the dark-white or 
 Mediterranean or Iberian race. These Azilian people have 
 left behind them a multitude of pebbles, roughly daubed with 
 markings of an unknown purport (see illus. p. 73). The use or 
 significance of these Azilian pebbles is still a pi'ofound mystery. 
 Was this some sort of token writing ? Were they counters in 
 some game ? Did the Azilians play with these pebbles or tell a 
 story with them, as imaginative diildren will do with bits of 
 
 'From the eavq of Mas d'Azil. 
 
THE FIRST TRUE MEN 75 
 
 wood and stone nowadays ? At present we are unable to cope 
 with any of these questions. 
 
 We will not deal here with the other various peoples who 
 left their scanty traces in the world during the close of the 
 New Palaeolithic period, the spread of the forests where for- 
 merly there had been' steppes, and the wane of the hunters, 
 some 10,000 or 12,000 years ago. We will go on to describe 
 the new sort of human community that was now spreading over 
 the northern hemisphere, whose appearance marks what is called 
 the Neolithic Age. The map of the world was assuming some- 
 thing like its present outlines, the landscape and the flora and 
 fauna were taking on their existing characteristics. The pre- 
 vailing animals in the spreading woods of Europe were the royal 
 stag, the great ox, and the bison ; the mammoth and the musk 
 ox had gone. The great ox, or aurochs, is now extinct, but it 
 survived in the German forests up to the time of the Koraan 
 Empire. It was never domesticated.^ It stood eleven feet 
 high at the shoulder, as high as an elephant. There were still 
 lions in the Balkan peninsula, and they remained there until 
 about 1,000 or 1,200 b.c. The lions of Wiirtemberg and South 
 Germany in those days were twice the size of the modern lion. 
 South Kussia and Central Asia were thickly wooded then, and 
 there were elephants in Mesopotamia and Syria, and a fauna 
 in Algeria that was tropical African in character. 
 
 Hitherto men in Europe had never gone farther north than 
 the Baltic Sea or the British Isles, but now the Scandinavian 
 peninsula and perhaps Great Kussia were becoming possible 
 regions for human occupation. There are no Palaeolithic re- 
 mains in Sweden or Norway. Man, when he entered these 
 countries, was apparently already at the Neolithic stage of 
 social development. 
 
 § 3 
 
 Nor is there any convincing evidence of man in America 
 before the end of the Pleistocene.^ The same relaxation of the 
 
 'But our domestic cattle are derived from some form of aurochs — 
 probably from some lesser Central Asiatic variety. — H. H. J. 
 
 ""The various finds of human remains in North America for which 
 the geological antiquity has been claimed have been thus briefly passed 
 under review. In every instance where enough of the bones is preserved 
 for comparison, the evidence bears witness against the geological antiquity 
 of the remains and for their close aflnnity to or identity with the modern 
 
76 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 climate that permitted the retreat of the reindeer hunters into 
 Kussia and Siberia, as the Neolithic tribes advanced, may have 
 allowed them to wander across the land that is now cut by 
 Bering Strait, and so reach the American continent. They 
 spread thence southward, age by age. When they reached 
 South America, they found the giant sloth (the Megatherium), 
 the glyptodon, and many other extinct creatures, still flourish- 
 ing. The glyptodon was a monstrous South American arma- 
 dillo, and a human skeleton has been found by Eoth buried 
 beneath its huge tortoise-like shell. ^ 
 
 All the human remains in America, even the earliest, it is 
 to be noted, are of an Amer-Indian character. In America 
 there does not seem to have been any preceding races of sub- 
 men. Man was fully man when he entered America. The old 
 world was the nursery of the sub-races of mankind. 
 
 Indian." (Smithsonian Institute, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bul- 
 letin 33. Dr. Hrdlicka.) 
 
 But J. Deniker quotes evidence to show that eoliths and early paleeoliths 
 have been found in America. See his compact but full summary of the 
 evidence and views for and against in his Races of Man, pp. 510, 511. 
 
 ' "Questioned by some authorities," says J. Deniker in The Races of Man. 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 
 
 § 1. The Age of CuUivcdion Begins. § 2. Where Did the 
 Neolithic Culture Arise? § 3. Everyday Neolithic Life. 
 § 4. Primitive Trade. § 5. The Flooding of the Medi- 
 terranean Valley. 
 
 § 1 
 
 THE Neolithic phase of human affairs began in Europe 
 about 10,000 or 12,000 years ago. But probably men 
 had reached the Neolithic stage elsewhere some thou- 
 sands of years earlier. Neolithic men came slowly into Europe 
 from the south or south-east as the reindeer and the open 
 steppes gave way to forest and modern European conditions, 
 
 The Neolithic stage in culture is characterized by: (1) the 
 presence of polished stone implements, and in particular! the 
 stone axe, which was perforated so as to be the more effectually 
 fastened to a wooden handle, and which was probably used 
 rather for working wood than in conflict. There are also abun- 
 dant arrow-heads. The fact that some implements are polished 
 does not preclude the presence of great quantities of implements 
 of unpolished stone. But there are differences in the make 
 between even the unpolished tools of the Neolithic and of the 
 Palaeolithic Period. (2) The beginning of a sort of agricul- 
 ture, and the use of plants and seeds. But at first there are 
 abundant evidences that hunting was still of great importance 
 in the Neolithic Age. Neolithic man did not at first sit down 
 to his agriculture. He took snatch crope. He settled later. 
 
 (3) Pottery and proper cooking. The horse is no longer eaten. 
 
 (4) Domesticated animals. The dog appears very early. The 
 Neolithic man had domesticated cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs. 
 
 77 
 
78 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 He was a huntsman turned herdsman of the herds he once 
 hunted. (5) Plaiting and weaving. 
 
 These Neolithic people probably "migrated" into Europe, 
 in the same way that the Keindeer Men had migrated befcH-e 
 them ; that is to say, generation by generation and century by 
 century, as the climate changed, they spread after their accus- 
 tomed food. They were not "nomads." Nomadism, like civili- 
 zation, had still to be developed. At present we are quite un- 
 able to estimate how far the Neolithic peoples were new-comers 
 and how far their arts were developed or acquired by the de- 
 scendants of some of the hunters and fishers of the Later 
 Palaeolithic Age. 
 
 Whatever our conclusions in that matter, this much we may 
 say with, certainty; there is no great break, no further sweeping 
 away of one kind of man and replacement by another kind be- 
 tween the appearance of the Neolithic way of living and ou^^ 
 own time. There are invasions, conquests, extensive emigra- 
 tions and intermixtures, but the races as a whole carry on and 
 continue to adapt themselves to the areas into which they b^aji 
 to settle in the opening of the Neolithic Age. The Neolithic 
 men of Europe were white men ancestral to the modern Euro- 
 peans. They may have been of a darker complexion than many 
 of their descendants; of . that we cannot speak with certainty. 
 But there is no real, break in culture from their time onward 
 until we rfealch the age of coal, steam, and power-driven ma- 
 chinery that began in the eighteenth century. 
 
 After a long time gold, the first known of the metals, appears 
 among the bone ornaments with jet and amber. Irish Neolithic 
 remains are particularly rich in. gold. Then, perhaps 6,000 
 or 7jOOO years ago in Europe, . Neolithic people began to use 
 copper in certain centres, making out of it implements of much 
 the same pattern as their stone ones. They cast, the copper in 
 moulds made to the shape of the stone implements. Possibly 
 they first found native copper and hammered it into shape. ^ 
 Later^^-we will not venture upon figures — men had found out 
 how to get copper from its ore. Perhaps, as Lord Avebury sug- 
 gested, they discovered the secret of smelting by the chance put- 
 ting of lumps of copper ore among the ordinary stones with 
 which they built the fire pits they used for cooking. In China, 
 
 'Native copper is still found to-day in Italy, Hungary, Cornwall and 
 many other places. ' 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 
 
 79 
 
 Hungary, Gornwall, and elsewhere copper ore and tinstone 
 occur in the same veins ; it is a very common association, and 
 so, Tather through dirtiness -than skill, the ancient smelters, it 
 
 (orawn to 
 diffirma 
 scales) 
 
 diui luym 
 2ixc una. 
 
 at poUshed stone 
 
 Flint- 
 
 airow-heaAs 
 
 may he, hit upon the harder and better bronze, which is an 
 alloy of copper and tin. Bronze is not only harder than copper, 
 but the mixture of tin and copper is more fusible and easier to 
 reduce. The so-called "pure-copper" implements usually con- 
 
80 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tain a small proportion of tin, and there are no tin implements - 
 knovm, nor very much evidence to show that early men knew 
 of tin as a separate metal.^ ^ The plant of a prehistoric copper 
 smelter has been found in Spain, and the material of bronze 
 foundries in various localities. The method of smelting re- 
 vealed by these finds carries out Lord Avebury's suggestion. 
 In India, where zinc and copper ore occur together, brass 
 (which is an alloy of the two metals) was similarly hit upon. 
 
 So slight was the change in fashions and methods produced 
 by the appearance of bronze, that for a long time such bronze 
 axes and so forth as were made were cast in moulds to the shape 
 of the stone implements they were superseding. 
 
 Finally, perhaps as early as 3,000 years ago in Europe, and 
 even earlier in Asia Minor, men began to smelt iron. Once 
 smelting was known to men, there is no great marvel in the 
 finding of iron. They smelted iron by blowing up a charcoal 
 fire, and wrought it by heating and hammering. They produced 
 it at first in comparatively small pieces ; ' its appearance 
 worked a gradual revolution in weapons and implements ; but it 
 did not suffice to change the general character of men's sur- 
 roundings. Much the same daily life that was being led by 
 the more settled Neolithic men 10,000 years ago, was being led 
 by peasants in out-of-the-way places all over Europe at the be- 
 ginning of the eighteenth century. 
 
 People talk of the Stone Age, the Bronze Age, and the Iron 
 Age in Europe, but it is misleading to put these ages as if they 
 were of equal importance in history. Much truer is it to say 
 thit there was: 
 
 (1) An Early Palwolithic Age, of vast duration; (2) a 
 Laier Palaeolithic Age, that lasted not a tithe of the time ; and 
 
 ^Ridgeway (Early Age of Greece) says a lump of tin has been found 
 in the Swiss pile-dwelling deposits. 
 
 'Tin was known as a foreign import in Egypt under the XVIIIth 
 Dynasty; there is (rare) Mycenaean tin,' and there are (probably later, 
 but not clearly dated) tin objects in the Caucasus. But it is very diffi- 
 cult to distinguish tin from antimony. There is a good deal of Cyprus 
 bronze which contains antimony; a good, deal which seems to be tin is 
 antimony — ^the ancients trying to get tin, but actually getting antimony 
 and thinking it was tin. — J. L. M. 
 
 'In connection with iron, note the distinction of ornamental and useful 
 iron. Ornamental iron, a rarity, perhaps meteoric, as jewellery or magical 
 stuff, occurs in east Europe sporadically in the time of the XVnith 
 Dynasty. This must be distinguished from the copious useful iron 
 which appears in Greece much later from the North. — J. I,. M. 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 81 
 
 (3) the Age of Cultivation, the age of the white men in Europe, 
 which began 10,000 or at most 12,000 years ago, of which the 
 Neolithic Period was the beginning, and which is still going on. 
 
 § 2 
 
 "We do not know yet the region in which the ancestors of the 
 brownish Neolithic peoples worked their way up from the 
 Palaeolithic stage of human development. Probably it was some- 
 where about south-western Asia, or in some region now sub- 
 merged beneath the Mediterranean Sea or the Indian Ocean, 
 that, while the Neanderthal men still lived their hard lives in 
 the bleak climate of a glaciated Europe, the ancestors of the 
 white men developed the rude arts of their Later Palaeolithic 
 period. But they do not seem to have developed the artistic 
 skill of their more northerly kindred, the, European L^er 
 Palaeolithic races. And through the hundred centuries or so 
 while Eeindeer men were living under comparatively unprogres- 
 sive conditions upon the steppes of France, Germany, and 
 Spain, these more favoured and progressive people to the south 
 were mastering agriculture, learning to develop their appli- 
 ances, taming the dog, domesticating cattle, arid, as the climate 
 to the north mitigated and the equatorial climate grew more 
 tropical, spreading northward. All these early chapters' of 
 our story have yet to be disinterred. They will probably be 
 found in Asia Minor, Persia, Arabia, India, or north Africa, 
 or they lie beneath the Mediterranean waters. Twelve thou- 
 sand years ago, or thereabouts — ^we are still too early for any- 
 thing but the roughest chronology — ^Neolithic peoples were scat- 
 tered all over Europe, north Africa, and Asia. They were 
 peoples at about the level of many of the Polynesian islanders 
 of the last century, and they were the most, advanced peoples 
 in the world. 
 
 § 3 
 
 It will be of interest here to give a brief account of the life 
 of the European Neolithic people before the appearance of 
 metals. We get our light upon that life from various sources. 
 They scattered their refuse about, and in some places (e.g. on 
 : the Danish coast) it accumulated in great heaps, known as the 
 kitchen-middens. They buried some of their people, but not 
 
82 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the common herd, with great care and distinction, and made 
 .hiige heaps of earth over their sepulchres ; these heaps are the 
 barrows or dolmens which contribute a feature to the Euro- 
 pean, Indian, and American scenery in many districts to this 
 day. In connection with these mounds, or independently of 
 them, they set up great stones (megaliths), either singly or 
 in groups, of which Stonehenge in Wiltshire and Carnae in 
 Brittany are among the best-known examples. In various 
 places their villages are still traceable. 
 
 • One fruitful source of knowledge about Neolithic life comes 
 from Switzerland, and was first revealed by the very dry winter 
 of 1854, when the water level of one of the lakes, sinking to 
 an unheard-of lowness, revealed the foundations of prehistoric 
 
 pile dwellings of the !N"eolithic and early Bronze Ages, built 
 out over the water after the fashion of similar homes that exist 
 to-day in Celebes and elsewhere. Not only were the timbers 
 of those ancient platforms preserved, but 5 great multitude of 
 wooden, bone, stone, and earthenware utensils and ornaments, 
 remains of food and the like, were found in the peaty accumu- 
 lations below them. Even pieces of net and garments have 
 been recovered. Similar lake dwellings existed in Scotland, 
 Ireland, and elsewhere — there are well-known remains at Glas- 
 tonbury in Somersetshire; in Ireland lake dwellings were in- 
 habited' from prehistoric times up to the days when O'Neil of 
 Tyrone was fighting against the English before the plantation 
 of Scotch colonists to replace the Irish in Ulster in the reign 
 of James I of England. These lake villages had considerable 
 defensive value, and there was a sanitary advantage in living 
 over flowing water. 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 63 
 
 Probably these Neolithic Swiss pile dwellings did not shelter 
 the largest communities that existed in those days. They were 
 the homes of small patriarchal groups. Elsewhere upon fertile 
 plains and in more open country there were probably already 
 much larger assemblies of homes than in those mountain valleys. 
 There are traces of such a large community of families in Wilt- 
 shire in England, for example; the remains of the stone circle 
 of Avebury near Silbury mound were once the "finest mega- 
 lithic ruin in Europe." It consisted of two circles of stones 
 surrounded by a larger circle and a ditch, and covering alto- 
 gether twenty-eight and a half acres. From it two avenues of 
 stones, each a mile and a half long, ran west and south on either 
 side of Silbury Hill. Silbury Hill is the largest prehistoric 
 artificial mound in England. The dimensions of this centre of 
 a faith and a social life now forgotten altogether by men indi- 
 cate the concerted efforts and interests of a very large number 
 of people, widely scattered though they may have been over 
 the west and south and centre of England. Possibly they as- 
 sembled at some particular season of the year in a primitive 
 sort of fair. The whole community "lent a hand" in building 
 the mounds and hauling the stones. The Swiss pile dwellers, 
 on the contrary, seem to have lived in practically self-contained 
 villages. 
 
 These lake-village people were considerably more advanced 
 in methods and knowledge, and probably much later in time 
 than the early IN^eolithic people who accumulated the shell 
 mounds, known as kitchen-middens, on the Danish and Scotch 
 coasts. These kitchen-midden folk may have been as early as 
 10,000 B.C. or earlier; the lake dwellings were probably occu- 
 pied continuously from 5,000 or 4,000 b.c. down almost to his- 
 toric times. Those early kitchen-midden people were among 
 the most barbaric of Neolithic peoples, their stone axes were 
 rough, and they had no domesticated animal except the dog. 
 The lake dwellers, on the other hand, had, in addition to the 
 dog, which was of a medium-sized breed, oxen, goats, and sheep. 
 Later on, as they were approaching the Bronze Age, they got 
 swine. The remains of cattle and goats prevail in their debris, 
 and, having regard to the climate and country about them, it 
 seems probable that these beasts were sheltered in the buildings 
 upon the piles in winter, and that fodder was stored for. them. 
 Probably the beasts lived in the same houses with the people, 
 
84 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 as the men and beasts do now in Swiss chalets. The people 
 in the houses possibly milked the cows and goats, and milk per- 
 haps played as important a part in their economy as it does 
 in that: of the mountain Swiss of to-day. But of that we are 
 not sure at present.. Milk is not a natural food for adults; it 
 must have seemed queer stuff to take at first ; and it may have 
 been only after much breeding that a continuous supply of 
 milk was secured from cows and goats. Some people think that 
 the use of milk, cheese, butter, and other milk products came 
 later into human life when men became nomadic. The writer 
 is, however, disposed to give the Neolithic, men credit for hav- 
 ing discovered milking. The milk, if they did use it (and, 
 no doubt, in that case sour curdled milk also, but not well- 
 made cheese and butter), they must have kept in earthenware 
 pots, for they had pottery, though it was roughly hand-made 
 pottery and not the shapely product of the pottery's wheel. They 
 eked out this food supply by hunting. They killed and ate 
 red deer and roe deer, bison and wild boar. And they ate the 
 fox, a rather high-flavoured meat, and not what any one would 
 eat in a world of plenty. Oddly enough, they do not seem to 
 have eaten the hare, although it was available as food. 
 They are supposed to have avoided eating it, as some savages 
 are said to avoid eating it to this day, because they feared that 
 the flesh of so timid a creature might make them, by a sort of 
 infection, cowardly.^ 
 
 Of their agricultural methods we know very little. No 
 ploughs and no hoes have been found. They were of wood and 
 have perished. Neolithic men cultivated and ate wheat, barley, 
 and millet, but they knew nothing of oats or rye. Their grain 
 they roasted^ ground between stones and stored in pots, to be 
 eaten when needed. And they made exceedingly solid and heavy 
 bread, because round flat slabs of it have been got out of these 
 deposits; Apparently they had no yeast. If they had no yeast, 
 then they had no fermented drink. One sort of barley that 
 they had is the sort that was cultivated by the ancient Greeks, 
 Romans, and Egyptians, and they also had an Egyptian variety 
 of wheat, showing that their ancestors had brought or derived 
 this cultivation from the south-east. The centre of diffusion of 
 wheat was somewhere in the eastern Mediterranean region. A 
 
 * Csieaar d6 Bella OalUoo says the Britons tabooed hare, fowl and 
 gooae.--TG. Wh. ' 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 85 
 
 wild form is still found in the neighbourhood of Mt. Hermon 
 (see Footnote to Chap. XIV, § 1). When the lake dwellers 
 sowed their little patches of wheat in Switzerland, they were 
 already following the immemorial practice of mankind. The 
 seed must have been brought age by age from that distant centre 
 of diffusion. In the ancestral lands of the south-east men had 
 already been sowing wheat perhaps for thousands of years.^ 
 Those lake dwellers also ate peas, and crab-apples — -the only 
 apples that then existed in the world. Cultivation and selection 
 had not yet produced the apple of to-day. 
 
 They dressed chiefly in skins, but they also made a rough 
 cloth of flax. Fragments of that flaxen cloth have been dis- 
 covered. Their nets were made of flax; they had as yet no 
 knowledge of hemp and hempen rope. With the coining of 
 bronze, their pins and ornaments increased in number. There 
 is reason to believe they set great store upon their hair, 
 wearing it in large shocks with pins of bone and afterwards 
 of metal. To judge from the absence of realistic carvings or 
 engravings or paintings, they either did not decorate their gar- 
 ments or decorated them with plaids, spots, interlacing designs, 
 or similar conventional ornament. Before the coming of bronze 
 there is no evidence of stools or tables; the Neolithic people 
 probably squatted on their clay floors. There were no cats in 
 these lake dwellings; no mice or rats had yet adapted them- 
 selves to human dwellings ; the cluck of the hen was not as yet 
 added to the sounds of human life, nor the domestic egg to its 
 diet.2 
 
 The chief tool and weapon of Neolithic man was his axe; 
 his next the bow and arrow. His arrow-heads were of flint, 
 
 'AH Old World peoples who had entered upon the Neolithic stage grew 
 and ate wheat, but the American Indians must have developed agriculture 
 independently in America after their separation from the Old World 
 populations. They never had wheat. Their cultivation was maize, In- 
 dian corn, a New World grain. ' 
 
 "Poultry and hens' eggs were late additions to the human cuisine, in 
 spite of the large part they now play in our dietary. The hen is not 
 mentioned in the Old Testament (but note the allusion to an egg, Job 
 vi, 6) nor by Homer. Up to about 1,500 B.C. the only fowls in the World 
 were jungle denizens in India and Burmah. The crowing of jungle cocks 
 is noted by Grlasfurd in his admirable accounts of tiger shooting as the 
 invariable preliminary of dawn in the Indian jungle. Probably poultry 
 were first domesticated in Burmah. They got to China, according to the 
 records, only about 1,100 b.c. They reached Greece via Persia before the 
 time of Socrates. In the New Testament the crowning of the cock re- 
 proaches Peter, for his desertion of the Master. 
 
86 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 beautifully made, and he lashed them tightly to their shafts. 
 Probably he prepared the ground for his sowing with a pole, 
 or a pole upon which he had stuck a stag's horn. Eish he 
 hooked or harpooned. These implements no doubt stood about 
 in the interior of the house, from the walls of which hung his 
 fowling-nets. On the floor, which was of clay or trodden cow- 
 dung (after the fashion of hut floors in India to-day), stood' 
 pots and jars and woven baskets containing grain, milk, and 
 such-like food. Some of the pots and pans hung by rope loops 
 to the walls. At one end of the room, and helping to keep it 
 warm in winter by their animal heat, stabled the beasts. The 
 
 Uvir urns, lite &rst 
 
 prohahhj represetiiizig a hike.-dnmlmcr,,. 
 Mia- lubhock,.. 
 
 children took the cows and goats out to graze, and brought them 
 in at night before the wolves and bears came prowling. 
 
 Since Neolithic man had the bow, he probably also had 
 stringed instruments, for the rhythmic twanging of a bow- 
 string seems almost inevitably to lead to that. He also had 
 earthenware drums across which skins were stretched ; perhaps 
 also he made drums by stretching skins over hollow tree sterns.^ 
 We do not know when man began to sing, but evidently he was 
 making music, and since he had words, songs were no doubt 
 being made. To begin with, perhaps, he just let his voice loose 
 as one may hear Italian peasants now behind their ploughs 
 singing songs without words. After dark in the winter he sat 
 in his house and talked and sang and made implements by 
 
 'Later Palseolithic bone whistles are known. One may guess that reed 
 pipes were an early invention. 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 87 
 
 touch rather than sight. His lighting must have been poor^ 
 and chiefly firelight, but there was probably always some fire 
 in the village, summer or winter. Fire was too troublesome to 
 make for men to be willing to let it out readily. Sometimes a 
 great disaster happened to those pile villages, the fire got free, 
 and they were burnt out. The Swiss deposits contain clear 
 evidence of such catastrophes. 
 
 All this we gather from the remains of. the Swiss pile dwell- 
 ings, and such was the character of the human life that spread 
 over Europe, coming from the south and from the east with 
 the forests as, 10,000 or ,12,000 years ago, the reindeer and 
 the Eeindeer men passed away. It is evident that we have here 
 a way of life already separated by a great gap of thousands of 
 years of invention from its original Palaeolithic stage. The 
 steps by which it rose from that condition we can only guess 
 at. From, being a hunter hovering upon the outskirts of flocks 
 and herds of wild cattle and sheep, and from being a co-hunter 
 with the dog, man by insensible degrees may have developed a 
 sense of proprietorship in the beasts and struck up a friendship 
 with his canine competitor. He learnt to turn the cattle when 
 they wandered too far; he brought his better brain to bear to 
 guide them to fresh pasture. He hemmed the beasts into 
 valleys and enclosures where he could be sure to find them again. 
 He fed them when they starved, and so slowly he tamed them. 
 Perhaps his agriculture b^an with the storage of fodder. He 
 reaped, no doubt, before he sowed. The Palaeolithic ancestor 
 away in that unknown land of origin to the south-east first sup- 
 plemented the precarious meat supply of the hunter by eating 
 roots and fruits and wild grains. Man storing graminifesrous 
 grasses for his cattle might easily come to beat out the grain 
 for himself. 
 
 §4 
 
 All these early beginnings must have taken place far back 
 in time, and in regions of the world that have still to be effec- 
 tively explored by the archaeologists. They were probably going 
 on in Asia or Africa, in what is now the bed of the Mediter- 
 ranean, or in the region of the Indian Ocean, while the Rein- 
 deer man was developing his art in Europe. The Neolithic 
 men who drifted over Europe and Western Asia 12,000 or 
 10,000 years ago were long past these beginnings; they were 
 
88 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 already close, a few thousand yeaxs, to the dawn of written 
 tradition and the remembered history of mankind. Without 
 any very great shock or break, bronze came at last into human 
 life, giving a great advantage in warfare to those tribes who 
 first obtained it. Written history had already begun before 
 weapons of iron came into Europe to supersede bronze. 
 
 Already in those days a sort of primitive trade had sprung 
 up. Bronze and bronze weapons, and such rare and hard stones 
 as jade, gold because of its plastic and ornamental possibilities, 
 and skins and flax-net and cloth, were being swapped and stolen 
 and passed from hand to hand over great stretches of country. 
 Salt also was probably being traded. On a meat dietary men 
 can live without salt, but grain-consuming people need it just 
 as herbivorous animals need it. Hopf says that bitter tribal wars 
 have been carried on by the desert tribes of the Soudan in re- 
 cent years for the possession of the salt deposits between Fezzan 
 and Murzuk. To begin with, barter, blackmail, tribute, and 
 robbery by violence passed into each other by insensible de- 
 grees. Men got what they wanted by such means as they could. 
 
 § 5 
 
 So far we have been telling of a history without events, a 
 history of ages and periods and stages in development. But be- 
 fore we conclude this portion of the human story, we must 
 record what was probably an event of primary importance and 
 at first perhaps of tragic importance to developing mankind, 
 and that was the breaking in of the Atlantic waters to the great 
 Mediterranean valley. 
 
 The reader must keep in mind that we are endeavouring to 
 give him plain statements that he can take hold of comfortably. 
 But both in the matter of our time charts and the three maps 
 we have given of prehistoric geography there is necessarily much 
 speculative matter. We have dated the last Glacial Age aid 
 the appearance of the true men as about 40,000 or 35,000 years 
 ago. Please bear that "about" in mind. The truth may be 
 60,000 or 20,000. But it is no good saying "a very long time" 
 or "ages" ago, because then the reader will not know whether 
 we mean centuries or millions of years. And similarly in these 
 maps we give, they represent not the truth, but something like 
 the truth. The outline of the land was "some such outline." 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 80 
 
 There were such seas and such land masses. But both Mr. 
 Horrabin, who has drawn these maps, and I, who have incited 
 him to do so, have preferred to err on the timid side. We are 
 not geologists enough to launch out into original research in 
 these matters, and so we have stuck to the 40-f athom line and 
 the recent deposits as our guides for our postglacial map and 
 for the map of 12,000 to 10,000 b.c. But in one matter we 
 have gone beyond these guides. It is practically certain that 
 at the end of the last Glacial Age the Mediterranean was a 
 couple of land-locked sea basins, not connected — or only con- 
 nected by a torrential overflow river. The eastern basin was 
 the fresher ; it was fed by the Nile, the "Adriatic' river, the 
 "Eed-Sea" river, and perhaps by a river that poured down 
 amidst the mountains that are now the Greek Archipelago 
 from the very much bigger Sea of Central Asia that then existed. 
 Almost "certainly human beings, and possibly even Neolithic 
 men, wandered over that now lost Mediterranean valley. 
 
 The reasons for believing this are very good and plain. To 
 this day the Mediterranean is a sea of evaporation. The rivers 
 that flow into it do not make up for the evaporation from its 
 surface. There is a constant current of water pouring into 
 the Mediterranean from the Atlantic, and another current 
 streaming in from the Bosporus and Black Sea. For the 
 Black Sea gets more water than it needs from the big rivers 
 that flow into it; it is an overflowing sea, while the Mediter- 
 ranean is a thirsty sea. From which it must be plain that when 
 the Mediterranean was cut off both from the Atlantic Ocean 
 and the Black Sea it must have been a shrinking sea with its wa- 
 ters sinking to a much lower level than those of the ocean out- 
 side. This is the case of the Caspian Sea to-day. Still more 
 so is it the case with the Dead Sea. 
 
 But if this reasoning is sound, then where to-day roll the 
 blue waters of the Mediterranean there must once have been 
 great areas of land, and land with a very agreeable climate. 
 This was probably the case during the last Glacial Age, and 
 we do not know how near it was to our time when the change 
 occurred that brought back the ocean waters into the Mediter- 
 ranean basin. Certainly there must have been Grimaldi peo- 
 ple, and perhaps even Azilian and Neolithic people going about 
 in the valleys and forests of these regions that are now sub- 
 merged. The Neolithic Dark Whites, the people of the Mediter- 
 
90 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ranean race, may have gone far towards the beginnings of settle- 
 ment and civilization in that great lost Mediterranean valley. 
 
 Mr. W. B. Wright^ gives us some very stimulating sugges- 
 tions here. He suggests that in the Mediterranean basin there 
 were two lakes, "one a fresh-water lake, in the eastern depres- 
 sion, which drained into the other in j;he western depression. It 
 is interesting to think what must have happened when the 
 ocean level rose once more as a result of the dissipation of the 
 ice-sheets, and its waters began to pour over into the Mediter- 
 ranean area. The inflow, small at first, must have ultimately 
 increased to enormous dimensions, as the channel was slowly 
 lowered by erosion and the ocean level slowly rose. If there 
 were any unconsolidated materials on the sill of the Strait, 
 the result must have been a genuine debacle, and if we consider 
 the, length of time which even an enormous torrent would take 
 to fill such a basin as that of the Mediterranean, we must con- 
 clude that this result was likely to have been attained in any 
 case. Now, this may seem all the wildest speculation, but it 
 is not entirely so, for if we examine a submarine contour map 
 of the Straits of Gibraltar, we find there is an enormous valley 
 running up from the Mediterranean deep, right through the 
 Straits, and trenching some distance out on to the Atlantic 
 shelf. This valley or gorge is probably the work of the inflow- 
 ing waters of the ocean at the termination of the period of 
 interior drainage." 
 
 This refilling of the Mediterranean, which by the rough 
 chronology we are employing in this book may have happened 
 somewhen between 30,000 and 10,000 e.g., must have been one 
 of the greatest single events in the pr&-history of our race. If 
 the later date is the truer, then, as the reader will see plainly 
 enough after reading the next two chapters, the crude be- 
 ginnings of civilization, the first lake dwellings and the first 
 cultivation, were probably round that eastern Levantine Lake 
 into which there flowed not only the Nile, but the. two great 
 rivers that are now the Adriatic and the Red Sea. Suddenly 
 the ocean waters began to break through over the westward hills 
 and to pour in upon these primitive peopl^s-^-the lake that 
 had been their home and friend became their enemy ; its waters 
 rose and never abated; their settlements wore submerged; the 
 waters pursued them in their flight. Day by day and year by 
 Tfce Qiiatemaiy Ice Age. 
 
NEOLITHIC MAN IN EUROPE 91 
 
 year the waters spread up the valleys and drove mankind be- 
 fore them. Many must have been surrounded and caught by 
 the continually rising salt flood. It knew no check; it came 
 faster and faster ; it rose over the tree-tops, over the hills, until 
 it had filled the whole basia of the present Mediterranean and 
 until it lapped the mountain cliffs of Arabia and Africa. Far 
 away, long before the dawn of history, this catastrophe occurred. 
 
XI 
 
 EAELY THOUGHT 
 
 § 1. Primitive Philosophy. § 2. The Old Man in Religion. 
 § 3. Fear and Hope in Religion. § 4. Stars and Seasons. 
 § 5. Story-telling and Myth^mahing. § 6. Complex Ori- 
 gins of Religion. 
 
 % 1 
 
 BEFOKE we go on to tell how 6,000 or 7,000 years ago 
 men began to gather into the first towns and to develop 
 something more than the loose-knit tribes that had 
 hitherto been their highest political association, something must 
 be said about the things that were going on inside these brains 
 of which we have traced the growth and development through 
 a period o£ 500,000 years from the ape-man stage. 
 
 What was man thinking about himself and about the world 
 in those remote days ? 
 
 At first he thought very little about anything but inamedi- 
 ate things. At first he was busy thinking such things as : "Here 
 is a bear; what shall I do?" Or "There is a squirrel; how 
 can I get it?" Until language had developed to some extent 
 there could have been little thinking beyond the range of actual 
 experience, for language is the instrument of thought as book- 
 keeping is the instrument of business. It records and fixes and 
 enables thought to get on to more and more complex ideas. It 
 is the hand of the mind to hold and ke^. Primordial man, be- 
 fore he could talk, probably saw very vividly, mimicked very 
 cleverly, gestured, laughed, danced, and lived, without much 
 speculation about whence he came or why he lived. Hfe feared 
 the dark, no doubt, and thunderstorms and big animals and 
 queer things and whatever he dreamt about, and no doubt he did 
 things to propitiate what he feared or to change his luck and 
 
 92 
 
EARLY THOUGHT 93 
 
 please the imaginary powers in rock' and beast and river. He 
 made no dear distinction between animate and inanimate 
 things; if a stick hurt him, he kicked it; if the river foamed 
 and flooded, he thought it was hostile. His thought was prob- 
 ably very much at the level of a bright little contemporary, 
 boy of four or five. He had the same subtle unreasonableness 
 of transition and the same limitations. But since he had little 
 or no speech he would do little to pass on the fancies that came 
 to him, and develop any tradition or concerted acts about them. 
 The drawings even of Late PalsBolithic man do not suggest 
 that he paid any attention to sun or moon or stars or trees. He 
 was preoccupied only with animals and men. Probably he 
 took day and night, sun and stars, trees and mountains, as 
 being in the nature of things — as a child takes its meal times 
 and its nursery staircase for granted. So far as we can judge, 
 he drew no fantasies, no ghosts or anything of that sort. The 
 Reindeer men's drawings are fearless familiar things, with no 
 hint about them of any religions or occult feelings. There is 
 scarcely anything that we can suppose to be a religious or mysti- 
 cal symbol at all in his productions. No doubt he had a cer- 
 tain amount of what is called fetishism in his life; he did things 
 we should now think unreasonable to produce desired ends, for 
 that is all fetishism amounts to; it is only incorrect science 
 based on guess-work or false analogy, and entirely different in 
 its nature from religion. No doubt he was excited by his 
 dreams, and his dreams mixed up at times in his mind with his 
 waking impressions and puzzled him. Since he buried his dead, 
 and since even the later Neanderthal men seem to have buried 
 their dead, and apparently with food and weapons, it has been 
 argued that he had a belief in a future life. But it is just as 
 reasonable to suppose that early men buried their dead with food 
 and weapons because they doubted if they were dead, which is 
 not the same thing as believing them to have immortal spirits, 
 and that their belief in their continuing vitality was reinforced 
 by dreams of the departed. They may have ascribed a sort of 
 were-wolf existence to the dead, and wished to propitiate them. 
 The Eelndeer man, we feel, was too intelligent and too like 
 ourselves not to have had some speech, but quite probably it 
 was not very serviceable for anything beyond direct statement 
 or matter-of-fact narrative. He lived in a larger community 
 thian the Neanderthaler, , but how large we do not know. Ex- 
 
g* THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 cept when game is swarming, hunting communities must not 
 keep together in large bodies or they will starve. The Indians 
 who depend upon the caribou in Labrador must be living under 
 circumstances rather like those of the Reindeer men. They 
 scatter in small family groups, as the caribou scatter in search 
 of food; but when the deer collect for the seasonal migration, 
 the Indians also collect. That is the time for trade and feasts 
 and marriages. The simplest American Indian is 10,000 years 
 more sophisticiated than the Keindeer man, but probably-that 
 sort of gathering- and dispersal was also the way of Keindeer 
 men. At Solutre in France there are traces of &. great camping 
 and feasting place. There was no doubt an exchange of news 
 there, but one may doubt if there was anything like an exchange 
 of ideas. One sees no scope in such a life for theology or philos- 
 ophy or superstition or speculation. Fears, yes; but unsystem- 
 atic fears ; fancies and freaks of the imagination, but personal 
 and transitory freaks and fancies. 
 
 Perhaps there was a certain power of suggestion in these en- 
 coimters. A fear really felt needs few words for its transmisr 
 sion ; a value set upon something may be very simply conveyed. 
 
 In these questions of primitive thought and religion, we 
 must remember that the lowly and savage peoples of to-day prob- 
 ably throw very little light on the mental state of men before 
 the days of fully developed language. Primordial man could 
 have had little or no tradition before the development of speech. 
 AH savage and primitive peoples of to-day, on the contrary, are 
 soaked in tradition — the tradition of thousands of generations. 
 They may have weapons like their remote ancestors and methods 
 like them, but what were slight and shallow impressions on 
 the minds of their predecessors are now deep and intricate 
 grooves worn throughout the intervening centuries generation 
 by generation. 
 
 §2 
 
 Certain very fundamental things there may have been in 
 men's minds long before the coming of speech. Chief among 
 these must have been fear of the Old Man of the tribe. The 
 young of the primitive squatting-place grew up under that fear. 
 Objects associated with him were probably forbidden. Every 
 one was forbidden to touch his spear or to sit ill his place, just 
 
EARLY THOUGHT 95 
 
 as to-day little boys must not touch father's pipe or sit in his 
 chair. He was probably the master of all the women. The 
 youths of the little community had to remember that. The idea 
 of something forbidden, the idea of things being, as it is called, 
 tabu, not to be touched, not to be looked at, may thus have got 
 well into the human mind at a very early stage indeed. J. J. 
 Atkinson, in his Primal Law, an ingenious analysis of these 
 primitive tabus which are found among savage peoples all over 
 the world, the tabus that separate brother and sister, the tabus 
 that make a man run and hide from his step-mother, traces them 
 to such a fundamental cause as this. Only by respecting this 
 primal law could the young male hope to escape the Old Man's 
 wrath. And the Old Man must have been an actor in many 
 a primordial nightmare. A disposition to propitiate him even 
 after he was dead is quite understandable. One was not sure 
 that he was dead. He might only be asleep or shamming. 
 Long after an Old Man was dead, when there was nothing to 
 represent him but a mound and a megalith, the women would 
 convey to their children how awful and wonderful he was. And 
 being still a terror to his own little tribe, it was easy to go on 
 to hoping that he would be a terror to other and hostile people. 
 In his life he had fought for his tribe, even if he had bullied 
 it. Why not when he was dead ? One sees that the Old Man 
 idea was an idea very natural td the primitive mind and capable 
 of great development. And opposed to the Old Man, more 
 human and kindlier, was the Mother, who helped and sheltered 
 and advised. The psycho-analysis of Freud and Jung has done 
 much to help us to realize how great a part Father fear and 
 Mother love still play in the adaptation of the human mind 
 to social needs. They have made an exhaustive study of child- 
 ish and youthful dreams and imaginations, a study which has 
 done much to help in the imaginative reconstruction of the soul 
 of primitive man. It was, as it were, the soul of a powerful 
 child. He saw the universe in terms of the family herd. His 
 fear of, his abjection before, the Old Man mingled with his 
 'fea:r of the dangerous animals about him. But the women god- 
 desses were kindlier and more subtle. They helped, they pro- 
 ' teeted, they gratified and consoled. Yet at the same time there 
 was something about them less comprehensible than the direct 
 brutality of the Old Man, a greater mystery. So that the 
 Woman also had her vestiture of fear for him. 
 
96 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 3 
 
 Another idea probably arose early out of the mysterious visita- 
 tion of infectious diseases, and that was the idea of unclean- 
 ness and of being accurst. From that, too, there may have 
 come an idea of avoiding particular places and persons, and 
 persons in particular phases of health. Here -was the root of 
 another set of tabus. Then man, from the very dawn of his 
 mental life, may have had a feeling of the sinister about places 
 and things. AJiimals who dread traps, have that feeling. A 
 tiger will abandon its usual jungle route at the sight of a few 
 threads of cotton.^ Like most young animals, young buman 
 beings are easily made fearful of this or that by their nurses 
 and seniors. Here is another set of ideas, ideas of repulsion and 
 avoidance, that sprang up almost inevitably in men. 
 
 As soon as speech began to develop, it must have got to work 
 upon such fundamental feelings and begun to systematize them, 
 and keep them in mind. By talking together men would re- 
 inforce each other's fears, and establish a common tradition of 
 tabus of things forbidden and of things unclean. With the 
 idea of uncleanness would come ideas of cleansing and of re- 
 moving a curse. The cleansing would be conducted through 
 . the advice and with the aid of wise old men or wise old women, 
 and in such cleansing would lie the germ of the earliest priest- 
 craft and witchcraft. 
 
 Speech from the first would be a powerful supplement to 
 the merely imitative education and to the .education of cuffs and 
 blows conducted by a speechless parent. Mothers would tell their 
 young and scold Aeir young. As speech developed, men would 
 find they had experiences and persuasions that gave them or 
 seemed to give them power. They would make secrets of these 
 things. There is a double streak in the human mind, a streak of 
 cunning secretiveness and a streak perhaps of later origin that 
 makes us all anxious to tell and astonish and impTess each other. 
 Many people make secrets in order to have secrets to tell. These 
 secrets of early men they would convey to younger, more im- 
 pressionable people, more or less honestly and impressively in 
 some process of initiation. Moreover, the pecjagpgic spirit 
 overflows in the human mind; most people like "telling other 
 people not to." Extensive arbitrary prohibitions for the boys, 
 ' Glasfurd'a Bifle and Romance m the Indian Jungle, 1915. 
 
EARLY THOUGHT 97 
 
 for the girls, for the women, also probably came very early into 
 human history. 
 
 Then the idea of the sinister has for its correlative the idea 
 of the propitious, and from that to the idea of making things 
 propitious by ceremonies is an easy step. 
 
 § 4 
 
 Out of such ideas and a jumble of kindred ones grew the 
 first quasi-religious elements in human life. With every de- 
 velopment of speech it became possible to intensify and de- 
 velop the tradition of tabus and restraints and ceremonies. 
 There is not a savage or barbaric race to-day that is not held 
 in a net of such tradition. And with the coming of the primi- 
 tive herdsman there would be a considerable broadening out 
 of all this sort of practice. Things hitherto unheeded would 
 be found of importance in human affairs. Neolithic man was 
 nomadic in a different spirit from the mere daylight drift after 
 food of the primordial hunter. He was a herdsman upon whose 
 mind a sense of direction and the lie of the land had been 
 forced. He watched his flock by night as well as by day. The 
 sun by day and presently the stars by night helped to guide 
 his migrations ; he began to find after many ages that the stars 
 are steadier guides than the sun. He would begin to note 
 particular stars and star groups, and to distinguish any in- 
 dividual thing was, for primitive man, to believe it individu- 
 alized and personal. He would begin to think of the chief 
 stars as persons, very shining and dignified and trustworthy 
 persons looking at him like bright eyes in the night. His primi- 
 tive tillage strengthened his sense of the seasons. Particular 
 stars ruled his heavens when seedtime was due. Up to a cer- 
 tain point, a mountain peak or what not, a bright star moved, 
 night after night. It stopped there, and then night after night 
 receded. Surely this was a sign, a silent, marvellous warning 
 to the wise. The beginnings of agriculture, we must remember, 
 were in the sub-tropical zone, or even nearer the equator, where 
 stars of the first magnitude shine with a splendour unknown 
 in more temperate latitudes. 
 
 And Neolithic man was counting, and falling under the spell 
 of numbers. There are savage languages that have no word 
 for any number above five. Some peoples cannot go above 
 
98 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "KeolxAdc sts±ajz 
 
 ('mezihir^) 
 
 two. But N^eolithic man in the lands of his origin in Asia and 
 Africa even more than in Europe was already, counting his 
 accumulating possessions. He was heginning to use tallies, 
 and wondering at the triangularity of three and the squareness 
 of four, and why some quantities like twelve were easy to 
 divide in all sorts of ways, and others, like thirteen, impossible. 
 
 Twelve became a 
 aioble, generous, and 
 familiar number to 
 him, and thirteen 
 rather an outcast and 
 •disreputable one. 
 
 Probably man be- 
 gan reckoning time 
 by the clock of the 
 full and new moons. 
 Moonlight is an im- 
 Iportant thing to herds- 
 men who no longer 
 merely hunt their 
 herds, but watch and 
 guard them. Moon- 
 light, too, was, per- 
 haps, his time for 
 love-making, as in- 
 deed it may have been 
 ;for primordial man 
 and the ground ape 
 ancestor before him. 
 But from the phases 
 of the moon, as his 
 tillage increased, 
 man's attitude would 
 go on to the greater cycle of the seasons. Primordial man prob- 
 ably only drifted before the winter as the days grew cold. Neo- 
 lithic man knew surely that the winter would come, and stored 
 his fodder and presently his grain. He had to fix a seedtime, 
 a propitious seedtime, or his sowing was a failure. The earliest 
 recorded reckoning is by moons and by generations of men. 
 The former seems to be the case in the Book of Genesis, where, 
 if one reads the great ages of the patriarchs who lived before 
 
 J.F.CT. 
 
 
 A Cabved Statuib ("Menhib") of the Neo- 
 UTHic Pebiod — ^A Contrast to the Fbbedom 
 
 AND VlGOTTB OP PALaiOLITHIO ABT. 
 
EARLY THOUGHT 99 
 
 the flood as lunar months instead of years, Methusaleh and the 
 others are reduced to a credible length of life. But with agri- 
 culture began the difficult task of squaring the lunar month 
 -with the solar year; a task which has left its scars on our 
 calendar to-day. Easter shifts uneasily from year to year, to 
 the great discomfort of holiday-makers; it is now inconveni- 
 ently early and now late in the season because of this ancient 
 reference of time to the moon. 
 
 And when men began to move with set intention from place 
 to place with their animal and other possessions, then they 
 would begin to develop the idea of other places in which they 
 were not, and to think of what might be in those other places. 
 And in any valley where they lingered for a time, they would, 
 remembering how they got there, ask, "How did this or that 
 other thing get here ?" They would begin to wonder what was 
 beyond the mountains, and where the sun went when it set, 
 and what was above the clouds. 
 
 § 5 
 
 The capacity for telling things increased with their vocabu- 
 lary. The simple individual fancies, the unsystematic fetish 
 tricks and fundamental tabus of Palaeolithic man began to be 
 handed on and made into a more consistent system. Men be- 
 gan to tell stories about themselves, about the tribe, about its 
 tabus and why they had to be, about the world and the why 
 for the world. A tribal mind came into existence, a tradition. 
 Palaeolithic man was certainly more of a free individualist, 
 more of an artist, as well as more of a savage than Neolithic 
 man. IN'eolithic man was coming under prescription ; he could 
 be trained from his youth and told to do things and not to do 
 things; he was not so free to form independent ideas of his 
 own about things. He had thoughts given to him ; he was under 
 a new power of suggestion. And to have more words and to 
 attend more to words is not simply to increase mental power; 
 words themselves are powerful things and dangerous things. 
 Palaeolithic man's words, perhaps, were chiefly just names. He 
 used them for what they were. But Neolithic man was think- 
 ing about these words, he was thinking about a number of things 
 with a great deal of verbal confusion, and getting to some odd 
 conclusions. In speech he had woven a net to bind his race 
 
100 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 together, but also it was a net about his feet. Man was bind- 
 ing himself into new and larger and more efficient combina- 
 tions indeed, but at a price. One of the most notable things 
 about the Neolithic Age is the total absence of that free, direct 
 artistic impulse which was the supreme quality of later Palaeo- 
 lithic man. We find much industry, much skill, polished im- 
 plements, pottery with conventional designs, co-operation upon 
 all sorts of things, but no evidence of personal creativeness.^ 
 Self-suppression is beginning for men. Man has entered upon 
 the long and tortuous and difficult path towards a life for the 
 common good, with all its sacrifice of personal impulse, which he 
 is still treading to-day. 
 
 Certain things appear in the mythology of mankind again 
 and again. Neolithic man was enormously impressed by ser- 
 pents — and he no longer took the sun for granted. Nearly 
 everywhere that Neolithic culture went, there went a disposition 
 to associate the sun and the serpent in decoration and worship. 
 This primitive serpent worship spread ultimately far beyond 
 the regions where the snake is of serious practical importance in 
 human life. 
 
 § 6 
 
 With the beginnings of agriculture a fresh set of ideas arose 
 in men's minds. We have already indicated how easily and 
 naturally men may have come to' associate the idea of sowing 
 with a burial. Sir J. G. Frazer has pursued the development 
 of this association in the human mind, linking up with it the 
 conception of special sacrificial persons who are killed at seed- 
 time, the conception of a specially purified class of people to 
 kill these sacrifices, the first priests, and the conception of a 
 sacrament, a ceremonial feast in which the tribe eats portions 
 of the body of the victim in order to share in the sacrificial 
 benefits. 
 
 Out of all these factors, out of the Old Man tradition, out of 
 the emotions that surround Women for men and Men for 
 
 'Ludwig Hopf, in The Human Species, calls the later PalEeolithic art 
 "masculine" and the Neolithic "feminine." The pottery was made by- 
 women, he says, and that accounts for it. But the arrow-heads were made 
 by men, and there was nothing to prevent Neolithic men from taking 
 scraps of bone or slabs of rock and carving them — had they dared. We 
 suggest they did not dare to do so. 
 
EARLY THOUGHT 
 
 101 
 
 women, out of the desire to escape infection and uncleanness, 
 out of the desire for power and success through magic, out of 
 the sacrificial tradition of seedtime, and out of a number of like 
 
 "Sxron-z^ AoLC- I-ttvpLsttietvfcs' 
 
 ( arswn. to dixKruur sales / 
 
 Srcnfe celts- 
 
 (axes-) 
 
 beliefs and mental experiments and misconceptions, a complex 
 something was growing up in the lives of men which was be- 
 ginping to bind' them together mentally and emotionally in a 
 common life and action. This something we may call religion 
 
102 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 (Lat. reUgare, to bind ^). It was not a simple or logical some- 
 thing; it was a tangle of ideas about commanding beings and 
 spirits, about gods, about all sorts of "musts" and "must-nots." 
 Like all other human matters, religion has grown.. It must 
 be clear from what has gone before that primitive man — ^much 
 less his ancestral apes and his ancestral Mesozoic mammals — 
 could have had no idea of God or Eeligion; only very slowly 
 did' his brain and his powers of comprehension become capable 
 of such general conceptions. Eeligion is something that has 
 grown up with and- through human association, and God has 
 been and is still being discovered by man. 
 
 This book is not a theological book, and it is not for us to 
 embark upon theological discussion; but it is a part, a neces- 
 sary and central part, of the history of man to describe the 
 dawn and development of his religious ideas and their influ- 
 ence upon his activities. All these factors we have noted must 
 have contributed to this development, and various writers have 
 laid most stress upon one or other of them. Sir J. G. Frazer 
 has been the leading student of the derivation of sacraments 
 from magic sacrifices. Grant Allen, following Herbert Spencer, 
 in hia Evolution of the Idea of God, laid stress chiefly on the 
 posthumous worship of the "Old Man." Sir E. B. Tylor 
 (Primitive Gvlture) gave his attention mainly to the disposi- 
 tion of primitive man to ascribe a soul to every object animate 
 and inanimate. Mr. A. E. Crawley, in The Tree of Life, has 
 called attention to other centres of impulse and emotion, and 
 particularly to sex as a source of deep excitement. The thing 
 we have to bear in mind is that IN'eolithic man was still mentally 
 undeveloped, he could be confused and illogical to a degree 
 quite impossible to an educated modern person. Conflicting 
 and contradictory ideas could lie in his mind without challeng- 
 ing one another; now one thing ruled his thoughts intensely 
 and vividly and now another; his fears, his acts, were still 
 disconnected as children's are. 
 
 Confusedly under the stimulus of the need and possibility of 
 co-operation and a combined life, Neolithic mankind was feel- 
 ing out for guidance and knowledge. Men were becoming aware 
 that personally they needed protection and direction, cleansing 
 
 'But Cicero says relegere, "to read over," and the "binding" by those 
 who accept reUgare is often- written of as being merely the binding of a 
 
EARLY THOUGHT 
 
 103 
 
 from impurity, power beyond their own strength. Confusedly 
 in response to that demand, bold men, wise men, shrewd and 
 cunning men were arising to become magicians, priests, chiefs. 
 
 1 EUROPE 1 
 
 EGYPT IMESOPOTAMIA 
 
 15,000 ae-r 
 
 Stippe 
 
 Men entering upon "NeoUliuc 
 Awcicalhire Ixmnnuig 
 
 
 HeiniWr men 
 
 
 
 15.000 . -- 
 
 3°^ 
 
 
 
 i3.ooo.- 
 
 1 Terest (tratiaiiim) 
 
 9eriol 
 ' AxvUarv 
 
 
 ' 
 
 10,000'" 
 
 'Meoliduc tnen. 
 sprBa<£iig wib 
 
 Europe l^y. 
 
 oUtKic 
 
 
 8,000 "■ 
 
 
 culture 
 
 developui 
 
 Stmaian. civiliz- 
 3 alum, daumf 
 
 Sronza 
 
 6,000-- 
 
 
 
 'Mippur & "BnAxL 
 
 5.000 ... 
 
 ijOOO -■■ 
 
 
 Fitst THpuLS^ 
 
 Fvnrb ^umerun 
 
 3000 ... 
 
 Vvtnizc 
 
 
 Iriwt 
 
 2.000 . »■ 
 1.000 . . 
 
 A3). 
 
 . SpreaijxtQ of Aegaa. 
 satbaa.M XatigaaQer 
 
 Iron 
 
 ■A I ex a.Ti.<3.< 
 ■ J u. 1 X u 
 
 , r- tke G- r' c 
 r Caesar* 
 
 tt 6 tra. 
 
 tgsg -J 
 
 LJ 
 
 Time Diagbam Showing the Genebal Dubation of the Neolithic 
 
 Period in which Early Thought Developed. 
 
 By this scale, the diagram on p. 47 of the period since the earliest 
 
 subhuman traces would be 12 feet long, and the diagram of geological 
 
 time (ch. ii, § 2) somewhere between 1,500 feet and three miles. 
 
 and kings. They are not to be thought of as cheats or usurpers 
 of power, nor the rest of mankind as their dupes. All men 
 are mixed in their motives; a hundred things move men to 
 
104 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 seek asceBdancy over other men, but not all such motives are 
 base or bad. The magicians usually believed more or less 
 in their own magic, the priests in their ceremonies, the chiefs 
 in their right. The history of mankind henceforth is a history 
 of more or less blind endeavours to conceive a common purpose 
 in relation to which all men may live happily, and to create and 
 develop a common consciousness and a common stock of knowl- 
 edge which may serve and illuminate that purpose. In a vast 
 variety of forms this appearance of kings and priests and magic 
 men was happening all over the world under Neolithic condi- 
 tions. Everywhere mankind was seeking where knowledge and 
 mastery and magic power might reside; everywhere individual 
 men were willing, honestly or dishonestly, to rule, to direct, or to 
 be the magic beings who would reconcile the confusions of the 
 community. Another queer development of the later Palseo- 
 lithie and !N"eolithic ages was the development of self-mutilation. 
 Men began to cut themselves about, to excise noses, ears, fingers, 
 teeth and the like, and to attach all sorts of superstitious ideas 
 to these acts. Many children to-day pass through a similar 
 phase in their mental development. There is a phase in the life 
 of most little girls when they are not to be left alone with a pair 
 of scissors for fear that they will cut off their hair. No ani- 
 mal does anything of this sort. 
 
 In many ways the simplicity, directness, and detachment of 
 a later Palaeolithic rock-painter appeal more to modern sympa- 
 thies than does the state of mind of these Neolithic men, full 
 of the fear of some ancient Old Man who had developed into 
 a tribal God obsessed by ideas of sacrificial propitiations, mutila- 
 tions, and magic murder. No doubt the reindeer hunter was 
 a ruthless hunter and a combative and passionate creature, but 
 he killed for reasons we can still understand ; Neolithic man, 
 under the sway of talk and a confused thought process, killed 
 on theory, he killed for monstrous and now incredible ideas, he 
 killed those he loved through fear and under direction. Those 
 Neolithic men not only made human sacrifices at seedtime; 
 there is every reason to suppose they sacrificed wives and slaves 
 at the burial of their chieftains ; they killed men, women, and 
 children whenever they were under adversity and thought the 
 gods were athirst. They practised infanticide. All these things 
 passed on into the Bronze Age. 
 
 Hitherto a social consciousness had been asleep and not even 
 
EARLY THOUGHT 105 
 
 dreaming in human history. Before it awakened it produced 
 nightmares. 
 
 Away beyond the dawn of history, 8,000 or 4,000 years ago, 
 one thinks of the Wiltshire uplands in the twilight of a mid- 
 summer day's morning. The torches pale in the growing light. 
 One has a dim apprehension of a procession through the avenue 
 of stone, of priests, perhaps fantastically dressed with skins 
 and horns and horrible painted masks^ — -not the robed and 
 bearded dignitaries our artists represent the Druids to have 
 been — of chiefs in skins adorned with necklaces of teeth and 
 bearing spears and axes, their great heads of hair held up with 
 pins of bone, of women in skins or flaxen robes, of a great 
 peering crowd of shock-headed men and naked children. They 
 have assembled from many distant places ; the ground between 
 the avenues and Silbury Hill is dotted with their encamp- 
 ments. A certain festive cheerfulness prevails. And amidst 
 the throng march the appointed human victims, submissive, 
 helpless, staring towards the distant smoking altar at which 
 they are to die — that the harvests may be good and the tribe 
 increase. ... To that had life progressed 3,000 or 4,000 years 
 ago from its starting-place in the slime of the tidal beaches. 
 
XII 
 
 THE KAOES OF MANKIND 
 
 X. Is Mankind Still Differentiating? § 2. The Main Races 
 of Mankind. § 3. The Brunet Peoji^es. 
 
 IT is necessary now to discuss plainly what is meant by a 
 phrase, used often very carelessly, "The Races of Man- 
 kind." 
 
 It must be evident from what has already been explained 
 in Chapter III that man, so widely spread and subjected there- 
 fore to great differences of climate, consuming very different 
 food in different regions, attacked by different enemies, must 
 always have been undergoing considerable local modification 
 and differentiation. Man, like every other species of living 
 thing, has constantly been tending to differaitiate into several 
 species; wherever a body of men has been cut off, in islands 
 or oceans or by deserts or mountains, from the rest of humanity, 
 it must have begun very soon to develop special characteristics, 
 specially adapted to the local conditions. But, on the other 
 hand, man is usually a wandering and enterprising animal 
 for whom there exist few insurmountable barriers. Men imi- 
 tate men, fight and conquer them, interbreed, one people with 
 another. Concurrently for thousands of years there have been 
 two sets of forces at work, one tending to separate men into a 
 multitude of local varieties, and another to remix and blend 
 these varieties together before a separate series has been 
 established. 
 
 These two sets of forces may have fiuctuated in this relative 
 effect in the past. Palaeolithic man, for instance, may have 
 been more of a wanderer, he may have drifted about over a 
 much greater area, than later Neolithic man ; he was less fixed 
 to any sort of home or lair, he was tied by fewer possessions. 
 Being a himter, he was obliged to follow the migrations of his 
 
 106 
 
THE RACES OF MANKIND 107 
 
 ordinary quarry. A few bad seasons may have shifted him 
 hundreds of miles. He may therefore have mixed very widely 
 and developed few varieties over the greater part of the world. 
 
 The appearance of agriculture tended to tie those com- 
 munities of mankind that took it up to the region in which it 
 was most conveniently carried on, and so to favour differentia- 
 tion. Mixing or differentiation is not dependent upon a higher 
 or lower stage of civilization ; many savage tribes wander now 
 for hundreds of miles ; many English villagers in the eighteenth 
 century, on the other hand, had never been more than eight 
 or ten miles from their villages, neither they nor their fathers 
 nor grandfathers before them. Hunting peoples often have 
 enormous range. The Labrador country, for instance, is in- 
 habited by a few thousand Indians, who follow the one great 
 herd of caribou as it wanders yearly north and then south 
 again in pursuit of food. This mere handful of people covers 
 a territory as large as France. Nomad peoples also range very 
 widely. Some Kalmuck tribes are said to travel nearly a thou- 
 sand miles between summer and winter pasture. 
 
 It carries out this suggestion, that Palaeolithic man ranged 
 widely and was distributed thinly indeed but uniformly, 
 throughout the world, that the Palaeolithic remains we find are 
 everywhere astonishingly uniform. To quote Sir John Evans, 
 "The implements in distant lands are so identical in form and 
 character with the British specimens that they might have been 
 manufactured by the same hands. . . . On the banks of the 
 Nile, many hundreds of feet above its present level, implements 
 of the European types have been discovered; while in Soma- 
 liland, in an ancient river-valley at a great elevation above the 
 sea, Sir H. W. Seton-Karr has collected a large number of 
 implements formed of flint and quartzite, which, judging from 
 their form and character, might have been dug out of the drift- 
 deposits of the Somme and the Seine, the Thames or the ancient 
 Solent." 
 
 Phases of spreading and intermixture have probably alter- 
 nated with phases of settlement and specialization in the history 
 of mankind. But up to a few hundred years ago it is probable 
 that since the days of the Palaeolithic Age at least mankind has 
 on the whole been differentiating. The species has differentiated 
 in that period into a very great number of varieties, many of 
 which have reblended with others, which have spread and under- 
 
108 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 gone further differentiation, or become extinct. Wherever 
 there has been a strongly marked local difference of condi- 
 tions and a check upon intermixture, there one is almost obliged 
 to assume a variety of mankind must have appeared. Of such 
 local varieties there must have been a great multitude. 
 
 In one remote corner of the world, Tasmania, a little cut- 
 off population of people remained in the early Palaeolithic 
 stage until the discovery of that island by the Dutch in 1642. 
 They are now, unhappily, extinct. The last Tasmanian died in 
 1877. They may have been cut off from the rest of mankind 
 for 15,000 or 20,000 or 25,000 years. 
 
 But among the numerous obstacles and interruptions to in- 
 termixture there have been certain main barriers, such as the 
 Atlantic Ocean, the highlands, once higher, and the now van- 
 ished seas of Central Asia and the like, which have cut off great 
 groups of varieties from other great groups of varieties, over 
 long periods of time. These separated groups of varieties devel- 
 oped very early certain broad resemblances and differences. 
 Most of the varieties of men in eastern Asia and America, 
 but not all, have now this in common, that they have yellowish 
 buff skins, straight black hair, and often high cheek-bones. 
 Most of the native peoples of Africa south of the Sahara, but not 
 all, have black or blackish skins, flat noses, thick lips, and 
 frizzy hair. In north and western Europe a great number of 
 peoples have fair hair, blue eyes, and ruddy complexions; and 
 about the Mediterranean there is a prevalence of white^skinned 
 peoples with dark eyes and black hair. The black hair of many 
 of these dark whites is straight, but never so strong and wave- 
 less as the hair of the yellow peoples. It is straighter in 
 the east than in the west. In southern India we find brownish 
 and darker peoples with straight black hair, and these as we 
 pass eastward give place to more distinctly yellow peoples. 
 In scattered islands and in Papua and ISTew Guinea we find 
 another series of black and brownish peoples of a more lowly 
 type with frizzy hair. 
 
 But it must be borne in mind that these are very loose- 
 fitting generalizations. Some of the areas and isolated pockets 
 of mankind in the Asiatic area may have been under conditions 
 more like those in the European area; some of the African 
 areas are of a more Asiatic and less distinctively African type. 
 We find a wavy-haired, fairish, hairy-skinned race^ the Ainu. 
 
THE RACES OF MANKIND 
 
 109 
 
 in Japan. They are more like the Europeans in their facial 
 type than the surrounding yellow Japanese. They may be 
 a drifted patch of the whites or they may be a quite distinct 
 people. We find primitive black people in the Andaman Islands 
 far away from Australia and far away from Africa. There is 
 a streak of very n^roid blood traceable in south Persia and 
 some parts of India. These are the "Asiatic" negroids. There 
 
 '^ustcaloiX ^i»jvc^ 
 
 is little or no pi'oof that all black people, the Australians, the 
 Asiatic negroids, and the negToes, derive from one origin, but 
 only that they have lived for vast periods under similar con- 
 ditions. "We must not assume that human beings in the east- 
 ern Asiatic area were all differentiating in one direction and 
 all the human beings in Africa in another. There were great 
 currents of tendency, it is true, but there were also backwaters, 
 eddies, admixtures, readmixtures, and leakages from one main 
 area to the other. A coloured map of the world to show the 
 races would not present just four great areas of colour; it 
 would have to be dabbed over with a multitude of tints and 
 intermediate shades, simple here, mixed and overlapping there. 
 In the early Neolithic Period in Europe — it may be 10,000 
 or 12,000 years ago or so — man was differentiating all over the 
 world, and he had already differentiated into a number of 
 varieties, but he has never differentiated into different species. 
 A "species," we must remember, in biological language is dis- 
 
no THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tinguished from a "variety" by the fact that varieties can 
 interbreed, while species either do not do so or produce off- 
 spring which, like mules, are sterile. All mankind can inter- 
 breed freely, can learn to understand the same speech, can 
 adapt itself to co-operation. And in the present age, man is 
 probably no longer undergoing diffetrentiation at all. Ke- 
 admixture is now a far stronger force than differentiation. Men 
 mingle more and more. Mankind from the view of a biologist 
 is an animal species in a state of arrested differentiation and 
 possible readmixture. 
 
 §2 
 
 It is only in the last fifty or sixty years that the varieties 
 of men came to be regarded in this light, as a tangle of differ- 
 entiations recently arrested or still in progress. Before that 
 time students of mankind, influenced, consciously or uncon- 
 sciously, by the story of Noah and the Ark and his three sons, 
 Shem, Ham, and Japhet, were inclined to classify men into 
 three or four great races and they were disposed to regard these 
 races as having always been separate things, descended from 
 originally separate ancestors. They ignored the great possi- 
 bilities of blended races and of special local isolations and varia- 
 tions. The classification has varied considerably, but there 
 has been rather too much readiness to assume that mankind 
 must be completely divisible into three or four main groups. 
 Ethnologists (students of race) have fallen into grievous dis- 
 putes about a multitude of minor peoples, as to whether they 
 were of this or that primary race or "mixed," or strayed early 
 forms, or what not. But all races are more or less mixed. There 
 are, no doubt, four main groups, but each is a miscellany, and 
 there are little groups that will not go into any of the four 
 main divisions. 
 
 Subject to these reservations, when it is clearly understood 
 that when we speak of these main divisions we mean not simple 
 and pure races, but groups of races, then they have a certain 
 convenience in discussion. Over the European and Mediter- 
 ranean area and western Asia there are, and have been for many 
 thousand years, white peoples, usually called the Caucasians, 
 subdivided into two or three subdivisions, the northern blonds 
 or Nordic race, an alleged intermediate race about which many 
 authorities are doubtful, the so-called Alpine race, and the 
 
THE RACES OF MANKIND 
 
 111 
 
 southern dark whites, the Mediterranean or Iberian race; over 
 eastern Asia and America a second group of races prevails, the 
 Mongolians, generally with yellow skias, straight black hair, 
 and sturdy bodies; over Africa the Negeoes, and in the region 
 of Australia and New Guinea the black, primitive Aus- 
 TEAiOLDs. These are convenient terms, provided the student 
 bears in mind that they are not exactly defined terms. They 
 represent only the common characteristics of certain main 
 groups of races ; they leave out a number of little peoples who 
 belong properly to none of these divisions, and they disregard 
 the perpetual mixing where the main groups overlap. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The Mediterranean or 
 Iberian division of the 
 Caucasian race had a 
 wider range in early 
 times, and was a less spe- 
 cialized and distinctive 
 type than the IN'ordic. It 
 is very hard to define its 
 southward boundaries 
 from the Negro, or to 
 mark off its early traces 
 in Central Asia from 
 those of early Mongolians. 
 Wilfred Scawen Blunt ^ says that Huxley "had long suspected 
 a common origin of the Egyptians and the Dravidians of India, 
 perhaps a long belt of brown-skinned men from India to Spain 
 in very early days." 
 
 It is possible that this "belt" of Huxley's of dark-white and 
 brown-skinned men, this race of brunet-brown folk, ultimately 
 spread even farther than India ; that they reached to the shores 
 of the Pacific, and that they were everywhere the original 
 possessors of the Neolithic culture and the beginners of what 
 we call civilization. It is possible that these Brunet peoples 
 are so to speak the basic peoples of our modern world. The 
 Nordic and the Mongolian peoples may have been but north- 
 western and north-eastern branches from this more funda- 
 ^My Diaries, under date of July 25, 1894. 
 
112 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 mental stem. Or the I^ordic race may have been, a . branch, 
 while the Mongolian, like the Negro, may have been another 
 equal and distinct stem with which the brunet-browns met and 
 mingled in South China- Or "the if ordic peoples also may 
 have developed separately from a palaeolithic stage. 
 
 At some period in human history (see Elliot Smith's Migra- 
 tions of Early, Culture) there seems to have been a special type 
 of Neolithic culture widely distributed in the world which had 
 a group of features so curious and so unlikely to have been 
 indepeaidently developed in different ^regions of the earth. 
 
 as to compel us to believe that it was in effect -one culture. It 
 reached through all the regions inhabited by the brunet Medi- 
 terranean race, and beyond through India, * Further India, up 
 the Pacific coast of China, and it spread at last across the 
 Pacific and to Mexico and Peru. It was a coastal culture not 
 reaching deeply inland. 
 
 This peculiar development of the Neolithic culture, which 
 Elliot Smith called the heliolithic ^ culture, included many or 
 all of the following odd practices: (1) circumcision, (2) the 
 very queer custom of sending the father to bed when a child 
 
 '"Sunstone" culture became of the sun Worship and the megaliths. 
 This is not a very happily chosen term. It suggests a division equivalent 
 to palaeolithic (old stone) and neolithic (new stone), whereas it is a sub- 
 division of the neolithic culture. 
 
THE RACES OF MANKIND 
 
 113 
 
 is born, known as the couvade, (3) the practice of massage, 
 (4) the making of mummies, (5) megalithic monuments ^ {e.g. 
 Stonehenge), (6) artificial deformation of the heads of the 
 
 "M^nxcuUxzax ■faj-p<a5' 
 
 Atncruidiaiv 
 
 young bj bandages, (7) tattooing, (8) teligious association of 
 the sun and the serpent, and (9) the use of the symbol known 
 as 'the swastika (see figure) for good luck. This odd little 
 
 Caucasian. \»xipes 
 
 (Jew ofMgiers) (Englishman) (Berber)^ 
 
 symbol spiiis gaily round the world; it seems incredible that 
 
 men would have invented and made a pet of it twice over. 
 
 Elliot Smith traces these associated practices in a sort of 
 
 ' Megalithic monuments have been made quite recently by primitive 
 Indian peoples. 
 
114 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE RACES OF MANKIND 115 
 
 constellation all over this great Mediterranean-India Ocean-Pa- 
 cific area. Where one occurs, most of the others occur. They 
 link Brittany with Borneo and Peru. But this constellation- 
 of practices does not crop up in the primitive homes of Nordic 
 or Mongolian peoples, nor does it extend southward much be- 
 yond equatorial Africa. 
 
 For thousands of years, from 15,000 to 1,000 b.c, such a 
 heliolithie E'eolithic culture and its brownish possessors may 
 have been oozing round the world through 
 the warmer regions of the world, drifting by 
 canoes often across wide stretches of sea. 
 It was then the highest culture in the world ; 
 it sustained the largest, most highly de- 
 veloped communities. And its region of 
 origin may have been, as Elliot Smith sug- 
 gests, the Mediterranean and North African _, _ „ 
 region. It migrated slowly age by age. It 
 must have been spreading up the Pacific Coast and across the 
 island stepping-stones to America, long after it had passed 
 on into other developments in its areas of origin. Many of 
 the peoples of the East Indies, Melanesia and Polynesia were 
 still in this heliolithie stage of development when they were 
 discovered by European navigators in the eighteenth centuiy. 
 The first civilizations in Egypt and the Euphrates-Tigris val- 
 ley probably developed directly out of this widespread culture. 
 We will discuss later whether the Chinese civilization had a 
 different origin. The Semitic nomads of the Arabian desert 
 seem also to have had a heliolithie stage. 
 
11© 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
XIII 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF MANKIND 
 
 § 1. No One Primitive Lcmguage. § 2. The Aryan Lorn- 
 guages. § 3. The Semitic Languages. § 4. The HamMic 
 Languages. § 5. The Ural- Altaic Languages. § 6. The 
 Chinese Languages. § 7. Other Language Groups. % 8. A 
 Possible Primitive Language Group. § 9, Some Isolated 
 Languages. 
 
 IT is improbable that there was ever such a thing as a com- 
 mon human language. We know nothing of the language 
 of Palaeolithic man; we do not even know whether Palaeo- 
 lithic man talked freely. 
 
 We know that Palaeolithic man had a keen sense of form 
 and attitude, because of his drawings ; and it has been sug- 
 gested that he communicated his ideas very largely by, gesture. \ 
 Probably such words as the earlier men used were mainly cries 
 of alarm or passion or names for concrete things, and in many 
 cases they were probably imitative sounds made by or associ- 
 ated with the things named. -^ 
 
 The first languages were probably smair collections of such 
 words ; they consisted of interjections and nouns. Probably the 
 nouns were said in different intonations to convey different 
 meanings. If Palaeolithic man had a word for "horse" or 
 "bear," he probably showed by tone or gesture whether he 
 meant "bear is coming," "bear is goijig," "bear is to be hunted," 
 "dead bear," "bear has been here," "bear did this," and so 
 on. Only very slowly did the human mind develop methods 
 of indicating action and relationship in a formal manner. 
 
 'Sir Arthur Evans suggests that in America, sign-language arose before 
 speech, because the sign-language is common to all Indians in North 
 America, whereas the languages are different. See his Anthropology and 
 the Classics. — G. M. 
 
 117 
 
118 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Modern languages contain many thousands of ■words, but the 
 earlier languages could have consisted only of a few hundred. 
 It is said that even modern European peasants can get along 
 with something less than a thousand words, and it is quite 
 conceivable that so late as the Early Neolithic Period that was 
 the limit of the available vocabulary. Probably men did not 
 indulge in those days in conversation or description. For nar- 
 rative purposes they danced and acted rather than told. They 
 had no method of counting beyond a method of indicating two 
 by a dual number, and some way of expressing many. The 
 growth of speech was at first a very slow process indeed, and 
 grammatical forms and the expression of abstract ideas may 
 have come very late in human history, perhaps only 400 or 
 500 generations ago. 
 
 § 2 
 
 The students of languages (philologists) tell us that they are 
 unable to trace with certainty any common features in all the 
 languages of mankind. They cannot even find any elements 
 common to all the Caucasian languages. They find over great 
 areas groups of languages which have similar root words and 
 similar ways of expressing the same idea, but then they find 
 in other areas languages which appear to be dissimilar down 
 to their fundamental structure, which express action and rela- 
 tion by entirely dissimilar devices, and have an altogether dif- 
 ferent grammatical scheme. One great group of languages, 
 for example, now covers nearly all Europe and stretches out to 
 India; it includes English, French, German, Spanish, Italian, 
 Greek, Russian, Armenian, Persian, and various Indian tongues. 
 It is called the Indo-European or Aryan family. The same 
 fundamental roots, the same grammatical ideas, are traceable 
 through all this family. Compare, for example, English father, 
 mother, German vater, mutter, Latin pater, mater, Greek pater, 
 meter, French pere, mere, Armenian hair, mair, Sanscrit pitwr, 
 matar, etc., etc. In a similar manner the Aryan languages ring 
 the changes on a great number of fundamental words, / in the 
 Germanic languages becoming p in Latin, and so on. They 
 follow a law of variation called Grimm's Law. These languages 
 are not different things, they are variations of one thing. The 
 people who use these languages think in the same way. 
 
THE LANGUAGES OF MANKIND 119 
 
 At one time in the remote past, in the Neolithic Age, that is 
 to say 6,000 years or more ago, there may have been one simple 
 original speech from which all these Aryan languages have 
 differentiated. Somewhere between Central Europe and West- 
 em Asia there must have wandered a number of tribes suflS- 
 ciently intermingled to develop and use one tongue. It is 
 convenient here to call them the Aryan peoples. Sir H. H. 
 Johnston has called them "Aryan Russians." They belonged 
 mostly to the Caucasian group of races and to the blond 
 and northern subdivision of the group, to the Nordic race 
 that is. 
 
 Here one must sound a note of warning. There was a time 
 when the philologists were disposed to confuse languages and 
 races, and to suppose that people who once all spoke the same 
 tongue must be ^1 of the same blood. That, however, is not 
 the case, as the reader will understand if he will think of the 
 n^oes of the United States who now all speak English, or of 
 the Irish, who — except for purposes of political demonstration 
 — no longer speak the old Erse language but English, or of 
 the Cornish people, who have lost their ancient Keltic speech. 
 But what a common language does do, is to show that a com- 
 mon intercourse has existed, and the possibility of intermix- 
 ture; and if it does not point to a common origin, it points 
 at least to a common future. 
 
 But even this original Aryan language, which was a spoken 
 speech perhaps 4,000 or 3,000 B.C., was by no means a 
 primordial language or the language of a savage race. Its 
 earliest speakers were in or past the Neolithic stage of civiliza- 
 tion; It had grammatical forms and verbal devices of some com- 
 plexity. The vanished methods of expression of the later Palaeo- 
 lithic peoples, of the Azilians, or of the early Neolithic kitchen- 
 midden people for instance, were probably much cruder than 
 the most elementary form of Aryan. 
 
 Probably the Aryan group of languages became distinct in 
 a wide region of which the Danube, Dnieper, Don, and Volga 
 were the main rivers, a region that extended eastward beyond 
 the Ural mountains north of the Caspian Sea. The area over 
 which the Aryan speakers roamed probably did not for a long 
 time reach to the Atlantic or to the south of the Black Sea be- 
 yond Asia Minor. There was no effectual separation of Europe 
 from Asia then at the Bosporus. The Danube flowed east- 
 
120 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 •ward to a great sea that extended across the Volga region of 
 south-eastern Russia right into Turkestan, and included the 
 Black, Caspian, and Aral Seas of to-day. Perhaps it sent out 
 arms to the Arctic Ocean. It must have been a pretty effec-^ 
 tive barrier between the Aryan speakers and the people in north- 
 eastern Asia. South of this sea stretched a continuous shore 
 from the Balkans to Afghanistan. ISrorth-west of it a region 
 of swamps and lagoons reached to the Baltic. 
 
 § 3 
 
 iN'ext to Aryan, philologists distinguish another group of 
 languages which seem to have been made quite separately from 
 the Aryan languages, the Semitic. Hebrew and Arabic are 
 kindred, but they seem to have even a different set of root 
 words from the Aryan, tongues; they express their ideas of rela- 
 tionship in a different way ; the fundamental ideas of their 
 grammars are generally different. They were in all probability 
 made by human communities quite out of touch with the Aryans, 
 separately and independently. Hebrew, Arabic, Abyssinian, 
 ancient Assyrian, ancient Phoenician, and a number of associated 
 tongues are put together, therefore, as being derived from a sec- 
 ond primary language, which is called the Semitic. In the 
 very beginnings of recorded history we find Aryan-speaking 
 peoples and Semitic-speaking peoples carrying on the liveliest 
 intercourse of war and trade round and about the eastern end 
 of the Mediterranean, but the fundamental differences of the 
 primary Aryan and primary Semitic languages oblige us to 
 believe that in early Neolithic times, before the historical 
 period, there must for thousands of years have been an almost 
 complete separation of the Aryan-speaking and the Semitic- 
 speaking peoples. The latter seem to have lived either in south 
 Arabia or in north-east Africa. In the opening centuries of the 
 ITeolithic Age the original Aryan speakers and the original 
 Semitic speakers were probably living, so to speak, in different 
 worlds with a minimum of intercourse. Racially, it would 
 seem, they had a remote common origin ; both Aryan speakers 
 and Semites are classed as Caucasians ; but while the original 
 Aryan speakers seem to have been of Nordic race, the original 
 Semites were rather of the Mediterranean type. 
 
THE LANGUAGES OF MANKIND 121 
 
 § 4 
 
 Philologists speak with less unanimity of a third group of 
 languages, the Hamitic, which some declare to be distinct from, 
 and others allied to, the Semitic. The weight of opinion in- 
 clines now towards the idea of some primordial connection of 
 these two groups. The Hamitic group is certainly a much 
 wider and more various language group than the Semitic or the 
 Aryan, and the Semitic tongues are more df a family, have 
 more of a common likeness, than the Aryan. The Semitic 
 languages may have arisen as some specialized proto-Hamitic 
 group, just as the birds arose from a special group pi roptiles 
 (Chap. IV). It is a tempting speculation, but one for which 
 there is really no basis of justifying fact, to suppose that the 
 rude primordial ancestor group of the Aryan tongues branched 
 off from the proto-Hamitic speech forms at some still earlier 
 date than the separation and specialization of Semitic. The 
 Hamitic speakers to-day, like the Semitic speakers, are mainly 
 of the Mediterranean Caucasian race. Among the Hamitic 
 languages are the ancient Egyptian and Coptic, the Berber 
 languages (of the mountain people of UTorth Africa, the Masked 
 Tuaregs, and other such peoples), and what are called the 
 Ethiopic group of African languages in eastern Africa, includ- 
 ing the speech of the Gallas and the Somalis. The general 
 grouping of these various tongues suggests that they originated 
 over some great area to the west, as the primitive Semitic ma.y 
 have arisen to the east, of the lied Sea divide. That divide was 
 probably much more effective in Pleistocene times ; the sea ex- 
 tended across to the west of the Isthmus of Suez, and a greatt 
 part of lower Egypt was under water. Long before the dawn 
 of history, however, Asia and Africa had joined at Suez, and 
 these two language systems were in contact in that region. And 
 if Asia and Africa were separated then at Suez, they may, 
 on the other hand, have been joined by way of A.rabia and 
 Abyssinia. 
 
 ; These Hamitic languages may have radiated from a centre 
 on the African coast of the Mediterranean, and th^y may havte 
 extended over the then existing land connections very widely 
 into western Europe. 
 
 All these three great groups of languages, it may be noted, 
 the Aryan, Semitic, and Hlamitic, have one feature in common 
 
122 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE LANGUAGES OF MANKIND 123 
 
 which they do not share with any other language, and that 
 is grammatical gender ; but whether that has much weight 
 as evidence of a remote common origin of Aryan, Semitic, and 
 Hamitic, is a question for the philologist rather than for the 
 general student. It does not affect the clear evidence of a very 
 long and very ancient prehistoric separation of the speakers of 
 these three diverse groups of tongues. 
 
 The bulk of the Semitic and Hamitic-speaking peoples are 
 put by ethnologists with the Aryans among the Caucasian group 
 of races. They are "white." The Semitic and ]!^ordic "races", 
 have a much more distinctive physiognomy; they seem, like 
 their characteristic languages, to be more marked and specialized 
 than the Hamitic-speaking peoples. 
 
 § 5 
 
 Across to the north-east of the Aryan and Semitic areas there 
 must once have spread a further distinct language system which 
 is now represented by a group of languages known as the 
 TuEANiAw, or Ueal-altaig group. This includes the Lappish 
 of Lapland and the Samoyed speech of Siberia, the Finnish lan- 
 guage, Magyar, Turkish or Tartar, Manchu and Mongol; it 
 has not as a group been so exhaustively studied by European 
 philologists, and there is insufficient evidence yet whether it does 
 or does not include the Korean and Japanese languages. H. B. 
 Hulbert has issued a comparative grammar of Korean and cer- 
 tain of the Dravidian languages of India to demonstrate the 
 close affinity he finds between them. 
 
 § 6 
 
 A fifth region of language formation was south-eastern Asia, 
 where there still prevails a group of languages consisting of 
 monosyllables without any inflections, in which the tone used 
 in uttering a word determines its meaning. This may be called 
 the Chinese or Mowosyxlabio group, and it includes Chinese, 
 Burmese, Siamese, and Tibetan. The difference between any 
 of these Chinese tongues and the more western languages is pro- 
 found. In the Pekinese form of Chinese there are only about 
 420 primary monosyllables, and consequently each of these has 
 to do duty for a great number of things, and the different mean- 
 
124 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ingB are indicated either by the context or by saying the word 
 in a distinctive tone. The relations of these words to each other 
 are expressed by quite different methods from the Aryan 
 methods ; Chinese grammar is a thing different in nature from 
 English grammar; it is a separate and different invention. 
 Many writers declare there is no Chinese grammar at all, and 
 that is true if we mean by grammar anything in the European 
 sense of inflections and concords. Consequently any such thing 
 as a literal translation from Chinese into English is an impossi- 
 bility^ ' The very method of the thought is different.-^ Their 
 philosophy remains still largely a sealed book to the European 
 on this account and vice versa, because of the different nature 
 of the expressions. 
 
 § 7 
 
 In addition, the following other great language families are 
 distinguished by the philologist. All the American-Indian lan- 
 guages, which vary widely among themselves, are separable 
 from any Old World group. Here we may lump them together 
 not so inuch as a family as a miscellany. There is one great 
 group of languages in Africa, from a little way north of the 
 equator to its southern extremity, the Bajsttu, and in addition 
 a complex of other languages across the centre of the continent 
 about which we will not trouble here. There are also two prob- 
 ably separate groups, the Deavidian in South India, and the 
 Malay-Polynesian stretched over Polynesia, and also now in- 
 cluding Indian tongues. 
 
 Now it seems reasonable to conclude irom these fundamental 
 differences that about the time when men were beginning to 
 form rather larger communities than the family tribe, when 
 they were beginning to tell each other long stories and argue 
 and exchange ideas, human beings were distributed about the 
 
 •The four characters indicating "Affairs, query, imperative, old," placed 
 in that order, for example, represent "Why walk in the ancient wayst" 
 The Chinaman gives the bare cores of his meaning; the Englishman gets 
 to it by a bold metaphor. He may be talking of conservatism in cooking 
 or in book-binding, but he will say: "Why walk in the ancient ways?" 
 Mr. Arthur Waley, in the interesting essay on Chinese thought and 
 poetry which precedes his hook, 170 Chinese Poems (Constable, 1918), 
 makes it clear how in these fields Chinese thought is kept practical and 
 restricted by the limitations upon metaphor the contracted structure of 
 (Chinese imposes. 
 
THE LANGUAGES OF MANKIND 125 
 
 world" :in a number of areas whieli communicated very little 
 with each other. They were separated by oceans, seas, thick 
 forests, deserts or mountains from one another. There may 
 have been in that remote time, it may be 15,000 years ago or 
 more, Aryan, Semitic, Hamitic, Turanian, American and 
 Chinese-speaking tribes and families, wandering over their sev- 
 eral areas of hunting and pasture, all at very much the same 
 stage of culture, and each developing its linguistic instrument 
 in its own way. Probably each of these original tribes was not 
 more numerous altogether than the Indians in Hudson , Bay 
 Territory to-day. Systematic agriculture was barely beginning 
 then, and until agriculture made a denser population possible 
 men may have been almost as rare as the great apes have always 
 been. If agriculture was becoming at all important in human 
 life at that time, and if population was anywhere denser, it 
 was probably in the Mediterranean region and possibly in areas 
 now submerged. 
 
 In addition to these Neolithic tribes, there must, have been 
 various still more primitive forest folks in Africa and in India. 
 Central Africa, from- the Upper Nile, was then a vast forest, im- 
 penetrable to ordinary human life, a forest of which the Congo 
 forests of to-day are the last shrunken remains. 
 
 Possibly the spread of men of a race higher than priniitive 
 Australoids into the East Indies,^ and the development of the 
 languages of the Malay-Polynesian type came later in time than 
 the origination of these other language groups. 
 
 The language divisions of the philologist do tally, it is mani- 
 fest, in a broad sort of way with the main race classes of the 
 ethnologist, and they carry out the same idea of age-long sepa- 
 rations between great division^ of mankind. In the ' Glacial 
 Age^ ice, or at least a climate too severe for the free spreading 
 of peoples, extended from the north pole into Central Europe 
 and across Russia and Siberia to the great tablelands of Central 
 Asia. After the last Glacial Age, this cold north mitigated its 
 severities very slowly, and was for long without any other popu- 
 lation than the wandering hunters who spread eastward and 
 across Bering Strait. North and Central Europe and Asia did 
 not become sufficiently temperate for agriculture until quite 
 recent times, times that is within the limit of 12,000 or possibly 
 
 * The Polynesians appear to be a later eastward extension of the dark 
 whites or brown peoples. • ;; ■ ' ,!, ,, ^■-'. 
 
126 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 even 10,000 yeara, and a dense forest period intervened between 
 the age of the hunter and the agricultural clearings. 
 
 This forest period was also a very wet period. It has been 
 called the Pluvial or Lacustrine Age, the rain or pond period. 
 It has to be remembered that the outlines of the land of the 
 world have changed greatly even in the last hundred centuries. 
 Across European Hussia, from the Baltic to the Caspian Sea, 
 as the ice receded there certainly spread much water and many 
 impassable swamps ; the Caspian Sea and the Sea of Aral and 
 parts of the Desert of Turkestan, are the vestiges of a great 
 extent of sea that reached far up to the Volga valley and sent 
 an arm westward to join the Black Sea. Mountain barriers 
 much higher than they are now, and the arm of the sea that is 
 now the region of the Indus, completed the separation of the 
 early Nordic races from the Mongolians and the Dravidians, 
 and made the broad racial differentiation of those groups 
 possible. 
 
 Again the blown-sand Desert of Sahara — it is not a dried-up 
 sea, but a wind desert, and was once fertile and rich in life — 
 becoming more and more dry and sandy, cut the Caucasians off 
 from the sparse primitive Negro population in the central forest 
 region of Africa. 
 
 The Persian Gulf extended very far to the north of its pres- 
 ent headj and combined with the Syrian desert to cut off the 
 Semitic peoples from the eastern areas, while on the other hand 
 the south of Arabia, much more fertile than it is to-day, may 
 have reached across what is now the Gulf of Aden towards 
 Abyssinia and Somaliland. The Mediterranean and Ked Sea 
 may even have been fertile valleys containing a string of fresh- 
 water lakes during the Pluvial Age. The Himalayas and the 
 higher and vaster massif of Central Asia and the northward 
 extension of the Bay of Bengal up to the present Ganges valley 
 divided off the Dravidians from the Mongolians, the canoe was 
 the chief link between Dravidian and Southern Mongol, and 
 the Gobi system of seas and lakes which presently became the 
 Gobi desert, and the great system of mountain chains which 
 follow one another across Asia from the centre to the north- 
 east, split the Mongolian races into the Chinese and the Ural- 
 Altaic language groups. 
 
 Bering Strait, when this came into existence, before or after 
 the Pluvial Period, isolated the Amerindians. 
 
THE LANGUAGES OF MANKIND 127 
 
 We are not suggesting here, be it noted, that these ancient 
 separations were absolute separations, but that they were 
 effectual enough at least to prevent any great intermixture of 
 blood or any great intermixture of speech in those days of 
 man's social beginnings. There was, nevertheless, some amount 
 of meeting and exchange even then, some driff of knowledge 
 that spread the crude patterns and use of various implements, 
 and the seeds pf a primitive agriculture about the world. 
 
 The fundamental tongues of these nine main language groups 
 we have noted were not by any means all the human speech 
 beginnings of the Neolithic Age. They are the latest languages, 
 the survivors, which have ousted their more primitive predeces- 
 sors. There may have been other, and possibly many other, 
 ineffective centres of speech which were afterwards overrun 
 by the speakers of still surviving tongues, and of elementary 
 languages which faded out. We find strange little patches of 
 speech still in the world which do not seem to be connected 
 with any other language about them. Sometimes, however, an 
 exhaustive inquiry seems to affiliate these disconnected patches, 
 seems to open out to us tantalizing glimpses of some simpler, 
 wider, and more fundamental and universal form of human 
 speech. One language group that has been keenly discussed is 
 the Basque group of dialects. The Basques live now on the 
 north and south slopes of the Pyrenees; they number perhaps 
 600,000 altogether in Europe, and to this day they are a very 
 sturdy and independent-spirited people. Their language, as 
 it exists to-day, is a fully developed one. But it is developed 
 upon lines absolutely different from those of the Aryan lan- 
 guages about it. Basque newspapers have been published in 
 the Argentine and in the United States to supply groups of 
 prosperous emigrants. The earliest "French" settlers in Canada 
 were Basque, and Basque names are frequent among the 
 French Canadians to this day. Ancient remains point to a 
 much wider distribution of the Basque speech and people over 
 Spain. For a long time this Basque language was a profound 
 perplexity to scholars, and its structural character led to the 
 suggestion that it might be related to some Amerindian tongue. 
 A, H. Keane, in Man, Past and Present, assembles reasons for 
 
128 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 linking it — though remotely — with the Berber language of 
 North Africa, and through the Berber with the general body 
 
 of Hamitic languages, but 
 this relationship is ques- 
 tioned by other philolo- 
 gists. They find Basque 
 more akin to certain 
 similarly stranded ves- 
 tiges of speech found in 
 the Caucasian Mountains, 
 and they are disposed to 
 regard it as a last surviv- 
 ing member, much 
 changed and specialized, 
 of a once very widely ex- 
 tended group of pre- 
 Hamitic languages, other- 
 wise extinct, spoken chief- 
 ly by peoples of that 
 brunet Mediterranean race 
 which once occupied most 
 of western and southern' 
 Europe and western Asia, 
 and which may have been 
 very closely related to the 
 Dravidians of India and 
 the peoples with a helio- 
 lithic culture who spread 
 eastward, thence through 
 the East Indies to Poly- 
 nesia and beyond. 
 
 It is quite possible that 
 over western and southern 
 Europe language groups 
 extended eight or ten thou- 
 sand years ago that have 
 completely vanished be- 
 fore Aryan tongues. Later on we shall note, in passing, the 
 possibility of three lost language groups represented by (1) 
 Ancient Cretan, Lydian, and the like (though these may have 
 
THE LANGUAGES OF MANKIND 129 
 
 belonged, says Sir H. H. Johnston, to the "Basque — Caucasian 
 — Dravidian [!] group"), (2) Sumprian, and (3) Elamite. 
 The suggestion has been mader— it is a mere guess; — that an- 
 cient Sumerian may have been a linking language between the 
 early Basque-Caucasian and early Mongolian groups. If this 
 is true, then we have in this "Basque-Caucasian-Dravidian- 
 Sumerian-proto-Mongolian" group a still more ancient and 
 more ancestral system of speech than the fundamental Hamitic. 
 We have something more like the linguistic "missing link," 
 more like an ancestral language than anything else we can 
 imagine at the present time. It may have been related to the 
 Aryan and Semitic and Hamitic languages much as the primi- 
 tive lizards of later Palaeozoic times were related to the mam- 
 mals, birds, and dinosaurs respectively. 
 
 § 9 
 
 The Hottentot language is said to have affinities with the 
 Hamitic tongues, from which it is separated by the whole 
 breadth of Bantu-speaking Central Africa. A Hottentot-like 
 language with Bushman affinities is still spoken in equatorial 
 East Africa, and this strengthens the idea that the whole of 
 East Africa was once Hamitic-speaking. The Bantu languages 
 and peoples spread, in comparatively recent times, from some 
 centre of origin in West Central Africa and cut off the Hotten- 
 tots from the other Hamitic peoples. But it is at least equally 
 probable that the Hottentot is a separate language group. 
 
 Among other remote and isolated little patches of language 
 are the Papuan speech of New Guinea and the native Aus- 
 tralian. The now extinct Tasmanian language is but little 
 known. What we do know of it is in support of what we have 
 guessed about the comparative speechlessness of Palaeolithic 
 man. 
 
 We may quote a passage from Hutchinson's Living Boxes of 
 Mankind upon this matter: — 
 
 "The language of the natives is irretrievably lost, only im- 
 perfect indications of its structure and a small proportion of 
 its words having been preserved. In the absence of sibilants 
 and some other features, their dialects resembled the Australian, 
 but were of ruder, of less developed structure, and so imperfect 
 that, according to Joseph Milligan, our best authority on the 
 
130 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 subject, they observed no settled order or arrangement of words 
 in the construction of their sentences, but conveyed in a supple- 
 mentary fashion by tone, manner, and gesture those modifica- 
 tions of meaning which we express by mood, tense, number, etc. 
 Abstract terms were rare; for every variety of gum-tree or 
 wattle-tree there was a name, but no word for 'tree' in general, 
 nor for qualities such as hard, soft, warm, cold, long, short, 
 round, etc. Anything hard was 'like a stone,' anything round 
 'like the moon,' and so on, usually suiting the action to the 
 word and confirming by some sign the meaning . to be 
 understood." 
 
XIV 
 
 THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 
 
 1. Early Cities and Early Nomads. % 2 a. The Swnverians. 
 § 2b. The Empire of Sargon the First. § 2c. The Empire 
 of Hammurabi. § 2d. The Assyrians and their Empire. 
 § 2e. The Chaldeam, Empire. § 3. The Early History of 
 Egypt. § 4. The Early Civilization of India. § 5. The 
 Early History of China. § 6. While the Civilisations were 
 Grovnng. 
 
 IT was out Of the so-called heliolithio culture we have 
 described in Chapter XII that the first beginnings of any- 
 thing that we can call a civilization arose. It is still doubt- 
 ful whether we are to consider Mesopotamia or Egypt the earlier 
 scene of the two parallel beginnings of settled communities liv- 
 ing in towns. By 4,000 B.C., in both these regions of the earth, 
 such communities existed, and had been going on for a very 
 considerable time. The excavations of the American expedition 
 at If ippur have unearthed evidence of a city community ex- 
 isting there at least as early as 5,000 b.c., and probably as early 
 as 6,000 B.C., an earlier date than anything we know of in 
 Egypt. The late Mr. Aaron Aaronson found a real wild wheat 
 upon the slopes of Mt. Hermon, and it must be that somewhere 
 in that part of the world its cultivation began. It may be that 
 from the western end of the Mediteranean, possibly ' in some 
 region now submerged, as a centre that the cultivation of wheat 
 spread over the entire eastern hemisphere. But cultivation is 
 not civilization ; the growing of wheat had spread from the At- 
 lantic to the Pacific coast with the distribution of the Neolithic 
 culture by perhaps 15,000 or 10,000 b.c, before the beginnings 
 of civilization. Civilization is something more than the occa- 
 sional seasonal growing of wheat. It is the settlement of men 
 upon an area continuously cultivated and possessed, who live in 
 
 131 
 
132 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 buildings continuously inhabited with a common rule and a com- 
 mon city or citadel. For a long time civilization may quite pos- 
 sibly have developed in Mesopotamia -without any relations with 
 the parallel beginnings in Egypt. The two settlements may 
 have been quite independent, arising separately out of the 
 widely diffused Efeliolithic Neolithic culture. . Or they may 
 have had a common origin in the region of the Mediterranean, 
 the Red Sea, and southern Arabia. 
 
 The first condition necessary to a real settling down of ITeo- 
 lithic men, as distinguished from a mere temporary settlement 
 among a,l?undant food, was of course a trustworthy all-the-year- 
 round supply of wat^r, fodder for the animals, food for them- 
 selves, and, building material for their homes. There had to 
 be everything they could need at any season, and no want that 
 would tempt them to wander further. This was a possible state 
 of affairs, no doubt, in many, European and Asiatic valleys-; 
 and in many such valleys, as in the case of the Swiss lake dwell- 
 ings/ men settled from a very early date indeed ; but nowhere, 
 of any countries now known, to us, were these favourable con- 
 ditions found upon such a scale, and nowhere did they hold 
 good so surely year in and year out as in Egypt and in the 
 country between the upper waters, of the Euphrates and Tigris 
 and the Persian Gulf.^ Here was a constant water supply un- 
 der enduring sunlight ; trus,tworthy harvests year by yjear ; in 
 Mesopotamia wheat yielded, says Herodotus, two hundresdfold 
 to the sower; Pliny says that it was cut twice and afterwards 
 yielded good fodder for sheep ; there were abundant pabns and 
 many sorts of fruits; and as for building material, in Egypt 
 there was -clay and easily worked stone, and in Mesopotamia a 
 clay that' becomes a brick in the sunshine. In such countries 
 men would cease to wander and settle down almost unawares ; 
 they would multiply and discover themselves numerous and by 
 their numbers safe from any casual assailant. They multiplied, 
 producing a denser human population than the earth had ever 
 known before ; their houses became more substantial, wild beasts 
 
 •We shall use "Mesopotamia" here loosely for the Euphrates-Tigris 
 country gpnerally. Strictly, of course, as its name indicates, Mesopotamia 
 (mid-rivers) ineans only the country between those two great rivers. That 
 country in the fork was probably very marshy and unhealthy in early 
 times (Sayce), until it was drained by man, and the early cities grfew 
 up west of the Euphrates and east of the Tigris. Probably these rivers 
 then flowed separately into the Persian Gulf. 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 
 
 133 
 
 were exterminated over great areas, the security of life in- 
 creased so that ordinary men went about in the towns, and fields 
 without encumbering themselves with weapons, and, among 
 themselves, at least, they became peaceful peoples. Men took 
 root as man had never taken root before. 
 
 ^RiSjgav, I 
 
 !i5?*J*'w 
 
 CIVILIZATION 
 
 6,000 to 4.000 B.C. 
 
 g^& 
 
 But in the less fertile and more seasonal lands outside these 
 favoured areas, in the forests of Europe, the Arabian deserts, 
 and the seasonal pastures' of Central Asia, there developed on 
 the other hand a thinner, more active population of peoples, 
 the primitive noniadic peoples. In contrast with the settled folk, 
 the agriculturists, '■these nomads lived freely -and 'dangerously. 
 
184 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 They were in comparison lean and hungry men. Their herding 
 was still blended with hunting ; they fought constantly for their 
 pastures against hostile families. The discoveries in the elabora- 
 tion of implements and the use of metals made by the settled 
 peoples spread to them and improved their weapons. They 
 followed the settled folk from Neolithic phase to Bronze phase. 
 It is possible that in the case of iron, the first users were no- 
 madic. They became more warlike with better arms, and more 
 capable of rapid movements with the improvement of their 
 transport. One must not think of a nomadic stage as a pre- 
 decessor of a settled stage in human affairs. To begin with, 
 man was a slow drifter, following food. Then one sort, of men 
 began to settle down, and another sort became more distinctly 
 nomadic. The settled sort began to rely more and more upon 
 grain for food ; the nomad began to make a greater use of milk 
 for food. He bred his cows for milk. The two ways of life 
 specialized in opposite directions. It was inevitable that nomad 
 folk and the settled folk should clash, that the nomads should 
 seem hard barbarians to the settled peoples, and the settled 
 peoples soft and effeminate and very good plunder to the nomad 
 peoples. Along the fringes of the developing civilizations there 
 must have been a constant raiding and bickering between hardy 
 nomad tribes and mountain tribes and the more numerous and 
 less warlike peoples in the towns and villages. 
 
 For the most part this was a mere raiding of the borders. 
 The settled folk had the weight of numbers on their side ; the 
 herdsmen might raid and loot, but they could not stay. That 
 sort of mutual friction might go on for many generations. But 
 ever and again we find some leader or some tribe amidst the 
 disorder of free and independent nomads, powerful enough to 
 force a sort of unity upon its kindred tribes, and then woe be- 
 tide the nearest civilization. Down pour the united nomads on 
 the unwarlike, unarmed plains, and there ensues a war of con- 
 quest. Instead of carrying off the booty, the conquerors settle 
 down on the conquered land, which becomes all booty for them ; 
 the villagers and townsmen are reduced to servitude and tribute- 
 paying, they become hewers of wood and drawers of water, and 
 the leaders of the nomads become kings and princes, masters 
 and aristocrats. They, too, settle down, they learn many of the 
 arts and refinements of the conquered, they cease to be lean and 
 hungry, but for many generations they retain traces of their 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 135 
 
 old nomadic habits, they hunt and indulge in open-air sports, 
 they drive and race chariots, they regard work, especially agri- 
 cultural work, as the lot of an inferior race and class. 
 
 This in a thousand variations has been one of the main stories 
 in history for the last seventy centuries or more. In the first 
 history that we can clearly decipher we find already in all the 
 civilized regions a distinction between a non-working ruler class 
 and the working mass of the population. And we find, too, that 
 after some generations, the aristocrat, having settled down, be- 
 gins to respect the arts and refinements and lawabidingness of 
 settlement, and to lose something of his original hardihood. He 
 intermarries, he patches up a sort of toleration between con- 
 queror and conquered; he exchanges religious ideas and learns 
 the lessons upon which soil and climate insist. He becomes a 
 part of the civilization he has captured. And as he do^ so, 
 events gather towards a fresh invasion by the free adventurers 
 of the outer world. 
 
 § 3a 
 
 This alternation of settlement, conquest, refinement, fresh 
 conquest, refinement, is particularly to be noted in the region of 
 the Euphrates and Tigris, which lay open in every direction to 
 great areas which are not arid enough to be complete deserts, 
 but which were not fertile enough to support civilized popula- 
 tions. Perhaps the earliest people to form real cities in this part 
 of the world, or indeed in any part of the world, were a people 
 of mysterious origin called the Sumerians. They were probably 
 brunets of Iberian or Dravidian affinities. They used a kind of 
 writing which they scratched upon clay, and their language has 
 been deciphered.^ It was a language more like the unclassified 
 Caucasio language groups than any others that now exist. These 
 languages may be connected with Basque, and may represent 
 what was once a widespread primitive language group extend- 
 ing from Spain and western Europe to eastern India, and reach- 
 
 * Excavations conducted at Eridu by Capt. E. Campbell Thompson during 
 the recent war have revealed an early Neolithic agricultural stage, before 
 the invention of writing or the use of bronze beneath the earliest Sumerian 
 foundations. The crops were cut by sickles of earthenware. Capt. Thomp- 
 son thinks that these pre-Sumerian people were not of Sumerian race, 
 but proto-Elamites. Entirely similar Neolithic remains have been 
 found at Susa, once the chief city of Elam. 
 
1S6 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ing' southwards to 'Central Africa. These people shaved their 
 heads and wore simple tunic-libe garments of wool. They set- 
 tled first on the lower courses of the great river and not very- 
 far from the Persian Grulf, which in those days ran up for a 
 hundred and thirty miles ^ and more beyond its present head. 
 They fertilized their fields by letting water run through irriga^ 
 tion trenches, and they gradually became very skilful hydraulic 
 engineers ; they had cattle, asses, sheep, and goats, but mo horses ; 
 their collections of mud huts grew into towns, and their religion 
 raised up tower-like temple buildings. 
 
 Clay, dried in the sun, was a very great fact in the lives; of 
 these people. This lower country of the Euphrates-Tigris val- 
 
 2k vtrij ea^Af Simuriaa sbona imvitig shotting Simiaiaa oarrinV in. p2ui2aiur 
 
 leys had little or no stone. They built of brick, they made pot- 
 tery ^nd earthenware images, and they drew and presently wrote 
 upqn thin tile-like cakes of clay. They do not seem to have 
 had paper or to have used parchment. Their books and mem- 
 oranda, even their letters, were potsherds. 
 
 At Nippur they built a great tower of brick to their chief 
 god, El-lil (Enlil), the memory of which is supposed to be pre^ 
 served in the gtory of the Tower of Babel. They seem to have 
 been divided up into city states, which warred among them- 
 selves and maintained for many centuries their military ca- 
 pacity. Their soldiers carried long spears and shields, and 
 fought in close formation. Sumerians conquered Sumerians. 
 Sumeria remained unconquered by any stranger race for a very 
 
 'Sayce, in Babylonian and Assyrian Life, estimates that in 6,500 B.C.' 
 Eridu was on the sea-coast. 
 
THE FIIIST ClVlLrZATlONS 137 
 
 long period of time indeed. They developed their civilization, 
 their writing, and their shipping, through a period that may be 
 twice as long as the whole period from the Christian era to the 
 present time. 
 
 The first of all known empires was that founded by the high 
 priest of the god of the Sumerian city of Erech. It reached, 
 says an inscription at Nippur, from the Lower (Persian Gulf) 
 to the Upper (Mediterranean or Eed ?) Sea. Among the mud 
 heaps of the Euphrates-Tigris valley the record of that vast 
 period of history, that first half of the Age of Cultivation, is 
 buried. There flourished the first temples and the first priest- 
 rulers that we know of among mankind. 
 
 § 2b 
 
 Upon the western edge of this country appeared nomadic 
 tribes of Semitic-speaking peoples who traded, raided, and 
 fought with the Sumerians for many generations. Then arose 
 it last a great leader among these Semites, Sargon (2,750 b.c), 
 who united them, and not only conquered the Sumerians, but 
 extended his rule from beyond the Persian Gulf on the east 
 to the Mediterranean on the west. His own people were called 
 the Akkadians and his empire is called the Sumerian Akkadian 
 empire. It endured for over two hundred years. 
 
 But though the Semites conquered and gave a king to the 
 Sumerian cities, it was the Sumerian civilization which pre- 
 vailed over the simpler Semitic culture. The newcomers learni 
 the Sumerian writing (the "cuneiform" writing) and the 
 Sumerian language; they set up no Semitic writing of their 
 own. The Sumerian language became for tiiese barbarians the 
 language of knowledge and power, as Latin was the language 
 of knowledge and power among the barbaric peoples of the mid- 
 dle ages in Europe. This Sumerian learning had a very great 
 vitality. It was destined to survive through a long series of 
 conquests and changes that now began in the valley of tie two 
 rivers. 
 
 § 2c 
 
 As the people of the Sumerian Akkadian empire lost theiif 
 political and military vigour, fresh inundations of a warlike 
 
138 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 people began from the east, the Elamites,^ while from the west 
 came the Semitic Amorites, pinching the Smnerian Akkadian 
 empire between them. The Amorites settled in what was at 
 first a small up-river town, named Babylon ; and after a hundred 
 years of warfare became masters of all Mesopotamia under a 
 great king, Hammurabi (2,100 B.C.), who founded the first 
 Babylonian empire. 
 
 Again came peace and security and a decline in aggressive 
 prowess, and in another hundred years fresh nomads from the 
 east were invading Babylonia, bringing with them the horse and 
 the war chariot, and setting up their own king in Babylon. . . , 
 
 § 2d 
 
 Higher up the Tigris, above the clay lands and with easy 
 supplies of workable stone, a Semitic people, the Assyrians, 
 while the Sumerians were still unconquered by the Semites, were 
 settling about a number of cities of which Assur and Nineveh 
 were the chief. Their peculiar physiognomy, the long nose and 
 thick lips, was very like that of the commoner type of Polish 
 Jew to-day. They wore great beards and ringletted long hair, 
 tall caps and long robes. They were constantly engaged in 
 mutual raiding with the Hittites to the west; they were con- 
 quered by Sargon I and became free again ; a certain Tushratta, 
 King of Mitanni, to the north-west, captured and held their 
 capital, Nineveh, for a time ; they intrigued with Egypt against 
 Babylon and were in the pay of Egypt ; they developed the mili- 
 tary art to a very high pitch, and became mighty raiders and 
 exactors of tribute; and at last, adopting the horse and the 
 war chariot, they settled accounts for a time with the Hittites, 
 and then, under Tiglath Pileser I, conquered Babylon for them- 
 selves (about 1,100 B.C.). But their hold on the lower, older, 
 and more civilized land was not secure, and Nineveh, the stone 
 city, as distinguished from Babylon, the brick city, remained 
 their capital. For many centuries power swayed between Nine- 
 veh and Babylon, and sometimes it was an Assyrian and some- 
 times a Babylonian who claimed to be "king of the world." 
 
 •Of unknown language and race, "neither Sumerians nor Semiteu," 
 says Sayce. Their central city was Susa. Their archaeology is still largely 
 an unworked mine. They are believed by some, says Sir H. H. Johnston, 
 to have been negroid in type. There is a strong negroid strain in the mod- 
 em people of Elam. 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 
 
 139 
 
 For four centuries Assyria was restrained from expansion 
 towards Egypt by a fresh northward thrust and settlement of 
 another group of Semitic peoples, the Arameans, whose chief 
 city was Damascus, and whose descendants are the Syrians of 
 to-day. (There is, we may note, no connection whatever be- 
 tween the words Assyrian and Syrian. It is an accidental 
 similarity.) Across these Syrians the Assyrian kings fought 
 for power and expansion south-westward. In 745 b.c. 
 arose another Tiglath Pileser, 
 Tiglath Pileser III, the Tiglath 
 Pileser of the Bible. ^ He not 
 only directed the transfer of the 
 Israelites to Media (the "Lost 
 Ten Tribes" whose ultimate fate 
 has exercised so many curious 
 minds) but he conquered and 
 ruled Babylon, so founding what 
 historians know as the New 
 Assyrian Empire. His son, Shal- 
 
 maneser IV,^ died during the 
 
 siege of Samaria, and was suc- 
 ceeded by a usurper, who, no 
 doubt to flatter Babylonian sus- 
 ceptibilities, took the ancient 
 Akkadian Sumerian name of Sar- 
 gon, Sargon II. He seems to have 
 armed the Assyrian forces for the 
 first time with iron weapons. It 
 was probably Sargon II who 
 
 actually carried out the deporta-' Jtwipum n»rru>r 
 
 tion of the Ten Tribes. OSasstiuffrcmthefolaec t£ SuroonU 
 
 Such shif tings about of popula- 
 tion became a very distinctive part of the political methods 
 of the Assyrian new empire. Whole nations who were difficult 
 to control in their native country would be shifted en masse 
 to unaccustomed regions and amidst strange neighbours, where 
 theii" only hope of survival would lie in obedience to the 
 supreme power. 
 
 Sargon's son, Sennacherib, led the Assyrian hosts to the 
 borders of Egypt. There Sennacherib's army was smitten by 
 
 •II. Kings, XV. 29, and xvi. 7 et seq. *II. Kings xvii. 3. 
 
140 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 a pestilence, a disaster described in the nineteenth chapter of the 
 Second Book of Kings, 
 
 "And it came to pass that night, that the angel of the Lord 
 went out, and smote in the camp of the Assyrians an hundred 
 fourscore and five Ifcousand : and when they arose early in the 
 morning, behold, flEiey were all dead corpses. So Sennacherib 
 king of Assyria departed, and went and returned, and dwelt 
 at Mneveh." ^ 
 
 Sennacherib's grandson, Assurbanipal (called by the Greeks 
 Sardanapalus), did succeed in conquering and for a time hold- 
 ing lower Egypt. , 
 
 § 2e 
 
 The Assyrian empire lasted only a hundred and fifty years 
 after Sargon II. Fresh nomadic Semites coming from the 
 south-east, the Chaldeans, assisted by two Aryan-speaking peo- 
 ples from the north, the Medes and Persians, combined against 
 it, and took ISTineveh in 606 b.c. 
 
 The Chaldean Empire, with its capital at Babylon (Second 
 Babylonian Empire), lasted under Nebuchadnezzar the Great 
 (Nebuchadnezzar II) and his successors until 539 B.C., when it 
 collapsed before the attack of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian 
 power. . . . 
 
 So the story goes on. In 330 b.c., as we shall tell later in 
 some detail, a Greek conqueror, Alexander the Great, is looking, 
 on the murdered body of the last of the Persian rulers. 
 
 The story of the Tigris and Euphrates civilizations, of which 
 we have given as yet only the bare outline, is a story of con- 
 quest following after conquest, and each conquest replaces old 
 rulers and ruling classes by new ; races like the Sumerian and 
 the Elamite are swallowed up, their languages vanish, they 
 interbreed and are lost, the Assyrian melts away into, Chaldean 
 and Syrian, the Hittites become Aryanized and lose distinc- 
 tion, the Semites who swallowed up the Sumeriana give place to 
 Aryan rulers, Medes and Persians appear in the place of the 
 Elamites, the Aryan Persian language dominates the empire 
 until the Aryan Greek ousts it from ofiicial life. Meanwhile 
 •To be murdered by hia sons. 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 141 
 
 the plough does its work year by year, the harvests are gathered, 
 the builders build as they are told, the tradesmen work and 
 acquire fresh devices; the knowledge of writing spreads, novel 
 things, the horse and wheeled vehicles and iron, are introduced 
 and become part of the permanent inheritance of mankind; the 
 volume of trade upon sea and desert increases, men's ideas 
 widen, and knowledge grows. There are set-backs, massacres, 
 pestilence; but the story is, on the whole, one of enlargement. 
 For four thousand years this new thing, civilization, which 
 had set its root into the soil of the two rivers, grew as a tree 
 grows ; now losing a limb, now stripped by a storm, but always 
 growing and resuming its growth. After four thousand years 
 the warriors and conquerors were still going to and fro over 
 this growing thing they did not understand, but men had now 
 (330 B.C.) got iron, horses, writing and computation, money, a 
 greater variety of foods and textiles, a wider knowledge of their 
 world. 
 
 The time that elapsed between the empire of Sargon I and 
 the conquest of Babylon by Alexander the Great was as long, 
 be it noted, at the least estimate, as the time from Alexander 
 the Great to the present day. And before the time of Sargon, 
 men had been settled in the Sumerian land, living in tovras, 
 worshipping in temples, following an orderly Neolithic agri- 
 cultural life in an organized community for at least as long 
 again. "Eridu, Lagash, Ur, Uruk, Larsa, have already an im- 
 memorial past when first they appear in history." ^ 
 
 One of the most difficult things for both the writer and stu- 
 dent of history is to sustain the sense of these time-intervals 
 and prevent these ages becoming shortened by perspective in his 
 imagination. Half the duration of human civilization and the 
 keys to all its chief institutions are to be found before Sargon 
 I. Moreover, the reader cannot too often compare the scale 
 of the dates in these latter fuller pages of man's history with 
 the succession of countless generations to which the time dia- 
 grams given on pages 11 and 47, bear witness. 
 
 § 3 
 
 Parallel with the ancient beginnings of civilization in 
 Sumeria, a parallel process was going on in Egypt. It is still 
 ' Winckler (Craig), History of Babylonia and Assyria. 
 
142 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 
 
 14,8 
 
 a matter of discussion which was the most ancient of these two 
 beginnings, or how far they had a common origin or derived 
 one from the other. 
 
 The story of the Nile valley from the dawn of its trace- 
 able history until the time of Alexander the Great is not very 
 dissimilar from that of Babylonia; but while Babylonia lay 
 open on every side to invasion, Egypt was protected by desert 
 to the west and by desert and sea to 
 the east, while to the south she had 
 only negro peoples. Consequently 
 her history is less broken by the in- 
 vasions of strange races than is the 
 history of Assyria and Babylon, and 
 until towards the eighth century 
 B.C., when she fell under an Ethio- 
 pian dynasty, whenever a conqueror 
 did come into her story, he came in 
 from Asia by way of the Isthmus of 
 Suez. 
 
 The Stone Age remains in Egypt 
 are of very uncertain date ; there are 
 Palaeolithic and then Neolithic re- 
 mains. It is not certain whether the 
 Neolithic pastoral people who left 
 those remains were the direct ances- 
 tors of the later Egyptians. In many 
 respects they differed entirely from 
 their successors. They buried their 
 dead, but before they buried them 
 they cut up the bodies and appar- 
 ently ate portions of the flesh. They 
 seem to have done this out of a feel- 
 ing of reverence for the departed; 
 the dead were "eaten with honour" 
 according to the phrase of Mr. Flinders Petrie. It may have 
 been that the survivors hoped to retain thereby some vestige 
 of the strength and virtue that had died. Traces of similar 
 savage customs have been found in the long barrows that were 
 scattered over western Europe before the spreading of liie 
 Aryan peoples, and they have pervaded negro Africa, where 
 they are only dying out at the present time. 
 
 ^•arhf Kgure ofikg Tgavtiiui 
 hippcpotaxttus ^fSUStss 
 
144 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 About 5,000 B.C., or earlier, the traces of these primitive 
 peoples cease, and the true Egyptians appear on the scene. The 
 former people were hut builders and at a comparatively low 
 stage of iN^eolithic culture, the latter were already a civilized 
 Neolithic people;, they used brick and wood buildings instead 
 of their predecessors' hovels, and they were working stone. 
 Very soon they passed into the Bronze Age. They possessed a 
 system of picture writing almost as developed as the con- 
 temporary writing of the Sumerians, but quite different in char- 
 acter. Possibly there was an irruption from southern Arabia 
 by way of Aden, of a fresh people, who came into upper Egypt 
 and descended slowly towards the delta of the Nile. Dr. Wallis 
 Budge writes of them as "conquerors from the East." But 
 their gods and their ways, like their picture writing, were very 
 different indeed from the Sumerian. One of the earliest known 
 figures of a deity is that of a hippopotamus goddess, and so very 
 distinctively African. 
 
 The clay of the Nile is not so fine and plastic as the Sumerian 
 clay, and the Egyptians made no use of it for writing. But they 
 early resorted to strips of the papyrus reed fastened together, 
 from whose name comes our word "paper." 
 
 The broad outline of the history of Egypt is simpler than 
 the history of Mesopotamia. It has long been the custom to 
 divide the rulers of Egypt into a succession of Dynasties, and 
 in speaking of the periods of Egyptian history it is usual to 
 speak of the first, fourth, fourteenth, and so on, Dynasty. The 
 Egyptians were ultimately conquered by the Persians after 
 their establishment in Babylon, and when finally Egypt fell to 
 Alexander the Great in 332 B.C., it was Dynasty XXXI that 
 came to an end. In that long history of over 4,000 years, a 
 much longer 'period than that between the career of Alexander 
 the Great and the present day, certain broad phases of de- 
 velopment may be noted here. There was a phase known as 
 the "old kingdom," which culminated in the IVth Dynasty; 
 this Dynasty marks a period of wealth and splendour, and its 
 monarchs were obsessed by such a passion for making monu- 
 ments for themselves as no men have ever before or since had 
 a chance to display and gratify. It was Cheops ^ and Chephren 
 and Mycerinus of this IVth Dynasty who raised the vast piles 
 of the great and the second and the third pyramids at Gizeh. 
 '3,733 B.C., Wallis Budge. 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS U5 
 
 These unmeaning sepulchral piles, of an almost incredible vast- 
 ness,^ erected in an age when engineering science had scarcely 
 begun, exhausted the resources of Egypt through three long 
 reigns, and left her wasted as if by a war. 
 
 The story of Egypt from the IVth to the XV th Dynasty is a 
 story of conflicts between alternative capitals and competing 
 religions, of separations into several kingdoms and reunions. 
 It is, so to speak, an internal history. Here we can name only 
 one of that long series of Pharaohs, Pepi II, who reigned ninety 
 years, the longest reign in history, and left a great abundance 
 of inscriptions and buildings. At last there happened to Egypt 
 what happened so frequently to the civilizations of Mesopo- 
 tamia. Egypt was conquered by nomadic Semites, who founded 
 a "shepherd" dynasty, the Hyksos (XVIth), which was finally 
 expelled by native Egyptians. This invasion probably hap- 
 pened while that first Babylonian Empire which Hammurabi 
 founded was flourishing, but the exact correspondences of dates 
 between early Egypt and Babylonia are still very doubtful. 
 Only after a long period of servitude did a popular uprising 
 expel these foreigners again. 
 
 After the war of liberation (circa 1,600 B.C.) there followed a 
 period of great prosperity in Egypt, the New Empire. Egypt 
 became a great and united military state, and pushed her expedi- 
 tions at last as far as the Euphrates, and so the age-long struggle 
 between the Egyptian and Babylonian-Assyrian power began. 
 
 For a time Egypt was the ascendant power. Thothmes III " 
 
 'The great pyramid is 450 feet high and its aide 700 feet long. It is 
 calculated (says Wallis Budge) to weigh 4,883,000 tons. All this stone 
 was lugged into place chiefly by human muscle. 
 
 ' There are variants to these names, and to most Egyptian names, for 
 few self-respecting Egyptologists will tolerate the spelling of their col- 
 leagues. One may find, for instance, Thethmosis, Thoutmosis, Tahutmes, 
 Thutmose, or Tethraosis; Amunothph, Amenhotep or Amenothes. A pleas- 
 ing variation is to break up the name, as, for instance. Amen Hetep. 
 This particular little constellation of variants is given here not only be- 
 cause it is amusing, but because it is desirable that the reader should 
 know such variations exist. For most names the rule of this book has 
 been to follow whatever usage has established itself in English literature, 
 regardless of the possible contemporary pronunciation. Amenophis, for 
 example, has been so written in English books for two centuries. It 
 came into the language by indirect routes, but it is now as fairly estab- 
 lished as is Damascus as the English name of a Syrian town. Neverthe- 
 less, there are limits to this classicism. The writer, after some vacilla- 
 tion, has abandoned Oliver Goldsmith and Dr. Johnson in the case of 
 "Peisistratus" and "Keltic," which were formerly spelt "Pisistratus" and 
 "Celtic." 
 
146 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and Amenophis III (XVIIIth Dynasty) ruled from Ethiopia 
 to the Euphrates in the fifteenth century b.c. For various 
 reasons these names stand out with unusual distinctness in the 
 Egyptian record. They were great builders, and left many 
 monuments and inscriptions. Amenophis III founded Luxor, 
 and added greatly to Karnak. At Tel-el-Amarna a mass of 
 letters has been found, the royal correspondence with Babylonian 
 and Hittite and other monarchs, including that Tushratta who 
 took Nineveh, throwing a flood of light upon the political and 
 social affairs of this particular age. Of Amenophis IV we 
 shall have more to tell later, but of one, the most extraordinary 
 and able of Egyptian monarchs. Queen Hatasu, we have no 
 space to tell. She is represented upon her monuments in mas- 
 culine garb, and with a long beard as a symbol of wisdom. 
 
 Thereafter there was a brief Syrian conquest of Egypt, a 
 series of changing dynasties, among which we may note the 
 XlXth, which included Kameses II, a great builder of temples, 
 who reigned seventy-seven years (about 1,317 to 1,250 e.g.), 
 and who is supposed by some to have been the Pharaoh of 
 Moses, and the XXIInd, which included Shishak, who 
 plundered Solomon's temple (circa 930 b.c). An Ethiopian 
 conqueror from the Upper Nile founded the XXVth Dynasty, 
 a foreign dynasty, which went down (670 b.c.) before the new 
 Assyrian Empire created by Tiglath Pileser III, Sargon II, 
 and Sennacherib, of which we have already made mention. 
 
 The days of any Egyptian predominance over foreign nations 
 were drawing to an end. For a time under Psammetichus I 
 of the XXVIth Dynasty (664-610 b.c.) native rule was re- 
 stored, and Necho II recovered for a time the old Egyptian 
 possessions in Syria up to the Euphrates while the Medes and 
 Chaldeans were attacking Nineveh. From those gains Necho II 
 was routed out again after the fall of Nineveh and the Assyrians 
 by Nebuchadnezzar II, the great Chaldean king, the Nebuchad- 
 nezzar of the Bible. The Jews, who had been the allies of 
 Necho II, were taken into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar to 
 Babylon, 
 
 When, m the sixth century b.c, Chaldea fell to the Persians, 
 Egypt followed suit, a rebellion later made Egypt independent 
 once more for sixty years, and in 332 b. c she welcomed Alex- 
 ander the Great as her conqueror, to be ruled thereafter by for- 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 147 
 
 eigners, first by Greeks, tlien by Eomans, then in succession 
 by Arabs, Turks, and British, until the present day. • 
 
 Such briefly is the history of Egypt from its beginnings; 
 a history first of isolation and then of increasing entanglement 
 with the affairs of other nations, as increasing facilities of 
 communication drew the peoples of the world into closer and 
 closer interaction. 
 
 The history we need to tell here of India is simpler eiven 
 than this brief record of Egypt. The Dravidian peoples in 
 the Ganges valley developed upon parallel lines to the Sumerian 
 and Egyptian societies. But it is doubtful if they ever got to 
 so high a stage of social development ; they have left few monu- 
 ments, and they never achieved any form of writing. 
 
 Somewhere about the time of Hammurabi or later, a branch 
 of the Aryan-speaking people who then occupied North Persia 
 and Afghanistan pushed down the north-west passes into India. 
 They conquered their way until they prevailed over all the 
 darker populations of North India, and spread their rule or 
 influence over the whole peninsula. They never achieved any 
 unity in India ; their history is a history of warring kings and 
 republics. 
 
 The Persian empire, in the days of its expansion after the 
 capture of Babylon, pushed its boundaries beyond the Indus, 
 and later Alexander the Great marched as far as the border of 
 the desert that separates the Punjab from the Ganges valley. 
 But with this bare statement we will for a time leave the history 
 of India. 
 
 § 5 
 
 Meanwhile, as this triple system of White Man civilization 
 developed in India and in the lands about the meeting-places 
 of Asia, Africa, and Europe, another and quite distinct civiliza- 
 tion was developing and spreading out from the then fertile 
 but now dry and desolate valley of the Tarim and from the 
 slopes of the Kuen-lun mountains in two directions down the 
 course of the Hwang-ho, and later into the valley of the Yang- 
 tse-kiang. We know practically nothing as yet of the archseol- 
 
148 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ogy of China, we do not know anything of the Stone Age in 
 that part of the world, and at present our ideas of this early 
 civilization are derived from the still very imperfectly ex- 
 plored Chinese literature. It has evidently been from the first 
 and throughout a Mongolian civilization. Until after the time 
 of Alexander the Great there are few traces of any Aryan 
 or Semitic, much less of Hamitic influence. All such influ- 
 ences were still in another world, separated by mountains, 
 deserts, and wild nomadic tribes until that time. The Chinese 
 seem to have made their civilization spontaneously and un- 
 assisted. Some recent writers suppose indeed a connection with 
 ancient Sumeria. Of course both China and Sumeria arose 
 on the basis of the almost world-wide early Neolithic culture, 
 but the Tarim valley and the lower Euphrates are separated by 
 such vast obstacles of mountain and desert as to forbid the idea 
 of any migration or interchange of peoples who had once settled 
 down. Perhaps the movement from the north met another 
 movement of culture coming from the south. 
 
 Though the civilization of China is wholly Mongolian (as 
 we have defined Mongolian), it does not follow that the north- 
 em roots are the only ones from which it grew. If it grew 
 first in the Tarim valley, then unlike all other civilization^ 
 (including the Mexican and Peruvian) it did not grow out 
 of the heliolithic culture. We Europeans know very little as 
 yet of the ethnology and pre-history of southern China. There 
 the Chinese mingle with such kindred peoples as the Siamese 
 and Burmese, and seem to bridge over towards the darker 
 Dravidian peoples and towards the Malays. It is quite clear 
 from the Chinese records that there were southern as well as 
 northern beginnings of a civilization, and that the Chinese civ- 
 ilization that comes into history 2,000 years b.c. is the result of 
 a long process of conflicts, minglings and interchanges between 
 a southern and a northern culture of which the southern may 
 have been the earlier and more highly developed. The southern 
 Chinese perhaps played the role towards the northern Chinese 
 that the Hamites or Sumerians played to the Aryan and Semitic 
 peoples in the west, or that the settled Dravidians played to- 
 wards the Aryans in India. They may have been the first 
 agriculturists and the first temple builders. But so little is 
 known as yet of this attractive chapter in pre-history, that 
 we cannot dwell upon it further here. 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 
 
 149 
 
150 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The chief foreigners mentioned in the early annals of China 
 were a Ural-Altaic people on the north-east frontier, the Huns, 
 against whom certain of the earlier emperors made war. 
 
 Chinese history is still very little known to European stu- 
 dents, and our accounts of the eaily records arc particularly un- 
 satisfactory. About 2,700 to 2,400 B.C. reigned five emperors, 
 who seem to have been almost incredibly exemplary beings. 
 
 There follows upon these first five emperors a series of 
 dynasties, of which the accounts become more and more exact 
 and convincing as they become more recent. China has to 
 tell a long history of border warfare and of graver struggles 
 between the settled and nomad peoples. To begin with, China, 
 like Sumer and like Egypt, was a land of city states. The 
 government was at first a government of numerous kings ; they 
 became loosely feudal under an emperor, as the Egyptians did ; 
 and then later, as with the Egyptians, came a centralizing 
 empire. Shang (1,750 to 1,125 b.c.) and Chow (1,125 to 
 250 B.C.) are named as being the two great dynasties of the 
 feudal period. Bronze vessels of these earlier dynasties, beau- 
 tiful, splendid, and with a distinctive style of their own, still 
 exist, and there can be no doubt of the existence of a high state 
 of culture even before the days of Shang. 
 
 It is perhaps a sense of symmetry that made the later his- 
 torians of Egypt and China talk of the earlier phases of their 
 national history as being under dynasties comparable to the 
 dynasties of the later empires, and of such early "Emperors" 
 as Menes (in Egypt) or the First Five Emperors (in China). 
 The early dynasties exercised far less centralized powers than 
 the later ones. Such unity as China possessed under the Shang 
 Dynasty was a religious rather than an effective political union. 
 The "Son of Heaven" offered sacrifices for all the Chinese. 
 There was a common script, a common civilization, and a com- 
 mon enemy in the Huns of the north-western borders. 
 
 The last of the Shang Dynasty was a cruel and foolish mon- 
 arch who burnt himself alive (1,125 b.c.) in his palace after a 
 decisive defeat by Wu Wang, the founder of the Chow Dynasty. 
 Wu Wang seems to have been helped by allies from among 
 the south-western tribes as well as by a popular revolt. 
 
 For a time China remained loosely united under the Chow 
 emperors, as loosely united as was Christendom under the popes 
 in the Middle Ages ; the Chow emperors had become the tradi- 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 15J 
 
 tional high priests of the land in the place of the Shang 
 Dynasty and claimed a sort of overlordship in Chinese affairs, 
 but gradually the loose ties of usage and sentiment that held 
 the empire together lost their hold upon men's minds. Hunnish 
 peoples to the north and west took on the Chinese civilization 
 without acquiring a sense of its unity. Feudal princes began 
 to regard themselves as independent. Mr. Liang-Chi-Ohao,^ 
 one of the Chinese representatives at the Paris Conference of 
 1919, states that between the eighth and fourth centuries b.c. 
 "there were in the Hwang-ho and Yang-tse valleys no less than 
 five or six thousand small states w'ith about a dozen powerful 
 states dominating over them." The land was subjected to per- 
 petual warfare ("Age of Confusion"). In the sixth century 
 B.C. the great powers in conflict were Ts'i and Ts'in, which 
 were northern Hwang-ho states, and Ch'u, which was a vigorous, 
 aggressive power in the Yang-tse valley. A confederation 
 against Ch'u laid the foundation for a league that kept the 
 peace for a hundred years ; the league subdued and incorporated 
 Ch'u and made a general treaty of disarmament. It became 
 the foundation of a new pacific empire. 
 
 The knowledge of iron entered China at some unknown date, 
 but iron weapons began to be commonly used only about 500 
 B.C., that is to say two or three hundred years or more after 
 this had become customary in Assyria, Egypt, and Europe. 
 Iron was probably introduced from the north into China by the 
 Huns. 
 
 The last rulers of the Chow Dynasty were ousted by the 
 kings of Ts'in, the latter seized upon the sacred sacrificial 
 bronze tripods, and so were able to take over the imperial duty 
 of offering sacrifices to Heaven. In this manner was the Ts'in 
 Dynasty established. It ruled with far more vigour and effect 
 than any previous family. The reign of Shi Hwang-ti (mean- 
 ing "first universal emperor") of this dynasty is usually taken 
 to mark the end of feudal and divided China. He seems to 
 have played the unifying role in the east that Alexander the 
 Great might have played in the west, but he lived longer, and 
 the unity he made (or restored) was comparatively permanent, 
 while the empire of Alexander the Great fell to pieces, as we 
 shall tell, at his death. Shi Hwang-ti, among other feats in the 
 
 ' China and the League of Nations, a pamphlet by Mr. liiang-Chi-Chao. 
 {Pekin Leader Office.) 
 
152 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 direction of common effort, organized the building of the Great. 
 Wall of China against the Huns. A civil war followed close 
 upon his reign, and ended in the establishment of the Han 
 Dynasty. Under this Han Dynasty the empire gtew greatly 
 beyond its original two river valleys, the Huns were effectively 
 restrained, and the Chinese penetrated westward until they 
 began to learn at last of civilized races and civilizations other 
 than their own. 
 
 By 100 B.C. the Chinese had. heard of India, their power 
 had spread across Tibet and into Western Turkestan, and they 
 were trading by camel caravans with Persia and the western 
 world. So much for the present must suffice for our account of 
 China. We shall return to the distinctive characters of its 
 civilization later. 
 
 § 6 
 
 And in these thousands of years during which man was 
 making his way step by step from the barbarism of the helio- 
 lithic culture to civilization at these old-world centres, what was 
 happening in the rest of the world? To the north of these 
 centres, from the Ehine to the Pacific, the Nordic and Mon- 
 golian peoples, as we have told, were also learning the use 
 of metals ; but while the civilizations were settling down these 
 men of the great plains were becoming migratory and de- 
 veloping from a slow wandering life towards a complete seasonal 
 nomadism. To the south of the civilized zone, in central and 
 southern Africa, the negro was making a slower progress, and 
 that, it would seem, under the stimulus of invasion by whiter 
 tribes from the Mediterranean regions, bringing with them 
 in succession cultivation and the use of metals. These white 
 men came to the black by two routes : across the Sahara to the 
 west as Berbers and Tuaregs and the like, to mix with the negro 
 and create such quasi-white races as the Fulas; and also by 
 way of the Nile, where the Baganda (= Gandafolk) of Uganda, 
 for example, may possibly be of remote white origin. The 
 African forests were denser then, and spread eastward and 
 northward from the Upper Nile. 
 
 The islands of the East Indies, three thousand years ago, 
 were probably still only inhabited here and there by stranded 
 patches of Palaeolithic Australoids, who had wandered thither 
 
THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS 153 
 
 in those immemorial ages when there was a nearly complete 
 land bridge by way of the East Indies to Australia. The 
 islands of Oceania were uninhabited. The spreading of the 
 heliolithic peoples by sea-going canoes into the islands of the 
 Pacific came much later in the history of man, at earliest a 
 thousand years b.c. Still later did they reach Madagascar. 
 The beautiy of New Zealand also was as yet wasted upon man- 
 kind ; its highest living creatures were a great ostrich-like bird, 
 the moa, now extinct, and the little kiwi which has feathers 
 like coarse hair and the merest rudiments of wings. 
 
 In North America a group of Mongoloid tribes were now 
 cut off altogether from the old world. They were spreading 
 slowly southward, hunting the innumerable bison of the 
 plains. They had still to learn for themselves the secrets of a 
 separate agriculture based on maize, and in South America, 
 to tame the lama to their service, and so biiild up in Mexico 
 and Peru two civilizations roughly parallel in their nature tc 
 that of Sumer, but different in many respects, and later by six 
 or seven thousand years. . , . 
 
 When men reached the southern extremity of America, the 
 Meffatheriwm, the giant sloth, and the Glyptodon, the giant 
 armadillo, were still living. 
 
 There is a considerable imaginative appeal in the obscure 
 story of the early American civilizations. It was largely a 
 separate development. Somewhen at last the southward drift 
 of the Amerindians must have met and mingled ^with the east- 
 ward, canoe-borne drift of the heliolithic culture. But it was 
 the heliolithic culture still at a very lowly stage and probably 
 before the use of metals. It has to be noted as evidence of 
 this canoe-borne origin of American culture, that elephant- 
 headed figures are found in Central American drawings. Amer- 
 ican metallurgy may have arisen independently of the old- 
 world use of metal, or it may have been brought by these ele- 
 phant carvers. These American peoples got to the use of 
 bronze and copper, but not to the use of iron; they had gold 
 and silver; and their stonework, their pottery, weaving, and 
 dyeing were carried to a very high level. In all these things 
 the American product resembles the old-world product generally, 
 but always it has characteristics that are distinctive. The 
 American civilizations had picture-writing of a primitive sort, 
 but it never developed even to the pitch of the earliest Egyptian 
 
154 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 hieroglyphics. In Yucatan only was there a kind of script, 
 the Maya writing, but it was used simply for keeping a cal- 
 endar. In Peru the beginnings of writing were superseded 
 by a curious and complicated method of keeping records by 
 means of knots tied upon strings of various colours and shapes. 
 It is said that even laws and orders could be conveyed by this 
 code. These string bundles were called quipus, but though 
 qwipus are still to be found in collections, the art of reading 
 them is altogether lost. The Chinese histories, Mr. L. Y. Chen 
 informs us, state that a similar method of record by knots was 
 used in China before the invention of writing there. The 
 Peruvians also got to making maps and the use of counting- 
 frames. "But with all this there was no means of handing 
 on knowledge and experience from one generation to another, 
 nor was anything done to fix and summarize these intellectual 
 possessions, which are the basis of literature and science." ^ 
 
 When the Spaniards came to America, the Mexicans knew 
 nothing of the Peruvians nor the Peruvians of the Mexicans. 
 Intercourse there was none. Whatever links had ever existed 
 were lost and forgotten. The Mexicans had never heard of 
 the potato which was a principal article of Peruvian diet. In 
 5,000 B.C. the Sumerians and Egyptians probably knew as 
 little of one another. American was 6,000 years behind the 
 Old World. 
 
 *F. Batzel, History of Mankind. 
 
XY 
 
 SEA PEOPLES AND TKADING PEOPLES 
 
 § 1. The Earliest Ships and Sailors. § 2. The ^gean Cities 
 before History. § 3. The First Voyages of Exploration. 
 § 4. Early Traders. § 5. Early Travellers. 
 
 § 1 
 
 THE first toats were made very early indeed in the Neo- 
 lithic stage of culture by riverside and lakeside peoples. 
 They were no more than trees and floating wood, used 
 to assist the imperfect natural swimming powers of men. Then 
 came the hollowing out of the trees, and then, with the de- 
 velopment of tools and a primitive carpentry, the building of 
 boats. Men in Egypt and Mesopotamia also, developed a primi- 
 tive type of basketwork boat, caulked with bitumen. Such 
 was the "ark of bulrushes" in which Moses was hidden by his 
 mother. A kindred sort of vessel grew up by the use of 
 skins and hides expanded upon a wicker framework. To this 
 day cow-hide wicker boats (coracles) are used upon the west 
 coast of Ireland where there is plenty of cattle and a poverty 
 of big trees. They are also still used on the Euphrates, and 
 on the Towy in South Wales. Inflated skins may have preceded 
 the coracle, and are still used on the Euphrates and upper 
 Ganges. In the valleys of the great rivers, boats must eiarly 
 have become an important means of communication; and it 
 seems natural to suppose that it was from the mouths of the 
 great rivers that man, already in a reasonably seaworthy vessel, 
 first ventured out upon what must have seemed to him then 
 the trackless and homeless sea. 
 
 'No doubt he ventured at first as a fisherman, having learnt 
 the elements of seacraft in creeks and lagoons. Men may have 
 navigated boats upon the Levantine lake before the refilling 
 of the Mediterranean by the Atlantic waters. The canoe was 
 an integral part of the heliolithic culture, it drifted with the 
 
 155 
 
166 THE OLftLlNE OF HiSfOHY 
 
 culture upon the warm waters of liio earth from the Mediter- 
 ranean to (at last) America. There were not only canoes, but 
 Sumerian boats and ships upon the Euphrates and Tigris, when 
 these rivers in 7,000 e.g. fell by separate mouths into the 
 Persian Gulf. The Sumerian city of Eridu, which stood at the 
 head of the Persian Gulf (from which it is now separated by a 
 hundred and thirty miles of alluvium ^), had ships upon the sea 
 then. We also find evidence of a fully developed sea life six 
 thousand years ago at the eastern end of the Mediterranean, and 
 possibly at that time there were already canoes on the seas 
 among the islands of the nearer East Indies. There are pre- 
 dynastic Neolithic Egyptian representations of Nile ships of a 
 fair size, capable of carrying elephants.^ 
 
 Very soon the seafaring men must have realized the peculiar 
 freedom and opportunities the ship gave them. They could 
 get away to islands ; no chief nor king could pursue a boat or 
 ship with any certainty; every captain was a king. The sea- 
 men would find it easy to make nests upon islands and in strong 
 positions on the mainland. There they could harbour, there 
 they could carry on a certain agriculture and fishery ; but their 
 specialty and their main business was, of course, the expedition 
 across the sea. That was not usually a trading expedition; 
 it was much more frequently a piratical raid. From what 
 we know of mankind, we are bound to conclude that the first 
 sailors plundered when they could, and traded when they had to. 
 
 Because it developed in the comparatively warm and tran- 
 quil waters of the eastern Mediterranean, the Ked Sea, the 
 Persian Gulf, and the western horn of the Indian Ocean, the 
 shipping of the ancient world retained throughout certain char- 
 acteristics that make it diifer very widely from the ocean-going 
 sailing shipping, with its vast spread of canvas, of the last four 
 hundred years. "The Mediterranean," says Mr. Torr,* "is a 
 sea where a vessel with sails may lie becalmed for days to- 
 gether, while a vessel with oars would easily be traversing the 
 smooth waters, with coasts and islands everywhere at hand 
 to give her shelter in case of storm. In that sea, therefore, oars 
 became the characteristic instruments of navigation, and the 
 arrangement of oars the chidE problem in shipbuilding. And 
 
 » Sayce. 
 
 'Mosso, The DaiBn of Mediterranean Owilieation. — R. L. C. 
 
 'Cecil Torr, Ancient Ships. 
 
SEA PEOPLES AND TRADING PEOPLES 
 
 157 
 
 so long as the Mediterranean nations dominated Western Eu- 
 rope, vessels of the southern type were built upon the northern 
 coasts, though there generally was wind 
 enough here for sails and too much wave 
 for oars. . . . The art of rowing can 
 first be discerned upon the Nile. Boats 
 with oars are represented in the earliest 
 pictorial monuments of Egypt, dating 
 from about 2,500 b.c. ; and although 
 some crews are paddling with their 
 faces towards the bow, others are row- 
 ing with their faces towards the stem. 
 The paddling is certainly the older 
 practice, for the hieroglyph chen depicts 
 two arms grasping an oar in the attitude 
 of paddling, and the hieroglyphs were 
 invented in the earliest ages. And that 
 practice may really have ceased before 
 2,500 B.C., despite the testimony of 
 monuments of that date; for in monu- 
 ments dating from about 1,250 B.C., 
 crews are represented unmistakably 
 rowing with their faces towards the 
 stem and yet grasping their oars in the 
 attitude of paddling, so that even then 
 Egyptian artists mechanically followed 
 the turn of the hieroglyph to which 
 their hands were accustomed. In these 
 reliefs there are twenty rowers on the 
 boats on the iN'ile, and thirty on the 
 ships on the Red Sea ; but in the earliest 
 reliefs the number varies considerably, 
 and seems dependent on the amount of 
 space at the sculptor's disposal." 
 
 The Aryan peoples came late to the 
 sea. The earliest ships on the sea were 
 either Sumerian or Hamitic; the 
 Semitic peoples followed close upon 
 these pioneers. Along the eastern end 
 of the Mediterranean, the Phoenicians, a Semitic people, set 
 up a string of independent harbour towns of whicli -4p?"e>, 
 
158 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Tyre, and Sidon were the chief; and later they pushed their 
 voyages westward and founded Carthage and tJtica. in North 
 
 Africa. Possibly 
 Phcenician keels 
 were already in 
 the Mediterra- 
 nean by 2,000 B. c. 
 Both Tyre and 
 Sidon were origi- 
 nally on islands, 
 and , so easily de- 
 fensible against a 
 land raid. But he- 
 fore we go on to 
 the marine ex- 
 ploits of this great 
 sea-going race, we 
 must note a very 
 remarkable and 
 curious nest of 
 early sea people 
 whose remains 
 have been discov- 
 ered in Crete. 
 
 § 2 
 These early 
 Cretans were of a 
 race akin to the 
 Iberians of Spain 
 and Western Eu- 
 rope and the dark 
 whites of Asia 
 Minor and I^orth 
 Africa, and their 
 language is un- 
 known. This race 
 lived not only in 
 Crete, but in Cyprus, Greece, Asia Minor, Sicily, and South 
 Italy. It was a civilized people for long ages before the 
 fair N'ordic Greeks spread southward through Macedonia. At 
 
SEA PEOPLES AND TRADING PEOPLES 159 
 
 Cnosaos, in Crete, ttere have been found the most astonishing 
 JTiina and remains, and Cnossos, therefore, is apt to overshadow 
 the rest of these settlements in. people's imaginations, but it is 
 well to bear in mind that though Cnossos was no doubt a chief 
 city of this ^gean civilization, these "^geans" had in the full- 
 ness of their time many cities and a wide range. Possibly, all 
 that we know of them now are but the vestiges of the far more 
 extensive heliolithic Neolithic civilization which is now sub- 
 merged under the waters of the Mediterranean. 
 
 At Cnossos there are !N"eolithic remains as old or older than 
 any of the pre-dynastic remains of Egypt. The Bronze Age 
 began in Crete as soon as it did in Egypt, and there have been 
 vases found by Elinders Petrie in Egypt and referred by 
 him to the 1st Dynasty, which he declared to be importations 
 from Crete. Stone vessels have been found in Crete of forms 
 characteristic of the IVth (pyramid-building) Dynasty, and 
 there can be no doubt that there was a vigorous trade between 
 Crete and Egypt in the time of the Xllth Dynasty. This con- 
 tinued until about 1,000 b.c. It is clear that this island civiliza- 
 tion arising upon the soil of Crete is at least as old as the 
 Egyptian, and that it was already launched upon the sea as 
 early as 4,000 b.c. 
 
 The great days of Crete were not so early as this. It was 
 only about 2,500 b.c. that the island appears to have been 
 unified under one ruler. Then began an age of peace and pros- 
 perity unexampled in the history of the ancient world. Secure 
 from invasion, living in a delightful climate, trading with every 
 civilized community in the world, the Cretans were free to de- 
 velop all the arts and amenities of life. This Cnossos was not 
 so much a town as the vast palace of the king and his people. 
 It was not even fortified. The kings, it would seem, were called 
 Minos always, as the kings of Egypt were all called Pharaoh ; 
 the king of Cnossos figures in the early legends of the Greeks 
 as King Minos, who lived in the Labyrinth and kept there a 
 horrible monster, half man, half bull, the Minotaur, to feed 
 which he levied a tribute of youths and maidrais from the 
 Athenians. Those stories are a part of Greek literature, and 
 have always been known, but it is only in the last few decades 
 that the excavations at Cnossos have revealed how close these 
 legends were to the reality. The Cretan labyrinth was a build- 
 ing as stately, complex, and luxurious as any in the ancient 
 
160 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 world. Among other details we find water-pipes, bathrooms, 
 and the like conveniences, such as have hitherto been regarded 
 as the latest refinements of modern life. The pottery, the textile 
 manufactures, the sculpture and painting of these people, their 
 gem and ivory work, their metal and inlaid work, is as ad- 
 mirable as any that mankind has produced. They were much 
 given to festivals and shows, and, in particular, they were 
 addicted to bull-fights and gymnastic entertainments. Their 
 female costume became astonishingly "modern" in style; their 
 women wore corsets and flounced dresses. They had a system 
 of writing which has not yet been deciphered. 
 
 It is the custom nowadays to make a sort of wonder of these 
 achievements of the Cretans, as though they were a people 
 of incredible artistic ability living in the dawn of civilization. 
 But their great time was long past that dawn ; as late as 2,000 
 B.C. It took them many centuries to reach their best in art 
 and skill, and their art and luxury are by no means so great 
 a wonder if we reflect that for 3,000 years they were immune 
 from invasion, that for a thousand years they were at peace. 
 Century, after century their artizans could perfect their skill, 
 and their men and women refine upon refinement. Wherever 
 men of almost any race have been comparatively safe in this 
 fashion for such a length of time, they have developed much 
 artistic beauty. Given the opportunity, all races are artistic. 
 Greek legend has it that it was in Crete that Daedalus at- 
 tempted to make the first fiying machine. Daedalus (= cunning 
 artificer) was a sort of personified summary of mechanical 
 
 
 "^ 
 
 — -=.=1. 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 
 i ' ^ ^=g=;aS&i^r^ 
 
 ^ fk.^^EEEES^^:^'—" 
 
 % '^^3asfH^s.ariJ< 
 
 fe#g 
 
 
 t^^^?= 
 
 ^^^^^m^ 
 
 ^^^s= 
 
 
 CIVILIZATION 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^i — f- 
 
 -1 ■ " 
 
 a. F. 1 1 
 
SEA PEOPLES AND TRADING PEOPLES 
 
 161 
 
 skill. It is curious to speculate what germ of fact lies behind 
 him and those waxen wings that, according to the legend, melted 
 and plunged his son Icarus in the sea. 
 
 There came at last a change in the condition of the lives of 
 these Cretans, for other peoples, the Greeks and the Phoenicians, 
 were also coming out with powerful fleets upon the seas. We 
 do not know what led to the disaster nor who inflicted it ; but 
 sbmewhen about 1,400 b.c. Cnossos was sacked and burnt, and 
 though the Cretan life 
 struggled on there 
 rather lamely for an- 
 other four centuries, 
 there came at last a 
 final blow about 1,000 
 B.C. (that is to say, in 
 the days of the As- 
 syrian ascendancy in 
 the East). The palace 
 at CnOssos was de- 
 stroyed, and never re- 
 built nor reinhabited. 
 Possibly this was done 
 by the ships of those 
 new-comers into the 
 Mediterranean, the 
 barbaric Greeks, a 
 group of Aryan-speak- 
 ing tribes from the 
 north, who may have 
 
 ■T.F3 H. ^om photos, by 
 BriUs ■■SchaoLxtAQvais 
 
 Tidctux ^gare Ami Giossos..... 7^ 
 votar\£ ot'tiie Snake Goddear...., 
 
 wiped out Cnossos as they wiped out the city of Troy. The 
 legend of Theseus tells of such a raid. He entered the Laby- 
 rinth (which may have been the Cnossos Palace) by the aid of 
 Ariadne, the daughter of Minos, and slew the Minotaur. 
 
 The Iliad makes it clear that destruction came upon Troy 
 because the Trojans stole Greek women. Modern writers, with 
 modem ideas in their heads, have tried to make out that the 
 Greeks assailed Troy in order to secure a trade route or some 
 such fine-spun commercial advantage. If so, the authors of 
 the Iliad hid the motives of their characters very skilfully. 
 It would be about as reasonable to say that the Homeric Greeks 
 went to war with the Trojans in order to be well ahead with 
 
162 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 a station on the Berlin to Bagdad rail"way. The Homeric 
 Greeks were a healthy barbaric Aryan people, with very poor 
 ideas about trade and "trade routes"; they went to war with 
 the Trojans because they were thoroughly annoyed about this 
 stealing of women. It is fairly clear from the Minos legend 
 and from the evidence of the Cnossos remains, that the Cretans 
 kidnapped or stole youths and maidens to be slaves, bull-fighters, 
 athletes, and perhaps sacrifices. They traded fairly with the 
 Egyptians, but it may be they did not realize the gathering 
 strength of the Greek barbarians ; they "traded'" violently with 
 them, and so brought sword and flame upon themselves. 
 
 Another great sea people were the Phoenicians. They were 
 great seamen because they were great traders. Their colony 
 of Carthage (founded before 800 b.c. by Tyre) became at last 
 greater than any of the older Phoenician cities, but already 
 before 1,500 b.c. both Sidon and Tyre had settlements upon 
 the African coast. Carthage was comparatively inaccessible 
 to the Assyrian and Babylonian hosts, and, profiting greatly 
 by the long siege of Tyre by itsTebuchadnezzar II, became the 
 greatest maritime power the world had hitherto seen. She 
 claimed the Western Mediterranean as her own, and seized 
 every ship she could catch west of Sardinia. Eoman writers 
 accuse her of great cruelties. She fought the Greeks for Sicily, 
 and later (in the second century b.c.) she fought the Romans. 
 Alexander the Great formed plans for her conquest; but he 
 died, as we shall tell later, before he could carry them out. 
 
 § 3 
 
 At her zenith Carthage probably had the hitherto unheard-of 
 population of a million. This population was largely indus- 
 trial, and her woven goods were universally famous. As well 
 as a coasting trade, she had a considerable land trade with 
 Central Africa,^ , and she sold negro slaves, ivory, metals, 
 precious stones and the like, to all the Mediterranean people ; she 
 worked Spanish copper mines, and her ships went out into 
 
 'There were no domesticated camels in Africa until after the Persian 
 conquest of Egypt. This must have greatly restricted the desert routes. 
 (See Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, note to Chap. VIII.) But 
 the Sahara desert of 3,000 or 2,000 years ago was less parched and 
 sterile than it is to-day. From rock engravings we may deduce the theory 
 that the desert was crossed from oasis to oasis by riding oxen and by 
 
SEA PEOPLES AND TRADING PEOPLES 163 
 
 the Atlantic and coasted along Portugal and France northward 
 as far as the Cassiterides (the Scilly Isles, or Cornwall, in 
 England) to get tin. About 520 b.c. a certain Hanno made a 
 voyage that is still one of the most notable in the world. This 
 Hanno, if we may trust the Periplus of Hwnno, the Greek trans- 
 lation of his account which still survives, followed the African 
 coast southward from the Straits of Gibraltar as far as the 
 confines of Liberia. He had sixty big ships, and his main 
 task was to found or* reinforce certain Carthaginian stations 
 upon the Morocco, coast. Then he pushed southward. He 
 founded a settlement in the Eio de Oro (on Kerne or Heme 
 Island), and sailed on past the Senegal Eiver. The voyagers 
 passed on for seven days beyond the Gambia, and landed at 
 last upon some island. This they left in a panic, because, al- 
 though the day was silent with the silence of the tropical for- 
 ests, at night they heard the sound of flutes, drums, and gongs, 
 and the sky was red with the blaze of the bush fires. The 
 coast country for the rest of the voyage was one blaze of fire, 
 from the burning of the bush. Streams of fire ran down the 
 hills into the sea, and at length a blaze arose so loftily that it 
 touched the skies. Three days further brought them to an 
 island containing a lake ( ?Sherbro Island) . In this lake was 
 another island ( ?Macaulay Island) , and on this were wild, 
 hairy men and women, "whom the interpreters called gorilla." 
 The Carthaginians, having caught some of the females of these 
 "gorillas" — they were probably chimpanzees — ^turned back and 
 eventually deposited the skins of their captives — ^who had proved 
 impossibly violent guests to entertain on board ship — in the 
 Temple of Juno. 
 
 A still more wonderful Phoenician sea voyage, long doubted, 
 but now supported by some archseological evidence, is related 
 by Herodotus, who declares that the Pharaoh Necho of the 
 XXVIth Dynasty commissioned some Phoenicians to attempt 
 the circumnavigation of Africa, and that starting from the 
 Gulf of Suez southward, they. did finally come back through 
 
 ox-carts: perhaps, also, on horses and asses. The camel as a beast of 
 transport was seemingly not introduced into North Africa till the Arab 
 invasions of the seventh century a.d. The fossil remains of camels are 
 found in Algeria, and vcild camels may have lingered in the wastes of the 
 Sahara and Somaliland till the domesticated camel was introduced. The 
 Nubian wild ass also seems to have extended its range to the Sahara. — 
 H. H. J. 
 
164 THE OUTLINE OF HlSTORy 
 
 the Mediterranean to the Nile delta. They took nearly three 
 years to complete their voyage. Each year they landed, and 
 sowed and harvested a crop of wheat before going on. 
 
 § 4 
 
 The great trading cities of the Phoenicians are the most strik- 
 ing of the early manifestations of the peeuliar and character- 
 istic gift of the Semitic peoples to mankind, trade and exchange.^ 
 While the Semitic Phcenician peoples were spreading them- 
 selves upon the seas, another kindred Semitic people, the 
 Arameans, whose occupation of Damascus we have already 
 noted, were developing the caravan routes of the Arabian and 
 Persian deserts, and becoming the chief trading people of 
 Westeirn Asia. The Semitic peoples, earlier civilized than the 
 Aryan, have always shown, and still show to-day, a far greater 
 sense of quality and quantity in marketable goods than the 
 latter; it is to their need' of account-keeping that the develop- 
 ment of alphabetical writing is to be ascribed, and it is to theni 
 that most of the great advances in computation are due. Our 
 modern numerals are Arabic; our arithmetic and algebra are 
 essentially Semitic sciences. 
 
 The Semitic peoples, we may point out here, are to this 
 day counting peoples strong in their sense of equivalents and 
 reparation. The moral teaching of the Hebrews was saturated 
 by such ideas. "With what measure ye mete, the same shall 
 be meted unto you." Other races and peoples have imagined 
 diverse and fitful and marvellous gods, but it was the trad- 
 ing Semites who first began to think of God as a Kighteous 
 Dealer, whose promises were kept, who failed not the humblest 
 creditor, and called to account every spurious act. 
 
 The trade that was going on in the ancient world before the 
 sixth or seventh century b.c. was almost entirely a barter 
 trade. There was little or no credit or coined money. The 
 ordinary standard bf value with the early Aryans was cattle, 
 as it still is with the Zulus and Kaffirs to-day. In the Iliad, 
 the respective values of two shields are stated in head of cattle, 
 and the Roman word for moneys, pecunia, is derived from 
 
 * There was Sumerian trade organized round the temples before the 
 Semites got into Babylonia. See Hall and King, Arohoeologioal Discoveries 
 in, Western Asia. — E. B. 
 
SEA PEOPLES AND TRADING PEOPLES 165 
 
 pecus, cattle. Cattle as money had this advantage; it did not 
 need to be carried from one owner to another, and if it needed 
 attention and food, at any rate it bred. But it was incon- 
 venient for ship or caravan transit. Many other substances 
 have at various times been found convenient as a standard; 
 tobacco was once legal tender in the colonial days in l^orth 
 America, and in West Africa fines are paid and bargains made 
 in bottles of trade gin. The early Asiatic trade included 
 metals; and weighed lumps of metal, since they were in gen- 
 eral demand and were convenient for hoarding and storage, 
 costing nothing for fodder and needing small houseroom, soon 
 asserted their superiority over cattle and sheep. Iron, which 
 seems to have been first reduced from its ores by the Hittites, 
 was, to begin with, a rare and much-desired substance.^ It is 
 stated by Aristotle to have supplied the first currency. In 
 the collection of letters found at Tel-el-Amarna, addressed to 
 and from Amenophis III (already mentioned) and his succes- 
 sor Amenophis IV, one from a Hittite king promises iron as 
 an extremely valuable gift. Gold, then as now, was the most 
 precious, and therefore most portable, security. In early Egypt 
 silver was almost as rare as gold until after the XVIIIth 
 Dynasty. Later the general standard of value in the Eastern 
 world became silver, measured by weight. 
 
 To begin with, metals were handed about in ingots and 
 weighed at each transaction. Then they were stamped to 
 indicate their fineness and guarantee their purity. The first 
 recorded coins were minted about 600 b.c. in Lydia, a gold- 
 producing country in the west of Asia Minor. The first-known 
 gold coins were minted in Lydia by Croesus, whose name has 
 become a proverb for wealth; he was conquered, as we shall 
 tell later, by that same Cyrus the Persian who took Babylon in 
 539 B.C. But very probably coined money had been used in 
 Babylonia before that time. The "sealed shekel," a stamped 
 piece of silver, came very near to being a coin. The promise 
 to pay so much silver or gold on "leather" (= parchment) with 
 the seal of some established firm is probably as old or older 
 than coinage. The Carthaginians used such "leather money." 
 We know very little of the way in which small trafiic was con- 
 ducted. Common people, who in those ancient times were in 
 
 ^ Iron bars of fixed weight were used for coin in Britain. Caesar, De 
 Bella Gallioo. — G. Wli. 
 
166 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 dependent positions, seem to have had no money at all; they 
 did their business by barter. Early Egyptian paintings show 
 this going on.^ 
 
 § 5 
 
 When one realizes the absence of small money or of any 
 conveniently portable means of exchange in the pr&-Alexandrian 
 world, one perceives how impossible was private travel in those 
 days.^ The first "inns" — ^no doubt a sort of caravanserai — are 
 commonly said to have come into existence in Lydia in the third 
 or fourth century B.C. That, however, is too late a date. They 
 are certainly older than that. There is good evidence of them 
 at least as early as the sixth century. iEschylus twice mentions 
 inns. His word is "all-receiver," or "all-receiving house." * 
 Private travellers must have been fairly common in the Greek 
 world, including its colonies, by this time. But such private 
 travel was a comparatively new thing then. The early histo- 
 rians Hecatseus and Herodotus travelled widely. "I suspect," 
 says Professor Gilbert Murray, "that this sort of travel 'for 
 Historic' or 'for discovery' was rather a Greek invention. Solon 
 is supposed to have practised it; and even Lycurgus." . . . 
 The earlier travellers were traders travelling in a caravan or in 
 a shipload, and carrying their goods and their minas and 
 shekels of metal or gems or bales of fine stuff with them, or 
 government officials travelling with letters of introduction and 
 a proper retinue. Possibly there were a few mendicants, and, 
 in some restricted regions, religious pilgrims. 
 
 That earlier world before 600 b.c. was one in which a lonely 
 "stranger" was a rare and suspected and endangered being. 
 He might suffer horrible cruelties, for there was little law to 
 protect such as he. Few individuals strayed therefore. One 
 
 ' The earliest coinage of the west coast of Asia Minor was in electrum, 
 a mixture of gold and silver, and there is an interesting controversy as to 
 whether the first issues were stamped by cities, temples, or private bank- 
 ers. — P. G. 
 
 ^ Small change was in existence before the time of Alexander. The 
 Athenians had a range of exceedingly small silver coins running almost 
 down to the size of a pinhead which were generally carried in the mouth; 
 a character in Aristophanes was suddenly assaulted, and swallowed his 
 change in consequence. — P. G. 
 
 'There is an inn-keeper in Aristophanes, but it may be inferred from 
 the circumstance that she is represented as letting lodgings in hell, that 
 the early inn left much to be desired. — P. G. 
 
SEA PEOPLES AND TRADING PEOPLES 167 
 
 lived and died attached and tied to some patriarchal tribe, 
 if one was a nomad, or to some great household if one was 
 civilized or to one of the big temple establishments which we 
 will presently discuss. Or one was a herded slave. One knew 
 nothing, except for a few monstrous legends, of the rest of the 
 world in which one lived. We know more to-day, indeed, of 
 the world of 600 b.c. than any single living being knew 
 at that time. We map it out, see it as a whole in relation to 
 past and future. We begin to learn precisely what was going 
 on at the same time in Egypt and Spain and Media and India 
 and China. We can share in imagination, not only the won- 
 der of Hanno's sailors, but of the men who lit the warning 
 beacons on the shore. We know that those "mountains flam- 
 ing to the sky" were only the customary burning of the dry 
 grass at that season of the year. Year by year, more and more 
 rapidly, our common knowledge increases. In the years to 
 come men will understand still more of those lives in the past, 
 until peihaps they will understand them altogether. 
 
XVI 
 
 WETTING 
 
 § 1. Picture-Writing. § 2. SyllaUe-Writing. § 3. Alpha- 
 bet-Writing. § 4. The Place of Writing in Human Life. 
 
 § 1 
 
 IN the four preceding chapters (XII to XV) we have 
 sketched in broad outline the development of the chief 
 human communities from the primitive beginnings of the 
 helioHthic culture to the great historical kingdoms and empires 
 in the sixth century b.c. We must now study a little more closely 
 the general process of social change, the growth of human ideas, 
 and the elaboration of human relationships that was going on 
 during these ages between 10,000 b.c. and 500 b.c. What we 
 have done so far is to draw the map and name the chief kings 
 and empires, to define the relations in time and space of 
 Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt, Phoenicia, Cnossos, and the like; 
 we come now to the real business of history, which is to get down 
 below these outer forms to the thoughts and lives of individual 
 men. 
 
 By far the most important thing that was going on during 
 those fifty or sixty centuries of social development was the 
 invention of writing and its gradual progress to importance in 
 human affairs. It was a new instrument for the human mind, 
 an enormous enlargenient of its range of action, a new means 
 of continuity. We have seen how in later Palseolithic and early 
 Neolithic times the elaboration of articulate speech gave men 
 a mental handhold for consecutive thought, and a vast en- 
 largement of their powers of co-operation. For a time this new 
 acquirement seems to have overshadowed their earlier achieve- 
 ment of drawing, and possibly it checked the use of gesture. 
 But drawing presently reappeared again, for record, for signs, 
 for the joy of drawing. Before real writing came picture- 
 writing, such as is still practised by the Amerindians, the Bush- 
 
 168 ' 
 
WRITING 169 
 
 men, and savage and barbaric people in all parts of the world. 
 It is essentially a drawing of things and acts, helped out by 
 heraldic indications of proper names, and by strokes and dots 
 to represent days and distances and such-like quantitative ideas. 
 
 Quite kindred to such picture-writing is the pictograph that 
 one finds still in use to-day in international railway time-tables 
 upon the continent of Europe, where a little black sign of a 
 cap indicates a stand-up buffet for light refreshments ; a crossed 
 knife and fork, a restaurant; a little steamboat, a "transfer to 
 a steamboat ; and a postilion's horn, a diligence. Similar signs 
 are used in the well-known Michelin guides for automobilists 
 in Europe, to show a postofSce (envelope) or a telephone (tele- 
 phone receiver). The quality of hotels is shown by an inn 
 with one, two, three, or four gables, and so forth. Similarly, 
 the roads of Europe are marked with wayside signs represent- 
 ing a gate, to indicate a level crossing ahead, a sinuous bend 
 for a dangerous curve, and the like. From such pictographic 
 signs to the first elements of Chinese writing is not a very long 
 stretch. 
 
 In Chinese writing there are still traceable a number of picto- 
 graphs. Most are now difficult to recognize. A mouth was 
 originally written as a mouth-shaped hole, and is now, for 
 convenience of brushwork, squared; a child, originally a rec- 
 ognizable little mannikin, is now a hasty wriggle and a cross; 
 the sun, originally a large circle with a dot in the centre, has 
 been converted, for the sake of convenience of combination, into 
 a crossed oblong, which is easier to make with a brush. By 
 combining these pictographs, a second order of ideas is ex- 
 pressed. For example, the pictograph for mouth combined 
 with pictograph for vapour expressed "words." ^ 
 
 From such combinations one passes to what are called ideo- 
 grams: the sign for "words" and the sign for "tongue" combine 
 to make "speech" ; the sign for "roof" and the sign for "pig" 
 make "home" — for in the early domestic economy of China the 
 pig was as important as it used to be in Ireland. But, as we 
 have already noted earlier, the Chinese language consists of a 
 comparatively few elementary monosyllabic sounds, which are 
 all used in a great variety of meanings, and the Chinese soon 
 discovered that a number of these pictographs and ideographs 
 could be used also to express other ideas, not so conveniently 
 ' See the Encyolopcedia Brit., Article China, p. 218. 
 
170 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 pictured, but having the same sound. Characters so used are 
 called phonograms. For example, the sound fang meant not 
 only "boat," but "a place," "spinning," "fragrant," "inquire," 
 and several other meanings according to the context: But while 
 a boat is easy to draw, most of the other meanings are undraw- 
 able. Hovr can one draw "fragrant" or "inquire" ? The 
 Chinese, therefore, took the same sign for all these meanings 
 of "fang," but added to each of them another distinctive sign, 
 the determi'native, to show what sort of fang was intended. A 
 "place" was indicated by the same sign as for "boat" (fang) 
 and the determinative sign for "earth" ; "spinning" by the sign 
 for fang and the sign for "silk" ; "inquire" by the sign for fang, 
 and the sign for "words," and so on. 
 
 One may perhaps make this development of pictographs, ideo- 
 grams, and phonograms a little clearer by taking an analogous 
 case in English. Suppose we were making up a sort of picture- 
 writing in English, then it would be very natural to use a square 
 with a slanting line to suggest a lid, for the word and thing 
 box. That would be a pictograph. But now suppose we had a 
 round sign for money, and suppose we put this sign inside the 
 box sign, that would do for "cash-box" or "treasury." That 
 would be an ideogram. But the word "box" is used for other 
 things than boxes. There is the box shrub which gives us box- 
 wood. It would be hard to draw a recognizable box-tree dis- 
 tinct from other trees, but it is quite easy to put our sign "box," 
 and add our sign for shrub as a determinative to determine that 
 it is that sort of box and not a common box that we want to 
 express. And then there is "box," the verb, meaning to fight 
 with fists. Here, again, we need a determinative; we might 
 add the two crossed swords, a sign which is used very often 
 upon maps to denote a battle. A box at a theatre needs yet an- 
 other determinative, and so we go on, through a long series of 
 phonograms. . 
 
 Wow it is manifest that here in the Chinese writing is a very 
 peculiar and complex system of sign-writing. A very great 
 number of characters have to be learnt and the mind habituated 
 to their use. The power it possesses to carry ideas and discus- 
 sion is still ungauged by western standards, but we may doubt 
 whether with this instrument it will ever be possible to establish 
 such a wide^ common mentality as the simpler and swifter 
 alphabets' of the western civilizations permit. In China it 
 
WRITING 
 
 171 
 
 created a special reading-class, the mandarins, wlio were also 
 the ruling and official class. Their necessary concentration 
 upon words and classical forms, rather than upon ideas and 
 realities, seems, in 
 spite of her com- 
 parative peaceful- 
 ness and the very 
 high individual in- 
 tellectual quality 
 of her people, to 
 have greatly ham- 
 pered the social 
 and economic de- 
 velopment of 
 China. Protahly 
 it is the complex- 
 ity of her speech 
 and writing, more 
 than any other 
 imaginable cause, 
 that has made 
 China to-day po- 
 litically, socially, 
 and individually a 
 vast pool of back- 
 ward people rather 
 than the foremost 
 power in the whole 
 world. ^ 
 
 § 2 
 
 But while the 
 Chinese mind thus 
 made for itself an 
 instrument which 
 
 ^ ^^ 1 
 
 /j^^2 
 
 f. 
 
 ]Ji''!>'7rZ^« yi^ 
 
 ^^__^^^^^%i^^ \< 
 
 
 ^f J 
 
 Speaimns cf Tiraericaxi Indian. fnjoioTe-iwiticiff 
 
 (after SiiuxJLcraft,.) 
 No. 1, painted on a rock on the shore of Lake 
 Superior, records an expedition across the lake, in 
 which five canoes took part. The upright strokes 
 in each indicate the number of the crew, and the 
 bird represents a chief, "The Kingfisher." The 
 three circles (suns) under the arch (of heaven) 
 indicate that the voyage lasted three days, and the 
 tortoise, a symbol of land, denotes a safe arrival. 
 No. 2 is a petition sent to the United States Con- 
 gress by a group of Indian tribes, asking for fish- 
 ing rights in certain small lakes. The tribes are 
 represented by their totems, martens, bear, man- 
 fish, and catfish, led by the crane. Lines running 
 from the heart and eye of each animal to the heart 
 and eyS' of the crane denote that they are all of 
 one mind; and a line runs from the eye of the 
 crane to the lakes, shown in the crude little "map" 
 in the lower left-hand corner. 
 
 'The writer's friend, Mr. L. Y. Chen, thinks that this is only partially 
 true. He thinks that the emperors insisted upon a minute and rigorous 
 study of the set classics in order to check intellectual innovation. This 
 was especially the case with the Ming emperors, the first of whom, when 
 reorganizing the examination system on a narrower basis, said definitely, * 
 "This will bring all the intellectuals of the world into my trap." The 
 Five Classics and the Four Books have imprisoned the mind of China. 
 
172 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 is probably too elaborate in structure, too laborious in use, and 
 too inflexible in its form to meet the modern need for simpje, 
 swift, exact, and lucid communications, the growing civiliza- 
 tions of the west were working out the pi'oblem of a 
 Written record upon rather different and, on the whole, more 
 advantageous lines. They did not seek to improve their script 
 to make it swift and easy, but circumstances conspired to make 
 it so. The Sumerian picture writing, which had to be done 
 upon clay and with little styles, which made curved marks 
 with difficulty and inaccurately, rapidly degenerated by a con- 
 ventionalized dabbing down of wedged-shaped marks (cunei- 
 form = wedge-shaped) into almost unrecognizable hints of the 
 shapes intended. It helped the Sumerians greatly to learn to 
 write, that they had to draw so badly. They got , very soon 
 to the Chinese pictographs, ideographs, and phonograms, and 
 beyond them. 
 
 Most people know a sort of puzzle called a rebus. It is a way 
 of representing words by pictures, not of the things the words 
 represent, but by the pictures of other things having a similar 
 sound. For example, two gates and a head is a rebus for Gates- 
 head ; a little streamlet (beck) , a crowned monarch, and a ham, 
 Beckingham. The Sumerian language was a language well 
 adapted to this sort of representation. It was apparently a 
 language of often quite vast polysyllables, made up of very dis- 
 tinct inalterable syllables; and many of the syllables taken 
 separately were the names of concrete things. So that this 
 cuneiform writing developed very readily into a syllabic way 
 of writing, in which each sign conveys a syllable just as each 
 act in a charade conveys a syllable. When presently the Semites 
 conquered Sumeria, they adapted the syllabic system to their 
 own speech, and so this writing became entirely a sign-for-a- 
 sound writing. It was so used by the Assyrians and by the 
 Chaldeans, But it was not a letter-writing, it was a syllable- 
 writing. This cuneiform script prevailed for long ages over 
 Assyria, Babylonia, and the Near East generally; there are 
 vestiges of it in some of the letters of our alphabet to-day. 
 
 § 3 
 
 But, meanwhile, in Egypt and upon the Mediterranean coast 
 yet another system of writing grew up. Its beginnings are 
 
WRITING 173 
 
 probably to be found in the priestly picture-writing: (hiero- 
 glyphics) of the Egyptians, which alac in the usual ■s'ay became 
 partly a sound-sign system. As we see it on the Egyptian 
 monuments, the hieroglyphic writing consists of decorative but 
 stiff and elaborate forms, but for such purpose as letter-writing 
 and the keeping of recipes and the like, tlie Egyptian priests 
 used a much simplified and flowing form of these characters, 
 the hieratic script. Side by side with this hieratic script rose 
 another, probably also derivative from the hieroglyphs, a script 
 now lost to use, which was taken over by various non-Egyptian 
 peoples in the Mediterranean, the Phoenicians, Libyans, 
 Lydians, Cretans, and Celt-Iberians, and used for business pur- 
 poses. Possibly a few letters were borrowed from the later 
 cuneiform. In the hands of these foreigners this writing was, 
 so to speak, cut off from its roots ; it lost all but a few traces 
 of its early pictorial character. It ceased to be pictographic 
 or ideographic ; it became simply a pure sound-sign system, an 
 alphabet. 
 
 There were a number of such alphabets in the Mediterranean 
 differing widely from each other. It may be noted that the 
 Phoenician alphabet (and perhaps others) omitted vowels. 
 Possibly they pronounced their consonants very hard and had 
 rather indeterminate vowels, as is said to be still the case with 
 tribes of South Arabia. Quite probably, too, the Phoenicians 
 used their alphabet at first not so much for writing as for single 
 initial letters in their business accounts and tallies. One of 
 these Mediterranean alphabets reached the Greeks, long after 
 the time of the Iliad, who presently set to work to make it 
 express the clear and beautiful sounds of their own highly 
 developed Aryan speech. It consisted at first of consonants, 
 and the Greeks added the vowels. They began to write for 
 record, to help and fix their bardic tradition. . . . 
 
 § 4 
 
 So it was by a series of very natural steps that writing grew 
 out of the life of man. At first and for long ages it was the 
 interest and the secret of only a few people in a special class, 
 a mere accessory to the record of pictures. But there were cer- 
 tain very manifest advantages, quite apart from the increased 
 expressiveness of mood and qualification, to be gained by making 
 
174 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 writing a little less plain than straightforward pictures, and in 
 conventionalizing and codifying it. One of these was that so 
 messages might he sent understandable by the sender and re- 
 ceiver, but not plain to the uninitiated. Another was that so 
 one might put down various matters and help one's memory and 
 the memory of one's friends, without giving away too much 
 to the common herd. Among some of the earliest Egyptian 
 writings, for example, are medical recipes and magic formulae. 
 Accounts, letters, recipes, name lists, itineraries; these were 
 the earliest of written documents. Then, as the art of writing 
 and reading spread, came that odd desire, that pathetic desire 
 so common among human beings, to astonish some strange and 
 remote person by writing dovsra something striking, some secret 
 one knew, some strange thought, or even one's name, so that 
 long after one had gone one's "Wslj, it might strike upon the 
 sight and mind of another reader. Even in Sumeria men 
 scratched on walls, and all that remains to us of the ancient 
 world, its rocks, its buildings, is plastered thickly with the 
 names and the boasting of those foremost among human adver- 
 tisers, its kings. Perhaps half the early inscriptions in that 
 ancient world are of this nature, if, that is, we group with the 
 name-writing and boasting' the epitaphs, which were probably 
 in many cases pre-arranged by the deceased. 
 
 For long the desire for crude self-assertion of the name- 
 scrawling sort and the love of secret understandings kept writ- 
 ing within a narrow scope; but that other, more truly social 
 desire in men, the desire to tell, was also at work. The pro- 
 founder possibilities of writing, the possibilities of a vast exten- 
 sion and definition and settlement of knowledge and tradition, 
 only grew apparent after long ages. But it will be interesting 
 at this point and in this connection to recapitulate certain ele- 
 mental facts about life, upon which we laid stress in our earlier 
 chapters, because they illuminate not only the huge value of 
 writing in the whole field of man's history, but also the role 
 it is likely to play in his future. 
 
 1. Life had at first, it must be remembered, only a discon- 
 tinuous repetition of consciousness, as the old died and the 
 young were born. 
 
 Such a creature as a reptile has in its brain a capacity for 
 experience, but when the individual dies, its experience dies 
 with it. Most of its motives are purely instinctive, and all 
 
WRITING 175 
 
 the mental life that it has is the result of heredity (birth 
 inheritance). 
 
 2. But ordinary mammals have added to pure instinct tradi- 
 tion, a tradition of experience imparted by the imitated ex- 
 ample of the mother, and in the case of such mentally developed 
 animals as dogs, cats, or apes, by a sort of mute precept also. 
 For example, the mother cat chastises her young for misbe- 
 haviour. So do mother apes and baboons. 
 
 3. Primitive man added to his powers of transmitting ex- 
 perience, representative art and speech. Pictorial and sculp- 
 tured record and verbal tradition began. 
 
 Verbal tradition was developed to its highest possibility by 
 the bards. They did much to make language what it is to the 
 world to-day. 
 
 4. With the invention of writing, which developed out of 
 pictorial record, human tradition was able to become fuller and 
 much more exact. Verbal tradition, which had hitherto 
 changed from age to age, began to be fixed. Men separated by 
 hundreds of miles could now communicate their thoughts. An 
 increasing number of human beings began to share a common 
 written knowledge and a common sense of a past and a future. 
 Human thinking became a larger operation in which hundreds 
 of minds in different places and in different ages could react, 
 upon one another; it became a process constantly more con- 
 tinuous and sustained. . . . 
 
 5. For hundreds of generations the full power of writing 
 was not revealed to the world, because for a long time the idea 
 of multiplying writings by taking prints of a first copy did not 
 become effective. The only way of multiplying writings was 
 by copying one copy at a time, and this made books costly and 
 rare. Moreover, the tendency to keep things secret, to make a 
 cult and mystery of them, and so to gain an advantage over the 
 generality of men, has always been very strong in men's minds. 
 It is only nowadays that the' great masses of mankind are learn- 
 ing to read, and reaching out towards the treasures of knowledge 
 and thought already stored in books. 
 
 IN'evertheless, from the first writings onward a new sort of 
 tradition, an enduring and immortal tradition, began in the 
 minds of men. Life, through mankind, grew thereafter more 
 and more distinctly conscious of itself and its world. It is a 
 thin streak of intellectual growth we trace in history, at first in 
 
176 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 a world of tumultuous ignorance and f orgetf ulness ; it is like a 
 mere line of light coming through the chink of an opening door 
 into a darkened room ; but slowly it widens, it grows. At last 
 came a time in the history of Europe when the door, at the push 
 of the printer, began to open more rapidly. Knowledge flared 
 up, and as it flared it ceased to be the privilege of a favoured 
 minority. For us now that door swings wider, and the light 
 behind grows brighter. Misty it is still, glowing through clouds 
 of dust and reek. 
 
 The door is not half open ; the light is but a light new lit. 
 Our world to-day is only in the beginning of knowledge. 
 
XVII 
 
 GODS AlifD STAES, PEIESTS AND KINGS 
 
 § 1. The Priest Comes into History. § 2. Priests and the 
 Stars. § 3. Priests and the Dawn of Learning. § 4. King 
 against Priest. § 5. How Bel-MarduJc Struggled against the 
 Kings. § 6. The God-Kings of Egypt. § Y. Shi Hwang-ti 
 Destroys the Boohs. 
 
 § 1. 
 
 WHEN -we direct our attention to these new accumula- 
 tions of human beings that were beginning in Egypt 
 and Mesopotamia, we find that one of the most con- 
 spicuous and constant objects in all these cities is a temple or 
 a group of temples. In some cases there arises beside it in 
 these regions a royal palace, but as often the temple towers over 
 the palace. This presence of the temple is equally true of the 
 Phoenician cities and of the Greek and Roman as they arise. 
 The palace of Cnossos, with its signs of comfort and pleasure- 
 seeking, and the kindred cities of the ^gean peoples, include 
 religious shrines, but in Crete there are also temples standing 
 apart from the palatial city-households. All over the ancient 
 civilized world we find them; wherever primitive civilization 
 set its foot in Africa, Europe,, or western Asia, a temple arose, 
 and where the civilization is most ancient, in Egypt and in 
 Sumer, there the temple is most in evidence. When Hanno 
 reached what he thought was the most westerly point of Africa, 
 he set up a temple to Hercules. The beginnings of civilization 
 and the appearance of temples is siniultaneous in history. The 
 two things belong together. The beginning of cities is the 
 temple stage of history. 
 
 In all these temples there was a shrine; dominating the 
 shrine there was commonly a great figure usually of some 
 monstrous half-animal form, befpre .which stood an altar for 
 sacrifices. In the Greek and Roman temples however the image 
 was generally that of a divinity in human form. This figure 
 
 177 
 
178 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 was either regarded as the god or as the image or symbol of the 
 god, for whose worship the temple existed. And connected 
 with the temple there .were a number, and often a considerable 
 number, of priests or priestesses, and temple servants, generally 
 wearing a distinctive costume and forming an important part 
 of the city population. They belong to no household; they 
 made up a new kind of household of their own. They were 
 a caste and a class apart, attracting intelligent recruits from 
 the general population. . 
 
 The primary duty of this priesthood was concerned with the 
 worship of and the sacrifices to the god of the temple. And 
 these things were done, not at any time, but at particular times 
 and seasons. There had come into the life of man with his 
 herding and agriculture a sense of a difference between the 
 parts of the year and of a difference between day and day. Men 
 were beginning to work — and to need days of rest. The temple, 
 by its festivals, kept count." The temple in the ancient city was 
 like the clock and calendar upon a writing-desk. 
 
 But it was a centre of other functions. It was in the early 
 temples that the records and tallies of events were kept and 
 that writing began. And there was knowledge there. The 
 people went to the temple not only en masse for festivals, but 
 individually for help. The early priests were also doctors and 
 magicians. In the earliest temples we already find those little 
 offerings for some private and particular end, which are still 
 made in the chapels of Catholic churches to-day, ex votos, little 
 models of hearts relieved and limbs restored, acknowledgment 
 of prayers answered and accepted vows. 
 
 It is clear that here we have that comparatively unimportant 
 element in the life of the early nomad, the medicine-man, the 
 shrine-keeper, and the memorist, developed, with the develop- 
 ment of the community and as a part of the development of the 
 community from barbarism to civilized settlement, into some- 
 thing of very much greater importance. And it is equally evi- 
 dent that those primitive fears of (and hopes of help from) 
 strange beings, the desire to propitiate unknown forces, the 
 primitive desire for cleansing and the primitive craving for 
 power and knowledge have all contributed to crystallize out this 
 new social fact of the temple. 
 
 The temple was accumulated by complex necessities, it grew 
 from many roots and needs, and the god or goddess that, domi- 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 179 
 
180 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Dated the temple was the creation of many imaginations and 
 made up of all sorts of impulses, ideas, and half ideas. Here 
 there was a god in which one sort of ideas predominated, and 
 there another. It is necessary to lay some stress upon this 
 confusion and variety of origin in gods, because there is a. very 
 abundant literature now in existence upon religious origins, 
 in which a number of writers insist, some on this leading idea 
 and some on that — we have noted several in our chapter on 
 "Early Thought" — as though it were the only idea. Professor 
 Max Miiller in his time, for example, harped perpetually on 
 the idea of sun stories and sun worship. He would have had 
 us think that early man never had lusts or fears, cravings for 
 power, nightmares or fantasies, but that he meditated per- 
 petually on the beneficent source of light and life in the sky. 
 Now 'dawn and sunset are very moving facts in the daily life, 
 but they are only two among many. Early men, three or four 
 hundred generations ago, had brains very like our own. The 
 fancies of our childhood and youth are perhaps the best clue 
 we have to the ground-stuff of early religion, and anyone who 
 can recall those early mental experiences will understand^ very 
 easily the vagueness, the monstrosity, and the incoherent variety 
 of the first gods. There were sun gods, no doubt, early in the 
 history of temples, but there were also hippopotamus gods and 
 hawk gods ; there were cow deities, there were monstrous male 
 and female gods, there were gods of terror and gods of an ador- 
 able quaintness, there were gods who were nothing but lumps 
 of meteoric stone that had fallen amazingly out of the sky, and 
 gods who were mere natural stones that had chanced to have 
 a queer and impressive shape. Some gods, like Marduk of 
 Babylon and the Baal (== the Lord) of the Phoenicians, 
 Canaanites, and the like, were quite probably at bottom just 
 legendary wonder beings, such as little boys will invent for 
 themselves to-day. The settled peoples, it is said, as soon as 
 they thought of a god, invented a wife for him; most of the 
 Egyptian and Babylonian gods were married. But the gods 
 of the nomadic Semites had not this marrying disposition. 
 Children were less eagerly sought by the inhabitants of the food- 
 grudging steppes. 
 
 Even more natural than to provide a wife for a god is to 
 give him a house to live in to which offerings can be brought. 
 Of this house the knowing man, the magician, would naturally 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 181 
 
 become the custodian. A certain seclusion, a certain aloofness, 
 would add greatly to the prestige of the god. The steps by 
 which the early temple and the early priesthood developed so 
 soon as an agricultural population settled and increased are all 
 quite natural and understandable, up to the stage of the long 
 temple with the image, shrine and altar at one end and the 
 long nave in which the worshippers stood. And this temple, 
 because it had records and secrets, because it was a centre of 
 power, advice, and instruction, because it sought and attracted 
 imaginative and clever people for its service, naturally became 
 a kind of brain in the growing community. The attitude of 
 the common people who tilled the fields and herded the beasts 
 towards the temple would remain simple and credulous. There, 
 rarely seen and so imaginatively enhanced, lived the god whose 
 approval gave prosperity, whose anger meant misfortune; he 
 could be propitiated by little presents and the help of his 
 servants could be obtained. He was wonderful, and of such 
 power and knowledge that it did not do to be disrespectful to 
 him even in one's thoughts. Within the priesthood, however, a 
 certain amount of thinking went on at a rather higher level 
 than that. 
 
 § 2 
 
 We may note here a very interesting fact about the chief 
 temples of Egypt and, so far as we know — because the ruins are 
 not so distinct — of Babylonia, and that is that they were 
 "oriented" — that is to say, that the same sort of temple was 
 built so that the shrine and entrance always faced in the same 
 direction. In Babylonian temples this was most oftenj due 
 east, facing the sunrise on March 21st and September 21st, 
 the equinoxes; and it is to be noted that it was at the spring 
 equinox that the Euphrates and Tigris came down in flood. 
 The Pyramids of Gizeh are also oriented east and west, and 
 the Sphinx faces due east, but very many of the Egyptian 
 temples to the south of the delta of the Nile do not point due 
 east, but to the point where the sun rises at the longest day — 
 and in Egypt the inundation comes close to that date. Others, 
 however, pointed nearly northward, and others again pointed 
 to the rising of the star Sirius or to* the rising-point of other 
 conspicuous stars. The fact of orientation links up with the 
 
THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 183 
 
 fact that there early arose a close association between various 
 gods and the sun and various fixed stars. Whatever the mass 
 of people outside were thinking, the priests of the temples were 
 beginning to link the movements of those heavenly bodies with 
 the power in the shrine. They were thinking about the gods 
 they served and thinking new meanings into them. They were 
 brooding upon the mystery of the stars. It was very natural 
 for them to suppose that these shining bodies, so irregularly 
 distributed and circling so solemnly and silently, must be 
 charged with portents to mankind. 
 
 Among other things, this orientation of the temples served 
 to fix and help the great annual festival of the New Year. On 
 one morning in the year, and one morning alone, in a temple 
 oriented to the rising-place of the sun at Midsummer Day, the 
 sun's first rays would smite down through the gloom of the 
 temple and the long alley of the temple pillars, and light up 
 the god above the altar and irradiate him with glory. The 
 narrow, darkened structure of the ancient temples seems to 
 be deliberately planned for such an effect. No doubt the people 
 were gathered in the darkness before the dawn ; in the darkness 
 there was chanting and perhaps the offering of sacrifices ; the 
 god alone stood mute and invisible. Prayers and invocations 
 would be made. Then upon the eyes of the worshippers, 
 sensitized by the darkness, as the sun rose behind them, the 
 god would suddenly shine. 
 
 So, at least, one explanation of orientation is found by such 
 students of orientation as Sir Norman Lockyer.^ Not only is 
 orientation apparent in most of the temples of Egypt, Assyria, 
 Babylonia, and the east, it is found in the Greek temples; 
 Stonehenge is oriented to the midsummer sunrise, and so are 
 most of the megalithic circles of Europe; the Altar of Heaven 
 in Peking is oriented to midwinter. In thfe days of the Chinese 
 Empire, up to a few years ago onfe of the most important of 
 all the duties of the Emperor of China was to sacrifice and pray 
 in this temple upon midwinter's day for a propitious year. 
 
 The Egyptian priests had mapped out the stars into the 
 constellations, and divided up the zodiac into twelve signs by 
 3,000 B.C. . . . 
 
 'In his Davm of Astronomy. 
 
184 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 This clear evidence of astronomical inquiry and of a develop- 
 ment of astronomical ideas is the most obvious, but only the 
 most obvious evidence of the very considerable intellectual 
 activities that went on within the temple precincts in ancient 
 times. There is a curious disposition among many modem 
 writers to deprecate priesthoods and to speak of priests as though 
 they had always been impostors and tricksters, preying upon the 
 simplicity of mankind. But, indeed, they were for long the 
 only writing class, the only reading public, the only learned 
 and the only thinkers ; they were all the professional classes of 
 the time. You could have no intellectual life at all, you could 
 not get access to literature or any knowledge except through 
 the priesthood. The temples were not only observatories and 
 libraries and clinics, they were museums and treasure-houses. 
 The original Periplus of Hanno hung in one temple in Car- 
 thage, skins of his "gorillas" were hung and treasured in an- 
 other. Whatever there was of abiding worth in the life of 
 the community sheltered there. Herodotus, the early Greek 
 historian (485-425 B.C.), collected most of his material from 
 the priests of the countries in which he travelled, and it is 
 evident they met him generously and put their very considerable 
 resources completely at his disposal. Outside the temples the 
 world was still a world of blankly illiterate and unspeculative 
 human beings, living from day to day entirely for themselves. 
 Moreover, there is little evidence that the commonalty felt 
 cheated by the priests, or had anything but trust and affection 
 for the early priesthoods. Even the great conquerors of later 
 times were anxious to keep themselves upon the right side of 
 the priests of the nations and cities whose obedience they de- 
 sired, because of the immense popular influence of these priests. 
 
 ISTo doubt there were great differences between temple and 
 temple and cult and \;ult in the spirit and quality of the priest- 
 hood. Some probably were cruel, some vicious and greedy, 
 many dull and doctrinaire, stupid with tradition, but it has to 
 be kept in mind that there were distinct limits to the degeneracy 
 or inefficiency of a priesthood. It had to keep its grip upon 
 the general mind. It could not go beyond what people would 
 stand — either towards the darkness or towards the light. Its 
 authority rested, in the end, on the persuasion that its activities 
 were propitious. 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 186 
 
 § 4 
 
 The earliest civilized goverfiments were essentially priestly 
 governments. It was not kings and captains who first set men 
 to the plough and a settled life. It was the ideas of the gods 
 and plenty, working with the acquiescence of common men. 
 The early rulers of Sumer we know were all priests, kings 
 only because they were chief priests. And priestly government 
 had its own weaknesses as well as its peculiar deep-rooted 
 strength. The power of a priesthood is a power over their own 
 people alone. It is a subjugation through mysterious fears and 
 hopes. The priesthood can gather its people together for war, 
 but its traditionalism and all its methods unfit it for military 
 control. Against the enemy without, a priest-led people is feeble. 
 
 Moreover, a priest is a man vowed, trained, and consecrated, 
 a man belonging to a special corps, and necessarily with an 
 intense esprit de corps. He has given up his life to his temple 
 and his god. This is a very excellent thing for the internal 
 vigour of his own priesthood, his own temple. He lives or dies 
 for the honour of his particular god. But in the next town or 
 village is another temple with another god. It is his constant 
 preoccupation to keep his people from that god. Eeligious cults 
 and priesthoods are sectarian by nature ; they will convert, they 
 will overcome, but they will never coalesce. Our first percep- 
 tions of events in Sumer, in the dim uncertain light before 
 history began, is of priests and gods in conflict; until the 
 Sumerians were conquered by the Semites they were never 
 united; and the same incurable conflict of priesthoods scars all 
 the temple ruins of Egypt. It was impossible that it could 
 have been otherwise, having regard to the elements out of which 
 religion arose. 
 
 It was out of those two main weaknesses of all priesthoods, 
 namely, the incapacity for efiicient military leadership and their 
 inevitable jealousy of all other religious cults, that the power 
 of secular kingship arose. The foreign enemy either prevailed 
 and set up a king over the people, or the priesthoods who would 
 not give way to each other set up a common fighting captain, 
 who retained more or less power in peace time. This secular 
 king developed a group of ofiicials about him and began, in 
 relation to military organization, to take a share in the priestly 
 administration of the people's affairs. So, growing out of 
 priestcraft and beside the priest, the king, the protagonist of 
 
186 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the priest, appears upon the stage of human history, and a 
 very. large amount of the subsequent experiences of mankind 
 is only to be understood as an elaboration, complication, and 
 
 J.*<.TI. 
 
 7^n 2Wifrtan. King S his Chief T^izusber 
 
 distortion of the struggle, unconscious or deliberate, between 
 these two systems of human control, the temple and the palace. 
 And it was in the original centres of civilization that this 
 antagonism was most completely developed. The barbaric 
 Aryan peoples, who became ultimately the masters of all the 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 187 
 
 ancient civilizations of the Orient and of the western world, 
 never passed through a phase of temple rule on their way to 
 civilization; they came to civilization late; they found that 
 drama already half-played. They took over the ideas of hoth 
 temple and kingship, when those ideas were already elaborately 
 developed, from the more civilized Hamitic or Semitic people 
 they conquered. 
 
 The greater importance of the gods and the priests in the 
 earlier history of the Mesopotamian civilization is very appar- 
 ent, but gradually the palace won its way until it was at last 
 in a position to struggle definitely for the supreme power. At 
 first, in the story, the palace is ignorant and friendless in the 
 face of the temple ; the priests alone read, the priests alone know 
 the people are afraid of them. But in the dissensions of the 
 various cults comes the opportunity of the palace. From other 
 cities, from among captives, from defeated or suppressed re- 
 ligious cults, the palace gets men who also can read and who 
 can do magic things.-^ The court also becomes a centre of 
 writing and record; the king thinks for himself and becomes 
 politic. Traders and foreigners drift to the court, and if the 
 king has not the full records and the finished scholarship of the 
 priests, he has a wider and fresher first-hand knowledge of 
 many things. The priest comes into the temple when he is 
 very young; he passes many years as a neophyte; the path of 
 learning the clumsy letters of primitive times is slow and toil- 
 some ; he becomes erudite and prejudiced rather than a man of 
 the world. Some of the more activ&minded young priests may 
 even cast envious eyes at the king's service. There are many 
 complications and variations in this ages-long drama of the 
 struggle going on beneath the outward conflicts of priest and 
 king, between the made man and the born man, between learn- 
 ing and originality, between established knowledge and settled 
 usage on the one hand, and creative will and imagination on 
 the other. It is not always, as we shall find later, the priest 
 who is the conservative and unimaginative antagonist. Some- 
 times a king struggles against narrow and obstructive priest- 
 hoods; sometimes priesthoods uphold the standards of civiliza- 
 tion against savage, egotistical, or reactionary kings. 
 
 *Cp. Moses and the Egyptian Magicians. 
 
188 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 One or two outstanding facts and incidents of the early stages 
 of this fundamental struggle in political affairs are all that we 
 can note here between 4,000 b.c. and the days of Alexander. 
 
 § 5 
 
 In the early days of Sumeria and Akkadia the city-kings 
 were priests and medicine-men rather than, kings, and it was 
 only when foreign conquerors sought to establish their hold in 
 relation to existing institutions that the distinction of priest and 
 king became definite. But the god of the priests remained as 
 the real overlord of the land and of priest and king alike. He 
 was the universal landlord; the wealth and authority of his 
 temples and establishments outshone those of the king. Espe- 
 cially was this the case within the city walls. Hammurabi, the 
 founder of the first Babylonian empire, is one of the earlier 
 monarehs whom we find taking a firm grip upon the affairs of 
 the 6onmiunity, He does it with the utmost politeness to the 
 gods. In an inscription recording his irrigation work in 
 Sumeria and Akkadia, he begins: "When Anu and Bel en- 
 trusted me with the rule of Sumer and Akkad ." We 
 
 possess a code of laws made by this same Hammurabi — it is 
 the earliest known code of law — and at the head of this code 
 we see the figure of Hammurabi receiving the law from its 
 nominal promulgator, the god Shamash. 
 
 An act of great political importance in the conquest of any 
 city was the carrying off of its god to become a subordinate in 
 the temple of its conqueror. This was far more important than 
 the subjugation of king by king. Merodach, the Babylonian 
 Jupiter, was carried off by the Elamites, and Babylon 
 did not feel independent until its return. But sometimes a 
 conqueror was afraid of the god he had conquered. In the col- 
 lection of letters addressed to Amenophis III and IV at Tel- 
 Amarna in Egypt, to which allusion has already been made, 
 is one from a certain king, Tushratta, King of Mitanni, who 
 has conquered Assyria and taken the statue of the goddess 
 Ishtar, Apparently he has sent this statue into Egypt, partly 
 to acknowledge the overlordship of Amenophis, but partly be- 
 cause he fears her anger. (Winckler.) In the Bible is related 
 (Sam. i. v. 1) how the Ark of the Covenant of the God of the 
 Hebrews was carried off by the Philistines, as a token of con- 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 189 
 
 quest, into the temple of the fish god, Dagon, at Ashdod, and 
 how Dagon fell down and was broken, and how the people of 
 Ashdod were smitten with disease. In the latter story par- 
 ticularly, the gods and priests fill the scene ; there is no king in 
 evidence at all. 
 
 Eight through the history of the Babylonian and Assyrian 
 empires no monarch seems to have felt his tenure of power 
 secure in Babylon until he had "taken the hand of Bel" — 
 that is to say, that he had been adopted by the priesthood of 
 "Bel" as the god's son and representative. As our knowledge 
 of Assyrian and Babylonian history grows clearer, it becomes 
 plainer that the politics of that world, the revolutions, usurpa- 
 tions, changes of dynasty, intrigues with foreign powers, turned 
 largely upon issues between the great wealthy priesthoods and 
 the growing but still inadequate power of the monarchy. The 
 king relied on his army, and this was usually a mercenary army 
 of foreigners, speedily mutinous if there was no pay or plunder, 
 and easily bribed.. We have already noted the name of Sen- 
 nacherib, the son of Sargon II, among the monarchs of the 
 Assyrian empire. Sennacherib was involved in a violent quar- 
 rel with the priesthood of Babylon ; he never "took the hand of 
 Bel" ; and finally stnick at that power by destroying altogether 
 the holy part of the city of Babylon (691 b.c.) and removing 
 the statue of Bel-Marduk to Assyria. He was assassinated by 
 one of his sons, and his successor, Esar-haddon (his son, but 
 not the son who was his assassin), found it expedient to restore 
 Bal-Marduk and rebuild his temple, and make his peace with 
 the god. 
 
 Assurbanipal (Greek, Sardanapalus), the son of this Esar- 
 haddon, is a particularly interesting figure from this point of 
 view of the relationship of priesthood and king. His father's 
 reconciliation with the priests of Bel-Marduk went so far that 
 Sardanapalus was given a Babylonian instead of a military 
 Assyrian education. He became a great collector of the clay 
 documents of the past, and his library, which has been un- 
 earthed, is now the most precious source of historical material 
 in the world. But for all his learning hei kept his grip on the 
 Assyrian army ; he made a temporary conquest of Egypt, sup- 
 pressed a rebellion in Babylon, and carried out a number of 
 successful expeditions. As we have already told in Chapter 
 XIV, he was almost the last of the Assyrian monarchs. The 
 
190 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Aryan tribes, who knew more of war than of priestcraft, and 
 particulariy the Scythians, the Medes and Persians, had long 
 been pressing upon Assyria from the north and north-east. 
 The Medes and Persians formed an alliance with the nomadic 
 Semitic Chaldeans of the south for the joint undoing of Assyria. 
 Nineveh, the Assyrian capital, fell to these Aryans in 606 B.C. 
 Sixty-seven years after the taking of Nineveh by the Aryans, 
 which left Babylonia to the Semitic Chaldeans, the last mon- 
 arch of the Chal- 
 dean Empire (the 
 Second Babylonian 
 Empire); Naboni- 
 dus, the father of 
 Belshazzar, was 
 overthrown by Cy- 
 rus, the Persian. 
 This Nabonidus, 
 again, was a highly 
 educated monarch, 
 who brought far too 
 much intelligence 
 and imagination 
 and not enough of 
 the short range wis- 
 dom of this world to 
 affairs of state. He 
 conducted antiqua- 
 rian researches, and 
 to his researches it 
 is that we owe the date of 3,750 e.g., assigned to Sargon I 
 and still accepted by many authorities. He was proud of this 
 determination, and left inscriptions to record it. It is clear he 
 was a religious innovator; he built and rearranged temples and 
 attempted to centralize religion in Babylon by bringing a num- 
 ber of local gods to the temple of Bel-Marduk. No doubt he 
 realized the weakness and disunion of his empire due to these 
 conflicting cults, and had some conception of unification in 
 his mind. 
 
 Events were marching too rapidly for any such development. 
 His innovation had manifestly raised the suspicion and hos- 
 tility of the priesthood of Bel. They sided with the Persians. 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 191 
 
 ■'The soldiers of Cyrus entered Babylon without fighting." 
 Kabonidus was taken prisoner, and Persian sentinels were set 
 at the gates of the temple of Bel, "where the services continued 
 without intermission." 
 
 Cyrus did, in fact, set up the Persian Empire in Babylon 
 with the blessing of Bel-Marduk. He gratified the conservative 
 instincts of the priests by packing ofE the local gods back to 
 their ancestral temples. He also restored the Jews to Jerusa- 
 lem.^ These were merely matters of immediate policy to him. 
 But in bringing in the irreligious Aryans, the ancient priest- 
 hood was paying too highly for the continuation of its temple 
 services. It would have been wiser to have dealt with the inno- 
 vations of Nabonidus, that earnest heretic, to have listened 
 to his ideas, and to have met ,the needs of a changing world. 
 Cyrus entered Babylon 539 b.c. ; by 521 B.C. Babylon was in 
 insurrection again, and in 520 b.c. another Persian monarch, 
 Darius, was pulling down her walls. Within two hundred 
 years the life had altogether gone out of those venerable rituals 
 of Bel-Marduk, and the temple of Bel-Marduk was being used 
 by builders as a quarry. 
 
 § 6 
 
 The story of priest and king in Egypt is similar to, but by 
 no means parallel with, that of Babylonia. The kings of 
 Sumeria and Assyria were priests who had become kings ; they 
 were secularized priests. The Pharaoh of Egypt does not ap- 
 pear to have followed precisely that line. Already in the very 
 oldest records the Pharaoh has a power, and importance ex- 
 ceeding that of any priest. He is, in fact, a god, and more 
 than either priest or king. We do not know how he got to 
 that position., No monarch of Sumeria or Babylonia or Assyria 
 could have induced his people to do for him what the great 
 pyramid-building Pharaohs of the IVth Dynasty made their 
 people do in those vast erections. The earlier Pharaohs were 
 Qot improbably regarded as incarnations of the dominant god. 
 The falcon god Horus sits behind the head of the great statue of 
 Chephren. So late a monarch as Rameses III (XlXth 
 Dynasty) is represented upon his sarcophagus (now at Cam- 
 
 'See the last two verses of the Second Book of Chroniolesi and Ezra, 
 Jh. i. 
 
192 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 bridge) bearing the distinctive symbols of tbe three great gods 
 of the Egyptian system. He carries the two sceptres of Osiris, 
 the god of Day and Resurrection ; upon his head are the horns 
 of the cow goddess Hathor, and also the sun ball and feathers 
 
 of Ammon Ka. He 
 is not merely 
 wearing the sym- 
 bols of these gods 
 as a devout Babyr 
 Ionian might wear 
 the symbols of Bei- 
 M a r d 11 k; he is 
 these three gods in 
 one. 
 
 We find also a 
 number of sculp- 
 tures and paintings 
 to enforce the idea 
 that the Pharaohs 
 were the actual 
 sons of gods. The 
 divine fathering 
 and birth of Ame- 
 nophis III, for in- 
 stance (ofthe 
 XVIIIth Dynas- 
 ty) , is displayed 
 i n extraordinary 
 detail in a series 
 of sculptures at 
 Luxor. Moreover, 
 it was held that 
 the Pharaohs, be- 
 ing of so divine a 
 strain, could not 
 marry common 
 
 as-Osivis- — 
 hebvam live 
 apAAess-es' 
 "Naphiiajs- 
 axuL Isis... 
 
 "RelieP otx tJi* covev oC iiie. s'a.'coophamis- (air 
 Caxtihri^M)' Imar ohax^e.. 
 
 Inscription (round the edges of cover) as far as 
 decipherable: — 
 
 "Osiris, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord 
 of the two countries . . . son of the Sun, beloved 
 of the gods, lord of diadems, Rameses, prince of 
 Heliopolis, triumphant! Thou art in the condi- 
 tion of a god, thou shalt arise as Usr, there is no 
 enemy to thee, 1 give to thee triumph among 
 them. . . ." Budge, Catalogue, Egyptian Collec- 
 tion, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. 
 
 clay, and consequently they were accustomed to marry blood 
 relations within the degrees of consanguinity now prohibited, 
 even marrying their sisters. 
 
 . The struggle between palace and temple came into Egyptian 
 history, therefore, at a different angle from that at which it came 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 193 
 
 into Babylonia. Nevertheless, it came in. Professor Maspero 
 (in his New Light on Ancient Egypt) gives a very interesting 
 account of the struggle of Amenophis IV with the priesthoods, 
 and particularly with priests of the great god, Ammon Ra, Lord 
 of Karnak. The mother of Amenophis IV was not of the race 
 of Pharaoh; it would seerd that his father, Amenophis III, 
 made a love match with a subject, a beautiful Syrian named 
 Tii, and Professor Maspero finds in the possible opposition to 
 and annoyance of this queen by the priests of Ammon Ea the 
 beginnings of the quarrel. She may, he thinks, have inspired 
 her son with a fanatical hatred of Ammon Ea. But Amenophis 
 IV may have had a wider view. Like the Babylonian Nabo- 
 nidus, who lived a thousand years later, he may have had in 
 mind the problem of moral unity in his empire. We have al- 
 ready noted that Amenophis III ruled from Ethiopia to the 
 Euphrates, and that the store of letters to himself and his 
 son found at Tel-Amarna show a very wide range of interest and 
 influence. At any rate, Amenophis IV set himself to close all 
 the Egyptian and Syrian temples, to put an end to all sectarian 
 worship throughout his dominions, and to establish everywhere 
 the worship of one god, Aton, the solar disk. He left his capital, 
 Thebes, which was even more the city of Ammon Ea than later 
 Babylon was the city of Bel-Marduk, and set up his capital 
 at Tel-Amarna ; he altered his name from "Amenophis," which 
 consecrated him to Ammon (Amen) to "Akhnaton," the Sun's 
 Glory ; and he held his own against all the priesthoods of his 
 empire for eighteen years and died a Pharaoh. 
 
 Opinions upon Amenophis IV, or Akhnaton, differ very 
 widely. There are those who regard him as the creature of his 
 mother's hatred of Ammon and the uxorious spouse of a beauti- 
 ful wife. Certainly he loved his wife very passionately; he 
 showed her great honour — Egypt honoured women, and was 
 ruled at different times by several queens — and he was sculp- 
 tured in one instance with his wife seated upon his knees, and 
 in another in the act of kissing her in a chariot; but men who 
 live under the sway of their womenkind do not sustain great 
 empires in the face of the bitter hostility of the most influential 
 organized bodies in their realm. Others write of him as a 
 "gloomy fanatic." Matrimonial bliss is rare in the cases of 
 gloomy fanatics. It is much more reasonable to regard him 
 as the Pharaoh who refused to be a god. It is not simply his 
 
194 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 religious policy and Ms frank display of natural affection that 
 seem to mark a strong and very original personality. His 
 aesthetic ideas were his own. He refused to have his portrait 
 conventionalized into the customary smooth beauty of the 
 Pharaoh god, and his face looks out at us across an interval of 
 
 thirty-four centu- 
 ries, a man amidst 
 ranks of divine in- 
 sipidities. 
 
 A reign of eigh- 
 teen years was not 
 long enough for 
 the revolution he 
 contemplated, and 
 his son-in-law who 
 succeeded him 
 went back to 
 Thebes and made 
 his peace with 
 Ammon E,a. 
 
 To the very end 
 of the story the di- 
 vinity of kings 
 haunted the Egyp- 
 tian mind, and in- 
 fected the thoughts 
 of intellectually 
 healthier races. 
 When Alexander 
 the Great reached 
 Babylon, the pres- 
 tige of Bel-Marduk 
 was already far gone in decay, but in Egypt, Ammon Ha was 
 still god enough to make a snob of the conquering Grecian. 
 The priests of Ammon Ea, about the time of the XVIIIth or 
 XlXth Dynasty (circa 1,400 B.C.), had set up in an oasis of 
 the desert a temple and oracle. Here was an image of the god 
 which could speak, move its head, and accept or reject scrolls 
 of inquiry. This oracle was still flourishing in 332 b.c. The 
 young master of the world, it is related, made a special journey 
 to visit it ; he came into the sanctuary, and the image advanced 
 
 [basedon,-the cast a± Cairo , & t?ie reUjifs in iluz 
 Berlia. Museum. J 
 
GODS AND STARS, PRIESTS AND KINGS 195 
 
 out of the darkness at the back to meet him. There was an 
 impressive exchange of salutations. Some such formula as this 
 must have been used (says Professor Maspero) : "Come, son 
 of my loins, who loves me so that I give thee the royalty of 
 Ka and the royalty of Horus ! I give thee valiance, I give 
 thee to hold all countries and all religions under thy feet ; I give 
 thee to strike all the peoples united together with thy arm!" 
 So it was that the priests of Egypt conquered their conqueror, 
 and an Aryan monarch first became a god. 
 
 § 7 
 
 The struggle of priest and king in China cannot be discussed 
 here at any length. It was different again, as in Egypt it was 
 different from Babylonia, but we find the same effort on the 
 part of the ruler to break up tradition because it divides up the 
 people. The Chinese Emperor, the "Son of Heaven," was 
 himself a high-priest, and his chief duty was sacrificial ; in the 
 more disorderly phases of Chinese history he ceases to rule and 
 continues only to sacrifice. The literary class was detached 
 from the priestly class at an early date. It became a bureau- 
 cratic body serving the local kings and rulers. That is a funda- 
 mental difference between the history of China and any Western 
 history. While Alexander was overrunning Western Asia, 
 China, under the last priest-emperors of the Chow Dynasty, was 
 sinking into a state of great disorder. Each province clung to 
 its separate nationality and traditions, and the Huns spread 
 from province to province. The King of T'sin (who lived about 
 eighty years after Alexander the Great) , impressed by the mis- 
 chief tradition was doing in the land, resolved to destroy the 
 entire Chinese literature, and his son, Shi Hwang-ti, the "first 
 universal Emperor," made a strenuous attempt to seek out and 
 destroy all the existing classics. They vanished while he ruled, 
 and he ruled without tradition, a^d welded China into a unity 
 that endured for some centuries ; but when he had passed, the 
 hidden books crept out again. China remained united, though 
 not under his descendants, but after a civil war under a fresh 
 dynasty, the Han Dynasty (206 e.g.). The first Han mon- 
 arch did not sustain this campaign of Shi Hwang-ti against the 
 litercdi, and his successor made his peace with them and restored 
 the texts of the classics. 
 
XVIII 
 
 SEEFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES, AND FKEE 
 INDIVIDUALS 
 
 § 1. The Common Man in Ancient Times. § 2. The Earliest 
 Slaves. § 3. The First "Independent" Persons. § 4. So- 
 cial Classes Three Thousand Years Ago. § 5. Classes Hard- 
 ening into Castes. § 6. Caste in India. § 7. The System, 
 of the Mandarins. § 8. A Summary of Five Thousand 
 Years. 
 
 § 1 
 
 WE have been sketching in the last four chapters the 
 growth of civilized states out of the primitive Neolithic 
 agriculture that began in Mesopotamia perhaps 15,000 
 years ago. It was at first horticulture rather than agriculture ; 
 it was done with the hoe before the plough, and at first it was 
 quite supplementary to the sheep, goat, and cattle tending that 
 made the "living" of the family tribe. We have traced the broad 
 outlines of the development in regions of exceptional fruitful- 
 ness of the first settled village communities into more populous 
 towns and cities, and the growth of the village shrine and the 
 village medicine-man into the city temple and the city priest- 
 hood. We have noted the beginnings of organized war, first as 
 a fiickering between villages, and then as a more disciplined 
 struggle between the priest-king and god of one city and those 
 of another. Our story has passed on rapidly from the first 
 indications of conquest and empire in Sumer, 6,000 or 7,000 
 B.C., to the spectacle of great empires growing up, with roads 
 and armies, with inscriptions and written documents, with edu- 
 cated priesthoods and kings and rulers sustained by a tradition 
 already ancient. We have traced in broad outline the appear- 
 ance and conflicts and replacements of these empires of the 
 great rivers. We have directed attention, in particular, to the 
 evidence of a development of still wider political ideas as we 
 
 196 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 197 
 
 find it betrayed by the actions and utterances of such men as 
 Nabonidus and Amenophis IV. It has been an outline of the 
 accuinulations of human experience for ten or fifteen thousand 
 years, a vast space of time in comparison with all subsequent 
 history, but a brief period when we measure it against the suc- 
 cession of endless generations that intervenes between us and the 
 first rude flintrusing human creatures of the Pleistocene dawn. 
 But for these last four chapters we have been writing almost 
 entirely not about mankind generally, but only about the men 
 who thought, the men who could draw and read and write, the 
 men who were altering their world. Beneath their activities 
 what was the life of the mute multitude? 
 
 The life of the common man was, of course, affected and 
 changed by these things, just as the lives of the domestic animals 
 and the face of the cultivated country were changed ; but for the 
 most part it was a change suffered and not a change in which 
 the common man upon the land had any voice or will. Eeading 
 and writing were not yet for the likes of him. He went on 
 cultivating his patch, loving his wife and children, beating his 
 dog and tending his beasts, grumbling at hard times, fearing 
 the magic of the priests and the power of the gods, desiring 
 little more except to be left alone by the powers above him. So 
 he was in 10,000 b.c. ; so he was, unchanged in nature and out- 
 look, in the time of Alexander the Great; so over the greater 
 part of the world he remains to-day. He got rather better tools, 
 better seeds, better methods, a slightly sounder house, he sold 
 his produce in a more organized market as civilization pro- 
 gressed. A certain freedom and a certain equality passed out 
 of human life when men ceased to wander. Men paid in liberty 
 for safety, shelter, and regular meals. By imperceptible de- 
 grees the common man found the patch he cultivated was not 
 his own; it belonged to the god; and he had to pay a fraction 
 of his produce to the god. Or. the god had given it to the king, 
 who exacted his rent and tax. Or the king had given it to an 
 official, who was the lord of the common man. And sometimes 
 the god or the king or the noble had work to be done, and then 
 the common man had to leave his patch and work for his master. 
 
 How far the patch he cultivated was his own was never very 
 clear to him. In ancient Assyria the land seems to have been 
 held as a sort of freehold and the occupier paid taxes ; in Baby- 
 lonia the land was the god's, and he permitted the cultivator to 
 
198 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 work thereon. In Egypt the temples or Pharaoh-the-god or tihe 
 nobles under Pharaoh were the owners and rent receivfers. But 
 the cultivator was not a slave ; he was a peasant, and only bound 
 to the land in so far that there was nothing else for him to do 
 but cultivate, and nowhere else for him to go. He lived in a 
 village or town, and went out to his work. The village, to begin 
 with, was often merely a big household of related people under 
 a patriarch headman, the early town a group of householders 
 under its elders. There was no process of enslavement as 
 civilization grew, but the headmen and leaderly men grew 
 in power and authority, and the common men did not keep 
 pace with them, and fell into a tradition of dependence and 
 subordination. 
 
 On the whole, the common men were probably well content 
 to live under lord or king or god and obey their bidding. It 
 was safer. It was easier. All animals — and man is no excep- 
 tioii — ^begin life as dependents. Most men never shake them- 
 selves loose from the desire for leading and protection.^ 
 
 § 2 
 
 The earlier wars did not involve remote or prolonged cam- 
 paigns, and they were waged by levies of the common people. 
 But war brought in a new source of possessions, plunder, and a 
 new social factor, the captive. In the earlier, simpler days of 
 war, the captive man was kept only to be tortured or sacrificed 
 to the victorious god; the captive women and children were 
 assimilated into the tribe. But later many captives were spared 
 to be slaves because they had exceptional gifts or peculiar arts. 
 It would be the kings and captains who would take these slaves 
 at first, and it would speedily become apparent to them that 
 these men were much more their own than were the peasant 
 cultivators and common men of their own race. The slave could 
 be commanded to do all sorts of things for his master that the 
 quasi-free common man would not do so willingly because of 
 his attachment to his own patch of cultivation. From a very 
 early period the artificer was often a household slave, and the 
 
 'There were literary expressions of social discontent in Egypt before 
 2,000 B.C. See "Social Forces and Religion" in Breasted's Religion <md 
 Thought in Ancient Egypt for some of the earliest complaints of the com- 
 mon man under the ancient civilizations. 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 
 
 199 
 
 manufacture of trade goods, pottery, textiles, metal ware, and 
 60 forth, such as went on vigorously in the household city of the 
 Minos of Cnossos, was probably a slave industry from the be- 
 ginning. Sayce, in his Babylonians and Assyrians, quotes 
 Babylonian agreements for the teaching of trades to slaves, and 
 dealing with the exploitation of slave products. Slaves pro- 
 duced slave children, enslavement in discharge of debts added 
 to the slave population; it is probable that as the cities grew 
 larger, a larger part of the new population consisted of these 
 slave artificers and slave servants in the large households. They 
 were by no means abject slaves; in later Babylon their lives 
 and property were protected by elaborate laws. Nor were 
 
 £^fptiazi peasants- seizecLiop tion-paipmtit of taxes'... (Pip-amicL S^) 
 
 they all outlanders. Parents might sell their children into 
 slavery, and brothers their orphan sisters. Free men who had 
 no means of livelihood would even sell themselves into slavery. 
 And slavery was the fate of the insolvent debtor. Craft ap- 
 prenticeship, again, was a sort of fixed-term slavery. Out of 
 the slave population, by a converse process, arose the freed-man 
 and freed-woman, who worked for wages and had still more 
 definite individual rights. Since in Babylon slaves could them- 
 selves own property, many slaves saved up and bought 
 themselves. Probably the town slave was often better off and 
 practically as free as the cultivator of the soil, and as the rural 
 population increased, its sons and daughters came to mix with 
 and swell the growing ranks of artificers, some bound, some 
 free. 
 
 As the eixtent and complexity of government increased, the 
 number of households multiplied. Under the king's household 
 grew up the households of his great ministers and officials, under 
 
200 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the temple grew up the personal households of temple func- 
 tionaries; it is not difficult to realize how houses and patches 
 of land would become more and more distinctly the property 
 of the occupiers, and more and more definitely alienated from 
 the original owner-god. The earlier empires in Egypt and 
 China both passed into a feudal stage, in which families, origi- 
 nally official, became for a time independent noble families. In 
 the later stages of Babylonian civilization we find an increasing 
 propertied class of people appearing in the social structure, 
 neither slaves nor peasants nor priests nor officials, but widows 
 and descendants of such people, or successful traders and the 
 like, and all masterless folk. Traders came in from the out- 
 side. Babylon was full of Aramean traders, who had great 
 establishments, with slaves, freed-men, employees of all sorts. 
 Their book-keeping was a serious undertaking. It involved 
 storing a great multitude of earthenware tablets in huge earthen- 
 ware jars.) Upon this gathering mixture of more or less free 
 and detached people would live other people, traders, merchants, 
 small dealers, catering for their needs. Sayce (op. cit.) gives 
 the particulars of an agreement for the setting up and stocking 
 of a tavern and beerhouse, for example. The passer-by, the man 
 who happened to be about, had come into existence. 
 
 But another and far less kindly sort of slavery also arose in 
 the old civilization, and that was gang slavery. If it did not 
 figure very largely in the cities, it was very much in evidence 
 elsewhere. The king was, to begin with, the chief entrepreneur. 
 He made the canals and organized the irrigation (e.g. Ham- 
 murabi's enterprises noted in the previous chapter). He ex- 
 ploited mines. He seems (at Cnossos, e.g.) to have organized 
 manufactures for export. The Pharaohs of the 1st Dynasty 
 were already working the copper and turquoise mines in the 
 peninsula of Sinai. For many such purposes gangs of captives 
 were cheaper and far more controllable than levies of the king's 
 own people. From an early period, too, captives may have 
 tugged the oars of the galleys, though Torr (Ancient Ships) 
 notes that up to the age of Pericles (450 b.c.) the free Athenians 
 were not above this task. And the monarch also found slaves 
 convenient for his military expeditions. They were uprooted 
 men ; they did not fret to go home, because they had no homes 
 to go to. The Pharaohs hunted slaves in itfubia, in order to 
 have black troops for their Syrian expeditions. Closely allied 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 
 
 201 
 
 to such slave troops were the mercenary barbaric troops the 
 monarchs caught into their service, not by .positive compulsion, 
 but by the bribes of food and plunder and under the pressure 
 of need. As the old civilization developed, these mercenary 
 armies replaced the national levies of the old order more and 
 more, and servile gang labour became a mere and more impor- 
 tant and significant factor in the economic system. From mines 
 and canal and wall building, the servile gang spread into culti- 
 
 BraivL among; boatmen... (From, tomb of Ptah-heisSp — — Piji-amid A<gc)« 
 
 vation. TsTobles and temples adopted the gang-slave system for 
 their works. Plantation gangs began to oust the patch cultiva- 
 tion of the labourer-serf in the case of some staple products. . . . 
 
 § 3 
 
 So, in a few paragraphs, we trace the development of the 
 simple social structure of the early Sumerian cities to the com-, 
 plex city crowds, the multitude of individuals varying in race, 
 tradition, education, and function, varying in wealth, free- 
 dom, authority, and: usefulness, in the great cities of the last 
 thousand years B.C. The most notable thing of all is the gradual 
 increase amidst this heterogeneous multitude of what we may 
 call free individuals, detached persons who are neither priests, 
 nor kings, nor officials, nor serfs, nor slaves, who are under 
 no great pressure to work, who have time to read and inquire. 
 They appear side by side with the development of social security 
 and private property. Coined money and monetary reckoning 
 developed. The operations of the Arameans and such-like 
 Semitic trading people led to the organization of credit and 
 monetary security. In the earlier days almost the only prop- 
 erty, except a few movables, consisted of rights in land and in 
 
202 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 houses; later, one could deposit and lend securities, could go 
 away and return to find one's property faithfully held and 
 secure. Towards the middle of the period of the Persian Em- 
 pire there lived one free individual, Herodotus, who has a great 
 interest for us because he was among the first writers of critical 
 and intelligent history, as distinguished from a mere priestly 
 or court chronicle. It is worth while to glance here very briefly 
 at the circumstances of his life. Later on we shall quote from 
 his history. 
 
 We have already noted the conquest of Babylonia by the 
 Aryan Persians under Cyrus in 539 b.c. We have noted, 
 further, that the Persian Empire spread into Egypt, where its 
 hold was precarious; and it extended also over Asia Minor. 
 Herodotus was bom about 484 b.c. in a Greek city of Asia 
 Minor, Halicarnassus, which was under the overlordship of the 
 Persians, and directly under the rule of a political boss or 
 tyrant. There is no sign that he was obliged either to work 
 for a living or spend very much time in the administration of 
 his property. We do not know the particulars of his affairs, 
 but it is clear that in this minor Greek city, under foreign 
 rule, he was able to obtain and read and study manuscripts 
 of nearly everything that had been written in the Greek lan- 
 guage before his time. He travelled, so far as one can gather, 
 with freedom and comfort about the Greek archipelagoes; he 
 stayed wherever he wanted to stay, and he seems to have found 
 comfortable accommodation; he went to Babylon and to Susa, 
 the new capital the Persians had set up in Babylonia to the 
 east of the Tigris ; he toured along the coast of the Black Sea, 
 and accumulated a considerable amount of knowledge about 
 the Scythians, the Aryan people who were then distributed over 
 South Russia; he went to the south of Italy, explored the 
 antiquities of Tyre, coasted Palestine, landed at Gaza, and made 
 a long stay in Egypt. He went about Egypt looking at temples 
 and monuments and gathering information. We know not only 
 from him, but from other evidence, that in those days the older 
 temples and the pyramids (which were already nearly three 
 thousand years old) were visited by strings of tourists, a special 
 sort of priests acting as guides. The inscriptions the sightseers 
 scribbled upon the walls remain to this day, and many of them 
 have been deciphered and published. 
 
 As his knowledge accumulated, he conceived the idea of writ- 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 
 
 203 
 
204 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ing a great history of tlie attempts of Persia to sutdue Greece, 
 But in order to introduce that history he composed an account 
 of the past of Greece, Persia, Assyria, Babylonia, Egypt, 
 Scythia, and of the geography and peoples of those countries. 
 He then set himself, it is said, to make his history known among 
 his friends in Halicamassus by reciting it to them, but they 
 failed to appreciate it ; and he, then betook himself to Athens, 
 the most flourishing of all Greek cities at that time. There his 
 work was received with applause. We find him in the centre 
 of a brilliant circle of intelligent and active-minded people, and 
 the city authorities voted him a reward of ten talents (a sum 
 of money equivalent to £2,400), in recognition of his literary 
 achievement. ... . " • 
 
 But we will not complete the biography of this most inter- 
 esting man, nor will we enter into any criticism of his gjarrulous, 
 marvel-telling, and most entertaining history. It is a book to 
 which all intelligent readers come sooner or later, abounding aa 
 it does in illuminating errors and Boswellian charm. We give 
 these particulars here simply to show that in the fifth century 
 B.C. a new factor was becoming evident in human affairs. Eead- 
 ing and writing had already long escaped from the teihple pre- 
 cincts and the ranks of the court scribes. Record was no longer 
 confined to court and temple. A new sort of people, these peo- 
 ple of leisure and independent means, were asking questions, 
 exchanging knowledge and views, and developing ideas. So be- 
 neath the march of armies and the policies of monarchs, and 
 above the common lives of illiterate and incurious men, we 
 note the beginnings of what is becoming at last nowadays a 
 dominant power in human affairs, the free intelligence of 
 mankind. 
 
 Of that free intelligence we shall have more to say when in 
 a subsequent chapter we tell, of the Greeks. 
 
 § 4 
 
 We may summarize the discussion of the last two chapters 
 here by making a list of the chief elements in this complicated 
 accumulation of human beings which made up the later Baby- 
 lonian and Egyptian civilizations of from two thousand five 
 hundred to three thousand years ago. These elements grew up 
 and became distinct one from another in the great river valleys 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 205 
 
 of the A^orid in the course of five or six thousand years. They 
 developed mental dispositions and traditions and attitudes of 
 thought one to another. The civilization in which we live to- 
 day is simply carrying on and still further developing and work- 
 ing out and rearranging these relationships. This is the world 
 from which we inherit. It is only by the attentive study of 
 their origins that we can detach ourselves from the prejudices 
 and immediate ideas of the particular class to which we may 
 belong, and begin to understand the social and political questions 
 of our own time. 
 
 (1) First, then, came the priesthood, the temple system, 
 which was the nucleus and the guiding intelligence about which 
 the primitive civilizations grew. It was still in these later days 
 a great power in the World, the chief repository of knowledge 
 and tradition, an influence over the lives of every one, and a 
 binding force to hold the community together. But it was no 
 longer all-powerful, because its nature made it conservative and 
 iniadaptable. It no longer monopolized knowledge nor initiated 
 fresh ideas.' Learning had already leaked out to other less 
 pledged and controlled people, who thought for themselves. 
 About the temple system were grouped its priests and priestesses, 
 its scribes, its physicians, its magicians, its lay brethren, treas- 
 urers, managers, directors, and the like. It owned great prop- 
 erties and often hoarded huge treasures. 
 
 (2) Over against the priesthood, and originally arising out 
 of it, was the court system, headed by a king or a "king of 
 kings," who was in later Assyria and Babylonia a sort of cap- 
 tain and lay controller of affairs, and in Egypt a god-man, who 
 had released himself from the control of his priests. About 
 the monarch were accumulated his scribes, counsellors, record 
 keepers, agents, captains, and guards. Many of his officials, 
 particularly- his provincial officials, had great subordinate estab- 
 lishments, and were constantly tending to become independent. 
 The nobility of the old river valley civilizatioiis arose out of 
 the court system. It was, therefore, a different thing in its 
 origins from the nobility of the early Aryans, which was a re- 
 publican nobility of elders and leading men. 
 
 (3) At the base of the social pyramid was the large and most 
 necessary class in the community, the tillers of the soil. Their 
 status varied from age to age and in different lands ; they were 
 
206 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 free peasants paying taxes, or serfs of tlie god, or serfs op 
 tenants of king or noble, or of a private owner, paying him a 
 rent; in most cases tax or rent was paid in produce. In the 
 states of the river valleys they were high cultivators, cultivating 
 comparatively small holdings; they. lived together for safety 
 in villages, and had a common interest in maintaining their irri- 
 gation channels and a sense of community in their village life 
 The cultivation of the soil is an exacting occupation; the sea- 
 sons and the harvest sunsets will not wait for men ; children can 
 be utilized at an early age, and so the cultivator class is gen- 
 erally a poorly educated, close-toiling class, superstitious by 
 reason of ignorance and the uncertainty of the seasons, ill-in- 
 formed and easily put upon. It is capable at times of great 
 passive resistance, but it has no purpose in its round but crops 
 and crops, to keep out of debt and hoard against bad times. So 
 it has remained to our own days over the greater part of Europe 
 and Asia. 
 
 (4) Differing widely in origin and quality from the tillers 
 of the soil was the aHisan class. At first, this was probably 
 in part a town-slave class, in part it consisted of peasants who 
 had specialized upon a craft; But in developing an art and 
 mystery of its own, a technique that had to be learnt before it 
 could be practised, each sort of craft probably developed a cer- 
 tain independence and a certain sense of community of its own. 
 The artisans were able to get together and discuss their affairs 
 more readily than the toilers on the land, and they were able 
 to form guilds to restrict output, maintain rates of pay, and 
 protect their common interest. 
 
 (5) As the power of the Babylonian rulers spread out beyond 
 the original areas of good husbandry into grazing regions and 
 less fertile districts, a class of herdsmen came into existence. 
 In the case of Babylonia these were nomadic Semites, the 
 Bedouin, like the Bedouin of to-day. They probably grazed 
 their flocks over great areas much as the sheep ranchers of 
 California do. They were paid and esteemed much more highly 
 than the husbandmen. 
 
 (6) The first merchants in the world were shipowners like 
 the people of Tyre and Onossos, or nomads who carried and 
 traded goods as they wandered between one area of primitive 
 civilization and another. In the Babylonian and Assyrian 
 world the traders were predominantly the Semitic Arameans, 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 207 
 
 the ancestors of the modem Syrians. They became a distinct 
 factor in the life of the community; they formed great house- 
 holds of their own. Usury developed largely in the last thou- 
 sand years b.c. Traders needed accommodation; cultivators 
 wished to anticipate their crops. Sayce {op. cit.) gives an ac- 
 count of the Babylonian banking-house of Egibi, which lasted 
 through several generations and outlived the Chaldean Empire. 
 
 (7) A class of small retailers, one must suppose, came into 
 existence with the complication of society during the later 
 days of the first empires, but it was not probably of any great 
 importance. 
 
 (8) A growing class of independent property owners. 
 
 (9) As the amenities of life increased, there grew up in the 
 court, temples, and prosperous private houses a class of domestic 
 servants, slaves or freed slaves, or young peasants taken into 
 the household. 
 
 (10) Crang worhers. — These were prisoners of war or debt 
 slaves, or impressed or deported men. 
 
 (li) Mercenary soldiers. — These were also often captives or 
 impressed men. Sometimes they were enlisted from friendly 
 foreign populations in which the military spirit still prevailed. 
 
 (12) Seamen. 
 
 In modem political and economic discussions we are apt to 
 talk rather glibly of "labour." Much has been made of the 
 solidarity of labour and its sense of community. It is well to 
 note that in these first civilizations, what we speak of as 
 "labour" is represented by five distinct classes dissimilar in 
 origin, traditions, and outlook — ^namely, classes 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 
 and the oar-tugging part of 12. The "solidarity of labour" is, we 
 shall find when we come to study the mechanical revolution of 
 the nineteenth century a.d., a new idea and a new possibility in 
 human affairs. 
 
 §5 
 
 Let us, befpTe we leave this discussion of the social classes 
 that were developing in these first civilizations, devote a little 
 attention to their fixity. How far did they stand aloof from 
 each other, and how far did they intermingle ? So far as the 
 classes we have counted as 9, 10, 11, and 12 go, the servants, 
 the gang labourers and slaves, the gang soldiers, and to a lesser 
 
208 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 extent the sailors, or at any rate the galley rowers amoUg the 
 sailors, they were largely recruited classes, they did not readily 
 and easily form homes, they were not distinctively breeding 
 classes J they were probably replenished generation after genera- 
 tion by captives, by the failures of other classes, and especially 
 from the failures of the class of small retailers, and by perfeiia- 
 sion and impressment from among the cultivators. But so far 
 as the sailors go, we have to distinguish between the mere rower 
 and the navigating and shipowning seaman of such ports as Tyre 
 and Sidon. The shipowners pass, no doubt, by insensible grada- 
 tions into the mercantile class, but the navigators must have 
 made a peculiar community in the great seaports, having homes 
 there and handing on the secrets of seacraft to their sons. ' The 
 eighth class we have distinguished was certainly a precarious 
 class, continually increased by the accession of the heirs and de- 
 pendents, the widows and retired members of the wealthy and 
 powerful, and continually diminished by the deaths or specula- 
 tive losses of these people and the dispersal of their properties. 
 The priests and priestess, too, so far as all this world west of 
 India went, were not a very reproductive class; many priest- 
 hoods were celibate, and that class, too, may also be counted 
 as a recruited class. Nor are servants, as a rule, reproductive. 
 They live in the households of other people; they do not have 
 households and rear large families of their own. This leaves us 
 as the really vital classes of the ancient civilized community: 
 
 (a.) The royal and aristocratic class, officials, military offi- 
 cers, and the like; 
 
 (h) The mercantile class ; 
 
 (c) The town artisans; 
 
 (d) The cultivators of the soil ; and 
 
 (e) The herdsmen. 
 
 Each of these classes reared its own children in its own 
 fashion, and so naturally kept itself more or less continuously 
 distinct from the others. General education was not organized 
 in those ancient states, education was mainly a household mat- 
 ter (as it is still in many parts of India to-day), and so it 
 was natural and necessary for the sons to follow in the footsteps 
 of their father and to marry women accustomed to their own' 
 sort of household. Except during times of great political dis- 
 turbance, therefore, there would be a natural and continuous 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 209 
 
 separation of classes; which would not, however, prevent ex- 
 ceptional individuals from intermarrying or passing from one 
 class to another. Poor aristocrats would marry rich members 
 of the mercantile class ; ambitious herdsmen, artisans, or sailors 
 would become rich merchants. So far as one can gather, that 
 was the general state of affairs in both Egypt and Babylonia. 
 The idea was formerly entertained that in Egypt there was a 
 fixity of classes, but this appears to be a misconception due to 
 a misreading of Herodotus. The only exclusive class in Egypt 
 which did not intermarry was, as in England to-day, the semi- 
 divine royal family. 
 
 At various points in the social system there were probably 
 developments of exclusiveness, an actual barring out of inter- 
 lopers. Artisans of particular crafts possessing secrets, for ex- 
 ample, have among all races and in all ages tended to develop 
 guild organizations restricting the practice of their craft and 
 the marriage of members outside their guild. Conquering peo- 
 ple have also, and especially when there were marked physical 
 differences of race, been disposed to keep themselves aloof from 
 the conquered peoples, and have developed an aristocratic ex- 
 clusiveness. Such organizations of restriction upon free inter- 
 course have come and gone in great variety in the history of all 
 long-standing civilizations. The natural boundaries of func- 
 tion were always there, but sometimes they have been drawn 
 sharply and laid stress upon, and sometimes they have been 
 made little of. There has been a general tendency among the 
 Aryan peoples to distinguish noble (patrician) from common 
 (plebeiian) families; the traces of it are evident throughout 
 the literature and life of Europe to-day, and it has received a 
 picturesque enforcement in the "science" of heraldry. This 
 tradition is still active even in democratic America. Germany, 
 the most methodical of European countries, had in the Middle 
 Ages a very clear conception of the fixity of such distinctions. 
 Below the princes (who themselves constituted an exclusive class 
 whicb did not marry beneath itself) there were the : 
 
 (a) Knights, the military and ofiicial caste, with heraldic 
 coats-of-arms ; 
 
 (b and c) The Biirgerstand, the merchants, shipping people, 
 and artisans; and 
 
 (d) The Bauemstand, the cultivating serfs or peasants. 
 
 Mediaeval Germany went as far as any of the Western heirs 
 
210 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of the first great civilizations towards a fixation of classy. The 
 idea is far less congenial both to the English-speaking people 
 and to the French and Italians, who, by a sort of instinct, 
 favour a free movement from class to class. Such exclusive 
 ideas began at first among, and were promoted chiefly by, the 
 upper classeS^, but it is a natural response and a natural Nemesis 
 to such ideas that the mass of the excluded should presently 
 range themselves in antagonism to their superiors. It was in 
 Germany, as we shall see in the concluding chapters of this story, 
 that the conception of a natural and necessary conflict, "the 
 class war," between the miscellaneous multitudes of the dis- 
 inherited ("the class-conscious proletariat" of the Marxist) and 
 the rulers and merchants first arose. It was an idea more ac- 
 ceptable to the German mind than to the British or French. 
 . . . But before we come to that conflict, we must traverse a 
 long history of many centuries. 
 
 § 6 
 
 If now we turn eastward from this main development of civ- 
 ilization in the world between Central Asia and the Atlantic, 
 to the social development of India in the 2,000 years next be- 
 fore the Christian era, we find certain broad and very interest- 
 ing differences. The first of these is that we find such a fixity 
 of classes in process of establishment as no other part of the 
 world can present. This fixity of classes is known to Euro- 
 peans as the institution of caste; ^ its origins are still in com- 
 plete obscurity, but it was certainly well rooted in the Ganges 
 valley before the days of Alexander the Great. It is a com- 
 plicated horizontal division of the social structure into classes 
 or castes, the members of which may neither eat nor intermarry 
 with persons of a lower caste under penalty of becoming out- 
 casts, and who may also "lose caste" for various ceremonial 
 negligences and defilements. By losing caste a man does not 
 sink to a lower caste; he becomes outcast. The various sub- 
 divisions of caste are very complex ; many are practically trade 
 organizations. Each caste has its local organization which main- 
 tains discipline, distributes various charities, looks after its 
 own poor, protects the common interests of its members, and 
 
 •From casta, a word of Portuguese origin; the Indian word is vama, 
 colour. 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 211 
 
 examines the credentials of new-comers from other districts. 
 (There is little to check the pretensions of a travelling Hindu 
 to be of a higher caste than is legitimately his.) Originally, 
 the four main castes seem to have been : 
 
 The Brahmins — the priests and teachers ; 
 
 The Kshatriyas — ^the warriors ; 
 
 The Vaisyas — ^herdsmen, merchanta, moneylenders, and land- 
 owners ; 
 
 The Sudras ; 
 
 And, outside the castes, the Pariahs. 
 
 But these primary divisions have long been complicated by 
 subdivision into a multitude of minor castes, all exclusive, each 
 holding its members to one definite way of living and one group 
 of associates. In Bengal the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas have 
 largely disappeared. But this is too intricate a question for us 
 to deal with here in any detail. 
 
 Next to this extraordinary fission and complication of the 
 social body we have to note that the Brahmins, the priests and 
 teachers of the Indian world, unlike so many Western priestr 
 hoods, are a reproductive and exclusive class, taking no recruits 
 from any other social stratum. 
 
 Whatever may have been the original incentive to this ex- 
 tensive fixation of class in India, there can be little doubt of 
 the role played by the Brahmins as the custodians of tradition 
 and the only teachers of the people in sustaining it. By some 
 it is supposed that the first three of the four original castes, 
 known also as the "twice born," were the descendants of the 
 Vedic Aryan conquerors of India, who established these hard- 
 and-fast separations to prevent racial mixing with the conquered 
 Sudras and Pariahs. The Sudras are represented as a previous 
 wave of northern conquerors, and the Pariahs are the original 
 Dravidian inhabitants of India. But these speculations are not 
 universally accepted, and it is, perhaps, rather the case that 
 the uniform conditions of life in the Ganges valley throughout 
 long centuries served to stereotype a difference of classes that 
 have never had the same steadfastness of definition under the 
 more various and variable conditions of the greater world to 
 the west. 
 
 However caste arose, there can be no doubt of its extraordi- 
 nary hold upon the Indian mind. In the sixth century B.C. 
 arose Gautama, the great teacher of Buddhism, proclaimingj 
 
212 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "As the four streams that flow into the Ganges lose their names 
 as soon as they mingle their waters in the holy river, so all who 
 believe in Buddha cease to be Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, 
 and Sudras." His teaching prevailed in India for some cen- 
 turies; it spread over China, Tibet, Japan, Burmah, Ceylon, 
 Turkestan, Manchuria ; it is to-day the religion of a large frac- 
 tion of the human race, but it was finally defeated and driven 
 out of Indian life by the vitality and persistence of the Brah- 
 mins and of their caste ideas. . . 
 
 § 7 
 
 In China we find a social system travelling along yet another, 
 and only a very roughly parallel line to that followed by the 
 Indian and Western civilizations. The Chinese civilization 
 even more than the Hindu is organized for peace, and the war- 
 rior plays a small part in its social scheme. As in the Indian 
 civilization, the leading class is an intellectual one ; less priestly 
 than the Brahmin and more official. But unlike the Brahmins, 
 the mandarins, who are the literate men of China, are not a 
 caste ; one is not a mandarin by birth, but by education ; they 
 are drawn by education and examination from all classes of 
 the community, and the son of a mandarin has no prescriptive 
 right to succeed his father.^ As a consequence of these differ- 
 ences, while the Brahmins of India are, as a class, ignorant 
 even of their own sacred books, mentally slack, and full of a 
 pretentious assurance, the Chinese mandarin has the energy 
 that comes from hard mental work. But since his education so 
 far has been almost entirely a scholarly study of the classical 
 Chinese literature, his influence has been entirely conservative. 
 Before the days of Alexander the Great, China had already 
 formed itself and set its feet in the way in which it was still 
 walking in the year 1,000 a. d. Invaders and dynasties had come 
 and gone, but the routine of life of the yellow civilization re- 
 mained unchanged. 
 
 The traditional Chinese social system recognized four main 
 classes below the priest-emperor. 
 
 'In the time of Confucius classes were much more fixed than later. 
 Under the Han dynasty the competitive examination system was not yet 
 established. Scholars were recommended for appointments by local, dig- 
 nitaries, etc. — L. Y, C. 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 213 
 
 (a) The literary class, -which was equivalent partly to the 
 officials of the Western world and partly to its teachers and 
 clerics. In the time of Confucius its education included archery 
 and horsemanship. Eites and music, history and mathematics 
 completed the "Six Accomplishments." 
 
 (b) The cultivators of the land. 
 
 (c) The artisans. 
 
 (d) The mercantile class. 
 
 But since from the earliest times it has been the Chinese way 
 to divide the landed possessions of a man among all his sons, 
 there has never been in Chinese history any class of great land- 
 owners, renting their land to tenants, such as most other coun- 
 tries have displayed. The Chinese -land has always been cut 
 up into small holdings, which are chiefly freeholds, and culti- 
 vated intensively. There are landlords in China who own one 
 or a few farms and rent them to tenants, but there are no 
 great, permanent estates. When a patch of land, by repeated 
 division, is too small to sustain a man, it is sold to some prosper- 
 ing neighbour, and the former owner drifts to one of the great 
 towns of China to join the mass of wage-earning workers there. 
 In China, for many centuries, there have been these masses of 
 town population with scarcely any property at all, men neither 
 serfs nor slaves, but held to their daily work by their utter 
 impecuniousness. From such masses it is that the soldiers 
 needed by the Chinese Government are recruited, and also such 
 gang labour as has been needed for the making of canals, the 
 building of walls, and the like has been drawn. The war cap- 
 tive and the slave class play a smaller part in Chinese history 
 than in any more westerly record of these ages before the 
 Christian era. 
 
 One fact, we may note, is common to all these three stories 
 of developing social structure and that is the immense power 
 exercised by the educated class in the early stages before the 
 crown or the commonalty began to read and, consequently, to 
 think for itself. In India, by reason of their exclusiveness, the 
 Brahmins, the educated class, retain their influence to this day ; 
 over the masses of China, along entirely different lines and be- 
 cause of the complexities of the written language, the man- 
 darinate has prevailed. The diversity of race and tradition in 
 the more various and eventful world of the West has delayed, 
 and perhaps arrested for ever, any parallel organization of the 
 
314 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 specially intellectual elements of society into a class ascendancy. 
 In the Western world, as we have already noted, education early 
 "slopped over," and soaked away out of the control of any spe- 
 cial class; it escaped from the limitation of castes and priest- 
 hoods and traditions into the general life of the community. 
 Writing and reading had been simplified down to a point when 
 it was no longer possible to make a cult and mystery of them. 
 It may be due to the peculiar elaboration and difficulty of the 
 Chinese characters, rather than to any racial difference, that the 
 same thing did not happen to the same extent in China. 
 
 § 8 
 
 In these last six chapters we have traced in outline the whole 
 process by which, in the course of 5,000 or 6,000 years — rthat 
 is to say, in something between 150 and 200 generations — ^man- 
 kind passed from the stage of early Neolithic husbandry, in 
 which the primitive skin-clad family tribe reaped and stored 
 in their rude mud huts the wild-growing fodder and grain-bear- 
 ing grasses with sickles oi stone, to the days of the fourth cen- 
 tury B.C., when all round the shores of the Mediterranean and 
 up the Nile, and across Asia to India, and again over the great 
 alluvial areas of China, spread the fields of human cultivation 
 and busy cities, great temples, and the coming and going of 
 human commerce. Galleys and lateen-sailed ships entered and 
 left crowded harbours, and made their careful way from head- 
 land to headland and from headland to island, keeping always 
 close to the land. Phoenician shipping under Egyptian owners 
 was making its way into the East Indies and perhaps even 
 further into the Pacific. Across the deserts of Africa and 
 Arabia and through Turkestan toiled the caravans with their re- 
 mote trade; silk was already coming from China, ivory from 
 Central Africa, and tin from Britain to the centres of this new 
 life in the world. Men had learnt to weave fine linen ^ and 
 delicate fabrics of coloured wool; they could bleach and dye; 
 they had iron as well as copper, bronze, silver, and gold;_they 
 had made the most beautiful pottery and porcelain ; there was 
 hardly a variety of precious stone in the world that they had 
 not found and cut and polished; they could read and write; 
 divert the course of rivers, pile pyramids, and make walls a 
 'Damascus was already making Damask, and "Damascening" steel. 
 
SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES 215 
 
 thousand miles long. The fifty or sixty centuries in which all 
 this had to be achieved may seem a long time in comparison 
 with the threescore and ten years of a single human life, but 
 it is utterly inconsiderable in comparison with the stretches of 
 geological time. Measuring backward from these Alexandrian 
 cities to the days of the first stone implements, the rostro-carinate 
 implements of the Pliocene Age, gives us an extent of time fully 
 a hundred times as long. 
 
 We have tried in this account, and with the help of maps 
 and figures and time charts, to give a just idea of the order and 
 shape of these fifty or sixty centuries. Our business is with 
 that outline. We have named but a few names of individuals ; 
 though henceforth the personal names must increase in number. 
 But the content of this outline that we have drawn here in 
 a few diagrams and charts cannot but touch the imagination. 
 If only we could look closelier, we should see through all these 
 sixty centuries a procession of lives more and more akin in their 
 fashion to our own. We have shown how the naked Palaeo- 
 lithic savage gave place to the Neolithic cultivator, a type of 
 man still to be found in the backward places of the world. We 
 have given an illustration of Sumerian soldiers copied from a 
 carved stone that was set up long before the days when the 
 Semitic Sargon I conquered the land. Day by day some busy 
 brownish man carved those figures, and, no doubt, whistled as 
 he carved. In those days the plain of the Egyptian delta was 
 crowded with gangs of swarthy workmen unloading the stone 
 that had come down the Nile to add a fresh course to the cur- 
 rent pyramid. One might paint a thousand scenes from those 
 ages: of some hawker merchant in Egypt spreading his stock 
 of Babylonish garments before the eyes of some pretty, rich 
 lady; of a miscellaneous crowd swarming between the pylons 
 to some temple festival at Thebes; of an excited, dark-eyed 
 audience of Cretans like the Spaniards of to-day, watching a 
 bull-fight, with the bull-fighters in trousers and tightly girded, 
 exactly like any contemporary bull-fighter ; of children learning 
 their cuneiform signs — at Nippur the clay exercise tiles of a 
 school have been found; of a woman with a sick husband at 
 home slipping into some great temple in Carthage to make a 
 vow for his recovery. Or perhaps it is a wild Greek, skin-clad 
 and armed with a bronze axe, standing motionless on some 
 lUyrian mountain crest, struck with amazement at his first 
 
216 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 vision of a many-oared Cretan galley crawling like a great in- 
 sect across the amethystine mirror of the Adriatic Sea. He 
 went home to tell his folk a strange story of a monster, Briareus 
 with his hundred arms. Of millions of such stitches in each 
 of these 200 generations is the fabric of this history woven. But 
 unless they mark the presence of a primary seam or join, we 
 cannot pause now to examine any of these stitches. 
 
XIX 
 
 THE HEBEEW SCEIPTUEES AND THE PEOPHETS 
 
 § 1. The Place of the Israelites in History. § 2. Saul, David, 
 and Solomon. § 3. The Jews a. People of Mixed Origin. 
 § 4. The Importance of the Hebrew Prophets. 
 
 § 1 
 
 WE are now in a position to place in their proper re- 
 lationship to this general outline of human history the 
 Israelites, and the most remarkable collection of an- 
 cient documents in the world, that collection which is known to 
 all Christian peoples as the Old Testament. We find in these 
 documents the most interesting and valuable lights upon the 
 development of civilization, and the clearest indications of a 
 new spirit that was coming into human affairs during the strug- 
 gles of Egypt and Assyria for predominance in the world of 
 men. 
 
 All the books that constitute the Old Testament were cer- 
 tainly in existence, and in very much their present form, at latest 
 by the year 100 B.C. Most of them were probably recognized 
 as sacred writings in the time of Alexander the Great (330 
 B.C.)'. They were the sacred literature of a people, the Jews, 
 who, except for a small remnant of common people, had re- 
 cently been deported to Babylonia from their own country in 
 587 B.C. by Nebuchadnezzar II, the Chaldean. They had re- 
 turned to their city, Jerusalem, and had rebuilt their temple 
 there under the auspices of Cyrus, that Persian conqueror who, 
 we have already noted, in 539 b.c. overthrew Nabonidus, the 
 last of the Chaldean rulers in Babylon. The Babylonian Cap- 
 tivity had lasted about fifty years, and many authorities are of 
 opinion that there was a considerable admixture during that 
 period both of race and ideas with the Babylonians. 
 
 The position of the land of Judea and of Jerusalem, its 
 
 217 
 
218 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 capital, is a peculiar one. The country is a band-shaped strip 
 between the Mediterranean to the west and the desert beyond 
 the Jordan to the east ; through it lies the natural high-road be- 
 tween the Hittites, Syria, Assyria, and Babylonia to the north 
 and Egypt to the south. It was a country predestined, there- 
 fore, to a stormy history. Across it Egypt, and whatever power 
 was ascendant in the north, fought for empire ; against its people 
 they fought for a trade route. It had itself neither the area, 
 the agricultural possibilities, nor the mineral wealth to be im- 
 portant. The story of its people that these scriptures have 
 preserved runs like a commentary to the greater history of the 
 two systems of civilization to the north and south and of the 
 sea peoples to the west. 
 
 These scriptures consist of a number of different? elements. 
 The first five books, the Pentateuch, were early regarded with 
 peculiar respect. They begin in the form of a universal his- 
 tory with a double account of the Creation of the world and 
 niankind, of the early life of the race, and of a great Elood 
 by which, except for certain favoured individuals, mankind 
 was destroyed. This flood story is very widely distributed in 
 ancient traditions ; it may be a memory of that flooding of the 
 Mediterranean valley which occurred in the Neolithic age of 
 mankind. Excavations have revealed Babylonian versions of 
 both the Creation story and the Flood story of prior date to 
 the restoration of the Jews, and it is therefore argued by Bibli- 
 cal critics that these opening chapters were acquired by the 
 Jews during their captivity. They constitute the first ten chap- 
 ters of GeJnesis. 
 
 There follows a history of the fathers and founders of the 
 Hebrew nation, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. They are presented 
 as patriarchal Bedouin chiefs, living the life of nomadic shep- 
 herds in the country between Babylonia and Egypt. The ex- 
 isting Biblical account is said by the critics to be made up out 
 of several pre-existing versions; but whatever its origins, the 
 story, as we have it to-day, is full of colour and vitality. "What 
 is called Palestine to-day was at that time the land of Canaan, 
 inhabited by a Semitic people called the Canaanites, closely 
 related to the Phoenicians who founded Tyre and Sidon, and to 
 the Amorites who took Babylon and, under Hammurabi, founded 
 the first Babylonian Empire. The Canaanites were a settled 
 folk in the days — ^which were perhaps contemporary with the 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 
 
 ^Id 
 
220 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 days of Hammurabi — ^when Abraham's flocks and herds passed 
 through the land. The God of Abraham, says the Bible narra- 
 tive, promised this smiling land of prosperous cities to hini and 
 to his children. To the book of Genesis the reader must go 
 to read how Abraham, being childless, doubted this promise, 
 and of the births of Ishmael and Isaac. And in Genesis, too, 
 he will find the lives of Isaac and Jacob, whose name was 
 changed to Israel, and of the twelve sons of Israel; and 
 how, in the days of a great famine they went down into 
 Egypt. With that, Genesis, the first book of the Pentateuch, 
 ends.' The next book, Exodus, is concerned with the story of 
 Moses. 
 
 The story of the settlement and slavery of the children of 
 Israel in Egypt is a difficult one. There is an Egyptian rec- 
 ord of a settlement of certain Semitic peoples in the land of 
 Goshen by the Pharaoh Rameses II, and it is stated that they 
 were drawn into Egypt by want of food. But of the life and 
 career of Moses there is no Egyptian record at all; there is 
 no account of any plagues of Egypt or of any Pharaoh who 
 was drowned in the Eed Sea. 
 
 Very perplexing is the discovery of a clay tablet written by 
 the Egyptian governors of a city in Canaan to the Pharaoh 
 Amenophis IV, who came in the XVIIIth Dynasty before 
 Eameses II, apparently mentioning the Hebrews by name and 
 declaring that they are overrunning Canaan. Manifestly, if 
 the Hebrews were conquering Canaian in the time of the 
 XVIIIth Dynasty, they could not have been made captive and 
 oppressed, before they conquered Canaan, by Eameses II of 
 the XlXth Dynasty. But it is quite understandable that the 
 Exodus story, written long after the events it narrates, may 
 have concentrated and simplified, and perhaps personified and 
 symbolized, what was really a long and complicated history 
 of tribal invasions. One Hebrew tribe may have drifted down 
 into, Egypt and become enslaved, while the others were already 
 attacking the outlying Canaanite cities. It is even possible 
 that the land of the captivity was not Egypt (Hebrew, Misraiija), 
 but Misrim in the north of Arabia, on the other side of the 
 Red Sea. These questions are discussed fully and acutely in 
 the Encyclopcedia Bihlica (articles Moses and Exodus), to 
 which the curious reader must be referred.^ 
 'See also G. B. Gray, A Critical Introduotion to the Old Testament. 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 221 
 
 Two other books of the Pentateuch, Deuteronomy and Leviti- 
 cus, are concerned with the Law and the priestly rules. The 
 book of Numbers takes up the wanderings of the Israelites in the 
 desert and their invasion of Canaan. 
 
 Whatever the true particulars of the Hebrew invasion of 
 Canaan may be, there can be no doubt that the country they 
 invaded had changed very greatly since the days of the legend- 
 ary promise, made centuries before, to Abraham. Then it 
 seems to have been largely a Semitic land, with many pros- 
 perous trading cities. But great waves of strange peoples had 
 washed along this coast. We have already told how the dark 
 Iberian or Mediterranean peoples of Italy and Greece, the peo- 
 ples of that -^gean civilization which culminated at Cnossos, 
 were being assailed by the southward movement of Aryan-speak- 
 ing races, such as the Italians and Greeks, and how Cnossos 
 was sacked about 1,400 B.C., and destroyed altogether about 
 1,000 B.C. It is now evident that the people of these ^gean 
 seaports were crossing the sea in search of securer land 
 nests. They invaded the Egyptian delta and the African 
 coast to the west, they formed alliances with the Hittites and 
 other Aryan or Aryanized races. This happened after the time 
 of Eameses II, in the time of Eameses III. Egyptian monu- 
 ments record great sea fights, and also a march of these peo- 
 ple along the coast of Palestine towards Egypt. Their trans- 
 port was in the ox-carts characteristic of the Aryan tribes, and 
 it is clear that these Cretans were acting in alliance with some 
 early Aryan invaders. !N"o connected narrative of these conflicts 
 that went on between 1,300 b.c. and 1,000 b.c. has yet been 
 made out, but it is evident from the Bible narrative, that when 
 the Hebrews under Joshua pursued their slow subjugation of 
 the promised land, they came against a new people, the Phil- 
 istines, unknown to Abraham,^ who were settling along the 
 coast in a series of cities of which Gaza, Gath, Ashdod, Ascalon, 
 and Joppa became the chief, who were really, like the Hebrews, 
 new-comers, and probably chiefly these Cretans from the sea and 
 from the north. The invasion, therefore, that began as an at- 
 tack upon the Canaanites, speedily became a long and not very 
 successful struggle for the coveted and promised land with 
 these much more formidable new-comers, the Philistines. 
 
 ' This may seem to contradict Genesis xx. 15, and xx;i. and xxvi. various 
 verses, but compare with this the Ehcyclopwdia Bihlioa article Philistines. 
 
222 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 It cannot be said that the promised land was ever completely 
 in the grasp of the Hebrews. Following after the Pentateuch 
 in the Bible come the books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth (a di- 
 gression), Samuel I and II, and Kings I and II, with Chronicles 
 repeating with variation much of the matter of Samuel II and 
 Kings; there is a growing flavour of reality in most of this 
 latter history, and in these books we find the Philistines 
 steadfastly in possession of the fertile lowlands of the southj 
 and the Oanaanites and Phoenicians holding out against the 
 Israelites in the north. The first triumphs of Joshua are not 
 repeated. The book of Judges is a melancholy catalogue of 
 failures. The people lose heart. They desert the worship of 
 their own god Jehovah, and worship Baal and Ashtaroth 
 (=Bel and Ishtar). They mixed their race with the Philistines, 
 with the Hittites, and so forth, and became, as they have always 
 subsequently been, a racially mixed people. Under a series 
 of wise men and heroes they wage a generally unsuccessful and 
 never very united warfare against their enemies. In succession 
 they are conquered by the Moabites, the Oanaanites, the Midi- 
 anites, and the Philistines. The story of these conflicts, of 
 Gideon and of Samson and the other heroes who now and then 
 cast a gleam of hope upon the distress of Israel, is told in the 
 book of Judges. In the first book of Samuel is told the story 
 of their great disaster at Ebenezer in the days when Eli was 
 judge. 
 
 This was a real pitched battle in which the Israelites lost 
 30,000 ( !) men. They had previously suffered a reverse and 
 lost 4,000 men, and then they brought out their most sacred 
 symbol, the Ark of the Covenant of God. 
 
 "And when the ark of the covenant of the Lord came into 
 the camp, all Israel shouted with a great shout, so that the 
 earth rang again. And when the Philistines heard the noise 
 of the shout, they said, 'What meaneth the noise of this great 
 shout in the camp of the Hebrews V And they understood that 
 the ark of the Lord was come into the camp. And the Phil- 
 istines were afraid, for they said, 'God is come into the camp.' 
 And they said, 'Woe unto us! for there hath not been such a 
 thing heretofore. Woe, unto us ! who shall deliver us out of 
 the hand of these mighty Gods ? these are the Gods that smote 
 the Egyptians with all the plagues in the wilderness. Be 
 strong, and quit yourselves like men, O ye Philistines, that ye 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 223 
 
 be not servants unto the Hebrews, as they have been to you: 
 quit yourselves like men, and fight.' 
 
 "And the Philistines fought, and Israel was smitten, and 
 they fled every man into his tent : and there was a very great 
 slaughter for there fell of Israel thirty thousand footmen. 
 And the ark of God was taken ; and the two sons of Eli, Hophni 
 and Phinehas, were slain. 
 
 "And there ran a man of Benjamin out of the army, and 
 came to Shiloh the same day, with his clothes rent, and with 
 earth upon his head. And when he came, lo, Eli sat upon 
 a seat by the wayside watching : for his heart trembled for the 
 ark of God. And when the man came into the city, and told 
 it, all the city cried out. And when Eli heard the noise of the 
 crying, he said, 'What meaneth the noise of this tumult ?' And 
 the man came in hastily, and told Eli. Now Eli was ninety 
 and eight years old; and his eyes were dim that he could not 
 see. And the man said unto Eli, 'I am he that came out of 
 the army, and I fled to-day out of the army.' And he said, 
 'What is there done, my son?' And the messenger answered 
 and said, 'Israel is fled before the Philistines, and there hath 
 been also a great slaughter among the people, and thy two 
 sons also, Hophni and Phinehas, are dead, and the ark of 
 God is taken.' And it came to pass, when he made mention 
 of the ark of God, that Eli fell from off the seat backward, 
 by the side of the gate, and his neck brake, and he died: for 
 he was an old man, and heavy. And he had judged Israel 
 forty years. 
 
 "And his daughter in law, Phinehas' wife, was with child, 
 near to be delivered : and when she heard the tidings that the 
 ark of God was taken, and that her father in law and her 
 husband were dead, she bowed herself and travailed: for her 
 pains came upon her. And about the time of her death the 
 women that stood by her said unto her, 'Fear not, for thou 
 hast borne a son.' But she answered not, neither did she regard 
 it. And she named the child I-chabod,^ saying, 'The glory 
 is departed from Israel' : because the ark of God was taken, 
 and because of her father in law and her husband." (I. Sam., 
 chap, iv.) 
 
 The successor of Eli and the last of the judges was Samuel, 
 and at the end of his rule came an event in the history of 
 •That is, where is the glory? 
 
224 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Israel ■which, paralleled and was suggested by the experience 
 of the greater nations around. A king arose. We are told in 
 vivid language the plain issue between the more ancient rule 
 of priestcraft and the newer fashion in human affairs. It is 
 impossible to avoid a second quotation. 
 
 "Then all the elders of Israel gathered themselves together, 
 and came to Samuel unto Eamah, and said unto him: 'Be- 
 hold, thou art old, and thy sons walk not in thy ways: now 
 make us a king to judge us like all the nations.' 
 
 "But the thing displeased Samuel, when they said, 'Give 
 us a king to judge us.' And Samuel prayed unto the Lord. 
 And the Lord said unto Samuel, 'Hearken unto the voice of 
 the people in all that they say unto thee: for they have not 
 rejected thee, but they have rejected me, that I should not reign 
 over them. According to all the works which they have done 
 since the day that I brought them up out of Egypt even unto 
 this day, wherewith they have forsaken me, and serve other 
 gods, so do they also unto thee. Now, therefore, hearken unto 
 their voice : howbeit yet protest solemnly unto them, and shew, 
 them the manner of the king that shall reign over them.' 
 
 "And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people 
 that asked of him a king. And he said, 'This will be the man- 
 ner of the king that shall reign over you: He will take your 
 sons, and appoint them for himself, for his chariots, and to be his 
 horsemen ; and some shall run before his chariots. And he will 
 appoint him captains over thousands, and captains over fifties ; 
 and will set them to ear his ground, and to reap his harvest, 
 and to make his instruments of war, and instruments of his 
 chariots. And he will take your daughters to be confectioners, 
 and to be cooks, and to be bakers. And he will take your fields, 
 and your vineyards, and your oliveyards, even the b^t of them, 
 and give them to his servants. And he will take the tenth pf 
 your seed, and of your vineyards, and give to his ofiicers, and 
 to his servants. And he will take your menservants, and your 
 maidservants, and your goodliest young men, and your asses, 
 and put them to his work. He will take the tenth of your 
 sheep : and ye shall be his servants. And ye shall cry out in 
 that day because of your king which ye shall have chosen you ; 
 and the Lord will not hear you in that day.' 
 
 "Nevertheless, the people refused to obey the voice of Samuel ; 
 and they said, 'Nay ; but we will have a king over us ; that we 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 225 
 
 also may be like all the nations ; and that our king may judge 
 us^ and go out before us, and fight our battles.' " (L Sam., 
 chap, viii.) 
 
 § 2 
 
 But the nature and position of their land was against the 
 Hebrews, and thfeir first king Saul was no more successful than 
 their judges. The long intrigues of the adventurer David 
 against Saul are told in the rest of the first book of Samuel, 
 and the end of Saul was utter defeat upon Mount Gilboa. His 
 army was overwhelmed by the Philistine archers. 
 
 "And it came to pass on the morrow, when the Philistines 
 came to strip the slain, that they found Saul and his three 
 sons fallen in Mount Gilboa. And they cut off his head, and 
 stripped off his armour, and sent into the land of the Philistines 
 round about, to publish it in the house of their idols, and 
 among the people. And they put his armour in the house of 
 Ashtaroth; and they fastened his body to the wall of Beth- 
 shan." (I. Sam., chap, xxxi.) 
 
 David (990 b.c. roughly) was more politic and successful 
 than his predecessor, and he seems to have placed himself under 
 the protection of Hiram, King of Tyre. This Phoenician 
 alliance sustained him, and was the essential element in the 
 greatness of his son Solomon. His story, with its constant 
 assassinations and executions, reads rather like the history of 
 some savage chief than of a civilized monarch. It is told with 
 great vividness in the second book of Samuel. 
 
 The first book of Kings begins with the reign of King 
 Solomon (960 b.c. roughly). The most interesting thing in 
 that story, from the point of view of the general historian, is 
 the relationship of Solomon to the national religion and the 
 priesthood, and his dealings with the tabernacle, the priest 
 Zadok, and the prophet Nathan. 
 
 The opening of Solomon's reign is as bloody as his father's. 
 The last recorded speech of David arranges for the murder 
 of Shimei; his last recorded word is "blood." "But his hoar 
 head bring thou down to the grave with blood," he says, point- 
 ing out that though old Shimei is protected by a vow, David 
 had made to the Lord so long as David lives, there is nothing 
 to bind Solomon in that matter. Solomon proceeds to murder 
 his brother, who has sought the throne but quailed and made 
 
226 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 submission. He then deals freely with his brother's party. 
 The weak hold of religion upon the racially and mentally con- 
 fused Hebrews at that time is shown by the ease with which 
 he replaces the hostile chief priest by his own adherent Zadok, 
 and still more strikingly by the murder of Joab by Benaiah, 
 Solomon's chief ruffian, in the tabernacle, while the victim is 
 claiming sanctuary and holding to the very horns of Jehovah's 
 altar. Then Solomon sets to work, in what was for that time 
 a thoroughly modem spirit, to recast the religion of his people. 
 He continues the alliance with Hiram, King of Sidon, who 
 uses Solomon's kingdom as a high road by which to reach and 
 build shipping upon the Eed Sea, and a hitherto unheard of 
 wealth accumulates in Jesusalem as a result of this partner 
 ship. Gang labour appears in Israel ; Solomon sends relays of 
 men to cut cedarwood in Lebanon under Hiram, and organizes a 
 service of porters through the land. (There is much in all 
 this to remind the reader of the relations of some Central 
 African chief to a European trading concern.) Solomon then 
 builds a palace for himself, and a temple not nearly as big for 
 Jehovah. Hitherto, the Ark of the Covenant, the divine symbol 
 of these ancient Hebrews, had abode in a large tent, which had 
 been shifted from one high place to another, and sacrifices had 
 been offered to the God of Israel upon a number of different 
 high places. Now the ark is brought into the golden splendours 
 of the inner chamber of a temple of cedar-sheathed stone, and 
 put between two great winged figures of gilded olivewood, and 
 sacrifices are henceforth to be made only upon the altar be- 
 fore it. 
 
 This centralirzing innovation will remind the reader of both 
 Akhnaton and Nabonidus. Such things as this are done suc- 
 cessfully only when the prestige and tradition and learning 
 of the priestly order has sunken to a very low level. 
 
 "And he appointed, according to the order of David his 
 father, the courses of the priests to their service, and the 
 Levites to their charges, to praise and minister before the priests, 
 as the duty of every day required; the porters also by their 
 courses at every gate; for so had David the man of God com- 
 manded. And they departed not from the commandment of 
 the king unto the priest and Levites concerning any matter, or 
 concerning the treasures." 
 
 Neither Solomon's establishment of the worship of Jehovah 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 227 
 
 in Jerusalem upon this new footing, nor his vision of and con- 
 versation with his God at the opening of his reign, stood in 
 the way of his developing a sort of theological flirtatiousness 
 in his declining years. He married widely, if only for reasons 
 of state and splendour, and he entertained his numerous wives 
 by sacrificing to their national deities, to the Sidonian god- 
 dess Ashtaroth (Ishtar), to Chemosh (a Moabitish god), 
 to Moloch, and so forth. The Bible account of Solomon 
 does, in fact, show us a king and a confused people, both 
 superstitious and mentally unstable, in no way more religious 
 than any other people of the surrounding World. 
 
 A point of considerable interest in the story of Solomon, 
 because it marks a phase in Egyptian affairs, is his marriage 
 to a daughter of Pharaoh. This must have been one of the 
 Pharaohs of the XXIst Dynasty. In the great days of Ameno- 
 phis III, as the Tel-Amarna letters witness, Pharaoh could con- 
 descend to receive a Babylonian princess into his harem, but 
 he refused absolutely to grant so divine a creature as an Egyp- 
 tian princess in marriage to the Babylonian monarch. It points 
 to the steady decline of Egyptian prestige that now, three cen- 
 turies later, such a petty monarch as Solomon could wed on 
 equal terms with an Egyptian princess. There was, however, 
 a revival with the next Egyptian dynasty (XXII) ; and the 
 Pharaoh Shishak, the founder, taking advantage of the cleavage 
 between Israel and Judah, which had been developing through 
 the reigns of both David and Solomon, took Jerusalem and 
 looted the all-too-brief splendours both of the new temple and 
 of the king's house. 
 
 Shishak seems also to have subjugated Philistia. From this 
 time onward it is to be noted that the Philistines fade in im- 
 portance. They had already lost their Cretan language and 
 adopted that of the Semites they had conquered, and although 
 their cities remain more or less independent, they merge grad- 
 ually into the general Semitic life of Palestine. 
 
 There is evidence that the original rude but convincing narra- 
 tive of Solomon's rule, of his various murders, of his associa- 
 tion with Hiram, of his palace and temple building, and the 
 extravagances that weakened and finally tore his kingdom in 
 twain, has been subjected to extensive interpolations and ex- 
 pansions by a. later virriter, anxious to exaggerate his prosperity 
 and glorify his wisdom. It is not the place here to deal with 
 
228 THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 the criticism of Bible origins, but it is a matter of ordinary 
 common sense rather than of scholarship to note the manifest 
 reality and Veracity of the main substance of the account of 
 David and Solomon, an account explaining sometimes and justi- 
 fying sometimes, but nevertheless relating facts, even the harsh- 
 est facts, as only a contemporary or almost contemporary writer, 
 convinced that they cannot be concealed, would relate them, and 
 then to remark the sudden lapse into adulation when the in- 
 serted passages occur. It is a striking tribute to the power of the 
 written assertion over realities in men's minds that this Bible 
 narrative has imposed, not only upon the Christian but upon the 
 Moslem world, the belief that King Solomon was not only one 
 of the most magnificent, but one of the wisest of men. Yet 
 the first book of Kings tells in detail his utmost splendours, and 
 beside the beauty and wonder of the buildings and organizations 
 of such great monarchs as Thotmes III or Kameses II or half 
 a dozen other Pharaohs, or of Sargon II or Sardanapalus or 
 Nebuchadnezzar the Great, they are trivial. His temple meas- 
 ured internally was twenty cubits broad, about 35 feet ^ — ^that 
 is, the breadth of a small villa residence — and sixty cubits, say 
 100 feet, long. And as for his wisdom and statescraft, one 
 need go no further than the Bible to see that Solomon was a 
 mere helper in the wide-reaching schemes of the trader-king 
 Hiram, and his kingdom a pawn between Phoenicia and Egypt. 
 His importance was due largely to the temporary enfeeblement 
 of Egypt, which encouraged the ambition of the Phoenician 
 and made it necessary to propitiate the holder of the key to 
 an alternate trade route to the East. To his own people 
 Solomon was a wasteful and oppressive monarch, and already 
 before his death his kingdom was splitting, visibly to all 
 men. 
 
 With the reign of King Solomon the brief glory of the He- 
 brews ends; the northern and richer section of his kingdom, 
 long oppressed by taxation to sustain his splendours, breais off, 
 from Jerusalem to become the separate kingdom of Israel, and 
 this split ruptures that linking connection between Sidon and 
 the Red Sea by which Solomon's gleam of wealth was possible. 
 There is no more wealth in Hebrew history. Jerusalem re- 
 mains the capital of one tribe, the tribe of Judah, the capital 
 
 ' Estimates of the cubit vary. The greatest is 44 inches. This would 
 extend the width to seventy-odd feet. 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 229 
 
 of a land of barren hills, cut off by Philistia from the sea and 
 surrounded by enemies. 
 
 The tale of wats, of religious conflicts, of usurpations, as- 
 sassinations, and of fratricidal murders to secure the throne 
 goes on for three centuries. It is a tale frankly barbaric. Israel 
 wars with Judah and the neighbouring states; forms alliances 
 first with one and then with the other. The power of Aramean 
 Syria bums like a baleful star over the affairs of the Hebrews, 
 and then there rises behind it the great and growing power of 
 the last Assyrian empire. For three centuries the life of the 
 Hebrews was like the life of a man who insists upon living in 
 the middle of a busy thoroughfare, and is consequently being 
 run over constantly by omnibuses and motor-lorries. 
 
 "Pul" (apparently the same person as Tiglath Pileser III) 
 is, according to the Bible narrative, the first Assyrian monarch 
 to appear upon the Hebrew horizon, and Menahem buys him 
 off with a thousand talents of silver (Y38 e.g.). But the power 
 of Assyria is heading straight for the now aged and decadent 
 land of Egypt, and the line of attack lies through Judea ; Tiglath 
 Pileser III returns and Shalmaneser follows in his steps, the 
 King of Israel intrigues for help with Egypt, that "broken 
 reed," and in 721 e.g., as we have already noted, his kingdom 
 is swept off into captivity and utterly lost to history. The same 
 fate hung over Judah, but for a little while it was averted. The 
 fate of Sennacherib's army in the reign of King Hezekiah (701 
 B.C.), and how he was murdered by his sons (II. Kings xix. 37), 
 we have already mentioned. The subsequent subjugation ®f 
 Egypt by Assyria finds no mention in Holy Writ, but it is 
 clear that before the reign of Sennacherib, King Hezekiah had 
 carried on a diplomatic correspondence with Babylon (700 
 B.C.), which was in revolt against Sargon II of Assyria. There 
 followed the conquest of Egypt by Esarhaddon, and then for a 
 time Assyria was occupied with her own troubles ; the Scythians 
 and Medes and Persians were pressing her on the north, and 
 Babylon was in insurrection. As we have already noted, Egypt, 
 relieved for a time from Assyrian pressure, entered upon a 
 phase of revival, first under Psammetichus and then under 
 Necho II. 
 
 Again the little country in between made mistakes in its 
 alliances. But on neither side was there safety. Josiah op- 
 posed Necho, and was slain at the battle of Megiddo (608 b.c.). 
 
230 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The king of Judah became an Egyptian tributary. Then when 
 Necho, after pushing as far as the Euphrates,: fdl before 
 Nebuchadnezzar II, Judah fell with him (604 b.c). Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, after a trial of three puppet kings, carried off the greater 
 part of the people into captivity in Babylon (586 b.c.), and the 
 rest, after a rising and a massacre of Babylonian officials, took 
 refuge from the vengeance of Chaldea in Egypt. 
 
 "And all the vessels of the house of God, great and small, and 
 the ia:easures of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the 
 king, and of his princes ; all these he brought to Babylon. And 
 they burnt the house of God and brake down the wall of Jerusa- 
 lem, and burnt all the palaces thereof with fire, and destroyed 
 all the goodly vessels thereof. And them that had escaped from 
 the sword carried he away to Babylon ; where they were servants 
 to him and his sons until the reign of the kingdom of Persia." 
 (II. Chron. xxxvi. 18, 19, 20.) 
 
 So the four centuries of Hebrew kingship comes to an end. 
 From first to last it was a mere incident in the larger and greater 
 history of Egypt, Syria, Assyria, and Phoenicia. But out of 
 it there were now to arise moral and intellectual consequences 
 of primary importance to all mankind. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The Jews who returned, after an interval of more than two 
 generations, to Jerusalem from Babylonia in the time of Cyrus 
 were a very different people from the warring Baal worshippers 
 and Jehovah worshippers, the sacrificers in the high places and 
 sacrificers at Jerusalem of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. 
 The plain fact of the Bible narrative is that the Jews went to 
 Babylon barbarians and came back civilized. They went a 
 confused and divided multitude, with no national self-con- 
 aciousness; they came back with an intense and exclusive na- 
 tional spirit. They went with no common literature generally 
 known to them, for it was only about forty years before the 
 captivity that King Josiah is said to have discovered "a book of 
 the law" in the temple (II. Kings xxii), and, besides that, 
 there is not a hint in the record of any reading of books ; and 
 they returned with most of their material for the Old Testa- 
 ment. It is manifest that, relieved of their bickering and mur- 
 derous kings, restrained from politics and in the intellectually 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 231 
 
 stimulating atmospliere of that Babylonian world, the Jewish 
 mind made a great step forward during the Captivity. 
 
 It was an age of historical inquiry and learning in Baby- 
 lonia. The Babylonian influences that had made Sardanapalus 
 collect a great library of ancient writings in Nineveh were still 
 at work. We have already told how Nabonidus was so pre- 
 occupied with antiquarian research as to neglect the defence of 
 his kingdom against Cyrus. Everything, therefore, contributed 
 to set the exiled Jews inquiring into their own history, and they 
 found an inspiring leader in the prophet Ezekiel. From such 
 hidden and forgotten records as they had with them, genealogies, 
 contemporary histories of David, Solomqp, and their other kings,, 
 legends and traditions, they made out and amplified their own 
 story, and told it to Babylon and themselves. The story of the 
 Creation and the Flood, much of the story of Moses, much of 
 Samson, were probably incorporated from Babylonian sources.^ 
 When the Jews returned to Jerusalem, only the Pentateuch had 
 been put together into one book, but the grouping of the rest 
 of the historical books was bound to follow. 
 
 The rest of their literature remained for some centuries as 
 separate books, to which a very variable amount of respect was 
 paid. Some of the later books are frankly post-captivity com- 
 p6sitions. Over all this literature were thrown certain leading 
 ideas. There was an idea, which even these books themselves 
 gainsay in detail, that all the people were pure-blooded children 
 of Abraham; there was next an idea of a promise made by 
 Jehovah to Abraham that he would exalt the Jewish race above 
 all other races; and, thirdly, there was the belief first of all 
 that Jehovah was the greatest and most powerful of tribal gods, 
 and then that he was a god above all other gods, and at last 
 that he was the only true god. The Jews became convinced 
 at last, as a people, that they were the chosen people of the 
 one God of all the earth. 
 
 And arising very naturally out of these three ideas, was a 
 fourth, the idea of a coming leader, a saviour, a Messiah who 
 would realize the long-postponed promises of Jehovah. 
 
 This welding together of the Jews into one tradition-cemented 
 people in the course of the "seventy years" is the first instance 
 
 *But one version of the Creation story and the Eden story, though 
 originally from- Babylon, seem to have been known to the Hebrews before 
 the exile.— G, W. B. 
 
232 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 in history of the new power of the written word in human 
 affairs. It was a mental consolidation that did much more than 
 unite the people who returned to Jerusalem. This idea of he- 
 longing to a chosen race predestined to pre-eminence was a very 
 attractive one. It possessed also those Jews who remained in 
 Babylonia. Its literature reached the Jews now established, 
 in Egypt. It affected the mixed people who had been placed 
 in Samaria, the old capital of the kings of Israel when the ten 
 tribes were deported to Media. It inspired a great number 
 of Babylonians and the like to claim Abraham as their father, 
 and thrust their company upon the returning Jews. Am- 
 monites and Moabites became adherents. The book of Nehe- 
 miah is full of the distress occasioned by this invasion of the 
 privileges of the chosen. The Jews were already a people dis- 
 persed in many lands and cities, when their minds and hopes 
 were unified and they became an exclusive people. But at first 
 their exclusiveness is merely to preserve soundness of doctrine 
 and worship, warned by such lamentable lapses as those of King 
 Solomon. To genuine proselytes of whatever race, Judaism 
 long held out welcoming arms. 
 
 To Phoenicians after the falls of Tyre and Carthage, con- 
 version to Judaism must have been particularly easy and at- 
 tractive. Their language was closely akin to Hebrew. It is 
 possible that the gi'eat majority of African and -Spanish Jews 
 are really; of Phoenician origin. There were also great Arabian 
 accessions. In South Russia, as we shall note later, there were 
 even Mongolian Jews. 
 
 The historical books from Genesis to Nehemiah, upon which 
 the idea of the promise to the chosen people had been imposed 
 later, were no doubt the backbone of Jewish mental unity, but 
 they by no means complete the Hebrew literature from which 
 finally the Bible was made up. Of such books as Job, said to be 
 an imitation of Greek tragedy, the Song of Solomon, the 
 Psalms, Proverbs, and others, there is no time to write in this 
 Outline, but it is necessary to deal with the books known as 
 "the Prophets" with some fullness. For those books are almost 
 the. earliest and certainly the best evidence of the appearance 
 of a new kind of leading in human affairs. 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 233 
 
 These prophets are not a new class in the community; they 
 are of the most various origins — Ezekiel was of the priestly 
 caste and of priestly sympathies, and Amos was a shepherd; 
 but they have this in common, that they bring into life a re- 
 ligious force outside the sacrifices and formalities of priesthood 
 and temple. The earlier prophets seem most like the earlier 
 priests, they are oracular, they give advice and foretell events ; 
 it is quite possible that at first, in the days when there were 
 many high places in the land and religious ideas were com- 
 paratively unsettled, there was no great distinction between 
 priest and prophet. The prophets danced, it would seem, some- 
 what after the Dervish fashion, and uttered oracles. Generally 
 they wore a distinctive mantle of rough goatskin. They kept 
 up the nomadic tradition as against the "new ways" of the set- 
 tlement. But after the building of the temple and the organi- 
 zation of the priesthood the prophetic type remains over and 
 outside the formal religious scheme. They were probably al- 
 ways more or less of an annoyance to the priests. They became 
 informal advisers upon public affairs, denouncers of sin and 
 strange practices, "self-constituted," as we should say, having 
 no sanction but an inner light. "Now the word of the Lord 
 came unto" — so and so; that is the formula. 
 
 In the latter and most troubled days of the kingdom of Judah, 
 as Egypt, North Arabia, Assyria, and then Babylonia closed 
 like a vice upon the land, these prophets became very significant 
 and powerful. Their appeal was to anxious and fearful minds, 
 and at first their exhortation was chiefiy towards repentance, 
 the pulling down of this or that high place, the restoration of 
 worship in Jerusalem, or the like. But through some of the 
 prophecies there runs already a note like the note of what we 
 call nowadays a "social reformer." The rich are "grinding the 
 faces of the poor" ; the luxurious are consuming the children's 
 bread; influential and wealthy people make friends with and 
 imitate the splendours and vices of foreigners, and sacrifice the 
 common people to these new fashions; and this is hateful to 
 Jehovah, who will certainly punish the land. 
 
 But with the broadening of ideas -that came with the Cap- 
 tivity, the tenor of prophecy broadens and changes. The jealous 
 pettiness that disfigures the earlier tribal ideas of God gives 
 place to a new idea of a god of universal righteousness. It is 
 clear that the increasing influence of prophets was not confined 
 
234 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to the Jewish people; it was something that was going on in 
 those days all over the Semitic world. The breaking down of 
 nations and kingdoms to form the great and changing empires 
 of that age, the smashing up of cults and priesthoods, the mutual 
 discrediting of temple by temple in their rivalries and disputes 
 — all these influences were releasing men's minds to a freer and 
 wider religious outlook. The temples had accumulated great 
 stores of golden vessels and lost their hold upon the imaginations 
 of men. It is difiicult to estimate whether, amidst these con- 
 stant wars, life had become more uncertain and unhappy than 
 it had ever been before, but there can be no doubt that men 
 had become more conscious of its miseries and insecurities. 
 Except for the weak and the women, there remained little com- 
 fort or assurance in the sacrifices, ritual, and formal devotions 
 of the temples. Such was the world to which the later prophets 
 of Israel began to talk of the One God, and of a Promise that 
 some day the world should come to peace and unity and happi- 
 ness. This great God that men were now discovering lived in a 
 temple "riot made with hands, eternal in the heavens." There 
 can be little doubt of a great body of such thought and utter- 
 ance in Babylonia, Egypt, and throughout the Semitic east. 
 The prophetic books of the Bible can be but specimens of the 
 prophesyings of that time. ... 
 
 We have already drawn attention to the gradual eecape of 
 writing and knowledge from their original limitation to the 
 priesthood and the temple precincts, from the shell in which 
 they were first developed and chCTished. We have taken Herod- 
 otus as an interesting specimen of what we have called the free 
 intelligence of mankind. Now here we are dealing with a 
 similar overflow of moral ideas into the general community. 
 The Hebrew prophets, and the steady expansion of their ideas 
 towards one God in all the world, is a parallel development of 
 the free conscience of mankind. From this time onward there 
 runs through human thought, now weakly and obscurely, now 
 gathering power, the idea of one rule in the world, and of a 
 promise and possibility of an active and splendid peace and 
 happiness in human affairs. From being a temple religion 
 of the old type, the Jewish religion becomes, to a large extent, 
 a prophetic and creative religion of a new type. Prophet suc- 
 ceeds prophet. Later on, as we shall tell, there was bom a 
 prophet of unprecedented power, Jesus, whose followers founded 
 
THE SCRIPTURES AND THE PROPHETS 235 
 
 the great universal religion of Christianity. Still later Mu- 
 hammad, another prophet, appears in Arabia and founds Islam. 
 In spite of very distinctive features of their own, these two 
 teachers do in a manner arise out of and in succession to these 
 Jewish prophets. It is not the place of the historian to discuss 
 the truth and falsity of religion, but it is his business to record 
 the appearance of great constructive ideas. Two thousand four 
 hundred years ago, and six or seven or eight thousand years 
 after the walls of the first Sumerian cities arose, the ideas of 
 the moral unity of mankind and of a world peace had come 
 into the world. ^ 
 
 * Fletcher H. Swift's Education in Ancient Israel from Earliest Times to 
 A.D. 70 is an interesting account of the way in which the Jewish religion, 
 because it was a literature-sustained religion, led to the first efforts to 
 provide elementary education for all the children in the community. 
 
XX 
 
 THE AEYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES IN PKE- 
 HISTOEIC TIMES 
 
 1. The Spreading of the Aryan-Speakers. § 2. Prvmitwe 
 Aryan Life. § 3. Early Aryan Daily Life. 
 
 WE have spoken of the Aryan language as probably aris- 
 ing in the region of the Danube and South Russia and 
 spreading from that region of origin. We say "prob- 
 ably," because it is by no means certainly proved that that was 
 the centre; there have been vast discussions upon this point 
 and wide divergences of opinion. We give the prevalent view. 
 It was originally the language of a group of peoples of the 
 Nordic race. As it spread widely, Aryan began to differentiate 
 into a number of subordinate languages. To the west and south 
 it encountered the Basque language, which was then widely 
 spread in Spain, and also possibly various other Mediterranean 
 languages. 
 
 Before the spreading of the Aryans from their lands of 
 origin southward and westward, the Iberian race was dis- 
 tributed over Great Britain, Ireland, France, Spain, north 
 Africa, south Italy, and, in a more civilized state, Greece and 
 Asia Minor. It was closely related to the Egyptian. To judge 
 by its European vestiges it was a rather small human type, 
 generally with an oval face and a long head. It buried its 
 chiefs and important people in megalithic chambers — i.e. made 
 of big stones — covered over by great mounds of earth ; and these 
 mounds of earth, being much longer than they are broad, are 
 spoken of as the long barrows. These people sheltered at times 
 in caves, and also buried some of their dead therein ; and from 
 the traces of charred, broken, and cut human bones, including 
 the bones of children, it is inferred that they were cannibals. 
 
 236 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 
 
 &B7 
 
238 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 These short dark Iberian tribes (and the Basques also if they 
 were a different race) were thrust back westward, and con- 
 quered and enslaved by slowly advancing waves of the taller 
 and fairer Aryan-speaking people, coming southward and west- 
 ward through Central Europe, who are spoken of as the Kelts. 
 Only the Basque resisted the conquering Aryan speech. Grad- 
 ually these Keltic-speakers made their way to the Atlantic, and 
 all that now remains of the Iberians is mixed into the Keltic 
 population. How far the Keltic invasion affected the Irish 
 population is a matter of debate at the present time; in that 
 island the Kelts may have been a mere caste of conquerors 
 who imposed their language on a larger subject population. It 
 is even doubtful if the north of England is more Aryan than 
 pre-Keltic in blood. There is a sort of short dark Welshman, 
 and certain types of Irishmen, who are Iberians by race. The 
 modern Portuguese are also largely of Iberian blood. 
 
 The Kelts spoke a language, Keltic,^ which was also in its 
 turn to differentiate into the language of Gaul, Welsh, Breton, 
 Scotch and Irish Gaelic, and other tongues. They buried the 
 ashes of their chiefs and important people in round barrows. 
 While these Nordic Kelts were spreading westward, other 
 Nordic Aryan peoples were pressing dovsTi upon the dark white 
 Mediterranean race in the Italian and Greek peninsulas, and 
 developing the Latin and Greek groups of tongues. Certain 
 other Aryan tribes were drifting towards the Baltic and across 
 into Scandinavia, speaking varieties of the Aryan which be- 
 came anciefit Norse— the parent of ' Swedish, Danish, Nor- 
 wegian, and Icelandic — Gothic, and Low and High German. 
 
 While the primitive Aryan speech was thus spreading and 
 breaking up into daughter languages to the west, it was also 
 spreading and breaking up to the east. North of the Car- 
 pathians and the Black Sea, Aryan-speaking tribes were in- 
 creasing and spreading and using a distinctive dialect called 
 Slavonian, from which came Eussian, Serbian, Polish, Bul- 
 garian, and other tongues ; other variations of Aryan distributed 
 over Asia Minor and Persia were also being individualized as 
 Armenian and Indo-Iranian, the parent of Sanscrit and 
 Persian. In this book we have used the word Aryan for all 
 
 '"The Keltic group of languages, of which it has been said that they 
 combined an Aryan vocabulary with a Berber (or Iberian) grammar." 
 — Sir Harry Johnston. 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 239 
 
 this family of languages, but the term Indo-European is some- 
 times used for the entire family, and "Aryan" itself restricted 
 in a narrower sense to the Indo-Iranian speech. This Indo- 
 Iranian speech was destined to split later into a number of 
 languages, including Persian and Sanscrit, the latter being the 
 language of certain tribes of fair-complexioned Aryan speakers 
 who pushed eastward into India somewhen between 3,000 and 
 1,000 B.C. and conquered dark Dravidian peoples who were 
 then in possession of that land. 
 
 From their original range of wandering, other Aryan 
 tribes spread to the north as well as to the south of the Black 
 Sea, and ultimately, as these seas shrank and made way 
 for them, to the north and east of the Caspian, and so 
 began to come into conflict with and mix also with Mongolian 
 peoples of the Ural-Altaic linguistic group the horse-keeping 
 people of the grassy steppes of Central Asia. From these Mon- 
 golian races the Aryans seem to haTe acquired the use of the 
 horse for riding and warfare. There were three or four pre- 
 historic varieties or sub-species of horse in Europe and Asia, 
 but it was the steppe or semi-desert lands that first gave horses 
 of a build adapted to other than food uses.^ All these peoples, 
 it must be understood, shifted their ground rapidly, a succesr- 
 sion of bad seasons might drive them many hundreds. of miles, 
 and it is only in a very rough and provisional manner that their 
 "beats" can now be indicated. Every summer they went north, 
 every winter they swung south again. This annual swing cov- 
 ered sometimes hundreds of miles. On our maps, for the sake 
 of simplicity, we represent the shifting of nomadic peoples by 
 a straight line ; but really they moved in annual swings, as the 
 broom of a servant who is sweeping out a passage swishes from 
 side to side as she advances. Spreading round the north of the 
 Black Sea, and probably to the north of the Caspian, from 
 the range of the original Teutonic tribes of Central and North- 
 central Europe to the Iranian peoples who became the Medes 
 and Persians and (Aryan) HinduSj were the grazing lands 
 of a confusion of tribes, about whom it is truer to be vague than 
 precise, such as the Cimmerians, the Sarmatians, and those 
 Scythians who, together with the Medes and Persians, came into 
 effective contact with the Assyrian Empire by 1,000 B.C. or 
 earlier. 
 'Eoger Pocock's Horses ia a good and readable book on these questions. 
 
240 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Ea8t and south of tlie Black Sea, between the Danube and 
 the Medes and Persians, and to the north of the Semitic and 
 Mediterranean peoples of the sea-coasts and peninsulas, ranged 
 another series of equally ill-defined Aryan tribes, moving easily 
 from place to place and intermixing freely — to the great con- 
 fusion of historians. They seem, for instance, to have broken' 
 up and assimilated the Hittite civilization, which was probably, 
 pre-Aryan in its origin. These latter Aryans were, perhaps, 
 not so far advanced along the nomadic line as the Scythians of 
 the great plains. 
 
 § 2 
 
 What sort of life did these prehistoric Aryans lead, these 
 Nordic Aryans who were the chief ancestors of most Europeans 
 and most white Americans and European colonists of to-day, 
 as well as of the Armenians,^ Persians, and high-caste Hindus? 
 
 In answering that question in addition to the dug-up remains 
 and vestiges upon which we have had to rely in the case of the 
 predecessors of the Aryans, we have a new source of knowledge. 
 We have language. By careful study of the Aryan languages 
 it has been found possible to deduce a number of conclusions 
 about the life of these Aryan peoples 5,000 or 4,000 years ago. 
 All these languages have a common resemblance, as each, as 
 we have already explained, rings the changes upon a number 
 of common roots. When we find the same root word running 
 through all or most of these tongues, it seems reasonable to 
 conclude that the thing that root word signifies must have been 
 known to the common ancestors. Of course, if they have ex- 
 actly the same word in their languages, this may not be the 
 case ; it may be the new name of a new thing or of a new idea 
 that has spread over the world quite recently. "Gas," for 
 instance, is a word that was made by Van Helmont, a Dutch 
 chemist, about 1625, and has spread into most civilized tongues, 
 and "tobacco" again is an American-Indian word which fol- 
 lowed the introduction of smoking almost everywhere. But if 
 the same word turns up in a number of languages, and if it 
 follows the characteristic modifications of each language, we 
 may feel sure that it has been in that language, and a part of 
 that language, since the beginning, suffering the same changes 
 
 'But these may have been an originally Semitic people who learnt an 
 Aryan speech. 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 241 
 
 with the rest of it. We know, for example, that the words for • 
 waggon and wheel run in this fashion through the Aryan 
 tongues, and so we are able to conclude that the primitive 
 Aryans, the more purely Nordic Aryans, had waggons, though 
 it would seem from the absence of any common roots for spokes, 
 rim, or axle that their wheels were not wheelwright's wheels 
 with spokes, but made of the trunks of trees shaped out with , 
 an axe between the ends. 
 
 These primitive waggons were drawn by oxen. The early 
 Aryans did not ride or drive horses ; they had very little to do 
 with horses. The Reindeer men were a horse-people, but the 
 Neolithic Aryans were a cow-people. They ate beef, not horse ; 
 and after many ages they began this use of draught cattle. 
 They reckoned wealth by cows. They wandered, following 
 pasture, and "trekking" their goods, as the South African Boers 
 do, in ox-waggons, though of course their waggons were much 
 clumsier than any to be found in the world to-day. They prob- 
 ably ranged over very wide areas. They were migratory, but 
 not in the strict sense of the word "nomadic" ; they moved' in a 
 slower, clumsier fashion than did the later, more specialized 
 nomadic peoples. They were forest and parkland people with- 
 out horses. They were developing a migratory life out of the 
 more settled "forest clearing" life of the earlier Neolithic 
 period. Changes of climate which were replacing forest by 
 pasture, and the accidental burning of forests by fire, may have 
 assisted this development. 
 
 We have already described the sort of home the primitive 
 Aryan occupied and his household life, so far as the remains 
 of the Swiss pile dwellings enable us to describe these things. 
 Mostly his houses were of too flimsy a sort, probably of wattle 
 and mud, to have survived, and possibly he left them and 
 trekked on for very slight reasons. The Aryan peoples burnt 
 their dead, a custom they still preserve in India, but their 
 predecessors, the long-barrow people, the Iberians, buried their 
 dead in a sitting position. In some ancient Aryan burial 
 mounds (round barrows) the urns containing the ashes of the 
 departed are shaped like houses, and these represent rounded 
 huts with thatched roofs. (See Fig., page 86.) 
 
 The grazing of the primitive Aryan was far more important 
 to him than his agriculture. At first he cultivated with a rough 
 wooden hoe ; then, after he had found out the use of cattle for 
 
242 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 draught purposes, he began real ploughing with oxen^ using 
 at first a suitably bent tree bough as his plough. His first 
 cultivation before that came about must have been rather in 
 the form of garden patches near the house buildings than of 
 fields. Most of the land his tribe occupied was common land 
 on which the cattle grazed together. 
 
 He never used stone for building house walls until upon 
 the very verge of history. He used stone for hearths (e. g. at 
 Glastonbury), and sometimes stone sub-structures. He did, 
 however, make a sort of stone house in the centre of the gi'eat 
 mounds in which he buried the ashes of his illustrious dead. 
 He may have learnt this custom from his Iberian neighbours 
 and predecessors. It was these dark whites of the heliolithic 
 culture, and not the primitive Aryans, who were responsible 
 for such temples as Stonehenge or Oarnac in Brittany. 
 
 These Aryans were congregated not in cities but in distrioia 
 of pasturage, as clans and tribal communities. They formed 
 loose leagues of mutual help under chosen leaders, they had 
 centres where they could come together with their cattle in 
 times of danger, and they made camps with walls of earth and 
 palisades, many of which are still to be traced in the history- 
 worn contours of the European scenery. The leaders under 
 whom men fOught in war were often the same men as the sacri- 
 ficial purifiers who were their early priests. 
 
 The knowledge of bronze spread late in Europe. The i^ordic 
 European had been making his slow advances age by age for 
 7,000 or 8,000 years before the metals came. By that time 
 his social life had developed so that there were men of variovis 
 occupations and men and women of different ranks in the com- 
 munity. There were men who worked wood and leather, pot- 
 ters and carvers. The women span and wove and embroidered. 
 There were chiefs and families that were distinguished as 
 leaderly and noble. The Aryan tribesman varied the monotony 
 of his herding and wandering, he consecrated undertakings and 
 celebrated triumphs, held funeral assemblies, and distinguished 
 the traditional seasons of the year, by feasts. His meats we 
 have already glanced at; he was an eager user of intoxicating 
 drinks. He made these of honey, of barley, and, as the Aryan- 
 speaking tribes spread southward, of the grape. And he got 
 merry and drunlten. Whether he first used yeast to make his 
 bread light or to ferment his drink we do not know. 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 243 
 
 At Ms feasts there were individuals with a gift for "playing 
 the fool," who did so no doubt to win the laughter of their 
 friends, but there was also another sort of men, of great im- 
 portance in their time, and still more important to the historian, 
 certain singers of songs and stories, the bards or rhapsodists. 
 These hards existed among all the Aryan-speaking peoples ; they 
 were a consequence of and a further factor in that development 
 of spoken language which was the chief of all the human ad- 
 vances made in Neolithic, times. They chanted or recited stories 
 of the past, or stories of the living chief and his people ; they told 
 other stories that they invented; they memorized jokes and 
 catches. They found and seized upon and improved the 
 rhythms, rhymes, alliterations, and such-like possibilities latent 
 in language; they probably did much to elaborate and fix gram- 
 matical forms. They were the first great artists of the ear, as 
 the later Aurignacian rock painters were the first great artists 
 of the eye and hand. 'Eo doubt they used much gesture; prob- 
 ably they learnt appropriate gestures when they learnt their 
 songs ; but the order and sweetness and power of language was 
 their primary concern. 
 
 And they mark a new step forward in the power and range 
 of the human mind. They sustained and developed in men's 
 minds a sense of a greater something than themselves, the tribe, 
 and of a life that extended back into the past. They not only 
 recalled old hatreds and battles, they recalled old alliances &nd 
 a common inheritance. The feats of dead heroes lived again. 
 The Aryans began to live in thought before they were born 
 and after they were dead. 
 
 Like most human things, this bardic tradition grew first 
 slowly and then more rapidly. By the time bronze was coming 
 into Europe there was not an Aryan people that had not a 
 profession and training of bards. In their hands language 
 became as beautiful as it is ever likely to be. These bards were 
 living books, man-histories, guardians and makers of a new 
 and more powerful tradition in human life. Every Aryan peo- 
 ple had ita long poetical records thus handed down, its sagas 
 (Teutonic), its epics (Greek), its vedas (Old Sanscrit). The 
 earliest Aryan people were essentially a people of the voice. The 
 recitation seems to have predominated even in those ceremonial 
 and dramatic dances and that "dressing-up" which among most 
 human races have also served for the transmission of tradition. 
 
244 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 At that time there was no writing, and when first the art 
 of writing crept into Europe, as we shall tell later, it must 
 have seemed far too slow, clumsy, and lifeless a method of 
 record for men to trouble very much about writing down these 
 glowing and beautiful treasures of the memory. Writing was 
 at first kept for accounts and matters of fact. The bards and 
 rhapsodists flourished for long after the introduction of writing. 
 They survived, indeed, in Europe as the minstrels into the 
 Middle Ages. 
 
 Unhappily their tradition had not the fixity of a written 
 record. They amended and reconstructed, they had their 
 fashions and their phases of negligence. Accordingly we have 
 now only the very much altered and revised vestiges of that 
 spoken literature of prehistoric times. One of the most inter- 
 esting and informing of these prehistoric compositions of the 
 Aryans survives in the Greek Iliad. An early form of Iliad 
 was probably recited by 1,000 b.c, but it was not written down 
 until perhaps YOO or 600 B.C. Many men must have had to do 
 with it as authors and improvers, but later Greek tradition 
 attributed it to a blind bard named Homer, to whom also is 
 ascribed -the Odyssey, a composition of a very different spirit 
 and outlook. It is possible that many of the Aryan bards were 
 blind men. According to Professor J. L. Myres their bards 
 were blinded to prevent their straying from the tribe. Mr. 
 L. Lloyd has seen in Khodesia the musician of a troupe of 
 native dancers who had been blinded by his chief for this very 
 reason. The Slavs called all bards sliepac, which was also their 
 word for a blind man. The original recited version pf the Iliad 
 was older than that of the Odyssey. "The Iliad as a complete 
 poem is older than the Odyssey, though the material of the 
 Odyssey, being largely undatable folk-lore, is older than any of 
 the historical material in the Iliad." Both epics were prob- 
 ably written over and rewritten at a later date, in much the 
 same manner that Lord Tennyson, the poet laureate of Queen 
 Victoria, in his Idylls of the King, wrote over the Morte 
 d' Arthur (which was itself a writing over by Sir Thomas 
 Malory, circ. 1450, of pre-existing legends), making the 
 speeches and sentiments and the characters more in accordance 
 with those of his own time. But the events of the Iliad and the 
 Odyssey, the way of living they describe, the spirit of the acts 
 recorded, belong to the closing centuries of the prehistoric age. 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 245 
 
 These sagas, epics, and vedas'do supply, in. addition to arcliseol- 
 ogy and philology, a third source of information about those 
 vanished times. 
 
 Here, for example, is the concluding passage of the Iliad, 
 describing very exactly the making of a prehistoric barrow. 
 (We have taken here Chapman's rhymed translation, correct- 
 ing certain words with the help of the prose version of Lang, 
 Leaf, and Myers.) 
 
 "... Thus oxen, mules, in waggons straight they put, 
 Went forth, and an unmeasur'd pile of sylvan matter cut; 
 Nine days employ'd in carriage, but when the tenth morn shin'd 
 On wretched mortals, then they brought the bravest of his kind 
 Forth to be burned. Troy swam in tears. Upon the pile's most height 
 They laid the body, and gave fire. All day it burn'd, all night. 
 But when th' eleventh morn let on earth her rosy fingers shine. 
 The people fiock'd about the pile, and first with gleaming wine 
 Quench'd aU the flames. His brothers then, and friends, the snowy 
 
 bones 
 Gather'd into an urn of gold, still pouring out their moans. 
 Then wrapt they in soft purple veils the rich um, digg'd a pit, 
 Grav'd it, built up the grave "with stones, and quickly piled on it 
 A barrow. ... 
 
 . . . The barrow heap'd once, all the town 
 
 In Jove-nurs'd Priam's Court partook a sumptuous fun'ral feast. 
 And so horse-taming Hector's rites gave up his soul to rest." 
 
 There remains also an old English saga, Beovntlf, made long 
 before the English had crossed from Germany into England, 
 which winds up with a similar burial. The preparation of a 
 pyre is first described. It is hung round with shields and coats 
 of mail. The body is brought and the pyre fired, and then for 
 ten days the warriors built a mighty mound to be seen afar 
 by the traveller on sea or land. Beowulf, which is at least a 
 thousand years later than the Iliad, is also interesting because 
 one of the main adventures in it is the looting of the treasures 
 of a barrow already ancient in those days. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The Greek epics reveal the early Greeks with no knowledge 
 of iron, without writing, and before any Greek-founded cities 
 existed in the land into which they had evidently come quite 
 recently as conquerors. They were spreading southward from 
 
£46 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the Aryan region of origin. They seem to have been a fair peo- 
 ple, new-comers in Grreece, new-comers to a land that had been 
 held hitherto by the Mediterranean or Iberian peoples. 
 
 Let ^xs, at the risk of a slight repetition, be perfectly clear 
 upon one point. The Iliad does not give ns the primitive neo- 
 lithic life of that Aryan region of origin j it gives ns that life 
 already well on the move towards a new state of affairs. The 
 primitive neolithic way of living, with its tame and domesti- 
 cated animals, its pottery and cooking, and its transitory patches 
 of rude cultivation, we have already sketched. Between 15,000 
 
 and 6,000 B.C. the 
 neolithic way of liv- 
 ing had spread with 
 the forests and abun- 
 dant vegetation of the 
 Pluvial Period, over 
 the greater part of the 
 old world, from the 
 Niger to the Hwang- 
 ho and from Ireland 
 to the south of India. 
 Now, as the climate 
 of great portion^ of 
 the earth was swing- 
 ing towards drier and 
 more open conditions 
 again, the earlier, 
 simpler, neolithic life 
 was developing along 
 two divergent directions. One was leading to a more wander- 
 ing life, towards at last a constantly migratory life between 
 summer and winter pasture, which is called Nomadism; the 
 other, in certain sunlit river valleys, was towards a water-treas- 
 uring life of irrigation, in which men gathered into the first 
 towns and made the first Civixizatioit. We have already de- 
 scribed the first civilizations and their liability to recurrent 
 conquests by nomadic peoples. We have already noted that for 
 many thousands of years there has been an almost rhythmic re- 
 currence of conquest of the civilizations by the nomads. Here we 
 have to note that the Greeks, as the Iliad presents them, are 
 neither simple neolithic nomads, innocent of civilization, nor are 
 
 (tambat iebveaa'Maulittts- & 'Hector L in ^im Hiatl) 
 
 From a platter ascribed to the end of the 
 seventh century in the British Museum. This 
 is probably the earliest known vase bearing a 
 Greek inscription. Greek writing was just be- 
 ginning. Note the Swastika. 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 
 
 247 
 
 mimsmmiwmmmmmkwamm 
 
 they civilized men. They are nomads in an excited state, be- 
 cause they have just come upon civilization, and regard it as an 
 opportunity for war and loot. 
 
 These early Greeks of the Iliad are sturdy fighters, but with- 
 out discipline — their battles are a confusion of single combats. 
 They have horses, but no cavalry; they use the horse, which is 
 a comparatively recent addition to Aryan resources, to drag a 
 rude fighting chariot into battle. The horse is still novel enough 
 to be something of a terror in itself. For ordinary draught pur- 
 poses, as in the quo- 
 tation from the Iliad 
 we have just made, 
 oxen were employed. 
 
 The only priests of 
 these Aryans are the 
 keepers of shrines 
 and sacred places. 
 There are chiefs, who 
 are heads of families 
 and who also perform 
 sacrifices, but there 
 does not seem to be 
 much mystery or sac- 
 ramental feeling in 
 their religion. When the Greeks go to war, these heads and 
 elders meet in council and appoint a king, whose powers are 
 very loosely defined. There are no laws, but only customs; 
 and no exact standards of conduct. 
 
 The social life of the early Greeks centred about the house- 
 holds of these leading men. There were no doubt huts for herds 
 and the like, and outlying farm buildings; but the hall of 
 the chief was a comprehensive centre, to which everyone went 
 to feast, to- hear the bards, to take part in games and exercises. 
 The primitive craftsmen were gathered there. About it were 
 cowsheds and stabling and such-like offices. Unimportant peo- 
 ple slept about anywhere as retainers did in the mediseval castles 
 and as people still do in Indian households. Except for quite 
 personal possessions, there was still an air of patriarchal com- 
 munism about the tribe. The tribe, or the chief as the head of the 
 tribe, owned the grazing lands ; forest and rivers were the wild. 
 
 The Aryan social organization seems, and indeed all early 
 
 Horses & ckaviais-'-^ 
 
 (fi-om, an. anAaic Qrei3x. vase) 
 
248 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 communities seem, to have been without the little separate 
 households that make up the mass of the population in western 
 Europe or America to-day. The tribe was a big family; the 
 nation a group of tribal families ; a household often contained 
 hundreds of people. Human society began, just as herds 
 and droves begin among animals, by the family delaying its 
 breaking up. Nowadays the lions in East Africa are apparently 
 becoming social animals in this way, by the young keeping with 
 the mother after they are fully grown, and hunting in a group. 
 Hitherto the lion has been much more of a solitary beast. If 
 men and women do not cling to their families nowadays as 
 much as they did, it is because the state and the community 
 supply now safety and help and facilities that were once only 
 possible in the family group. 
 
 In the Hindu community of to-day these great households 
 of the earlier stages of human society are still to be found. Mr. 
 Bhupendranath Basu has recently described a typical Hindu 
 household.^ It is an Aryan household refined and made gentle 
 by thousands of years of civilization, but its social structure 
 is the same as that of the households of which the Aryan epics 
 tell. 
 
 "The joint family system," he said, "has descended to us from 
 time immemorial, the Aryan patriarchal system of old still 
 holding sway in India. The structure, though ancient, remains 
 full of life. The joint family is a co-operative corporation, in 
 which men and women have a well-defined place. At the head 
 of the corporation is the senior member of the family, generally 
 the eldest male member, but in his absence the senior female 
 member often assumes control." (Cp. Penelope in the 
 Odyssey.) 
 
 "All able-bodied members must contribute their labour and 
 earnings, whether of personal skill or agriculture and trade, to 
 the common stock ; weaker members, widows, orphans,' and desti- 
 tute relations, all must be maintained and supported; sons, 
 nephews, brothers, cousins, all must be treated equally, for any 
 undue preference is apt to break up the family. We have no 
 word for cousins — ^they are either brothers or sisters, and we 
 do not know what are cousins two degrees removed. The chil- 
 dren of a first cousin are your nephews and nieces, just the same 
 
 ' Some Aspects of Hindu Life in India. Paper read to the Koyal Society 
 of Arts, Nov. 28, 1918. 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 249 
 
 as the children of your brothers and sisters. A man can no 
 more marry a cousin, however removed, than he can marry 
 his ov(fn sister, except in certain parts of Madras, v^here a man 
 may marry his maternal uncle's daughter. The family affec- 
 tions, the family ties, are always very strong, and therefore 
 the maintenance of an equal standard among so many members 
 is not so difficult as it may appear at first sight. Moreover, 
 life is very simple. Until recently shoes were not in general 
 use at home, but sandals without any leather fastenings. I 
 have known of a well-to-do middle^class family of several 
 brothers and cousins who had two or three pairs of leather shoes 
 between them, these shoes being only used when they had occa- 
 sion to go out, and the same practice is still followed in the case 
 of the more expensive garments, like shawls, which last for 
 generations, and with their age are treated with loving care, as 
 having been used by ancestors of revered memory. 
 
 "The joint family remains together sometimes for several 
 generations, until it becomes too unwieldy, when it breaks up 
 into smaller families, and you thus see whole villages peopled 
 by members of the same clan. I have said that the family is a 
 co-operative society, and it may be likened to a small state, and 
 is kept in its place by strong discipline based on love and obedi- 
 ence. You see nearly every day the younger members coming 
 to the head of the family and taking the dust of his feet as a 
 token of benediction; whenever they go on an enterprise, they 
 take his leave and carry his blessing. . . . There are many 
 bonds which bind the family together — ^the bonds of sympathy, 
 of common pleasures, of common sorrows ; when a death occurs, 
 all the members go into mourning; when there is a birth or a 
 wedding, the whole family rejoices. Then above all is the 
 family deity, some image of Vishnu, the preserver; his place 
 is in a separate room, generally knovra as the room of God, or 
 in well-to-do families in a temple attached to the house, where 
 the family performs its daily worship. There is a sense of per- 
 sonal attachment between this image of the deity and the family, 
 for the image generally comes down from past generations, often 
 miraculously acquired by a pious ancestor at some remote time. 
 . . , With the household gods is intimately associated the 
 family priest. . . . The Hindu priest is a part of the family 
 life of his flock, between whom and himself the tie has existed 
 for many generations. The priest is not generally a man of 
 
230 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 much learning ; he knows, however, the traditions of his faith. 
 . . . He is not a very heavy burden, for he is satisfied with 
 little — a few handfuls of rice, a few home-grown bananas or 
 vegetables, a little unrefined sugar made in the village, and 
 sometimes a few pieces of copper are all that is needed. ... A 
 picture of our family life would be incomplete without the 
 household servants. A female servant is known as the 'jhi,' or 
 daughter, in Bengal — she is like the daughter of the house; 
 she calls the master and the mistress father and mother, and 
 the young men and women of the family brothers and sisters. 
 She participates in the life of the family; she goes to the holy 
 places along with her mistress, for she could not go alone, and 
 generally she spends her life with the family of her adoption; 
 her children are looked after by the family. The treatment of 
 men servants is very similar. These servants, men and women, 
 are generally people of the humbler castes, but a sense of per- 
 sonal attachment grows up between them and the members of 
 the family, and as they get on in years they are affectionately 
 called by the younger members elder brothers, uncles, aunts, 
 etc. ... In a well-to-do house there is always a resident 
 teacher, who instructs the children of the family as well as 
 other boys of the village; there is no expensive school building, 
 but room is found in some veranda or shed in the courtyard for 
 the children and their teacher, and into this school low-caste 
 boys are freely admitted. These indigenous schools were not of 
 a very high order, but they supplied an agency of instruction 
 for the masses which was probably not available in many other 
 countries. ... 
 
 "With Hindu life is bound up its traditional duty of hos^ 
 pitality. It is the duty of a householder to offer a meal to any 
 stranger who may come before midday and ask for one; the 
 mistress of the house does not sit down to her meal until every 
 member is fed, and, as sometimes her food is all that is left, 
 she does not take her meal until well after midday lest a hungry 
 stranger should come and claim one." . . . 
 
 We have been tempted to quote Mr. Basu at some length, 
 because here we do get to something like a living understanding 
 of the type of household which has prevailed in human com- 
 munities since IsTeolithic days, which still prevails to-day in 
 
THE ARYAN-SPEAKING PEOPLES 251 
 
 India, China, and the Far East, but which in the west is rapidly 
 giving ground before a state and municigal organization of 
 education and a large-scale industrialism within which an 
 amount of individual detachment and freedom is possible, such 
 as these great households never knew. . . . 
 
 But let us return now to the history preserved for us in the 
 Aryan epics. 
 
 The Sanscrit epics tell a very similar story to that under 
 lying the Iliad, the story of a fair, beef-eating people — only 
 later did they become vegetarians — coming down from Persia 
 into the plain of ISTorth India and conquering their way slowly 
 towards the Indus. From the Indus they spread over India, 
 but as they spread they acquired much from the dark Dravidians 
 they conquered, and they seem to have lost their bardic tradi- 
 tion. The vedas, says Mr. Basu, were transmitted chiefly in 
 the households by the women. . . . 
 
 The oral literature of the Keltic peoples who pressed west- 
 ward has not been preserved so completely as that of the Greeks 
 or Indians; it was written down many centuries later, and so, 
 like the barbaric, primitive English Beowulf, has lost any clear 
 evidence of a period of migration into the lands of an antece- 
 dent people. If the pre-Aryans figure in it at all, it is as the 
 fairy folk of the Irish stories. Ireland, most cut off of all 
 the Keltic-speaking communities, retained to the latest date its 
 primitive life ; and the Tain, the Irish Iliad, describes a cattle- 
 keeping life in which war chariots are still used, and war dogs 
 also, and the heads oif the slain are carried off slung round the 
 horses' necks. The Tain is the story of a cattle raid. Here, 
 too, the same social order appears as in the Iliad; the chiefs sit 
 and feast in great halls, they build halls for themselves, there 
 is singing and story-telling by the bards, and drinking and in- 
 toxication. Priests are not very much in evidence, but there 
 is a aort of medicine-man who deals in spells and prophecy. 
 
XXI 
 
 THE GEEEKS AKTD THE PERSIANS 
 
 § 1. The Hellenic Peoples. § 2. Distinctive Featwres of Hel- 
 lenic Civilization. § 3. Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democ-^ 
 racy in Greece. § 4. The Kingdom of Lydia. § 5. The 
 Rise of the Persians in the East. § 6. The Story of Crcesus. 
 § 7. Darius Invades Russia. § 8. The Battle of Marathon. 
 § 9. ThemwpylcB and Salamis. § 10. Platcea and Mycale. 
 
 § 1 
 
 THE Greeks appear in the dim light before the dawn of 
 history (say, 1,500 b.c.) as one of the wandering im- 
 perfectly nomadic Aryan peoples who were gradually 
 extending the range of their pasturage southward into the Bal- 
 kan peninsula and coming into conflict and mixing with that 
 preceding JEgean civilization of which Cnossos was the crown. 
 In the Homeric poems these Greek tribes speak one common 
 language, and a common tradition upheld by the epic poems 
 keeps them together in a loose unity; they call their various 
 tribes by a common name, Hellenes. They probably came in 
 successive waves. Three main variations of the ancient Greek 
 speech are distinguished : the lonioj the -iEolic, and the Doric. 
 There was a great variety of dialects. The lonians seem to 
 have preceded the other Greeks, and to have mixed very inti- 
 mately with the civilized peoples they overwhelmed. Racially 
 the people of such cities as Athens and Miletus may have, been 
 less Nordic than Mediterranean. The Doric apparently con- 
 stituted the last most powerful and least civilized wave of the 
 migration. These Hellenic tribes conquered and largely de- 
 stroyed the -iEgean civilization that had preceded their arrival ; 
 upon its ashes they built up a civilization of their own. They 
 took to the sea and crossed by way of the islands to Asia Minor; 
 and, sailing through the Dardanelles and Bosphorus, spread 
 
 252 _ 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 
 
 253 
 
 their settlements along the south, and presently along the north 
 borders of the Black Sea. They spread also over the south of 
 Italy, which was called at last Magna Grsecia, and round the 
 
 'HSLLSKie imess 
 
 lOOO to 800 B.e. 
 
 northern coast of the Mediterranean. They founded the town 
 of Marseilles on the site of an earlier Phoenician colony. They 
 began settlements in Sicily in rivalry with the Carthaginians 
 as early as 735 B.C. 
 
 In the rear of the Greeks proper came the kindred Mace- 
 donians and Thracians; on their left wing, the Phrygians 
 crossed by the Bosphorus into Asia Minor. 
 
 We find all this distribution of the Greeks effected before the 
 
254 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ^ beginnings of written history, 
 (^ By the seventh century B.q. 
 S — that is to say, by the time 
 »H of the Babylonian captivity of 
 il the Jews — ^the landmarks of'; 
 J the ancient world of the pre- 
 ^ Hellenic civilization in Eu-: 
 
 8 rope have been obliterated;! 
 
 > Tiryns and Cnossos are unim- 
 
 Iportant sites; Mycenae and 
 Troy survive in legend; the 
 great cities of this new Greek 
 2 world are Athens, Sparta (the 
 i capital of Lacedemon), 
 ^ Corinth, Thebes, Samos, 
 Miletus. The world our 
 grandfathers called "Ancient 
 Greece" had arisen on the, 
 forgotten ruins of a still more 
 Ancient Greece, in many 
 ways as civilized and artistic, 
 of which to-day we are only 
 beginning to leam through 
 the labours of the excavator. 
 But the newer Ancient 
 / Greece, of which we are now 
 ^ telling, still lives vividly in 
 '^ the imaginations and institu- 
 I tions of men because it spoke; 
 ^ a beautiful and most expres- 
 I sive Aryan tongue akin to our 
 **^ own, and because it had taken 
 'g*. over the Mediterranean alpha- 
 i bet and perfected it by the a,d- 
 8 dition of vowels, so that read- 
 ing and writing were now 
 easy arts to leam and practise, and great numbers of 
 people could master them and make a record for later ages.^ 
 
 'Vowels were lees necessary for the expression of a Semitic language. 
 In the early Semitic alphabets only A, I, and U were provided with sym- 
 bols, but for such a language as Greek, in which many of the inflectional 
 endings are vow«1b, a variety of vowel signs was indispensable. 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 255 
 
 § 2 
 
 IsTow this Greek civilization that we find growing up in South 
 Italy and Greece and Asia Minor in the seventh ctotury b.c, 
 is a civilization differing in many important respects from the 
 two great civilized systems whose growths we have already 
 traced, that of the Nile and that of the Two Eivers of Mesopo- 
 tamia. These civilizations grew through long ages where they 
 are found ; they grew slowly about a temple life out of a primi- 
 tive agriculture; priest-kings and god-kings consolidated such 
 early city states into empires. But the barbaric Greek herds- 
 men raiders came southward into a world whose civilization 
 was already an old story. Shipping and agriculture, walled 
 cities and writing were already there. The Greeks did not 
 grow a civilization of their own; they wrecked one and put 
 another together upon and out of the ruins. 
 
 To this we must ascribe the fact that there is no temple- 
 state stage, no stage of priest-kings, in the Greek record. The 
 Greeks got at once to the city organization that in the east had 
 grown round the temple. They took over the association of 
 temple and ctty ; the idea was ready-made for them. What im- 
 pressed them most about the city was probably its wall. It is 
 doubtful if they took to city life and citizenship straight away. 
 At first they lived in open villages outside the ruins of the cities 
 they had destroyed, but there stood the model for them, a con- 
 tinual suggestion. They thought first of a city as a safe place 
 in a time of strife, and of the temple uncritically as a proper 
 feature of the city. They came into this inheritance of a pre- 
 vious civilization with the ideas and traditions of the wood- 
 lands still strong in their minds. The heroic social system of 
 the Iliad took possession of the land, and adapted itself to the 
 new conditions. As history goes on the Greeks became more 
 religious and superstitious as the faiths of the conquered welled 
 up from below. 
 
 We have already said that the social structure of the primi- 
 tive Aryans was a two-class system of nobles and commoners, 
 the classes not very sharply marked off from each other, and 
 led in warfare by a king who was simply the head of one of the 
 noble families, primus inter pares, a leader among his equals. 
 With the conquest of the aboriginal population and with the 
 building of towns there was added to this simple social arrange- 
 
256 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ment of two classes a lower stratum of farm-workers and skilled 
 and unskilled workers, who were for the most part slaves. But 
 all the Greek communities were not of this "conquest" type. 
 Some were "refugee" cities representing smashed communities, 
 and in these the aboriginal substratum would be missing. 
 
 In many of the former cases the survivors of the earlier popu- 
 lation formed a subject class, slaves of the state as a whole, aa, 
 for instance, the Helots in Sparta. The nobles and commoners 
 became landlords and gentlemen farmers; it was they who 
 directed the shipbuilding and engaged in trade. But some of 
 the poorer free citizens followed mechanic arts, and, as we have 
 already noted, would even pull an oar in a galley for pay. 
 Such priests as there were in this Greek world were either the 
 guardians of shrines and temples or sacrificial functionaries; 
 Aristotle, in his Politics, makes them a mere subdivision of 
 his official class. The citizen served as warrior in youth, ruler 
 in his maturity, priest in his old age. The priestly class, in 
 comparison with the equivalent class in Egypt and Babylonia, 
 was small and insignificant. The gods of the Greeks proper, 
 the gods of the heroic Greeks, were, as we have already noted, 
 glorified human heingS; and they were treated without very 
 much fear or awe; but beneath these gods of the conquering 
 freemen lurked other gods of the subjugated peoples, who found 
 their furtive followers among slaves and women. The original 
 Aryan gods were not expected to work miracles or control men's 
 lives. But Greece, like most of the Eastern world in the thou- 
 sand years B.C., was much addicted to consulting oracles or 
 soothsayers. Delphi was particularly famous for its oracle. 
 "When the Oldest Men in the tribe could not tell you the right 
 thing to do," says Gilbert Murray, "you went to the blessed 
 dead. All oracles were at the tombs, of Heroes. They told you 
 what was 'Themis,' what was the right thing to do, or, as re- 
 ligious people would put it now, what was the Will of the God." 
 
 The priests and priestesses of these temples were not united 
 into one class, nor did they exercise any power as a class. It 
 was the nobles and free commoners, two classes which, in some 
 cases, merged into one common body of citizens, who consti- 
 tuted the Greek state. In many cases, especially in great city 
 states, the population of slaves and unenfranchised strangers 
 greatly outnumbered the citizens. But for them the state 
 existed only by courtesy; it existed legally for the select body 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 
 
 257 
 
 of citizens alone. It might or might not tolerate the outsider 
 and the slave, but they had no legal voice in their treatment 
 — any more than if it had been a despotism. 
 
 This is a social structure differing widely from that of the 
 Eastern monarchies. The exclusive importance of the Greek 
 citizen reminds one a little of the exclusive importance of the 
 children of Israel in the later Jewish state, but there is no 
 equivalent on the Greek side to the prophets and priests, nor 
 to the idea of an overruling Jehovah. 
 
 Another contrast between the Greek states and any of the 
 human communities to which we have hitherto given attention 
 
 ■^^flpp"" 
 
 
 IZfwertf in an. ^cBienian xoarslap, about 400 "3.6. (.frsbonaeab 
 
 oF TelieF foaai. on.-die7kcrsrpolis) 
 
 is their continuous and incurable division. The civilizations 
 of Egypt, Sumeria, China, and no doubt North India, all began 
 in a niimber of independent «ity states, each one a city with a 
 few miles of dependent agricultural villages and cultivation 
 around it, but out of this phase they passed by a process of 
 coalescence into kingdoms and empires. But to the "very end 
 of their independent history the Greeks did not coalesce. Com- 
 monly, this is ascribed to the geographical conditions under 
 which they lived. Greece is a country cut up into a multitude 
 of valleys by mountain masses and arms of the sea that render 
 intercommunication difficult; so difficult that few cities were 
 able to hold many of the others in subjection for any length 
 of time. Moreover, many Greek cities were on islands and 
 scattered along remote coasts. To the end the largest city states 
 of Greece remained smaller than many English counties; and 
 
258 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 some had an area of only a few square miles. Athens, one of 
 the largest of the Greek cities, at the climax of its power had 
 a populatiojQ of perhaps a third of a million. Few other Greek 
 cities exceeded 50,000. Of this, half or more were slaves and 
 strangers, and two-thirds of the free body women and children. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The government of these city states varied very widely in its 
 nature. As they settled down after their conquests the Greeks 
 retained for a. time the rule of their kings, hut these kingdoms 
 drifted back more and more to the rule of the aristocratic class. 
 In Sparta (Lacedemon) kings were still distinguished in the 
 sixth century B.C. The Lacedemonians had a curious system 
 of a double kingship; two kings, drawn from different royal 
 families, ruled together. But most of the Greek city states 
 had become aristocratic republics long before the sixth century. 
 There is, however, a tendency towards slackness and inefficiency 
 in most families that rule by hereditary right; sooner or later 
 they decline; and as the Greeks got out upon the seas and set 
 up colonies and commerce extended, new rich families arose to 
 jostle the old and bring new personalities into power. These 
 nouveaiuv riches became members of an expanded ruling class, 
 a mode of government known as oligarchy — in opposition to 
 aristocracy — ^though, strictly, the term oligarchy (= govern- 
 ment by the few) should of course include hereditary aristocracy 
 as a special case. 
 
 In many cities persons of exceptional energy, taking advan- 
 tage of some social conflict or cla^s grievance, secured a more 
 or less irregular power in the state. This combination of 
 personality and opportunity has occurred in the United States 
 of America, for example, where men exercising various kinds 
 of informal power are called bosses. In Greece they were 
 called tyrants. But the tyrant was rather more than a boss; 
 he was recognized as a monarch, and claimed the authority 
 of a monarch. The modern boss, on the other hand, shelters 
 behind legal forms which he has "got hold of" and uses for 
 his own ends. Tyrants were distinguished from kings, who 
 claimed some sort of right, some family priority, for example, 
 to rule. They were supported, perhaps, by the poorer class 
 with a grievance; Peisistratus, for example, who was tyrant of 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 259 
 
 Athens, with two intervals of exile, between 560 and 527 b.c., 
 was supported by the poverty-struck Athenian hillmen. Some- 
 times, as in Greek Sicily, the tyrant stood for the rich against 
 the poor. When, later on, the Persians began to subjugate the 
 Greek cities of Asia Minor, they set up pro-Persian tyrants. 
 
 Aristotle, the great philosophical teacher, who was born under 
 the hereditary Macedonian monarchy, and who was for some 
 years tutor to the king's son, distinguishes in his Politics be- 
 tween kings who ruled by an admitted and inherent right, such 
 as the King of Macedonia, whom he served, and tyrants who 
 ruled without the consent of the governed. As a matter of 
 fact, it is hard to conceive of a tyrant ruling without the con- 
 sent of many, and the active participation of a substantial num- 
 ber of his subjects ; and the devotion and unselfishness of your 
 "true kings" has been known to rouse resentment and question- 
 ing. Aristotle was also able to say that while the king ruled 
 for the good of the state, the tyrant ruled for his own good. 
 Upon this point, as in his ability to regard slavery as a natural 
 thing and to consider women unfit for freedom and political 
 rights, Aristotle was in harmony with the trend of events about 
 him. 
 
 A third form of government that prevailed increasingly in 
 Greece in the sixth, fifth, and fourth centuries B.C., was known 
 as democracy. As the modem world nowadays is constantly 
 talking of democracy, and as the modem idea of democracy is 
 something widely different from the democracy of the Greek 
 city states, it will be well to be very explicit upon the meaning 
 of democracy in Greece. Democracy then was government by 
 the commonalty, the Demos; it was government by the whole 
 body of the citizens, by the many as distinguished from the few. 
 But let the modem reader mark that word "citizen." The slave 
 was excluded, the freedman was excluded, the stranger; even 
 the Greek born in the city, whose father had come eight or ten 
 miles from the city beyond the headland, was excluded. The 
 earlier democracies (but not all) demanded a property qualific^i- 
 tion from the citizen, and property in those days was land; this 
 was subsequently relaxed, but the modem reader will grasp 
 that here was something very different from modern democracy. 
 At the end of the fifth century B.C. this property qualification 
 had been abolished in Athens, for example; but Pericles, a 
 great Athenian statesman of whom we shall have more to tell 
 
teo THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 later, had established a law (451 b.c.) restricting citizenship to 
 those who could establish Athenian descent on both sides. Thus, 
 in the Greek democracies quite as much as in the oligarchies, 
 the citizens formed a close corporation, ruling sometimes, as in 
 the case of Athens in its great days, a big population of serfs^ 
 slaves, and "outlanders." A modem politician used to the idea, 
 the entirely new and different idea, that democracy in its per- 
 fected form means that every adult man and woman shall have 
 a voice in the government, would, if suddenly spirited back to 
 the extremist Greek democracy, regard it as a kind of oligarchy, 
 The only real difference between a Greek "oligarchy" and a 
 Greek democracy was that in the former the poorer and less 
 important citizens had no voice in the government, and in the 
 latter every citizen had. Aristotle, in his Politics, betrays very 
 clearly the practical outcome of this difference. Taxation set 
 lightly on the rich in the oligarchies; the democracies, on the 
 other hand, taxed the rich, and generally paid the impecunious 
 citizen a maintenance allowance and special fees. In Athens 
 fees were paid to citizens even for attending the general as- 
 sembly. But the generality of people outside the happy order 
 of citizens worked and did what they were told, and if one 
 desired the protection of the law, one sought a citizen to plead 
 for one. For only the citizen had any standing in the law 
 courts. The modern idea, that any one in the state should be 
 a citizen, would have shocked the privileged democrats of 
 Athens profoundly. 
 
 One obvious result of this monopolization of the state by the 
 class of citizens was that the patriotism of these privileged 
 people took an intense and narrow form. They would form 
 alliances, but never coalesce with other city states. That would 
 have obliterated every advantage by which they lived, The 
 narrow geographical limits of these Greek states added to the 
 intensity of their feeling. A man's love for his country was 
 reinforced by his love for his native town, his religion, and his 
 home; for these were all one. Of course the slaves did not 
 share in these feelings, and in the oligarchic states very often 
 the excluded class got over its dislike of foreigners in its greater 
 dislike of the class at home which oppressed it. But in the 
 main, patriotism in the Greek was a personal passion of an 
 inspiring and dangerous intensity. Like rejected love, it was 
 apt to turn into something very like hatred. The Greek exile 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 261 
 
 resembled the French or Eussian emigre in being ready to treat 
 his beloved country pretty roughly in order to save her from 
 the devils in human form who had taken possession of her and 
 turned him out. 
 
 In the fifth century b.c. Athens formed a system of relation- 
 ships with a number of other Greek city states which is often 
 spoken of by historians as the Athenian Empire. But all the 
 other city states retained their own governments. One "new 
 fact" added by the Athenian Empire was the coraplete and 
 effective suppression of piracy; another was the institution of 
 a sort of international law. The law indeed was Athenian law ; 
 but actions could now be brought and justice administered be- 
 tween citizens of the different states of the League, which of 
 course had not been possible before. The Athenian Empire had 
 really developed out of a league of mutual defence against 
 Persia ; its seat had originally been in the island of Delos, and 
 the allies had contributed to a common treasure at Delos; the 
 treasure of Delos was carried off to Athens because it was ex- 
 posed to a possible Persian raid. Then one city after another 
 offered a monetary contribution instead of military service, with 
 the result that in the end Athens was doing almost all the work 
 and receiving almost all the money. She was supported by 
 one or two of the larger islands. The "League" in thii> way 
 became gradually an "Empire," but the citizens of the allied 
 states remained, except where there were special treaties of 
 intermarriage and the like, practically foreigners to one an- 
 other. And it was chiefly the poorer citizens of Athens who 
 sustained this empire by their most vigorous and incessant per- 
 sonal service. Every citizen was liable to military service at 
 home or abroad between the ages of eighteen and sixty, some- 
 times on purely Athenian affairs and sometimes in defence of 
 the cities of the Empire whose citizens had bought themselves 
 off. There was probably no single man over twenty-five in the 
 Athenian Assembly who had not served in several campaigns 
 in different parts of the Mediterranean or Black Sea, and who 
 did not expect to serve again. Modern imperialism is denounced 
 by its opponents as the exploitation of the world by the rich ; 
 Athenian imperialisia was the exploitation of the world by the 
 poorer citizens of Athens. 
 
 Another difference from modem conditions, due to the small 
 »ize of the Greek city states, was that in a democracy every 
 
262 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 citizea had the right to attend and speak and vote in the popular 
 assemhly. For most cities this meant a gathering of only a 
 few hundred people ; the greatest had no more than some thou- 
 sands of citizens. Nothing of this sort is possible in a modem 
 "democracy" with, perhaps, several million voters. The mod- 
 ern "citizen's" voice in public affairs is limited to the right 
 to vote for one or other of the party candidates put before 
 him. He, or she, is then supposed to have "assented" to the 
 resultant government. Aristotle, who would have enjoyed the 
 electoral methods of our modem democracies keenly, points out 
 very subtly how the outlying farmer class of citizens in a 
 democracy can be virtually disenfranchised by calling the popu- 
 lar assembly too frequently for their regular attendanca In 
 the later Greek democracies (fifth century) the appointment 
 of public ofiicials, except in the case of officers requiring very 
 special knowledge, was by casting lots. This was supposed to 
 protect the general corporation of privileged citizens from the 
 continued predominance of rich, influential, and conspicuously 
 able men. 
 
 Some democracies (Athens and Miletus, e.g.) had an insti- 
 tution called the ostracism,^ by which in times of crisis and 
 conflict the decision was made whether some citizen should go 
 into exile for ten years. This may strike a modem reader as 
 an envious institution, but that was not its essential quality. 
 It was, says Gilbert Murray, a way of arriving at a decision 
 in a case when political feeling was so divided as to threaten a 
 deadlock. There were in the Greek democracies parties and 
 party leaders, but no regular government in office and no regu- 
 lar opposition. There was no way, therefore, of carrying out 
 a policy, although it might be the popular policy, if a strong 
 leader or a strong group stood out against it. But by the 
 ostracism, the least popular or the least trusted of the chief 
 leaders in the divided community was made to retire for a 
 period without loss of honour or property. Professor Murray 
 suggests' that a Greek democracy, if it had found itself in such 
 a position of deadlock as the British Empire did upon the 
 question of Home Eule for Ireland in 1914, would have prob- 
 ably first ostracized Sir Edward Carson, and then proceeded 
 to carry out the provisions of the Home Rule Bill. 
 
 This institution of the ostracism has immortalized one ob- 
 ' From ostrakon, a tile; the voter wrote the name on a tile or shell. 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 263 
 
 scure and rather illiterate member of the democracy of Athens. 
 A certain Aristides had gained a great reputation in the law 
 court for his righteous dealing. He fell into a dispute with 
 Themistocles upon a question of naval policy ; Aristides was for 
 the army, Themistocles was a "strong navy" man, and a dead- 
 lock was threatened. There was resort to an ostracism to 
 decide between them. Plutarch relates that as Aristides walked 
 through the streets while the voting was in progress, he was 
 accosted by a strange citizen from the agricultural environs 
 unaccustomed to the art of writing, and requested to write his 
 own name on the proffered potsherd. 
 
 "But why?" he asked. "Has Aristides ever injured you?" 
 
 "^0," said the citizen. "Wo. Never have I set eyes on 
 him. But, oh ! I am so hored by hearing him called Aristides 
 the Just." 
 
 Whereupon, says Plutarch, without further parley Aristides 
 wrote as the man desired. . . . 
 
 When one understands the true meaning of these Greek con- 
 srtitutions, and in particular the limitation of all power, whether 
 in the democracies or the oligarchies, to a locally privileged 
 class, one realizes how impossible was any effective union of 
 the hundreds of Greek cities scattered about the Mediterranean 
 region, or even of any effective co-operation between them for 
 a common end. Each city was in the hands of a few or a few 
 hundred men, to whom its separateness meant everything that 
 was worth having in life. Only conquest from the outside could 
 unite the Greeks, and until Greece was conquered they had no 
 political unity. When at last they were conquered, they were 
 conquered so completely that their unity ceased to be of any 
 importance even to themselves ; it was a unity of subjugation. 
 
 Yet there was always a certain tradition of unity between 
 all the Greeks, based on a common language and script, on 
 the common possession of the heroic epics, and on the con- 
 tinuous intercourse that the maritime position of the states 
 made possible. And in addition, there were certain religieus 
 bonds of a unifying kind. Certain shrines, the shrines of the 
 god Apollo in the island of Delos and at Delphi, for example, 
 were sustained not by single states, but by leagues of states or 
 Amphictyonies (= League of neighbours), which in such in- 
 stances as the Delphic amphictyony became very wide-reaching 
 unions. The league protected the shrine and the safety . of 
 
264 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 pilgrims, kept up the roads leading thereunto, secured peace at 
 the time of special festivals, upheld certain rules to mitigate 
 the usages of war among its memhers, and — ^the Delian league 
 especially— suppressed piracy. A still more important link of 
 Hellenic union was the Olympian games that were held every 
 four years at Olympia. Foot races, boxing, wrestling, javelin 
 throwing, quoit throwing, jumping, and chariot and horse racing 
 were the chief sports, and a record of victors and distinguished 
 visitors was kept. From the year 776 B.C. onward ^ these games 
 were held regularly for over a thousand years, and they di'il 
 much to maintain that sense of a common Greek life (pan- 
 Hellenic) transcending the narrow politics of the city states. 
 
 Such links of sentiment and association were of little avail 
 against the intense "separatism" of the Greek political institu- 
 tions. From the History of Herodotus the student will be able 
 to gather a sense of the intensity and persistence of the feuds 
 that kept the Greek world in a state of chronic warfare. In the 
 old days (say, to the sixth century b.c.) fairly large families 
 prevailed in Greece, and something of the old Aryan great 
 household system (see Chap, XX), with its strong clan feeling 
 and its capacity for maintaining an enduring feud, still re- 
 mained. The history of Athens circles for many years about 
 the feud of two great families, the Alcmseonidse and the Peisis- 
 tratidse ; the latter equally an aristocratic family, but founding 
 its power on the support of the poorer class of the populace 
 and the exploitation of their grievances. Later on, in the sixth 
 and fifth centuries, a limitation of births and a shrinkage of 
 families to two or three members — a process Aristotle notes 
 without perceiving its cause — ^led to the disappearance of the 
 old aristocratic clans, and the later wars were due rather to 
 trade disputes and grievances caused and stirred up by indi- 
 vidual adventurers than to family vendettas. 
 
 It is easy to understand, in view of this intense separatism 
 of the Greeks, how readily the lonians of Asia and of the 
 islands fell first under the domination of the kingdom of Lydia, 
 and then under that of the Persians when Cyrus overthrew 
 Crcesus, the king of Lydia. They rebelled only to be recon- 
 quered. Then came the turn of European Greece. It is a 
 matter of astonishment, the Greeks themselves were astonished, 
 
 ' 776 B.C. is the year of the First Olympiad, a valuable starting-point in 
 Greek chronology. 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 265 
 
 to find that Greece itself did not fall under the dominion of 
 the Persians, these harbario Aryan masters of the ancient civili- 
 zations of Western Asia. But before we tell of this struggle 
 we must give some attention to these Asiatics against whom they 
 were pitted ; and particularly to these Medes and Persians who, 
 by 538 B.C., were already in possession of the ancient civiliza- 
 tions of Assyria, Babylonia and about to subjugate Egypt. 
 
 §4 
 
 We have had occasion to mention the kingdom of Lydia, and 
 it may be well to give a short note here upon the Lydians before 
 proceeding with our story. The original population of the 
 larger part of Asia Minor may perhaps have been akin to the 
 original population of Greece and Crete. If so, it was of 
 "Mediterranean" race. Or it may have been another branch of 
 those still more generalized and fundamental darkish peoples 
 from whom arose the Mediterranean race to the west and the 
 Dravidians to the east. Remains of the same sort of art that 
 distinguishes Cnossos and Mycenae are to be found scattered 
 over Asia Minor. But just as the Nordic Greeks poured south- 
 ward into Greece to conquer and mix with the aborigines, so 
 did other and kindred Nordic tribes pour over the Bosphorus 
 into Asia Minor. Over some areas these Aryan peoples pre- 
 vailed altogether, and became the bulk of the inhabitants and 
 retained their Aryan speech. Such were the Phrygians, a peo- 
 ple whose language was almost as close to that of the Greeks as 
 the Macedonian. But over other areas the Aryans did not so 
 prevail. In Lydia the original race and their language held 
 their own. The Lydians were a non-Aryan people speaking a 
 non-Aryan speech, of which at the present time only a few 
 words are known. Their capital city was Sardis. 
 
 Their religion was also non-Aryan. They worshipped a 
 Great Mother goddess. The Phrygians also, though retaining 
 their Greek-like language, became infected with mysterious 
 religion, and much of the mystical religion and secret cere- 
 monial that pervaded Athens at a later date was Phrygian 
 (when not Thraeian) in origin. 
 
 At first the Lydians held the western sea-coast of Asia Minor, 
 but they Were driven back from it by the establishment of 
 Ionian Greeks coming by the sea and founding cities. Later 
 
266 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 on, however, these Ionian Greek cities were brought into sub- 
 jection by the Lydian kings. 
 
 The history of this country is not clearly known, and were 
 it known it would scarcely be of sufficient importance to be 
 related in this historical outline, but in the eig'hth century b.c. 
 one monarch, named Gyges, becomes noteworthy. The country 
 under his rule was subjected to another Aryan invasion; certain 
 nomadic tribes called the Cimmerians came pouring across Asia 
 Minor, and they were driven back with difficulty by Gyges and 
 his son and grandson. Sardis was twice taken and burnt by 
 these barbarians. And it is on record that G-yges paid tribute 
 to Sardanapalus, which serves to link him up with our general 
 ideas of the history of Assyria, Israel, and Egj'pt^ Later Gyges 
 rebelled against Assyria, and sent troops to help Psammetichus I 
 to liberate Egypt from its brief servitude to the Assyrians. 
 
 It was Alyattes, the grandson of Gyges, who»made Lydia into 
 a considerable power. He reigned for seven years, and he re- 
 duced most of the- Ionian cities of Asia Minor to subjection. 
 The country became the centre of a great trade between Asia 
 and Europe; it had always been productive and rich in gold, 
 and now the Lydian monarch was reputed the richest in Asia. 
 There was a great coming and going between the Black and 
 Mediterranean Seas, and between the East and West. We have 
 already noted that Lydia was reputed to be the first country in 
 the world to produce coined money, and to provide the conven- 
 ience of inns for travellers and traders. The Lydian dynasty 
 seems to have been a trading dynasty of the type of Minos, in 
 Crete, with a banking and financial development. ... So much 
 we may note of Lydia by way of preface to the next section. 
 
 §5 
 
 Now while one series of Aryan-speaking invaders had de- 
 veloped along the lines we have described in Greece, Magna 
 GrsBcia, and around the shores of the Black Sea, another series 
 of Aryan-speaking peoples, whose originally Nordic blood was 
 perhaps already mixed with a Mongolian element, were settling 
 and spreading to the north and east of the Assyrian and Baby- 
 Ionian empires. We have already spdten of the arc-like dis- 
 persion of the Nordic Aryan peoples to the north of the Black 
 and Caspian Seas; it was probably by this route that the Aryan- 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 267 
 
 speaking races gradually came down into what is no^ the 
 Persian country, and spread, on the one hand, eastward to India 
 ( ? 3,000 to 1,000 B.C.), and on the other, increased and multi- 
 plied in the Persian uplands until they were strong enough to 
 assail first^ssyria (650 B.C.) and then Babylon (538 B.C.). 
 
 There is much that is not yet clear about the clianges of 
 elimate that have been going on in Europe and Asia during the 
 last 10,000 years. The ice of the last glacial age receded grad- 
 ually, and gave way to a long period of steppe or prairie-like 
 conditions over the great plain of Europe. About 12,000 or 
 10,000 years ago, as.it is reckoned now, this state of affairs 
 was giving place to forest conditions. We have already noted 
 how, as a consequence of these changes, the Solutrian horse 
 hunters gave place to Magdalenian fishers and forest deer 
 hunters ; and these, again, to the Neolithic herdsmen and agri- 
 culturists. For some thousands of years the European climate 
 seems to have been warmer than it is to-day. A great sea spread 
 from the coast of the Balkan peninsula far into Central Asia 
 and extended northward into Central Eussia, and the shrinkage 
 of that sea and the consequent hardening of the climate of South 
 Russia and Central Asia was going on contemporaneously with 
 the development of the first civilizations in the river valleys. 
 Many facts seem to point to a more genial climate in Europe 
 and Western Asia, and still more strongly to a greater luxuri- 
 ance of plant and. vegetable life, 4,000 to 3,000 years ago, than 
 we find to-day. There were forests then in South Kussia and 
 in the country which is now Western Turkestan, where now 
 steppes and deserts prevail. On the other hand, between 1,500 
 and 2,000 years ago, the Aral-Caspian region was probably 
 drier and those seas smaller than they axe at the present time. 
 
 We may note in this connection that Thotmes III (say, the 
 fifteenth century B.C.), in his expedition beyond the Euphrates, 
 hunted a herd of 120 elephants in that region. Again, an 
 .^gean dagger from Mycenae, dating about 2,000 B.C., shows a 
 lion-hunt in progress. The hunters carry big shields and spears, 
 and stand in rows one behind the other. The first man spears 
 the lion, and when the wounded beast leaps at him, drops flat 
 under the protection of his big shield, leaving the next man to 
 repeat his stroke, and so on, until the lion is speared to death. 
 .This method of hunting is practised by the Masai to-day, and 
 could only have been worked out by a people in a land where 
 
268 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 lions were abundant. But abundant lions imply abundant game, 
 and that again means abundant vegetation. About 2,000 b.c. 
 the hardening of the climate in the central parts of the Old 
 World, to which we have already referred, which put an end 
 to elephants and lions in Asia Minor and Greece,^ was turning 
 the faces of the nomadic Aryan peoples southward towards the 
 fields and forests of the more settled and civilized nations. 
 
 These Aryan peoples come down from the East Caspian 
 regions into history about the time that Mycense and Troy and 
 Cnossos are falling to the Greeks. It is difficult to disentangle 
 the different tribes and races that appear under a multitude of 
 names in the records and inscriptions that record their first ap* 
 pearance, but, fortunately, these distinctions are not needed in 
 an elementary outline such as this present history. A people 
 called the Cimmerians appear in the districts of Lake Urumiya 
 and Van, and shortly after Aryans have spread from Armenia 
 to Elam. In the ninth century B.C., a people called the Medes, 
 very closely related to the Persians to the east of them, appear 
 in the Assyrian inscriptions. Tiglath Pileser III and Sargop 
 II, names already familiar in this story, profess to have made 
 them pay tribute. They are spoken of in the inscriptions as the 
 "dangerous Medes." They are as yet a tribal people, not united 
 under one king. 
 
 About the ninth century B.C. Elam and the Elamites, whose 
 capital was Susa, a people which possessed a tradition and 
 civilization at least as old as the Sumerian, suddenly vanish 
 from history. We do not know what happened. They seem 
 to have been overrun and the population absorbed by the con- 
 querors. Susa is in the hands of the Persians. 
 
 A fourth people, related to these Aryan tribes, who appear 
 at this time in the narrative of Herodotus, are the "Scythians." 
 Eor a while the monarchs of Assyria play off these various 
 kindred peoples, the Cimmerians, the Medes, the Persians, and 
 
 ' It is, at least, doubtful whether any change of climate expelled either 
 lion or elephant from southeast Europe and Asia Minor; the cause of 
 their gradual disappearance was — I think — ^nothing but Man, increasingly 
 well armed for the chase. Lions lingered in the Balkan peninsula till 
 about the fourth century B.C., if not later. Elephants had perhaps dis- 
 appeared from western Asia by the eighth century B.C. The lion (much 
 bigger than the existing form) stayed on in southern Germany till the 
 Neolithic period. The panther inhabited Greece, southern Italy, and 
 southern Spain likewise till the beginning of the historical period (say 
 1,000 B.C.).— H. H. J. 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 
 
 
 the Scythians, against each other. Assyrian princesses (a 
 daughter of Esarhaddon, e,g.) are married to Scythian chiefs. 
 Kehuchadnezzar the Great, on the 
 Other hand, marries a daugh- 
 ter of Cyaxares, who has hecome 
 king of all the Medes. The Aryan 
 Scythians are for the Semitic 
 Assyrians; the Aryan Medes for 
 the Semitic Babylonians. It was 
 this Cyaxares who took Nine- 
 veh, the Assyrian capital, in 606 
 B.C., and so released Babylon from 
 the Assyrian yoke to establish, 
 under Ohaldean rule, the Second 
 Babylonian Empire. The Scyth- 
 ian allies of Assyria drop out of 
 the story after this. They go on 
 living their own life away to the 
 north without much interference 
 with the peoples to the south. A 
 glance at the map of this 
 period shows how, for two-thirds 
 of a century, the Second Baby- 
 lonian Empire lay like a lamb 
 within the embrace of the Median 
 lion. 
 
 Into the internal struggles of 
 the Medes and Persians, that 
 ended at last in the accession of 
 Cyrus "the Persian" to the 
 throne of Cyaxares in 550 b.c., 
 we will not enter. In that year 
 Cyrus was ruling over an empire 
 that reached from the boundaries 
 of Lydia to Persia and perhaps 
 to India. Wabonidus, the last of 
 the Babylonian rulers, was, as we have already told, digging up 
 old records and building temples in Babylonia, 
 
 f^ 
 
 
270 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 6 
 
 But one monaroh in tlie world was alive to the threat of the 
 new power that lay in the hands of Cyrus. This was Croesus, 
 the Lydian king. His son had been killed in a very tragic man- 
 ner, which Herodotus relates, but which we will not describe 
 here. Says Herodotus : 
 
 "For two years then, Croesus remained quiet in great mourn- 
 ing, because he was deprived of his son; but after this period 
 of time, the overthrowing of the rule of the son of Cyaxares 
 
 by Cyrus, and the growing greatness of the Persians, caused 
 Croesus to cease from his mourning, and led him to .a care of 
 cutting short the power of the Persians if by any means he 
 might, while yet it was in growth and before they should have 
 become great." 
 
 He then made trial of the various oracles. 
 
 "To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples 
 Croesus gave charge that they- should ask the Oracles this, ques- 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 271 
 
 tion: whether Croesus should march against the Persians, and, 
 if so, whether he should join with himself any army of men 
 as his friends. And when the Lydians had arrived at the places 
 to which they had been sent and had dedicated the votive offer- 
 ings, they inquired of the Oracles, and said : 'Croesus, king of 
 the Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are 
 the only true Oracles among men, presents to you gifts such 
 as your revelations deserve, and asks you again now whether 
 he shall march against the Persians, and, if so, whether he shall 
 join with himself any army of men as allies.' They inquired 
 thus, and the answers of both the Oracles agreed in one, de- 
 elaring to Croesus that if he should march against the Persians 
 he should destroy a great empire. ... So when the answers 
 were brought back and Croesus heard them, he was delighted 
 with the Oracles, and expecting that he would certainly destroy 
 the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, and presented 
 to the men of Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, 
 two staters of gold for each man: and in return for this the 
 Delphians gave to Croesus and to. the Lydians precedence in 
 consulting the Oracle and freedom from all payments, and the 
 right to front seats at the games, with this privilege also for 
 all time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed 
 to become a citizen of Delphi." 
 
 So Croesus made a defensive alliance both with the Lace- 
 demonians and the Egyptians. And Herodotus continues, 
 "while Croesus was preparing to march against the Persians, 
 one of the Lydians, who even before this time was thought to 
 be a vsase man, but in consequence of this opinion got a very 
 great name for wisdom among the Lydians, advised Croesus 
 as follows: 'O king, thou art preparing to march against men 
 who wear breeches of leather, and the rest of their clothing is of 
 leather also; and they eat food not such as they desire, but such 
 as they can obtain, dwelling in a land which is rugged; and, 
 moreover, they make no use of wine but drink water; and no 
 figs have they for dessert, nor any other good thing. On the 
 one hand, if thou shalt overcome them, what wilt thou take 
 away from them, seeing they have nothing? and, on the other 
 hand, if thou shalt be overcome, consider how many good things 
 thou wilt lose ; for once having tasted our good things, they will 
 cling to them fast, and it will not be possible to drive them away. 
 I, for my own part, feel gratitude to the gods that they do not 
 
272 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 put it into the minds of the Persians to march against the 
 Lydians.' Thus he spoke not persuading Croesus ; for it is true 
 indeed that the Persians before they subdued the Lydians had 
 no luxury nor any good thing." 
 
 Croesus and Cyrus fought an indecisive battle at Pteria, from 
 which Croesus retreated. Cyrus followed him up, and he gave 
 battle outside his capital town of Sardis. The chief strength 
 of the Lydians lay in their cavalry; they were excellent, if 
 undisciplined, horsemen, and fought with long spears. 
 
 "Cyrus, when he saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, 
 fearing their horsemen, did on the suggestion of Harpagos, a 
 Mede, as follows: All the camels which were in the train of 
 his army carrying provisions and baggage he gathered together 
 and he took off their burdens and set men upon them provided 
 with the equipment of cavalry; and, having thus furnished 
 them, forth he appointed them to go in front of the rest of 
 the a-rmy towards the horsemen of Croesus ; and after the camel- 
 troop he ordered the infantry to follow ; and behind the infantry 
 he placed his whole force of cavalry. Then, when all his men 
 had been placed in their several positions, he charged them 
 to spare none of the other Lydians, slaying all who might come 
 in their way, feut Croesus himself they were not to slay, not even 
 if he should make resistance when he was being captured. Such 
 was his charge : and he set the camels opposite the horsemen for 
 this reason — ^because the horse has a fear of the camel and 
 cannot endure either to see his form or to scent his smell: for 
 this reason then the trick had been devised, in order that the 
 cavalry of Croesus might be useless, that very force wherewith 
 the Lydian king was expecting most to shine. And as they 
 were coming together to the battle, so soon as the horses scented 
 the camels and saw them, they turned away back, and the hopes 
 of Cioesus were at once brought to nought." 
 
 In fourteen days Sardis was stormed and Croesus taken 
 prisoner. . . . 
 
 "So the Persians having taken him brought him into the 
 presence of Cyrus; and he piled up a great pyre and caused 
 Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him 
 twice seven sons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to 
 dedicate this offering as first-fruits of his •victory to some god, 
 or whether he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that 
 CrcEsus was a god-fearing man, and so caused him to go up on 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 273 
 
 the pyre because he wished to know if any one of the divine 
 powers would save him, so that he should not be burnt alive. 
 He, they say, did this ; but to Croesus as he stood upon the pyre 
 there came, although he was in such evil case, a memory of 
 the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration 
 that no one of the living might be called happy. And when 
 this thought came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply 
 and groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times 
 he uttered the name of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the 
 interpreters ask Croesus who was this person on whom he called ; 
 and they came near and asked. And Crcesus for a time, it is 
 said, kept silence when he was asked this, but afterwards, being 
 pressed, he said : 'One whom more than much wealth I should 
 have desired to have speech with all monarchs.' Then, since his 
 words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which 
 he said; and as they were urgent with him and gave him no 
 peace, he told how once Solon, an Athenian, had come and 
 having inspected all his wealth had made light of it, with such 
 and such words; and- how all had turned out for him according 
 as Solon had said, not speakimg at all especially with a view to 
 Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race, and 
 especially those who seem to themselves to be happy men. And 
 while Croesus related these things, already the pyre was lighted 
 and the edges of it round about were burning. Then they say 
 that Cyrus, hearing from the interpreters what Croesus had 
 said, changed his purpose and considered that he himself also 
 was but a man, and that he was delivering another man, who 
 had been not inferior to himself in felicity, alive to the fire; 
 and, moreover, he feared the requital, and reflected that there 
 was nothing of that which men possessed which was secure; 
 therefore, they say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly 
 as possible the fire that was burning, and to bring down Croesus 
 and those who were with him from the pyre; and they, using 
 endeavours, were not able now to get the mastery of the flaines. 
 Then it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned 
 how Cyrus had changed his mind, and seeing that every one was 
 trying to put out the fire, but that they were no longer able 
 to check it, cried aloud, entreating Apollo that if any gift had 
 ever been given by him which was acceptable to the god, he 
 would come to his aid and rescue him from the evil which was 
 now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god, and sud- 
 
274 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 denly, tiiey say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds gathered 
 and a storm burst, and it rained with, a very violent shower, 
 and the pyre was extinguished. 
 
 "Then Cyrus, having perceived that Croesus was a lover of 
 the gods and a good man, caused him to be brought down from 
 the pyre and asked him as follows: 'Croesus, tell me who of 
 all men was it who persuaded thee to march upon my land and 
 so to become an enemy to me instead of a friend ?' And he said : 
 'O king, I did this to thy felicity and to my own misfortune, 
 and the causer of this was the god of the Hellenes, who incited 
 me to march with my army. For no one is so senseless as to 
 choose of his own will war rather than peace, since in peace 
 the sons bury their fathers, but in war the fathers bury their 
 sons. But it was pleasing, I suppose, to the divine yoweTs that 
 these things should come to pass thus.' " 
 
 So Croesus became a councillor of Cyrus, and lived in Baby- 
 lon. When Lydia was subdued, Cyrus turned his attention to 
 Nabonidus in Babylon. He defeated the Babylonian army, 
 under Belshazzar, outside Balbylon, and then laid siege to the 
 town. He entered the town (538 b.c), probably as we have 
 already suggested, with the connivance of the priests of Bel. 
 
 § 7 
 
 Cyrus was succeeded by his son Cambyses, who took an army 
 into Egypt (525 b.c). There was a battle in the delta, in 
 which Greek mercenaries fought on both sides. Herodotus 
 declares that he saw the bones of the slain still lying on the 
 field fifty or sixty years later, and comments on the comparative 
 thinness of the Persian skulls. After this battle Cambyses took 
 Memphis and most of Egypt. 
 
 In Egypt, we are told, Cambyses went mad. He took great 
 liberties with the Egyptian temples, and remained at Memphis 
 "opening ancient tombs and examining the dead bodies." He 
 had already murdered both Croesus, ex-king of Lydia, and his 
 own brother Smerdis before coming to Egypt, and he died in 
 Syria on the way back to Susa of an accidental wound, leaving 
 no heirs to succeed him. He was presently succeeded by Darius 
 the Mede (521 b.c), the son of Hystaspes, one of the chief 
 councillors of Cyrus. 
 
 The empire of Darius I was larger than any one of the pre- 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 275 
 
 ceding empires whose growtli we have traced. It included all 
 Asia Minor and Syria, that is to say, the ancient Lydian and 
 Hittite empires, all the old Assyrian and Bahylonian empires, 
 Egypt, the Caucasus and Caspian regions, Media, Persia, and 
 it extended, perhaps, into India to the Indus. The nomadic 
 ;Arabians alone of all the peoples of what is nowadays called the 
 Near East, did not pay tribute to the satraps (provincial gover- 
 nors) of Darius. The organization of this great empire seems 
 to have been on a much higher level of efficiency than any of 
 its precursors. Great arterial roads joined province to prov- 
 ince, and there was a system of royal posts ; ^ at stated intervals 
 post horses stood always ready to carry the government messen- 
 ger, or the traveller if he had a government permit, on to the 
 next stage of his journey. Apart from this imperial right-of- 
 way and the payment of tribute, the local governments possessed 
 a very considerable amount of local freedom. They were re- 
 strained from internecine conflict, which was all to their own 
 good. And at first the Greek cities of the mainland of Asia 
 paid the tribute and shared in this Persian Peace. 
 
 Darius was first incited to attack the Greeks in Europe by a 
 homesick Greek physician at his court, who wanted at any 
 cost to be back in Greece. Darius had already made plans for 
 an expedition into Europe, aiming not at Greece, but to the 
 northward of Greece, across the Bosphorus and Danube. He 
 wanted to strike at South Kussia, which he believed to be the 
 home country of the Scythian nomads who threatened him on 
 'his northern and north-eastern frontiers. But he lent an at- 
 tentive ear to the tempter, and sent agents into Greece. 
 
 This great expedition of Darius opens out our view in this 
 history. It lifts a curtain upon the Balkan country behind 
 Greece' about which we have said nothing hitherto ; it carries 
 us to and over the Danube. The nucleus of his army marched 
 front Susa, gathering up contingents as they made their way 
 to the Bosphorus. Here Greek allies (Ionian Greeks from 
 Asia) had made a bridge of boats, and the army crossed over 
 while the Greek allies sailed on in their ships to the Danube^ 
 and, two days' sail up from its mouth, landed to make anothpr 
 floating bridge. Meanwhile, Darius and his host advanced along 
 the coast of what is now Bulgaria, but which was then called 
 
 * But a thousand years earlier the Hittites seem to have had paved high- 
 roads running across their country. 
 
276 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE GftEEKS AND THE PERSIANS 277 
 
 Thrace. They crossed the Danubcj and prepared to give battle 
 to the Scythian army and take the cities of the Scythians. 
 
 But the Scythians had no cities, and they evaded a battle, 
 and the war degenerated into a tedious and hopeless pursuit of 
 more mobile enemies. Wells were stopped up and pastures 
 destroyed by the nomads. The Scythian horsemen hung upon 
 the skirts of the great army, which consisted mostly of foot 
 soldiers, picking off stragglers and preventing foraging; and 
 they did their best to persuade the Ionian Greeks, who had 
 made and were guarding the bridge across the Danube, to break 
 up the bridge, and so ensure the destruction of Darius. So 
 long as Darius continued to advance, however, the loyalty of 
 his Greek allies remained unshaken. 
 
 But privation, fatigue, and sickness hindered and crippled 
 the Persian army; Darius lost many stragglers and consumed 
 his supplies, and at last the melancholy conviction dawned upon 
 him that a retreat across the Danube was necessary to save 
 him from complete exhaustion and defeat. 
 
 In order to get a start in his retreat he sacrificed his sick and 
 wounded. He had these men informed that he was about to 
 attack the Scythians at nightfall, and under this pretence stole 
 out of the camp with the pick of his troops and made off south- 
 ward, leaving the camp fires burning and the usual noises and 
 movements of the camp behind him. !N"ext day the men left 
 in the camp realized the trick their monarch had played upon 
 them, and surrendered themselves to the mercy of the Scythians ; 
 but Darius had got his start, and was able to reach the bridge 
 of boats before his pursuers came upon him. They were more 
 mobile than his troops, but they missed their quarry in the 
 darkness. At the river the retreating Persians "were brought ' 
 to an extremity of fear," for they found the bridge partially 
 broken down and its northern end destroyed. 
 
 At this point a voice echoes down the centuries to us. We 
 see a group of dismayed Persians standing about the Great 
 King upon the bank of the streaming river ; we see the masses 
 of halted troops, hungry and war-worn; a trail of battered 
 transport stretches away towards the horizon, upon which at 
 any time the advance guards of the pursuers may appear. There 
 is not much noise in spite of the multitude, but rather an in- 
 quiring silence. Standing out like a pier from the further side 
 of the great stream are the remains of the bridge of boats, an 
 
278 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 enigma. . . . We cannot discern whether there are men over 
 there or not. The shipping of the Ionian Greeks seems still to 
 be drawn up on the further shore, hut it is all very far away. 
 
 "Now there was with Darius an Egyptian who had a voice 
 louder than that of any other man on earth, and this man Darius 
 ordered to take his stand upon the bank of the Ister (Danube) 
 and to call Histiseus of Miletus." 
 
 This worthy — a day is to come, as we shall presently tell, 
 when his decapitated head will be sent to Darius at Susa — 
 appears approaching slowly across the waters in a boat. 
 
 There is a parley, and we gather that it is "all right." 
 
 The explanation Histiseus has to make is a complicated one. 
 Some Scythians have been and have gone again. Scouts, per- 
 haps, these were. It would seem there had been a discussion 
 between the Scythians and the Greeks. The Scythians wanted 
 the bridge broken down ; they would then, they said, undertake 
 to finish up the Persian army and make an end of Darius and 
 his empire, and the Ionian Greeks of Asia could then free 
 their cities again. Miltiades, the Athenian, was for accepting 
 this proposal. But Histiseus had been more subtle. He would 
 prefer, he said, to see the Persians completely destroyed before 
 definitely abandoning their cause. Would the Scythians go 
 back and destroy the Persians to make sure of them while the 
 Greeks on their part destroyed the bridge? Anyhow, which- 
 ever side the Greeks took finally, it was clear to him that it 
 would be wise to destroy the northern end of the bridge, because 
 otherwise the Scythians might rush it. Indeed, even as they 
 , parleyed the Greeks set to work to demolish the end that linked 
 them to the Scythians as quickly as possible. In accordance 
 with the suggestions of Histiseus the Scythians rode off in search 
 of the Persians, and so left the Greeks safe in either event. 
 If Darius escaped, they could be on his side; if he were 
 destroyed, there was nothing of which the Scythians could 
 complain. 
 
 Histiseus did not put it quite in that fashion to Darius. He 
 had at least kept the shipping and most of the bridge. He 
 ^ represented himself as the loyal friend of Persia, and Darius 
 was not disposed to be too critical. The Ionian ships came 
 over. With a sense of immense relief the remnant of the 
 wasted Persians were presently looking back at the steely flood 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 279 
 
 of the Danube streaming wide between themselves and their 
 pursuers. . . . 
 
 The pleasure and interest had gone out of the European 
 expedition for Darius. He returned to Susa, leaving an army 
 in Thrace, under a trusted general Megabazus. This Mega- 
 bazus set himself to the subjugation of Thrace, and among other 
 states which submitted reluctantly to Darius was a kingdom, 
 which thus comes into our history for the first time, the kingdom 
 of Macedonia, a country inhabited by a people so closely allied 
 to the Greeks that one of its princes had already been allowed 
 to compete and take a prize in the Olympian games. 
 
 Darius was disposed to reward Histiseus by allowing him 
 to build a city for himself in Thrace, but Megabazus had a dif- 
 ferent opinion of the trustworthiness of Histiseus, and pre- 
 vailed upon the king to take him to Susa, and, under the title 
 of councillor, to keep him a prisoner there. Histiseus was at 
 first flattered by this court position, and then realized its true 
 meaning. The Persian court bored him, and he grew homesick 
 for Miletus. He set himself to make mischief, and was able 
 to stir up a revolt against the Persians among the Ionian Greeks 
 on the mainland. The twistings and turnings of the story, which 
 included the burning of Sardis by the lonians and the defeat 
 of a Greek fleet at the battle of Lade (495 B.C.), are too com- 
 plicated to follow here. It is a dark and intricate story of 
 treacheries, cruelties, and hate, in which the death of the wily 
 Histiseus shines almost cheerfully. The Persian governor of 
 Sardis, through which town he was being taken on his way back 
 to Susa as a prisoner, having much the same opinion of him 
 as Megabazus had, and knowing his ability to humbug Darius, 
 killed him there and then, and sent on the head only to his 
 master. 
 
 Cyprus and the Greek islands were dragged into this contest 
 that Histiseus had stirred up, and at last Athens. Darius 
 realized the error he had made in turning to the right and not 
 to the left when he had crossed the Bosphorus, and he now 
 set himself to the conquest of all Greece. He began with the 
 islands. Tyre and Sidon were subject to Persia, and ships of 
 the Phoenician and of the Ionian Greeks provided the Persians 
 with a fleet by means of which one Greek island after another 
 was subjugated. 
 
280 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 § 8 
 
 The first attack upon Greece proper was made in 490 B.C. It 
 was a sea attack upon Athens, with a force long and carefully 
 prepared for the task, the fleet being provided with specially 
 
 ^^WAJi^ cPt£c GREEK5 m^ PERSIAM5^ 
 
 built transports for the conveyance of horses. This expedition 
 made a landing near Marathon in Attica. The Persians were 
 guided into Marathon by a renegade Greek, Hippias, the son 
 of Peisistratus, who had been tyrant of Athens. If Athens 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 281 
 
 fell, then Hippias was to be its tyrant, under the protection 
 of the Persians. Meanwhile, so urgent was the sense of a 
 crisis in the affairs of Hellas, that a man, a herald and runner, 
 went from Athens to Sparta, forgetful of all feuds, to say: 
 "Lacedemonians, the Athenians make request of you to come to 
 their help, and not to allow a city most anciently established 
 among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the means of Bar- 
 barians ; for even now Eretria has been enslaved and Hellas has 
 become the weaker by a city of renown." This man, Pheidip- 
 ■pides, did the distance from Athens to Sparta, nearly a hundred 
 miles as the crow flies, and much more if we allow for the 
 contours and the windings of the way, in something under 
 eight and forty hours. 
 
 But before the Spartans could arrive on the scene the battle 
 was joined. The Athenians charged the enemy. They fought 
 — "in a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the 
 Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack the enemy 
 at a run, and they were the first also who endured to face the 
 Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas up to 
 this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a 
 terror to hear." 
 
 The Persian wings gave before this impetuous attack, but 
 the centre held. The Athenians, however, were cool as well 
 as vigorous; they let the wings run and closed in on the flanks 
 of the centre, whereupon the main body of the Persians fled 
 to their ships. Seven vessels fell into the hands of the Athe- 
 nians; the rest got away, and, after a futile attempt to sail 
 round to Athens and seize the city before the army returned 
 thither, the fleet made a retreat to Asia. Let Herodotus close 
 the story with a paragraph that still further enlightens us upon 
 the tremendous prestige of the Medes at this time : 
 
 "Of the Lacedemonians there came to Athens two thousand 
 after the full moon, making great haste to be in time, so that 
 they arrived in Attica on the third day after leaving Sparta: 
 and though they had come too late for the battle, yet they de- 
 sired to behold the Medes; and accordingly they went on to 
 Marathon and looked at the bodies of the slain : then afterwards 
 they departed home, commending the Athenians and the work' 
 which they had done." 
 
282 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 . § 9 
 
 So Greece, unified for a while by fear, gained her first victory 
 over Persia. The news came to Darius simultaneously with 
 the news of a rebellion in 
 Egypt, and he died while still 
 undecided in which direction 
 to turn. His son and succes- 
 sor, Xerxes, turned first to 
 Egypt and set up a Persian 
 satrap there; then for four 
 years he prepared a second 
 attack upon Greece. Says 
 Herodotus, who was, one must 
 remember, a patriotic Greek, 
 approaching now to the climax 
 of his History : 
 , "For what nation did 
 Xerxes not lead out of Asia 
 against Hellas? and what 
 water was not exhausted, 
 being drunk by his host, ex- 
 cept only the great rivers? 
 For some supplied ships, and 
 others were appointed to serve 
 in the land army; to some it 
 was apipointed to furnish 
 cavalry, and to others vessels 
 to carry horses, while they 
 served in the expedition them- 
 selves also ; others were or- 
 dered to furnish ships of war 
 for the bridges, and others 
 again ships with provisions." 
 
 Xerxes .passed into Europe, 
 not as Darius did at the half- 
 mile crossing of the Bos- 
 phorus, but at the Hellespont 
 (== the Dardanelles). In his account of the assembling of the 
 great army, and its march from Sardis to the Hellespont, the 
 poet in Herodotus takes possession of the historian. The great 
 
 ■r.F.H. 
 
 2/Cciuxmant of Aiiicaiaxi foot 
 foldLzr. fotmd ziear'Mixra&cn/rf 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 283 
 
 host passes in splendour by Troy, and Xerxes, who although a 
 Persian and a Barharian, seems to have had the advantages of a 
 classical education, turns aside, says our historian, to visit the 
 citadel of Priam. The Hellespont vras bridged at Abydos, and 
 upon a hill was set a marble throne from which Xerxes sur- 
 veyed the whole array of his forces. 
 
 "And seeing all the Hellespont covered over with the ships 
 and all the shores and the plains of Abydos full of men, then 
 Xerxes pronounced himself a happy man, and after that he 
 fell to weeping. Artabanus, his uncle, therefore perceiving 
 him — ^the same who at first boldly declared his opinion advising 
 Xerxes not to march against Hellas — ^this man, I say, having 
 observed Xerxes wept, asked as follows: 'O king, how far 
 different from one another are the things which thou hast 
 done now and a short while before now ! for having pronounced 
 thyself a happy man, thou art now shedding tears.' He said: 
 'Yea, for after I had reckoned up, it came into my mind to 
 feel pity at the thought how brief was the whole life of man, 
 seeing that of these multitudes not one will be alive when a 
 hundred years have gone by.' " 
 
 This may not be exact histbry, but it is great poetry. It is 
 as splendid as anything in The Dynasts. 
 
 The Persian fleet, coasting from headland to headland, ac- 
 companied this land multitude during its march southward ; but 
 a violent storm did the fleet great damage and 400 ships were 
 lost, including much com transport. At first the united Hellenes 
 marched out to meet the invaders at the Vale of Tempe near 
 Mount Olympus, but afterwards retreated through Thessaly, 
 and chose at last to await the advancing Persians at a place 
 called Thermopylae, where at that time — 2,300 years have 
 altered these things greatly — there was a great cliff on the land- 
 ward side and the sea to the east, with a track scarcely wide 
 enough for a chariot between. The great advantage to the 
 Greeks of this position at Thermopylae was that it prevented the 
 use of either cavalry or chariots, and narrowed the battle front 
 so as to minimize their numericar inequality. And there the 
 Persians joined battle with them one summer day in the year 
 480 B.C. 
 
 Por three days the Greeks held this great army, and did 
 them much damage with small loss to themselves, and then 
 on the third day a detachment of Persians appeared upon the 
 
§84 THE OUTLINE OE HISTORY 
 
 rear of the Greeks, having learnt of a way over the mountain^ 
 from a peasant. There were hasty discussions among the Greeks ; 
 some were for withdrawing, some for holding out. The leader 
 of the whole force, Leonidas, was for staying; and with him 
 he would keep, he said, 300 Spartans. The rest of the Greek 
 army could, meanwhile, make good its retreat to the next de- 
 fensible pass. The Thespian contingent of TOO, however, re- 
 fused to fall back. They preferred to stay and die with the 
 Spartans. Also a contingent of 400 Thebans remained. As 
 Thebes afterwards joined the Persians, there is a story that 
 these Thebans were detained by force against their will, which 
 seems on military as well as historical grounds improbable. 
 These 1,400 stayed, and were, after a conflict of heroic quality, 
 slain to a man. Two Spartans happened to be away, sick with 
 ophthalmia. When they heard the news, one was too ill to 
 move; the other made his helot guide hin||to the battle, and 
 there struck blindly until he was killed. The other, -Aristo- 
 demus, was taken away with the retreating troops, and returned 
 to Sparta, where he was not actually punished for his conduct, 
 but was known as Tresas, "the man who retreated." It was 
 enough to distinguish him from all other Spartans, and he got 
 himself killed at the Battle of Platssa a year later, performing 
 prodigies of reckless courage. . . . For a whole day this little 
 band had held the pass, assailed in front and rear by the whole 
 force of the Persians. They had covered the retreat of the 
 main Greek army, they had inflicted great losses on the in- 
 vaders, and they had raised the prestige of the Greek warrior 
 over that of the Mede higher even than the victory of Marathon 
 had done. 
 
 The Persian cavalry and transport filtered slowly through 
 the narrow passage of Thermopylae, and marched on towards 
 Athens, while a series of naval encounters went on at sea. The 
 Hellenic fleet retreated before the advance of the Persian ship- 
 ping, which suffered seriously through its comparative ignorance 
 of the intricate coasts and of the tricks of the local weather. 
 Weight of numbers carried the Persian army forward to 
 Athens; now that Thermopylae was lost, there was no line of 
 defence nearer than the Isthmus of Corinth, and this meant 
 the abandonment of all the intervening territory, including 
 Athens. The population had either to fly or submit to the 
 Persians. Thebes with all Boeotia submitted, and was pressed 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 285 
 
 into the Persian army, except one town, Platsea, whose in- 
 habitants fled to Athens. The turn of Athens came next, and 
 great eiforts were made to persuade her to make terms; but, 
 instead, the whole population determined to abandon everything 
 and take to the shipping. The women and no9.-combatants were 
 carried to Salamis and various adjacent islands. Only a few 
 people too old to move and a few dissentients remained in the 
 town, which was occupied by the Persians and burnt. The 
 sacred objects, statues, etc., which were burnt at this time, were 
 afterwards buried in the Acropolis by the returning Athenians, 
 and have been dug up in our own day with the marks of burn- 
 ing visible upon them. Xerxes sent off a mounted messenger 
 to Susa with the news, and he invited the sons of Peisistratus, 
 whom he had brought back with him, to enter upon their in- 
 heritance and sacrifice after the Athenian manner upon the 
 Acropolis. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Hellenic confederate fleet had come round to 
 Salamis, and in the council of war there were bitter differences 
 of opinion. Corinth and the states behind the Isthmus wanted 
 the fleet to fall back to that position, abandoning the cities of 
 Megara and ^gina. Themistocles insisted with all his force 
 on fighting in the narrows of Salamis. The majority was 
 steadily in favour of retreat, when there suddenly arrived the 
 news that retreat was cut off. The Persians had sailed round 
 Salamis and held the sea on the other side. This news was 
 brought by that Aristides the Just, of whose ostracism we have 
 already told; his sanity and eloquence did much to help 
 Themistocles to hearten the hesitating commanders. These two 
 men had formerly been bitter antagonists ; but, with a generos- 
 ity rare in those days, they forgot their differences before the 
 common danger. At dawn the Greek ships pulled out to battle. 
 
 The fleet before them was a fleet more composite and less 
 united than their own. But it was about three times as great. 
 On one wing were the Phoenicians, on the other Ionian Greeks 
 from Asia and the Islands. Some of the latter fought stoutly ; 
 others remembered that they, too, were Greeks. The Greek ships, 
 on the other hand, were mostly manned by freemen fighting for 
 their homes. Throughout the early hours the battle raged con- 
 fusedly. Then it became evident to Xerxes, watching the combat, 
 that his fleet was attempting flight. The flight became disaster. 
 
 Xerxes had taken his sieat to watch the battle. He saw his 
 
236 
 
 TH^ OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 galleys rammed by the sharp prows of other galleys; his fight- 
 ing-men shot down ; his ships boarded. Much of the sea-fighting 
 in those days was done by ramming ; the big galleys bore down 
 their opponents by superior weight of impact, or sheared off 
 their oars and so destroyed their manoeuvring power and left 
 them helpless. Presently, Xerxes saw that some of his broken 
 
 SolALsrff eP iS^t A (Fronv£:neze. w. fJw 
 Tersism. boJii-gusrd 1 1 awdiemx. hall oF 
 
 Darius at Susa,.) 
 
 
 
 ships were surrendering. In the water he could see the heads 
 of Greeks swimming to land ; but "of the Barbarians the greater 
 number perished in the sea, not knowing how to swim." The 
 clumsy attempt of the hard-pressed first line of the Persian 
 fleet to put about led to indescribable confusion. Some were 
 rammed by the rear ships of their own side. This ancient ship- 
 ping was poor, unseaworthy stuff by any modern standards. 
 The west wind was blowing and many of the broken ships of 
 Xerxes were now drifting away out 'of his sight to be wrecked 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 
 
 287 
 
 on the coast beyond. Others were being towed towards Salamis 
 hj the Greeks. Others, less injured and still in fighting trim, 
 were making for the beaches close beneath him that would bring 
 them under the protection of his army. Scattered over the 
 further sea, beyond the headlands, remote and vague, were ships 
 in flight and Greek ships in pursuit. Slowly, incident by in- 
 cident, the disaster had unfolded under his eyes. We can 
 imagine something of the coming and going of messengers, the 
 issuing of futile orders, the changes of plan, throughout the 
 day. In the morning Xerxes had come out provided with tables 
 to mark the most successful of his commanders for reward. In 
 the gold of the sunset he beheld the sea power of Persia utterly 
 scattered, sunken and destroyed, and the Greek fleet over against 
 
 ■HSRcmarus 
 
 Salamis unbroken and triumphant, ordering its ranks, as if 
 still incredulous of victory. 
 
 The Persian army remained as if in indecision for some days 
 close to the scene of this sea fight, and then began to retreat to 
 Thessaly, where it was proposed to winter and resume tiie cam- 
 paign. But Xerxes, like Darius I before him, had conceived a 
 disgust for European campaigns. He was afraid of the de- 
 struction of the bridge of boats. With part of the army he went 
 on to the Hellespont, leaving the main force in Thessaly under 
 a general, Mardonius. Of his own retreat the historian relates : 
 
 "Whithersoever they came on the march and to whatever 
 nation they seized the crops of that people and used them for 
 provisions ; and if they found no crops, then they took the grass 
 
288 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 which was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the bark 
 from the trees and plucked down the leaves and devoured them; 
 alike of the cultivated trees and of those growing wild ; and they 
 left nothing behind them : thus they did by reason of famine. 
 Then plague too seized upon the army and dysentery, which de- 
 stroyed them by the way, and some of them also who were sick 
 the king left behind, laying charge upon the cities where at the 
 time he chanced to be in his march, to take care of them and 
 support them ; of these be left some in Thessaly, and some at 
 Siris in Paionia, and some in Macedonia. , . . When, passing 
 on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the 
 Hellespont in baste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they 
 did not find the floating bridges still stretched across, but 
 broken up by a storm. While staying there for a time they had 
 distributed to them an allowance of food more abundant than 
 they had had by the way, and from satisfying their hunger with- 
 out restraint and also from the changes of water there died many 
 of those in the army who bad remained safe till then. The 
 rest arrived with Xerxes at Sardis." 
 
 § 10 
 
 The rest of the Persian army remained in Thessaly under 
 the command of Mardonius, and for a year he maintained an 
 aggressive compaign against the Greeks. Finally, he was de- 
 feated and killed in a pitched battle at Platsea (479 e.g.), and 
 on the same day the Persian fleet and a land army met with 
 joint disaster under the shadow of Mount Mycale on the Asiatic 
 mainland, between Ephesus and Miletus. The Persian ships, 
 being in fear of the Greeks, had been drawn up on shore and 
 a wall built about them; but the Greeks disembarked and 
 stormed this enclosure. They then sailed to the Hellespont 
 to destroy what was left of the bridge of boats, so that later 
 the Persian fugitives, retreating from Platsea, had to cross 
 by shipping at the Bosphorus, and did so with difficulty. 
 
 Encouraged by these disasters of the imperial power, says 
 Herodotus, the Ionian cities in Asia began for a second time 
 to r'^ToIt against, the Persians. 
 
 ''Vith this the ninth book of the History of Herodotus comes 
 \o an end. He was bom about 484 e.g., so that at the time 
 pf the battle of Platsea he was a child of five years old. Much 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS 289 
 
 of the substance of his story was gathered by him from actors 
 in, and eye-witnesses of, the great events he relates. The war 
 still dragged on for a long time; the Greeks supported a re- 
 bellion against Persian rule in Egypt, and tried unsuccessfully 
 to take Cyprus ; it did not end until about 449 B.C. Then the 
 Greek coasts of Asia Minor and the Greek cities in the Black 
 Sea remained generally free, but Cyprus and Egypt continued 
 under Persian rule. Herodotus, who had been born a Persian 
 subject in the Ionian city of Halicamassus, was five and thirty 
 years old by that time, and he must have taken an early op- 
 portunity after this peace of visiting Babylon and Persia. He 
 probably went to Athens, with his History ready to recite, 
 about 438 B.C. 
 
 The idea of a great imion of Greece for aggression against 
 Persia was not altogether strange to Herodotus. Some of his 
 readers suspect him of writing to enforce it. It was certainly 
 in the air at that time. He describes Aristagoras, the son-in- 
 law of Histiseus, as showing the Spartans "a tablet of bronze 
 on which was engraved a map of the whole earth with all the 
 seas and rivers." He makes Aristagoras say: "These Bar- 
 barians are not valiant in fight. You, on the other hand, have 
 now attained to the utmost skill in war. They fight with bows 
 and arrows and a short spear: they go into battle wearing 
 trousers and having caps on their heads. You have perfected 
 your weapons and discipline. They are easily to be conquered. 
 Not all the other nations of the -world have what they possess ; 
 gold, silver, bronze, embroidered garments, beasts and slaves; 
 all this you might have for yourselves, if you so desired." 
 
 It was a hundred years before these suggestions bore fruit. 
 
 Xerxes was murdered in his palace about 465 b.c, and there- 
 after Persia made no further attempts at conquest in Europe. 
 We have no such knowledge of the things that were happening 
 in the empire of the Great King as we have of the occurrences 
 in the little states of Central Greece. Greece had suddenly be- 
 gun to produce literature, and put itself upon record as no other 
 nation had ever done hitherto. After 479 b.c. (Platsea) the 
 spirit seems to have gone out of the government of the Modes 
 and Persians. The empire of the Great King enters upon a 
 period of decay. An Artaxerxes, a second Xerxes, a second 
 Darius, pass across the stage; there are rebellions in 
 Egypt and Syria; the Medes rebel; a second Arta- 
 
290 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 xerxes and a second Cyrus, his brother, fight for the throne. 
 This history is even as the history of Babylonia, Assyria, and 
 Egypt in the older times. It is autocracy reverting to its nor- 
 mal state of palace crime, blood-stained magnificence, and moral 
 squalor. But the last-named struggle produced a Greek master- 
 piece, for this second Cyrus collected an army of Greek mer- 
 cenaries and marched into Babylonia, and was there killed at 
 the moment of victory over Artaxerxes II. Thereupon, the 
 Ten Thousand Greeks, left with no one to employ them, made 
 a retreat to the coast again (401 e.g.), and this retreat was 
 immortalized in a book, one of the first of personal war books, 
 the Anabasis, by their leader Xenophon. 
 
 Murders, revolts, chastisements, disasters, cunning alliances, 
 and base betrayals, and no Herodotus to record them. Such is 
 the texture of Persian history. An Artaxerxes III, covered 
 with blood, flourishes dimly for a time. "Artaxerxes III is 
 said to have been murdered by Bagoas, who places Arses, the 
 youngest of the king's sons, on the throne only to slay him 
 in turn when he seemed to be contemplating independent ac- 
 tion." ^ So it goes on. 
 
 Athens, prospering for a time after the Persian repulse, was 
 smitten by the plague in which Pericles, its greatest ruler, died 
 (428 B.C.). But, as a noteworthy fact amidst these confusions, 
 the Ten Thousand of Xenophon were scattering now among 
 the Greek cities, repeating from their own experience the 
 declaration of Aristagoras that the Persian empire was a rich 
 confusion which it would be very easy for resolute men to 
 conquer. 
 
 •Winckler, in Helmolt'a Universal Eistory. 
 
XXII 
 
 GEEEK THOUGHT IN EELATION TO HUMAN 
 SOCIETY 
 
 § 1. The Athens of Pericles. § 2. Socrates. § 3, Plato and 
 the Academy. § 4. Aristotle and the Lyceum. § 5. Phi- 
 losophy becomes Unworldly. § 6. The Quality and Limita- 
 tions of Greek Thought. 
 
 % 1 
 
 GEEEK history for the next forty years after Platsea and 
 Mycale is a story of comparative peace and tranquillity. 
 There were wars, but they were not intense wars. For 
 a little while in Athens, for a section of the prosperous, there 
 was leisure and opportimity. And by a combination of acci- 
 dents and through the character of a small group of people, 
 this leisure and opportunity produced the most memorable re- 
 sults. Much beautiful literature was produced; the plastic 
 arts flourished, and the foundations of modern science, 
 already laid by the earlier philosophers of the Ionian Greek 
 cities, were consolidated. Then, after an interlude of fifty odd 
 years, the long-smouldering hostility between Athens and 
 Sparta broke out into a fierce and exhausting war, which sapped 
 at last the vitality of this creative movement. 
 
 This war is known in history as the Peloponnesian War ; it 
 went on for nearly thirty years, and wasted all the power of 
 Greece. At first Athens was in the ascendant, then Sparta. 
 Then arose Thebes, a city not fifty miles from Athens, to over- 
 sbadow Sparta. Once more Athens flared into importance as 
 the head of a confederation. It is a story of narrow rivalries 
 and inexplicable hatreds that would have vanished long ago out 
 of the memories of men, were it not that it is recorded and 
 reflected in a great literature. 
 
 Through all this time Persia appears and reappears as the 
 ally first of this league and then of that. About the middle of 
 
 2a 
 
292 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the fourth century B.C., Greece becomes aware of a new in- 
 fluence in its affairs, that of Philip, King of Macedonia. Mace- 
 donia does, indeed, arise in the background of this incurably 
 divided Greece, as the Medes and Persians arose behind the 
 Chaldean Empire. A time comes when the Greek mind turns 
 round, so to speak, from its disputes, and stares in one united 
 dismay at the Macedonian. 
 
 Planless and murderous squabbles are still planless and mur- 
 derous squabbles even though Thucydides tells the story, even 
 though the great beginnings of a new civilization are wrecked 
 by their disorders; and in this general outline we can give 
 no space at all to the particulars of these internecine feuds, to 
 the fights and flights that sent first this Greek city and then 
 that up to the sky in flames. Upon a one-foot globe Greece 
 becomes a speck almost too small to recognize; and in a short 
 history of mankind, all this century and more of dissension 
 between the days of Salamis and Platsea and the rise of King 
 Philip shrinks to a little, almost inaudible clash of disputa- 
 tion, to a. mere note upon the swift passing of opportunitiy 
 for nations as for men. 
 
 But what does not shrink into insignificance, because it has 
 entered into the intellectual process of all subsequent nations, 
 because it is inseparably a part of our mental foundation, is 
 the literature that Greece produced during such patches and 
 gleams of tranquillity and security as these times afforded her. 
 
 Says Professor Gilbert Murray: ^ 
 
 "Their outer political history, indeed, like that of all other 
 nations, is filled with war and diplomacy, with cruelty and de- 
 ceit. It is the inner history, the history of thought and feeling 
 and character, that is so grand. They had some difficulties to 
 contend with which are now almost out of our path. They had 
 practically no experience, but were doing everything for the 
 first time; they were utterly weak in material resources, and 
 their emotions, their 'desires and fears and rages/ were prob- 
 ably wilder and fiercer than ours. Yet they produced the Athens 
 of Pericles and of Plato." 
 
 This remarkable culmination of the long-gathering creative 
 power of the Greek mind, which for three and twenty centuries 
 has been to men of intelligence a guiding and inspiring beacon 
 out of the past, flared up after the battles of Marathon and 
 
 ^Ancient Greek Literature, by Gilbert Murray (Heinemann, 1911). 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 29S 
 
 Salamis had made Athens free and fearless, and, without any 
 great excesses of power, predominant in her world. It was 
 the work of a quite small group of men. A number of her 
 citizens lived for the better part of a generation under con- 
 ditions which, in all ages, have disposed men to produce good 
 and beautiful work; they were secure, they were free, and they 
 had pride; and they were without that temptation of appar- 
 ent and unchallenged power which disposes all of us to inflict 
 wrongs upon our fellow men. When political life narrowed 
 down again to the waste and crimes of a fratricidal war with 
 Sparta, there was so broad and well-fed a flame of intellectual 
 activity burning that it lasted through all the windy distresses 
 of this war and beyond the brief lifetime of Alexander the 
 Great, for a period altogether of more than a hundred years 
 after the wars began. 
 
 Flushed with victory and the sense of freedom fairly won, 
 the people of Athens did for a time rise towards nobility. Un- 
 der the guidance of a great demagogue, Pericles, the chief offi- 
 cial of the Athenian general assembly, and a politician states- 
 man rather of the calibre of Gladstone or Lincoln in modem 
 history, they were set to the task of rebuilding their city and 
 expanding their commerce. For a time they were capable of 
 following a generous leader generously, and Fate gave them a 
 generous leader. In Pericles there was mingled in the strang- 
 est fashion political ability with a real living pa:ssion for deep 
 and high and beautiful things. He kept in power for over 
 thirty years. He was a man of extraordinary vigour and lib- 
 erality of mind. He stamped these qualities upon his time. 
 As Winckler has remarked, the Athenian democracy had for 
 a. time "the face of Pericles." He was sustained by what was 
 probably a very great and noble friendship. There was a woman 
 of unusual education, Aspasia, from Miletus, whom he could 
 not marry because of the law that restricted the citizenship of 
 Athens to the home-bom, but who was in effect his wife. She 
 played a large part in gathering about him men of unusual 
 gifts. All the great writers of the time knew her, and sev- 
 eral have praised her wisdom. Plutarch, it is true, accuses 
 her of instigating a troublesome and dangerous but finally suc- 
 cessful war against Samos, but, as he himself shows later, this 
 was necessitated by the naval hostility of the Samians, which 
 
394 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY ^ 
 
 threatened the overseas trade of Athens, upon which all the 
 prosperity of the republic depended. 
 
 Men's ambitions are apt to reflect the standards of their in^ 
 timates. Pericles was content, at any rate, to serve as a leader 
 in Athens rather than to dominate as a tyrant. Alliances were 
 formed under his guidance, new colonies and trading stations 
 were established from Italy to the Black Sea ; and the treasures 
 of the league at Delos were brought to Athens. Convinced of 
 his security from Persia, Pericles spent the war hoard of the 
 allies upon the beautification of his city. This was an unright- 
 eous thing to do by our modem standards, but it was not a 
 base or greedy thing to do. Athens had accomplished the work 
 of the Delian League, and is not the labourer worthy of his 
 hire? This sequestration made a time of exceptional oppor- 
 tunity for architects and artists. The Parthenon of Athens,; 
 whose ruins are still a thing of beauty, was but the crown set 
 upon the clustering glories of the Athens Pericles rebuilt. Such 
 sculptures as those of Phidias, Myron, and Polyclitus that still 
 survive, witness to the artistic quality of the time. 
 
 The reader must bear in mind that illuminating remark of 
 Winckler's, which says that this renascent Athens bore for a 
 time the face of Pericles. It was the peculiar genius of this 
 man and of his atmosphere that let loose the genius of men 
 about him, and attracted men of great intellectual vigour to 
 Athens. Athens wore his face for a time as one wears a mask, 
 and then became restless and desired to put him aside. There 
 was very little that was great and generous about the common 
 Athenian. We have told of the spirit of one sample voter for 
 the ostracism of Aristides, and Lloyd (in his Age of Pericles) 
 declares that the Athenians would not suffer the name of 
 Miltiades to be mentioned in connection with the battle of 
 Marathon. The sturdy self-respect of the common voters re- 
 volted presently against the beautiful buildings risings about 
 them; against the favours shown to such sculptors as Phidias 
 over popular worthies in the same line of business; against 
 the donations made to a mere foreigner like Herodotus of 
 Halicamassus ; against the insulting preference of Pericles 
 for the company and conversation of a Milesian woman. The 
 public life of Pericles was conspicuously orderly, and that pres- 
 ently set the man in the street thinking that his private life 
 must be very corrupt. One gathers that Pericles was "superior" 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 29S 
 
 in his demeanour; he betrayed at times a oontsmpt for the 
 citizens he served. 
 
 "Pericles acquired not only an elevation of sentiment, and 
 a loftiness and purity of style far removed from the low ex- 
 pression of the vulgar, but likewise a gravity of countenance 
 which relaxed not into laughter, a firm and even tone of voice, 
 an easy deportment, and a decency of dress which no vehemence 
 of speaking ever put into disorder. These thing?, and others 
 of a like nature, excited admiration in all that saw him. Such 
 was his conduct, when a vile and abandoned fellow loaded him 
 a whole day with reproaches and abuse ; he bore it with patience 
 and silence, and continued in public for the despatch of some 
 urgent affairs. In the evening he walked softly home, this 
 impudent wretch following, and insulting him all the way with 
 the most scurrilous language. And as it was dark when he 
 came to his own door, he ordered one of his servants to take 
 a torch and light the man home. The poet Ion, however, says 
 he was proud and supercilious in conversation, and that there 
 was a great deal of vanity and contempt of others mixed with, 
 his dignity of manner. . . . He appeared not in the streets 
 except when he went to the forum or the senate house. He 
 declined the invitations of his friends, and all social entertain- 
 ments and recreations; insomuch that in the whole time of bis 
 administration, which was a considerable length, he never went 
 to sup with any of his friends but once, which was at the mar- 
 riage of his nephew Euryptolemus, and he stayed there only 
 until the ceremony of libation was ended. He considered 
 that the freedom of entertainments takes away all distinction 
 of office, and that dignity is but little consistent with 
 familiarity. . . ." ^ 
 
 There was as yet no gutter journalism to tell the world of 
 the vileness of the conspicuous and successful; but the com- 
 mon man, a little out of conceit with himself, found much con- 
 solation in the art of comedy, which flourished exceedingly. The 
 writers of comedy satisfied that almost universal craving for 
 the depreciation of those whose apparent excellence offends 
 our self-love. They threw dirt steadily and industriously at 
 Pericles and his friends. Pericles was portrayed in a helmet; 
 a helmet became him, and it is to be feared he knew as much. 
 This led to much joy and mirth over the pleasant suggestion 
 
 ' Plutarch. 
 
/i96 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 afiiu 
 Pap0icti0ii 
 
 >f a frightfully distorted head, an onion head. The "goings 
 )n" of Aspasia were of course a fruitful vineyard for the in- 
 dentions of the street. . . , 
 
 Dreaming souls, weary of the vulgarities of our time, have 
 desired to be transferred to the sublime Age of Pericles. But, 
 plumped down into that Athens, they would have found them- 
 selves in very much the atr 
 mosphere of the lower sort of 
 contemporary music-hall, very 
 much in the vein of our popu- 
 lar newspapers; the same hot 
 blast of braying libel, foul im- 
 putation, g r e e dy "patri- 
 otism," and general baseness 
 would have blown upon them, 
 the "modem note" would 
 have pursued them. As the 
 memories of Plataea and 
 Salamis faded and the new 
 buildings grew familiar, 
 Pericles and the pride of 
 Athens became more and 
 more offensive to the homely 
 humour of the crowd. He 
 was never ostracized — ^his 
 prestige with the quieter citi- 
 zens saved him from that ; but 
 he was attacked with increas- 
 ing boldness and steadfast- 
 ness. He lived and died a poor man ; he was perhaps the most 
 honest of demagogues; but this did not save him from an 
 abortive prosecution for peculation. Defeated in that, his 
 enemies resorted to a more devious method; they began to lop 
 away his friends. 
 
 Religious intolerance and moral accusations are the natural 
 weapons of the envious against the leaders of men. His friend 
 Damon was ostracized. Phidias was attacked for impiety. On 
 the shield of the great statue of the goddess Athene, Phidias 
 had dared to put, among the combatants in a fight between 
 Greeks and Amazons, portraits of Pericles and himself. Phidias 
 died in prison. Anaxagoras, a stranger welcomed to Athens 
 
 jr.F.H. 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 297 
 
 by Pericles — when there were plenty of honest fellows already 
 there quite willing to satisfy any reasonable curiosities — was 
 saying the strangest things about the sun and stars, and hint- 
 ing not obscurely that there were no gods, but only one animat- 
 ing spirit (nous) in the world. ^ The comedy writers suddenly 
 found they had deep religious feelings that could be profoundly 
 and even dangerously shocked, and Anaxagoras fled the threat 
 of a prosecution. Then came the turn of Aspasia. Athens 
 seemed bent upon deporting her, and Pericles was torn be- 
 tween the woman who was the soul of his life and the un- 
 gracious city he had saved, defended, and made more beautiful 
 and unforgettable than any other city in history. He stood up 
 to defend Aspasia, he was seized by a storm of very human 
 emotion, and as he spoke he wept — a gleeful thing for the 
 rabble. His tears saved Aspasia for a time. 
 
 The Athenians were content to humiliate Pericles, but he 
 had served them so long that they were indisposed to do without 
 him. He had been their leader now for a third of a century. 
 
 In 431 B.C. came the war with Sparta. Plutarch accuses 
 Pericles of bringing it on, because he felt his popularity waned 
 so fast that a war was needed to make him indispensable. 
 
 "And as he himself was become obnoxious to the people upon 
 Phidias's account, and was afraid of being called in question 
 for it, he urged on the war, which as yet was uncertain, and 
 blew up that flame which till then was stifled and suppressed. 
 By this means he hoped to obviate the accusations that threat- 
 ened him, and to mitigate the rage of envy, because such was his 
 dignity and power, that in all important affairs, and in every great 
 danger, the republic could place its confidence in him alone." 
 
 But the war was a slow and dangerous war, and the Athenian 
 people were impatient. A certain Cleon arose, ambitious to 
 oust Pericles from his leadership. There was a great clamour 
 for a swift ending of the war. Cleon set out to be "the man who 
 won the war." The popular poets got to work in this fashion : 
 
 "Thou king of satyrs . . . why boast thy prowess, 
 Yet shudder at the sound of sharpened swords. 
 Spite of the flaming Cleon ?" 
 
 An expedition under the leadership of Pericles was unsuc- 
 cessful, and Cleon seized the opport.unity for a prosecution. 
 
 * For an account of his views, see Burnet's Early Qreek Philosophy. 
 Gomperz' Qreek Thinkers is also a good book for this section. 
 
298 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Pericles was supended from his command and fined. The story 
 goes that his oldest son — ^this was not the son of Aspasia, but 
 of a former wife — turned against him, and pursued him with 
 vile and incredible accusations. This young man was carried 
 off by the plague. Then the sister of Pericles died, and then 
 his last legitimate son. When, after the fashion of the time, 
 he put the funeral garlands on the boy he wept aloud. Presently 
 he himself took the contagion and died (428 b.c). 
 
 The salient facts of this brief summary will serve to show 
 how discordant Pericles was with much of the life of his city. 
 This intellectual and artistic outbreak in Athens was no doubt 
 favoured by the conditions of the time, but it was also due in 
 part to the appearance of some very unusual men. It was not 
 a general movement; it was the movement of a small group of 
 people exceptionally placed and gifted. 
 
 § 2 
 
 Another leading figure in this Athenian movement, a figure 
 still more out of harmony with the life around him, and quite 
 as much an original source and stimulant of the enduring great- 
 ness of his age, was a man called Socrates, a son of a stone- 
 mason. He was bom about sixteen years later than Herodotus, 
 and he was beginning to be heard of about the time when 
 Pericles died. He himself wrote nothing, but it was his cus- 
 tom to talk in public places. There was in those days a great 
 searching for wisdom going on ; there was a various multitude 
 of teachers called sophists who reasoned upon truth, beauty, and 
 right living, and instructed the developing curiosities and im- 
 aginations of youth. This was so because there were no great 
 priestly schools in Greece. And into these discussions this 
 man came, a clumsy and slovenly figure, barefooted, gathering 
 about him a band of admirers and disciples. 
 
 His method was profoundly sceptical; he believed that the 
 only possible virtue was true knowledge ; he would tolerate no 
 belief, no hope that could not pass the ultimate acid test. For 
 himself this meant virtue, but for many of his weaker followers 
 it meant the loss of beliefs and moral habits that would have 
 restrained their impulses. These weaklings became self-excus- 
 ing, self-indulging scoundrels. Among his young associates 
 were Plato, who afterwards immortalized his method in a series 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 299 
 
 of philosophical dialogues, and founded the philosophical school 
 of the Academy, which lasted nine hundred years, Xenophon, of 
 the Ten Thousand, who described his death, and Isoerates, one 
 of the wisest of Greek political thinkers; but there were also 
 Critias, who, when Athens was utterly defeated by Sparta, 
 was leader among the Thirty Tyrants appointed by the Spartans 
 to keep the crushed city under ; ^ Charmides, who was killed 
 beside Critias when the Thirty were overthrown ; and Alcibiades, 
 a brilliant and complex traitor, who did much to lead Athens 
 into the disastrous expedition against Syracuse which destroyed 
 her strength, who betrayed her to the Spartans, and who was 
 at last assassinated while on his way to the Persian court to 
 contrive mischief against Greece. These latter pupils were not 
 the only young men of promise whose vulgar faith and patriotism 
 Socrates destroyed, to leave nothing in its place. His most 
 inveterate enemy was a certain Anytus, whose son, a devoted 
 disciple of Socrates, had become a hopeless drunkard. Through 
 Anytus it was that Socrates was at last prosecuted for "cor- 
 rupting" the youth of Athens, and condemned to death by drink- 
 ing a poisonous draught made from hemlock (399 B.C.). 
 
 His death is described with great beauty in the dialogue of 
 Plato called by the name of Phwdo. 
 
 § 3 
 
 Plato was born 427 b.c, and he lived for eighty years. 
 
 In mental temperament Plato was of an altogether different 
 
 '"But it was not only against the lives, properties, and liberties of 
 Athenian citizens that the Thirty made war. They were not leas solicitous 
 to extinguish the intellectual force and education of the city, a project so 
 perfectly in harmony both with the sentiment and practice of Sparta, 
 that they counted on the support of their foreign allies. Among the or- 
 dinances which they promulgated was one, expressly forbidding any one 
 'to teach the art of words.' The edict of the Thirty was, in fact, a general 
 suppression of the higher class of teachers or professors, above the rank of 
 the elementary (teacher of letters or) grammatist. If such an edict could 
 have been maintained in force for a generation, combined with the other 
 mandates of the Thirty — the city out of which Sophocles and Euripides 
 had just died, and in which Plato and Isoerates were in vigorous age, would 
 have been degraded to the intellectual level of the meanest community in 
 Greece. It was not uncommon for a Grecian despot to suppress all those 
 assemblies wherein youths came together for the purpose of common 
 training, either intellectual or gymnastic, . as well as the public banquets 
 and clubs or associations, as being dangerous to his authority, tending to 
 elevation of courage, and to a consciousness of political rights among the 
 citizens." — Grote's History of Greece, ' 
 
SOO THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 type from Socrates. He was a most artistic and delicate writer, 
 and Socrates could write nothing consecutive. He cared for 
 beautiful things and Socrates despised them. He was supremely 
 concerned with the ordering of public affairs and the scheming 
 of happier human relationships, while Socrates, heedless of heat 
 and cold and the opinion of his fellow creatures, concentrated 
 his mind upon a serene disillusionment. Life, said Socrates, 
 was deception; only the Soul lived. Plato had a very great 
 affection for this rugged old teacher, he found his method of 
 the utmost value in disentangling and cleaning up opinions, 
 and he made him the central figure of his immortal dialogues ; 
 but his own thoughts and disposition turned him altogether 
 away from the sceptical attitude. In many of the dialogues 
 the voice is the voice of Socrates, but the thought is the thought 
 of Plato. 
 
 Plato was living in a time of doubt and questioning about 
 all human relationships. In the great days of Pericles, be- 
 fore 450 B.C., there seems to have been a complete satisfaction 
 in Athens with social and political institutions. Then there 
 seemed no reason for questioning. Men felt free; the com- 
 munity prospered; one suffered chiefly from jealousy. The 
 History of Herodotus displays little or no dissatisfaction with 
 Athenian political institutions. 
 
 But Plato, who was born about the time Herodotus died, 
 and who grew up in the atmosphere of a disastrous war and 
 great social distress and confusion, was from the first face to 
 face with human discord and the misfit of human institutions. 
 To that challenge his mind responded. One of his earlier 
 works and his latest are bold and penetrating discussions of 
 the possible betterment of social relations. Socrates had taught 
 him to take nothing for granted, not even the common relations 
 of husband and wife or parent and child. His Republic, the 
 first of all Utopian books, is a young man's dream of 
 a city in which human life is arranged according to 
 a novel and a better plan ; his last unfinished work, the Laws, 
 is a discussion of the regulation of another such Utopia. There 
 is much in Plato at which we cannot even glance here, but it 
 is a landmark in this history, it is a new thing in the develop- 
 ment of mankind, this appearance of the idea of wilfully and 
 completely recasting human conditions. So far mankind has 
 been living by tradition under the fear of the gods. Here is 
 
GUnm THOUGHT gOl 
 
 a man wko says boldly to our race, and as if it were a quite 
 reasonable and natural thing to say, "Take hold of your lives. 
 Most of these things that distress you, you can avoid ; most of 
 these things that dominate you, you can overthrow. You can 
 do as you will with them." 
 
 One other thing besides the conflicts of the time perhaps 
 stimulated the mind of Plato in this direction. In the days of 
 Pericles Athens had founded many settlements overseas, and 
 the setting up of these settlements had familiarized men with 
 the idea that a community need not grow, it could also be made. 
 
 Closely associated with Plato was a younger man, who later 
 also maintained a school in Athens and lived to an even greater 
 age. This was Isocrates. He was what we should call a pub- 
 licist, a writer rather than an orator, and his peculiar work was 
 to develop the idea of Herodotus, the idea of a unification of 
 Greece against the Persian Empire, as a remedy for the base- 
 ness and confusion of her politics and the waste and destruc- 
 tion of her internecine wars. His political horizon was in 
 some respects broader than Plato's, and in his later years he 
 looked towards monarchy, and particularly towards the Macer 
 donian monarchy of Philip, as a more unifying and broadening 
 method of government than city democracy. The same drift to 
 monarchist ideas had occurred in the case of that Xenophon 
 whose Anabasis we have already mentioned. In his old age 
 Xenophon wrote the Cyro-pwdia, a "vindication both theoreti- 
 cally and practically of absolute monarchy as shown in the 
 organization of the Persian Empire." ^ 
 
 § 4 
 
 Plato taught in the Academy. To him in his old age came 
 a certain good-looking youngster from Stagira in Macedonia, 
 Aristotle, who was the son of the Macedonian king's physician, 
 and a man with a very different type of mind from that of 
 the great Athenian. He was naturally sceptical of the imagina- 
 tive will, and with a great respect for and comprehension of 
 established fact. Later on, after Plato was dead, he set up 
 a school at the Lyceum in Athens and taught, criticizing Plato 
 and Socrates with a certain hardness. When he taught, the 
 shadow of Alexander the Great lay across the freedom of 
 
 • Mahaffy. 
 
302 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Greece, and he favoured slavery and constitutional kings. He 
 had previously been the tutor of Alexander for several years 
 at the court of Philip of Macedon. Intelligent ' men were 
 losing heart in those days, their faith in the power of men 
 to make their own conditions of life was fading. There were 
 no more Utopias. The rush of events was manifestly too power- 
 ful for such organized effort as was then practicable between 
 men of fine intelligence^ It was possible to think of recasting 
 human society when human society was a little city of a few 
 thousand citizens, but what was happening about them •vyas 
 something cataclysmal; it was the political recasting of the 
 whole known world, of the affairs of what even then must have 
 amounted to something between fifty and a hundred million 
 people. It was recasting upon a scale no human mind was 
 yet equipped to grasp. It drove thought back upon the idea 
 of a vast and implacable Fate. It made men snatch at what- 
 ever looked stable and unifying. Monarchy, for instance, for 
 all its manifest vices, was a conceivable government for mil- 
 lions ; it had, to a certain extent, worked; it imposed a ruling 
 will where it would seem that a collective will was impossible. 
 This change of the general intellectual mood harmonized with 
 Aristotle's natural respect for existing fact. If, on the one 
 hand, it made him approve of monarchy and slavery and the 
 subjection of women as reasonable institutions, on the other 
 hand it made him eager to understand fact and to get some 
 orderly knowledge of these realities of nature and human nature 
 that were now so manifestly triumphant over the creative dreams 
 of the preceding generation. He is terribly sane and luminous, 
 and terribly wanting in self-sacrificial enthusiasm. He ques- 
 tions Plato when Plato would exile poets from his Utopia, for 
 poetry is a power; he directs his energy along a line dia- 
 metrically opposed to Socrates' depreciation of Anaxagoras. 
 He anticipates Bacon and the modem scientific movement in his 
 realization of the importance of ordered knowledge. He set 
 himself to the task of gathering together and setting down 
 knowledge. He was the first natural historian. Other men 
 before him had speculated about the nature of things, but he, 
 with every young man he could win over to the task, set him- 
 self to classify and compare things. Plato says in effect : "Let 
 us take hold of life and remodel it"; this soberer successor: 
 "Let us first know more of life and meanwhile serve the king." 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 303 
 
 It was not so much a contradiction as an immense qualification 
 of the master. 
 
 The peculiar relation of Aristotle to Alexander the Great 
 enabled him to procure means for his work such as were not 
 available again for scientific inquiry for long ages. He could 
 command hundreds of talents (a talent = about £240) for his 
 expenses. At one time he had at his disposal a thousand men 
 scattered throughout Asia and Greece, collecting matter for 
 his natural history. They were, of course, very untrained obser- 
 vers, collectors of stories rather than observers ; but nothing 
 of the kind had ever been attempted, had even been thought of, 
 so far as we know, before his time. Political as well as natural 
 science began. The students of the Lyceum under his direc- 
 tion made an analysis of 158 political constitutions. . . . 
 
 This was the first gleam of organized science in the world. 
 The early death of Alexander and the breaking up of his empire 
 almost before it had b^un, put an end to endowments on this 
 scale for 2,000 years. Only in Egypt at the Alexandria Museum 
 did any scientific research continue, and that only for a few 
 generations. Of that we will presently tell. Fifty years 
 after Aristotle's death the Lyceum had already dwindled to 
 insignificance. 
 
 § 5 
 
 The general drift of thought in the concluding years of the 
 fourth century b.c. was not with Aristotle, nor towards the 
 laborious and necessary accumulation of ordered knowledge, 
 It is possible that without his endowments from the king he 
 would have made but a small figure in intellectual history. 
 Through them he was able to give his splendid intelligence sub- 
 stance and effect. Tbe ordinary man prefers easy ways so 
 long as they may be followed, and is almost wilfully heedless 
 whether they end at last in a cul-de-sac. Finding the stream 
 of events too powerful to control at once, the generality of 
 philosophical teachers drifted in those days from the scheming 
 of model cities and the planning of new ways of living into the 
 elaboration of beautiful and consoling systems of evasion. 
 
 Perhaps that is putting things coarsely and unjustly* But 
 let Professor Gilbert Murray speak upon this matter.^ 
 
 ^Ancient Oreek Literatv/re. 
 
304 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "The Cynics cared only for virtue and the relation of the 
 soul to God ; the world and its learning and its honours were 
 as dross to them. The Stoics and Epicureans, so far apart at 
 first sight, were very similar in their ultimate aim. What they 
 really cared about was ethics — the practical question how a 
 man should order his life. Both, indeed, gave themselves to some 
 science — the Epicureans to physics, the Stoics to logic and 
 rhetoric — but only as a means to an end. The Stoic tried to 
 win men's hearts and convictions by sheer subtlety of abstract 
 argument and dazzling sublimity of thought and expression. 
 The Epicurean was determined to make Humanity go its way 
 without cringing to capricious gods and without sacrificing 
 Free- Will. He condensed his gospel into four maxims : "God 
 is not to be feared ; Death cannot be felt ; the Good can be won ; 
 all that we dread can be borne and conquered." 
 
 And meanwhile the stream of events flowed on, with a 
 reciprocal indifference to philosophy. 
 
 § 6 
 
 If the Greek classics are to be read with any benefit by mod- 
 ern men, they must be read as the work of men like ourselves. 
 Kegard must be had to their traditions, their opportunities, and 
 their limitations. There is a disposition to exaggeration in all 
 human admiration; most of our classical texts are very much 
 mangled, and all were originally the work of human beings in 
 difficulties, living in a time of such darkness and narrowness 
 of outlook as makes our own age by comparison a period of 
 dazzling illumination. What we shall lose in reverence by this 
 familiar treatment, we shall gain in sympathy for that group 
 of troubled, uncertain, and very modern minds. The Athenian 
 writers were, indeed, the first of modem men. They were 
 discussing questions that we still discuss ; they began to struggle 
 with the great problems that confront us to-day. Their writ- 
 ings are our dawn.^ 
 
 ' Jung in his Psychology of the Unconscious is very good in his Chapter 
 I on the differences between ancient ( pre- Athenian ) thought and modern 
 thought. The former he calls Undirected Thinking, the latter Directed 
 Thinking. The former was a thinking in images, akin to dreaming; the 
 latter a thinking in words. Science is an organization of directed thinking. 
 The Antique spirit (before the Greek thinkers i.e.) created not science 
 but mythology. The ancient human world was a world of subjective 
 fantasies like the world of children and uneducated young people to-day, 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 305 
 
 They began an inquiry, and they arrived at no solutions. 
 We cannot pretend to-day that we have arrived at solutions 
 to most of the questions they asked. The mind of the Hebrews, 
 as we have already shown, awoke suddenly to the endless 
 miseries and disorders of life, saw that these miseries and 
 disorders were largely due to the lawless acts of men, and con- 
 cluded that salvation could come only through subduing our- 
 selves to the service of the one God who rules heaven and 
 earth. The Greek, rising to the same perception, was not pre- 
 pared with the same idea of a patriarchal deity ; he lived in a 
 world in which there was not God but the gods; if perhaps 
 he felt that the gods themselves were limited, then he thought 
 of Fate behind them, cold and impersonal. So he put his 
 problem in the form of an inquiry as to what was right living, 
 without any definite correlation of the right-living man with 
 the will of God. ... To us, looking at the matter from a 
 standpoint purely historical, the common problem can now 
 be presented in a form that, for the purposes of history, covers 
 both the Hebrew and Greek way of putting it. We have seen 
 our kind rising out of the unconsciousness of animals to a 
 continuing racial self -consciousness, realizing the unhappiness 
 of its wild diversity of aims, realizing the inevitable tragedy of 
 individual self-seeking, and feeling its way blindly towards some 
 linking and subordinating idea to save it from the pains and 
 accidents of mere individuality. The gods, the god-king, the 
 idea of the tribe, the idea of the city ; here are ideas that have 
 claimed and held for a time the devotion of men, ideas in which 
 they have a little lost their individual selfishness and escaped 
 to the realization of a more enduring life. Yet, as our wars 
 and disasters prove, none of these greater ideas have yet been 
 great enough. The gods have failed to protect, the tribe has 
 proved itself vile and cruel, the city ostracized one's best and 
 truest friends, the god-king made a beast of himself. . . . 
 
 As we read over the speculative literature of this great period 
 
 and like the world of savages and dreams. Infantile thought and dreams 
 are a re-echo of prehistoric and savage methods of thinking. Myths, 
 says Jung, are the mass dreams of peoples, and dreams the myths of in- 
 dividuals. We have already directed the reader's attention to the re- 
 semblance of the early gods of civilization to the fantasies of children. 
 The work of hard and disciplined thinking by means of carefully analyzed 
 words and statements which was begun by the Greek thinkers and re- 
 sumed by the scholastic philosophers of whom we shall tell in the middle 
 ages, was a necessary preliminary to the development of modern science. 
 
S06 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of the Greeks, we realize three barriers set about the Greek 
 mind, from which it rarely escaped, but from which we now 
 perhaps are beginning to escape. 
 
 The first of these limitations was the obsession of the Greek 
 mind by the idea of the city as' the ultimate state. In a world 
 in which empire had followed empire, each greater than its pre- 
 decessor, in a world through which men and ideas drove ever 
 more loosely and freely, in a world visibly unifying even then, 
 the Greeks, because of their peculiar physical and political cir- 
 cumstances, were still dreaming impossibly of a compact little 
 city state, impervious to outer influences, valiantly secure 
 against the whole world. Plato's estimate of the number of citi- 
 zens in a perfect state varied between 1,000 (the Republic) and 
 5,040 (the Lawsi) citizens. ^ This state was to go to war and 
 hold its own against other cities of the same size. And this 
 was not a couple of generations after the hosts of Xerxes had 
 crossed the Hellespont ! 
 
 Perhaps these Greeks thought the day of world empires had 
 passed for ever, whereas it was only beginning. At the utmost 
 their minds reached out to alliances and leagues. There must 
 have been men at the court of Artaxerxes thinking far away 
 beyond these little ideas of the rocky creek, the island, and the 
 mountain-encircled valley. But the need for unification against 
 the greater powers that moved outside the Greek-speaking world, 
 the Greek mind disregarded wilfully. These outsiders were 
 barbarians, not to be needlessly thought about ; they were barred 
 out now from Greece for ever. One took Persian money ; every- 
 body took Persian money; what did it matter? Or one en- 
 listed for a time in their armies (as Xenophon did) and hoped 
 for his luck with a rich prisoner. Athens took sides in Egyptian 
 affairs, and carried on minor wars with Persia, but there was 
 no conception of a common policy or a common future for 
 Greece. . . . Until at last a voice in Athens began to shout 
 "Macedonia !" to clamour like a watch-dog, "Macedonia !" This 
 was the voice of the orator and demagogue, Demosthenes, hurl- 
 ing warnings and threats and denunciations at King Philip 
 
 • "For the proper administration of justice and for the distribution of 
 authority it is necessary that the citizens be acquainted with each other's 
 characters, so that, where this cannot be, much mischief ensues, both in 
 the use of authority and in the administration of justice; for It is not 
 just to decide arbitrarily, as must be the case with excessive population." 
 Aristotle: PoUtios. 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 807 
 
 of Macedon, wlio had learnt his politics not only from Plato 
 and Aristotle, but also from Isocrates and Xenophon, and from 
 Babylon and Susa, and who was preparing quietly, ably, and 
 steadfastly to dominate all Greece, and through Greece to con- 
 quer the known world. . . . 
 
 There was a second thing that cramped the Greek mind, the 
 institution of domestic slavery. Slavery was implicit in Greek 
 life ; men could conceive of neither comfort nor dignity without 
 it. But slavery shuts off one's sympathy not only from a class 
 of one's fellow subjects ; it puts the slave-owner into a class and 
 organization against all stranger men. One is of an elect tribe. 
 Plato, carried by his clear reason and the noble sanity of his 
 spirit beyond the things of the present, would have abolished 
 slavery; much popular feeling and the New Comedy were 
 against it; the Stoics and Epicureans, many of whom were 
 slaves, condemned it as unnatural, but finding it too strong to 
 upset, decided that it did not affect the soul and might be 
 ignored. With the wise there was no bound or free. To the 
 matter-of-fact Aristotle, and probably to most practical men, 
 its abolition was inconceivable. So they declared that there 
 were in the world men "naturally slaves." ... 
 
 Finally, the thought of the Greeks was hampered by a want 
 of knowledge that is almost inconceivable to us to-day. They 
 had no knowledge of the past of mankind at all; at best they 
 had a few shrewd guesses. They had no knowledge of geography 
 beyond the range of the Mediterranean basin and the frontiers 
 of Persia. We know far more to-day of what was going on 
 in Susa, Persepolis, Babylon, and Memphis in the time of 
 Pericles than he did. Their astronomical ideas were still in the 
 state of rudimentary speculations. Anaxagoras, greatly daring, 
 thought the sun and moon were vast globes, so vast that the sun 
 was probably "as big as all the Peloponnesus." Their ideas 
 in physics and chemistry were the results of profound cogita- 
 tion; it is wonderful that they did guess at atomic structure. 
 One has to remember their extraordinary poverty in the matter 
 of experimental apparatus. They had coloured glass for orna- 
 ment, but no white glass ; no accurate means of measuring the 
 minor intervals of time, no really efficient numerical notation, 
 no very accurate scales, no rudiments of telescope or microscope. 
 A modern scientific man dumped down in the Athens of Pericles 
 would have found the utmost difficulty in demonstrating the 
 
308 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 elements of Ms knowledge, however crudely, to the men he would 
 have found there. He would have had to rig up the simplest 
 apparatus under every disadvantage, while Socrates pointed 
 out the absurdity of seeking Truth with pieces of wood and 
 string and metal such as small boys use for fishing. And our 
 professor of science would also have been in' constant danger 
 of a prosecution for impiety. 
 
 Our world to-day draws upon relatively immense accumula- 
 tions of knowledge of fact. In the age of Pericles scarcely the 
 first stone of our comparatively tremendous cairn of things 
 recorded and proved had been put in place. When we reflect 
 upon this difference, then it ceases to be remarkable that the 
 Greeks, with all their aptitude for political speculation, were 
 blind to the insecurities of their civilization from without and 
 from within, to the necessity for effective unification, to the 
 swift rush of events that was to end for long ages these first 
 brief freedoms of the human mind. 
 
 It is not in the results it achieved, but in the attempts it 
 made, that the true value for us of this group of Greek talkers 
 and writers lies. It is not that they answered questions, but 
 that they dared to ask them. IsTever before had man challenged 
 his world and the way of life to which he found his birth had 
 brought him. Never had he said before that he could alter his 
 conditions. Tradition and a seeming necessity had held him 
 to life as he had found it grown up about his tribe since time 
 immemorial. Hitherto he had taken the world as children still 
 take the homes and habits in which they have been reared. 
 
 So in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. we perceive, most 
 plainly in Judea and in Athens, but by no means confined to 
 those centres, the beginnings of a moral and an intellectual 
 process in mankind, an appeal to righteousness and an appeal 
 to the truth from the passions and confusions and immediate 
 appearances of existence. It is like the davra. of the sense of 
 responsibility in a youth, who suddenly discovers that life is 
 neither easy nor aimless. Mankind is growing up. The rest 
 of history for three and twenty centuries is threaded with the 
 spreading out and development and interaction and the clearer 
 and more effective statement of these main leading ideas. Slowly 
 more and more men apprehend the reality of human brother- 
 hood, the needlessness of wars and cruelties and oppression, 
 the possibilities of a common purpose for the whole of our 
 
GREEK THOUGHT 309 
 
 kind. In every generation thereafter there is the evidence 
 of men seeking for that better order to which they feel out 
 world must come. But everywhere and wherever in any man 
 the great constructive ideas have taken hold, the hot greeds, 
 the jealousies, the suspicions and impatience that are in the 
 nature of every one of us, war against the struggle towards 
 greater and broader purposes. The last twenty-three centuries 
 of history are like the efforts of some impulsive, hasty immortal 
 to think clearly and live rightly. Blunder follows blunder; 
 promising beginnings end in grotesque disappointments ; streams 
 of living water are poisoned by the cup. that conveys them to 
 the thirsty lips of mankind. But the hope of men rises again 
 at last after every disaster. . . . 
 
 We pass on now to the story of one futile commencement, 
 one glorious shattered beginning of human unity. There was 
 in Alexander the Great knowledge and imagination, power and 
 opportunity, folly, egotism, detestable vulgarity, and an im- 
 mense promise broken by the accident of his early death while 
 men were still dazzled by its immensity. 
 
xxm 
 
 THE OAEEEK OF ALEXAl^DER THE GEEAT 
 
 § 1, Philip of Macedonia. § 2. The Murder of King Philip. 
 § 3. Alexanders First Conquests. § 4. The Wanderings of 
 Alexander. § 5. Was Alexander Indeed Great? § 6. The 
 Successors of Alexander. § 7. Pergamum a. Refuge of Cul- 
 ture. § 8. Alexander as a Portent of World Unity. 
 
 § 1 
 
 THE true hero of the story of Alexander is not so much 
 Alexander as his father Philip. The author of a piece 
 does not shine in the limelight as the actor does, and 
 it was Philip who planned much of the greatness that his son 
 achieved, who laid the foundations and forged the tools, who 
 had indeed already begun the Persian expedition at the time 
 of his death. Philip, beyond doubting, was one of the greatest 
 monarchs the world has ever seen ; he was a man of the utmost 
 intelligence and ability, and his range of ideas was vastly 
 beyond the scope of his time. He made Aristotle his friend; 
 he must have discussed with him those schemes for the organ- 
 ization of real kniawledge which the philosopher was to realize 
 later through Alexander's endowments. Philip, so far as we 
 can judge, seems to have been Aristotle's "Prince"; to him 
 Aristotle turned as men turn only to those whom they admire 
 and trust. To Philip also Isocrates appealed as the great leader 
 who should unify and ennoble the chaotic public life of Greece. 
 In many books it is stated that Philip was a man of in- 
 credible cynicism and of uncontrolled lusts. It is true that at 
 feasts, like all the Macedonians of his time, he was a hard 
 drinker and sometimes drunken — it was probably considered 
 unamiable not to drink excessively at feasts; but of the other 
 accusations there is no real proof, and for evidence we have 
 only the railings of such antagonists as Demosthenes, the 
 Athenian demagogue and orator, a man of reckless rhetoric. 
 
 310 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 3U 
 
 The quotation of a phrase or so will serve to show to what the 
 patriotic anger of Demosthenes could bring him. In one of 
 the Philippics, as his denunciations of Philip are called, he 
 gives vent in this style: 
 
 "Philip — a man who not only is no Greek, and no way 
 akin to the Greeks, but is not even a barbarian from a re- 
 spectable country — ^no, a pestilent fellow of Macedon, a country 
 from which we never 
 get even a decent 
 slave." And so on and 
 so on. We know, as a 
 matter of fact, that 
 the Macedonians were 
 an Aryan people very 
 closely akin to the 
 Greeks, and that 
 Philip was probably 
 the best educated man 
 of his time. This was 
 the spirit in which the 
 adverse accounts of 
 Philip were written. 
 
 When Philip be- 
 came king of Mace- 
 donia in 359 B.C., his 
 country was a little 
 country without a seaport or industries or any considerable 
 city. It had a peasant population, Greek almost in lan- 
 guage and ready to be Greek in sympathies, but more purely 
 Nordic in blood than any people to the south of it. Philip 
 made this little barbaric state into a great one; he cre- 
 ated the most efficient military organization the world 
 had so far seen, and he had brought most of Greece into one 
 confederacy under ];iis leadership at the time of his death. And 
 his extraordinary quality, his power of thinking out beyond 
 the current ideas of his time, is shoven not so much in those 
 matters as in the care with which he had his son trained to carry 
 on the policy he had created. He is one of the few monarchs 
 in history who cared for his successor. Alexander was, as few 
 other monarchs have ever been, a specially educated king; 
 he was educated for empire. Aristotle was but one of the sev- 
 
 ThUip af'Mkce3Lorx 
 
312 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 eral able tutors his father chose for him. Philip confided his 
 policy to him, and entrusted him with commands and authority 
 by the time he was sixteen. He commanded the cavalry at 
 Chaeronea under his father's eye. He was nursed into power 
 — -generously and unsuspiciously. 
 
 To any one who reads his life with care it is evident that 
 Alexander started with an equipment of training and ideas 
 of unprecedented value. As he got beyond the wisdom of his 
 upbringing he began to blunder and misbehave — sometimes with 
 a dreadful folly. The defects of his character had triumphed 
 over his upbringing long before he died. 
 
 Philip was a king after the old pattern, a leader-king, first 
 among his peers, of the ancient l^ordio Aryan type. The army 
 he found in Macedonia consisted of a general foot levy and 
 a noble equestrian order called the "companions." The people 
 were farmers and hunters and somewhat drunken in their 
 habits, but ready for discipline and good fighting stuff. And 
 if the people were homely, the government was intelligent and 
 alert. For some generations the court language had been Attic 
 (=: Athenian) Greek, and the court had been sufficiently civi- 
 lized to shelter and entertain such great figures as Euripides, 
 who died there in 406 b.c, and Zeuxis the artist. Moreover, 
 Philip, before his accession, had spent some years as a hostage 
 in Greece. He had had as good an education as Greece could 
 give at that time. He was, therefore, quite familiar with what 
 we may call the idea of Isocrates — the idea of a great union 
 of the Greek states in Europe to dominate the Eastern world; 
 and he knew, too, how incapable was the Athenian democracy, 
 because of its constitution and tradition, of taking the op- 
 portunity that lay before it. For it was an opportunity that 
 would have to be shared. To the Athenians or the Spartans 
 it would mean letting in a "lot of foreigners" to the advantages 
 of citizenship. It would mean lowering themselves to the level 
 of equality and fellowship with Macedonians — a people from 
 whom "we" do not get "even a decent slave." 
 
 There was no way to secure unanimity among the Greeks 
 for the contemplated enterprise except by some revolutionary 
 political action. It was no love of peace that kept the Greeks 
 from such an adventure; it was their political divisions. The 
 resources of the several states were exhausted in a series of 
 internecine wars — ^wars arising out of the merest excuses and 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 313 
 
 fanned by oratorical wind. The ploughing of certain sacred 
 lands near Delphi hy the Phocians was, for example, the pre- 
 text for a sanguinary Sacred War. 
 
 Philip's first years of kingship were devoted to the discipline 
 of his army. Hitherto most of the main battle fighting in the 
 
 world had been done by footmen in formation. In the very 
 ancient Sumerian battle-pieces we see spearmen in close order 
 forming the main battle, just as they did in the Zulu armies 
 of the nineteenth century; the Greek troops of Philip's time 
 were still fighting in that same style ; the Theban phalanx was 
 a mass of infantry holding spears, the hinder ranks thrusting 
 their longer spears between the front-line men. Such a forma- 
 tion went through anything less disciplined that opposed it. 
 
814 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Mounted arcHers could, of course, inflict considerable losses 
 on such a mass of men, and accordingly, as the horse came into 
 warfare, horsemen appeared on either side as an accessory to 
 this main battle. The reader must remember that the horse 
 did not come into very effective use in -western war until the 
 rise of the Assyrians, and then at first only as a chariot horse. 
 The chariots drove full tilt at the infantry mass and tried to 
 break it. Unless its discipline was very solid they succeeded. 
 The Homeric fighting is chariot fighting. It is not until the 
 last tiiousand years B.C. that we begin to find mounted soldiers, 
 as distinct from charioteers, playing a part in warfare. At first 
 they appear to have fought in a scattered fashion, each man 
 doing his personal feats. So the Lydians fought against Cyrus. 
 It was Philip who seems to have created charging cavalry. 
 He caused his "companions" to drill for a massed charge. 
 And also he strengthened his phalanx by giving the rear men 
 longer spears than had been used hitherto, and so deepening 
 its mass. The Macedonian phalanx was merely a more solid 
 version of the Theban phalanx. !N^one of these massed in- 
 fantry formations was flexible enough to stand a flank or rear 
 attack. They had very slight manoeuvring power. Both 
 Philip's and his son's victories followed, therefore, with varia- 
 tions, one general scheme of co-operation between these two 
 arms. The phalanx advanced in the centre and held the 
 enemy's main body; on one wing or the other the cavalry 
 charges swept away the enemy cavalry, and then swooped round 
 upon the flank and rear of the enemy phalanx, the front of 
 which the Macedonian phalanx was already smiting. The 
 enemy main battle then broke and was massacred. As Alex- 
 ander's military experience grew, he also added a use of catar 
 pults in the field, big stone-throwing affairs, to break up 
 the enemy infantry. Before his time catapults had been 
 used in sieges, but never in battles. He invented "artillery 
 preparation." 
 
 With the weapon of his new army in his hand, Philip first 
 turned his attention to the north of Macedonia. He carried 
 expeditions into Illyria and as far as the Danube; he also 
 spread his power along the coast as far as the Hellespont. He 
 secured possession of a port, Amphipolis, and certain gold 
 mines adjacent. After several Thracian expeditions he turned 
 southward in good earnest. He took up the cause of the Delphic 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 815 
 
 amphictyony against those sacrilegious Phocians, and so ap- 
 peared as the champion of Hellenic religion. 
 
 There was a strong party of Greeks, it must he understood, 
 a Pan-Hellenic party, in favour of the Greek headship of Philip. 
 The chief writer of this Pan-Hellenic movement was Isocrates. 
 Athens, on the other hand, was the head and front of the op- 
 position to Philip, and Athens was in open sympathy with 
 Persia, even sending emissaries to the Great King to warn 
 him of the danger to him of a united Greece. The comings 
 and goings of twelve years cannot be related here. In 338 b.'c. 
 the long struggle between division and pan-Hellenism came to a 
 decisive issue, and at the battle of Ohseronea Philip inflicted 
 a crushing defeat upon Athens and her allies. He gave Athens 
 peace upon astonishingly generous terms; he displayed him- 
 seK steadfastly resolved to propitiate and favour that im- 
 placable city; and in 338 b.c. a congress of Greek states recog- 
 nized him as captain-general for the war against Persia. 
 
 He was now a man of forty-seven. It seemed as though the 
 world lay at his feet. He had made his little country into 
 the leading state in a great Grseco-Macedonian confederacy. 
 That unification was to be the prelude to a still greater one, 
 the unification of the Western world with the Persian empire 
 into one world state of all known peoples. Who can doubt he 
 had that dream ? The writings of Isocrates convince us that 
 he had it. Who can deny that he might have realized it ? He 
 had a reasonable hope of living for perhaps another quarter 
 century of activity. In 336 b.c. his advanced guard crossed 
 into Asia. . . . 
 
 But he never followed with his main force. He was 
 assassinated. 
 
 § 2 
 
 It is necessary now to tell something of the domestic life of 
 "King Philip. The lives of both Philip and his son were per- 
 vaded by the personality of a restless and evil woman, Olympias, 
 the mother of Alexander. 
 
 She was the daughter of the king of Epirus, a country to 
 the west of Macedonia, and, like Macedonia, a semi-Greek land. 
 She met Philip, or was thrown in his way, at some religious 
 gathering in Samothrace. Plutarch declares the marriage was 
 
S16 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 
 a love-match, and there seems to be at least this much in the 
 charges against Ptilip that, like many energetic and imaginative 
 men, he was prone to impatient love impulses. He married 
 her when he was already a king, and Alexander was bom 
 to him three years later. 
 
 It was not long before Olympias and Philip were bitterly 
 estranged. She was jealous of him, but there was another 
 
 and graver source of trouble in her 
 passion for religious mysteries. We 
 have already noted that beneath the 
 fine and restrained Nordic religion 
 of the Greeks the land abounded 
 with religious cults of a darker and 
 more ancient kind, aboriginal cults 
 with secret initiations, orgiastic 
 celebrations, and often with cruel 
 and obscene rites. These religions 
 of the shadows, these practices of 
 the women and peasants and slaves, 
 gave Greece her Orphic, Dionysic, 
 and Demeter cults; they have 
 lurked in the tradition of Europe 
 down almost to our own times. The 
 witchcraft of the Middle Ages, with 
 its resort to the blood of babes, 
 scraps of executed criminals, incan- 
 tations and magic circles, seems to have been little else than 
 the lingering vestiges of these solemnities of the dark whites. 
 In these matters Olympias was an expert and an enthusiast, 
 and Plutarch mentions that she achieved considerable celebrity 
 by use of tame serpents in these pious exercises. The 
 snakes invaded her domestic apartments, and history is not 
 clear whether Philip found in them matter for exasperation 
 or religious awe. These occupations of his wife must have 
 been a serious inconvenience to Philip, for the Macedonian 
 people were still in that sturdy stage of social development in 
 which neither enthusiastic religiosity nor uncontrollable wives 
 are admired. 
 
 The evidence of a bitter hostility between mother and father 
 peeps out in many little things in the histories. She was evi- 
 dently jealous of Philip's conquests ; she hated his fame. There 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 317 
 
 are many signs that Olympias did her best to set her son against 
 his father and attach him wholly to herself. A story survives 
 (in Plutarch's Life) that "whenever news was brought of 
 Philip's victories, the capture of a . city or the winning of 
 some great battle, he never seemed greatly rejoiced to hear 
 it ; on the contrary he used to say to his play-fellows : 'Father 
 will get everything in advance, boys; he won't leave any 
 great task for me to share with you.' "... 
 
 It is not a natural thing for a boy to envy his father in 
 this fashion without some inspiration. That sentence sounds 
 like an echo. 
 
 We have already pointed out how manifest it is that Philip 
 planned the succession of Alexander, and how eager he was 
 to thrust fame and power into the boy's hands. He was think- 
 ing of the political structure he was building — ^but the mother 
 was thinking of the glory and pride of that wonderful lady, 
 Olympias. She masked her hatred of her husband under the 
 cloak of a mother's solicitude for her son's future. When in 
 33Y B.C. Philip, after the fashion of kings in those days, mar- 
 ried a second wife who was a native Macedonian, Cleopatra, "of 
 whom he was passionately enamoured," Olympias made much 
 trouble. 
 
 Plutarch tells of a pitiful scene that occurred at Philip's 
 marriage to Cleopatra. There was much drinking of wine at 
 the banquet, and Attains, the father of the bride, being "in- 
 toxicated with liquor," betxayed the general hostility to 
 Olympias and Epirus by saying he hoped there would be a 
 child by the marriage to give them a truly Macedonian heir. 
 Whereupon Alexander, taut for such an insult, cried out, 
 "What then am I?" and hurled his cup at Attains. Philip, 
 enraged, stood up and, says Plutarch, drew his sword, only to 
 stumble and fall. Alexander, blind with rage and jealousy, 
 taunted and insulted his father. 
 
 "Macedonians," he said. "See there the general who would 
 go from Europe to Asia ! Why ! he cannot get from one table 
 to another!" 
 
 How that scene lives still, the sprawl, the flushed faces, the 
 angry voice of the boy! Next day Alexander departed with 
 his mother — and Philip did nothing to restrain them. Olympias 
 went home to Epirus ; Alexander departed to lUyria. Thence 
 Philip persuaded him to return. 
 
S18 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Fresh trouble arose. Alexander had a brother of weak in- 
 tellect, Aridseus, whom the Persian governor of Oaria sought 
 as a son-in-law. "Alexander's friends and his mother now 
 infused notions into him again, though perfectly groundless, 
 that by so noble a match, and the support consequent upon it, 
 Philip designed the crown for Aridseus. Alexander, in the 
 uneasiness these suspicions gave him, sent one Thessalus, a 
 player, into Caria, to desire the grandee to pass by Aridseus, 
 who was of spurious birth, and deficient in point of under- 
 standing, and to take the lawful heir to the crown into his 
 alliance. Pixodarus was infinitely more pleased with this pro- 
 posal. But Philip no sooner had intelligence of it, than he 
 went to Alexander's apartment, taking along with him Philotas, 
 the son of Parmenio, one of his most intimate friends and 
 companions, and, in his presence, reproached him with his 
 degeneracy and meanness of spirit, in thinking of being son- 
 in-law to a man of Oaria, one of the slaves of a barbarian king. 
 At the same time he wrote to the Corinthians, insisting that they 
 should send Thessalus to him iu chains. Harpalus and 
 Niarehus, Phrygius and Ptolemy, some of the other companions 
 of the prince, he banished. But Alexander afterwards recalled 
 them, and treated them with great distinction." 
 
 There is something very touching in this story of the father 
 pleading with the son he manifestly loved, and baffled by the 
 web of mean suggestion which had been spun about the boy's 
 imagination. 
 
 It was at the marriage of his daughter to her unde, the king 
 of Epirus and the brother of Olympias, that Philip was stabbed. 
 He was walking in a procession into the theatre unarmed, in 
 a white robe, and he was cut down by one of his bodyguard. 
 The murderer had a horse waiting, and would have got away, 
 but the foot of his horse caught in a wild vine and he was 
 thrown from the saddle by the stumble and slain by his 
 pursuers. . . . 
 
 So at the age of twenty Alexander was at the end of 
 his anxiety about the succession, and established king, in 
 Macedonia. 
 
 Olympias then reappeared in Macedonia, a woman proudly 
 vindicated. It is said that she insisted upon paying the ;Same 
 funeral honours to the memory of the murderer as to Philip. 
 
 In Greece there were great rejoicings over this auspicious 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 319 
 
 event, and Demosthenes, when he had the news, although it 
 was but seven days after the death of his own daughter, went 
 into the public assembly at Athena in gay attire wearing a 
 chaplet. 
 
 Whatever Olympias may have done about ber busband's 
 assassin, history does not doubt about ber treatment of ber sup- 
 planter, Cleopatra. So soon as Alexander was out of tbe way 
 — and a revolt of the billmen in tbe north called at once for 
 bis attention — Cleopatra's newly bom child was killed in its 
 mother's arms, and Cleopatra — ^no doubt after a little taunting 
 — was then strangled. These excesses of womanly feeling are 
 said to have shocked Alexander, but they did not prevent him. 
 from leaving bis mother in a position of considerable authority 
 in Macedonia. She wrote letters to him upon religious and 
 political questions, and he showed a dutiful disposition in send- 
 ing her always a large share of tbe plunder he made. 
 
 §3 
 
 These stories have to be told because history cannot be un- 
 derstood without them. Here was the great world of men be- 
 tween India and the Adriatic ready for union, ready as it had 
 never been before for a unifying control. Here was the wide 
 order of the Persian empire with its roads, its posts, its gen- 
 eral peace and prosperity, ripe for the fertilizing influence of 
 the Greek mind. And these stories display the quality of 
 the human beings to whom those great opportunities came. 
 Here was this Philip who was a very great and noble man, and 
 yet he was drunken, he could keep no order in his household. 
 Here was Alexander in many ways gifted above any man 
 of his time, and be was vain, suspicious, and passionate, with 
 a mind set awry by bis mother. 
 
 We are beginning to understand something of what the 
 world might be, something of what our race might become, 
 were it not for our still raw humanity. It is barely a matter 
 of seventy generations between ourselves and Alexander; and 
 between ourselves and the savage hunters, our ancestors, who 
 charred their food in tbe embers or ate it raw, intervene some 
 four or five hundred generations. There is not much scope for 
 the modification of a species in four or five hundred gen- 
 erations. Make men and women only sufficiently jealous or 
 
820 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 fearful or drunken or angry, and the hot red eyes of the cave- 
 men will glare out at us to-day. We have writing and teach- 
 ing, science and power ; we have tamed the heasts and schooled 
 the lightning ; hut we are still only shamhling towards the light. 
 We have tamed and bred the beasts, but we have still to tame 
 and breed ourselves. 
 
 From the very beginning of his reign the deeds of Alexander 
 showed how well he had assimilated his father's plans, and 
 how great were his own abilities. A map of the known world 
 is needed to show the course of his life. At first, after re- 
 ceiving assurances from Greece that he was to be captain-gen- 
 eral of the Grecian forces, he marched through Thrace to the 
 Danube; he crossed the river and burnt a village, the second 
 great monarch to raid the Scythian country beyond the Danube; 
 then reerossed it and marched westward and so came down by 
 Illyria. By that time the city of Thebes was in rebellion, and 
 his next blow was at Greece. Thebes — ^unsupported of course 
 by Athens — ^was taken and looted; it was treated with ex- 
 travagant violence; all its buildings, except the temple and 
 the house of the poet Pindar, were razed, and thirty thousand 
 pieople sold into slavery. Greece was stunned, and Alexander 
 was free to go on with the Persian campaign. 
 
 This destruction of Thebes betrayed a streak of violence in 
 the new master of human destinies^ It was too heavy a blow 
 to have dealt. It was a barbaric thing to do. If the spirit of 
 rebellion was killed, so abo was the spirit of help. The Greek 
 states remained inert thereafter, neither troublesome nor help- 
 ful. They would not support Alexander with their shipping, 
 a thing which was to prove a very grave embarrassment to him. 
 
 There is a story told by Plutarch about this Theban massacre, 
 as if it redounded to the credit of Alexander, but indeed it 
 shows only how his saner and his crazy sides were in con- 
 flict. It tells of a Macedonian officer and a Theban lady. This 
 officer was among the looters, and he entered this wom.an's house, 
 inflicted unspeakable insults and injuries upon her, and at 
 last demanded whether she had gold or silver hidden. She 
 told him all her treasures had been put into the well, conducted 
 him thither, and, as he stooped to peer down, pushed him sud- 
 denly in and killed him by throwing great stones upon him. 
 Some allied soldiers came upon this scene and took her forth- 
 with to Alexander for judgment. 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 321 
 
 Slie defied him. Already the extravagant impulse that had 
 ordered the m.assacre was upon the wane, and . he not only 
 spared her, but had her family and property and freedom re- 
 stored to her. This Plutarch makes out to be a generosity, 
 but the issue is more complicated than that. It was Alex- 
 ander who was outraging and plundering and enslaving all 
 Thebes. That poor crumpled Macedonian brute in the well 
 had been doing only what he had been told he had full lib- 
 erty to do. Is a commander first to give cruel orders, and then 
 to forgive and reward those who slay his instruments? This 
 gleam of remorse at the instance of one woman who was not 
 perhaps wanting in tragic dignity and beauty, is a poor set- 
 off to the murder of a great city. 
 
 Mixed with the craziness of Olympias in Alexander was 
 the sanity of Philip and the teachings of Aristotle. This The- 
 ban business certainly troubled the mind of Alexander. When- 
 ever afterwards he encountered Thebans, he tried to show them 
 special favour. Thebes, to his credit, haunted him. 
 
 Yet the memory of Thebes did not save three other great 
 cities from similar brain storms ; Tyre he destroyed, and Gaza, 
 and a city in India, in the storming of which he was knocked 
 down in fair fight and wounded; and of the latter place not 
 a soul, not a child, was spared. He must have been badly 
 frightened to have taken so evil a revenge. 
 
 At the outset of the war the Persians had this supreme ad- 
 vantage, they were practically masters of the sea. The ships 
 of the Athenians and their allies sulked unhelpfully. Alex- 
 ander, to get at Asia, had to go round by the Hellespont ; and 
 if he pushed far into the Persian empire, he ran the risk of 
 being cut off completely from his base. His first task, there- 
 fore, was to cripple the enemy at sea, and this he could only 
 do by marching along the coast of Asia Minor and capturing 
 port after port until the Persian sea bases were destroyed. If 
 the Persians had avoided battle and hung upon his lengthening 
 line of comuiunications they could probably have destroyed 
 him, but this they did not do. A Persian army not very much 
 greater than his own gave battle on the banks of the Granicus 
 (334 B.C.) and was destroyed. This left him free to take 
 Sardis, Ephesus, Miletus, and, after a fierce struggle, Halicar- 
 nassus. Meanwhile the Persian fleet was on his right flank and 
 
S22 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 between him and Greece, threatening much but accomplishing 
 nothing. 
 
 In 333 B.C., pursuing this attack upon the sea bases, he 
 marched along the coast as far as the head of the gulf now called 
 the Gulf of Alexandretta. A huge Persian army, under the 
 great king Darius III, was inland of his line of march, sep- 
 arated from the coast by mountains, and Aleixander went right 
 beyond this enemy force before he or the Persians realized 
 their proximity. Scouting was evidently very badly done by 
 Greek and Persian alike. The Persian army was a vast, ill- 
 organized assembly of soldiers, transport, camp followers, and 
 so forth. Darius, for instance, was accompanied by his harem, 
 and there was a great multitude of harem slaves, musicians, 
 dancers, and cooks. Many of the leading officers had brought 
 their families to witness the hunting down of the Macedonian 
 invaders. The troops had been levied from every province in 
 the empire; they had no tradition or principle of combined 
 action. Seized by the idea of cutting off Alexander from Greece, 
 Darius moved this multitude over the mountains to the sea ; he 
 had the luck to get through the passes without opposition, and 
 he encamped on the plain of Issus between the mountains and 
 the shore. And there Alexander, who had turned back to fight, 
 struck him. The cavalry charge and the phalanx smashed this 
 great brittle host as a stone smashes a bottle. It was routed. 
 Darius escaped from his war chariot — ^that out-of-date instru- 
 ment — and fled on horseback, leaving even his harem in the 
 hands of Alexander. 
 
 All the accounts of Alexander after this battle show him at 
 his best. He was restrained and magnanimous. He treated 
 the Persian princesses with the utmost civility. And he kept 
 his head ; he held steadfastly to his plan. He let Darius escape, 
 unpursued, into Syria, and he continued his march upon the 
 naval bases of the Persians — ^that is to say, upon the Phoenician 
 ports of Tyre and Sidon. 
 
 Sidon surrendered to him; Tyre resisted. 
 
 Here, if anywhere, we have the evidence of great military 
 ability on the part of Alexander. His army was his father's 
 creation, but Philip had never shone in the siege of cities. 
 When Alexander was a boy of sixteen, he had seen his father 
 repulsed by the fortified city of Byzantium upon the Bosphorus. 
 Now he was face to face with an inviolate city which had stood 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 S23 
 
824 THE OUTLmE OF HISTORY 
 
 siege after siege, which had resisted Nebuchadnezzar the Great 
 for fourteen years. For the standing of sieges Semitic peoples 
 hold the palm. Tyre was then an island half a mile from the 
 shore, and her fleet was unbeaten. On the other hand, Alex- 
 ander had already learnt much by the siege of the citadel of 
 Halicamassus ; he had gathered to himself a corps of engineers 
 from Cyprus and Phoenicia, the Sidonian fleet was with him, 
 and presently the king of Cyprus came over to him with a 
 hundred and twenty ships, which gave him the command of the 
 sea. Moreover, great Carthage, either relying on the strength 
 of the mother city or being disloyal to her, and being further- 
 more entangled in a war in Sicily, sent no help. 
 
 The first measure of Alexander was to build a pier from the 
 mainland to the island, a dam which remains to this day; and 
 on this, as it came close to the walls of Tyre, he set up his 
 towers and battering-rams. Against the walls he also moored 
 ships in which towers and rams were erected. The Tyrians 
 used fire-ships against this flotilla, and made sorties from their 
 two harbours. In a big surprise raid that they made on the 
 Cyprian ships they were caught and badly mauled; many of 
 their ships were rammed, and one big galley of five banks of 
 oars and one of four were captured outright. Finally a breach 
 in the walls was made, and the Macedonians, clambering up the 
 debris from their ships, stormed the city. 
 
 The siege had lasted seven months. Gaza held out for two. 
 In each case there was a massacre, the plundering of the city, 
 and the selling of the survivors into slavery. Then towards the 
 end of 332 B.C. Alexander entered Egypt, and the command 
 of the sea was assured. Greece, which all this while had been 
 wavering in its policy, decided now at last that it was on the 
 side of Alexander, and the council of the Gre^ek states at Corinth 
 voted its "captain-general" a golden crown of victory. From 
 this time onward the Greeks were with the Macedonians. 
 
 The Egyptians also were with the Macedonians. But they 
 had been for Alexander from the beginning. They had lived 
 under Persian rule for nearly two hundred years, and the com- 
 ing of Alexander meant for them only a change of masters; 
 on the whole, a change for the better. The country surrendered 
 without a blow. Alexander treated its religious feelings with 
 extreme respect. He unwrapped no mummies as Cambyses 
 had done; he took no liberties with Apis, the sacred bull of 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 825 
 
 Memphis. Here, in great temples and upon a vast scale, Alex- 
 ander found tlie evidences of a religiosity, mysterious and ir- 
 rational, to remind him of the secrets and mysteries that had 
 entertained his mother and impressed his childhood. During 
 his four months in Egypt he flirted with religious emotions. 
 
 He was still a very young man, we must remember, divided 
 against himself. The strong sanity he inherited from his father 
 had made him a great soldier; the teaching of Aristotle had 
 given him something of the scientific outlook upon the world. 
 He had destroyed Tyre ; in Egypt, at one of the mouths of the 
 ISTile, he now founded a new city, Alexandria, to replace that 
 ancient centre of trade. To the north of Tyre, near Issus, he 
 founded a second port, Alexandretta. Both of these cities 
 flourish to this day, and for a time Alexandria was perhaps 
 the greatest city in the world. The sites, therefore, must have 
 been wisely chosen. But also Alexander had the unstable emo- 
 tional imaginativeness of his mother, and side by side with 
 such creative work he indulged in religious adventures. The 
 gods of Egypt took possession of his mind. He travelled four 
 hundred miles, to the remote oasis of the oracle of Ammon. 
 He wanted to settle certain doubts about his true parentage. 
 His mother had inflamed his mind by hints and vague speeches 
 of some deep mystery about his parentage. "Was so ordinary a 
 human being as Philip of Macedon really his rather ? 
 
 For nearly four hundred years Egypt had been a country 
 politically contemptible, overrun now by Ethiopians, now by 
 Assyrians, now by Babylonians, now by Persians. As the in- 
 dignities of the present became more and more disagreeable to 
 contemplate, the past and the other world became more splendid 
 to Egyptian eyes. It is from the festering humiliations of peo- 
 ples that arrogant religious propagandas spring; To the tri- 
 umphant the downtrodden can say, "It is naught in the sight 
 of the true gods." So the son of Philip of Macedon, the master- 
 general of Greece, was made to feel a small person amidst the 
 gigantic temples. And he had an abnormal share of youth's 
 normal ambition to impress everybody. How gratifying then 
 for him to discover presently that he was no mere successful 
 mortal, not one of these modem vulgar Greekish folk, but an- 
 cient and divine, the son of a god, the Pharaoh god, son of 
 Ammon Ra! 
 
826 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Already in a previous chapter we have given a description 
 of that encounter in the desert temple. 
 
 Ifot altogether was the young man convinced. He had his 
 moments of conviction ; he had his saner phases when the thing 
 was almost a jest. In the presence of Macedonians and Greeks 
 he douhted if he was divine. When it thundered loudly, the 
 ribald Aristarchus could ask him: "Won't jfou do something 
 of the sort, oh Son of Zeus ?" But the crazy notion was, never- 
 theless, present henceforth in his brain, ready to be inflamed 
 by wine or flattery. 
 
 INText spring (331 b.c.) he returned to Tyre, and marched 
 thence round towards Assyria, leaving the Syrian desert on his 
 right. Near the ruins of forgotten Nineveh he found a great 
 Persian army, that had been gathering since the battle of Issus, 
 awaiting him. It was another huge medley of contingents, and 
 it relied for its chief force upon that now antiquated weapon, 
 the war chariot. Of these Darius had a force of two hundred, 
 and each chariot had scythes attached to its wheels and to the 
 pole and body of the chariot. There seem to have been four 
 horses to each chariot, and it will be obvious that if one of those 
 horses was wounded by javelin or arrow, that chariot was held 
 up. The outer horses acted chiefly as buffers for the inner 
 wheel horses ; they were hitched to the chariot by a single out- 
 side trace which could be easily cut away, but the loss of one 
 of the wheel horses completely incapacitated the whole affair. 
 Against broken footmen or a crowd of individualist fighters 
 such vehicles might be formidable ; but Darius began the battle 
 by flinging them against the cavalry and light infantry. Few 
 reached their objective, and those that did were readily disposed 
 of. There was some manoeuvring for position. The well-drilled 
 Macedonians moved obliquely across the Persian front, keeping 
 good order ; the Persians, following this movement to the flank, 
 opened gaps in their array. Then suddenly the disciplined 
 Macedonian cavalry charged at one of these torn places and 
 smote the centre of the Persian host. The infantry followed 
 close upon their charge. The centre and left of the Persians 
 crumpled up. For a while the light cavalry on the Persian right 
 gained ground against Alexander's left, only to be cut to pieces 
 by the cavalry from Thessaly, which by this time had become 
 almost as good as its Macedonian model. The Persian forces 
 ceased to resemble an army. They dissolved into a vast multi- 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT S27 
 
 tude of fugitives streaming under great dust clouds and without 
 a single rally across the hot plain towards Arbela. Through 
 the dust and the flying crowd rode the victors, slaying and 
 slaying until darkness stayed the slaughter. Darius led the 
 retreat. 
 
 Such was the battle of Arbela. It was fought on October 
 the 1st, 331 B.C. We know its date so exactly, because it is 
 recorded that, eleven days before it began, the soothsayers on 
 both sides had been greatly exercised by an eclipse of the moon. 
 
 Darius fled to the north into the country of the Medes. Alex- 
 ander marched on to Babylon. The ancient city of Hammurabi 
 (who had reigned seventeen hundred years before) and of 
 N"ebuchadnezzar the Great and of Nabonidus was still, unlike 
 Nineveh, a prosperous and important centre. Like the Egyp- 
 tians, the Babylonians were not greatly concerned at a change 
 of rule to Macedonian from Persian. The temple of Bel- 
 Marduk was in ruins, a quarry for building material, but the 
 tradition of the Chaldean priests still lingered, and Alexander 
 promised to restore the building. 
 
 Thence he marched on to Susa, once the chief city of the van- 
 ished and forgotten Elamites, and now the Persian capital. 
 
 He went on to Persepolis, where, as the climax of a drunken 
 carouse, he burnt down the great palace of the king of kings. 
 This he afterwards declared was the revenge of Greece for the 
 burning of Athens by Xerxes, 
 
 §4 
 
 And now begins a new phase in the story of Alexander. For 
 the next seven years he wandered with an army chiefly of Mace- 
 donians in the north and east of what was then the known world. 
 
 At first it was a pursuit of Darius. Afterwards it became ? 
 
 Was it a systematic survey of a world he meant to consolidate 
 into one great order, or was it a wild-goose chase? His own 
 soldiers, his own intimates, thought the latter, and at last stayed 
 his career beyond the Indus. On the map it looks very like a 
 wild-goose chase; it seems to aim at nothing in particular and 
 to get nowhere. 
 
 The pursuit of Darius III soon came to a pitiful end. After 
 the battle of Arbela his own generals seem to have revolted 
 against his weakness and incompetence; they made him a pris- 
 
328 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 oner, and took him with them in spite of his desire to throw 
 himself upon the generosity of his conqueror. Bessus,- the 
 satrap of Bactria, they made their leader. There was at last a 
 hot and exciting chase of the flying caravan which conveyed the 
 captive king of kings. At dawn, after an all-night pursuit, it 
 was sighted far ahead. The flight became a headlong bolt. 
 Baggage, women, everything was abandoned by Bessus and 
 his captains; and one other impediment also they left behind. 
 By the side of a pool of water far away from the road a Mace- 
 donian trooper presently found a deserted mule-cart with its 
 mules still in the traces. In this cart lay Darius, stabbed in a 
 score of places and bleeding to death. He had refused to go on 
 with Bessus, refused to mount the horse that was brought to 
 him. So his captains had run him through with their spears and 
 left him. . . . He asked his captors for water. What else he 
 may have said we do not know. The historians have seen fit 
 to fabricate a quite impossible last dying speech for him. Prob- 
 ably he said very little. . . . 
 
 When, a little after sunrise, Alexander came up, Darius was 
 already dead. . . . 
 
 To the historian of the world the wanderings of Alexander 
 have an interest of their own quite apart from the light they 
 throw upon his character. Just as the campaign of Darius I 
 lifted the curtain behind Greece and Macedonia, and showed us 
 something of the silent background to the north of the audible 
 and recorded history of the early civilizations, so now Alex- 
 ander's campaigns take us into regions about which there had 
 hitherto been no trustworthy record made. 
 
 We discover they were not desert regions, but full of a 
 gathering life of their own. 
 
 He marched to the shores of the Caspian, thence he travelled 
 eastward across what is now called Western Turkestan. He 
 founded a city that is now known as Herat; whence he went 
 northward by Cabul and by what is now Samarkand, right up 
 ' into the mountains of Central Turkestan. He returned south- 
 ward, and came down into India by the Khyber Pass. He 
 fought a great battle on the Upper Indus against a very tall 
 and chivalrous king, Porus, in which the Macedonian infantry 
 encountered an array of elephants and defeated them. Possi- 
 bly he would have pushed eastward across the deserts to the 
 Ganges valley, but his troops refused to go further. Possibly, 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT S29 
 
 had they not done so, then or later he would have gone on until 
 he vanished eastward out of history. But he was forced to turn 
 about. He built a fleet and descended to the mouth of the Indus. 
 There he divided his forces. The main army he took along 
 the desolate coast back to the Persian Gulf, and on the way it 
 suffered dreadfully and lost many men through thirst. The 
 fleet followed him by sea, and rejoined him at the entrance to 
 the Persian Gulf. In the course of this six-year tour he fought 
 battles, received the submission of many strange peoples, and 
 founded cities. He saw the dead body of Darius in June, 330 
 B.C. ; he returned to Susa in 324 B.C. He found the empire in 
 disorder: the provincial satraps raising armies of their own, 
 Bactria and Media in insurrection, and Olympias making gov- 
 ernment impossible in Macedonia. Harpalus, the royal treas- 
 urer, had bolted with all that was portable of the royal treas- 
 ure, and was making his way, bribing as he went, towards 
 Greece. Some of the Harpalus money is said to have reached 
 Demosthenes. 
 
 But before we deal with the closing chapter of the story of 
 Alexander, let us say a word or so about these northern regions 
 into which he wandered. It is evident that from the Danube 
 region right across South Eussia, right across the country to 
 the north of the Caspian, right across the country to the east of 
 the Caspian, as far as the mountain masses of the Pamir 
 Plateau and eastward into the Tarim basin of Eastern Turkes- 
 tan, there spread then a series of similar barbaric tribes and 
 peoples all at about the same stage of culture, and for the most 
 part Aryan in their language and possibly Nordic in their race. 
 They had few cities, mostly they were nomadic; at times they 
 settled temporarily to cultivate the land. They were certainly 
 already mingling in Central Asia with Mongolian tribes, but 
 the Mongolian tribes were not then prevalent there. 
 
 An immense process of drying up and elevation has been 
 going on in these parts of the world during the last ten thou- 
 sand years. Ten thousand years ago there was probably a con 
 tinuous water barrier between the basin of the Obi and the 
 Aral-Caspian sea. As this had dried up and the marshy land 
 had become steppe-like country, Nordic nomads from the west 
 and Mongolian nomads from the east had met and mixed, 
 and the. riding horse had come back into the western world. 
 It is evident this great stretch of country was becoming a region 
 
330 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of accumulation for these barbaric peoples. They were very 
 loosely attached to the lands they occupied. They lived ill tents 
 and wagons rather than houses. A brief cycle of plentiful and 
 healthy years, or a cessation of tribal warfare under some strong 
 ruler, would lead to considerable increases of population; then 
 two or three hard years would suffice to send the tribes wander- 
 ing again in search of food. 
 
 Prom before the dawn of recorded history this region of 
 human accumulation between the Danube and China had been, 
 as it were, intermittently raining out tribes southward and 
 westward. It was like a cloud bank behind the settled landscape 
 that accumulated and then precipitated invaders. We have 
 noted how the Keltic peoples drizzled westward, how the Ital- 
 ians, the Greeks, and their Epirote, Macedonian, and Phrygian 
 kindred came routh. We have noted, too, the Cimmerian drive 
 from the east, like a suddeil driving shower of barbarians across 
 Asia Minor, the southward coming of the Scythians and Medes 
 and Persians, and the Aryan descent into India.- About a cen- 
 tury before Alexander there had been a fresh Aryan invasion 
 of Italy by a Keltic people, the Gauls, who had settled in the 
 valley of the Po. Those various races came down out of their 
 northern obscurity into the light of history; and meanwhile 
 beyond that light the reservoir accumulated for fresh discharges. 
 Alexander's march in Central Asia brings now into our history 
 names that are fresh to us; the Parthians, a race of mounted 
 bowmen who were destined to play an important role in history 
 a century or so later, and the Bactrians who lived in the sandy 
 native land of the camel. Everywhere he seems to have met 
 Aryan-speaking peoples. The Mongolian barbarians to the 
 north-eastward were still unsuspected, no one imagined there 
 was yet another great cloud bank of population beyoiid the 
 Scythians and their kind, in the north of China, that was pres- 
 ently also to begin a drift westward and southward, mixing as it 
 came with the Nordic Scythians and every other people of 
 kindred habits that it encountered. As yet only China knew 
 of the Huns ; there were no Turks in Western Turkestan or any- 
 where else then, no Tartars in the world. 
 
 This glimpse of the state of affairs in Turkestan in the fourth 
 century b.c. is one of the most interesting aspects of the wan- 
 derings of Alexander; another is his raid through the Punjab. 
 From the point of view of the teller of the human story it ils 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 331 
 
 provocative that he did not go on into the Ganges country, and 
 that consequently we have no independent accounts by Greek 
 writers of the life in ancient Bengal. But there is a consider- 
 able literature in various Indian languages dealing with Indian 
 history and social life that still needs to be made accessible to 
 European readers. 
 
 § 5 
 
 Alexander had been in undisputed possession of the Persian 
 empire for six years. He was now thirty-one. In those six 
 years he had created very little. He had retained most of the 
 organization of the Persian provinces, appointing fresh satraps 
 or retaining the former ones ; the roads, the ports, the organiza- 
 tion of the empire was still as Cyrus, his greater predecessor, 
 had left them ; iii Egypt he had merely replaced old provincial 
 governors by new ones; in India he had defeated Porus, and 
 then left him in power much as he found him, except that Porus 
 was now called a satrap by the Greeks. Alexander had, it is 
 true, planned out a number of towns, and some of them were 
 to grow into great towns ; seventeen Alexandrias he founded al- 
 together; ^ but he had destroyed Tyre, and with Tyre the se- 
 curity of the sea routes which had hitherto been the chief west- 
 ward outlet for Mesopotamia. Historians say that he Hellenized 
 the east. But Babylonia and Egypt swarmed with Greeks 
 before his time; he was not the cause, he was a part of the 
 Hellenization. Eor a time the whole world, from the Adriatic 
 to the Indus, was under one ruler ; so far he had realized the 
 dreams of Isocrates and Philip his father. But how far was 
 he making this a permanent and enduring union ? How far as 
 yet was it anything more than a dazzling but transitory flourish 
 of his own magnificent self ? 
 
 He was making no great roads, setting up no sure sea com- 
 munications. It is idle to accuse him of leaving education alone, 
 because the idea that empires must be cemented by education 
 was still foreign to human thought. But he was forming no 
 group of statesmen about him ; he was thinking of no successor ; 
 he was creating no tradition — ^nothing more than a personal 
 legend. The idea that the world would have to go on after 
 
 'Mahaflfy. Their names have undergone various changes — e.g., Candahar 
 (Iskender) and Secunderabad. 
 
332 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Alexander, engaged in any other employment than the discus- 
 sion of his magnificence, seems to have been outside his mental 
 range. He was still young, it is true, hut well before Philip 
 was one and thirty he had been thinking of the education of 
 Alexander. 
 
 Was Alexander a statesman at all ? 
 
 Some students of his career assure us that he was ; that now 
 at Susa he planned a mighty world empire, seeing it not simply 
 as a Macedonian conquest of the world, but as a melting to- 
 gether of racial traditions. He did one thing, at any rate, 
 that gives colour to this idea ; he held a great marriage feast, 
 in which he and ninety of his generals and friends were mar- 
 ried to Persian brides. He himself married a daughter of 
 Darius, though already he possessed an Asiatic wife in Roxana, 
 the daughter of the king of Samarkand. This wholesale wed- 
 ding was made a very splendid festival, and at the same time 
 all of his Macedonian soldiers, to the number of several thou- 
 sands, who had married Asiatic brides, were given wedding 
 gifts. This has been called the Marriage of Europe and Asia ; 
 the two continents were to be joined, wrote Plutarch, "in lawful 
 wedlock and by community of offspring." And next he began 
 to train recruits from Persia and the north, Parthians, Bao- 
 trians, and the like, in the distinctive disciplines of the phalanx 
 and the cavalry. Was that also to assimilate Europe and Asia, 
 or was it to make himself independent of his Macedonians? 
 They thought the latter, at any rate, and mutinied, and it was 
 with some difficulty that he brought them to a penitent mood 
 and induced them to take part in a common feast with the Per- 
 sians. The historians have made a long and eloquent speech 
 for him on this occasion, but the gist of it was that he bade his 
 Macedonians begone, and gave no sign of how he proposed they 
 should get home out of Persia. After three days of dismay they 
 submitted to him and begged his forgiveness. 
 
 Here i^ the matter for a very pretty discussion. Was Alex- 
 ander really planning a racial fusion or had he just fallen in 
 love with the pomp and divinity of an Oriental monarch, and 
 wished to get rid of these Europeans to whom he was only a 
 king-leader ? The writers of his own time, and those who lived 
 near to his time, lean very much to the latter alternative. They 
 insist upon his immense vanity. They relate how he began 
 to wear the robes and tiara of a Persian monarch. "At first 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 S33 
 
 only before the barbarians and privately, but after^.ards be 
 came to wear it in public when he sat for the dispatch of busi- 
 ness." And presently he demanded Oriental prostrations from 
 his friends. 
 
 One thing seems to support the suggestion of great personal 
 vanity in Alexander. His portrait was painted and sculptured 
 frequently, and always he is represented as a beautiful youth, 
 with wonderful locks flowing backward from a broad forehead. 
 Previously most men had worn beards. But Alexander, en- 
 amoured of his own 
 youthful loveliness, 
 would not part with 
 it; he remained a 
 sham boy at thirty- 
 two; he shaved his 
 face, and so set a 
 fashion in Greece 
 and Italy that lasted 
 many centuries. 
 
 The stories of vio- 
 lence and vanity in 
 his closing years 
 cluster thick upon his 
 memory. He listened 
 to tittle-tattle about 
 Philotas, the son of 
 Parmenio, one of his 
 most trusted and 
 faithful generals. 
 Philotas, it was said, 
 had boasted to some woman he was making love to that Alex- 
 ander was a mere boy ; that, but for such men as his father and 
 himself, there would have been no conquest of Persia, and the 
 like. Such assertions had a certain element of truth in them. 
 The woman was brought to Alexander, who listened to hei 
 treacheries. Presently Philotas was accused of conspiracy, and, 
 upon very insufficient evidence, tortured and executed. Then 
 Alexander thought of Parmenio, whose other two sons had 
 died for him in battle. He sent swift messengers to assas- 
 sinate the old man before he could hear of his son's death! 
 'Now Parmenio had '/cen one of the most trusted of Philip's 
 
 (silver coin of hjsimaclms , 321- 2S1B.C) 
 
SS4 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 generals ; it was Parmenio who had led the Macedonian armies 
 into Asia before the murder of Philip. There can be little 
 donbt of the substantial truth of this story, nor about the 
 execution of Oallisthenes, the nephew of Aristotle, who re- 
 fused Alexander divine honours, and "went about with as 
 much pride as if he had demolished a tyranny, while the young 
 men followed him as the only freeman among thousands," 
 Mixed with such incidents we have the very illuminating story 
 of the drunken quarrel in which he killed Clitus. The monarch 
 and his company had been drinking hard, and the drink had 
 made the talk loud and free. There was much flattery of the 
 "young god," much detraction of Philip, at which Alexander 
 had smiled with satisfaction.^ This drunken self-complacency 
 was more than the Macedonians could stand; it roused Clitus, 
 his foster-brother, to a frenzy. Clitus reproached Alexander 
 with his Median costume and praised Philip, there was a loud 
 quarrel, and, to end it, Clitus was hustled out of the room by 
 his friends. He was, however, in the obstinate phase of drunk- 
 enness, and he returned by another entrance. He was heard 
 outside quoting Euripides "in a bold and disrespectful tone" : 
 
 "Are these your cTistoms? Is it thus that Greece 
 Rewards her combatants? Shall one man claim 
 The trophies won by thousands?" 
 
 Whereupon Alexander snatched a spear from one of his 
 guards and ran Clitus through the body as he lifted the curtain 
 to come in. . . . 
 
 One is forced to believe that this was the real atmosphere of 
 the young conqueror's life. Then the story of his frantic and 
 cruel display of grief for Hephsestion can scarcely be all in- 
 vention. If it is true, or in any part true, it displays a mind 
 ill-balanced and altogether wrapped up in personal things, to 
 whom empire was no more than opportunity for egoistic display, 
 and all the resources of the world, stuff for freaks of that sort 
 of "generosity" which robs a thousand people to extort the ad- 
 miration of one astounded recipient. 
 
 Hephsestion, being ill, was put upon a strict diet, but in the 
 absence of his physician at the theatre he ate a roasted fowl and 
 drank a flagon of iced wine, in consequence of which he died. 
 
 'D. G. Hogarth. 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 335 
 
THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Thereupon Alexander decided upon a display of grief. It was 
 the grief of a lunatic. He had the physician crucified! He 
 ordered every horse and mule in Persia to be shorn, and pulled 
 down the battlements of the neighbouring cities. He prohibited 
 All music in his camp for a long time, and, having taken certain 
 villages of the Cusseans, he caused all the adults to be massacred, 
 as a sacrifice to the manes of Hephsestion. Finally he set aside 
 ten thousand talents (a talent == £240) for a tomb. For those 
 days this was an enormous sum of money. None of which 
 things did any real honour to Hephsestion, but they served to 
 
 demonstrate to an awe-stricken 
 world what a tremendous thing 
 the sorrow of Alexander could be. 
 This last story and many such 
 stories may be lies or distortions or 
 exaggerations. But they have a 
 vein in common. After a bout of 
 hard drinking in Babylon a sud- 
 den fever came upon Alexander 
 (323 B.C.), and he sickened and 
 died. He was still only thirty- 
 three years of age. Forthwith the 
 world empire he had snatched at 
 and Ifeld in his hands, as a child 
 might snatch at and hold a precious 
 vase, fell to the ground and was shattered to pieces. 
 
 Whatever appearance of a worldwide order may have gleamed 
 upon men's imaginations, vanished at his death. The story be- 
 comes the story of a barbaric autocracy in confusion. Every- 
 where the provincial rulers set up for themselves. In the course 
 of a few years the entire family of Alexander had been de- 
 stroyed. Eoxana, his barbarian wife, wag" prompt tO murder, 
 as a rival, the daughter of Darius. She herself presently bore 
 Alexander a posthumous son, who was also called Alexander. 
 He was murdered, with her, a few years later (311 e.g.). Her- 
 cules, the only other son of Alexander, was murdered also. So, 
 top, was Aridseus, the weak-minded half-brother (see § 2). 
 Plutarch gives a last glimpse of Olympias during a brief in- 
 terval of power in Macedonia, accusing first this person and 
 then that of poisoning her wonderful son. Many she killed in 
 her fury. The bodies of some of his circle who had died after 
 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 837 
 
 his death she caused to be dug up, but we do not know if any 
 fresh light was shed upon his death by these disinterments. 
 Finally Olympias was killed in Macedonia by the friends of 
 those she had slain. 
 
 From this welter of crime there presently emerged three 
 leading figures. Much of the old Persian empire, as far as 
 the Indus eastward and almost to Lydia in the west, was held 
 by one general Seleucus, who founded a dynasty, the Seleucid 
 Dynasty ; Macedonia fell to another Macedonian general, Anti- 
 gonus; a third Macedonian, Ptolemy, secured Egypt, and 
 making Alexandria his chief city, established a sufficient naval 
 ascendancy to keep also Cyprus and most of the coast of 
 Phoenicia and Asia Minor. The Ptolemaic and Seleucid em- 
 pires lasted for a considerable time ; the forms of government in 
 Asia Minor and the Balkans were more unstable. Two maps 
 will help the reader to a sense of the kaleidoscopic nature of 
 the political boundaries of the third century B.C. Antigonus 
 was defeated and killed at the battle of Ipsus (301), leaving 
 Lysimachus, the governor of Thrace, and Cassander, of Mace- 
 donia and Greece, as equally transitory successors. Minor gov- 
 ernors carved out smaller states. Meanwhile the barbarians 
 swung down into the broken-up and enfeebled world of civiliza- 
 tion from the west and from the east. From the west came tlie 
 Gauls, a people closely related to the Kelts. They raided down 
 through Macedonia and Greece to Delphi, and (227 b.c.) two 
 sections of them crossed the Bosphorus into Asia Minor, being 
 first employed as mercenaries and then setting up for them- 
 selves as independent plunderers; and after raiding almost to 
 the Taurus, they settled in the old Phrygian land, holding the 
 people about them to tribute. (These Gauls of Phrygia be- 
 came the Galatians of St. Paul's Epistle.) Armenia and the 
 southern shores of the Black Sea became a confusion of chang- 
 ing rulers. Kings with Hellenistic ideas appeared in Cappa- 
 docia, in Pontus (the south shore of the Black Sea), in Bithynia, 
 and in Pergamum. From the east the Scythians and the 
 Parthians and Bactrians also drove southward. . . . For a time 
 tkere were Greek-ruled Bactrian states becoming more and more 
 Orientalized; in the second century b.c. Greek adventurers from 
 
338 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 Bactria raided down into North India and founded short-lived 
 kingdoms there, the last eastward fling of the Greek; then 
 gradually barbarism fell again like a curtain between the West- 
 ern civilizations and India. 
 
 § 7 
 
 Amidst all these shattered fragments of the burst bubble of 
 Hellenic empire one small state stands out and demands at 
 least a brief section to itself, the kingdom of Pergamum. We 
 hear first of this town as an independent centre during the 
 struggle that ended in the battle of Ipsus. While the tide of 
 the Gaulish invasion swirled and foamed to and fro about Asia 
 Minor between the years 277 and 241, Pergamum for a time 
 paid them tribute, but she retained her general independence, 
 and at last, under Attains I, refused her tribute and defeated 
 them in two decisive battles. For more than a century there- 
 after (until 133 B.C.) Pergamum remained free, and was per- 
 haps during that period the most highly civilized state in the 
 world. On the hill of the Acropolis was reared a rich group of 
 buildings, palaces, temples, a museum, and a library, rivals of 
 those of Alexandria of which we shall presently tell, and almost 
 the first in the world. Under the princes of Pergamum, Greek 
 art blossomed afresh, and the reliefs of the altar of the temple 
 of Zeus and the statues of the fighting and dying Gauls which 
 were made there, are among the great artistic treasures of 
 mankind. 
 
 In a little while, as we shall tell later, the influence of a 
 new power began to be felt in the Eastern Mediterranean, the 
 power of -the Roman republic, friendly to Greece and to Greek 
 civilization; and in this power the Hellenic communities of 
 Pergamum and Rhodes found a natural and useful ally and 
 supporter against the Galatians and against the Orientalized 
 Seleucid empire. We shall relate how at last the Roman power 
 came into Asia, how it defeated the Seleucid empire at the 
 battle of Magnesia (190 b.c), and drove it out of Asia Minor 
 and beyond the Taurus mountains, and how finally in 133 b.c. 
 Attains III, the last king of Pergamum, bowing to his sense of 
 an inevitable destiny, made the Roman republic the heir to 
 his kingdom, which became then the Roman province of "Asia." 
 
CAEEER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 839 
 
340 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 8 
 
 Nearly all historians are disposed to regard the career of 
 Alexander the Great as marking an epoch in human affairs. 
 It drew together all the known world, excepting only the west- 
 em Mediterranean, into one drama. But the opinions men 
 have formed of Alexander himself vary enoimously. They 
 fall, most of them, into two main schools. One type of scholar 
 is fascinated by the youth and splendour of this young man. 
 These Alexander-worshippers seem disposed to take him at his 
 own valuation, to condone every crime and folly either as the 
 mere ebullience of a rich nature or as the bitter necessity to 
 some gigantic scheme, and to regard his life as framed i^pon a 
 design, a scheme of statesmanship, such as all the wider knowl- 
 edge and wider ideas of these later times barely suffice to bring 
 into the scope of our tmderstanding. On the other hand, there 
 are those who see him only as a vsrrecker of the slowly maturing 
 possibilities of a free and tranquil Hellenized world. 
 
 Before we ascribe to Alexander or to his father Philip 
 schemes of world policy such as a twentieth-century historian- 
 philosopher might approve, we shall do well to consider very 
 carefully the utmost range of knowledge and thought that was 
 possible in those days. The world of Plato, Isocrates, and 
 Aristotle had practically no historical perspective at all; there 
 had not been such a thing as history in the world, history, that 
 is, as distinguished from mere priestly chronicles, until the last 
 couple of centuries. Even highly educated men had the most 
 circumscribed ideas of geography and foreign countries. For 
 most men the world was still flat and limitless. The only sys- 
 tematic political philosophy was based on the experiences of 
 minute city states, and took no thought of empires. Nobody 
 knew anything of the origins of civilization. No one had specu- 
 lated upon economics before that time. No one had worked 
 out the reaction of one social class upon another. We are too 
 apt to consider the career of Alexander as the crown of some 
 process that li^d long been afoot; as the climax of a crescendo. 
 In a sense, no doubt, it was that; but much more true is it 
 that it was not so much an end as a beginning ; it was the first 
 revelation to the human imagination of the oneness of human 
 affairs. The utmost reach of the thought of Greece before his 
 time was of a Persian empire Hellenized, a predominance in 
 
CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 341 
 
 the world of Macedonians and Greeks. But before Alexander 
 was dead, and much more after he was dead and there had 
 been time to think him over, the conception of a world law 
 and organization was a practicable and assimilable idea for 
 the minds of men. 
 
 For some generations Alexander the Great was for mankind 
 the symbol and embodiment of world order and world dominion. 
 He became a fabulous being. His head, adorned with the 
 divine symbols of the demi-god Hercules or the god Ammon 
 Ka, appears on the coins of such among his successors as could 
 claim to be his heirs. Then the idea of world dominion was 
 taken up by another great people, a people who for some cen- 
 turies exhibited considerable political genius, the Eomans ; and 
 the figure of another conspicuous adventurer, Caesar, eclipsed 
 for the western half of the old world the figure of Alexander. 
 
 So by the beginning of the third century B.C. we find already 
 arisen in the Western civilization of the old world three of the 
 great structural ideas that rule the mind of contemporary man- 
 kind. We have already traced the escape of writing and knowl- 
 edge from the secrets and mysteries and initiations of the old- 
 world priesthoods, and the development of the idea of a uni- 
 versal knowledge, of a universally understandable and com- 
 municable history and philosophy. We have taken the figures 
 of Herodotus and Aristotle as typical exponents of this first 
 great idea, the idea of science — ^using the word science in its 
 widest and properest sense, to include history and signify a 
 clear vision of man in relation to the things about him. We 
 have traced also the generalization of religion among the Baby- 
 lonians, Jews, and other Semitic peoples, from the dark worship 
 in temples and consecrated places of some local or tribal god 
 to the open service of one universal God of Righteousness, 
 whose temple is the whf "e world. And now we have traced 
 also the first germination of the idea of a, world polity. The 
 rest of the history of mankind is very largely the history of 
 those three ideas of science, of a universal righteousness, and 
 of a human commonweal, spreading out from the minds of the 
 rare and exceptional persons and peoples in which they first 
 originated, into the general consciousness of the race, and giving 
 first a new colour, then a new spirit, and then a new direction 
 to human affairs. 
 
XXIV 
 
 SCIENCE AND RELIGION AT ALEXANDRIA 
 
 1. The Science of Alexandria,. § 2. Philosophy of Alexarir 
 dria» § 3. Alexandria, as a Factory of Religions. 
 
 ONE of the most prosperous fragments of the brief world 
 empire of Alexander the Great was Egypt, which fell 
 to the shiare of the Ptolemy whose name we have al- 
 ready noted as one of the associates of Alexander whom King 
 Philip had banished. The country was at a secure distance 
 from plundering Gaul or Parthian, and the destruction of Tyre 
 and the Phoenician navy, and the creation of Alexandria, gave 
 Egypt a temporary naval ascendancy in the Eastern Mediter- 
 ranean. Alexandria grew to proportions that rivalled Car- 
 thage; eastward she had an overseas trade through the Red Sea 
 with Ara,bia and India ; and westward her traffic competed with 
 the Carthaginian. In the Macedonian and Greek governors of 
 the Ptolemies, the Egyptians found a government more sympa- 
 thetic and tolerable than any they had ever knovsoi since they 
 ceased to be a self-governing empire. Indeed it is rather that 
 Egypt conquered and annexed the Ptolemies politically, than 
 that the Macedonians ruled Egypt^ 
 
 There was a return to Egyptian political ideas, rather than 
 any attempt to Hellenize the government of the country. 
 Ptolemy became Pharaoh, the god-king, and his administration 
 continued the ancient tradition of Pepi, Thotmes, Rameses, 
 and Necho. Alexandria, however, for her town affairs, and 
 subject to the divine overlordship of Pharaoh, had a constitu- 
 tion of the Greek city type. And the language of the court and 
 administration was Attic Greek. Greek became so much the 
 general language of educated people in Egypt that the Jewish 
 community there found it necessary to translate their Bible into, 
 the Greek language, many men of their own people being no 
 
 342 
 
SCIENCE AND RELIGION AT ALEXANDRIA 348 
 
 longer able to understand Hebrew. Attic Greek for some cen- 
 turies before and after Christ was the language of all educated 
 men from the Adriatic to the Persian Gulf. 
 
 Of all Alexander's group of young men, Ptolemy seems to 
 have done most to carry out those ideas of a systematic organi- 
 zation of knowledge with which Aristotle had no doubt 
 familiarized the court of Philip of Macedon. Ptolemy was a 
 man of very extraordinary intellectual gifts, at once creative 
 and modest, with a certain understandable cynicism towards 
 the strain of Olympias in the mind of Alexander. His contem- 
 porary history of Alexander's campaigns has perished; but it 
 was a source to which all the surviving accounts are deeplj 
 indebted. 
 
 The Museum he set up in Alexandria was in effect the first 
 university in the world. As its name implies, it was dedicated 
 to the service of the Muses, which was also the case with the 
 Peripatetic school at Athens. It was, however, a religious body 
 only in form, in order to meet the legal difficulties of endow- 
 ment in a world that had never foreseen such a thing as a 
 secular intellectual process. It was essentially a college of 
 learned men engaged chiefly in research and record, but also 
 to a certain extent in teaching. At the outset, and for two or 
 three generations, the Museum at Alexandria presented such a 
 scientific constellation as even Athens at its best could not rival. 
 Particularly sound and good was the mathematical and geo- 
 graphical work. The names of Euclid, familiar to every school- 
 boy, Eratosthenes, who measured the size of the earth and came 
 within fifty miles of the true diameter, ApoUonius, who wrote 
 on conic sections, stand out. Hipparchus made the first attempt 
 to catalogue and map the stars with a view to checking any 
 changes that might be occurring in the heavens. Hero devised 
 the first steam engine. Archimedes came to Alexandria to 
 study, and remained a frequent correspondent of the Museum. 
 The medical school of Alexandria was equally famous. For 
 the first time in the world's history a standard of professional 
 knowledge was set up. Herophilus, the greatest of the Alexan- 
 drian anatomists, is said to have conducted vivisections upon 
 condemned criminals. Other teachers, in opposition to Hero- 
 philus, condemned the study of anatomy and developed the sci- 
 ence of drugs. But this scientific blaze at Alexandria did not 
 endure altogether for more than a century. The organization 
 
344 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of the Museum was not planned to ensure its mental continuity. 
 It was a "royal" college ; its professors and fellows (as we may 
 call them) were appointed and paid by Pharaoh. "The repub- 
 lican character of the 
 private corporations 
 called the schools or 
 academies at Athens 
 was far more stable 
 and independent." 
 Koyal patronage was 
 all very well so long 
 as Pharaoh was Ptol- 
 emy I, or Ptolemy 
 II, but the strain de- 
 generated, and the 
 long tradition o f ' 
 Egyptian priestcraft 
 presently swallowed 
 up the Ptolemies — 
 and destroyed the 
 Aristotelian mental- 
 ity of the Museum 
 altogether. The 
 Museum had not ex- 
 isted for a hundred 
 years before its sci- 
 entific energy was 
 extinct. 
 
 Side by side with 
 the Museum, Ptol- 
 emy I created a more 
 enduring monument 
 to himself in the 
 great library. This 
 was a combination of 
 state library and 
 state publishing upon 
 a scale hitherto unheard of. It was to be altogether encyclopae- 
 dic. If any stranger brought an unknown book to Egypt, he 
 had to have it copied for the collection, and a considerable staff 
 of copyists was engaged continually in making duplicates of all 
 
SCIENCE AND RELIGION AT ALEXANDRIA S45 
 
 the more popular and necessary works. The library, like a 
 university press, had an outward trade. It was a book-selling 
 affair. Under Callimachus, the head of the library during the 
 time of Ptolemy II and III, the arrangement and cataloguing 
 of the accumulations was systematically undertaken. In those 
 days, it must be remembered, books were not in pages, but rolled 
 like the music-rolls of the modem piano-player, and in order 
 to refer to any particular passage, a reader had to roll back 
 or roll forward very tediously, a process which wore out books 
 and readers together. One thinks at once of a simple and 
 obvious little machine by which such a roll could have been 
 quickly wound to and fro for reference, but nothing of the sort 
 seems to have been used. Every time a roll was read it was 
 handled by two perspiring hands. It was to minimize the waste 
 of time and trouble that Callimachus broke up long works, such 
 as the History of Herodotus, into "books" or volumes, as we 
 should call them, each upon a separate roll. The library of 
 Alexandria drew a far vaster crowd of students than the teachers 
 of the Museum. The lodging and catering for these visitors 
 from all parts of the world became a considerable business 
 interest for the Alexandrian population. 
 
 It is curious to note how slowly the mechanism of the in- 
 tellectual life improves. Contrast the ordinary library facilities 
 of a middle-class English home,' such as the present writer is 
 now working in, with the inconveniences and deficiencies of 
 the equipment of an Alexandrian writer, and one realizes the 
 enormous waste of time, physical exertion, and attention that 
 went on through all the centuries during which that library flour- 
 ished. Before the present writer lie half a dozen books, and 
 there are good indices to three of them. He can pick up any 
 one of these six books, refer quickly to a statement, verify a 
 quotation, and go on writing. Contrast with that the tedious 
 unfolding of a rolled manuscript. Close at hand are two 
 encyclopaedias, a dictionary, an atlas of the world, a biograph- 
 ical dictionary, and other books of reference. They have no 
 marginal indices, it is true ; but that perhaps is asking for tor 
 much at present. There were no such resources in the world in 
 300 B.C. Alexandria had still to produce the first grammar 
 and the first dictionary. This present book is being written in 
 manuscript; it is then taken by a typist and typewritten very 
 accurately. It can then, with the utmost convenience, be read 
 
346 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 over, corrected amply, rearranged freely, retyped, and recor- 
 rected. The Alexandrian author had to dictate or recopy every 
 word he wrote. Before he could turn back to what he had 
 written previously, he had to dry his last words by waving them 
 in the air or pouring sand over them ; he had not even blotting- 
 
 paper. Whatever an author wrote had to be recopied again 
 and again before it could reach any considerable circle of 
 readers, and every copyist introduced some new error. When- 
 ever a need for maps or diagrams arose, there were fresh diffi- 
 culties. Such a science as anatomy, for example, depending as 
 it does upon accurate drawing, must have been enormously 
 hampered by the natural limitations of the copyist. The trans- 
 mission of geographical fact again must have been almost in- 
 credibly tedious. No doubt a day will come when a private 
 
SCIENCE AND RELIGION AT ALEXANDRIA 347 
 
 library and writing-desk of the year a.d. 1919 will seem quaintly 
 clumsy and difficult; but, measured by the standards of Alex- 
 andria, they are astonishingly quick, efficient, and economical 
 of nervous and mental energy, 
 
 No attempt seems to have been made at Alexandria to print 
 anything at all. That strikes one at first as a very remarkable 
 fact. The world was crying out for books, and not simply for 
 books. There was an urgent public need for notices, proclama- 
 tions, and the like. Yet there is nothing in the history of 
 the Western civilizations that one can call printing until the 
 fifteenth century a.d. It is not as though printing was a 
 recondite art or dependent upon any precedent and preliminary 
 discoveries. Printing is the most obvious of dodges. In prin- 
 ciple it has always been known. As we have already stated, 
 there is ground for supposing that the Palaeolithic men of the 
 Magdalenian period may have printed designs on their leather 
 garments. The "seals" of ancient Sunieria again were printing 
 devices. Coins are print. Illiterate persons in all ages have 
 Used wooden or metal stamps for their signatures; William I, 
 the Norman Conqueror of England, for example, used such a 
 stamp with ink to sign documents. In China the classics were 
 being printed by the second century a.d. Yet either because of 
 a complex of small difficulties about ink or papyrus or the form 
 of books, or because of some protective resistance on the part 
 of the owners of the slave copyists, or because the script was 
 too swift and easy to set men thinking how to write it still more 
 easily, as the Chinese character or the Gothic letters did, or 
 because of a gap in the social system between men of thought 
 and knowledge and men of technical skill, printing was not used 
 — ^not even used for the exact reproduction of illustrations. 
 
 The chief reason for this failure to develop printing sys- 
 tematically lies, no doubt, in the fact that there was no abundant 
 supply of printable material of a uniform texture and con- 
 venient form. The supply of papyrus was strictly limited, 
 strip had to be fastened to strip, and there was no standard size 
 of sheet. Paper had yet to come from China to release the 
 mind of Europe. Had there been presses, they would have 
 had to stand idle while the papyrus rolls were slowly made. 
 But this explanation does not account for the failure to use 
 block printing in the case of illustrations and diagrams. 
 
 These limitations enable us to understand why it was that 
 
S48 THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 Alexandria could at once achieve the most extraordinary intel- 
 lectual triumphs — for such a feat as that of Eratosthenes, for 
 instance, having regard to his poverty of apparatus, is suflS- 
 cient to put him on a level vfith Newton or Pasteur — and yet 
 have little, or no effect upon the course of politics or the lives 
 and thoughts of people round about her. Her Museum and 
 library were a centre of light, but it was light in a dark lantern 
 hidden from the general world. There were no means of carry- 
 ing its results even to sympathetic men abroad except by tedious, 
 letter-writing. There was no possibility of communicating what 
 was known there to the general body of men. Students had to 
 come at great cost to themselves to this crowded centre because 
 there was no other way of gathering even scraps of knowledge. 
 At Athens and Alexandria there were bookstalls where manu- 
 script note-books of variable quality could be bought at reason- 
 able prices, but any extension of education to larger classes and 
 other centres would have produced at once a restrictive shortage 
 of papyrus. Education did not reach into the masses at all; 
 to become more than superficially educated one had to abandon 
 the ordinary life of the times and come for long years to live a 
 hovering existence in the neighbourhood of ill-equipped and 
 overworked sages. Learning was not indeed so complete a 
 withdrawal from ordinary life as initiation into a priestlfood, 
 but it was still something in that nature. 
 
 And very speedily that feeling of freedom, that openness and 
 directness of statement which is the vital air of the true intel- 
 lectual life, faded out of Alexandria. From the first the patron- 
 age even of Ptolemy I set a limit to political discussion. Pres- 
 ently the dissensions of the schools let in the superstitions and 
 prejudices of the city mob to scholastic affairs. 
 
 Wisdom passed away from Alexandria and left pedantry be- 
 hind. For the use of books was substituted the worship of 
 books. Very speedily the learned became a specialized queer 
 class with unpleasant characteristics of its ovstq. The Museum 
 had not existed for half a dozen generations before Alexandria 
 was familiar with a new type of human be^ng; shy, eccentric, 
 unpractical, incapable of essentials, strangely fierce upon trivi- 
 alities of literary detail, as bitterly jealous of the colleague 
 within as of the unlearned without, the bent Scholarly Man. 
 He was as intolerant as a priest, though he had no altar; as 
 obscurantist as a magician, though he had no cave. For him 
 
SCIENCE AND RELIGION AT ALEXANDRIA 849 
 
 no method of copying was sufficiently tedious and no fare book 
 sufficiently inaccessible. He was a sort of by-product of the 
 intellectual process of mankind. For many precious genera- 
 tions the new-lit fires of the human intelligence were to be seri- 
 ously banked down by this by-product. 
 
 Right thinking is necessarily an open process, and the only 
 science and history of full value to men consist of what is gen- 
 erally and clearly known ; this is surely a platitude, but we have 
 still to discover how to preserve our centres of philosophy and 
 research from the caking and darkening accumulations of nar- 
 row and dingy-spirited specialists. We have still to ensure that 
 a man of learning shall be none the less a man of affairs, and 
 that all that can be thought and known is kept plainly, honestly, 
 and easily available to the ordinary men and women who are 
 the substance of mankind. 
 
 At first the mental activities of Alexandria centred upon 
 the Museum, and were mainly scientific. Philosophy, which in 
 a more vigorous age had been a doctrine of power over self and 
 the material world, without abandoning these pretensions, be- 
 came in reality a doctrine of secret consolation. The stimulant 
 changed into an opiate. The philosopher let the world, as the 
 vulgar say, ripj the world of which he was a part, and consoled 
 himself by saying in very beautiful and elaborate forms that the 
 world was illusion and that there was in him something quintes- 
 sential and sublime, outside and above the world. Athens, 
 politically insignificant, but still a great and crowded mart 
 throughout the fourth century, decaying almost imperceptibly 
 so far as outer seeming went, and treated with a strange respect 
 that was half contempt by all the warring powers and adven- 
 turers of the world, was the fitting centre of such philosophical 
 teaching. It was quite a couple of centuries before the schools 
 of Alexandria became as important in philosophical discussion. 
 
 § 3 
 
 If Alexandria was late to develop a distinctive philosophy, 
 she was early prominent as a great factory and exchange of 
 religious ideas. 
 
350 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Tte Museum and Library represented only one of the three 
 aides of the triple city of Alexandria. They represented the 
 Aristotelian, the Hellenic, and Macedonian element. But 
 Ptolemy I had brought together two other factors to this strange 
 centre. First there was a great number of Jews, brought partly 
 from Palestine, but largely also from those settlements in Egypt 
 which had never returned to Jerusalem; these latter were the 
 Jews of the Diaspora or Dispersion, a race of Jews who, as we 
 have already noted in Chapter XIX, had not shared the Baby- 
 lonian Captivity, but who were nevertheless in possession of the 
 Bible and in close correspondence with their co-religionists 
 throughout the world. These Jews' populated so great a quarter 
 of Alexandria that the town became the largest Jewish city 
 in the world, with far more Jews in it than there were in 
 Jerusalem. We have already noted that they had found 
 it necessary to translate their scriptures into Greek. And, 
 finally, there was a great population of native Egyptians, also 
 for the most part speaking Greek, but with the superstitious 
 temperament of the dark whites and with the vast tradition of 
 forty centuries of temple religion and temple sacrifices at the 
 back of their minds. In Alexandria three types of mind and 
 spirit met, the three main types of the white race, the clear- 
 headed criticism of the Aryan Greek, the moral fervour and 
 monotheism of the Semitic Jew, and the deep Mediterranean 
 tradition of mysteries and sacrifices that we have already seen 
 at work in the secret cults and occult practices of Greece, ideas 
 which in Hamitic Egypt ruled proudly in great temples in the 
 open light of day. 
 
 These three were the permanent elements of the Alexandrian 
 blend. But in the seaport and markets mingled men of every 
 known race, comparing their religious ideas and customs. It 
 is even related that in the third century b.c. Buddhist mis- 
 sionaries came from the court of King Asoka in India. Aris- 
 totle remarks in his Politics that the religious beliefs of men 
 are apt to borrow their form from political institutions, "men 
 assimilate the lives no less than the bodily forms of the gods 
 to their own," and this age of Greek-speaking great empires 
 under autocratic monarchs was bearing hardly upon those merely 
 local celebrities, the old tribal and city deities. Men were 
 requiring deities with an outlook at least as wide as the em- 
 pires, and except where the interests of powerful priesthoods 
 
SCIENCE AND RELIGION AT ALEXANDRIA 351 
 
 TsiS and 
 
 Hants 
 
 stood in the way, a curious process of assimilation of gods was 
 going on. Men found that though there were many gods, they 
 were all very much alike. Where there had been many gods, 
 men came to think there must be really only one god under a 
 diversity of names. He had been everywhere — under an alias. 
 The Koman Jupiter, the Greek Zeus, the Egyptian Ammon, the 
 putative father of Alexander and the old antagonist of Ameno- 
 phis IV the Babylonian Bel-Marduk, were all sufficiently sim- 
 ilar to be identified. 
 
 "Father of all in every age, in every clime adored 
 By saint, by savage and by sage, Jehovah, Jove 
 or Lord." 
 
 Where there were distinct differences, the difficulty was met 
 by saying that these were different aspects of the same god. 
 Bel-Marduk, however, was now a very decadent god indeed, 
 who hardly survived as a pseudonym; 
 Assur, Dagon, and the like, poor old gods 
 of fallen nations, had long since passed 
 out of memory, and did not come into the 
 amalgamation. Osiris, a god popular 
 with the Egyptian commonalty, was al- 
 ready identified with Apis, the sacred 
 bull in the temple of Memphis, and some- 
 what confused with Ammon. Under the 
 name of Serapis he became the great 
 god of Hellenic Alexandria. He was 
 Jupiter-Serapis. The Egyptian cow 
 goddess, Hathor or Isis, was also repre- 
 sented now in human guise as the wife 
 of Osiris, to whom she bore the infant 
 Horus, who gi-ew up to be Osiris again. 
 These bald statements sound strange, 
 no doubt, to a modem mind, but these 
 identifications and mixing up of one god 
 with another are very illustrative of the 
 struggle the quickening human intelligence was making to cling 
 still to religion and its emotional bonds and fellowship, while 
 making its gods more reasonable and universal. 
 
 This fusing of one god with another is called iheocrasia, and 
 nowhere was it more vigorously going on than in Alexandria. 
 
352 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Only two peoples resisted it in this period: the Jews, who al- 
 ready had their faith in the One God of Heaven and Earth, 
 Jehovah, and the Persian" who had a monotheistic sun worship. 
 
 It was Ptolemy I who set up 
 not only the Museum in Alex- 
 andria, but the Serapeum, de- 
 voted to the worship of a trinity 
 of god which represented the re- 
 sult of a process of theocrasia ap- 
 plied more particularly to the 
 gods of Greece and Egypt. 
 
 This trinity consisted of the 
 god Serapis (= Osiris + Apis), 
 the goddess Isis (= Hathor, the 
 cow-moon goddess), and the child- 
 god Horns. In one way or an- 
 other almost every other god was 
 identified with one or other of 
 these three aspects of the one 
 God, even the sun god Mithras of 
 the Persians. And they were 
 each other; they were three, but 
 they were also one. They were 
 worshipped with great fervour, 
 and the jangling of a peculiar in- 
 strument, the sistram, a frame set with bells and used rather 
 after the fashion of the tambourine in the proceedings of the 
 modern Salvation Army, was a distinctive accessory to the cere- 
 monies. And now for the first time we find the idea of immor- 
 tality; becoming the central idea of a religion that extended be- 
 yond Egypt. JS^Teither the early Aryans nor the early Semites 
 seem to have troubled very much about immortality, it has af- 
 fected the Mongolian mind very little, but the continuation of 
 the individual life after death had been from the earliest times 
 an intense preecupation of the Egyptians. It played now a 
 large part in the worship of Serapis. In the devotional litera- 
 ture of his cult he is spoken of as "the saviour and leader of 
 souls, leading souls to the light and receiving them again." It 
 is stated that "he raises the dead, he shows forth the longed-for 
 Vght of the sun to those who see, whose holy tombs contain multi- 
 tudes of sacred books" ; and again, "we never can escape him, 
 
 Secapis' 
 
SCIENCE AND RELIGION AT ALEXANDRIA 353 
 
 he will save us, after death we shall still be the care of his 
 providence." ^ 
 
 The ceremonial burning of candles and the offering of ex- 
 votos, that is to say of small models of parts of the human body 
 in need of succour, was a part of the worship of the Serapeum. 
 Isis attracted many devotees, who vowed their lives to her. 
 Her images stood in the temple, crowned as the Queen of 
 Heaven and bearing the infant Horus in her arms. The candles 
 flared and guttered before her, and the wax ex-votos hung about 
 the shrine. The novice was put through a long and careful prep- 
 aration, he took vows of celibacy, and when he was initiated his 
 head was shaved and he was clad in a linen garment. . . . 
 
 In this worship of Serapis, which spread very widely through- 
 out the civilized world in the third and second centuries b.c, 
 we see the most remarkable anticipations of usages and forms 
 of expression that were destined to dominate the European 
 world throughout the Christian era. The essential idea, the 
 living spirit, of Christianity was, as we shall presently show, 
 a new thing in the history of the mind and will of man; but 
 the garments of ritual and symbol and formula that Christianity 
 has worn, and still in many countries wears to this day, were 
 certainly woven in the cult and temples of Jupiter, Serapis, and 
 Isis that spread now from Alexandria throughout the civilized 
 world in the age of theocrasia in the second and first centuries 
 before Christ. 
 
 'Legge, Forerunners and Bwals of Christianity. 
 
XXV 
 
 THE EISE AND SPKEAD OF BUDDHISM 
 
 1. The Story of Gautama. § 2. Teaching and Legend in 
 Conflict. § 3. The Gospel of Gautama Buddha. § 4. Bud- 
 dhism and Asoka.^ § 5. Two Great Chinese Teachers. § 6. 
 The Corruptions of Buddhism. § 7. The Present Range of 
 Buddhism. 
 
 IT is interesting to turn from tlie mental and moral activities 
 of Athens and Alexandria, and the growth of human ideas 
 in the Mediterranean world, to the almost entirely separate 
 intellectual life of India. Here was a civilization which from 
 the first seems to have grown up upon its own roots and with a 
 character of its own. It was cut off from the civilizations to 
 the west and to the east by vast mountain barriers and desert 
 regions. The Aryan tribes who had come down into the penin- 
 sula soon lost touch with their kindred to the west and north, 
 and developed upon lines of their own. This was more particu- 
 larly the case with those who had passed on into the Ganges 
 country and beyond. They found a civilization already scat- 
 tered over India, the Dravidian civilization. This had arisen 
 independently, just as the Sumerian, Cretan, and Egyptian 
 civilizations seem to have arisen, out of that widespread de- 
 velopment of the neolithic culture, the heliolithic culture, whose 
 characteristics we have already described. They revived and 
 changed this Dravidian civilization much as the Greeks did the 
 .^gean or the Semites the Sumerian. 
 
 These Indian Aryans were living under different conditions 
 from those that prevailed to the north-west. They were living 
 in a warmer climate, in which a diet of beef and fermented 
 liquor was destructive; they were forced, therefore, to a gen- 
 erally vegetarian dietary, and the prolific soil, almost unasked, 
 gave them all the food they needed. There was no further 
 ■Pronounced Ashoka. 
 354 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM ^55 
 
 reason for them to wander; the crops and seasons were trust- 
 worthy. They wanted little clothing or housing. They wanted 
 so little that trade was undeveloped. There was still land for 
 every one who desired to cultivate a patch — and a little patch 
 sufficed. Their political life was simple and comparatively 
 secure ; no great conquering powers had arisen as yet in India, 
 and her natural barriers sufficed to stop the early imperialisms 
 to the west of her and to the east. Thousands of comparatively 
 pacific little village republics and chieftainships were spread 
 over the land. There was no sea life, there were no pirate 
 raiders, no strange traders. One might write a history of India 
 coming down to four hundred years ago and hardly mention 
 the sea. 
 
 The history of India for many centuries had been happier, 
 less fierce, and more dreamlike than any other history. The 
 noblemen, the rajahs, hunted; life was largely made up of love 
 stories. Here and there a maharajah arose amidst the rajahs 
 and built a city, caught and tamed many elephants, slew many 
 tigers, and left a tradition of his splendour and his wonderful 
 processions. 
 
 It was somewhen between 500 and 600 e.g., when Croesus 
 was flourishing in Lydia and Cyrus was preparing to snatch 
 Babylon from Nabonidus, that the founder of Buddhism was 
 born in India. He was born in a small republican tribal com- 
 munity in the north of Bengal under the Himalayas, in what is 
 now overgrown jungle country on the borders of Nepal. The 
 little state was ruled by a family, the Sakya clan, of which 
 this man, Siddhattha Gautama, was a member. Siddhattha 
 was his personal name, like Caius or John; Gautama, or 
 Gotama, his family name, like Caesar or Smith ; Sakya his clan 
 name, like Julius. The institution of caste was not yet fully 
 established in India, and the Brahmins, though they were privi- 
 leged and influential, had not yet struggled to the head of the 
 system; but there were already strongly marked class distinc- 
 tions and a practically impermeable partition between the noble 
 Aryans and the darker common people. Gautama belonged to 
 the former race. His teaching, we may note, was called the 
 Aryan Path, the Aryan Truth. 
 
 It is only within the last half-century that the increasing 
 study of the Pali language, in which most of the original sources 
 were written, has given the world a real knowledge of the life 
 
356 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and actual thought of Gautama. Previously his story was over- 
 laid by monstrous accumulations of legend, and his teaching 
 violently misconceived. But now we have a very human and 
 understandable account of him. 
 
 He was a good-looking, capable young man of fortune, and 
 until he was twenty-nine he lived the ordinary aristocratic life 
 of his time. It was not a very satisfying life intellectually. 
 There was no literature except the oral tradition of the Vedas, 
 and that was chiefly monopolized by the Brahmins ; there was 
 even less knowledge. The world was bound by the snowy 
 Himalayas to the north and spread indefinitely to the south. 
 The city of Benares, which had a king, was about a hundred 
 miles away. The chief amusements were hunting and love- 
 making. All the good that life seemed to offer, Gautama en- 
 joyed. He was married at nineteen to a beautiful cousin. For 
 some years they remained childless. He hunted and played and 
 went about in his sunny world of gardens and groves and 
 irrigated rice-fields. And it was amidst this life that a great 
 discontent fell upon him. It was the unhappiness of a fine 
 brain that seeks employment. He lived amidst plenty and 
 beauty, he passed from gratification to gratification, and his soul 
 was not satisfied. It was as if he heard the destinies of the 
 race calling to him. He felt that the existence he was leading 
 was not the reality of life, but a holiday — a holiday that had 
 gone on too long. 
 
 While he was in this mood he saw four things that served to 
 point his thoughts. He was driving on some excursion of 
 pleasure, when he came upon a man dreadfully broken down 
 by age. The poor bent, enfeebled creature struck his imagina- 
 tion. "Such is the way of life," said Channa, his charioteer, 
 and "to that we must all come." While this was yet in his mind 
 he chanced upon a man suffering horribly from some loathsome 
 disease. "Such is the way of life," said Channa. The third 
 vision was of an unburied body, swollen, eyeless, mauled by 
 passing birds and beasts and altogether terrible. "That is the 
 way of life," said Channa. 
 
 The sense of disease and mortality, the insecurity and the 
 unsatisfactoriness of all happiness, descended upon the mind of 
 Gautama. And then he and Channa saw one of those wander- 
 ing ascetics who already existed in great number^ in India. 
 These men lived under severe rules, spending much time in 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 357 
 
 meditation and in religious discussion. For many men before 
 Gautama in that land of uneventful sunshine had found life 
 distressing and mysterious. These ascetics were all supposed 
 to be seeking some deeper reality in life, and a passionate desire 
 to do likewise took possession of Gautama. 
 
 He was meditating upon this project, says the story, when 
 the news was brought to him that his wife had been delivered 
 of his first-born son, "This is another tie to break," said 
 Gautama. 
 
 He returned to the village amidst the rejoicings of his fel- 
 low clansmen. There was a great feast and a Nautch dance 
 to celebrate the birth of this new tie, and in the night Gautama 
 awoke in a great agony of spirit, "like a man who is told that 
 his house is on fire." In the ante-room the dancing girls were 
 lying in strips of darkness and moonlight. He called Channa, 
 and told him to prepare his horse. Then he went softly to the 
 threshold of his wife's chamber, and saw her by the light of a 
 little oil lamp, sleeping sweetly, surrounded by flowers, with 
 his infant son in her arm. He felt a great craving to take up 
 the child in one first and last embrace before he departed, but 
 the fear of waking his wife prevented him, and at last he 
 turned away and went out into the bright Indian moonshine to 
 Channa waiting with the horses, and mounted and stole away. 
 
 As he rode through the night with Channa, it seemed to him 
 that Mara, the Tempter of Mankind, filled the sky and disputed, 
 with him. "Eetum," said Mara, "and be a king, and I will 
 make you the greatest of kings. Go on, and you will fail. 
 Never will I cease to dog your footsteps. Lust or malice or 
 anger will betray you at last in some unwary moment; sooner 
 or later you will be mine." 
 
 Very far they rode that night, and in the morning he stopped 
 outside the lands of his clan, and dismounted beside a sandy 
 river. There he cut off his flowing locks with his sword, re- 
 moved all his ornaments, and sent them and his horse and sword 
 back to his house by Channa. Then going on he presently met 
 a ragged man and exchanged clothes with him, and so having 
 divested himself of all worldly entanglements, he was free to 
 pursue his search after wisdom. He made his way southward 
 to a resort of hermits and teachers in a hilly spur ruiining into 
 Bengal northward from the Vindhya Mountains, close to the 
 town of Eajgir. There a number of wise men lived in a warren 
 
35£ 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 BUDDHI5M 
 
 J.F.H, 
 
 of caves, going into the town for their simple supplies and 
 imparting their knowledge by word of mouth to such as cared 
 to come to them. 
 
 This instruction must have been very much in the style of 
 the Socratic discussions that were going on in Athens a couple 
 of centuries later. Gautama became versed in all the meta- 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 369 
 
 physics of his age. But his acute intelligence was dissatisfied 
 with the solutions offered him. 
 
 The Indian mind has always been disposed to believe that 
 power and knowledge may be obtained by extreme asceticism, 
 by fasting, sleeplessness, and self-torment, and these ideas Gau- 
 tama now put to the test. He betook himself with five disciple 
 companions to the jungle in a gorge in the Vindhya Mountains, 
 and there he gave himself up to fasting and terrible penances. 
 His fame spread, "like the sound of a great bell hung in the 
 canopy of the skies." ^ But it brought him no sense of truth 
 achieved. One day he was walking up and down, trying to 
 think in spite of his enfeebled state. Suddenly he staggered 
 and fell unconscious. When he recovered, the preposterousness 
 of these semi-magic ways of attempting wisdom was plain to 
 him. 
 
 He amazed and horrified his five companions by demanding 
 ordinary food and refusing to continue his self-mortifications. 
 He had realized that whatever truth a man may reach is reached 
 best by a nourished brain in a healthy body. Such a conception 
 was absolutely foreign to the ideas of the land and age. His 
 disciples deserted him, and went off in a melancholy state to 
 Benares. The boom of the great bell ceased. Gautama the 
 wonderful had fallen. 
 
 For a time Gautama wandered alone, the loneliest figure in 
 history, battling for light. 
 
 When the mind grapples with a great and intricate problem, 
 it makes its advances, it secures its positions step by step, with 
 but little realization of the gains it has made, until suddenly, 
 with an effect of abrupt illumination, it realizes its victory. So 
 it would seem it happened to Gautama. He had seated himself 
 under a great tree by the side of a river to eat, when this sense 
 of clear vision came to him. It seemed to him that he saw life 
 plain. He is said to have sat all day and all night in profound 
 thought, and then he rose up to impart his vision to the world. 
 
 § 2 
 
 Such is the plain story of Gautama as we gather it from a 
 comparison of early writings. But common men must have 
 their cheap marvels and wonders. 
 
 * The Bwmeae Chronicle, quoted by Rhys Davids. 
 
860 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 It is nothing to them that this little planet should at last pro- 
 duce upon its surface a man thinking of the past and the future 
 and the essential nature of existence. And so we must have 
 this sort of thing by some worthy Pali scribe, making the most 
 of it: 
 
 "When the conflict began between the Saviour of the World 
 and the Prince of Evil a thousand appalling meteors fell. . . . 
 Rivers flowed back towards their sources ; peaks and lofty moun- 
 tains where countless trees had grown for ages rolled crumbling 
 to the earth . . . the sun enveloped itself in awful darkness, 
 and a host of headless spirits filled the air." ^ 
 
 Of which phenomena history has preserved no authentication. 
 Instead we have only the figure of a lonely man walking towards 
 Benares. 
 
 Extraordinary attention has been given to the tree under 
 which Gautama had this sense of mental clarity. It was a 
 tree of the fig genus, and from the first it was treated with 
 peculiar veneration. It was called the Bo Tree. It has long 
 since perished, but close at hand lives another great tree which 
 may be its descendant, and in Ceylon there grows to this day 
 a tree, the oldest historical tree in the world, which we know 
 certainly to have been planted as a cutting from the Bo Tree 
 in the year 245 b.o. From that time to this it has been care- 
 fully tended and watered; its great branches are supported by 
 pillars, and the earth has been terraced up about it so that it. 
 has been able to put out fresh roots continually. It helps us 
 to realize the shortness of all human history to see so many 
 generations spanned by the endurance of one single tree. Gau- 
 tama's disciples unhappily have cared more for the preservation 
 of his tree than of his thought, which from the first they mis- 
 conceived and distorted. 
 
 At Benares Gautama sought out his five pupils, who were 
 still leading the ascetic life. There is an account of their hesi- 
 tation to receive him when they saw him approaching. He was 
 a backslider. But there was some power of personality in him 
 that prevailed over their coldness, and he made them listen to 
 his new convictions. For five days the discussion was carried 
 on. When he had at last convinced them that he was now 
 enlightened, they hailed him as the Buddha. There was already 
 in those days a belief in India that at long intervals Wisdom 
 
 'The Madhiurattha Tilasini, quoted by Ehys Davirta, 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 861 
 
 returned to the earth and was revealed to mankind through 
 a chosen person known as the Buddha. According to Indian 
 belief there have been many such Buddhas; Gautama Buddha 
 is only the latest one of a series. But it is doubtful if he him- 
 self accepted that title or recognized that theory. In his dis- 
 courses he never called himself the Buddha. 
 
 He and his recovered disciples then formed a sort of Academy 
 in the Deer Park at Benares. They made themselves huts, and 
 accumulated other followers to the number of threescore or 
 more. In the rainy season they remained in discourse at this 
 settlement, and during the dry weather they dispersed about 
 the country, each giving his version of the new teachings. All 
 their teaching was done, it would seem, by word of mouth. There 
 was probably no writing yet in India at all. We must remem- 
 ber that in the time of Buddha it is doubtful if even the Iliad 
 had been committed to writing. Probably the Mediterranean 
 alphabet, which is the basis of most Indian scripts, had not yet 
 reached India. The master, therefore, worked out and com- 
 posed pithy and bripf verses, aphorisms, and lists of "points," 
 and these were expanded in the discourse of his disciples. It 
 greatly helped them to have these points and aphorisms num- 
 bered. The modern mind is apt to be impatient of the tendency 
 of Indian thought to a numerical statement of things, the Eight- 
 fold Path, the Four Truths, and so on, but this enumeration 
 was a mnemonic necessity in an undocumented world. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The fundamental teaching of Gautama, as it is now being 
 made plain to us by the study of original sources, is clear and 
 simple and in the closest harmony with modem ideas. It is 
 beyond all dispute the achievement of one of the most penetrat- 
 ing intelligences the world has ever known. 
 
 We have what are almost certainly the authentic heads of 
 his discourse to the five disciples which embodies his essential 
 doctrine. All the miseries and discontents of life he traces to 
 insatiable selfishness. Suffering, he teaches, is due to the 
 craving individuality, to the torment of greedy desire. Until a 
 man has overcome every sort of personal craving his life is 
 trouble and his end sorrow. There are three principal forms 
 the craving of life takes, and all are evil. The first is the desire 
 
862 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to gratify; the senses, sensuousness. The second is the desire 
 for personal immortality. The third is the desire for prosperity, 
 worldliness. All these must be overcome — ;that is to say, a man 
 must no longer be. living for himself — before life can become 
 serene. . But when they are indeed overcome and no longer rule 
 a man's life, when the first personal pronoun has vanished from 
 his private thoughts, then he has reached the higher wisdom. 
 Nirvana, serenity of soul. For Nirvana does not mean, as many 
 people wrongly, believe, extinction, but the extinction of the 
 f 1:1 tile personal aims that necessarily make life base or pitiful , 
 or dreadful. , ; 
 
 Now here, surely we have the completest analysis of the 
 problem of the soul's peace.. Every religion that is worth the 
 name, every. philosophy, warns us to lose ourselves in something 
 greater than ourselves. "Whosoever would save his life, shall 
 lose it ;" there is exactly the same lesson. 
 
 The teaching of history, as we are unfolding it in this book, 
 is strictly in accordance with this teaching of Buddha. There 
 is, as we are seeing, no social order, no security, no peace or 
 happiness, no righteous leadership or kingship, unless men lose 
 themselves in something greater: than themselves. The study 
 of biological progress again reveals exactly the same process — , 
 the merger of the narrow globe of the individual experience in 
 a wider being (compare what has been, said in Chaps. XI and 
 XVI). To forget oneself in greater interests is to escape 
 from a prison. 
 
 The self-abnegation must be complete.- From the point of 
 view of Gautama, that dread of death, that greed for an endless 
 continuation of .his mean litjtle individual life which drove the 
 Egyptian and those who learnt from him with propitiations and 
 charms into the temples, was as mortal and ugly and evil a 
 thing as lust or avarice or hate. The religion of Gautama is 
 flatly opposite to the "immortality" religions. And his teach- 
 ing is set like flint against asceticism, as a mere attempt to win 
 personal power by personal pains. 
 
 But when we come to the rule of life, the Aryan Path, by 
 which we are ;to escape from the threefold base cravings that 
 dishonour human life, then the teaching is not so clear. It is 
 not so clear for one very manifest reason, Gautama had no 
 knowledge nor vision of history; he had no clear sense of the 
 vast and many-sided adventure of life opening out in space and 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 363 
 
 time. His mind was confined within the ideas of his age and 
 people, and their minds were shaped into notions of perpetual 
 recurrence, of world following world and of Buddha following 
 Buddha, a stagnant circling of the universe. The idea of man- 
 kind as a great Brotherhood pursuing an endless destiny under 
 the God of Kighteousness, the idea that was already dawning 
 upon the Semitic consciousness in Babylon at this time, did not 
 exist in his world. Yet his account of the Eightfold Path is, 
 nevertheless, within these limitations, profoundly wise; 
 
 Let us briefly recapitulate the eight elements of the Aryan 
 Path. First, Right Views ; Gautama placed the stern examina- 
 tion of views and ideas, the insistence upon truth as the first 
 research of his followers. There was to be no clinging to 
 tawdry superstitions. He condemned, for instance, the preva- 
 lent belief in the transmigration of souls. In a well-known 
 early Buddhist dialogue there is a destructive analysis of the 
 idea of an enduring individual soul. Next to Eight Views 
 came Eight Aspirations ; because nature abhors a vacuum, and 
 since base cravings are to be expelled, other desires must b^ 
 encouraged — ^love for the service of others, desire to do and 
 secure justice and the like. Primitive and uncorrupted Bud- 
 dhism aimed not at the destruction of desire, but at the change 
 of desire. Devotion to science and art, or to the betterment of 
 things manifestly falls into harmony with the Buddhistic Eight 
 Aspirations, provided such aims are free from jealousy or 
 the craving for fame. Eight Speech, Eight Conduct, and Eight 
 Livelihood, need no expansion here. Sixthly in this list came 
 Eight Effort, for Gautama had no toleration for good intentions 
 and slovenly application; the disciple had to keep a keenly 
 critical eye upon his activities. The seventh element of the 
 path, Eight Mindfulness, is the constant guard against a lapse 
 into personal feeling or glory for whatever is done or not done. 
 And, finally, comes Eight Eapture, which seems to be aimed 
 against the pointless ecstacies of the devout, such witless glory- 
 ings, for instance, as those that went to the jingle of the Alex- 
 andrian sistrum. 
 
 We will not discuss here the Buddhistic doctrine of Karma, 
 because it belongs to a world of thought that is passing away. 
 The good or evil of every life was supposed to determine the 
 happiness or misery of some subsequent life, that was in some 
 inexplicable way identified with its predecessor. Nowadays we 
 
S6* THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 realize that a life goes on in its consequences for ever, but we 
 find no necessity to suppose that any particular life resumes 
 again. The Indian mind was full of the idea of cyclic re- 
 currence ; everything was supposed to come round again. This 
 is a very natural suppositio;j for men to make; so things seem 
 to be until we analyze them. Modern science has made clear 
 to us that there is no such exact recurrence as we are apt to 
 suppose; every day is by an infinitesimal quantity a little 
 longer than the day before; no generation repeats the previous 
 generation precisely; history never repeats itself; change, we 
 realize now, is inexhaustible; all things are eternally new. But 
 these differences between our general ideas and those Buddha 
 must have possessed need not in any way prevent us from 
 appreciating the unprecedented wisdom, the goodness, and the 
 greatness of this plan of an emancipated life as Gautama laid 
 it down somewhen in the sixth century before Christ. 
 
 And if he failed in theory to gather together all the wills 
 of the converted into the one multifarious activity of our race, 
 battling against death and deadness in time and space, he did 
 in practice direct his own life and that of all his immediate 
 disciples into one progressive adventure, which was to preach 
 and spread the doctrine and methods of Nirvana or soul- 
 serenity throughout our fevered world. For them at least his 
 teaching was complete and full. But all men cannot preach or 
 teach ; doctrine is but one of many of the functions of life that 
 are fundamentally righteous. To the modern mind it seems at 
 least equally acceptable that a man may, though perhaps against 
 greater difficulties, cultivate the soil, rule a city, make roads, 
 build houses, construct engines, or seek and spread knowledge, 
 in perfect self-forgetfulness and serenity. As much was in- 
 herent in Gautama's teaching, but the stress was certainly laid 
 upon the teaching itself, and upon withdrawal from rather than 
 upon the ennoblement of the ordinary affairs of men. 
 
 In certain other respects this primitive Buddhism differed 
 from any of the religions we have hitherto considered. It was 
 primarily a religion of conduct, not a religion of observances 
 and sacrifices. It had no temples, and since it had no sacrifices, 
 it had no sacred order of priests. Nor had it any theology. It 
 neither asserted nor denied the reality of the innumerable and 
 often grotesque gods who were worshipped in India at that 
 time. It passed them by. 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OP BUDDHISM 365 
 
 §4 
 
 From the very first this new teaching was misconceived. One 
 corruption was perhaps inherent in its teaching. Because the 
 world of men had as yet no sense of the continuous progressive 
 effort of life, it was very easy to slip from the idea of renouncing 
 self to the idea of renouncing active life. As Gautama's own 
 experiences had shown, it is easier to flee from this world than 
 from self. His early disciples were strenuous thinkers and 
 teachers, but the lapse into mere monastic seclusion was a very 
 easy one, particularly easy in the climate of India, where an 
 extreme simplicity of living is convenient and attractive, and 
 exertion more laborious than anywhere else in the world. 
 
 And it was early the fate of Gautama, as it has been the fate 
 of most religious founders since his days, to be made into a 
 wonder by his less intelligent disciples in their efforts to impress 
 the outer world. We have already noted how one devout fol- 
 lower could not but believe that the moment of the master's 
 mental irradiation must necessarily have been marked by an 
 epileptic fit of the elements. This is one small sample of the 
 vast accumulation of vulgar marvels that presently sprang up 
 about the memory of Gautama. 
 
 There can be no doubt that for the great multitude of human 
 beings then as now the mere idea of an emancipation from self 
 is a very difficult one to grasp. It is probable that even among 
 the teachers Buddha was sending out from Benares there were 
 many who did not grasp it and still less were able to convey it to 
 their hearers. Their teaching quite naturally took on the aspect 
 of salvation not from oneself — that idea was beyond them — ^but 
 from misfortunes and sufferings here and hereafter. In the 
 existing superstitions of the people, and especially in the idea 
 of the transmigration of the soul after death, though this idea 
 was contrary to the Master's own teaching, they found stuff of 
 fear they could work upon. They urged virtue upon the people 
 lest they should live again in degraded or miserable forms, or fall 
 into some one of the innumerable hells of torment with which 
 the Brahminical teachers had already familiarized their minds. 
 They represented Buddha as the saviour from almost unlimited 
 torment. 
 
 There seems to be no limit to the lies that honest but stupid 
 disciples will tell for the glory of their master and for what they 
 
366 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 regard as tiie success of their propaganda. Hen who would 
 scorn to tell a lie in everyday life will become unscrupulous 
 cheats and liars when they have given themselves up to propa- 
 gandist work; it is one of the perplexing absurdities of our 
 human nature. Such honest souls, for most of them were in- 
 dubitably honest, were presently telling their hearers of the 
 miracles that attended the Buddha's birth — ^they no longer called 
 him Gautama, because that was too familiar a name — of his 
 
 youthful feats of 
 
 Haritl 
 
 Chinese 
 
 TupJcestan, 
 
 e^CmtyAD.) 
 
 strength, of the marvels 
 of his everyday life, 
 winding up with a sort 
 of illumination of his 
 body at the moment of 
 death. Of course it was 
 impossible to believe 
 that Buddha was the 
 son of a mortal father. 
 He was miraculously 
 conceived through his 
 mother dreaming of a 
 beautiful white ele- 
 phant! Previously he 
 had himself been a mar- 
 vellous elephant with 
 six tusks; he had gen- 
 erously given them all 
 to a needy hunter — 
 and even helped him to 
 saw them off. And so 
 on. 
 
 Moreover, a theology 
 grew up about Buddha. 
 He was discovered to 
 be a god. He was one 
 of a series of divine beings, the Buddhas. There was an un- 
 dying "Spirit of all the Buddhas"; there was a great series 
 of Buddhas past and Buddhas (or Buddisatvas) yet to come. 
 But we cannot go further into these complications of Asiatic 
 theology. "Under the overpowering influence of these sickly 
 imaginations the moral teachings of Gautama have been almost 
 
 [/ifbirTbudherl 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM S67 
 
 hid from view. The theories grew and flourished; each new 
 step, each new hypothesis, demanded another ; until the whole 
 sky was filled with forgeries of the brain, and the nobler and 
 simpler lessons of the founder of the religion were smothered 
 beneath the glittering mass of metaphysical subtleties." ^ 
 
 In the third century B.C. Buddhism was gaining wealth and 
 power, and the little groups of simple huts in which the teachers 
 of the Order gathered in the rainy season were giving place to 
 substantial monastic buildings. To this period belong the begin- 
 nings of Buddhistic art. ~Now if we remember how recent was 
 the adventure of Alexander, that all the Punjab was still under 
 Seleucid rule, that all India abounded with Greek adventurers, 
 and that there was still quite open communication by sea and 
 land with Alexandria, it is no great wonder to find that this 
 early Buddhist art was strongly Greek in character, and that the 
 new Alexandrian cult of Serapis and Isis was extraordinarily 
 influential in its development. 
 
 The kingdom of Gandhara on the north-west frontier near 
 Peshawar, which flourished in the third century e.g., was a typ- 
 ical meeting-place of the Hellenic and Indian worlds. Here are 
 to be found the earliest Buddhist sculptures, and interwoven 
 with them are figures which are recognizably the figures of 
 Serapis and Isis and Horus already worked into the legendary 
 net that gathered about Buddha. ISTo doubt the Greek artists 
 who came to Gandhara were loth to relinquish a familiar theme. 
 But Isis, we are txjld, is no longer Isis but Hariti, a pestilence 
 goddess whom Buddha converted and made benevolent. Foucher 
 traces Isis from this centre into China, but here other influences 
 were also at work, and the story becomes too complex for us 
 to disentangle in this Outline.^ China had a Taoist deity, the 
 Holy Mother, the Queen of Heaven, who took on the name 
 (originally a male name) of Kuan-yin and who came to re- 
 semble the Isis figure very closely. The Isis figures, we feel, 
 must have influenced the treatment of Kuan-yin. Like Isis 
 she was also Queen of the Seas, Stella Maris. In Japan she 
 was called Kwannon. There seems to have been a constant 
 exchange of the outer forms of religion between east and west. 
 We read in Hue's Travels how perplexing he and his fellow 
 
 *Ehys Davids, BvMhism. 
 
 " See K. F. Johnston, Buddhist Ohma. — Jj. C. B, 
 
368 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 missionary found this possession of a common tradition of wor- 
 ship. "The cross," he says, "the mitre, the dalmatica, the cope, 
 which the Grand Lamas wear on their journeys, or when they are 
 performing some ceremony out of the temple; the service with 
 double choirs, the psalmody, the exorcisms, the censer, suspended 
 from five chains, which you can open or close at pleasure; the 
 benedictions given by the Lamas by extending the right hand 
 over the heads of the faithful ; the chaplet, ecclesiastical celibacy, 
 spiritual retirement, the worship of the saints, the fasts, the 
 processions, the litanies, the holy water, all these are analogies 
 between the Buddhists and ourselves." ^ 
 
 The cult and doctxine of Gautama, gathering corruptions and 
 variations from Brahminism and Hellenism alike, was spread 
 throughout India by an increasing multitude of teachers in the 
 fourth and third centuries B.C. For some generations at least 
 it retained much of the moral beauty and something of the 
 simplicity of the opening phase. Many people who have no 
 intellectual grasp upon the meaning of self-abnegation and dis- 
 interestedness have nevertheless the ability to appreciate a splen- 
 dour in the reality of these qualities. Early Buddhism was 
 certainly producing noble lives, and it is not only through rea- 
 son that the latent response to nobility is aroused in our minds. 
 It spread rather in spite of than because of the concessions that 
 it made to vulgar imaginations. It spread because many of 
 the early Buddhists were sweet and gentle, helpful and noble 
 and admirable people, who compelled belief in their sustaining 
 faith. 
 
 Quite early in its career Buddhism came into conflict with 
 the growing pretensions of the Brahmins. As we have already 
 noted, this priestly caste was still only struggling to dominate 
 Indian life in the days of Gautama. They had already great 
 advantages. They had the monopoly of tradition and religious 
 sacrifices. But their power was being challenged by the de- 
 velopment of kingship, for the men who became clan leaders and 
 kings were usually not of the Brahminical caste. 
 
 Kingship received an impetus from the Persian and Greek 
 invasions of the Punjab. We have already noted the name of 
 King Porus whom, in spite of his elephants, Alexander de- 
 feated and turned into a satrap. There came also to the Greek 
 camp upon the Indus a certain adventurer named Chandra- 
 
 " Hue's Travels in Tartary, Thibet, and China. 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 369 
 
 gupta Maurya, whom the Greeks called Sandracottus, with a 
 scheme for conquering the Ganges coimtry. The scheme was 
 not welcome to the Macedonians, who were in revolt against 
 marching any further into India, and he had to fly the camp. 
 He wandered among the tribes upon the north-west frontier, se- 
 cured their support, and after Alexander 
 had departed, overran the Punjab, ousting 
 the Macedonian representatives. He then 
 conquered the Ganges country (321 B.C.), 
 waged a successful war (303 b.c.) against 
 Seleucus (Seleucus I) when the latter at- 
 tempted to recover the Punjab, and con- 
 solidated a great empire reaching across 
 all the plain of northern India from the 
 western to the eastern sea. And this King 
 Chandragupta came into much the same 
 conflict with the growing power of the 
 Brahmins, into the conflict between crown 
 and priesthood, that we have already noted 
 as happening in Babylonia and Egypt and 
 China. He saw in the spreading doctrine 
 of Buddhism an ally against the growth 
 of priestcraft and caste. He supported 
 and endowed the Buddhistic Order, and 
 encouraged its teachings. 
 
 He was succeeded by his son, who con- 
 quered Madras and was in turn succeeded by Asoka (264 to 
 227 B.C.), one of the great monarchs of history, whose do- 
 minions extended from Afghanistan to Madras. He is th« only 
 military monarch on record who abandoned warfare after vic- 
 tory. He had invaded Kalinga (255 b.c), a country along the 
 east coast of Madras, perhaps with some intention of completing 
 the conquest of the tip of the Indian peninsuln. The expedi- 
 tion was successful, but he was disgusted by what he saw of 
 the cruelties and horrors of war. He declared, in certain in- 
 scriptions that still exist, that he would no longer seek conquest 
 by war, but by religion, and the rest of his life was devoted to 
 the spreading of Buddhism throughout the world. 
 
 He seems to have ruled his vast empire in peace and with 
 great ability. He was no mere religious fanatic. But in the 
 
 Chinese Image 
 
 KuAN-YlN 
 
870 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 year of his one and only war he joined the Buddhist commuaity 
 as a layman, and some years later he became a full member 
 of the Order, and devoted himself to the attainment of Nirvana 
 by the Eightfold Path. How entirely compatible that way of 
 living then was with the most useful and beneficent activities his 
 life shows. Eight Aspiration, Eight Effort, and Eight Liveli- 
 
 'Map'fca ilUiftiate 
 
 "tiic ^prcaA up " 
 
 BUDDHISM 
 
 Present extent d ^, 
 Bujdditlsui ,. 
 
 rarmscexteni; .: 
 
 '.n. (after'ShrsDa.vuls) 
 
 hood distinguished his career. He organized a great digging o5 
 wells in India, and the planting of trees for shade. He ap- 
 pointed officers for the supervision of charitable works. He 
 founded hospitals and public gardens. He had gardens made 
 for the growing of medicinal herbs. Had he had an Aristotle to 
 inspire him, he would no doubt have endowed scientific research 
 upon a great scale. He created a ministry for the care of the 
 aborigines and subject races. He made provision for the educa- 
 tion of women. He made, he was the first monarch to make, 
 an attempt to educate his people into a common view of the ends 
 and way of life. He made vast benefactions to the Buddhist 
 teaching orders, and tried to stimulate them to a better study 
 of their own literature. All over the land he set up long inscrip- 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 371 
 
 tions rehearsing the teaching of Gautama, and it is the simple 
 and human teaching and not the preposterous accretions. Thir- 
 ty-five of his inscriptions survive to this day. Moreover, he sent 
 missionaries to spread the nohle and reasonable teaching of his 
 master throughout the world, to Kashmir, to Ceylon, to the 
 Seleucids, and the Ptolemies. It was one of these missions which 
 carried that cutting of the Bo Tree, of which we have already 
 told, to Ceylon. 
 
 For eight and twenty years Asoka worked sanely for the real 
 needs of men. Amidst the tens of thousands of names of mon- 
 archs that crowd the columns of history, their majesties and 
 graciousnesses and serenities and royal highnesses and the Hke, 
 the name of Asoka shines, and shines almost alone, a star. From 
 the Volga to Japan his name is still honoured. China, Tibet, 
 and even India, though it has left his doctrine, preserve the 
 tradition of his greatness. More living men cherish his memory 
 to-day than have ever heard the names of Constantino or 
 Charlemagne. 
 
 § 5 
 
 It is thought that the vast benefactions of Asoka finally cor- 
 rupted Buddhism by attracting to its Order great numbers of 
 mercenary and insincere adherents, but there can be no doubt 
 that its rapid extension throughout Asia was very largely due 
 to his stimulus. 
 
 It made its way into Central Asia through Afghanistan and 
 Turkestan, and so reached China. Buddhist teaching had 
 spread widely in China before 200 b.c. Buddhism found there 
 a popular and prevalent religion, Taoism, a development of very 
 ancient and primitive magic and occult practices. It was reor- 
 ganized as a distinctive cult by Chang Daoling in the days 
 of the Han dynasty. Tao means the Way, which corresponds 
 closely, with the idea of the Aryan Path. The two religions 
 spread side by side and underwent similar changes, so that 
 nowadays their outward practice is very similar. Buddhism 
 also encountered Confucianism, which was even less theological 
 and even more a code of personal conduct. And finally it en- 
 countered the teachings of Lao Tse, "anarchist, evolutionist, 
 pacifist and moral philosopher," ^ which were not so much a 
 
 'S. N. Fu. 
 
'372 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 religion as a philosophical rule of life. The teachings of this 
 Lao Tse were later to become incorporated with the Taoist re- 
 ligion hy Chen Tuan, the founder of modern Taoism. 
 
 Confucius, the founder of Confucianism, like the great south- 
 ern teacher Lao Tse and Gautama, lived also in the sixth cen- 
 tury B.C. His life has some interesting parallelisms with that 
 of some of the more political of the Greek philosophers of the 
 fifth and fourth. The sixth century b.c. falls into the period 
 assigned by Chinese historians to the Chow Dynasty, but in those 
 days the rule of that dynasty had become little more than 
 nominal ; the emperor conducted the traditional sacrifices of the 
 Son of Heaven, and received a certain formal respect. Even 
 his nominal empire was not a sixth part of the China of to-day. 
 In Chapter XIV we have already glanced at the state of affairs 
 in China at this time; practically China was a multitude of 
 warring states open to the northern barbarians. Confucius was 
 a subject in one of those states, Lu ; he was of aristocratic birth, 
 but poor; and, after occupying various ofiicial positions, he set 
 up a sort of Academy in Lu for the discovery and imparting 
 of Wisdom. And we also find Confucius travelling from state 
 to state in China, seeking a prince who would make him. his 
 counsellor and become the centre of a reformed world. Plato, 
 two centuries later, in exactly the same spirit, went as ad- 
 viser to the tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse, and we have already 
 noted the attitudes of Aristotle and Isocrates towards Philip 
 of Macedonia. 
 
 The teaching of Confucius centred upon the idea of a noble 
 life which he embodied in a standard or ideal, the Aristocratic 
 Man. This phrase is often translated into English as the 
 Superior Person, but as "superior" and "person," like "re- 
 spectable" and "genteel," have long become semi-humorous 
 terms of abuse, this rendering is not fair to Confucianism. He 
 did present to his time the ideal of a devoted public man. The 
 public side was very important to him. He was far more 
 of a constructive political thinker than Gautama or Lao Tse. 
 His mind was full of the condition of China, and he sought to 
 call the Aristocratic Man into existence very largely in order 
 to produce the noble state. One of his sayings may be quoted 
 here: "It is impossible to withdraw from the world, and asso- 
 ciate with birds and beasts that have no afiinity with us. With 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 378 
 
 whom should I associate but with suffering men ? The disorder 
 that prevails is what requires my efforts. If right principles 
 ruled through the kingdom, there would be no necessity for me 
 to change its state." 
 
 The political basis of his teaching seems to be characteristic 
 of Chinese moral ideas; there is a much directer reference to 
 the State than is the case with most Indian and European moral 
 and religious doctrine. For a time he was appointed magis- 
 trate in Chung-tu, a city of the dukedom of Lu, and here he 
 sought to regulate life to an extraordinary extent, to subdue 
 every relationship and action indeed to the rule of an elaborate 
 etiquette. "Ceremonial in every detail, such as we are wont 
 to see only in the courts of rulers and the households of high 
 dignitaries, became obligatory on the people at large, and all 
 matters of daily life were subject to rigid rule. Even the food 
 which the different classes of people might eat was regulated ; 
 males and females were kept apart in the streets ; even the thick- 
 ness of cofiBns and the shape and situation of graves were made 
 the subject of regulations.^ 
 
 This is all, as people say, very Chinese. !N"o other people 
 have ever approached moral order and social stability through 
 the channel of manners. Yet in China, at any rate, the methods 
 of Confucius have had an enormous effect, and no nation in the 
 world to-day has such a universal tradition of decorum and 
 self-restraint. 
 
 Later on the influence of Confucius over his duke was under- 
 mined, and he withdrew again into private life. His last days 
 were saddened by the deaths of some of his most promising 
 disciples. "No intelligent ruler," he said, "arises to take me 
 as his master, and my time has come to die." . . . 
 
 But he died to live. Says Hirth, "There can be no doubt 
 that Confucius has had a greater influence on the development 
 of the Chinese national character than many emperors taken 
 together. He is, therefore, one of the essential figures to be 
 considered in connection with any history of China. That he 
 could influence his nation to such a degree was, it appears to me, 
 due more to the peculiarity of the nation than to that of his 
 own personality. Had he lived in any other part of the world, 
 his name would perhaps be forgotten. As we have seen, he had 
 
 'Hirth's The Ancient History of Ghma. 
 
S74 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 875 
 
 formed his character and his personal views on man's life from 
 a careful study of documents closely connected with the moral 
 philosophy cultivated by former generations. What he preached 
 to his contemporaries was, therefore, not all new to them ; but, 
 having himself, in the study of old records, heard the dim voice 
 of the sages of the past, he became, as it were, the megaphone 
 phonograph through which were expressed to the nation those 
 views which he had derived from the early development of the 
 nation itself. . . . The great influence of Confucius's person- 
 ality on national life in China was due not only to his writings 
 and his teachings as recorded by others, but also to his doings. 
 His personal character, as described by his disciples and in the 
 accounts of later writers, some of which may be entirely legen- 
 dary, has become the pattern for millions of those who are bent 
 on imitating the outward manners of a great man. . . . What- 
 ever he did in public was regulated to the minutest detail by 
 ceremony. This was no invention of his own, since ceremonial 
 life had been cultivated many centuries before Confucius ; but 
 his authority and example did much to perpetuate what he con- 
 sidered desirable social practices." 
 
 The Chinese speak of Buddhism and the doctrines of Lao 
 Tse and Confucius as the Three Teachings. Together they con- 
 stitute the basis and point of departure of all later Chinese 
 thought Their thorough study is a necessary preliminary to 
 the establishment of any real intellectual and moral commu- 
 nity between the great people of the East and the Western 
 world. 
 
 There are certain things to be remarked in common of all 
 these three teachers, of whom Gautama was indisputably the 
 greatest and profoundest, whose doctrines to this day dominate 
 the thought of the great majority of human beings ; there are 
 certain features in which their teaching contrasts with the 
 thoughts and feelings that were soon to take possession of the 
 Western world. Primarily they are personal and tolerant doc- 
 trines ; they are doctrines of a Way, of a Path, of a Nobility, 
 and not doctrines of a church or a general rule. And they 
 offer nothing either for or against the existence and worship 
 of the current gods. The Athenian philosophers, it is to be 
 noted, had just the same theological detachment ! Socrates was 
 quite willing to bow politely or sacrifice formally to almost any 
 divinity,-7-reserving his private thoughts. This attitude is flatly 
 
376 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 antagonistic to the state of mind that was growing up in the 
 Jewish oommunities of Judea, Egypt, and Babylonia, in 
 which the thought of the one God was first and foremost. Neither 
 Gautama nor Lao Tse nor Confucius had any inkling of this 
 idea of a jealous God, a God who would have "none other gods," 
 a God of terrible Truth, who would not tolerate any lurking be- 
 lief in magic, witchcraft, or old customs, or any sacrificing to 
 the god-king or any trifling with the stern unity of things. 
 
 § 6 
 
 The intolerance of the Jewish mind did keep its essential faith 
 clear and clean. The theological disregard of the great Eastern 
 teachers, neither assenting nor denying, did on the other hand 
 permit elaborations of explanation and accumulations of ritual 
 from the very beginning. Except for Gautama's insistence 
 upon Eight Views, which was easily disregarded, there was no 
 self-cleansing element in either Buddhism, Taoism, or Confu- 
 cianism. There was no effective prohibition of superstitious 
 practices, spirit raising, incantations, prostrations, and sup- 
 plementary worships. At an early stage a process of encrusta- 
 tion began, and continued. The new faiths caught almost every 
 disease of the corrupt religions they sought to replace;, they 
 took over the idols and the temples, the altars and the censers. 
 
 Tibet to-day is a Buddhistic country, yet Gautama, could he 
 return to earth, might go from end to end of Tibet seeking his 
 own teaching in vain. He would find that most ancient type 
 of human ruler, a god-king, enthroned, the Dalai Lama, the 
 "living Buddha." At Lhassa he would find a huge temple filled 
 with priests, abbots, and lamas — ^he whose only buildings were 
 huts and who made no priests — and above a high altar he would 
 behold a huge golden idol, which he would learn was called 
 "Gautama Buddha" ! He would hear services intoned before 
 this divinity, and certain precepts, which would be dimly famil- 
 iar to him, murmured as responses. Bells, incense, prostrations, 
 would play their part in these amazing proceedings. At one 
 point in the service a bell would be rung and a mirror lifted up, 
 while the whole congregation, in an access of i:everence, bowed 
 lower. . . . 
 
 About this Buddhist countryside he would discover a num- 
 ber of curious little mechanisms, little wind-wheels and water- 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM 377 
 
378 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 wheels spinning, on which brief prayers were inscribed. Every 
 time these things, spin, he would learn, it counts as a prayer. 
 "To whom ?" he would ask. Moreover, there would be a number 
 of flagstaffs in the land carrying beautiful silk flags, silk flags 
 which bore the perplexing inscription, "Om Mani padme hum" 
 "the jewel is in the lotus." Whenever the flag flaps, he would 
 learn, it was a prayer also, very beneficial to the gentleman who 
 paid for the flag, and to the land generally.' Gangs of workmen, 
 employed by pious persons, would be going about the country 
 cutting this precious formula on cliff and stone. And this, he 
 would realize at last, was what the world had made of his re- 
 ligion ! Beneath this gaudy glitter was buried the Aryan Way 
 to serenity of soul. 
 
 We have already noted the want of any progressive idea in 
 primitive Buddhism. In that again it contrasted with Judaism. 
 The idea of a Promise gaVe to Judaism a quality no previous 
 or contemporary religion displayed ; it made Judaism historical 
 and dramatic. It justified its fierce intolerance because it 
 pointed to an aim. In spite of the truth and profundity of the 
 psychological side of Gautama's teaching. Buddhism stagnated 
 and corrupted for the lack of that directive idea. Judaism, it 
 must be confessed, in its earlier phases, entered but little into 
 the souls of men ; it let them remain lustful, avaricious, worldly 
 or superstitious ; but because of its persuasion of a promise and 
 of a divine leadership to serve divine ends, it remained in 
 comparison with Buddhism bright and expectant, like a cared- 
 for sword. 
 
 § 7 
 
 For some time Buddhism flourished in India. But Brahmin- 
 ism, with its many gods and its endless variety of cults, always 
 flourished by its side, and the organization of the Brahmins grew 
 more powerful, until at last they were able to turn upon this 
 caste-denying cult and oust it from India altogether. The story 
 of that struggle is not to be told here; there were persecutions 
 and reactions, but by the eleventh century, except for Orissa, 
 Buddhist teaching was extinct in India. Much of its gen- 
 tleness and charity had, however, become incorporated with 
 Brahminism, 
 
 Over great areas of the world, as our map has shown, it still 
 survives; and it is quite possible that in contact with western 
 
THE RISE AND SPREAD OF BUDbHISM 379 
 
 science, and inspired by the spirit of history, the original teach- 
 ing of Gautama, revived and purified, may yet play a large part 
 in the direction of human destiny. 
 
 But with the loss of India the Aryan Way ceased to rule the 
 lives of any Aryan peoples. It is curious to note that while the 
 one great Aryan religion is now almost exclusively confined to 
 Mongolian peoples, the Aryans themselves are under the sway of 
 two religions, Christianity and Islam, which are, as we shall see, 
 essentially Semitic. And both Buddhism and Christianity wear 
 garments of ritual and formula that seem to be derived through 
 Hellenistic channels from that land of temples and priestcraft, 
 Egypt, and from the more primitive and fundamental mentality 
 of the brown Hamitic peoples. 
 
XXVI 
 
 THE TWO WESTERN EEPUBLICS 
 
 1, The Beginnings of the Latins. § 2. J. New Sort of 
 State. § 3. The Carthaginian Republic of Rich Men. § 4. 
 The First Punic War. § 5. Cato the Elder and the Spirit 
 of Cato. § 6. The Second Punic War. § 7. The Third 
 Punic War. § 8. How the Punic War Undermined Roman 
 Liberty. § 9. Comparison of the Roman Republic with a 
 Modem State. 
 
 IT is now necessary to take up the history of the two great 
 republics of the Western Mediterranean, Eome and Car- 
 thage, and to tell how Eome succeeded in maintaining for 
 some centuries an empire even greater than that achieved by 
 the conquests of Alexander. But this new empire was, as we 
 shall try to make clear, a political structure differing very pro- 
 foundly in its nature from any of the great Oriental empires 
 that had preceded it. Great changes in the texture of human 
 society and in the conditions of social interrelations had been 
 going on for some centuries. The flexibility and transferability 
 of money was becoming a power and, like all powers in inexpert 
 hands, a danger in human affairs. It was altering the relations 
 of rich men to the state and to their poorer fellow citizens. This 
 new empire, the Eoman empire, unlike all the preceding em- 
 pires, was not the creation of a great conqueror. No Sargon, 
 no Thothmes, no Nebuchadnezzar, no Cyrus nor Alexander nor 
 Chandragupta, was its fountain head. It was made by a repub- 
 lic. It grew by a kind of necessity through new concentrating 
 and unifying forces that were steadily gathering power in human 
 affairs. 
 
 But first it is necessary to give some idea of the state of affairs 
 in Italy in the centuries immediately preceding the appearance 
 of Eome in the world's story. 
 
 380 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 
 
 381 
 
 Before 1200 b.c, that is to say before the rise of the Assyrian 
 empire, the siege of Troy, and the final destruction of Cnossos, 
 but after the time of Amenophis IV, Italy, like Spain, was 
 probably still inhabited mainly by dark white people of the 
 more fundamental Iberian or Mediterranean race. This ab- 
 original population was probably a thin and backward one. 
 But already in Italy, as in Greece, the Aryans were coming 
 southward. By 1000 b.c. immigrants from the north had set- 
 tled over most of the north and centre of Italy, and, as in 
 Greece, they had intermarried witli their darker predecessors 
 
 TRc WE5TERN MEDITERRATsTEAIM , 800'600B.e. 
 
 Latms i 
 
 8t Fbasniriprns, 
 
 and established a group of Aryan languages, the Italian group, 
 more akin to the Keltic (Gaelic) than to any other, of which the 
 most interesting from the historical point of view was that 
 spoken by the Latin tribes in the plains south and east of the 
 river Tiber. Meanwhile the Greeks had been settling down in 
 Greece, and now they were taking to the sea and crossing over 
 to South Italy and Sicily and establishing themselves there. 
 Subsequently they established colonies along the French Kiviera 
 and founded Marseilles upon the site of an older Phoenician 
 colony. Another interesting people also had come into Italy by 
 sea. These were a brownish sturdy people, to judge from the 
 
382 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 pictures they have left of themselves ; very prohably they were 
 a tribe of those ^gean "dark whites" who were being driven oiit 
 of Greece and Asia Minor and the islands in between by the 
 Greeks. We have already told the tale of Onossos (Chapter 
 XV) and of the settlement of the kindred Philistines in Pales- 
 tine (Chapter XIX, § 1). These Etruscans, as they were 
 
 called in Italy, were known even in ancient times to be of 
 Asiatic origin, and it is tempting, but probably unjustifiable, to 
 connect this tradition with the ^neid, the sham epic of the 
 Latin poet Virgil, in which the Latin civilization is ascribed 
 to Trojan immigrants from Asia Minor. (But the Trojans 
 themselves were probably an Aryan people allied to the Phty 
 gians,) These Etruscan people conquered most of Italy north 
 of the Tiber from the Aryan tribes who were scattered over 
 that country. Probably the Etruscans ruled over a subjugated 
 Italian population, so reversing the state of affairs in Greece, 
 in which the Aryans were uppermost. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 383 
 
 Our map, which may be taken to represent roughly the state 
 of affairs about 750 b.c, also shows the establishments of the 
 Phoenician traders, of which Carthage was the chief, along 
 the shores of Africa and Spain. 
 
 Of all the peoples actually in Italy, the Etruscans were by 
 far the most civilized. They built sturdy fortresses of the 
 Myesenean type of architecture; they had a metal industry; 
 they used imported Greek pottery of a very fine type. The 
 Latin tribes on the other side of the Tiber were by comparison 
 barbaric. 
 
 The Latins were still a rude farming people. The centre of 
 their worship was a temple to the tribal god Jupiter, upon the 
 Alban Mount. There they gathered for their chief festivals 
 very much after the fashion of the early tribal gathering we 
 have already imagined at Avebury. This gathering- place was 
 not a town. It was a high place of assembly. There was no 
 population permanently there. There were, however, twelve 
 townships in the Latin league. At one point upon the Tiber 
 there was a ford, and here there was a trade between Latins 
 and Etruscans. At this ford Rome had its beginnings. Trad- 
 ers assembled there, and refugees from the twelve towns found 
 an asylum and occupation at this trading centre. Upon the 
 seven hills near the ford a number of settlements sprang up, 
 which finally amalgamated into one city. 
 
 Most people have heard the story of the two brothers Romulus 
 and Remus, who founded Rome, and the legend of how they 
 were exposed as infants and sheltered and suckled by a wolf. 
 Little value is now attached to this tale by modem historians. 
 The date 753 b.c. is given for the founding of Rome, but there 
 are Etruscan tombs beneath the Roman Forum of a much 
 earlier date than that, and the so-called tomb of Romulus bears 
 an indecipherable Etruscan inscription. 
 
 The peninsula of Italy was not then the smiling land of 
 vineyards and olive orchards it has since become. It was still 
 a rough country of marsh and forest, in which the farmers grazed 
 their cattle and made their clearings. Rome, on the boundary 
 between Latin and Etruscan, was not in a very strong position 
 for defence. At first there were perhaps Latin kings in Rome, 
 then it would seem the city fell into the hands of Etruscan 
 rulers whose tyrannous conduct led at last to their expulsion, 
 and Rome became a Latin-speaking republic. The Etruscan 
 
384 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 kings were expelled from Eome in the sixth century b.c, while 
 the successors of Nebuchadnezzar were ruling by the sufferance 
 of the Medes in Babylon, while Confucius was seeking a king 
 to reform the disorders of China, and while Gautama 
 teaching the Aryan Way to his disciples at Benares. 
 
 was 
 
 iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiilii'liiiiiiiiiiiili 
 
 £iras'can pamtin^ of a. Ceremoaial 'Burning of ■Aa'Daajd/-' 
 
 Of the struggle between the Eomans and the Etruscans we 
 cannot tell in any detail here. The Etruscans were the better 
 armed, the more civilized, and the more numerous, and it would 
 probably have gone hard with the Eomans if they had had to 
 fight them alone. But two disasters happened to the Etruscans 
 which so weakened them that the Eomans were able at last to 
 master them altogether. The first of these was a war with 
 the Greeks of Syracuse in Sicily which destroyed the Etruscan 
 fleet (474 b.c), and the second was a great raid of the Gauls 
 from the north into Italy. These latter people swarmed into 
 Isl'orth Italy and occupied the valley of the Po towards the end 
 of the fifth century b.c, as a couple of centuries later their 
 kindred were to swarm down into Greece and Asia Minor and 
 settle in Galatia. The Etruscans were thus caught between 
 hammer and anvil, and after a long and intermittent war the 
 Eomans were able to capture Veii, an Etruscan fortress, a few 
 miles from Eome, which had hitherto been a great threat and 
 annoyance to them. 
 
 It is to this period of struggle against the Etruscan monarchs, 
 the Tarquins, that Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Borne, familiar 
 to every schoolboy, refer. 
 
 But the invasion of the Gauls was one of those convulsions 
 of the nations that leave nothing as it has been before. They 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 385 
 
 carried their raiding right down the Italian peninsula, devastat- 
 ing all Etruria. They took and sacked Eome (390 b.c). 
 According to Eoman legends — on which douht is thrown — ^the 
 citadel on the Capitol held out, and this also the Gauls would 
 have taken by surprise at night, if certain geese had not been 
 awakened by their stealthy movements and set up such a cack- 
 ling as to arouse the garrison. After that the Gauls, who were 
 ill-equij^d for siege operations, and perhaps suffering from dis- 
 ease in their camp, were bought off, and departed to the north- 
 ward again, and, though they made subsequent raids, they never 
 again reached Home. 
 
 The leader of the Gauls who sacked Eome was named Bren- 
 nus. It is related of him that as the gold of the ransom was 
 being weighed, there was some dispute about the justice of the 
 counterpoise, whereupon he flung his sword into the scale, saying, 
 "VcB victis!" ("Woe to the vanquished!") — a phrase that has 
 haunted the discussions of aU subsequent ransoms and indem- 
 nities down to the present time. 
 
 For half a century after this experience Eome was engaged 
 in a series of wars to establish herself at the head of the Latin 
 tribes. For the burning of the chief city seems to have stim- 
 ulated rather than crippled her energies. However much she 
 had suffered, most of her neighbours seem to have suffered 
 more. By 290 b.c. Eome was the mistress city of all Central 
 Italy from the Amo to south of Naples. She. had conquered 
 the Etruscans altogether, and her boundaries marched with 
 those of the Gauls to the north and with the regions of Italy 
 under Greek dominion (Magna Grsecia) to the south. Along 
 the Gaulish boundary she had planted garrisons and colonial 
 cities, and no doubt it was because of that line of defence that 
 the raiding enterprises of the Gauls were deflected eastward 
 into the Balkans. 
 
 After what we have already told of the history of Greece 
 and the constitutions of her cities, it will not surprise the reader 
 to learn that the Greeks of Sicily and Italy were divided up 
 into a number of separate city governments, of which Syracuse 
 and Tarentum (the modem Taranto) were the chief, and that 
 they had no common rule of direction or policy. But now, 
 alarmed at the spread of the Eoman power, they looked across 
 the Adriatic for help, and found it in the ambitions of Pyrrhus, 
 
388 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the king of Epirus. Between the Komans and Pyrrhus these 
 Greeks of Magna Grsecia were very much in the same position 
 that Greece proper had been in, between the Macedonians and 
 the Persians half a century before. 
 
 The reader will remember that Epirus, the part of Greece 
 
 'yfe T5QM?iN PCWER after the 5AMNITE WAR5 
 
 [BeginTun^ of thiz. -3^ 
 Century. .Compare wkh. 
 
 J.TlH. 
 
 that is closest to the heel of Italy, was the native land of 
 Olympias, the mother of Alexander. In the kaleidoscopic 
 changes of the map that followed the death of Alexander, 
 Epirus was sometimes swamped by Macedonia, sometimes in- 
 dependent. This Pyrrhus was a kinsman of Alexander the 
 Great, and a monarch of ability and enterprise, and he seema 
 to have planned a career of conquest in Italy and Sicily. He 
 commanded an admirable army, against which the oompara- 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 
 
 S87 
 
 tively inexpert Eoman levies could at first do little. His army 
 included all the establislied military devices of the time, an 
 infantry phalanx, Thessalian cavalry, and twenty fighting ele- 
 phants from the east. He routed the Komans at Heraclea (280 
 B.C.), and, pressing after them, defeated them again at Auscu- 
 
 lum (279 B.C.) in their own territory. Then, instead of pursu- 
 ing the Romans further, he made a truce with them, turned his 
 attention to the subjugation of Sicily, and so brought the sea 
 power of r Carthage iato alliance against him. For Carthage 
 could not afford to have a strong power established so close to 
 her as Sicily. Kome in those days seemed to the Carthaginians 
 a far less serious threat than the possibility of another Alexan- 
 der the Great ruling Sicily. A Carthaginian fleet appeared off 
 the mouth of the Tiber, therefore, to encourage or induce the 
 
S88 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Romans to renew the struggle, and Rome and Cartilage were 
 definitely allied against the invader. 
 
 This interposition of Carthage was fatal to Pyrrhus. With- 
 out any decisive battle his power wilted, and, after a disastrous 
 repulse in an attack upon the Roman camp of Beneventum, he 
 had to retire to Epirus (275 e.g.). 
 
 It is recorded that when Pyrrhus left Sicily, he said he left 
 it to he the battleground of Rome and Carthage. He was 
 killed three years later in a battle in the streets of Argos. The 
 war against Pyrrhus was won by the Carthaginian fleet, and 
 Rome reaped a full half of the harvest of victory. Sicily fiell 
 completely to Carthage, and Rome came down to the toe and 
 heel of Italy, and looked across the Straits of Messina at her 
 new rival. In eleven years' time (264 e.g.) the prophecy of 
 Pyrrhus was fulfilled, and the first war with Carthage, the first 
 of the three Punic^ Wars, had begun. 
 
 §2 
 
 But we write "Rome" and the "Romans," and we have still 
 to explain what manner of people these were who were playing 
 a role of conquest that had hitherto been played only by able 
 and aggressive monarchs. 
 
 Their state was, in the fifth, century e.g., a republic of the. 
 Aryan type very similar to a Greek aristocratic republic. The 
 earliest accounts of the social life of Rome give us a picture 
 of a very primitive Aryan community "In the second half 
 of the fifth century before Christ, Rome was still an aristocratic 
 community of free peasants, occupying an area of nearly 400 
 square miles, with a population certainly not exceeding 150,000, 
 almost entirely dispersed over the country-side and divided into 
 seventeen districts or rural tribes. Most of the families had a 
 small holding and a cottage of their own, where father and 
 sons lived and worked together, growing corn for the most part, 
 with here and there a strip of vine or olive. Their few head of 
 cattle were kept at pasture on the neighbouring common land; 
 their clothes and simple implements of husbandry they made 
 for themselves at home. Only at rare intervals and on special 
 
 'Latin Poeni = Carthaginians. Punious {adj.) = Carthaginian, i,e. 
 Phoenician. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 
 
 889 
 
 Roman Coin Struck to Commemo- 
 rate THE ViCTOET OVER PtRRHXJS 
 
 AND His Elephants. 
 
 occasions would they make their way into the fortified town, 
 which was the centre at once of their religion and their govern- 
 ment. Here were the temples of the gods, the houses of the 
 wealthy, and the shops of the 
 artizans and traders, where 
 corn, oil, or wine could be 
 bartered in small quantities 
 for salt or rough tools and 
 weapons of iron." ^ 
 
 This community followed 
 the usual tradition of a di- 
 vision into aristocratic and 
 common citizens, who were 
 called in Rome patricians 
 and plebeians. These were the citizens; the slave or out- 
 lander had no more part in the state than he had in Greece. 
 ■ But the constitution differed from any Greek constitution in the 
 fact that a great part of the ruling power was gathered into 
 the hands of a body called the Senate, which was neither purely 
 a body of hereditary members nor directly an elected and rep- 
 resentative one. It was a nominated one, and in the earlier 
 period it was nominated solely from among the patricians. It 
 existed before the expulsion of the kings, and in the time of the 
 kings it was the king who nominated the senators. But after 
 the expulsion of the kings (510 B.C.), the supreme government 
 was vested in the hands of two elected rulers, the consulsj and 
 it was the consuls who took over the business of appointing 
 senators. In the early days of the Eepublic only patricians 
 were eligible as consuls or senators, and the share of the plebeians 
 in the government consisted merely in a right to vote for the 
 consuls and other public officials. Even for that purpose their 
 votes did not have the same value as those of their patrician 
 fellow citizens. But their votes had at any rate sufficient 
 weight to induce many of the patrician candidates to profess 
 a more or less sincere concern for plebeian grievances. In the 
 early phases of the Roman state, moreover, the plebeians were 
 not only excluded from public office, but from intermarriage 
 with the patrician class. The administration was evidently 
 primarily a patrician affair. 
 
 ' Ferrero, The Oreatness and Decline of Rome. 
 
S90 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The early phase of Eoman affairs was therefore an aristocracy 
 of a very pronounced type, and the internal history of Rome 
 for the two centuries and a half between the expulsion of the 
 last Etruscan king, Tarquin the Proud, and the beginning of 
 the first Punic War (264 e.g.), was very largely a struggle for 
 mastery between those two orders, the patricians and the plebe^ 
 ians. It was, in fact, closely parallel with the struggle of 
 aristocracy and democracy in the city states of Greece, and, 
 as in the case of Greece, there were whole classes in the com- 
 munity, slaves, freed slaves, unj)ropertied free men, outlanders, 
 and the like, who were entirely outside and beneath 
 the struggle. We have already noted the essential differ- 
 ence of Greek democracy and what is called demoeracy in 
 the world to-day. Another misused word is the Eoman term 
 proletariat J which in modem jargon means all the unpropertied 
 people in a modem state. In Rome the proletarii were a vot- 
 ing division of fully qualified citizens whose property was lesS' 
 than 10,000 copper asses (=£275). They were an enrolled 
 class ; their value to the state consisted in their raising families 
 of citizens (proles = offspring), and from their ranks were 
 drawn the colonists who went to form new Latin cities or to 
 garrison important points. But the proletarii were quite dis- 
 tinct in origin from slaves or freedmen or the miscellaneous 
 driftage of a town slum, and it is a great pity that modem po- 
 litical discussion should be confused by an inaccurate use of a 
 term which has no exact modern equivalent and which expresses 
 nothing real in modern social classification. 
 
 The mass of the details of this struggle between patricians 
 and plebeians we can afford to ignore in this outline. It was 
 a struggle which showed the Romans to be a people of a 
 curiously shrewd character, never forcing things to a destruc- 
 tive crisis, but being within the limits of their discretion grasp- 
 ing hard dealers. The patricians made a mean use of their 
 political advantages to grow rich through the national conquests 
 at the expense not only of the defeated enemy, but of the poorer 
 plebeian, whose farm had been neglected and who had fallen 
 into debt during his military service. The plebeians were ousted 
 from any share in the conquered lands, which the patricians 
 divided up among themselves. The introduction of money 
 probably increased the facilities of the usurer and the difficulties 
 of the borrowing debtor. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 
 
 891 
 
 Three sorts of pressure won the plebeians a greater share in 
 the government of the country and the good things that were 
 coming to Home as she grew powerful. The first of these (1) 
 was the general strike of plebeians. Twice they actually 
 marched right out of Eome, threatening to make a new city 
 higher up the Tiber, and 
 
 j^ehaan. goj of 
 comjiterCQ, 
 
 twice this threat proved con- 
 clusive. The second method 
 of pressure (2) was the threat 
 of a tyranny. Just as in 
 Attica (the little state of 
 which Athens was the capi- 
 tal), Peisistratus raised him- 
 self to power on the support 
 of the poorer districts, so 
 there was to be found in most 
 periods of plebeian discontent 
 some ambitious man ready to 
 figure as a leader and wrest 
 power from the Senate. For 
 a long time the Koman patri- 
 cians were clever enough to 
 
 beat every such potential tyrant by giving in to a certain extent 
 to the plebeians. And finally (3) there were patricians big- 
 minded and far-seeing enough to insist upon the need of 
 reconciliation with the plebeians. 
 
 Thus in 509 e.g., Valerius Poplicola (3), the consul, enacted 
 that whenever the life or rights of any citizen were at stake, 
 there should be an appeal from the magistrates to the general 
 assembly. This Lex Valeria was "the Habeas Corpus of 
 Home," and it freed the Eoman plebeians from the worst dan- 
 gers of class vindictiveness in the law courts. 
 
 In 494 B.C. occurred a strike (1). "After the Latin war the 
 .pressure of debt had become excessive, and the plebeians saw 
 with indignation their friends, who had often served the state 
 bravely in the legions, thrown into chains and reduced to 
 slavery at the demand of patrician creditors. War was raging 
 against the Volscians; but the legionaries, on their victorious 
 return, refused any longer to obey the consuls, and marched, 
 though without any disorder, to the Sacred Mount beyond the 
 Anio (up the Tiber). There they prepared to found a new city, 
 
392 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 since the rights of citizens were denied to them in the old one. 
 The patricians were compelled to give way, and the plebeians, 
 returning to Eome from the "First Secession," received the privi- 
 lege of having officers of their own, tribunes and sediles." ^ 
 
 In 486 B.C. arose Spurius Cassius (2), a consul who carried 
 an Agrarian Law securing public land for the plebeians. But 
 the next year he was accused of aiming at royal power, and 
 condemned to death. His law never came into operation. 
 
 There followed a long struggle on the part of the plebeians 
 to have the laws of Rome written down, so that they would 
 no longer have to trust to patrician memories. In 451-450 B.C. 
 the law of the Twelve Tables was published, the basis of all 
 Koman law. 
 
 But in order that the Twelve Tables should be formulated, 
 a committee of ten (the decemvirate) was appointed in the 
 place of the ordinary magistrates. A second decemvirate, ap- 
 pointed in succession to the first, attempted a sort of aristocratic 
 counter-revolution under Appius Claudius. The plebeians 
 withdrew again a second time to the Sacred Mount, and Appius 
 Claudius committed suicide in prison. 
 
 In 440 came a famine, and a second attempt to found a pop- 
 ular tyranny upon the popular wrongs, by Spurius Mselius, a 
 wealthy plebeian, which ended in his assa'ssination. 
 
 After the sack of Eome by the Gauls (390 b.c), Marcus 
 Manlius, who had been in command of the Capitol when the 
 geese had saved it, came forward as a popular leader. The 
 plebeians were suffering severely from the after-war usury and 
 profiteering of the patricians, and were incurring heavy debts 
 in rebuilding and restocking their farms. Manlius spent his 
 fortune in releasing debtors. He was accused by the patricians 
 of tyrannous intentions, condemned, and suffered the fate of 
 condemned traitors in Home, being flung from the Tarpeian 
 Eock, the precipitous edge of that same Oapitoline Hill he 
 had defended. 
 
 In 376 B.C., Licinius, who was one of the ten tribunes for 
 the people, began a long struggle with the patricians by making 
 certain proposals called the Licinian Rogations, that there 
 should be a limit to the amount of public land taken by any 
 single citizen, so leaving some for everybody, that outstanding 
 *i. Wells, Short History of Rome to the Death of Augustus. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 39S 
 
 debts should be forgiven without interest upon the repayment 
 of the principal, and that henceforth one at least of the two con- 
 suls should be a plebeian. This precipitated a ten-year strug- 
 gle. The plebeian power to stop business by the veto of their 
 representatives, the tribunes, was fully exercised. In cases of 
 national extremity it was the custom to set all other magistrates 
 aside and appoint one leader, the Dictator. Eome had done 
 such a thing during times of military necessity before, but now 
 the patricians set up a Dictator in a time of pr'ofound peace, 
 with the idea of crushing Licinius altogether. They appointed 
 Camillus, who had besieged and taken Veil from the Etruscans. 
 But Camillus was a wiser man than his supporters ; he brought 
 about a compromise between the two orders in which most of 
 the demands of the plebeians were conceded (366 B.C.), dedi- 
 cated a temple to Concord, and resigned his power. 
 
 Thereafter the struggle between the orders abated. It abated 
 because, among other influences, the social differences between 
 patricians and plebeians were diminishing. Trade was coming 
 to Eome with increasing political power, and many plebeians 
 were growing rich and many patricians becoming relatively 
 poor. Intermarriage had been rendered possible by a change 
 in the law, and social intermixture was going on. While the 
 rich plebeians were becoming, if not aristocratic, at least oligar- 
 chic in habits and sympathy, new classes were springing up 
 in Rome with fresh interests and no political standing. Par- 
 ticularly abundant were the freedmen, slaves set free, for the 
 most part artisans, but some of them traders, who were grow- 
 ing wealthy. And the Senate, no longer a purely patrician 
 body — since various official positions were now open to plebe- 
 ians, and such plebeian officials became senators — ^was becoming 
 now an assembly of all the wealthy, able, energetic, and influen- 
 tial men in the state. The Eoman power was expanding, and 
 as it expanded these old class oppositions of the early Latin 
 community were becoming unmeaning. They were being re- 
 placed by new associations and new antagonisms. Eich men 
 of all origins were being drawn together into a common interest 
 against the communistic ideas of the poor. 
 
 In 390 B.C. Eome was a miserable little city on the borders 
 of Etruria, being sacked by the Gauls ; in 275 b.c. she was ruliiig 
 and unifying all Italy, from the Arno to the Straits of Mes- 
 
394 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 sina. The compromise of Camillus (367 B.C.) had put' an end 
 to internal dissensions, and left her energies free for expansion. 
 And the same queer combination of sagacity and aggressive 
 selfishness that had distinguished the war of her orders at home 
 and enabled her population to worry out a balance of power 
 without any catastrophe, marks her policy abroad. She under- 
 stood the value of allies; she could assimilate; abroad as at 
 home she could in those days at least "give and take" with a 
 certain fairness and sanity. There lay the peculiar power of ' 
 Rome. By that it was she succeeded where Athens, for example, 
 had conspicuously failed. 
 
 The Athenian democracy suffered much from that narrow- 
 ness of "patriotism," which is the ruin of all nations. Athens 
 was disliked and envied by her own empire because she domi- 
 nated it in a spirit of civic egotism ; her disasters were not felt 
 and shared as disasters by her subject-cities. The shrewder, 
 nobler Eoman senators of the great years of Eome, before 
 the first Punic War overstrained her moral strength and began 
 her degeneration, were not only willing in the last resort to 
 share their privileges with the mass of their ovm people, but 
 eager to incorporate their sturdiest antagonists upon terms of 
 equality with themselves. They extended their citizenship 
 cautiously but steadily. Some cities became Eoman, with even 
 a voting share in the government. Others had self-government 
 and the right to trade or marry in Rome, without full Roman 
 citizenship. Garrisons of full citizens were set up at strategic 
 points, and colonies with variable privileges established amidst 
 the purely conquered peoples. The need to keep communica- 
 tions open in this great and growing mass of citizenship was 
 evident from the first. Printing and paper were not yet avail- 
 able for intercourse, but a system of high roads followed the 
 Latin speech and the Roman rule. The first of these, the Appian 
 Way, ran from Rome ultimately into the heel of Italy. It was 
 begun by the censor Appius Claudius (who must not be con- 
 fused with the decemvir Appius Claudius of a century earlier) 
 in 312 B.C. 
 
 According to a census made in 265 b.c, there were already in 
 the Roman dominions, that is to say in Italy south of the Amo, 
 300,000 citizens. They all had a common interest in the wel- 
 fare of the state ; they were all touched a little with the diffused 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS S95 
 
 kingship of the republic. This was, we have to note, an abso- 
 lutely new thing in tjie history of mankind. All considerable 
 states and kingdoms and empires hitherto had been communities 
 by mere obedience to some head, some monarch, upon whose 
 moods and character the public welfare was helplessly depend- 
 ent. No republic had hitherto succeeded in being anything more 
 than a city state. The so-called Athenian "empire" was simply 
 a city state directing its allies and its subjugated cities. In a 
 few decades the Roman republic was destined to extend its 
 citizenship into the valley of the Po, to assimilate the kindred 
 Gauls, replacing their language by Latin, and to set up a Latin 
 city, Aquileia, at the very head of the Adriatic Sea. In 89 b.c. 
 all free inhabitants of Italy became Roman citizens ; in 212 a.d. 
 the citizenship was extended to all free men in the empire. 
 
 This extraordinary political growth was manifestly the pre- 
 cursor of all modern states of the western type. It is as inter- 
 esting to the political student, therefore, as a carboniferous 
 amphibian or an archceopteryx to the student of zoological de- 
 velopment. It is the primitive type of the now dominant order. 
 Its experiences throw light upon all subsequent political history. 
 
 One natural result of this growth of a democracy of hun- 
 dreds of thousands of citizens scattered over the greater part of 
 Italy was the growth in power of the Senate. , There had been 
 in the development of the Roman constitution a variety of 
 forms of the popular assembly, the plebeian assembly, the 
 assembly by tribes, the assembly by centuries, and the like, into 
 which variety we cannot enter here with any fullness ; but the 
 idea was established that with the popular assembly lay the 
 power of initiating laws. It is to be noted that there was a sort 
 of parallel government in this system. The assembly by tribes 
 or by centuries was an assembly of the whole citizen body, 
 patrician and plebeian together; the assembly of the plebeians 
 was of course an assembly only of the plebeian class. Each as- 
 sembly had its own oiScials ; the former, the consuls, etc. ; the 
 latter, the tribunes. While Rome was a little state, twenty 
 miles square, it was possible to assemble something like a repre- 
 sentative gathering of the people, but it will be manifest that 
 with the means of communication existing in Italy at that time, 
 it was now impossible for the great bulk of the citizens even 
 to keep themselves informed of what was going on at Rome, 
 
396 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 much less to take any effective part in political life there. 
 Aristotle in his Politics had already ppinted out the virtual 
 disenfranchisement of voters who lived out of the city and were 
 preoccupied with agricultural pursuits, and this sort of disen- 
 franchisement by mechanical difficulties applied to the vast 
 majority of Roman citizens. With the growth of Rome an 
 unanticipated weakness crept into political life through these 
 causes, and the popular assembly became more and more a 
 gathering of political hacks and the city riffraff, and less and 
 less a representation of the ordinary worthy citizens. The 
 popular assembly came nearest to power and dignity in the 
 fourth century b.c. From that period it steadily declined in 
 influence, and the new Senate, which was no longer a patrician 
 body, with a homogeneous and on the whole a noble tradition, 
 but a body of rich men, ex-magistrates, powerful oflBcials, bold 
 adventurers and the like, pervaded by a strong disposition to 
 return to the idea of hereditary qualification, became for three 
 centuries the ruling power in the Roman world. 
 
 There are two devices since known to the world which might 
 have enabled the popular government of Rome to go on de- 
 veloping beyond it^ climax in the days of Appius Claudius the 
 Censor, at the close of the fourth century B.C., but neither of 
 them occurred to the Roman mind. The first of these devices 
 was a proper use of print. In our account of early Alexandria 
 we have already remarked upon the strange fact that printed 
 books did not come into the world in the fourth or third cen- 
 tury B.C. This account of Roman affairs forces us to repeat 
 that remark. To the modern mind it is clear that a widespread 
 popular government ^ demands, as a necessary condition for 
 health, a steady supply of correct information upon public 
 affairs to all the citizens and a maintenance of interest. The 
 popular governments in the modern states that have sprung 
 up on either side of the Atlantic during the last two centuries 
 have been possible only through the more or less honest and 
 thorough ventilation of public affairs through the press. But 
 in Italy the only way in which the government at Rome could 
 communicate with any body of its citizens elsewhere was by 
 sending a herald, and with the individual citizen it could hold 
 no communication by any means at all. 
 
 The second device, for which the English are chiefly respon- 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 397 
 
 sible in the history of mankind, which the Romans never used, 
 was the ahnost equally obvious one of representative govern- 
 ment. -For the old Popular Assembly (in its threefold form) it 
 would have been possible to have substituted a gathering of 
 delegates. Later on in history, the English did, as the state 
 grew, realize this necessity. Certain men, the Knights of the 
 Shire, were called up to Westminster to speak and vote for 
 local feeling, and were more or less formally elected for that 
 end. The Roman situation seems to a modern mind to have 
 called aloud for such a modification. It was never made. 
 
 The method of assembling the comitia tributa (one of the 
 three main forms of the Popular Assembly) was by the proc- 
 lamation of a herald, who was necessarily inaudible to most of 
 Italy, seventeen days before the date of the gathering. The 
 augurs, the priests of divination whom Rome had inherited from 
 the Etruscans, examined the entrails of sacrificial beasts on the 
 night before the actual assembly, and if they thought fit to say 
 that these gory portents were unfavourable, the comitia tributa 
 dispersed. But if the augurs reported that the livers were 
 propitious, there was a great blowing of horns from the Capitol 
 and from the walls of the city, and the assembly went on. It 
 was held in the open air, either in the little Eorum beneath the 
 Capitol or in a still smaller recess opening out of the Forum, 
 or in the military exercising ground, the Campus Martius, now 
 the most crowded part of modem Rome, but then an open space. 
 Business began at dawn with prayer. There were no seats, 
 and this probably helped to reconcile the citizen to the rule that 
 everything ended at suAset. 
 
 After the opening prayer came a discussion of the measures 
 to be considered by the assembly, and the proposals before the 
 meeting were read out. Is it not astonishing that there were no 
 printed copies distributed? If any copies were handed about, 
 they must have been in manuscript, and each copy must have 
 been liable to errors and deliberate falsification. No questions 
 seem to have been allowed, but private individuals might ad- 
 dress the gathering with the permission of the presiding magis- 
 trate. 
 
 The multitude then proceeded to go into enclosures like cattle- 
 pens according to their tribes, and each tribe voted upon the 
 measure under consideration. The decision was then taken 
 
S98 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 not by the majority of the citizens, but by the majority of tribes, 
 and it was announced by the heralds. 
 
 The Popular Assembly by centuries, comitia cerduridtw, was 
 very similar in its character, except that instead of thirty-five 
 tribes there' vrere, in the third century B.C., 373 centuries, and 
 there was a sacrifice as well as prayer to begin with. The cen- 
 turies, originally military (like the "hundreds" of primitive 
 English local government), had long since lost any connection 
 with the number one hundred. Some contained only a few 
 people; some very many. There were eighteen centuries of 
 knights (equites), who were originally men in a position to 
 maintain a horse and serve in the cavalry, though later the 
 Eoman knighthood, like knighthood in England, became a vul- 
 gar distinction of no military, mental, or moral significance. 
 (These equites became a very important class as Home traded 
 and grew rich ; for a time they were the real moving class in the 
 community. There was as little chivalry left among them at 
 last as there is in the "honours list" knights of England of 
 to-day. The senators from about 200 b.c. were excluded from 
 trade. The equites became, therefore, the great business men, 
 negotiatores, and as publioani they farmed the taxes.) There 
 were, in addition, eighty ( !) centuries of wealthy men (worth 
 over 100,000 asses), twenty-two of men worth over 75,000 asses, 
 and so on. There were two centuries each of mechanics and 
 musicians, and the proletarii made up one century. The deci- 
 sion in the comitia centuriata was by the majority of centuriesi 
 
 Is it any wonder that with the growth of the Eoman state 
 and the complication of its business, power shifted back from 
 such a Popular Assembly to the Senate, which was a compara- 
 tively compact body varying between three hundred as a mini- 
 mum, and, at the utmost, nine hundred members (to which 
 it was raised by Osesar), men who had to do with affairs and 
 big business, who knew each other more or less, and had a 
 tradition of govemmealt and policy ? The power of nominating 
 and calling up the senators vested in the Republic first with the 
 consuls, and when, some time after, "censors" were created, and 
 many of the powers of the consuls had been transferred to 
 them, they were also given this power. Appius Claudius, one 
 of the first of the censors to exercise it, enrolled freedmen in 
 the tribes and called sons of freedmen to the Senate. But this 
 
THE TWO WESTERN BEPUBLICS 399 
 
 was a stocking arrangement to the conservative instincts of the 
 time; the consuls would not recognize his Senate, and the next 
 censors (304 b.c.) set aside his invitations. His attempt, how- 
 ever, serves to show how far the Senate had progressed from 
 its original condition as a purely patrician body. Like the con- 
 temporary British House of Lords, it had become a gathering 
 of big business men, energetic politicians, successful adven- 
 turers, great landowners, and the like ; its patrician dignity was 
 a picturesque sham; but, unlike the British House of Lords, 
 it was unchecked legally by anything but the inefficient Popular 
 Assembly we have already described, and by the tribunes elected 
 by the plebeian assembly. Its legal control over the consuls 
 and proconsuls was not great; it had little executive power; 
 but in its prestige and experience lay its strength -and influence. 
 The interests of its members were naturally antagonistic to 
 the interests of the general body of citizens, but for some genera^ 
 tions that great mass of ordinary men was impotent to express 
 its dissent from the proceedings of this oligarchy. Direct pop- 
 ular government of a state larger than a city state had already 
 failed therefore in Italy, because as yet there was no public 
 education, no press, and no representative system; it had failed 
 through these mere mechanical difficulties, before the first Punic 
 War. But its appearance is of enormous interest, as the first 
 appearance of a set of problems with which the whole political 
 intelligence of the world wrestles at the present time. 
 
 The Senate met usually in a Senate House in the Forum, 
 but on special occasions it would be called to meet in this or 
 that temple ; and when it had to deal with foreign ambassadors 
 or its own generals (who were not allowed to enter the city 
 while in command of troops), it assembled in the Campus 
 Martins outside the walls. 
 
 § 3 
 
 It has been necessary to deal rather fully with the political 
 structure of the Roman republic because of its immense im- 
 portance to this day. The constitution of Carthage need not 
 detain us long. 
 
 Italy under Home was a republican country; Carthage was 
 that much older thing, a republican city. She had an "em- 
 pire," as Athens had an "empire," of tributary states which 
 
400 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 did not love her, and she had a great and naturally disloyal 
 industrial slave population. 
 
 In the city there were two elected "kings," as Aristotle calls 
 them, the mfetes, who were really equivalent to the Eoman 
 
 censors ; their Sem- 
 itic name was the 
 same as that used 
 for the Jewish 
 judges. There was 
 an impotent public 
 assembly and a sen- 
 ate of leading per- 
 sonages ; but two 
 committees of this 
 senate, nominally 
 elected, but elected 
 by easily controlled 
 methods, the Hun- 
 dred and Four and 
 the Thirty, really 
 constituted a close 
 oligarchy of the rich- 
 est and most influen- 
 tial men. They told as little as they could to their allies and 
 fellow citizens, and consulted them as little as possible. They 
 pursued schemes in which the welfare of Carthage was no 
 doubt subordinated to the advantage of their own group. They 
 were hostile to new men or novel measures, and confident that 
 a sea ascendancy that had lasted two centuries must be in the 
 very nature of things. 
 
 §4 
 
 It would be interesting, and not altogether idle, to speculate 
 what might have happened to mankind if Rome and Carthage 
 could have settled their differences and made a permanent 
 alliance in the Western world. If Alexander the Great had 
 lived, he might have come westward and driven these two pow- 
 ers into such a fusion of interests. But that would not have 
 suited the private schemes and splendours of the Carthaginian 
 oligarchy^ and the new Senate of greater Home, was now grow- 
 ing fond of the taste of plunder and casting covetous eyes across 
 
 eartJut^ini^ (»bi^. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 401 
 
 the Straits of Messina upon the Carthaginian possessions in 
 Sicily. They were covetous, but they were afraid of the 
 Carthaginian sea-power. Eoman popular "patriotism," how- 
 ever, was also jealous and fearful of these Carthaginians, and 
 less inclined to count the cost of a conflict. The alliance 
 Pyrrhus had forced upon Rome and Carthage held good for 
 eleven years, but Rome was ripe for what is called in modern 
 political jargon an "offensive defensive" war. The occasion 
 arose in 264 B.C. 
 
 At that time Sicily was not completely in Carthaginian hands. 
 The eastward end was still under th^ power of the Greek king 
 of Syracuse, Hiero, a successor of that Dionysius to whom 
 Plato had gone as resident court philosopher. A band of 
 mercenaries who had been in the service of Syracuse seized 
 upon Messina (289 B.C.), and raided the trade of Syracuse so 
 that at last Hiero was forced to take measures to suppress them 
 (270 B.C.). Thereupon Carthage, which was also vitally con- 
 cerned in the suppression of piracy, came to his aid, and put 
 in a Carthaginian garrison at Messina. This was an alto- 
 gether justifiable proceeding. Now that Tyre had been de- 
 stroyed, the only capable guardian of sea law in the Mediter- 
 ranean was Carthage, and the suppression of piracy was her 
 task by habit and tradition. 
 
 The pirates of Messina appealed to Eome, and the accumu- 
 lating jealousy and fear of Carthage decided the Roman people 
 to help them. An expedition was dispatched to Messina under 
 the consul Appius Claudius (the third Appius Claudius we 
 have had to mention in this history) . 
 
 So began the first of the most wasteful and disastrous series 
 of wars that has ever darkened the history of mankind. But 
 this is how one historian, soaked with the fantastic political 
 ideas of our times, is pleased to write of this evil expedition. 
 "The Romans knew they were entering on war with Carthage ; 
 but the political instincts of the people were right, for a Car- 
 thaginian garrison on the Sicilian Straits would have been a 
 dangerous menace to the peace of Italy." So they protected 
 the peace of Italy from this "menace" by a war that lasted 
 nearly a quarter of a century. They wrecked their own slowly 
 acquired political moral in the process. 
 
 The Romans captured Messina, and Hiero deserted from 
 the Carthaginians to the Romans. Then for some time the 
 
402 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 struggle centred upon the town Agrigentum. This the Romans 
 besieged, and a period of trench warfare ensued. Both sides 
 suifered greatly from plague and irregular supplies; the 
 Romans lost 30,000 men; but in the end (261 b.c.) the Car- 
 thaginians evacuated the place and retired to their fortified 
 towns on the western coast of the island of which Lilybaeum 
 was the chief. These they could supply easily from the African 
 mainland, and, as long as their sea ascendancy held, they could 
 exhaust any Roman effort against them. 
 
 And now a new and very extraordinary phase of the war 
 began. The Romans came out upon the sea, and to the aston- 
 ishment of the Carthaginians and themselves defeated the 
 Carthaginian fleet. Since the days of Salamis there had been 
 a considerable development of naval architecture. Then the 
 ruling type of battleship was a trireme, a galley with three 
 banks (rows) of oars; now the leading Carthaginian battleship 
 was a quinquereme, a much bigger galley witli five banks of 
 oars, which could ram jr shear the oars of any feebler vessel. 
 The Romans had come into the war with no such shipping. Now 
 they set to work to build quinqueremes, being helped, it is said, 
 in their designing by one of these Carthaginian vessels coming 
 ashore. In two months they built a hundred quinqueremes and 
 thirty triremes. But they had no skilled navigators, no experi- 
 enced oarsmen, and these deficiencies they remedied partly 
 with the assistance of their Greek allies and partly by the in- 
 vention of new tactics. Instead of relying upon ramming or 
 breaking the oars of the adversary, which demanded more sea- 
 manship than they possessed, they decided to board the enemy, 
 and they constructed a sort of long draw-bridge on their ships, 
 held up to a mast by a pulley and with grappling-hooks and 
 spikes at the end. They also loaded their galleys with soldiers. 
 Then as the Carthaginian rammed or swept alongside, this 
 corvus, as it was called, could be let down and the boarders 
 could swarm aboard him. 
 
 Simple as this device was, it proved a complete success. It 
 changed the course of the war and the fate of the world. The 
 small amount of invention needed to counteract the corvus 
 was not apparently within the compass of the Carthaginian 
 rulers. At the battle of Mylse (260 b.c.) the Romans gained 
 their first naval victory and captured or destroyed fifty vessels. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 403 
 
 At the great battle of Ecnomus (256 B.C.), "probably the 
 greatest naval engagement of antiquity," ^ in which seven or 
 eight hundred big ships were engaged, the Carthaginians 
 showed that they had learnt nothing from their former dis- 
 aster. According to rule they outmanceuvred and defeated the 
 Romans, but the corvus again defeated them. The Romans 
 sank thirty vessels and captured sixty-four. 
 
 Thereafter the war continued with violent fluctuations of 
 fortune, but with a continuous demonstration of the greater 
 energy, solidarity, and initiative of the Romans. After 
 Ecnomus the Romans invaded Africa by sea, and sent an in- 
 sufficiently supported army, which after many successes and 
 the capture of Tunis (within ten miles of Carthage) was com- 
 pletely defeated. They lost their sea ascendancy through a 
 storm, and regained it by building a second fleet of two hun- 
 dred and twenty ships within three months. They captured 
 Palermo, and defeated a great Carthaginian army there (251 
 B.C.), capturing one hundred and four elephants, and making 
 such a triumphal procession into Rome as that city had never 
 seen before. They made an unsuccessful siege of Lilybseum, 
 the chief surviving Carthaginian stronghold in Sicily. They 
 lost their second fleet in a great naval battle at Drepanum (249 
 B.C.), losing one hundred and eighty out of two hundred and 
 ten vessels ; and a third fleet of one hundred and twenty battle- 
 ships and eight hundred transports was lost in the same year 
 partly in battle and partly in a storm. 
 
 For seven years a sort of war went on between the nearly 
 exhausted combatants, a war of raids and feeble sieges, during 
 which the Carthaginians had the best of it at sea. Then by a 
 last supreme effort Rome launched a fourth fleet of two hun- 
 dred keels, and defeated the last strength of the Carthaginians 
 at the battle of the ^^gatian Isles (241 b.c), after which Car- 
 thage (240 B.C.) sued for peace. 
 
 By the terms of this peace, all Sicily, except for the do- 
 minions of Hiero of Syracuse, became an "estate" of the Roman 
 people. There was no such process of assimilation as had been 
 practised in Italy ; Sicily became a conquered province, paying 
 tribute and yielding profit like the provinces of the older em- 
 pires. And, in addition, Carthage paid a war indemnity of 
 3,200 talents (=£788,000). 
 
 'J. Wells, op. oit. 
 
404 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 5 
 
 For twenty-two years there was peace between Kome and 
 Carthage. It was peace without prosperity. Both combatants 
 were suffering from the want and disorganization that follow 
 naturally and necessarily upon all great wars. The territories 
 of Carthage seethed with violent disorder; the returning sol- 
 diers could not get their pay, and mutinied and looted; the 
 land went uncultivated. We read of horrible cruelties in the 
 suppression of these troubles by Hamilcar, the Carthaginian 
 
 general; of men 
 being crucified 
 by the thousand. 
 Sardinia and 
 Corsica revolted. 
 The "peace of 
 Italy" was 
 scarcely happier. 
 The Gauls rose 
 and marched 
 south ; they were 
 defeated, and 
 40,000 of them 
 killed at Telamon. It is manifest that Italy was incomplete 
 until it reached the Alps. Eoman colonies were planted in 
 the valley of the Po, and the great northward artery, the Via 
 riaminia, was begun. But it shows the moral and intellectual 
 degradation of this post-war period that when the Gauls were 
 threatening Kome, human sacrifices were proposed and carried 
 out. The old Carthaginian sea law was broken up — it may 
 have been selfish and monopolistic, but it was at least orderly 
 — the Adriatic swarmed with Illyrian pirates, and as the result 
 of a quarrel arising out of this state of affairs, lUyria, after 
 two wars, had to be annexed as a second "province." By send- 
 ing expeditions to annex Sardinia and Corsica, which were 
 Carthaginian provinces in revolt, the Romans prepared the way 
 for the Second Punic War. 
 
 The First Punic War had tested and demonstrated the rela- 
 tive strength of Rome and Carthage. With a little more wis- 
 dom on either side, with a little more magnanimity on the part 
 of Rome, there need never have been a renewal of the struggle. 
 But Rome was an ungracious conqueror. She seized Corsica 
 
 "Raman. As OfvociacA^Caxde.'B.Z. Half«ixe^ 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 405 
 
 and Sardinia on no just grounds, she increased the indemnity 
 by 1,200 talents, she set a limit, the Ebro, to Carthaginian det- 
 velopments in Spain. There was a strong party in Carthage, 
 led by Hanno, for the propitiation of Eome ; but it was natural 
 that many Carthaginians should come to regard their national 
 adversary with a despairing hatred. 
 
 Hatred is one of the passions that can master a life, and 
 there is a type of temperament very prone to it, ready to see 
 life in terms of vindictive melodrama, ready to find stimulus 
 and satisfaction in frightful demonstrations of "justice" and 
 revenge. The fears and jealousies of the squatting-place and 
 the cave still bear their dark blossoms in our lives ; we are not 
 four hundred generations yet from the old Stone Age. Great 
 wars, as all Europe knows, give this "hating" temperament the 
 utmost scope, and the greed and pride and cruelty that the First 
 Punic War had released were now producing a rich crop of 
 anti-foreign monomania. The outstanding figure upon the 
 side of Carthage was a great general and administrator, Hamil- 
 car Barca, who now set himself to circumvent and shatter 
 Eome. He was the father-in-law of Hasdrubal and the father 
 of a boy Hannibal, destined to be the most dreaded enemy that 
 ever scared the Roman Senate. The most obvious course be- 
 fore Carthage was the reconstruction of its fieet and naval 
 administration, and the recovery of sea power, but this, it 
 would seem, Hamilcar could not effect. As an alternative he 
 resolved to organize Spain as the base of a land attack upon 
 Italy. He went to Spain as governor in 236 b.c, and Hannibal 
 related afterwards that his father then — ^he was a boy of eleven 
 — ^made him vow deathless hostility to the Eoman power. 
 
 This quasi-insane concentration of the gifts and lives of the 
 Barca family upon revenge is but one instance of the narrow- 
 ing and embitterment of life that the stresses and universal 
 sense of insecurity of this great struggle produced in the minds 
 of men. A quarter of a century of war had left the whole 
 western world miserable and harsh. While the eleven-year-old 
 Hannibal was taking his vow of undying hatred, there was run- 
 ning about a farmhouse of Tusculum a small but probably very 
 disagreeable child of two named Marcus Porcius Cato. This 
 boy lived to be eighty-five years old, and his ruling passion 
 seems to have been hatred for any human happiness but his 
 own. He was a good soldier, and had a successful political 
 
406 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 career. He held a command in Spain, and distinguished him- 
 self by his cruelties. He posed as a champion of religion and 
 public morality, and under this convenient cloak carried on a 
 lifelong war against everything that was young, gracious, or 
 pleasant. Whoever roused his jealousy incurred his moral dis- 
 approval. He was energetic in the support and administration 
 of all laws against dress, against the personal adornment of 
 women, against entertainments and free discussion. He was 
 so fortunate as to be made censor, which gave him great power 
 over the private lives of public people. He was thus able to 
 ruin public opponents through private scandals. He expelled 
 Manlius from the Senate for giving his wife a kiss in the day- 
 time in the sight of their daughter. He persecuted Greek 
 literature, about which, until late in life, he was totally igno- 
 rant. Then he read and admired Demosthenes. He wrote in 
 Latin upon agriculture and the ancient and lost virtues of 
 Eome. From these writings much light is thrown upon his 
 qualities. One of his maxims was that when a slave was not 
 sleeping he should be working. Another was that old oxen 
 and slaves should be sold off. He left the war hors© that had 
 carried him through his Spanish campaigns behind him when 
 he returned to Italy in order to save freight. He hated other 
 people's gardens, and cut off the supply of water for garden 
 use in Eome. After entertaining company, when dinner was 
 over he would go out to correct any negligence in the service 
 with a leather thong. He admired his own virtues very greatly, 
 and insisted upon them in his writings. There was a battle, at 
 Thermopylae against Antiochus the Great, of which he wrote, 
 "those who saw him charging the enemy, routing and pursuing 
 them, declared that Cato owed less to the people of Eome, than 
 the people of Eome owed to Cato." ^ In his old age Cato be- 
 came lascivious and misconducted himself with a woman slave. 
 Finally, when his son protested against this disorder of their 
 joint household, he married a young wife, the daughter of 
 his secretary, who was not in a position to refuse his offer. 
 (What became of the woman slave is not told. Probably he 
 sold her.) This compendium of all the old Eoman virtues 
 died at an advanced age, respected and feared. Almost his 
 last public act was to urge on the Third Punic War and the 
 final destruction of Carthage. He had gone to Carthage as a 
 
 'Plutarch, Life of Cato. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 407 
 
 commissioner to settle certain differences between Carthage 
 and Numidia, and he had been shocked and horrified to find 
 some evidences of prosperity and even of happiness in that 
 country. 
 
 From the time of that visit onward Cato concluded every 
 speech he made in the Senate by croaking out "Delenda est 
 Carthago" ("Carthage must be destroyed"). 
 
 Such was the type of man that rose to prominence in Kome 
 during the Punic struggle, such was the protagonist of Hanni- 
 bal and the Carthaginian revanche, and by him and by Hannibal 
 we may judge the tone and quality of the age. 
 
 The two gr'jat western powers, and Rome perhaps more 
 than Carthage, were strained mentally and morally by the 
 stresses of the First "War. The evil side of life was uppermost. 
 The history of the Second and Third Punic Wars (219 to 201 
 and 149 to 146 b.c), it is plain, is not the history of perfectly 
 sane peoples. It is nonsense for historians to write of the 
 "political instincts" of the Romans or Carthaginians. Quite 
 other instincts were loose. The red eyes of the ancestral ape 
 had come back into the world. It was a time when reasonable 
 men were howled down or murdered; the true spirit of the 
 age is shown in the eager examination for signs and portents 
 of the still quivering livers of those hum,an victims' who were 
 sacrificed in Rome during the panic before the battle of Tela- 
 mon. The western world was indeed black with homicidal 
 monomania. Two great peoples, both very necessary to the 
 world's development, fell foul of one another, and at last Rome 
 succeeded in murdering Carthage. 
 
 We can only tell very briefly here of the particulars of the 
 Second and Third Punic Wars. We have told how Hamilcar 
 began to organize Spain, and how the Romans forbade him 
 to cross the Ebro. He died in 228 b.c, and was followed by 
 his son-in-law^ Hasdrubal, who was assassinated in 221 b.c. and 
 succeeded by Hannibal, who was now twenty-six. The actual 
 war was precipitated by the Romans making a breach of their 
 own regulations, and interfering with affairs south of the Ebro. 
 Whereupon Hannibal marched straight through the south of 
 Gaul, and crossed the Alps (218 b.c.) into Italy. 
 
408 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The history of the next fifteen years is the story of the most 
 brilliant and futile raid in history. For fifteen years Hannibal 
 held out in Italy, victorious and unconquered. The Roman 
 generals were no match for the Carthaginian, and whenever 
 they met him they were beaten. But one Roman general, P. 
 Cornelius Scipio, had the strategic sense to take a course that 
 robbed all Hannibal's victories of fruit. At the outbreak of 
 the war he had been sent by sea to Marseilles to intercept 
 Hannibal; he arrived three days late, and, instead of pursuing 
 him, he sent on his army into Spain to cut up Hannibal's sup- 
 plies and reinforcements. Throughout all the subsequent war 
 there remained this Roman army of Spain between Hannibal 
 and his base. He was left "in the air," incapable of conducting 
 sieges or establishing conquests. 
 
 Whenever he met the Romans in open fight he beat them. 
 He gained two great victories in North Italy, and won over 
 the Gauls to his side. He pressed south into Etruria, and am- 
 bushed, surrounded, and completely destroyed a Roman army 
 at Lake Trasimene. In 216 b.c. he was assailed by a vastly 
 superior Roman force under Varro at Cannse, and destroyed 
 it utterly. Fifty thousand men are said to have been killed 
 and ten thousand prisoners taken. He was, however, unable to 
 push on and capture Rome because he had no siege equipment. 
 
 But Cannse produced other fruits. A large part of Southern 
 Italy came over to Hannibal, including Capua, the city next 
 in size to Rome, and the Macedonians allied themselves with 
 him. Moreover, Hiero of Syractise, the faithful ally of Rome, 
 was now dead, and his successor Hieronymus turned over to 
 the Carthaginians. The Romans carried on the war, however, 
 with great toughness and resolution ; they refused to treat with 
 Hannibal after Cannse, they pressed a slow but finally suc- 
 cessful blockade and siege of Capua, and a Roman army set 
 itseK to reduce Syracuse. The siege of Syracuse is chiefly 
 memorable for the brilliant inventions of the philosopher Archi- 
 medes, which long held the Romans at bay. We have already 
 named this Archimedes as one of the pupils and oorrespondents 
 of the school of the Alexandrian Museum. He was killed 
 in the final storm of the town. Tarentum (209 e.g.), Hanni- 
 bal's chief port and means of supply from Carthage, at last fol- 
 lowed Syracuse (212 b.c.) and Capua (211 b.c), and his com- 
 numications became irregular. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 409 
 
 Spain also was wrested bit by bit from the Carthaginian 
 grip. When at last reinforcements for Hannibal under his 
 brother Hasdrubal (not to be confused with his brother-in- 
 law of the same name who was assassinated) struggled through 
 into Italy, they were destroyed at the battle of the Metaurus 
 (207 B.C.), and the first news that came to Hannibal of the 
 disaster was the hacked-off head of his brother thrown into his 
 camp. 
 
 Thereafter Hannibal was blockaded into Calabria, the heel 
 of Italy. He had no forces for further operations of any magni- 
 tude, and he returned at last to Carthage in time to command 
 the Carthaginians, in the last battle of the war. 
 
 This last battle, the battle of Zama (202 b.c), was fought 
 close to Carthage. 
 
 It was the first defeat Hannibal experienced and so it is 
 well to give a little attention to the personality of his con- 
 queror, Scipio Africanus the Elder, who stands out in history 
 as a very fine gentleman indeed, a great soldier and a generous 
 man. We have already mentioned a certain P. Cornelius Scipio 
 who struck at Hannibal's base in Spain ; this was his son ; until 
 after Zama this son bore the same name of P. Cornelius Scipio, 
 and then the surname of Africanus was given him. (The 
 younger Scipio Africanus, Scipio Africanus Minor, who was 
 later to end the Third Punic War, was the adopted son of the 
 son of this first Scipio Africanus the Elder.) Scipio Africanus 
 was everything that aroused the distrust, hatred, and opposi- 
 tion of old-fashioned Romans of the school of Cato. He was 
 young, he was happy and able, he spent money freely, he was 
 well versed in Greek literature, and inclined rather to Phrygian 
 novelties in religion than to the sterner divinities of Rome. 
 And he did not believe in the extreme discretion that then ruled 
 Roman strategy. 
 
 After the early defeats of the Second Punic War, Roman 
 military operations were dominated by the personality of a 
 general, Eabius, who raised the necessity of avoiding battle 
 with Hannibal into a kind of sacred principle. Eor ten years 
 "Fabian tactics" prevailed in Italy. The Romans blockaded, 
 cut up convoys, attacked stragglers, and ran away whenever 
 Hannibal appeared. No doubt it was wise for a time after their 
 first defeats to do this sort of thing, but the business of the 
 stronger power, and Rome was the stronger power throughout 
 
410 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the Second Punic War, is not to tolerate an interminable war, 
 but to repair losses, discover able generals, train better armies, 
 and destroy the enemy power. Decision is one of the duties 
 of strength. 
 
 To such men as young Scipio, the sly, ineffective artfulness 
 of Fabianism, which was causing both Italy and Carthage to 
 bleed slowly to death, was detestable. He clamoured for an 
 attack upon Carthage itself. 
 
 "But Fabius, on this occasion, filled the city with alarms, 
 as if the commonwealth was going to be brought into the most 
 extreme danger by a rash and indiscreet young man ; in short, 
 he scrupled not to do or say anything he thought likely to dis- 
 suade his countrymen from embracing the proposal. With the 
 Senate he carried his point. But the people believed that his 
 opposition to Scipio proceeded either from envy of his success, 
 or from a secret fear that if this young hero should perform 
 some signal exploit, put an end to the war, or even remove it 
 out of Italy, his own slow proceedings through the course of 
 so many years might be imputed to indolence or timidity. . . . 
 He applied to Crassus, the colleague of Scipio, and endeavoured 
 to persuade him not to yield that province to Scipio, but, if 
 he thought it proper to conduct the war in that manner, to go 
 himself against Carthage. Nay, he even hindered the raising 
 of money for that expedition, so that Scipio was obliged to find 
 the supplies as he could. . . . He endeavoured to prevent the 
 young men who offered to go as volunteers from giving in their 
 names, and loudly declared, both in the Senate and Forum, 
 'That Scipio did not only himself avoid Hannibal, but intended 
 to carry away with him the remaining strength of Italy, per: 
 suading the young men to abandon their parents, their wives, 
 and native city, while an unsubdued and potent enemy was 
 still at their doors.' With these assertions he so terrified the 
 people, that they allowed Scipio to take with him only the 
 legions that were in Sicily, and three hundred of those men 
 who had served him with so much fidelity in Spain. . . . After 
 Scipio was gone over into Africa, an account was soon brought 
 to Kome of his glorious and wonderful achievements. This 
 account was followed by rich spoils, which confirmed it. A 
 l^Tumidian king was taken prisoner; two camps were burned 
 and destroyed ; and in them a vast number of men, arms, and 
 horses; and the Carthaginians sent orders to Hannibal to quit 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 411 
 
 his fruitless hopes in Italy, and return home to defend his 
 own country. Whilst every tongue was applauding these ex- 
 ploits of Scipio, Fabius proposed that his successor should be 
 appointed, without any shadow of reason for it, except what 
 this well-known maxim implies: viz., 'That it is dangerous to 
 trust affairs of such importance to the fortune of one man, 
 because it is not likely that he will be always successful.' . . . 
 Nay, even when Hannibal embarked his army and quitted 
 Italy, Fabius ceased not to disturb the general joy and to damp 
 the spirits of Eome, for he took the liberty to affirm, 'That the 
 commonwealth was now come to her last and worst trial ; that 
 she had the most reason to dread the efforts of Hannibal when 
 he should arrive in Africa, and attack her sons under the walls 
 of Carthage; that Scipio would have to do with an army yet 
 warm with the blood of so many Eoman generals, dictators, 
 and consuls.' The city was alarmed with these declamations, 
 and though the war was removed into Africa, the danger seeraed 
 to approach nearer Eome than ever." 
 
 Before the battle of Zama there were a brief truce and 
 negotiations, which broke down through the fault of the Car- 
 thaginians. As with the battle of Arbela, so the exact day of 
 the battle of Zama can be fixed by an eclipse, which in this 
 case occurred during the fighting. The Komans had been 
 joined by the Numidians, the hinierland people of Carthage, 
 under their king Massinissa, and this gave them — for the first 
 time in any battle against Hannibal — a great superiority of 
 cavalry. Hannibal's cavalry wings were driven off, while at 
 the same time the. sounder discipline of Scipio's infantry en- 
 abled them to open lanes for the charge of the Carthaginian 
 war elephants without being thrown into confusion. Hannibal 
 attempted to extend his infantry line to envelop the Eoman in- 
 fantry mass, but while at Cannse all the advantage of training 
 and therefore of manoeuvring power had been on his side, and 
 he had been able to surround and massacre a crowd of infantry, 
 he now found against him an infantry line better than his own. 
 His own line broke as it extended, the Eoman legion charged 
 home, and the day was lost. The Eotnan cavalry came back 
 from the pursuit of Hannibal's horse to turn what was already 
 a defeat into a disastrous rout. 
 
 Carthage submitted without any further struggle. The 
 terms were severe, but they left it possible for her to hope for 
 
412 THE OUTLINE OE HISTORY 
 
 an honourable future. She had to abandon Spain to Eome, 
 to give up all her war fleet except ten vessels, to pay 10,000 
 talents (£2,400,000), and, vphat V7as the most difficult condi- 
 tion of all, to agree not to wage war without the permission of 
 Kome. Finally a condition was added that Hannibal, as the 
 great enemy of Home, should be surrendered. But he saved his 
 countrymen from this humiliation by flying to Asia. 
 
 These were exorbitant conditions, with which Eome should 
 have been content. But there are nations so cowardly that they 
 dare not merely conqtier their enemies; they must mak siccar 
 and destroy them. The generation of Eomans that saw great- 
 ness and virtue in a man like Cato the Censor, necessarily 
 made their country a mean ally and a cowardly victor. 
 
 The history of Eome for the fifty-six years that elapsed be- 
 tween the battle of Zama and the last act of the tragedy, the 
 Third Punic War, tells of a hard ungracious expansion of 
 power abroad and of a slow destruction, by the usury and greed 
 of the rich, of the free agricultural population at home. 
 
 The spirit of the nation had become harsh and base; there 
 was no further extension of citizenship, no more generous at- 
 tempts at the assimilation of congenial foreign populations. 
 Spain was administered badly and settled slowly and with great 
 difficulty. Complicated interventions led to ^e reduction of 
 Illyria and Macedonia to the position of tribute-paying prov- 
 inces; Eome, it was evident, was going to "tax the foreigner" 
 now and release her home population from taxation. After 
 168 B.C. the old land tax was no longer levied in Italy, and the 
 only revenue derived from Italy was from the state domains 
 and through a tax on imports from overseas. The revenues 
 from the province of "Asia" defrayed the expenses of the 
 Eoman state. At home men of the Cato type were acquiring 
 farms by loans and foreclosure, often the farms of men 
 impoverished by war service; they were driving the 
 free citizens off their land, and running their farms with 
 the pitilessly driven slave labour that was made cheap and 
 abundant. Such men regarded alien populations abroad merely 
 as unimported slaves. Sicily was handed over to the greedy 
 enterprise of tax-farmers. Com could be grown there by rich 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 413 
 
 men using slaves, and imported very profitably into Kome, and 
 so the home land could he turned over to cattle and sheep feed- 
 ing. Consequently a drift of the uprooted Italian population 
 to the towns, and particularly to Kome, hegan. 
 
 Of the first conflicts of the spreading power of Eome with 
 the Seleucids, and how she formed an alliance with Egypt, we 
 can tell little here, nor of the tortuous fluctuations of the Greek 
 cities under the shadow of her advance until they fell into 
 actual subjugation. A map must suffice to show the extension 
 of her empire at this time. 
 
 The general grim baseness of the age was not without its 
 protesting voices. We have already told how the wasting dis- 
 ease of the Second Punic War, a disease of the state which was 
 producing avaricious rich men exactly as diseases of the body 
 will sometimes produce great pustules, was ended by the vigour 
 of Scipio Africanus. When it had seemed doubtful whether 
 the Senate would let him go as the Eoman general, he had 
 threatened an appeal to the people. Thereafter he was a 
 marked man for the senatorial gang, who were steadily chang- 
 ing Italy from a land of free cultivators to a land of slave- 
 worked cattle ranches; they attempted to ruin him before ever 
 he reached Africa; they gave him forces insufficient, as they 
 hoped, for victory ; and after the war they barred him strictly 
 from office. Interest and his natural malice alike prompted 
 Cato to attack him. 
 
 Scipio Africanus the Elder seems to have been of a generous 
 and impatient temperament, and indisposed to exploit the popu- 
 lar discontent with current tendencies and his own very great 
 popularity to his own advantage. He went as subordinate to 
 his brother Lucius Scipio, when the latter commanded the first 
 Eoman army to pass into Asia. At Magnesia in Lydia a great 
 composite army under Antiochus III, the Seleucid monarch, 
 suffered the fate (190 b.c.) of the very similar Persian armies 
 of a hundred and forty years before. This victory drew down 
 upon Lucius Scipio the hostility of the Senate, and he was 
 accused of misappropriating moneys received from Antiochus. 
 This filled Africanus with honest rage. As Lucius stood up 
 in the Senate with his accounts in his hands ready for the 
 badgering of his accusers, Africanus snatched the documents 
 from him, tore them up, and flung the fragments down. His 
 brother, he said, had paid into the treasury 200,000 sestertia 
 
iU 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 415 
 
 (= £2,000,000). Was he now to be pestered and tripped up 
 upon this or that item ? When, later on, Lucius was prosecuted 
 and condemned, Africanus rescued him by force. Being im- 
 peached, he reminded the people that the day was the anni- 
 versary of the battle of Zama, and defied the authorities amidst 
 the plaudits of the crowd. 
 
 The Roman people seem to have liked and supported Scipio 
 Africanus, and, after an interval of two thousand years, men 
 must like him still. He was able to throw torn paper in the 
 face of the Senate, and when Lucius was attacked again, one 
 of the tribunes of the people interposed his veto and quashed 
 the proceedings. But Scipio Africanus lacked that harder 
 alloy which makes men great democratic leaders. He was no 
 Csesar. He had none of the qualities that subdue a man to 
 the base necessities of political life. After these events he 
 retired in disgust from Eome to his estates, and there he died 
 in the year 183 b.c. 
 
 In the same year died Hannibal. He poisoned himself in 
 despair. The steadfast fear of the Eoman Senate had hunted 
 him from court to court. In spite of the indignant protests of 
 Scipio, Rome in the peace negotiations had demanded his sur- 
 render from Carthage, and she continued to make this demand 
 of every power that sheltered him. When peace was made with 
 Antiochus III, this was one of the conditions. He was run to 
 earth at last in Bithynia; the king of Bithynia detained him 
 in order to send him to Eome, but he had long carried the 
 poison he needed in a ring, and by this he died. 
 
 It adds to the honour of the name of Scipio that it was an- 
 other Scipio, Scipio Nasica, who parodied Cato's Delenda est 
 Carthago by ending all his speeches in the Senate with "Car- 
 thage must stand." He had the wisdom to see that the exist- 
 ence and stimulus of Carthage contributed to the general pros- 
 perity of Eome. 
 
 Yet it was the second Scipio Africanus, grandson by adoption 
 of Scipio Africanus the Elder, who took and destroyed Car- 
 thage. The sole ofFence of the Carthaginians, which brought 
 about the third and last Punic War, was that they continued 
 to trade and prosper. Their trade was not a trade that com- 
 peted with that of Eome ; when Carthage was destroyed, much 
 of her trade died with her, and North Africa entered upon a 
 phase of economic retrogression; but her prosperity aroused 
 
416 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 that passion of envy which was evidently more powerful even 
 than avarice in the "old Eoman" type. The rich Equestrian 
 order resented any wealth in the world but its own. Eome 
 provoked the war by encouraging the Numidians to encroach 
 upon Carthage until the Carthaginians were goaded to fight in 
 despair. Rome then pounced upon Carthage, and declared 
 she had broken the treaty! She had made war without 
 permission. 
 
 The Carthaginians sent the hostages Rome demanded, they 
 surrendered their arms, they prepared to surrender territory. 
 But submission only increased the arrogance of Rome and the 
 pitiless greed of the rich Equestrian order which swayed her 
 counsels. She now demanded thaj, Carthage should be aban- 
 doned, and the population removed to a spot at least ten miles 
 from the sea. This demand they made to a population that sub- 
 sisted almost entirely by overseas trade! 
 
 This preposterous order roused the Carthaginians to despair. 
 They recalled their exiles and prepared for resistance. The 
 military efficiency of the Romans had been steadily declining 
 through a half -century of narrow-minded and base-spirited gov- 
 ernment, and the first attacks upon the town in 149 b.c. almost 
 ended in disaster. Young Scipio, during these operations, dis- 
 tinguished himself in a minor capacity. The next year was also 
 a year of failure for the incompetents of the Senate. That 
 august body then passed from a bullying mood to one of ex- 
 treme panic. The Roman populace was even more seriously 
 scared. Young Scipio, chiefly on account of his name, although 
 he was under the proper age, and in other respects not qualified 
 for the office, was made consul, and bundled off to Africa to 
 save his precious country. 
 
 There followed the most obstinate and dreadful of sieges. 
 Scipio built a mole across the harbour, and cut off all supplies 
 by land or sea. The Carthaginians suffered horribly from 
 famine; but they held out until the town was stormed. The 
 street fighting lasted for six days, and when at last the citadel 
 capitulated, Qiere were fifty thousand Carthaginians left alive 
 out of an estimated populatioti of half a million. These sur- 
 vivors went into slavery, the whole city was burnt, the ruins 
 were ploughed to express final destruction, and a curse was 
 invoked with great solemnitiea upon anyone who might attempt 
 to rebuild it. ' '.! 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 417 
 
 In the same year (146 b.c.) the Eoman Senate and Eques- 
 trians also murdered another great city that seemed to limit 
 their trade monopolies, Corinth. They had a justification, for 
 Corinth had been in arms against them, but it was an inade- 
 quate justification. 
 
 § 8 
 
 We must note here, in a brief section, a change in the mili- 
 tary system of Kome, after the Second Punic War, that was of 
 enormous importance in her later development. Up to that 
 period the Roman armies had been levies of free citizens. 
 Fighting power and voting power were closely connected; the 
 public assembly by centuries followed the paraphernalia of a 
 military mobilization, and marched, headed by the Equestrian 
 centuries, to the Campus Martins. The system was very like 
 that of the Boers before the last war in South Africa. The 
 ordinary Eoman citizen, like the ordinary Boer, was a farmer ; 
 at the summons of his country he went "on commando." The 
 Boers were, indeed, in many respects, the last survivors of 
 Aryanism. They fought extraordinarily well, but at the back 
 of their minds was an anxious desire to go back to their farms. 
 For prolonged operations, such as the siege of Veil, the Romans 
 reinforced and relieved their troops in relays; the Boers did 
 much the same at the siege of Ladysmith. 
 
 The necessity for subjugating Spain after the Second Punic 
 War involved a need for armies of a different type. Spain 
 was too far off for periodic reliefs, and the war demanded a 
 more thorough training than was possible with these on and off 
 soldiers. Accordingly men were enlisted for longer terms and 
 paid. So the paid soldier first appeared in Roman affairs. 
 And to pay was added booty. Cato distributed silver treasure 
 among his command in Spain; and it is also on record that he 
 attacked Scipio Africanus for distributing booty among his 
 troops in Sicily. The introduction of military pay led on to a 
 professional army, and this, a century later, to the disarma- 
 ment of the ordinary Roman citizen, who was now drifting in 
 an impoverished state into Rome and the larger towns. The 
 great wars had been won, the foundations of the empire had 
 been well and truly laid by the embattled fanners of Rome 
 
418 THE OUTLINE .OF HISTORY 
 
 before 200 b.c. In the process the embattled farmers of Kome 
 had already largely disappeared. The change that began after 
 the Second Punic War was completed, towards the close of 
 the century in the reorganization of the army by Marius, as 
 we will tell in its place. After his time we shall begin to write 
 of "the army," and then of "the legions," and we shall find 
 we are dealing with a new kind of army altogether, no longer 
 held together in the solidarity of a common citizenship. As 
 that tie fails, the legions discover another in esprit de corps, 
 in their common difference from and their common interest 
 against the general community. They begin to develop a 
 warmer interest in their personal l.eaders, who secure them pay 
 and plunder. Before the Punic Wars it was the tendency of 
 ambitious men in Rome to court the plebeians ; after that time 
 they began to court the legions. 
 
 § 9 
 
 The history of the Eoman Eepublic thus far, is in many 
 respects much more modern in flavour, especially to the Ameri- 
 can or Western European reader, than anything that has pre- 
 ceded it. For the first time we have something like a self-gov- 
 erning "nation," something larger than a mere city state, 
 seeking to control its own destinies. For the first time we 
 have a wide countryside under one conception of law. We get 
 in the Senate and the popular assembly a conflict of groups and 
 personalities, an argumentative process of control, far more 
 stable and enduring than any autocracy can he, and far more 
 flexible and adaptable than any priesthood. For the first time 
 also we encounter social conflicts comparahle to our own. 
 Money has superseded barter, and financial capital has become 
 fluid and free ; not perhaps so fluid and free as it is to-day, but 
 much more so than it had ever been before. The Punic Wars 
 were wars of peoples, such as were no other wars we have yet 
 recorded. Indubitably the broad lines of our present world, 
 the main ideas, the chief oppositions, were appearing in those 
 days. 
 
 But, as we have already pointed out, certain of the elemen- 
 tary facilities and some of the current political ideas of our 
 time were still wanting in the Eome of the Punic Wars. There 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 419 
 
 were no newspapers,^ and there was practically no use of 
 elected representatives in the popular assemblies. And an- 
 other deficiency, very understandable to us nowadays, but quite 
 beyond the scope of anyone then, was the absence of any general 
 elementary political education at all. The plebeians of Rome 
 had shown some glimmering of the idea that without knowledge 
 votes cannot make men free, when they had insisted upon the 
 publication of the law of the Twelve Tables; but they had 
 never been able, it was beyond the possibilities of the time, to 
 imagine any further extension of knowledge to the bulk of the 
 people. It is only nowadays that men are beginning to, under- 
 stand fully the political significance of the maxim that "knowl- 
 edge is power." Two British Trade Unions, for example, have 
 recently set up a Labour College to meet the special needs of 
 able working-men in history, political and social science, and 
 the like. But education in republican Home was the freak of 
 the individual parent, and the privilege of wealth and leisure. 
 It was mainly in the hands of Greeks, who were in many cases 
 slaves. There was a thin small stream of very fine learning 
 and very fine thinking up to the first century of the monarchy, 
 let Lucretius and Cicero witness, but it did not spread into the 
 mass of the people. The ordinary Roman was not only blankly 
 ignorant of the history of mankind, but also of the conditions 
 of foreign peoples ; he had no knowledge of economic laws nor 
 of social possibilities. Even his own interests he did not 
 clearly understand. 
 
 Of course, in the little city states of Greece and in that early 
 Roman state of four hundred square miles, men acquired by 
 talk and observation a sufficient knowledge for the ordinary 
 duties of citizenship, but by the beginning of the Punic Wars 
 the business was already too big and complicated for illiterate 
 men. Yet nobody seems to have observed the gap that was 
 
 'Julius Csesar (60 B.C.) caused the proceedings of the Senate to be pub- 
 lished by having them written up upon bulletin boards, in alho (upon 
 the white). It had been the custom to publish the annual edict of the 
 prcetor in this fashion. There were professional letter-writers who sent 
 news by special courier to rich country correspondents, and these would 
 copy down the stuff upon the Album (white board). Cicero, while he 
 was governor in Cilicia, got the current news from such a professional 
 correspondent. He complains in one letter that it was not what be 
 wanted; the expert was too. full of the chariot races and other sporting 
 intelligence, and failed to give any view of the political situation. Ob- 
 viously this news-letter system was available only for public men in pros- 
 perous circumstances. 
 
420 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 opening between the citizen and his state, and so there is no 
 record at all of any attempt to enlarge the citizen by instruc- 
 tion to meet his enlarged duties. From the second century b.c. 
 and onward everyone is remarking upon the ignorance of the 
 common citizen and his lack of political wisdom, everything is 
 suffering from the lack of political solidarity due to this igno- 
 rance, but no one goes on to what we should now consider the 
 inevitable corollary, no one proposes to destroy the ignorance 
 complained of. There existed no means whatever for the in- 
 struction of the masses of the people in a common political and 
 social ideal. It was only with the development of the great 
 propagandist religions in the Eoman world, of which Chris- 
 tianity was the chief and the survivor, that the possibility of 
 such a systematic instruction of great masses of people became 
 apparent in the world. That very great political genius, the 
 Emperor Constantine the Great, six centuries later, was the 
 first to apprehend and to attempt to use this possibility for the 
 preservation and the mental and moral knitting-together of the 
 world community over which he ruled. 
 
 But it is not only in these deficiencies of news and of educa- 
 tion and of the expedient of representative government that 
 this political system of Eome differed from our own. True, 
 it was far more like a modern civilized state than any other 
 state we have considered hitherto, but in some matters it was 
 strangely primordial and "sub-civilized." Every now and then 
 the reader of Eoman history, reading it in terms of debates 
 and measures, policies and campaigns, capital and labour, 
 comes upon something that gives him much the same shock 
 he would feel if he went down to an unknown caller in his 
 house and extended his hand to meet the misshapen hairy paw 
 of Homo Neanderthalensis and looked up to see a chinless, 
 bestial face. We have noted the occurrence of human sacrifice 
 in the third century B.C., and much that we learn of the religion 
 of republican Eome carries us far back beyond the days of 
 decent gods, to the age of shamanism and magic. We talk of a 
 legislative gathering, and the mind flies to. Westminster; but 
 how should we feel if we went to see the beginning of a session 
 of the House of Lords, and discovered the Lord Chancellor, 
 with bloody fingers, portentously fiddling about among the 
 entrails of a newly killed sheep ? The mind would recoil from 
 Westminster to the customs of Benin. And the slavery of 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 
 
 421 
 
 Rome was a savage slavery, altogether viler than the slavery of 
 Babylon. We have had a glimpse of the virtuous Cato among 
 his slaves in the second century b.c. Moreover, in the third 
 century b.c, when King Asoka was ruling India in light and 
 gentleness, the Eomans were reviving an Etruscan sport, the 
 setting on of slaves to fight for their lives. One is reminded 
 of West Africa again in the origin of this amusement; it grew 
 out of the prehistoric custom of a massacre of captives at the 
 
 Glaciiaiuvs 
 
 CBvai a waZl-painiing' at TampaiJ 
 
 burial of a chief. There was a religious touch about this sport ; 
 the slaves with hooks, who dragged the dead bodies out of the 
 arena, wore masks to represent the infernal ferryman-god, 
 Charon. In 264 b.c, the very year in which Asoka began to 
 reign and the First Punic War began, the first recorded gladia- 
 torial combat took place in the forum at Home, to celebrate 
 the funeral of a member of the old Roman family of Brutus. 
 This was a modest display of three couples, but soon gladiators 
 were fighting by the hundred. The taste for these combats 
 grew rapidly, and, the wars supplied an abundance of captives. 
 The old Roman moralists, who were so severe upon kissing and 
 women's ornaments and Greek philosophy, had nothing but 
 good to say for this new development. So long as pain was 
 inflicted, Roman morality, it would seem, was satisfied. 
 
 If republican Rome was the first of modern self-governing 
 national communities, she was certainly the "Neanderthal" 
 form of them. 
 
 In the course of the next two or three centuries the gladia- 
 torial shows of Rome grew to immense proportions. To begin, 
 
422 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Tvitli, while wars were frequent, tlie gladiators were prisoners 
 of war. They came with their characteristic national weapons, 
 tattooed Britons, Moors, Scythians, negroes, and the like, and 
 there was perhaps some military value in these exhibitions. 
 Then criminals of the lower classes condemned to death were 
 also used. The ancient world did not understand, that a crimi- 
 nal condemned to death still has rights, and at any rate the use 
 of a criminal as a gladiator was not so bad as his use as "mate- 
 rial" for the vivisectors of the Museum at Alexandria. But 
 as the profits of this sort of show business grew and the demand 
 for victims increased, ordinary slaves were sold to the trainers 
 of gladiators, and any slave who had aroused his owner's spite 
 might find himself in an establishment for letting out gladia- 
 tors. And dissipated young men who had squandered their 
 prpperty, and lads of spirit would go voluntarily into the trade 
 for a stated time, trusting to their prowess to survive. As the 
 business developed, a new use was found' for gladiators as 
 armed retainers; rich men would buy a band, and employ it 
 as a bodyguard or hire it out for profit at the shows. The 
 festivities of a show began with a ceremonial procession 
 (pompa) and a sham fight (prceliisio) . The real fighting was 
 heralded by trumpets. Gladiators who objected to fight for any 
 reason were driven on by whips and hot irons. A wounded 
 man would sometimes call for pity by holding up his forefinger. 
 The spectators would then either wave their handkerchiefs in 
 token of mercy, or condemn him to death by holding out their 
 clenched fists with the thumbs down.^ The slain and nearly 
 dead were dragged out to a particular place, the spoliarium, 
 where they were stripped of their arms and possessions, and 
 those who had not already expired were killed. 
 
 This organization of murder as a sport and show serves to 
 measure the great gap in moral standards between the Eoman 
 community and our own. No doubt cruelties and outrages 
 upon human dignity as monstrous as this still go on in the 
 world, but they do not go on in the name- of the law and without 
 a single dissentient voice. For it is true that until the time 
 of Seneca (first, century a.d.) there is no record of any plain 
 protest against this business. The conscience of mankind was 
 
 'Authorities differ here. Mayor says thumbs up (to the breast) meant 
 death and thumbs down meant "Lower that sword." The popular per- 
 suasion is that thumbs down meant death. 
 
THE TWO WESTERN REPUBLICS 428 
 
 weaker and less intelligent then than now. Presently a new 
 power was to come into the human conscience through the 
 spread of Christianity. The spirit of Jesus in Christianity 
 became the great antagonist in the later Roman state of these 
 cruel shows and of slavery, and, as Christianity spread, these 
 two evil things dwindled and disappeared.^ 
 
 * "A little more needs to be said on this matter. The Greeks cited gladia- 
 torial shows as a reason for regarding the Romans as Bwrharoi, and there 
 were riots when some Roman proconsul tried to introduce them in Corinth. 
 Among Romans, the better people evidently disliked them, but a sort of 
 shyness prevented them from frankly denouncing them as cruel. For 
 instance, Cicero, when he had to attend the Circus, took his tablets and 
 his secretary with him, and didn't look. He expresses particular disgust 
 at the killing of an elephant; and somebody in Tacitus (Drusus, Ann. 1, 
 76) was unpopular because he was too fond of gladiatorial bloodshed — 
 'quwmquam vili sanguine nimis gaudens' ('rejoicing too much in blood, 
 worthless blood though it was'). The games were unhesitatingly con- 
 demned by Greek philosophy, and at different times two Cynics and one 
 Christian gave their lives in the arena, protesting against them, before 
 they were abolished. 
 
 , "I do not think Christianity had any such relation to slavery as is 
 here stated. St. Paul's action in sending back a slave to his master, and 
 his injunction, 'Slaves, obey your masters,' were regularly quoted on the 
 pro-slavery side, down to the nineteenth century; on tlie other hand, both 
 the popular philosophies and the Mystery religions were against slavery 
 in their whole tendency, and Christianity of course in time became the chief 
 representative of these movements. Probably the best test is the number 
 of slaves who occupied posts of honour in the religious and philosbphic 
 systems, like Epictetus, for instance, or the many slaves who hold offices 
 in the Mithraic Inscriptions. I do not happen to know if any slaves 
 were made Christian bishops, but by analogy I should think it likely that 
 some were. In all the Mystery religions, as soon as you entered the 
 community, and had communion with God, earthly distinctions shrivelled 
 away." — G. M. 
 
XXVII 
 
 FEOM TIBEEIUS GEACCHUS TO THE GOD 
 EMPEEOE m EOME 
 
 § 1. The Science of Thwarting the Common Man. § 2. 
 Finance in the Roman State. § 3. The Last Years of Re- 
 publican Polictics. § 4. The Era of the Adventurer Gen- 
 erals. § 5. The End of the Republic. § 6. The Coming of 
 the Princeps. § 7. Why the Roman Republic Failed. 
 
 § 1 
 
 WE have already twice likened the self-governing com- 
 munity of Eome to a "^Neanderthal" variety of the 
 modern "democratic" civilized state, and we shall 
 recur again to this comparison. In form the two things, the 
 first great primitive essay and its later relations, are extraordi- 
 narily similar; in spirit they differ very profoundly. Eoman 
 political and. social life, and particularly Eoman political and 
 social life in the century between the fall of Carthage and the 
 rise of Caesar and Csesarism, has a very marked general re- 
 semblance to the political and social life in such countries as 
 the United States of America or the British Empire to-day. 
 The resemblance is intensified by the common use, with a cer- 
 tain inaccuracy in every case, of such terms as "senate," "democ- 
 racy," "proletariat," and the like. But everything in the 
 Eoman state was earlier, cruder, and clumsier; the injustices 
 were more glaring, the conflicts harsher. There was compara- 
 tively little knowledge and few general ideas. Aristotle's sci- 
 entific works were only beginning to be read in Eome in the 
 first century B.C. ; Eerrero,^ it is true, makes Caesar familiar 
 with the Politics of Aristotle, and ascribes to him the dream 
 of making a "Periclean Eome," but in doing so, Ferrero seems 
 to be indulging in one of those lapses into picturesque romanc- 
 
 ' Greatness and Deoline of Rome, bk. i. ch. zi. 
 424 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 425 
 
 ing whicli are at once the joy and the snare of all historical 
 writers. 
 
 Attention has already been drawn to the profound difference 
 between Roman and modern conditions due to the absence of a 
 press, of any popular educatibn or of the representative idea 
 in the popular assembly. Our world to-day is still far from 
 solving the problem of representation and from producing a 
 public assembly which will really summarize, crystallize, and 
 express the thought and will of the community; our elections 
 are still largely an ingenious mockery of the common voter who 
 finds himsef helpless in the face of party organizations which 
 reduce his free choice of a representative to the less unpalatable 
 of two political hacks, but, even so, his vote, in comparison 
 with the vote of an ordinary honest Roman citizen, is an effec- 
 tive instrument. Too many of our histories dealing with this 
 period of Roman history write of "the popular party," and of 
 the votes of the people and so forth, as though such things 
 were as much working realities as they are to-day. But the 
 senators and politicians of Rome saw to it that such things 
 never did exist as clean and wholesoine realities. These modem 
 phrases are very misleading unless they are carefully qualified. 
 
 We have already described the gatherings of the popular 
 comitia; but that clumsy assembly in sheep pens does not con- 
 vey the full extent to which the gerrymandering of popular 
 representation could be carried in Rome. Whenever there was 
 a new enfranchisement of citizens in Italy, there would be the 
 most elaborate trickery and counter-trickery to enrol- the new 
 voters into as few or as many of the thirty old "tribes" as possi- 
 ble, or to put then\ into as few as possible new tribes. Since 
 the vote was taken by tribes, it is obvious tha;t however great 
 the number of new additions made, if they were all got to- 
 gether into one tribe, their opinion would only count for one 
 tribal vote, and similarly if they were crowded into just a few 
 tribes, old or new. On the other hand, if they were put into 
 too many tribes their effect in any particular tribe might be 
 inconsiderable. Here was the sort of work to fascinate ^very 
 smart knave in politics. The comitia tributa could be worked 
 at times so as to vote right counter to the general feeling of 
 the people. And as we have already noted, the great mass of 
 voters in Italy were also disenfranchised by distance. About 
 the middle period of the Carthaginian wars there were upwards 
 
426 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of 300,000 Roman citizens ; about 100 B.C. there were more 
 than 900,000, but in effect the voting of the popular assembly 
 was confined to a few score thousand resident in and near 
 Eome, and mostly men of a base type. And the Roman voters 
 were "organized" to an extent that makes the Tammany ma- 
 chine of New York seem artless and honest. They belonged 
 to clubs, collegia sodalicia, having usually some elegant re- 
 ligious pretensions; and the rising politician working his way 
 to ofiice went first to the usurers and then with the borrowed 
 money to these clubs. If the outside voters were moved enough 
 by any question to swarm into the city, it was always possible 
 to put off the voting by declaring the omens unfavourable. If 
 they came in unarmed, they could be intimidated; if they 
 brought in arms, theii the cry was raised that there was a plot 
 to overthrow the republic, and a massacre would be organized. 
 
 There can be no doubt that all Italy, all the empire was 
 festering with discomfort, anxiety, and discontent in the cen- 
 tury after the destruction of Carthage; a few men were grow- 
 ing very rich, and the majority of people found themselves 
 entangled in , an inexplicable net of uncertain prices, jumpy 
 markets, and debts ; but yet there was no way at all of stating 
 and clearing up the. general dissatisfaction. There is no record 
 of a single attempt to make the popular assembly a straightfor- 
 ward and workable public organ. Beneath the superficial ap- 
 pearances of public affairs struggled a mute giant of public 
 opinion and public will, who sometimes made some great po- 
 litical, effort, a rush to vote or such like, and sometimes broke 
 into actual violence. ■ So long as there was no actual violence, 
 the Senate and the financiers kept on in their own disastrous 
 way. Only when they were badly frightened would governing 
 cliques or parties desist from some nefarious policy and heed 
 the common good. The real method of popular expression in 
 Italy in those days was not the comitia tributa, \)\xt the strike 
 and insurrection, the righteous and necessary methods of all 
 cheated or suppressed peoples. We have seen in our own days 
 in Great Britain a decline in the prestige of parliamentary 
 government and a drift towards unconstitutional methods on 
 the part of the masses through exactly the same cause, through 
 the incurable disposition of politicians to gerrymander the elec- 
 toral machine until the community is driven to explosion. 
 
 For insurrectionary purposes a discontented population needs 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 427 
 
 a leader, and the political history of the concluding century of 
 Eoman republicanism is a history of insurrectionary leaders 
 and counter-revolutionary leaders. Most of the former are 
 manifestly unscrupulous adventurers who try to utilize the 
 public necessity and unhappiness for their own advancement. 
 Many of the historians of this period betray a disposition to 
 take sides, and are either aristocratic in tone or fiercely demo- 
 cratic ; but, indeed, neither side in these complex and intricate 
 disputes has a record of high aims or clean hands. The Senate 
 and the rich Equestrians were vulgar and greedy spirits; hostile 
 and contemptuous towards the poor mob; and the populace 
 was ignorant, unstable, and at least equally greedy. The 
 Scipios in all this record shine by comparison, a group of gentle- 
 men. To the motives of one or the other figures of the time, 
 to Tiberius Gracchus, for example, we may perhaps extend 
 the benefit of the doubt. But for the rest, they do but demon- 
 strate how clever and cunning men may be, how subtle in con- 
 tention, how brilliant in pretence, and how utterly wanting in 
 wisdom or grace of spirit. "A shambling, hairy, brutish, but 
 probably very cunning creature with a big brain hehmdj" so 
 someone, I think it was Sir Harry Johnston, has described 
 Homo Neanderthalensis. 
 
 To this day we must still use similar terms to describe the 
 soul of the politician. The statesman has still to oust the 
 politician from his lairs and weapon heaps. History has still 
 to become a record of human dignity. 
 
 § 2 
 
 Another respect in which the Roman system was a crude 
 anticipation of our own, and different from any preceding 
 political system we have considered, was that it was a cash 
 and credit-using system. Money had been in the world as yet 
 for only a few centuries. But its use had been growing; it 
 was providing a fluid medium for trade and enterprise, and 
 changing economic conditions profoundly. In republican Eome, 
 the financier and the "money" interest began to play a part 
 recognizably similar to their roles to-day. 
 
 We have already noted — in our account of Herodotus — ^that 
 a first effect of money was to give freedom of movement and 
 leisure to a number of people who could not otherwise have 
 
428 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 enjoyed these privileges. And that is the peculiar value of 
 money to mankind. Instead of a worker or helper being paid 
 in kind and in such a way that he is tied as much in his en- 
 joyment as in his labour, money leaves him free to do as he 
 pleases amidst a wide choice of purchasable aids, eases, and 
 indulgences. He may eat his money or drink it or give it to a 
 temple or spend it in learning something or save it against 
 some unforeseen occasion. That is the good of moneys the free- 
 dom of its universal convertibility. But the freedom money 
 gives the poor man is nothing to the freedom money has given 
 the rich man. With money rich men ceased to be tied to 
 lands, houses, stores, flocks and herds. They could change the 
 nature and locality, of their possessions with an unheard-of 
 frieedom. In the third and second century B.C., this release, 
 this untethering of wealth, began to tell upon the general eco- 
 nomic life of the Roman and Hellenized world. People began 
 to buy land and the like not for use, but to sell again at a pTofit ; 
 people borrowed to buy, speculation developed. No doubt there 
 were bankers in the Babylon of 1000 B.C., but they lent 
 in a far more limited and solid way, bars of metal and stocks 
 of goods. That earlier world was a world of barter and pay- 
 ment in kind, and it went slowly — and much more staidly and 
 stably — for that reason. In that state the vast realm of China 
 has remained almost down to the present time. 
 
 The big cities before Rome were trading and manufacturing 
 cities. Such were Coiinth and Carthage and Syracuse. But 
 Rome never produced a very considerable industrial popula- 
 tion, and her warehouses never rivalled those of Alexandria. 
 The little port of Ostia was always big enough for her needs. 
 Rome was a political and financial capital, and in the latter 
 respect, at least, she was a new sort of city. She imported 
 profits and tribute, and very little went out from her in return. 
 The wharves of Ostia were chiefly busy unloading corn from 
 Sicily and Africa and loot from all the world. 
 
 After the fall of Carthage the Roman imagination went wild 
 with the hitherto unknown possibilities of finance. Money, 
 like most other inventions, had "happened" to mankind, and 
 men had still to develop — to-day they have still to perfect — 
 the science and morality of money. One sees the thing "catch- 
 ing on" in the recorded life and the writings of Cato the Censor. 
 
PROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 4^^ 
 
 In his early days he was bitterly virtuous against usury; in 
 his later he was devising ingenious schemes for safe usury. 
 
 In this curiously interesting century of Koman history we 
 find man after man asking, "What has happened to Rome?" 
 Various answers are made — a decline in religion, a decline from 
 the virtues of the Roman forefathers, Greek "intellectual 
 poison," and the like. We who can look at the problem with a 
 large perspective, can see that what had happened to Rome 
 was "money" — the new freedoms and chances and opportunities 
 that money opened out. Money floated the Romans off the 
 firra ground, everyone was getting hold of money, the majority 
 by the simple expedient of running into debt ; the eastward ex- 
 pansion of the empire was very largely a hunt for treasure in 
 strong rooms and temples to keep pace with the hunger of the 
 new need. The Equestrian order, in particular, became the 
 money power. Everyone was developing property. Farmers 
 were giving up com and cattle, borrowing money, buying 
 slaves, and starting the more intensive cultivation of oil and 
 wine. Money was young in human experience and wild, no- 
 body had it under control. It fluctuated greatly. It was now 
 abundant and now scarce. Men made sly and crude schemes 
 to corner it, to hoard it, to send up prices by releasing hoarded 
 metals. A small body of very shrewd men was growing im- 
 mensely rich. Many patricians were growing poor and irritated 
 and unscrupulous. Among the middle sort of peoples there was 
 much hope, much adventure, and much more disappointment. 
 The growing mass of the expropriated was permeated by that 
 vague, baflled, and hopeless sense of being inexplicably bested, 
 which is the preparatory condition for all great revolutionary 
 movements. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The first conspicuous leader to appeal to the gathering revolu- 
 tionary feeling in Italy was Tiberius Gracchus. He looks more 
 like an honest man than any other figure in this period of 
 history, unless it be Scipio Africanus the Elder. At first 
 Tiberius Gracchus was a moderate reformer of a rather reac- 
 tionary type. He wished to restore the yeoman class to prop- 
 erty, very largely because he believed that class to be the back- 
 bone of the army, and his military experience in Spain before 
 
430 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and after the destruction of Carthage had impressed upon him 
 the declining efficiency of the legions. He was what we should 
 call nowadays a "Back-to-the-land" man. He did not under- 
 stand and few people understand to-day, how much easier it is 
 to shift population from the land into the towns, than to return 
 it to the laborious and simple routines of agricultural life. He 
 wanted to revive the Licinian laws, which had been established 
 when Camillus built his temple of Concord nearly two centuries 
 and a half before (see Chap, xxvi, § 2), so far as they broke up 
 great estates and restrained slave labour. 
 
 -These Licinian laws had repeatedly been revived and re- 
 peatedly lapsed to a dead letter again. It was only when the 
 big proprietors in the Senate opposed this proposal that Tibe- 
 rius Gracchus turned to the people and began a furious agitation 
 for popular government. He created a commission to inquire 
 into the title of all landowners. In the midst of his activities 
 occurred one of the most extraordinary incidents in history. 
 Attains, the king of the rich country of Pergamum in Asia 
 Minor, died (133 b.c), and left his kingdom to the Roman 
 people. 
 
 It is difficult for us to ujiderstand the motives of this bequest. 
 Pergamum was a country allied to Rome, and so moderately 
 secure from aggression; and the natural consequence of such 
 a will was to provoke a violent scramble among the senatorial 
 gangs and a dispute between them and the people for the spoils 
 of the new acquisition. Practically Attains handed over his 
 country to be looted. There were of course many Italian busi- 
 ness people established in the country and a strong party of 
 native rich men in close relations with Home. To them, no 
 doubt, a coalescence with the Roman system would have been 
 acceptable. Josephus bears witness to such a desire for an- 
 nexation among the rich men of Syria, a desire running counter 
 to the wishes of both king and people. This Pergamum bequest, 
 astonishing in itself, had the still more astonishing result of 
 producing imitations in other quarters. In 96 B.C. Ptolemy 
 Apion bequeathed Cyrenaica, in North Africa, to the Roman 
 people; in 81 b.c. Alexander II, King of Egypt, followed suit 
 with Egypt, a legacy too big for the courage if not for the 
 appetite of the Senators, and they declined it; in 74 b.c. 
 N^icomedes, King of Eithynia, demised Bithynia. Of these 
 latter testamentary freaks we will say no more here. But it 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR, 481 
 
 will be manifest how great an opportunity was given Tiberius 
 Gracchus by the bequest of Attalus, of accusing the rich of 
 greed and of proposing to decree the treasures of Attalus to 
 the commonalty. He proposed to use this new wealth to provide 
 seed, stock, and agricultural implements for the resettlement 
 of the land. 
 
 His movement was speedily entangled in the complexities of 
 the Koman electoral system — ^without a simple and straight- 
 forward electoral method, all popular movements in all ages 
 necessarily become entangled and maddened in constitutional 
 intricacies, and almost as necessarily lead to bloodshed. It was 
 needed, if his work was to go on, that Tiberius Gracchus should 
 continue to be tribune, and it was illegal for him to be tribune 
 twice in succession. He overstepped the bounds of legality, and 
 stood for the tribuneship a second time; the peasants who 
 came in from the countryside to vote for him came in armed; 
 the cry that he was aiming at a tyranny, the cry that had long 
 ago destroyed Mselius and Manlius, was raised in the Senate, 
 the friends of "law and order" went to the Capitol in state, ac- 
 companied by a rabble of dependents armed with staves and 
 bludgeons; there was a conflict, or .rather a massacre of the 
 revolutionaries, in which nearly three hundred people were 
 killed, and Tiberius Gracchus was beaten to death with the 
 fragments of a broken bench by two Senators. 
 
 Thereupon the Senators attempted a sort of counter-revolu- 
 tion, and proscribed many of the followers of Tiberius Gracchus ; 
 but the state of public opinion was so sullen and threatening 
 that this movement was dropped and Scipio Nasica, who was 
 implicated in the death of Tiberius, though he occupied the 
 position of pontifex maximus and should have remained in 
 Rome for the public sacrifices which were the duties of that 
 official, went abroad to avoid trouble. 
 
 The uneasiness of Italy next roused Scipio Africanus the 
 Younger to propose the enfranchisement of all Italy. But he 
 died suddenly before he could carry the proposal into efEect. 
 
 Then followed the ambiguous career of Oaius Gracchus, the 
 brother of Tiberius, who followed some tortuous "policy" that 
 still exercises the mind of historians. He increased the burthens 
 of taxation laid upon the provinces, it is supposed with the idea 
 of setting the modern financiers (the Equites) against the sena- 
 torial landowners. He gave the fonser th^ newly bequeathed 
 
432 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 taxes of Asia to farm, and, what is worse, he gave them control 
 of the special courts spt up to prevent extortion. He started 
 enormous public works and particularly the construction of 
 new roads, and he is accused of making a political use of the 
 contracts. He revived the proposal to enfranchise Italy. He 
 increased the distribution of subsidized cheap com to tlie Koman 
 citizens. . . . Here we cannot attempt to disentangle his 
 schemes, much less to judge him. But that his policy was offen- 
 sive to the groups that controlled the Senate there can be no 
 doubt whatever. He was massacred by the champions of "law 
 and order," with about three thousands of his followers, in 
 the streets of Rome in 121 b.c. His decapitated head was 
 carried to the Senate on the point of a pike. 
 
 (A reward of its weight in gold, says Plutarch, , had been 
 offered for this trophy : and its captor, acting in the true spirit 
 of a champion of "big business," filled the brain-case with lead 
 on its way to the scales.) 
 
 "In spite of these prompt firm measures the Senate was not 
 to enjoy the benefits of peace and the advantages of a control 
 of the imperial resources for long. Within ten years the people 
 were in revolt again. 
 
 In 118 B.C. the throne of Numidia, the semi-barbaric king- 
 dom that had arisen in North Africa upon the ruins of the 
 civilized Carthaginian power, was seized by a certain able 
 Jugurtha, who had served with the Roman armies in Spain, and 
 had a knowledge of the Roman character. He provoked the 
 military intervention of Rome. But the Romans found that 
 their military power, under a Senate of financiers and land- 
 lords, was very different from what it had been even in the days 
 of the younger Scipio Africanus. "Jugurtha bought over the 
 Commissioners sent out to watch him, the Senators charged 
 with their prosecution, and the generals in command against 
 him." ^ There is a mistaken Roman proverb : "pecunia- non 
 olet" (money does not stink), for the money of Jugurtha stank 
 even in Rome. There was an angry agitation; and a capable 
 soldier of lowly origin, Marius, was carried to the consulship 
 (107 B.C.) on the wave of popular indignation. Marius made 
 no attempt on the model of the Gracchi to restore the backbone 
 of the army by rehabilitating the yeoman class. He was a 
 professional soldier with a high standard of eflBciency and a 
 
 " Ferrero. 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 433 
 
 disposition to take short cuts. He simply raised troops from 
 among tlie poor, whether countrymen or townsmen, paid them 
 well, disciplined them thoroughly, and (106 b.c.) ended the 
 seven years' war with Jugurtha by bringing that chieftain in 
 chains to Eome. It did not occur to anybody that incidentally 
 Marius had also created a professional army with no interest 
 to hold it together but its pay. He then held on to the consul- 
 ship more or less illegally for several years, and in 102 and 101 
 B.C. repelled a threatening move of the Germans (who thus 
 appear in our history for the first time), who were raiding 
 through Gaul towards Italy. He gained two victories; one on 
 Italian soil. He was hailed as the saviour of his country, a 
 second Camillus (100 b.c). 
 
 The social tensions of the time mocked that comparison with 
 Camillus. The Senate benefited by the greater energy in for- 
 eign affairs and the increased military efficiency that Marius 
 had introduced, but the sullen, shapeless discontent of the mass 
 of the people was still seeking some effective outlet. The rich 
 grew richer and the poor poorer. It was impossible to stifle 
 the consequences of that process for ever by political trickery. 
 The Italian people were still unenfranchised. Two extreme 
 democratic leaders, Satuminus and Glaucia, were assassinated, 
 but that familiar senatorial remedy failed to assuage the popu- 
 lace on this occasion. In 92 b.c. an aristocratic official, Rutilius 
 Eufus, who had tried to restrain the exactions of the financiers 
 in Asia Minor, was condemned on a charge of corruption so 
 manifestly trumped up that it deceived no one ; and in 91 b.c, 
 Livius Drusus, a newly elected tribune of the people, who was 
 making capital out of the trial of Eutilius Kufus, 'was assassi- 
 nated. He had proposed a general enfranchisement of the 
 Italians, and he had foreshadowed not only another land law, 
 but a general abolition of debts. Yet for all this vigour on 
 the part of the senatorial usurers, landgrabbers, and forestallers, 
 the hungry and the anxious were still insurgent. The murder 
 of Drusus was the last drop in the" popular cup ; Italy blazed into 
 a desperate insurrection. 
 
 There followed two years of bitter civil war, the Social War. 
 It was a war between the idea of a united Italy and the idea of 
 the rule of the Eoman Senate. It was' not a "social" war in 
 the modem sense, but a war between Rome and her Italian 
 allies (allies = Socii). "Eoman generals, trained in the tradi- 
 
434 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tions of colonial warfare, marched ruthlessly up and down Italy, 
 burning farms, sacking towns, and carrying off men, women, 
 and children, to sell them in the open market or work thena 
 in gangs upon their estates." ^ Marius and an aristocratic gen- 
 eral, Sulla, who had been with him in Africa and who was 
 his bitter rival, both commanded on the side of Rome. But 
 though the insurgents experienced defeats and looting, neither 
 of these generals brought the war to an end. It was ended in 
 a manner (89 b.c.) by the practical surrender of the Roman 
 Senate to the idea of reform. The spirit was taken out of the 
 insurrection by the concession of their demands "in principle" ; 
 and then as soon as the rebels had dispersed, the usual cheating 
 of the new voters, by such methods as we have explained in § 1 
 of this chapter, was resumed. 
 
 By the next year (88 b.c.) the old round had begun again. It 
 was mixed up with the personal intrigues of Marius and Sulla 
 against each other ; but the struggle had taken on another com- 
 plexion through the army reforms of Marius, which had created 
 a new type of legionary, a landless professional soldier with no 
 interest in life but pay and plunder, and with no feeling of loy- 
 alty except to a successful general. A popular tribune, Siil- 
 picius, was bringing forward some new laws affecting debt, and 
 the consuls were dodging the storm by declaring a suspension 
 of public business. Then came the usual resort to violence, and 
 the followers of Sulpicius drove the consuls from the forum. 
 But here it is that the new forces which the new army had 
 made possible came into play. King Mithridates of Pontus, 
 the Hellenized king of the southern shores of the Black Sea 
 east of Bithynia, was pressing Eome into war. One of the 
 proposed laws of Sulpicius was that Marius should command 
 the armies sent against this Mithridates. Whereupon Sulla 
 marched the army he had commanded throughout the Social 
 War to Eome, Marius and Sulpicius fled, and a new age, an 
 age of military pronunciamentos, began. 
 
 Of how Sulla had himself made commander against Mithri- 
 dates and departed, and of how legions friendly to Marius then 
 seized power, how Marius returned to Italy and enjoyed a 
 thorough massacre of his political opponents and died, sated, 
 of fever, we cannot tell in any detail. But one measure dur- 
 ing the Marian reign of terror did much to relieve the social 
 
 * Ferrero. 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 485 
 
 tension, and that was the abolition of three-quarters of all out- 
 standing debts. Nor can we tell here how Sulla made a dis- 
 creditable peace with Mithridates (who had massacred a 
 hundred thousand Italians in Asia Minor) in order to bring his 
 legions back to Eome, defeat the Marians at the battle of the 
 Collins Gate of Kome, and reverse the arrangements of Marius. 
 Sulla restored law and order by the proscription and execu- 
 tion of over five thousand people. He desolated large parts of 
 Italy, restored the Senate to power, repealed many of the 
 recent laws, though he was unable to restore the cancelled 
 burden of debt, and then, feeling bored by politics and having 
 amassed great riches, he retired with an air of dignity into 
 private life, gave himself up to abominable vices, and so pres^ 
 ently died, eaten up with some disgusting disease produced 
 by debauchery.^ 
 
 Political life in Italy was not so much tranquillized as 
 stunned by the massacres and confiscations of Marius and Sulla. 
 The scale upon which this history is planned will not permit us 
 to tell here of the great adventurers who, relying more and 
 more on the support of the legions, presently began to scheme 
 and intrigue again for dictatorial power in Kome. In 73 b.c. 
 all Italy was terrified by a rising of the slaves, and particularly 
 of the gladiators, led by a gladiator from Thessaly, Spartacus. 
 He and seventy others had fled out from a gladiatorial "farm" 
 at Capua. Similar risings had already occurred in Sicily. 
 The forces under Spartacus necessarily became a miscellaneous 
 band drawn from east and west, without any common idea 
 except the idea of dispersing and getting home ; nevertheless, he 
 held out in southern Italy for two years, using the then ap- 
 parently extinct crater of Vesuvius for a time as a natural 
 fortress. The Italians, for all their love of gladiatorial display, 
 failed to appreciate this conversion of the whole country into 
 an arena, this bringing of the gladiatorial sword to the door, 
 and when at last Spartacus was overthrown, their terror changed 
 to frantic cruelty, six thousand of his captured followers were 
 
 •Plutarch. To which, however, G. M. adds the following note: "It is 
 generally believed that Sulla died through bursting a blood-vessel in a fit 
 of temper. The story of abominable vices seems to be only the regular 
 slander of the Roman mob against anyone who did not live in public." 
 
436 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 crucified — ^long. milea of nailed and drooping victims — along 
 the Appian Way. 
 
 Here we cannot deal at any length with LucuUus, who in- 
 vaded Pontus and fought Mithridates, and brought the culti- 
 vated cherry-tree to Europe; nor can we tell how ingeniously 
 Pompey the Great stole the triumph and most of the prestige 
 Lucullus had won in Armenia beyond Pontus. LucuUus, like 
 Sulla, retired into an opulent private life, but with more ele- 
 gance and with a more gracious end. We cannot relate in any 
 detail how Julius Csesar accumulated reputation in the west, 
 by . conquering Gaul, defeating the German tribes upon the 
 Rhine, and pushing a punitive raid across the Straits of Dover 
 into Britain. More and more important grow the legions; 
 less and less significant are the Senate and the assemblies of 
 Eome. But there is a certain grim humour about the story 
 of Crassus that we cannot altogether neglect. 
 
 This Crassus was a great money-lender and forestaller. He 
 was a typical man of the new Equestrian type, the social equiva- 
 lent of a modem munition profiteer. He first grew rich by 
 buying up the property of those proscribed by Sulla. His 
 earliest exploits in the field were against Spartacus, whom 
 finally he crushed by great payments and exertions after a 
 prolonged and expensive campaign. He then, as the outcome of 
 complicated bargains, secured the command in the east and 
 prepared to emulate the glories of Lucullus, who had pushed east 
 from Pergamum and Bithynia into Pontus, and of Pompey, 
 who had completed the looting of Armenia. 
 
 His experiences serve to demonstrate the gross ignorance 
 with which the Romans were conducting their affairs at that 
 time. He crossed the Euphrates, expecting to find in Persia 
 another Hellenized kingdom like Pontus. But, as we have 
 already intimated, the great reservoirs of nomadic peoples that 
 stretched round from the Danube across Russia into Central 
 Asia, had been raining back into the lands between the Caspian 
 Sea and the Indus that Alexander had conquered for Hellenism. 
 Crassus found himself against the "Scythian" again; against 
 mobile tribes of horsemen led by a monarch in Median costume.^ 
 The particular variety of "Scythian" he encountered was called 
 the Parthian. It is possible that in the Parthians a Mongo- 
 lian (Turanian) element was now mingled with the Aryan 
 
 ' Plutarch. 
 
FROM TIBEBIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 437 
 
 strain J but the campaign of Crassus beyond the Euphrates is 
 curiously like the campaign of Darius beyond the Danube ; there 
 is the same heavy thrusting of an infantry force against elu- 
 sive light horsemen. But Crassus was less quick than Darius 
 to realize the need of withdrawal, and the Parthians were bet- 
 ter bowmen than the Scythians Darius met. They seem to 
 have had some sort of noisy projectile of unusual strength and 
 force, something different from an ordinary arrow. -^ The cam- 
 paign culminated in that two days' massacre of the hot, thirsty, 
 hungry, and weary Roman legions which is known as the 
 battle of'Carrhse (53 e.g.). They toiled through the sand, charg- 
 ing an enemy who always evaded their charge and rode round 
 them and shot them to pieces. Twenty thousand of them were 
 killed, and ten thousand marched on eastward as prisoners into 
 slavery in Iran. 
 
 What became of Crassus is not clearly known. There is a 
 story, probably invented for our moral benefit and suggested 
 by his usuries, that he fell alive into the hands of the Parthians 
 and was killed by having molten gold poured down his throat. 
 
 But this disaster has a very great significance indeed to our 
 general history of mankind. It serves to remind us that from 
 the Ehine to the Euphrates, all along to the north of the Alps 
 and Danube and Black Sea, stretched one continuous cloud 
 of nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples, whom the statescraft 
 of imperial Rome was never able to pacify and civilize, nor 
 her military science subdue. We have already called atten- 
 tion to a map showing how the Second Babylonian Empire, 
 the Chaldean Empire, lay like a lamb in the embrace of the 
 Median power. In exactly the same way the Roman Empire 
 lay like a lamb in the embrace of this great crescent of outer 
 barbarians. Not only was Rome never able to thrust back 
 or assimilate that superincumbent crescent, but she was never 
 able to organize the Mediterranean Sea into a secure and 
 
 *The bow. was probably the composite bow, so-called because it is made 
 of several plates (five or so) of horn, like the springs of a carriage: it 
 discharges a high-speed arrow with a. twang. This was the bow the Mon- 
 gols used. This short composite bow (it was not a long bow) was quite 
 old in human experience. It was the bow of Odysseus ; the Assyrians had 
 it in a modified form. It went out in Greece, but it survived as 
 the Mongol bow. It was quite short, very stiff to pull, with a flat 
 trajectory, a remarkable range, and a great noise (cp. Homer's 
 reference to the twang of the bow). It went out in the Mediterranean 
 because the climate was not good for it, and because there were insuffi- 
 cient animals to supply the horn. — J. L. M. 
 
438 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 439 
 
 orderly system of communication between one part of her em- 
 pire and another. Quite unknown as yet to Eome, the Mon- 
 golian tribes from North-eastern Asia, the Huns and their 
 kin, walled back and driven out from China by the Tsi and 
 Han dynasties, were drifting and pressing westward, mixing 
 with the Parthians, the Scythians, the Teutons and the like, 
 or driving them before them. 
 
 Never at any time did the Romans succeed in pushing their 
 empire beyond Mesopotamia, and upon Mesopotamia their hold 
 was never very secure. Before the close of the republic that 
 power of assimilation which had been the secret of their success 
 was giving way to "patriotic" exclusiveness and "patriotic" 
 greed. Eome plundered and destroyed Asia Minor and Baby- 
 lonia, which were the necessary basis for an eastward extension 
 to India, just as she had destroyed and looted Carthage and 
 so had no foothold for extension into Africa, and just as she had 
 destroyed Corinth and so cut herself off from an easy way into 
 the heart of Greece. Western European writers, impressed 
 by the fact that later on Rome Romanized and civilized Gaul 
 and South Britain and restored the scene of her earlier devasta- 
 tions in Spain to prosperity, are apt to ignore that over far 
 greater areas to the south and east her influence was to weaken 
 and so restore to barbarism the far wider conquests of Hellenic 
 civilization. 
 
 § 5 
 
 But among the politicians of Italy in the first century b.c. 
 there were no maps of Germany and Russia, Africa and Cen- 
 tral Asia, and no sufficient intelligence to study -them had they 
 existed. Rome never developed the fine curiosities that sent 
 Hanno and the sailors of Pharaoh Necho down the coasts of 
 Africa. When, in the first century B.C., the emissaries of the 
 Han dynasty reached the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea, they 
 found only stories of a civilization that had receded. The 
 memory of Alexander still lived in these lands, but of Rome 
 men only knew that Pompey had come to the western shores 
 of the Caspian and gone away again, and that Crassus had 
 been destroyed^ Eome was pre-occupied at home. What men- 
 tal energy remained over in the Roman citizen from the at- 
 tempt to grow personally rich and keep personally safe wa? 
 
440 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 intent upon the stratagems and strokes and counter-strokes of 
 the various adventurers who were now manifestly grappling for 
 the supreme power. 
 
 It is the custom of historians to treat these struggles with 
 extreme respect. In particular the figure of Julius Caesar 
 is set up as if it were a star of supreme brightness and impor- 
 tance in the history of mankind. Yet a dispassionate considerar 
 tion of the known facts fails altogether to justify this demi- 
 god theory of Caesar. ISTot even that precipitate wrecker of 
 splendid possibilities, Alexander the Great, has been so magni- 
 fied and dressed up for the admiration of careless and uncritical 
 readers. There is a type of scholar who, to be plain, sits and 
 invents marvellous world policies for the more conspicuous 
 figures in history with the merest scraps of justification or with 
 no justification at all. We are told that Alexander planned 
 the conquest of Carthage and Rome and the complete subjuga- 
 tion of India and that only his death shattered these schemes. 
 What we know for certain is that he conquered the Persian 
 Empire, and never went far beyond its boundaries; and tha:t 
 when he was supposed to be making these vast and noble plans, 
 he was in fact indulging in such monstrous antics as his mourn- 
 ing for his favourite Hephsestion, and as his main occupation he 
 was drinking himself to death. So, too, Julius Caesar is cred- 
 ited with the intention of doing just that one not impossible 
 thing which would have secured the Roman Empire from its 
 ultimate collapse — namely, the systematic conquest and civiliza- 
 tion of Europe as far as the Baltic and the Dnieper. He was 
 to have marched upon Germany, says Plutarch, through Par- 
 thia and Scythia, round the north of the Caspian and Black Seas. 
 Yet the fact we have to reconcile with this wise and magnificent 
 project is that at the crest of his power, Csesar, already a bald, 
 middle-aged man, past the graces and hot impulses of youthful 
 love, spent the better part of a year in Egypt, feasting and 
 entertaining himself in amorous pleasantries with the Egyptian 
 queen, Cleopatra. And afterwards he brought her with him to 
 Rome, where her influence over him was bitterly resented. 
 Such complications with a woman mark the elderly sensualist 
 or sentimentalist — he was fifty-four at the commencement of 
 the affaire— ^Tather than the master-ruler of men. 
 
 On the side of the superman idea of Csesar, we have to count 
 a bust in the Naples Museum. It represents a fine- and in- 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 44.1 
 
 tellectual face, very noble in its expression, and we can couple 
 with that the story that his head, even at birth, was nnnsually 
 large and finely formed. But there is really no satisfying 
 evidence that this well-known bust does represent Csesar, and 
 it is hard to reconcile its austere serenity with the reputation 
 for violent impulse and disorderliness that clung to him. Other 
 busts of a quite different man are also, with more probability, 
 ascribed to him. 
 
 There can be little doubt that he was a dissolute and extrava- 
 gant young man — ^the scandals cluster thick about his sojourn 
 in Bithynia, whither he. fled from Sulla ; he was the associate 
 of the reprobate Clodius and the conspirator Catiline, and 
 there is nothing in his political careey to suggest any aim 
 higher or remoter than his own advancement to power, and all 
 the personal glory and indulgence that power makes possible. 
 We will not attempt to tell here of. the turns and devices of his 
 career. Although he was of an old patrician family, hescame 
 into politics as the brilliant darling of the people. He spent 
 great sums and incurred heavy debts, to provide public festival? 
 on the most lavish scale. He opposed the tradition of SuUa, and 
 cherished the memory of Marius, who vras his uncle by mar*- 
 riage. For a time he worked in conjunction with Crassus and 
 Pompey, but after the death of Crassus he and Pompey camf 
 into conflict. By 49 b.c. he and Pompey, with their legions, 
 he from the west and Pompey from the east, were fighting 
 openly for predominance in the Roman state. He had broken 
 the law by bringing his legions across the Rubicon, which was 
 the boundary between his command "and Italy proper. At the 
 battle of Pharsalos in Thessaly (48 b.c), Pompey was routed, 
 and, fleeing to Egypt, was murdered, leaving Csesai more 
 master of the Roman world than ever Sulla had been. ■ 
 
 He was then created dictator for ten years in 46 B.C., and 
 early in 45 b.c. he was made dictator for life. This was mon- 
 archy ; if not hereditary monarchy, it was at least electoral life 
 monarchy. It was unlimited opportunity to do his best for the 
 world. And by the spirit and quality of his use of this dicta- 
 torial power during these four years we are bound to judge 
 him. A certain reorganization of local administration he ef- 
 fected, and he seems to have taken up what was a fairly obvi- 
 ous necessity of the times, a project for the restoration of the 
 two murdered seaports of Corinth and Carthage, whose destruc- 
 
442 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tion had wrecked the sea-life of the Mediterranean. But much 
 more evident was the influence of Cleopatra and Egypt upon 
 his mind. Like Alexander hefore him, his head seems to have 
 been turned by the king-god tradition, assisted no doubt in his 
 case by the adulation of that charming hereditary goddess, 
 Cleopatra. We find evidence of exactly that same conflict upon 
 the score of divine pretensions, between him and his personal 
 friends, that we have already recorded in the case of Alexander. 
 So far as the Hellenized east was concerned, the paying of divine 
 
 honours to rulers 
 was a familiar idea; 
 but it was still re- 
 pulsive to the linger- 
 ing Aryanism of 
 Home. 
 
 Antony, who had 
 been his second in 
 command at Phar- 
 salos, was one of the 
 chief of his flat- 
 terers. Plutarch de- 
 scribes a scene at the 
 public games in 
 which Antony tried 
 to force a crown 
 upon Caesar, which 
 Csesar, after a little 
 coyness and in face 
 of the manifested 
 displeasure of the 
 crowd, refused. But 
 he had adopted th^ 
 ivory sceptre and throne, which were the traditional insignia 
 of the ancient kings of Rome. His image was carried amidst 
 that of the gods in the opening pompa of the arena, and his 
 statue was set up in a temple with an inscription, "To the 
 Unconquerable God!" Priests even were appointed for his 
 godhead. These things are not the symptoms of great-minded- 
 ness, but of a common man's megalomania. Csesar's record 
 of vulgar scheming for the tawdriest mockeries of personal 
 ■worship is a silly and shameful record j it is incompatilale with 
 
 JVLIV5 C^5'AR 
 
 (■fiom the l^aples hast) 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 443 
 
 the idea that he was a wise and wonderful superman setting 
 the world to rights. 
 
 Finally (44 b.c.) he was assassinated by a group of his own 
 friends and supporters, to whom these divine aspirations had 
 become intolerable. He was beset in the Senate, and stabbed 
 in three and twenty places, dying at the foot of the statue of 
 his fallen rival Pompey the Great. The scene marks the com- 
 plete demoralization of the old Roman governing body. Brutus, 
 the ringleader of the murderers, would have addressed the 
 senators, but, confronted by this crisis, they were scuttling off 
 in every direction. For the best part of a day Eome did not 
 know what to make of this event; the murderers marched 
 about with their bloody weapons through an undecided city, 
 with no one gainsaying them and only a few joining them; 
 then public opinion turned against them, some of their houses 
 were attacked, and they had to hide and fly for their lives. 
 
 '§ 6 
 
 But tlie trend of things was overwhelmingly towards mon- 
 archy. For thirteen years more the struggle of personalities 
 went on. One single man is to be noted as inspired by broad 
 ideas and an ambition not entirely egoistic, Cicero. He was a 
 man of modest origin, whose eloquence and literary power had 
 won him a prominent place in the Senate. He was a little 
 tainted by the abusive tradition of Demosthenes, nevertheless 
 he stands out, a noble and pathetically ineffective figure, plead- 
 ing with the now utterly degenerate, base, and cowardly Sen- 
 ate for the high ideals of the Eepublic. He was a writer of 
 great care and distinction, and the orations and private letters 
 he has left us make him one of the most real and living figures 
 of this period to the modern reader. He was proscribed and 
 killed in 43 b.c, the year after the murder of Julius Cseaar, 
 and his head and hands were nailed up in the Roman forum. 
 Octavian, who became at last the monarch of Rome, seems to 
 have made an effort to save Cicero; that murder was certainly 
 not his crimes. 
 
 Here we cannot trace out the tangle of alliances and be- 
 trayals that ended in the ascendancy of this Octavian, the 
 adopted heir of Julius Csesar. The fate of the chief figures 
 is interwoven with that of Cleopatra. 
 
444 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 After the death of Csesar, she set -herself to capture the emo- 
 tions and vanity of Antony, a much younger man than Caesar, 
 ^."ith whom she was probably already acquainted. For a time 
 Octavian and Antony and a third figure, Lepidus, divided the 
 Roman world just as Caesar and Pompey had divided it before 
 their final conflict. Octavian took the hardier west, and con- 
 solidated his power; Antony had the more gorgeous east — 
 and Cleopatra. To Lepidus fell that picked bone, Carthaginian 
 Africa. He seems to have' been a good man of good traditions, 
 set upon the restoration of Carthage rather than upon wealth 
 or personal vanities. The mind of Antony succumbed to those 
 same ancient ideas of divine kingship that had already proved 
 too much for the mental equilibrium of Julius Csesar. In the 
 company of Cleopatra he gave himself up to love, amusements, 
 and a dream of sensuous glory, until Octavian felt that the time 
 was ripe to end these two Egyptian divinities. 
 
 In 32 B.C. Octavian induced ^he Senate to depose Antony 
 from the command of the east, and proceeded to attack him. A 
 great naval battle at Actium (31 b.c.) was decided by the un- 
 expected desertion of Cleopatra with sixty ships in the midst of 
 the fight. It is quite impossible for us to decide now whether 
 this was due to premeditated treachery or to the sudden whim 
 of a charming woman. The departure of these ships threw 
 the fleet of Antony into hopeless confusion, which was in- 
 creased by the headlong flight of this model lover in pursuit. 
 He went off in a swift galley after her without informing his 
 commanders. He left his followers to fight and die as they 
 thought fit, and for a time they were incredulous that he had 
 gone. The subsequent encounter of the two lovers and their 
 reconciliation is a matter for ironical speculation on the part 
 of Plutarch. 
 
 Octavian's net closed slowly round his rival. It is not im- 
 probable that there was some sort of understanding between 
 Octavian and Cleopatra, as perhaps in the time of Julius Caesar 
 there may have been betweien the queen and Antony. Antony 
 gave way to much mournful posturing, varied by love scenes, 
 during this last stage of his little drama. For a time he posed 
 as an iinitator of the cynic Timon, as one who had lost all 
 faith in mankind, though one may think that his deserted 
 sailors at Actium had better reason for such an attitude. Fi- 
 nally he found himself and Cleopatra besieged by Octavian in 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 445 
 
 Alexandria. There were 8ome sallies and minor successes, and 
 Antony was loud with challenges to Octavian to decide the mat- 
 ter by personal combat. Being led to believe that Cleopatra 
 had committed suicide, this star of romance stabbed himself, 
 but so ineffectually as to die lingeringly, and he was carried 
 off to expire in her presence (30 e.g.) . 
 
 Plutarch's account of Antony, which was derived very 
 largely from witnesses who had seen and known him, describes 
 him as of heroic mould. He is compared to the demigod Her- 
 cules, from whom indeed he claimed descent, and also to the 
 Indian Bacchus. There is a disgusting but illuminating de- 
 scription of a scene in the Senate when he attempted to speak 
 while drunk, and was overtaken by one of the least dignified 
 concomitants of intoxication. .. i.; 
 
 For a little while Cleopatra still clung to life, and perhapp 
 to the hope that .she might reduce Octavian to the same divine 
 role that had already been played by Julius Csesar and Antony. 
 She had an interview with Octavian, in which she presented 
 herself as beauty in distress and very lightly clad. But when 
 it became manifest that Octavian lacked the godlike spark, 
 and that his care for her comfort and welfare was dictated 
 chiefly by his desire to exhibit her in a triumphal procession 
 through the streets of Kome, she also committed suicide. An 
 asp was smuggled to her past the Eoman sentries, concealed in 
 a basket of figs, and by its fangs she died. 
 
 Octavian seems to have been almost entirely free from the 
 divine aspirations of Julius Csesar and Antony. He was neither 
 God nor romantic hero; he was a man. He was a man of far 
 greater breadth and' capacity than any other player in this last 
 act of the Eepublican drama in Eome. All things considered, 
 he was perhaps the best thing that could have happened to Rome 
 at that time. He "voluntarily resigned the extraordinary pow- 
 ers which he had held since 43,. and, to quote his own words, 
 'handed over the republic to the control of the senate and the 
 people of Eome.' The old constitutional machinery was once 
 more set in motion; the senate, assembly, and magistrates re- 
 sumed their functions, and Octavian himself was hailed as the 
 'restorer of the commonwealth and the champion of freedom.' 
 It was not so easy to determine what relation he himself, the 
 actual master of the Eoman world, should occupy towards 
 this revived republic. His abdication, in any real sense of 
 
446 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the word, would have simply thrown everything back into 
 confusion. The interests of peace and order required that he 
 should retain at least the substantial part of his authority; and 
 this object was in fact accomplishedj and the rule of the em- 
 perors founded in a manner which has no parallel in history. 
 Any revival of the kingly title was out of the question, and 
 Octavian himself expressly refused the dictatorship. Nor was 
 any new office created or any new official title invented for his 
 benefit. But by senate and people he was invested according 
 to the old constitutional forms with certain powers, as many 
 citizens had been before him, and so took his place by the side 
 of the lawfully appointed magistrates of the republic; only, 
 to mark his pre-eminent dignity, as the first of them all, the 
 senate decreed that he should take as an additional cognomen 
 that of 'Augustus,' while in common parlance he was hence- 
 forth styled Princeps, a simple title of courtesy, familiar to 
 republican usage and conveying no other idea than that of a 
 recognized primacy and precedence over his fellow-citizens. 
 The ideal sketched by Oicero in his De Reyublicw, of a constitu- 
 tional president of a free republic, was apparently realized; 
 but it was only in appearance. !For in fact the special preroga- 
 tives conferred upon Octavian gave him back in substance the 
 autocratic authority he had resigned, and as between the re- 
 stored republic and its new princeps the balance of power was 
 overwhelmingly on the side of the latter." ^ 
 
 § 7 
 
 In this manner it was that Eoman republicanism ended in a 
 princeps or ruling prince, and the first great experiment in a 
 sejf-goveming community on a scale larger than that of tribe 
 or city, collapsed and failed. 
 
 The essence of its failure was that it could not sustain unity. 
 In its early stages its citizens, both patrician and plebeian, had 
 a certain tradition of justice and good faith, and of the loyalty 
 of all citizens to the law, and of the goodness of the law for all 
 citizens ; it clung to this idea of the importance of the law and 
 6f law-abidingness nearly into the first century b.c. But the 
 unforeseen invention and development of money, the tempta- 
 tions and disruptions of imperial expansion, the entanglement of 
 *H. S. Jones in The Enoyclopcedia Britannioa, article "Rome." 
 
FROM TIBERIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR 447 
 
 electoral methods, weakened and swamped this tradition by pre- 
 senting old issues in new disguises under which the judgment 
 did not recognize them, and by enabling men to be loyal to the 
 professions of citizenship and disloyal to its spirit. The bond 
 of the Eoman people had always been a moral rather than a 
 religious bond ; their religion was sacrificial and superstitious ; 
 it embodied no such great ideas of a divine leader and of a 
 sacred mission as Judaism was developing. As the idea of 
 citizenship failed and faded before the new occasions, there 
 remained no inner, that is to say no real, unity in the system 
 at all. Every man tended more and more to do what was right 
 in his own eyes. 
 
 Under such conditions there was no choice between chaos and 
 a return to monarchy, to the acceptance of some chosen in- 
 dividual as the one unifying will in the state. Of course in 
 that return there is always hidden the expectation that the 
 monarch will become as it were magic, will cease to be merely 
 a petty human being, and will think and feel as something 
 greater and more noble, as indeed a state personage; and of 
 course monarchy invariably fails to satisfy that expectation. 
 We shall glance at the extent of this failure in the brief review 
 we shall presently make of the emperors of Rome. We shall 
 find at last one of the more constructive of these emperors, 
 Constantino the Great, conscious of his own inadequacy as a 
 unifying power, turning to the faith, the organization, and 
 teaching network of one of the new religious movements in 
 the empire, to supply just that permeating and correlating 
 factor in men's minds that was so manifestly wanting. 
 
 With Cffisar, the civilization of Europe and Western Asia 
 went back to monarchy, and, through monarchy, assisted pres- 
 ently by organized Christianity, it sought to achieve peace, 
 righteousness, happiness, and world order for close upon eighteen 
 centuries. Then almost suddenly it began reverting to repub- 
 licanism, first in one country and then in another, and, assisted 
 by the new powers of printing and the press and of organized 
 general education, and by the universalist religious ideas in 
 which the world had been soaked for generations, it seems now 
 to have resumed again the effort to create a republican world- 
 state and a world-wide scheme of economic righteousness which 
 the Romans had made so prematurely and in which they had 
 so utterly and disastrously failed. 
 
448 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
FROM TIBEEIUS TO THE GOD EMPEROR ^49 
 
 Certain conditions, we are now beginning to perceive, are 
 absolutely necessary to such a creation; conditions which it is 
 inconceivable that any pre-Christian Eoman could have regarded 
 as possible. We may still think the attainment of these condi- 
 tions a vastly laborious and difficult and uncertain undertaking, 
 but we understand that the attempt must be made because no 
 other prospect before us gives even a promise of happiness or 
 self-respect or preservation of our kind. The first of these con- 
 ditions is that there should be a common political idea in the 
 minds of all men, an idea of the state thought of as the personal 
 possession of each individual and as the backbone fact of his 
 scheme of duties. In the early days of Kome, when it was a 
 little visible state, twenty miles square, such notions could be 
 and were developed in children in their homes, and by what 
 they saw and heard of the political lives of their fathers ; but in 
 a larger country such as Home had already become before the 
 war with Pyrrhus, there was a need of an organized teaching 
 of the history, of the main laws, and of the general intentions 
 of the state towards everyone if this moral unity was to be 
 maintained. But the need was never realized, and no attempt 
 at any such teaching was ever made. At the time it could 
 not have been made. It is inconceivable that it could have 
 been made. The knowledge was not there, and there existed 
 no class from which the needed teachers could be drawn and 
 no conception of an organization for any such systematic moral 
 and intellectual training as the teaching organization of Chris- 
 tianity, with its creeds and catechisms and sermons and con- 
 firmations, presently supplied. 
 
 Moreover, we know nowadays that even a universal education 
 of this sort supplies only the basis for a healthy republican 
 state. Next to education there must come abundant, prompt, 
 and truthful information of what is going on in the state, and 
 frank and free discussion of the issues of the time. Even nowa- 
 days these functions are performed only very imperfectly and 
 badly by the press we have and by our publicists and politicians ; 
 but badly though it is done, the thing is done, and the fact 
 that it is done at all argues that it may ultimately be done well. 
 In the Eoman state it was not even attempted. The Roman 
 citizen got his political facts from rumour and the occasional 
 orator. He stood wedged in the forum, imperfectly hearing a 
 
450 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 distant speaker. He probably misconceived every issue upon 
 which he voted. 
 
 And of the monstrous ineffectiveness of the Roman voting 
 system we have already written. 
 
 Unable to surmount or remove these obstacles to a sane and 
 effective popular government, the political instincts of the Ro- 
 man mind turned towards monarchy. But it was not monarchy 
 of the later European type, not hereditary monarchy, which 
 was now installed in Rome. The princeps was really like an 
 American war-time president, but he was elected not for four 
 years but for life, he was able to appoint senators instead of 
 being restrained by an elected senate, and with a rabble pop- 
 ular meeting in the place of the house of representatives. He 
 was also pontifex maximus, chief of the sacrificial priests, a 
 function unknown at Washington; and in practice it became 
 usual for him to designate and train his successor and. to select 
 for that honour a son or an adopted son or a near relation whom 
 he could trust The power of the princeps was in itself enor- 
 mous to entrust to the hands of a single man without any ade- 
 quate checks, but it was further enhanced by the tradition of 
 monarch-worship which had now spread out from Egypt over 
 the entire Hellenized east, and which was coming to Rome in 
 the head of every Oriental slave and immigrant. By natural 
 and imperceptible degrees the idea of the god-emperor came 
 to dominate the whole Romanized world. 
 
 Only one thing presently remained to remind the god-emperor 
 that he was mortal, and that was the army. The god-emperor 
 was never safe upon the Olympus of the Palatine Hill at Rome. 
 He was only secure while he was the beloved captain of his 
 legions. And as a consequence only the hardworking emperors 
 who kept their legions active and in close touch with themselves 
 had long reigns. The sword overhung the emperor and spurred 
 him to incessant activity. If he left things to his generals, one 
 of those generals presently replaced him. This spur was per- 
 haps the redeeming feature of the Roman Imperial system. In 
 the greater, compacter, and securer empire of China there was 
 not the same need of legions, and so there was not the same 
 swift end for lazy or dissipated or juvenile monarchs that over- 
 took sugh types in Rome, 
 
2XVIII 
 
 THE C^SAES BETWEEIST THE SEA AND THE GEEAT 
 PLAINS OF THE OLD WOELD 
 
 § 1. ^ Short Catalogue of Emperors. § 2. Roman Civiliza- 
 tion at its Zenith. § 3. Limitations of the Roman Mimd. 
 § 4. The Stir of the Great Plains. § 5. The Western (true 
 Roman) Empire Crumples Up. § 6. The Eastern {revived 
 Hellenic) Empire. 
 
 WESTEEN writers are apt, through their patriotic pre- 
 dispositions, to overestimate the organizatic^n,- civiliz- 
 ing work, and security of the absolute monarchy that 
 established itself in Eome after the accession of Augustus Caesar. 
 From it we derive the political traditions of Britain, France, 
 Spain, Germany, and Italy, and these countries loom big in the 
 perspectives of European writers. By the scale of a world his- 
 tory the Eoman Empire ceases to seem so overwhelmingly im- 
 portant. It lasted about four centuries in all before it was com- 
 pletely shattered. The Byzantine Empire was no genuine con- 
 tinuation of it ; it was a resumption of the Hellenic Empire of 
 Alexander; it spoke Greek; its monarch had a Eoman title no 
 doubt, but so for that matter had the late Tsar of Bulgaria. 
 During its four centuries of life the empire of Eome had phases 
 of division and complete chaos ; its prosperous years, if they are 
 gathered together and added up, do not amount in all to a 
 couple of centuries. Compared with the quiet steady expan- 
 sion, the security, and the civilizing task of the contemporary 
 Chinese Empire, or with Egypt between 4000 and 1000 b.c, 
 or with Sumeria before the Semitic conquest, this amounts to 
 a mere incident in history. The Persian Empire of Cyrus 
 again, which reached from the Hellespont to the Indus, had as 
 high a standard of civilization ; and its homelands remained un- 
 conquered and fairi^ prosperous for over two hundred years. 
 
 451 
 
452 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Its predecessor, the Median Empire, had endured for half a 
 century. After a brief submergence by Alexander the Great, 
 it rose again as the' Seleucid Empire, which endured for some 
 centuries. The Seleucid dominion shrank at last to the west 
 of the Euphrates, and became a part of the Roman Empire; 
 but Persia, revived by the Parthians as a new Persian Empire, 
 first under the Arsaeids and then under the Sassanids, outlived 
 the empire of Rome. The Sassanids repeatedly carried war 
 into the Byzantine Empire, and held the line of the Euphrates 
 steadfastly. In 616 a.d. under Chosroes II, they were holding 
 Damascus, Jerusalem, and Egypt, and threatening the Helles- 
 pont. But there has been no tradition to keep alive the glories 
 of the Sassanids. The reputation of Rome has flourished 
 through the prosperity of her heirs. The tradition of Rome 
 is greater than its reality. 
 
 History distinguishes two chief groups of Roman emperors 
 who were great administrators. The first of these groups 
 began with: — 
 
 Augustus Caesar (27 b.c. to 14 a.d.), the Octavian of the 
 previous section, who worked hard at the reorganization of the 
 provincial governments and at financial reform. He estab- 
 lished a certain tradition of lawfulness and honesty in the 
 bureaucracy, and he restrained the more monstrous corruptions 
 and tyrannies by giving the provincial citizen the right to ap- 
 peal to Csesar. But he fixed the European boundaries of the 
 empire along the Rhine and Danube, so leaving Germany, which 
 is the necessary backbone of a safe and prosperous Europe, to 
 barbarism ; and he made a similar limitation in the east at the 
 Euphrates, leaving Armenia independent, to be a constant bone 
 of contention with the Arsaeids and Sassanids. It is doubtful 
 whether he considered that he was fixing the final boundaries 
 of the empire along these lines, or whether he thought it desir- 
 able to consolidate for some years before any further attempts 
 at expansion. 
 
 Tiberius (14 to 37 a.d.) is also described as a capable ruler, 
 but he became intensely unpopular in. Rome, and it would seem 
 that he was addicted to gross and abominable vices. But his 
 indulgence in these and his personal tyrannies and cruelties did 
 not interfere with the general prosperity of the empire. It is 
 difficult to judge him ; nearly all our sources of information are 
 manifestly hostile to him. 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 453 
 
454 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Caligula (37 to 41 a.d.) was insane, but tlie empire carried 
 on during four years of eccentricity at its head. Finally lie 
 was murdered in his palace by his servants, and there seems to 
 have been an attempt to restore the senatorial government, an 
 attempt which was promptly suppressed by the household 
 legions. 
 
 Claudius (41 to 54 a.d.), the uncle of Caligula, upon whom 
 the choice of the soldiers fell, was personally uncouth, but he 
 seems to have been a hardworking and fairly capable admin- 
 istrator. He advanced the westward boundary of the empire by 
 annexing the southern half of Britain. He was poisoned by 
 Agrippina, the mother of his adopted son, Nero, and a woman 
 of great charm and force of character, 
 
 liTero (54 to 68 a.d.), like Tiberius, is credited with mon- 
 strous vices and cruelties, but the empire had acquired sufficient 
 momentum to carry on through his fourteen years of power. 
 He certainly murdered his devoted but troublesome mother and 
 his wife, the latter as a mark of devotion to a lady, Poppsea, 
 who then married him; but the domestic infelicities of the 
 Csesars are no part of our present story. The reader greedy 
 for criminal particulars must go to the classical source, Sue- 
 tonius. These various Csesars and their successors and their 
 womenkind were probably no worse essentially than most weak 
 and passionate human beings, but they had no real religion, 
 being themselves gods ; they had no wide knowledge on which 
 to build high ambitions, their women were fierce and often 
 illiterate, and they were under no restraints of law or custom. 
 They were surrounded by creatures ready to stimulate their 
 slightest wishes and to translate their vaguest impules into 
 action. What are mere passing black thoughts and 
 angry impulses with most of us became therefore deeds 
 with them. Before a man condemns 'Nero as a different 
 species of being from himself, he should examine his own secret 
 thoughts very carefully. Nero became intensely unpopular in 
 Eome, and it is interesting to note that he became unpopular 
 not because he murdered and poisoned his intimate relations, 
 but because there was an insurrection in Britain under a 
 certain Queen Boadicea, and the Eoman forces suffered a great 
 disaster (61 a.d.), and because there was a destanictive earth- 
 quake in Southern Italy. The Eoman population, true to its 
 Etruscan streak, never religiotis and always superstitious, did 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 455 
 
 not mind a wicked Csesar, but it did object strongly to an 
 unpropitious one. The Spanish legions rose in insurrection 
 under an elderly general of seventy-three, Galba, whom they 
 acclaimed emperor. He advanced upon Rome carried in 
 a litter. Nero, hopeless of support, committed suicide 
 
 (68 A.D.). 
 
 Galba, however, was only one of a group of would-be em- 
 perors. The generals in command of the Rhine legions, the 
 Palatine troops, and the eastern armies, each attempted to 
 seize power. Rome saw four emperors in a year, Galba, Otho, 
 Vitellus, and Vespasian; the fourth, Vespasian (69-79 a.d.), 
 from the eastern command, had the firmest grip, and held and 
 kept the prize. But with Nero the line of Caesars bom or 
 adopted ended. Casar ceased to be the family name of the 
 Roman emperors and became a title, Divus Csesar, the Caesar 
 god. The monarchy took a step forward towards orientalism by 
 an increased insistence upon the worship of the ruler. 
 
 Vespasian (69 to 79 a.d.) and his sons Titus (79 a.d.) and 
 Domitian (81 a.d.) constitute, as it were, a second dynasty, 
 the Flavian; then after the assassination of Domitian came 
 a group of emperors related to one another not by blood, but 
 by adoption, the adoptive emperors. Nerva (96 a.d.) was the 
 first of this line, and Trajan (98 a.d.) the second. They were 
 followed by the indefatigable Hadrian (117 a.d.), Antoninus 
 Pius (138. A.D.), and Marcus Aurelius (161 to 180 a.d.). 
 Under both the Flavians and the Antonines the boun- 
 daries of the empire crept forward again. North Britain 
 was annexed in 84 a.d., the angle of the Rhine and 
 Danube was filled in, and what is now Transylvania was made 
 into a new province, Dacia. Trajan also invaded Parthia 
 and annexed Armenia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia. Under his 
 rule the empire reached its maximum extent. Hadrian, his 
 successor, was of a cautious and retractile disposition. He aban- 
 doned these new eastern conquests of Trajan's, and he also 
 abandoned North Britain. He adopted the Chinese idea of 
 the limiting wall against barbarism, an excellent idea so long 
 as the pressure of population on the imperial side of the wall 
 is greater than the pressure from without, but worthless other- 
 wise. He built Hadrian's wall across Britain, and a palisade 
 between the Rhine and the Danube. The full tide of Roman 
 expansion was past, and in the reign of his successor the North 
 
456 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 European frontier was already actively on the defensive against 
 the aggression of Teutonic and Slavic tribes. 
 
 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus is one of those figures in history 
 about vehich men differ widely and intensely. To some critics 
 he seems to have been a priggish person; he dabbled in re- 
 ligions, and took a pleasure in conducting priestly ceremonies 
 in priestly garments" — a disposition offensive to common men 
 —and they resent his alleged failure to restrain the wickedness 
 of his wife Faustina. The stories of his domestic infelicity, 
 however, rest on no very good foundations, though certainly 
 his son Commodus was a startling person for a good home to 
 produce. On the other hand, he was unquestionably a devoted 
 and industrious emperor, holding social order together through 
 a series of disastrous years of vile weather, great floods, failing 
 harvests and famine, barbaric raids and revolts, and at last a 
 terrible universal pestilence. Says T. W. Farrar, quoted in the 
 Encyclopwdia Britannica, "He regarded himself as being, in 
 fact, the servant of all. The registry of the citizens, the sup- 
 pression of litigation, the elevation of public morals, the care 
 of minors, the retrenchment of public expenses, the limitation 
 of gladiatorial games and shows, the care of roads, the restora- 
 tion of senatorial privileges, the appointment of none but worthy 
 magistrates, even the regulation of street traffic, these and 
 numberless other duties so completely absorbed his attention 
 that, in spite of indifferent health, they often kept him at 
 severe labour from early morning till long after midnight. His 
 position, indeed, often necessitated his presence at games and 
 shows; but on these occasions he occupied himself either in 
 reading, or being read to, or in writing notes. He was one 
 of those who held that nothing should be done hastily, and 
 that few crimes were worse than waste of time." 
 
 But it is not by these industries that he is now remembered. 
 He was one of the greatest exponents of the Stoical philosophy, 
 and in his Meditations, jotted down in camp and court, he has 
 put so much of a human soul on record as to raise up for 
 himself in each generation a fresh series of friends and admirers. 
 
 With the death of Marcus Aurelius this phase of unity and 
 comparatively good government came to an end, and his son 
 Commodus inaugurated an age of disorder. Practically the 
 empire had been at peace within itself for two hundred years. 
 
THE C^SAES BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 457 
 
 Now for a hundred years the student of Koman history must 
 master the various criminology of a number of inadequate em- 
 perors, while the frontier crumbled and receded under bar- 
 barian pressure. One or two names only seem to be the names 
 of able men : such were Septimius Severus, Aurelian, and Pro- 
 bus. Septimius Severus was a Carthaginian, and his sister 
 was never able to master Latin, She conducted her Eoman 
 household in the Punic language, which must have made Cato 
 the elder turn in his grave. The rest of the emperors of this 
 period were chiefly adventurers too unimportant to the general 
 scheme of things for us to note. At times there were separate 
 emperors ruling in different parts of the distracted empire. 
 From our present point of view the Emperor Decius, who was 
 defeated and killed during a great raid of the Goths into 
 Thrace in 251 A.r)., and the Emperor Valerian, who, togethel 
 with the great city of Antioch, was captured by the Sassanid 
 Shah of Persia in 260 a.d., are worthy of notice because they 
 mark the insecurity of the whole Eoman system, and the char- 
 acter of the outer pressure upon it. So, too, is Claudius, "the 
 Conqueror of the Goths," because he gained a great victory 
 over these people at Nish in Serbia (270 a.d.), and because he 
 died, like Pericles, of the plague. 
 
 Through all these centuries intermittent pestilences were 
 playing a part in weakening races and altering social condi- 
 tions, a part that has still to be properly worked out by histo- 
 rians. There was, for instance, a great plague throughout the 
 empire between the years 164 and 180 a.d. in the reign of the 
 Emperor Marcus Aurelius. It probably did much to disor- 
 ganize social life and prepare the way for the troubles that fol- 
 lowed the accession of Commodus. This same pestilence dev- 
 astated China, as we shall note in § 4 of this chapter. Con- 
 siderable fluctuations of climate had also been going on in the 
 first and second centuries, producing stresses and shiftings of 
 population, whose force historians have still to appraise. But 
 before we go on to tell of the irruptions of the barbarians and 
 the attempts of such later emperors as Diocletian (284 a.d.) 
 and Oonstantine the Great (312 a.d.) to hold together the heav- 
 ing and splitting vessel of the state, we must describe something 
 of the conditions of human life in the Eoman Empire during 
 its two centuries of prosperity. 
 
458 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 2 
 
 The impatient reader of history may be disposed to count 
 the two centuries of order between 27 b.c. and 180 a.d. as 
 among the wasted opportunities of mankind. It was an age 
 of spending rather than of creation, an age of architecture and 
 trade in which the rich grew richer and the poor poorer and 
 the soul and spirit of man decayed. Looked at superficially, 
 as a man might have looked at it from an aeroplane a couple 
 of thousand feet in the air, there was a considerable flourish 
 of prosperity. Everywhere, from York to Cyrene and from 
 Lisbon to Antioch, he would have noted large and well-built 
 cities, with temples, theatres, amphitheatres, markets, and the 
 like ; thousands of such cities, supplied by great aqueducts and 
 served by splendid high roads, whose stately remains astonish 
 us to this day. He would have noted an abundant cultivation, 
 and have soared too high to discover that this cultivation was 
 the grudging work of slaves. Upon the Mediterranean and the 
 Eed Sea a considerable traflSc would be visible ; and the sight of 
 two ships alongside each other would not at that altitude reveal 
 the fact that one was a pirate and plundering the other. 
 
 And even if the observer came -down to a closer scrutiny, 
 there would still be much accumulated improvement to note. 
 There had been a softening of manners and a general refinement 
 since the days of Julius Caesar. With this there had been a 
 real increase of humane feeling. During the period of the 
 Antonines, laws for the protection of slaves from extreme cruelty 
 came into existence, and it was no longer permissible to sell them 
 to the gladiatorial schools. !N"ot only were the cities outwardly 
 more splendidly built, but within the homes of the wealthy 
 there had been great advances in the art of decoration. The 
 gross feasting, animal indulgence, and vulgar display of the 
 earlier days of Roman prosperity were now tempered by a 
 certain refinement. Dress had become richer, finer, and more 
 beautiful. There was a great trade in silk with remote China, 
 for the mulberry-tree and the silkworm had not yet begun to 
 move west. By the time silk had ended its long and varied 
 journey to Eome it was worth its weight in gold. Yet it was 
 used abundantly, and there was a steady flow of the precious 
 metals eastward in exchange. There had been "very considerable 
 advances in gastronomy and the arts of entertainment. Petro- 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 459 
 
 niua describes a feast given by a wealthy man under the early 
 Caesars, a remarkable succession of courses, some delicious, some 
 amazing, exceeding anything that even the splendours and 
 imagination of modern New York could produce; and the 
 festival was varied by music and by displays of tight-rope 
 dancing, juggling, Homeric recitations, and the like. There 
 was a considerable amount of what we may describe as "rich 
 men's culture" throughout the empire. Books were far more 
 plentiful than they had been before the time of the Csesars. 
 Men prided themselves upon their libraries, even when the cares 
 and responsibilities of property made them too busy to give 
 their literary treasures much more than a passing examination. 
 The knowledge of Greek spread eastward and of Latin west- 
 ward, and if the prominent men of this or that British or 
 Gallic city lacked any profound Greek culture themselves, they 
 could always turn to some slave or other, whose learning had 
 been guaranteed of the highest quality by the slave-dealer, to 
 supply the deficiency. 
 
 The generation of Cato had despised Greeks and the Greek 
 language, but now all that was changed. The prestige of Greek 
 learning of an approved and settled type was as high in the 
 Rome of Antoninus Pius as it was in the Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge of Victorian England. The Greek scholar received the 
 same mixture of unintelligent deference and practical contempt. 
 There was a very considerable amount of Greek scholarship, 
 and of written criticism and commentary. Indeed there was so 
 great an admiration for Greek letters as almost completely 
 to destroy the Greek spirit; and the recorded observations of 
 Aristotle were valued so highly as to preclude any attempt to 
 imitate his organization of further inquiry. It is noteworthy 
 that while Aristotle in the original Greek fell like seed upon 
 stony soil in the Roman world, he was, in Syrian and Arabic 
 translations, immensely stimulating to the Arabic civilization 
 of a thousand years later. Nor were the aesthetic claims of 
 Latin neglected in this heyday of Greek erudition. As Greece 
 had her epics and so forth, the Romans felt that they, too, must 
 have their epics. The age of Augustus was an age of imitative 
 literature. Virgil in the yEneid set himself modestly but reso- 
 lutely, and with an elegant sort of successfulness, to parallel 
 the Odyssey and Iliad. 
 
 All this wide-spread culture of the wealthy householder is to 
 
460 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the credit of the early Eoman Empire, and Gibbon makes the 
 most of it in the sunny review of the age of the Antonines with 
 which he opens his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. His 
 design for that great work demanded a prelude of splendour and 
 tranquillity. But he was far too shrewd and subtle not to 
 qualify his apparent approval of the conditions he describes. 
 "Under the Eoman Empire," he writes, "the labour of an in- 
 dustrious and ingenious people was variously but incessantly 
 employed in the service of the rich. In their dress, their table, 
 their houses, and their furniture, the favourites of fortune united 
 every refinement of convenience, of elegance, and of splendour, 
 whatever could soothe their pride, or gratify their sensuality. 
 Such refinements, under the odious name of luxury, have been 
 severely arraigned by the moralists of every age ; and it might 
 perhaps be more conducive to the virtue, as well as happiness, 
 of mankind; if all possessed the necessaries, and none the super- 
 fluities of life. But in the present imperfect condition of 
 society, luxury, though it may proceed from vice or folly, seems 
 to be the only means that can correct the unequal distribution 
 of property. The diligent mechanic and the skilful artist, 
 who have obtained no share in the division of the earth, receive 
 a voluntary tax from the possessors of land ; and the latter are 
 prompted, by a sense of interest, to improve those estates, with 
 whose produce they may purchase additional pleasure. This 
 operation, the particular effects of which are felt in every soci- 
 ety, acted with much more diffuse energy in the Roman world. 
 The provinces would soon have been exhausted of their wealth, 
 if the manufactures and commerce of luxury had not insen- 
 sibly restored to the industrious subjects the sums which were 
 exacted from them by the arms and authority of Home." 
 And so on, with a sting of satire in every fold of the florid 
 description. 
 
 If we look a little more widely than a hovering aeroplane can 
 do at the movement of races upon the earth, or a little more 
 closely than an inspection of streets, amphitheatres, and ban- 
 quets goes, into the souls and thoughts of men, we shall find 
 that this impressive display of material prosperity is merely 
 the shining garment of a polity blind to things without and 
 things within, and blind to the future. If, for instance, we 
 compare the two centuries of Eoman ascendancy and opportu- 
 nity, the first and second centuries a.d., with the two centuries 
 
THE CJESARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 461 
 
 of Greek and Hellenic life beginning about 466 b.c. with the 
 supremacy of Pericles in Athens, we are amazed by — we can- 
 not call it an inferiority, it is a complete absence of science. The 
 incuriousness of the Eoman rich and the Roman rulers was more 
 massive and monumental even than their architecture. 
 
 In one field of knowledge particularly we might have ex- 
 pected the Eomans to have been alert and enterprising, and 
 that was geography. Their political interests demanded a 
 steadfast inquiry into the state of affairs beyond their fron- 
 tiers, and yet that inquiry was never made. There is prac- 
 tically no literature of Eoman travel beyond the imperial limits, 
 no such keen and curious accounts as Herodotus gives of the 
 Scythians, the Africans, and the like. There is nothing in 
 Latin to compare with the early descriptions of India and 
 Siberia that are to be found in Chinese. The Eoman legions 
 went at one time into Scotland, yet there remains no really 
 intelligent account of Picts or Scots, much less any glance 
 at the seas beyond. Such explorations as those of Hanno or 
 Pharaoh KTecho seem to have been altogether beyond the scope 
 of the Eoman imagination. It is probable that after the de- 
 struction of Carthage the amount of shipping that went out 
 into the Atlantic through the Straits of Gibraltar fell to incon- 
 siderable proportions. Still more impossible in this world of 
 vulgar wealth, enslaved intelligence, and bureaucratic rule was 
 any further development of the astronomy and physiography of 
 Alexandria. The Eomans do not seem even to have inquired 
 what manner of men wove the silk and prepared the spices or 
 collected; the amber and the pearls that came into their mar- 
 kets. Yet the channels of inquiry were open and easy; path- 
 ways led in every direction to the most convenient "jumping-off 
 places" for explorers it is possible to imagine. 
 
 "The most remote countries of the ancient world were ran- 
 sacked to supply the pomp and delicacy of Eome. The forests 
 of Scythia afforded some valuable furs. Amber was brought 
 overland from the shores of the Baltic to the Danube, and the 
 barbarians were astpnished at the price which they received in 
 exchange for so useless a commodity. There was a considerable 
 demand for Babylonian carpets and other manufactures of the 
 East ; but the most important branch of foreign trade was car- 
 ried on with Arabia and India. Every year, about the time of 
 the summer solstice, a fleet of a hundred and twenty vessels 
 
*62 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 sailed from Myos-liomios, a port of Egypt on the Eed Sea. By 
 the periodical assistance of the monsoons, they traversed the 
 ocean in about forty days. The coast of Malabar, or the island 
 of Ceylon, was the usual term of their navigation, and it was 
 in those markets that the merchants from the more remote 
 countries of Asia expected their arrival. The return of the 
 fleet to Egypt was fixed to the months of Diecember or January, 
 and as soon as their rich cargo had been transported, on the 
 backs of camels, from the Red Sea to the Nile, and had de- 
 scended that river as far as Alexandria, it was poured, without 
 delay, into the capital of the empire." ^ 
 
 Yet Eome was content to feast, exact, grow rich, and watch 
 its gladiatorial shows without the slightest attempt to learn 
 anything of India, China, Persia or Scythia, Buddha or Zoro- 
 aster, or about the Huns, the Negroes, the people of Scandi- 
 navia, or the secrets of the western sea. 
 
 When we realize the uninspiring quality of the social atmos- 
 phere which made this indifference possible, we are able to 
 account for the failure of Eome during its age of opportunity 
 to develop any physical or chemical science, and as a conse- 
 quence to gain any increased control over matter. Most of the 
 physicians in Eome were Greeks and many of them slaves — for 
 the Roman wealthy did not even understand that a bought mind 
 is a spoilt mind. Yet this was not due to any want of natural 
 genius among the Eoman people; it was due entirely to their 
 social and economic conditions. Erom the Middle Ages to the 
 present day Italy has produced a great number of brilliant 
 scientific men. And one of the most shrewd and inspired of 
 scientific writers was an Italian, Lucretius, who lived between 
 the time of Marius and Julius Csesar (about 100 b.c. to about 
 55 B.C.). This amazing man was of the quality of Leonardo da 
 Vinci (also an Italian) or Newton. He wrote a long Latin poem 
 about the processes of Nature, De Eerum Naturia,, in which he 
 guessed with astonishing insight about the constitution of matr 
 ter and about the early history of mankind. Osbom in his Old 
 Stone Age quotes with admiration long passages from Lucretius 
 about primitive man, so good and true are they to-day. But this 
 was an individual display, a seed that bore no fruit. Eoman 
 science was still-born into a suffocating atmosphere of vile 
 wealth and military oppression. The true figure to represent 
 
 'Gibbon. 
 
THE CJESARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 463 
 
 the classical Eoman attitude to science is not Lucretius, but 
 that Koman soldier who hacked Archimedes to death at the 
 storming of Syracuse. 
 
 And if physical and biological science wilted and died on 
 the stony soil of Roman prosperity, political and social science 
 never had a chance to germinate. Political discussion would 
 have been treason to the emperor, social or economic inquiry 
 would have threatened the rich. So Rome, until disaster fell 
 upon her, never examined into her own social health, never 
 questioned the ultimate value of her hard officialism. Conse- 
 quently, there was no one who realized the gravity of her failure 
 to develop any intellectual imagination to hold her empire 
 together, any general education in common ideas that would 
 make men fight and work for the empire as men will fight and 
 work for a dear possession. But the rulers of the Roman 
 Empire did not want their citizens to fight for anything in any 
 spirit at all. The rich had eaten the heart out of their general 
 population, and they were content with the meal they had 
 made. The legions were filled with Germans, Britons, ITumid- 
 ians, and the like; and until the very end the wealthy Romans 
 thought they could go on buying barbarians to defend them 
 against the enemy without and the rebel poor within. How 
 little was done in education by the Romans is shown by an 
 account of what was done. Says Mr. H. Stuart Jones, "Julius 
 Caesar bestowed Roman citizenship on 'teachers of the liberal 
 arts'; Vespasian endowed professorships of Greek and Latin 
 oratory at Rome; and later emperors, especially Antoninus 
 Pius, extended the same benefits to the provinces. Local enter- 
 prise and munificence were also devoted to the cause of educa- 
 tion; we learn from the correspondence of the younger Pliny 
 that public schools were founded in the towns of Northern Italy. 
 But though there was a wide diffusion of knowledge under the 
 empire, there was no true intellectual progress. Augustus, it is 
 true,, gathered about him the most brilliant writers of his 
 time, and the debut of the new monarchy coincided with the 
 Golden Age of Roman literature ; but this was of brief duration, 
 and the beginnings of the Christian era saw the triumph of 
 classicism and the first steps in the decline which awaits all 
 literary movements which lock to the past rather than the 
 future." 
 
 There is a diagnosis of the intellectual decadence of the age 
 
464 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 in a treatise upon the sublime by a Greek writer who wrote 
 somewhen in the second, third, or fourth century a.d., and 
 who may possibly have been Longinus Philologus, which states 
 very distinctly one manifest factor in the mental sickness of the 
 Roman world. He is cited by Gibbon : "The sublime Longinus, 
 who, in somewhat a later period and in the court of a Syrian 
 queen, Zenobia, preserved the spirit of ancient Athens, ob- 
 serves and laments the degeneracy of his contemporaries, which 
 debased their sentiments, enervated their courage, and depressed 
 their talents. 'In the same manner,' says he, 'as some children 
 always remain pigmies, whose infant limbs have been too closely 
 confined, thus our tender minds, fettered by the prejudices and 
 habits of a just servitude, are unable to expand themselves or 
 to attain that well-proportioned greatness which we admire in 
 the ancients, who, living under a popular government, wrote 
 with all the same freedom as they acted.' " 
 
 But this critic grasped only one aspect of the restraints 
 upon mental activity. The leading-strings that kept the Koman 
 mind in a permanent state of infantilism constituted a double 
 servitude ; they were economic as well as political. The account 
 Gibbon gives of the life and activities of a certain Herodes 
 Atticus, who lived in the time of Hadrian, shows just how 
 little was the share of the ordinary citizen in the outward mag- 
 nificence of the time. This Atticus had an immense fortune, 
 and he amused himself by huge architectural benefactions to 
 various cities. Athens was given a racecourse, and a theatre of 
 cedar, curiously carved, was set up there to the memory of his 
 wife ; a theatre was built at Corinth, a racecourse was given to 
 Delphi, baths to Thermopylae, an aqueduct to Oanusium, and so 
 on and so on. One is struck by the spectacle of a world of 
 slaves and common people who were not consulted and over 
 whose heads, without any participation on their part, this rich 
 man indulged in his displays of "taste." Numerous inscrip- 
 tions in Greece and Asia still preserve the name of Herodes 
 Atticus, "patron and benefactor," who ranged about the empire 
 as though it was his private garden, conmiemorating himself 
 by these embellishments. He did not confine himself to splendid 
 buildings. He was also a philosopher, though none of his wis- 
 dom has survived. He had a large villa near Athens, and there 
 philosophers were welcome guests so long as they convinced their 
 patron of the soundness of their pretensions, received his dis- 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 465 
 
 courses witli respect, and did not offend him by insolent 
 controversy. 
 
 The world, it is evident, was not progressing during these two 
 centuries of Eoman prosperity. But was it happy in its stagna- 
 tion? There are signs of a very unmistakable sort that the 
 great mass of human beings in the empire, a mass numbering 
 something between a hundred and a hundred and fifty millions, 
 was not happy, was probably very acutely miserable, beneath 
 its outward magnificence. True there were no great wars and 
 conquests within the empire, little of famine or fire or sword 
 to afflict mankind ; but, on the other hand, there was a terrible 
 restraint by government, and still more by the property of 
 the rich, upon the free activities of nearly everyone. Life for 
 the great majority who were neither rich nor official, nor the 
 womankind and the parasites of the rich and oflBcial, must have 
 been laborious, tedious, and lacking in interest and freedom 
 to a degree that a modem mind can scarcely imagine. 
 
 Three things in particular may be cited to sustain the opinion 
 that this period was a period of widespread unhappiness. The 
 first of these is the extraordinary apathy of the population to 
 political events. They saw one upstart pretender to empire 
 succeed another with complete indifference. Such things did 
 not seem to matter to them ; hope had gone. When presently 
 the barbarians poured into the empire, there was nothing but the 
 legions to face them. There was no popular uprising against 
 them at all. Everywhere the barbarians must have been out- 
 numbered if only the people had resisted. But the people did 
 not resist. It is manifest that to the bulk of its inhabitants the 
 Koman Empire did not seem to be a thing worth fighting for. 
 To the slaves and common people the barbarian probably seemed 
 to promise more freedom and less indignity than the pompous 
 rule of the imperial official and grinding employment by the 
 rich. The looting and burning of palaces and an occasional 
 massacre did not shock the folk of the Roman underworld as it 
 shocked the wealthy and cultured people to whom we owe such 
 accounts as we have of the breaking down of the imperial sys- 
 tem. Great numbers of slaves and common people probably 
 joined the barbarians, who knew little of racial or patriotic 
 prejudices, and were openhanded to any promising recruit. No 
 doubt in many cases the population found that the barbarian 
 was a worse infliction even than the tax-gatherer and the slave- 
 
466 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 driver. But tliat discovery came too late for resistance or the 
 restoration of the old order. 
 
 And as a second symptom that points to the same conclusion 
 that life was hardly worth living for the poor and the slaves and 
 the majority of people during the age of the Antonines, we 
 must reckon the steady depopulation of the empire. People 
 refused to have children. They did so, we suggest, hecause 
 their homes were not safe from oppression, because in the case 
 of slaves there was no security that the hushand and wife would 
 not he separated, because there was no pride nor reasonable 
 hope in children any more. In modem states the great breed- 
 ing-ground has always been the agricultural countryside where 
 there is a more or less secure peasantry; but under the Koman 
 Empire the peasant and the small cultivator was either a wor- 
 ried debtor, or he was held in a network of restraints that made 
 him a spiritless serf, or he had been ousted altogether by the 
 gang production of slaves. 
 
 A third indication that this outwardly flourishing period was 
 one of deep unhappiness and mental distress for vast multitudes, 
 is to be found in the spread of new religious movements through- 
 out the population. We have seen how in the case of the little 
 country of Judea a whole nation may be infected by the persua- 
 sion that life is unsatisfactory and wrong, and that something 
 is needed to set it right. The mind of the Jews, as we know, 
 had crystallized about the idea of the Promise of the One True 
 God and the coming of a Saviour or Messiah. Rather different 
 ideas from these were spreading through the Eoman Empire. 
 They were but varying answers to one universal question: 
 "What must we do for salvation?" A frequent and natural 
 consequence of disgust with life as it is, is to throw the imagina- 
 tion forward to an after-life, which is to redeem all the miseries 
 and injustices of this one. The belief in such compensation is 
 a great opiate for present miseries. Egyptian religion had long 
 been saturated with anticipations of immortality, and we have 
 seen how central was that idea to the cult of Serapis and Isis 
 at Alexandria. The ancient mysteries of Demeter and Orpheus, 
 the mysteries of the Mediterranean race, revived and made a 
 sort of theocrasia v?ith these new cults. 
 
 A second great religious movement was Mithraism, a de- 
 velopment of Zoroastrianism, a religion of very ancient Aryan 
 origin, traceable back to the Indo-Iranian people before they 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 467 
 
 split into Persians and Hindus. We cannot here examine its 
 mysteries in any detail.^ Mithras was a god of light, a Sun 
 of Kighteousness, and in the shrines of the cult he was always 
 represented as slaying a sacred bull whose blood was the seed of 
 life. Suffice it that, complicated with many added ingredients, 
 this worship of Mithras came into the Roman Empire about 
 the time of Pompey the Great, and began to spread very widely 
 under the Csesars and Antonines. Like the Isis religion, it 
 promised immortality. Its followers were mainly slaves, sol- 
 diers, and distressed people. In its methods of worship, in the 
 burning of candles before the altar and so forth, it had a certain 
 superficial resemblance to the later developments of the ritual 
 of the third great religious movement in the Eoman world, 
 Christianity. 
 
 Christianity also was a doctrine of immortality and salvation, 
 and it, too, spread at first chiefly among the lowly and unhappy. 
 Christianity has been denounced by modern writers as a "slave 
 religion." It was. It took the slaves and the downtrodden, and 
 it gave them hope and restored their self-respect, so that they 
 stood up for righteousness like men and faced persecution and 
 torment. But of the origins and quality of Christianity we will 
 tell more fully in a later chapter. 
 
 § 3 
 
 We have already shown reason for our statement that the 
 Roman imperial system was a very unsound political growth 
 indeed. It is absurd to write of its statecraft ; it had none. At 
 its best it had a bureaucratic administration which kept the 
 peace of the world for a time and failed altogether to secure it. 
 
 Let us note here the main factors in its failure. 
 
 The clue to all its failure lies in the absence of any free 
 mental activity and any organization for the increase, develop- 
 ment, and application of knowledge. It respected wealth and 
 it despised science. It gave government to the rich, and im- 
 agined that wise men could be bought and bargained for in the 
 slave markets when they were needed. It was, therefore, a 
 colossally ignorant and unimaginative empire. It foresaw 
 nothing. 
 
 It had no strategic foresight, because it was blankly ignorant 
 'See Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, 
 
468 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of geography and ethnology. It knew nothing of the conditions 
 of Eussia, Central Asia, and the East. It was content to keep 
 the Ehine and Danube as its boundaries, and to make no effort 
 to Eomanize Germany. But we need only look at the map of 
 Europe and Asia showing the Roman Empire to see that a will- 
 ing and incorporated Germany was absolutely essential to the 
 life and security of Western Europe. Excluded, Germany be- 
 came a wedge that needed only the impact of the Hunnish ham- 
 mer to split up the whole system. 
 
 Moreover, this neglect to push the boundaries northward to 
 the Baltic left that sea and the North Sea as a region of ex- 
 periment and training and instruction in seamanship for the 
 J^orthmen of Scandinavia, Denmark, and the Frisian coast. 
 But Eome went on its way quite stupidly, oblivious to the growth 
 of a newer and more powerful piracy in the north. 
 
 The same unimaginative quality made the Eomans leave this 
 seaways of the Mediterranean undeveloped. When presently 
 the barbarians pressed down to the warm water, we read of no 
 swift transport of armies from Spain or Africa or Asia to the 
 rescue of Italy and the Adriatic coasts. Instead, we see the 
 Vandals becoming masters of the western Mediterranean with- 
 out so much as a naval battle. 
 
 The Eomans had been held at the Euphrates by an array of 
 mounted archers. It was clear that as the legion was organized 
 it was useless in wide open country, and it should have been 
 equally clear that sooner or later the mounted nomads of east 
 Germany, south Eussia or Parthia were bound to try conclu- 
 sions with the empire. But the Eomans, two hundred years 
 after Caesar's time, were still marching about, the same drilled 
 and clanking cohorts they had always been, easily ridden round 
 and shot to pieces. The empire had learnt nothing even from 
 Carrhse. 
 
 The incapacity of the Eoman imperialism for novelty in 
 methods of transport again is amazing. It was patent that their 
 power and unity depended upon the swift movement of troops 
 and supplies from one part of the empire to another. The re- 
 public made magnificent roads; the empire never improved 
 upon them. Four hundred years before the Antonines, Hero 
 of Alexandria had made the first steam-engine. Beautiful 
 records of such beginnings of science were among the neglected 
 treasures of the rich men's libraries throughout the imperial 
 
THE C^SA&S BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 469 
 
 domains. They were seed lying on stony ground. The armies 
 and couriers of Marcus Aurelius drudged along the roads ex- 
 actly as the armies of Scipio Af ricanus had done thrfee centurie;3 
 before them. 
 
 The Eoman writers were always lamenting the effeminacy 
 of the age. It was their favourite cant. They recognized that 
 the free men of the forest and steppes and desert were harder 
 and more desperate fighters than their citizens, but the natural 
 corollary of developing the industrial power of their accumula- 
 tions of population to make a countervailing equipment never 
 entered their .heads. Instead they took the barbarians into 
 their legions, taught them the arts of war, marched them about 
 the empire, and returned them, with their lesson well learnt, 
 to their own people. 
 
 In view of these obvious negligences, it is no wonder that 
 the Romans disregarded that more subtle thing, the soul of the 
 empire, altogether, and made no effort to teach or traiu or win 
 its common people into any conscious participation with its 
 life. Such teaching or training would indeed have run counter 
 to all the ideas of the rich men and the imperial officials. They 
 had made a tool of religion; science, literature, and education 
 they had entrusted to the care of slaves, who were bred and 
 trained and sold like dogs or horses; ignorant, pompous, and 
 base, the Roman adventurers of finance and property who cre- 
 ated the empire, lorded it with a sense of the utmost security 
 while their destruction gathered without the empire and within. 
 
 By the second and third centuries a.d. the overtaxed and 
 overstrained imperial machine was already staggering towards 
 its downfall. 
 
 § 4 
 
 And now it is necessary, if we are to understand clearly the 
 true situation of the Roman Empire, to turn our eyes to the 
 world beyond its northern and eastern borders, the world of 
 the plains, that stretches, with scarcely a break, from Holland 
 across Germany and Russia to the mountains of Central Asia 
 and Mongolia, and to give a little attention to the parallel em- 
 pire in China that was now consolidating and developing a 
 far tougher and more enduring moral and intellectual unity 
 than the Romans ever achieved. 
 
470 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "It is the practice," says Mr. E. H. Parker, "even amongst 
 our most highly educated men in Europe, to deliver sonorous 
 sentences about being 'masters of the world,' 'bringing all na- 
 tions of the earth under her sway,' and so on, when in reality 
 only some corner of the Mediterranean is involved, or some 
 ephemeral sally into Persia and Gaul. Cyrus and Alexander, 
 Darius and Xerxes, Caesar and Pompey, all made very interest- 
 ing excursions, but they were certainly not on a larger scale 
 or charged with greater human interest than the campaigns 
 which were going on at the other end of Asia. Western civiliza- 
 tion possessed much in art and science for which China never 
 cared, but, on the other hand, the Chinese developed a historical 
 and critical literature, a courtesy of demeanour, a luxury of 
 clothing, and an administrative system of which Europe might 
 have been proud. In one word, the history of the Far East is 
 quite as interesting as that of the Ear West. It only requires 
 to be able to read it. When we brush away contemptuously 
 from our notice_ the tremendous events which took place on the 
 plains of Tartary, we must not blame the Chinese too much for 
 declining to interest themselves in the doings of what to them 
 appear insignificant states dotted round the Mediterranean and 
 Caspian, which, at this time, was practically all the world of 
 which we knew in Europe." ^ 
 
 We have already mentioned (in Cha.p. XIV and elsewhere) 
 the name of Shi Hwang-ti, who consolidated an empire much 
 smaller, indeed, than the present limits of China, but still 
 very great and populous, spreading from the valleys of the 
 Hwang-ho and the Yang-tse. He became king of Ch'in in 246 
 B.C. and emperor in 220 B.C., and he reigned until 210 b.c, 
 and during this third of a century he effected much the same 
 work of consolidation that Augustus Casar carried out in Home 
 two centuries later. At his death there was dynastic trouble 
 for four years, and then (206 b.c.) a fresh dynasty, the Han, 
 established itself and ruled for two hundred and twenty-nine 
 years. The opening quarter century of the Christian era was 
 troubled by a usurper; then what is called the Later Han 
 Dynasty recovered power and ruled for another century and- a 
 half until China, in the time of the Antonines, was so dev- 
 astated by an eleven-year pestilence as to fall into disorder. 
 This same pestilence, we may note, also helped to produce a 
 ' B. H. Parker, A Thousamd Years of the Tartars. 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 471 
 
472 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 century of confusion in the Western world (see, § 1),.,, But 
 altogether until this happened, for more than four hundred 
 years Central China was generally at peace, and on the whole 
 wen governed, a cycle of strength and prosperity unparalleled 
 by anything in the experience of the Western world. 
 
 Only the first of the Han monarchs continued the policy of 
 Shi Hwang-ti against the literati. His successor restored the 
 classics, for the old separatist tradition was broken, and in the 
 aniformity of learning throughout the empire lay, he saw, the 
 cement of Chinese unity. While the Eoman world was still 
 blind to the need of any universal mental organization, the Han 
 emperors were setting up a uniform system of education and 
 of literary degrees throughout China that has maintained the 
 intellectual solidarity of that great and always expanding coun- 
 try into modem times. The bureaucrats of Kome were of the 
 most miscellaneous origins and traditions; the bureaucrats of 
 China were, and are still, made in the same mould, all mem- 
 bers of one tradition. Since the Han days China has experi- 
 enced great vicissitudes of political fortune, but they have never 
 changed her fundamental character; she has been divided, but 
 she has always recovered her unity; she has been conquered, 
 and she has always absorbed and assimilated her conquerors. 
 
 But from our present point of view, the most important conse- 
 quences of this consolidation of China under Shi Hwang-ti and 
 the Hans was in its reaction upon the unsettled tribes of the 
 northern and western border of China. Throughout the disor- 
 dered centuries before the time of Shi Hwang-ti, the Hiung- 
 nu or Huns had occupied Mongolia and large portions of North- 
 em China, and had raided freely into China and interfered 
 freely in Chinese politics. The new power and organization of 
 the Chinese civilization began to change this state of affairs 
 for good and all. 
 
 We have already, in our first account of Chinese beginnings, 
 noted the existence of these Huns, It is necessary now to ex- 
 plain briefly who and what they were. Even in using this word 
 Hun as a general equivalent for the Hiung-nu, we step' on to 
 controversial ground. In our accounts of the development of 
 the Western world we have had occasion to name the Scythians, 
 and to explain the difficulty of distinguishing clearly between 
 Cimmerians, Sarmatians, Modes, Persians, Parthians, Goths, 
 and other more or less nomadic, more or less Aryan peoples 
 
THE CiESARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 473 
 
 ■who drifted to and fro in a great arc between the Danube and 
 Centml Asia. While sections of the Aryans were moving south 
 and acquiring and developing civilization, these other Aryan 
 peoples were developing mobility and nomadism; they were 
 learning the life of the tent, the wagon, and the herd. They 
 were learning also to use milk as a food basis, and were prob- 
 ably becoming less agricultural, less disposed to take even 
 snatch crops, than they had been. Their development was 
 being aided by a slow change in climate that was replacing the 
 swamps and forests and parklands of South Eussia and Central 
 Asia by steppes, by wide grazing lands that is, which 
 favoured a healthy, unsettled lif e^ and necessitated an an- 
 nual movement between summer and winter pasture. These 
 peoples had only the lowest political forms; they split up, 
 they mingled together; the various races had identical social 
 habits ; and so it is that the difficulty, the impossibility of sharp 
 distinctions between them arises. Now the case of the Mon- 
 golian races to the north and north-west of the Chinese civiliza- 
 tion is very parallel. There can be little doubt that the Hiung- 
 nu, the Huns, and the later people called the Mongols, were 
 all very much the same people, and that the Turks and Tartars 
 presently branched off from this same drifting Mongolian popu- 
 lation. Kalmucks and Buriats are later developments of thfe 
 same strain. Here we shall favour the use of the word "Hun" 
 as a sort of general term for these tribes, just as we have been 
 free and wide in our use of "Scythian" in the West. 
 
 The consolidation of China was a very serious matter for 
 these Hunnish peoples. Hitherto their overflow of population 
 had gone adventuring southward into the disorders of divided 
 China as water goes into a sponge. Now they found a wall 
 built against them, a firm government, and disciplined armies 
 cutting them off from the grass plains. And though the wall 
 held them back, it did not hold back the Chinese. They were 
 increasing and multiplying through these centuries of peace, 
 and as they increased and multiplied, they spread steadily with 
 house and plough wherever the soil permitted. They spread 
 westward into Tibet and northward and north-westwardly, per- 
 haps to the edge of the Gobi desert, They spread into the homes 
 and pasturing and hunting-grounds of the Hunnish nomads, 
 exactly as the white people of the United States spread west- 
 ward into the hunting-grounds of the Eed Indians. And in 
 
474 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 spite of raid and massacre, they were just as invincible because 
 they had the pressure of numbers and a strong; avenging gov- 
 ernment behind them. Even without the latter support the 
 cultivating civilization of China has enormous powers of 
 permeation and extension. It has spread slowly and continu- 
 ously for three thousand years. It is spreading in Manchuria 
 and Siberia to-day. It roots deeply where it spreads. 
 
 Partly the Huns were civilized and assimilated by the Chi- 
 nese. The more northerly Huns were checked and their super- 
 abundant energies were turned westward. The southern Huns 
 were merged into the imperial population. 
 
 If the reader will examine the map of Central Asia, he will 
 see that very great mountain barriers separate the Southern, 
 Western, and Eastern peoples of Asia. (But he should be 
 wary of forming his ideas from a map upon Mercator's projec- 
 tion, which enormously exaggerates the areas and distances of 
 Northern Asia and Siberia.) He will find that from the cen- 
 tral mountain masses three great mountain systems radiate east- 
 ward ; the Himalayas going south-eastward, south of Tibet, the 
 Kuen Lun eastward, north of Tibet, and the Thien Shan north- 
 eastward to join the Altai mountains. Further to the north is 
 the great plain, still steadily thawing and drying. Between 
 the Thien Shan and the Kuen Lun is an area, the Tarim Basin 
 (= roughly Eastern Turkestan), of rivers that never reach 
 the sea, but end in swamps and intermittent lakes. This basin 
 was much more fertile in the past than it is now. The moun- 
 tain barrier to the west of this Tarim Basin is high, but not 
 forbidding; there are many practicable routes downward into 
 Western Turkestan, and it is possible to travel either along the 
 northern foothills of the Kuen Lun or by the Tarim valley 
 westward from China to Kashgar (where the roads converge), 
 and so over the mountains to Kokand, Samarkand, and Bok- 
 hara. Here then is the natural meeting-place in history of 
 Aryan and Mongolian. Here or round by the sea. 
 
 We have already noted how Alexander the Great came to 
 one side of the barrier in 329 b.o. High among the mountains 
 of Turkestan a lake preserves his name. Indeed, so living is 
 the tradition of his great raid, that almost any stone ruin in 
 Central Asia is still ascribed to "Iskander." After this brief 
 glimpse, the light of history upon this region fades again, and 
 when it becomes bright once more it is on the eastern and not 
 
THE CJESARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 475 
 
 upon the ■western side. Far away to the east Shi Hwang-ti had 
 routed the Huns and walled them out of China proper. A por- 
 tion of these people remained in the north of China, a remnant 
 which was destined to amalgamate with Chinese life under the 
 Hans, but a considerable section had turned westward and 
 (second and first centuries b.c.) driven before them a kindred 
 people called the Yueh-Chi, driving them from the eastern to 
 the western extremity of the Kuen Lun, and at last right over 
 the barrier into the once Aryan region of Western Turkestan.^ 
 These Yueh-Chi conquered the slightly Hellenized kingdom of 
 Bactria, and mixed with Aryan people there. Later on these 
 Yueh-Chi became, or were merged with Aryan elements into, a 
 people called the Indo-Scythians, who went on down the Khyber 
 Pass and conquered northern portions of India as far as Benares 
 (100-150 A.D.), wiping out the last vestiges of Hellenic rule 
 in India. This big splash over of the Mongolian races west- 
 ward was probably not the first of such splashes, but it is the 
 first recorded splash. In the rear of the Yueh-Chi were the 
 Huns, and in the rear of the Huns and turning them now north- 
 ward was the vigorous Han Dynasty of China. In the reign 
 of the greatest of the Han monarchs, Wu-Ti (140-86 b.c), the 
 Huns had been driven northward out of the whole of Eastern 
 Turkestan or subjugated, the Tarim Basin swarmed with Chi- 
 nese settlers, and caravans were going over westward with 
 silk and lacquer and jade to trade for the gold and silver of 
 Armenia and Rome. 
 
 The splash over of the Yueh-Chi is recorded, but it is fairly 
 evident that much westward movement of sections of the Hun- 
 nish peoples is not recorded. From 200 b.c. to 200 a.d, the 
 Chinese Empire maintained a hard, resolute, advancing front 
 towards nomadism, and the surplus of the nomads drifted 
 steadily west. There was no such settling down behind a final 
 frontier on the part of the Chinese as we see in the case of the 
 Romans at the Ehine and Danube. The drift of the nomads 
 before this Chinese thrust, century by century, turned south- 
 ward at first towards Bactria. The Parthians of the first cen- 
 tury B.C. probably mingled Scythian and Mongolian elements. 
 The "singing arrows" that destroyed the army of Crassua came, 
 
 'Even in Eastern Turkestan there are still strong evidences of Nordic 
 blood in the physiognomy of the people. Ella and Percy Sykes, Through 
 Deserts and Oases of Central Asia. 
 
m fHE OUTLINE Of MlgTdAY 
 
 it would seem, originally from the Altai and the TMen Shan. 
 After the first century b.c. the line of greater attraction and 
 least resistance lay for a time towards the north of the Caspian. 
 In a century or so all the country known as Western Turkestan 
 was "Mongolized," and so it^ remains to this day. A second 
 great thrust by China began about 75 a.d., and accelerated the 
 westward drift of the nomads. In 102, Pan Ohau, a Chinese 
 general, was sending explorers from his advanced camp upon 
 the Caspian (or, as some authorities say, the Persian Gulf) 
 to learn particulars of the Roman power. But their reports 
 decided him not to proceed. 
 
 By the first century ^.t>. nomadic Mongolian peoples were 
 in evidence upon the eastern boundaries of Europe, already 
 greatly mixed with i^ordic nomads and with uprooted IN'ordic 
 elements from the Caspian-Pamir region. There were Hunnish 
 peoples established between , the Caspian Sea and the Urals. 
 West of them were the Alans, probably also a Mongolian peo- 
 ple with Nordic elements; they had fought against Pompey 
 the Gr^at when he was in Armenia in 65 b.c. These were as 
 yet the furthest westward peoples of the new Mongolian ad- 
 vance, and they made no; further westward push until the fourth 
 century a.d. To the north-west the Finns, a Mongolian people, 
 had long been established as far west as the Baltic. 
 
 West of the Huns, beyond the Don, there were purely Nordic 
 tribes, the Goths. These Goths had spread south-eastward 
 from their region of origin in Scandinavia. They were a Teu- 
 tonic people, and we have already marked them crossing the 
 Baltic in the niap we have given of the earlier distribution of 
 the Aryan-speaking people. These, Gpths continued to move 
 south-eastward across Russia, using the rivers and never for- 
 getting their Baltic watercraft. No doubt they assimilated 
 much Scythian population as they spread down to the Black 
 Sea. In the first century a.d. they were in two main divisions, 
 the Ostrogoths, the east Goths, who were between the Don and 
 the Dnieper, and the Visigoths, or west Goths, west of the 
 Dnieper. During the first century there was quiescence over 
 the great plains, but population was accumulating and the tribes 
 were fermenting. The second and third centuries seem to have 
 been a phase of comparatively moist seasons and abundant 
 grass. Presently in the fourth and fifth centuries the weather 
 
THE CiESARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 477 
 
478 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 grew drier and the grass became scanty and the nomads stirred 
 afresh. 
 
 But it is interesting to not© that in the opening century of 
 the Christian era, the Chinese Empire was strong enough to 
 expel and push off from- itself the surplus of this Mongolian 
 nomadism to the north of it which presently conquered North 
 India and gathered force and mingled with Aryan nomadism, 
 and fell at last like an avalanche upon the weak-backed Koman 
 Empire. 
 
 Before we go on to tell of the blows that now began to fall 
 upon the Eoman Empire and of the efforts of one or two great 
 men to arrest 'the collapce, we may say a few words about the 
 habits and quality of these westward-drifting barbaric Mon- 
 golian peoples who were now spreading from the limits of 
 China' towards the Black and Baltic Seas. It is still the Euro- 
 pean custom to follow the lead of the Roman writers and write 
 of these Huns and their associates as of something incredibly 
 destructive and cruel. But such accounts as we have from the 
 Romans were written in periods of panic, and the Roman could 
 lie about his enemies with a freedom and vigour that must 
 arouse the envy even of the modern propagandist. He could 
 talk of "Punic faith" as a byword for perfidy while committing 
 the most abominable treacheries against Carthage, and his rail- 
 ing accusations of systematic cruelty against this people or 
 that were usually the prelude and excuse for some frightful 
 massacre or enslavement or robbery on his own part. He had 
 quite a modem passion for self-justification. We must remem- 
 ber that these accounts of the savagery and frightfulness of 
 the Huns came from a people whose chief amusement was 
 gladiatorial shows, and whose chief method of dealing with in- 
 surrection and sedition was nailing the offender to a cross to 
 die. From first to last the Roman Empire must have killed 
 hundreds of thousands of men in that way, A large portion 
 of the population of this empire that could complain of the 
 barbarism of its assailants consisted of slaves subject prac- 
 tically to almost any lust or caprice at the hands of their owners. 
 It is well to bear these facts in mind before we mourn the 
 swamping of the Roman Empire by the barbarians as though 
 it was an extinction of all that is fine in life by all that is black 
 and ugly. 
 
 The facta seem to be that the Hunnish peoples were the east- 
 
THE CiESARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 479 
 
 em equivalent of the primitive Aryans, and that, in spite of 
 their profound racial and linguistic differences, they mixed 
 vpith the nomadic and semi-nomadic residuum of the Aryan- 
 speaking races north of the Danube and Persia very easily and 
 successfully. Instead of killing, they enlisted and intermarried 
 vfiih. the peoples they invaded. They had that necessary gift 
 for all peoples destined to political predominance, tolerant 
 assimilation. They came rather later in time, and their 
 nomadic life was more highly developed than that of the primi- 
 tive Aryans. The primitive Aryans were a forest and ox-wagon 
 people who took to the horse later. The Hunnish peoples had 
 grown up with the horse. Somewhen about 1200 or 1000 
 years b.c. they began to ride the horse. The bit, the saddle, 
 the stirrup, these are not primitive things, but they are neces- 
 sary if man and horse are to keep going for long stxetches. It 
 is well to bear in mind how modem a thing is riding. Alto- 
 gether man has not been in the saddle for much more than three 
 thousand years. ^ We have already noted the gradual appear- 
 ance of the war-chariot, the mounted man, and finally of dis- 
 ciplined cavalry in this history. It was from the Mongolian 
 regions of Asia that these things came. To this day men in 
 Central Asia go rather in the saddle than on their proper feet. 
 Says Eatzel,^ "Strong, long-necked horses are found in enor- 
 mous numbers on the steppes. For Mongols and Turcomans 
 riding is not a luxury; even the Mongol shepherds tend their 
 flocks on horseback. Children are taught to ride in early youth ; 
 and the boy of three years old often takes his first riding-lesson 
 on a safe child's saddle and makes quick progress." 
 
 It is impossible to suppose that the Huns and the Alans could 
 have differed very widely in character from the present nomads 
 of the steppe regions, and nearly all observers are agreed in 
 describing these latter as open and pleasant people. They 
 are thoroughly honest and free-spirited. "The character of 
 the herdsmen of Central Asia," says Eatzel,^ "when unadul- 
 terated, is ponderous eloquence, frankness, rough good-nature, 
 pridcj but also indolence, irritability, and a tendency to vin- 
 dictiveness. Their faces show a considerable share of frankness 
 
 *See Koger Pocock, Horses, a very interesting and picturesque littl* 
 book. 
 • The History of Mankind, book v., C. 
 "Ibid. 
 
480 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 combined with amusing naivete,., . . Their courage is rather 
 a sudden blaze of pugnacity than cold boldness. Keli^oTjs 
 fanaticism they have none. Hospitality is universal." This is 
 not an entirely disagreeable picture. Their personal bearing, 
 he says further, is quieter and more dignified than that of the 
 townsmen of Turkestan and Persia. Add to this that the 
 nomadic life prevents any great class inequalities or any ex- 
 tensive development of slavery. 
 
 Of course these peoples out of Asia were totally illiterate and 
 artistically undeveloped. But we must not suppose, on that 
 account, that they were primitive barbarians, and that their 
 state of life was at the level from which the agricultural civili- 
 zation had long ago arisen. It was not. They, too, had de- 
 veloped, but they, had developed along a diiferent line, a line 
 with less intellectual complication, more personal dignity per- 
 haps, and certainly with a more intimate contact with /wind 
 and sky. 
 
 § 5 
 
 The first, serious irruptions of the German tribes into the 
 Roman Empire began in the third century with the decay of 
 the central power. We will not entangle the reader here with 
 the vexed and intricate question of the names, identity, and 
 inter-relationships of the various Germanic tribes. Historians 
 find great difiiculties in keeping them distinct, and these 
 difficulties,! are enhanced by the fact that they them- 
 selves took little care to keep themselves distinct. We find in 
 236 A.D. a people called the Franks breaking bounds upon the 
 Lower Ehine, and another, the Alamanni, pouring into Alsace. 
 A much more serious push southward was. that of the Goths. 
 We have already noted the presence of these people in South 
 Russia, and their division by the Dnieper into Western and 
 Eastern Goths. They had become a maritime people again 
 upon the Black Sea — probably their traditional migration from 
 Sweden was along the waterways, for it is still possible to row 
 a boat, with only a few quite practicable, portages, from the 
 Baltic right across Russia to either the Black or Caspian Sea 
 — :and they had wrested the command of the, eastern seas from 
 the control of Rome. They were presently raiding the shores 
 of Greece. They also crossed the Danube in a great lanci raid 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 481 
 
 in 247, and defeated and killed the Emperor Decius in what is 
 now Serbia. The province of Dacia vanished from Roman 
 history. In 270 they were defeated at Nish in Serbia by 
 Claudius, and in 276 they were raiding Pontus. It is char- 
 acteristic of the invertebrate nature of the empire that the 
 legions of Gaul found that the most effective method of deal- 
 ing with the Franks and the Alamanni at this time was by 
 setting up a separate emperor in Gaul and doing the job by 
 themselves. 
 
 Then for a while the barbarians were held, and the Emperor 
 Probus in 276 forced the Franks and the Alamanni back over 
 the Ehine. But it is significant of the general atniosphere 
 of insecurity created by these raids that Aurelian (270-275) 
 fortified Rome, which had been an open and secure city for all 
 the earlier years of the empire. 
 
 In 321 A.D. the Goths were again over the Danube, plunder- 
 ing what is now Serbia and Bulgaria. They were driven back 
 by Coiistantine the Great, of whom we shall have more to tell 
 in the next chapter. About the end of his reign (337 a.d.) 
 the Vandals, a people closely kindred to the Goths, being pressed 
 by them, obtained permission to cross the Danube into Pan- 
 nonia, which is now that part of Hungary west of the river. 
 
 But by the middle of the fourth century the Hunnish people 
 to the east were becoming aggressive again. They had long 
 subjugated the Alani, and now they made the Ostrogoths, the 
 east Goths, tributary. The Visigoths (or west Goths) followed 
 the example of the Vandals, and made arrangements to cross 
 the Danube into Roman territory. There was some dispute 
 upon the terms of this settlement, and the Visigoths, growing 
 fierce, assumed the offensive, and at Adrianople defeated the 
 Emperor Valens, who was killed in this battle. " They were 
 then allowed to settle in what \a now Bulgaria, and their army 
 became nominally a Roman army, though they retained their 
 own chiefs, the foremost of whom was Alaric. It exhibits 
 the complete "barbarization" of the Roman empire that had 
 already occurred, that the chief opponent of Alaric the Goth, 
 Stilicho, was a Pannonian Vandal. The legions in Gaul were 
 under the command of a Frank, and the Emperor Theodosius I 
 (emp. 379-395) was a Spaniard chiefly supported by Gothic 
 auxiliaries. 
 
 The empire was now splitting finally into an eastern (Greek- 
 
482 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 speaking) and a western (Latin-speaking) half. Theodosius 
 the Great was succeeded by his sons Arcadius at Constanti- 
 nople and Honorius at Kavenna. Alaric made a puppet of the 
 eastern monarch and Stilicho of the western. Huns now first 
 appear within the empire as auxiliary troops enlisted under 
 Stilicho. In this struggle of East and West, the frontier — -if 
 we can still speak of a frontier between the unauthorized bar- 
 barian without and the barbarian in employment within — gave 
 way. Fresh Vandals, more Goths, Alans, Suevi, marched freely 
 westward, living upon the country.. Amidst this confusion 
 occurred a crowning event. Alaric the Goth marched down 
 Italy, and after a short siege captured Rome (410). 
 
 By 425 or so, the Vandals (whom originally we noted in 
 East Germany) and a portion of the Alani (whom we first 
 mentioned in South-east Eussia) had traversed Gaul and the 
 Pyrenees, and had amalgamated and settled in the south of 
 Spain. There were Huns in possession of Pannonia and Goths 
 in Dalmatia. Into Bohemia and Moravia came and settled a 
 Slavic people, the Czechs (451). In Portugal and north of 
 the Vandals in Spain were Visigoths and Suevi. Gaul was 
 divided among Visigoths, Franks, and Burgundians. Britain 
 was being invaded by Low German tyibes, the Jutes, Angles 
 and Saxons, before whom the Keltic British of the south-west 
 were flying across the sea to what is now Brittany in France. 
 The usual date given for this invasion is 449, but it was prob- 
 ably earlier.^ And as the result of intrigues between two im- 
 perial politicians, the Vandals of the south of Spain, under 
 their king Genseric, embarked en masse for E'orth Africa (429), 
 became masters of Carthage (439), secured the mastery of the 
 sea, raided, captured, and pillaged Eome (455), crossed into 
 Sicily, and -set up a kingdom in West Sicily, which endured 
 there for a hundred years (up to 534). At the time of its 
 greatest extent (477) this Vandal kingdom included also 
 Corsica, Sardinia, and the Balearic Isles, as well as much of 
 North Africa. 
 
 About this Vandal kingdom facts and figures are given that 
 show very clearly the true nature of these barbarian irruptions. 
 They were not really the conquest and replacement of one peo- 
 ple or race by another; what happened was something very 
 different it was a social revolution started and masked by a 
 
 »E. B. 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 48» 
 
484 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Superficial foreign conquest. The whole Vandal nation, men, 
 Women, and children, that came from Spain to Africa, for 
 example, did not number more than eighty thousand souls. 
 We know this because we have particulars of the transport 
 problem. In their struggle for ]!^orth Africa, Dr. Schurtz tells 
 us,^ "there is no trace of any serious resistance offered by the 
 inhabitants; Boniface (the Koman governor of North Africa) 
 had defended Hippo with Gothic mercenaries, while the native 
 population lent no appreciable assistance, and the nomad tribes 
 of the country either adopted a dubious attitude or availed them- 
 selves of the difficulties of the Roman governor to make attacks 
 and engage in predatory expeditions. This demoralization re- 
 sulted from social conditions, which had perhaps developed more 
 unfavourably in Africa than in other parts of the Eoman Em- 
 pire. The free peasants had long ago become the serfs of the 
 great landed proprietors, and were little superior in position to 
 the masses of slaves who were everywhere to be found. And 
 the great landowners had become in their turn easy victims 
 >f the policy of extortion followed by unscrupulous governors 
 to an increasingly unprecedented extent in proportion as the 
 dignity of the imperial power sank lower. No man who had 
 anything to lose would how take a place in the senate of the 
 large towns, which had once been the goal of the ambitious, 
 for the senators were required to make up all deficiencies in the 
 revenue, and such deficiencies were now frequent and consider- 
 able. . . . Bloody insurrections repeatedly broke out, always 
 traceable ultimately to the pressure of taxation. . . ." 
 
 Manifestly the Yandals came in as a positive relief to such 
 a system. They exterminated the great landownerSj wiped out 
 all debts to Eoman money-lenders, and abolished the last ves- 
 tiges of military service. The cultivators found themselves 
 better off; the minor officials kept their places; it was not so 
 much a conquest as a liberation from an intolerable deadlock. 
 
 It was while the Vandals were still in Africa that a great 
 leader, Attila, arose among the Huns. The seat of his govern- 
 ment was in the plains east of the Danube. For a time he 
 swayed a considerable empire of Hunnish and Germanic tribes, 
 and his rule stretched from the Rhine into Central Asia. He 
 negotiated on equal terms with the Chinese emperor. He 
 bullied Ravenna and Constantinople for ten years, Honoria, 
 
 «In Hamolt'8 History of the World. 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 485 
 
 the grand-daughter of Theodosius II, Emperor of the Eastern 
 empire, one of those passionate yonng ladies who cause so much 
 trouble in the world, having been put under restraint because 
 of a love affair with a court chamberlain, sent her ring to 
 Attila and called upon him to be her husband and deliverer. 
 He was also urged to attack the Eastern empire by Genseric 
 the Vandal, who was faced by an alliance of the Western and 
 Eastern emperors. He raided southward to the very walls of 
 Constantinople, completely destroying, says Gibbon, seventy 
 cities in his progress, and forcing upon the emperor an onerous 
 peace, which apparently did not involve the liberation of 
 Honoria to her hero. 
 
 At this distance of time we are unable to guess at the motives 
 for this omission. Attila continued to speak of her as his 
 affianced bride, and to use the relationship as a pretext for 
 aggressions. In the subsequent negotiations a certain Priscus 
 accompanied an embassy to the camp of the Hunnish monarch, 
 and the fragments that still survive of the narrative he wrote 
 give us a glimpse of the camp and way of living of the great 
 conqueror. 
 
 The embassy was itself a curiously constituted body. Its 
 head was Maximin, an honest diplomatist who went in good 
 faith. Quite unknown to him and, at the time, to Priscus, 
 Vigilius, the interpreter of the expedition, had also a secret 
 mission from the court, of Theodosius which was to secure by 
 bribery the assassination of Attila. The little expedition went 
 by way of Nish ; it crossed the Danube in canoes, dug out of a 
 single tree, and it was fed by contributions from the villages 
 on the route. Differences in dietary soon attracted the atten- 
 tion of the envoys. Priscus mentions mead in the place of wine, 
 millet for corn, and a drink either distilled ^ or brewed from 
 badey. The journey through Hungary will remind the reader 
 in many of its incidents of the journeys of travellers in Central 
 Africa during the Victorian period. The travellers were 
 politely offered temporary wives. 
 
 Attila's capital was rather a vast camp and village than a 
 town. There was only one building of stone, a bath constructed 
 on the Roman model. The mass of the people were in huts and 
 tents; Attila and his leading men lived in timber palaces in 
 great stockaded enclosures with their numerous wives and min- 
 
 > Gibbon. 
 
486 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 isters about them. There was a vast display of loot, but Attila 
 himself affected a nomadic simplicity ; he was served in wooden 
 cups and platters, and never touched bread. He worked hard, 
 kept open court before the gate of his palace, and was commonly 
 in the saddle. The primitive custom of both Aryans and Mon- 
 gols of holding great feasts in hall still held good, and there 
 was much hard drinking. Priscus describes how bards chanted 
 before Attila. They "recited the verses which they had com- 
 posed, to celebrate his valour and his victories. A profound 
 silence prevailed in the hall, and the attention of the guests 
 was captivated by the vocal harmony, which revived and per- 
 petuated the memory of their own exploits; a martial ardour 
 flashed from the eyes of the warriors, who were impatient for 
 battle ; and the tears of the old men expressed their generous 
 despair, that they could no longer partake the danger and glory 
 of the field. This entertainment, which might be considered 
 as a school of military virtue, wa^ succeeded by a farce that 
 debased the dignity of human nature. A Moorish and Scythian 
 buffoon successively excited the mirth of the rude spectators by 
 their deformed figures, ridiculous dress, antic gestures, absurd 
 speeches, and the strange, unintelligible confusion of the Latin, 
 the Gothic, and the Hunnish languages, and the hall resounded 
 with loud and licentious peals of laughter. In the midst of 
 this intemperate riot, Attila alone, without change of counte- 
 nance, maintained his steadfast and inflexible gravity." ^ 
 
 Although Attila was aware, through the confession of the 
 proposed assassin, of the secret work of Vigilius, he allowed 
 this embassy to return in safety, with presents of numerous 
 horses and the like, to Constantinople. Then he despatched an 
 ambassador to Theodosius II to give that monarch, as people 
 say, a piece of his mind. "Theodosius," said the envoy, "is 
 the son of an illustrious and respectable parent; Attila, like- 
 wise, is descended from a noble race; and he has supported, by 
 his actions the dignity which he inherited from his father 
 Munzuk. But Theodosius has forfeited his parental honours, 
 and, by consenting to pay tribute, has degraded himself to the 
 condition of a slave. It is therefore just that he should rever- 
 ence the man whom fortune and merit have placed above him ; 
 instead of attempting, like a wicked slave, clandestinely to 
 conspire against his master." 
 
 ' Gibbons. 
 
THE CiESARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 487 
 
 This straightforward hullyiug was met ,hy abject submission. 
 The emperor sued for pardon, and paid a great ransom. 
 
 In 451 Attila declared war on the western empire. He 
 invaded Gaul. So far as the imperial forces were concerned, 
 he had things all his own way, and he sacked most of the towns 
 of France as far south as Orleans. Then the Franks and 
 Visigoths and the imperial forces united against him, and a 
 great and obstinate battle at Troyes (451), in which over 
 150,000 men were killed on both sides, ended in his repulse 
 and saved Europe from a Mongolian overlord. This disaster 
 by no means exhausted Attila's resources. He turned his at- 
 tention southward, and overran North Italy. He burnt Aquileia 
 and Padua, and looted Milan, but he made peace at the entreaty 
 of Pope Leo I. He died in 453. . . . 
 
 Hereafter the Huns, so far as that name goes in Europe, the 
 Huns of Attila, disappeared out of history. They dissolve into 
 the, surrounding populations. They were probably already much 
 mixed, and rather Aryan than Mongolian. They did not be- 
 come, as one might suppose, the inhabitants of Hungary, though 
 they have probably left many descendants there. About a hun- 
 dred years after came another Hunnish or mixed people, the 
 Avars, out of the east into Hungary, but these were driven out 
 eastward again by Charlemagne in 791-5. The Magyars, the 
 modem Hungarians, came westward later. They were a 
 Turko-Finnish people. The Magyar is a language belonging to 
 the Finno-TJgrian division of the Ural-Altaic tongues. The 
 Magyars were on the Volga about 550. They settled in Hun- 
 gary about 900. . . . But we are getting too far on in our 
 story, and we must return to Eome. 
 
 In 493 Theodoric, a Goth, became King of Kome, but already 
 for seventeen years there had been no Eoman emperor. So 
 it was in utter social decay and collapse that the great slave- 
 holding "world-ascendancy" of the God-Gsesars and the rich 
 men of Eome came to an end. 
 
 § 6 
 
 But though throughout the whole of Western Europe and 
 North Africa the Eoman imperial system had collapsed, though 
 credit had vanished, luxury production had ceased and money 
 was hidden, though creditors were going unpaid and slaves 
 
4,88 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 masterless, the tradition of the Csesars was still being carried 
 on in Constantinople. We have already had occasion to men- 
 tion as two outstanding figures among the late Csesars, Diocle- 
 tian (284) and Constantine the Great (312), and it was to 
 the latter of these that the world owes the setting up of a fresh 
 imperial centre at Constantinople. Very early during the im- 
 perial period the unsuitability of the position of Home as a 
 world capital, due to the Eoman failure to use the sea, was felt. 
 
 <?^:ea5tekn: tudma-k -empire dv^joo^^ 
 
 of Ifalif ft' 5i.cili{ , & nom- 
 tnallir jitbiect ■tb'tiw 
 
 I'he destruction of Carthage and Corinth had killed the ship- 
 ping of the main Mediterranean sea-routes. For a people who 
 did not use the sea properly, having the administrative centre 
 at Rome meant that every legion, every draft of officials, every 
 order, had to travel northward for half the length of Italy 
 before it could turn east or west. Consequently nearly all the 
 more capable emperors set up their headquarters at some sub- 
 ordinate centre in a more convenient position. Sirmium (on 
 the Eiver Save), Milan, Lyons, and Nicomedia (in Bithynia) 
 were among such supplementary capitals. For a time under 
 Diocletian, Durazzo was the imperial capital. Ravenna, near 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 489 
 
 the head of the Adriatic, was the capital of the last Koman 
 emperors in the time of Alaric and Stilicho. 
 
 It was Constantine the Great who determined upon the 
 permanent transfer of the centre of imperial power to the 
 Bosphorus. We have already noted the existence of the city 
 of Byzantium, which Constantine chose to develop into his new 
 capital. It played a part in the story of the intricate Histiseus 
 (Chap, xxi, § 4) ; it repulsed. Philip of Macedon (Chap, xxiii, 
 § 3). If the reader will examine its position, he will see that 
 in the hands of a line of capable emperors, and as the" centre 
 of a people with some solidarity and spirit and seacraft (neither 
 of which things were vouchsafed to it), it was extraordinarily 
 well plated. Its galleys could have penetrated up the rivers 
 to the heart of Russia and outflanked every barbarian advance. 
 It commanded practicable trade routes to the east, and it was 
 within a reasonable striking distance of Mesopotamia, Egypt, 
 Greece, and all the more prosperous and' civilized regions of 
 the world at that period. And even under the rule of a series 
 of inept monarchs and under demoralized social conditions, the 
 remains of the Eotnan Empire centring at Constantinople held 
 out, for nearly a thousand years. 
 
 It was the mianifest intention of Constantine the Great that 
 Constantinople should be the centre of an undivided empire. 
 But having regard to the methods of travel and transport avail- 
 able at the time, the geographical conditions of Europe and 
 Western Asia do not point to any one necessary centre of govern- 
 ment. If Eome faced westward instead of eastward, and so 
 failed to reach out beyond the Euphrates, Constantinople on 
 the other hand was hopelessly remote from Gaul. The enfeebled 
 Mediterranean civilization, after a certain struggle for Italy, 
 did in fact let go of the west altogether and concentrated upon 
 what were practically the central vestiges, the stump, of the 
 empire of Alexander. The Greek language resumed its sway, 
 which had never been very seriously undermined by the official 
 use of Latin. This "Eastern" or Byzantine empire is generally 
 spoken of as if it were a continuation of the Roman tradition. 
 It is really far more like a resumption of Alexander's. 
 
 The Latin language had not the intellectual vigour behind it. 
 it had not the literature and the science, to make it a neces- 
 sity to intelligent men and so to maintain an ascendancy over 
 the Greek. For no language, whatever officialdom may do, 
 
4>90 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
THE C^SARS BETWEEN SEA AND PLAINS 491 
 
 can impose itself in competition with another that can offer 
 the advantages of a great literature or encyclopaedic informa- 
 tion. Aggressive languages must bring gifts, and the gifts of 
 Greek were incomparably greater than the gifts of Latin. The 
 Eastern empire was from the beginnings of its separation Greek- 
 speaking, and a continuation, though a degenerate continua- 
 tion, of the Hellenic tradition. Its intellectual centre was no 
 longer in Greece, but Alexandria. Its mentality was no longer 
 the mentality of free-minded plain-speaking citizens, of the 
 Stagirite Aristotle and the Greek Plato ; its mentality was the 
 mentality of the pedants and of men politically impotent; its 
 philosophy was a pompous evasion of real things, and its scien- 
 tific impulse was dead. Nevertheless, it was Hellenic and not 
 Latin. The Eoman had come, and he had gone again. Indeed 
 he had gone very extensively from the west also. By the sixth 
 century a.d. the populations of Europe and North Africa had 
 been stirred up like sediment. When presently in the seventh 
 and eighth centuries the sediment begins to settle down again 
 and populations begin to take on a definite localized character, 
 the Koman is only to be found by name in the region about 
 Home. Over large parts of his Western empire we find changed 
 and changing modifications of his Latin speech ; in Gaul, where 
 the Frank is learning a Gallic form of Latin and evolving 
 French in the process; in Italy, where, under the influence of 
 Teutonic invaders, the Lombards and Goths, Latin is being 
 modified into various Italian dialects ; in Spain and Portugal, 
 where it is becoming Spanish and Portuguese. The funda- 
 mental Latinity of the languages in these regions serves to re- 
 mind us of the numerical unimportance of the various Prankish, 
 Vandal, Avar, Gothic, and the like German-speaking invaders, 
 and serves to justify our statement that what happened to the 
 Western empire was not so much conquest and the replacement 
 of one population by another as a political and social revolu- 
 tion. The district of Valais in South Switzerland also retained 
 a fundamentally Latin speech and so did the Canton Grisons ; 
 and, what is more curious and interesting, is that in Dacia and 
 Moesia Inferior, large parts of which to the north of the Danube 
 became the modern Eoumania (=Eomania), although these 
 regions were added late to the empire and lost soon, the Latin 
 speech also remained. 
 
 In Britain Latin was practically wiped out by the conquering 
 
492 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Anglo-Saxons, from among wliose various dialects the root stock 
 of English presently grew. 
 
 But while the siliashing. of the Koman social and political 
 structure was thus complete, while in the east it was thrown 
 off by the older and stronger Hellenic tradition, and while 
 in the west it was broken up into fragments that began to take 
 on a new and separate life of their own, there was one thing 
 that did not perish, but grew, and that was the tradition of 
 the world empire of Rome and of the supremacy of the Caesars. 
 When the reality was destroyed, the legend had freedom to 
 expand. Removed from the possibility of verification, the idea 
 of a serene and splendid Roman world-supremacy grew up in 
 the imagination of mankind, and still holds it to this day. 
 
 Ever since the time of Alexander, human thought has been 
 haunted by the possible political unity of the race. All the 
 sturdy chiefs and leaders and kings of the barbarians, who 
 raided through the prostrate but vast disorder of the decayed 
 empire, were capable of conceiving of some mighty king of 
 kings greater than themselves and giving a real law for all 
 men, and they were ready to believe that elsewhere in space 
 and time, and capable of returning presently to resume his 
 supremacy, Caesar had been such a king of kings. Far above 
 their own titles, therefore, they esteemed and envied the title 
 of Caesar. The international history of Europe from this time 
 henceforth is largely the story of kings and adventurers setting 
 up to be Caesar and Imperator (Emperor). We shall tell of 
 some of them in their places. So universal did this "Caesaring" 
 become, that the Great War of 1914-18 mowed down no fewer 
 than four Caesars, the German Kaiser (= Caesar), the Austrian 
 Kaiser, the Tsar (^ Caesar) of Russia, and that fantastic figure, 
 the Tsar of Bulgaria. The French "Imperator" (Napoleon 
 III) had already fallen in 1871. There is now (1920) no one 
 left in the world to carry on the Imperial title or the tradition 
 of Divus Caesar except the Turkish Sultan and the British mon- 
 arch. The former commemorates his lordship over Constanti- 
 nople as Kaisar-i-EoTjm ; the latter is called the Caesar of India 
 (a country no real Caesar ever looked upon), Kaisar-i-Hind. 
 
XXIX 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS, THE KISE, AND THE DIVISIONS 
 OF CHKISTIANITY 
 
 § 1. Jiuiea at the Christian Era. § 2. The Teachingis of Jesus 
 of Nazareth. § 3. The New Universal Religions. §■ 4. 
 
 • The Crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth. § 5. Doctrines 
 Added to the Teachings of Jesus. § 6. The Struggles and 
 Persecutions of Christianity. § Y. Constantine the Great. 
 § 8. The Establishment of Official Christianity. § 9. The 
 Map of Europe, A. Z>.-500. § 10. The Salvation of Learn- 
 ing hy Christianity. 
 
 BEFORE we can understand the qualities of Christianity, 
 ■which must now play a large part in our history, and 
 which opened men's eyes to fresh aspects of the possi- 
 bility of a unified world, we must go back some centuries and 
 tell of the condition of affairs in Palestine and Syria, in which 
 countries Christianity arose. We have already told the main 
 facts about the origin of the Jewish nation and tradition, about 
 the Diaspora, about the fundamentally scattered nature of 
 •Jewry even from the beginning, and the gradual development of 
 the idea of one just God ruling the earth and bound by a special 
 promise to preserve and bring to honour the Jewish people. The 
 Jewish idea was and is a curious combination of theological 
 breadth and an intense racial patriotism. The Jews looked 
 for a special saviour, a Messiah, who was to redeem mankind 
 by the agreeable process of restoring the fabulous glories of 
 David and Solomon, and bringing the whole world at last under 
 the benevolent but firm Jewish heel. As the political power 
 of the Semitic peoples declined, as Carthage followed Tyre 
 into the darkness and Spain became a Eoman province, this 
 dream grew and spread. There can be little doubt that the 
 scattered Phoenicians in Spain and Africa and throughout the 
 
 493 
 
494, THE. OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Mediterranean, speaking as they did a language closely akin 
 to Hebrew and being deprived of their authentic political rights, 
 became proselytes to Judaism. For phases of vigorous prosely- 
 tism alternated with phases of exclusive jealousy in Jewish 
 history. On one occasion the Idumeans, being conquered, were 
 all forcibly made Jews.^ There were Arab tribes who were 
 Jews in the time of Muhammad, and a Turkish people who 
 were mainly Jews in South Russia in the ninth century. Juda- 
 ism is indeed the reconstructed political ideal of many shattered 
 peoples — ^mainly Semitic. It is to the Phoenician contingent 
 and to Aramean accessions in Babylon that the financial and 
 commercial tradition of the Jews is to be ascribed. But as a 
 result of these coalescences and assimilations, almost every- 
 where in the towns throughout the Eoman Empire, and far 
 beyond it in the east, Jewish communities traded and flourished, 
 and were kept in touch through the Bible, and through a re- 
 ligious and educational organization. The main part of Jewry 
 never was in Judea and had never come out of Judea. . 
 
 Manifestly this intercommunicating series of Judaized com- 
 munities had very great financial and political facilities. They 
 could assemble resources, they could stir up, they could allay. 
 They were neither so abundant nor so civilized as the still more 
 widely diffused Greeks, but they had a tradition of greater 
 solidarity. Greek was hostile to Greek; Jew stood by Jew. 
 Wherever a Jew went, he found men of like mind and like 
 tradition with himself. He could get shelter, food, loans, and 
 legal help. And by reason of this solidarity rulers had every- 
 where to take account of this people as a help, as a source of 
 loans, or as a source of trouble. So it is that the Jews have- 
 persisted as a people while Hellenism has become a universal 
 light for mankind. 
 
 We cannot tell here in any detail the history of that smaller 
 part of Jewry that lived in Judea. These Jews had returned 
 to their old position of danger ; again they were seeking peace 
 in, so to speak, the middle of a highway. In the old time they 
 had been between Syria and Assyria to the north and Egypt to 
 the south; now they had the Seleucids to the north and the 
 Ptolemys to the south, and when the Seleucids went, then down 
 came the Eoman power upon them. The independence of 
 Judea was always a qualified, and precarious thing. The reader 
 
 ' Josephtts. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 
 
 495 
 
 must go to the Antiquities and the Wars of the Jeius of Flavius 
 Josephus, a copious, tedious, and maddeningly patriotic writer, 
 to learn of the succession of their rulers, of their high-priest 
 monarchs, and of 
 the Maccahseans, the 
 Herods and the like. 
 These rulers were 
 for the most part of 
 the ordinary eastern 
 type, cunning, 
 treacherous, and 
 blood-stained. Thrice 
 Jerusalem was taken 
 and twice the temple 
 was destroyed. It 
 was the support of 
 the far more power- 
 ful Diaspora that 
 prevented the little 
 country from being 
 wiped out alto- 
 gether,' until 70 A,D., 
 when ITitus, the 
 adopted son and suc- 
 cessor of the Em- 
 p e r o r Vespasian, 
 after a siege that 
 ranks in bitterness 
 and horror with that 
 of Tyre and Car- 
 thage, took Jerusa- 
 lem and destroyed 
 city and temple alto- 
 gether. He did this 
 in an attempt to destroy Jewry, but indeed he made Jewry 
 stronger by destroying its one sensitive and vulnerable point. 
 Throughout a history of five centuries of war and civil com- 
 motion between the return from captivity and the destruction 
 of Jerusalem, certain constant features of the Jew persisted. 
 He remained obstinately monotheistic; he would have none 
 other gods but the one true Grod.' lu Eome, as in Jerusalem, 
 
496 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 lie stood out manfully against tlie worship of any god-Csssar. 
 And to the beat of his ability he held to his covenants with his 
 God. No graven images could enter Jerusalem; even the 
 Roman standards with their eagles had to stay outside. 
 , Two divergent lines of thought are traceable in Jewish affairs 
 during these five hundred years. On the right, so to speak, are 
 the high and narrow Jews, the Pharisees, very orthodox, very 
 punctilious upon even the minutest details of the law, intensely 
 patriotic and exclusive. Jerusalem on one occasion fell to the 
 Seleucid monarch Antiochus IV because the Jews would not 
 defend it on the Sabbath day, when it is forbidden to work; 
 ■and it was because the Jews made no effort to destroy his sie^e 
 train on the Sabbath that Pompey the Great was able to take 
 Jerusalem. But against these narrow Jews were pitted the 
 broad Jews, the Jews of the left, who were Hellenizers, among 
 whom are to be ranked the Sadducees, who did not believe in 
 immortality. These latter Jews, the broad Jews, were all 
 more or less disposed to mingle with and assimilate themselves 
 to the Greeks and Hellenized peoples about them. They were 
 j ready to accept proselytes, and so to share God and his promise 
 with all mankind. But what they gained in generosity they 
 lost in rectitude. They were the worldlings of Judea. We 
 have already noted how the Hellenized Jews of Egypt lost their 
 !Hebrew, and had to have their Bible translated into Greek. 
 
 In the reign of Tiberius Csesar a great teacher arose out of 
 Judea who was to liberate the intense realization of the right- 
 eousness and unchallengeable oneness of God, and of man's 
 moral obligation to Gc>d, which was the strength of orthodox 
 Judaism, from that greedy and exclusive narrowness with which 
 it was so extraordinarily intermingled in the Jewish mind. This 
 was Jesus of Nazareth, the seed rather than the founder of 
 Christianity. 
 
 § 2 
 The audience to which this book will first be presented will 
 be largely an audience of Christians, with perhaps a sprinkling 
 of Jewish readers, and the former at least will regard Jesus of 
 Nazareth as being much more than a human teacher, and his 
 appearance in the world not as a natural event in history, but 
 as something of, a supernatural sort interrupting and changing 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 497 
 
 tbat steady development of life towards a common consciousness 
 and a common will, which we have hitherto been tracing in this 
 book. But these persuasions, dominant as they are in Europe 
 and America, are nevertheless not the persuasions of all men 
 or of the great majority of mankind, and we are writing this 
 outline of the story of life with as complete an avoidance of 
 controversial matter as may be. We are trying to write as if 
 this book was to be read as much by Hindus or Moslems or 
 Buddhists as by Americans and Western Europeans. We shall 
 therefore hold closely to the apparent facts, and avoid, without 
 any disputation or denial, the theological interpretations that 
 have been imposed upon them. We shall tell what men have 
 believed about Jesus of Nazareth, but him we shall treat as 
 being what he appeared to be, a man, just as a painter must 
 needs paint him as a man. The documents that testify to his 
 acts and teachings we shall treat as ordinary human documents. 
 If the light of divinity shine through our recital, we will neither 
 help nor hinder it. This is what we have already done in the 
 case of Buddha, and what we shall do later with Muhammad. 
 About Jesus we have to write not theology but history, and 
 our concern is not with the spiritual and theological significance 
 ef his life, but with its effects upon the political and every-day 
 life of men. 
 
 Almost our only sources of information about the personality 
 of Jesus are derived from the four gospels, all of which were 
 certainly in existence a few decades after his death, and from 
 allusions to his life in the letters (epistles) of the early Chris- 
 tian propagandists. The first three gospels, the gospels of 
 Matthew, Mark, and Luke, many suppose to be derived from 
 some earlier documents ; the gospel of St. John has more idiosyn- 
 crasy and is coloured by theology of a strongly Hellenic type. 
 Critics are disposed to regard the gospel of St. Mark as being 
 the most trustworthy account of the personality and actual 
 words of Jesus. But all four agree in giving us a picture 
 of a very definite personality; they carry the same conviction 
 of reality that the early accounts of Buddha do. In spite of 
 miraculous and incredible additions, one is obliged to say, "Here 
 was a man. This part of the tale could not have been invented." 
 ' -But just as the personality of Gautama Buddha has been 
 'distorted and obscured by the stiff squatting figure, the gilded 
 idol of later Buddhism, so one feels that the lean and strenuous 
 
498 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 personality of Jesus is mucli wronged by the unreality and con- 
 ventionality that a mistaken reverence has imposed upon his 
 figure in modern Christian art. Jesus was a penniless teacher, 
 who wandered about the dusty sun-bit country of Judea, living 
 upon casual gifts of food; yet he is always represented clean, 
 combed, and sleek, in spotless raiment, erect, and with some- 
 thing motionless about him as though he was gliding through 
 the air. This alone has made him unreal and incredible to 
 many people who cannot distinguish the corfe of the story from 
 the ornamental and unwise additions of the unintelligently 
 devout. 
 
 And it may be that the early parts of the gospels are accre- 
 tions of the same nature. The miraculous circumstances of 
 the birth of Jesus, the great star that brought wise men from 
 the east to worship at his manger cradle, the massacre of the 
 male infant children in the region of Bethlehem by Herod 
 as a consequence of these portents, and the flight into Egypt, 
 are all supposed to be such accretionary matter by many authori- 
 ties. At the best they are events unnecessary to the teaching, 
 and they rob it of much of the strength and power it possesses 
 when we strip it of such accompaniment. So, too, do the dis- 
 crepant genealogies given by Matthew and Luke, in which there 
 is an endeavour to trace the direct descent of Joseph, his father, 
 from King David, as though it was any honour to Jesus or to 
 anyone to have such a man as an ancestor. The insertion of 
 these genealogies is the more peculiar and unreasonable, be- 
 cause, according to the legend, Jesus was not the son of Joseph 
 at all, but miraculously conceived. 
 
 We are left, if we do strip this record of these difficult acces- 
 sories, with the figure of a being, very human, very earnest and 
 passionate, capable of swift anger, and teaching a new and 
 simple and profound doctrine — namely, the universal loving 
 Fatherhood of God and the coming of the Kingdom of Heaven. 
 He was clearly a person — to use a common phrase — of intense 
 personal magnetism. He attracted followers and filled them 
 with love and courage. Weak and ailing people were heartened 
 and healed by his presence. Yet he was probably of a delicate 
 physique, because of the swiftness with which he died under 
 the pains of crucifixion. There is a tradition that he fainted 
 when, according to the custom, he was made to bear his cross 
 to the place of execution. When he first appeared as a teacher 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 499 
 
 he was a man of about thirty. He went about the country for 
 three years spreading his doctrine, and then he came to Jerusa- 
 lem and was accused of trying to set up a strange kingdom in 
 Judea; he was tried upon this charge, and crucified together 
 with two thieves. Long before these two were dead, his suffer- 
 ings were over. 
 
 Now it is a matter of fact that in the gospels all that body 
 of theological assertion which constitutes Christianity finds litr 
 tie support. There is, as the reader may see for himself, no 
 clear and emphatic assertion in these books of the doctrines 
 which Christian teachers of all denominations find generally 
 necessary to salvation. Except for one or two passages in St. 
 John's Gospel it is difiicult to get any words actually ascribed 
 to Jesus in which he claimed to be the Jewish Messiah 
 (rendered in Greek by "the Christ") and still more difiicult 
 is it to find any claim to be a part of the godhead, or any pas- 
 sage in which he explained the doctrine of the Atonement or 
 urged any sacrifices or sacraments (that is to say, priestly 
 ofiices) upon his followers. We shall see presently how later 
 on all Christendom was torn by disputes about the Trinity. 
 There is no evidence that the apostles of Jesus ever heard of 
 the Trinity — at any rate from him. The observance of the 
 Jewish Sabbath, again, transferred to the Mithraic Sun-day, is 
 an important feature of many Christian cults ; but Jesus de- 
 liberately broke the Sabbath, and said that it was made for man 
 and not man for the Sabbath. Nor did he say a word about 
 the worship of his mother Mary, in the guise of Isis, the Queen 
 of Heaven. All that is most characteristically Christian in 
 worship and usage, he ignored. Sceptical writers have had the 
 temerity to deny that Jesus can be called a Christian at all. 
 For light upon these extraordinary gaps in his teaching, each 
 reader must go to his own religious guides. Here we are bound 
 to mention these gaps on account of the difficulties and con- 
 troversies that arose out of them, and we are equally bound not 
 to enlarge upon them. 
 
 As remarkable is the enormous prominence given by Jesus 
 to the teaching of what he called the Kingdom of Heaven, and 
 its comparative insignificance in the procedure and teaching of 
 most of the Christian churches. 
 
 This doctrine of the Kingdom of Heaven, which was the main 
 teaching of Jesus, and which plays so small a part in the Chrisr 
 
600 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tian creeds, is certainly one of the most revolutionary doctrines 
 that ever stirred and changed human thought. It is small won- 
 der if the world of that time failed to grasp its full significance, 
 and recoiled in dismay from even a half apprehension of its 
 tremendous challenges to the established habits and institutions 
 of mankind. It is small wonder if the hesitating convert and 
 disciple presently went back to the old familiar ideas of temple 
 and altar, of fierce deity and propitiatory observance, of conse- 
 crated priest and magic blessing, and — these things being at- 
 tended to — reverted then to the dear old habitual life of hates 
 and profits and competition and pride. For the doctrine of 
 th« Kingdom of Heaven, as Jesus seems to have preached it, 
 was no less than a bold and uncompromising demand for a 
 complete change and cleansing of the life of our struggling race, 
 an utter cleansing, without and within. To the gospels the 
 reader must go for all that is preserved of this tremendous 
 teaching; here we are only concerned with the jar of its impact 
 upon established ideas. 
 
 The Jews were persuaded that God, the one God of ^he whole 
 world, was a righteous god, but they also thought of him as a 
 trading god who had made a bargain with their Father Abra- 
 ham about them, a very good bargain indeed for them, to bring 
 them at last to predominance in the earth. With dismay and 
 anger they heard Jesus sweeping away their dear securities. 
 God, he taught, was no bargainer ; there were no chosen people 
 and no favourites in the Kingdom of Heaven. God was the 
 loving father of all life, as incapable of showing favour as the 
 universal sun. And all men were brothers — sinners alike and 
 beloved sons alike — of this divine father. In the parable of 
 the Good Samaritan Jesus cast scorn upon that natural tendency 
 we all obey, to glorify our own people and ■ to minimize the 
 righteousness of other creeds and other races. In the parable 
 of the labourers he thrust aside the obstinate claim of the 
 Jews to have a sort of first mortgage upon God. All whom 
 God takes into the kingdom, he taught, God serves alike ; there 
 is no distinction in his treatment, because there is no measure to 
 his bounty. From all, moreover, as the parable of the buried 
 talent witnesses, and as the incident of the widow's mite en- 
 forces, he demands the utmost. There are no privileges, no 
 rebates, and no excuses in the Kingdom of Heaven. 
 
 But it was not only the intense tribal patriotism of the Jews 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 501 
 
 that Jesus outraged. They were a people of intense family 
 loyalty, and lie would have swept away all the narrow and re- 
 strictive family affections in the great flood of the love of God. 
 The whole Kingdom of Heaven was to be the family of his 
 followers. We are told that, "While he yet talked to the peo- 
 ple, behold, his mother and his brethren stood without, desiring 
 to speak with him. Then one said unto him. Behold, thy mother 
 and thy brethren stand without, desiring to speak with thee. 
 But he answered and said unto him that told himj Who is my 
 mother ? and who are my brethren ? And he stretched forth his 
 hand towards his disciples, and said. Behold my mother and 
 my brethren! ■ For whosoever shall do the will of my Father 
 which is in heaven, the same is my brother, and sister, and 
 mother." ^ 
 
 And not only did Jesus strike at patriotism and the bonds 
 of family loyalty in the name of God's universal fatherhood 
 and the brotherhood of all mankind, but it is clear that his 
 teaching condemned all the gradations of the economic system, 
 all private wealth, and personal advantages. All men belonged 
 to the kingdom ; all their possessions belonged to the kingdom ; 
 the righteous life for all men, he only righteous life, was the 
 service of God's will with all that we had, with all that we were. 
 Again and again he denounced private riches and the reserva- 
 tion of any private life. 
 
 "And when he was gone forth into the way, there came 
 one running, and kneeled to him, and asked him. Good Master, 
 what shall I do that I may inherit eternal life? And Jesus 
 said unto him, Why callest thou me good ? there is none good 
 but one, that is, God. Thou knowest the commandments, Do 
 not commit adultery. Do not kill. Do not steal, Do not bear 
 false witness. Defraud not, Honour thy father and mother. 
 And he answered and said unto him, Master, all these things 
 have I observed from my youth. Then Jesus beholding him 
 loved him, and said unto him, One thing thou lackest: go thy 
 way, sell whatsoever thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou 
 shalt have treasure in heaven : and come, take up the cross, and 
 follow me. And he was sad at that saying, and went away 
 grieved : for he had great possessions. 
 
 "And Jesus looked round about, and saith unto his disciples, 
 How hardly shall they that have riches enter into the kingdom 
 'Matt. xii. 46-50. 
 
602 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of God! And the disciples were astonished at his words. 
 But Jesus answered again, and saith unto them, Children, how 
 hard is it for them that trust in riches to enter into the kingdom 
 of God! It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a 
 needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God." ^ 
 
 Moreover, in his tremendous prophecy of this kingdom which 
 was to make all men one together in God, Jesus had small 
 patience for the bargaining righteousness of formal religion. 
 Another large part of his recorded utterances is aimed against 
 the meticulous observance of the rules of the pious career. 
 "Then came together unto him the Pharisees, and certain of 
 the scribes, which came from Jerusalem. And when they saw 
 some of his disciples eat bread with defiled, that is to say, with 
 unwashen, hands, they found fault. For the Pharisees, and 
 all the Jews, except they wash their hands oft, eat not, holding 
 the tradition of the elders. ' And when they come from the 
 market, except they wash, they eat not. And many other things 
 there be, which they have received to hold, as the washing of 
 cups, and pots, brazen vessels, and of tables. Then the Phari- 
 sees and scribes asked him. Why walk not thy disciples accord- 
 ing to the tradition of the elders, but eat bread with unwashen 
 hands? He answered and said unto them, Well hath Isaiah 
 prophesied of you hypocrites, as it is written, 
 
 "This people honoureth me with their lips, 
 
 "But their heart is far from me. 
 
 "Howbeit in vain do they worship me, 
 
 "Teaching for doctrines the commandments of men. 
 
 "For laying aside the commandment of God, ye hold the 
 tradition of men, as the washing of pots and cups: and many 
 other such things ye do. And he said unto them. Full well 
 ye reject the commandment of God, that ye may keep your own 
 tradition." ^ 
 
 So, too, we may note a score of places in which he flouted 
 that darling virtue of the formalist, the observance of the 
 Sabbath. 
 
 It was not merely a moral and a social revolution that Jesus 
 proclaimed; it is clear from a score of indications that his 
 teaching had a political bent of the plainest sort. It is true 
 that he said his kingdom was not of this world, that it was in 
 the hearts of men and not upon a throne ; but it is equally clear 
 •Mark, x, 17-25. 'Mark. vii. 1-9. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 503 
 
 that wherever and in what measure his kingdom, was set up 
 in the hearts of men, the outer world would be in that measure 
 revolutionized and made new. 
 
 Whatever else the deafness and blindness of his hearers may 
 have missed in his utterances, it is plain that they did not 
 miss his resolve to revolutionize the world. Some of the quesr 
 tions that were brought to Jesus and the answers he gave enable 
 us to guess at the drift of much of his unrecorded teaching. 
 The directness of his political attack is manifest by such an 
 incident as that of the coin — 
 
 "And they send unto him certain of the Pharisees and of the 
 Herodians, to catch him in his words. And when they were 
 come, they say unto him, Master, we know that thou art true, 
 and carest for no man: for thou regardest not the person of 
 men, but teachest the way of God in truth : Is it lawful to give 
 tribute to Caesar, or not ? Shall we give, or shall we not give ? 
 But he, knowing their hypocrisy, said unto them. Why tempt ye 
 me? bring me a penny, that I may see it. And they brought 
 it. And he saith unto them. Whose is this image and super- 
 scription? And they said unto him, Caesar's. And Jesus an- 
 swering said unto them, Render to Caesar the things that are 
 Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's" ^ — ^which in 
 view of all else that he had taught, left very little of a man 
 or his possessions for Caesar. 
 
 The whole tenor of the opposition to him and the circum- 
 staijces of his trial and execution show clearly that to his con- 
 temporaries he seemed to propose plainly and did propose 
 plainly to change and fuse and enlarge all human life. But 
 even his disciples did not grasp the profound and comprehensive 
 significance of that proposal. They were ridden by the old 
 Jewish dream of a king, a Messiah to overthrow the Hellenized 
 Herods and the Eoman overlord, and restore the fabled glories 
 of David. They disregarded the substance of his teaching, 
 plain and direct though it was ; evidently they thought it was 
 merely his mysterious and singular way of setting about the 
 adventure that would at last put him on the throne of Jerusa- 
 lem. They thought he was just another king among the endless 
 succession of kings, but of a quasi-magic kind, and making 
 quasi-magic profession of an impossible virtue, 
 . "And James and John, the sons of Zebedee, come unto bini; 
 >Mark. xii. 13-17. 
 
504 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 saying Master, we would that thou shouldest do for us whatso- 
 ever we shall desire. And he said unto them, What would 
 ye that I should do for you ? They said unto him. Grant unto 
 us that we may sit, one on thy right hand, and the other on 
 thy left hand, in thy glory. But Jesus said unto them. Ye know 
 not what ye ask : can ye drink of the cup that I drink of ? and 
 be baptized with the baptism that I am baptized with? And 
 they said unto him, We can. And Jesus said unto them. Ye 
 shall indeed drink of the cup that I drink of; and with the 
 baptism that I am baptized withal shall ye be baptized : but to 
 sit on my right hand and on my left hand is not mine to give; 
 but it shall be given to them for whom it is prepared. And 
 when the ten heard it, they began to be much displeased with 
 James and John. But Jesus called them to him, and saith 
 unto them, Ye know that they which are accounted to rule over 
 the Gentiles exercise lordship over them; and their great ones 
 exercise authority upon them. But so shall it not be among 
 you: but whosoever will be great among you, shall be your 
 minister: and whosoever of you will be the chief est, shall be 
 servant of all. For even the Son of Man came not to be minis- 
 tered unto, but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for 
 many." ^ 
 
 This was cold comfort for those who looked for a due reward 
 for their services and hardships in his train. They could not 
 believe this hard doctrine of a kingdom of service which was 
 its own exceeding great reward. Even after his death upon 
 the cross, they could still, after their first dismay, revert to 
 the belief that he was nevertheless in the vein of the ancient 
 world of pomps and privileges, that presently by some amazing 
 miracle he would become undead again and return, and set 
 up his throne with much splendour and graciousness in Jerusa- 
 lem. They thought his life was a stratagem and his death a 
 trick. 
 
 He was too great for his disciples. And in view of what he 
 plainly said, is it any wonder that all who were rich and pros- 
 perous felt a horror of strange things, a swimming of their world 
 at his teaching? Perhaps the priests and the rulers and the 
 rich men understood him better than his followers. He was 
 dragging out all the little private resei-vations they had made 
 from social service into the light of a universal religious life. 
 
 •Mark x. 35-45. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 505 
 
 He was like some terrible moral huntsman digging mankind 
 out of the snug burrows in which they had lived hitherto. In 
 the white blaze of this kingdom of his there was to be no prop- 
 erty, no privilege, no pride and precedence; no motive indeed 
 and no reward but love. Is it any wonder that men were dazzled 
 £tnd blinded and cried out against him? Even his disciples 
 cried out when he would not spare them the light. Is it any 
 wonder that the priests realized that between this man and 
 themselves there was no choice but that he or priestcraft should 
 perish ? Is it any wonder that the Eoman soldiers, confronted 
 and amazed by something soaring over their comprehension and 
 threatening all their disciplines, should take refuge in wild 
 laughter, and crown him with thorns and robe him in purple 
 and make a mock Caesar of him ? For to take him seriously was 
 to enter upon a strange and alarming life, to abandon habits, 
 to control instincts and impulses, to essay an incredible 
 happiness. . . . 
 
 Is it any wonder that to this day this Galilean is too much 
 for our small hearts? 
 
 § 3 
 
 Yet be it noted that while there was much in the real teach- 
 ings of Jesus that a rich man or a priest or a trader or an 
 imperial official or any ordinary respectable citizen could not 
 accept without the most revolutionary changes in his way of 
 living, yet there was nothing that a follower of the actual teach- 
 ing of Gautama Sakya might not receive very readily, nothing 
 to prevent a primitive Buddhist from being also a Nazarene, 
 and nothing to prevent a personal disciple of Jesus from ac- 
 cepting all the recorded teachings of Buddha. 
 
 Again consider the tone of this extract from the writings of 
 a Chinaman, Mo Ti, who lived somewhen in the fourth century 
 B.C., when the doctrines of Confucius and Lao Tse prevailed 
 in China, before the advent of Buddhism to that country, and 
 note how "I^azarene" it is. 
 
 "The mutual attacks of state on state; the mutual usurpa- 
 tions of family on family; the mutual robberies of man on 
 man; the want of kindness on the part of the sovereign and of 
 loyalty on the part, of the minister ; the want of tenderness and 
 filial duty between father and son — these, and such as these, are 
 
506 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the things injurious to the eqipire. All this has arisen from 
 want of mutual love. If but that one virtue could be made 
 universal, the princes loving one another would have no bat- 
 tle-fields ; the chiefs of families would attempt no usurpations ; 
 men would commit no robberies; rulers and ministers would 
 be gracious and loyal ; fathers and sons would be kind and filial ; 
 brothers would be harmonious and easily reconciled. Men in 
 general loving one another, the strong would not make prey 
 of the weak; the many would not plunder the few, the rich 
 would not insult the poor, the noble would not be insolent to 
 the mean; and the deceitful would not impose upon the 
 simple." ^ 
 
 This is extraordinarily like the teaching of Jesus of Nazareth 
 cast into political terms. The thoughts of Mo Ti came close 
 to the Kingdom of Heaven. 
 
 This essential identity is the most important historical aspect 
 of these great world religions. They were in their beginnings 
 quite unlike the priest, altar, and temple cults, those cults for 
 the worship of definite finite gods that played so great and so 
 essential a part in the earlier stages of man's development be- 
 tween 15,000 B.C. and 600 e.g. These new world religions, 
 from 600 B.C. onward, were essentially religions of the heart 
 and of the universal sky. They swept away all those various 
 and limited gods that had served the turn of human needs since 
 the first communities were welded together by fear and hope. 
 And presently when we come to Islam we shall find that for a 
 third time the same fundamental new doctrine of the need of a 
 universal devotion of all men to one Will reappears. Warned 
 by the experiences of Christianity, Muhammad was very 
 emphatic in insisting that he himself was merely a man and so 
 saved his teaching from much corruption and misrepresenta- 
 tion. 
 
 We speak of these great religions of mankind which arose be- 
 tween the Persian conquest of Babylon and the break-up of 
 the Roman empire as rivals; but it is their defects, their ac- 
 cumulations and excrescences, their differences of language and 
 phrase, that cause the rivalry ; and it is not to one overcoming 
 the other or to any new variant replacing them that we must 
 look, but to the white truth in each being burnt free from its 
 dross, and becoming manifestly the same truth — ^namely, that 
 'Hirth, The Ancient ffistory of China, Chap, viii, 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 507 
 
 the hearts of men, and therewith all the lives and institutions 
 of men, must be subdued to one common Will, ruling them all.^ 
 And though much has been written foolishly about the an- 
 tagonism of science and religion, there is indeed no such 
 antagonism. What all these world religions declare by inspira- 
 tion and insight, history as it grows clearer and science as its 
 range extends display, as a reasonable and demonstrable fact, 
 that men form one universal brotherhood, that they spring from 
 one common origin, that their individual lives, their nations 
 and races, interbreed and blend and go on to merge again at 
 last in one common human destiny upon this little planet amidst 
 the stars. And the psychologist can now stand beside the 
 preacher and assure us that there is no reasoned peace of heart, 
 no balance and no safety in the soul, until a man in losing his 
 life has found it, and has schooled and disciplined his interests 
 and will beyond greeds, rivalries, fears, instincts, and narrow 
 affections. The history of our race and personal religious ex- 
 perience run so closely parallel as to seem to a modern observer 
 almost the same thing ; both tell of a being at first scattered and 
 blind and utterly confused, feeling its way slowly to the serenity 
 and salvation of an ordered and coherent purpose. That, in the 
 simplest, is the outline of history ; whether one have a religious 
 purpose or disavow a religious purpose altogether, the lines of 
 the outline remain the same. 
 
 § 4 
 
 In the year 30 a.d., while Tiberius, the second emperor, was 
 Emperor of Rome and Pontius Pilate was procurator of Judea, 
 a little while before the Feast of the Passover, Jesus of Naza- 
 reth came into Jerusalem. Probably he came then for the first 
 time. Hitherto he had been preaching chiefly in Galilee, and 
 for the most part round and about the town of Capernaum. In 
 Capernaum he had preached in the synagogue. 
 
 His entry into Jerusalem was a pacific triumph. He had 
 gathered a great following in Galilee — he had sometimes to 
 preach from a boat upon the Lake of Galilee, because of the 
 pressure of the crowd upon the shore — and his fame had spread 
 
 ' "Stt. Paul understood what most Christians never realize, namely, that 
 the Gospel of Christ is not a religion, but religion itself in its most 
 universal and deepest significance." — Dean Inge in Outspoken Essaysi, 
 
508 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 before him to the capital. Great crowds' came out to greet him. 
 It is clear they did not understand the drift of his teaching, and 
 that they shared the general persuasion that by some magic of 
 righteousness he was going to overthrow the established order. 
 He rode into the city upon the foal of an ass that had been bor- 
 rowed by his disciples. The crowd accompanied him with cries 
 of triumph and shouts of "Hosanna," a word of rejoicing. 
 
 He went to the temple. Its outer courts were cumbered with 
 the tables of money-changers and with the stalls of those who 
 sold doves to be liberated by pious visitors to the temple. These 
 traders upon religion he and his followers cast out, overturning 
 the tables. It was almost his only act of positive rule. 
 
 Then for a week he taught in Jerusalem, surrounded by a 
 crowd of followers who made his arrest by the authorities diffi- 
 cult. Then officialdom gathered itself together against this 
 astonishing intruder. One of his disciples, Judas, dismayed and 
 disappointed at the apparent ineffectiveness of this capture of 
 Jerusalem, went to the Jewish priests to give them his advice 
 and help in the arrest of Jesus. For this service he was re- 
 warded with thirty pieces of silver. The high priest and the 
 Jews generally had many reasons for dismay at this gentle in- 
 surrection that was filling the streets with excited crowds; for 
 example, the.Komans might misunderstand it or use it as an 
 occasion to do some mischief to the whole Jewish people. Ac- 
 cordingly the high priest Caiaphas, in his anxiety to show his 
 loyalty to the Eoman overlord, was the leader in the pro- 
 ceedings against this unarmed Messiah, and the priests and 
 the orthodox mob of Jerusalem the chief accusers of Jesus. 
 
 How he was arrested in the garden of Gethsemane, how he 
 was tried and sentenced by Pontius Pilate, the Eoman procura- 
 tor, how he was scourged and mocked by the Roman soldiers 
 and crucified upon the hill called Golgotha, is told with unsur- 
 passable simplicity and dignity in the gospels. 
 
 The revolution collapsed utterly. The disciples of Jesus with 
 one accord deserted him, and Peter, being taxed as one of them, 
 said, "I know not the man." This was not the end they had 
 anticipated in their great coming to Jerusalem. His last hours 
 of aching pain and thirst upon the cross were watched only by 
 a few women and near friends. Towards the end of the long 
 day of suffering this abandoned leader roused himself to one 
 supreme effort, cried out with a loud voice, "My God! my 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 509 
 
 God! why has thou forsaken me?" and, leaving these words 
 to echo down the ages, a perpetual riddle to the faithful, 
 died. 
 
 It was inevitable that simple believers should have tried to 
 enhance the stark terrors of this tragedy by foolish stories of 
 physical disturbances similar to those which had been invented 
 to emphasize the conversion of Gautama. We are told that a 
 great darkness fell upon the earth, and that the veil of the temple 
 was rent in twain; but if indeed these things occurred, they 
 produced not the slightest effect upon the minds of people in 
 Jerusalem at that time. It is difficult to believe nowadays that 
 the order of nature indulged in any such meaningless comments. 
 Far more tremendous is it to suppose a world apparently in- 
 different to those three crosses in the red evening twilight, and 
 to the little group of perplexed and desolated watchers. The 
 darkness closed upon the hill ; the distant city set about its prep- 
 arations for the Passover; scarcely anyone but that knot of 
 mourners on the way to their homes troubled whether Jesus of 
 Nazareth was still dying or already dead. . . . 
 
 The souls of the disciples were plunged for a time into utter 
 darkness. Then presently came a whisper among them and 
 stories, rather discrepant stories, that the body of Jesus was 
 not in the tomb in which it had been placed, and that first one 
 and then another had seen him alive. Soon they were consoling 
 themselves with the conviction that he had risen from the dead, 
 that he had shown himself to many, and had ascended visibly 
 into heaven. Witnesses were found to declare that they had 
 positively seen him go up, visibly in his body. He had gone 
 through the blue — to God. Soon they had convinced themselves 
 that he would presently come again, in power and glory, to 
 judge all mankind. In a little while, they said, he would come 
 back to them; and in these bright revivals of their old-time 
 dream of an assertive and temporal splendour they forgot the 
 greater measure, the giant measure, he had given them of the 
 Kingdom of God. 
 
 § 5 
 
 The story of the early beginnings of Christianity is the story 
 of the struggle between the real teachings and spirit of Jesus of 
 Nazareth and the limitations, amplifications, and misunder- 
 
610 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 standings of the very inferior men who had loved and followed 
 him from Galilee, and who were now the bearers and custodians 
 of his message to mankind. The gospels and the Acts of the 
 Apostles present a patched and uneven record, but there can be 
 little question that on the whole it is a quite honest record of 
 those early days. 
 
 The early Nazarenes, as the followers of Jesus were called, 
 present from the first a spectacle of a great confusion between 
 these two strands, his teaching on the one hand, and the glosses 
 and interpretations of the disciples on the other. They" con- 
 tinued for a time his disciplines of the complete subjugation of 
 self; they had their goods in common, they had no bond but 
 love. Nevertheless, they built their faith upon the stories that 
 were told of his resurrection and magical ascension, and the 
 promiised return. Few of them understood that the renunciation 
 of self is its own reward, that it is itself the Kingdom of 
 Heaven; they regarded it as a sacrifice that entitled them to 
 the compensation of power and dominion when presently the 
 second coming occurred. They had now all identified Jesus 
 with the promised Christ, the Messiah so long expected by the 
 Jewish people. They found out prophecies of the crucifixion 
 in the prophets — ^the Gospel of Matthew is particularly insistent 
 upon these prophecies. Revived by these hopes, enforced by the 
 sweet and pure lives of many of the believers, the Nazarene doc- 
 trine began to spread very rapidly in Judea and Syria. 
 
 And presently there arose a second great teacher, whom many 
 modem authorities regard as the real founder of Christianity, 
 Saul of Tarsus, or Paul. Saul apparently was his Jewish and 
 Paul his Eoman name ; he was a Roman citizen, and a man 
 of much wider education and a much narrower intellectuality 
 than Jesus seems to have been. By birth he was probably a 
 Jew, though some Jewish writers deny this; he had certainly 
 studied under Jewish teachers. But he was well versed in the 
 Hellenic theologies of Alexandria, and his language was Greek. 
 Some classical scholars profess to find his Greek unsatisfactory ; 
 he did not use the Greek of Athens, but the Greek of Alexandria ; 
 but he used it with power and freedom.^ He was a religious 
 theorist and teacher long before he heard of Jesus of Nazareth, 
 
 •Paul's Greek is very good. He is affected by the philosophical jargon 
 of the Hellenistic BchoolB and by that of Stoicism. But his mastery of 
 sublime language is amazing. — G. M. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 511 
 
 and he appears in the New Testament narrative at first as the 
 bitter critic and antagonist of the Nazarenes. 
 
 The present writer has been unable to find any discussion of 
 the religious ideas of Paul before he became a follower of Jesus. 
 They must have been a basis, if only a basis of departure, for 
 his new views, and their phraseology certainly supplied the 
 colour of his new doctrines. We are almost equally in the 
 dark as to the teachings of Gamaliel, who is named as the 
 Jewish teacher at whose feet he sat. Nor do we know what 
 Gentile teachings had reached him. It is highly probable that 
 he had been influenced by Mithraism. He uses phrases curi- 
 ously like Mithraistic phrases. What will be clear to anyone 
 who reads his various Epistles, side by side with the Gospels, 
 is that his mind was saturated by an idea which does not appear 
 at all prominently in the reported sayings and teachings of 
 Jesus, the idea of a sacrificial person, who is offered up to God 
 as an atonement for sin. What Jesus preached was a new birth 
 of the human soul; what Paul preached was the ancient re- 
 ligion of priest and altar and propitiatory bloodshed. Jesus 
 was to him the Easter lamb, that traditional human victim 
 without spot or blemish who haunts all the religions of the dark 
 white peoples. Paul came to the Nazarenes with overwhelming 
 force because he came to them with this completely satisfactory 
 explanation of the disaster of the crucifixion. It was a brilliant 
 elucidation of what had been utterly perplexing. 
 
 Paul had never seen Jesus. His knowledge of Jesus and hia 
 teaching must have been derived from the hearsay of the original 
 disciples. It is clear that he apprehended much of the spirit of 
 Jesus and his doctrine of a new birth, but he built this into a 
 theological system, a very subtle and ingenious system, whose 
 appeal to this day is chiefly intellectual. And it is clear that 
 the faith of the Nazarenes, which he found as a doctrine of 
 motive and a way of living, he made into a doctrine of belief. 
 He found the Nazarenes with a spirit and hope, and he left 
 them Christians with the beginning of a creed. 
 
 But we must refer the reader to the Acts of the Apostles and 
 the Pauline Epistles for an account of Paul's mission and teach- 
 ing. He was a man of enormous energy, and he taught, at Jeru- 
 salem, Antioch, Athens, Corinth, Ephesus, and Eome. 
 
 Possibly he went into Spain. The manner of his death is 
 not certainly known, but it is said that he was killed in Borne 
 
512 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 during the reign of Nero. A great fire had burnt a large part 
 of Eome, and the new sect was accused of causing this. The 
 rapid spread of Christian teaching certainly owes more to Paul 
 than to any other single man. Within two decades of the cruci- 
 fixion this new religion was already attracting the attention of 
 the Roman rulers in several provinces. If it had acquired a 
 theology in the hands of St. Paul, it still retained much of 
 the revolutionary and elementary quality of the teachings of 
 Jesus. It had become somewhat more tolerant of private prop- 
 erty ; it would accept wealthy adherents without insisting upon 
 the eommunization of their riches, and St. Paul has condoned 
 the institution of slavery ("Slaves, be obedient to your mas- 
 ters"), but it still set its face like fiint against certain funda- 
 mental institutions of the Eoman world. It would not tolerate 
 the godhead of Csesar; not even by a mute gesture at the altar 
 would the Christians consent to worship the Emperor, though 
 their lives were at stake in the matter. It denounced the gladia- 
 torial shows. Unarmed, but possessing enormous powers of 
 passive resistance, Christianity thus appeared at the outset 
 plainly as rebfeUion, striking at the political if not at 
 the economic essentials of the imperial system. The first 
 evidences of Christianity in non-Christian literature we find 
 when perplexed Eoman officials began to write to one another 
 and exchange views upon the strange problem presented by this 
 infectious rebellion of otherwise harmless people. 
 
 Much of the history of the Christians in the first two cen- 
 turies of the Christian era is very obscure. They spread far and 
 wide throughout the world, but we know very little of their ideas 
 or their ceremonies and methods during that time. As yet they 
 had no settled creeds, and there can be little doubt that there 
 were wide local variations in their beliefs and disciplines during 
 this formless period. But whatever their local differences, 
 everywhere they seem to have carried much of the spirit of 
 Jesus; and though everywhere they aroused bitter enmity and 
 active counter-propaganda, the very charges made against them 
 witness to the general goodness of their lives. 
 
 During this indefinite time a considerable amount of a sort 
 of theocrasia seems to have gone on between the Christian cult 
 and the almost equally popular and widely diffused Mithraic 
 cult, and the cult of Serapis-Isis-Horus. From the former it 
 would seem the Christians adopted Sun-day as their chief day 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 513 
 
 of "Worship instead of the Jewish Sabbath, the abundant use of 
 candles in religious ceremonies, the legend of the adoration 
 by the shepherds, and probably also those ideas and phrases, so 
 distinctive of certain sects to this day, about being "washed in 
 the blood" of Christ, and of Christ being a blood sacrifice. For 
 we have to remember that a death by crucifixion is hardly a more 
 bloody death than hanging; to speak of Jesus shedding his 
 blood for mankind is really a most inaccurate expression. Even 
 when we remember that he was scourged, that he wore a crown 
 of thorns, and that his side was pierced by a spear, we are still 
 far from a "fountain filled with blood." But Mithraism cen- 
 tred upon some now forgotten mysteries about Mithras sacri- 
 ficing a sacred and benevolent bull; all the Mithraic shrines 
 seem to have contained a figure of Mithras killing this bull, 
 which bleeds copiously from a wound in its side, and from this 
 blood a new life sprang. The Mithraist votary actually bathed 
 in the blood of the sacrificial bull, and was "born again" 
 thereby. At his initiation he went beneath a scaffolding on 
 which the bull was killed, and the blood ran down on him. 
 
 The contributions of the Alexandrine cult to Christian thought 
 and practices were even more considerable. In the personality 
 of Horus, who was at once the son of Serapis and identical with 
 Serapis, it was natural for the Christians to find an illuminating 
 analogue in their struggles with the Pauline mysteries. From 
 that to the identification of Mary with Isis, and her elevation to 
 a rank quasi-divine — in spite of the saying of Jesus about his 
 mother and his brothers that we have already quoted — was also 
 a very natural step. Natural, too, was it for Christianity to 
 adopt, almost insensibly, the practical methods of the popular 
 religions of the time. Its priests took on the head-shaving and 
 the characteristic garments of the Egyptian priests, because that 
 sort of thing seemed to be the right way of distinguishing a 
 priest. One accretion followed another. Almost insensibly 
 the originally revolutionary teaching was buried under these 
 customary acquisitions. We have already tried to imagine 
 Gautama Buddha returning to Tibet, and his amazement at 
 the worship of his own image in Lhassa. We will but suggest 
 the parallel amazement of some earnest Nazarene who had 
 known and followed his dusty and travel-worn Master through 
 the dry sunlight of Galilee, restored suddenly to this world and 
 visiting, let us say, a mass in St. Peter's at Rome, at learning 
 
514 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 that the consecrated wafer upon the altar was none other than 
 his crucified teacher. 
 
 Religion in a world community is not many things but one 
 thing, and it was inevitable that all the living religious faiths 
 in the world at the time, and all the philosophy and religious 
 thought that came into contact with Christianity, should come 
 to an account with Christianity and exchange phrases and ideas. 
 The hopes of the early Nazarenes had identified Jesus with the 
 Christ; the brilliant mind of Paul had surrounded his career 
 with mystical significance. Jesus had called men and women 
 to a giant undertaking, to the renunciation of self, to the new 
 birth into the kingdom of love. The line of least resistance for 
 the flagging convert was to intellectualize himself away from 
 this plain doctrine, this stark proposition, into complicated 
 theories and ceremonies — that would leave his essential self 
 alone. How much easier is it to sprinkle oneself with blood 
 than to purge oneself from malice and competition; to eat 
 bread and drink wine and pretend one had absorbed divinity, 
 to give candles rather than the heart, to shave the head and 
 retain the scheming privacy of the brain inside it ! The world 
 was full of such evasive philosophy and theological stuff in the 
 opening centuries of the Christian era. It is not for us here to 
 enlarge upon the distinctive features of Neoplatonism, Gnosti- 
 cism, Philonism, and the like teachings which abounded in the 
 Alexandrian world. But it was all one world with that in 
 which the early Christians were living. The writings of such 
 men as Origan, Plotinus, and Augustine witness to the inevitable 
 give and take of the time. 
 
 Jesus called himself the Son of God and also the Son of 
 Man ; but he laid little stress on who he was or what he was, 
 and much upon the teachings of the Kingdom. In declaring 
 that he was more than a man and divine, Paul and his other 
 followers, whether they were right *or wrong, opened up a vast 
 field of argument. Was Jesus God ? Or had God created him ? 
 Was he identical with God or separate from God? It is not 
 the function of the historian to answer such questions, but he 
 is bound to note them, and to note how unavoidable they were, 
 because of the immense influence they have had upon the whole 
 subsequent life of western mankind. By the fourth century 
 of the Christian Era we find all the Christian communities so 
 agitated and exasperated by tortuous and elusive arguments 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 515 
 
 about the nature of God as to be largely negligent of the simpler 
 teachings of charity, service, and brotherhood that Jesus had 
 inculcated. 
 
 The chief views that the historian notices are those of the 
 Arians, the Sabellians, and the Trinitarians. The Arians fol- 
 lowed Arius, who taught that Christ was less than God; the 
 Sabellians taught that he was a mode or aspect of God; God 
 was Creator, Saviour, and Comforter just as one pian may 
 be father, trustee, and guest ; the Trinitarians, of whom Atha- 
 nasius was the great leader, taught that the Father, the Son, 
 and the Holy Ghost were three distinct Persons, but one God. 
 The reader is referred to the Athanasian Creed ^ for the exact 
 expression of the latter mystery, and for the alarming conse- 
 quences to him of any failure to grasp and believe it. To 
 Gibbon he must go for a derisive statement of these controver- 
 sies. The present writer can deal with them neither with awe 
 nor derision; they seem to him, he must confess, a disastrous 
 ebullition of the human mind entirely inconsistent with the plain 
 account of Jesus preserved for us in the gospels. Orthodoxy 
 became a test not only for Christian ofl&ce, but for Christian 
 trade and help. A small point of doctrine might mean affluence 
 or beggary to a man. It is difficult to read the surviving litera- 
 ture of the time without a strong sense of the dogmatism, the 
 spites, rivalries, and pedantries of the men who tore Christianity 
 to pieces for the sake of these theological refinements. Most of 
 the Trinitarian disputants — for it is chiefly Trinitarian docu- 
 ments that survive — accuse their antagonists, probably with 
 truth, of mean and secondary motives, but they do so in a man- 
 ner that betrays their own base spirit very clearly. Arius, for 
 example, is accused of adopting heretical opinions because he 
 was not appointed Bishop of Alexandria, Eiots and excom- 
 munications and banishments punctuated these controversies, 
 and finally came official persecutions. These fine differences 
 about the constitution of the Deity interwove with politics and 
 international disputes. Men who quarrelled over business af- 
 fairs, wives who wished to annoy their husbands, developed 
 antagonistic views upon this exalted theme. Most of the bar- 
 barian invaders of the empire were Arians; probably because 
 
 *In any prayer book of the Episcopalian Church. The Athanasian 
 Creed embodies the view of Athanaslus, but probably was not composed 
 by him. 
 
5ie THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 their simple minds found the Trinitarian position incompre- 
 hensible. 
 
 It is easy for the sceptic to mock at these disputes. But even 
 if we think that these attempts to say exactly how God was 
 related to himself were presumptuous and intellectually mon- 
 strous, nevertheless we are bound to recognize that beneath these 
 preposterous refinements of impossible dogmas there lay often 
 a real passion for truth — ^even if it was truth ill conceived. 
 Both sides produced genuine martyrs. And the zeal of these 
 controversies, though it is a base and often malicious zeal, did 
 at any rate make the Christian sects very energetically propa- 
 gandist and educational. Moreover, because the history of the 
 Christian body in the fourth and fifth centuries is largely a 
 record of these unhappy disputes, that must not blind us to 
 the fact that the spirit of Jesus did live and ennoble many lives 
 among the Christians. The text of the gospels, though it was 
 probably tampered with during this period, was not destroyed, 
 and Jesus of l^azareth, in his own manifest inimitable great- 
 ness, still taught through that text. Nor did these unhappy 
 quarrels prevent Christianity from maintaining a united front 
 against gladiatorial shows and against the degrading worship of 
 idols and of the god-Caesar. 
 
 § 6 
 
 So far as it challenged the divinity of Caesar and the char- 
 acteristic institutions of the empire, Christianity is to be re- 
 garded as a rebellious and disintegrating movement, and so it 
 was regarded by most of the emperors before Constantine the 
 Great. It encountered considerable hostility, and at last sys-. 
 tematic attempts to suppress it. Deciu? was the first emperor 
 to organize an official persecution, and the great era of the 
 martyrs was in the time of Diocletian (303 and following years) . 
 The persecution of Diocletian was indeed the crowning strug- 
 gle of the old idea of the god-emperor against the already great 
 and powerful organization that denied his divinity. Diocle- 
 tian had reorganized the monarchy upon lines of extreme 
 absolutism; he had abolished the last vestiges of republican 
 institutions ; he was the first emperor to surround himself com- 
 pletely with the awe-inspiring etiquette of an eastern monarch. 
 He was forced by the logic of his assumptions to attempt the 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 517 
 
 complete eradication of a system that flatly denied them. The 
 test in the persecution was that the Christian was required to 
 offer sacrifice to the emperor. 
 
 "Though Diocletian, still averse to the effusion of blood, had 
 moderated the fury of Galerius, who proposed that everyone 
 refusing to offer sacrifice should immediately be burnt alive, 
 the penalties inflicted on the obstinacy of the Christians might 
 be deemed sufficiently rigorous and effectual. It was enacted 
 that their churches, in all the provinces of the empire, should 
 be demolished to their foundations ; and the punishment • of 
 death was denounced against all who should presume to hold 
 any secret assemblies for the purpose of religious worship. The 
 philosophers, who now assumed the unworthy office of directing 
 the blind zeal of persecution, had diligently studied the nature 
 and genius of the Christian religion; and as thOy were not 
 ignorant that the speculative doctrines of the faith were sup- 
 posed to be contained in the writings of the prophets, of the 
 evangelists, and of the apostles, they most probably suggested 
 the order that the bishops and presbyters should deliver all their 
 sacred books into the hands of the magistrates, who were com- 
 manded, under the severest penalties, to burn them in a public 
 and solemn manner. By the same edict, the property of the 
 church was at once confiscated ; and the several parts of which 
 it might consist were either sold to the highest bidder, united 
 to the imperial domain, bestowed on the cities or corporations, 
 or granted to the solicitations of rapacious courtiers. After 
 taking such effectual measures to abolish the worship, and to 
 dissolve the government of the Christians, it was thought neces- 
 sary to subject to the most intolerable hardships the condition 
 of those perverse individuals who should still reject the religion 
 of nature, of Kome, and of their ancestors. Persons of a 
 liberal birth were declared incapable of holding any honours or 
 employments; slaves were for ever deprived of the hopes of 
 freedom ; and the whole body of the Christians were put out of 
 the' protection of the law. The judges were authorized to hear 
 and to determine every action that was brought agaiuat a 
 Christian; but the Christians were not permitted to complain 
 of any injury which they themselves had suffered; and those 
 unfortunate sectaries were exposed to the severity, while they 
 were excluded from the benefits, of public justice. . . . This 
 edict was scarcely exhibited to the public view, in the most con- 
 
518 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 spicuoua place in Nicomedia, before it was torn down by tbe 
 hands of a Christian, who expressed at the same time, by the 
 bitterest of invectives, his contempt as well as abhorrence for 
 such impious and tyrannical governors. His offence, according 
 to the mildest laws, amounted to treason, and deserved death, 
 and if it be true that he was a person of rank and education, 
 those circumstances could serve only to aggravate his guilt. He 
 was burnt, or rather roasted, by a slow fire; and his execu- 
 tioners, zealous to revenge the personal insult which had been 
 offered to the emperors, exhausted every refinement of cruelty 
 without being able to subdue his patience, or to alter the steady 
 and insulting smile which in his dying agonies he still pre- 
 served in his countenance." ^ 
 
 So with the death of this unnamed martyr the great persecu- 
 tion opened. But, as Gibbon points out, our information as to 
 its severity is of very doubtful value. He estimates the total 
 of victims as about two thousand, and contrasts this with the 
 known multitudes of Christians martyred by their fellow-Chris^ 
 tians during the period of the Eeformation. Gibbon was 
 strongly prejudiced against Christianity, and here he seems 
 disposed to minimize the fortitude and sufferings of the Chris- 
 tians. In many provinces, no doubt, there must have been a 
 great reluctance to enforce the edict. But there was a hunt 
 for the copies of Holy Writ, and in many places a systematic 
 destruction of Christian churches. There were tortures and 
 executions, as well as a great crowding of the gaols with Chris- 
 tian presbyters and bishops. We have to remember that the 
 Christian community was now a very considerable element of 
 the population, and that an influential proportion of the officials 
 charged with the execution of the edict were themselves of the 
 proscribed faith. Gelerius, who was in control of the eastern 
 provinces, was among the most vigorous of the persecutors, but 
 in the end, on his death bed (371), he realized the futility of 
 his attacks upon this huge community, and granted toleration 
 in an edict, the gist of which Gibbon translates as follows: — 
 
 "Among the important cares which have occupied our mind 
 for the utility and preservation of the empire, it was our inten- 
 tion to correct and re-establish all things according to the ancient 
 laws and public discipline of the Komans. We were particu- 
 larly desirous of reclaiming into the way of reason and nature 
 'Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Umpire, chap. xvi. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 519 
 
 the deluded Christians who had renounced the religion and 
 ceremonies instituted by their fathers ; and presumptuously de- 
 spising the practice of antiquity, had invented extravagant laws 
 and opinions according to the dictates of their fancy, and had 
 collected a various society from the different provinces of our 
 empire. The edicts which we have published to enforce the 
 worship of the gods having exposed many of the Christians to 
 danger and distress, many having suffered death, and many 
 more who still persist in their impious folly, being left destitute 
 of any public exercise of religion, we are disposed to extend to 
 those unhappy men the effects of our wonted clemency. We 
 permit them, therefore, freely to profess their private opinions 
 and to assemble in their conventicles without fear or molesta- 
 tion, provided always that they preserve a due respect to the 
 established laws and government. By another rescript we shall 
 signify our intentions to the judges and magistrates; and we 
 hope that our indulgence will engage the Christians to offer up 
 their prayers to the deity whom they adore, for our safety and 
 prosperity, for their ovra, and for that of the republic." 
 
 In a few years Constantino the Great was reigning, first as 
 associated emperor (312) and then as the sole ruler (324), 
 and the severer trials of Christianity were over. If Chris- 
 tianity was a rebellious and destructive force towards a pagan 
 Home, it was a unifying and organizing force within its own 
 communion. This fact the genius of Constantino grasped. 
 The spirit of Jesus, for all the doctrinal dissensions that pre- 
 vailed, made a great freemasonry throughout and even beyond 
 the limits of the empire. The faith was spreading among the 
 barbarians beyond the border ; it had extended into Persia and 
 Central Asia. It provided the only hope of moral solidarity he 
 could discern in the great welter of narrow views and self- 
 seeking over which he had to rule. It, and it alone, had the 
 facilities for organizing will, for the need of which the empire 
 was falling to pieces like a piece of rotten cloth. In 312 Con- 
 stantine had to fight for Rome and his position against Maxen- 
 tius. He put the Christian monogram upon the shields and 
 banners of his troops and claimed that the God of the Chris- 
 tians had fought for him in his complete victory at the battle 
 of the Milvian Bridge just outside Eome. By this act he 
 renounced all those pretensions to divinity that the vanity of 
 Alexander the Great had first brought into the western world, 
 
590 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and with the applause and enthusiastic support of the Chris- 
 tians he established himself as a monarch more absolute even 
 than Diocletian. 
 
 In a few years' time Christianity had become the official 
 religion of the empire, and in a.d. 337 Constantine upon his 
 death-bed was baptized as a Christian. 
 
 § 7 
 
 The figure of Constantine the Great is at least as cardinal in 
 history as that of Alexander the Great or Augustus Csesar. 
 We know very little of his personality or of his private life; 
 no Plutarch, no Suetonius, has preserved any intimate and 
 living details about him. Abuse we have of him from his 
 enemies, and much obviously fulsome panegyric to set against 
 it ; but none of these writers give us a living character of him ; 
 he is a party symbol for them, a partisan flag. It is stated 
 by the hostile Zosimus that, like Sargon I, he was of illegitimate 
 birth; his father was a distinguished general and his mother, 
 Helena, an inkeeper's daughter of Wish in Serbia. Gibbon, 
 however, is of opinion that there was a valid marriage. In 
 any case it was a lowly marriage, and the personal genius of 
 Constantine prevailed against serious disadvantages. He was 
 comparatively illiterate, he knew little or no Greek. It ap- 
 pears to be true that he banished his eldest son Crispus, and 
 caused him to be executed at the instigation of the young man's 
 stepmother, Fausta; and it is also recorded that he was after- 
 wards convinced of the innocence of Crispus, and caused Fausta 
 to be executed — according to one account by being boiled to 
 death in her bath, and according to another by being exposed 
 naked to wild beasts on a desolate mountain — ^while there is 
 also very satisfactory documentary evidence that she survived 
 him. If she was executed, the fact remains that her three 
 sons, together with two nephews, became the appointed heirs 
 of Constantine. Clearly there is nothing solid to be got from 
 this libellous tangle, and such souffle as is possible with these 
 scanty materials is to be found admirably done by Gibbon 
 (chap, xviii.). Gibbon, because of his anti-Christian animus, 
 is hostile to Constantine ; but he admits that he was temperate 
 and chaste. He accuses him of prodigality because of his 
 great public buildings, and of being vain and dissolute ( !) 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 521 
 
 because in his old age he wore a wig — Gibbon wore his own 
 hair tied with a becoming black bow — -and a diadem and mag- 
 nificent robes. But all the later emperors after Diocletian wore 
 diadems and magnificent robes. 
 
 Yet if the personality of Constantino the Great remains 
 phantom-like, if the particulars of his domestic life reveal noth- 
 ing but a vague tragedy, we can still guess at much that was 
 in his mind. It must, in the closing years of his life, have 
 been a very lonely mind. He was more of an autocrat than 
 any previous emperor had been — that is to say, he had less coun- 
 sel and help. No class of public-spirited and trustworthy men 
 remained; no senate nor council shared and developed his 
 schemes. How much be apprehended the geographical weak- 
 ness of the empire, how far he saw the complete disaster that 
 was now so near, we can only guess. He made his real capital 
 at Nicomedia in Bithynia; Constantinople across the Bo&- 
 phorus was still being built when he died. Like Diocletian, he 
 seems to have realized the broken-backed outline of his domin- 
 ions, and to have concentrated his attention on foreign affairs 
 and more particularly on the affairs of Hungary, South 
 Russia, and the Black Sea. He reorganized all the 
 official machinery of the empire; he gave it a new con- 
 stitution and sought to establish a dynasty. He was a rest- 
 less remaker of things; the social confusion he tried to fix by 
 assisting in the development of a caste system. This was fol- 
 lowing up the work of his great predecessor, Diocletian. He 
 tried to make a caste of the peasants and small cultivators, and 
 to restrict them from moving from their holdings. In fact 
 he sought to make them serfs. The supply of slave laboui; 
 had fallen off because the empire was no longer an invading 
 but an invaded power; he turned to serfdom as the remedy. 
 His creative efforts necessitated unprecedentedly heavy taxa- 
 tion. All these things point to a lonely and forcible mind. It 
 is in his manifest understanding of the need of some unifying 
 moral force if the empire was to hold together that his claim 
 to originality lies. 
 
 It was only after he had turned to Christianity that he seems 
 to have realized the fierce dissensions of the theologians. He 
 made a great effort to reconcile these differences in order to 
 have one uniform and harmonious teaching in the community, 
 and at his initiative a general council of the Church was held 
 
522 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 at Nicsea, a town near Kicomedia and over against Constanti- 
 nople, in 325. Eusebius gives a curious account of tkis strange 
 gathering, over which the Emperor, although he was not yet 
 a baptized Christian, presided. It was not his first council 
 of the Church, for he had already (in 313) presided over a 
 council at Aries. He sat in the midst of the council of NicsBa 
 upon a golden throne, and as he had little Greek, we must sup- 
 pose he was reduced to watching the countenances and gestures 
 of the debaters, and listening to their intonations. The council 
 was a stormy one. When old Arius rose to speak, one Nicholas 
 of Myra struck him in the face, and afterwards many ran out, 
 thrusting their fingers into their ears in affected horror at the 
 old man's heresies. One is tempted to imagine the great Em- 
 peror, deeply anxious for the soul of his empire, firmly re- 
 solved to end these divisions, bending towards his interpreters 
 to ask tbem the meaning of the uproar. 
 
 The views that prevailed at Nicsea are embodied in the Nicene 
 Creed, a strictly Trinitarian statement, and the Emperor sus- 
 tained the Trinitarian position. But afterwards, when Athana- 
 sius bore too hardly upon the Arians, he had him banished from 
 Alexandria; and when the church at Alexandria would have 
 excommunicated Arius. he obliged it to readmit him to 
 communion. 
 
 § 8 
 
 This date 325 a.d. is a very convenient date in our history. 
 It is the date of the first complete general ("oecumenical") 
 council of the entire Christian world. (That at Aries we have 
 mentioned had been a gathering of only the western half.) It 
 marks the definite entry upon the stage of human affairs of the 
 Christian church and of Christianity as it is generally under- 
 stood in the world to-day. It marks the exact definition of 
 Christian teaching by the Nicene Creed. 
 
 It is necessary that we should recall the reader's attention 
 to the profound differences between this fully developed Chris- 
 tianity of Nicsea and the teaching of Jesus of Nazareth. All 
 Christians hold that the latter is completely contained in the 
 former, but that is a question outside our province. What is 
 clearly apparent is that the teaching of Jesus of Nazareth was a 
 prophetic teaching of the new type that began with the Hebrew 
 prophets. It was not priestly, it had no consecrated temple and 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 523 
 
 no altar. It had no rites and ceremonies. Its sacrifice was "a 
 broken and a contrite heart." Its only organization was an 
 organization of preachers, and its chief function was the ser- 
 mon. But the fully fledged Christianity of the fourth century, 
 though it preserved as its nucleus the teachings of Jesus in the 
 gospels, was mainly a priestly religion of a type already familiar 
 to the world for thousand of years. The centre of its elaborate 
 ritual was an altar, and the essential act of worship the sacri- 
 fice, by a consecrated priest, of the mass. And it had a rapidly 
 developing organization of deacons, priests, and bishops. 
 
 But if Christianity had taken on an extraordinary outward 
 rfesemblance to the cults of Serapis, Ammon, or Bel-Marduk, 
 we must remember that even its priestcraft had certain novel 
 features. Nowhere did it possess any quasi-divine image of 
 God. There was no head temple containing the god, because 
 God was everywhere. There was no holy of holies. Its wide- 
 spread altars were all addressed to the unseen universal Trinity. 
 Even in its most archaic aspects there was in Christianity some- 
 thing new. 
 
 A very important thing for us to note is the role played by 
 the Emperor in the fixation of Christianity. Not only was the 
 council of Nicsea assembled by Constantine the Great, but all 
 the great councils, the two at Constantinople (381 and 553), 
 Ephesus (431), and Chalcedon (451), were called together by 
 the imperial power. And it is very manifest that in much of 
 the history of Christianity at this time the spirit of Constantine 
 the Great is as evident as, or more evident, than the spirit of 
 Jesus. He was, we have said, a pure autocrat. The last ves- 
 tiges of Roman republicanism had vanished in the days of 
 Aurelian and Diocletian. To the best of his lights he was 
 trying to remake the crazy empire while, there was yet 
 time, and he worked without any councillors, any public 
 opinion, or any sense of the need of such aids and checks. 
 The idea of stamping out all controversy and division, stamp- 
 ing out all thought, by imposing one dogmatic creed upon all 
 believers, is an altogether autocratic idea, it is the idea of the 
 single-handed man who feels that to work at all he must be 
 free from opposition and criticism. The history of the Church 
 under his influence becomes now therefore a history 'of the vio- 
 lent struggles that were bound to follow upon his sudden and 
 rough summons to unanimity. From him the Church acquired 
 
«24 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the disposition to be authoritative and unquestioned, to develop 
 a centralized organization and run parallel to the empire. 
 
 A second great autocrat who presently contributed to the 
 stamping upon Catholic Christianity of a distinctly authorita- 
 tive character was Theodosius I, Theodosius the Great (379- 
 395). He forbade the unorthodox to hold meetings, handed 
 over all churches to the Trinitarians, and overthrew the heathen 
 temples, throughout the empire, and in 390 he caused the great 
 statue of Serapis at Alexandria to be destroyed. There was 
 to be no rivalry, no qualification to the rigid unity of the 
 Church. 
 
 Here we cannot tell of the vast internal troubles of the 
 Church, its indigestions of heresy; of Arians and Paulicians, 
 of Gnostics and Manicheans. Had it been less authoritative 
 and more tolerant of intellectual variety, it might perhaps have 
 been a still more powerful body than it became. But, in spite 
 of all these disorders, it did for some time maintain a con- 
 ception of human unity more intimate and far wider than was 
 ever achieved before. By the fifth century Christendom was 
 already becoming greater, sturdier, and more enduring than 
 any empire had ever been, because it was something not merely 
 imposed upon men, but interwoven with the texture of their 
 minds. It reached out far beyond the utmost limits of the 
 empire, into Armenia, Persia, Abyssinia, Ireland, Germany, 
 India, and Turkestan. "Though made up of widely scattered 
 congregations, it was thought of as one body of Christ, one 
 people of God. This ideal unity found expression in many 
 ways. Intercommunication between the various Christian com- 
 munities was very active. Christians upon a journey were al- 
 ways sure of a warm welcome and hospitable entertainment 
 from their fellow-disciples. Messengers and letters were sent 
 freely from one church to another. Missionaries and evan- 
 gelists went continually from place to place. Documents of 
 various kinds, including gospels and apostolic epistles, circu- 
 lated widely. Thus in various ways the feeling of unity found 
 expression, and the development of widely separated parts of 
 Christendom conformed more or less closely to a common type." ^ 
 
 Christendom retained at least the formal tradition of this 
 general unity of spirit imtil 1054, when the Latin-speaking 
 Western church and the main and original Greek-speaking 
 ^ Encyolopwdia BritammAca, art. "Church History," p. 336. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 52S 
 
 cliTirch, the "Orthodox" church, severed themselves from one 
 another, ostensibly npon the question of adding tveo words to 
 the creed. The older creed had declared that the "Holy Ghost 
 proceeded from the Father." The Latins vpanted to add, and did 
 add "Filioque" (= and from the son), and placed the Greeks 
 out of their communion because they would not follow this lead. 
 But already as early as the fifth century the Christians in 
 Eastern Syria, Persia, Central Asia — there were churches at 
 Merv, Herat, and Samarkand — and India had detached them- 
 selves on a similar score. These extremely interesting Asiatic 
 Christians are known in history as the Nestorian Church, and 
 their influence extended into China. The Egyptian and Abys- 
 sinian churches also detached themselves very early upon simi- 
 larly inexplicable points. Long before this formal separation 
 of the Latin and Greek-speaking halves of the main church, 
 however, there was a practical separation following upon the 
 breaking up. of the empire. Their conditions diverged from 
 the first. While the Greek-speaking Eastern Empire held to- 
 gether and the emperor at Constantinople remained dominant in 
 the Church, the Latin half of the empire, as we have already 
 told, collapsed, and left the Church free of any such imperial 
 control. Moreover, while ecclesiastical authority in the empire 
 of Constantinople was divided between the high-bishops, or 
 patriarchs, of Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusa- 
 lem, authority in the West was concentrated in the Patriarch, 
 or Pope, of Home. The Bishop of Eome had always been 
 recognized as first among the patriarchs, and all these things 
 conspired to justify exceptional pretensions upon his part to 
 a quasi-imperial authority. With the final fall of the Westiern 
 Empire, he took over the ancient title of pontifex maximus 
 which the emperors had held, and so became the supreme sacri- 
 ficial priest of the Koman tradition. Over the Christians of 
 the West his supremacy was fully recognized, but from the 
 beginning it had to be urged with discretion within the domin- 
 ions of the Eastern emperor and the jurisdictions of the other 
 four patriarchs. 
 
 Ideas of worldly rule by the Church were already prevalent 
 in the fourth century. St. Augustine, a citizen of Hippo 
 in North Africa, who wrote between 354 and 430, gave expres- 
 sion to the developing political ideas of the Church in his book 
 The City of Ood. The City of God leads the mind very di- 
 
526 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 rectly towards the possibility of making the world into a theo- 
 logical and organized Kingdom of Heaven. The city, as 
 Augnstine puts it, is "a spiritual society of the predestined 
 faithful," but the step from that to a political application was 
 not a very wide one. The Church was to be the ruler of the 
 world over all nations, the divinely led ruling power over 'a 
 great league of terrestrial states. In later years these ideas 
 developed into a definite political theory and policy. As the 
 barbarian races settled and became Christian, the Pope began 
 to claim an overlordship of their kings. In a few centuries 
 the Pope had become in theory, and to a certain extent in 
 practice, the high priest, censor, judge, and divine monarch 
 of Christendom; his influence extended in the west far be- 
 yond the utmost range of the old empire, to Ireland, Norway 
 and Sweden, and over all Germany. For more than a thou- 
 sand years this idea of the unity of Christendom, of Christen- 
 dom as a sort of vast Amphictyony, whose members even in 
 war time were restrained from many extremities by the idea 
 of a common brotherhood and a common loyalty to the Church, 
 dominated Europe. The history of Europe from the fifth 
 century onward to the fifteenth is very largely the history of 
 the failure of this great idea of a divine world government to 
 realize itself in practice. 
 
 §9 
 
 We have already given an account in the previous chapter 
 of the chief irruptions of the barbarian races. We may now, 
 with the help of a map, make a brief review of the political 
 divisions of Europe at the close of the fifth century. No 
 vestige of the Western Empire, the original Roman Empire, 
 remained as a distinct and separate political division. Po- 
 litically it was completely broken up. Over many parts of 
 Europe a sort of legendary overlordship of the Hellenic East- 
 ern Empire as the Empire held its place in men's minds. The 
 emperor at Constantinople was, in theory at least, still emperor. 
 In Britain, the quite barbaric Teutonic Angles, Saxons and Jutes 
 had conquered the eastern half of England ; in the west of the 
 island the Britons still held out, but were gradually being 
 forced . back into Wales and Cornwall. The Anglo-Saxons 
 seem to have been among the most ruthless and effective of bar- 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 527 
 
 barian conquerors, for, wherever they prevailed, their lan- 
 guage completely replaced the Keltic or Latin speech — it is 
 not certain which — used by the British. These Anglo-Saxons 
 were as yet not Christianized. Most of Gaul, Holland, and 
 the Khineland was under the fairly vigorous. Christianized, 
 and much more civilized kingdom of the Franks. But the 
 Rhone valley was under the separate kingdom of the Bur- 
 gundians. Spain and some of the south of France were under 
 the rule of the Visigoths, but the Suevi were in possession of 
 the north-west corner of the peninsula. Of the Vandal king- 
 dom in Africa we have already written; and Italy, still in its 
 population and habits Roman, came under the rule of the Os- 
 trogoths. There was no emperor left in Rome; Theodoric I 
 ruled there as the first of a line of Gothic kings, and his rule 
 extended across the Alps into Pannonia and down the Adriatic 
 to Dalmatia and Serbia. To the east of the Gothic kingdom 
 the emperors of Constantinople ruled definitely. The Bulgars 
 were still at this time a Mongolian tribe of horse-riding nomads 
 in the region of the Volga ; the Aryan Serbs had recently come 
 southward to the shores of the Black Sea into the original home 
 of the Visigoths; the Turko-Finnish Magyars were not yet 
 in Europe. The Lombards were as yet north of the Danube. 
 
 The sixth century was marked by a phase of vigour on the 
 part of the Eastern Empire under the Emperor Justinian 
 (527-565). The Vandal kingdom was recovered in 534; the 
 Goths were expelled from Italy in 553. So soon as Justinian 
 was dead (565), the Lombards descended into Italy and set- 
 tled in Lombardy, but they left Ravenna, Rome, Southern 
 Italy, and North Africa under the rule of the Eastern 
 Empire. 
 
 Such was the political condition of the world in which the 
 idea of Christendom developed. The daily life of that time 
 was going on at a very low level indeed physically, intellectu- 
 ally, and morally. It is' frequently said that Europe in the 
 sixth and seventh centuries relapsed into barbarism, but that 
 does not express the reality of the case. It is far more cor- 
 rect to say that the civilization of the Roman empire had 
 passed into a phase of extreme demoralization. Barbarism is 
 a social order of an elementary type, orderly within its limits ; 
 but the state of Europe beneath its political fragmentation was 
 a social disorder. Its morah was not that of a kraal, but that 
 
528 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of a slum. In a savage kraal a savage knows tliat he belongs 
 to a community, and lives and acts accordingly; in a slum, 
 the individual neither knows of nor acts in relation to any 
 greater being. 
 
 Only very slowly and weakly did Christianity restore that 
 lost sense of community and teach men to rally about the idea 
 of Christendom. The social and economic structure of the 
 Roman Empire was in ruins. That civilization had been a 
 civilization of wealth and political power sustained by the 
 limitation and slavery of- the great mass of mankind. It had 
 presented a spectacle of outward splendour and luxurious re- 
 fihement, but beneath that brave outward show were cruelty, 
 stupidity, and stagnation. It had to break down, it had to be 
 removed before anything better could replace it. 
 
 We have already called attention to its intellectual deadness. 
 For three centuries it had produced neither science nor litera- 
 ture of any importance. It is only where men are to be found 
 neither too rich and powerful to be tempted into extravagant 
 indulgences nor too poor and limited to care for anything be- 
 yond the daily need that those disinterested curiosities and 
 serene impulses can have play that give sane philosophy and 
 science and great art to the world, and the plutocracy of Rome 
 had made such a class impossible. When men and women are 
 unlimited and unrestrained, the evidence of history shows 
 clearly that they are all liable to become monsters of self- 
 indulgence; when, on the other hand, they are driven and 
 Unhappy, then their impulse is towards immoderate tragical 
 resorts, towards wild revolts or towards the austerities and 
 intensities of religion. 
 
 It is not perhaps true to say that the-world became miserable 
 in these "dark ages" to which we have now come ; much nearer 
 the truth is it to say that the violent and vulgar fraud of 
 Roman imperialism, that world of politicians, adventurers, 
 landowners and financiers, collapsed into a sea of misery that 
 was already there. Our histories of these times are very 
 imperfect: there were few places where men could write, and 
 little encouragement to write at all; no one was sure even 
 of the safety of his manuscript or the possibility of its being 
 read. But we know enough to tell that this age was an age 
 not merely of war and robbery, but of famine and pestilence. 
 No effective sanitary organization had yet come into the world. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 
 
 529 
 
 and the migrations of the time must have destroyed whatever 
 hygenic balaiice had been established. Attila's ravages in 
 North Jtaly were checked by an outbreak of fever in 452. There 
 was a great epidemic of Wbonic plague towards the end of 
 the reign of Justinian (565) which did much to weaken the 
 defence of Italy against the Lombards. In 643 ten thousand 
 
 •A A « "Map of 'EUROPE akmi-SOOAJ>. iS « « 
 
 ■-'^'''^^"■^^-^■^'™™^^ 
 
 M E K 
 
 
 people had died in one day in Constantinople. (Gibbon says 
 "each day.") Plague was raging in Eome in 590. The 
 seventh century was also a plague-stricken century. The Eng- 
 lishman Bede, one of the few \?ritera of the time, records, pesti- 
 lences in England in 664, 672, 678, and 683, no fewer than 
 four in twenty years! Gibbon couples the Justinian epidemic 
 with the great comet of 531, and with the very frequent and 
 serious earthquakes of that reign. "Many cities of, the east 
 were left vacant, and in several districts of Italy the harvest 
 and the vintage withered on the ground." He . alleges "a 
 
530 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 visible decrease of the human species which has never been 
 made good in some of the fairest countries of the globe." To 
 many in those dark days it seemed that all learning and all that 
 made life seemly and desirable was perishing. 
 
 How far the common lot was unhappier under these condi- 
 tions of squalor and insecurity than it had been under the grind- 
 ing order of the imperial system it is impossible to say. There 
 was possibly much local variation, the rule of violent bullies 
 here and a good-tempered freedom there, famine this year and 
 plenty the next. If robbers abounded, tax-gatherers and cred- 
 itors had disappeared. Such kings as those of the Frankish 
 and Gothic kingdoms were really phantom } ulers. to most of 
 their so-called subjects; the life of each district went on at a 
 low level, with little trade or travel. Greater or lesser areas 
 of countryside would be dominated by some able person, claim- 
 ing with more or less justice the title of lord or count or duke 
 from the tradition of the later empire or from the king. Such 
 local nobles would assemble bands of retainers and build them- 
 selves strongholds. Often they adapted pre-existing buildings. 
 The Colosseum at Eome, for example, the arena of many great 
 gladiatorial shows, was converted into a fortress, and so was 
 the amphitheatre at Aries. So also was the great tomb of 
 Hadrian at Rome. In the decaying and now insanitary towns 
 and cities shrunken bodies of artisans would hold togtether 
 and serve the needs of the cultivating villages about them by 
 their industry, placing themselves under the protection of 
 some adjacent noble. 
 
 § 10 
 
 A very important share in the social recrystallization that 
 went on in the sixth and seventh centuries after the breakdown 
 and fusion of the fourth and fifth was taken by the Christian 
 monastic orders that were now arising in the Western world. 
 
 Monnteries had existed in the world before Christianity. 
 During the period of social unhappincs among the Jews be- 
 fore the time of Jesus of Nazareth, there was a sect of Esbones 
 who lived apart in communities vowed to austere lives of soli- 
 tude, purity, and self-denial. Buddhism, too, had developed 
 its communities of men who withdrew from the general effort 
 and commerce of the world to lead lives of austerity and conr 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 631 
 
 templation. Indeed, the story of Buddha as we have told it, 
 shows that such ideas must have prevailed in India long be- 
 fore his time, and that at last he repudiated them. Quite 
 early in the history of Christianity there arose a similar move- 
 ment away from the competition and heat and stress of the 
 daily life of men. In Egypt, particularly, great numbers of 
 men and women went out into the desert and there lived soli- 
 tary lives of prayer and contemplation, living in absolute pov- 
 erty in caves or under rocks, and subsisting on the chance alms 
 of those whom their holiness impressed. Such lives would 
 signify little to the historian, they are indeed of their very 
 nature lives' withdrawn from history, were it not for the turn 
 this monastic tendency presently took among the more ener- 
 getic and practical Europeans. 
 
 One of the central figures in the story of the development 
 of monasticism in Europe is St. Benedict, who lived between 
 480 and 544. He was born at Spoleto in Italy, and he was a 
 young man of good family and ability. The shadow of the 
 times fell upon him, and, like Buddha, he took to the religious 
 life and at first set no limit to his austerities. Eifty miles 
 from Kome is Subiaco, and there at the end of a gorge of the 
 Anio, beneath a jungle growth of weeds and bushes, rose a 
 deserted palace built by the Emperor Nero, overlooking an 
 artificial lake that had been made in those days of departed 
 prosperity by damming back the waters of the river. Here, 
 with a hair shirt as his chief possession, Benedict took up his 
 quarters in a cave in the high southward-looking cliff that over- 
 hangs the stream, in so inaccessible a position that his food 
 had to be lowered to him on a cord by a faithful admirer. 
 Three years he lived here, and his fame spread as Buddha's did 
 nearly a thousand years before under similar circumstances. 
 
 As in the case of Buddha, the story of Benedict has been 
 overlaid by foolish and credulous disciples with a mass of silly 
 stories of miracles and manifestations. But presently we find 
 him, no longer engaged in self-torment, but controlling a group 
 of twelve monasteries, and the resort of a great number of peo- 
 ple. Youths are brought to him to be educated, and the whole 
 character of his life has changed. 
 
 From Subiaco he moved further southward to Monte Cas- 
 sino, half-way between Kome and Naples, a lonely and beauti- 
 ful mountain, in the midst of a great circle of majestice heights. 
 
5S2 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Here, it is interesting to note that in the sixth century a.d. 
 he found a temple of Apollo and a sacred grove and the coun- 
 tryside still worshipping at this shrine. His first labours 
 had to be missionary labours, and it was with difficulty that 
 he ipersuaded the simple pagans to demolish their temple and 
 cut down their grove. The establishment upon Monte Cas- 
 sino became a famous and powerful centre within the lifetime 
 of its founder. Mixed up with the imbecile inventions of 
 marvel-loving monks about demoiis exorcised, disciples walking 
 on the water, and dead children restored to life, we can still 
 detect something of the real spirit of Benedict. Particularly 
 si^ificant are the stories that represent him as 'discouraging 
 extreme mortification. He sent a damping message to a soli- 
 tary who had invented a new degree in saintliness by chain- 
 ing himself to a rock in a narrow cave. "Break thy chain," 
 said Benedict, "for the true servant of God is chained not to 
 rooks by iron, but to righteousness by Christ." 
 
 And next to the discouragement of solitary self-torture it 
 is Benedict's distinction that he insisted upon hard work. 
 Through the legends shines the clear indication of the trouble 
 made by his patrician students and disciples who found them- 
 selves obliged to toil instead of leading lives of leisurely austerity 
 under the ministrations of the lower class brethren. A third 
 remarkable thing about Benedict was his political infiuence. He 
 set himself to reconcile Goths and Italians, and it is clear that 
 Totila, his Gothic king, came to him for counsel and was greatly 
 influenced by him. When Totila retook Naples from the Greeks, 
 the Goths protected the women from insult and treated even 
 the captured soldiers with humanity. When Belisarius, Jus- 
 tinian's general, had taken the same place ten years previously, 
 he had celebrated his triumph by a general massacre. 
 
 Now the monastic organization of Benedict was a very 
 great beginning in the western world. One of his prominent 
 followers was Pope Gregory the Great (540-604), the first 
 monk to become pope (590) ; he was one of the most capable 
 and energetic of the popes, sending successful missions to the 
 unconverted, and particularly to the Anglo-Saxons. He ruled 
 in Rome like an independent king, organizing armies, mak- 
 ing treaties. To his influence is due the imposition of the 
 Benedictine rule upon nearly the whole of Latin monasticism. 
 
 Closely associated with these two names in the development 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 533 
 
 of a civilizing monasticism out of the merely egotistic mortifica- 
 tions of the early recluses is that of Cassiodorus (490-585). 
 He was evidently much senior to Pope Gregory, and younger 
 by ten years than Benedict, and, like these two, he belonged 
 to a patrician family, a Syrian family settled in Italy. He 
 had a considerable official career under the Gothic kings ; and 
 when, between 545 and 553, the overthrow of those kings 
 and the great pestilence paved the way for the new barbaric rule 
 pf the Lombards, he took refuge in a monastic career. lie 
 founded a monastery upon his private estates, and set the 
 monks he gathered to ^ork in quite the Benedictine fashion, 
 though whether his monks actually followed the Bejiedictine 
 rule that was being formulated about the same time from Monte 
 Qassino we do not know. But there can be no question of his 
 influence upon the development of this great working, teach- 
 ing, and studying order. It is evident that he was profoundly 
 impressed by the universal decay of education and the possible 
 loss of all learning and of the ancient literature by the world ; 
 and from the first he directed his brethren to the task of 
 preserving and restoring these things. He , collected ancient 
 MSS. and caused them to be copied. He made sundials, water 
 clocks, and similar apparatus, a little last gleam of experi- 
 mental science in the gathering darkness. He wrote a history 
 of the Gothic kings, and, what is more significant of his sense 
 of the needs of the time, he produced a series of school books 
 on the liberal arts and a grammar. Probably his influence was 
 even greater than that of St. Benedict in making monasticism 
 into a powerful instrument for the restoration of social order 
 in the Western world. 
 
 The spread of monasteries of the Benedictine order or type 
 in the seventh and eighth centuries was very considerable. 
 Everywhere we find them as centres of light, restoring, main- 
 taining, and raising the standard of cultivation, preserving 
 some sort of elementary education, spreading useful arts, mul- 
 tiplying and storing- books, and keeping before the eyes of the 
 world the spectacle and example of a social backbone. For 
 eight centuries thenceforth the European monastic system re- 
 mained a system of patches and fibres of enlightenment in 
 what might otherwise have been a wholly chaotic world. Closely 
 associated with the Benedictine monasteries were the schools 
 that grew presently into the mediseval universities. The schools 
 
534 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of the Koman world had been altogether swept away in the 
 general social breakdown. There was a time when very few 
 priests in Britain or Gaul could read the gospel or their serv- 
 ice books. Only gradually was teaching restored to the world. 
 But when it was restored, it came back not as the duty work 
 of a learned slave, but as the religious service of a special class 
 of devoted men. 
 
 In the east also there was a breach of educational continuity, 
 but there the cause was not so much social disorder as religious 
 intolerance, and the break was by no means so complete. Jus- 
 tinian closed and dispersed the schools of Athens (529), but 
 he did this very largely in order to destroy a rival to the new 
 school he was setting up in Constantinople, which was more 
 directly under imperial control. Since the new Latin learning 
 of the developing western universities had no text-books and 
 literature of its own, it had, in spite of its strong theological 
 bias to the contrary, to depend very largely upon the Latin clas- 
 sics and the Latin translations of the Greek literature. It 
 was obliged to preserve far more of that splendid literature 
 than it had a mind to do. 
 
XXX 
 
 SEVEN CENTUEIES IN ASIA (CIRCA 50 B.C. 
 TO A.D. 650) 
 
 § 1. Justinian the Great. § 2. The Sassanid Empire in Per- 
 sia. § 3. The Decay of Syria under the Sassanids. § 4, 
 The First Message from Islam,. § 5. Zoroaster and Mani. 
 § 6. Hunnish Peoples m Central Asia and India. § 7. 
 The Great Age of China. § 8. Intellectual Fetters of China. 
 § 9. The Travels of Yuan Ghwang. 
 
 § 1 
 
 IN the preceding two chapters we have concentrated our 
 attention chiefly on the collapse in the comparatively short 
 space of four centuries of the political and social order 
 of the western part of the great Eoman Empire of Caesar 
 and Trajan. We have dwelt upon the completeness of that 
 collapse. To any intelligent and public-spirited mind living 
 in the time and under the circumstances of St. Benedict or 
 Cassiodorus, it must have seemed, indeed, as if the light of 
 civilization was waning and near extinction. But with the 
 longer views a study of universal history gives us, we can 
 view those centuries of shadow as a phase, and probably a 
 necessary phase, in the onward march of social and political 
 ideas and understandings. And if, during that time, a dark 
 sense of calamity rested upon Western Europe, we must re- 
 member that over large portions of the world there was no 
 retrogression. 
 
 With their Western prepossessions European writers are 
 much too prone to underrate the tenacity of the Eastern em- 
 pire that centred upon Constantinople. This empire embodied 
 a tradition much more ancient than that of Rome. If the 
 reader will look at the map we have given of its extent in the 
 sixth century, and if he will reflect that its official language 
 had then become Greek, he will realize that what we are dealing 
 
 535 
 
586 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 with here is only nominally a branch of the Koman Empire; 
 it ia really the Hellenic Empire of which Herodotus dreamt 
 and which Alexander the Great founded. True it called itself 
 Eoman and its people "Eomans," and to this day modem 
 Greek is called "Eomaic." True also that Oonstantine the 
 Great knew no Greek and that Justinian's accent was bad. 
 These superficialities of name and form cannot alter the fact 
 that the empire was in reality Hellenic, with a past of six 
 centuries at the time of Oonstantine the Great, and that while 
 the real Roman Empire crumpled up completely in four cfen- 
 turies, this Hellenic "Eoman Empire" held out for more. than 
 eleven — ^from 312, the beginning of the reign of Oonstantine 
 the Great, to 1453, when Constantinople fell to the Ottoman 
 Turks. ., 
 
 And while we have had to tell of something like a complete 
 social collapse in the west, there were no such equivalent break- 
 downs in the east. Towns and cities flourished, the country- 
 side was well cultivated, trade went on. For many centuries 
 Oonstantinople was the greatest and richest city in the world. 
 We will not trouble ourselves here with the names and follies, 
 the crimes and intrigues, of its tale of emperors. As with 
 most monarchs of great states, they did not guide their em- 
 pire ; they were carried by it. We have already dealt at some 
 length with Oonstantine the Great (312-337), we have men- 
 tioned Theodosius the Great (379-395), who for a little 
 while reunited the empire, and Justinian I (527-565). Pres- 
 ently we shall tell something of Heraclius (610-641). 
 Justinian, like Oonstantine, may have had Slav blood in his 
 veins. He was a man of great ambition and great organizing 
 power, and he had the good fortune to be married to a woman 
 of equal or greater ability, the Empress Theodora, who had 
 in her youth been an actress of doubtful reputation. But his 
 ambitious attempts to restore the ancient greatness of the em- 
 pire probably overtaxed its resources. As we have told, he 
 reconquered the African province from the Vandals and most 
 of Italy from the Goths. He also recovered the South of 
 Spain. He built the great and beautiful church of Sancta 
 Sophia in Oonstantinople, founded a university, and codified 
 the iaw.^ But against this we must set his closing of the schools 
 
 ' Great importance is attached to tliis task by historianB, including one 
 of the editors of this history. We are told that the- essential contribution 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 587 
 
 of Athens. Mean-while a great plague swept the world, and 
 at his death this renewed and expanded empire of his col- 
 lapsed like a pricked bladder. The greater part of his Italian 
 conquests was lost to the Lombards. Italy was indeed at that 
 time almost a desert ; the Lombard historians assert they came 
 into an empty country. The Avars and Slavs struck down from 
 the Danube country towards the Adriatic, Slav populations es- 
 tablishing themselves in what is now Serbia, Croatia, and Dal- 
 matia, to become the Yugo-Slavs of to-day. Moreover, a great 
 and exhausting struggle began with the Sassanid Empire in 
 Persia. 
 
 But before we say anything of this struggle, in which the 
 Persians thrice came near to taking Constantinople, and which 
 was decided by a great Persian defeat at Nineveh (637)', it 
 is necessary to sketch very briefly the history of Persia from 
 the Parthian days. 
 
 § 2 
 
 We have already drawn a comparison between the brief 
 four centuries of Roman imperialism and the obstinate vitality 
 of the imperialism of the Euphrates-Tigris country. We have 
 glanced very transitorily at the Hellenized Bactrian and Seleu- 
 cid monarchies that flourished in the eastern half of Alex- 
 ander's area of conquest for three centuries, and told how the 
 Parthians came down into Mesopotamia in the last century b.c. 
 We have described the battle of Carrhse and the end of Cras- 
 sus. Thereafter for two centuries and a half the Parthian 
 dynasty of the Arsacids ruled in the east and the Roman 
 in the west, with Armenia and Syria between them, and the 
 boundaries shifted east and west as either side grew stronger. 
 
 of Kome to the inheritance of mankind is the idea of society founded 
 on law, and that this exploit of Justinian was the crown of the gift. 
 The writer is ill-equipped to estimate the peculiar value of Boman legalism 
 to mankind. Existing law seems to him to be based upon a confused 
 foundation of conventions, arbitrary assumptions, and working fictions 
 about human relationship, and to be a very impracticable and antiquated 
 system indeed; he is persuaded that a time will come when the whole 
 theory and -practice of law will be recast in the light of a well-developed 
 science of social psychology in accordance with a scientific conception of 
 human society as one developing organization and in definite relationship 
 to a system of moral and intellectual education. He contemplates the 
 law and lawyers of to-day with a temperamental lack of appreciatipn. 
 This may have made him negligent of Justinian and unjust to Bome as a 
 whole. 
 
538 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 We have marked the utmost eastward extension of the Koman 
 Empire under Trajan (see map to Chap. XXVIII, § 3), and 
 we have noted that about the same time the Indo-Scythians 
 (Chap. XXVIII, § 4) poured down into India. 
 
 In 227 occurred a revolution, and the Arsacid dynasty gave 
 way to a more vigorous line, the Sassanid, a national Persian 
 line under Ardashir I. In one respect the empire of Ardashir 
 I presented a curious parallelism with that of Constantino 
 the Great a hundred years later. Ardashir attempted to con- 
 solidate it by insisting upon religious unity, and adopted as 
 the state religion the old Persian faith of Zoroaster, of which 
 we shall have more to say later. 
 
 This new Sassanid Empire immediately became aggressive, 
 and under Sapor I, the son and successor of Ardashir, topk 
 Antioch. We have already noted how the Emperor Valerian 
 was defeated (260) and taken prisoner. But as Sapor was 
 retiring from a victorious march into Asia Minor, he was 
 fallen upon and defeated by Odenathus, the Arab king of a great 
 desert-trading centre, Palmyra. 
 
 For a brief time under Odenathus, and then under his widow 
 Zenobia, Palmyra was a considerable state, wedged between the 
 two empires. Then it fell to the Emperor Aurelian, who car- 
 ried off Zenobia in chains to grace his triumph at Rome (272). 
 
 We will not attempt to trace the fluctuating fortunes of the 
 Sassanids during the next three centuries. Throughout that 
 time war between Persia and the empire of Constantinople 
 wasted Asia Minor like a fever. Christianity spread widely 
 and was persecuted, for after the Christianization of Rome 
 the Persian monarch remained the only god-monarch on earth, 
 and he saw in Christianity merely the propaganda of his 
 Byzantine rival. Constantinople became the protector of the 
 Christians and Persia of the Zoroastrians ; in a treaty of 422, 
 the one empire agreed to tolerate Zoroastrianism and the other 
 Christianity. In 483, the Christians of the east split off from 
 the Orthodox church and became the Nestorian church ; which, 
 as we have already noted, spread its missionaries far and 
 wide throughout Central and Eastern Asia. This separa- 
 tion from Europe, since it freed the Christian bishops of 
 the east from the rule of the Byzantine patriarchs, and 
 so lifted from the Nestorian church the suspicion of po- 
 litical disloyalty, led to a complete toleration of Chris- 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 539 
 
 tianity in Persia. With Chosroes I (531-579) came a last 
 period of Sassanid vigour. He was tlie contemporary and 
 parallel of Justinian. He reformed taxation, restored the 
 orthodox Zoroastrianism, extended his power into Southern 
 Arabia (Yemen), which he rescued from the rule of Abys- 
 sinian Christians, pushed his northern frontier into Western 
 Turkestan, and carried on a series of wars with Justinian. 
 His reputation as an enlightened ruler stood so high, that when 
 Justinian closed the schools of Athens, the last Greek philoso- 
 phers betook themselves to his court. They sought in him the 
 philosopher king — ^that mirage which, as we have noted, Con- 
 fucius and Plato had sought in their day. The philosophers 
 found the atmosphere of orthodox Zoroastrianism even less to 
 their taste than orthodox Christianity, and in 549 Chosroes 
 had the kindness to insert a clause in an armistice with Jus- 
 tinian, permitting their return to Greece, and ensuring that 
 they should not be molested for their pagan philosophy or their 
 transitory pro-Persian behaviour. 
 
 It is in connection with Chosroes that we hear now of a new 
 Hunnish people in Central Asia, the Turks, who are, we learn, 
 first in alliance with him and then with Constantinople. 
 
 Chosroes II (590-628), the grandson of Chosroes I, eixperi- 
 enced extraordinary fluctuations of fortune. At the outset of 
 his career he achieved astonishing successes against the empire 
 of Constantinople. Three times (in 608, 615, and 62Y) his 
 armies reached Chalcedon, which is over against Constantino- 
 ple ; he took Antioch, Damascus, and Jerusalem (614), and from 
 Jerusalem he carried off a cross, said to be the true cross on 
 which Jesus was crucified, to his capital Ctesiphon. (But some 
 of this or some other true cross had already got to Borne. It 
 had been brought from Jerusalem, it was said, by the "Empress 
 Helena," the idealized and canonized mother of Constantine, 
 a story for which Gibbon displayed small respect.^) In 619, 
 Chosroes II conquered that facile country, Egypt. This career 
 of conquest was at last arrested by the Emperor Heraclius 
 (610), who set about restoring the ruined military power of 
 Constantinople. For some time Heraclius avoided a great bat- 
 tle while he gathered his forces. He took the field in good 
 earnest in 623. The Persians experienced a series of de- 
 feats culminating in the battle of Nineveh (627) ; but neither 
 ' The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap, xxiii. 
 
540 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 side had the strength for the complete defeat of the other. 
 At the end of the struggle there was still an undefeated Persian 
 army upon the Bosphorus, although there were victorious By- 
 zantine forces in Mesopotamia. In 628 Chosroes II was de- 
 posed and murdered by his son. An indecisive peace was con- 
 cluded between the two exhausted empires a year or so later, 
 restoring their old boundaries ; and the true cross was sent back 
 to Heraclius, who replaced it in Jerusalem with much pomp 
 and ceremony, 
 
 § 3 
 
 So we give briefly the leading events in the history of the 
 Persian as of the Byzantine Empire. What is more interesting 
 for us and less easy to give are the changes that went on in the 
 lives of the general population of those great empires during 
 that time. The present writer can find little of a definite char- 
 acter about the great pestilences that we know swept the world 
 in the second and sixth centuries of this era. Certainly they 
 depleted population, and probably they disorganized social 
 order in these regions just as much as we know they did in the 
 Eoman and Chinese empires. 
 
 The late Sir Mark Sykes, whose untimely death in Paris 
 during the influenza epidemic of 1919 was an irreparable loss 
 to Great Britain, vwote in The Caliph's Last Heritage a vivid 
 review of the general life of Nearer Asia during the period we 
 are considering. In the opening centuries of the present era, 
 he says : "The direction of military administration and imperial 
 finance became entirely divorced in men's minds from practical 
 government; and notwithstanding the vilest tyranny of sots, 
 drunkards, tyrants, lunatics, savages, and abandoned women, 
 who from time to time held the reins of government, Mesopo- 
 tamia, Babylonia, and Syria contained enormous populations, 
 huge canals and dykes were kept in repair, and commerce and 
 architecture flourished, in spite of a perpetual procession of hos- 
 tile armies and a continual changing of the nationality of the 
 governor. Each peasant's interest was centred in his ruling 
 town ; each citizen's interest was in the progress and prosperity 
 of his city ; and the advent of an enemy's army may have some- 
 times been looked on even with satisfaction, if his victory was 
 assured and the payment of his contracts a matter "of certainty. 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 
 
 HI 
 
 "A raid from the north,^ on the other hand, must huVe been 
 a matter for dread. Then the villagers had need to take 
 refuge behind the walls of the cities, from whence they coul ' 
 descry the smoke which told of the wreck and damage caused 
 by the nomads. So long, however, as the canals were not 
 destroyed (and, indeed, they were built with such solidity and 
 
 y/Zg E\5TERK EMPIRE euid ihc SPtSS2>tHTDS' 
 
 caution that their safety was assured), no irreparable daimage 
 could be effected. . . . 
 
 "In Armenia and . Pontus the condition of life was quite 
 otherwise. These were mountain districts, containing fierce 
 tribes headed by powerful native nobility under recognized 
 ruling kings, while in the valleys and plains the peaceful cul- 
 tivator provided the necessary .economic resources. . . . Cilicia 
 and Cappadocia were now thoroughly subject to Greek i^iflu- 
 ence, and contained numerous wealthy and highly civilized 
 towns, besides possessing a considerable merchant marine. 
 Passing from Cilicia to the Hellespont, the whole Mediter- 
 ranean coast was crowded with wealthy cities and Greek col- 
 ^ Turanians from Turkestan or Avars from the Caucasus. 
 
342 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Quies, entirely cosmopolitan in thought and speechj with those 
 municipal and local ambitions which seem natural to the Gre- 
 cian character. The Grecian Zone extended from Caria to 
 the Bosphorus, and followed the coast as far as Sinope on the 
 Black Sea, where it gradually faded away. 
 
 "Syria was broken up into a curious quilt-like pattern of 
 principalities and municipal kingdoms ; beginning with the al- 
 most barbarous states of Commagene and Edessa (Urfa) in 
 the north. South of these stood Bambyce, with its huge tem- 
 ples and priestly governors. Towards the coast a dense popu- 
 lation in villages and towns clustered around the independent 
 cities of Antioch, Apamea, and Emesa (Homs) ; while out in 
 the wilderness the great Semitic merchant city of Palmyra was 
 gaining wealth and greatness as the neutral trading-ground be- 
 tween Parthia and Home. Between the' Lebanon and Anti- 
 Lebanon we find, at the height of its glory, Heliopolis (Baal- 
 bek), the battered fragments of which even now command our 
 admiration. . . . Bending in towards Galilee we find the won- 
 drous cities of Gerasa and Philadelphia (Amman) connected 
 by solid roads of masonry and furnished with gigantic aque- 
 ducts. . . . Syria is still so rich in ruins and remains of the 
 period that it is not difficult to picture to oneself the nature 
 of its civilization. The arts of Greece, imported long before, 
 had been developed into magnificence that bordered on vulgar- 
 ity. The richness of ornamentation, the lavish expense, the 
 flaunting wealth, all tell that the tastes of the voluptuous and 
 artistic Semites were then as now. I have stood in the colon- 
 nades of Palmyra and I have dined in the Hotel Cecil, and, 
 save that the latter is built of iron, daubed with sham wood, 
 sham stucco, sham gold, sham velvet, and sham stone, the effect 
 is identical. In Syria there were slaves in sufficient quantity 
 to make real buildings, but the artistic spirit is as debased as 
 anything made .by machinery. Over against the cities the vil- 
 lage folk must have dwelt pretty much as they do now, in 
 houses of mud and dry stone wall ; while out in the distant pas- 
 tures the Bedouin tended their flocks in freedom under the 
 rule of the Nabatean kings of their own race, or performed 
 the office of guardians and agents of the great trading caravans. 
 
 "Beyond the herdsmen lay the parching deserts, which acted 
 as the impenetrable barrier and defence of the Parthian Em- 
 pire behind the Euphrates, where stood the great cities of 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 
 
 543 
 
 Ctesiphon, Seleucia, Hatra, ISTisibin, Harran, and hundreds 
 more whose very names are forgotten. These great townships 
 subsisted on the enormous cereal wealth of Mesopotamia, 
 watered as it then was by canals, whose makers' names were 
 even then already lost in the mists of antiquity. Babylon and 
 !N^ineveh had passed away; the successors of Persia and Mace- 
 don had given place to Parthiaj but the people and the culti- 
 
 eujcs- oT A5IA2V1INOR. 5YRDV © ME^QPOTAMIA^ 
 
 vertically. 
 
 vation were the same as when Cyrus the Conqueror had first 
 subdued the land. The language of many of the towns was 
 Greek, and the cultured citizens of Seleucia might criticize the 
 philosophies and tragedies of Athens ; but the millions of the 
 agricultural population knew possibly no more of these things 
 than does many an Essex peasant of to-day know of what 
 passes in the metropolis." 
 
 Compare with this the state of affairs at. the end of the 
 seventh century. 
 
 "Syria was now an impoverished and stricken land, and her 
 
§44 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 great cities, though still populated, must have been encum- 
 bered with ruins which the public funds were not sufficient to 
 remove. Damascus and Jerusalem themselves had not recov- 
 ered from the eii'ects of long and terrible sieges; Amman and 
 Gerash had declined into wretched villages under the sway 
 and lordship of the Bedouin. The Hauran, perhaps, still 
 showed signs of the prosperity for which it had been noted in 
 the days of Trajan; but the wretched buildings and rude in- 
 scriptions of this date all point to a sad and depressing decline. 
 Out in the desert, Palmyra stood empty and desolate save for a 
 garrison in the castle. On the coasts and in the Lebanon a 
 shadow of the former business and wealth was still to be seen ; 
 but in the north, ruin, desolation, and abandonment must have 
 been the common state of the country, which had been raided 
 with unfailing regularity for one hundred years and had been 
 held by an enemy for fifteen. Agriculture must have declined; 
 and the population notably decreased through the plagues and 
 distresses from which it had suffered. . I 
 
 "Cappadocia had insensibly sunk into barbarism; and thd 
 great basilicas and cities, which the rude countrymen could 
 neither repair nor restore, had been leveled with the ground. 
 The Anatolian peninsula had been ploughed and harrowed by 
 the Persian armies; the great cities had been plundered and 
 sacked." 
 
 §4 
 
 It was while Heraelius was engaged in restoring order in 
 this already desolated Syria after the death of Chosroes II 
 and before the final peace with Persia, that a strange message 
 was brought to him. The bearer had ridden over to the im- 
 perial outpost at Bostra in the wilderness south of Damascus. 
 The letter was in Arabic, the obscure Semitic language of the 
 nomadic peoples of the southern desert; and probably only 
 an interpretation reached him — presumably with deprecatory 
 notes by the interpreter. 
 
 It was an odd, florid challenge from someone who called 
 himself "Muhammad, the Prophet of God." This Muhammad, 
 it appeared, called upon Heraelius to acknowledge the one true 
 God and to serve him. Nothing else was definite in the 
 document. 
 
 There is no record of the reception of this missive, and 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 545 
 
 presumably it went unanswered. The emperor probably 
 shrugged his shoulders, and was faintly amused at the incident. 
 
 But at Ctesiphon they knew more about this Muhammad. 
 He was said to be a tiresome false prophet, who had incited 
 Yemen, the rich province of Southern Arabia, to rebel against 
 the King of Kings. Kavadh was much occupied with affairs. 
 He had deposed and murdered his father Chosroes II, and he 
 was attempting to reorganize the Persian military forces. To 
 him also came a message identical with that sent to Heraclius. 
 The thing angered them. He tore up the letter, flung the 
 fragments at the envoy, and bade him begone. 
 
 When this was told to the sender far away in the squalid 
 little town of Medina, he was very angry. "Even so, O Lord !" 
 he cried; "rend Thou his kingdom from him." (a.d, 628.) 
 
 § 5 
 
 But before we go on to tell of the rise of Islam in the world, 
 it will be well to complete our survey of the condition of Asia 
 in the dawn of the seventh century. And a word or so is due 
 to religious developments in the Persian community during 
 the Sassanid period. 
 
 From the days of Cyrus onward Zoroastrianism had pre- 
 vailed over the ancient gods of Nineveh and Babylon. Zoroas- 
 ter (the Greek spelling of the Iranian "Zarathustra"), like 
 Buddha, was an Aryan. We know nothing of the age in which 
 he lived; some authorities make him as early as 1000 b.c, 
 others make him contemporary with Buddha or Confucius; 
 and as little do we know of his place of birth or his exact 
 nationality. His teachings are preserved to us in the Zend 
 Avesta, but here, since they no longer play any great part in 
 the world's affairs, we cannot deal with them in any detail. 
 The opposition of a good god, Ormuzd, the god of light, truth, 
 frankness, and the sun, and a bad god, Ahriman, god of secrecy, 
 cunning, diplomacy, darkness, and night, formed a very cen- 
 tral part of his religion. As we find it in history, it is already 
 surrounded by a ceremonial and sacerdotal system; it has no 
 images, but it has priests, temples, and altars, on which bum a 
 sacred fire and at which sacrificial ceremonies are performed. 
 Among other distinctive features is its prohibition of either 
 the burning or the burial of the dead. The Parsees of India, 
 
546 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the last surviving Zoroastrians, still lay their dead out within 
 certain open towers, the Towers of Silence, to which the vul- 
 tures come. 
 
 Under the Sassanid kings from Ardashir onward (227), 
 this religion was the official religion; its head was the second 
 person in the state next to the king, and the king in quite the 
 ancient fashion was supposed to be divine or semi-divine and 
 upon terms of peculiar intimacy with Ormuzd. 
 
 But the religious fermentation of the world did not leave 
 the supremacy of Zoroastrianism undisputed in the Persian 
 Empire. Not only was there a great eastward diffusion of 
 Christianity, to which we have already given notice, but new 
 sects arose in Persia, incorporating the novel ideas of the time. 
 One early variant or branch of Zoroastrianism, Mithraism, we 
 have already named. It had spread into Europe by the first 
 century B.C., after the eastern campaigns of Pompey the Great. 
 It became enormously popular with the soldiers and common 
 people, and, until the time of Constantine the Great, continued 
 to be a serious rival to Christianity. Indeed, one of his suc- 
 cessors, the Emperor Julian (361-363), known in Christian 
 history as "Julian the Apostate," made a belated attempt to 
 substitute it for the accepted faith. Mithras was a god of 
 light, "proceeding" from Ormuzd and miraculously born, in 
 much the same way that the third person in the Christian 
 Trinity proceeds from the first. Of this branch of the Zoroas- 
 trian stem we need say no more. In the third century a.d., 
 however, another religion, Manichseism, arose, which deserves 
 some notice now. 
 
 Mani, the founder of Manichseism, was bom the son of a 
 good family of Ecbatana, the old Median capital (a.d. 216). 
 He was educated at Ctesiphon. His father was some sort of 
 religious sectary, and he was brought up in an atmosphere of 
 religious discussion. There came to him that persuasion that 
 he at last had the complete light, which is the moving power 
 of all religious initiators. He was impelled to proclaim his 
 doctrine. In a.d. 242, at the accession of Sapor I, the second 
 Sassanid monarch, he began his teaching. 
 
 It is characteristic of the way in which men's minds were 
 moving in those days that his teaching included a sort of 
 theocrasia. He was not, he declared, proclaiming anything 
 new. The great religious founders before bim had all been 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 547 
 
 right: Moses, Zoroaster, Buddha, Jesus Christ — all had been 
 true prophets, but to him it was appointed to clarify and 
 crown their imperfect and confused teaching. This he did in 
 Zoroastrian language. He explains the perplexities and con- 
 tradictions of life as a conflict of light and darkness, Ormuzd 
 was God and Ahriman Satan. But how man was created, how 
 he fell from light into darkness, how he is being disentangled 
 and redeemed from the darkness, and of the part played by 
 Jesus in this strange mixture of religions we cannot explain 
 here even if we would. Our interest with the system is his- 
 torical and not theological. 
 
 But of the utmost historical interest is the fact that Mani 
 not only went about Iran preaching these new and to him these 
 finally satisfying ideas of his, but into Turkestan, into India, 
 and over the passes into China. This freedom of travel is to 
 be noted. It is interesting also because it brings before us 
 the fact that Turkestan was no longer a country of dangerous 
 nomads, but a country in which cities were flourishing and men 
 had the education and leisure for theological argument. The 
 ideas of Mani spread eastward and westward with great 
 rapidity, and they were a most fruitful rootstoek of heresies 
 throughout the entire Christian world for nearly a thousand 
 years. 
 
 Somewhen about a.d. 270 Mani came back to Ctesiphon and 
 made many converts. This brought him into conflict with the 
 official religion and the priesthood. In 277 the reigning mon- 
 arch had him crucified and his body, for some unknown reason, 
 flayed, and there began a fierce persecution of his adherents. 
 Nevertheless, Maniehseism held its own in Persia with ISTes- 
 torian Christianity and orthodox Zoroastrianism (Mazdaism) 
 for some centuries. 
 
 § 6 
 
 It becomes fairly evident that in the fifth and sixth centuries 
 A.D. not merely Persia, but the regions that are now Turkestan 
 and Afghanistan were far more advanced in civilization than 
 were the French and English of that time. The obscurity of 
 the history of these regions has been lifted in the last two 
 decades, and a very considerable literature written in lan- 
 guages of the Turkish group has been discovered. These ex- 
 
548 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 taut manuscripts date from the seventh century onward. The 
 alphabet is an adaptation of the Syrian, introduced by 
 Maniohsean missionaries, and many of the MSS. discovered — 
 parchments have been found in v^indows in the place of glass 
 — are as beautifully written as any Benedictine production. 
 Mixed up with a very extensive Manichsean literature are 
 translations of the Christian scriptures and Buddhistic writ- 
 ings. Much of this early Turkish material still awaits 
 examination. 
 
 Everything points to the conclusion that those centuries, 
 which were centuries of disaster and retrogression in Europe, 
 were comparatively an a^e of progress in Middle Asia east- 
 ward into China. 
 
 A steady westward drift to the north of the Caspian of 
 Hunnish peoples, who were now called Tartars and Turks, was 
 still going on in the sixth century, but it must be thought of 
 as an overflow rather than as a migration of whole peoples. 
 The world from the Danube to the Chinese frontiers was still 
 largely a nomadic world, with tovsms and cities growing up 
 upon the chief trade routes. We need not tell in any detail 
 here of the constant clash of the Turkish peoples of Western 
 Turkestan with the Persians to the south of them, the age- 
 long bickering of Turanian and Iranian. We hear nothing 
 of any great northward marches of the Persians, but there 
 were great and memorable raids to the south both by the 
 Turanians to the east and the Alans to the west of the Caspian 
 before the big series of movements of the third and fourth cen- 
 tury westward that carried the Alans and Huns into the heart 
 of Europe. There was a nomadic drift to the east of Persia 
 and southward through Afghanistan towards India, as well as 
 this drift to the north-west. These streams of nomads flowed 
 by Persia on either side. We have already mentioned the 
 Yue-Chi (Chap, xxviii, § 4), who flnally descended into India 
 as the Indo-Scythians in the second century. A backward, 
 still nomadic section of these Yue-Chi remained in Central 
 Asia, and became numerous upon the steppes of Turkestan, as 
 the Ephthalites or White Huns. After being a nuisance and 
 a danger to the Persians for three centuries, they finally began 
 raiding into India in the footsteps of their kinsmen about the 
 year 470, about a quarter of a century after the death of Attila. 
 They did not migrate into India; they went to and fro, looting 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 
 
 549 
 
 in India and returning witli their loot to their own country, 
 just as later the Huns established themselves in the great plain 
 of the Danube and raided all Europe. 
 
 The history of India during these seven centuries we are 
 now reviewing is punctuated by these two invasions of the Yue- 
 Chi, the Indo-Scythians who, as we have said, wiped out the 
 last traces of Hellenic rule, and the Ephthalites. Before the 
 former of these, the Indo-Scythians, a wave of uprooted popu- 
 lations, the Sakas, had been pushed; so that altogether India 
 experienced three waves of barbaric invasion, about a.d. 100, 
 about A.D. 120, and about a.d. 470. But only the second of 
 these invasions was a permanent conquest and settlement. The 
 Indo Scythians 
 made their head- 
 quarters on the 
 STorth-west Fron- 
 tier and set up a 
 dynasty, the 
 Kushan dynasty, 
 which ruled most 
 of North India as 
 far east as Benares. 
 
 The chief among 
 these Kushan mon- 
 archs was Kanishka (date unknown), who added to North India 
 Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan. Like Asoka, he was a great 
 and vigorous promoter of Buddhism, and these conquests, this 
 great empire of the North-west Frontier, must have brought 
 India into close and frequent relations with China and Tibet. 
 
 We will not trouble to record here the divisions and coales- 
 cences of power in India, nor the dynasties that followed the 
 Kushans, because these things signify very little to us from 
 our present point of view. Sometimes all India was a patch- 
 work quilt of states; sometimes such empires as that of the 
 Guptas prevailed over great areas. These things made little 
 difference in the ideas, the religion, and the ordinary way of 
 life of the Indian peoples. Brahminism held its own against 
 Buddhism, and the two religions prospered side by side. The 
 mass of the population was living then very much as it lives 
 to-day; dressing, cultivating, and building its houses in much 
 the same fashion. 
 
 Tim 'BphtiuiUte Couu. 
 
550 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The irruption of the Ephthalites is memorable not so much 
 because of its pennanent effects as because of the atrocities 
 perpetrated by the invaders. These Ephthalites very closely 
 resembled the Huns of Attila in their barbarism ; they merely 
 raided, they produced no such dynasty as the Kushan mon- 
 archy ; and their chiefs retained their headquarters in Western 
 Turkestan. Mihiragula, their most capable leader, has been 
 called the Attila of India. One of his favourite amusements, 
 we are told, was the expensive one of rolling elephants down 
 precipitous places in order to watch their sufferings. His 
 abominations roused his Indian tributary princes to revolt, and 
 he was overthrown (528). But the final ending of the 
 Ephthalite raids into India was effected not by Indians, but 
 by the destruction of their central establishment of the Ephtha- 
 lites on the Oxus (565) by the growing power of the Turks, 
 working in alliance with the Persians. After this break-up, 
 the Ephthalites dissolved very rapidly and completely into the 
 surrounding populations, much as the European Huns did after 
 the death of Attila a hundred years earlier. Nomads without 
 central grazing lands must disperse; nothing else is possible. 
 Some of the chief Rajput clans of to-day in Eajpntana in 
 North India are descended, it is said, from these White Huns. 
 
 § 7 
 
 These seven centuries which saw the beginning and the end 
 of the emperors in Rome and the complete breakdown and 
 recasting of the social, economic, political, and religious life 
 of Western Europe, saw also very profound changes in the 
 Chinese world. It is too commonly assumed by both Chinese, 
 Japanese, and European historians, that the Han dynasty, 
 under which we find China at the beginning of this period, and 
 the Tang dynasty, with which it closed, were analogous as- 
 cendancies controlling a practically similar empire, and that 
 the four centuries of division that elapsed between the end of 
 the Han dynasty (220) and the beginning of the Tang period 
 (619) were centuries of disturbance rather than essential 
 change. The divisions of China are supposed to be merely 
 political and territorial; and, deceived by the fact that at the 
 close as at the commencement of these four centuries, China 
 occupied much the same wide extent of Asia, and was still 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 551 
 
 recognizably China, still with a common culture, a common 
 script, and a common body of ideas, they ignore the very funda- 
 mental breaking down and reconstruction that went on, and 
 the many parallelisms to the European experience that China 
 displayed. 
 
 It is true that the social collapse was never so complete in 
 the Chinese as in the European world. There remained 
 throughout the whole period considerable areas in which the 
 elaboration of the arts of life could go on. There was no such 
 complete deterioration in cleanliness, decoration, artistic and 
 literary production as we have to record in the West, and 
 no such abandonment of any search for grace and pleasure. 
 We note, for instance, that "tea" appeared in the world, and 
 its use spread throughout China. China began to drink tea 
 in the sixth century a.d. And there were Chinese poets to 
 write delightfully about the effects of the first cup and the 
 second cup and the third cup, and so on. China continued to 
 produce beautiful paintings long after the fall of the Han rule. 
 In the second, third, and fourth centuries some of the most 
 lovely landscapes were painted that have ever been done by 
 men. A considerable production of beautiful vases and carv- 
 ings also continued. Eine building and decoration went on. 
 Printing from wood blocks began about the same time as tea- 
 drinking, and with the seventh century came a remarkable 
 revival of poetry. 
 
 Certain differences between the great empires of the East 
 and West were all in favour of the stability of the former. 
 China had no general coinage. The cash and credit system 
 of the Western world, at once efficient and dangerous, had not 
 strained her economic life. Not that the monetary idea was 
 unknovyn. For small transactipns the various provinces were 
 using perforated zinc and brass "cash," but for larger there 
 was nothing but stamped ingots of silver. This great empire 
 was still carrying on most of its business on a basis of barter like 
 that which prevailed in Babylon in the days of. the Aramean 
 merchants. And so it continued to do to the dawn of the 
 twentieth century. 
 
 We. have seen how under the Koman republic economic and 
 social order was destroyed by the too great fluidity of property 
 that money brought about. Money became abstract, and lost 
 touch with the real values it was supposed to represent. In- 
 
552 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 dividuals and communities got preposterously into debt, and 
 the world was saddled by a class of rich men who were creditors, 
 men who did not handle and administer any real wealth, but 
 who had the power to call up money. No such development of 
 "finance" occurred in China. Wealth in China remained real 
 and visible. And China had no need for any Licinian law, 
 nor for a Tiberius Gracchus. The idea of property in China 
 did not extend far beyond tangible things. There was no 
 
 TRi CHINESE EMPIRE tmSsp the T?iN.O Ihpmsti£(gc\a!t&stextzttir^) 
 
 "labour" slavery, no gang servitude.^ The occupier and user 
 of the land was in most instances practically the owner of it, 
 subject to a land tax. There was a certain amount of small 
 scale landlordism, but no great estates. Landless men worked 
 for wages paid mostly in kind — as they were in ancient 
 Babylon. 
 
 These things made for stability and the geographical form 
 of China for unity; nevertheless, the vigour of the Han 
 dyna-sty declined, and when at last at the close of the .second 
 century a.d. the world catastrophe of the great pestilence struck 
 
 'There were girl slaves who did domestic work and women who were 
 bought and sold. — J. J. L. D. 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 553 
 
 the system, the same pestilence that inaugurated a century of 
 confusion in the Eoman empire, the dynasty fell like a rotten 
 tree before a gale. And the same tendency to break up into a 
 number of warring states, and the same eruption of barbaric 
 rulers, was displayed in East and West alike. In China, as 
 in the Western empire, faith had decayed. Mr. Fu ascribes 
 much of the political nervelessness of China in this period to 
 Epicureanism, arising, he thinks, out of the sceptical indi- 
 vidualism of Lao Tse. This phase of division is known as the 
 "Three Kingdom Period." The fourth century saw a dynasty 
 of more or less civilized Huns established as rulers in the prov- 
 ince of Shen-si. This Hunnish kingdom included not merely 
 the north of China, but great areas of Siberia; its dynasty 
 absorbed the Chinese civilization, and its influence carried Chi- 
 nese trade and knowledge to the Arctic circle. Mr. Fu com- 
 pares this Siberian monarchy to the empire of Charlemagne 
 in Europe; it was the barbarian becoming "Chinized" as 
 Charlemagne was a barbarian becoming Komanized. Out of a 
 fusion of these Siberian with native north Chinese elements 
 arose the Suy dynasty, which conquered the south. This Suy 
 dynasty marks the beginning of a renascence of China. Under 
 a Suy monarch the Lu-chu isles were annexed to China, and 
 there was a phase of great literary activity. The number of 
 volumes at this time in the imperial library was increased, 
 we are told, to 54,000. The dawn of the seventh century saw 
 the beginning of the great Tang dynasty, which was to endure 
 for three centuries. 
 
 The renascence of China that began with Suy and culmi- 
 nated in Tang was, Mr. Fu insists, a real new birth. "The 
 spirit," he writes, "was a new one ; it marked the Tang civiliza- 
 tion with entirely distinctive features. Four main factors had 
 been brought together and fused: (1)' Chinese liberal culture; 
 (2) Chinese classicism; (3) Indian Buddhism; and (4) 
 Northern bravery. A new China had come into being. The 
 provincial system, the central administration, and the military 
 organization of the Tang dynasty were quite different from 
 those of their predecessors. The arts had been much influenced 
 and revivified by Indian and Central Asiatic influences. The 
 literature was no mere continuation of the old ; it was a new pro- 
 duction. The religious and philosophical schools of Buddhism 
 were fresh features. It was a period of substantial change. 
 
554 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "It may be interesting to compare this making of China with 
 the fate of the Koman Empire in her later days. As the 
 Roman world was divided into the eastern and western halves, 
 so was the Chinese world into the southern and the northern. 
 The barbarians in the case of Eome and in the case of China 
 made similar invasions. They established dominions of a 
 similar sort. Charlemagne's empire corresponded to that of 
 the Siberian dynasty (Later Wei), the temporary recovery of 
 the Western empire by Justinian corresponded to the tem- 
 porary recovery of the north by Liu Yu. The Byzantine line 
 corresponded to the southern dynasties. But from this point 
 the two worlds diverged. China recovered her unity; Europe 
 has still to do so." 
 
 The dominions of the emperor, Tai-tsung (627), the second 
 Tang monarch, extended southward into Annam and westward 
 to the Caspian sea. His southern frontier in that direction 
 marched with that of Persia. His northern ran along the 
 Altai from the Kirghis steppe, north of the desert of Gobi. 
 But it did not include Corea, which was conquered and made 
 tributary by his son. This Tang dynasty civilized and in- 
 corporated into the Chinese race the whole of the southward 
 population, and just as the Chinese of the north call them- 
 selves the "men of Han," so the Chinese of the south call them- 
 selves the "men of Tang." The law was codified, the literary 
 examination system was revised, and a complete and accurate 
 edition of all the Chinese classics was produced. To the court 
 of Tai-tsung came an embassy from Byzantium, and, what is 
 more significant, from Persia came a company of Nestorian 
 missionaries (635). These latter Tai-tsung received with 
 great respect; he heard them state the chief articles of their 
 creed, and ordered the Christian scriptures to be translated 
 into Chinese for his fiirther examination. In 638 he an- 
 nounced that he found the new religion entirely satisfactory, 
 and that it might be preached within the empire. He also 
 allowed the building of a church and the foundation of a 
 monastery. 
 
 A still more remarkable embassy also came to the court of 
 Tai-tsung in the year 628, five years earlier than the Nes- 
 torians. This was a party of Arabs, who, came by sea to Can- 
 tsn in a trading vessel from Yanbu, the port of Medina in 
 Arabia. (Incidentally it is interesting to know that there 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 555 
 
 were such vessels engaged in an east and west trade at this 
 time.) These Arabs had been sent by that Muhammad we 
 have already mentioned, who styled himself "The Prophet of 
 God," and the message they brought to Tai-tsung was probably 
 identical with the summons which was sent in the same year 
 to the Byzantine emperor Heraclius and to Kavadh in Ctesi- 
 phon. But the Chinese monarch neither neglected the message 
 as Heraclius did, nor insulted the envoys after the fashion of 
 the parricide Kavadh. He received them well, expressed great 
 interest in their theological views, and assisted them, it is said, 
 to build a mosque for the Arab traders in Canton — a mosque 
 which survives to this day. It is one of the oldest mosques 
 in the world. 
 
 § 8 
 
 The urbanity, the culture, and the power of China under 
 the early Tang rulers are in so vivid a contrast with the decay, 
 disorder, and divisions of the Western world, as at once to 
 raise some of the most interesting questions in the history of 
 civilization. Why did not China keep this great lead she had 
 won by her rapid return to unity and order? Why does she 
 not to this day dominate the world culturally and politically ? 
 
 Eor a long time she certainly did keep ahead. It is only a 
 thousand years later, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
 with the discovery of America, the spread of printed books and 
 education in the West, and the dawn of modern scientific dis- 
 covery, that we can say with confidence that the Western world 
 began to pull ahead of China. Under the Tang rule, her 
 greatest period, and then again under the artistic but rather 
 decadent Sung dynasty (960-1279), and again during the 
 period of the cultured Mings (1358-1644), China presented a 
 spectacle of prosperity, happiness, and artistic activity far in 
 front of any contemporary state. And seeing that she achieved 
 so much, why did she not achieve more ? Chinese shipping was 
 upon the seas, and there was a considerable overseas trade 
 during that time.^ Why did the Chinese never discover Amer- 
 
 ' It is doubtful if the Chinese knew of the mariner's compass. Hirth, 
 Ancient History of Chvna, p. 126 sqq., comes to the conclusion, after a 
 careful examination of all data, that, although it is probable something 
 like the compass was known in high antiquity, the knowledge of it was 
 lost for a long time afterwards, until, in the Middle Ages, it reappears 
 as an instrument in the hands of geomancers (people who selected favour- 
 
556 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ica or Australia? There was much isolated observation, in- 
 genuity, and invention. The Chinese knew of gunpowder in 
 the sixth century, they used coal and gas heating centuries 
 before these things were used in Europe ; their bridge-building, 
 their hydraulic engineering was admirable; the knowledge of 
 materials shown in their enamel and lacquer ware is very great. 
 Why did they never organize the system of record and co-opera- 
 tion in inquiry that has given the world modem science ? And 
 why, in spite of their general training in good manners and self- 
 restraint, did intellectual education never soak down into the 
 general mass of the population ? Why are the masses of China 
 to-day, and why have they always been, in spite of an excep- 
 tionally high level of natural intelligence, illiterate? 
 
 It is customary to meet such questions with rather platitudi- 
 nous answers. We are told that the Chinaman is the most 
 conservative of human beings, that, in contrast with the Euro- 
 pean races, his mind is twisted round towards the past, that he 
 is the willing slave of etiquette and precedent to a degree in- 
 conceivable to Western minds. He is represented as having a 
 mentality so distinct that one might almost expect to find a 
 difference in brain structure to explain it. The appeals of 
 Confucius to the wisdom of the ancients are always quoted to 
 clinch this suggestion. 
 
 If, however, we examine this generalization more closely, it 
 dissolves into thin air. The superior intellectual initiative, the 
 liberal enterprise, the experimental disposition that is supposed 
 to characterize the Western mind, is manifest in the history of 
 that mind only during certain phases and under exceptional 
 circumstances. For the rest, the Western world displays itself 
 as traditional and conservative as China. And, on the other 
 hand, the Chinese mind has, under conditions of stimulus, 
 shown itself quite as inventive and versatile as the European, 
 and the very kindred Japanese mind even more so. For, take the 
 case of the Greeks, the whole swing of their mental vigour falls 
 into the period between the sixth century b.c. and the decay 
 
 able sites for gravea, etc.). The earliest unmistakable mention of its 
 use as a guide to mariners occurs in a work of the 12th century and 
 refers to its use on foreign ships trading between China and Sumatra. 
 Hirth is rather inclined to assume that Arab travellers may have seen 
 it in the hands of Chinese geomancera and applied its use to navigation, 
 60 that it was afterwards brought back by them to China as the "mariner's 
 compass." — J. J. L. D. 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 5S7 
 
 of the Alexandrian Museum under the later Ptolemies in the 
 second century b.c. There were Greeks before that time and 
 Greeks since, but a history of a thousand years of the Byzantine 
 Empire showed the Hellenic world at least as intellectually 
 stagnant as China. Then we have already drawn attention to 
 the comparative sterility of the Italian mind during the Roman 
 period and its abundant fertility since the Eenaissance of learn- 
 ing. The English mind again had a phase of brightness in 
 the seventh and eighth centuries, and it did not shine again 
 until the fifteenth. Again, the mind of the Arabs, as we shall 
 presently tell, blazed out like a star for half a dozen generations 
 after the appearance of Islam, having never achieved anything 
 of importance before or since. On the other hand, there was 
 always a great deal of scattered inventiveness in China, and 
 the progress of Chinese art witnesses to new movements and 
 vigorous innovations. We exaggerate the reverence of the Chi- 
 nese for their fathers; parricide was a far commoner crime 
 among the Chinese emperors than it was even among the rulers 
 of Persia. Moreover, there have been several liberalizing move- 
 ments in China, several recorded struggles against the "ancient 
 ways." 
 
 It has already been suggested that phases of real intellectual 
 progress in any community seem to be connected with the exist- 
 ence of a detached class of men, sufficiently free not to be obliged 
 to toil or worry exhaustively about mundane needs, and not rich 
 and powerful enough to be tempted into extravagances of lust, 
 display, or cruelty. They must have a sense of security, but 
 not a conceit of superiority. This class, we have further in- 
 sinuated, must be able to talk freely and communicate easily. 
 It must not be watched for heresy or persecuted for any 
 ideas it may express. Such a happy state of affairs certainly 
 prevailed in Greece during its best days. A class of intelli- 
 gent, free gentlefolk is indeed evident in history whenever 
 there is a record of bold philosophy or effective scientific 
 advances. 
 
 In the days of T'ang and Sung and Ming there must have 
 been an abundance of pleasantly circumstanced people in China 
 of just the class that supplied most of the young men of the 
 Academy at Athens, or the bright intelligences of Eenaissance 
 Italy, or the members of the London Royal Society, that mother 
 society of modem science; and yet China did not produce in 
 
558 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 these periods of opportunity any sucli large beginnings of re^ 
 corded and analyzed fact. 
 
 If we reject the idea that there is some profound racial dif- 
 ference between China and the West which makes the Chinese 
 by nature conservative and the West by nature progressive, then 
 we are forced to look for the operating cause of this difference 
 in progressiveness in some other direction. Many people are 
 disposed to find that operating cause which has, in spite of 
 her original advantages, retarded China so greatly during the 
 last four or five centuries, in the imprisonment of the Chinese 
 mind in a script and in an idiom of thought so elaborate and 
 so difficult that the mental energy of the country has been largely 
 consumed in acquiring it. This view deserves examination. 
 
 We have already given an account in Chap, xvi of the 
 peculiarities of Chinese writing and of the Chinese language. 
 The Japanese writing is derived from the Chinese, and consists 
 of a more rapidly written system of forms. A great number 
 of these forms are ideograms taken over from the Chinese and 
 used exactly as the Chinese ideograms are used, but also a 
 number of signs are used to express syllables ; there is a Japa- 
 nese syllabary after the' fashion of the Sumerian syllabary 
 we have described in Chap. xvi. The Japanese writing re- 
 mains a clumsy system, as clumsy as cuneiform, though not so 
 clumsy as Chinese; and there has been a movement in Japan 
 to adopt a Western alphabet. Korea long ago went a step 
 farther and developed a true alphabet from the same Chinese 
 origins. With these exceptions all the great writing systems 
 now in use in the world are based on the Mediterranean alpha- 
 bets, and are beyond comparison more easily learnt and mastered 
 than the Chinese. This means that while other peoples learn 
 merely a comparatively simple and straightforward method of 
 setting down the language with which they are familiar, the 
 Chinaman has to master a great multitude of complex word 
 signs and word groups. He must not simply learn the signs, 
 but the established grouping of those signs to represent various 
 meanings. He must familiarize himself, therefore, with a 
 number of exemplary classical works. Consequently in China, 
 while you will find great numbers of people who know the 
 significance of certain frequent and familiar characters, you 
 discover only a few whose knowledge is sufficiently extensive 
 to grasp the meaning of a newspaper paragraph, and still fewer 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 559 
 
 who can read any subtlety of intention or fine shades of mean- 
 ing. In a lesser degree this is true also of Japan. 'No doubt 
 European readers, especially of such word-rich languages as 
 English or Kussian, vary greatly among themselves in regard 
 to the extent of books they can understand and how far they 
 understand them ; their power varies according to their vocabu- 
 laries; but the corresponding levels of understanding among 
 the Chinese represent a far greater expenditure of time and 
 labour upon their attainment. A mandarin's education in 
 China is, mainly, learning to read. 
 
 And it may be that the consequent preoccupation of the edu- 
 cated class during its most susceptible years upon the Chinese 
 classics gave it a bias in favour of this traditional learning upon 
 which it had spent so much time and energy. Eew men who 
 have toiled to build up any system of knowledge in their minds 
 will willingly scrap it in favour of something strange and new ; 
 this disposition is as characteristic of the West as of the East; 
 it is shown as markedly by the scholars of the British and 
 American universities as by any Chinese mandarins, and the 
 British at the present time, in spite of the great and manifest 
 advantages in popular education and national propaganda the 
 change would give them, refuse to make any move from their 
 present barbaric orthography towards a phonetic alphabet and 
 spelling. The peculiarities of the Chinese script, and the edu- 
 cational system arising out of that script, must have acted age 
 after age as an invincible filter that favoured the plastic and 
 scholarly mind as against the restive and orginating type, and 
 kept the latter out of positions of influence and authority. There 
 is much that is plausible in this explanation. 
 
 There have been several attempts to simplify the Chinese 
 ^ writing and to adopt an alphabetical system. In the early days 
 of Buddhism in China, when there was a considerable amount 
 of translation from Sanscrit, Indian influences came near to 
 achieving this end; two Chinese alphabets were indeed in- 
 vented, and each had some little use. But what hindered the 
 general adoption of these, and what stands in the way of any 
 phonetic system of Chinese writing to-day, is this, that while 
 the literary script and phraseology is the same from one end 
 of China to the other, the spoken language of the common 
 people, both in pronunciation and in its familiar idioms, varies 
 SO widely that men from one province may be incomprehensible 
 
560 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to men from another. There is, however, a "standard Chinese," 
 a rather bookish spoken idiom, which is generally understood 
 hj. educated people; and it is upon the possibility of applying 
 an alphabetical system of writing to this standard Chinese that 
 the hopes of modem educational reformers in China are based 
 at the present time. For fresh attempts are now being made to 
 release the Chinese mind from this ancient entanglement. 
 
 A Chinese alphabet has been formed ; it is taught in the com- 
 mon schools, and newspapers and pamphlets are issued in it. 
 And the rigid examination system that killed all intellectual 
 initiatives has been destroyed. There has also been a consider- 
 able simplification in the direction of introducing spoken idioms 
 into written Chinese. This makes for ease and lucidity; even 
 in the old characters such Chinese is more easily read and writ- 
 ten, and it is far better adapted than classical Chinese to the 
 needs of modem literary expression. 
 
 The very success and early prosperity and general content- 
 ment of China in the past must have worked to justify in that 
 land all the natural self-complacency and conservatism of man- 
 kind. No animal will change when its conditions are "good 
 enough" for present survival. And in this matter man is still 
 an animal. Until the nineteenth century, for more than two 
 thousand years, there was little in the history of China that 
 could cause any serious doubts in the mind of a Chinaman of 
 the general superiority of his own civilization to that of the rest 
 of the world, and there was no reason apparent therefore for any 
 alteration. China produced a profusion of beautiful art, some 
 delightful poetry, astonishing cookery, and thousands of mil- 
 lions of glowingly pleasant lives generation after generation. 
 Her ships followed her marvellous inland waterways, and put 
 to sea but rarely, and then only to India or Borneo as their 
 utmost adventure.^ (Until the sixteenth century we must re- 
 member European seamen never sailed out into the Atlantic 
 Ocean. The Norse discovery of America, the Phoenician cir- 
 cumnavigation of Africa, were exceptional feats.) And these 
 things were attained without any such general boredom, servi- 
 tude, indignity, and misery as underlay the rule of the rich 
 in the Eoman Empire. There was much poverty, much dis- 
 content, but it was not massed poverty, it was not a necessary 
 
 'But Mr. Vogan tells me that rock carvings of a distinctively Chinieee 
 character have been found in New Zealand and New Caledonia. 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 561 
 
 popular discontent. For a thousand years the Chinese system, 
 though it creaked and swayed at times, seemed proof against 
 decay. Dynastic changes there were, rebellions, phases of dis- 
 order, famines, pestilences ; two great invasions that set foreign 
 dynasties upon the throne of the Son of Heaven, but no such 
 shock as to revolutionize the order of the daily round. The 
 emperors and dynasties might come and go ; the mandarins, the 
 examinations, the classics, and the traditions and habitual life 
 remained. China's civilization had already reached its culmina- 
 tion in the seventh century a.d., its crowning period was the 
 Tang period; and though it continued to spread slowly and 
 steadily into Annam, into Cambodia, into Siam, into Tibet, 
 into Nepal, Korea, Mongolia, and Manchuria, there is hence- 
 , forth little more than such geographical progress to record of 
 it in this history for a thousand years. 
 
 § 9 
 
 In the year 629, the year after the arrival of Muhammad's 
 envoys at Canton and thirty odd years after the landing of 
 Pope Gregory's missionaries in England, a certain learned and 
 devout Buddhist named Yuan Chwang started out from Sian-fu, 
 Tai-tsung's capital, upon a great journey to India. He was 
 away sixteen years, he returned in 645, and he wrote an ac- 
 count of his travels which is treasured as a Chinese classic. 
 One or two points about his experiences are to be noted here 
 because they contribute to our general review of the state of 
 the world in the seventh century a.d. 
 
 Yuan Chwang was as eager for marvels and as credulous as 
 Herodotus, and without the latter writer's fine sense of history ; 
 he could never pass a monument or ruin without learning some 
 fabulous story about it ; Chinese ideas of the dignity of literature 
 perhaps prevented him from telling us much detail of how he 
 travelled, who were his attendants, how he was lodged, or what 
 be ate and how he paid his expenses — details precious to the 
 historian; nevertheless, he gives us a series of illuminating 
 flashes upon China, Central Asia, and India in the period now 
 under consideration. 
 
 . His journey was an enormous one. He went and came back 
 by way of the Pamirs. He went by the northern route, crossing 
 ihe desert of Gobi, passing along the southern slopes of the 
 
562 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Thien Shan, skirting the great deep blue lake of Issik Kul, and 
 so to Tashkend and Samarkand, and then more or less in the 
 footsteps of Alexander the Great southward to the Khyber Pass 
 and Peshawar. He returned by the southern route, crossing 
 the Pamirs from Afghanistan to Kashgar, and so along the 
 line of retreat the Yu&-Chi had followed in the reverse direc- 
 tion seven centuries before, and by Yarkand, along the slopes of 
 the Kuen Lun to rejoin his former route near the desert end of 
 
 YUAK CHW?lMG-'5 roufe fPcmr ejtina. fc India. . 629-645A.X>. 
 
 the Great Wall. Each route involved some hard mountaineer^ 
 ing. His joumeyings in India are untraceable; he was there 
 fourteen years, and he went all over the peninsula from Nepal 
 to Ceylon. 
 
 At that time there was an imperial edict forbidding foreign 
 travel, so that Yuan Chwang started from Sian-fu like an es- 
 caping criminal. There was a pursuit to prevent him carrying 
 out his project. How he bought a lean red-coloured horse that 
 knew the desert paths from a strange grey-beard, how he dodged 
 a frontier guard-house with the help of a "foreign person" who 
 made him a bridge of brushwood lower down the river, how he 
 crossed the desert guided by the bones of men and cattle, how 
 he saw a mirage, and how twice he narrowly escaped being shot 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 668 
 
 by arrows when he was getting water near the watch-towers on 
 the desert track, the reader will find in the Life. He lost his 
 way in the desert of Gobi, and for four nights and five days 
 he had no water; when he was in the mountains among the 
 glaciers, twelve of his party were frozen to death. All this 
 is in the Life; he tells little of it in his own account of his 
 travels. 
 
 He shows us the Turks, this new development of the Hun 
 tradition, in possession not only of what is now Turkestan, but 
 all along the northern route. He mentions many cities and 
 considerable cultivation. He is entertained by various rulers, 
 allies of or more or less nominally tributaries to China, and 
 among others by the Khan of the Turks, a magnificent person 
 in green satin, with his long hair tied with silk. 
 
 "The gold embroidery of this grand tent shone with a daz- 
 zling splendour ; the ministers of the presence in attendance sat 
 on mats in long rows on either side all dressed in magnificent 
 brocade robes, while the rest of .the retinue on duty stood be- 
 hind. You saw that although it was a case of a frontier ruler, 
 yet there was an air of distinction and elegance. The Khan 
 came out from his tent about thirty paces to meet Yuan Chwang, 
 who, after a courteous greeting, entered the tent. . . . After a 
 short interval envoys from China and Kao-chang were admitted 
 and presented their despatches and credentials, which the Khan 
 perused. He was much elated, and caused the envoys to be 
 seated ; then he ordered wine and music for himself and them 
 and grape-syrup for the pilgrim. Hereupon all pledged each 
 other, and the filling and draining of the winecups made a din 
 and bustle, while the mingled music of various instruments rose 
 loud : although the airs were the popular strains of foreigners, 
 yet they pleased the senses and exhilarated the mental faculties. 
 After a little, piles of roasted beef and mutton were served for 
 the others, and lawful food, such as cakes, milk, candy, honey, 
 and grapes, for the pilgrim. After the entertainment, grape- 
 syrup was again served and the Khan invited Yuan Chwang to 
 improve the occasion, whereupon the pilgrim expounded the 
 doctrines of the 'ten virtues,' compassion for animal life, and 
 the paramitas and emancipation. The Khan, raising- his hands, 
 bowed, and gladly believed and accepted the teaching." 
 
 Yuan Chwang's account of Samarkand is of a large and pros- 
 perous city, "a great commercial entrepot, the country about it 
 
564 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 « 
 
 very fertile, abounding in trees and flowers and yielding many 
 fine horses. Its inhabitants were skilful craftsmen, smart and 
 energetic." At that time we must remember there was hardly 
 such a thing as a town in Anglo-Saxon England. 
 
 As his narrative approached his experiences in India, how- 
 ever, the pious and learned pilgrim in Yuan Chwang got the 
 better of the traveller, and the book becomes congested with 
 monstrous stories of incredible miracles. Nevertheless, we get 
 an impression of houses, clothing, and the like, closely re- 
 sembling those of the India of to-day. Then, as now, the 
 kaleidoscopic variety of an Indian crowd contrasted with the 
 blue uniformity of the multitude in China. In the time of 
 Buddha it is doubtful if there were reading and writing in 
 India; now reading and writing were quite common accom- 
 plishments. Yuan Chwang gives an interesting account of a 
 great Buddhist university at Nalanda, where ruins have quite 
 recently been discovered and excavated. Nalanda and Taxilla 
 seem to have been considerable educational centres as early as 
 the opening of the schools of Athens. The caste system Yuan 
 Chwang found fully established in spite of Buddha, and the 
 Brahmins were now altogether in the ascendant. He names 
 the four main castes we have mentioned in Chap, xviii., § 4 
 iq-V.), but his account of their functions is rather different. The 
 Sudras, he says, were the tillers of the soil. Indian writers say 
 that their function was to wait upon the three "twice bom" 
 castes above them. 
 
 But, as we have already intimated, Yuan Chwang's account 
 of Indian realities is swamped by his accumulation of legends 
 and pious inventions. For these he had come, and in these he 
 rejoiced. The rest, as we shall see, was a task that had been 
 set him. The faith of Buddha which in the days of Asoka, 
 and even so late as Kaniska, was still pure enough to be a 
 noble inspiration, we now discover absolutely lost in a wilder- 
 ness of preposterous rubbish, a philosophy of endless Buddhas, 
 tales of manifestations and marvels Hke a Christmas pantomime, 
 immaculate conceptions by six-tusked elephants, charitable 
 princes giving themselves up to be eaten by starving tigresses, 
 temples built over a sacred nail-paring, and the like. We can- 
 not give such stories here ; if the reader likes that sort of thing, 
 he must go to the publications of the Royal Asiatic Society or 
 the India Society, where he will find a delirium of such imagi- 
 
SEVEN CENTURIES IN ASIA 566 
 
 nations. And in competition with this Buddhism, intellectually 
 undermined as it now was and smothered in gilded decoration, 
 Brahminism was everywhere gaining ground again, as Yuan 
 Chwang notes with regret. 
 
 Side by side with these evidences of a vast intellectual decay 
 in India we may note the repeated appearance in Yuan 
 Ghwang's narrative of ruined and deserted cities. Much of 
 the country was still suffering from the ravages of the Ephtha- 
 lites and the consequent disorders. Again and again we find 
 such passages as this: "He went north-east through a great 
 forest, the road being a narrow, dangerous path, with wild 
 buffalo and wild elephants, and robbers and hunters always in 
 wait to kill travellers, and emerging from the forest he reached 
 the country of Kou-shih-na-ka-lo (Kusinagara). The city walls 
 were in ruins, and the towns and villages were deserted. The 
 brick foundations of the 'old city' (that is, the city which had 
 been the capital) were above ten U in circuit; there were very 
 few inhabitants, the interior of the city being a wild waste." 
 This ruin was, however, by no means universal; there is at 
 least as much mention of crowded cities and villages and busy 
 cultivations. 
 
 The Life tells of many hardships upon the return journey: 
 he fell among robbers; the great elephant that was carrying 
 the bulk of his possessions was drowned ; he had much difficulty 
 in getting fresh transport. Here we cannot deal with these 
 adventures. 
 
 The return of Yuan Chwang to Sian-fu, the Chinese capital, 
 was, we gather, a triumph. Advance couriers must have told 
 of his coming. There was a public holiday; the streets were 
 decorated by gay banners and made glad with music. He was 
 escorted into the city with great pomp and ceremony. Twenty 
 horses were needed to carry the spoils of his travels; he had 
 brought with him hundreds of Buddhist books written in San- 
 scrit, and made of trimmed leaves of palm and birch bark strung 
 together in layers; he had many images great and small of 
 Buddha, in gold, silver, crystal, and sandal-wood; he had holy 
 pictures, and no fewer than one hundred and fifty well authen- 
 ticated true relics of Buddha. Yuan Chwang was presented to 
 the emperor, who treated him as a personal friend, took him 
 into the palace, and questioned him day by day about the won- 
 ders of these strange lands in which he had stayed so long. 
 
566 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 But while the emperor asked about India, the pilgrim was 
 disposed only to talk about Buddhism. 
 
 The subsequent history of Yuan Chwang contains two inci- 
 dents that throw light upon the mental workings of this great 
 monarch, Tai-tsung, who was probably quite as much a Moslem 
 as he was a Christian or a Buddhist. The trouble about all 
 religious specialists is that they know too much about their 
 own religion and how it differs from others; the advantage, or 
 disadvantage, of such creative statesmen as Tai-tsung and Oon- 
 stantine the Great is that they know comparatively little of 
 such matters. Evidently the fundamental good of all these 
 religions seemed to Tai-tsung to be much the same fundamental 
 good. So it was natural to him to propose that Yuan Chwang 
 should now give up the religious life and come into his foreign 
 office, a proposal that Yuan Chwang would not entertain for a 
 moment. The emperor then insisted at least upon a written 
 account of the travels, and so got this classic we treasure. And 
 finally Tai-tsung proposed to this highly saturated Buddhist 
 that he should now use his, knowledge of Sanscrit in translating 
 the works of the great Chinese teacher, Lao Tse, so as to make 
 them available for Indian readers. It seemed, no doubt, to 
 the emperor a fair return and a useful service to the funda- 
 mental good that lies beneath all religions. On the whole, he 
 thought Lao Tse might very well rank with or evea a little 
 above Buddha, and therefore that if his work was put before 
 the Brahmins, they would receive it gladly. In much the same 
 spirit Constantine the Great had done his utmost to make Arius 
 and Athanasius settle down amicably together. But naturally 
 enough this suggestion was repulsed by Yuan Chwang. He 
 retired to a monastery and spent the rest of his years translating 
 as much as he could of the Buddhist literature he had brought 
 with him into elegant Chinese writing. 
 
XXXI 
 
 MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 
 
 § 1. Arabia Before Muhammad. § 2. Life of Muhammad to 
 the Hegira. § 3. Muhammad Becomes a Fighting Prophet. 
 § 4. The Teachings of Islam. § 5. The Caliphs Abu Behr 
 and Omar. § 6. The Great Days of the Omayyads. § 7. 
 The Decay of Islam Under the Abbasids. § 8. The Intel' 
 lectual Life of Arab Islam. 
 
 § 1 
 
 WE have already described how in a.d. 628 the courts of 
 Heraclius, of Kavadh, and' of Tai-tsung were visited 
 by Arab envoys sent from a certain Muhammad, "The 
 Prophet of God," at the small trading town of Medina in Arabia. 
 We must tell now who this prophet was who had arisen among 
 the nomads and traders of the Arabian desert. 
 
 From time immemorial Arabia, except for the fertile strip 
 of the Yemen to the south, had been a land of nomads, the 
 headquarters and land of origin of the Semitic peoples. From 
 Arabia at various times waves of these nomads had drifted 
 north, east, and west into the early civilizations of Egypt, the 
 Mediterranean coast, and Mesopotamia. We have noted in 
 this history how the Sumerians were swamped and overcome 
 by such Semitic waves, how the Semitic Phoenicians and 
 Canaanites established themselves along the eastern shores of 
 the Mediterranean, how the Babylonians and Assyrians were 
 settled Semitic peoples, how the Hyksos conquered Egypt, how 
 the Arameans established themselves in Syria with Damascus 
 as their capital, and how the Hebrews partially conquered their 
 "Promised Land." At some unknown date the Chaldeans 
 drifted in from Eastern Arabia and settled in the old southern 
 Sumerian lands. With each invasion first this and then that 
 section of the Semitic peoples comes into history. But each of 
 
 567 
 
568 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 such swarmings still leaves a tribal nucleus behind to supply 
 fresh invasions in the future. 
 
 The history of the more highly organized empires of the 
 horse and iron period, the empires of roads and writing, shows 
 Arabia thrust like a wedge between Egypt, Palestine, and the 
 Euphrates-Tigris country, and still a reservoir of nomadic tribes 
 who raid and trade and exact tribute for the immunity and 
 protection of caravans. There are temporary and flimsy subju- 
 gations. Egypt, Persia, Macedonia, Kome, Syria, Constanti- 
 nople, and again Persia claim some unreal suzerainty in turn 
 over Arabia, profess some unsubstantial protection. Under 
 Trajan there was a Eoman province of "Arabia," which in- 
 cluded the then fertile region of the Hauran and extended as 
 far as Petra. Now and then some Arab chief and his trading 
 city rises to temporary splendour. Such was that Odehathus 
 of Palmyra, whose brief career we have noted and another 
 such transitory desert city whose ruins still astonish the traveller 
 was Baalbek. 
 
 After the destruction of Palmyra, the desert Arabs began 
 to be spoken of in the Eoman and Persian records as Saracens. 
 
 In the time of Chosroes II, Persia claimed a certain ascend- 
 ancy over Arabia, and maintained ofiicials and tax collectors in 
 the Yemen. Before that time the Yemen had been under the 
 rule of the Abyssinian Christians for some years, and before 
 that for seven centuries it had had native princes professing, 
 be it noted, the Jewish faith. 
 
 Until the opening of the seventh century a.d. there were no 
 signs of any unwonted or dangerous energy in the Arabian 
 deserts. The life of the country was going on as it had gone 
 on for long generations. Wherever there were fertile patches, 
 wherever, that is, there was a spring or a well, a scanty agri- 
 cultural population subsisted, living in walled towns because 
 of the Bedouin who wandered with their sheep, cattle, and 
 horses over the desert. Upon the main caravan routes the chief 
 towns rose to a certain second-rate prosperity, and foremost 
 among them were Medina and Mecca. In the beginning of the 
 seventh century Medina was a town of about 15,000 inhabitants 
 all told ; Mecca may have had twenty or twenty five thousand. 
 Medina was a comparatively well-watered town, and possessed 
 abundant date groves; its inhabitants were Yemenites, from 
 the fertile land to the south. Mecca was a town of a different 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 
 
 569 
 
 character, built about a spring of water with a bitter taste, and 
 inhabited by recently settled Bedouin. 
 
 Mecca was not merely nor primarily a trading centre ; it was 
 a place of pilgrimage. Among the Arab tribes there had long 
 existed a sort of Amphictyony centering upon Mecca and cer- 
 tain other sanctuaries; there were months of truce to war and 
 
 blood feuds, and customs of protection and hoispitality for the 
 pilgrim. In addition there had grown up aii Olympic element 
 in these gatherings ; the Arabs were discovering possibilities of 
 beauty in their language, and there ■^efe recitations of war 
 poeitry and love songs. The sheiks of the tribes, under a "king 
 of the poets," sat in judgment and awarded prizes; the prize 
 songs were sung through all Arabia. 
 
 The Kaaba, the sanctuary at Mecca, was of very ancient date. 
 It was a small square temple of black stones, which had for its 
 comer-stone a meteorite. This meteorite was regarded as- a 
 
570 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 god, and all the little tribal gods of Arabia were under bis pro- 
 tection. The permanent inhabitants of Mecca were a tribe of 
 Bedouin who had seized this temple and constituted themselves 
 its guardians. To them there came in the months of tnice a 
 great incourse of people, who marched about the Kaaba cere- 
 monially, bowed themselves, and kissed the stone, and also en- 
 gaged in trade and poetical recitations. The Meccans profited 
 much from these visitors. 
 
 All of this is. very reminiscent of the religious and political 
 state of affairs in Greece fourteen centuries earlier. But the 
 paganism of these more primitive Arabs was already being 
 assailed from several directions. There had been a great 
 proselytizing of Arabs during the period of the JVtaccabseans and 
 Herods in Judea; and, as we have already noted, the Yemen 
 had been in succession under the rule of Jews (Arab proselytes 
 to Judaism, i.e.), Christians, and Zoroastrians. It is evident 
 that there must have been plenty of religious discussion during 
 the pilgrimage fairs at Mecca and the like centres. Naturally 
 enough Mecca was a stronghold of the old pagan cult which 
 gave it its importance and prosperity; Medina, on the other 
 hand, had Jewish proclivities, and there were Jewish settle- 
 ments near by. It was inevitable that Mecca and Medina should 
 be in a state of rivalry and bickering feud. 
 
 § 2 
 
 It was in Mecca about the year a.d. 5Y0 that Muhammad, 
 the founder of Islam, was born. He was born in considerable 
 poverty, and even by the standards of the desert he was unedu- 
 cated; it is doubtful if he ever learnt to write. He was for 
 some years a shepherd's boy; then he became the servant of a 
 certain Kadi j a, the widow of a rich merchant. Probably he 
 had to look after her camels or help in her trading operations ; 
 and he is said to have travelled with caravans to the Yemen and 
 to Syria. He does not seem to have been a very useful trader, 
 but he had the good fortune to find favour in the lady's eyes, 
 and she married him, to the great annoyance of her family. He 
 was then only twenty-five years old. It is uncertain if his wife 
 was much older, though tradition declares she was forty. After 
 the marriage he probably made no more long journeys. There 
 were several children, one of whom was named Abd Manif — 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 571 
 
 that is to say, the servant of the Meccan god Manif, which dem- 
 onstrates that at that time Muhammad had made no religious 
 discoveries. 
 
 Until he was forty he did indeed live a particularly undis- 
 tinguished life in Mecca, as the husband of a prosperous wife. 
 There may be some ground for the supposition that he became 
 partner in a business in agricultural produce. To anyone visit- 
 ing Mecca about a.d. 600 he would probably have seemed some- 
 thing of a loafer, a rather shy, good-looking individual, sitting 
 about and listening to talk, a poor poet, and an altogether 
 second-rate man. 
 
 About his internal life we can only speculate. Imaginative 
 writers have supposed that he had great spiritual struggles, that 
 he went out into the desert in agonies of doubt and divine desire. 
 "In the silence of the desert night, in the bright heat of noon- 
 tide desert day, he, as do all men, had known and felt him- 
 self alone yet not in solitude, for the desert is of God, and in 
 the desert no man may deny Him." ^ Maybe that was so, but 
 there is no evidence of any such desert trips. Yet he was cer- 
 tainly thinking deeply of the things about him. Possibly he 
 had seen Christian churches in Syria; almost certainly he 
 knew much of the Jews and their religion, and he heard their 
 scorn for this black stone of the Kaaba that ruled over the three 
 hundred odd tribal gods of Arabia. He saw the pilgrimage 
 crowds, and noted the threads of insincerity and superstition 
 in the paganism of the town. It oppressed his mind. The 
 Jews had perhaps converted him to a belief in the One True 
 God, without his knowing what had happened to him. 
 
 At last he could keep these feelings to himself no longer. 
 When he was forty he began to talk about the reality of God, at 
 first apparently only to his wife and a few intimates. He 
 produced cert,ain verses, which he declared had been revealed 
 to him by an angel. They involved an assertion of the unity 
 of God and some acceptable generalizations about righteousness. 
 He also insisted upon a future life, the fear of hell for the 
 negligent and evil, and the reservation of paradise for the be- 
 liever in the One God. Except for his claim to be a new 
 prophet, there does not seem to have been anything very new 
 about these doctrines at the time, but this was seditious teach- 
 ing for Mecca, which partly subsisted upon its polytheistic cult, 
 
 •Mark Sykes. 
 
572 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and which.. was therefore holding on to idols when all the rest 
 of the world was giving them up. Like Mani, Muhammad 
 claimed that the prophets before him, and especially Jesus 
 and Abraham, had been divine teachers, but that he crowned 
 and .completed their teaching. Buddhism, however, he did not 
 name, probably because he had never heard of Buddha. Desert 
 Arabia was in a theological backwater. 
 
 For some years the new religion was the secret of a small 
 group of simple people, Kadi j a, the Prophet's wife, Ali, an 
 adopted son, Zeid, a slave, and Abu Bekr, a friend and admirer. 
 For some years it was an obscure sect in a few households of 
 Mecca, a mere scowl and muttering at idolatry, so obscure and 
 unimportant that the leading men of the town did not trouble 
 about it in the least. Then it gathered strength. Muhammad 
 began to preach more openly, to teach the doctrine of a future 
 life, . and to threaten idolaters and unbelievers with hell fire. 
 He seems to have preached with considerable effect. It ap- 
 peared to many that he was aiming at a sort of dictatorship in 
 Mecca, and drawing many susceptible and discontented people 
 to his side ; and an attempt was made to discourage and suppress 
 the new movement. 
 
 Mecca was a place of pilgrimage and a sanctuary; no blood 
 could be shed within its walls; nevertheless, things were made 
 extremely , disagreeable for the followers of the new teacher. 
 Boycott and confiscation were used against them. Some were 
 driven to take refuge in Christian Abyssinia. But the Prophet 
 himself went unscathed because he was well connected, and 
 his opponents did not want to begin a blood feud. We cannot 
 follow the fluctuations of the struggle here, but it is necessary 
 to note one perplexing incident in the new Prophet's career, 
 which, says Sir Mark'Sykes, "proves him to have been an Arab 
 of the Arabs." After all his insistence upon the oneness of 
 God, he wavered. He came into the courtyard of the Kaaba, 
 and declared that the gods and goddesses of Mecca might, 
 after all, be real, might be a species of saints with a power of 
 intercession. 
 
 His recantation was received with enthusiasm, but he had 
 no sooner made it than he repented, and his repentance shows 
 that he had indeed the fear of God in him. His lapse from 
 honesty proves him honest. He did all he could to repair the 
 evil he had done. He said that the devil had possessed his 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 673 
 
 tongue, and denounced idolatry again with renewed vigour. 
 The struggle against the antiquated deities, after a brief interval 
 of peace, was renewed again more grimly, and with no further 
 hope of reconciliation. 
 
 For a time the old interests had the upper hand. At the 
 end of ten years of prophesying, Muhammad found himself a 
 man of fifty, and altogether unsuccessful in Mecca. Kadi j a, his 
 first wife, was dead, and several of his chief supporters had also 
 recently died. He sought a refuge at the neighbouring town of 
 Tayf, but Tayf drove him out with stones and abuse. Then, 
 when the world looked darkest to him, opportunity opened be- 
 fore him. He found he had been weighed and approved in an 
 unexpected quarter. The city of Medina was inuch torn by 
 internal dissension, and many of its people, during the time of 
 pilgrimage to Mecca, had been attracted by Muhammad's teach- 
 ing. Probably the numerous Jews in Medina had shaken the 
 ancient idolatry of the people. An invitation was sent to him 
 to come and rule in the name of his God in Medina. 
 
 He did not go at once. He parleyed for two years, sending a 
 disciple to preach in Medina and destroy the idols there. Then 
 he began sending such followers as he had in Mecca to Medina 
 to await his coming there; he did not waiit to trust himself to 
 unknown adherents in a strange city. This exodus of the faith- 
 ful continued, until at last only he and Abu Bekr remained. 
 
 In spite of the character of Mecca as a sanctuary, he was 
 very nearly murdered there. The elders of the town evidently 
 knew of what was going on in Medina, and they realized the 
 danger to them if this seditious prophet presently found him- 
 self master of a town on their main caravan route to Syria. 
 Custom must bow to imperative necessity, they thought; and 
 they decided that, blood feud or no blood feud, Muhammad 
 must die. They arranged that he should be murdered in his 
 bed ; and in order to share the guilt of this breach of sanctuary 
 they appointed a committee to do this, representing every 
 family in the city except Muhammad's own. But Muhammad 
 had already prepared his flight; and when in the night they 
 rushed into his room, they found Ali, his adopted son, sleeping, 
 or feigning sleep, on his bed. 
 
 The flight (the Hegira) was an adventurous one, the pursuit 
 being pressed hard. Expert desert trackers sought for the 
 spoor to the north of the town, but Muhammad and Abu Bekr 
 
574 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 had gone south to certain caves where camels and provisions 
 were hidden, and thence he made a great detour to Medina. 
 There he and his faithful companion arrived, and were received 
 with great enthusiasm on September 20, 622. It was the end 
 of his probation. and the beginning of his power. 
 
 § 3 
 
 Until the Hegira, until he was fifty-one, the character of 
 the founder of Islam is a matter of speculation and dispute. 
 Thereafter he is in the light. We discover a man of great 
 imaginative power but tortuous in the Arab fashion, and with 
 most of the virtues and defects of the Bedouin. 
 
 The opening of his reign was "very Bedouin." The rule of 
 the One God of all the earth, as it was interpreted by Muham- 
 mad, began with a series of raids — ^which for more than a year 
 were invariably unsuccessful — upon the caravans of Mecca. 
 Then came a grave scandal, the breaking of the ancient cus- 
 tomary truce of the Arab Amphictyony in the sacred month of 
 Eahab. A party of Moslems, in this season of profound peace, 
 treacherously attacked a small caravan and killed a man. It 
 was their only success, and they did it by the order of the 
 Prophet. 
 
 Presently came a battle. A force of seven hundred men had 
 come out from Mecca to convoy home another caravan, and they 
 encountered a large raiding party of three hundred. There 
 was a fight, the battle of Badr, and the Meccans got the worst 
 of it. They lost about fifty or sixty killed and as many 
 wounded. Muhammad returned in triumph to Medina, and 
 was inspired by Allah and this success to order the assassina- 
 tion of a number of his opponents among the Jews in the town 
 who had treated his prophetic claims with a disagreeable levity. 
 
 But Mecca resolved to avenge Badr, and at the battle of 
 Uhud, near Medina, inflicted an indecisive defeat upon the 
 Prophet's followers. Muhammad was knocked down and nearly 
 killed^ and there was much running away among his followers. 
 The Meccans, however, did not push their advantage and enter 
 Medina. 
 
 For some time all the energies of the Prophet were concen- 
 trated upon rallying his followers, who were evidently much 
 dispirited. The Koran records the chastened feelings of those 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 575 
 
 days. "The suras of the Koran," says Sir Mark Sykes, "which 
 are attributed to this period, excel nearly all the others in their 
 majesty and sublime confidence." Here, for the judgment of 
 the reader, is an example, of these majestic utterances, from 
 the recent orthodox translation by the Maulvi Muhammad Ali.^ 
 
 "Oh, you who believe! If you obey those who disbelieve, 
 they will turn you back upon your heels, so you will turn back 
 losers. 
 
 "E'ay! Allah is your Patron, and He is the best of the 
 helpers. 
 
 "We will cast terror into the hearts of those who disbelieve, 
 because they set up with Allah that for which He has sent down 
 no authority, and their abode is the fire ; and evil is the abode 
 of the unjust. 
 
 "And certainly Allah made good to you his promise, when 
 you slew them by His permission, until when you became weak- 
 hearted and disputed about the affair and disobeyed after He 
 had shown you that which you loved; of you were some who 
 desired this world, and of you were some who desired the here- 
 after; then He turned you away from them that He might try 
 you; and He has certainly pardoned you, and Allah is Gracious 
 to the believers. 
 
 "When you ran off precipitately, and did not wait for any- 
 one, and the Apostle was calling you from your rear, so He 
 gave you another sorrow instead of your sorrow, so that you 
 might not grieve at what had escaped you, nor at what befell 
 you ; and Allah is aware of what you do. 
 
 "Then after sorrow he sent down security upon you, a calm 
 coming upon a party of you, and there was another party whom 
 their own souls had rendered anxious; they entertained about 
 Allah thoughts of ignorance quite unjustly, saying: We have 
 no hand in this affair. Say, surely the affair is wholly in the 
 hands of Allah. They conceal within their souls what they 
 would not reveal to you. They say: Had we any hand in the 
 affair, we would not have been slain here. Say: had you re- 
 mained in your houses, those for whom slaughter was ordained 
 would certainly have gone forth to the places where they would 
 be slain, and that Allah might test what was in your breasts 
 and that He might purge what was in your hearts ; and Allah 
 knows what is in the breasts. 
 
 * Published by the Islamic Review. 
 
576 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "As for those of you who turned hack on the day when the 
 two armies met, only the devil sought to cause them to make 
 a slip on account of some deeds they had done, and cer- 
 tainly Allah has pardoned them; surely Allah is Forgiving, 
 Forbearing." 
 
 ■ Inconclusive hostilities continued for some years, and at last 
 Mecca made a crowning effort to stamp out for good and all the 
 growing power of Medina. A mixed force of no fewer than 
 10,000 men was scraped together, an enormous force for the 
 time and country. It was, of course, an entirely undisciplined 
 force of footmen, horsemen, and camel riders, and it was pre- 
 pared for nothing but the usual ' desert scrimmage. Bows, 
 spears, and swords were its only weapons. When at last it 
 arrived amid a vast cloud of dust in sight of the hovels and 
 houses of Medina, instead of a smaller force of the same kind 
 drawn up for battle, as it had expected, it found a new and 
 ttntirely disconcerting phenomenon, a trench and a wall. As- 
 sisted by a Persian convert, Muhammad had entrenched himself 
 ill Medina ! 
 
 This trench struck the Bedouin miscellany as one of the 
 most unsportsmanlike things that had ever been known in the 
 history of the world. They rode about the place. They 
 shouted their opinion of the whole business to the besieged. 
 They discharged a few arrows, and at last encamped to argue 
 about this amazing outrage. They could arrive at no decision. 
 Muhammad would not come out; the rains began to fall, the 
 tents of the allies got wet and the cooking difficult, views be- 
 came divergent and tempers gave way, and at last this great 
 host dwindled again into its constituent parts without ever hav- 
 ing given battle (62Y). The bands dispersed north, east, and 
 south, became clouds of dust, and ceased to matter. N'ear 
 Medina was a castle of Jews, against whom Muhammad was 
 already incensed because of their disrespect for his theology. 
 They had shown a disposition to side with the probable victor 
 in this last struggle, and Muhammad now fell upon them, slew 
 all the men, nine hundred of them, and enslaved the women and 
 children. Possibly many of their late allies were among the 
 bidders for these slaves. Never again after this quaint failure 
 did Mecca make an effective rally against Muhammad, and one 
 by one its leading men came over to his side. 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 577 
 
 We need not follow the windings of the truce and the treaty 
 that finally extended the rule of the Prophet to Mecca. The 
 gist of the agreement was that the faithful should turn towards 
 Mecca when they prayed instead of turning towards Jerusalem, 
 as they had hitherto done, and that Mecca should be the pil- 
 grimage centre of the new faith. So long as the pilgrimage 
 continued, the men of Mecca, it would seem, did not care very 
 much whether the crowd assembled in the name of one god or 
 many. Muhammad was getting more and more hopeless of any 
 extensive conversion of the Jews and Christians, and he was 
 ceasing to press his idea that all these faiths really worshipped 
 the same One God. Allah was becoming more and more his own 
 special God, tethered now by this treaty to the meteoric stone of 
 the Kaaba, and less and less the father of all mankind. Already 
 the Prophet had betrayed a disposition to make a deal with 
 Mecca, and at last it was effected. The lordship of Mecca was 
 well worth the concession. Of comings and goings and a final 
 conflict we need not tell. In 629 Muhammad came to the town 
 as its master. The image of Manif, the god after whom he had 
 once named his son, was smashed under his feet as he entered 
 the Kaaba. 
 
 Thereafter his power extended, there were battles, treacheries, 
 massacres' ; but on the whole he prevailed, until he was master 
 of all Arabia ; and when he was master of all Arabia in 632, at 
 the age of sixty-two, he died. 
 
 Throughout the concluding eleven years of his life after the 
 Hegira, there is little to distinguish the general conduct of 
 Muhammad from that of any other welder of peoples into a 
 monarchy. The chief difference is his use of a religion of his 
 own creation as his cement. He was diplomatic, treacherous, 
 ruthless, or compromising as the occasion required and as any 
 other Arab king might have been in his place; and there was 
 singularly little spirituality in his kingship. Nor was his do- 
 mestic life during his time of power and freedom one of excep- 
 tional edification. Until the death of Kadija, when he was 
 fifty, he seems to have been the honest husband of one wife; 
 but then, as many men do in their declining years, he developed 
 a disagreeab)ly strong interest in women. 
 
 He married two wives after the death of Kadija, one being 
 the young Ayesha, who became and remained his favourite and 
 most influential partner; and subsequently a number of other 
 
578 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 women, wives and concubines, were added to his establishment. 
 This led to much trouble and confusion, and in spite of many 
 special and very helpful revelations on the part of Allah, these 
 complications still require much explanation and argument 
 from the faithful. There was, for example, a scanda-l about 
 Ayesha ; she was left behind on one occasion when the howdah 
 and the camel went on, while she was looking for her necklace 
 among the bushes; and so Allah had to intervene with some 
 heat and denounce her slanderers. Allah also had to speak very 
 plainly about the general craving among this household of 
 women for "this world's life and its omature" and for "finery." 
 Then there was much discussion because the Prophet first mar- 
 ried his young cousin Zainib to his adopted son Zaid, and after- 
 wards, "when Zaid had accomplished his want of her," the 
 Prophet took her and married her — but, as the inspired book 
 makes clear, only in order to show the difference between an 
 adopted and a real son. "We gave her to you as a wife, so that 
 there should be no difficulty for the believers in respect of the 
 wives of their adopted sons, when they have accomplished their 
 want of them, and Allah's command shall be performed." Yet 
 surely a simple statement in the Koran should have sufficed with- 
 out this excessively practical demonstration. There was, more- 
 over, a mutiny in the harem on account of the undue favours 
 shown by the Prophet to an Egyptian concubine who had borne 
 him a boy, a boy for whom he had a great affection, since none 
 of Kadija's sons had survived. These domestic troubles mingle 
 inextricably with our impression of the Prophet's personality. 
 One of his wives was a Jewess, Safiyya, whom he had married 
 on the evening of the battle in which her husband had been 
 captured and executed. He viewed the captured women at the 
 end of the day, and she found favour in his eyes and was taken 
 to his tent 
 
 These are salient facts in these last eleven years of Muham- 
 mad's career. Because he, too, founded a great religion, there 
 are those who write of this evidently lustful and rather shifty 
 leader as though he were a man to put beside Jesus of Nazareth 
 or Gautama or Mani. But it is surely manifest that he was a 
 beiiig of a commoner clay ; he was vain, egotistical, tyrannous, 
 and a self-deceiver; and it would throw all our history out of 
 proportion if, out of an insincere deference to the possible 
 Moslem reader, we were to present him in any other light. 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 579 
 
 Yet, unless we balance it, this insistence upon his vanity, 
 egotism, self-deception, and hot desire does not complete the 
 justice of the case. We must not swing across from the repudia- 
 tion of the extravagant pretensions of the faithful to an equally 
 extravagant condemnation. Can a man who has no good quali- 
 ties hold a friend ? Because those who knew Muhammad best 
 believed in him most. Kadi j a for all her days believed in him 
 — ^but she may have been a fond woman. Abu Bekr is a better 
 witness, and he never wavered in his devotion. Abu Bekr be^ 
 lieved in the Prophet, and it is very hard for anyone who reads 
 the history of these times not to believe in Abu Bekr. Ali 
 again risked his life for the Prophet in his darkest days. 
 Muhammad was no impostor, at any rate, though at times his 
 vanity made him behave as though Allah was at his beck and 
 call, and as if his thoughts were necessarily God's thoughts. 
 And if his bloodstained passion with Safiyya amazes and dis- 
 gusts our modem minds, his love for little Ibrahim, the son of 
 Mary the Egyptian, and his passionate grief when the child 
 died, reinstate him in the fellowship of all those who have 
 known love and loss. 
 
 He smoothed the earth over the little grave with his Own 
 hands. "This eases the afflicted heart," he said. "Though it 
 neither profits nor injures the dead, yet it is a comfort to the 
 living." 
 
 §4 
 
 But the personal quality of Muhammad is one thing and the 
 quality of Islam, the religion he founded, is quite another. 
 Muhammad was not pitted against Jesus or Mani, and his rela- 
 tive stature is only a very secondary question for us ; it is Islam 
 which was pitted against the corrupted Christianity of the 
 . seventh century and against the decaying tradition of the Zoro- 
 astrian Magi with which the historian has the greater concern. 
 And whether it was through its Prophet or whether it was in 
 spite of its Prophet, and through certain accidents in its ori- 
 gin and certain qualities of the desert from which it sprang, 
 there can be no denying that Islam possesses many fine a^nd 
 noble attributes. It is not always through sublime persons 
 that great things come into human life. It is the folly of the 
 simple disciple which demands miraculous frippery on the 
 majesty of truth and immaculate conceptions for righteousness. 
 
580 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 A year before his death, at the end of the tenth year of the 
 Hegira, Muhammad made his last pilgrimage from Medina to 
 Mecca. He made then a great sermon to his people of which 
 the tradition is as follows. There are, of course, disputes as 
 to the authenticity of the words, but there can be no dispute 
 that the world of Islam, a world still of three hundred mil- 
 lion people, receives them to this day as its rule of life, and to 
 a great extent observes it. The reader will note that the first 
 paragraph sweeps away all plunder and blood feuds among the 
 followers of Islam. The last makes the believing Negro the 
 equal of the Caliph. They may not be sublime words, as cer- 
 tain utterances of Jesus of Nazareth are sublime; but they es- 
 tablished in the world a great tradition of dignified fair dealing, 
 they breathe a spirit of generosity, and they are human and 
 workable. They created a society more free from widespread 
 cruelty and social oppression than any society had ever been 
 in the world before. 
 
 "Ye people : Hearken to my words ; for I kno^ not whether, 
 after this year, I shall ever be amongst you here again. Your 
 lives and property are sacred and inviolable amongst one 
 another until the end of time. 
 
 "The Lord hath ordained to every man the share of his in- 
 heritance; a testament is not lawful to the prejudice of heirs. 
 
 "The child belongeth to the parent ; and the violator of wed- 
 lock shall be stoned. 
 
 "Whoever claimeth falsely another for his father, or another 
 for his master, the curse of God and the angels and of all man- 
 kind shall rest upon him. 
 
 "Ye people ! Ye have rights demandable of your wives, and 
 they have rights demandable of you. Upon them it is incum- 
 bent not to violate their conjugal faith nor commit any act 
 of open impropriety 5 which things if they do, ye have authority 
 to shut them up in separate apartments and to beat them with 
 stripes, yet not severely. But if they refrain therefrom, clothe 
 them and feed them suitably. And treat your women well, for 
 they are with you as captives and prisoners; they have not 
 power over anything as regards themselves. And ye have verily 
 taken them on the security of God, and have made their persons 
 lawful unto you by the words of God. 
 
 "And your slaves, see that ye feed them with such food as 
 ye eat yourselves, and clothe them with the stuff ye wear. And 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 581 
 
 if they commit a fault wMch ye are not inclined to forgive, 
 then sell them, for they are the servants of the Lord, and are 
 not to be tormented. 
 
 "Ye people ! hearken to my speech and comprehend the same. 
 Know that every Moslem is the bro<-her of every other Moslem. 
 All of you are on the same equality." 
 
 This insistence upon kindliness and consideration in the daily 
 life is one of the main virtues of Islam, but it is not the only 
 one. Equally important is the uncompromising monotheism, 
 void of any Jewish exclusiveness, which is sustained by the 
 Koran. Islam from the outset was fairly proof against the 
 theological elaborations that have perplexed and divided Chris- 
 tianity and smothered the spirit of Jesus. And its third source 
 of strength has been in the meticulous prescription of methods 
 of prayer and worship, and its clear statement of the limited 
 and conventional significance of the importance ascribed to 
 Mecca. All sacrifice was barred to the faithful; no loophole 
 was left for the sacrificial priest of the old dispensation to come 
 back into the new faith. It was not simply a new faith, a purely 
 prophetic religion, as the religion of Jesus was in the time 
 of Jesus, or the religion of Gautama in the lifetime of Gautama, 
 but it was so stated as to remain so. Islam to this day has 
 learned doctors, teachers, and preachers; but it has no priests. 
 
 It was full of the spirit of kindliness, generosity, and broth- 
 erhood ; it was a simple and understandable religion ; it was in- 
 stinct with the chivalrous sentiment of the desert ; and it made 
 its appeal straight to the commonest instincts in the composi- 
 tion of ordinary men. Against it were pitted Judaism, which 
 had made a racial hoard of God; Christianity talking and 
 preaching endlessly now of trinities, doctrines, and heresies 
 no ordinary man could make head or tail of; and Mazdaism, 
 the cult of the Zoroastrian Magi, who had inspired the crucifix- 
 ion of Mani. The bulk of the people to whom the challenge of 
 Islam came did not trouble very much whether Muhammad 
 was lustful or not, or whether he had done some shifty and 
 questionable things ; what appealed to them was that this God, 
 Allah, he preached, was by the test of the conscience in their 
 hearts a God of righteousness, and that the honest acceptance 
 of his doctrine and method opened the door wide in a world of 
 uncertainty, treachery, and intolerable divisions to a great and 
 increasing brotherhood of trustworthy men on earth, and to a 
 
582 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 paradise not of perpetual exercises in praise and worship, in 
 which saints, priests, and anointed kings were still to have 
 the upper places, but of equal fellowship and simple and under- 
 standable delights such as their souls craved for; Without any 
 ambiguous symbolism, without any darkening of altars or chant- 
 ing of priests, Muhammad had brought home those attractive 
 doctrines to the hearts of mankind. 
 
 § 5 
 
 The true embodiment of the spirit of Islam was not Muham- 
 mad, but his close friend and supporter, Abu Bekr. There can 
 be little doubt that if Muhammad was the mind and imagina- 
 tion of primitive Islam, Abu Bekr was its conscience and its 
 will. Throughout their life together it was Muhammad who 
 said the thing, but it was Abu Bekr who believed the thing. 
 When Muhammad wavered, Abu Bekr sustained him. Abu 
 Bekr was a man without doubts, his beliefs cut down to acts 
 cleanly as a sharp knife cuts. We may feel sure that Abu 
 Bekr would never have temporized about the minor gods of 
 Mecca, or needed inspirations from Allah to explain his private 
 life. When in the eleventh year of the Hegira (632) the 
 Prophet sickened of a fever and died, it was Abu Bekr who 
 succeeded him as Caliph and leader of the people (Kalifa = 
 Successor), and it was the unflinching confidence of Abu Bekr 
 in the righteousness of Allah which prevented a split between 
 Medina and Mecca, which stamped down a widespread insur- 
 rection of the Bedouin against taxation for the common cause, 
 and carried out a great plundering raid into Syria that the 
 dead Prophet had projected. And then Abu Bekr, with that 
 faith which moves mountains, set himself simply and sanely 
 to organize the subjugation of the whole world to Allah — ^with- 
 little armies of 3,000 or 4,000 Arabs — according to those let- 
 ters the Prophet had written from Medina in 628 to all the 
 monarch s of the world. 
 
 And the attempt came near to succeeding. Had there been 
 in Islam a score of men, younger men to carry on his work, 
 of Abu Bekr's quality, it would certainly have succeeded. It 
 came near to succeeding because Arabia was now a centre of 
 faith and will, and because nowhere else in the world until 
 China was reached, unless it was upon the steppes of Enssia 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 
 
 583 
 
 or Turkestan, was there another community of free-spirited 
 men with any power of belief in their rulers and leaders. The 
 head of the Byzantine Empire, Heraclius, the conqueror of 
 Chosroes II, was past his prime and suffering from dropsy, 
 and his empire was exhausted by the long Persian war. Nor 
 
 ^Rz BEGINNINeS" oF iiuz M05I-1BM POWER, 
 
 had he at any time displayed such exceptional ability as the 
 new occasion demanded. The motley of people under his rule 
 knew little of him and cared less. Persia was at the lowest 
 depths of monarchist degradation, the parricide Kavadh II 
 had died after a reign of a few months, and a series of dynas- 
 tic intrigues and romantic murders enlivened the palace but 
 weakened the country. The war between Persia and the Byzan- 
 
584 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tine Empire was only formally concluded about the time of 
 the beginning of Abu Bekr's rule. Both sides had made great 
 use of Arab auxiliaries ; over Syria a number of towns and 
 settlements of Christianized Arabs were scattered who professed 
 a baseless loyalty to Constantinople; the Persian marches be- 
 tween Mesopotamia and the desert were under the control of 
 an Arab tributary prince, whose capital was at Hira. Arab 
 influence was strong in such cities as Damascus, where Christian 
 Arab gentlemen would read and recite the latest poetry from the 
 desert competitors. There was thus a great amount of easily 
 assimilable material ready at hand for Islam. 
 
 And the military campaigns that now began were among the 
 most brilliant in the world's history. Arabia had suddenly 
 become a garden of fine men. The name of Khalid stands out 
 as the brightest star in a constellation of able and devoted 
 Moslem generals. Whenever he commanded he was victorious, 
 and when the jealousy of the second Caliph, Omar, degraded him 
 unjustly and inexcusably,^ he made no ado, but served Allah 
 cheerfully and well as a subordinate to those over whom he 
 had ruled. We cannot trace the story of this warfare here; 
 the Arab armies struck simultaneously at Byzantine Syria and 
 the Persian frontier city of Hira, and everywhere they offered 
 a choice of three alternatives; either pay tribute, or confess 
 the true God and join us, or die. They encountered armies, 
 large and disciplined but spiritless armies, and defeated themt. 
 And nowhere was there such a thing as a popular resistance. 
 The people of the populous irrigation lands of Mesopotamia 
 cared not a jot whether they paid taxes to Byzantium or Persep- 
 olis or to Medina ; and of the two, Arabs or Persian court, the 
 Arabs, the Arabs of the great years, were manifestly the cleaner 
 people, more just and more merciful. The Christian Arabs 
 joined the invaders very readily and so did many Jews. Just 
 as in the west, so now in the east, an invasion became a social 
 revolution. But here it was also a religious revolution with a 
 new and distinctive mental vitality. 
 
 It was Khalid who fought the decisive battle (634) with the 
 army of Heraclius upon the banks of the Yarmuk, a tributary 
 of tiie Jordan. The legions, as ever, were without proper 
 
 'But Schurtz, in Helmolt's History of the World, says that the private 
 life of the gallant Khalid was a scandal to the faithful. He committed 
 adultery, a serious offence in n. world of polygamy. 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 585 
 
 cavalry; for seven centuries the ghost of old Crassus had haunted 
 the east in vain; the imperial armies relied upon Christian 
 Arab auxiliaries, and these deserted to the Moslems as the 
 armies joined issue. A great parade of priests, sacred banners, 
 pictures, and holy relics was made by the Byzantine host, and 
 it was further sustained by the chanting of monks. But there 
 was no magic in the relics and little conviction about the chant- 
 ing. On the Arab side of the emirs and sheiks harangued the 
 troops, and after the ancient Arab fashion the shrill voices of 
 women in the rear encouraged their men. The Moslem ranks 
 were full of believers before whom shone victory or paradise. 
 The battle was never in doubt after the defection of the irregu- 
 lar cavalry. An attempt to retreat dissolved into a rout and 
 became a massacre. The Byzantine army had fought with its 
 back to the river, which was presently choked with its dead. 
 
 Thereafter Heraclius slowly relinquished all Syria, which 
 he had so lately won back from the Persians, to his new an- 
 tagonists. Damascus soon fell, and a year later the Moslems 
 entered Antioch. For a time they had to abandon it again to 
 a last eifort from Constantinople, but they re-entered it for 
 good under Khalid. 
 
 Meanwhile on the eastern front, after a swift initial success 
 which gave them Hira, the Persian resistance stiffened. , The 
 dynastic struggle had ended at last in the coming of a king of 
 kings, and a general of ability had been found in Kustam. 
 He gave battle at Kadessia (637). His army was just such 
 another composite host as Darius had led into Thrace or Alex- 
 ander defeated at Issus; it was a medley of levies. He had 
 thirty-three war elephants, and he sat on a golden throne upon 
 a raised platform behind the Persian ranks, surveying the 
 battle, which throne will remind the reader of Herodotus, the 
 Hellespont, and Salamis more than a thousand years before. 
 The battle lasted three days ; each day the Arabs attacked and 
 the Persian host held its ground until nightfall called a truce. 
 On the third day the Arabs received reinforcements, and to- 
 wards the evening the Persians attempted to bring the strug- 
 gle to an end by a charge of elephants. At first the huge 
 beasts carried all before them; then one was wounded pain- 
 fully and became uncontrollable, rushing up and down be- 
 tween the armies. Its panic affected the others, and for a 
 time both armies remained dumbfounded in the red light of 
 
686 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 sunset, watching tlie frantic efforts of these grey, squealing 
 monsters to escape from the tormenting masses of armed men 
 that hemmed them in. It was by the merest chance that at 
 last they broke through the Persian and not through the Arab 
 array, and that it was the Arabs who were able to charge home 
 upon the resulting confusion. The twilight darkened to night, 
 but this time the armies did not separate. All through the 
 night the Arabs smote in the name of Allah, and pressed upon 
 the shattered and retreating Persians. Dawn broke upon the 
 vestiges of Eustam's army in flight far beyond the litter of the 
 battlefield. Its path was marked by scattered weapons and war 
 material, abandoned transport, and the dead and dying. The 
 platform and the golden throne were broken down, and Kus- 
 tam lay dead among a heap of dead men. . . . 
 
 Already in 634 Abu Bekr had died and given place to Omar, 
 the Prophet's brother-in-law, as Caliph ; and it was under Omar 
 (634-643) that the main conquests of the Moslems occurred. 
 The Byzantine Empire was pushed out of Syria altogether. But 
 at the Taurus Mountains the Moslem thrust was held. Ar- 
 menia was overrun, all Mesopotamia was conquered and Persia 
 beyond the rivers. Egypt passed almost passively from Greek 
 to Arab ; in a few years the Semitic race, in the name of God and 
 His Prophet, had recovered nearly all the dominions it had 
 lost to the Aryan Persians a thousand years before. Jerusalem 
 fell early, making a treaty without standing siege, and so the 
 True Cross which had been carried off by the Persians a dozen 
 years before, and elaborately restored by Heraclius, passed once 
 more out of the rule of Christians. But it was still in Christian 
 hands ; the Christians were to be tolerated, paying only a poll 
 tax; and all the churches and all the relics were left in their 
 possession. 
 
 Jerusalem made a peculiar condition for its surrender. IJhe 
 city would give itself only to the Caliph Omar in person. 
 Hitherto he had been in Medina organizing armies and control- 
 ling the general campaign. He came to Jerusalem (638), 
 and the manner of his coming shows how swiftly the vigour 
 and simplicity of the first Moslem onset was being sapped by 
 success. He came the six-hundred-mile journey with only one 
 attendant ; he was mounted on a camel, and a bag of barley, an- 
 other of dates, a water-skin, and a wooden platter were his pro- 
 vision for the journey. He was met outside the city by his chief 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 
 
 687 
 
588 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 captains, robed splendidly in siUca and with richly capar- 
 isoned horses. At this amazing sight the old man was overcome 
 with rage. He slipped down from his saddle, scrabbled up 
 dirt and stones with his hands, and pelted these fine gentlemen, 
 shouting abuse. What was this insult? What did this finery 
 mean? Where were his warriors? Where were the desert 
 men ? He would not let these popinjays escort him. He went 
 on with his attendant, and the smart Emirs rode afar off — 
 well out of range of his stones. He met the Patriarch of 
 Jerusalem, who had apparently taken over the city from its 
 Byzantine rulers, alone. With the Patriarch he got on very 
 well. They went round the Holy Places together, and Omar, 
 now a little appeased, made sly jokes at the expense of his 
 too magnificent followers. 
 
 Equg,lly indicative of the tendencies of the time is Omar's 
 letter 0rdering one of his governors who had built himself a 
 palace at Kufa, to demolish it again. 
 
 "They tell me," he wrote, "you would imitate the palace of 
 Chosroes,^ and that you would even use the gates that once were 
 his. Will you also have guards and porters at those gates, as 
 Chosroes had? Will you keep the faithful afar off and deny 
 audience to the poor ? Would you depart from the custom of 
 our Prophet, and be as ma^ificerit as those Persian emperors, 
 and descend to hell even as they have done ?" ^ 
 
 § 6 
 
 Abu Bekr and Omar I are the two master figures in the history 
 of Islam. It is not within our scope here to describe the wars 
 by which in a hundred and twenty-five years Islam spread it- 
 self from the Indus to the Atlantic and Spain, and from Kash- 
 gar on the borders of China to Upper Egypt. Two maps must 
 suffice to show the limits to which the vigorous impulse of the 
 new faith carried the Arab idea and the Arabic scriptures, before 
 worldliness, the old trading and plundering spirit, and the 
 glamour of the silk robe had completely recovered their paralyz- 
 ing sway over the Arab intelligence and will. The reader 
 will note how the great tide swept over the footsteps of Yuan 
 Ohwang, and how easily in Africa the easy conquests of the 
 
 'At Ctesiphon. 
 
 'Paraphrased from Schurtz in Helmolt's History of the World. 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 589 
 
 Vandals were repeated in the reverse direction. And if the 
 reader entertains any delusions about a fine civilization, either 
 Persian, Roman, Hellenic, or Egyptian, being submerged by 
 this flood, the sooner he dismisses such ideas the better. Islam 
 prevailed because it was the best social and political order the 
 times could offer. It prevailed because everywhere it found 
 politically apathetic peoples, robbed, oppressed, bullied, uned- 
 ucated, and unorganized, and it found selfish and unsound gov- 
 ernments out of touch with any people at all. It was the broad- 
 est, freshest, -and cleanest political idea that had yet come into 
 actual activity in the world, and it offered better terms than 
 any other to the mass of mankind. The capitalistic and slave- 
 holding system of the Eoman Empire and the literature and 
 culture and social tradition of Europe had altogether decayed 
 and broken down before Islam arose; it was only when man- 
 kind lost faith in the sincerity of its representatives that Islam, 
 too, began to decay. 
 
 The larger part of its energy spent itself in conquering 
 and assimilating Persia and Turkestan ; its most vigorous 
 thrusts were northwardly from Persia and westwardly through 
 Egypt. Had it concentrated its first vigour upon the Byzantine 
 Empire, there can be little doubt that by the eighth century 
 it would have taken Constantinople and come through into 
 Europe as easily as it reached the Pamirs. The Caliph Mua- 
 wiya, it is true, besieged the capital for seven years (672 to 678) , 
 and Suleiman in 717 and 718 ; but the pressure was not sus- 
 tained, and for three or four centuries longer the Byzantine 
 Empire remained the crazy bulwark of Europe. In the' newly 
 Christianized or still pagan Avars, Bulgars, Serbs, Slavs, and 
 Saxons, Islam would certainly have found as ready converts as 
 it did in the Turks of Central Asia. And though, instead 
 of insisting upon Constantinople, it first came round into Eu- 
 rope by the circuitous route of Africa and Spain, it: was only 
 in France, at the end of a vast line of communications from 
 Arabia, that it encotmtered a power, sufficiently vigorous to 
 arrest its advance. 
 
 From the outset the Bedouin aristocrats of Mecca dominated 
 the new empire. Abu Bekr, the first Caliph, was in an informal 
 shouting way elected at Medina, and so were Omar I and 0th- 
 man, the third Caliph, but all three were Meccans of good 
 family. They were not men of Medina. And though Abu 
 
sm 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 591 
 
 Bekr and Omar were men of stark simplicity and righteousness 
 Othman was of a baser quality, a man quite in the vein of 
 those silk robes, to whom conquest was not conquest for Allah 
 but for Arabia, and especially for Mecca in Arabia, and more 
 particularly for himself and for the Meccans and for his fam- 
 ily, the Omayyads. He was a worthy man, who stood out 
 for his country and his town and his "people." He was no 
 early convert as his two predecessors had been; he had joined 
 the Prophet for reasons of policy in fair give and take. With 
 his accession the Caliph ceases to be a strange man of fire and 
 wonder, and becomes an Oriental monarch like many Oriental 
 monarchs before and since, a fairly good monarch by Eastern 
 standards as yet, but nothing more. 
 
 The rule and death of Othman brought out the consequences 
 of Muhammad's weaknesses as clearly as the lives of Abu Bekr 
 and Omar had witnessed to the divine fire in his teaching. Mu- 
 hammad had been politic at times when Abu Bekr would have 
 been firm, and the new element of aristocratic greediness that 
 came in with Othman was one fruit of those politic moments. 
 And the legacy of that (fatelessly compiled harem of the Prophet, 
 the family complications and jealousies which had lurked in 
 the background of Moslem affairs during the rule of the first 
 two Caliphs, was now coming out into the light of day. Ali, 
 who was the nephew, the adopted son, and the son-in-law of 
 the Prophet — ^he was the husband of the Prophet's daughter 
 Fatima — ^he had considered himself the rightful Caliph. His 
 claims formed an undertow to the resentment of Medina and of 
 the rival families of Mecca against the advancement of the 
 Omayyads. But Ayesha, the favourite wife of the Prophet, had 
 always been jealous of Fatima and hostile to Ali. She sup- 
 ported Othman. . . . The splendid opening of the story of 
 Islam collapses suddenly into this squalid dispute and bickering 
 of heirs and widows. 
 
 In 656 Othman, an old man of eighty, was stoned in the 
 streets of Medina by a mob, chased to his house, and murdered ; 
 and Ali became at last Caliph, only to be murdered in his turn 
 (661), In one of the battles in this civil war, Ayesha, now a 
 gallant, mischievous old lady, distinguished herself by leading 
 a charge, mounted on a camel. She was taken prisoner and 
 treated well. 
 
 While the armies of Islam were advancing triumphantly to 
 
592 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the conquest of the world, this sickness of civil war smote at its 
 head. What was the rule of Allah in the world to Ayesha 
 when she could score off the detested Fatima, and what heed 
 were the Omayyads and the partisans of Ali likely to take of 
 the unity of mankind when they had a good hot feud of this 
 sort to entertain them, with the caliphate as a prize ? The world 
 of Islam was rent in twain by the spites, greeds, and partisan 
 silliness of a handful of men and women in Medina. That 
 quarrel still lives. To this day one main division of the Mos- 
 lems, the Shiites, maintain the hereditary right of Ali to be 
 Caliph as an article of faith! They prevail in Persia and 
 India. But an equally important section, the Sunnites, with 
 whom it is difficult for a disinterested observer not to agree, 
 deny this peculiar addendum to Muhammad's simple creed. 
 So far as we can gather at this length of time, Ali was an 
 entirely commonplace individual. 
 
 To watch this schism creeping across the brave beginnings of 
 Islam is like watching a case of softening of the brain. To 
 the copious literature of the subject we must refer the reader 
 who wishes to learn how Hasan, the son of Ali, was poisoned 
 by his wife, and how Husein, his brother, was killed. We do 
 but name them here because they still afford a large section of 
 mankind scope for sentimental partisanship and mutual an- 
 noyance. They are the two chief Shiite martyrs. Amidst the 
 coming and going of their conflicts the old Kaaba at Mecca 
 was burnt down, and naturally there began endless disputa- 
 tion whether it should be rebuilt in exactly its ancient form or 
 on a much larger scale. 
 
 In this and the preceding sections we have seen once more 
 the inevitable struggle of this newest and latest unifying im- 
 pulse in the world's affairs against the everyday worldliness 
 of mankind, and we have seen also how from the first the com- 
 plicated household of Muhammad was like an evil legacy to 
 the new faith. But as this history now degenerates into the 
 normal crimes and intrigues of an Oriental dynasty, the stu- 
 dent of history will realize a third fundamental weakness in 
 the world reforms of Muhammad. He was an illiterate Arab, 
 ignorant of history, totally ignorant of all the political experi- 
 ences of Rome and Greece, and almost as ignorant of the real 
 history c^ Judea ; and he left his followers with no scheme for 
 a stable government embodying and concentrating the general 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 693 
 
 will of the faithful, and no effective form to express the very 
 real spirit of democracy (using the world in its modern sense) 
 that pervades the essential teaching of Islam. His own rule 
 was unlimited autocracy, and autocratic Islam has remained. 
 Politically Islam was not an advance, but a retrogression from 
 the traditional freedoms and customary laws of the desert. 
 The breach of the pilgrims' truce that led to the battle of Badr 
 is the blackest mark against early Islam. Nominally Allah 
 is its chief ruler — ^but practically its master has always been 
 whatever man was vigorous and unscrupulous enough to snatch 
 and hold the Caliphate — ^and, subject to revolts and assassina- 
 tions, its final law has been that man's will. 
 
 For a time, after the death of Ali, the Omayyad family was 
 in the ascendant, and for nearly a century they gave rulers 
 to Islam. 
 
 The Arab historians are so occupied with the dynastic squab- 
 bles and crimes of the titne, that it is difficult to trace the ex- 
 ternal history of the petiod. We find Moslem shipping upon 
 the seas defeating the Byzantine fleet in a great sea fight off 
 the coast of Lycia (a.d. 655), but how the Moslems acquired 
 this victorious fleet thus early we do not clearly know. It 
 was probably chiefly Egyptian. For some years Islam cer- 
 tainly controlled the eastern Mediterranean, and in 662 and 
 again in 672, during the reign of Muawiya (662-680), the 
 first great Omayyad Caliph, made two sea attacks upon Con- 
 stantinople. They had to be sea attacks because Islam, so long 
 as it was under Arab rule, never surmounted the barrier of the 
 Taurus Mountains. During the same period the Moslems were 
 also pressing their conquests further and further into Cen- 
 tral Asia. While Islam was already decaying at its centre, 
 it was yet making great hosts of new adherents and awaken- 
 ing a new spirit among the hitherto divided and aimless 
 Turkish peoples. Medina was no longer a possible centre for 
 its vast enterprises in Asia, Africa, and the Mediterranean, 
 and so Damascus became the usual capital of the Omayyad 
 Caliphs. 
 
 Chief among these, as for a time the clouds of dynastic in- 
 trigue clear, are Abdal Malik (685-705) and Walid I (705- 
 715), under whom the Omayyad line rose to the climax of its 
 successes. The western boundary Was carried to the Pyrenees, 
 while to the east the domains of the Caliph marched vdth China. 
 
59* THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The son of Walid, Suleiman (715), carried out a second series 
 of Moslem attacks upon Constantinople which his father had 
 planned and proposed. As with the Caliph Muawiya half a 
 century before, the approach was by sea — for Asia Minor, as 
 we have just noted, was still unconquered — and the shipping 
 was drawn chiefly from Egypt. The emperor, a usurper, Leo 
 the Isaurian, displayed extraordinary skill and obstinacy in 
 the defence; he burnt most of the Moslem shipping in a bril- 
 liant sortie, cut up the troops they had landed upon the Asiatic 
 side of the Bosphorus, and after a campaign in Europe of 
 two years (717-718), a winter of unexampled severity com- 
 pleted their defeat. 
 
 From this point onward the glory of the Omayyad line de- 
 cays. The first tremendous impulse of Islam was now spent. 
 There was no further expansion and a manifest decline in 
 religious zeal. Islam had made millions of converts, and had 
 digested those millions very imperfectly. Cities, nations, whole 
 sects and races, Arab pagans, Jews, Christians, Manichseans, 
 Zoroastrians, Turanian pagans had been swallowed up into this 
 new vast empire of Muhammad's successors. It has hitherto 
 been the common characteiristic of all the great unifying re- 
 ligious initiators of the world, the common oversight, that 
 they have accepted the moral and theological ideals 
 to which the first appeal was made, as though they were 
 universal ideals. Muhammad's appeal, for example, was to 
 the traditional chivalry and underlying monotheistic feelings 
 of the intelligent Arabs of his time. These things were latent 
 in the mind and conscience of Mecca and Medina ; he did but 
 call them forth. Then, as the new teaching spread and stereo- 
 typed itself, it had to work on a continually more uncongenial 
 basis, it had to grow in soil that distorted and perverted it. 
 Its sole text-book was the Koran. To minds untuned to the 
 melodies of Arabic, this book seemed to be, as it seems to many 
 European minds to-day, a mixture of fine-spirited rhetoric 
 with — to put it plainly — formless and unintelligent gabble. 
 Countless converts missed the real thing in it altogether. To 
 that we must ascribe the readiness of the Persian and Indian 
 sections of the faith to join the Shiite schism upon a quarrel that 
 they could at least understand and feel. And to the same at- 
 tempt to square the new stuff with old prepossessions was due 
 such extravagant theology as presently disputed whether the 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 595 
 
 Koran was and always had been co-existent with God.^ We 
 should be stupefied by the preposterousness of this idea if we 
 did not recognize in it at once the well-meaning attempt of 
 some learned Christian convert to Islamize his belief that "In 
 the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and 
 the Word was God." ^ 
 
 None of the great unifying religious initiators of the world 
 hitherto seems to have be^ accompanied by any understanding 
 of the vast educational task, the vast work of lucid and varied 
 exposition and intellectual, organization involved in its propo- 
 sitions. They all present the same history of a rapid spread- 
 ing, like a little water poured over a great area, and then of a 
 superficiality and corruption. 
 
 In a little while we hear stories of an Omayyad Caliph, 
 Walid II (743-744), who mocked at the Koran, ate pork, drank 
 wine, and did not pray. Those stories may have been true or 
 they may have been circulated for political reasons. There 
 began a puritan reaction in Mecca and Medina against the 
 levity and luxury of Damascus. Another great Arab family, 
 the Abbas family, the Abbasids, a thoroughly wicked line, had 
 long been scheming for power, and was making capital out of 
 the general discontent. The feud of the Omayyads and the 
 Abbasids was older than Islam; it had been going on before 
 Muhammad was bom. These Abbasids took up the tradition 
 of the Shiite "martyrs," Ali and his sons Hasan and Husein, 
 and identified themselves with it. The banner of the Omay- 
 yads was white; the Abbasid adopted a black banner, black in 
 mourning for Hasan and Husein, black because black is more 
 impressive than any colour; moreover, the Abbasids declared 
 that all the Caliphs after Ali were usurpers. In 749 they 
 accomplished a carefully prepared revolution, and the last of 
 the Omayyad Caliphs was hunted down and slain in Egypt. 
 Abul Abbas was the first of the Abbasid Caliphs, and he began 
 his reign by collecting into one prison every living male of 
 the Omayyad line upon whom he could lay bands and causing 
 them all to be massacred. Their bodies, it is said, were heaped 
 together, a leathern carpet was spread over them, and on this 
 gruesome table Abul Abbas and his councillors feasted. More- 
 over, the tombs of the Omayyad Caliphs were rifled, and their 
 bones burnt and scattered to the four winds of heaven. So the 
 'Mark Sykes. 'St. John's Gospel, chap. i. 1, 
 
696 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 grievances of Ali were avenged at last, and the Omayyad line 
 passed out of history. 
 
 There was, it is interesting to note, a rising on behalf of the 
 Omayyads in Khorasan which; was assisted by the Chinese 
 Emperor. 
 
 § 7 
 
 But the descendants of Ali were not destined to share in 
 this triumph for long. The Abassids were adventurers and 
 rulers of an older school than Islam. Wow that the tradition 
 of Ali had served its purpose, the next proceeding of the new 
 Caliph was to hunt down and slaughter the surviving members 
 of his family, the descendants of Ali and Fatima. 
 
 Clearly the old traditions of Sassanid Persia and of Persia 
 before the Greeks were returning to the world. With the 
 accession of the Abbasids the control of the sea departed from 
 the Caliph, and with it went Spain and !N"orth Africa, in 
 which, under 'an Qmayyad survivor in the former case, inde- 
 pendent Moslem states now arose. The centre of gravity of 
 Islam shifted across the desert from Damascus to Mesopotamia. 
 Mansur, the successor of Abul Abbas, built himself a new cap- 
 ital at Bagdad near the ruins of Ctesiphon, the former Sassanid 
 capital. Turks and Persians as well as Arabs became Emirs, 
 and the army was reorganized upon Sassanid lines. Medina 
 and Mecca were now only of importance as pilgrimage cen- 
 tres, to which the faithful turned to pray. But because it was 
 a fine language, and because it was the language of the Koran, 
 Arabic continued to spread until presently it had replaced 
 Greek and become the language of educated men throughout 
 the whole Moslem world. 
 
 Of the Abbasid monarchs after Abul Abbas we need tell 
 little here. A bickering war went on year by year in Asia 
 Minor in which neither Byzantium nor Bagdad made any per- 
 manent gains, though once or twice the Moslems raided as far 
 as the Bosphorus. A false prophet Mokanna, who said he was 
 God, had a brief but troublesome career. There were plots, 
 there were insurrections ; they lie flat and colourless now in the 
 histories like dead flowers in an old book. One other Abbasid 
 Caliph only need be named, and that quite as much for his 
 legendary as for his real importance, Haroun-al-Kaschid (786- 
 809). He was not only the Caliph of an outwardly prosper- 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 597 
 
 ous empire in the world of reality, but he was also the Caliph 
 of an undying empire in the deathless world of fiction, he was 
 the Haroun-al-Easchid of the Arabian Nights. 
 
 Sir Mark Sykes ^ gives an account of the reality of his em- 
 pire from which we will quote certain passages. He says : "The 
 Imperial Court was polished, luxurious, and unlimitedly 
 wealthy; the capital, Bagdad, a gigantic mercantile city sur- 
 rounding a huge administrative fortress, wherein every de- 
 partment of state had a properly regulated and well-ordered 
 public office ; where schools and colleges abounded ; whither phi- 
 losophers, students, doctors, poets, and theologians flocked from 
 all parts of the civilized globe. . . . The provincial capitals 
 were embellished with vast public buildings, and linked to- 
 gether by an effective and rapid service of posts and caravans; 
 the frontiers were secure and well garrisoned, the army loyal, 
 efficient, and brave; the governors and ministers honest and 
 fdrbearing. The empire stretched with equal strength and 
 unimpaired control from the Cilician gates to Aden, and from 
 Egypt to Central Asia. Christians, Pagans, Jews, as well as 
 Moslems, were employed in the government service. Usurpers, 
 rebellious generals, and false prophets seemed to have vanished 
 from the Moslem dominions. Traffic and wealth had taken 
 the place of revolution and famine. . . . Pestilence and dis- 
 ease were met by Imperial hospitals and government physi- 
 cians. ... In government business the rough-and-ready meth- 
 ods of Arabian administration had given place to a complicated 
 system of Divans, initiated partly from the Roman, but chiefly 
 taken from the Persian system of government. Posts, Finance, 
 Privy Seal, Crown Lands, Justice, and Military affairs were 
 each administered by separate bureaux in the hands of min- 
 isters and officials; an army of clerks, scribes, writers, and ac- 
 countants swarmed into these offices and gradually swept the 
 whole power of the government into their own hands by sepa- 
 rating the Commander of the Faithful from any direct inter- 
 course with his subjects. The Imperial Palace and the entour- 
 age were equally based on Eoman and Persian precedents. 
 Eunuchs, closely veiled 'harems' of women, guards, spies, go- 
 betweens, jesters, poets, and dwarfs clustered around the person 
 of the Commander of the Faithful, each, in his degree, endeav- 
 ouring to gain the royal favour and indirectly distracting the 
 ' The Caliph's Last Heritage. 
 
598 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 royal mind from affairs of business and state. Meanwhile the 
 mercantile trade of the East poured gold into Bagdad, and sup- 
 plemented the other enormous stream of money derived from 
 the contributions of plunder and loot despatched to the capital 
 by the commanders of the victorious raiding forces which har- 
 ried Asia Minor, India, and Turkestan. The seemingly unend- 
 ing supply of Turkish slaves and Byzantine specie added to the 
 richness of the revenues of Irak, and, combined with the vast 
 commercial traffic of which Bagdad was the centre, produced 
 a large and powerful moneyed class, composed of the sons of 
 generals, officials, landed proprietors, royal favourites, mer- 
 chants, and the like, who encouraged the arts, literature, phi- 
 losophy, and poetry as the mood took them, building palaces 
 for themselves, vying with each other in the luxury of their 
 entertainments, suborning poets to sound their praises, dabbling 
 in philosophy, supporting various schools of thought, endowing 
 charities, and, in fact, behaving as the wealthy have always 
 behaved in all ages. 
 
 "I have said that the Aboasid Empire in the days of Haroun"- 
 al-Kaschid was weak and feeble to a degree, and perhaps the 
 reader will consider this a foolish proposition when he takes 
 into consideration that I have described the Empire as orderly, 
 the administration definite and settled, the army efficient, and 
 wealth abundant. The reason I make the suggestion is that the 
 Abbasid Empire had lost touch with everything original and 
 vital in Islam, and was constructed entirely by the reunion of 
 the fragments of the empires Islam had destroyed. There was 
 nothing in the empire which appealed to the higher instincts 
 of the leaders of the people ; the holy war had degenerated into 
 a systematic acquisition of plunder. The Caliph had become 
 a luxurious Emperor or King of Kings; the administration 
 had changed from a patriarchal system to a bureaucracy. The 
 wealthier classes were rapidly losing all faith in the religion 
 of the state; speculative philosophy and high living were tak- 
 ing the place of Koranic orthodoxy and Arabian simplicity. 
 The solitary bond which could have held the empire together, 
 the sternness and plainness of the Moslem faith,, was cpm- 
 pletely neglected by both the Caliph and his advisers. • . . 
 Haroun-al-Easchid himself was a winebibber, and his palace was 
 decorated with graven images of birds and beasts and men. . . . 
 
 "For a moment we stand amazed at the greatness of the Ab- 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 599 
 
 basid aominion; then suddenly we realize that it is but as a 
 fair husk enclosing the dust and ashes of dead civilizations." 
 
 Haroun-al-Easchid died in 809. At his deatK his great em- 
 pire fell immediately into civil war and confusion, and the next 
 great event of unusual importance in this region of the world 
 comes two hundred years later when the Turks, under the chiefs 
 of the great family of the Seljuks, poured southward out of 
 Turkestan, and not only conquered the empire of Bagdad, but 
 Asia Minor also. Coming from the north-east as they did, 
 they were able to outflank the great barrier of the Taurus 
 Mountains, which had hitherto held back the Moslems. They 
 were still much the same people as those of whom Yuan Chwang 
 gave us a glimpse four hundred years earlier, but now they were 
 Moslems, and Moslems of the primitive type, men whom Abu 
 Bekr would have welcomed to Islam. They caused a great 
 revival of vigour in Islam, and they turned the minds of the 
 Moslem world once more in the direction of a religious war 
 against Christendom. For there had been a sort of truce be- 
 tween these two great religions after the cessation of the Mos- 
 lem advance and the decline of the Omayyads. Such war- 
 fare as had gone on between Christianity and Islam had been 
 rather border-bickering than sustained war. It became only 
 a bitter fanatical struggle again in the eleventh century. 
 
 § 8 
 
 But before we go on to tell of the Turks and the Crusaders, 
 the great wars that began between Christendom and Islam, 
 and which have left a quite insane intolerance between these 
 great systems right down to the present time, it is necessary 
 to give a little more attention to the intellectual life of the 
 Arabic-speaking world which was now spreading more and 
 more widely over the regions which Hellenism had once dom- 
 inated. For some generations before Muhammad, the Arab 
 mind had been, as it were, smouldering, it had been producing 
 poetry and much religious discussion; under the stimulus of 
 the national and racial successes it presently blazed out with a 
 brilliance second only to that of the Greeks during their best 
 period. From a new angle and with a fresh vigour it took up 
 that systematic development of positive knowledge which the 
 Greeks had begun and relinquished. It revived the human 
 
600 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 pursuit of science. If the Greek was the father, then the Arab 
 was the foster-father of the scientific method of dealing with 
 reality, that is to say, by absolute frankness, the utmost sim- 
 plicity of statement and explanation, exact record, and ex- 
 haustive criticism. Through the Arabs it was and not by the 
 Latin route that the modem world received that gift of light 
 and power. 
 
 Their conquests brought the Arabs into contact with the 
 Greek literary tradition, not at first directly, but through the 
 Syrian translations of the Greek writers. The Nestorian Chris- 
 tians, the Christians to the east of orthodoxy, seem to have 
 been much more intelligent and active-minded than the court 
 theologians of Byzantium, and at a much higher level of gen- 
 eral education than the Latin-speaking Christians of the west. 
 They had been tolerated during the latter days of the Sassanids, 
 and they were tolerated by Islam until the ascendancy of the 
 Turks in the eleventh century. They had preserved much of 
 the Hellenic medical science, and had even added to it. In 
 the Omayyad times most of the physicians in the Caliph's 
 dominions were ISTestorians, and no doubt many learned Nesto- 
 rians professed Islam without aUy serious compunction or any 
 great change in their work and thoughts. They had preserved 
 much of Aristotle both in Greek and in Syrian translations. 
 They had a considerable mathematical literature. Their equip- 
 ment makes the contemporary resources of St. Benedict or 
 Caasiodorus seem very pitiful. To these Nestorian teachers 
 came the fresh Arab mind out of the desert, keen and curious, 
 and learnt much and improved upon its teaching. 
 
 But the Nestorians were not the only teachers available for 
 the Arabs. Throughout all the rich cities of the east the kindred 
 Jews were scattered with their own distinctive literature and 
 tradition, and the Arab and the Jewish mind reacted upon one 
 another to a common benefit. The Arab was informed and 
 the Jew sharpened to a keener edge. The Jews have never been 
 pedants in the matter of their language; we have already 
 noted that a thousand years before Islam they spoke Greek 
 in Hellenized Alexandria, and now all over this new Moslem 
 world they were speaking and writing Arabic. Some of the 
 greatest of Jewish literature was written in Arabic, the re- 
 ligious writings of Maimonides, for example. Indeed, it is 
 diflBcult to say in the case of this Arabic culture where the Jew 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 601 
 
 ends and the Arab begins, so important and essential were 
 its Jewish factors. 
 
 Moreover, there was a third source of inspiration, more 
 particularly in mathematical science, to which at present it is 
 difficult to do justice — India. There can be little doubt that 
 the Arab mind during its best period was in effective contact 
 with Sanscrit literature and with Indian ideas, and that it 
 derived much from this source. 
 
 The distinctive activities of the Arab mind were already 
 manifest under the Omayyads, though it was during the Ab- 
 basid time that it made its best display. History is the be- 
 ginning and core of all sound philosophy and all great literature, 
 and the first Arab writers of distinction were historians, biogra- 
 phers, and quasi-historical poets. Komantic fiction and the 
 short story followed as a reading public developed, willing to 
 be amused. And as reading ceased to be a special accomplish- 
 ment, and became necessary to every man of affairs and to every 
 youth of breeding, came the systematic growth of an educa- 
 tional system and an educational literature. By the ninth and 
 tenth centuries there are not only grammars, but great lexi- 
 cons, and a mass of philological learning in Islam. 
 
 And a century, or so in advance of the west, there grew up 
 in the Moslem world at a number of centres, at Basra, at Kufa, 
 at Bagdad and Cairo, and at Cordoba, out of what were at first 
 religious schools dependent upon mosques, a series of great 
 universities. The light of these universities shone far beyond 
 the Moslem world, and drew students to them from east and 
 west. At Cordoba in particular there were great numbers of 
 Christian students, and the influence of Arab philosophy com- 
 ing by way of Spain upon the universities of Paris, Oxford, and 
 North Italy and upon Western European thought generally, was 
 very considerable indeed. The name of Averroes (Ibn-rushd) 
 of Cordoba (1126-1198) stands out as that of the culminating 
 influence of Arab philosophy upon European thought. He 
 developed the teachings of Aristotle upon lines that made a 
 sharp division between religious and scientific truth, and so 
 prepared the way for the liberation of scientific research from 
 the theological dogmatism that restrained it both under Chris- 
 tianity and under Islam. Another great name is that of Avi- 
 cenna (Ibnsina), the Prince of Physicians (980-1037), who 
 was bom at the other end of the Arabic world at Bokhara, 
 
602 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and who travelled in Khorasan. . , . The book-copying indus- 
 try flourished at Alexandria, Damascus, Cairo, and Bagdad, 
 and about the year 970 there were twenty-seven free schools 
 open in Cordoba for the education of the poor. 
 
 "In mathematics," say Thatcher and Schwill,^ "the Arabs 
 built on the foundations of the Greek mathematicians. The 
 origin of the so-called Arabic numerals is obscure. Under 
 Theodoric the Great, Boethius made use of certain signs which 
 were in part very like the nine digits which we now use. One 
 of the pupils of Gerbert also used signs which were still more 
 like ours, but the zero was unknown till the twelfth century, 
 when it was invented by an Arab mathematician named Mu- 
 hammad-Ibn-Musa, who also was the first to use the decimal 
 notation, and who gave the digits the value of position. In 
 geometry the Arabs did not add much to Euclid, but algebra is 
 practically their creation ; also they developed spherical trigon- 
 ometry, inventing the sine, tangent, and cotangent. In physics 
 they invented the pendulum, and produced work on optics. 
 They made progress in the science of astronomy. They built 
 several observatories, and constructed many astronomical in- 
 struments which are still in use. They calculated the angle 
 of the ecliptic and the precession of the equinoxes. Their 
 knowledge of astronomy was undoubtedly considerable. 
 
 "In medicine they made great advances over the work of 
 the Greeks. They studied physiology and hygiene, and their 
 materia medica was practically the same as ours to-day. Many 
 of their methods of treatment are still in use among us. Their 
 surgeons understood the use of anaesthetics, and performed 
 some of the most difScult operations known. At the time when 
 in Europe the practice of medicine was forbidden by the Church, 
 which expected cures to be effected by religious rites per- 
 formed by the clergy, the Arabs had a real science of medicine. 
 In chemistry they made a good beginning. They discovered 
 many new substances, such as alcohol,* potash, nitrate of silver, 
 corrosive sublimate, and nitric and sulphuric acid. ... In 
 manufactures they outdid the world in variety and beauty of 
 design and perfection of workmanship. They worked in all the 
 
 • A Oeneral History of Europe. 
 
 'Alcohol as "spirits of wine" was known to Pliny (100 A.D.). The 
 student of the history of science should consult Campbell Brown's History 
 of Chemistry and check these statements in the text. 
 
MUHAMMAD AND ISLAM 603 
 
 metals-T^gold, silver, copper, bronze, iron, and steel. In textile 
 fabrics they have never been surpassed. They made glass and 
 pottery of the finest quality. They knew the secrets of dyeing, 
 and they manufactured paper. They had many processes of 
 dressing leather, and their work was famous throughout Eu- 
 rope. They made tinctures, essences, and syrups. They made 
 sugar from the cane, and grew many fine kinds of wine. They 
 practised farming in a scientific way,' and had good systems of ir- 
 rigation. They knew the value of fertilizers, and adapted their 
 crops to the quality of the ground. They excelled in horti- 
 culture, knowing how to graft and how to produce new varieties 
 of fruit and flowers. They introduced into the west many 
 trees and plants from the east, and wrote scientific treatises on 
 farming." 
 
 One item in this account must be underlined here because of 
 its importance in the intellectual life of mankind, the manufac- 
 ture of paper. This the Arabs seem to have learnt from the 
 Chinese by way of Central Asia. The Europeans acquired it 
 from the Arabs. Until that time books had to be written upon 
 parchment or papyrus, and after the Arab conquest of Egypt 
 Europe was cut off from the papyrus supply. Until paper 
 became abundant, the art of printing was of little use, and 
 newspapers and popular education by means of books was im- 
 possible. This was probably a much more important factor in 
 the relative backwardness of Europe during the dark ages 
 than historians seem disposed to admit. . . . 
 
 And all this mental life went on in the Moslem world in 
 spite of a very considerable amount of political disorder. From 
 first to last the Arabs never grappled with the problem, the still 
 unsolved problem, of the stable progressive state; everywhere 
 their form of government was absolutist and subject to the con- 
 vulsions, changes, intrigues, and murders that have always 
 characterized the extremer forms of monarchy. But for some 
 centuries, beneath the crimes and rivalries of courts and camps, 
 the spirit of Islam did preserve a certain general decency and 
 restraint in life; the Byzantine Empire was impotent to shat- 
 ter this civilization, and the Turkish danger in the north-east 
 gathered strength only very slowly. Until the Turk fell upon 
 it, the intellectual life of Islam continued. Perhaps it secretly 
 flattered itself that it would always be able to go on in spite 
 of the thread of violence and unreason in its political direction. 
 
604 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Hitherto in all countries that has been the characteristic atti- 
 tude of science and' literature. The intellectual man has been 
 loth to come to grips with the forcible man. He has generally 
 been something of a courtier and time-server. Possibly he has 
 never yet been quite sure of himself. Hitherto men of reason 
 and knowledge have never had the assurance and courage of the 
 religious fanatic. But there can be little doubt that they have 
 accumulated settled convictions and gathered confidence dur- 
 ing the last few centuries; they have slowly found a means to 
 power through the development of popular education and pop- 
 ular literature, and to-day they are far more disposed to say 
 things plainly and to claim a dominating voice in the organiza- 
 tion of human afFairs than they have ever been before in the 
 world's history. 
 
XXXII 
 
 CHEISTENDOM A^B THE CRUSADES 
 
 § 1. The Western World at its Lowest Ebb. § 2. The Fevdd 
 System. § 3. The Prankish Kingdom of the Merovingians. 
 § 4. The Christianization of the Western Barbariam, § 5. 
 Charlemagne becomes Emperor of the West. § 6. The Per- 
 sonality of Charlemagne. § 7. The Prench and the Germans 
 become Distinct. § 8. The Normans, the Saracens, the 
 -Hungarians and the SeljvJc Turks. § 9. How Constanti- 
 nople Appealed to Borne. § 10, The Crusades. § 11. The 
 Crusades a Test of Christianity. § 12. The Emperor Pred- 
 erich II. § 13. Defects and Limitations of the Papacy. 
 § li. A List of Leading Popes. 
 
 § 1 
 
 LET us turn again now from this intellectual renascence 
 in the cradle of the ancient civilizations to the affairs 
 of the Western world. We have described the complete 
 economic, social, and political break-up of the Roman imperial 
 system in the west, the confusion and darkness that followed in 
 the sixth and seventh centuries, and the struggles of such men 
 as Cassiodorus to keep alight the flame of human learning amidst 
 these windy confusions. For a time it would be idle to write 
 of states and rulers. Smaller or greater adventurers seized 
 a castle or a countryside and ruled an uncertain area. The 
 British Islands, for instance, were split up amidst a multitude 
 of rulers; numerous Keltic chiefs in Ireland and Scotland 
 and Wales and Cornwall fought and prevailed over and suc- 
 cumbed to each other; the English invaders were also divided 
 into a number of fluctuating "kingdoms," Kent, Wessex, I)ssex, 
 Sussex, Mercia, Northumbria, and East Anglia, which were 
 constantly at war with one another. So it was over most of 
 the Western world. Here a bishop would be the monarch, as 
 Gregory the Great was in Rome; here a town or a group of 
 
 605 
 
606 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 towns would be under the rule of the duke or prince of this or 
 that. Amidst the vast ruins of the city of Kome half-inde- 
 pendent families of quasi-noble adventurers and their retainers 
 maintained themselves. The Pope kept a sort of general pre- 
 dominance there, but he was sometimes more than balanced by a 
 "Duke of Eome." The great arena of the Colosseum had been 
 made into a ptrivately-owned castle, and so, too, had the vast cir- 
 cular tomb of the Emperor Hadrian ; and the adventurers who 
 had possession of these strongholds and their partisans waylaid 
 each other and fought and bickered in the ruinous streets of 
 the once imperial city. The tomb of Hadrian was known after 
 the days of Gregory the Great as the Castle of St. Angelo, 
 the Castle of the Holy Angel, because when he was crossing 
 the bridge over the Tiber on his way to St. Peter's to pray 
 against the great pestilence which was devastating the city, he 
 had had a vision of a great angel standing over the dark mass of 
 the mausoleum and sheathing a sword, and he had known then 
 that his prayers would be answered. This Castle of St. Angelo 
 played a very important part in Eoman affairs during this 
 age of disorder. 
 
 Spain was in much the same state of political fragmentation 
 as Italy or, France or Britain; and in Spain the old feud pf 
 Carthaginian and Roman was still continued in the bitter 
 hostility of their descendants and heirs, the Jew and the Chris- 
 tian. So that when the power of the Caliph had swept along 
 the IN'orth African coast to the Straits of Gibraltar, it found 
 in the Spanish Jews ready helpers in its invasion of Europe. 
 A Moslem army of Arabs and of Berbers, the nomadic Hamitic 
 people of the African desert and mountain hinterland who had 
 been converted to Islam, crossed and defeated the West Goths 
 in a great battle in 711. In a few years the whole country 
 was in their possession. 
 
 In 720 Islam had reached the Pyrenees, and had pushed 
 round their eastern end into France; and for a time it seemed 
 that the faith was likely to subjugate Gaul as easily as it had 
 subjugated the Spanish peninsula. But presently it struck 
 against something hard, a new kingdoni of the Franks, which 
 had been consolidating itself for some two centuries in the 
 Rhineland and Iforth France. 
 
 Of this Prankish kingdom, the precursor of France and Ger- 
 many, which formed the western bulwark of Europe against 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 607 
 
 the faith of Muhammad, as the Byzantine empire behind the 
 Taurus Mountains formed the eastern, we shall now have 
 much to tell; but first we must give some account of the new 
 system of social groupings out of which it arose. 
 
 §2 
 
 It is necessary that the reader should have a definite idea 
 of the social condition of western Europe in the eighth cen- 
 tury. It was not a barbarism. Eastern Europe was still bar- 
 baric and savage; things had progressed but little beyond the 
 state of affairs described by Gibbon in his account of the mission 
 of Priscus to Attila (see p. 485). But western Europe was 
 a shattered civilization, without law, without administration, 
 with roads destroyed and education disorganized, but still with 
 great numbers of people with civilized ideas and habits and 
 traditions. It was a time of confusion, of brigandage, of 
 crimes unpunished and universal insecurity. It is very inter- 
 esting to trace how, out of the universal melee, the beginnings 
 of a new order appeared. In a modern breakdown there would 
 probably be the formation of local vigilance societies, which 
 would combine and restore a police administration and a roughly 
 democratic rule. But in the broken-down western empire of 
 the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, men's ideas turned 
 rather to leaders than to committees, and the centres about 
 which affairs crystallized were here barbaric chiefs, here a 
 vigorous bishop or some surviving claimant to a Koman official 
 position, here a long-recognized landowner or man of ancient 
 family, and here again some vigorous usurper of power. No 
 solitary man was safe. So men were forced to link themselves 
 with others, preferably people stronger than themselves. The 
 lonely man chose the most powerful and active person in his 
 district and became his man. The freeman or the weak lordling 
 of a petty territory linked himself to some more powerful lord. 
 The protection of that lord (or the danger of his hostility) be- 
 came more considerable with every such accession. So very 
 rapidly there went on a process of political crystallization in 
 the confused and lawless sea into which the Western Empire 
 bad liquefied. These natural associations and alliances of 
 protector and subordinates grew very rapidly into a system, 
 the fevdal system,, traces of which are still to be found in 
 
608 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 the social structure of every European community west of 
 Kussia, 
 
 This process speedily took on technical forms and laws of its 
 own. In such a country as Gaul it was already well in progress 
 in the days of insecurity before the barbarian tribes broke into 
 the empire as conquerors. The Franks when they came into 
 Gaul brought with them an institution, which we have already 
 noted in the case of thei Macedonians, and which was probably 
 of very wide distribution among the Nordic people, the gather- 
 ing about the chief or war king of a body of young men of 
 good family, the companions or cornMcdus, his counts or cap- 
 tains. It was natural in the case of invading peoples that the 
 relations of a weak lord to a strong lord should take on the 
 relations of a count to his king, and that a conquering chief 
 should divide seized and confiscated estates among his com- 
 panions. From the side of the decaying empire there came to 
 feudalism the idea of the grouping for mutual protection of men 
 and estates ; from the Teutonic side came the notions of knightly 
 association, devotion, and personal service. The former was 
 the economic side of the institution, the latter the chivalrous. 
 
 The analogy of the aggregation of feudal groupings with crys- 
 tallization is a very close one. As the historian watches the 
 whirling and eddying confusion of the fourth and fifth cen- 
 turies in Western Europe, he begins to perceive the appearance 
 of these pyramidal growths of heads and subordinates and 
 sub-subordinates, which jostle against one another, branch, 
 dissolve again, or coalesce. "We use the term 'feudal system' 
 for convenience sake, but with a degree of impropriety if it 
 conveys the meaning 'systematic' Feudalism in its most flour- 
 ishing age was anything but systematic. It was confusion 
 roughly organized. Great diversity prevailed everywhere, and 
 we should not be surprised to find some different fact or custom 
 in every lordship. Anglo-Norman feudalism attained in the 
 eleventh and twelfth centuries a logical completeness and a 
 uniformity of practice which, in the feudal age proper, can 
 hardly be found elsewhere through so large a territory. . . . 
 
 "The foundation of the feudal relationship proper was the fief, 
 which was usually land, but might be any desirable thing, as 
 an office, a revenue in money or kind, the right to collect a 
 toll, or operate a mill. In return for the fief, the man became 
 the vassal of his lord ; he knelt before him, and, with his hands 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 609 
 
 between his lord's hands, promised him fealty and service. . . . 
 The faithful performance of all the duties he had assumed in 
 homage constituted the vassal's right and title to his fief. So 
 long as they were fulfilled, he, and his heir after him, held the 
 fief as his property, practically and in relation to all under- 
 tenants as if he were the owner. In the ceremony of homage 
 
 •A -A « '1^apof'ElIROPEaicnU-^00A:D. ^ « rt 
 
 --^ ^''--''■^"^•liii^^ 
 
 N E A 
 
 and investiture, which is the creative contract of feudalism, 
 the obligations assumed by the two parties were, as a rule, not 
 specified in exact terms. They were determined by local cus- 
 tom. ... In many points of detail the vassal's services dif- 
 fered widely in different parts of the feudal world. We may 
 say, however, that they fall into two classes, general and specific. 
 The general included all that might come under the idea of 
 loyalty, seeking the lord's interests, keeping his secrets, be- 
 traying the plans of his enemies, protecting his family, etc. 
 The specific services are capable of more definite statement, 
 
610 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and they usually received exact definition in custom and some- 
 times in written documents. The most characteristic of these 
 was the military service, which included appearance in the 
 field on summons with a certain force, often armed in a speci- 
 fied way, and remaining a specified length of time. It often 
 included also the duty of guarding the lord's castle, and of 
 holding one's own castle subject to the plans of the lord for the 
 defence of his fief. . . . 
 
 "Theoretically regarded, feudalism covered Europe with a, 
 network of these fiefs, rising in graded ranks one above the 
 other from the smallest, the knight's fee, at the bottom, to the 
 king at the top, who was the supreme landowner, or who held 
 the kingdom from God. . . ." ^ 
 
 But this was the theory that was superimposed upon . the 
 established facts. The reality of feudalism was its voluntary 
 co-operation. 
 
 "The feudal state was one in which, it has been said, private 
 law had usurped the place of public law." But rather is it 
 truer that public law had failed and vanished and private law 
 had come in to fill the vacuum. ' Public duty had ~ become 
 private obligation. 
 
 § 3 
 
 We have already mentioned various kingdoms of the bar- 
 barian tribes who set up a more or less flimsy dominion over 
 this or that area amidst the debris of the empire, the kingdoms 
 of the Suevi and West Goths in Spain, the East-Gothic kingdom: 
 in Italy, and the Italian Lombard kingdom which succeeded the 
 Goths after Justinian had expelled the latter and after thei 
 great pestilence had devastated Italy. The Frankish kingdomi 
 was another such barbarian power which arose first in what 
 is now Belgium, and which spread southward to the Loire, 
 but it developed far more strength and solidarity than any of 
 the others. It was the first real state to emerge from the uni- 
 versal wreckage. It became at last a wide and vigorous po- 
 litical reality, and from it are derived two great powers of 
 modern Europe, France and the German Empire. Its founder 
 was Clovis (481-511) who began as a small king in Belgium 
 and ended with his southern frontiers nearly at the Pyrenees. 
 He divided his kingdom among his four sons, but the Franks 
 * Encyclopcedia BrU<tnmca, article "Feudalism," by Professor G. B, Adams. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 611 
 
 retained a tradition of unity in spite of this division, and for 
 a time fraternal wars for a single control united rather than 
 divided them. A more serious split arose, hov?ever, through 
 the Latinization of the Western Franks, who .occupied Roman- 
 ized Gaul and who learnt to speak the corrupt Latin of the suh- 
 ject population, while the Franks of the Ehineland retained 
 
 Area- move or less- vixidev TR3^^KI5H cLotnixiiorv in 
 tJic tmt<r oP CimSiJLES OViARTEL 
 
 their Low German speech. At a low level of civilization, dif- 
 ferences in language cause very powerful political strains. For 
 a hundred and fifty years the Frankish world was split in two, 
 Neustria, the nucleus of France, speaking a Latinish speech, 
 which became at last the French language we know, and Aua- 
 traaia, the Ehineland, which remained German. '^ 
 
 *The Franks differed from the Swabians and South Germans, and came 
 much nearer the Anglo-Saxons in that they spoke a "Low German" and 
 not a "High German" dialect. Their language resembled plattdeutsch 
 and Anglo-Saxon, and was the direct parent of Dutch and FJemish. In 
 fact, the Franks where they were not Latinized became Flemings and 
 
ei2 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 We will not tell here of the decay of the dynasty, the Mero- 
 vingian dynasty, founded by Clovis ; nor how in Austrasia a 
 certain court official, the Mayor of the Palace, gradually be- 
 came the king de, facto and used the real king as a puppet. 
 The position of Mayor of the Palace also became hereditary 
 in the seventh century, and in 687 a certain Pepin of Heris- 
 thal, the Austrasian Mayor of the Palace, had conquered Neus- 
 tria and reunited all the Franks. He was followed in Y14 by 
 his son, Charles Martel, who also bore no higher title than 
 Mayor of the Palace. (His poor little Merovingian kings do 
 not matter in the slightest degree to us here.) It was this 
 Charles Martel who stopped the Moslems. They had pushed 
 as far as Tours when he met them, and in a great battle be- 
 tween that place and Poitiers (732) utterly defeated them and 
 broke their spirit. Thereafter the Pyrenees remained their ut- 
 most boundary ; they came no further into Western Europe. 
 
 Charles Martel divided his power between two sons, but one 
 resigned and went into a monastery, leaving his brother Pepin 
 sole ruler. This Pepin it was who finally extinguished the 
 descendants of Clovis. He sent to the Pope to ask who was 
 the true king of the Franks, the man who held the power or 
 the man who wore the crown; and the Pope, who was in need 
 of a supporter, decided in favour of the Mayor of the Palace. 
 So Pepin was chosen king at a gathering of the Prankish 
 nobles in the Merovingian capital Soissons, and anointed and 
 crowned. That was in 751. The Franco-Germany he united 
 was consolidated by his son Charlemagne. It held together 
 until the death of his grandson Louis (840), and then France 
 and Germany broke away again — to the great injury of man- 
 kind. It was not a difference of race or temperament, it was 
 a difference of language and tradition that split these Prankish 
 peoples asunder. 
 
 That old separation of Neustria and Austrasia still works 
 
 out in bitter consequences. In 1916 the ancient conflict of 
 
 Neustria and Austrasia had broken out into war once more. 
 
 In the August of that year the present writer visited Soissons, 
 
 and crossed the temporary wooden bridge that had been built by 
 
 "Dutchmen" of South Holland (North Holland is still Friesiseh — i.e. 
 Anglo-Saxon ) . The "French" which the Latinized Franks and Burgundians 
 spoke in the seventh to the tenth centuries was remarkably like the 
 Bumansch language of Switzerland, judging from the vestiges that re- 
 main in old documents. — H. H. J. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 613 
 
 the English after the Battle of the Aisne from the main part 
 of the town to the suburb of St'. Medard.- Canvaa screens 
 protected passengers upon the bridge from the observation of the 
 German sharpshooters who were sniping from their trenches 
 down the curve of the river. He went with his guides across 
 a field and along by the wall of an orchard in which a German 
 shell exploded as he passed. So he reached the battered build- 
 ings that stand upon the site of the ancient abbey of St. Medard, 
 in which the last Merovingian was deposed and Pepin the Short 
 was crowned in his stead. Beneath these ancient buildings 
 there were great crypts, very useful as dug-outs — for the Ger- 
 man advanced lines were not more than a couple of hundred 
 yards away. The sturdy French soldier lads were cooking 
 and resting in these shelters, and lying down to sleep among 
 the stone coffins that had held the bones of their Merovingian 
 kings. 
 
 § 4 
 
 The populations over which Charles Martel and King Pepin 
 ruled were at very different levels of civilization in different 
 districts. To the west and south the bulk of the people con- 
 sisted of Latinized and Christian Kelts ; in the central regions 
 these rulers had to deal with such more or less Christianized 
 Germans as the Franks and Burgundians and Alemanni; to 
 the north-east were still pagan Frisians and Saxons; to the 
 east were the Bavarians, recently Christianized through the 
 activities of St. Boniface ; and to the east of them again pagan 
 Slavs and Avars. The "Paganism" of the Germans and Slavs 
 was very similar to the primitive religion of the Greeks; 
 it was a manly religion in which temple, priest, and sacrifices 
 played a small part, and its gods were like men, a kind of 
 "school prefects" of more powerful beings who interfered im- 
 pulsively and irregularly in human affairs. The Germans had 
 a Jupiter in Odin, a Mars in Thor, a Venus in Freya, and 
 so on. Throughout the seventh and eighth centuries a steady 
 process of conversion to Christianity went on amidst these Ger- 
 man and Slavonic tribes. 
 
 It will be interesting to English-speaking readers to note 
 that the most zealous and successful missionaries among the 
 Saxons and Frisians came from England. Christianity was 
 twice planted in the British Isles. It was already there while 
 
614 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Britain was a part of the Eoman Empire; a martyr, St. Alban, 
 gave bis name to the town of St. Albans, and nearly every visitor 
 to Canterbury has also visited little old St. Martin's church, 
 "which was used during the Koman times. From Britain, as 
 we have already said, Christianity spread beyond the imperial 
 boundaries into Ireland — the chief missionary was St.. Patrick — 
 and there was a vigorous monastic movement with which are 
 connected the names of St. Columba and the religious settle- 
 ments of lona. Then in the fifth and sixth centuries came the 
 .fierce and pagan English, and they cut off the early Church 
 of Ireland from the main body of Christianity. In the sev- 
 enth century Christian missionaries were converting the Eng- 
 lish, both in the north from Ireland and in the south from 
 Rome. The Home mission was sent by Pope Gregory the Great 
 just at the close of the sixth century. The story goes that he 
 saw English boys for sale in the Eoman slave market, though 
 it is a little difficult to understand how they got there. They 
 were very fair and good-looking. In answer to his inquiries, 
 he was told that they were Angles. "Not Angles, but Angels," 
 said he, "had they but the gospel." 
 
 The mission worked through the seventh century. Before 
 that century was over, most of the English were Christians; 
 though Mercia, the central English kingdom, held out stoutly 
 against the priests and for the ancient faith and ways. And 
 there was a swift progress in learning upon the part of these 
 new converts. The monasteries of the kingdom of Northum- 
 bria in the north of England became a centre of light and 
 learning. Theodore of Tarsus was one of the earliest arch- 
 bishops of Canterbury (669-690). "While Greek was utterly 
 unknown in the west of Europe, it was mastered by some of 
 the pupils of Theodore. The monasteries contained many monks 
 who were excellent scholars. Most famous of all was Bede, 
 known as the Venerable Bede (673-735), a monli of Jarrow 
 (on Tyne). He had for his pupils the six hundred monks of 
 that monastery, besides the many strangers who came to hear 
 him. He gradually mastered all the learning of his day, and 
 left at his death forty-five volumes of his writings, the most 
 important of which are The Ecclesiastical History of the Eng- 
 lish' and his translation of the Gospel of John into English. 
 His writings were widely known and used throughout Europe. 
 He reckoned all dates from the birth of Christ, and through 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 615 
 
 his works the use of Christian chronology became common in 
 Europe. Owing to the large number of monasteries and monks 
 
 640 AV. 
 
 in !N"orthumbria, that part of England was for a time far 
 in advance of the south in civilization." * 
 
 In the seventh and eighth centuries we find the English 
 missionaries active upon the eastern frontiers of the Frankish 
 *A General History of Ev/rope, Thatcher and Schwill. 
 
616 THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 kingdom. Chief among these -was St. Boniface (680-755), 
 who waa born at Crediton, in Devonshire, who converted the 
 Frisians, Thuringians, and Hessians, and who was martyred in 
 Holland. 
 
 Both in England and on the Continent the ascendant rulers 
 seized upon Christianity as a unifying force to cement their 
 conquests. Christianity became a banner for aggressive chiefs 
 — as it did in Uganda in Africa in the bloody days before that 
 country was annexed to the British Empire. After Pepin, 
 who died in 768, came two sons, Charles and another, who 
 divided his kingdom ; but the brother of Charles died in 771, 
 and Charles then became sole king (771-814) of the growing 
 realm of the Franks. This Charles is known in history as 
 Charles the Great, or Charlemagne. As in the case of Alexan- 
 der the Great and Julius Caesar, posterity has enormously ex- 
 aggerated his memory. He made his wars of aggression defi- 
 nitely religious wars. All the world of north-western Europe, 
 which is now Great Britain, France, Germany, Denmark, 
 and ^Norway and Sweden, was in the ninth century an arena 
 of bitter conflict between the old faith and the new. Whole 
 nations were converted to Christianity by the sword just as 
 Islam in Arabia, Central Asia, and Africa had converted 
 whole nations a century or so before. 
 
 With fire and sword Charlemagne preached the Gospel of 
 the Cross to the Saxons, Bohemians, and as far as the Danube 
 into what is now Hungary ; he carried the same teaching down 
 the Adriatic Coast through what is now Dalmatia, and drove 
 the Moslems back from the Pyrenees as far as Barcelona. 
 
 Moreover, he it was who sheltered Egbert, an exile from 
 Wessex, in England, and assisted him presently to establish 
 himself as King in Wessex (802). Egbert subdued the Brit- 
 ons in Cornwall, as Charlemagne conquered the Britons of 
 Brittany, and, by a series of wars, which he continued after 
 the death of his Prankish patron, made himself at last the first 
 K^ng of all England (828). 
 
 But the attacks of Charlemagne upon the last strongholds of 
 paganism provoked a vigorous reaction on the part of the un- 
 converted. The Christianized English had retained very little 
 of the seamanship that had brought them from the mainland, 
 and the Franks had not yet become seamen. As the Christian 
 propaganda of Charlemagne swept towards the shores of the 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 617 
 
 North and Baltic Seas, the pagans were driven to the sea. They 
 retaliated for the Christian persecutions with plundering raids 
 and expeditions against the northern coasts of France and 
 
 against Christian England, These pagan Saxons and English 
 of the mainland and their kindred from Denmark and Nor- 
 way are the Danes and Northmen of our national histories. 
 They were also called Vikings/ which means "inlet-men," be- 
 
 'N.Bw — ^Vik-ings, not Vi-kings, Vik = a fiord or inlet. 
 
618 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOKY 
 
 cause they came from the deep inlets of the Scandinavian coast. 
 They came in long black galleys, making little use of sails. 
 Most of our information about these wars and invasions of the 
 Pagan Vikings is derived from Christian sources, and so 
 we have abundant information of the massacres and atrocities 
 of their raids and very little about the cruelties inflicted upon 
 their pagan brethren, the Saxons, at the hands of Charlemagne. 
 Their animus against the cross and against monks and nuns 
 was extreme. They delighted in the burning of monasteries 
 and nunneries and the slaughter of their inmates. 
 
 Throughout the period between the fifth and the ninth cen- 
 turies these Vikings or iN^orthmen were learning seamanship, 
 becoming bolder, and ranging further. They braved the north- 
 ern seas until the icy shores of Grepnland were a familiar 
 haunt, and by the ninth century they had settlements (of which 
 Europe in general knew nothing) in America. In the tenth 
 and eleventh centuries many of their sagas began to be written 
 down in Iceland. They saw the world in terms of valiant ad- 
 venture. They assailed the walrus, the bear, and the whale. In 
 their imaginations, a great and rich city to the south, a sort of 
 confusion of Kome and Byzantium, loomed large. They called 
 it "Miklagard" (Michael's court) or Micklegarth. The mag- 
 netism of Micklegarth was to draw the descendants of these 
 Northmen down into the Mediterranean by two routes, by the 
 west and also across Russia from the Baltic, as we shall tell 
 later. By the Eussian route went also the kindred Swedes. 
 
 So long as Charlemagne and Egbert lived, the Vikings were 
 no more than raiders; but as the ninth century wore on, these 
 raids developed into organized invasions. In several districts 
 of England the hold of Christianity was by no means firm as 
 yet. In Mercia in particular the pagan Northmen found sym- 
 pathy and help. By 886 the Danes had conquered a fair part 
 of England, and the English king, Alfred the Great, had rec- 
 ognized their rule over their conquests, the Dane-law, in the 
 pact he made with Guthrum their leader. A little later, in 912, 
 another expedition under Eolf the Ganger established itself 
 upon the coast of France in the region that was known hence- 
 forth as Normandy ( = Northman-dy) . But of how there was 
 presently a fresh conquest of England by the Danea, and how 
 finally the Duke of Normandy became King of England, we 
 cannot tell at any length. There were very small racial and 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 619 
 
 social differences between Angle, Saxon, Jute, Dane, or Nor- 
 man ; and though these changes loom large in the imaginations 
 of the English, they are seen to be very slight rufflings indeed 
 of the stream of history when we measure them by the stand- 
 ards of a greater world. The issue between Christianity and 
 paganism vanished presently from the struggle. By the Treaty 
 of Wedmore the Danes agreed to be baptized if they were as- 
 sured of their conquests ; and the descendants of Eolf in Nor- 
 mandy were not merely Christianized, but they learnt to speak 
 French from the more civilized people about them, forgetting 
 their own Norse tongue. Of much greater significance in the 
 history of mankind are the relations of Charlemagne with his 
 neighbours to the south and east, and to the imperial tradition. 
 
 § 5 
 
 Through Charlemagne the tradition of the Eoman Caesar was 
 revived in Europe. The Koman Empire was dead and de- 
 caying; the Byzantine Empire was far gone in decline; but 
 the education and mentality of Europe had sunken to a level at 
 which new creative political ideas were probably impossible. In 
 all Europe there survived not a tithe of the speculative vigour 
 that we find in the Athenian literature of the fifth century B.C. 
 There was no power to postulate a new occasion or to conceive 
 and organize a novel political method. Official Christianity 
 had long overlaid and accustomed itself to ignore those strange 
 teachings of Jesus of Nazareth from which it had arisen. The 
 Koman Church, clinging tenaciously to its possession of the 
 title of pontifex maximus, had long since abandoned its ap- 
 pointed task of achieving the Kingdom of Heaven. It was 
 preoccupied with the revival of Roman ascendancy on earth, 
 which it conceived of as its inheritance. It had become a 
 political body, using the faith and needs of simple men to 
 forward its schemes. Europe drifted towards a dreary imita- 
 tion and revival of the misconceived failures of the past. Eor 
 eleven centuries from Charlemagne onwards, "Emperors" and 
 "Caesars" of this line and that come and go in the history of 
 Europe like fancies in a disordered mind. We shall have to 
 tell of a great process of mental growth in Europe, of enlarged 
 horizons and accumulating power, but it was a process that 
 went on independently of, and in spite of, the political fonns 
 
620 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 621 
 
 of the time, until at last it shattered those forms altogether. 
 Europe during those eleven centuries of the imitation Caesars 
 which began with Charlemagne, and which closed only in the 
 monstrous bloodshed of 1914^1918, has been like a busy factory 
 owned by a somnambulist, who is sometimes quite imimpor- 
 tant and sometimes disastrously in the way. Or rather than 
 a somnambulist, let us say by a corpse that magically simulates 
 a kind of life. The Roman Empire staggers,' sprawls, is thrust 
 off the stage, and reappears, and — if we may carry the image 
 one step further — it is the Church of Eome which plays the 
 part of the magician and keeps this corpse alive. 
 
 And throughout the whole period there is always a struggle 
 going on for the control of the corpse between the spiritual and 
 various temporal powers. We have already noted the spirit of 
 St. Augustine's City of Ood. It was a book which we know 
 Charlemagne read, or had read to him — ^for his literary accom- 
 plishments are rather questionable. He conceived of this Chris- 
 tian Empire as being ruled and maintained in its orthodoxy by 
 some such great Caesar as himself. He was to rule even the 
 Pope. But at Rome the view taken of the revived empire dif- 
 fered a little from that. There the view taken was that the 
 Christian Caesar must be anointed and guided by the Pope — ■ 
 who would even have the power to excommunicate and depose 
 him. Even in the time of Charlemagne this divergence of view 
 was apparent. In the following centuries it became acute. 
 
 The idea of the revived Empire dawned only very gradually 
 upon the mind of Charlemagne. At first he was simply the 
 ruler of his father's kingdom of the Franks, and his powers 
 were fully occupied in struggles with the Saxons and Bavarians, 
 and with the Slavs to the east of them, with the Moslem in 
 Spain, and with various insurrections in his own dominions. 
 And as the result of a quarrel with the King of Lombardy, 
 his father-in-law, he conquered Lombardy and North Italy. 
 "We have noted the establishment of the Lombards in North 
 Italy about 5Y0 after the great pestilence, and after the over- 
 throw of the East Gothic kings by Justinian. These Lombards 
 had always been a danger and a fear to the Popes, and there 
 had been an alliance between Pope and Prankish King against 
 them in the time of Pepin. Now Charlemagne completely sub- 
 jugated Lombardy (774), sent his father-in-law to a monastery, 
 and carried his conquests beyond the present north-eastern 
 
622 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 bQ:undaries of Italy into Dalmatia in 776. In 781 he caused 
 one of his sons, Pepin, who did not outlive him, to he crowned 
 King of Italy in Rome. 
 
 There was a new Pope, Leo III, in 795, who seems from the 
 first to have resolved to make Charlemagne emperor. Hith- 
 erto the court at Byzantium had possessed a certain indefinite 
 authority over the Pope. Strong emperors like Justinian had 
 bullied the Popes and obliged them to come to Constantinople; 
 weak emperors had annoyed them ineffectively. The idea of a 
 breach, both secular and religious, with Constantinople had 
 long been entertained at the Lateran,^ and in the Prankish 
 power there seemed to be just the support that was necessary if 
 Constantinople was to be defied. So at his accession Leo III 
 sent the keys of the tomb of St. Peter and a banner to Charle- 
 magne as the symbols of his sovereignty in Rome as King 
 of Italy. Very soon the Pope had to appeal to the protection he 
 had chosen. He was unpopular in Rome ; he was attacked and 
 ill-treated in the streets during a procession, and obliged to 
 fly to Germany (799). Eginhard says his eyes were gouged 
 out and his tongue cut off ; he seems, however, to have had both 
 eyes and tongue again a year later. Charlemagne brought him 
 back and reinstated him (800). 
 
 Then pccurred a very important scene. On Christmas Day, 
 in the year 800, as Charles was rising from prayer in the 
 Church of St. Peter, the Pope, who had everything in readi- 
 ness, clapped a crown upon his head and hailed him Caesar 
 and Augustus. There was great popular applause. But Egin- 
 hard, the friend and biographer of Charlemagne, says that the 
 new emperor was by no means pleased by this coup of Pope 
 Leo's. If he had known this was to happen, he said, "he 
 would not have entered the church, great festival though it 
 was." i^o doubt he had been thinking and talking of making 
 himself emperor, but he had evidently not intended that the 
 Pope should make him emperor. He had some idea of marry- 
 ing the Empress Irene, who at that time reigned in Constanti- 
 nople, and so becoming monarch of both Eastern and Western 
 Empires. He was now obliged to accept the title in the manner 
 that Leo III had adopted as a gift from the Pope, and in a 
 way that estranged Constantinople and secured the separation 
 of Rome from the Byzantine Church. 
 
 ' The Lateran was the earlier palace of the Popes in Home. Later they 
 occupied the Vatican. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 623 
 
 At first Byzantium was unwilling to recognize the imperial 
 title of Charlemagne. But in 810 a great disaster fell upon 
 the Byzantine Empire. The pagan Bulgarians, under their 
 Prince Krum (802-814), defeated and destroyed the armies 
 of the Emperor Nicephorus, whose skull became a drinking- 
 cup for Krum. The greater part of the Balkan peninsula was 
 conquered by these people. (The Bulgarian and the English 
 nations thus became established as political unities almost 
 simultaneously.) After this misfortune Byzantium was in no 
 position to dispute this revival of the empire in the West, and 
 in 812 Charlemagne was formally recognized by Byzantine 
 envoys as Emperor and Augustus. 
 
 So the Empire of Rome, which had died at the hands of 
 Odoacer in 476, rose again in 800 as the "Holy Eoman Em- 
 pire." While its physical strength lay north of the Alps, the 
 centre of its idea was Eome. It was therefore from the begin- 
 ning a divided thing of uncertain power, a claim and an argu- 
 ment rather than a necessary reality. The German sword was 
 always clattering over the Alps into Italy, and missions and 
 legates toiling over in the reverse direction. But the Germans 
 could never hold Italy permanently, because they could not 
 stand the malaria that the ruined, neglected, undrained country 
 fostered. And in Rome, as well as in several other of the cities 
 of Italy, there smouldered a more ancient tradition, the tradi- 
 tion of the aristocratic republic, hostile to both Emperor and 
 Pope. 
 
 § 6 
 
 In spite of the fact that we have a life of him written by his 
 contemporary, Eginhard,^ the character and personality of 
 Charlemagne are difficult to visualize. Eginhard lacks vivid- 
 ness; he tells many particulars, but not the particulars that 
 make a man live again in the record. Charlemagne, he says, 
 was a tall man, with a rather feeble voice; and he had bright 
 eyes and a long nose. "The top of his head was round," what- 
 ever that may mean, and his hair was "white." He had a thick, 
 rather short neck, and "his belly too prominent." He wore a 
 tunic with a silver border, and gartered hose. He had a blue 
 cloak, and was always girt with, his sword, hilt and belt being 
 'Eginhard's Life of Karl the Great. (Glaister.) 
 
624 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of gold and silver. He was evidently a man of great activity, 
 one imagines him moving quickly, and his numerous love affairs 
 did not interfere at all with his incessant military and political 
 labours. He had numerous wives and mistresses. He took much 
 exercise, was fond of pomp and religious ceremonies, and gave 
 generously. He was a man of very miscellaneous activity and 
 great intellectual enterprise, and with a self-confidence that is 
 rather suggestive of William II, the ex-German Emperor, the 
 last, perhaps for ever, of this series of imitation Caesars in, 
 Europe which Charlemagne began. 
 
 The mental life that Eginhard records of him is interesting, 
 because it not only gives glimpses of a curious character, but 
 serves as a sample of i the intellectuality of the time. He could 
 read probably ; at meals he "listened to music or reading," but 
 we are told that he had not acquired the art of writing ; "he used 
 to keep his writing-book and tablets under his pillow, that when 
 he had leisure he might practise his hand in forming letters, 
 but he made little progress in an art begun too late in lifei" 
 He had, however, a real respect for learning and a real desire 
 for knowledge, and he did his utmost to attract men of learning 
 to his court. Among others who came was Alcuin, a learned 
 Englishman. All those learned men were, of course, cler^onen, 
 there being no other learned men^ and naturally they gave a 
 strongly clerical tinge to the information they imparted to their 
 master. At his court, which was usually at Aix-la-ChapeUe or 
 Mayence, he maintained in the winter months a curious institu- 
 tion called his "school," in which he and his erudite associates 
 affected to lay aside all thoughts of worldly position, assumed 
 names taken from the classical writers or from Holy Writ, and 
 discoursed upon theology and literature. Charlemagne himself 
 was "David." He developed a considerable knowledge of the- 
 ology, and it is to him that we must ascribe; the addition of the 
 words -filio que to the Nicene Creed, an addition that finally 
 split the Latin and Greek churches asunder. But it is more 
 than doubtful if he had any such separation in mind. He 
 wanted to add a word or so to the creed, just as the Emperor 
 William II wanted to write operas and paint pictures,^ and he 
 took up what was originally a Spanish innovation. 
 
 'The addition was discreetly opposed by Leo III "In the correspondence 
 between them the Pope assumes the liberality of a statesman and the 
 prince descends to the prejudice and passions of a priest." — Gibbon, 
 chap. Ix. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 625 
 
 Of bis organization of his empire there is little to be said 
 here. He was far too restless and busy to consider the quality 
 of his successor or the condition of political stability, and the 
 most noteworthy thing in this relationship is that he part;icu- 
 larly schooled his son and successor, Louis the Pious (814-840), 
 to take the crown from the altar and crown himself. But Louis 
 the Pious was too pious to adhere to those instructions when 
 the Pope made an objection. 
 
 The legislation of Charlemagne was greatly coloured by Bifcle 
 reading ', he knew his Bible well, as the times went ; and it is 
 characteristic of him that after he had been crowned emperor 
 he required every male subject above the age of twelve to renew 
 his oath of allegiance, and to undertake to be not simply a good 
 subject, but a good Christian. To refuse baptism and to re- 
 tract after baptism were crimes punishable by death. He did 
 much to encourage architecture, and imported many Italian 
 architects, chiefly from Ravenna, to whom we owe many of 
 tiiS' pleasant ByZalitine buildings that still at Worms and 
 Col6ghe and elsewhere delight the tourist in the Ehineland. 
 He founded a nilmbei' of cathedrals and monastic schools, did 
 much to encourage the stu^y of classical Latin, and was a dis- 
 tinguished amateur of church music. The possibility of his 
 talking Latin aiid understanding Greek is open to discussion; 
 probably he talked Prench-Latin. Friankish, however, was his 
 habitual tongue. He made a collection of old German songs 
 and tales, but these were destroyed by his successor Louis the 
 Pious on account of their paganism. 
 
 He corresponded with Haroun-al-Kaschid, the Abbasid Caliph 
 at Bagdad,! who was not perhaps the less friendly to him on 
 account of his vigorous handling of the Omayyad Arabs in 
 Spain, Gibbon supposes that this "public correspondence was 
 fpunded on vanity," and that "their remote situation left no 
 room for a competition of interest." But with the Byzantine 
 Empire between them in the East, and the independent cal- 
 iphate of Spain in. the West, and a common danger in the Turks 
 ftf the great plains, they had three very excellent reasons for 
 cordiality- ]Haroun-al-Easchid, says Gibbon, sent Charlemagne 
 ty his ambassadors a splendid teiit, a water clock, an elephant, 
 andih? keys of the Holy Sepulchre. The last item suggests 
 tiiait .Charl^agne was to some extent regarded by the Saracen 
 monarcfias tjie protector of the Christians tod Christian prop- 
 
636 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 erties in his dominions. Some historians declare explicitly 
 that there was a treaty to that effect. 
 
 § 7 
 
 The Empire of Charlemagne did not outlive his son and suc- 
 cessor, Louis the Pious. It fell apart into its main constituents. 
 The Latinized Keltic and Frankish population of Gaul begins 
 now to be recognizable as France, though this France was broken 
 up into a number of dukedoms and principalities, often with 
 no more than a nominal unity; the German-speaking peoples 
 between the Ehine and the Slavs to the east similarly begin to 
 develop an even more fragmentary intimation of Germany. 
 When at length a real emperor reappears in Western Europe 
 (962), he is not a Frank, but a Saxon; the conquered in Ger- 
 many have become the masters. 
 
 It is impossible here to trace the events of the ninth and tenth 
 centuries in any detail, the alliances, the treacheries, the claims 
 and acquisitions. Everywhere there was lawlessness, war, and 
 a struggle for power. In 987 the nominal kingdom of France 
 passed from the hands of the Oarlpvingians, the last descendants 
 of Charlemagne, into the hands of Hugh Capet, who founded 
 a new dynasty. Most of his alleged subordinates were in fact 
 independent, and willing to make war on the king at the slightest 
 provocation. The dominions of the Duke of Normandy, for 
 example, were more extensive and more powerful than the 
 patrimony of Hugh Capet. Almost the only unity of this 
 France over which the king exercised a nominal authority lay 
 in the common resolution of its great provinces to resist in- 
 corporation in any empire dominated either by a German ruler 
 or by the Pope. Apart from the simple organization dictated 
 by that common will, France was a mosaic of practically in- 
 dependent nobles. It was an era of castle-building and fortifi- 
 cation, and what was called "private war" throughout all 
 Europe. 
 
 The state of Eome in the tenth century is. almost indescri- 
 bable. The decay of the Empire of Charlemagne left the Pope 
 without a protector, threatened by Byzantium and the Saracens 
 (who had taken Sicily), and face to face with the unruly nobles 
 of Home; Among the most powerful of these were two women, 
 Theodora and Marozia, mother and daughter^ who in succes- 
 • Gibbon mentions a second Theodora, the sister of Marozit- 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 627 
 
 sion held tlie Castle of St. Angelo (§1), which Theophylaot, 
 the patrician husband of Theodora, had seized with most of the 
 temporal power of the Pope; these two women were as bold, 
 unscrupulous, and dissolute as any mqle prince of the time 
 could have been, and they are abused by historians as though 
 they were ten times worse. Marozia seized and imprisoned 
 Pope John X (928), who speedily died under her care. She 
 subsequently made her illegitimate son pope, under the title of 
 John XI. After him her grandson, John XII, filled the chair 
 of St. Peter. Gibbon's account of the manners and morals of 
 John XII takes refuge at last beneath a veil of Latin footnotes. 
 This Pope, John XII, was finally degraded by the new German 
 Emperor Otto, who came over the Alps and down into Italy to 
 be crowned in 962.^ 
 
 This new line of Saxon emperors, which thus comes into 
 prominence, sprang from a certain Henry the Fowler, who was 
 elected King of Germany by an assembly of German nobles, 
 princes, and prelates in 919. In 936 he was succeeded as King 
 by his son, Otto I, surnamed the Great, who was also elected 
 to be his successor at Aix-la-Chapelle, and who finally descended 
 upon Kome at the invitation of John XII, to be crowned 
 emperor in 962. His subsequent degradation of John was 
 forced upon him by that pope's treachery. With his assumption 
 of the imperial dignity. Otto I did not so much overcome Rome 
 as restore the ancient tussle of Pope and Emperor for ascend- 
 ancy to something like decency and dignity again. Otto I was 
 followed by Otto II (973-983), and he again by a third Otto 
 (983-1002). 2 
 
 The struggle between the Emperor and the Pope for ascend- 
 ancy over the Holy Roman Empire plays a large part in the 
 
 ' This period Is a tangled one. The authority is Gregorovius, History 
 of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages. John X owed • the tiara to his 
 mistress, the elder Theodora, but he was "the foremost statesman of his 
 age." He fell in 928 owing to Marozia. John XI became Pope in 931 
 (after two Popes had intervened in the period 928-931) ; he was Marozia's 
 son, possibly by Pope Sergius III. John XII did not come at once after 
 John XI, who died in 936; there were several Popes in between; and 
 he became Pope in 955. — E. B. 
 
 ^ There were three dynasties of emperors in the early middle ages: 
 
 Saxon: Otto I (962) to Henry II, ending 1024. 
 
 Salian: Conrad II to Henry V, ending about 1125. 
 
 Uohenstauf en : Conrad III to Frederic II, ending in 1250. 
 
 The Hohenstaufens were Swabian in origin. Then came the Habsburgs 
 with Rudolph I in 1273, who lasted until 1918. 
 
628 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 history of the early Middle Ages, and we shall have presently 
 to sketch its chief phases. Though the church never sank quite 
 to the level of John XII again, nevertheless the story fluctuates 
 through phases of great violence, confusion, and intrigue. Yet 
 the outer history of Christendom is not the whole history of 
 Christendom. That the Lateran was as cunning, foolish, and 
 criminal as most other contemporary courts has to be recorded ; 
 but, if we are to keep due proportions in this history, it must 
 not be unduly emphasized. We must remember that through 
 all those ages, leaving profound consequences, but leaving no 
 conspicuous records upon the historian's page, countless men 
 and women were touched by that Spirit of Jesus which still 
 lived and lives still at the core of Christianity, that they led 
 lives that were on the whole gracious and helpful, and that they 
 did unselfish and devoted deeds. Through those ages such lives 
 cleared the air and made a better world possible. Just as in 
 the Moslem world the Spirit of Islam generation by generation 
 produced its crop of courage, integrity, and kindliness. 
 
 § 8 
 
 While the Holy Roman Empire and the kingdoms of France 
 and England were thus appearing amidst the extreme political 
 fragmentation of the civilization of Western Europe, both that 
 civilization and the Byzantine Empire were being subjected to 
 a threefold attack: from the Saracen powers, from the North- 
 men, and, more slowly developed and most formidable of all, 
 from a new westward thrust of the Turkish peoples through 
 South Russia, and also by way of Armenia and the Empire 
 of Bagdad from Central Asia. 
 
 After the overthrow of the Omayyads by the Abbasid dynasty, 
 the strength of the Saracenic impulse against Europe dimin- 
 ished. Islam was no longer united. Spain was under, a sepa- 
 rate Omayyad Caliph, Nerth Africa, though nominally sub- 
 ject to the Abbasids, was really independent, and presently 
 (969) Egypt became a separate power with a Shiite Caliph of 
 its own, a pretender claiming descent from Ali and Fatima 
 (the Fatimite Caliphate). These Egyptian Fatimites, the 
 green flag Moslems, were fanatics in comparison with the 
 Abbasids, and did much to embitter the genial relations of 
 Islam and Christianity. They took Jerusalem, and interfered 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 629 
 
 FR AKCE afr ^ dose aTt&e ^0^ Cctvtixrrf 
 
 Hcaal'Dotnaia 
 
 Tiefs ofthz 
 Croam- 
 
 
630 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 with the Christian access to the Holy Sepulchre. On the other 
 side of the shrunken Abbasid domain there was also a Shiite 
 kingdom in Persia. The chief Saracen conquest in the ninth 
 century was Sicily; but this was not overrun in the grand old 
 style in a year or so, but subjugated tediously through a long 
 century, and with many set-backs. The Spanish Saracens dis- 
 puted in Sicily with the Saracens from Africa. In Spain the 
 Saracens were giving ground before a renascent Christian effort. 
 Nevertheless, the Byzantine Empire and Western Christendom 
 were still so weak upon the Mediterranean Sea that the Saracen 
 raiders and pirates from North Africa were able to raid almost 
 unchallenged in South Italy and the Greek Islands. 
 
 But now a new force was appearing in the Mediterranean. 
 We have already remarked that the Roman Empire never ex- 
 tended itself to the shores of the Baltic Sea, nor had ever the 
 vigour to push itself into Denmark. The Nordic Aryan peoples 
 of these neglected regions learnt much from the empire that 
 was unable to subdue them; as we have already noted, they 
 developed the art of shipbuilding and became bold seamen; 
 they spread across the North Sea to the west, and across the 
 Baltic and up the Russian rivers into the very heart of what 
 is now Russia. One of their earliest settlements in Russia was 
 Novgorod the Great There is the same trouble and con- 
 fusion for the student of history with these northern 
 tribes as there is with the Scythians of classical times, 
 and with the Hunnish Turkish peoples of Eastern and Central 
 Asia. They appear under a great variety of names, they 
 change and intermingle. In the case of Britain, for example, 
 the Angles, the Saxons, and Jutes conquered most of what is 
 now England in tbe fifth and sixth centuries ; the Danes, a 
 second wave of practically the same people, followed in the 
 eighth and ninth; and in 1016 a Danish King, Canute the 
 Great, reigned in England, and not only over England, but over 
 Denmark and Norway. His subjects sailed to Iceland, Green- 
 land, and perhaps to the American continent. For a time, 
 under Canute and his sons, it seemed possible that a great con- 
 federation of the Northmen might have established itself. Then 
 in 1066 a third wave of the same people flowed over England 
 from the "Norman" state in France, where the Northmen had 
 been settled since the days of Rolf the Ganger (912), and 
 where they had learnt to speak French. William, Duke of 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 631 
 
 Normandy, became the William the Conqueror (1066) of Eng- 
 lish history. Practically, from the standpoint of universal his- 
 tory, all these peoples were the same people, waves 
 of one Nordic stock. These waves were not only flowing 
 westward, but eastward. Already we have mentioned a 
 very interesting earlier movement of the same peoples under 
 the name of Goths from the Baltic to the Black Sea. We have 
 traced the splitting of these Goths into the Ostrogoths and the 
 Visigoths, and the adventurous wanderings that ended at last 
 in the Ostrogoth kingdom in Italy and the Visigoth states in 
 Spain. In the ninth century a second movement of the North- 
 men across Russia was going on at the same time that their 
 establishments in England and their dukedom of Normandy 
 were coming into existence. The population of South Scotland, 
 England, East Ireland, Flanders, Normandy, and the Eussias 
 have more elements in common than we are accustomed to recog- 
 nize. All are fundamentally Gothic and Nordic peoples. Even 
 in their weights and measures the kinship of Russian and 
 English is to be noted ; both have the Norse inch and foot, and 
 many early Norman churches in England are built on a scale 
 that shows the use of the sajene (7 ft.) and quarter sajene, a 
 Norse measure still used in Russia. These "Russian" Norse- 
 men travelled in the summer-time, using the river routes that 
 abounded in Russia ; they carried their ships by portages from 
 the northward-running rivers to those flowing southward. They 
 appeared as pirates, raiders, and traders both upon the Caspian 
 and the Black Sea. The Arabic chroniclers note their appari- 
 tion upon the Caspian, and learnt to call them Russians. They 
 raided Persia, and threatened Constantinople with a great fleet 
 of small cr.aft (in 865, 904, 941, and 1043).^ One of these 
 Northmen, Rurik (circa 850), established himself as the ruler 
 of Novgorod and his successor, the duke Oleg, took Kief, and 
 laid the foundations of modem Russia. The fighting qualiti^ 
 of the Russian Vikings were speedily appreciated at Constan- 
 tinople; the Greeks called them Varangians, and an Imperial 
 Varangian bodyguard was formed. After the conquest of 
 England by the Normans (1066), a number of Danes and 
 English were driven into exile and joined these Russian Varan- 
 gians, apparently finding few obstacles to intercourse in their 
 speech and habits. 
 
 'These dates are from Gibbon. Beazley gives 865, 904-7, 935, 944, 971-2. 
 (History of Russiag Clarendon Press.) 
 
632 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Meanwhile the Normaiis from Normandy were also finding 
 their way into the Mediterranean from the West. They came 
 first as mercenaries, and later as independent invaders; and 
 they came mainly, not, it is to be noted, by sea, but in scattered 
 bands by land. They came through the Khineland and Italy 
 partly in the search for warlike employment and loot, partly as 
 pilgrims. For the ninth and tenth centuries saw a great de- 
 velopment of pilgrimage. These Normans, as they grew powers 
 ful, discovered themselves such rapacious and vigorous robbers 
 that they forced the Eastern Emperor and the Pope into a feeble 
 and ineffective alliance against them (1053). They defeated 
 and captured and were pardoned by the Pope ; they established 
 themselves in Calabria and South Italy, conquered Sicily from 
 the Saracens (1060-1090), and under Eobert Guiscard, who 
 had entered Italy as a pilgrim adventurer and b^an his career 
 as a brigand in Calabria, threatened the Byzantine Empire 
 itself (1081). His army, which contained a contingent of 
 Sicilian Moslems, crossed from Brindisi to Epirus in the re- 
 verse direction to that in which Pyrrhus had crossed to attack 
 the Eoman Kepublic, thirteen centuries before (275 b.c.). He 
 laid siege to the Byzantine stronghold of Durazzo. 
 
 Eobert captured Durazzo (1082), but the pressure of affairs 
 in Italy recalled him, and ultimately put an end to this first 
 Norman attack upon the Empire of Byzantium, leaving the way 
 open for the rule of a comparatively vigorous Comnenian 
 dynasty (1081-1204). In Italy, amidst conflicts too complex 
 for us to tell here, it fell to Eobert Guiscard to besiege and 
 sack Eome (1084) ; and Gibbon notes with quiet satisfaction 
 the presence of that contingent of Sicilian Moslems amongst 
 the looters. There were in the twelfth century three other 
 Norman attacks upon the Eastern power, one by the son of 
 Eobert Guiscard, and the two others directly from Sicily by 
 sea. . . . 
 
 But neither the Saracens nor the Normans pounded quite so 
 heavily against the old empire at Byzantium or against the 
 Holy Eoman Empire, the vamped-up Eoman Empire of the 
 West, as did the double thrust from the Turanian centres in 
 Central Asia, of which we must now tell. We have already 
 noted the westward movement of the Avars, and the Turkish 
 Magyars who followed in their track. From the days of Pepin 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 633 
 
 OTTO 
 tiic GREAT 
 
 =C A-'M. 
 
 5-' ^•rf'. rvc-1 
 
 j.yiH, 
 
634 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 I onward, the Frankish power and its successors in Germany 
 were in conflict with these Eastern raiders along all the Eastern 
 borderlands. Charlemagne held and punished them, and estab- 
 lished some sort of overlordship as far east as the Carpathians; 
 but amidst the enfeeblement that followed his death, these peo^ 
 pies, more or less blended now in the accounts under the name 
 
 of Hungarians, led by the Magyars, re-established their com- 
 plete freedom again, and raided yearly, often as far as the 
 Khine. They destroyed, Gibbon notes, the monastery of St. 
 Gall in Switzerland, and the town of Bremen. Their great 
 raiding period was between 900 and 950. Their biggest effort, 
 through Germany right into France, thence over the Alps and 
 home again by N'orth Italy, was in 938-9. 
 
 Thrust southward by these disturbances, and by others to 
 be presently noted, the Bulgarians established themselves under 
 Krum, between the Danube and Constantinople. Originally a 
 Turkish people, the Bulgarians, siiice their first appearance in 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 635 
 
 the east of Russia, had become by repeated admixture ahnost 
 entirely Slavonic in race and language. For some time after 
 their establishment in Bulgaria they remained pagan. Their 
 king, Boris (852-884), entertained Moslem envoys, and seems 
 to have contemplated an adhesion to Islam, but finally he mar- 
 ried a Byzantine princess, and handed himself and his people 
 over to the Christian faith. 
 
 The Hungarians v^ere drubbed into a certain respect for 
 civilization by Henry the Fowler, the elected King of Ger- 
 many, and Otto the First, the first Saxon emperor, in the tenth 
 century. But they did not decide to adopt Christianity until 
 about A.D. 1000. Though they were Christianized, they re- 
 tained their own Turko-Finnic language (Magyar), and they 
 retain it to this day. 
 
 Bulgarians and Hungarians do not, however, exhaust the 
 catalogue of the peoples whose westward movements embodied 
 the Turkish thrust across South Eussia. Behind the Hungarians 
 and Bulgarians thrust the Khazars, a Turkish people, with 
 whom were mingled a very considerable proportion of Jews 
 who had been expelled from Constantinople, and who had mixed 
 with them and made many proselytes. To these Jewish Khazars 
 are to be ascribed the great settlements of Jews in Poland and 
 Russia.* Behind the Khazars again, and overrunning them, 
 were the Petschenegs (or Patzinaks) , a savage Turkish people 
 who are first heard of in the ninth century, and who were des- 
 tined to dissolve and vanish as the kindred Huns did five cen- 
 turies before. And while the trend of all these peoples was west- 
 ward, we have, when we are thinking of the present population of 
 these South Russian regions, to remember also the coming and 
 going of the Northmen between the Baltic and the Black Sea, 
 who interwove with the Turkish migrants like warp and woof, 
 and bear in mind also that there was a considerable Slavonic 
 population, the heirs and descendants of Scythians, Sarmatians, 
 and the like, already established in these restless, lawless, but 
 fertile areas. All these races mixed with and reacted upon one 
 another. The universal prevalence of Slavonic languages, except 
 in Hungary, shows that the population remained predomi- 
 nantly Slav. And in what is now Roumania, for all the passage 
 
 *"A Turkish people whose leaders had adopted Judaism," says Harold 
 Williams. 
 
636 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of peoples, and in spite of conquest after conquest, the tradition 
 and inheritance of the Koman provinces of Dacia and Mcesia 
 Inferior still kept a Lt^tin speech and memory alive. 
 
 But this direct thrust of the Turkish peoples against Chris- 
 tendom to the north of the Black Sea was, in the end, not nearly 
 so important as their indirect thrust south of it through the 
 empire of the Caliph. We cannot deal here with the tribes and 
 dissensions of the Turkish peoples of Turkestan, nor with the 
 particular causes that brought to the fore the tribes under the 
 rule of the Seljuk clan. In the eleventh century these Seljuk 
 Turks broke with irresistible force not in one army, but in a 
 group of armies, and under two brothers, into the decaying frag- 
 ments of the Moslem Empire. For Islam had long ceased to 
 be one empire. The orthodox Sunnite Abbasid rule had 
 shrunken to what was once Babylonia ; and even in Bagdad the 
 Caliph was the mere creature of his Turkish palace guards. A 
 sort of mayor of the palace, a Turk, was the real ruler. East 
 of the Caliph, in Persia, and west of him in Palestine, Syria, 
 and Egypt, were Shiite heretics. The Seljuk Turks were 
 orthodox Sunnites ; they now swept down upon and conquered 
 the Shiite rulers and upstarts, and established themselves as 
 the protectors of the Bagdad Caliph, taking over the temporal 
 powers of the mayor of the palace. Very early they conquered 
 Armenia from the Greeks, and then, breaking the bounds that 
 had restrained the power of Islam for four centuries, they swept 
 on to the conquest of Asia Minor, almost to the gates of Con- 
 stantinople. The mountain barrier of Cilicia that had held the 
 Moslem so long had been turned by the conquest of Armenia 
 from the north-east. Under Alp Arslan, who had united all the 
 Seljuk power in his own hands, the Turks utterly smashed the 
 Byzantine army at the battle of Manzikert., or Melasgird 
 (1071). The effect of this battle upon people's imaginations 
 was very great. Islam, which had appeared far gone in decay, 
 which had been divided religiously and politically, was sud- 
 denly discovered to have risen again, and it was the secure old 
 Byzantine Empire that seemed on the brink of dissolution. The 
 loss of Asia Minor was very swift. The Seljuks established 
 themselves at Iconium (Konia), in what is now Anatolia. In 
 a little while they were in possession of the fortress of Nicsea 
 over against the capital. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 637 
 
 § 9 
 
 We have already told of the attack of the Normans upon the 
 Byzantine Empire from the west, and of the battle of Durazzo 
 (1081) ; and we have noted that Constantinople had still vivid 
 memories of the Eussia sea raids (1043). Bulgaria, it is true, 
 had been tamed, but there was heavy and uncertain warfare 
 going -on with the Petschenegs. North and west, the emperor's 
 hands were fuU. This swift advance of the Turks into country 
 that had been so long securely Byzantine must have seemed like 
 the approach of final disaster. The Eastern Emperor, Michael 
 VII, under the pressure of these convergent dangers, took a 
 step that probably seemed both to himself and to Eome of the 
 utmost political significance. He appealed to the Pope, Gregory 
 VII, for assistance. His appeal was repeated still more urgently 
 by his successor, Alexius Comnenus, to Pope Urban II. 
 
 To the counsellors of Eome this must have presented itself 
 as a supreme opportunity for the assertion of the headship of 
 the Pope over the entire Christian world. 
 
 In this history we have traced the growth of this idea of a 
 religious government of Christendom — and through Christen- 
 dom of mankind — and we have shown how naturally and how 
 necessarily, because of the tradition of world empire, it found 
 a centre at Eome. The Pope of Eome was the only Western 
 patriarch; he was the religious head of a vast region in which 
 the ruling tongue was Latin ; the other patriarchs of the Ortho- 
 dox Church spoke Greek, and so were inaudible throughout his 
 domains; and the two words filio que, which had been added 
 to the Latin creed, had split off the Byzantine Christians by 
 one of those impalpable and elusive doctrinal points upon which 
 there is no reconciliation. (The final rupture was in 1054.) 
 The life of the Lateran changed in its quality with every occu- 
 pant of the chair of St. Peter: sometimes papal Eome was a 
 den of corruption and uncleanness, as it bad been in the days 
 of John XII; sometimes it was pervaded by the influence of 
 widely thinking and nobly thinking men. But behind the Pope 
 was the assembly of the cardinals, priests, and a great number 
 of highly educated officials, who never, even in the darkest and 
 wildest days, lost sight altogether of the very grand idea of a 
 divine world dominion, of a peace of Christ throughout the 
 earth that St. Augustine had expressed. Through all the 
 
638 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Middle Ages that idea was the guiding influence in Kome. For 
 a time, perhaps, mean minds would prevail there, and in the 
 affairs of the world Rome would play the part of a greedy, 
 treacherous, and insanely cunning old woman ; followed a pha^e 
 of masculine and quite worldly astuteness perhaps, or a phase 
 of exaltation. Came an interlude of fanaticism or pedantry, 
 when all the pressure was upon exact doctrine. Or there was a 
 moral collapse, and the Lateran became the throne of some 
 sensuous or aesthetic autocrat, ready to sell eivery hope or honour 
 the church could give for money to spend upon pleasure or 
 display. Yet, on the whole, the papal ship kept its course, and- 
 came presently into the wind again. 
 
 In this period to which we have now come, the period of the 
 eleventh century, we discover a Kome dominated by the per- 
 sonality of an exceptionally great statesman, Hildebrand, who 
 occupied various official positions under a succession of Popes, 
 and finally became Pope himself under the name of Gregory 
 VII (1073-1085). We find that under his influence, vice, 
 sloth, and corruption have been swept out of the church, that 
 the method of electing the Popes has been reformed, and that a 
 great struggle has been waged with the Emperor upon the mani- 
 festly vital question of "investitures," the question whether 
 Pope or temporal monarch should have the decisive voice in 
 the appointment of the bishops in their domains. Vital that 
 question was not only to the church, but to the monarchs, for 
 in many countries more than a quarter of the land was clerical 
 property. Hitherto the Eoman clergy had been able to marry ; 
 but now, to detach them effectually from the world and to make 
 them more completely the instruments of the church, celibacy 
 was imposed upon all priests. . . . 
 
 Gregory VII had been prevented by his struggle over the in- 
 vestitures from any effectual answer to the first appeal from 
 Byzantium; but he had left a worthy successor in Urban II 
 (108Y-1099) ; and when the letter of Alexius came to hand^ 
 Urban seized at once upon the opportunity it afforded for 
 drawing together all the thoughts and forces of Western Europe 
 into one passion and purpose. Thereby he might hope to end 
 the private warfare that prevailed, and find a proper outlet for 
 the immense energy of the Normans. He saw, too, an oppor- 
 tunity of thrusting the Byzantine power and Church aside, and 
 extending the influence of the Latin Church over Syria, Pales- 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 639 
 
 tine, and Egypt. The envoys of Alexius were heard at a church 
 council, hastily summoned at Piazenza (^ Placentia), and next 
 year (1095) at Clermont, Urban held a second great council, 
 in which all the plowly gathered strength of the Church was 
 organized for a universal war propaganda against the Moslems. 
 Private war, all war among Christians, was to cease until the 
 infidel had been swept back and the site of the Holy Sepulchre 
 was again in Christian hands. 
 
 The fervour of the response enables us to understand the 
 great work of creative organization that had been done in West- 
 ern Europe in the previous five centuries. In the beginning 
 of the seventh century we saw Western Europe as a chaos of 
 social and political fragments, with no common idea nor hopoj 
 a system shattered almost to a dust of self-seeking individuals, 
 l^ow in the dawn of the eleventh century there is everywhere 
 a common belief, a linking idea, to which men may devote them- 
 selves, and by which they can co-operate together in a universal 
 enterprise. We realize that, in spite of much weakness and 
 intellectual and moral unsoundness, to this extent the Christian 
 Church has worked. We are able to measure the evil phases of 
 tenth-century Eome, the scandals, the filthiness,- the murders 
 and violence, at their proper value by the scale of this fact. No 
 doubt also all over Christendom there had been many lazy, 
 evil, and foolish priests ; but it is manifest that this task of 
 teaching and co-ordination that had been accomplished could 
 have been accomplished only through a great multitude of right- 
 living priests and monks and nuns. A new and greater 
 amphictyony, the amphictyony of Christendom, had come into 
 the world, and it had been built by thousands of anonymous, 
 faithful lives. 
 
 And this response to the appeal of Urban the Second was 
 not confined only to what we should call educated people. It 
 was not simply knights and princes who were willing to go 
 upon this crusade. Side by side with the figure of Urban we 
 must put the figure of Peter the Hermit, a type, novel to Europe, 
 albeit a little reminiscent of the Hebrew prophets. This man 
 appeared preaching the crusade to the common people. He 
 told a story — ^whether truthful or untruthful hardly matters in 
 this connection — of his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, of the wanton 
 destruction at the Holy Sepulchre by the Seljuk Turks, who 
 took it in 1073, and of the exactions, brutalities, and deliberate 
 
640 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 cruelties practised upon the Christian pilgrims to the Holy 
 Places. Barefooted, clad in a coarse garment, riding on an ass, 
 and bearing a huge cross, this man travelled about France and 
 Germany, and everywhere harangued vast crowds in church or 
 street or market-place. 
 
 Here for the first timfe we discover Europe with an idea and 
 a soul ! Here is a universal response of indignation at the story 
 of a remote wrong, a swift understanding of a common cause 
 fol' rich and poor alike. You cannot imagine this thing hap- 
 pening in the Empire of Augustus Caesar, or indeed in any 
 pi*evious state in the world's history. Something of the kind 
 might perhaps have been possible in the far smaller world of 
 Hellas, or in Arabia before Islam. But this movement affected 
 natiohsj kingdoms, tongues, and peoples. It is clear that we 
 are dealing with something new that has come into the world, 
 a new clear connection of the common interest with the con- 
 sciousness of the common man. 
 
 § 10 
 
 From the very first this flaming enthusiasm was mixed with 
 baser elements. There was the cold and calculated scheme of 
 the free and ambitious Latin Church to subdue and replace the 
 emperor-ruled Byzantine Church ; there was the freebooting in- 
 stinct of the Normans, who were tearing Italy to pieces, which 
 tumied readily icnough to a new and richer world of plunder ; 
 and there was something in the multitude who now turned their 
 faces east, something deeper than love in the human composi- 
 tion, namely, fear-born hates, that the impassioned appeals of 
 the propagandists and the exaggeration of the horrors and cruel- 
 ties df the infidel had fanned into flame^ And there was still 
 other forces ; the intolerant Seljuks and the intolerant Fatimites 
 lay now an impassable barrier across the eastward trade of 
 Genoa and Venice that had hitherto flowed through Bagdad 
 and Aleppo, or through Egypt. They must force Open these 
 closed channels, unless Constantinople and the Black Sea route 
 were to monopolize Eastern trade altogether. Moreoverj in 
 1094 and 1095 there had been a pestilence and famine from 
 the Scheldt to Bohemia, and there was great social disorganiza- 
 tion. "No wonder," says Mr. Earnest Barker, "that a stream of 
 emigration set towards the East, such as would in modern times 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 641 
 
 flow towards a newly discovered goldfield — a stream carrying 
 in its turbid waters much refuse, tramps and bankrupts, camp- 
 followers and hucksters, fugitive monks and escaped villeins, 
 and marked by the same motley grouping, the same fever of 
 
 ^7W^ fo illustrate ike TIRST CRUSADE 
 
 s^-^^ WZA 
 
 Route of CmsaJers ^m^m^m^ 
 
 life, the same alternations of affluence and beggary, which mark 
 the rush for a goldfield to-day." 
 
 But these were secondary contributory causes. The fact of 
 predominant interest to the historian of mankind is this will 
 to crusade suddenly revealed as a new mass possibility in human 
 affairs. 
 
 The story of the crusades abounds in such romantic and 
 picturesque detail that the writer of an Outline of History must 
 ride his pen upon the curb through this alluring field. The 
 first forces to move eastward were great crowds of undisciplined 
 peopile rather than armies, and they sought to make their way 
 by the valley of the Danube, and thence southward to Con- 
 
642 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 stantinople. This was the "people's crusade." I^Tever before in 
 the whole history of the world had there been such a spectacle 
 as these masses of practically leaderless people moved by an 
 idea. It was a very crude idea. When they got among for- 
 eigners, they do not seem to have realized that they were not 
 already among the infidel. Two great mobs, the advance guard 
 of the expedition, committed such excesses in Hungary, where 
 the language must have been incomprehensible to them, as to 
 provoke the Hungarians to destroy them. They were massa- 
 cred. A third host began with a great pogrom of the Jews in 
 the Ehineland — for the Christian blood was up — and this multi- 
 tude was also dispersed in Hungary. Two other hosts under 
 Peter got through and reached Constantinople, to the astonish- 
 ment and dismay of the Emperor Alexius. They looted and 
 committed outrages as they came, and at last he shipped them 
 across the Bosphorus, to be massacred rather than defeated by 
 the Seljuks (1096). 
 
 This first unhappy appearance of the "people" as people in 
 modern European history was followed in 1097 by the organ- 
 ized forces of the First Crusade. They came by diverse routes 
 from France, Normandy, Flanders, England, Southern Italy 
 and Sicily, and the will and power of them were the l^ormans. 
 They crossed the Bosphorus and captured Nicasa, which 
 Alexius snatched away from them before they could loot it. 
 They then went by much the same route as Alexander the Great, 
 through the Cilician Gates, leaving the Turks in Konia uncon- 
 quered, past the battlefield of the Issus, and so to Antioch, 
 which they took after nearly a year's siege. Then they defeated 
 a great relieving army from Mosul. A large part of the Cru- 
 saders remained in Antioch, a smaller force under Godfrey 
 of Bouillon (in Belgium) went on to Jerusalem. "After a lit- 
 tle more than a month's siege, the city was finally captured 
 (JiJy 15). The slaughter was terrible; the blood of the con- 
 quered ran down the streets, until men splashed in blood as 
 they rode. At nightfall, 'sobbing for excess of joy,' the cru- 
 saders came to the Sepulchre from their treading of the wine- 
 press, and put their blood-stained hands together in prayer. 
 So, on that day of July, the First Crusade came to an end." ^ 
 
 The authority of the Patriarch of Jerusalem was at once 
 seized upon by the Latin clergy with the expedition, and the 
 'E. Barker, art. "Cruaades," JEncyclopcedia Britannioa, 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 643 
 
 Orthodox Christians found themselves in rather a worse case 
 under Latin rule than under the Turk. There were already 
 Latin principalities established at Antioch and Edessa, and 
 there began a struggle for ascendancy between these various 
 courts and kings, and an unsuccessful attempt to make Jerusa- 
 lem a property of the Pope. These are complications beyond 
 our present scope. 
 
 Let us quote, however, a characteristic passage from 
 Gibbon : — 
 
 "In a style less grave than that of history, I should perhaps 
 compare the Emperor Alexius to the jackal, who is said to fol- 
 low the steps and to devour the leavings of the lion. Whatever 
 had been his fears and toils in the passage of the First Cru- 
 sade, they were amply recompensed by the subsequent benefits 
 which he derived from the exploits of the Franks. His dex- 
 terity and vigilance secured their first conquest of Nicsea, and 
 from this threatening station the Turks were compelled to 
 evacuate the neighbourhood of Constantinople. While the Cru- 
 saders, with blind valour, advanced into the midland countries 
 of Asia, the crafty Greek improved the favourable occasion 
 when the emirs of the sea coast were recalled to the standard 
 of the Sultan. The Turks were driven from the isles of 
 Rhodes and Chios; the cities of Ephesus and Smyrna, of 
 Sardes, Philadelphia, and Laodicea were restored to the em- 
 pire, which Alexius enlarged from the Hellespont to the banks 
 of the Majander and the rocky shores of Pamphylia. The 
 churches resumed their splendour; the towns were rebuilt and 
 fortified; and the desert country was peopled with colonies of 
 Christians, who were gently removed from the more distant 
 and dangerous frontier. In these paternal cares we may for- 
 give Alexius, if we forget the deliverance of the holy sepulchre ; 
 but, by the Latins, he was stigmatized with the foul reproach 
 of treason and desertion. They' had sworn fidelity and obedi- 
 ence to his throne; but he had promised to assist their enter- 
 prise in person, or at least, with his troops and treasures ; his 
 base retreat dissolved their obligations; and the sword, which 
 had been the instrument of their victory, was the pledge and 
 title of their just independence. It does not appear that the 
 emperor attempted to revive his obsolete claims over the king- 
 dom of Jerusalem, but the borders of Cilicia and Syria were 
 more recent in his possession and more accessible to his arms. 
 
644 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The great army of the Crusaders was annihilated or dispersed ; 
 the principality of Antioch was left without a head, by the sur- 
 prise and captivity of Bohemond; his ransom had oppressed 
 him with a heavy debt ; and his Norman followers were insuffi- 
 cient to repel the hostilities of the Greeks and Turks. In this 
 distress, Bohemond embraced a magnanimous resolution, of 
 leaving the defence of Antioch to his kinsman, the faithful 
 Tancred; of arming the West against the Byzantine Empire, 
 and of executing the design which he inherited from the lessons 
 and example of his father Guiscard. His embarkation was 
 clandestine ; and if we may credit a tale of the Princess Anna, 
 he passed the hostile sea closely secreted in a coffin. (Anna 
 Gomnena adds, that to complete the imitation, he was shut up 
 with a dead cock; and condescends to wonder how the bar- 
 barian could endure the confinement and putrefaction. This 
 absurd tale is unknown to the Latins.) But his reception in 
 France was dignified by the public applause and his marriage 
 with the king's daughter; his return was glorious, since the 
 bravest spirits of the age enlisted under his veteran command ; 
 and he repassed the Adriatic at the head of five thousand horse 
 and forty thousand foot, assembled from the most remote cli- 
 mates of Europe. The strength of Durazzo and prudence of 
 Alexius, the progress of famine and approach of winter, eluded 
 his ambitious hopes; and the venal confederates were seduced 
 from his standard. A treaty of peace suspended the fears of 
 the Greeks." 
 
 We have dealt thus lengthily with the First Crusade, because 
 it displays completely the quality of all these expeditions. 
 The reality of the struggle between the Latin and the Byzantine 
 system became more and more nakedly apparent. In 1101^ 
 came reinforcements, in which the fleet of the mercantile re- 
 publics of Venice and Genoa played a prominent part, and the 
 power of the kingdom pf Jerusalem was extended. The year 
 1147 saw a Second Crusade, in which both the Emperor Conrad 
 in and King Louis of France participated. It was a much 
 more stately and far less successful and enthusiastic expedition 
 than its predecessor. It had been provoked by the fall of 
 Edessa to the Moslems in 1144. One large division of Ger- 
 mans, instead of going to the Holy Land, attacked and subju- 
 gated the still pagan Wends east of the Elbe; This, the Pope 
 agreed, counted as crusading, and so did the capture of Lisbon, 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 645 
 
 and the foundation of the Christian kingdom of Portugal by 
 the Flemish and English contingents. 
 
 In 1169 a Kurdish adventurer, named Saladin, became ruler 
 of Egypt, in which country the Shiite heresy had now fallen 
 before a Sunnite revival. This Saladin reunited the efforts of 
 Egypt and Bagdad, and preached a Jehad, a Holy War, a 
 counter-crusade, of all the Moslems against the Christians. 
 This Jehad excited almost as much feeling in Islam as the 
 First Crusade had done in Christendom. It was now a case 
 of crusader against crusader; and in 1187 Jerusalem was re- 
 takem. This provoked the Third Crusade (1189). This also 
 was a grand affair, planned jointly by the Emperor Frederick I 
 (known better as Frederick Barbarossa), the King of France, 
 and the King of England (who at that time owned many of 
 the fairest French provinces). The papacy played a secondary 
 part in this expedition ; it was in one of its phases of enfeeble- 
 ment; and the crusade was the most courtly, chivalrous, and 
 romantic of all. Religious bitterness was mitigated by the idea 
 of knightly gallantry, which obsessed both Saladin and Eichard 
 I (1189-1199) of England (Coeur-de-Lion), and the lover of 
 romance may very well turn to the romances about this period 
 for its flavour. The crusade saved the principality of Antioch 
 for a time, but failed to retake Jerusalem. The Christians, 
 however, remained in possession of the sea-coast of Palestine. 
 
 By the time of the Third Crusade, the magic and wonder 
 had gone out of these movements altogether. The common peo- 
 ple had found them out. Men went, but only kings and nobles 
 straggled back; and that often only after heavy taxation for 
 a ransom. The idea of the crusades was cheapened by their 
 too frequent and trivial use. Whenever the Pope quarrelled 
 with anyone now, he called for a crusade, until the word ceased 
 to mean anything but an attempt to give flavour to an im- 
 palatable civil war. There was a crusade against the heretics 
 in the south of France, one against John (King of England), 
 one against the Emperor Frederick II. The Popes did not 
 understand the necessity of dignity to the papacy. They had 
 achieved a moral ascendancy in Christendom. Forthwith they 
 began to fritter it away. They not only cheapened the idea of 
 the crusades, but they made their tremendous power of ex- 
 communication, of putting people outside all the sacraments, 
 hopes, and comforts of religion, ridiculous by using it in mere 
 
646 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 disputes of policy. Frederick II was not only crusaded against, 
 but excommunicated — without visible injury. He was excom- 
 municated again in 1239, and this sentence was renewed by 
 Innocent IV in 1245. 
 
 The bulk of the Fourth Crusade never reached the Holy 
 Land at all. It started from Venice (1202), captured Zara, 
 encamped at Constantinople (1203), and finally, in 1204, 
 stormed the city. It was frankly a combined attack on the 
 Byzantine Empire. Venice took much of the coasts and islands 
 of the empire, and a Latin, Baldwin of Flanders, was set up 
 as emperor in Constantinople. The Latin and Greek Churches 
 were declared to be reunited, and Latin emperors ruled as con- 
 querors in Constantinople from 1204 to 1261. 
 
 In 1212 occurred a dreadful thing, a children's crusade. An 
 excitement that could no longer affect sane adults was spread 
 among the children in the south of France and in the Rhone 
 valley. A crowd of many thousands of French boys marched 
 to Marseilles; they were then lured on board ship by slave 
 traders, who sold them into slavery in Egypt. The Rhineland 
 children tramped into Italy, many perishing by the way, and 
 there dispersed. Pope Innocent III made great capital out 
 of this strange business. "The very children put us to shame," 
 he said; and sought to whip up enthusiasm for a Fifth Cru- 
 sade. This crusade aimed at the conquest of Egj'pt, because 
 Jerualem was now held by the Egyptian Sultan ; its remnants 
 returned in 1221, after an inglorious evacuation of its one 
 capture, Damietta, with the Jerusalem vestiges of the True 
 Cross as a sort of consolation concession on the part of the 
 victor. We have already noted the earlier adventures of this 
 venerable relic before the days of Muhammad when it was 
 carried off by Chosroes II to Ctesiphon, and recovered by the 
 Emperor Heraclius. Fragments of the True Cross, however, 
 had always been in Eome at the church of S. Croce-in-Gerusa- 
 lemme, since the days of the Empress Helena (the mother of 
 Constantino the Great) to whom, says the legend, its hiding- 
 place had been revealed in a vision during her pilgrimage to 
 the Holy Land.^ 
 
 ' "The custody of the True Gross, which on Easter Sunday was solemnly 
 exposed to the people, was entrusted to the Bishop of Jerusalem; and he 
 alone might gratify the curious devotion of the pilgrims, by the gift of 
 small pieces, which 1!hey encased in gold or gems, and carried away in 
 triumph to their respective countries. But, as this gainful branch of com- 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 647 
 
 The Sixth Crusade (1229) was a crusade bordering upon 
 absurdity. The Emperor Frederick II had promised to go 
 upon a crusade, and evaded his vow. He had made a false 
 start and returned. He was probably bored by the mere idea 
 of a crusade. But the vow had been part of the bargain by 
 which he secured the support of Pope Innocent III in his elec- 
 tion as emperor. He busied himself in reorganizing the gov- 
 ernment of his Sicilian kingdom, though he had given the Pope 
 to understand that he would relinquish those possessions if he 
 became emperor ; and the Pope was anxious to stop this process 
 of consolidation by sending him to the Holy Land. The Pope 
 did not want Frederick II, or any German emperor at all in 
 Italy, because he himself wished to rule Italy. As Frederick 
 II remained evasive, Gregory IX excommunicated him, pro- 
 claimed a crusade against him, and invaded his dominions in 
 Italy (1228). Whereupon the Emperor sailed with an army 
 to the Holy Land. There he had a meeting with the Sultan 
 of Egypt (the Emperor spoke six languages freely, including 
 Arabic) ; and it would seem these two gentlemen, both of 
 sceptical opinions, exchanged views of a congenial sort, dis- 
 cussed the Pope in a worldly spirit, debated the Mongolian rush 
 westward, which threatened them both alike, and agreed finally 
 to a conmiercial convention, and the surrender of a part of 
 the kingdom of Jerusalem to Frederick. This indeed was a 
 new sort of crusade, a crusade by private treaty. As this 
 astonishing crusader had been excommunicated, he had to in- 
 dulge in a purely secular coronation in Jerusalem, taking the 
 crown from the altar with his own hand, in a church from 
 which all the clergy had gone. Probably there was no one to 
 show him the Holy Places; indeed these were presently all 
 put Tinder an interdict by the Patriarch of Jerusalem and 
 locked up; manifestly the affair differed altogether in spirit 
 from the red onslaught of the First Crusade. It had not even 
 the kindly sociability of the Caliph Omar's visit six hundred 
 years before. Frederick II rode out of Jerusalem almost alone, 
 returned from this unromantic success to Italy, put his affairs 
 there in order very rapidly, chased the papal armies out of his 
 possessions, and obliged the Pope to give him absolution from 
 
 meroe must soon have been annihilated, it was found convenient to sup- 
 pose that the marvellous wood possessed a secret power of vegetation, and 
 that its substance, though continually diminished, still remained entire 
 and unimpaired." — Gibbon. 
 
648 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 his excommumcation (1230). This Sixth Crusade was indeed 
 not only the rediictio ad ahsurdum of crusades, but of papal 
 excommunications. Of this Erederick II we shall, tell more in 
 a later section, because he was very typical of certain new 
 forces that were coming into European affairs. 
 
 The Christians lost Jerusalem again in 1244; it was taken 
 from them very easily by the Sultan of Egypt when they at- 
 tempted an intrigue against him. This provoked the Seventh 
 Crusade, the Crusade of St. Louis, King of France (Louis 
 IX), who was taken prisoner in Egypt and ransomed in 1250. 
 Not until 1918, when it fell to a mixed force of Erench, British, 
 and Indian troops, did Jerusalem slip once more from the 
 Moslem grasp. . . . 
 
 One more crusade remains to be noted, an expedition to 
 Tunis by this same Louis IX, who died of fever there. 
 
 § 11 
 
 The essential interest of the crusades for the historian of 
 mankind lies in the wave of emotion, of unifying feeling, that 
 animated the first. Thereafter these expeditions became more 
 and more an established process, and less and less vital events. 
 The Eirst Crusade was an occurrence like the discovery of 
 America ; the later ones were more and more like a trip across 
 the Atlantic. In the eleventh century, the idea of the crusade 
 must have been like a strange and wonderful light in the sky ; 
 in the thirteenth one can imagine honest burghers saying in 
 tones of protest, "What! another crusade!" The experience of 
 St. Louis in Egypt is not like a fresh experience for mankind ; 
 it is much more like a round of golf over some well-known 
 links, a round that was dogged by misfortune. It is an in- 
 significant series of events. The interest of life had shifted 
 to other directions. 
 
 The beginning of the crusades displays all Europe saturated 
 by a naive Christianity, and ready to follow the leading of the 
 Pope trustfully and simply. The scandals of the Lateran 
 during its evil days, with which we are all so familiar now, 
 were practically unknown outside Eome. And Gregory VII 
 and Urban II had redeemed all that. But intellectually and 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 649 
 
 morally their successors at the Lateran and the Vatican ^ were 
 not equal to their opportuijities. The strength of the papacy 
 lay in the faith men had in it, and it used that faith so care- 
 lessly as to enfeeble it. Rome has always had too much of the 
 shrewdness of the priest and too little of the power of the 
 prophet. So that while the eleventh century was a century of 
 ignorant, and confiding men, the thirteenth was an age of know- 
 ing and disillusioned men. It was a far more civilized and 
 profoundly sceptical world. 
 
 The bishops, priests, and the monastic institutions of Latin 
 Christendom before the days of Gregory VII had been perhaps , 
 rather loosely linked together and very variable in quality ; but 
 it is clear that they were, as a rule, intensely intimate with the 
 people among whom they found themselves, and with much of 
 the spirit of Jesus still alive in them; they were trusted, and 
 they had enormous power within the conscience of their fol- 
 lowers. The church, in comparison with its later state, was 
 more in the hands of local laymen and the local ruler ; it lacked 
 its later universality. The energetic bracing up of the church 
 organization by Gregory VII, which was designed to increase 
 the central power of Rome, broke many subtle filaments be- 
 tween priest and monastery on the one hand, and the country- 
 side about them on the other. Men of faith and wisdom be- 
 lieve in growth and their fellow men; but priests, even such 
 priests as Gregory VII, believe in the false "efficiency" of an 
 imposed discipline. The squabble over investitures made every 
 prince in Christendom suspicious of the bishops as agents of a 
 foreign power; this suspicion filtered down to the parishes. 
 The political enterprises of the papacy necessitated an increas- 
 ing demand for money. Already in the thirteenth century it 
 was being said everywhere that the priests were not good men, 
 that they were always hunting for moMey. 
 
 In the days of ignorance there had been an extraordinary 
 willingness to believe the Catholic priesthood good and wise. 
 Eelatively it was better and wiser in those days. Great powers 
 beyond her spiritual functions had been entrusted to the church, 
 
 'The Popes inhabited the palace of the Lateran until 1305, when a 
 French Pope set up the papal court at Avignon. When the Pope returned 
 to Rome in 1377 the Lateran was almost in ruins, and the palace of the 
 Vatican became the seat of the papal court. It was, among other ad- 
 vantages, much nearer to the papal stronghold, the Castle of St. Angelo 
 
650 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and very extraordinary freedoms. Of this confidence the fullest 
 advantage had been taken. In the Middle Ages the church 
 had become a state witliin the state. It had its own lave courts. 
 Cases involving not merely priests', but monks, students, cru- 
 saders, widows, orphans, and the helpless, were reserved for 
 the clerical courts; and whenever the rites or rules of the 
 church were involved, there the church claimed jurisdiction 
 over such matters as wills, marriage, oaths, and of course over 
 heresy, sorcery, and blasphemy. There were numerous clerical 
 prisons in which offenders might pine all their lives. The 
 Pope was the supreme law-giver of Christendom, and his court 
 at Rome the final and decisive court of appeal. And the church 
 levied taxes ; it had not only vast properties and a great income 
 from fees, but it imposed a tax of a tenth, the tithe, upon its 
 subjects. It did not call for this as a pious benefaction; it 
 demanded it as a right. The clergy, on the other hand, were 
 now claiming exemption from lay taxation. 
 
 This attempt to trade upon their peculiar prestige and evade 
 their share in fiscal burdens was certainly one very considerable 
 factor in the growing dissatisfaction with the clergy. Apart 
 from any question of justice, it was impolitic. It made taxes 
 seem ten times more* burthensome to those who had to pay. It 
 made everyone feel the immunities of the church. And a still 
 more extravagant and unwise claim made by the church was 
 the claim to the power of dispensation. The Pope might in 
 many instances set aside the laws of the church in individual 
 cases ; he might allow cousins to marry, permit a man to have 
 two wives, or release anyone from a vow. But to do such things 
 is to admit that the laws affected are not based upon necessity 
 and an inherent righteousness ; that they are in fact restrictive 
 and vexatious. The law-giver, of all beings, most owes the law 
 allegiance. He of all men should behave as though the law 
 compelled him. But it is the universal weakness of mankind 
 that what we are given to administer we presently imagine we 
 own. 
 
 § 12 
 
 The Emperor Frederick II is a very convenient example of 
 the sort of doubter and rebel the thirteenth century could pro- 
 duce. It may be interesting to tell a little of this intelligent 
 and cynical man. He was the son of tlie German Emperor, 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 661 
 
 Henry VI, and grandson of Frederick Barbarossa, and his 
 mother was the daughter of Roger I, the Norman King of 
 Sicily. He inherited this kingdom in 1198, when he was four 
 years old; his mother was his guardian for six months, and 
 when she died. Pope Innocent III (1198 to 1216) became 
 regent and guardian. He seems to have had an exceptionally 
 good and remarkably mixed education, and his accomplishments 
 earned him the flattering title of Stupor mvmdi, the amazement 
 of the world. The result of getting an Arabic view of Chris- 
 tianity, and a Christian view of Islam, was to make him believe 
 that all religions were impostures, a view held perhaps by many 
 a stifled observer in the Age of Faith. But he talked about 
 his views ; his blasphemies and heresies are on record. Growing 
 up under the arrogant rule of Innocent III, who never seems to 
 have realized that his ward had come of age, he developed a 
 slightly humorous evasiveness. It was the papal policy to pre- 
 vent any fresh coalescence of the power of Germany and Italy, 
 and it was equally Frederick's determination to get whatever 
 he could. When presently opportunity offered him the im- 
 perial crown of Germany, he secured the Pope's support by 
 agreeing, if he were elected, to relinquish his possessions in 
 Sicily and South Italy, and to put down heresy in Germany. 
 For Innocent III was one of the great persecuting Popes, an 
 able, grasping, and aggressive man. (For a Pope, he was ex- 
 ceptionally young. He became Pope at thirty-seven.) It was 
 Innocent who had preached a cruel crusade against the heretics 
 in the south of France, a crusade that presently became a loot- 
 ing expedition beyond his control. So soon as Frederick was 
 elected emperor (1211),' Innocent pressed for the performance 
 of the vows and promises he had wrung from his dutiful ward. 
 The clergy were to be free from lay jurisdiction and from taxa- 
 tion, and exemplary cruelties were to be practised upon the 
 heretics. ISTone of which things Frederick did. As we have 
 already told, he would not even relinquish Sicily. He liked 
 Sicily as a place of residence better than he liked Germany. 
 
 Innocent III died baffled in 1216, and his successor, Honorius 
 III, effected nothing. Honorius was succeeded by Gregory IX 
 (1227), who evidently came to the papal throne with a nervous 
 resolution to master this perplexing young man. He excom- 
 
 •He was crowned emperor in 1220 by Honorius III, the successor of 
 Innocent. 
 
652 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 municated him at once for failing to start upon his crusade, 
 which was now twelve years overdue; and he denounced his 
 vices, heresies, and general offences in a public letter (1227). 
 To this Frederick replied in a far abler document addressed 
 to all the princes of Europe, a document of extreme importance 
 in history, because it is the first clear statement of the issue 
 between the pretensions of the Pope to be absolute ruler of all 
 Christendom, and the claims of the secular rulers.^ This con- 
 flict had always been smouldering; it had broken out here in 
 one form, and there in another; but now Frederick put it in 
 clear general terms upon which men could combine together. 
 
 Having delivered this blow, he departed upon the pacific 
 crusade of which we have already told. In 1239, Gregory IX 
 was excommunicating him for a second time, and renewing that 
 warfare of public abuse in which the papacy had already 
 suffered severely. The controversy was revived after Gregory 
 IX was dead, when Innocent IV was Pope ; and again a devas- 
 tating letter, which men were bound to remember, was written 
 by Frederick against the church. He denounced the pride and 
 irreligion of the clergy, and ascribed all the corruptions of the 
 time to their pride and wealth. He proposed to his fellow 
 princes a general confiscation of church property — for the good 
 of the church. It was a suggestion that never afterwards left 
 the imagination of the European princes. 
 
 We will not go on to tell of his last years or of the disaster 
 at Parma, due to his carelessness, which cast a shadow of failure 
 over his end. The particular events of his life are far leSs 
 significant than its general atmosphere. It is possible to piece 
 together something of his court life in Sicily. He is described 
 towards the end of his life as "red, bald, and short-sighted"; 
 but his features were good and pleasing. He was luxurious in 
 his way of living, and fond of beautiful thing. He is described 
 as licentious. But it is clear that his mind was not satisfied 
 by religious scepticism, and that he was a man of very effectual 
 curiosity and inquiry. He gathered Jewish and Moslem as 
 well as Christian philosophers at his court, and he did much to 
 irrigate the Italian mind with Saracenic influences. Through 
 him Arabic numerals and algebra were introduced to Christian 
 students, and among other philosophers at his court was Michael 
 
 ' Some authorities deny his authorship of this letter. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 653 
 
 Scott, who translated portions of Aristotle and the commen- 
 taries thereon of the great Arab philosopher Averroes (of Cor- 
 doba). In 1224 Frederick founded the University of Naples, 
 and he enlarged and enriched the great medical school at Salerno 
 University, the most ancient of universities. He also founded 
 a zoological garden. He left a book on hawking, which shows 
 him to have been an acute observer of the habits of birds, and 
 he was one of the first Italians to write Italian verse. Italian 
 poetry was indeed bom at his court. He has been called by an 
 able writer, "the first of the moderns," and the phrase expresses 
 aptly the unprejudiced detachment of his intellectual side. His 
 was an all-round originality. During a gold shortage he intro- 
 duced and made a success of a coinage of stamped leather, 
 bearing his promise to pay in gold, a sort of leather bank-note 
 issue. ^ 
 
 In spite of the torrent of abuse and calumny in which Fred- 
 erick was drenched, he left a profound impression upon the 
 popular imagination. He is still remembered in South Italy 
 almost as vividly as is Napoleon I by the peasants of France; 
 he is the "Gran Federigo." And German scholars declare that, 
 in spite of Frederick's manifest dislike for Germany, it is he, 
 and not Frederick I, Frederick Barbarossa, to whom that Ger- 
 man legend originally attached — that legend which represents 
 a great monarch slumbering in a deep cavern, his beard grown 
 round a stone table, against a day of awakening when the world 
 will be restored by him from an extremity of disorder to peace. 
 Afterwards, it seems, the story was transferred to the Crusader 
 Barbarossa, the grandfather of Frederick II. 
 
 A difficult child was Frederick II for Mother Church, and 
 he was only the precursor of many such difficult children. The 
 princes and educated gentlemen throughout Europe read his 
 letters and discussed them. The more enterprising university 
 students found, marked, and digested the Arabic Aristotle he 
 had made accessible to them in Latin. Salerno cast a baleful 
 light upon Eom.e. All sorts of men must have been impressed 
 by the futility of the excommunications and interdicts that were 
 levelled at Frederick. 
 
 "Perhaps parchment rather than leather. Such promises on parchment 
 were also used by the Carthaginians. Was Frederick's money an in- 
 heritance from an old tradition living on in Sicily since Carthaginian 
 times?— E. B. 
 
654 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 13 
 
 We have said that Innocent III never seemed to realize that 
 his ward, Frederick II, was growing up. It is equally true that 
 the papacy never seemed to realize that Europe was growing up. 
 It is impossible for an intelligent modern student of history 
 not to sympathize with the underlying idea of the papal court, 
 with the idea of one universal rule of righteousness keeping 
 the peace of the earth, and not to recognize the many elements 
 of nobility ithat entered into the Lateran policy. Sooner or 
 later mankind must come to one universal peace, unless our 
 race is to be destroyed by the increasing power of its own de- 
 structive inventions ; and that universal peace must needs take 
 the form of a government, that is to say a law-sustaining organi- 
 zation, in the best sense of the word religious ; a government 
 ruling men through the educated co-ordination of their minds 
 in a common conception of human history and human destiny. 
 
 The papacy we must now recognize as the first clearly con- 
 scious attempt to provide such a government in the world. We 
 cannot too earnestly examine its deficiencies and inadequacies, 
 for every lesson we can draw from them is necessarily of the 
 greatest value to us in forming our ideas of our own interna- 
 tional relationships. We have tried to suggest the main factors 
 in the breakdown of the Roman Republic, and it now behoves 
 us to attempt a diagnosis of the failure of the Roman Church 
 to secure and organize the good will of mankind. 
 
 The first thing that will strike the student is the intermittence 
 of the efforts of the church to establish the world City of God. 
 The policy of the church was not whole-heartedly and continu- 
 ously set upon that end. It was only now and then that some 
 fine personality or some group of fine personalities dominated it 
 in that direction. The kingdom of God that Jesus of Nazareth 
 had preached was overlaid, as we have explained, almost from 
 the beginning by the doctrines and ceremonial traditions of an 
 earlier age, and of an intellectually inferior type. Christianity 
 almost from its commencement ceased to be purely prophetic 
 and creative. It entangled itself with archaic traditions of 
 human sacrifice, with Mithraic blood-cleansing, with priestcraft 
 as ancient as human society, and with elaborate doctrines about 
 the structure of the divinity. The gory forefinger of the 
 Etruscan pontifex maximus emphasized the teachings of Jesus 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 655 
 
 of Nazareth ; the mental complexity of the Alexandrian Greek 
 entangled them. In the inevitable jangle of these incompatibles 
 the church had become dogmatic. In despair of other solutions 
 to its intellectual discords it had resorted to arbitrary authority. 
 Its priests and bishops were more and more men moulded to 
 creeds and dogmas and set procedures ; by the time they became 
 cardinals or popes they were usually oldish men, habituated 
 to a politic struggle for immediate ends and no longer capable 
 of world-wide views. They no longer wanted to see the King- 
 dom of God established in the hearts of men — ^they had for- 
 gotten about that ; they wanted to see the power of the church, 
 which was their own power, dominating men. They were pre- 
 pared to bargain even with the hates and fears and lusts in 
 men's hearts to ensure that power. And it was just because 
 many of them probably doubted secretly of the entire sound- 
 ness of their vast and elaborate doctrinal fabric, that they 
 would brook no discussion of it. They were intolerant of ques- 
 tions or dissent, not because they were sure of their faith, but 
 because they were not. They wanted conformity for reasons 
 of policy. By the thirteenth century the church was evidently 
 already morbidly anxious about the gnawing doubts that might 
 presently lay the whole structure of its pretensions in ruins. 
 It had no serenity of soul. It was hunting everywhere for 
 heretics as timid old ladies are said to look under beds and in 
 cupboards for burglars before retiring for the night. 
 
 We have already mentioned the Persian Mani, who was 
 crucified and flayed in the year 277. His way of representing 
 the struggle between good and evil was as a struggle between a 
 power of light which was, as it were, in rebellion against a 
 power of darkness inherent in the universe. All these profound 
 mysteries are necessarily represented by symbols and poetic 
 expressions, and the ideas of Mani still find a response in many 
 intellectual temperaments to-day. One may hear Manichaean 
 doctrines from many Christian pulpits. But the orthodox 
 Catholic symbol was a different one. These Manichaean ideas 
 had spread very widely in Europe, and particularly in Bul- 
 garia and the south of France In the south of France the 
 people who held them were called the Cathars or Albigenses. 
 Their ideas jarred so little with the essentials of Christianity, 
 that they believed themselves to be devout Christians. As a 
 body they lived lives of conspicuous virtue and purity in a 
 
656 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 violent, undisciplined, and vicious age. But they^ questioned 
 the doctrinal soundness of Eome and tlie orthodox interpreta- 
 tion of the Bible. They thought Jesus was a rebel against the 
 cruelty of the God of the Old Testament, and not his harmoni- 
 ous son. Closely associated with the Albigenses were the 
 Waldenses, the followers of a man called Waldo, who seems to 
 have been quite soundly Catholic in his theologyj but equally 
 offensive to the church because he denounced the riches and 
 luxury of the clergy. This was enough for the Lateran, and 
 so we have the spectacle of Innocent III preaching a crusade 
 against these unfortunate sectaries, and permitting the enlist- 
 ment of every wandering scoundrel at loose ends to carry fire 
 and sword and rape and every conceivable outrage among the 
 most peaceful subjects of the King of France. The accounts 
 of the cruelties and abominations of this crusade are far more 
 terrible to read than any account of Christian martyrdoms by 
 the pagans, and they have the added horror of being indis- 
 putably true. 
 
 This black and pitiless intolerance was an evil spirit to be 
 mixed into the project of a rule of God on earth. This was 
 a spirit entirely counter to that of Jesus of Nazareth. We 
 do not hear of his smacking the faces or wringing the wrists 
 of recalcitrant or unresponsive disciples. But the Popes, during 
 their centuries of power were always raging against the slightest 
 reflection upon the intellectual sufficiency of the church. 
 
 And the intolerance of the church was not confined to re- 
 ligious matters. The shrewd, pompous, irascible, and rather 
 malignant old men who manifestly constituted a dominant ma- 
 jority in the councils of the church resented any knowledge 
 but their own knowledge, and distrusted any thought at all that 
 they did not correct and control. They set themselves to re- 
 strain science, of which they were evidently jealous. Any 
 mental activity but their' own struck them as being insolent. 
 Later on they were to have a great struggle upon the question 
 of the earth's position in space, and whether it moved round 
 the sun or not. This was really not the business of the church 
 at all. She might very well have left to. reason the things that 
 are reason's, but she seems to have been impelled by an inner 
 necessity to estrange the intellectual conscience in men. 
 
 Had this intolerance sprung from a real intensity of convic- 
 tion it would have been bad enough, but it was accompanied 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 657 
 
 by a scarcely disguised contempt for the intelligence and mental 
 dignity of the common man that makes it far less acceptable 
 to our modern judgments, and which no doubt made it far 
 less acceptable to the free spirits of the time. We have told 
 quite dispassionately the policy of the Roman church towards 
 her troubled sister in the East. Many of the tools and ex- 
 pedients she used were abominable. In her treatment of her 
 own people a streak of real cynicism is visible. She destroyed 
 her prestige by disregarding her own teaching of righteousness. 
 Of dispensations we have already spoken (§ 11). Her crown- 
 ing folly in the sixteenth century was the sale of indtdgences, 
 whereby the sufferings of the soul in purgatory could be com- 
 muted for a money payment. But the spirit that led at last 
 to this shameless and, as it proved, disastrous proceeding, was 
 already very evident in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 
 
 Long before the seed of criticism that Frederick II had sown 
 had genninated in men's minds and produced its inevitable 
 crop of rebellion, there was apparent a strong feeling in Chris- 
 tendom that all was not well with the spiritual atmosphere. 
 There began movements, movements that nowadays we should 
 call "revivalist," within the church, that implied rather than 
 uttered a criticism of the sufficiency of her existing methods 
 and organization. Men sought fresh forms of righteous living 
 outside the monasteries and priesthood. One notable figure is 
 that of St. Francis of Assisi (1181-1226). We cannot tell here 
 in any detail of how this pleasant young gentleman gave up all 
 the amenities and ease of his life and went forth to seek God ; 
 the opening of the story is not unlike the early experiences 
 of Gautama Buddha. He had a sudden conversion in the midst 
 of a life of pleasure, and, taking a vow of extreme poverty, he 
 gave himself up to an imitation of the life of Christ, and to 
 the service of the sick and wretched, and more particularly to 
 the service of the lepers, who then abounded in Italy. He was 
 joined by great multitudes of disciples, and so the first Friars 
 of the Franciscan Order came into existence. An order of 
 women deyotees was set up beside the original confraternity, 
 and in addition great numbers of men and women were brought 
 into less formal association. He preached, unmolested by ihe 
 Moslems, be it noted, in Egypt and Palestine, though the Fifth 
 Crusade was then in progress. His relations with the church 
 are still a matter for discussion. His work had been sanctioned 
 
658 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 by Pope Innocent III, but while he was in the East there was 
 a reconstitution of his order, intensifying its discipline and 
 substituting authority for responsive impulse, and as a conse- 
 quence of these changes he resigned its headship. To the end 
 he clung passionately to the ideal of poverty, but he was hardly 
 dead before the order was holding property through trustees 
 and building a great church and monastery to his memory at 
 Assisi. The disciplines of the order that were applied after 
 his death to his immediate associates are scarcely to be distin- 
 guished from a persecution; several of the more conspicuous 
 zealots for simplicity were scourged, others were imprisoned, 
 one was killed while attempting to escape, and Brother Bernard, 
 the "first disciple," passed a year in the woods and hills, hunted 
 like a wild beast. 
 
 This struggle within the Franciscan Order is a very interest- 
 ing one, because it foreshadows the great troubles that were 
 coming to Christendom. All through the thirteenth century a 
 section of the Franciscans were straining at the rule of the^ 
 church, and in 1318 four of them were burnt alive at Marseilles 
 as incorrigible heretics. There seems to have been little differ- 
 ence between the teaching and spirit of St. Francis and that of 
 Waldo in the twelfth century, the founder of the murdered 
 sect of Waldenses. Both were passionately enthusiastic for the 
 spirit of Jesus of N'azareth. But while Waldo<»rebelled against 
 the church, St. Francis did his best to be a good child of the 
 church, and his comment on the spirit of official Christianity 
 was only implicit. But both were instances of an outbreak of 
 conscience against authority and the ordinary procedure of the 
 church. And it is plain that in the second instance, as in the 
 first, the church scented rebellion. 
 
 A very different character to St. Francis was the Spaniard 
 St. Dominic (1170-1221), who was, of all things, orthodox. 
 He had a passion for the argumentative conversion of heretics, 
 and he was commissioned by Pope Innocent III to go and 
 preach to the Albigenses. His work went on side by side with 
 the fighting and massacres of the crusade ; whom Dominic could 
 not convert. Innocent's crusaders slew; yet his very activities 
 and the recognition and encouragement of his order by the Pope 
 witness to the rising tide of discussion, and to the persuasion 
 even of the papacy that force was no remedy. In several re- 
 spects the development of the Black Friars or Dominicans^^ 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 659 
 
 the Franciscans -were the Grey Friars — shows the Eoman 
 church at the parting of the ways, committing itself more and 
 more deeply to organized dogma, and so to a hopeless conflict 
 with the quickening intelligence and courage of mankind. She 
 whose one duty was to lead, chose to compel. The last discourse 
 of St. Dominic to the heretics he had sought to convert is pre- 
 served to us. It is a signpost in history. It betrays the fatal 
 exasperation of a man who has lost his faith in the power of 
 truth because his truth has not prevailed. "For many years/' 
 he sa-id, "I have exhorted you in vain, with gentleness, preach- 
 ing, praying, and weeping. But according to the proverb of 
 my country, 'where blessing can accomplish nothing, blows 
 may avail.' We shall rouse against you princess and prelates, 
 who, alas ! will arm nations and kingdoms against this land . . . 
 and thus blows will avail where blessings and gentleness have 
 been powerless." ^ 
 
 The thirteenth century saw the development of a new institu- 
 tion in the church, the papal Inquisition. Before this time it 
 had been customary for the Pope to make occasional inquests 
 or inquiries into heresy in this region or that, but now Innocent 
 III saw in the new order of the Dominicans a powerful instru- 
 ment of suppression. The Inquisition was organized as a 
 standing inquiry under their direction, and with fire and tor- 
 ment the church set itself, through this instrument, to assail 
 and weaken the human conscience in which its sole hope of 
 world dominion resided. Before the thirteenth century the 
 penal^iy of death had been inflicted but rarely upon heretics and 
 unbelievers. Now in a hundred market-places in Europe the 
 dignitaries of the church watched the blackened bodies of its 
 antagonists, for the most part, poor and insignificant people, 
 bum and sink pitifully, and their owa great mission to man- 
 kind burn and sink with them into dust and ashes. 
 
 The beginnings of the Franciscans and the Dominicans were 
 but two among many of the new forces that were arising in 
 Christendom, either to help or shatter the church, as its own 
 wisdom might decide. Those two orders the church did assimi- 
 late and use, though with a little violence In the case of the 
 former. But other forces were more frankly disobedient and 
 critical. A century and a half later came Wycliffe (1320- 
 1384). He was a learned doctor at Oxford ; for a time he was 
 ^ Mnoyclofcedia Britannica, art. "Dominie." 
 
660 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Master of Balliol; aiid he held various livings in the church. 
 Quite late in his life he began a series of outspoken criticisms 
 of the corruption of the clergy and the unwisdom of the church. 
 He organized a number of poor priests, the WycliiStes, to 
 spread his ideas throughout England ; and in order that people 
 should judge between thfe church and himself, he translated 
 the Bible into English. He was a more learned and far abler 
 man than either St. Francis or St. Dominic. He had sup- 
 porters in high places and a great following among the people ; 
 and though Rome raged against him, and ordered his imprison- 
 ment, he died a free man, still administering the Sacraments 
 as parish priest of Lutterworth. But the black and ancient 
 spirit that was leading the Catholic church to its destruction 
 would not let his bones rest in his grave. By a decree of the 
 Council of Constance in 1415, his remains were ordered to be 
 dug up and burnt, an order which was carried out at the com- 
 mand of Pope Martin V by Bishop Fleming in 1428. This 
 desecration was not the act of some isolated fanatic; it was 
 the official act of the church. 
 
 § 14 
 
 The history of the papacy is confusing to the general reader 
 because of the multitude and abundance of the Popes. They 
 mostly began to reign as old men, and their reigns were short, 
 averaging less than two years ieach. But certain of the Popes 
 stand out and supply convenient handles for the student to 
 grasp. Such were Gregory I (590-604) the Great, the first 
 monkish Pope, the friend of Benedict, the sender of the English 
 mission. Other noteworthy Popes are Leo III (795-816), who 
 crowned Charlemagne, the scandalous Popes John XI (931- 
 93.6) and John XII (955-963), which latter was deposed by 
 the Emperor Otto I, and the great Hildebrand, who ended his 
 days as Pope Gregory VII (1073-1085), and who did so much 
 by establishing the celibacy of the clergy, and insisting upon 
 the supremacy of the church over kings and princes, to cen- 
 tralize the power of the church in Rome. There was a great 
 struggle between Hildebrand and the Emperor elect Henry IV 
 upon the question of investitures. The emperor attempted to 
 depose the pope; the pope excommunicated the emperor and 
 released his subjects from their allegiance. The emperor was 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 661 
 
 obliged to go in penitence to the pope at Oanossa and to await 
 forgiveness for three days and nights in the courtyard of the 
 castle, clad in sackcloth and barefooted to the snow. The next 
 Pope but one after Gregory VII was Urban II (1087-1099), 
 the Pope of the First Crusade. The period from the time of 
 Gregory VII onward for a century and a half, was the great 
 period of ambition and effort for the church. There was a real 
 sustained attempt to unite all Christendom under a purified and 
 reorganized church. 
 
 The setting up of Latin kingdoms in Syria and the Holy 
 Land, in religious communion with Kome, after the First Cru- 
 sade, marked the opening stage of a conquest of Eastern Chris- 
 tianity by Home that reached its climax during the Latin rule 
 in Constantinople (1204-1261). 
 \ In 1176, at Venice, the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa 
 VFrederick I) knelt to the Pope Alexander III, recognized his 
 spiritual supremacy, and swore fealty to him. But after the 
 death of Alexander III, in 1181, the peculiar weakness of the 
 /papacy, its liability to fall to old and enfeebled men, became 
 manifest. Five Popes tottered to the Lateran to die within the 
 space of ten years. Only with Innocent III (1198-1216) did 
 another vigorous Pope take up the great policy of the City of 
 God. 
 
 Under Innocent III, the guardian of that Emperor Frederick 
 II, whose career we have already studied in §§ 10 and 12, and 
 the five Popes who followed him, the Pope of Rome came nearer 
 to being the monarch of a united Christendom than he had ever 
 been before, and was ever to be again. The empire was weak- 
 ened by internal dissensions, Constantinople was in Latin 
 hands, from Bulgaria to Ireland and from Norway to Sicily 
 and Jerusalem the Pope was supreme. Yet this supremacy was 
 more apparent than real. For, as we have seen, while in the 
 time of Urban the power of faith was strong in all Christian 
 Europe, in the time of Innocent III the papacy bad lost its 
 hold upon the hearts of princes, and the faith and conscience 
 of the common people was turning against a merely political 
 and aggressive church. 
 
 The church in the thirteenth century was extending its legal 
 power in the world, and losing its grip upon men's consciences. 
 It was becoming less persuasive and more violent. No intelli- 
 gent man can tell of this process, or read of this process of failure 
 
662 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 without very mingled feelings. The church had sheltered and 
 formed a new Europe throughout the long ages of European 
 darkness and chaos ; it had been the matrix in which the new 
 civilization had been cast. But this new-formed civilization 
 was impelled to grow by its own inherent vitality, and the 
 church lacked sufficient power of growth and accommodation. 
 The time was fast approaching when this matrix was to be 
 broken. 
 
 The first striking intimation of the decay of the living and 
 sustaining forces of the papacy appeared when presently the 
 Popes came into conflict with the growing power of the French 
 king. During the lifetime of the Emperor Frederick II, Ger- 
 many fell into disunion, and the French king began to play the 
 role of guard, supporter, and rival to the Pope that had hitherto 
 fallen to the Hohenstaufen emperors. A series of Popes pur- 
 sued the policy of supporting the French monarchs. French 
 princes were established in the kingdom of Sicily and Naples, 
 with the support and approval of Eome, and the French kings 
 saw before them , the possibility of restoring and ruling the 
 Empire of Charlemagne. When, however, the German inter- 
 regnum after the death of Frederick II, the last of the Hohen- 
 staufens, came to an end and Kudolf of Habsburg was elected 
 first Habsburg Emperor (1273), the policy of the Lateran 
 began to fluctuate between France and Germany, veering about 
 with the sympathies of each successive Pope. In the East in 
 1261 the Greeks recaptured Constantinople from the Latin 
 emperors, and the founder of the new Greek dynasty, Michael 
 Palseologus, Michael VIII, after some unreal tentatives of 
 reconciliation with the Pope, broke away from the Eoman com- 
 munion altogether, and with that, and the fall of the Latin king- 
 doms in Asia, the eastward ascendancy of the Popes came to 
 an end. 
 
 In 1294 Boniface VIII became Pope. He was an Italian, 
 hostile to the French, and full of a sense of the great traditions 
 and mission of Eome. For a time he carried things with a 
 high hand. In 1300 he held a jubilee, and a vast multitude of 
 pilgrims assembled in Eome. "So great was the influx of 
 money into the papal treasury, that two assistants were kept 
 busy with rakes collecting the offerings that were deposited at 
 the tomb of St. Peter." ^ But this festival was a delusive tri- 
 
 ' J. H. Robinson. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 663 
 
 umph. It is easier to raise a host of excursionists than a band 
 of crusaders. Boniface came into conflict with the French king 
 in 1302, and in 1303, as he was about to pronounce sentence of 
 excommunication against that monarch, he was surprised and 
 arrested in his own ancestral palace, at Anagni, by Guillaume 
 de Nogaret. This agent from the French king forced an en- 
 trance into the palace, made his way into the bedroom of the 
 frightened Pope — ^he was lying in bed with a cross in his hands 
 — and heaped threats and insults upon him. The Pope was 
 liberated a day or so later by the townspeople, and returned to 
 Rome; but there he was seized upon and again made prisoner 
 by the Orsini family, and in a few weeks' time the shocked and 
 disillusioned old man died a prisoner in their hands. 
 
 The people of Anagni did resent the first outrage, and rose 
 against Nogaret to liberate Boniface, but then Anagni was the 
 Pope's native town. The important point to note is that the 
 French king, in this rough treatment of the head of Christen- 
 dom, was acting with the full approval of his people; he had 
 summoned a council of the Three Estates of France (lords, 
 church, and commons) and gained their consent before pro- 
 ceeding to extremities. Neither in Italy, Germany, nor Eng^ 
 land was there the slightest general manifestation of disap- 
 proval at this free handling of the sovereign pontiff. The idea 
 of Christendom had decayed until its power over the minds of 
 men had gone. 
 
 Throughout the fourteenth century the papacy did nothing 
 to recover its moral sway. The next Pope elected, Clement V, 
 was a Frenchman, the choice of King Philip of France. He 
 never came to Rome. H© set up his court in the town of 
 Avignon, which then belonged not to France, but to the Papal 
 See, though embedded in French territory, and there his succes- 
 sors remained until 1377, when Pope Gregory XI returned to 
 the Vatican palace in Rome. But Gregory XI did not take the 
 sympathies of the whole church with him. Many of the cardi- 
 nals were of French origin, and their habits and associations 
 were rooted deep at Avignon. When in 1378 Gregory XI died, 
 and an Italian, Urban VI, was elected, these dissentient cardi- 
 nals declared the election invalid, and elected another Pope, 
 the anti-Pope, Clement VII. This split is called the Great 
 Schism. The Popes remained in Rome, and all the anti- 
 French powers, the Emperor, the King of England, Hungary, 
 
664 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Poland, and the North of Europe were loyal to them. The 
 anti-Popes, on the other hand, continued in Avignon, and were 
 supported by the King of France, his ally the King of Scotland, 
 Spain, Portugal, and various German princes. Each Pope 
 excommunicated and cursed the adherents of his rival, so that 
 by one standard or another all Christendom was damned during 
 this time (1378-1417). The lamentable effect of this split 
 upon the solidarity of Christendom it is impossible to ex- 
 aggerate. Is it any marvel that such men as Wyeliffe began to 
 teach men to think on their own account when the fotintain 
 of truth thus squirted against itself ? In 1417 the Great Schism 
 was healed at the Council of Constance, the same council that 
 dug up and burnt Wycliffe's bones, and which, as we shall tell 
 later, caused the burning of John Huss ; at this council, Pope 
 and anti-Pope resigned or were swept aside, and Martin V 
 became the sole Pope of a formally reunited but spiritually 
 very badly strained Christendom. 
 
 How later on the Council of Basle (1437) led to a fresh 
 schism, and to further anti-Popes, we cannot relate here. 
 
 Such, briefly, is the story of the great centuries of papal 
 ascendancy and papal decline. It is the story of the failure to 
 achieve the very noble and splendid idea of a unified and re- 
 ligious world. We have pointed out in the previous section how 
 greatly the inheritance of a complex dogmatic theology en- 
 cumbered the church in this its ambitious adventure. It had 
 too much theology, and not enough religion. But it may not 
 be idle to point out here how much the individual insufficiency 
 of the Popes also contributed to the collapse of its scheme and 
 dignity. There was no such level of education in the world 
 as to provide a succession of cardinals and popes with the 
 breadth of knowledge and outlook needed for the task they had 
 undertaken ; they were not sufficiently educated for their task, 
 and only a few, by sheer force of genius, transcended that defect. 
 And, as we have already pointed out, they were, when at last 
 they got to power, too old to use it. Before they could grasp the 
 situation they had to control, most of them were dead. It 
 would be interesting to speculate how far it would have tilted the 
 balance in favour of the church if the cardinals had retired at 
 fifty, and if no one could have been elected Pope after fifty-five. 
 This would have lengthened the average reign of each Pope, and 
 enormously increased the continuity of the policy of the church. 
 
CHRISTENDOM AND THE CRUSADES 665 
 
 And it is perhaps possible that a more perfect system of select- 
 ing the cardinals, who were the electors and counsellors of the 
 Pope, might have been devised. The rules and vyays by which 
 men reach power are of very great importance in human affairs. 
 The psychology of the ruler is a science that has still to be 
 properly studied. We have seen the Roman Republic wrecked, 
 and here we see the church failing in its world mission very 
 largely through ineffective electoral methods. 
 
XXXIII 
 
 THE GREAT EMPIRE OF JENGIS KHAN AND 
 HIS SUCCESSORS 
 
 (The Age of the Land Ways) 
 
 § 1. Asia at the End of the Twelfth Centwry. § 2. The Rise 
 and Victories of the Mongols. § 3. The Travels of Marco 
 Polo. § 4. The Ottoman Turks and Oonstcmtinople. § 5. 
 Why the Mongols Were Not Christianized. § 5a. KvJblai 
 Khan Founds the Yuan Dynasty. § 5b. The Mongols Re- 
 vert to Tribalism,. § 5c. The Kipchak Empire and the Tsar 
 of Muscovy. § 5d. Timiurlane. § 5e. The Mongol Empire 
 of India. § 5f. The Mongols and the Gipsies. 
 
 § 1 
 
 WE have to tell now of the last and greatest of all the 
 raids of nomadism upon the civilizations of the East 
 and West. We have traced in this history the de- 
 velopment side by side of these two ways of living, and we 
 have pointed out that as the civilizations grew more extensive 
 and better organized, the arms, the mobility, and the intelli- 
 gence of the nomads also improved. The nomad was not simply 
 an uncivilized man, he was a man specialized and specializing 
 along his own line. From the very beginning of history the 
 nomad and the settled people have been in reaction. We have 
 told of the Semitic and Elamite raids upon Sumeria; we have 
 seen the Western empire smashed by the nomads of the great 
 plains and Persia conquered and Byzantium shaken by the 
 nomads of Arabia. Whenever civilization seems to be choking 
 amidst its weeds of wealth and debt and servitude, when its 
 faiths seem rotting into cynicism and its powers of further 
 growth are hopelessly entangled in effete formulae, the nomad 
 drives in like a plough to break up the festering stagnation and 
 release the world to new beginnings. The Mongol aggression, 
 which began with the thirteenth century, was the greatest, and 
 
 666 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 667 
 
 so far it has been the last, of all these destructive reploughings 
 of human association. 
 
 From entire obscurity the Mongols came very suddenly into 
 history towards the close of the twelfth century. They ap- 
 peared in the country to the north of China, in the land of 
 origin of the Huns and Turks, and they were manifestly of 
 the same strain as these peoples. They were gathered together 
 under a chief, with whose name we will not tax the memory 
 of the reader; under his son Jengis Khan their power grew 
 with extraordinary swiftness. 
 
 The reader will already have an idea of the gradual breaking 
 up of the original unity of Islam. In the beginning of the 
 thirteenth century there were a number of separate and dis- 
 cordant Moslem states in Western Asia. There was Egypt 
 (with Palestine and, much of Syria) under the successors of 
 Saladin, there was the Seljuk power in Asia Minor, there was 
 still an Abbasid caliphate in Bagdad, and to the east of this 
 again there had grown up a very considerable empire, the 
 Kharismian empire, that of the Turkish princes from Khiva 
 who had conquered a number of fragmentary Seljuk principali- 
 ties and reigned from the Ganges valley to the Tigris. They 
 had but an insecure hold on the Persian and Indian populations. 
 
 The state of the Chinese civilization was equally inviting to 
 an enterprising invader. One last glimpse of China in this his- 
 tory was in the seventh century during the opening years of the 
 Tang dynasty, when that shrewd and able emperor Tai-tsung 
 was weighing the respective merits of Nestorian Christianity, 
 Islam, Buddhism, and the teachings of Lao Tse, and on the 
 whole inclining to the opinion that Lao Tse was as good a 
 teacher as any. We have described his reception of the traveller 
 Yuan Chwang. Tai-tsung tolerated all religions, but several 
 of his successors conducted a pitiless persecution of the Buddhist 
 faith ; it flourished in spite of these persecutions, and its monas- 
 teries played a somewhat analogous part in at first sustaining 
 learning and afterwards retarding it, that the Christian 
 monastic organization did in the West. By the tenth century 
 the great Tang dynasty was in an extreme state of decay; the 
 usual degenerative process through a series of voluptuaries and 
 incapables had gone on, and China broke up again politically 
 into a variable number of contending states, "The age of the 
 Ten States," an age of confusion that lasted through the first 
 
668 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 669 
 
 half of the tenth century. Then arose a dynasty, the Northern 
 Sung (960-1127), which established a sort of unity, but which 
 was in constant struggle with a number of Hunnish peoples 
 from the north who were pressing down the eastern coast. For 
 a time one of these peoples, the Khitan, prevailed. In the 
 twelfth century these people had been subjugated and had given 
 place to another Hunnish empire, the empire of the Kin, with 
 its capital at Pekin and its southern boundary south of Hwang- 
 ho. The Sung empire shrank before this Kin empire. In 1138 
 the capital was shifted from itTankin, which was now too close 
 to the northern frontier, to the city of Han Chau on the coast. 
 From 1127 onward to 1295, the Sung dynasty is known as the 
 Southern Sung. To the north-west of its territories there was 
 now the Tartar empire of the Hsia ; to the north, the Kin em- 
 pire, both states in which the Chinese population was under 
 rulers in whom nomadic traditions were still strong. So that 
 here on the east also the main masses of Asiatic mankind were 
 under uncongenial rulers and ready to accept, if not to welcome, 
 the arrival of a conqueror. 
 
 Northern India we have already noted was also a conquered 
 country at the opening of the thirteenth century. It was at 
 first a part of the Khivan empire, but in 1206 an adventurous 
 ruler, Kutub, who had been a slave and who had risen as a slave 
 to be governor of the Indian province, set up a separate Mos- 
 lem state of Hindustan in Delhi. Brahminism had long since 
 ousted Buddhism from India, but the converts to Islam were 
 still but a small ruling minority in the land. 
 
 Such was the political state of Asia when Jengis Khan began 
 to consolidate his power among the nomads in the country 
 between Lakes Balkash and Baikal in the beginning of the 
 thirteenth century. 
 
 § 2 
 
 The career of conquest of Jengis Khan and his immediate 
 successors astounded the world, and probably astounded no one 
 more than these Mongol Khans themselves. 
 
 The Mongols were in the twelfth century a tribe subject to 
 those Kin who had conquered North-east China. They were a 
 horde of nomadic horsemen living in tents, and subsisting mainly 
 upon mare's milk products and meat. Their' occupations were 
 
670 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 pasturage and hunting, , varied by war. They drifted north- 
 ward as the snows melted for summer pasture, and southward 
 to winter pasture after the custom of the steppes. Their mili- 
 tary education began with a successful insurrection against 
 the Kin. The empire of Kin had the resources of half China 
 behind it, and in the struggle the Mongols learnt very much 
 of the military science of the Chinese. By the end of the 
 twelfth century they were already a fighting tribe of excep- 
 tional quality. 
 
 The opening years of the career of Jengis were spent in de- 
 veloping his military machine, in assimilating the Mongols and 
 the associated tribes about them into one organized army. His 
 first considerable extension of power was westward, when the 
 Tartar Kirghis and the Uigurs (who were the Tartar people of 
 the Tarim basin) were not so much conquered as induced to 
 join his organization. He then attacked the Kin empire 
 and took Pekin (1214). The Khitan people, who had been so 
 recently subdued by the Kin, threw in their fortunes with his, 
 and were of very great help to him. The settled Chinese 
 population went on sowing and reaping and trading during this 
 change of masters without lending its weight to either side. 
 
 We have already mentioned the very recent Kharismian em- 
 pire of Turkestan, Persia, and North India. This empire ex- 
 tended eastward to Kashgar, and it must have seemed one of the 
 most progressive and hopeful empires of the time. Jengis 
 Khan, while still engaged in this war with the Kin empire, 
 sent envoys to Kharismia. They were put to death, an almost 
 incredible stupidity. The Kharismian government, to use the 
 political jargon of to-day, had decided not to "recognize" Jengis 
 Khan, and took this spirited course with him. Thereupon 
 (1218) the great host of horsemen that Jengis Khan had con- 
 solidated and disciplined swept over the Pamirs and down 
 into Turkestan, It was well armed, and probably it had some 
 guns and gunpowder for siege work — for the Chinese were cer- 
 tainly using gunpowder at this time, and the Mongols learnt 
 its use from them. Kashgar, Khokand, Bokhara fell and then 
 Samarkand, the capital of the Kharismian empire. There- 
 after nothing held the Mongols in the Kharismian territories. 
 They swept westward to the Caspian, and southward as far as 
 Lahore. To the north of the Caspian a Mongol army en- 
 countered a Russian force from Kieff. There was a series of 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 
 
 671 
 
672 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 battles, in which the Russian armies were finally defeated and 
 the Grand Duke of Kieff taken prisoner. So it was the Mon- 
 gols appeared on the northern shores of the Black Sea. A 
 panic swept Constantinople, which set itself to reconstruct its 
 fortifications. Meanwhile other armies were engaged in the 
 conquest of the empire of the Hsia in China. This was 
 annexed, and only the southern part of the Kia empire re- 
 mained unsubdued. In 1227 Jengis Khan died in the midst 
 of a career of triumph. His empire reached already from the 
 Pacific to the Dnieper. And it was an empire still vigorously 
 expanding. 
 
 Like all the empires founded by nomads, it was, to begin with, 
 purely a military and administrative empire, a framework 
 rather than a rule. It centred on the personality of the mon- 
 arch, and its relations with the mass of the populations over 
 which it ruled was simply one of taxation for the maintenance 
 of the horde. But Jengis Khan had called to his aid a very 
 able and experienced administrator of the Kin empire, who 
 was learned in all the traditions and science of the Chinese. 
 This statesman, Yeliu Chutsai, was able to carry on the affairs 
 of the Mongols long after the death of Jengis Khan, and there 
 can be little doubt that he is one of the great political heroes of 
 history. He tempered the barbaric ferocity of his masters, 
 and saved innumerable cities and works of art from destruction. 
 He collected archives and inscriptions, and when he was accused 
 of corruption, his sole wealth was found to consist of documents 
 and a few musical instruments. To him perhaps quite as much 
 as to Jengis is the efficiency of the Mongol military machine to 
 be ascribed. Under Jengis, we may note further, we find the 
 completest religious toleration established across the entire 
 breadth of Asia. 
 
 At the death of Jengis the capital of the new empire was still 
 in the great barbaric town of Karakorum in Mongolia. There 
 an assembly of Mongol leaders elected Ogdai Khan, the son of 
 Jengis, as his successor. The war against the vestiges of the 
 Kin empire was- prosecuted until Kin was altogether subdued 
 (1234). The Chinese empire to the south under the Sung 
 dynasty helped the Mongols in this task, so destroying their 
 own bulwark against the universal conquerors. The Mongol 
 hosts then swept right across Asia to Russia (1235), an amaz- 
 ing march. Kieff was destroyed in 1240, and nearly all Russia 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 673 
 
 became tributary to the Mongols. Poland was ravaged, and a 
 mixed army of Poles and Germans was annihilated at the battle 
 of Liegnitz in Lower Silesia in 1241. The Emperor Frederick 
 II does not seem to have made any great efforts to stay the 
 advancing tide. 
 
 "It is only recently," says Bury in his notes to Gibbon's 
 Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire^ "that European history 
 has begun to understand that the successes of the Mongol army 
 which overran Poland and occupied Hungary in the spring of 
 A.D. 1241 were won by consummate strategy and were not due 
 to a niere overwhelming superiority of numbers. But this fact 
 has not yet become a matter of common knowledge ; the vulgar 
 opinion which represents the Tartars as a wild horde carrying 
 all before them solely by their multitude, and galloping through 
 Eastern Europe without a strategic plan, rushing at all obstacles 
 and overcoming them by mere weight, still prevails. . . . 
 
 "It was wonderful how punctually and effectually the arrange- 
 ments of the commander were carried out in operations extend- 
 ing from the Lower Vistula to Transylvania; Such a cam- 
 paign was quite beyond the power of any European army of the 
 time, and it was beyond the vision of any European commander. 
 There was no general in Europe, from Frederick II downward, 
 who was not a tyro in strategy compared to Subutai. It should 
 also be noticed that the Mongols embarked upon the enterprise 
 with full knowledge of the political situation of Hungary and 
 the condition of Poland — they had taken care to inform them- 
 selves by a well-organized system of spies; on the other hand, 
 the Hungarians and Christian powers, like childish barbarians, 
 knew hardly anything about their enemies." 
 
 But though the Mongols were victorious at Liegnitz, they did 
 not continue their drive westward. They were getting into 
 woodlands and hilly country, which did not suit their tacticsj 
 and so they turned southward and prepared to settle in Hun- 
 gary, massacring or assimilating the kindred Magyar, even as 
 these had previously massacred and assimilated the mixed Scy- 
 thians and Avars and Huns before them. From the Hungarian 
 plain they would probably have made raids west and south as the 
 Hungarians had done in the ninth century, the Avars in the 
 seventh and eighth, and the Huns in the fifth. But in Asia the 
 Mongols were fighting a stiff war of conquest against the Sung, 
 and they were also raiding Persia and Asia Minor ; Ogdai died 
 
674 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 suddenly, and in 1242 there was trouble about tlie succession, 
 and recalled by this, the undefeated hosts of Mongols began to 
 pour back across Hungary and Rumania towards the east. 
 
 To the great relief of Europe the dynastic troubles at Kara- 
 korum lasted' for some years, and this vast new empire showed 
 signs of splitting up. Mangu Khan became the Great Khan in 
 1251, and he nominated his brother Kublai Khan as Governor- 
 General of China. Slowly but surely the entire Sung empire 
 was subjugated, and as it was subjugated the eastern Mongols 
 became more and more Chinese in their culture and methods. 
 Tibet was invaded and devastated by Mangu, and Persia and 
 Syria invaded in good earnest. Another brother of Mangu, 
 Hulagu, was in command of this latter war. He turned his 
 arms against the caliphate and captured Bagdad, in which city 
 he perpetrated a massacre of the entire population. Bagdad was 
 still the religious capital of Islam, and the Mongols had become 
 bitterly hostile to the Moslems. This hostility exacerbated the 
 natural discord of nomad and townsman. In 1259 Mangu died, 
 and in 1260 — for it took the best part of a year for the Mongol 
 leaders to gather from the extremities of this vast empire, from 
 Hungary and Syria and Scind and China — Kublai was elected 
 Great Khan. He was already deeply interested in Chinese af- 
 fairs ; he made his capital Pekin instead of Karakorum, and Per- 
 sia, Syria, and Asia Minor became virtually independent under 
 his brother Hulagu, while the hordes of Mongols in Russia and 
 Asia next to Russia, and various smaller Mongol groups iii 
 Turkestan became also practically separate. Kublai died in 
 1294, and with his death even the titular supremacy of the 
 Great Khan disappeared. 
 
 At the death of Kublai there was a main Mongol .empire, 
 with Pekin as its capital, including all China and Mongolia; 
 there was a second great Mongol empire, that of Kipchak in 
 Russia ; there was a third in Persia, that founded by Hulagu, 
 the Ilkhan empire, to which the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor 
 were tributary ; there was a Siberian state between Kipchak and 
 Mongolia ; and another separate state "Great Turkey" in Turk- 
 estan. It is particularly remarkable that India beyond the 
 Punjab was never invaded by the Mongols during this period, 
 and that an army under the Sultan of Egypt completely de- 
 feated Ketboga, Hulagu's general, in Palestine (1260), and 
 stopped them from entering Africa. By 1260 the impulse of 
 
JENGIS l&MAN AND tttS SUCCESSORS 6t5 
 
 Mongol conquest had already passed its zenith. Thereafter the 
 Mongol story is one of division and decay. 
 
 The Mongol dynasty that Kublai Khan had founded in China, 
 the Yuan dynasty, lasted from 1280 until 1368. Later on a 
 recrudescence of Mongolian energy in Western Asia was des- 
 tined to create a still more enduring monarchy in India. 
 
 § 3 
 
 Now this story of Mongolian conquests is surely the most 
 remarkable in all history. The conquests of Alexander the 
 Great cannot compare with them in extent. And their effect 
 in diffusing and broadening men's ideas, though such things are 
 more difficult to estimate, is at least comparable to the spread of 
 the Hellenic civilization which is associated with Alexander's 
 adventure. For a time all Asia and Western Europe enjoyed 
 an open intercourse; all the roads were temporarily open, and 
 representatives of every nation appeared at the court of Kara- 
 korum. The barriers between Europe and Asia set up by the 
 religious feud of Christianity and Islam were lowered. Great 
 hopes were entertained by the papacy for the conversion of the 
 Mongols to Christianity. Their only religion so far had been 
 Shamanism, a primitive paganism. Envoys of the Pope, Bud- 
 dhist priests from India, Parisian and Italian and Chinese 
 artificers, Byzantine and Armenian merchants, mingled with 
 Arab officials and Persian and Indian astronomers and mathe- 
 maticians at the Mongol court. We hear too much in history 
 of the campaigns and massacres of the Mongols, and not enough, 
 of their indubitable curiosity and zest for learning. Not per- 
 haps as an originative people, but as transmitters of knowledge 
 and method their influence upon the world's history has been 
 enormous. And everything one can learn of the vague and 
 romantic personalities of Jengis or Kublai tends to confirm the 
 impression that these men were built upon a larger scale, and 
 were at least as understanding and creative monarchs as either 
 that flamboyant but egotistical figure Alexander the Great, or 
 that raiser of political ghosts, that energetic but illiterate 
 theologian, Charlemagne. 
 
 The missionary enterprises of the papacy in Mongolia ended 
 in failure. Christianity was losing its persuasive power. The 
 Mongols had no prejudice against Christianity ; they evidently 
 
676 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 677 
 
 preferred it at first to Islam ; but the missions that came to them 
 were manifestly using the power in the great teachings of Jesus 
 to advance the vast claims of the Pope to veorld dominion. 
 Christianity so vitiated was not good enough for the Mongol 
 mind. To make the empire of the Mongols part of the kingdom 
 of God might have appealed to them ; but not to make it a fief 
 of a group of French and Italian priests, whose claims were 
 as gigantic as their powers and outlook were feeble, who were 
 now the creatures of the Emperor of Germany, now the nominees 
 of the Eing of France, and now the victims of their own petty 
 spites and vanities. In 1269 Kublai Khan sent a mission to the 
 Pope with the evident intention of finding some common mode 
 of action with Western Christendom, He asked that a hundred 
 men of learning and ability should be sent to his court to estab- 
 lish an understanding. His mission found the Western world 
 popeless, and engaged in one of those disputes about the suc- 
 cession that are so frequent in the history of the papacy. For 
 two years there was no pope at all. When at last a pope was 
 appointed', he dispatched two Dominican friars to convert the 
 greatest power in Asia to his rule! Those worthy men were 
 appalled by the length and hardship of the journey before them, 
 and found an early excuse for abandoning the expedition. 
 
 But this abortive mission was only one of a number of at- 
 tempts to communicate, and always they were feeble and feeble- 
 spirited attempts, with nothing of the conquering fire of the 
 earlier Christian missions. Innocent IV had already sent some 
 Dominicans to Karakorum, and St. Louis of France had also 
 dispatched missionaries and relics by way of Persia; Mangu 
 Khan had numerous Nestorian Christians at his court, and sub- 
 sequent papal envoys actually reached Pekin. We hear of 
 the appointment of various legates and bishops to the East, but 
 many of these seem to have lost themselves and perhaps their 
 lives before they reached China. There was a papal legate in 
 Pekin in 1346, but he seems to have been a mere papal diplo- 
 matist. With the downfall of the Mongolian (Yuan) dynasty 
 (1368), the dwindling opportunity of the Christian missions 
 passed altogether. The house of Yuan was followed by that of 
 Ming, a strongly nationalist Chinese dynasty, at first very hos- 
 tile to all foreigners. There may have been a massacre of the 
 Christian missions. Until the later days of the Mings (1644) 
 little more is heard of Christianity, whether Nestorian or Oath- 
 
678 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 olic, in China. Then a fresh and rather more successful at- 
 tempt to propagate Catholic Christianity in China was made 
 by the Jesuits, but this. second missionary wave reached China 
 by the sea. 
 
 In the year 1298 a naval battle occurred between the Genoese 
 and the Venetians, in which the latter were defeated. Among 
 the 7,000 prisoners taken by the Genoese was a Venetian gentle- 
 man named Marco Polo, who had been a great traveller, and 
 who was very generally believed by his neighbours to be given 
 to exaggeration. He had taken part in that first mission to 
 Kublai Khan, and had gone on when the two Dominicans turned 
 back. While this Marco Polo was a prisoner in Genoa, he be- 
 guiled his tedium by talking of his travels to a certain writer 
 named Eusticiano, who wrote them down. We will not enter 
 here into the vexed question of the exact authenticity of Eusti- 
 ciano's story — ^we do not certainly know in what language it was 
 written— —but there can be no doubt of the general truth of this 
 remarkable narrative, which became enormously popular in the 
 fourteenth and fifteenth centuries with all men of active intelli- 
 gence. The Travels of Marco Polo is one of the great books of 
 history. It opens this world of the thirteenth century, this cen- 
 tury which saw the reign of Erederick II and the beginnings of 
 the Inquisition, to our imaginations as no mere historian's chron- 
 icle can do. It led directly to the discovery of America. 
 
 It begins by telling of the journey of Marco's father, Nicolo 
 Polo, and uncle, Maffeo Polo, to China. These two were Vene- 
 tian merchants of standing, living in Constantinople, and some- 
 when about 1260 they went to the Crimea and thence to Kazan; 
 from that place they journeyed to Bokhara, and at Bokhara 
 they fell in with a party of envoys from Kublai Khan in China 
 to his brother Hulagu in Persia. These envoys pressed them 
 to come on to the Great Khan, who at that time had never seen 
 men of the "Latin" peoples. They went on; and it is clear they 
 made a very favourable impression upon Kublai, and interested 
 him greatly in the civilization of Christendom. They were 
 made the bearers of that request for a hundred teachers and 
 learned men, "intelligent men acquainted with the Seven Arts, 
 able to enter into controversy and able clearly to prove to idol- 
 ators and other kinds of folk that the Law of Christ was best," 
 to which we have just alluded. But when they returned Chris- 
 tendom was in a phase of confusion, and it was only after a 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 679 
 
 delay of two years tliat they got their authorization to start for 
 China again in the company of those two faint-hearted Domini- 
 cans. They took with them young Marco, and it is due to his 
 presence and the boredom of his subsequent captivity at Genoa 
 that this most interesting experience has been preserved to us. 
 The three Polos started by way of Palestine and not by the 
 Crimea, as in the previous expedition. They had with them 
 a gold tablet and other indications from the Great Khan that 
 must have greatly facilitated their journey. The Great Kahn 
 had asked for some oil from the lamp that bums in the Holy 
 Sepulchre at Jerusalem; and so thither they first went, and 
 then by way of Cilicia into Armenia. They went thus far north 
 because the Sultan of Egypt was raiding the Ilkhan domains at 
 this time. Thence they came by way of Mesopotamia to Ormuz 
 on the Persian Gulf, as if they contemplated a sea voyage. At 
 Ormuz they met merchants from India. Por some reason they 
 did not take ship, but instead turned northward through the 
 Persian deserts, and so by way of Balkh over the Pamir to Kash- 
 gar, and by way of Kotan and the Lob Nor (so following in the 
 footsteps of Yuan Chwang) into the Hwangho valley and on to 
 Pe;kin. Pekin, Polo calls "Cambaluc" ; Northern China, 
 "Cathay" (^ Khitan) ; and Southern China of the former 
 Sung dynasty, "Manzi." At Pekin was the Great Khan, and 
 they were hospitably entertained. Marco particularly pleased 
 Kublai ; he was young and clever, and it. is clear he had mastere(? 
 the Tartar language very thoroughly. He was given an official 
 position and sent on several missions, chiefly in South-west 
 China. The tale he had to tell of vast stretches of smiling and 
 prosperous country, "all the way excellent hostelries for travel- 
 lers," and "fine vineyards, fields and gardens," of "many 
 abbeys" of Buddhist monks, of manufactures of "cloth of silk 
 and gold and many fine taffetas," a "constant succession of 
 cities and boroughs," and so on, first roused the incredulity and 
 then fired the imagination of all Europe. He told of Burmah, 
 and of its great armies with hundreds of elephants, and how 
 these animals were defeated by the Mongol bowmen, and also of 
 the Mongol conquest of Pegu. He told of Japan, and grea ily ex- 
 aggerated the amount of gold in that country. And, still more 
 wonderful, he told of Christians and Christian rulers in China, 
 and of a certain "Prester John," John the Priest, who was the 
 "king" of a Christian people. Those people he had not seen. Ap- 
 
680 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 parently they were a tribe of Nestorian Tartars in Mongolia. An 
 understandable excitement probably made Rusticiano over-em- 
 phasize what must have seemed to him the greatest marvel of 
 the whole story, and Prester John became one of the most stimu- 
 lating legends of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It 
 encouraged European enterprise enormously to think that far 
 away in China was a community of their co-religionists, pre- 
 sumably ready to welcome and assist them. For three years 
 Marco ruled the city of Tang-chow as governor, and he prob- 
 ably impressed the Chinese inhabitants as being very little more 
 of a foreigner than any Tartar would have been. He may also 
 have been sent on a mission to India. Chinese records mention 
 a certain Polo attached to the imperial council in 1277, a very 
 valuable confirmation of the general truth of the Polo story. 
 
 The Polos had taken about three and a half years to get to 
 China. They stayed there upwards of sixteen. Then they began 
 to feel homesick. They were the proteges of Kublai, and pos- 
 sibly they felt that his favours roused a certain envy that might 
 have disagreeable results after his death. They sought his per- 
 mission to return. For a time he refused it, and then an oppor- 
 tunity occurred. Argon, the Ilkhan monarch of Persia, the 
 grandson of Hulagu, Kublai's brother, had lost his Mongol wife, 
 and on her deathbed had promised not to wed any other woman 
 but a Mongol of her own tribe. He sent ambassadors to Pekin, 
 and a suitable princess was selected, a girl of seventeen. To 
 spare her the fatigues of the caravan route, it was decided to 
 send her by sea with a suitable escort. The "Barons" in charge 
 of her asked for the company of the Polos because these latter 
 were experienced travellers and sage men, and the Polos 
 snatched at this opportunity of getting homeward. The expedi- 
 tion sailed from some port on the east of South China; they 
 stayed long in Sumatra and South India, and they reached Per- 
 sia after a voyage of two years. They delivered the young lady 
 safely to Argon's successor — for Argon was dead — and she mar- 
 ried Argon's son. The Poles then went by Tabriz to Trebizond, 
 sailed to Constantinople, and got back to Venice about 1295. It 
 is related that the returned travellers, dressed in Tartar garb, 
 were refused admission to their own house. It was some time 
 before they could establish their identity. Many people v?ho 
 admitted that, were still inclined to look askance at them as 
 shabby wanderers; and, in order to dispel such doubts, they 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS .681 
 
 gave a great feast, and when it was at its height they had their 
 old padded suits brought to them, dismissed the servants, and 
 then ripped open these garments, whereupon an incredible dis- 
 play of "rubies, sapphires, carbuncles, emeralds, and diamonds" 
 poured out before the dazzled company. Even after this, 
 Marco's accounts of the size and population of China were re- 
 ceived with much furtive mockery. The wits nicknamed him 
 II Milione, because he was always talking of millions of people 
 and millions of ducats. 
 
 Such was the story that raised eyebrows first in Venice and 
 then throughout the Western world. The European literature, 
 and especially the European romance of the fifteenth century, 
 echoes with the names in Marco Polo's story, with Cathay and 
 Oambaluc and the like. 
 
 § 4 
 
 These travels of Marco Polo were only the beginning of a very 
 considerable intercourse. That intercourse was to bring many 
 revolutionary ideas and many revolutionary things to Europe, 
 including a greatly extended use of paper and printing from 
 blocks, the almost equally revolutionary use of gunpowder in 
 warfare, and the mariner's compass which was to release the 
 European shipping from navigation by coasting. The popular 
 imagination has always been disposed to ascribe every such 
 striking result to Marco Polo. He has become the type and 
 symbol for all such interchanges. As a matter of fact, there is 
 no evidence that he had any share in these three importations. 
 There were many mute Marco Polos who never met their Rusti- 
 cianos, and history has not preserved their names. Before we go 
 on, however, to describe the great widening of the mental hori- 
 zons of Europe that was now beginning, and to which this book 
 of travels was to contribute very materially, it will be convenient 
 first to note a curious side consequence of the great Mongol con- 
 quests, the appearance of the Ottoman Turks upon the Darda- 
 nelles, and next to state in general terms the breaking up and 
 development of the several parts of the empire of Jengis Khan. 
 
 The Ottoman Turks were a little band of fugitives who fied 
 south-westerly before the first invasion of Western Turkestan 
 by Jengis. They made their long way from Central Asia, over 
 deserts and mountains and through alien populations, seeking 
 
682 . THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 some new lands in whicli they might settle. "A small band of 
 alien herdsmen," says Sir Mark Sykes, "wandering unchecked 
 through crusades and counter-crusades, principalities, empires, 
 and states. Where they camped, how they moved and preserved 
 their flocks and herds, where they found pasture, how they made 
 their peace with the various chiefs through whose territories 
 they passed, are questions which one may well ask in wonder." 
 
 They found a resting-place at last and kindred and congenial 
 neighbours on the table-lands of Asia Minor among the Seljuk 
 Turks. Most of this country, the modem Anatolia, was now 
 largely Turkish in speech and Moslem in religion, except that 
 there was a considerable proportion of Greeks, Jews, and Arme- 
 nians in the town populations. No doubt the various strains of 
 I-Iittite, Phrygian, Trojan, Lydian, Ionian Greek, Cimmerian, 
 Galatian, and Italian (from the Pergamus times) still flowed 
 in the blood of the people, but they had long since forgotten 
 these ancestral elements. They were indeed much the same 
 blend of ancient Mediterranean dark whites, Nordic Aryans, 
 Semites and Mongolians as were the inhabitants of the Balkan 
 peninsula, but they believed themselves to be a pure Turanian 
 race, and altogether superior to the Christians on the other side 
 of the Bosphorus. 
 
 Gradually the Ottoman Turks became important, and at last 
 dominant among the small principalities into which the Seljuk 
 empire, the empire of "Eoum," had fallen. Their relations with 
 the dwindling empire of Constantinople remained for some cen- 
 turies tolerantly hostile. They made no attack upon the Bos- 
 phorus, but they got a footing in Europe at the Dardanelles, 
 and, using this route, the route of Xerxes and not the route 
 of Darius, they pushed their way steadily into Macedonia, Epi- 
 rus, Illyria, Yugo-Slavia, and Bulgaria. In the Serbs (Yugo- 
 slavs) and Bulgarians the Turks found people very like them- 
 selves in culture and, though neither side recognized it, prob- 
 ably very similar in racial admixture, with a little less of the 
 dark Mediterranean and Mongolian strains than the Turks and 
 a trifle more of the Nordic element. But these Balkan peoples 
 were Christians, and bitterly divided among themselves. The 
 Turks on the other hand spoke one language ; they had a greater 
 sense of unity, they had the Moslem habits of temperance and 
 frugality, and they were on the whole better soldiers. They 
 converted what they could of the conquered people to Islam ; the 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 683 
 
 Christians they disarmed, and conferred upon them the monop- 
 oly of tax-paying. Gradually the Ottoman princes consolidated 
 an empire that reached from the Taurus mountains in the east 
 to Hungary and Koumania in the west. Adrianople became 
 their chief city. They surrounded the shrunken empire of Con- 
 stantinople on every side. 
 
 The Ottomans organized a standing military force, the Janis- 
 saries, rather on the lines of the Mamelukes who dominated 
 Egypt. "These troops were formed of levies of Christian youths 
 to the extent of one thousand per annum, who were affiliated to 
 the Bektashi order of dervishes, and though at first not obliged 
 to embrace Islam, were one and all strongly imbued with the 
 mystic and fraternal ideas of the confraternity to which they 
 were attached. Highly paid, well disciplined, a close and jeal- 
 ous secret society, the Janissaries provided the newly formed 
 Ottoman state with a patriotic force of trained infantry soldiers, 
 which, in an age of light cavalry and hired companies of mer- 
 cenaries, was an invaluable asset. . . . 
 
 "The relations between the Ottoman Sultans and the Em- 
 perors has been singular in the annals of Moslem and Christian 
 states. The Turks had been involved in the family and dynastic 
 quarrels of the Imperial City, were bound by ties of blood to the 
 ruling families, frequently supplied troops for the defence of 
 Constantinople, and on occasion hired parts of its garrison to 
 assist them in their various campaigns ; the sons of the Emperors 
 and Byzantine statesmen even accompanied the Turkish forces 
 in the field, yet the Ottomans never ceased to annex Imperial 
 territories and cities both in Asia and Thrace. This curious 
 intercourse between the House of Osman and the Imperial gov- 
 ernment had a profound effect on both institutions ; the Greeks 
 grew more and more debased and demoralized by the shifts and 
 tricks that their military weakness obliged them to adopt to- 
 wards their neighbours, the Turks were corrupted by the alien 
 atmosphere of intrigue and treachery which crept intb their 
 domestic life. Fratricide and parricide, the two crimes which 
 most frequently stained the annals of the Imperial Palace, even- 
 tually formed a part of the policy of the Ottoman dynasty. One 
 of the sons of Murad I embarked on an intrigue with Androni- 
 cus, the son of the Greek Emperor, to murder their respective 
 fathers. . . . 
 
 "The Byzantine found it more easy to negotiate with the Otto- 
 
684 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 man Pasha than with the Pope. For years the Turks and By- 
 zantines had intermarried, and hunted in couples in strange by- 
 paths of diplomacy. The Ottoman had played the Bulgar and 
 the Serb of Europe against the Emperor, just as the Emperor 
 had played the Asiatic Amir against the Sultan ; the Greek and 
 Turkish Eoyal Princes had mutually agreed to hold each other's 
 rivals as prisoners and hostages; in fact, Turk and Byzantine 
 policy had so intertwined that it is difficult to say whether the 
 Turks regarded the Greeks as their allies, enemies, or subjects, 
 
 ^^ OTTOMAK EMPIRE Icfovc US3. 
 
 or whether the Greeks looked upon the Turks as their tyrants, 
 destroyers, or protectors. . . ." ^ 
 
 It was in 1453, under the Ottoman Sultan, Muhammad II, 
 that Constantinople at last fell to the Moslems. He attacked 
 it from the European side, and with a great power of artillery. 
 The Greek Emperor was killed, and there was much looting 
 and massacre. The great church of St. Sophia which Justin- 
 ian the Great had built (532) was plundered of its treasures 
 and turned at once into a mosque. This event sent a wave of 
 
 "Sir Mark Sykes, The Oaliphs' Last Beritape. 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 685 
 
 excitement throughout Europe, and an attempt was made to 
 organize a crusade, but the days of the crusades were past. 
 
 Says Sir Mark Sykes: "To the Turks the capture of Con- 
 stantinople was a crowning mercy and yet a fatal blow. Con- 
 stantinople had been the tutor and polisher of the Turks. So 
 long as the Ottomans could draw science, learning, philosophy, 
 art, and tolerance from a living fountain of civilization in the 
 heart of tljeir dominions, so long had the Ottomans not only 
 brute force, but intellectual power. So long as the Ottoman 
 Empire had in Constantinople a free port, a market, a centre of 
 world finance, a pool of gold, an exchange, so long did the Otto- 
 mans never lack for money and financial support. Muhammad 
 was a great statesman, the moment he entered Constantinople he 
 endeavoured to stay the damage his ambition had done ; he sup- 
 ported the patriarch, he conciliated the Greeks, he did all he 
 could to continue Constantinople the city of the Emperors . . . 
 but the fatal step had been taken, Constantinople as the city of 
 the Sultans was Constantinople no more; the markets died 
 away, the culture and civilization fled, the complex finance 
 faded from sight; and the Turks had lost their governors and 
 their support. On the other hand, the corruptions of Byzantium 
 remained, the bureaucracy, the eunuchs, the palace guards, the 
 spies, the bribers, go-betweens — all these the Ottomans took 
 over, and all these survived in luxuriant life. The Turks, in 
 taking Stambul, let slip a treasure and gained a pestilence. . . ." 
 
 Muhammad's ambition was not sated by the capture of Con- 
 stantinople. He set 'his eyes also upon Eome. He captured 
 and looted the Italian town of Otranto, and it is probable that 
 a very vigorous and perhaps successful attempt to conquer Italy 
 — ^for the peninsula was divided against itself — ^was averted only 
 by his death (1481). His sons engaged in fratricidal strife. 
 Under Bayezid II (1481-1512), his successor, war was carried 
 into Poland, and most of Greece was conquered. Selim (1512- 
 1520), the son of Bayezid, extended the Ottoman power over 
 Armenia and conquered Egypt. In Egypt, the last Abbasid 
 Caliph was living under the protection of the Mameluke Sultan 
 — ^for the Fatimite caliphate was a thing of the past. Selim 
 bought the title of Caliph from this last degenerate Abbasid, 
 and acquired the sacred banner and other relics of the Prophet. 
 So the Ottoman Sultan became also Caliph of all Islam. Selim 
 was followed by Suleiman the Magnificent (1520-1566), who 
 
686 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 687 
 
 conquered Bagdad in the east and the greater part of Hungary 
 in the west, and very nearly captured Vienna. His fleets also 
 took Algiers, and inflicted a number of reverses upon the Vene- 
 tians. In most of his warfare with the empire he was in alliance 
 with the French, Under him the Ottoman power reached its 
 zenith. 
 
 § 5 
 
 Let us now very briefly run over the subsequent development 
 of the main masses of the empire of the Great Khan. In no 
 case did Christianity succeed in capturing the imagination of 
 these Mongol states. Christianity was in a phase of moral and 
 intellectual insolvency, without any collective faith, energy, or 
 honour ; we have told of the wretched brace of timid Domini- 
 cans which was the Pope's reply to the appeal of Kublai Khan, 
 and we have noted the general failure of the overland missions 
 of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. That apostolic pas- 
 sion that could win whole nations to the Kingdom of Heaven 
 was dead in the church. 
 
 In 1305, as we have told, the Pope became the kept pontiff 
 of the French king. All the craft and policy of the Popes 
 of the thirteenth century to oust the Emperor from Italy had 
 only served to let in the French to replace him. From 1305 
 to 1377 the Popes remained at Avignon; and such slight mis- 
 sionary effort as they made was merely a part of the strategy 
 of Western European politics. In 1377 the Pope Gregory XJ 
 did indeed re-enter Eome and die there, but the French car- 
 dinals split off from the others at the election of his successor, 
 and two Popes were elected, one at Avignon and one at Home. 
 This split, the Great Schism, lasted from 1378 to 1418. Each 
 Pope cursed the other, and put all his supporters under an inter- 
 dict. Such was the state of Christianity, and such were now 
 the custodians of the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth. AH Asia 
 was white unto harvest, but there was no effort to reap it. 
 
 When at last the church was reunited and missionary energy 
 returned with the foundation of the order of the Jesuits, the 
 days of opportunity were over. The possibility of a world-wide 
 moral unification of East and West through Christianity had 
 passed away. The Mongols in China and Central Asia turned 
 to Buddhism; in South Russia, Western Turkestan, and the 
 Ilkhan Empire they embraced Islam. 
 
688 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 5a 
 
 In China the Mongols were already saturated with Chinese 
 civilization by the time of Kublai. After 1280 the Chinese an- 
 nals treat Kuhlai as a Chinese monarch, the founder of the 
 Yuan dynasty (1280-1368). This Mongol dynasty was finally 
 overthrown by a Chinese nationalist movement which set up 
 the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), a cultivated and artistic line 
 of emperors, ruling until a northern people, the Manchus, who 
 were the same as the Kin whom Jengis had overthrown, con- 
 quered China and established a dynasty which gave way only 
 to a native republican form of government in 1912. 
 
 It was the Manchus who obliged the Chinese to wear pigtails 
 as a mark of submission. The pigtailed Chinaman is quite a 
 recent figure in history. With the coming of the republic 
 the wearing of the pigtail has ceased to be compulsory, and 
 many Chinamen no longer wear it. 
 
 § 5b 
 
 In the Pamirs, in much of Eastern and Western Turkestan, 
 and to the north, the Mongols dropped, back towards the tribal 
 conditions from which they had been lifted by Jengis. It is 
 possible to trace the dwindling succession of many of the small 
 Khans who became independent during this period, almost down 
 to the present time. The Kalmuks in the seventeenth and eigh- 
 teenth centuries founded a considerable empire, but dynastic 
 troubles broke it up before it had extended its power beyond 
 Central Asia. The Chinese recovered Eastern Turkestan from 
 them about 1757. 
 
 Tibet was more and more closely linked with China, and be- 
 came the great home of Buddhism and Buddhist monasticism. 
 
 Over most of the area of Western Central Asia and Persia 
 and Mesopotamia, the ancient distinction of nomad and settled 
 population remains to this day. The townsmen despise and 
 cheat the nomads, the nomads ill-treat and. despise the townsfolk. 
 
 § 5c 
 
 The Mongols of the great realm of Kipchak remained no- 
 madic, and grazed their stock across the wide plains of South 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 689 
 
 Russia and Western Asia adjacent to Russia. They became 
 not very devout Moslems, retaining many traces of their earlier 
 barbaric Shamanism. Their chief Khan viras the Khan of the 
 Golden Horde. To the west, over large tracts of open country, 
 and more particularly in what is now known as Ukrainia, the 
 old Scythian population, Slavs with a Mongol admixture, re- 
 verted to a similar nomadic life. These Christian nomads, the 
 Cossacks, formed a sort of frontier screen against the Tartars, 
 and their free and adventurous life was so attractive to the peas- 
 ants of Poland and Lithuania that severe laws had to be passed 
 to prevent a vast migration from the plough-lands to the steppes. 
 The serf -owning landlords of Poland regarded the Cossacks with 
 considerable hostility on this account, and war was as frequent 
 between the Polish chivalry and the Cossacks as it was between 
 the latter and the Tartars. 
 
 In the empire of Kipchak, as in Turkestan almost up to the 
 present time, while the nomads roamed over wide areas, a num- 
 ber of towns and cultivated regions sustained a settled popula- 
 tion which usually paid tribute to the nomad Khan. In such 
 towns as Kieff, Moscow, and the like, the pre-Mongol, Christian 
 town life went on under Russian dukes or Tartar governors, who 
 collected the tribute for the Khan of the Golden Horde. The 
 Grand Duke of Moscow gained the confidence of the Khan, and 
 gradually, under his authority, obtained an ascendancy over 
 many of his fellow tributaries. In the fifteenth century, under 
 its grand duke, Ivan III, Ivan the Great (1462-1505), Mos- 
 cow threw oif its Mongol allegiance and refused to pay tribute 
 any longer (1480). The successors of Constantine no longer 
 reigned in Constantinople, and Ivan took possession of the By- 
 zantine double-headed eagle for his arms. He claimed to be the 
 heir to Byzantium because of his marriage (1472) with Zoe 
 Palseologus of the imperial line. This ambitious grand dukedom 
 of Moscow assailed and subjugated the ancient Northman trad- 
 ing republic of Novgorod to the north, and s6 the foundations 
 of the modem Russian Empire were laid and a link with the 
 mercantile life of the Baltic established. Ivan III did not, how- 
 ever, carry his claim to be the heir of the Christian rulers of 
 Constantinople to the extent of assuming the imperial title. 
 This step was taken by his grandson, Ivan IV (Ivan the Terri- 
 ble, because of his insane cruelties; 1533-1584). Although the 
 ruler of Moscow thus came to be called Tsar (Csesar), his tradi- 
 
600 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tian was in many respects Tartar rather than European ; he was 
 autocratic after the unlimited Asiatic pattern, and the form of 
 Christianity he affected was the Eastern, court-ruled, "orthodox" 
 form, which had reached Kussia long before the Mongol con- 
 quest, by means of Bulgarian missionaries from Constantinople. 
 To the west of the domaiins of Kipchak, outside the range 
 of. Mongol rule, a second centre of Slav consolidation had been 
 set up during the tenth and eleventh centuries in Poland. The 
 Mongol wave had washed over Poland, but had never subjugated 
 it. Poland was not "orthodox," but Eoman Catholic in re- 
 ligion ; it used the Latin alphabet instead of the strange Eussian 
 letters, and its monarch never assumed an absolute independence 
 of the Emperor. Poland was in fact in its origins an outlying 
 part of Christendom and of the Holy Empire; Kussia never was 
 anything of the sort.. 
 
 § 5d 
 
 The nature and development of the empire of the Ilkhans in 
 Persia, Mesopotamia, and Syria is perhaps the most interesting 
 of all the stories of these Mongol powers, because in this region 
 nomadism really did attempt, and really did to a very consider- 
 able, degree succeed in its attempt to stamp a settled civilized 
 system out of existence. When Jengis Kahn first invaded 
 China, we are told that there was a serious discussion among 
 the Mongol chiefs whether all the towns and settled populations 
 should not be destroyed. To these simple practitioners of the 
 open-air life the settled populations seemed corrupt, crowded, 
 vicious, effeminate, dangerous, and incomprehensible; a detesta- 
 ble human eiflorescence upon what would otherwise have been 
 good pasture. They had no use whatever for the towns. The 
 early Franks and the Anglo-Saxon conquerors of South Britain 
 seem to have had much the same feeling towards townsmen. 
 But it was only under Hulagu in Mesopotamia that these ideas 
 seem to have been embodied in a deliberate policy. The Mon- 
 gols here did not only bum and massacre; they destroyed the 
 irrigation system that had endured for at least eight thousaud 
 years, and with that the mother civilization of all the Western 
 world came to an end. Since the days of the priest-kings -of 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 691 
 
 Sumeria there had been a continuous cultivation in these fertile 
 regions, an accumulation of tradition, a great population, a suc- 
 cession of busy cities, Eridu, Nippur, Babylon, Nineveh, Ctesi- 
 phon, Bagdad. Now the fertility ceased., Mesopotamia became 
 a land of ruins and desolation, through which great waters ran 
 to waste, or overflowed their banks to make malarious swamps. 
 Later on Mosul and Bagdad revived feebly as second-rate 
 towns. ... ! : 
 
 But for the defeat and death of Hulagu's general 'Kitboga 
 in Palestine (1260), the same fate might have overtaken Egypt. 
 But Egypt was now a Turkish sultanate ; it was dominated by a 
 body of soldiers, the Mamelukes, whose ranks, like those of their 
 imitators, the Janissaries of the Ottoman Empire, were re- 
 cruited and kept vigorous by the purchase and training of boy 
 slaves. A capable Sultan such men would obey; a weak or evil 
 one they would replace. Under this ascendancy Egypt remained 
 an independent power until 1517, when it fell to the Ottoman 
 Turks. 
 
 The first destructive vigor of Hulagu's Mongols soon subsided, 
 but in the fifteenth century a last tornado of nomadism arose 
 in Western Turkestan under the leadership of a certain Timur 
 the Lame, or Timurlane. He was descended in the female line 
 from Jengis Khan. He established himself in Samarkand, and 
 spread his authority over Kipchak (Turkestan to South Rus- 
 sia), Siberia, and southward as far as the Indus. He assumed 
 the title of Great Khan in 1369. He was a nomad of the savage 
 school, and he created an empire of desolation from North India 
 to Syria. Pyramids of skulls were his particular architectural 
 fancy ; after the storming^ of Ispahan he made one of T0,000. 
 His ambition was to restore the empire of Jengis Kahn as he 
 conceived it, a project in which he completely failed. He spread 
 destruction far and wide; the Ottoman Turks — it was before 
 the taking of Constantinople and their days of greatness — and 
 Egypt paid him tribute ; the Punjab he devastated ; and Delhi 
 surrendered to him. After Delhi had surrendered, however, he 
 made, a frightful massacre of its inhabitants. At the time of 
 his death (1405) very little remained to witness to his power 
 but a name of horror, ruins and desolated countries, and a 
 shrunken and impoverished domain in Persia. 
 
 The dynasty founded by Timur in Persia was extinguished 
 by another Turkoman horde fifty years later. 
 
THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 693 
 
 § 5e 
 
 In 1505 a small Turkoman chieftain, Baber, a descendant of 
 Timur an'd therefore of Jengis, was forced after some years of 
 warfare and some temporary successes — for a time he held Sam- 
 arkand — ^to fly with a few followers over the Hindu Kush to 
 Afghanistan. There his band increased, and he made himself 
 master of Cahul. He assembled an army, accumulated guns, 
 and then laid claim to the Punjab, because Timur had conquered 
 it a hundred and seven years before. He pushed his successes 
 beyond the Punjab. India was in a state of division, and quite 
 ready to welcome any capable invader who promised peace and 
 order. After various fluctuations of fortune Baber met the 
 Sultan of Delhi at Panipat (1525), ten miles north of that 
 town, and though he had but 25,000 men, provided, however, 
 with guns, against a thousand elephants and four times as many 
 men — the numbers, by the by, are his own estimate — ^he gained 
 a complete victory. He ceased to call himself King of Cabul, 
 and assumed the title of Emperor of Hindustan. "This," he 
 wrote, "is quite a different world from our countries." It was 
 finer, more fertile, altogether richer. He conquered as far as 
 Bengal, but his untimely death in 1530 checked the tide of 
 Mongol conquest for a quarter of a century, and it was only 
 after the accession of his grandson Akbar that it flowed again. 
 Akbar subjugated all India as far as Berar, and his great-grand- 
 son Aurungzeb (1658-1707) was practically master of the entire 
 peninsula. This great dynasty of Baber (1526-1530), Huma- 
 yun (1530-1556), Akbar (1556-1605), Jehangir (1605-1628), 
 Shah Jehan (1628-1658), and Aurungzeb (1658-1707), in 
 which son succeeded father for six generations, this "Mogul 
 (^ Mongol) dynasty," ^ marks the most splendid age that had 
 hitherto dawned upon India. Akbar, next perhaps to Asoka, 
 was one of the greatest of Indian monarchs, and one of the few 
 royal figures that approach the stature of great men. 
 
 To Akbar it is necessary to give the same distinctive atten- 
 tion that we have shown to Charlemagne or Constantine the 
 Great. He is one of the hinges of history. Much of his work 
 of consolidation and organization in India survives to this day. 
 
 ' "Mogul" is our rendering of the Arabic spelling Mughal, which itself 
 was a corruption of Mongol, the Arabic alphabet having lo symbol for 
 K?— H. H. J. 
 
694 THE OUTtlNE OF HISTORY 
 
 It was taken over and continued by the British when they be- 
 came the successors of the Mogul emperors. The British mon- 
 arch, indeed, now uses as his Indian title the title of the Mogul 
 emperors, Kaisar-irHind. AH, the other great administrations 
 of the descendants of Jengis Khan, in Eussia, throughout West- 
 em and Central Asia and in China, have long since dissolved 
 away arid given place to other forms of government. Their 
 governments were indeed little more than taxing governments ; 
 a system of revenue-collecting to feed the central establishment 
 of the ruler, like the Golden Horde in South Eussia or the 
 imperial city at Karakorum or Pekin. The life and ideas of 
 the people they left alone, careless how they lived — so long as 
 they paid. So it was that after centuries of subjugation, a 
 Christian Moscow and Kieff, a Shiite Persia, and a thoroughly 
 Chinese China rose again from their Mongol submergence. But 
 Akbar made a new India. He gave the princes and ruling 
 classes of India some inklings at least of a common interest. If 
 India is now anything more than a sort of rag-bag of inco- 
 herent states and races, a prey to every casual raider from the 
 north, it is very largely due to him. 
 
 His distinctive quality was his openness of mind.. He set 
 himself to make every sort of able man in India, whatever his 
 race or religion, available for the public work of Indian life. 
 His instinct was the true statesman's instinct fw synthesis. 
 His empire was to be neither a Moslem nor a Mongol one, nor 
 was it to be Eajput or Aryan, or Dravidian, or Hindu, or 
 high or low caste; it was to be Indian. "During the years of 
 his training he enjoyed many opportunities of noting the good 
 qualities, the fidelity, the devotion, often the nobility of soul, 
 of those Hindu princes, whom, because they were followers of 
 Brahma, his Moslem courtiers devoted mentally to eternal tor- 
 ments. He noted that these men^ and men who thought like 
 them, constituted the vast majority of his subjects. He noted, 
 further, of many of them, and those the most trustworthy, that 
 though they had apparently much to gain from a worldly point 
 of view by embracing the religion of the court, they held fast to 
 their own. His reflective mind, therefore, was unwilling from 
 the outset to accept the theory that because he, the conqueror, 
 the ruler, happened to be bom a Muhammadan, therefore Mu- 
 hammadanism was true for all mankind. Gradually his 
 thoughts found words in the utterance : 'Why should I claim to 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 695 
 
 guide men before I myself am guided ?' and, as he listened to 
 other doctrines and other creeds, his honest doubts became con- 
 firmed, and, noting daily the bitter narrowness of sectarianism, 
 no matter of what form of religion, he became more and more 
 wedded to the principle of toleration for all." 
 
 "The son of a fugitive emperor," says Dr. Emil Schmit, "bom 
 in the desert, brought up in nominal confinement, he had known 
 the bitter side of life from his youth up. Fortune had given 
 him a powerful frame, which he trained to support the ex- 
 tremities of exertion. Physical exercise was with him a pas- 
 sion; he was devoted to the chase and especially to the fierce 
 excitement of catching the wild horse or elephant or slaying the 
 dangerous tiger. On one occasion, when it was necessary to 
 dissuade the Kaja of Jodhpore to abandon his intention of forc- 
 ing the widow of his deceased son to mount the funeral pyre, 
 Akbar rode two hundred and twenty miles in two days. In bat- 
 tle he displayed the utmost bravery. He led his troops in person 
 during the dangerous part of a campaign, leaving to his gen- 
 erals the lighter task of finishing the war. In every victory he 
 displayed humanity to the conquered, and decisively opposed 
 any exhibition of cruelty. Free from all those prejudices 
 which separate society and create dissension, tolerant to men of 
 other beliefs, impartial to men of other races, whether Hindu 
 or Dravidian, he was a man obviously marked out to weld the 
 confiicting elements of his kingdom into a strong and prosperous 
 whole. 
 
 "In all seriousness he devoted himself to the work of peace. 
 Moderate in all pleasures, needing but little sleep and accus- 
 tomed to divide his time with the utmost accuracy, he found 
 leisure to devote himself to science and art after the completion 
 of his State duties. The famous personages and scholars wh© 
 adorned the capital he had built for himself at Fatepur-Sikri 
 were at the same time his friends; every Thursday evening a 
 circle of these was collected for intellectual conversation and 
 philosophical discussion. His closest friends were two highly 
 talented brothers, Faizi and Abul Fazl, the sons of a learned 
 free-thinker. The elder of these was a famous scholar in Hindu 
 literature; with his help, and under his direction, Akbar had 
 the most important of the Sanskrit works translated into Per- 
 sian. Fazl, on the other hand, who was an especially close 
 friend of Akbar, was a general, a statesman, and an organizer, 
 
696 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and to his activity Akbar's kingdom chiefly owed the solidarity 
 of its internal organization." ^ 
 
 (Such was the quality of the circle that used to meet in the 
 palaces of Fatehpur-Sikri, buildings which still stand in the 
 Indian sunlight — ^but empty now and desolate. Fatehpur- 
 Sikri, like the city of Ambar, is now a dead city. A few years 
 ago the child of a British ofiicial was killed by a panther in 
 one of its silent streets.) 
 
 All this that we have quoted reveals a pre-eminent monarch. 
 But Akbar, like all men, great or petty, lived within the limita- 
 tions of his period and its circle of ideas. And a Turkoman, 
 ruling in India, was necessarily ignorant of much that Europe 
 had been painfully learning for a thousand years. He knew 
 nothing of the growth of a popular consciousness in Europe, 
 and little or nothing of the wide educational possibilities that 
 the church had been working out in the West. His upbringing 
 in Islam and his native genius made it plain to him that a 
 great nation in India could only be cemented by common ideas 
 upon a religious basis, but the knowledge of how such a soli- 
 darity could be created and sustained by universal schools, 
 cheap books, and a university system at once organized and 
 free to think, to which the modern state is still feeling its way, 
 was as impossible to him as a knowledge of steamboats or aero- 
 planes. The form of Islam he knew best was the narrow and 
 fiercely intolerant form of the Turkish Sunnites. The Mos- 
 lems were only a minority of the population. The problem he 
 faced was indeed very parallel to the problem of Constantine 
 the Great. But it had peculiar difficulties of its own. He 
 never got beyond an attempt to adapt Islam to a wider appeal 
 by substituting for "There is one God, and Muhammad is his 
 prophet," the declaration, "There is one God, and the Emperor 
 is his vice-regent." This he thought might form a common 
 platform for every variety of faith in India, that kaleidoscope 
 of religions. With this faith he associated a simple ritual bor- 
 rowed from the Persian Zorastrians (the Parsees) who still 
 survived, and survive to-day, in India. This new state re- 
 ligion, however, died with him, because it had no roots in the 
 minds of the people about him. 
 
 The essential factor in the organization of a living state, 
 the world is coming to realize, is the organization of an educa- 
 'Dr. Schmit in Helmolt's History of the World. 
 
JENGIS KHAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS 697 
 
 tion. This Atbar never understood. And he had no class of 
 men available who would suggest such an idea to him or help 
 him to carry it out. The Moslem teachers in India were not 
 so much teachers as conservators of an intense bigotry; they 
 did not want a common mind in India, but only a common in- 
 tolerance in Islam. The Brahmins, who had the monopoly of 
 teaching among the Hindus, had all the conceit and slackness 
 of hereditary privilege. Yet though Akbar made no general 
 educational scheme for India, he set up a number of Moslem 
 and Hindu schools. He knew less and he did more for India 
 in these matters than the British who succeeded him. Some 
 of the British viceroys have aped his magnificence, his costly 
 tents and awnings, his palatial buildings and his elephants of 
 state, but none have gone far enough beyond the political out- 
 look of this mediaeval Turkoman to attempt that popular edu- 
 cation which is an absolute necessity to India before she can 
 play her fitting part in the commonweal of mankind. 
 
 § 5f 
 
 A curious side result of these later Mongol perturbations, 
 those of the fourteenth century of which Timurlane was the 
 head and centre, was the appearance of drifting batches of a 
 strange refugee Eastern people in Europe, the Gipsies. They 
 appeared somewhen about the end of the fourteenth and early 
 fifteenth centuries in Greece, where they were believed to be 
 Egyptians (hence Gipsy), a very general persuasion which 
 they themselves accepted and disseminated. Their leaders, 
 however, styled themselves "Counts of Asia Minor." They 
 had probably been drifting about Western Asia for some cen- 
 turies before the massacres of Timurlane drove them over the 
 Hellespont. They may have been dislodged from their original 
 homeland — as the Ottoman Turks were — by the great cataclysm 
 of Jengis or even earlier. They had drifted about as the Otto- 
 man Turks had drifted about, but with less good fortune. They 
 spread slowly westward across Europe, strange fragments of 
 nomadism in a world of plough and city, driven off their an- 
 cient habitat of the Bactrian steppes to harbour upon European 
 commons and by hedgerows and in wild woodlands and 
 neglected patches. The Germans called them "Hungarians" 
 and "Tartars," the French, "Bohemians." They do not seem 
 
698 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to have kept the true tradition of their origin, but they have 
 a distinctive language which indicates their lost history; it 
 contains many North Indian words, and is probably in its 
 origin North Indian. There are also considerable Armenian 
 and Persian elements in their speech. They are found in all 
 European countries to-day ; they are tinkers, pedlars, horse- 
 dealers, showmen, fortune-tellers, and beggars. To many 
 imaginative minds their wayside encampments, with their 
 smoking fires, their rounded tents, their hobbled horses, and 
 their brawl of sunburnt children, have a very strong appeal. 
 Civilization is so new a thing in history, and has been for most 
 of the time so very local a thing, that it has still to conquer and 
 assimilate most of our instincts to its needs. In most of us, 
 irked by its conventions and complexities, there stirs the nomad 
 strain. We are but half-hearted home-keepers. The blood in 
 our veins was brewed on the steppes as well as on the plough 
 lands. 
 
XX2IV 
 
 THE EENASOENOE OF WESTEEN" CIVILIZATION ^ 
 (Land Ways Give Place to Sea Ways) 
 
 § 1. Christianity and Popular Education. § 2. Europe Be- 
 gins to Think for Itself. § 3. The Great Plague and the 
 Dawn of Comm.unism. § 4. How Paper Liberated the 
 Human Mind. § 5. Protestantism of the Princes and 
 Protestantism, of the Peoples. § 6. The Reawakening of 
 Science. § 7. The New Growth of European Towns. § 8. 
 America Comes into History. § 9. What Machia/velU 
 Thought of the World. §10. The Republic of Switzerland. 
 § 11a. The Life of the Emperor Charles V. § 11b. Prot- 
 estants if the Prince Wills It. % llo. The Intellectual 
 Undertow. 
 
 § 1 
 
 JUDGED by the map, the three centuries from the begin- 
 ning of the thirteenth to the end of the fifteenth century 
 were an age of recession for Christendom. These cen- 
 turies were the Age of the Mongolian peoples. Nomadism from 
 Central Asia dominated the known world. At the crest of this 
 period there were rulers of Mongol or the kindred Turkish race 
 and nomadic tradition in China, India, Persia, Egypt, North 
 Africa, the Balkan peninsula, Hungary, and Eussia. The Otto^ 
 man Turk had even taken to the sea, and fought the Venetian 
 upon his own Mediterranean waters. In 1529 the Turks 
 
 'Renascence here means rebirth, and it is applied to the recovery of 
 the entire Western world. It is not to be confused with the "Renaissance," 
 an educational, literary, and artistic revival that went on in Italy and the 
 Western world affected by Italy during the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- 
 turies. The Renaissance was only a part of the Renascence of Europe. 
 The Renaissance was a revival due to the exhumation of classical art 
 and learning; it was but one factor in the very much larger and more 
 complicated resurrection of European capacity and vigour, with which we 
 are dealing in this chapter. 
 
700 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 besieged Vienna, and were defeated rather by the weather than 
 by the defenders. The Habsburg empire of Charles V paid 
 the Sultan tribute. It was not until the battle of Lepanto in 
 1571, the battle in which Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, 
 lost his left arm, that Christendom, to use his words, "broke 
 the pride of the Osmans and undeceived the world which had 
 regarded the Turkish fleet as invincible." The sole region of 
 Christian advance was Spain. A man of foresight surveying 
 the world in the early sixteenth century might well have con- 
 cluded that it was only a matter of a few generations before 
 the whole world became Mongolian — and probably Moslem. 
 Just as to-day most people seem to take it for granted that 
 European rule and a sort of liberal Christianity are destined 
 to spread over the whole world. Few people seem to realize 
 how recent a thing is this European ascendancy. It was only 
 as the fifteenth century drew to its close that any indications 
 of the real vitality of Western Europe became clearly apparent. 
 
 Our history is now approaching our own times, and our study 
 becomes more and more a study of the existing state of affairs. 
 The European or Europeanized system in which the reader is 
 living, is the same system that we see developing in the 
 crumpled-up, Mongol-threatened Europe of the early fifteenth 
 century. Its problems then were the embryonic form of the 
 problems of to-day. It is impossible to discuss that time with- 
 out discussing our own time. We become political in spite of 
 ourselves. "Politics without history has no root," said Sir 
 J. E. Seeley; "history without politics has no fruit." 
 
 Let us try, with as much detachment as we can achieve, to 
 discover what the forces were that were dividing and holding 
 back the energies of Europe during this tremendous outbreak 
 of the Mongol peoples, and how we are to explain the accumu- 
 lation of mental and physical energy that undoubtedly went 
 on during this phase of apparent retrocession, and which broke 
 out so impressively at its close. 
 
 Now, just as in the Mesozoic Age, while the great reptiles 
 lorded it over the earth, there were developing in odd out-of- 
 the-way comers those hairy mammals and feathered birds who 
 were finally to supersede that tremendous fauna altogether by 
 another far more versatile and capable, so in the limited terri- 
 tories of Western Europe of the Middle Ages, while the Mon- 
 golian monarchies dominated the world from the Danube to 
 
KENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 701 
 
702 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the Pacific and from the Arctic seas to Madras and Morocco 
 and the Nile, the fundamental lines of a new and harder and 
 more efiicient type of hiunan community were being laid down. 
 This type of community, which is still only in the phase of 
 formation, which is still growing and experimental, we may 
 perhaps speak of as the "modem state." This is, we must 
 recognize, a vague expression, hut we shall endeavour to get 
 meaning into it as we proceed. We have noted the appearance 
 of its main root ideas in the Greek republics and especially in 
 Athens, in the great Koman republic, in Judaism, in Islam, and 
 : in the story of Western Catholicism. Essentially this modem 
 state, as we siee it growing under our eyes to-day, is a tentative 
 combination of two apparently contradictory ideas, the idea of 
 a community of faith and obedience, such as the earliest civili- 
 zations undoubtedly were, and the idea of a community of will, 
 such as were the primitive political groupings of the S'ordic 
 and Hunnish peoples. For thousands of years the settled 
 civilized peoples, who were originally in most cases dark-white 
 Caucasians, or Dravidian or Southern Mongolian peoples, seem 
 to have developed their ideas and habits along the line of wor- 
 ship and personal subjection, and the nomadic peoples theirs 
 along the line of personal self-reliance and self-assertion. 
 .Naturally enough under the circumstances the nomadic peoples 
 were always supplying the civilizations with fresh rulers and 
 new aristocracies. That is tlie rhythm of all early history. It 
 was only after thousands of years of cyclic changes between 
 refreshment by nomadic conquest, civilization, decadence, iand 
 fresh conquest that the present process of a mutual blending of 
 "civilized" and "free" tendencies into a new type of commu- 
 nity, that now demands our attention and which is the substance 
 of contemporary history, began. 
 
 We have traced in this history the slow development of larger 
 and larger "civilized" human communities from the days of 
 the primitive Palaeolithic family tribe. We have seen how the 
 advantages and necessities of cultivation, the fear of tribal 
 gods, the ideas of the priest-king and the god-king, played their 
 part in consolidating continually larger and more powerful 
 societies in regions of maximum fertility. We have watched 
 the interplay of priest, who was usually native, and monarch, 
 ■TOO was usually a conqueror, in these early civilizations, the 
 development of a written tradition and its escape from priestly 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 703 
 
 control, and the appearance of novel forces, at first apparently 
 incidental and secondary, -whicli we have called the free intelli- 
 gence and the free conscience of mankind. We have seen the 
 rulers of the primitive civilizations of the river valleys widen- 
 ing their area and extending their sway, and simultaneously 
 over the less fertile areas of the earth we have seen mere trihal 
 savagery develop into a more and more united and politically 
 competent nomadism. Steadily and divergently mankind pur- 
 sued one or other of these two lines. For long ages all the 
 civilizations grew and developed along monarchist lines, upon 
 lines of absolute monarchy, and in every monarchy and dynasty 
 we have watched, as if it were a necessary process, efficiency 
 and energy give way to pomp, indolence, and decay, and finally 
 succumb to some fresher lineage from the desert or the steppe. 
 The story of the early cultivating civilizations and their temples 
 and courts and cirtes bulks large in human history, but it is 
 well to remember that the scene of that story was never more 
 than a very small part of the land surface of the globe. Over 
 the greater part of the earth until quite recently, until the last 
 two thousand years, the hardier, less numerous tribal peoples 
 of forest and parkland and the nomadic peoples of the seasonal 
 grasslands maintained and developed their own ways of life. 
 
 The primitive civilizations were, we may say, "communities 
 of obedience" ; obedience to god-kings or kings under gods was 
 their cement; the nomadic tendency on the other hand has 
 always been towards a different type of association which we 
 shall here call a "community of will." In a wandering, fight- 
 ing community the individual must be at once self-reliant and 
 disciplined. The chiefs of such communities must be chiefs 
 who are followed, not masters who compel. This community 
 of will is traceable throughout the entire history of mankind; 
 everywhere we find the original disposition of all the nomads 
 alike, Nordic, Semitic, or Mongolian, was individually more 
 tvUling and more erect than that of the settled folk. The 
 Nordic peoples came into Italy and Greece under leader kings ; 
 they -did not bring any systematic temple cults with them, they 
 found such things in the conquered lands and adapted as they 
 adopted them. The Greeks and Latins lapsed very easily again 
 into republics, and so did the Aryans in India. There was a 
 tradition of election also in the early Frankish and German 
 kingdoms, though the decision was usually taken between one 
 
704 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 or other members of a royal caste or family. The early Caliphs 
 were elected, the Judges of Israel and the "kings" of Carthage 
 and Tyre, were elected, and so was the Great Khan of the 
 Mongols until Kuhlai became a Chinese monarch. . . . 
 Equally constant in the settled lands do we find the opposite 
 idea, the idea of a non-elective divinity in kings and of their 
 natural and inherent right to rule. ... As our history has 
 developed we have noted the appearance of new and complicat- 
 ing elements in the story of human societies ; we have seen that 
 nomad turned go-between, the trader, appear, and we have 
 noted the growing importance of shipping in the world. It 
 seems as inevitable that voyaging should make men free in 
 their minds as that settlement within a narrow horizon should 
 make men timid and servile. . . . But in spite of all such 
 complications, the broad antagonism between the method of 
 obedience and the method of will runs thrdagh history down 
 into our ovm times. To this day their reconciliation is 
 incomplete. 
 
 Civilization even in its most servile forms has always offered 
 much that is enormously attractive, convenient, and congenial 
 to mankind; but something restless and untamed in our race 
 has striven continually to convert civilization from its original 
 reliance upon unparticipating obedience into a community of 
 participating wills. And to the lurkingnomadism in our blood, 
 and particularly in the blood of monarchs and aristocracies, we 
 must ascribe also that incessant urgency towards a wider range 
 that forces every state to extend its boundaries if it can, and 
 to spread its interests to the ends of the earth. The power 
 of nomadic restlessness that tends to bring all the earth under 
 one rule, seems to be identical with the spirit that makes most 
 of us chafe under direction and restraint, and seek to partici- 
 pate in whatever government we tolerate. And this natural, 
 this temperamental struggle of mankind to reconcile civilization 
 with freedom has been kept alive age after age by the military 
 and political impotence of every "community of obedience" 
 that has ever existed. Obedience, once men are broken to it, 
 can -be easily captured and transferred ; witness the passive role 
 of Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India, the original and typical 
 lands of submission, the "cradles of civilization," as they have 
 passed from one lordship to another. A servile civilization is a 
 standing invitation to predatory free men. But on the other 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 705 
 
 hand a "community of will" necessitates a fusion of intractable 
 materials ; it is a far harder community to bring about, and still 
 more difficult to maintain. The story of Alexander the Great 
 displays the community of will of the Macedonian captains 
 gradually dissolving before his demand that they should wor- 
 ship him. The incident of the murder of Clitus is quite typical 
 of the struggle between the free and the servile tradition that 
 went on whenever a new conqueror from the open lands and 
 the open air found himself installed iti the palace of an ancient 
 monarchy. 
 
 In the case of the Eoman Eepublic, history tells of the first 
 big community of will in the world's history, the first free com- 
 munity much larger than a city, and how it weakened with 
 growth and spent itself upon success until at last it gave way 
 to a monarchy of the ancient type, and decayed swiftly into 
 one of the feeblest communities of servitude that ever collapsed 
 before a handful of invaders. We have given some attention 
 in this book to the factors in that decay, because they are of 
 primary importance in human history. One of the most evi- 
 dent was the want of any wide organization of education to 
 base the ordinary citizens' minds upon the idea of service and 
 obligation to the republic, to keep them willing, that is; an- 
 other was the absence of any medium of general information 
 to keep their activities in harmony, to enable them to will as 
 one body. The community of will is limited in size by the 
 limitations set upon the possibilities of a community of knowl- 
 edge. The concentration of property in a few hands and the 
 replacement of free workers by slaves were rendered possible 
 by the decay of public spirit and the confusion of the public 
 intelligence that resulted from these limitations. There was, 
 moreover, no efficient religious idea behind the Roman state; 
 the dark Etruscan liver-peering cult of Rome was as little 
 adapted to the political needs of a great community as the very 
 similar Shamanism of the Mongols. It is in the fact that both 
 Christianity and Islam, in their distinctive ways, did at least 
 promise to supply, for the first time in human experience, this 
 patent gap in the Eoman republican system as well as in the 
 nomadic system, to give a common moral education for a mass 
 of people, and to supply them with a common history of the 
 past and a common idea of a human purpose and destiny, that 
 their enormous historical importance lies. Aristotle, as we have 
 
706 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 noted, had set a limit to the ideal community of a i«w thousand 
 citizens, because he could not conceive how a larger multitude 
 could be held together by a common idea. He had had no 
 experience of any sort of education beyond the tutorial methods 
 of his time. Greek education was almost purely vivorvoce edu- 
 cation; it could reach therefore only to a limited aristocracy. 
 Both the Christian church and Islam demonstrated the un- 
 soundness of Aristotle's limitation. We may think they did 
 their task of education in their vast fields of opportunity 
 crudely or badly, but the point of interest to us is that they 
 did it at all. Both sustained almost world-wide propagandas 
 of idea and inspiration. Both relied successfully upon the 
 power of the written word to link great multitudes of diverse 
 men together in common enterprises. By the eleventh century, 
 as we have seen, the idea of Christendom had been imposed upon 
 all the vast warring miscellany of the smashed and pulverized 
 Western empire, and upon Europe far beyond its limits, as a 
 uniting and inspiring idea. It had made a shallow but effective 
 community of will over an unprecedented area and out of an 
 unprecedented multitude of human beings. Only one other 
 thing at all like this had ever happened to any great section of 
 mankind before, and that was the idea of a community of good 
 behaviour that the literati had spread throughout China.-' 
 
 The Catholic Church provided what the Roman Republic 
 had lacked, a system of popular teaching, a number of uni- 
 versities and methods of intellectual inter-communication. By 
 this achievement it opened the way to the new possibilities of 
 human government that now become apparent in this Outline, 
 possibilities that are still being apprehended and worked out 
 in the world in which we are living. Hitherto the government 
 of states had been either authoritative, under some uncriticized 
 and unchallenged combination of priest and monarch, or it 
 had been a democracy, uneducated and uninformed, degenerat- 
 ing with any considerable increase of size, as Rome and Athens 
 did, into a mere rule by mob and politician. But by the thir- 
 teenth century the first intimations had already dawned of an 
 ideal of government which is still making its way to realiza- 
 tion, the modem ideal, the ideal of a world-wide educational 
 government, in which the ordinary man is neither the slave 
 
 •But the Jews were already holding their community together by sys- 
 tematic education at least as early as the beginning of the Christian e.'-a. 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 707 
 
 of an absolute monarch nor of a demagogue-ruled state, but an 
 informed, inspired, and consulted part of bis community. It is 
 upon the word educational that stress must be laid, and upon 
 the idea that information must precede consultation. It is in 
 the practical realization of this idea that education is a collec- 
 tive function and not a private affair that one essential distinc- 
 tion of the "modern state" from any of its precursors lies. The 
 modern citizen, men are coming to realize, must be informed 
 first and- then consulted. Before he can vote he must hear the 
 evidence; before he can decide be must know. It is not by 
 setting up polling booths, but by setting up schools and making 
 literature and knowledge and news universally accessible that 
 the way is opened from servitude and confusion to that will- 
 ingly co-operative state which is the modem ideal. Votes in 
 themselves are worthless things. Men had votes in Italy in 
 the time of the Gracchi. Their votes did not help them. Until 
 a man has education, a vote is a useless and dangerous thing 
 for him to possess. The ideal community towards which we 
 move is not a community of will simply ; it is a community of 
 knowledge and will, replacing a community of faith and obedi- 
 ence. Education is the adapter* which will make the nomadic 
 spirit of freedom and self-reliance compatible with the co-opera- 
 tions and wealth and security of civilization. 
 
 § 2 
 
 But though it is certain that the Catholic Church, through 
 its propagandas, its popular appeals, its schools and universities, 
 opened up the prospect of the modern educational state in 
 Europe, it is equally certain that the Catholic Church never 
 intended to do anything of the sort. It did not send out knowl- 
 edge with its blessing ; it let it loose inadvertently. It was not 
 the Eoman Eepublic whose heir the Church esteemed itself, but 
 the Roman Emperor. Its conception of education was not re- 
 lease, not an invitation to participate, but the subjugation of 
 minds. Two of the greatest educators of the Middle Ages 
 were indeed not churchmen at all, but monarchs and statesmen, 
 Charlemagne and Alfred the Great of England, who made use 
 of the church organization. But it was the church that had 
 provided the organization. Church and monarchs in their 
 mutual grapple for power were both calling to their aid the 
 
708 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 thoughts of the common man. In response to these conflicting 
 appeals appeared the common man, the unofficial outside inde- 
 pendent mail, thinking for himself. 
 
 Already in the thirteenth century we have seen Pope Gregory 
 IX and the Emperor Frederick II engaging in a violent public 
 controversy. Already then there was a sense that a new arbi- 
 trator greater than pope or monarchy had come into the world, 
 that there were readers and a public opinion. The exodus of 
 the popes to Avignon, and the divisions and disorders of the 
 Papacy during the fourteenth century, stimulated this free 
 judgment upon authority throughout Europe enormously. 
 
 At first the current criticism upon the church concerned only 
 moral and material things. The wealth and luxury of the higher 
 clergy and the heavy papal taxation were the chief grounds of 
 complaint. And the earlier attempts to restore Christian sim- 
 plicity, the foundation of the Franciscans, for example, were 
 not movements of separation, but movements of revival. Only 
 later did a deeper and more distinctive criticism develop which 
 attacked the central fact of the church's teaching and the justifi- 
 cation of priestly importance; namely, the sacrifice of the mass. 
 
 We have sketched in broad (Outlines the early beginnings of 
 Christianity, and we have shown how rapidly that difficult and 
 austere conception of the Kingdom of God, which was the cen- 
 tral idea of the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth, was overlaid 
 by a revival of the ancient sacrificial idea, a doctrine more diffi- 
 cult indeed to grasp, but easier to reconcile with the habits and 
 dispositions and acquiescences of everyday life in the Near East. 
 We have noted how a sort of theocrasia went on between Chris- 
 tianity and Judaism and the cult of the Serapeum and Mithra- 
 ism and other competing cults^ by which the Mithraist Sunday, 
 the Jewish idea of blood as a religious essential, the Alexan- 
 drian importance of the Mother of God, the shaven and 
 fasting priest, self-tormenting asceticism, and many other mat- 
 ters of belief and ritual and practice, became grafted upon the 
 developing religion. These adaptations, no doubt, made the 
 new teaching much more understandable and acceptable in 
 Egypt and Syria and the like. They were things in the way 
 of thought of the dark-white Mediterranean race; they were 
 congenial to that type. But as we have shown in our story of 
 Muhammad, these acquisitions did not make Christianity more 
 acceptable to the Arab nomads ; to them these features made it 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 709 
 
 disgusting. And so, too, the robed and shaven monli: and nun 
 and priest seem to have roused something like an instinctive 
 hostility in the Nordic barbarians of the North and West. We 
 have noted the peculiar bias of the early Anglo-Saxons and 
 Northmen against the monks and nuns. They seem to have 
 felt that the lives and habits of these devotees were queer and 
 unnatural. 
 
 The clash between what we may call the "dark-white" factors 
 and the newer elements in Christianity was no doubt intensi- 
 fied by Pope Gregory Vll's" imposition of celibacy upon the 
 Catholic priests in the eleventh century. The East had known 
 religious celibates for thousands of years ; in the West they were 
 regarded with scepticism and suspicion. 
 
 And now in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, as the 
 lay mind of the Nordic peoples began to acquire learning, to 
 read and write and express itself, and as it came into touch 
 with the stimulating activities of the Arab mind, we find a 
 much more formidable criticism of Catholicism beginning, an 
 intellectual attack upon the priest as priest, and upon the cere- 
 mony of the mass as the central fact of the religious life, 
 coupled with a demand for a return to the personal teachings 
 o-f Jesus as recorded in the Gospels. 
 
 We have already mentioned the career of the Englishman 
 Wycliffe (c. 1320-1384), and how he translated the Bible into 
 English in order to set up a counter authority to that of the 
 Pope. He denounced the doctrines of the church about the 
 mass as disastrous error, and particularly the teaching that the 
 consecrated bread eaten in that ceremony becomes in some 
 magical way the actual body of Christ. We will not pursue 
 the question of transubstantiation, as this process of the mystical 
 change of the elements in the sacrament is called, into its 
 intricacies. These are matters for the theological specialist. 
 But it will be obvious that any doctrine, such as the Catholic 
 doctrine, which makes the consecration of the elements in the 
 sacrament a miraculous process performed by the priest, and 
 only to be performed by the priest, and which makes the sacra- 
 ment the central necessity of the religious system, enhances the 
 importance of the priestly order enormously. On the other 
 hand, the view, which was the typical "Protestant" view, that 
 this sacrament is a mere eating of bread and drinking of wine 
 as a personal remembrance of Jesus of Nazareth, does away 
 
710 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 at last with any particular need for a consecrated priest afr all. 
 Wycliffe himself did not go to this extremity ; he was a priest, 
 and he remained a priest to the end of his life, he held that 
 God was spiritually if not substantially present in the conse- 
 crated bread, but his doctrine raised a question that carried 
 men far beyond his positions. From the point of view of the 
 historian, the struggle against Rome that Wycliffe opened be- 
 came very speedily a struggle of what one may call rational or 
 layman's religion making its appeal to the free intelligence and 
 the free conscience in mankind, against authoritative, tradi- 
 tional, ceremonial, and priestly religion. The ultimate tendency 
 of this complicated struggle was to strip Christianity as bare 
 as Islam of every vestige of ancient priestcraft, to revert to 
 the Bible documents as authority, and to recover, if possible, 
 the primordial teachings of Jesus. Most of its issues are still 
 undecided among Christians to this day. 
 
 Wycliffe's writings had nowhere more influence than in Bo- 
 hemia. About 1396 a learned Czech, John Huss, delivered a 
 series of lectures in the university of Prague based upon the 
 doctrines of the great Oxford teacher. Huss became rector of 
 the university, and his teachings roused the church to excom- 
 municate him (1412). This was at the time of the Great 
 Schism, just before the Council of Constance (1414-1418) 
 gathered to discuss the scandalous disorder of the church. We 
 have already told how the schism was ended by the election of 
 Martin V. The council aspired to reunite Christendom com- 
 pletely. But the methods by which it sought this reunion jar 
 with our modem consciences. Wycliffe's bones were condemned 
 to be burnt. Huss was decoyed to Constance under promise of 
 a safe conduct, and he was then put upon his trial for heresy. 
 He was ordered to recant certain of his opinions. He replied 
 that he could not recant until he was convinced of his error. 
 He was told that it was his duty to recant if his superiors 
 required it of him, whether he was convinced or not. He re- 
 fused to accept this view. In spite of the Emperor's safe con- 
 duct, he was burnt alive (1415), a martyr not for any specific 
 doctrine, but for the free intelligence and free conscience of 
 mankind. 
 
 It would be impossible to put the issue between priest and 
 anti-priest more clearly than it was put at this trial of John 
 Huss, nor to demonstrate more completely the evil spirit in 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 711 
 
 priestcraft. A colleague of Huss, Jerome of Prague, was burnt 
 in the following year. 
 
 These outrages were followed by an insurrection of the 
 Hussites in Bohemia (1419), the first of a series of religious 
 wars that marked the breaking-up of Christendom. In 1420 
 the Pope, Martin V, issued a bull proclaiming a crusade "for 
 the destruction of the Wycliffites, Hussites, and all other heretics 
 in Bohemia," and attracted by this invitation the unemployed 
 soldiers of fortune and all the drifting blackguardism of Europe 
 converged upon that valiant country. They found in Bohemia, 
 under its great leader Ziska, more hardship and less loot than 
 crusaders were disposed to face. The Hussites were conducting 
 their affairs upon extreme democratic lines, and the whole coun- 
 try was aflame with enthusiasm. The crusaders beleaguered 
 Prague, but failed to take it, and they experienced a series of 
 reverses that ended in their retreat from Bohemia. A second 
 crusade (1421) was no more successful. Two other crusades 
 failed. Then unhappily the Hussites fell into internal dissen- 
 sions. Encouraged by this, a fifth crusade (1431) crossed the 
 frontier under Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg. 
 
 The army of these crusaders, according to the lowest esti- 
 mates, consisted of 90,000 infantry and 40,000 horsemen. At- 
 tacking Bohemia from the west, they first laid siege to the town 
 of Tachov, but failing to capture the strongly fortified city, they 
 stormed the little town of Most, and here, as well as in the sur- 
 rounding country, committed the most horrible atrocities on a 
 population a large part of which was entirely innocent of any 
 form of theology whatever. The crusaders, advancing by slow 
 marches, penetrated further into Bohemia, till they reached the 
 neighbourhood of the town of Domazlice (Tauss). "It was at 
 three o'clock on August 14th, 1431, that the crusaders, who 
 were encamped in the plain between Domazlice and Horsuv 
 Tyn, received the news that the Hussites, under the leadership 
 of Prokop the Great, were approaching. Though the Bohemians 
 were still four miles off, the rattle of their war-wagons and the. 
 song, 'All ye warriors of God,' which their whole host was chant- 
 ing, could already be heard." The enthusiasm of the crusaders 
 evaporated with astounding rapidity. Liitzow ^ describes how 
 the papal representative and the Duke of Saxony ascended a 
 convenient hill to inspect the battlefield. It was, they discov- 
 ^Liitzow's Bohemia. 
 
712 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ered, not going to be a battlefield. The German camp was ir 
 utter confusion. Horsemen were streaming off in every direc- 
 tion*, and the clatter of empty wagons being driven off almost 
 drowned the sound of that terrible singing. The crusaders were 
 abandoning even their loot. Came a message from the Mar- 
 grave of Brandenburg advising flight ; there was no holding any 
 of their troops. They were dangerous now only to their own 
 side, and the papal representative spent an unpleasant night 
 hiding from them in the forest. ... So ended the Bohemian 
 crusade. 
 
 In 1434 civil war again broke out among the Hussites, in 
 which the extreme and most valiant section was defeated, and 
 in 1436 an agreement was patched up between the Council of 
 Basle and the moderate Hussites, in which the Bohemian church 
 was allowed to retain certain distinctions from the general 
 Catholic practice, which held good until the German Reforma- 
 tion in the sixteenth century. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The split among the Hussites was largely due to the drift of 
 the extremer section towards a primitive communism, which 
 alarmed the wealthier and more influential Czech noblemen. 
 Similar tendencies had already appeared among the English 
 Wyclifiites. They seem to follow naturally enough upon the 
 doctrines of equal human brotherhood that emerge whenever 
 there is an attempt to reach back to the fundamentala of 
 Christianity. 
 
 The development of such ideas had been greatly stimulated 
 by a stupendous misfortune that had swept the world and laid 
 bare the foundations of society, a pestilence of unheard-of viru- 
 lence. It was called the Black Death, and it came nearer to 
 the extirpation of mankind than any other evil has ever done. 
 It was far more deadly than the plague of Pericles, or the 
 plague of Marcus Aurelius, or the plague waves of the time of 
 Justinian and Gregory the Great that paved the way for the 
 Lombards in Italy. It arose in South Eussia or Central Asia, 
 and came by way of the Crimea and a Genoese ship to Genoa 
 and Western Europe. It passed by Armenia to Asia Minor, 
 Egypt, and North Africa. It reached England in 1348. Two- 
 thirds of the students at Oxford died, we are told; it is esti- 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 718 
 
 mated that between a quarter and a half of the whole popular 
 tion of England perished at this time. Throughout all Europe 
 there was as great a mortality. Hecker estimates the total as 
 twenty-five million dead. It spread eastward to China, where, 
 the Chinese records say, thirteen million people perished. In 
 China the social disorganization led to a neglect of the river 
 embankments, and as a consequence great floods devastated the 
 crowded agricultural lands. ^ 
 
 Never was there so clear a warning to mankind to seek knowl- 
 edge and cease from bickering, to unite against the dark powers 
 of nature. All the massacres of Hulagu and Timurlaue were 
 as nothing to this. "Its ravages," says J. E. Green, "were 
 fiercest in the greater towns, where filthy and undrained streets 
 aiforded a constant haunt to leprosy and fever. In the burial- 
 ground which the piety of Sir Walter Manny purchased for 
 the citizens of London, a spot whose site was afterwards marked 
 by the Charter House, more than fifty thousand corpses are 
 said to have been interred. Thousands of people perished at 
 Norwich, while in Bristol the living were hardly able to bury 
 the dead. But the Black Death fell on the villages almost as 
 fiercely as on the towns. More than one-half of the priests of 
 Yorkshire are known to have perished; in the diocese of Nor- 
 wich two-thirds of the parishes changed their incumbents. The 
 whole organization of labour was thrown out of gear. The 
 scarcity of hands made it difficult for the minor tenants to per- 
 form the services due for their lands, and only a temporary 
 abandonment of half the rent by the landowners induced the 
 farmers to refrain from the abandonment of their farms. Eor 
 a time cultivation became impossible. 'The sheep and cattle 
 strayed through the fields and corn,' says a contemporary, 'and 
 there were none left who could drive them.' " 
 
 It was from these distresses that the peasant wars of the 
 fourteenth century sprang. There was a great shortage of 
 labour and a great shortage of goods, and the rich abbots and 
 monastic cultivators who owned so much of the land, and the 
 nobles and rich merchants, were too ignorant of economic laws 
 
 ^Dr. C. O. Stallybrass says that this plague reached China thirty or 
 forty years after its first appearance in Europe. Ibn Batuta, the A^£^b 
 traveller who was in China from 1342 to 1346, first met with it on his 
 return to Damascus. The Black Death is the human form of a disease 
 endemic among the jerboas and other small rodents in the districts round 
 the head of the Caspian Sea. 
 
7U 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to understand that they must not press upon the toilers in this 
 time of general distress. They saw their property deteriorating, 
 their lands going out of cultivation, and 
 they made violent statutes to compel men to 
 work without any rise in wages, and to pre- 
 vent their straying in search of better 
 employment, Naturally enough this pro- 
 voked "a new revolt against the whole sys- 
 tem of social inequality which had till then 
 passed unquestioned as the divine order of 
 the world. The cry of the poor found a 
 terrible utterance in the words of 'a, mad 
 priest of Kent,' as the courtly Froissart 
 calls him, who for twenty years (1360- 
 1381) found audience for his sermons, 'in 
 defiance of interdict and imprisonment, in 
 the stout yeomen who gathered in the Kent- 
 ish churchyards. 'Mad,' as the landovraers 
 called him, it was in the preaching of John 
 Ball that England first listened to a declara- 
 tion of natural, equality and the rights of 
 man. 'Good people,' cried the preacher, 
 'things will never go well in England so 
 long as goods be not in common, and so 
 long as there be villeins and gentlemen. By 
 what right are they whom we call lords 
 greater folk than we? On what grounds 
 have they deserved it ? Why do they hold 
 us in serfage ? If we all came of the same 
 father and mother, of Adam and Eve, how 
 can they say or prove that they are better 
 than we, if it be not that they make us gain 
 for them by our toil what they spend in 
 their pride ? They are clothed in velvet and 
 warm in their furs and their ermines, while 
 we are covered with rags. They have wine 
 and spices and fair bread ; and we oat-cake 
 and straw, and water to drink. They have leisure and fine 
 houses ; we have pain and labour, the rain and the wind in the 
 fields. And yet it is of us and of our toil that these men hold 
 their state.' A spirit fatal to the whole system of the Middle 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 715 
 
 Ages breathed in the popular rhyme ■which condensed the 
 levelling doctrine of John Ball : 'When Adam delved and Eve 
 span, who was then the gentleman V " ^ 
 
 Wat Tyler, the leader of the English insurgents, was assassi- 
 nated by the Mayor of London in the presence of the young King 
 Eichard II (1381), and his movement collapsed. The commu- 
 nist side of the Hussite movement was a part of the same sys- 
 tem of disturbance. A little earlier than the English outbreak 
 had occurred the French "Jacquerie" (1358), in which the 
 French peasants had risen, burnt chateaux, and devastated the 
 countryside. A century later the same urgency was to sweep 
 Germany into a series of bloody Peasant Wars. These began 
 late in the fifteenth century. Economic and religious disturb- 
 ance mingled in the case of Germany even more plainly than 
 in England. One conspicuous phase of these German troubles 
 was the Anabaptist outbreak. The sect of the Anabaptists ap- 
 peared in Wittenberg in 1521 under three "prophets," and 
 broke out into insurrection in 1525. Between 1532 and 1535 
 the insurgents held the town &f Miinster in Westphalia, and 
 did their utmost to realize their ideas of a religious communism. 
 They were besieged by the Bishop of Miinster, and under the 
 distresses of the siege a sort of insanity ran rife in the town ; 
 cannibalism is said to have occurred, and a certain John of 
 Leyden seized power, proclaimed himself the successor of King 
 David, and followed that monarch's evil example by practising 
 polygamy. After the surrender of the city the victorious bishop 
 had the Anabaptist leaders tortured very horribly and executed 
 
 'The seeds of conflict which grew up into the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 
 were sown upon ground which is strangely familiar to any writer in 1920. 
 A European catastrophe had reduced production and consequently in- 
 creased the earnings of workers and traders. Rural wages had risen by 
 48 per cent, in England, when an unwise executive endeavoured to en- 
 force in the Ordinance and Statute of Labourers (1350-51) a return to 
 the pre-plague wages and prices of 1346, and aimed a blow in the Statute 
 of 1378 against labour combinations. The villeins were driven to des- 
 peration by the loss of their recent increase of comfort, and the outbreak 
 came, as Froissart saw it from the angle of the Court, "all through the 
 too great comfort pf the commonalty." Other ingredients which entered 
 into the outbreak were the resentment felt by the new working class at 
 the restrictions imposed on its right to combine, the objection of the lower 
 clergy to papal taxes, and a frank dislike of foreigners and landlords. 
 There was no touch of WycliflFe's influence in the rising. It was at its 
 feeblest in Leicestershire, and it murdered one of the only other Liberal 
 churchmen in England. — ^P. ^. 
 
716 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 in the market-place, their mutilated bodies being hung in cages 
 from a church tower to witness to all the world that decency 
 and order were now restored in Miinster. . . . 
 
 These upheavals of the common labouring men of the West- 
 ern European countries in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries 
 were more serious and sustained than anything that had ever 
 happened in history before. The nearest previous approach to 
 them were certain communistic Muhammadan movements in 
 Persia. There was a peasant revolt in Normandy about a.d. 
 1000, and there were revolts of peasants (Bagaudse) in the 
 later Roman Empire, but these were not nearly so formidable. 
 They show a new spirit growing in human affairs, a spirit alto- 
 gether different from the unquestioning apathy of the serfs and 
 peasants in the original regions of civilization or from the 
 anarchist hopelessness of the serf and slave labour of the Roman 
 capitalists. All these early insurrections of the workers that 
 we. have mentioned were suppressed with much cruelty, but the 
 movement itself was never completely stamped out. From that 
 time to this there has been a spirit of revolt in the lower levels 
 of the pyramid of civilization. There have been phases of in- 
 surrection, phases of repression, phases of compromise and com- 
 parative pacification ; but from that time until this, the struggle 
 has never wholly ceased. We shall see it flaring out during the 
 Erench Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, insur- 
 gent again in the middle and at the opening of the last quarter 
 of the nineteenth century, and achieving vast proportions in 
 the world of to-day. The socialist movement of the nineteenth 
 century was only one version of that continuing revolt. 
 
 In many countries, in France and Germany and Russia, for 
 example, this labour movement has assumed at times an attitude 
 hostile to Christianity, but there can be little doubt that this 
 steady and, on the whole, growing pressure of the common man 
 in the West against a life of toil and subservience is closely 
 associated with Christian teaching. The church and the Chris- 
 tian missionary may not have intended to spread equalitarian 
 doctrines, but behind the church was the unquenchable per- 
 sonality of Jesus of Nazareth, and even in spite of himself the 
 Christian preacher brought the seeds of freedom and responsi- 
 bility with him, and sooner or later they shot up where he had 
 been. , 
 
 This steady and growing upheaval of "Labour," its develop- 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 717 
 
 ment of a consciousness of itself as a class and of a definite 
 claim upon the world at large, quite as mucli as the presence 
 of schools and universities, quite as much as abundant printed 
 books and a developing and expanding process of scientific re- 
 search, mark off our present type of civilization, the "modern 
 civilization," from any pre-existing state of human society, and 
 mark it, for all its incidental successes, as a thing unfinished 
 and transitory. It is an embryo or it is something doomed to 
 die. It may be able to solve this complex problem of co-ordi-. 
 nated toil and happiness, and so adjust itself to the needs of 
 the human soul, or it may fail and end in a catastrophe as the 
 Eoman system did. It may be the opening phase of some more 
 balanced and satisfying order of society, or it may be a system 
 destined to disruption and replacement by some differently con- 
 ceived method of human association. Like its predecessor, our 
 present civilization may be no more than one of those crops 
 farmers sow to improve their land by the fixation of nitrogen 
 from the air; it may have grown only that, accumulating cer- 
 tain traditions, it may be ploughed into the soil again for better 
 things to follow. Such questions as these are the practical 
 realities of history, and in all that follows we shall find them 
 becoming clearer and more important, until in our last chapter 
 we shall end, as all our days and years end, with a recapitula- 
 tion of our hopes and fears — and a note of interrogation. 
 
 § 4 
 
 The development of free discussion in Europe during this age 
 of fermentation was enormously stimulated by the appearance 
 of printed books. It was the introduction of paper from the 
 East that made practicable the long latent method of printing. 
 It is still difficult to assign the honour of priority in the use 
 of the simple expedient of printing for multiplying books. It 
 is a trivial question that has been preposterously debated. Ap- 
 parently the glory, such as it is, belongs to Holland. In Haar- 
 lem, one Coster was printing from movable type somewhen 
 before 1446. Gutenberg was printing at Mainz about the same 
 time. There were printers in Italy by 1465, and Caxton set 
 up his press in Westminster in 1477. But long before this 
 time there had been a partial use of printing. Manuscripts as 
 
718 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 early as the twelfth century display initial letters that may 
 have been printed from wooden stamps. 
 
 Far more important is the question of the manufacture of 
 paper. It is scarcely too much to say that paper made the re- 
 vival of Europe possible. Paper originated in China, where its 
 us© probably goes back to the second century B.C. In 751 the 
 Chinese made an attack upon the Arab Moslems in Samarkand ; 
 they were repulsed, and among the prisoners taken from them 
 were some skilled paper-makers, from whom the art was learnt- 
 Arabic paper manuscripts from the ninth century onward still 
 exist. The manufacture entered Christendom either through 
 Greece or by the capture of Moorish paper-mills during the 
 Christian reconquest of Spain. But under the Christian Span- 
 ish the product deteriorated sadly. Good paper was not made 
 in Christian Europe until near the end of the thirteenth century, 
 and then it was Italy which led the world. Only by the four- 
 teenth century did the manufacture reach Germany, and not 
 until the end of that century was it abundant and cheap enough 
 for the printing of books to be a practicable business proposi- 
 tion. Thereupon printing followed naturally and necessarily, 
 and the intellectual life of the world entered upon a new and far 
 more vigorous phase. It ceased to be a little trickle from mind 
 to mind ; it became a broad flood, in which thousands and pres- 
 ently scores and hundreds of thousands of minds participated. 
 
 One immediate result of this achievement of printing was 
 the appearance of an abundance of Bibles in the world. An- 
 other was a cheapening of school-books. The knowledge of 
 reading spread swiftly. There was not only a great increase of 
 books in the world, but the books that were now made were 
 plainer to read and so easier to understand. Instead of toiling 
 at a crabbed text and then thinking over its significance, readers 
 now could think unimpeded as they read. With this increase 
 in the facility of reading, the reading public grew. The book 
 ceased to be a highly decorated toy or a scholar's mystery. Peo- 
 ple began to write books to be read as well as looked at by 
 ordinary people. With the fourteenth century the real history 
 of the European literatures begins. We find a rapid replace- 
 ment of local dialects by standard Italian, standard English, 
 standard French, standard Spanish, and, later, standard Ger- 
 man. These languages became literary languages in their sev- 
 eral countries ; they were tried over, polished by use, and made 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 719 
 
 exact and vigorous. They became at last as capable of the 
 burden of philosophical discussion as Greek or Latin. 
 
 § 5 
 
 Here we devote a section to certain elementary statements 
 about the movement in men's religious ideas during the fifteenth 
 and sixteenth centuries. They are a necessary introduction 
 to the political history of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- 
 turies that follows. 
 
 We have to distinguish clearly between two entirely different 
 systems of opposition to the Catholic church. They intermingled 
 very confusingly. The church was losing its hold upon the 
 consciences of princes and rich and able people; it was also 
 losing the faith and confidence of common people. The effect 
 of its decline of spiritual power upon the former class was to 
 make them resent its interference, its moral restrictions, its 
 claims to overlordship, its claim to tax, and to dissolve allegi- 
 ances. They ceased to respect its power and its property. This 
 insubordination of princes and rulers was going on throughout 
 the Middle Ages, but it was only when in the sixteenth century 
 the church began to side openly with its old antagonist the 
 Emperor, when it offered him its support and accepted his help 
 in its campaign against heresy, that princes began to think 
 seriously of breaking away from the Roman communion and 
 setting up fragments of a church. And they would never have 
 done so if they had not perceived that the hold of the church 
 upon the masses of mankind had relaxed. 
 
 The revolt of the princes was essentially an irreligious revolt 
 against the world-rule of the church. The Emperor Frederick 
 II, with his epistles to his fellow princes, was its forerunner. 
 The revolt of the people against the church, on the other hand, 
 was as essentially religious. They objected not to the church's 
 power, but to its weaknesses. They wanted a deeply righteous 
 and fearless church to help them and organize them against the 
 wickedness of powerful men. Their movements against the 
 church, within it and without, were movements not for release 
 from a religious control, but for a fuller and more abundant 
 religious control. They did not want less religious control, but 
 more — but they wanted to be assured that it was religious. They 
 objected to the Pope not because he wa? the religious head of 
 
720 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the world, but because he was not; because he was a wealthy 
 earthly prince when he ought to have been their spiritual leader. 
 
 The contest in Europe from the fourteenth century onward 
 therefore was a three-cornered contest. The princes wanted to 
 use the popular forces against the Pope, but not to let those 
 forces grow too powerful for their own power and glory. For 
 a long time the church went from prince to prince for an ally 
 without realizing that the lost ally it needed to recover was popu; 
 lar veneration. 
 
 Because of this triple aspect of the mental and moral conflicts 
 that were going on in the fourteenth and fifteenth and sixteenth 
 centuries, the series of ensuing changes, those changes that are 
 known collectively in history as the Reformation, took on a 
 threefold aspect. There was the Reformation according to the 
 princes, who wanted to stop the flow of money to Rome and to 
 seize the moral authority, the educational power, and the mate- 
 rial possessions of the church within their dominions. There 
 was -the Reformation according to the people, who sought to 
 make Christianity a power against unrighteousness, and particu- 
 larly against the unrighteousness of the rich and powerful. And 
 finally there was the Reformation within the church, of which 
 St. Francis of Assisi was the precursor, which sought to restore 
 the goodness of the church and, through its goodness, to restore 
 its power. 
 
 The Reformation according to the princes took the form of a 
 replacement of the Pope by the prince as the head of the re- 
 ligion and the controller of the consciences of his people. The 
 princes had no idea and no intention of letting free the judg- 
 ments of their subjects more particularly with the object-lessons 
 of the Hussites and the Anabaptists before their eyes; they 
 sought to establish national churches dependent upon the throne. 
 As England, Scotland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, North Ger- 
 many, and Bohemia broke away from the Roman communion, 
 the princes and other ministers showed the utmost solicitude 
 to keep the movement well under control. Just as much refor- 
 mation as would sever the link with Rome they permitted ; any- 
 thing beyond that, any dangerous break towards the primitive 
 teachings of Jesus or the crude direct interpretation of the 
 Bible, they resisted. The Established Church of England is 
 one of the most typical and successful of the resulting com- 
 promises. It is still sacramental and sacerdotal ; but its organi- 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 721 
 
 zation centres in the Court and the Lord Chancellor, and though 
 subversive views may, and do, break out in the lower and less 
 prosperous ranks of its priesthood, it is impossible for them to 
 struggle up to any position of influence and authority. 
 
 The Reformation according to the common man was very 
 different in spirit from the Princely Reformation. We have 
 already told something of the popular attempts at Reformation 
 in Bohemia and Germany. The wide spiritual upheavals of 
 the time were at once more honest, more confused, more endur- 
 ing, and less immediately successful than the reforms of the 
 princes. Very few religious-spirited men had the daring to 
 break away or the effrontery to confess that they had broken 
 away from all authoritative teaching, and that they were now 
 relying entirely upon their own minds and consciences. That 
 required a very high intellectual courage.. The general drift 
 of the common man in this period in Europe was to set up 
 his new acquisition, the Bible, as a .counter authority to the 
 church. This was particularly the case with the great leader 
 of German Protestanism, Mai^in Luther (1483-1546). All 
 over Germany, and indeed all over Western Europe, there were 
 now men spelling .over the black-letter pages of the newly 
 translated and printed Bible, over the Book of Leviticus and 
 the Song of Solomon and the Revelation of St. John the 'Divine 
 — strange and perplexing books — quite ,as mtich as over the 
 simple and inspiring record of Jesus in the Gospels. ^Naturally 
 they produced strange views and grotesque interpretations. It 
 is surprising that they were not ;stranger and grotesqiier. But 
 the human reason is an obstinate thing, and will criticize and 
 select in spite of its own resolutions. The bulk of these new 
 Bible students took what their consciences approved from the 
 Bible and ignored its riddles and contradictions. All over 
 Europe, wherever the new Protestant churches of the princes 
 were set up, a living and very active residuum of Protestants 
 remained who declined to have their religion made over for 
 them in this fashion. These were the Nonconformists, a medley 
 of sects, having nothing in common but their resistance to au- 
 thoritative religion, whether of the Pope or the State. ^ Most, but 
 not all of these Nonconformists held to the Bible as a divinely 
 inspired and authoritative guide. This was a strategic rather 
 
 ' But Nbncomformity was stamped out in Germany. See § 11b of this 
 chapter. 
 
722 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 than an abiding position, and the modem drift of Nonconform- 
 ity has been onward away from this original Bibliolatry towards 
 a mitigated and sentimentalized recognition of the bare teach- 
 ings of Jesus of Nazareth. Beyond the range of Noncon- 
 formity, beyond the range of professed Christianity at all, there 
 is also now a great and growing mass of equalitarian belief and 
 altruistic impulse in the modern civilizations, which certainly 
 owes, as we have already asserted, its spirit to Christianity, 
 which began to appear in Europe as the church lost its grip upon 
 the general mind. 
 
 Let us say a word now of the third phase of the Eeformation 
 process, the Eeformation within the church. This was already 
 beginning in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries with the ap- 
 pearance of the Black and 
 Grey Eriara (Chap, xxxii, 
 § 13). In the sixteenth cen- 
 tury, and when it was most 
 needed, came a fresh im- 
 petus of the same kind. This 
 was the foundation of the So- 
 ciety of the Jesuits by Inigo 
 Lopez de Eecalde, better 
 known to the world of to-day 
 as St. Ignatius of Loyola. 
 
 Ignatius began hia career 
 as a very tough and gallant 
 young Spaniard. He was 
 clever and dexterous and in- 
 spired by a passion for 
 pluck, hardihood, and rather showy glory. His love affairs 
 were free and picturesque. In 1521 the French took the 
 town of Pampeluna in Spain from the Emperor Charles V, 
 and Ignatius was one of the defenders. His legs were smashed 
 by a cannon-ball, and he was taken prisoner. One leg was badly 
 set and had to be broken again, and these painful and complex 
 operations nearly cost him his life. He received the last sacra- 
 ments. In the night, thereafter, he began to mend, and pres- 
 ently he was convalescent and facing the prospect of a life in 
 which he would perhaps always be a cripple. His thoughts 
 turned to the adventure of religion. Sometimes he would think 
 of a certain great lady, and how, in spite of his broken state, 
 
 Xot^ola. 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 723 
 
 he might yet win her admiration by some amazing deed; and 
 sometimes he would think of being in some especial and per- 
 sonal way the Knight of Christ. In the midst of these eon- 
 fusions, one night as he My awake, he tells us, a new great 
 lady claimed his attention ; he had a vision of the Blessed Virgin 
 Mary carrying the Infant Christ in her arms. "Immediately 
 a loathing seized him for the former deeds of his life." He 
 resolved to give up all further thoughts of earthly women, and 
 to lead a life of absolute chastity and devotion to the Mother 
 of God. He projected great pilgrimages and a monastic life. 
 
 His final method of taking his vows marks him the country- 
 man of Don Quixote. He had regained his strength, and he 
 was riding out into the world rather aimlessly, a penniless sol- 
 dier of fortune with little but his arms and the mule on which 
 he rode, when he fell into company with a Moor. They went 
 on together and talked, and presently disputed about religion. 
 The Moor was the better educated man; he had the best of 
 the argument, he said offensive things about the Virgin Mary 
 that were difficult to answer, and he parted triumphantly from 
 Ignatius. The young Knight of our Lady was boiling with 
 shame and indignation. He hesitated whether he should go 
 after the Moor and kill him or pursue the pilgrimage he had' 
 in mind. At a fork in the road he left things to his mule, 
 which spared the Moor. He came to the Benedictine Abbey 
 of Manresa near Montserrat, and here he imitated that peerless 
 hero of the mediaeval romance, Amadis de Gaul, and kept an 
 all-night vigil before the Altar of the Blessed Virgin. He pre- 
 sented his mule to the abbey, he gave his worldly clothes to a 
 beggar, he laid his sword and dagger upon the altar, and clothed 
 himself in a rough sackcloth garment and hempen shoes. He 
 then took himself to a neighbouring hospice and gave himself 
 up to scourgings and austerities. For a whole week he fasted 
 absolutely. Thence he went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. 
 
 For some years he wandered, consumed with the idea of 
 founding a new order of religious knighthood, but not knowing 
 clearly how to set about this enterprise. He became more and 
 more aware of his own illiteracy, and the Inquisition, which 
 was beginning to take an interest in his proceedings, forbade 
 him to attempt to teach others until he had spent at least four 
 years in study. So much cruelty and intolerance is laid at the 
 door of the inquisition that it is pleasant to record that in its 
 
724 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 handling of this heady, imaginative young enthusiast it showed 
 itself both sympathetic and sane. It recognized his vigour 
 and possible uses; it saw the dangers of his ignorance. He 
 studied at Salamanca and Paris, among other places. He was 
 ordained a priest in 1538, and a year later his long-dreamt-of 
 order was founded under the military title of the "Company 
 of Jesus." Like the Salvation Army of modern England, it 
 made the most direct attempt to bring the generous tradition 
 of military organization and discipline to the service of religion. 
 
 This Ignatius of Loyola who founded the order of Jesuits was 
 a man of forty-seven ; he was a very difFerent man, much wiser 
 and steadier, than the rather absurd young man who had aped 
 Amadis de Gaul and kept vigil in the abbey of Manresa ; and 
 the missionary and educational organization he now created 
 and placed at the disposal of the Pope was one of the most 
 powerful instruments the church had ever handled. These 
 men gave themselves freely and wholly to be used by the church. 
 It was the Order of the Jesuits which carried Christianity to 
 China again after the downfall of the Ming Dynasty, and 
 Jesuits were the chief Christian missionaries in India and 
 North America. To their civilizing work among the Indians in 
 South America we shall presently allude. But their main 
 achievement lay in raising the standard of Catholic education. 
 Their schools became and remained for a long time the best 
 schools in Christendom. Says Lord Verulam {=^ Sir Francis 
 Bacon) : "As for the pedagogic part . . . consult the schools 
 of the Jesuits, for nothing better has been put in practice." 
 They raised the level of intelligence, they quickened the con- 
 science of all Catholic Europe, they stimulated Protestant 
 Europe to competitive educational efforts. . . . Some day it 
 may be we shall see a new order of Jesuits, vowed not to the 
 service of the Pope, but to the service of mankind. 
 
 And concurrently with this great wave of educational effort, 
 the tone and quality of the church was also greatly improved 
 by the clarification of doctrine and the reforms in organization 
 and discipline that were made by the Council of Trent. This 
 council met intermittently either at Trent or Bologna between 
 the years 1545 and 1563, and its work was at least as impor- 
 tant as the energy of the Jesuits in arresting the crimes and 
 blunders that were causing state after state to fall away from 
 the Eoman communion. The change wrought by the Reformtl- 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 72S 
 
 tion within the Church of Eome was as great as the change 
 wrought in the Protestant churches that detached themseives 
 from the mother hody. There are henceforth no more open 
 scandals or schisms to record. But if anything, there has been 
 an intensification of doctrinal narrowness, and such phases of 
 imaginative vigour as are represented by Gregory the Great, 
 or by the group of Popes associated with Gregory VII and 
 Urban II, or by the group that began with Innocent III, no 
 longer enliven the sober and pedestrian narrative. The world 
 war of 1914-1918 was a unique opportunity for the Papacy; 
 the occasion was manifest for some clear strong voice proclaim- 
 ing the universal obligation to righteousness, the brotherhood 
 of men, the claims of human welfare over patriotic passion. 
 No such moral lead was given. The Papacy seemed to be 
 balancing its traditional reliance upon the faithful Habsburgs 
 against its quarrel with republican Prance. 
 
 § 6 
 
 The reader must not suppose that the destructive criticism 
 of the Catholic Church and of Catholic Christianity, and the 
 printing and study of the Bible, were the only or even the most 
 important of the intellectual activities of the fourteenth and 
 fifteenth centuries. That was merely the popular and most con- 
 spicuous aspect of the intellectual revival of the time. Behind 
 this: conspicuous and popular awakening to thought and dis- 
 cussion, other less immediately striking but ultimately more im- 
 portant mental developments were in progress. Of the trend 
 of these developments we must now give some brief indications. 
 They had l)egun long before books were printed, but it was 
 printing that released them, from obscurity. 
 
 We have already told something of the first appearance of 
 the free intelligence, the spirit of inquiry and plain statement, 
 in human affairs. One name is central in the record of that 
 first attempt at systematic knowledge, the name of Aristotle. 
 We have noted also the brief phase of scientific work at Alex- 
 andria. From that time onward the complicated economic and 
 political and religious conflicts of Europe and Western Asia 
 impeded further intellectual progress. These regions, as we 
 have seen, fell for tong ages under the sway of the Oriental 
 type of monarchy and of Oriental religious traditions. Borne 
 
726 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tried and abandoned a slave system of industry. The first 
 great capitalistic system developed and fell into chaos through 
 its own inherent rottenness. Europe relapsed into universal 
 insecurity. The Semite rose against the Aryan, and replaced 
 Hellenic civilization throughout Western Asia and Egypt by an 
 Arabic culture. All Western Asia and half of Europe fell 
 under Mongolian rule. It is only in the twelfth and thirteenth 
 centuries that we find the Nordic intelligence struggling through 
 again to expression. 
 
 We then find in the growing universities of Paris, Oxford, 
 and Bologna an increasing amount of philosophical discussion 
 going on. In form it is chiefly a discussion of logical ques- 
 tions. As the basis of this discussion we find part of the teach- 
 ings of Aristotle, not the whole mass of writings he left be- 
 hind him, but his logic only. Later on his work became better 
 known through the Latin translations of the Arabic edition 
 annotated by Averroes. Except for these translations of Aris- 
 totle, and they were abominably bad translations, very little 
 of the Greek philosophical literature was read in Western 
 Europe until the fifteenth century. The creative Plato — as dis- 
 tinguished from the scientific Aristotle — ^was almost unknown. 
 Europe had the Greek criticism without the Greek impulse. 
 Some neo-Platonic writers were known, but neo-Platonism had 
 much the same relation to Plato that Christian Science has to 
 Christ. 
 
 It has been the piractice of recent writers to decry the phil- 
 osophical discussion of the mediaeval "schoolmen" as tedious 
 and futile. It was nothing of the sort. It had to retain a 
 severely technical form because the dignitaries of the church, 
 ignorant and intolerant, were on the watch for heresy. It 
 lacked the sweet clearness, therefore, of fearless thought. It 
 often hinted what it dared not say. But it dealt with funda- 
 mentally important things, it was a long and necessary struggle 
 to clear up and correct certain inherent defects of the human 
 mind, and many people to-day blunder dangerously through 
 their neglect of the issues the schoolmen discussed. 
 
 There is a natural tendency in the human mind to exaggerate 
 the differences and resemblances upon which classification is 
 based, to suppose that things called by different names are alto- 
 gether different, and that things called by the same name are 
 practically identical. This tendency to exaggerate classification 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 727 
 
 produces a thousand evils and injustices. In the sphere of 
 race or nationality, for example, a "European" will often treat 
 an "Asiatic" almost as if he were a different animal, while 
 he will be disposed to regard another "European" as necessarily 
 as virtuous and charming as himself. He will, as a matter of 
 course, take sides with Europeans against Asiatics. But, as the 
 reader of this history must realize, there is no such difiference 
 as the opposition of these names implies. It is a phantom dif- 
 ference created by two names. . . . 
 
 The main mediaeval controversy was between the "Eealists" 
 and the "Nominalists," and it is necessary to warm the reader 
 that the word "Realist" in mediaeval discussion has a meaning 
 almost diametrically opposed to "Realist" as it is used in the 
 jargon of modern criticism. The modern "Realist" is one who 
 insists on materialist details; the mediaeval "Realist" was far 
 nearer what nowadays we should call an Idealist, and his con- 
 tempt for incidental detail was profound. The Realists outdid 
 the vulgar tendency to exaggerate the significance of class. 
 They held that there was something in a name, in a common 
 noun that is, that was essentially real. For example, they 
 held there was a typical "European," an ideal European, who 
 was far more real than any individual European, Every 
 European was, as it were, a failure, a departure, a flawed speci- 
 men of this profounder reality. On the other hand the Nom- 
 inalist held that the only realities in the case were the individual 
 Europeans, that the name "European" was merely a name and 
 nothing more than a name applied to all these instances. 
 
 Nothing is quite so difficult as the compression of philo- 
 sophical controversies, which are by their nature voluminous and 
 various and tinted by the mental colours of a variety of minds. 
 With the difference of Realist and Nominalist stated baldly, 
 as we have stated it here, the modern reader unaccustomed to 
 philosophical discussion may be disposed to leap at once to the 
 side of the Nominalist. But the matter is not so simple that 
 it can be covered by one instance, and here we have purposely 
 chosen an extreme instance. Names and classifications differ 
 in their value and reality. While it is absurd to suppose that 
 there can be much depth of class difference between men called 
 Thomas and men called William, or that there is an ideal and 
 quintessential Thomas or William, yet on the other hand there 
 may be much profounder differences between a white man and 
 
728 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 a Hottentot, and still more between Homo sapiens and Honuf 
 neanderthalensis. While again the distinction hetween- the class 
 of pets and the class of useful animals is dependent upon very 
 slight differences of habit and application, the' difference of a 
 cat and dog is so profound that the microscope can trace it in 
 a drop of blood or a single hair.. When this aspect of the 
 question is considered, it becomes understandable how Nomi- 
 nalism had ultimately to abandon the idea that names were as 
 insignificant as labels, and how, out of a revised and amended 
 Nominalism, there grew up that systematic attempt to find the 
 true — the most significant and fruitful — classification of things: 
 and substances which is called Scientific Eesearieh. 
 
 And it will be almost as evident that while the tendency of' 
 Eealism, which is the natural tendency of every untutored mind,, 
 was towards dogma, harsh divisions, harsh judgments, and un^ 
 compromising attitudes, the tendency of earlier and later Nom- 
 inalism was towards qualified statements, towards an examina- 
 tion of individual instances, and towards inquiry and experi- 
 ment and scepticism. 
 
 So while in the market-place and the ways of the common 
 life men were questioning the morals and righteousness of the 
 clergy, the good faith and propriety of their celibacy, and th*! 
 justice of papal taxation; while in theological circles their 
 minds were set iipon the ques.tion of transubstantiation, the 
 question of the divinity or not of the bread and wine in the mass, - 
 in studies and lecture^rooms a wider-reaching criticism of the 
 methods of ordinary Catholic teaching- was in progress.- We 
 cannot attempt here to gauge the significance in this process of 
 such names as Peter Abelard (1079-1142)-, Albertus' Magnus 
 (1193-1280), and Thomas Aquinas (1225-12Y4). These men 
 sought to reconstruct Catholicism on a sounder syStenf of reason- 
 ing. They turned towards Nominalism. Chief among th«ir 
 critics and successors were Duns Scotus (M308), an Oxford. 
 Franciscan and, to judge by his sedulous thought and deliber-- 
 ate subtleties, a Scotchman, and Occam, an Englishman ( ?- 
 134Y). Both these latter, like Averroes (see Chap. xxx:i., § 8); 
 made a definite distinction between theological and philosophical 
 truth; they placed theology on a pinnacle, but they placed it 
 where it could no longer obstruct research; Duns Scotus de- 
 clared that it was impossible to prove by reasoning the exist- 
 ence of God or of the Trinity or the credibility of the 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 729 
 
 Act of Creation; Occam was still more insistent upon this 
 separation — ^which manifestly released scientific inquiry from 
 dogmatic control. A later generation, benefiting by the free- 
 doms towards which these pioneers worked, and knowing not 
 the sources of its freedom, had the ingratitude to use the name 
 of Scotus as a term for stupidity, and so we have our English 
 word "Dunce." Says Professor Pringle Pattison,^ "Occam, 
 who is still a Scholastic, gives us the Scholastic justification 
 of the spirit which had already taken hold upon Eog6r Bacon, 
 and which was to enter upon its rights in the fifteenth and 
 sixteenth centuries." 
 
 Standing apart by himself because of his distinctive genius 
 is this Koger Bacon (about 1210 to about 1293), who was also 
 English. He was a Franciscan of Oxford, and a very typical 
 Englishman indeed, irritable, hasty, honest, and shrewd. He 
 was two centuries ahead of his world. Says H. O. Taylor of 
 him ^ : 
 
 "The career of Bacon was an intellectual tragedy, conform- 
 ing to the old principles of tragic art : that the hero's character 
 shall be large and noble, but not flawless, inasmuch as the fatal 
 consummation must issue from character, and not happen 
 through chance. He died an old man, as in his youth, so in 
 his age, a devotee of tangible knowledge. His pursuit of a 
 knowledge which was not altogether learning had been ob- 
 structed by the Order of which he was an unhappy and rebel- 
 lious member ; quite as fatally his achievement was deformed 
 from within by the principles which he accepted from his time. 
 But he was responsible for his acceptance of current opinions ; 
 and as his views roused the distrust of his brother Friars, his 
 intractable temper drew their hostility on his head. Persuasive- 
 ness aind tact were needed by one who would impress such novel 
 views as his upon his fellows, or, in the thirteenth century, es- 
 cape persecution for their divulgence. Bacon attacked dead and 
 living worthies, tactlessly, fatuously, and unfairly. Of his life 
 scarcely anything is knovsm, save from his allusions to him- 
 self and others ; and these are insufficient for the construction 
 of even a slight consecutive narrative. Born; studied at Ox- 
 ford ; went to Paris, studied, experimented ; is at Oxford again, 
 and a Franciscan; studies, teaches, becomes suspect to his 
 
 ^ Encyolopwdia Britanmca, article "Scholasticism." 
 '^The Medieval Umd, by Henry Osborn Taylor. 
 
780 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Order, is sent back to Paris, kept under surveillance, receives 
 a letter from the Pope, writes, writes, writes — his three best- 
 known works; is again in trouble, confined for many years, 
 released, and dead, so very dead, body and fame alike, until 
 partly unearthed after five centuries." 
 
 The bulk of these "three best-known works" is a hotly phrased 
 and sometimes quite abusive, but entirely just attack on the 
 ignorance of the times, combined with a wealth of suggestions 
 for the increase of knowledge. In his passionate insistence upon 
 the need of experiment and of collecting knowledge, the spirit 
 of Aristotle lives again in him. "Experiment, experiment," 
 that is the burthen of Roger Bacon. Yet of Aristotle himself 
 Roger Bacon fell foul. He fell foul of him because men, in- 
 stead of facing facts boldly, sat in rooms and pored over the 
 bad Latin translations which were then all that was available 
 of the master. "If I had my way," he wrote, in his intem- 
 perate fashion, "I should burn all the books of Aristotle, for the 
 study of them can only lead to a loss of time, produce error, and 
 increase ignorance," a sentiment that Aristotle would probably 
 have echoed could he have returned to a world in which his 
 works were not so much read as worshipped — and that, as 
 Roger Bacon showed, in these most abominable translations. 
 
 Throughout his books, a little disguised by the necessity of 
 seeming to square it all witb orthodoxy for fear of the prison 
 and worse, Roger Bacon shouted to mankind, "Cease to be 
 Tuled by dogmas and authorities; look at the world!" Four 
 chief sources of ignorance he denounced ; respect for authority, 
 custom, the sense of the ignorant crowd, and the vain proud 
 unteachableness of our dispositions. Overcome but these, and 
 a world of power would open to men: — 
 
 "Machines for navigating are possible without rowers, so that 
 great ships suited to river or ocean, guided by one man, may be 
 borne with greater speed than if they were full of men. Like- 
 wise cars may be made so that without a draught animal they 
 may be moved cum impetu incestimahili, as we deem the scythed 
 chariots to have been from which antiquity fought. And flying 
 machines are possible, so that a man may sit in the middle 
 turning some device by. which artificial wings may beat the air 
 in the manner of a flying bird." 
 
 Occam, Roger Bacon, these are the early precursors of a great 
 movement in Europe away from "Realism" towards reality. 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 731 
 
 For a time the older influences fought against the naturalism of 
 the new Nominalists. In 1339 Occam's books were put under a 
 ban and Nominalism solemnly condemned. As late as 1473 an 
 attempt, belated and unsuccessful, was made to bind teachers 
 of Paris by an oath to teach Realism. It was only in the six- 
 teenth century with the printing of books and the increase of 
 intelligence that the movement from absolutism towards experi- 
 ment became massive, and that one investigator began to co- 
 operate with another. 
 
 Throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries experi- 
 menting with material things was on the increase, items of 
 knowledge were being won by mai, but there was no inter- 
 related advance. The work was done in a detached, furtive, 
 and inglorious manner. A tradition of isolated investigation 
 came into Europe from the Arabs, and a considerable amount 
 of private and secretive research was carried on by the alche- 
 mists, for whom modern writers are a little too apt with their 
 contempt. These alchemists were in close touch with the glass 
 and metal workers and with the herbalists and medicine-makers 
 of the times ; they pried into many secrets of nature, but they 
 were obsessed by "practical" ideas ; they sought not knowledge, 
 but power; they wanted to find out how to manufacture gold 
 from cheaper materials, how to make men immortal by the 
 elixir of life, and such-like vulgar dreams. Incidentally in 
 their researches they learnt much about poisons, dyes, metal- 
 lurgy, and the like; they discovered various refractory sub- 
 stances, and worked their way towards clear glass and so to 
 lenses and optical instruments; but as scientific men tell us 
 continually, and as "practical" men still refuse to learn, it is 
 only when knowledge is sought for her own sake that she gives 
 rich and unexpected gifts in any abundance to her servants. 
 The world of to-day is still much more disposed to spend money 
 on technical research than on pure science. . Half the men in 
 our scientific laboratories still dream of patents and secret 
 processes. We live to-day largely in the age of alchemists, for 
 all our sneers at their memory. The "business man" of to-day 
 still thinks of research as a sort of alchemy. 
 
 Closely associated with the alchemists were the astrologers, 
 who were also a "practical" race. They studied the stars — 
 to tell fortunes. They lacked that broader faith and under- 
 standing which induces men simply to study the stars. 
 
732 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Not until the fifteenth century did the ideas which Eoger 
 Bacon first expressed begin to produce their first-fruits in new 
 knowledge and a widening outlook. Then suddenly, as the 
 sixteenth century dawned, and as the world recovered from the 
 stoma of social trouble that had followed the pestilences of the 
 fourteenth century, Western Europe broke out into a galaxy 
 of names that outshine the utmost scientific reputations of the 
 best age of Greece. Nearly every nation contributed, the 
 reader will note, for science knows no nationality. 
 
 One of the earliest and most splendid in this constellation 
 is the Florentine, Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519), a man 
 with an almost miraculous vision for reality. He was a nat- 
 uralist, an anatomist,, an engineer, as well as a very great artist. ■ 
 He was the first modem to realize the true nature of fossils,^ 
 he made note-books of observations that still amaze us, he was 
 convinced of the practicability of mechanical flight. Another 
 great name is that of Copernicus, a Pole (1473-1543), who 
 made the first clear analysis of the movements of the heavenly 
 bodies and showed that the earth moves round the sun. Tycho 
 Brahe (1546-1601), a Dane working at the university of 
 Prague, rejected this latter belief, but his observations of celes- 
 tial movements were of the utmost value to his successors, 
 and especially to the German, Kepler (1571-1630). Galileo 
 Galilei (1564-1642) was the founder of the science of dy- 
 namics. Before his time it was believed that a weight a hun- 
 dred times greater than another would fall a hundred times 
 as fast. Galileo denied this. Instead of arguing about it like 
 a scholar and a gentleman, he put it to the coarse test of experi- 
 ment by dropping two unequal weights from an upper gallery 
 of the leaning tower of Pisa — ^to the horror of all erudite men. 
 He made what was almost the first telescope, and he developed 
 the astronomical views of Copernicus; but the church, still 
 struggling gallantly against the light, decided that to believe that 
 the earth was smaller and inferior to the sun made man and 
 Christianity of no account, and diminished the importance of 
 the Pope; so Galileo, under threats of dire punishment, when 
 he was an old man of sixty-nine, was made to recant this view 
 and put the earth back in its place as the immovable centre of 
 the universe. He knelt before ten cardinals in scarlet, an 
 assembly august enough to overawe truth itself, while he 
 ^Op. Chap. II, § 1, towards the end. 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 733 
 
 ainended the creation he had disarranged. The story has it 
 that as he rose from his knees, after repeating his recantation, 
 he muttered, "Epptcr si Muove" — "it moves nevertheless." 
 
 Newton (1642-1727) was bom in the year of Galileo's 
 death. By his discovery of the law of gravitation he completed 
 the clear vision of the starry universe that we have to-day. 
 But Newton carries us into the eighteenth century. He carries 
 us too far for the present chapter. Among the earlier names, 
 that of Dr. Gilbert (1540-1603), of Colchester, is pre-eminent. 
 Rogfer Bacon had preached experiment, Gilbert was one of the 
 first to practise it. There can be little doubt that his work, 
 -which was chiefly upon magnetism, helped to form the ideas of 
 Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam (1561-1626), Lord Chancellor 
 to James I of England. This Francis Bacon has been called 
 the "Father of Experimental Philosophy," but of his share in 
 the development of scientific work far too much has been made.^ 
 He was, says Sir R. A. Gregory, "not the founder but the 
 apostle" of the scientific method. His greatest service to sci- 
 ence was a fantastic book. The New Atlantis. "In his New 
 Atlantis, Francis Bacon planned in somewhat fanciful lan- 
 guage a palace of invention, a great temple of science, where the 
 pursuit of knowledge in all its branches was to be organized 
 on principles of the highest eflSciency." 
 
 From this Utopian dream arose the Eoyal Society of Lon- 
 'don, which received a Royal Charter from Charles II of Eng- 
 land in 1662. The essential use and virtue of this society was 
 and is publication. Its formation marks a definite step from 
 isolated inquiry towards co-operative work, from the secret and 
 solitary investigations of the alchemist to the frank report and 
 "open discussion which is the life of the modern scientific process. 
 For the true scientific method is this: to trust no statements 
 ■without verification, to test all things as rigorously as possible, 
 to keep no secrets, to attempt no monopolies, to give out one's 
 best modestly and plainly, serving no other end but knowledge. 
 
 The long-slumbering science of anatomy was revived by Har- 
 vey (1578-1657), who demonstrated the circulation of the 
 blood. . '.'■'.■ Presently the Dutchman, Leeuwenhoek (1632- 
 1723) brought the first crude microscope to bear upon the hid- 
 den minutisB of life. 
 
 These are but some of the brightest stars amidst that in- 
 
 *See Gregory's Discovery, chap. vi. , 
 
734 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 creasing multitude of men who have from the fifteenth century 
 to our own time, with more and more collective energy and 
 vigour, lit up our vision of the universe, and increased our 
 power over the conditions of our lives. 
 
 § 1 
 
 We have dealt thus fully with the recrudescence of scientific 
 studies in the Middle Ages because of its ultimate importance 
 in human affairs. In the long run, Koger Bacon is of more 
 significance to mankind than any monarch of his time. But the 
 contemporary world, for the most part, knew nothing of this 
 smouldering activity in studies and lecture-rooms and alchemist's 
 laboratories that was presently to alter all the conditions of 
 life. The church did indeed take notice of what was afoot, but 
 only because of the disregard of her conclusive decisions. She 
 had decided that the earth was the very centre of God's creation, 
 and that the Pope was the divinely appointed ruler of the earth. 
 Men's ideas on these essential points, she insisted, must not be 
 disturbed by any contrary teaching. So soon, however, as she 
 had compelled Galileo to say that the world did not move she 
 was satisfied ; she does not seem to have realized how ominous it 
 was for her that, after all, the earth did move. 
 
 Very great social as well as intellectual developments were 
 in progress in Western Europe throughout this period of the 
 later Middle Ages. But the human mind apprehends events far 
 more vividly than changes ; and men for the most part, then as 
 now, kept on in their own traditions in spite of the shifting 
 scene about them. 
 
 In an outline such as this it is impossible to crowd in the 
 clustering events of history that do not clearly show the main 
 process of human development, however bright and picturesque 
 they may be. We have to record the steady growth of towns 
 and cities, the reviving power of trade and money, the gradual 
 re-establishment of law and custom, the extension of security, 
 the supersession of private warfare that went on in Western 
 Europe in the period between the first crusade and the six- 
 teenth century. Of much that looms large in our national 
 histories we cannot tell anything. We have no space for the 
 story of the repeated attempts of the English kings to conquer 
 Scotland and set themselves up as kings of France, nor of how 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 735 
 
 the Norman English established themselves insecurely in Ire- 
 land (twelfth century), and how Wales was linked to the Eng- 
 lish crown (1282). All through the Middle Ages the struggle of 
 England with Scotland and France was in progress ; there were 
 times when it seemed that Scotland was finally subjugated and 
 when the English king held far more land in France than its 
 titular sovereign. In the English histories this struggle with 
 France is too often represented as a single-handed and almost 
 successful attempt to conquer France. In reality it was a joint 
 enterprise undertaken in concert first with the Flemings and 
 Bavarians and afterwards with the powerful French vassal state 
 of Burgundy to conquer and divide the patriinony of Hugh 
 Capet. Of the English rout by the Scotch at Bannockbum 
 (1314), and of William Wallace, and Eobert the Bruce, the 
 Scottish national heroes, of the battles of Crecy (1346) and 
 Poitiers (1356) and Agincourt (1415) in France, which shine 
 like stars in the English imagination, little battles in which 
 sturdy bowmen through some sunny hours made a great havoc 
 among French knights in armour, of the Black Prince 
 and Henry V of England, and of how a peasant girl, Joan 
 of Arc, the Maid of Orleans, drove the English out of her 
 country again (1429-1430), this history relates nothing. 
 For every country has such cherished national events. They 
 are the ornamental tapestry of history, and no part of the 
 building. Rajputana or Poland, Russia, Spain, Persia, and 
 China can all match or outdo the utmost romance of western 
 Europe, with equally adventurous knights and equally valiant 
 princesses and equally stout fights against the odds. Nor can we 
 tell how Louis XI of France (1461-1483), the son of Joan of 
 Arc's Charles VII, brought Burgundy to heel and laid the 
 foundations of a centralized Frencfh monarchy. It signifies 
 more that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, gunpowder, 
 that Mongol gift, came to Europe so that the kings (Louis XI 
 included) and the law, relying upon the support of the growing 
 towns, were able to batter dovni the castles of the half-inde- 
 pendent robber knights and barons of the earlier Middle Ages 
 and consolidate a more centralized power. The fighting nobles 
 and knights of the barbaric period disappear slowly from his- 
 tory during these centuries ; the Crusades consumed them, such 
 dynastic wars as the English Wars of the Roses killed them off, 
 the arrows from the English long-bow pierced them and stuck 
 
736 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 out a yard behind, infantry ao armed swept them from the 
 stricken field ; they became reconciled to trade and changed their 
 nature. They disappeared in everything but a titular sense 
 from the west and south of Europe before they disappeared from 
 Germany. The knight in Germany remained a professional 
 fighting man into the sixteenth century. 
 
 Between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries in western 
 Europe, and particularly in France and England, there sprang 
 up like flowers a multitude of very distinctive and beautiful 
 buildings, cathedrals, abbeys, and the like, the Gothic architec- 
 tura This lovely efflorescence marks the appearance of a body 
 of craftsmen closely linked in itsbeginnings to the church. In 
 Italy and Spain, too, the world was beginning to build freely 
 and beautifully again. At first it was the wealth of the church 
 that provided most of these buildings; then kings and merchants 
 also began to build. 
 
 From the twelfth century onward, with th© increase of trade, 
 there was a great revival of town life throughout Europe. 
 Prominent among these towns were Venice, with its dependents 
 Kagusa and Corfu, Genoa, Verona, Bologna, Pisa, Florence, 
 Naples, Milan, Marseilles, Lisbon, Barcelona, Karbonne, Tours, 
 Orleans, Bordeaux, Paris, Ghent, Bruges, Boulogne, London, 
 Oxford, Cambridge, Southampton, Dover, Antwerp, Hamburg, 
 Bremen, Cologne, Mayence, Nuremberg, Munich, Leipzig, Mag- 
 deburg, Breslau, Stettin, Dantzig, Konigsberg, Riga, Pskof, 
 Novgorod, Wisby, and Bergen. 
 
 "A West Gentian town, between 1400 and 1500,^ embodied 
 all the achievements of progress at that tim^e, although from a 
 modern standpoint much seems wanting. . . . The streets were 
 mostly narrow and irregularly built, the houses chiefly, of 
 wood, while almost every burgher kept his .cattle in the house, 
 and the herd of swine which was driven every morning by the 
 town herdsman to the pasture-ground formed an inevitable part 
 of city life.^ In Frankfort-on-Main it was unlawful after 1481 
 to keep swine in the Altstadt, but in, the Neustadt and in Sajchr 
 senhausen this custom remained as a matter of course. It was 
 only in 1645, after a corresponding attempt in 155,6 had failed, 
 that the swine^pens in the inner town were pulled' dP^^^' ^* 
 
 ' From Dr. Tille in Helmolt's History of the WorM. " ' ' ■ 
 "Charles Dickens in his Amerioan T^otes mentions swine; in Broadway, 
 New York, in the middle nineteenth century. „' ,, ; , -,,, .. : 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 737 
 
 Leipzig. The rich burghers, who occasionally took part in the 
 great trading companies, were conspicuously wealthy landown- 
 ers, and had extensive courtyards with large bams inside the 
 town walls. The most opulent of them owned those splendid 
 patrician houses which we still admire even to-day. But even 
 in the older towns most houses of the fifteenth century have 
 disappeared ; only here and there a building with open timber- 
 work and overhanging storeys, as in Bacharach or Miltenburg, 
 reminds us of the style of architecture then customary in the 
 houses of burghers. The great bulk of the inferior population, 
 who lived on mendicancy, or got a livelihood by the exercise of 
 the inferior industries, inhabited squalid hovels outside the 
 town; the town wall was often the only support for these 
 wretched buildings.. The internal fittings of the houses, even 
 amongst the wealthy population, were very defective according 
 to modem ideas ; the Gothic style was as little suitable for the 
 petty details of objects of luxury as it was splendidly adapted 
 for the building of churches and town halls. The influence 
 of the Renaissance added much to the comfort of the house. 
 
 "The fourteenth and fifteenth century saw the building of 
 numerous Gothic town churches and town halls throughout Eu- 
 rope which still in many cases' serve their original purpose. 
 The power and prosperity of the towns find their best expres- 
 sion in these and in the fortifications, with their strong towers 
 and gateways. Every picture of a town of the sixteenth or 
 later centuries shows conspicuously these latter erections for 
 the protection and honour of the town. The town did many 
 things which in our time are done by the State. Social prob- 
 lems were taken up by town administration or the corresponding 
 municipal organization. The regulation of trade was the con- 
 cern of the guilds in agreement with the council, the care of 
 the poor belonged to the church, while the council looked after 
 the protection of the town walls and the very necessary fire 
 brigades. The council, mindful of its social duties, superin- 
 tended the filling of the municipal granaries, in order to have 
 supplies in years of scarcity. Such store-houses were erected 
 in almost every town during the fifteenth century. Tariffs 
 of prices for the sale of all wares, high enough to enable every 
 artisan to make a good livelihood, and to give the purchaser a 
 guarantee for the quality of the wares, were maintained. The 
 town was also the chief capitalist; as a seller of annuities on 
 
738 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 739 
 
 lives and inheritances it was a banker and enjoyed unlimited 
 credit. In return it obtained means for the construction of 
 fortifications or for such occasions as the acquisition of sover- 
 eign rights from the hand of an impecunious prince." 
 
 For the most part these European towns were independent 
 or quasi-independent aristocratic republics. Most admitted a 
 vague overlordship on the part of the church, or of the emperor 
 or of a king. Others were parts of kingdoms, or even the 
 capitals of dukes or kings. In such cases their internal free- 
 dom was maintained by a royal or imperial charter. In Eng- 
 land the Royal City of Westminster on the Thames stood cheek 
 by jowl with the walled city of London, into which the King 
 came only with ceremony and permission. The entirely free 
 Venetian republic ruled an empire of dependent islands and 
 trading ports, rather after the fashion of the Athenian republic. 
 Genoa also stood alone. The Germanic towns of the Baltic 
 and North Sea from Kiga to Middelburg in Holland, Dort- 
 mund, and Cologne were loosely allied in a confederation, the 
 confederation of the Hansa towns, under the leadership of 
 Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck, a confederation which was still 
 more loosely attached to the empire. This confederation, which 
 included over seventy towns in all, and which had depots in 
 Novgorod, Bergen, London, and Bruges, did much to keep the 
 northern seas clean of piracy, that curse of the Mediterranean 
 and of the Eastern seas. The Eastern Empire throughout its 
 last phase, from the Ottoman conquest of its European hinter- 
 land in the fourteenth and early fifteenth century until its fall 
 in 1453, was practically only the trading town of Constanti- 
 nople, a town state like Genoa or Venice, except that it was en- 
 cumbered by a corrupt imperial court. 
 
 The fullest and most splendid developments of this city life 
 of the later Middle Ages occurred in Italy. After the end of 
 the Hohenstaufen line in the thirteenth century, the hold of 
 the Holy Roman Empire upon North and Central Italy weak- 
 ened, although, as we shall tell, German Emperors were still 
 crowned as kings and emperors in Italy up to the time of 
 Charles V (circ. 1530). There arose a number of quasi-inde- 
 pendent city states to the north of Rome, the papal capital. 
 South Italy and Sicily, however, remained under foreign domin- 
 ion. Genoa and her rival, Venice, were the great trading sea- 
 ports of this time; their noble palaces, their lordly paintings, 
 
740 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 still win our admiration. Milan, at the foot of the St. Gothard 
 pass, revived to wealth and power. Inland was Florence, a 
 trading and financial centre which, under the almost monarchi- 
 cal rule of the Medici family in the fifteenth century, enjoyed a 
 second "Periclean age." But already before the time of these 
 cultivated Medici "bosses," Florence had produced much beau- 
 tiful art, Giotto's tower (Giotto, born 1266, died 1337) and 
 the Duomo (by Brunellesco, bom 1377, died 1446) already ex- 
 isted. Towards the end of the fourteenth century Florence be- 
 came the centre of the rediscovery, restoration, and imitation 
 of antique art (the ''Renaissance" in its narrower sense). 
 Artistic productions, unlike philosophical thought and scientific 
 discovery, are the ornaments and expression rather than the cre- 
 ative substance of history, and here we cannot attempt to trace 
 the development of the art of Filippo Lippi, Botticelli, Dona- 
 tello (died 1466), Leonardo da Vinci (died 1519), Michel- 
 angelo (1475-1564), and Eaphael (died 1520). Of the sci- 
 entific speculation of Leonardo we have already had occasion 
 to speak. , 
 
 § 8 
 
 In 1453, as we have related, Constantinople fell. Through- 
 out the next century the Turkish pressure upon Europe was 
 heavy and continuous. The boundary line between Mongol 
 and Aryan, which had lain somewhere east of the Pamirs in 
 the days of Pericles, had receded now to Hungary. Constanti- 
 nople had long been a mere island of Christians in a Turk- 
 ruled Balkan peninsula. Its fall did much to interrupt the 
 trade with the East. 
 
 Of the two rival cities of the Mediterranean, Venice was 
 
 fenerally on much better terms with the Turks than Genoa. 
 Ivery intelligent Genoese sailor fretted at the trading monopoly 
 of Venice, and tried to invent some way of getting through it 
 or round it. And there were now new peoples taking to the sea 
 trade, and disposed to look for new ways to the old markets be- 
 cause the ancient routes were closed to them. The Portuguese, 
 for example, were developing an Atlantic coasting trade. The 
 Atlantic was waking up again after a vast period of neglect 
 that dated from the Roman murder of Carthage. It is rather 
 a delicate matter to decide whether the western European was 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 741 
 
 pushing out into the Atlantic or whether he was being pushed 
 out into it by the Turk, who lorded it in the Mediterranean until 
 the Battle of Lepanto (1571). The Venetian and Genoese 
 ships were creeping round to Antwerp, and the Hansa town 
 seamen were coming south and extending their range. And 
 there were considerable developments of seamanship and ship- 
 building in progress. The Mediterranean is a sea for galleys 
 and coasting. But upon the Atlantic Ocean and the North 
 Sea winds are more prevalent, seas run higher, the shore is 
 often a danger rather than a refuge. The high seas called 
 for the sailing ship, and in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries 
 it appears keeping its course by the compass and the stars. 
 
 By the thirteenth century the Hansa merchants were already 
 sailing regularly from Bergen across the grey cold seas to the 
 Northmen in Iceland. In Iceland men knew of Greenland, and 
 adventurous voyagers had long ago found a further land be- 
 yond, Vinland, where the climate was pleasant and where men 
 could settle if they chose to cut themselves off from the rest of 
 human kind. This Vinland was either Nova Scotia or, what 
 is more probable, New England. 
 
 All over Europe in the fifteenth century merchants and 
 sailors were speculating about new ways to the East. The Por- 
 tuguese, unaware that Pharaoh Necho had solved the problem 
 ages ago, were asking whether it was not possible to go round 
 to India by the coast of Africa. Their ships followed in the 
 course that Hanno took to Cape Verde (1445). They put 
 out to sea to the west and found the Canary Isles, Madeira, and 
 the Azores.^ That was a fairly long stride across the Atlantic. 
 In 1486 a Portuguese, Diaz, reported that he had rounded 
 the south of Africa. ... 
 
 A certain Genoese, Christopher Columbus, began to think 
 more and more of what is to us a very obvious and natural en- 
 terprise, but which strained the imagination of the fifteenth 
 century to the utmost, a voyage due west across the Atlantic. 
 At that time nobody knew of the existence of America as a 
 separate continent, Columbus knew that the world was a 
 sphere, but he underestimated its size; the travels of Marco 
 Polo had given him an exaggerated idea of the extent of Asia, 
 
 'In these maritime adventures in the eastern Atlantic and the west 
 African coast the Portuguese were preceded in the thirteenth, fourteenth, 
 and early fifteenth centuries by Normans, Catalonians, and Gienoese. 
 
742 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and he supposed therefore that Japan, with its reputation for 
 a great wealth of gold, lay across the Atlantic in about the 
 position of Mexico, He had made various voyages in the At- 
 lantic; he had been to Iceland and perhaps heard of Vinland, 
 which must have greatly encouraged these ideas of his, and this 
 project of sailing into the sunset became the ruling purpose 
 of his life. He was a penniless man, some accounts say he was 
 a bankrupt, and his only way of securing a ship was to get 
 someone to entrust him with a command. He went first to 
 King John II of Portugal, who listened to him, made difficul- 
 ties, and then arranged for an expedition to start without his 
 knowledge, a purely Portuguese expedition. This highly dip- 
 lomatic attempt to steal a march on an original man failed, as it 
 deserved to fail; the crew became mutinous, the captain lost 
 heart and returned (1483), Columbus then went to the Court 
 of Spain. 
 
 At first he could get no ship and no ' powers. Spain was 
 assailing Granada, the last foothold of the Moslems in western 
 Europe. Most of Spain had been recovered by the Christians 
 between the eleventh and the thirteenth century ; then had come 
 a pause ; and now all Spain, united by the marriage of Ferdi- 
 nand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, was setting itself to 
 the completion of the Christian conquest. Despairing of Span- 
 ish help, Columbus sent his brother Bartholomew to Henry 
 VII of England, but the adventure did not attract that canny 
 monarch. Finally in 1492 Granada fell, and then, helped by 
 some merchants of the town of Palos, Columbus got his ships, 
 three ships, of which only one, the Santa Maria, of 100 tons 
 burthen, was decked. The two other were open boats of half 
 that tonnage. 
 
 The little expedition — it numbered altogether eighty-eight 
 men! — ^went south to the Canaries, and then stood out across 
 the unknown seas, in beautiful weather and with a helpful wind. 
 
 The story of that momentous voyage of two months and nine 
 days must be read in detail to be appreciated. The crew was 
 full of doubts and fears; they might, they feared, sail on for 
 ever. They were comforted by seeing some birds, and later on 
 by finding a pole worked with tools, and a branch with strange 
 berries. At ten o'clock, on the night of October 11th, 1492, 
 Columbus saw a light ahead ; the next morning land was sighted, 
 and, while the day was still young, Columbus landed on the 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 743 
 
 shores of the new world, richly apparelled and bearing the royal 
 banner of Spain. . . . 
 
 Early in 1493 Columbus returned to Europe. He brought 
 gold, cotton, strange beasts and birds, and two wild-eyed painted 
 Indians to be baptized. He had not found Japan, it was 
 thought, but India. The islands he had found were called there- 
 fore the West Indies. The same year he sailed again with a 
 great expedition of seventeen ships and fifteen thousand men, 
 with the express permission of the Pope to take possession of 
 these new lands for the Spanish crown. . . . 
 
 We cannot tell of his experiences as Governor of this Spanish 
 colony, nor how he was superseded and put in chains. In a 
 little while a swarm of Spanish adventurers were exploring the 
 new lands. But it is interesting to note that Columbus died 
 ignorant of the fact that he had discovered a new continent. 
 He believed to the day of his death that he had sailed round 
 the world to Asia. 
 
 The news of his discoveries caused a great excitement through- 
 out western Europe. It spurred the Portuguese to fresh at- 
 tempts to reach India by the South African route. In 1497, 
 Vasco da Gama sailed from Lisbon to Zanzibar, and thence, 
 with an Arab pilot, he struck across the Indian Ocean to Cali- 
 cut in India. In 1515 there were Portuguese ships in Java 
 and the Moluccas. In 1519 a Portuguese sailor, Magellan, in 
 the employment of the Spanish King, coasted to the south of 
 South America, passed through the dark and forbidding "Strait 
 of Magellan," and so came into the Pacific Ocean, which had 
 already been sighted by Spanish explorers who had crossed the 
 Isthmus of Panama. 
 
 Magellan's expedition continued across the Pacific Ocean 
 westward. This was a far more heroic voyage than that of 
 Columbus ; for eight and ninety days Magellan sailed unflinch- 
 ingly over that vast, empty ocean, sighting nothing but two 
 little desert islands. The crews were rotten with scurvy ; there 
 was little water and that bad, and putrid biscuit to eat. Eats 
 were hunted eagerly; cowhide was gnawed and sawdust de- 
 voured to stay the pangs of hunger. In this state the expedi- 
 tion reached the Ladrones. They discovered the Philippines, 
 and here Magellan was killed in a fight with the natives. Sev- 
 eral other captains were murdered. Five ships had started with 
 Magellan in August 1519 and two hundred and eighty men; 
 
744 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 in July 1522 tlie Vitioria, ■with a remnant of one and thirty 
 men aboard, returned up the Atlantic to her anchorage near the 
 Mole of Seville, in the river Guadalquivir — the first ship that 
 ever circumnavigated this planet. 
 
 The English and French and Dutch and the sailors of the 
 Hansa towns came rather later into this new adventure of ex- 
 ploration. They had not the same keen interest in the eastern 
 trade. And vrhen they did come in, their first efforts were 
 directed to sailing round the north of America as Magellan 
 had sailed round the south, and to sailing round the north 
 of Asia as Vasco da Gama had sailed round the south of Africa. 
 Both these enterprises v?ere doomed to failure by the nature of 
 things. Both in America and the East, Spain and Portugal 
 had half a century's start of England and Erance and Holland. 
 And Germany never started. The King of Spain was Emperor 
 of Germany in those crucial years, and the Pope had given the 
 monopoly of America to Spain, and not simply to Spain, but 
 to the kingdom of Castile. This must have restrained both 
 Germany and Holland at first from American adventures. The 
 Hansa towns were quasi-independent ; they had no monarch be- 
 hind them to support them, and no unity among themselves for 
 so big an enterprise as oceanic exploration. It was the mis- 
 fortune of Germany, and perhaps of the world, that, as we will 
 presently tell, a storm of warfare exhausted her when all the 
 Western powers were going to this newly opened school of trade 
 and administration upon the high seas. 
 
 Slowly throughout the sixteenth century the immense good 
 fortune of Castile unfolded itself before the dazzled eyes of 
 Europe. She had found a new world, abounding in gold and 
 silver and wonderful possibilities of settlement. It was all 
 hers, because the Pope had said so. The Court of Eome, in 
 an access of magnificence, had divided this new world of 
 strange lands which was now opening out to the European im- 
 agination, between the Spanish, who were to have everything 
 west of a line 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde islands, and 
 the Portuguese, to whom everything east of this line was given. 
 
 At first the only people encountered by the Spaniards in 
 America were savages of a Mongoloid type. Many of these 
 savages were cannibals. It is a misfortune for science that 
 the first Europeans to reach America were these rather incurious 
 Spaniards, without any scientific passion, thirsty for gold, and 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 
 
 745 
 
746 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 full of the blind bigotry of a recent religious war. They made 
 few intelligent observations of the native methods and ideas of 
 these primordial people. They slaughtered them, they robbed 
 them, they enslaved them, and baptized them; but they made 
 small note of 1;he customs and motives that changed and van- 
 ished undei" their assault. They were as destructive and reck- 
 less as the British in Tasmania, who shot the last Palseolithic 
 men at sight, and put out poisoned meat for them to find. 
 
 Great' areas of the American interior were prairie land, 
 whose nomadic tribes subsisted upon vast herds of the now prac- 
 tically extinct bison. In their manner of life, in their painted 
 garments and their free use of paint, in their general physical 
 characters, these prairie Indiana sbowed remarkable resem- 
 blances to the Later Palaeolithic men of the Solutrian age in 
 Europe. But they had no horses. They seem to have made no 
 very great advance from that primordial state, which was prob- 
 ably the' state in which their ancestors had reached America. 
 They had, however, a knowledge of metals, and most notably 
 a free use of native copper, but no knowledge of iron. As the 
 Spaniards penetrated into the continent, they found and they 
 attacked, plundered, and destroyed two separate civilized sys- 
 tems that had developed in America, perhaps quite independ- 
 ently of. the civilized systems of the old world. One of them 
 was the Aztec civilization- of Mexico; the other, that of Peru. 
 They had probably arisen out of the heliolithic sub-civilization 
 that had; drifted in canoes across the Pacific, island by island, 
 step by step, age after age, from its region of origin round and 
 about the Mediterranean. We have already noted one or 
 two points of interest in these tinique developments.. Along 
 their own lines these civilized peoples of America had reached 
 to a statp of affairs roughly parallel with the culture of pre- 
 dynastic Egypt or the early Sumerian cities. Before the Az- 
 tecs and the Peruvians there had been still earlier civilized 
 beginnings which had either been destroyed by their successors, 
 or which had failed and relapsed of their own accord. 
 
 The Aztecs seem to have been a conquering, less civilized 
 people, dominating a more civilized community, as the Aryans 
 dominated Greece and ifTorth India. Their religion was a 
 primitive, complex, and cruel system, in which human sacrifices 
 and ceremonial cannibalism played a large part. Their minds 
 were haunted by the idea of sin and the need fol- bloody 
 propitiations. 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 747 
 
 The Aztec civilization was destroyed by an expedition tinder 
 Cortez. He had eleven ships, four hundred Europeans, two 
 hundred Indians, sixteen horses, and fourteen guns. But in 
 Yucatan he picked up a stray Spaniard who had been a captive 
 with the Indians for some years, and who had more or less 
 learnt various Indian languages, and knew that the Aztec rule 
 was. deeply resented by many of its subjects. It was in alliance 
 with these that Cortez advanced over the mountains into the 
 valley of Mexico (1519). How he entered Mexico, how its 
 monarch, Montezuma, was killed by his own people for favour- 
 ing , the Spaniards, how Cortez was besieged in Mexico, and 
 escEtped with the loss of his guns and horses, and how after a 
 terrible retreat to the coast he was able to return and subju- 
 gate the whole land, is a romantic and picturesque story wnich 
 we cannot even attempt to tell here. The population of Mexico 
 to this day is largely of native blood, but Spanish has replaced 
 the native languages, and such culture as exists is Catholic and 
 Spanish^ '. ; 
 
 The still more curious Peruvian state fell a victim to antjther 
 advpnturer, Pizarro. He sailed from the Isthmus of 'Panama 
 in 1530, with an expedition of a hundred and sixty-eight 
 Spaniards. Like Cortez in Mexico, he availed himself oi the 
 native dissensions to secure possession of the doomed state. 
 Like Coitez, too, who, had made a captive and tool of Monte- 
 zuma, he; seized the Inca of Peru by treachery, and attem|pted 
 to rule in his name. Here again we cannot do justice t<> the 
 tangle of, subsequent events, the ill-planned insurrection^ of 
 theinatives, the arrival of Spanish reinforcements from Mexico, 
 and the reduction of the state to a Spanish province. Nor can 
 we tell much more of the swift spread of Spanish adventurers 
 over the rest of America, outside the Portuguese reservation 
 of Brazil. To begin with, each story is nearly always a story 
 of adventurers and of cruelty and loot. The Spaniards ill- 
 treated the natives, they quarrelled among themselves, the law 
 and order of Spain were months and years away from them; 
 it was only very slowly that the phase of violence and conquest 
 passed into a phase of government and settlement. But long 
 before there was much order in America, a steady stream of 
 gold and silver began to flow across the Atlantic to the Spanish 
 government and people. 
 
 After the first violent treasure hunt came plantation and; the 
 
748 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 working of mines. With that arose the earliest labour difficulty 
 in the new world. At first the Indians were enslaved with 
 much brutality and injustice; but to- the honour of the Spaniards 
 this did not go uncriticized. The natives found champions, and 
 
 v#ry valiant champions, in the Dominican Order and in a 
 secular priest, Las Gasas, who was for a time a planter and 
 slave-owner in Cuba until his conscience smote him. An im- 
 portatioii of negro slaves from West Africa also began quite 
 early in the sixteenth century. After some retrogression, 
 Mexico, Brazil, and Spanish South America began to develop 
 into great slave-holding, wealth-producing lands. ... 
 
 ^e cannot tell here, as we would like to do, of the fine civi- 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 749 
 
 lizing work done in South America, and more especially among 
 the natives, by the Franciscans, and presently by the Jesuits, 
 ■who came into America in the latter half of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury (after 1549). . , . 
 
 So it was that Spain rose to a temporary power and promi- 
 nence in the world's affairs. It was a very sudden and very 
 memorable rise. From the eleventh century this infertile and 
 corrugated peninsula had been divided against itself, its Chris- 
 tian population had sustained a perpetual conflict with the 
 Moors; then by what seems like an accident it achieved unity 
 just in time to reap the first harvest of benefit from the discov- 
 ery of America. Before that time Spain had always been a 
 poor country ; it is a poor country to-day, almost its only wealth 
 lies in its mines. For a century, however, through its monop- 
 oly of the gold and silver of America, it dominated the world. 
 The east and centre of Europe were still overshadowed by the 
 Turk and Mongol ; the discovery of America was itself a conse- 
 quence of the Turkish conquests ; very largely through the Mon- 
 golian inventions of compass and paper, and under the stimulus 
 of travel in Asia and of the growing knowledge of eastern 
 Asiatic wealth and civilization, came this astonishing blazing up 
 of the mental, physical, and social energies of the "Atlantic 
 fringe." For cloSe in the wake of Portugal and Spain came 
 France and England, and presently Holland, each in its turn 
 taking up the role of expansion and empire overseas. The cen- 
 tre of interest for European history which once lay in the Levant 
 shifts now from the Alps and the Mediterranean Sea to the 
 Atlantic. For some centuries the Turkish Empire and Central 
 Asia and China are relatively neglected by the limelight of the 
 European historian. Nevertheless, these central regions of the 
 world remain central, and their welfare and participation is 
 necessary to the permanent peace of mankind. 
 
 § 9 
 
 And now let us consider the political conseqiiences of this 
 vast release and expansion of European ideas in tlie fourteenth 
 and fifteenth centuries with the new development of science, 
 the exploration of the world, the great dissemination of knowl- 
 edge through paper and printing, and the spread of a new crav- 
 ing for freedom and equality. How was it affecting the men- 
 
750 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tality of the courts and kings that directed the formal affairs 
 of mankind? We have already shown how the hold of the 
 CathQlic church upon the consciences of men was weakening at 
 this time. Only the Spaniards, fresh from a long and finally 
 successful religious war against Islam, had any greiat enthusiasm 
 left, for the church. The Turkish conquests and the expansion 
 of the known world robbed the Roman Empire of its former 
 prestige of universality. The old mental and moral framework- 
 of _Europe was breaking up. What was happening to the dukes, 
 princes, and kings of the old dispensation during this age of 
 change? 
 
 In England, as we shall tell later, very subtle and interesting 
 tendencies were leading towards a new method in government, 
 the method of parliament, that was to spread later on over 
 nearly all the world. But of these tendencies the world at large 
 was as yet practically unconscious in the sixteenth century. 
 
 Few monarchs have left us intimate diaries ; to be a monarch 
 and to be frank are incompatible feats; monarchy is itself 
 necessarily a pose. The historian is obliged to speculate about 
 the contents of the head that wears a crown as best he can. No 
 doubt regal : psychology has varied with the ages. We have, 
 however, the writings of a very able man of this pieriod who set 
 himself to study and expound the arts of kingcraft as they 
 were understood in the later fifteenth century. This was the 
 celebrated Florentine, Wiccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527). He 
 was of good birth and reasonable fortune, and he had entered the 
 public employment of the republic by the time he was twenty- 
 five. For eighteen years he was in the Florentine diplomatic 
 service; he was engaged upon a number of embassies, and in 
 1500 he was sent to France to deal with the French king. 
 From 1502 to 1512 he was the right-hand man of the gonfalonier 
 (the life president) of Florence, Soderini. Machiavelli re- 
 organized the Florentine army, wrote speeches for the gon- 
 falonier, was indeed the ruling intelligence in Florentine 
 affairs. When Soderini, who had leant upon the French, 
 was overthrown by the Medici family whom the Spanish sup- 
 portedj, Machiavelli, though he tried to transfer his services to 
 the victors, was tortured on the rack and expelled. He took 
 up his quarters in a villa near San Casciano, twelve miles or 
 so from Floreijce, and there entertained himself partly by 
 collecting and writing salacious stories to a friend in Rome, 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 751 
 
 and partly by writing books about Italian jralitics in which be 
 could no longer play a part. Just as we owe Marco Polo's 
 book of travels to his imprisonment, so we owe Machiavelli's 
 Prince, his Florentine History, and The Art of War to his 
 downfall and the boredom of San Casciano. 
 
 The enduring value of these books lies in the clear idea they 
 give us of the quality and limitations of the ruling minds of this 
 age. Their atmosphere was his atmosphere. If he brought an 
 exceptionally keen intelligence to their business, that merely 
 throws it into a brighter light. 
 
 His susceptible mind had been greatly impressed by the cun- 
 ning, cruelty, audacity, and ambition of Caesar Borgia, the 
 Duke of Valentino, in whose camp he had spent some months 
 as an envoy. In his Prince he idealized this dazzling person. 
 Caesar Borgia (1476-1507), the reader must understand, was 
 the son of Pope Alexander VI, Rodrigo Borgia (1492-1503). 
 The reader will perhaps be startled at the idea of a Pope having 
 a son, but this, we must remember, was a pre-reformation Pope. 
 The Papacy at this time was in a mood of moral relaxation, and 
 though Alexander was, as a priest, pledged to live unmarried, 
 this did not hinder him from living openly with a sort of 
 unmarried wife, and devoting the resources of Christendom to 
 the advancement of his family. Caesar was a youth of spirit 
 even for the times in which he lived; he had early caused. his 
 elder brother to be murdered, and also the husband of his sister, 
 Lucrezia. He had indeed betrayed and murdered a number of 
 people. With his father's a'ssistance he had become duke of a 
 wide area of Central Italy when Machiavelli visited him. He 
 had shown little or no military ability, but considerable dex- 
 terity and administrative power. His magnificence was of the 
 most temporary sort. When presently his father died, it col- 
 lapsed like a pricked bladder. Its unsoundness was not evident 
 to Machiavelli. Our chief interest in Caesar Borgia is that he 
 realized Machiavelli's highest ideals of a superb and successful 
 prince. 
 
 Much has been written to show that Machiavelli had .wide 
 and noble intentions behind his political writings, but all such 
 attempts to ennoble him will leave the sceptical reader, who in- 
 sists on reading the lines instead of reading imaginary things 
 between the lines of Machiavelli's work, cold towards him. This 
 man m^mfestly had no belief in any righteousness at all, no 
 
752 THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 belief in a God ruling over the world or in a God in men's 
 hearts, no understanding of the power of conscience in men. 
 Not for him were Utopian visions of world-wide human order, 
 or attempts to realize the City of God. Such things he did not 
 want. It seemed to him that to get power, to gratify one's 
 desires and sensibilities and hates, to swagger triumphantly in 
 the world, must be the crown of human desire. Only a prince 
 could fully realize such a life. Some streak of timidity or 
 his sense of the poorness of his personal claims had evidently 
 made him abandon such dreams for himself; but at least he 
 might hope to serve a prince, to live close to the glory, to share 
 the plunder and the lust and the gratified malice. He might 
 even make himself indispensable ! He set himself, therefore, to 
 become an "expert" in prince-craft. He assisted Soderini to 
 fail. When he was racked and rejected by the Medicis, and 
 had no further hopes of being even a successful court parasite, 
 he wrote these handbooks of cunning to show what a clever 
 servant some prince had lost. His ruling thought, his great 
 contribution to political literature, was that the moral obliga- 
 tions upon ordinary men cannot bind princes. 
 
 There is a disposition to ascribe the virtue of patriotism to 
 Machiavelli because he suggested that Italy, which was weak 
 and divided — she had been invaded by the Turks and saved 
 from conquest only by the death of the Sultan Muhammad, and 
 she was being fought over by the French and Spanish as though 
 she was something inanimate — ^might be united and strong; but 
 he saw in that possibility only a great opportunity for a prince. 
 And he advocated a national army only because he saw the 
 Italian method of carrying on war by hiring bands of foreign 
 mercenaries was a hopeless one. At any time such troops might 
 go over to a better paymaster or decide to plunder the state 
 they protected. He had been deeply impressed by the victories 
 of the Swiss over the Milanese, but he never fathomed the 
 secret of the free spirit that made those victories possible. The 
 Florentine militia he created was a complete failure. He was 
 a man bom blind to the qualities that make peoples free and 
 nations great. 
 
 Yet this morally blind man was living in a little world of 
 morally blind men. It is clear that his style of thought was 
 the style of thought of the court of his time. Behind the princes 
 of the new states that had grown up out of the wreckage of 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 753 
 
 the empire and the failure of the Church, there were every- 
 where chancellors and secretaries and trusted ministers of the 
 Machiavellian type. Cromwell, for instance, the minister of 
 Henry VIII of England after his breach with Eome, regarded 
 Machiavelli's Prince as the quintessence of political wisdom. 
 
 When the princes were themselves sufficiently clever they, too, 
 were Machiavellian. They were scheming to outdo one an- 
 other, to rob weaker contemporaries, to destroy rivals, so that 
 they might for a brief interval swagger. They had little or 
 no vision of any scheme of human destinies greater than this 
 game they played against one another. 
 
 § 10 
 
 It is interesting to note that this Swiss infantry which had 
 so impressed Machiavelli was no part of the princely system 
 of Europe. At the very centre of the European system there 
 had arisen a little confederation of free states, the Swiss Con- 
 
754 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 federation, which after some centuries of nominal adhesion to 
 the Holy Roman Empire, became frankly republican in 1499. 
 As early as the thirteenth century, the peasant farmers of three 
 valleys round about the Lake of Lucerne took it into their 
 heads that they would dispense with an overlord and manage 
 their own affairs in their own fashion. Their chief trouble 
 came from the claims of a noble family of the Aar valley, the 
 Habsburg family. In 1245 the men of Schwyz burnt the castle 
 of New Habsburg which had been set up hear Lucerne to over- 
 awe them ; its ruins are still to be seen there. 
 
 This Habsburg family was a growing and acquisitive one;* 
 it had lands and possessions throughout Germany ; and in 1273,; 
 after the extinction of the Hohenstauf en house, Eudolf of; 
 Habsburg' was elected Emperor of Germany, a distinction that 
 became at last practically hereditary in his family. None the 
 less, the men of Uti, Schwyz, and Unterwalden did not mean 
 to be ruled by any Habsburg ; they formed an Everlasting; 
 League in 1291, and they held their own among the mountains 
 from that time onward to this day, first as free members of 
 the empire and then as an absolutely independent confedera-' 
 tion. Of the heroic legend of William Tell ^we have no space 
 to tell here, nor have we room in which to trace the gradual 
 extension of the confederation to its present boundaries. 
 Eomansh, Italian, and French-speaking valleys were presently 
 added to this valiant little republican group. The red cross 
 flag of Geneva has become the symbol of international humanity 
 in the midst of warfare. The bright and thriving cities of 
 Switzerland have been a refuge for free men from a score of 
 tyrannies. 
 
 Most of the figures that stand out in history, do so through 
 some exceptional personal quality, good or bad, that makes, 
 them more significant than their fellows. But there was born 
 at Ghent in Belgium in 1500 a man of commonplace abilities 
 and melancholy temperament, the son of a mentally defective 
 mother who had been married for reasons of state, who' was, 
 through no fault of his own, to become the focus of the accumu- 
 lating stresses of Europe. The historian must give him a quite 
 unmerited and accidental prominence side by -side with such' 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 735 
 
 marked individualities as Alexander and Charlemagne and 
 Frederick II. This was the Emperor Charles V. For a time 
 he had an air of being the greatest monarch in Europe since 
 Charlemagne. Both he and his illusory greatness were the 
 results of the matrimonial statecraft of his grandfather, the 
 ;Emperor Maximilian I (born 1459, died 1519). 
 
 Some, families have fought, others have intrigued their way 
 to world power; the Habsburg married their way. Maximilian 
 began his career with the inheritance of the Habsburgs, Aus- 
 tria, Styria, part of Alsace and other districts ; he married-^ 
 the lady's name scarcely matters to us — rthe Netherlands atid 
 Burgundy. Most of Burgundy slipped from him after his first 
 wife's death, but the Netherlands he held. Then he tried un- 
 successfully to marry Brittany. He became Emperor in suc- 
 cession to his father, Frederick III, in 1493, and married the 
 duchy of Milan. Finally he married his son to the weak- 
 minded daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, the Ferdinaiid 
 and Isabella of Columbus, who not only reigned over a freshly 
 united Spain, and over Sardinia and the kingdom of the two 
 Sicilies, but by virtuue of the papal gifts to Castile, over 
 all America west of Brazil. So it was that Charles, his. grand- 
 son, inherited most of the American continent and between a 
 third and a half of what the Turks had left of Europe. The 
 father of Charles died in 1506, and Maximilian did his' best 
 to secure his grandson's election to the imperial throne. 
 
 Charles succeeded to the Netherlands in 1506; he became 
 practically king of the Spanish dominions, his mother being 
 imbecile, when his grandfather Ferdinand died in 1516; and 
 his grandfather Maximilian dying in 1519, he was in 1520 
 elected Emperor at the still comparatively tender age of 
 . twenty. 
 
 His election as Emperor was opposed by the young and bril- 
 liant French King, Francis I, who had succeeded to the French 
 throne in 1515 at the age of twenty-one. The candidature of 
 Francis was supported by Leo X (1513), who also requires 
 from us the epithet brilliant. It was indeed an age of brillia:^it 
 monarchs. It was the age of Baber in India (1526-1530) 
 and Suleiman in Turkey (1520). Both Leo and Francis 
 dreaded the concentration of so much power in the hands of 
 one man as the election of Charles threatened. The only other 
 monarch who seemed to matter in Europe was Henry VIII, 
 
756 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 757 
 
 who had become King of England in 1509 at the age of 
 eighteen. He also offered himself as a candidate for the empire, 
 and the imaginative English reader may amuse himself by 
 working out the possible consequences of such an election. 
 There was much scope for diplomacy in this triangle of kings. 
 Charles on his way from Spain to Germany visited England 
 and secured the support of Henry against Francis by bribing 
 his minister, Cardinal Wolsey. Henry also made a great parade 
 of friendship with Francis, there was feasting, tournaments, 
 and such-like antiquated gallantries in France, in a courtly 
 picnic known to historians as the Field of the Cloth of Gold 
 (1520). Knighthood was 
 becoming a picturesque af- 
 fectation in the sixteenth 
 century. The Emperor 
 Maximilian I is still called 
 "the last of the knights" by 
 German historians. 
 
 The election of Charles 
 was secured, it is to be noted, 
 by a vast amount of bribery. 
 He had as his chief sup- 
 porters and creditors the 
 great German business 
 house of the Fuggers. That 
 large treatment of money 
 and credit which we call 
 finance, which had gone out 
 of European political life with the collapse of the Roman 
 Empire, was now coming back to power. This appearance 
 of the Fuggers, whose houses and palaces outshone those of 
 the emperors, marks the upward movement of forces that had 
 begun two or three centuries earlier in Cahors in France and 
 in Florence and other Italian towns. Money, public debts, 
 and social unrest and discontent re-enter upon the miniature 
 stage of this Ovilvne. Charles V was not so much a Habsburg 
 as a Fugger emperor. 
 
 For a time this fair, not very intelligent-looking young man 
 with the thick upper lip and long, clumsy chin — features which 
 still afflict his descendants — ^was largely a puppet in the hands 
 of his ministers. Able servants after the order of Machiavelli 
 
 (after SvaxutcL) 
 
rS8 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 guided him at first in tlie arts of kingship. Then in a slow but 
 effectual way he began to assert himself. He was confronted 
 at the very outset of his reign in Germany with the perplexing 
 dissensions of Christendom; The revolt against the papal rule 
 which had been going on since the days of Kuss and Wycliffe 
 had been recently exasperated by a new and unusually cynical 
 selling of indulgences to raise money for the completion of 
 St. Peter's at Eome. A monk named Luther, who had been 
 consecrated as a piriest, who had taken to reading the Bible, and 
 who, while visiting Eome on the business of his order, had been 
 much shocked by the levity and worldly splendour of the 
 Papacy, had eome forwar.d against these papal expedients at 
 IfVittenberg (1517), offering disputation and propounding cer- 
 tain theses. An important controversy ensued. At first Luther 
 carried on this controversy in Latin, but presently took to Ger- 
 man, and speedily had the peoplp in a ferment. Charles found 
 this dispute raging when he came from Spain to Germany. He 
 summoned an assembly or "diet" of the empire at Worms on 
 the Ehine. To this, Luther, who had been asked to recant his 
 views by Pope Leo X, and who had refused to do so, was sum- 
 moned. He came, and, entirely in the spirit of Huss, refused 
 to recant unless he was convinced of his error by logical argu- 
 ment or the authority of Scripture. But his protectors among 
 the princes were too powerful for him to suffer the fate of John 
 Huss. 
 
 Here was a perplexing situation for the young Emperor. 
 There is reason to suppose that he was inclined at first to sup- 
 port Luther against the Pope. Leo X had opposed the election 
 of Charles, and was friendly with his rival, Francis I. But 
 Charles V was not a good Machiavellian, and he had acquired 
 in Spain a considerable religious sincerity. He decided against 
 Luther. Many of the German princes, and especially the Elec- 
 tor of Saxony, sided with the reformer. Luther went into 
 hiding under the protection of the Saxon Elector, and Charles 
 found himself in the presence of the opening rift that was to 
 split Christendom into two contending camps. 
 
 Close upon these disturbances, and probably connected with 
 them, came a widespread peasants' revolt throughout Germany. 
 This outbreak frightened Luther very effectually. He was 
 shocked by 'its excesses, and from that time forth the Eeforma- 
 .tion he advocated ceased to be a Reformation according to the 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 
 
 759 
 
 Francis- l.f-.'^^^t 
 
 m^ 
 
 W^-m 
 
 ^P 
 
 Sk^^Fwji- 
 
 ""^s 
 
 ^^SHPi' 'HI^h 
 
 # 
 
 l-:,t^"^^^ik^ ;'',;, 
 
 people and became a Eeformation according to the princes. He 
 lost his confidence in that free judgment for which he had stood 
 up so manfully. , 
 
 Meanwhile Charles realized that his great empire was in very 
 serious danger both from the west and from the east. On the 
 west of him was his spirited rival, Francis I ; to the east was 
 the Turk in Hungary, in alliance with Francis and clamouring 
 for certain arrears , of tribute 
 from the Austrian dominions. 
 Charles had the money and army 
 of Spain at his disposal, but it 
 was extremely difficult to get any 
 effective support in money from 
 Germany. His grandfather had 
 developed a German infantry on 
 the Swiss model, very much 
 upon the lines expounded in 
 Machiavelli's Art of War, but 
 these troops had to be paid and 
 his imperial subsidies had to be 
 supplemented by unsecured borrowings, which were finally to 
 bring his supporters, the Fuggers, to ruin. 
 
 On the whole, Charles, in alliance with Henry VIII, was 
 successful against Francis I and the Turk. Their chief battle- 
 field was north Italy ; the generaMhip was dull on both sides ; 
 their advances and retreats depended chiefiy. on the arrival of 
 reinforcements. The German army invaded France, failed to 
 take Marseilles, fell back into Itaily, lost Milan, and was be- 
 sieged in Pavia. Francis I made a long and unsuccessful siege 
 of Pavia, was caught by fresh German . forces, defeated^ 
 wounded, and taken prisoner. He sent back a message to his 
 queen that all was "lost but honour," made a humiliating peace, 
 and broke it as soon as he was liberated| so. that, even the salvage 
 of honour was but temporary. Henry VIII and the Pope, in 
 obedience to the rules of Machiavellian strategy, now went over 
 to the side of France in order to prevent Charles becoming too 
 powerful. The German troops in Milan, under the Constable 
 of Bourbon, being unpaid, forced rather than followed their 
 commander into a raid upon Kome. They stormed the city and 
 pillaged it (1527). The Pope took refuge in the Castle of St. 
 Angelo while the looting and slaughter went on, He bought 
 
760 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 off the German troops at last by the payment of four hundred 
 thousand ducats. Ten years of such stupid and confused fight- 
 ing impoverished all Europe and left the Emperor in possession 
 of Milan. In 1530 he was crowned by the Pope — ^he was the 
 last German Emperor to be crowned by the Pope — at Bologna- 
 One thinks of the rather dull-looking blonde face, with its long 
 lip and chin, bearing the solemn expression of one who endures 
 a doubtful though probably honourable ceremony. 
 
 Meanwhile the Turks were making great headway in Hun- 
 gary, They had defeated and killed the King of Hungary in 
 1526, they held Buda-Pesth, and in 1529, as we have already 
 noted, Suleiman the Magnificent very nearly took Vienna. The 
 Emperor was greatly concerned by these advances, and did his 
 utmost to drive back the Turks, but he found the greatest diffi- 
 culty in getting the German princes to unite even with this 
 formidable enemy upon their very borders. Francis I remained 
 implacable for a time, and there was a new French war ; but in 
 1538 Charles won his rival over to a more friendly attitude by 
 ravaging the south of France. Francis and Charles then formed 
 an alliance against the Turk, but the Protestant princes, the 
 German princes who were resolved to break away from Kome, 
 
 had formed a league, the Schmal- 
 kaldic League (named after the 
 little town of Schmalkalden in 
 Hesse, at which its constitution 
 was arranged), against the Em- 
 peror, and in the place of a great 
 campaign to recover Hungary for 
 Christendom Charles had to turn 
 his mind to the gathering internal 
 struggle in Germany. Of that 
 struggle he saw only the opening 
 war. It was a struggle, a san- 
 guinary irrational bickering of 
 
 HenruVHI 
 
 ■'--Va;,; :,' ';ij;&<ii?VS' 
 
 princes for ascendancy, now flaming into war and destruction, 
 now sinking back to intrigues and diplomacies ; it was a snake's 
 sack of Machiavellian policies, that was io go on writhing 
 incurably right into the nineteenth century, and to waste and 
 desolate Central Europe again and again. 
 
 The Emperor never seems to have grasped the true forces at 
 work in these gathering troubles. He was for his time and sta- 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 761 
 
 tion an exceptionally -worthy man, and he seems to have taken 
 the religious dissensions that were tearing Europe into warring 
 fragments as genuine theological differences. He gathered diets 
 and councils in futile attempts at reconciliation. Formulse and 
 confessions were tried over. The student of German history 
 must struggle with the details of the Eeligious Peace of Nurem- 
 berg, the settlement at the diet of Ratisbon, the Interim of Augs- 
 burg, and the like. Here we do 
 but mention them as details in the 
 worried life of this culminating 
 emperor. As a matter of fact, 
 hardly one of the multifarious 
 princes and rulers in Europe 
 seems to have been acting in good 
 faith. The wide-spread religious 
 trouble of the world, the desire 
 of the common people for truth 
 and social righteousness, the 
 spreading knowledge of the time, 
 all those things were merely coun- 
 ters in the imaginations of princely diplomacy. Henry VIII 
 of England, who had begun his career with a book written 
 against heresy, and who had been rewarded by the Pope with 
 the title of "Defender of the Faith," being anxious to divorce 
 his first wife in favour of an animated young lady named Anne 
 Boleyn,^ and wishing also to turn against the Emperor in 
 favour of Francis I and to loot the vast wealth of the church 
 in England, joined the company of Protestant princes in 1530. 
 Sweden, Denmark, and ITorway had already gone over to the 
 Protestant side. 
 
 The German religious war began in 1546, a few months after 
 the death of Martin Luther. We need not trouble about the 
 incidents of the campaign. The Protestant Saxon army was 
 badly beaten at Lochau. By something very like a breach of 
 faith Philip of Hesse, the Emperor's chief remaining antag- 
 onist, was caught and imprisoned, and the Turks were bought 
 off by the payment of an annual tribute. In 1547, to the great 
 relief of the Emperor, Francis I died. So by 1647 Charles 
 
 'But he had a better reason for doing this in the fact that there was 
 no heir to the throne. The Wars of the Roses, a bitter dynastic war, 
 were still very vivid in the minds of English people. — F. H. H. 
 
762 THE OUTLINE Of. HISTORY 
 
 got to a kind of settlement, and, made his last efforts to effect 
 peace where there was no peace, In 1552 all Germany was at 
 war again, only a precipitate flight from Innsbruck saved 
 iQharles froni capture, and in .1552, with the treaty of Passau, 
 c^pie; another unstable, equilibrium., .Charles was now utterly 
 weary of the cares and splendours of empire; he had never had 
 a very sound constitution, he was naturally indolent, and he 
 was suffering greatly .from gout. He abdicated. He made 
 over i.all his. soverei^ rights in .Germany to his brother Ferdi- 
 kand, and .iSpain $nd the Ifetherlands he resigned to his son 
 Philip. He then retired to a monastery at Yuste, among the 
 oak and ;ph€5atiiut forests in the -hills to the north of the Tagus 
 yalleyj aiid tliere he died in 1558. 
 
 f Much has been written in a sentimental vein of this retire- 
 ment, this renunjeiation of | the world by this tired majestic 
 Titan, world-weary, seeking in an austere solitude his peace 
 with God. But his retreat was neither solitary nor austere; 
 he had with him nearly a'iundred and fifty attendants; his 
 est^^tjjishment had all the indulgences without the fatigues of a 
 court, and Philip II was a dutiful son to whom his father's 
 advice was' a command. As . for his austerities, let Prescott 
 witness : "In the almost daily correspondence between Quixada, 
 or Gaztelu, and the Secretary. of State, at Valladolid, there is 
 scarcely a letter that does not turn more or less on the Emperor's 
 eating! or his illness. The one seems naturally to follow, like 
 a running commentary, on the, other. It is rare that such 
 topics have foj^rmed the burden of communications with the 
 department of . state. It must have been no easy matter for 
 the secretary to preserve his gravity in the perusal of despatches 
 in which politics and gastronomy were so strangely mixed 
 together. The courier from Valladolid to Lisbon was ordered 
 to, make .a detour, so as to take Jarandilla in his route^. and 
 bring, supplies for the royal table. On Thursdays he was to 
 bring fish to serve for the jour waigre that was to follow. The 
 trout in. the neighbourhood, Charles, thought too small; so 
 fttherS) of a larger size, were to be sent from Valladolid. Fish 
 of every kind was to his taste, as, indeed, was anything that 
 in its nature or habits at all approached to fish. Eels, frogs, 
 oysters, occupied an important place in the royal bill of fare. 
 Potfed.fish, especially 'anchovies, found great favour with him; 
 and He regretted that he had not brought a better supply of 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 763 
 
 these from the Low Countries. On an eel^pasty he particularly 
 doted." '. . .^ - ; ' i ; . 
 
 In 1554 Charles had ohtained a bull from Pope Julius III 
 granting him a dispensation from fasting, and allowing him to 
 break his fast early in the morning even when he was to take 
 the sacrament. : ; . . 
 
 "That Charles was not altogether unmindful of his wearing 
 apparel in Yuste, may be inferred from the fact that his ward-: 
 robe contained no less than sixteen robes of silk and velvet, 
 lined with ermine, or eider down, or the soft hair, of the Bar- 
 ba.ry goat. As to the furniture and upholstery of his apart- 
 ments, how little reliance is to be placed on the reports, so care- 
 lessly circulated about these may be gathered from a single 
 glance at the inventory of his effects, prepared by; Quixada 
 and Gaztelu soon after their master's death. Among the items 
 we find carpets from Turkey atid Alcarez, canopies , of velvet 
 and other stuffs, hangings of fine black cloth, which since his 
 mother's death he had always chosen for his own bedroom; 
 while the remaining apartments were provided with, no less 
 than twenty-five suits of tapestiy, from the looms of Flanders, 
 richly embroidered with figures ■ of ' animals and with land* 
 scapes." . . . "Among the different pieces of plate; we find 
 some of pure gold, and others especially noted for their curious 
 workmanship ; and as this was an age in which the art of work- 
 ing the precious metals was carried to the highest perfection,, 
 we cannot doubt that some of the finest specimens had come 
 into the Emperor's possession. The whole amount of plate was 
 estimated at between twelve and thirteen thousand ounces in- 
 weight." . . .^ i 
 
 Charles had never acquired the habit of reading, but he 
 would be read aloud to at meals after the fashion of Charle- 
 magne, and would make what one narrator describes .aS; a' 
 "sweet and heavenly commentary." He also amused himself 
 with technical toys, by listening to music or sermons, and : by 
 attending to the imperial business that still came drifting in 
 to him. The death of the Empress, to whom he was greatly 
 attached, had turned his uaind towards religion, which in his 
 case took a punctilious and ceremonial form; every Friday in 
 Lent he scourged himself with the rest of the monks, with, stlch 
 
 •Prescott'B Appendix to Robertson's History of Ghwrles V, ' • • 
 
 '■Prescott. ■' ' ' ' ' J ' ';■' 
 
764 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 good ■will as to draw blood. These exercises and the gout 
 released a bigotry in Charles that had been hitherto restrained 
 by considerations of policy. The appearance of Protestant 
 teaching close at hand in VaUadolid roused him to fury. "Tell 
 the grand inquisitor and his council from me to be at their 
 posts, and to lay the axe at the root of the evil before it spreads 
 further." . . . He expressed a doubt whether it would not 
 be well, in so black an affair, to dispense with the ordinary 
 course of justice, and to show no mercy; "lest the criminal, 
 if pardoned, shotdd have the opportunity of repeating his 
 crime." He recommended, as an example, his own mode of 
 proceeding in the Netherlands, "where all who remained 
 obstinate in their errors were burned alive, and those who were 
 admitted to penitence were beheaded." 
 
 Among the chief pleasures of the Catholic monarch between 
 meals during this time of retirement were funeral services. 
 He not only attended every actual funeral tiiat was celebrated 
 at Yuste, but he had services conducted for the absent dead, 
 he held a funeral service in memory of his wife on tha anjii- 
 versary of her death, and finally he celebrated his own obsequies. 
 "The chapel was hung with black, and the blaze of hundreds of 
 wax-lights was scarcely sufficient to dispel the darkness. The 
 brethren in their conventual dress, and all the Emperor's 
 household clad in deep mourning, gathered round a huge 
 catafalque, shrouded also in black, which had been raised in 
 the centre of the chapel. The service for the burial of the 
 dead was then performed; and, amidst the dismal wail of the 
 monks, the prayers ascended for the departed spirit, that it 
 might be received into the mansions of the blessed. The sor- 
 rowful attendants were melted to tears, as the image of their 
 master's death was presented to their ininds — or they were 
 touched, it may be, with compassion by this pitiable display 
 of weakness. Charles, muffled in a dark mantle, and bearing 
 a lighted candle in his hand, mingled with his household, the 
 spectator of his own obsequies ; and the doleful ceremony was 
 concluded by his placing the taper in the hands of the priest, 
 in sign of his surrendering up his soul to the Almighty." 
 
 Other accounts make Charles wear a shroud and lie in the 
 coffin, remaining there alone until the last mourner had left 
 the chapel. 
 
 Within two months of this masquerade he was dead. And 
 
RENASCENCE OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 765 
 
 the greatness of the Holy Eoman Empire died with him. The 
 Holy Eoman Empire struggled on indeed to the days of Napo- 
 leon, but as an invalid and dying thing. 
 
 § llB 
 
 Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V, took over his aban- 
 doned work and met the German princes at the diet of Augs- 
 burg in 1555. Again there was an attempt to establish a 
 religious peace. Nothing could better show the quality of that 
 attempted settlement and the blindness of the princes and 
 statesmen concerned in it, to the deeper and broader processes 
 of the time, than the form that settlement took. The recogni- 
 tion of religious freedom was to apply to the states and not 
 to individual citizens; cujus regio ejus religio, "the confession 
 of the subject was to be dependent on that of the territorial 
 lord." 
 
 § llo 
 
 We have given as much attention as we have done to the 
 writings of Machiavelli and to the personality of Charles V 
 because they throw a flood of light upon the antagonisms of the 
 next period in our history. This present chapter has told the 
 story of a vast expansion of human horizons and of a great 
 increase and distribution of knowledge, we have seen the con- 
 science of common men awakening and intimations of a new 
 and profounder social justice spreading throughout the general 
 body of the Western civilization. But this process of light and 
 thought was leaving courts and the political life of the world 
 untouched. There is little in Machiavelli that might not have 
 been written by some clever secretary in the court of Chosroes 
 I or Shi Hwang-ti — or even of Sargon lor Pepi. While the 
 world in everything else was moving forward, in political ideas, 
 in ideas about the relationship of state to state and of sovereign 
 to citizen, it was standing still. Nay, it was falling back. For 
 the great idea of the Catholic Church as the world city of God 
 had been destroyed in men's minds by the church itself, and 
 the dream of a world imperialism had, in the person of Charles 
 [7, been carried in effigy through Europe to limbo. Politically 
 
766 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 thq world seemed falling tack towards personal monarchy j of 
 theAssyrian, or Macedonian pattern. 
 
 It is not that the newly awakened intellectual energies of 
 western European men were too absorbed in theological re- 
 statement, in scientific investigations, in exploration and mer- 
 cantile development, to give a thought to the claims and 
 responsibilities of rulers. Not only were common men drawing 
 ideas of a theocratic, or republican or communistic character 
 from the now accessible Bible, but the renewed study of the 
 Greek classics was bringing the creative and fertilizing spirit 
 of Plato , to bear upon the Western mind. In England Sir 
 Thomas Mqre produced a quaint imitation of Plato's' Republic 
 in his Utopia,, setting out a sort of autocratic communism. In 
 Naples, a century later, a certain friar Oampanella was equally 
 bold in his City of the Sun. But such discussions were having 
 no immediate effect upon political arrangements. Compared 
 with the massiveness of the task, these books do indeed seem 
 poetical and scholarly and flimsy. (Yet later on the Utopia 
 was to bear fruit in the English Poor Laws.) The intellectual 
 and moral development of the Western mind and this drift 
 towards Machiavellian monarchy in Europe were for a time 
 going on concurrently in the same world, but they were going 
 on almost; independently. The statesmen still schemed and 
 mancEuvred. as if nothing grew but the power of wary and 
 fortunate kings. It was only in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries that these two streams of tendency, the stream of 
 general ideas and the drift of traditional and egoistic mon- 
 archical diplomacy, interfered and came into conflict. 
 
XXXV 
 
 PEINCES, PAELIAMENTS, AND POWERS 
 
 i 1. Princes and Foreign Policy. § 2. The Dutch BepubUc._ 
 § 3. The English Republic. § 4, The Break-up and Disor-: 
 der of Oermany. § 5. The Splendours of Grand Monarchy 
 in Europe. § 6. The Growth of the Idea of Great Powers. 
 § Y. The Crowned Republic of Poland and. Its Fate. § 8. 
 The First Scramble for Empire Overseas. § 9. Britnin 
 
 .Dominates India. § 10. Russia's Ride to the' Pacific. 
 § 11. What Gibbon Thought of the World m 1780. § 12. 
 The Social Truce Draws to an End. 
 
 IN^ the preceding chapter we have traced the heginnings of 
 a new civilization, the civilization of thie "modem" type 
 which becomes at the present time world-wide. It is still 
 a vast unformed thing, still only in the opening phases of 
 growth and development to-day. We have seen the mediaeval 
 ideas of the Holy Koman Empire and of the Roman Church, 
 as forms of iiniversal law and order, fade in its dawn. They 
 fade out, as if it were necessary in order that these 
 ideas .of one law and one order for all men should be 
 redravsm on world-wide lines. And while in nearly every 
 other field of human interest there was advance^ the effacement 
 of these general political ideas of the Church and Empire led 
 back for a time in things political towards merely personal 
 monarchy and monarchist nationalism of the Macedonian typie. 
 There came an interregnum, as it were, in the consolidatiojn 
 of humau affairs, a phkse of the type the Chines^ annalists 
 would call an "Age of Confusion." This interregnum has 
 lasted as long as that between the fall of the Western Empire 
 and the crowning of Charlemagne in Rome. We are living 
 iii it to-day. It may be drawing to its close; we cannot tell 
 yet. . The old leading ideas had broken dowii, a medley of 
 ■"■''■' '' ■■'■ 767 ■ ■' ' 
 
768 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 new and untried projects and suggestions perplexed men's 
 minds and actions, and meanwhile the world at large had to 
 fall back for leadership upon the ancient tradition of an indi- 
 vidual prince. There was no new way clearly apparent for men 
 to follow, and the prince was there. 
 
 All over the world the close of the sixteenth century saw 
 monarchy prevailing and tending towards absolutism. Ger- 
 many and Italy were patchworks of autocratic princely do- 
 minions, Spain was practically autocratic, the throne had never 
 been so powerful in England, and as the seventeenth century 
 drew on, the French monarchy gradually became the greatest 
 and most consolidated power in Europe. The phases and 
 fluctuations of its ascent we cannot record here. 
 
 At every court there were groups of ministers and secretaries 
 who played a Machiavellian game against their foreign rivals. 
 Foreign policy is the natural employment of courts and mon- 
 archies. Foreign oflSces are, so to speak, the leading characters 
 in all the histories of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
 They kept Europe in a fever of wars. And wars were becoming 
 expensive. Armies were no longer untrained levies, no longer 
 assemblies of feudal knights who brought their own horses and 
 weapons and retainers witb them; they needed more and more 
 artillery; they consisted of paid troops who insisted on their 
 pay ; they were professional and slow and elaborate, conducting 
 long sieges, necessitating elaborate fortifications. War expendi- 
 ture increased everywhere and called for more and more taxa- 
 tion. And here it was that these monarchies of the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries came into conflict with new and 
 shapeless forces of freedom in the community. In practice the 
 princes found they were not masters of their subjects' lives 
 or property. They found an inconvenient resistance to the 
 taxation that was necessary if their diplomatic aggressions and 
 alliances were to continue. Finance became an unpleasant 
 spectre in every council chamber. In theory the monarch owned 
 his country. James I of England (1603) declared that "As it 
 is atheism and blasphemy to dispute what God can do; so it 
 is presumption and high contempt in a subject to dispute what 
 a king can do, or say that a king cannot do this or that." In 
 practice, however, he found, and his son Charles I (1625) was 
 to find still more effectually, that there were in his dominions 
 a great number of landlords and merchants, substantial and 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 769 
 
 intelligent persons, who set a very definite limit to the calls 
 and occasions of the monarch and his ministers. They were 
 prepared to tolerate his rule if they themselves might also be 
 mOnarchs of their lands and businesses and trades and what 
 not. But not otherwise. 
 
 Everywhere in Europe there was a parallel development. 
 Beneath the kings and princes there were these lesser monarchs, 
 the private owners, noblemen, wealthy citizens and the like, who 
 were now offering the' sovereign prince much the same resist- 
 ance that the kings and princes of Germany had offered the 
 Emperor. They wanted to limit taxation so far as it pressed 
 upon themselves, and to be free in their own houses and estates. 
 And the spread of books and reading and intercommunication 
 was enabling these smaller monarchs, these monarchs of owner- 
 ship, to develop such a community of ideas and such a solidarity 
 of resistance as had been possible at no previous stage in the 
 world's history. Everywhere they were disposed to resist the 
 prince, but it was not everywhere that they found the same 
 faculties for an organized resistance. The economic circum- 
 stances and the political traditions of the Netherlands and 
 England made those countries the first to bring this antagonism 
 of monarchy and private, ownership to an issue. 
 
 At first this seventeenth-century "public," this public of 
 property owners, cared very little for foreign policy. They 
 did not perceive at first how it aifected them. They did not 
 want to be bothered with it ; it was, they conceded, the affairs 
 of kings and princes. They made no attempt therefore to con- 
 trol foreign entanglements. But it was with the direct conse- 
 quences of these entanglements that they quarrelled; they ob- 
 jected to heavy taxation, to interference with trade, to arbi- 
 trary imprisonment, and to the control of consciences by the 
 monarch. It was upon these questions that they joined issue 
 with the Crown. 
 
 §3 
 
 The breaking away of the Netherlands from absolutist mon- 
 archy was the beginning of a series of such conflicts through- 
 out the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. They varied very 
 greatly in detail according to local and racial peculiarities, but 
 essentially they were all rebellious against the idea of a pre- 
 
770 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 dominating personal "prince" and his religious and politicjal 
 direction. 
 
 In the twelfth century all the lower Rhine country was 
 divided up among a number of small rulers, and the popu- 
 lation was a Low German one on a Celtic basis, mixed with 
 subsequent Danish ingredients very similar to the English ad- 
 mixture. The south-eastern fringe of it spoke French dialects: 
 the bulk, Frisian, Dutch, and other Low German languages. 
 The Netherlands figured largely in the crusades. Godfrey of 
 Bouillon, who took Jerusalem (First Crusade), was a Belgian; 
 and the founder of the so-called Latin Dynasty of emperors in 
 Constantinople (Fourth Crusade) was Baldwin of Flanders. 
 (They were called Latin emperors because they were on the 
 side of the Latin church.) In the thirteenth and fourteenth 
 centuries considerable towns grew up in the Netherlands: 
 Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, Utrecht, Leyden, Haarlem, and so forth ; 
 and these towns developed quasi-independent municipal gov- 
 ernments and a class of educated townsmen. We will not 
 trouble the reader with the dynastic accidents that linked the 
 affairs of the Netherlands with Burgundy (Eastern France), 
 and which finally made their overlordship the inheritance of 
 the Emperor Charles V. 
 
 It was under Charles that the Protestant doctrines that; now 
 prevailed in Germany spread into the Netherlands. Charles 
 persecuted with some vigour, but in 1556, as we have told, he 
 handed over the task to his son Philip (Philip II). Philip's 
 spirited foreign policy — ^he was carrying on a w^r with France 
 — presently became a second source of trouble between him- 
 self and the Netherlandish noblemen and townsmen, because 
 he had to come to them for supplies. The great nobles, led by 
 William the Silent, Prince of Orange, and the Counts of 
 Egmont and Horn, made themselves the heads of a popular 
 resistance, in which it is now impossible to disentangle the 
 objection to taxation from the objection to religious persecu- 
 tion. The great nobles were not at first Protestants. They 
 became Protestants as the struggle grew in bitterness. The 
 people were often bitterly Protestant. 
 
 Philip was resolved to rule both the property and consciences 
 of his Netherlanders. He sent picked Spanish troops into the 
 country, and he made governor-general a nobleman named Alva, 
 one of those ruthless "strong" men wbo wreck governments and 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 771 
 
 monarchies. For a time he ruled the land with a hand of iron, 
 but the hand of iron begets a soul of iron in the body it grips, 
 and in 1567 the Netherlands were in open revolt. Alva mur- 
 dered, sacked, and massacred — in vain. Counts Egmont and 
 Horn were executed. William the Silent became the great 
 leader of the Dutch, a king de facto. For a long time, and with 
 many complications, the struggle for liberty continued, and 
 through it all it is noteworthy that the rebels continued to 
 cling to the plea that Philip II was their king — if only' he 
 would be a reasoilable and limited king. But the idea of 
 limited monarchy was distasteful to the crowned heads 
 of Europe at that time, and at last Philip drove the 
 United Provinces, for which we now use the name of Holland, 
 to the republican form of government. Holland, be it noted— 
 not all the Netherlands; the southern. Netherlands, Belgium as 
 we now call that country, remained at the end of the struggle 
 a. Spanish possession and Catholic. 
 
 The siege of Alkmaar (1573), as Motley ^ describes it, may 
 be taken as a sample of that loiig and hideous conflict between 
 the little Dutch people and the still vast resources of Catholic 
 Imperialism. 
 
 " 'If I take Alkmaar,' Alva wrote to Philip, 'I am resdlved 
 not to leave a single creature alive ; the knife shall be put to 
 every throat.' - . . 
 
 "And now, with the dismantled and desolate Haarlem before 
 their eyes, a prophetic phantom, perhaps, of their own immi- 
 nent fate, did the handful of people shut up within Alkmaar 
 prepare for the worst. Their main hope lay in the friendly 
 'sea. The vast sluices called the' Zyp, through which the inUnda^ 
 tion of the whole northern province could be very soon effected, 
 were but a few miles distant. By opening these gates, and by 
 piercing a few dykes, the ocean might be made to fight for 
 them. To obtain this result, however, the consent of the in- 
 habitants was requisite, as the destruction of all the standing 
 crops wouM be inevitable. The city was so closely invested, 
 that it was a matter of life and death to venture forth, and it 
 was difficult, therefore, to find an envoy for this hazardous 
 mission. At last, a carpenter in the city, Peter Van der Mey 
 by name, undertook the adventure. ... 
 
 "Affairs soon approached a crisis within the beleaguered city. 
 ' Rise of the Dutch Republic. 
 
772 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Daily skirmishes, without decisive results, had taken place out- 
 side the walla. At last, on the 18th oi September, after a 
 steady cannonade of nearly twelve hours, Don Frederick, at 
 three in the afternoon, ordered an assault. Notwithstanding 
 his seven months' experience at Haarlem, he still believed it 
 certain that he should carry Alkmaar by storm. The attack 
 took place at once upon the Frisian gate and upon the red tower 
 on the opposite side. Two choice regiments, recently arrived 
 from Lombardy, led the onset, rending the air with their shouts 
 and confident of an easy victory. They were sustained by what 
 seemed an overwhelming force of disciplined troops. Yet never, 
 even in the recent history of Haarlem, had an attack been re- 
 ceived by more dauntless breasts. Every living man was on 
 the walls. The storming parties were assailed with cannon, 
 with musketry, with pistols. Boiling water, pitch and oil, 
 molten lead, and unslaked lime were poured upon them every 
 moment. Hundreds of tarred and burning hoops were skilfully 
 quoited around the necks of the soldiers, who struggled in vain 
 to extricate themselves from these fiery ruffs, while as fast as 
 any of the invaders planted foot upon the breach, they were 
 confronted face to face with sword and dagger by the burghers, 
 who hurled them headlong into the moat below. 
 
 "Thrice was the attack renewed with ever-increasing rage — 
 thrice repulsed with unflinching fortitude. The storm con- 
 tinued four hours long. During all that period not one of the 
 defenders left his post, till he dropped from it dead or wounded. 
 . . . The trumpet of recall was sounded, and the Spaniards, 
 utterly discomfited, retired from the walls, leaving at least one 
 thousand dead in the trenches, while only thirteen burghers and 
 twenty-four of the garrison lost their lives. , . . Ensign Solis, 
 who had mounted the breach for an instant, and miraculously 
 escaped with life, after having been hurled from the battle- 
 ments, reported that he had seen 'neither helmet nor harness' 
 as he looked down into the city: only some plain-looking peo-, 
 pie, generally dressed like fishermen. Yet these plain-looking 
 fishermen had defeated the veterans of Alva. . . . 
 
 "Meantime, as Governor Sonoy had opened many of the 
 dykes, the land in the neighbourhood of the camp was becoming 
 plashy, although as yet the threatened inundation had not taken 
 place. The soldiers were already very uncomfortable and very 
 refractory. The carpenter-envoy had not been idle. . . ." 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 773 
 
 He returned with despatches for the city. By accident or 
 contrivance he lost these despatches as he made his way into 
 the town, so that they fell into Alva's hands. They contained 
 a definite promise from the Duke of Orange to flood the country 
 so as to drown the whole Spanish army. Incidentally this 
 would also have drowned most of the Dutch harvest and cattle. 
 But Alva, when he had read these documents, did not wait for 
 the opening of any more sluices. Presently the stout men of 
 Alkmaar, cheering and jeering, watched the Spaniards hreak- 
 ing camp. . . , 
 
 The form assumed by the government of liberated Holland 
 was a patrician republic under the headship of the house of 
 Orange. The States-General was far less representative of 
 the whole body of citizens than was the English Parliament we 
 shall next relate. 
 
 Though the worst of the struggle was over after Alkmaar, 
 Holland was not effectively independent until 1609, and its 
 independence was only fully and completely recognized by the 
 treaty of Westphalia in 1648. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The open struggle of the private property owner against the 
 aggressions of the "Prince" begins in England far back in the 
 twelfth century. The phase in this struggle that we have to 
 study now is the phase that opened with the attempts of Henry 
 VII and VIII and their successors, Edward VI, Mary and 
 Elizabeth, to make the government of England a "personal 
 monarchy" of the continental type. It became more acute 
 when, by dynastic accidents, James, King of Scotland, became 
 James I, King of both Scotland and England (1603), and 
 began to talk in the manner we have already quoted of his 
 "divine right" to do as he pleased. But never had the path of 
 English monarchy been a smooth one. In all the monarchies 
 of the Northmen and Germanic invaders of the empire there 
 had been a tradition of a popular assembly of influential and 
 representative men to preserve their general liberties, and in 
 none was it more living than in England. France had her 
 tradition of the assembly of the Three Estates, Spain her Cortes, 
 but the English assembly was peculiar in two respects ; that it 
 had behind it a documentary declaration of certain elementary 
 
774 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and universal rights, and that it contained elected "Knights of 
 the Shire," as well as elected burghers from 'the towns. The 
 French and Spanish assemblies had the latter, but not the 
 former element. . ; ; 
 
 These two features gave the English Parliament a peculiar 
 strength in its struggle with the Throne. The document in 
 question was Magna Carta, the Great Charterj a dedaratibn 
 which was forced from King John (1199-1216), the brother 
 and successor of Richard Coeur de Lion (1189-99), after a 
 revolt of the Barons in 1215. It rehearsed a number of funda- 
 mental rights that made England a legaland not a regal state. 
 It rejected the power of the king to control the personal prop- 
 erty and liberty of every sort of citizen — save with the consent 
 of that man's equals. 
 
 The presence of the elected shire representatives in the Eng- 
 lish Parliament, the second peculiarity of the British situation, 
 came about from very simple and apparently innocuous begin- 
 nings. Erom the shires, or county divisions, knights seem to 
 have been summoned to the national council to testify to the 
 taxable capacity of their districts. They were sent up by the 
 minor gentry, freeholders and village elders of their districts 
 as early as 1254, two knights from each shire. This idea in- 
 spired Simon de Montfort,^ who was in rebellion against Henry 
 III, the successor of John, to summon to the national council 
 two knights from each shire and two citizens from each city or 
 borough. Edward I, the successor to Henry III, continued 
 this practice because it seemed a convenient way of getting 
 into financial touch with the growing towns. At first there was 
 considerable reluctance on the parts of the knights and towns- 
 men to attend Parliament, but gradually the power they pos- 
 sessed of linking the redress of grievances with the granting 
 of subsidies was realized. Quite early, if not from the first, 
 these representatives of the general property owners in town 
 and country, the Commons, sat and debated apart from the 
 great Lords and Bishops. So there grew up in England a 
 representative assembly, the Commons, beside an episcopaland 
 patrician one, the Lords. There was no profound and funda- 
 mental difference between the personnel of the two assemblies ; 
 many ' of the knights of the shire were substantial men who 
 
 'This is not the same Simon de Montfort as the leader of the crusades 
 against the Albigenses, but his son. 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 775 
 
 might be as wealthy and influential as peers and also the sons 
 and brothers of peers, but on the whole the Commons was the 
 more plebeian assembly. From the first these two assemblies, 
 and especially the Commons, displayed a disposition to claim 
 the entire power of taxation in the land. Graliually they ex^ 
 tended their purview of grievances to a criticism of all the 
 Mfairs of the realm. We will not follow the fluctuations of 
 the power and prestige of the English Parliament through the 
 time of the Tudor monarchs (i.e., Henry VII and VIII, 
 Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth), but it will be manifest 
 from what has been said that when at last James Stuart made 
 his open claim to autocracy, the English merchants, peers, and 
 private gentlemen found themselves with a tried and honoured 
 traditional means of resisting him such as no other people in 
 Europe possessed. 
 
 Another peculiarity of the English political conflict was its 
 comparative detachment from the great struggle between Catho- 
 lic and Protestant that was now being waged all over Europe. 
 There were, it is true, very distinct religious issues mixed up 
 in the English struggle, but upon its main lines it was a po- 
 litical struggle of King against the Parliament embodying the 
 class of private-property-owning citizens. Both Crown and 
 people were formally reformed and Protestant. It is true that 
 many people on the latter side were Protestants of a Bible- 
 respecting, non-sacerdotal type, representing the reformation 
 according to the peoples, and that the king was the nominal 
 head of a special sacerdotal and sacramental church, the estab- 
 lished Church of England, representing the reformation ac- 
 cording to the princes, but this antagonism never completely 
 obscured the essentials of the conflict. 
 
 The struggle of King and Parliament had already reached 
 an acute phase before the death of James I (1625), but only 
 in the reign of his son Charles I did it culminate in civil war. 
 Charles did exactly what one might have expected a king to do 
 in such a position, in view of the lack of Parliamentary control 
 over foreign policy; he embroiled the country in a conflict with 
 both Spain and France, and then came to the country for sup-' 
 plies in the hope that patriotic feeling would override the nor- 
 mal dislike to giving him money. When Parliament refused 
 supplies, he demanded loans from various subjects, and at- 
 tempted similar illegal exactions. This produced from Parlia- 
 
776 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ment in 1628 a very memorable document, the' Petition of 
 Bight, citing the Great Charter and rehearsing the legal limita- 
 tions upon the power. of the English king, denying his right 
 to levy charges upon, or to imprison, or punish anyone, or to 
 quarter soldiers' on the people, ■without due process of law. The 
 Petition of Right stated the case of the English Parliament. 
 The disposition to "state a case" has always been a very markefl 
 English characteristic. When President Wilson, during the 
 Great War of 1914-18, prefaced each step in his policy by a 
 "Note," he was walking in the most respectable traditions of 
 the English. Charles dealt with this Parliament with a high 
 hand, he dismissed it in 1629, and for eleven years he sum- 
 moned no Parliament, He levied money illegally, but not 
 enough for his purpose ; and realizing that the church could be 
 used as an instrument of obedience, he made Laud, an aggres- 
 sive high churchman, very much of a priest and a very strong 
 believer in "divine right," Archbishop of Canterbury, and so 
 head of the Church of England. 
 
 In 1638 Charles tried to extend the half-Protestant, half- 
 Catholic characteristics of the Church of England to his other 
 kingdom of Scotland, where the secession from Catholicism had 
 been more complete, and where a non-sacerdotal, non-sacra- 
 mental form of Christianity, Presbyterianism, had been estab- 
 lished as the national church. The Scotch revolted, and the 
 English levies Charles raised to fight them mutinied. In- 
 solvency, at all times the natural result of a "spirited" foreign 
 policy, was close at hand. Charles, without money or trust- 
 worthy troops, had to summon a Parliament at last in 1640. 
 This Parliament, the Short Parliament, he dismissed in 
 the same year; he tried a Council of Peers at York (1640), 
 and then in the November of that year summoned his last 
 Parliament. 
 
 This body, the Long Parliament, assembled in the mood for 
 conflict. It seized Laud, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and 
 charged him with treason. It published a "Grand Eemon- 
 strance," which was a long and full statement of its case against 
 Charles. It provided by a bill for a meeting of Parliament at 
 least once in three years, whether the King summoned it or no. 
 It prosecuted the King's chief ministers who had helped him 
 to reign for so long without Parliament, and in particiilar the 
 Earl of Strafford. To save Strafford the King plotted for a 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 777 
 
 sudden seizure of London by the army. This was discovered, 
 and the Bill for Strafford's condemnation was hurried on in 
 the midst of a vast popular excitement. Charles I, who was 
 probably one of the meanest and most treacherous occupants 
 the English throne has ever known, was frightened by the Lon- 
 don crowds. Before Strafford could die by due legal process^ 
 it was necessary for the King to give his: assent. Charles gave 
 it — and Strafford was beheaded. Meanwhile the King was plot- 
 ting and looking for help in strange quarters — from the Catho- 
 lic Irish, from treasonable Scotchmen. Einally he resorted to 
 a forcible-feeble display of violence. He went down to , the 
 Houses of Parliament to arrest five of his most active oppo- 
 nents. He entered the House of Commons and took the 
 Speaker's chair. He was prepared with some bold speech about 
 treason, but when he saw the places of his five antagonists 
 vacant, he was baffled, confused, and spoke in broken sentences. 
 He learnt that they had departed from his royal city of West- 
 minster and taken refuge in the city of London (see Chap. X^IV, 
 § Y). London defied him. A week later the Five Members 
 were escorted back in triumph to the Parliament House in 
 Westminster by the Trained Bands of London, and the King, 
 to avoid the noise and hostility of the occasion, left Whitehall 
 for Windsor. 
 
 Both parties then prepared openly for war. 
 
 The King was the traditional head of the army, and the 
 habit of obedience in soldiers is to the King. The Parliament 
 had the greater resources. The King set up his standard at 
 ISTottingham on the eve of a dark and stormy August day in 
 1642. There followed a long and obstinate civil war, the King 
 holding Oxford, the Parliament, London. Success swayed 
 from side to side, but the King could never close on London 
 nor Parliament take Oxford. Each antagonist was weakened 
 by moderate adherents who "did not want to go too far." There 
 emerged among the Parliamentary commanders a certain Oliver 
 Cromwell, who had raised a small troop of horse and who rose 
 to the position of general. Lord Warwick, his contemporary, 
 describes him as a plain man, in a cloth suit "made by an ill 
 country tailor." He was no mere fighting soldier, but a mili- 
 tary organizer; he realized the inferior quality of many of the 
 Parliamentary forces, and set himself to remedy it. The 
 Cavaliers of the King had the picturesque tradition of chivalry 
 
778 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and loyalty on their side; Parliament was something new and 
 difficult — without any comparable traditions. "Your troops are 
 most of them old decayed serving men and tapsters," said Crom- 
 well. "Do you think that the spirits of such base and mean 
 fellows will ever be able to encounter gentlemen that have 
 honour and courage and resolution in them?" But there is 
 something better and stronger than picturesque chivalry in 
 the world, religious enthusiasm. He set himself to get to^ 
 gether a "godly" regiment. They were to be earnest, sober- 
 living men. Above all, they were to be men of strong convic- 
 tions. He disregarded all social traditions, and drew his officers 
 from every class. "I had rather have a plain, russet-coated 
 captain that knows what he fights for and loves what he knows, 
 than what you call a gentleman and is nothing else." England 
 discovered a new force, the Ironsides, in its midst, in which 
 footmen, draymen, and ships' captains held high command, 
 side by side with men of family. They became the type on 
 which the Parliament sought to reconstruct its entire army. 
 The Ironsides were the backbone of this "New Model." From 
 Marston Moor to Naseby these men swept the Cavaliers 
 before them. The King was at last a captive in the hands of 
 Parliament. 
 
 There were still attempts at settlement that would have left 
 the King a sort of king, but Charles was a man doomed to tragic 
 issues, incessantly scheming, "so false a man that he is not to 
 be trusted." The English were drifting towards a situation 
 new in the world's history, in which a monarch should be 
 formally tried for treason to his people and condemned. 
 
 Most revolutions are precipitated, as this English one was, 
 by the excesses of the ruler, and by attempts at strength and 
 firmness beyond the compass of the law; and most revolutions 
 swing by a kind of necessity towards an extremer conclusion 
 than is warranted by the original quarrel.. The English revolu- 
 tion was no exception. The English are by nature a compro- 
 mising and even a vacillating people, and probably the great 
 majority of them still wanted the King to be King and the 
 people to be free, and all the lions and lambs to lie down to- 
 gether in peace and liberty. But the army of the New Model 
 could not go back. There would have been scant mercy for 
 these draymen and footmen who had ridden down the King's 
 gentlemen if the King came back. When Parliament began 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 779 
 
 to treat again with, this regal trickster, the New Model intea-- 
 vened; Colonel Pride turned out eighty members from the 
 House of Commons who favoured the King, and the illegal 
 residue, the Hump Parliament, then put the King on trial. 
 
 But indeed the King was already doomed. The House of 
 Lords rejected the ordinance for the trial, and the Kump then 
 proclaimed "that the People are, under God, the original of 
 all just power," and that "the Commons of England . . . have 
 the supreme power in this nation," and — assuming that it was 
 itself the Commons — proceeded with the trial. The King was 
 condemned as a "tyrant, traitor, murderer, and enemy of his 
 country." He was taken one January morning in 1649 to a 
 scaffold erected outside the windows of his own banqueting- 
 room at Whitehall. There he was beheaded. He died with 
 piety and a certain noble self-pity — eight years after the execu- 
 tion of Strafford, and after six and a half years of a destructive 
 civil war which had been caused almost entirely by his own 
 lawlessness. 
 
 This was indeed a great and terrifying thing that Parliament 
 had done. The like of it had never been heard of in the world 
 before. Kings had killed each other times enough; parricide, 
 fratricide, assassination, those are the privileged expedients 
 of princes ; but that a section of the people should rise up, try 
 its king solemnly and deliberately for disloyalty, mischief, and 
 treachery, and condemn and kill him, sent horror through every 
 court in Europe. The Rump Parliament had gone beyond 
 the ideas and conscience of its time. It was as if a committee 
 of jungle deer had taken and killed a tiger — a crime against 
 nature. The Tsar of Eussia' chased the English envoy from 
 his court. Eranee and Holland committed acts of open hos- 
 tility. England, confused and conscience-stricken at her own 
 sacrilege, stood isolated before the world. 
 
 But for a time the personal quality of Oliver Cromwell and 
 the discipline and strength of the army he had created main- 
 tained England in the republican course she had taken. The 
 Irish Catholics had made a massacre of the Protestant English 
 in Ireland, and now Cromwell suppressed the Irish insurrec- 
 tion with great vigour. Except for certain friars at the storm 
 of Drogheda, none but men with arms in their hands were killed 
 by his troops ; but the atrocities of the massacre were fresh in 
 his mind, no quarter was given in battle, and so his memory 
 
780 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 still rankles in the minds of the Irish, who have a long 6iemory 
 for their own wrongs. After Ireland came Scotland, where 
 Cromwell shattered a Eoyalist army at the Battle of Dunbar 
 (1650). Then he turned his attention to Holland, which coun- 
 try had rashly seized upon the divisions among the English as 
 an excuse for the injury of a trade rival. The Dutch were then 
 the rulers of the sea, and the English fleet fought against odds ; 
 but after a series of obstinate sea fights the Dutch were driven 
 from the British seas and the English took thefir place as the 
 ascendant naval power. Dutch and French ships must dip 
 their flags to them. An English fleet went into the Mediter- 
 ranean — the first English naval force to enter those waters ; it 
 put right various grievances of the English shippers with Tus- 
 cany and Malta, and bombarded the pirate nest of Algiers and 
 destroyed the pirate fleet — ^which in the lax days of Charles had 
 been wont to come right up to the coasts of Cornwall and Devon 
 to intercept ships and carry off slaves to Africa. The strong 
 arm of England also intervened to protect the Protestants in the 
 south of France, who were being hunted to death by the Duke 
 of Savoy. France, Sweden, Denmark, all found it wiser to 
 overcome their flrst distaste for regicide and allied themselves 
 with England. Came a war with Spain, and the great English 
 Admiral Blake destroyed the Spanish Plate Fleet at Teneriffe 
 in an action of almost incredible daring. He engaged land 
 batteries. He was the first man "that brought ships to contemn 
 castles on the shore." (He died in 1657, and was buried in 
 Westminster Abbey, but after the restoration of the monarchy 
 his bones were dug out by the order of Charles II, and removed 
 to St. Margaret's, Westminster.) Such was the figure that 
 England cut in the eyes of the world during her brief republican 
 days. 
 
 On September 3rd, 1658, Cromwell died in the midst of a 
 great storm that did not fail to impress the superstitious. Once 
 his Strong hand lay still, England fell away from this premature 
 attempt to realize a righteous commonweal of free men. In 
 1660 Charles II, the son of Charles the "Martyr," was wel- 
 comed back to England with all those manifestations of personal 
 loyalty dear to the English heart, and the country relaxed from 
 its military and naval efBciency as a sleeper might wake and 
 stretch and yawn after too intense a dream. The Puritans 
 were done with. "Merrie England" was herself again, and in 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 781 
 
 1667 the Dutch, once more masters of the sea, sailed up the 
 Thames to Gravesend and burnt an English fleet in the Med- 
 way. "On the night when our ships were burnt by the Dutch,' 
 says Pepys, in his diary, "the King did sup with my Lad} 
 Oastelmaine, and there they were all mad, hunting a poor 
 moth." Charles, from the date of his return, 1660, took con 
 trol of the foreign affairs of the state, and in 1670 concluded a 
 secret treaty with Louis XIV of France by which he undertook 
 to subordinate' entirely English foreign policy to that of France 
 for an annual pension of £100,000. Dunkirk, which Cromwell 
 had taken, had already been sold back to France. The King 
 was a great sportsman ; he had the true English love for watch- 
 ing horse races, and the racing centre at Newmarket is perhaps 
 his most characteristic monument. 
 
 While Charles lived, his easy humour enabled him to retain 
 the BritiA crown, but he did so by wariness and compromise, 
 and when in 1685 he was succeeded by his brother James II, 
 , who was a devout Catholic, and too dull to recognize the hidden 
 limitation of the monarchy in Britain, the old issue between 
 Parliament and Crovsoi became acute. James set himself to 
 force his country into a religious reunion with Rome. In 1688 
 he was in flight to France. But this time the great lords and 
 merchants and gentlemen were too circumspect to let this revolt 
 against the King fling them into the hands of a second Pride 
 or a second Cromwell. They had already called in, another king, 
 William, Prince of Orange, to replace James. The change was 
 made rapidly. There was no civil war — except in Ireland-—, 
 and no release of the deeper revolutionary forces of the country. 
 
 Of William's claim to the throne, or rather of his wife Mary's 
 claim, we cannot tell here, its interest is purely technical, nor 
 how William III and Mary ruled, nor how, after the widower 
 William had reigned alone for a time, the throne passed on to 
 Mary's sister Anne (1702-14). Anne seems to have thought 
 favourably of a restoration of the Stuart line, but the Lords and 
 the Commons, who now dominated English affairs, preferred a 
 less competent king. Some sort of claim could be made out 
 for the Elector of Hanover, who became King of England as 
 George I (1714-27). He was entirely German, he could 
 speak no English, and he brought a swarm of German women 
 and German attendants to the English court ; a dullness, a tar- 
 nish, came over the intellectual life of the land with his coming, 
 
782 , THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 but this isolation of the court from English life was his con- 
 clusive recommendation to the great landowners and the com- 
 mercial interests who chiefly brought him over. England en- 
 tered upon a phase which Lord Beaconsfield has called the 
 "Venetian oligarchy" stage; the supreme power resided in Par- 
 liame'nt, dominated now by the Lords, for the art of bribery 
 and a study of the methods of working elections carried to a 
 high pitch by Sir Eobert Walpole had robbed the House of Com- 
 mons of its original freedom and vigour. By ingenious de- 
 vices the parliamentary vote was restricted to a shrinking 
 number of electors, old towns with little or no population would 
 return one or two members (old Sarum had one non-resident 
 voter, no population, and two members) , while newer populous 
 centres had no representation at all. And by insisting upon a 
 high property qualification for members, the chance of the 
 Commons speaking in common accents of vulgar needs was still 
 more restricted. George I was followed by the very similar 
 George II (1727-60), and it was only at his death that Eng- 
 land had again a king who had been born in England, and one 
 who could speak English fairly well, his grandson George III. 
 On this monarch's attempt to recover some of the larger powers 
 of monarchy we shall have something to say in a later section. 
 Such briefly is the story of the struggle in England during 
 the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries between the three main 
 factors in the problem of the "modern state" ; between the crown, 
 the private property owners, and that vague power, still blind 
 and ignorant, the power of the quite common people. This 
 latter factor appears as yet only at moments when the country 
 is most deeply stirred ; then it sinks back into the depths. But 
 the end of the story, thus far, is a very complete triumph of the 
 British private property owner over the dreams and schemes of 
 Machiavellian absolutism. With the Hanoverian Dynasty, Eng- 
 land became — as the Times recently styled her — a "crowned 
 republic." She had worked out a new method of government. 
 Parliamentary government, recalling in many ways the Senate 
 and Popular Assembly of Rome, but more steadfast and efficient 
 because of its use, however restricted, of the representative 
 method. Her assembly at Westminster was to become the 
 "Mother of Parliaments" throughout the world. Towards the 
 crown the English Parliament has held and still holds much 
 the relation of the mayor of the palace to the Merovingian 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 783 
 
 kings. The king is conceived of as ceremonial and irresponsible, 
 a living symbol of the royal and imperial system. But much 
 power remains latent in the tradition and prestige of the crown, 
 and the succession of the four Hanoverian Georges, William 
 IV (1830), Victoria (1837), Edward VII (1901), and the 
 present king, George V (1910), is of a quite different strain 
 from the feeble and short-lived Merovingian monarchs. In the 
 affairs of the church, the military and naval organizations, and 
 the foreign office, these sovereigns have all in various degrees 
 exercised an influence which is none the less important because 
 it is indefinable. 
 
 Upon no part &f Europe did the collapse of the idea of a 
 unified Christendom bring more disastrous consequences than 
 to Germany. Naturally one would have supposed that the 
 Emperor, being by origin a German, both in the case of the 
 earlier lines and in the case of the Habsburgs, would have 
 developed into the national monarch of a united German-speak- 
 ing state. It was the accidental misfortune of Germany that 
 her Emperors never remained German. Frederick II, the last 
 Hohenstaufen, was, as we have seen, a half-Orientalized 
 Sicilian; the Habsburgs, by marriage and inclination, became 
 in the person of Charles V, first Burgundian and then Spanish 
 in spirit. After the death of Charles V, his brother Ferdinand 
 took Austria and the empire, and his son Philip II took Spain, 
 the Netherlands, and South Italy; but the Austrian line, ob- 
 stinately Catholic, holding its patrimony mostly on the eastern 
 frontiers, deeply entangled therefore with Hungarian affairs 
 and paying tribute, as Ferdinand and his two successors did, 
 to the Turk, retained no grip upon the north Germans with 
 their disposition towards Protestantism, their Baltic and west- 
 ward affinities, and their ignorance of or indifference to the 
 Turkish danger. 
 
 The sovereign princes, dukes, electors, prince bishops and the 
 like, whose domains cut up the map of the Germany of the 
 Middle Ages into a crazy patchwork, were really not the equiva- 
 lents of the kings of England and France. They were rather 
 on the level of the great land-owning dukes and peers of France 
 and England. Until 1701 none of them had the title of "King." 
 
784 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Many of their dominions were less both in size and value than 
 the larger estates of the British nobility. The German Diet was 
 like the States-General or like a parliament without the pres- 
 ence of elected representatives. So that the great civil war in 
 Germany that presently broke out, the Thirty Years' War 
 
 gzniral 'BUROPt aRev £kc Teace. of Westphalia,, 164^8 
 
 KORtH 
 
 
 (1618-48) was in its essential nature much more closely 
 akin to the civil war in England (1643-49) and to the war of 
 the Fronde (1648-53), the league of feudal nobles against the 
 Crown in France, than appears upon the surface. In all these 
 cases the Crown was either Catholic or disposed to be- 
 come Catholic, and the recalcitrant nobles found their in- 
 dividualistic disposition tending to a Protestant formula. 
 But while in England and Holland the Protestant nobles and 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 783 
 
 rich merchants ultimately triumphed and in France the suc- 
 cess of the Crown was even more complete, in Germany 
 neither was the Emperor strong enough, nor "had the Protestant 
 princes a sufficient unity and organization among themselves 
 to secure a conclusive triumph. It ended there in a tom-up 
 Germany. Moreover, the German issue was complicated by 
 the fact that various non-German peoples, the Bohemians and 
 the Swedes (who had a new Protestant monarchy which had 
 arisen under Gustava Vasa as a direct result of the Eeforma- 
 tion), were entangled in the struggle, Pinally, the French 
 monarchy, triumphant now over its own nobles, although it was 
 Catholic, came in on the Protestant side with the evident inten- 
 tion of taking the place of the Habsburgs as the imperial line. 
 : The prolongation of the war, and the fact that it was not 
 fought along a determinate frontier, but all over an empire of 
 patches, Protestant here, Catholic there, made it one of the most 
 cruel and destructive that Europe had known since the days 
 of the barbarian raids. Its peculiar mischief lay not in the 
 fighting, but in the concomitants of the fighting. It came at a 
 time when military tactics had developed to a point that ren- 
 dered ordinary levies useless against trained professional in- 
 fantry. Volley firing with muskets at a range of a few score 
 yards had abolished the individualistic knight in armour, but 
 the charge of disciplined masses of cavalry could still disperse 
 any infantry that had not been drilled into a mechanical rigidity. 
 The infantry with their muzzle-loading muskets could not keep 
 up a steady enough fire to wither determined cavalry before it 
 charged home. They had, therefore, to meet the shock standing 
 or kneeling behind a bristling wall of pikes or bayonets. For 
 this they needed great discipline and experience. Iron cannon 
 were still of small size and not very abundant, and they did 
 not play a decisive part as yet in warfare. They could "plough 
 lanes" in infantry, but they could not easily smash and scatter 
 it if it was sturdy and well drilled. War under these conditions 
 was entirely in the hands of seasoned professional soldiers, and 
 the question of their pay was as important a one to the generals 
 oi that time as the question of food or munitions. As the long 
 struggle dragged on from phase to phase, and the financial dis- 
 tress of the, land increased, the commanders of both sides were 
 forced to fall back upon the looting of towns and villages, both 
 for supply and to make up the arrears of their soldiers' pay. 
 
786 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The soldiers became, therefore, more and more mere brigands 
 living on the country, and the Thirty Years' War set up a 
 tradition of looting as a legitimate operation in warfare and of 
 outrage as a soldier's privilege that has tainted the good name 
 of Germany right down to the Great War of 1914. The earlier 
 chapters of Defoe's Memoirs of a Cavalier, with its vivid de- 
 scription of the massacre and burning of Magdeburg, will give 
 the reader a far better idea of the warfare of this time than any 
 formal history. So harried was the land that the farmers 
 ceased from cultivation, what snatch crops could be harvested 
 were hidden away, and great crowds of starving women and 
 children became camp followers of the armies, and supplied a 
 thievish tail to the rougher plundering. At the close of the 
 struggle all Germany was ruined and desolate. Central Europe 
 did not fully recover from these robberies and devastations for 
 a century. 
 
 Here we can but name Tilly and Wallenstein, the great plun- 
 der captains on the Habsburg side, and Gustavus Adolphus, the 
 King of Sweden, the Lion of the North, the champion of the 
 Protestants, whose dream was to make the Baltic Sea a "Swed- 
 ish Lake." Gustavus Adolphus was killed in his decisive victory- 
 over Wallenstein at Liitzen (1632), and Wallenstein was mu]> 
 dered in 1634. In 1648 the princes and diplomatists gathered 
 amidst the havoc they had made to patch up the affairs of 
 Central Europe at the Peace of Westphalia. By that peace the 
 power of the Emperor was reduced to a shadow, and the ac- 
 quisition of Alsace brought France up to the Bhine. And one 
 German prince, the HohenzoUem Elector of Brandenburg, ac- 
 quired so much territory as to become the greatest German 
 power next to the Emperor, a power that presently (1701) be- 
 came the kingdom of Prussia. The Treaty also recognized two 
 long accomplished facts, the separation from the empire and the 
 complete independence of both Holland and Switzerland. 
 
 §5 
 
 We have opened this chapter with the stories of two countries, 
 the ^Netherlands and Britain, in which the resistance of the 
 private citizen to this new type of monarchy, the Machiavellian 
 monarchy, that was arising out of the moral collapse of Chris- 
 tendom, succeeded. But in France, Russia, in many parts of 
 
PBINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 787 
 
 Gennany and of Italy — Saxony and Tuscany e.g. — personal 
 monarchy was not so restrained and overthrown ; it established 
 itself indeed as the ruling European system during the seven- 
 teenth and eighteenth centuries. And even in Holland and 
 Britain the monarchy was recovering power during the eight- 
 eenth century. 
 
 (In Poland condi- 
 tions were peculiar, and 
 they will be dealt with 
 in a later section.) 
 
 In France there had 
 been no Magna Carta, 
 and there was not quite 
 so definite and effective 
 a tradition of parlia- 
 mentary rule. There 
 was the same opposition 
 of interests between the 
 crown on the one hand 
 and the landlords and 
 merchants on the other,, 
 but the latter had no 
 recognized gathering- 
 place, and no dignified 
 method of unity. They 
 formed oppositions to 
 the crown, they made 
 leagues of resistance — 
 such was the "Fronde," 
 which was struggling 
 against the young King 
 Louis XIV and his 
 great minister Mazarin, 
 while Charles I was 
 fighting for his life in England — ^but ultimately (1652), after 
 a civil war, they were conclusively defeated; and while in 
 England after the establishment of the Hanoverians the House 
 of Lords and their subservient Commons ruled the country, 
 in France, on the contrary, after 1652, the court entirely domi- 
 nated the aristocracy. Cardinal Mazarin was himself building 
 upon a foundation that Cardinal Kichelieu, the contemporary 
 
788 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of King James I of England, had prepared for him. After the 
 time of Mazarin we hear of no great French nobles unless they 
 are at court as court servants and ofScials. They have been 
 tamed — ^but at a price, the price of throwing the burthen of 
 taxation upon the voiceless mass of the common people. From 
 many taxes both the clergy and the nobility-^everyone indeed 
 who bore a title — were exempt. In the end this injustice be- 
 came intolerable, but for a while the French monarchy flour- 
 ished like the Psalmist's green bay tree. By the opening of 
 the eighteenth century English writers are already calling at- 
 tention to the misery of the French lower classes and the com- 
 parative prosperity, at that time, of the English poor. 
 
 On stich terms of unrighteousness what we may call "Grand 
 Monarchy" established itself in France. Louis XIV, styled the 
 Grand Monarque, reigned for the unparalleled length of seventy- 
 two years (1643-1715), and set a pattern for all the kings of 
 Europe. At first he was guided by his Machiavellian minister, 
 Cardinal Mazarin; after the death of the Cardinal he himself 
 in his own proper person became the ideal "Prince." He was, 
 within his limitations, an exceptionally capable king ; his ambi- 
 tion was stronger than his baser passions, and he guided his 
 country towards bankruptcy, through the complication of a 
 spirited foreign policy, with an elaborate dignity that still ex- 
 torts our admiration. His immediate desire was to consolidate 
 and extend France to the Khine and Pyrenees, and to absorb 
 the Spanish Netherlands; his remoter view saw the French 
 kings as the possible successors of Charlemagne in a recast 
 Holy Eoman Empire. He made bribery a state method almost 
 more important than warfare. Charles II of England was in 
 his pay, and so were most of the Polish nobility, presently to 
 be described. His money, or rather the money of the tax-pay- 
 ing classes in France, went everywhere. But his prevailing oc- 
 cupation was splendour. His great palace at Versailles, with 
 its salons, its corridors, its mirrors, its terraces and fountains 
 and parks and prospects, was the envy and admiration of the 
 world. He provoked a universal imitation. Every king and 
 princelet in Europe was building his own Versailles as much 
 beyond his means as his subjects and credits would permit. 
 Everywhere the nobility rebuilt or extended their chateaux to 
 the new pattern. A great industry of beautiful and elaborate 
 fabrics and furnishings developed. The luxurious arts fliour- 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 789 
 
 ished everywhere ; sculpture in alabaster, faience, gilt woodwork, 
 metal work, stamped leather, much music, magnificent paintr 
 ing, beautiful printing and bindings, fine cookery, fine vin- 
 tages. Amidst the mirrors and fine furniture went a strange 
 race of "gentlemen" in vast powdered wigs, silks and laces, 
 poised upon high red heels, supported by amazing canes; and 
 still more wonderful "ladies," under towers of powdered hair 
 and wearing vast expansions of silk and satin sustained on wire. 
 Through it all postured the great Louis, the sun of his world, 
 unaware of the meagre and sulky and bitter faces that watched 
 him from those lower darknesses to which his sunshine did not 
 penetrate. 
 
 We cannot give here at any length the story of the wars and 
 doings of this monarch. In many ways Voltaire's Siecle de 
 Louis XIV is still the best and most wholesome account. He 
 created a French navy fit to face the English and Dutch; a 
 very considerable achievement. But because his intelligence 
 did not rise above the lure of that Eata Morgana, that crack 
 in the political wits of Europe, the dream of a world-wide 
 Holy Eoman Empire, he drifted in his later years to the pro- 
 pitiation of the Papacy, which had hitherto been hostile to him. 
 He set himself against those spirits of independence and dis- 
 union, the Protestant princes, and he made war against Protes- 
 tantism in France. Great numbers of his most sober and val- 
 uable subjects were driven abroad by his religious persecutions, 
 taking arts and industries with them. The English silk manu- 
 facture, for instance, was founded by French Protestants. 
 Under his rule were carried out the "dragonnades," a pecu- 
 liarly malignaut and effectual form of persecution. Eough sol- 
 diers were quartered in the houses of the Protestants, and were 
 free to disorder the life of their hosts and insult their woman- 
 kind as they thought fit. Men yielded to that sort of pressure 
 who would not have yielded to rack and fire. The education 
 of the next generation of Protestants was broken up, and the 
 parents had to give Catholic instruction or none. They gave it, 
 no doubt, with a sneer and an intonation that destroyed all faith 
 in it. While more tolerant countries became mainly sincerely 
 Catholic or sincerely Protestant, the persecuting countries, like 
 France and Spain and Italy, so destroyed honest Protestant 
 teaching that these peoples became mainly Catholic believers or 
 Catholic atheists, ready to break out into blank atheism when- 
 
780 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 791 
 
 ever the opportunity offered. The next reign, that of Louis 
 XV, was the age of that supreme mocker, Voltaire (1694- 
 1778), an age in which everybody in French society conformed 
 to the Roman church and hardly anyone believed in it. 
 
 It was part — and an excellent part — of the pose of Grand 
 Monarchy to patronize literature and the sciences. Louis XIV 
 set up an academy of sciences in rivalry with the English Royal 
 Society of Charles II and the similar association at Florence. 
 He decorated his court with poets, playwrights, philosophers, and 
 scientific men. If the scientific process got little inspiration 
 from this patronage, it did at any rate acquire resources for 
 experiment and publication, and a certain prestige in the eyes 
 of the vulgar. 
 
 Louis XV was the great-grandson of Louis XIV, and an in- 
 competent imitator of his predecessor's magnificence. He posed 
 as a king, but his ruling passion was that common obsession of 
 our kind, the pursuit of women, tempered by a superstitious 
 fear of hell. How such women as the Duchess of Chateau- 
 roux, Madame de Pompadour, and Madame du Barry domi- 
 nated the pleasures of the king, and how wars and alliances 
 were made, provinces devastated, thousands of people killed, 
 because of the vanities and spites of these creatures, and how 
 all the public life of France and Europe was tainted with in- 
 trigue and prostitution and imposture because of them, the 
 reader must learn from the memoirs of the time. The spirited 
 foreign policy went on steadily under Louis XV towards its 
 final smash. 
 
 In 1774 this Louis, Louis the Well-Beloved, as his flatterers 
 called him, died of smallpox, and was succeeded by his grand- 
 son, Louis XVI (1774-93), a dull, well-meaning man, an excel- 
 lent shot, and an amateur locksmith of some ingenuity. Of 
 how he came to follow Charles I to the scaffold we shall tell in 
 a later section. Our present concern is with Grand Monarchy 
 in the days of its glory. 
 
 Among the chief practitioners of Grand Monarchy outside 
 France we may note first the Prussian kings, Frederick William 
 I (1713-40), and his son and successor, Frederick II, Fred- 
 erick the Great (1740-86). The story of the slow rise of the 
 HohenzoUem family, which ruled the kingdom of Prussia, from 
 inconspicuous beginnings is too tedious and unimportant for us 
 to follow here. It is a story of luck and violence, of bold claims 
 
792 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and sudden betrayals. It is told with great appreciation in 
 Carlyle's Frederick the Great,' By tlie eighteenth century the 
 Prussian kingdom was important enough to threaten the em- 
 pire; it had a strong, well-drilled army, and its king was an 
 attentive and worthy student of Machiavelli. Frederick the 
 Great perfected his Versailles at Potsdam. There the park of 
 Sans Souci, with its fountains, avenues, statuary, aped its 
 model; there also'was the New Palace, a vast brick building 
 erected at enormous expense, the Orangery in the Italian style, 
 with a collection of pictures,, a Marble Palace, and so on. 
 Frederick carried culture to the pitch of authorship, and 
 corresponded with and entertained Voltaire, to their mutual 
 exasperation. 
 
 The Austrian dominions were kept too busy between the 
 hammer of the French and the anvil qf the Turks to develop the 
 real Grand Monarch style until the reign of Maria Theresa 
 (who, being a woman, did not bear the title of Empress) (1740- 
 80). Joseph II, who was Emperor from 1765-92, succeeded 
 to her palaces in 1780. 
 
 With Peter the Great (1682-1725) the empire of Muscovy 
 broke away from her Tartar traditions and entered the sphere 
 of French attraction. Peter shaved the Oriental beards of his 
 nobles and introduced "Western costume. These were but the 
 outward and visible symbols of his westering tendencies. To 
 release himself from the Asiatic feeling and traditions of 
 Moscow, which, like Pekin, has a sacred inner city, the Krem- 
 lin, he built himself a new capital, Petrograd, upon the swamp 
 of the KTeva. And of course he built his Versaillra, the Peter- 
 hof, about eighteen miles from this new Paris, employing a 
 French architect and having a terrace, fountains, cascades, 
 picture gallery, park, and all the recognized features. HiS 
 more distinguished successors were Elizabeth (1741-62) and 
 Catherine the Great, a German princess, who, after obtaining 
 the crown in sound Oriental fashion through the murder of 
 her husband, the legitimate Tsar, reverted to advanced Western 
 ideals and ruled with great vigour from 1762 to 1796. She 
 set up an academy, and corresponded with Voltaire. And: she 
 lived to witness the end of the system of Grand Monarchy in 
 Europe and the execution of Louis XVI. 
 
 We cannot even catalogue here the minor Grand Monarehs 
 of the time in Florence (Tuscany) and Savoy and Saxony and 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 793 
 
 Denmark and Sweden. Versailles, under a score of names, is 
 starred in every volume of Bsedeker, and the tourist gapes in 
 their palaces, ^ot can we deal with the war of the Spanish 
 Succession. Spain, overstrained by the imperial enterprises of 
 Charles V and Philip II, and enfeebled by a bigoted persecution 
 of Protestants, Moslems, and Jews, was throughout the seven- 
 teenth and eighteenth centuries sinking down from her tempo- 
 rary importance in European affairs to the level of a secondary 
 power again. • ^ 
 
 These European monarchs ruled their kingdoms as theii- 
 noblemen ruled their estates: they plotted against one another, 
 they were politic and far-seeing in an unreal fashion, they 
 made wars, they spent the substance of Europe upon absurd 
 "policies" of aggression and resistance. At last there burst 
 upon them a great storm out of the depths. That storm, the 
 First French Revolution, the indignation of the common man 
 in Europe, took their system unawares. It was but this open- 
 ing outbreak of a great cycle of political and social storms that 
 still continue, that will perhaps continue until every vestige 
 of nationalist monarchy has been swept out of the world and 
 the skies clear again for the great peace of the federation of 
 mankind. 
 
 § 6 
 
 We have seen how the idea of a world-rule and a community 
 of mankind first came into human affairs, an<i we have traced 
 how the failure of the Christian churches to sustain and estab- 
 lish those conceptions of its founder, led to a moral collapse in 
 political affairs and a reversion to egotism and want of faith. 
 We have seen how Machiavellian monarchy set itself up against 
 the spirit of brotherhood in Christendom, and how Machiavellian 
 monarchy developed throughout a large part of Europe into 
 the Grand Monarchies and Parliamentary Monarchies of the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But the mind and imag- 
 ination of man is incessantly active, and beneath the sway of 
 the grand monarchs, a complex of notions and traditions was 
 being woven as a net is woven, to catch and entangle men's 
 minds, the conception of international politics not as a matter 
 of dealings between princes, but as a matter of dealings be- 
 tween a kind of immortal Beings, the Powers. The Princes 
 
794, THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 came and went ; a Louis XIV would be followed by a petticoat- 
 hunting Louis XV, and be again by that dull-witted amateur 
 locksmith, Louis XVI- Peter the Great gave place to a suc- 
 cession of empresses; the chief continuity of the Habsburgs 
 after Charles V, either in Austria or Spain, was a continuity 
 of thick lips, clumsy chins, and superstition ; the amiable scoun- 
 drelism of a Charles II would make a mock of his own preten- 
 sions. But what remained much more steadfast were the secre- 
 tariats of the foreign ministries and the ide^s of people who 
 wrote of state concerns. The ministers maintained a con- 
 tinuity of policy during the "off days" of their monarchs, and 
 between one monarch and another. 
 
 So we find that the prince gradually became less important 
 in men's minds than the "Power" of which he was the head. 
 We begin to read less and less of the schemes and ambitions of 
 King This or That, and more of the "Designs of France" or 
 the "Ambitions of Prussia." In an age when religious faith 
 was declining, we find men displaying a new and vivid belief in 
 the reality of these personifications. These vast vague phan- 
 toms, the "Powers," crept insensibly into European political 
 thought, until in the later eighteenth and in the nineteenth 
 centuries they dominated it entirely. To this day they domi- 
 nate it. European life remained nominally Christian, but to 
 worship one God in spirit and in truth is to belong to one 
 community with all one's fellow worshippers. In practical 
 reality Europe does not do this, she has given herself up alto- 
 gether to the wor^ip of this strange state mythology. To these 
 sovereign deities, to the unity of "Italy," to the hegemony of 
 "Prussia," to the glory of "France," and the destinies of "Rus- 
 sia," she has sacrificed many generations of possible unity, 
 peace, and prosperity and the lives of millions of men. 
 
 To regard a tribe or a state as a sort of personality is a 
 very old disposition of the human mind. The Bible abounds 
 in such personifications. Judah, Edom, Moab, Assyria, figure 
 in the Hebrew Scriptures as if they were individuals; it is 
 sometimes impossible to say whether the Hebrew writer is deal- 
 ing with a person or with a nation. It is manifestly a primitive 
 and natural tendency. But in the case of modem Europe it 
 is a retrocession. Europe, under the idea of Christendom, 
 had gone far towards unification. And while such tribal per- 
 sons as "Israel" or "Tyre" did represent a certain community 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 795 
 
 of blood, a certain uniformity of type, and a homogeneity of 
 interest, the European powers which arose in the seventeenth 
 and eighteenth centuries were entirely fictitious unities. Rus^ 
 sia was in truth an assembly of the most incongruous elements, 
 Cossacks, Tartars, Ukrainians, Muscovites, and, after the time 
 of Peter, Esthonians and Lithuanians ; the France of Louis XV 
 comprehended German Alsace and freshly assimilated regions 
 of Burgundy; it was a prison of suppressed Huguenots and a 
 sweating-house for peasants. In "Britain," England carried 
 on her back the Hanoverian dominions in Germany, Scotland, 
 the profoundly alien Welsh and the hostile and Catholic Irish. 
 Such powers as Sweden, Prussia, and still more so Poland and 
 Austria, if we watch them in a series of historical maps, con- 
 tract, expand, thrust out extensions, and wander over the map 
 of Europe as amoebae do under the microscope. . . . 
 
 If we consider the psychology of international relationship as 
 we see it manifested in the world about us, and as it is shown 
 by the development of the "Power" idea in modem Europe, 
 we shall realize certain historically very important facts about 
 the nature of man. Aristotle said that man is a political ani- 
 mal, but in our modern sense of the word politics, which now 
 covers world-politics, he is nothing of the sort. He has still the 
 instincts of the family tribe, and beyond that he has a disposi- 
 tion to attach himself and his family to something larger, to 
 a tribe, a city, a nation, or a state. But that disposition, left 
 to itself, is a vague and very uncritical disposition. If any- 
 thing, he is inclined to fear and dislike criticism of this some- 
 thing larger that encloses his life and to which he has given 
 himself, and to avoid such criticism. Perhaps he has a sub- 
 conscious fear of the isolation that may ensue if the system is 
 broken or discredited. He takes the milieu in which he finds 
 himself for granted ; he accepts his city or his government, just 
 as he accepts the nose or the digestion which fortune has be- 
 stowed upon him. But men's loyalties, the sides they take in 
 political things, are not innate, they are educational results. 
 For most men their education in these matters is the silent, 
 continuous education of things about them. Men find them- 
 selves a part of Merry England or Holy Russia ; they grow up 
 into these devotions ; they accept them as a part of their nature. 
 
 It is only slowly that the world is beginning to realize how 
 profoundly the tacit education of circumstances can be supple- 
 
796 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 mented, modified, or corrected by positive teaching, by litera- 
 ture, discussion, and properly criticized experience. The real 
 life of the ordinary man is his eveiyday life, his little circle of 
 affections, fears, hungers, lusts, and imaginative impulses. It 
 is only vphen his attention is directed to political affairs as 
 something vitally affecting this personal circle, that he brings 
 his reluctant mind to bear upon them. It is scarcely too much to 
 say that the ordinary man thinks as little about political matters 
 as he can, and stops thinking about them as soon as possible. 
 It is still only very curious and exceptional minds, or minds 
 that have by example or good education acquired the scientific 
 habit of wanting to know why, or minds shocked and distressed 
 by some public catastrophe and roused to wide apprehensions of 
 danger, that will not accept governments and institutions, how- 
 ever preposterous, that do not directly annoy them, as satis- 
 factory. The ordinary human being, until he is so aroused, will 
 acquiesce in any collective activities that are going on in this 
 world in which he finds himself, and any phrasing or symboliza- 
 tion that meets his vague need for something greater to which 
 his personal affairs, his individual circle, can be anchored. 
 
 If we keep these manifest limitations of our nature in mind, 
 it no longer becomes a mystery how, as the idea of Christianity 
 as a world brotherhood of men sank into discredit because of 
 its fatal entanglement with priestcraft and the Papacy on the 
 one hand and with the authority of princes on the other, and 
 the age of faith passed into our present age of doubt and dis- 
 belief, men shifted the reference of their lives from the kingdom 
 of God and the brotherhood of mankind to these apparently 
 more living realities, France and England, Holy Russia, Spain, 
 Prussia, which were at least embodied in active courts, which 
 maintained laws, exerted power through armies and navies, 
 waved flags with a compelling solemnity, and were self-asser-' 
 tive and insatiably greedy in an entirely human and understand- 
 able fashion. Certainly such men as Cardinal Eichelieu and 
 Cardinal Mazarin thought of thelnselves as serving greater ends 
 than their own or their monarch's ; they served the quasi-divine 
 Prance of their imaginations. And as certainly these habits 
 of mind percolated down from them to their subordinates and 
 to the general body of the population. In the thirteenth and 
 fourteenth centuries the general population of Europe was re- 
 ligious and only vaguely patriotic; by the nineteenth it had 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 797 
 
 tecome wholly patriotic. In a crowded English or French or 
 German railway carriage of the later nineteenth century it would 
 have aroused far less hostility to have jeered at God than to 
 have jeered at one of those strange beings, England or France 
 or Germany. To these things men's minds clung, and they 
 clung to them because in all the world there appeared nothing 
 else so satisfying to cling to. They were the real and living 
 gods of Europe. 
 
 This idealization of governments and foreign offices, this 
 mythology of "Powers" and their loves and hates and conflicts, 
 has so obsessed the imaginations of Europe and Western Asia as 
 to provide it with its "forms of thought." Nearly all the his- 
 tories, nearly all the political literature of the last two centuries 
 in Europe, have been written in its phraseology. Yet a time 
 is coming when a clear-sighted generation will read with per- 
 plexity how in the community of western Europe, consisting 
 everywhere of very slight variations of a common racial mixture 
 of Nordic and Iberian peoples and immigrant Semitic and Mon- 
 golian elements, speaking nearly everywhere modifications of 
 the same Aryan speech, having a common past in the Roman 
 Empire, common religious forms, common social usages, and a 
 eomm.on art and science, and intermarrying so freely that no one 
 could tell with certainty the "nationality" of any of his great- 
 grandchildren, men could be moved to the wildest excitement 
 upon the question of the ascendancy of "France," the rise and 
 unification of "Germany," the rival claims of "Eussia" and 
 "Greece" to possess Constantinople. These conflicts will seem 
 then as reasonless and insane as those dead, now incomprehensi- 
 ble feuds of the "greens" and "blues" that once filled the streets 
 of Byzantium with shouting and bloodshed. 
 
 Tremendously as these phantoms, the Powers, rule our minds 
 and lives to-day, they are, as this history shows clearly, things 
 only of the last few centuries, a mere hour, an incidental phase, 
 in the vast deliberate history of our kind. They mark a phase 
 of relapse, a backwater, as the rise of Machiavellian monarchy 
 marks a backwater ; they are part of the same eddy of faltering 
 faith, in a process altogether greater and altogether different 
 in its general tendency, the process of the moral and intellectual 
 reunion of mankind. For a time men have relapsed upon these 
 national or imperial gods of theirs; it is but for a time. The 
 idea of the world state, the universal kingdom of righteousness 
 
798 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of wliich every living soul shall be a citizen, was already in the 
 world two thousand years ago never more to leave it. Men 
 know that it is present even when they refuse to recognize it. 
 In the writings and talk of men about international ailairs to- 
 day, in the current discussions of historians and political jour- 
 nalists, there is an effect of drunken men growing sober, and 
 terribly afraid of growing sober. They still talk loudly of their 
 "love" for France, of their "hatred" of Germany, of the "tra- 
 ditional ascendancy of Britain at sea," and so on and so on, 
 like those who sing of their cups in spite of the steadfast onset 
 of sobriety and a headache. These are dead gods they serve. 
 By sea or land men want no Powers ascendant, but only law 
 and service. That silent unavoidable challenge is in all our 
 minds like dawn breaking slowly, shining between the shutters 
 of a disordered room. 
 
 The seventeenth century in Europe was the century of Louis 
 XIV ; he and French ascendancy and Versailles are the central 
 motif of the story. The eighteenth century was equally the 
 century of the "rise of Prussia as a great power," and the chief 
 figure in the story is Frederick II, Frederick the Great. Inter- 
 woven with his history is the story of Poland. 
 
 The condition of affairs in Poland was peculiar. Unlike its 
 three neighbours, Prussia, Russia, and the Austro-Hungarian 
 monarchy of the Habsburgs, Poland had not developed a Grand 
 Monarchy. Its system of government may be best described as 
 republican with a king, an elected life-president. Each king 
 was separately elected. It was in fact rather more republican 
 than Britain, bijt its republicanism was more aristocratic in 
 form. Poland had little trade and few manufactures ; she was 
 agricultural and still with great areas of grazing, forest, and 
 waste; she was a poor country, and her landowners were poor 
 aristocrats. The mass of her population was a downtrodden 
 and savagely ignorant peasantry, and she also harboured great 
 masses of very poor Jews. She had remained Catholic. She 
 was, so to speak, a poor Catholic inland Britain, entirely sur- 
 rounded by enemies instead of by the sea. She had no definite 
 boundaries at all, neither sea nor mountain. And it added to 
 her misfortunes that some of her elected kings had been bril- 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 799 
 
 liant and aggressive rulers. Eastward her power extended 
 weakly into regions inhabited almost entirely by Russians ; west- 
 ward she overlapped a German subject population. 
 
 Because she had no great trade, she had no great towns to 
 compare with those of western Europe, and no vigorous uni- 
 versities to hold her mind together. Her noble class lived on 
 their estates, without much intellectual intercourse. They were 
 patriotic, they had an aristocratic sense of freedom — which was 
 entirely compatible with the systematic impoverishment of their 
 serfs — but their patriotism and freedom were incapable of ef- 
 fective co-operation. While warfare was a matter of levies of 
 men and horses, Poland was a comparatively strong power; 
 but it was quite unable to keep pace with the development of 
 military art that was making standing forces of professional 
 soldiers the necessary weapon in warfare. Yet divided and 
 disabled as she was, she could yet count some notable victories 
 to her credit. The last Turkish attack upon Vienna (1683) 
 was defeated by the Polish cavalry under King John Sobiesky, 
 King John III. (This same Sobiesky, before he was elected 
 king, had been in the pay of Louis XIV, and had also fought 
 for tbe Swedes against his native country.) J^eedless to say, 
 this weak aristocratic republic, with its recurrent royal elec- 
 tions, invited aggression from all three of its neighbours. "For- 
 eign money," and every sort of exterior interference, came into 
 the country at each election. And like the Greeks of old, every 
 disgruntled Polisb patriot flew off to some foreign enemy to 
 wreak his indignation upon his ungrateful country. 
 
 Even when the King of Poland was elected, he had very 
 little power because of the mutual jealousy of the nobles. Like 
 the English jieers, they preferred a foreigner, and for much 
 the same reason, because he had no roots of power in the land ; 
 but, unlike the British, their own government had not the 
 solidarity whicb the periodic assembling of Parliament in Lon- 
 don, the "coming up to town," gave the British peers. In Lon- 
 don there was "Society," a continuous intermingling of influ- 
 ential persons and ideas. Poland had no London and no "So- 
 ciety." So practically Poland had no central government at 
 all. The King of Poland could not make war nor peace, levy 
 a tax nor alter the law, without the consent of the Diet, and 
 any smgle member of the Diet Tied the power of putting a veto 
 upon any proposal before it. He had merely to rise and say, 
 
800 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "I disapprove," and the matter dropped. He could even carry 
 his free veto, bis liberum veto, iuTther. He could object to the 
 assembly of tbe Diet, and the Diet was tbereby dissolved. ; Po- 
 land was not simply a crowned aristocratic republic like tJie 
 British, it was a paralyzed crowned aristocratic republic. 
 
 r£e PAI^TITIONS oP POLATsLD 
 
 To Frederick the Great the existence of Poland was partic- 
 ularly provocative because of the way in which an arm pf Po- 
 land reached out to the Baltic at Dantzig and separated his an- 
 cestral dominions in East Prussia from his territories within 
 the empire. It was he who incited Catherine the Second of 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 801 
 
 Russia and Maria Theresa of Austria, whose respect he had 
 earned by depriving her of Silesia, to a joint attack upon 
 Poland. 
 
 Let four maps of Poland tell the tale. 
 
 After this first outrage of 1772 Poland underwent a great 
 change of heart. Poland was indeed born as a nation on the 
 eve of her dissolution. There was a hasty but very consider- 
 able development of education, literature, and art; historians 
 and poets sprang up, and the impossible constitution that had 
 made Poland impotent was swept aside. The free veto was 
 abolished, the crown was made hereditary to save Poland from 
 the foreign intrigues that attended every election, and a Parlia- 
 ment in imitation of the British was set up. There were, how- 
 ever, lovers of the old order in Poland who resented these 
 necessary changes, and these obstructives were naturally sup- 
 ported by Prussia and Russia, who wanted no Polish revival. 
 Came the second partition, and, after a fierce patriotic struggle 
 that began in the region annexed by Prussia and found a leader 
 and national hero in Kosciusko, the final obliteration of Poland 
 from the map. So for a time ended this Parliamentary threat 
 to Grand Monarchy in Eastern Europe. But the patriotism 
 of the Poles grew stronger and clearer with suppression. For 
 a hundred and twenty years Poland struggled like a submerged 
 creature beneath the political and military net that held her 
 down. She rose again in 1918, at the end of the Great War. 
 
 § 8 
 
 We have given some account of the ascendancy of France in 
 Europe, the swift decay of the sappy growth of Spanish power 
 and its separation from Austria, and the rise of Prussia. So 
 far as Portugal, Spain, France, Britain, and Holland were con- 
 cerned, their competition for ascendancy in Europe was ex- 
 tended and complicated by a struggle for dominion overseas. 
 
 The discovery of the huge continent of America, thinly in- 
 habited, undeveloped, and admirably adapted for European 
 settlement and exploitation, the simultaneous discovery of great 
 areas of unworked country south of the torrid equatorial re- 
 gions of Africa that had hitherto limited European knowledge, 
 and the gradual realization of vast island regions in the Eastern 
 
802 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 seas, as yet lantouclied by Western civilization, was a presenta- 
 tion of opportunity to mankind unprecedented in all history. It 
 was as if the peoples of Europe had come into some splendid 
 legacy. Their world had suddenly quadrupled. There was more 
 than enough for all; they had only to take these lands and con- 
 tinue to do well by them, and their crowded poverty would 
 vanish like a dream. And they received this glorious legacy 
 like ill-bred heirs ; it meant no more to them than a fresh occa- 
 sion for atrocious disputes. But what community of human 
 beings has ever yet preferred- creation to conspiracy? What 
 nation in all our story has ever worked with another when, at 
 any cost to itself, it could contrive to do that other an injury ? 
 The Powers of Europe began by a frantic "claiming" of the 
 new realms. They went on to exhausting conflicts. Spain, who 
 claimed first and most, and who was for a time "mistress" of 
 two-thirds of America, made no better use of her possession than 
 to bleed herself nearly to death therein. 
 
 We have told how the Papacy in its last assertion of world 
 dominion, instead of maintaining the common duty of all Chris- 
 tendom to make a great common civilization in the new lands, 
 divided the American continent between Spain and Portugal. 
 This naturally roused the hostility of the excluded nations. 
 The seamen of England showed no respect for either claim, and 
 set themselves particularly against the Spanish; the Swedes 
 turned their Protestantism to a similar account. The Hollan- 
 ders, so soon as they had shaken off their Spanish masters, 
 also set their sails westward to flout the Pope and share in the 
 good things of the new world. His Most Catholic Majesty of 
 France hesitated as little as any Protestant. All these powers 
 were soon busy staking out claims in North America and the 
 West Indies. 
 
 Neither the Danish kingdom (which at that time included 
 Norway and Iceland) nor the Swedes secured very much in the 
 scramble. The Danes annexed some o'f the West Indian islands. 
 Sweden got nothing. Both Denmark and Sweden at this time 
 were deep in the affairs of Germany. We have already named 
 Gustavus Adolphus, the Protestant "Lion of the North," and 
 mentioned his campaigns in Germany, Poland, and Eussia. 
 These Eastern European regions are great absorbents of energy, 
 and the strength that might have given Sweden a large share 
 ill the new world reaped a barren harvest of glory in Europe. 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 803 
 
 Such small settlements as the Swedes made in America pres- 
 ently fell to the Dutch. 
 
 The Hollanders, too, with the French monarchy under Car- 
 dinal Eiehelieu and under Louis XIV eating its way across the 
 Spanish Netherlands towards their frontier, had not the un- 
 distracted resources that Britain, behind her "silver streak" of 
 sea, could put into overseas adventures. 
 
 Moreover, th© absolutist efforts of James I and Charles I, 
 and the restoration of Charles II, had the effect of driving out 
 from England a great number of sturdy-minded, republican- 
 spirited Protestants, men of substance and character, who set 
 up in America, and particularly in New England, out of reach, 
 as they supposed, of the king and his taxes. The Mayflower 
 was only one of the pioneer vessels of a stream of emigrants. 
 It was the luck of Britain that they remained, though dis- 
 sentient in spirit, under the British flag. The Dutch never 
 sent out settlers of the same quantity and quality, first because 
 their Spanish rulers would not let them, and then because they 
 had got possession of their own country. And though there was 
 a gTeat emigration of Protestant Huguenots from the dragon- 
 nades and persecution of Louis XIV, they had Holland and 
 England close at hand as refuges, and their industry, skill, and 
 sobriety went mainly to strengthen those countries, and partic- 
 ularly England. A few of them founded settlements in Caro- 
 lina, but these did not remain French; they fell first to the 
 Spanish and finally to the English. 
 
 The Dutch settlements, with the Swedish, also succumbed to 
 Britain; Nieuw Amsterdam became British in 1674, and 
 its name was changed to New York, as the reader may learn 
 very cheerfully in Washington Irving's Knickerbocker's His- 
 tory of New York. The state of affairs in North America 
 in 1750 is indicated very clearly by a map we have 
 adapted from one in Eobinson's Medieval and Modern 
 Times. The British power was established along the east coast 
 from Savannah to the St. Lawrence River, and Newfoundland 
 and considerable northern areas, the Hudson Bay Company ter- 
 ritories, had been acquired by treaty from the French. The 
 British occupied Barbados (almost our oldest possession) in 
 1605, and acquired Jamaica, the Bahamas, and British Hon- 
 duras from the Spaniards. But France was pursuing a very 
 dangerous and alarming game, a game even more dangerous 
 
804 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ■ ^S'V,'^^ V"^ TSI-B.- Shading doas not uidica*" 
 
 C,P^ ^ ^ areas actually settled, (cf. later 
 
 LextenL of 
 5 chiivruzd. 
 
 BriiLsh 
 FrencK 
 
 AFOHi 
 
 and alarming on the map than in reality. She had made real 
 settlements in Quebec and Montreal to the north and at New 
 Orleans in the south, and her explorers and agents had pushed 
 south and north, making treaties with the American Indians 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 805 
 
 of the great plains and setting up claims — ^without setting up 
 towns — right across the continent behind the British. But the 
 realities of the case are not adequately represented in this way. 
 The British colonies were heing very solidly settled by a good 
 class of people; they already numbered a population of over a 
 million ; the French at that time hardly counted a tenth of that. 
 They had a number of brilliant travellers and missionaries at 
 work, but no substance of population behind them. 
 
 Many old maps of America in this period are still to be found, 
 maps designed to scare and "rouse" the British to a sense of 
 the "designs of France" in America. War broke out in 1754, 
 and in 1759 the British and Colonial forces under General 
 Wolfe took Quebec and completed the conquest of Canada in 
 the next year. In 1763 Canada was finally ceded to Britain. 
 (But the western part of the rather indefinite region of Louisi- 
 ana in the south, named after Louis XIV, remained outside the 
 British sphere. It was taken over by Spain; and in 1800 it 
 was recovered by France. Finally, in 1803, it was bought from 
 France by the United States government.) In this Canadian 
 war the American colonists gained a considerable experience 
 of the military art, and a knowledge of British military or- 
 ganization that was to be of great use to them a little later. 
 
 § 9 
 
 It was not only in America that the French and British 
 powers clashed. The condition of India at this time was one 
 very interesting and attractive to European adventurers. The 
 great Mongol Empire of Baber, Akbar, and Aurangzeb was now 
 far gone in decay. What had happened to India was very 
 parallel to what had happened to Germany. The Great Mo- 
 gul at Delhi in India, like the Holy Eoman Emperor in Ger- 
 many, was still legally overlord, but after the death of Aurang- 
 zeb he exerted only a nominal authority except in the immediate 
 neighbourhood of his capital. In the south-west a Hindu peo- 
 ple, the Mahrattas, had risen against Islam, restored Brahmin- 
 ism as the ruling religion, and for a time extended their power 
 over the whole southern triangle of India. In Eajputana also 
 the rule of Islam was replaced by Brahminism, and at Bhurt- 
 pur and Jaipur there ruled powerful Eajput princes. In Oudh 
 there was a Shiite kingdom, with its capital at Lucknow, and 
 
806 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Bengal was also a separate (Moslem) kingdom. Away in the 
 Punjab to the north had arisen a very interesting religious body, 
 the Sikhs, proclaiming the universal rule of one God and assail- 
 ing both the Hindu Vedas and the Moslem Koran. Originally 
 a pacific sect, the Sikhs presently followed the example of Islam, 
 and sought — at first very disastrously to themselves — to establish 
 the kingdom of God by the sword. And into this confused and 
 disordered India there presently (1738) came an invader from 
 the north, Nadir Shah (1736-47), the Turcoman ruler of 
 Persia, who swept down through the Kyber pass, broke every 
 army that stood in his way, and captured and sacked Delhi, 
 carrying off an enormous booty. He left the north of India 
 so utterly broken, that in the next twenty years there were no 
 less than six other successful plundering raids into North India 
 from Afghanistan, which had become an independent state at the 
 death of Nadir Shah. For a time Mahrattas fought with 
 Afghans for the rule of North India ; then the Mahratta power 
 broke up into a series of principalities, Indore, Gwalior, Baroda, 
 and others. . . . 
 
 This was the India into which the French and English were 
 thrusting during the eighteenth century. A succession of other 
 European powers had been struggling for a commercial and 
 political footing in India and the east ever since Vasco da 
 Gama had made his memorable voyage round the Cape to 
 Calicut. The sea trade of India had previously been in the 
 hands of the Ked Sea Arabs, and the Portuguese won it from 
 them in a series of sea fights. The Portuguese ships were the 
 bigger, and carried a heavier armament. For a time the Por- 
 tuguese held the Indian trade as their own, and Lisbon outshone 
 Venice as a mart for oriental spices ; the seventeenth century, 
 however, saw the Dutch grasping at this monopoly. At the 
 crest of their power the Dutch had settlements at the Cape of 
 Good Hope, they held Mauritius, they had two establishments in 
 Persia, twelve in India, six in Ceylon, and all over the East 
 Indies they had dotted their fortified stations. But their lalf- 
 ish resolution to exclude traders of any other European na- 
 tionality forced the Swedes, Danes, French, and English into 
 hostile competition. The first effectual blows at their overseas 
 monopoly were struck in European waters by the victories of 
 Blake, the English republican admiral ; and by the opening of 
 the eighteenth century both the English and French were in 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 
 
 807 
 
 vigorous competition with the Dutch for trade and privileges 
 throughout India. At Madras, Bomhay, and Calcutta the Eng- 
 lish established their headquarters; Pondicherry and Chander- 
 nagore were the chief French settlements. 
 
 At first all these European powers came merely as traders, 
 and the only establishments they attempted were warehouses; 
 
 The chiePForei^ ScttUmcntsr in IT^DIAr 
 
 but the unsettled state of the country, and the unscrupulous 
 methods of their rivals, made it natural for them to fortify 
 and arm their settlements, and this armament made them attrac- 
 tive allies of the various warring princes who now divided India. 
 And it was entirely in the spirit of the new European nationalist 
 politics that when the French took one side, the British should 
 take another. The great leader upon the English side was 
 Eobert Clive, who was bom in 1725, and went to India in 1743. 
 His chief antagonist was Dupleix. The story of this struggle 
 
808 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 throughout the first half of the eighteenth century is too long 
 and intricate to be told here. By 1761 the British found them- 
 selves completely dominant in the Indian peninsula. At Plas^ 
 sey (17.57) and at Buxar (1764) their armies gained striking 
 and conclusive victories over the army of Bengal and the army 
 of Oudh. The Great Mogul, nominally their overlord, became 
 in effect their puppet. They levied taxes over great areas; 
 they exacted indemnities for real or fancied opposition. 
 
 These successes were not gained directly by the forces of 
 the King of England ; they were gained by the East India Trad- 
 ing Company, which had been originally at the time, of its 
 incorporation under Queen Elizabeth no more than a company 
 of sea adventurers. Step by step they had been forced to raise 
 troops and arm their ships. And now this trading company, 
 with its tradition of gain, found itself dealing not merely in 
 spices and dyes and tea and jewels, but in the revenues and 
 territories of princes and the destinies of India. It had come 
 to buy and sell, and it found itself achieving a tremendous 
 piracy. There was no one to challenge its proceedings. • Is it 
 any wonder that its captains and commanders and officials, 
 nay, even its clerks and common soldiers, came back to England 
 loaded with spoils? Men under such circumstances, with a 
 great and wealthy land at their mercy, could not determine 
 what they might or might not do. It was a strange land to 
 them, with a strange sunlight; its brown people were a different 
 race, outside their range of sympathy ; its temples and buildings 
 seemed to sustain fantastic standards of behaviour. English- 
 men at home were perplexed when presently these generals and 
 officials came back to make dark accusations against each other 
 of extortions and cruelties. Upon Clive Parliament passed a 
 vote of censure. He committed suicide in 1774. In 1788 
 Warren Hastings, a second great Indian administrator, was 
 impeached and acquitted (1793). It was a strange and un- 
 precedented situation in the world's history. The English Par- 
 liament found itself ruling over a London trading company, 
 which in its turn was dominating an empire far greater and 
 more populous than all the domains of the British crown. To 
 the bulk of the English people India was a remote, fantastic, 
 almost inaccessible land, to which adventurous poor young men 
 went out, to return after many years very rich and very choleric 
 old gentlemen. It was difficult for the English to conceive what 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 809 
 
 the life of these countless brown millions in the eastern sunshine 
 could be. Their imaginations declined the task. India re- 
 mained romantically unreal. It was impossible for the English, 
 therefore, to exert any effective supervision and control over 
 the company's proceedings. 
 
 § 10 
 
 And while the great peninsula of the south of Asia was thus 
 falling under the dominion of the English sea traders, an equally 
 remarkable reaction of Europe upon Asia was going on in the 
 north. We have told in Chap. XZXIII, § 5c, how the Christian 
 states of Russia recovered their independence from the Golden 
 Horde, and how the Tsar of Moscow became master of the re- 
 public of Novgorod ; and in § 5 of this chapter we have told of 
 Peter the Great joining the circle of Grand Monarchs and, as 
 it were, dragging Russia into Europe. The rise of this great 
 central power of the old world, which is neither altogether of the 
 East nor altogether of the West, is one of the utmost importance 
 to our' human destiny. We have also told in the same chapter 
 of the appearance of a Christian steppe people, the Cossacks, 
 who formed a barrier between the feudal agriculture of Poland 
 and Hungary to the west and the Tartar to the east. The Cos- 
 sacks were the wild east of Europe, and in many ways not un- 
 like the wild west of the United States in the middle nineteenth 
 century. AH who had made Russia too hot to hold them, crim- 
 inals as well as the persecuted innocent, rebellious serfs, re- 
 ligious sectaries, thieves, vagabonds, murderers, sought asylum 
 in the southern steppes, and there made a fresh start and fought 
 for life and freedom against Pole, Russian, and Tartar alike. 
 Doubtless fugitives from the Tartars to the east also contributed 
 to the Cossack mixture. Chief among these new nomad tribes 
 were the Ukraine Cossacks on the Dnieper and the Don Cossacks 
 on the Don. Slowly these border folk were incorporated in 
 the Russian imperial service, much as the Highland clans of 
 Scotland were converted into regiments by the British govern- 
 ment. New lands were offered them in Asia. They became a 
 weapon against the dwindling power of the Mongolian nomads, 
 first in Turkestan and then across Siberia as far as the Amur. 
 
 The decay of Mongol energy in the seventeenth and eight- 
 eenth centuries is very difficult to explain. Within two or 
 three centuries from the days of Jengis and Timurlane, central 
 
810 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Asia had relapsed from a period of world ascendancy to ex- 
 treme political impotence. Changes of climate, unrecorded 
 pestilences, infections of a malarial type, may have played their 
 part in this recession — ^which may be only a temporary recession 
 measured by the scale of universal history — of the Central Asian 
 
 Kabul 
 
 Saidh 0/ iiiiiNHiiin sub/ect to 
 MaJiratia Tribute. 
 
 iH.v.TTT-.hTn't Sphere ofFrzruih. 
 izi-Elnence. 
 
 peoples. Some authorities think that the spread of Buddhist 
 teaching from China also had a pacifying influence upon them. 
 At any rate, by the sixteenth century the Mongol Tartar and 
 Turkish peoples were no longer pressing outward, but were 
 being invaded, subjugated, and pushed back both by Christian ■ 
 Eussia in the west and by China in the east. 
 
 All through the seventeenth century the Cossacks were spread- 
 ing eastward from European Eussia, and settling wherever 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS/ AND POWERS 811 
 
 they found agricultural conditions. Cordons of forts and sta- 
 tions formed a moving frontier to these settlements to the south, 
 where the Turkomans were still strong and active ; to the north- 
 east, however, Eussia had no frontier until she reached right 
 to the Pacific. . , . 
 
 At the same time China was in a phase of expansion. In 
 1644 the Ming Dynasty, in a state of artistic decay and greatly 
 weakened by a Japanese invasion, fell to Manchu conquerors, 
 a people apparently identical with the former Kin Dynasty, 
 which had ruled at Pekin over iNTorth China until the days of 
 Jengis. It was the Manchus who imposed the pigtail as a mark 
 of political loyalty upon the Chinese population. They brought 
 a new energy into Chinese affairs, and their northern interests 
 led to a considerable northward expansion of the Chinese civ- 
 ilization and influence into Manchuria and Mongolia. So it 
 was that by the middle of the eighteenth century the Russians 
 and Chinese were in contact in Mongolia. At this period 
 China ruled eastern Turkestan, Tibet, Nepal, Burmah, and 
 Annam. . , = 
 
 We have mentioned a Japanese invasion of China (or rather 
 of Korea). Except for this aggression upon China, Japan plays 
 no part in our history before the nineteenth century. Like 
 China under the Mings, Japan had set her face resolutely against 
 the interference of foreigners in her affairs. She was a country 
 leading her own civilized life, magically sealed against intruders. 
 We have told little of her hitherto because there was little to 
 tell. Her picturesque and romantic history stands apart from 
 the general drama of human affairs. Her population was 
 chiefly a Mongolian population, with some very interesting 
 white people of a Nordic type, the Hairy Ainu, in the northern 
 islands. Her civilization seems to have been derived almost 
 entirely from Korea and China ; her art is a special development 
 of Chinese art, her writing an adaptation of the Chinese script. 
 
 § 11 
 
 In these preceding ten sections we have been dealing with an 
 age of division, of separated nationalities. We have already 
 described this period of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries 
 as an interregnum in the progress of mankind towards a world- 
 wide unity. Throughout this period there was no ruling unify- 
 
812 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ing idea in men's minds. The impulse of the empire had failed 
 until" the Emperor was no more than one of a number of com- 
 peting princes, and the dream of Christendom also was a fading 
 dream. The developing "powers" jostled one another through- 
 out the world ; but for a time it seemed that they might jostle 
 one another indefinitely without any great catastrophe to man- 
 kind. The great geographical discoveries of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury had so enlarged human resources that, for all their divi- 
 sions, for all the waste of their wars and policies, the people 
 of Europe enjoyed a considerable and increasing prosperity. 
 Central Europe recovered steadily from the devastation of the 
 Thirty Years' War. 
 
 Looking back upon this period, which came to its climax 
 in the eighteenth century, looking back, as we can begin to do 
 nowadays, and seeing its events in relation to the centuries that 
 came before it and to the great movements of the present time, 
 we are able to realize how transitory and provisional were its 
 political forms and how unstable its securities. Provisional 
 it was as no other age has been provisional, an age of assimi- 
 lation and recuperation, a political pause, a gathering up of 
 the ideas of men and the resources of science for a wider 
 human effort. But the contemporary mind did not see 
 it in that light. The failure of the great creative ideas as 
 they had been formulated in the Middle Ages had left human 
 thought for a time destitute of the guidance of creative ideas; 
 even educated and imaginative men saw the world undramati- 
 cally ; no longer as an interplay of effort and destiny, but as the 
 scene in which a trite happiness was sought and the milder vir- 
 tues were rewarded. It was not simply the contented and con- 
 servative-minded who, in a world of rapid changes, were under 
 the sway of this assurance of an achieved fixity of human condi- 
 tions. Even highly critical and insurgent intelligences, in de- 
 fault of any sustaining movements in the soul of the community, 
 betrayed the same disposition. Political life, they felt, had 
 ceased to be the urgent and tragic thin^ it had once been ; it had 
 become a polite comedy. The eighteenth was a century of 
 comedy — ^which at the end grew grim. It is inconceivable that 
 that world of the middle eighteenth century could have produced 
 a Jesus of Nazareth, a Gautama, a Francis of Assisi, an Igna- 
 tius of Loyola. If one may imagine an eighteenth-century John 
 Hubs, it is impossible to imagine anyone with sufficient pas- 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 813 
 
 sion to bum him. Until the stirrings of conscience in Britain 
 that developed into the Methodist revival began, we can detect 
 scarcely a suspicion that there still remained great tasks in 
 hand for our race to do, that enormous disturbances were close 
 at hand, or that the path of man through space and time was 
 dark with countless dangers, and must to the end remain a 
 high and terrible enterprise. 
 
 We have quoted again and again in this history from Gib- 
 bon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, l^ow we shall 
 quote from it for the last time and bid it farewell, for we have 
 come to the age in which it was written. Gibbon was born in 
 1737, and the last volume of his history was published in 
 1787, but the passage we shall quote was probably written in 
 the year 1780. Gibbon was a young man of delicate health 
 and fairly good fortune; he had a partial and interrupted 
 education at Oxford, and then he completed his studies in Gen- 
 eva; on the whole his outlook was French and cosmopolitan 
 rather than British, and he was much under the intellectual 
 influence of that great Frenchman who is best known under the 
 name of Voltaire (Frangois Marie Arouet de Voltaire, 1694- 
 1778). Voltaire was an author of enormous industry; seventy 
 volumes of him adorn the present writer's shelves, and another 
 edition of Voltaire's works runs to ninety-four ; he dealt largely 
 with history and public affairs, and he corresponded with 
 Catherine the Great of Eussia, Frederick the Great of Prus- 
 sia, Louis XV, and most of the prominent people of the time. 
 Both Voltaire and Gibbon had the sense of history strong in 
 them ; both have set out very plainly and fully their visions of 
 human life; and it is clear that to both of them the system in 
 which they lived, the system of monarchy, of leisurely and 
 privileged gentlefolks, of rather despised industrial and trading 
 people and of dovimtrodden and negligible labourers and poor 
 and common people, seemed the most stably established way of 
 living that the world has ever seen. They postured a little as 
 republicans, and sneered at the divine pretensions of monarchy ; 
 but the republicanism that appealed to Voltaire was the crowned 
 republicanism of the Britain of those days, in which the king 
 was simply the oiBcial head, the first and greatest of the 
 gentlemen. 
 
 The ideal they sustained was the ideal of a polite and polished 
 world in which men — ^men of quality, that is, for no others 
 
814 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 counted — ^would be ashamed to be cruel or gross or enthusiastic, 
 in which the appointments of life would be spacious and ele- 
 gant, and the fear of ridicule the potent auxiliary of the law 
 in maintaining the decorum and harmonies of life. Voltaire 
 had in him the possibility of a passionate hatred of injustice, 
 and his interventions on behalf of persecuted or ill-used men 
 are the high lights of his long and complicated life-story. And 
 this being the mental disposition of Gibbon and Voltaire, and 
 of the age in which they lived, it is natural that they should 
 find the existence of religion in the world, and in particular 
 the existence of Christianity, a perplexing and rather unac- 
 countable phenomenon. The whole of that side of life seemed 
 to them a kind of craziness in the human make-up. Gibbon's 
 great history is essentially an attack upon Christianity as the 
 operating cause of the decline and fall. He idealized the crude 
 and gross plutocracy of Rome into a world of fine gentlemen 
 upon the eighteenth-century model, and told how it fell before 
 the Barbarian from without because of the decay through Chris- 
 tianity within. In our history here we have tried to set that 
 story in a better light. To Voltaire official Christianity was 
 "I'infame" ; something that limited people's lives, interfered 
 with their thoughts, persecuted harmless dissentients- And in- 
 deed in that period of the interregnum there was very little 
 life or light in either the orthodox Christianity of Rome or in 
 the orthodox tame churches of Russia and of the Protestant 
 princes. In an interregnum incommoded with an abundance of 
 sleek parsons and sly priests it was hard to realize what fires had 
 once blazed in the heart of Christianity, and what fires of po- 
 litical and religious passion might still blaze in the hearts of 
 men. 
 
 At the end of his third volume Gibbon completed his account 
 of the breaking up of the Western Empire. He then raised the 
 question whether civilization might ever undergo again a 
 similar collapse. This led him to review the existing state of 
 affairs (1780) and to compare it with the state of affairs dur- 
 ing the decline of imperial Rome. It will be very convenient 
 to our general design to quote some passages from that com- 
 parison here, for nothing could better illustrate the state of 
 mind of the liberal thinkers of Europe at the crest of the po- 
 litical interregnum of the age of the Great Powers, before the 
 first intimations of those profound political and social forces 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 815 
 
 of disintegration that have produced at length the dramatic 
 interrogations of our own times. 
 
 "This awful revolution," wrote Gibbon of the Western col- 
 lapse, "may be usefully applied to the useful instruction of the 
 present age. It is the duty of a patriot to prefer and 
 promote the exclusive interest and glory of his native coun- 
 try; but a philosopher may be permitted to enlarge his 
 views, and to consider Europe as one great republic, whose 
 various inhabitants have attained almost the same level of po- 
 liteness and cultivation. The balance of power will continue 
 to fluctuate, and the prosperity of our own or the neighbouring 
 kingdoms may be alternately exalted or depressed; but these 
 partial events cannot essentially injure our general state of 
 happiness, the system of arts, and laws, and manners, which 
 so advantageously distinguish, above the rest of mankind, the 
 Europeans and their colonies. The savage nations of the globe 
 are the common enemies of civilized society; and we may en- 
 quire with anxious curiosity whether Europe is still threatened 
 with a repetition of those calamities which formerly oppressed 
 the arms and institutions of Rome. Perhaps the same reflec-_ 
 tions will illustrate the fall of that mighty empire and ex- 
 plain the probable causes of our actual security. 
 
 "The Romans were ignorant of the extent of their danger, 
 and the number of their enemies. Beyond the Rhine and 
 Danube, the northern countries of Europe and Asia were filled 
 with innumerable tribes of hunters and shepherds, poor, vora- 
 cious, and turbulent; bold in arms, and impatient to ravish the 
 fruits of industry. The Barbarian VForld was agitated by the 
 rapid impulse of war; and the peace of Gaul or Italy was 
 shaken by the distant revolutions of China. The Huns, who 
 fled before a victorious enemy, directed their march towards the 
 west; and the torrent was swelled by the gradual accession of 
 captives and allies. The flying tribes who yielded to the Huns 
 assumed in their turn the spirit of conquest ; the endless column 
 of barbarians pressed on the Roman Empire with accumulated 
 weight and, if the foremost were destroyed, the vacant space 
 was instantly replenished by new assailants. Such formidable 
 emigrations can no longer issue from the ISTorth ; and the long 
 repose, which has been imputed to the decrease of population, 
 is the happy consequence of the progress of arts and agricul- 
 ture. Instead of some rude villages, thinly scattered among 
 
816 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 its woods and morasses, Germany now produces a list of two 
 thousand three hundred walled towns ; the Christian kingdoms 
 of Denmark, Sweden, and Poland have been successively estab- 
 lished; and the Hanse merchants, with the Teutonic knights, 
 have extended their colonies along the coast of the Baltic, as 
 far as the Gulf of Finland. From the Gulf of Finland to the 
 Eastern Ocean, Russia now assumes the form of a powerful 
 and civilized empire. The plough, the loom, and the forge are 
 introduced on the banks of the Volga, the Oby, and the Lena ; 
 and the fiercest of the Tartar hordes have been taught to trem- 
 ble and obey. . . . 
 
 "The Empire of Eome was firmly established by the singular 
 and perfect coalition of its members. . . . But this union was 
 purchased by the loss of national freedom and military spirit ; 
 and the servile provinces, destitute of life and motion, expected 
 their safety from the mercenary troops and governors, who were 
 directed by the orders of a distant court. The happiness of a 
 hundred millions depended on the personal merit of one or two 
 men, perhaps children, whose minds were corrupted by educa- 
 tion, luxury, and despotic power. Europe is now divided into 
 twelve powerful, though unequal kingdoms, three respectable 
 commonwealths, and a variety of smaller, though independent, 
 states; the chances of royal and ministerial talents are multi- 
 plied, at least with the number of its rulers ; and a Julian ^ 
 or Semiramis ^ may reign in the north, while Arcadius and 
 Honorius ^ again slumber on the thrones of the House of Bour- 
 bon. The abuses of tyranny are restrained by the mutual in- 
 fluence of fear and shame; republics have acquired order and 
 stability ; monarchies have imbibed the principles of freedom, 
 or, at least, of moderation ; and some sense of honour and jus- 
 tice is introduced into the most defective constitutions by the 
 general manners of the times. In peace, the progress of knowl- 
 edge and industry is accelerated by the emulation of so many 
 active rivals : in war, the European forces are exercised by tem- 
 perate and undecisive contests. If a savage conqueror should 
 issue from the deserts of Tartary, he must repeatedly vanquish 
 the robust peasants of Russia, the numerous armies of Ger- 
 many, the gallant nobles of France, and the intrepid freemen 
 
 •Frederick the Great of Prussia. 
 J 'Catherine the Great of Kussia. 
 
 ' Louis XVI of France and Charles III of Spain. 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 817 
 
 of Britain ; who, perhaps, might confederate for their common 
 defence. Should the victorious Barbarians carry slavery and 
 desolation as far as the Atlantic Ocean, ten thousand vessels 
 would transport beyond their pursuit the remains of civilized 
 society ; and Europe would revive and flourish in the American 
 world which is already filled with her colonies and institutions. 
 
 "Cold, poverty, and a life of danger and fatigue fortify the 
 strength and courage of Barbarians. In every age they have op- 
 pressed the polite and peaceful nations of China, India, and 
 Persia, who neglected, and still neglect, to counterbalance these 
 natural powers by the resources of military art. The warlike 
 states of antiquity, Greece, Macedonia, and Eome, educated 
 a race of soldiers ; exercised their bodies, disciplined their cour- 
 age, multiplied their forces by regular evolutions, and con- 
 verted the iron which they possessed into strong and serviceable 
 weapons. But this superiority insensibly declined with their 
 laws and manners; and the feeble policy of Constantine and 
 his successors armed and instructed, for the ruin of the em- 
 pire, the rude valour of the Barbarian mercenaries. The mili- 
 tary art has been changed by the invention of gunpowder ; which 
 enables man to command the two most powerful agents of 
 nature, air and fire. Mathematics, chemistry, mechanics, archi- 
 tecture, have been applied to the service of war ; and the ad- 
 verse parties oppose to each other the most elaborate modes of 
 attack and of defence. Historians may indignantly observe that 
 the preparations of a siege would found and maintain a flourish- 
 ing colony; yet we cannot be displeased that the subversion of 
 a city should be a work of cost and difficulty, or that an indus- 
 trious people should be protected by those arts, which survive 
 and supply the' decay of military virtue. Cannon and fortifica- 
 tions now form an impregnable barrier against the Tartar 
 horse ^ ; and Europe is secure from any future, irruption of 
 Batbarians ; since, before they can conquer, they must cease to 
 be barbarous. , . . 
 
 "Should these speculations be found doubtful or fallacious, 
 there still remains a more humble source of comfort and hope. 
 The discoveries of ancient and modem navigators, and the do- 
 mestic history, or tradition, of the most enlightened nations, 
 represent the human savage, naked both in mind and body, and 
 
 ' Gibbon forgets here that ' cannon and the fundamentals of modern 
 military method came to Europe with the Mongols. 
 
818 THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 destitute of laws, of arts, of ideas, and almost of language. 
 From this abject condition, perhaps the primitive and universal 
 state of man, he has gradually arisen to command the animals, 
 to fertilize the earth, to traverse the ocean, and to measure the 
 heavens. His progress in the improvement and exercise of his 
 mental and corporeal faculties has been irregular and various, 
 infinitely slow in the beginning, and increasing by degrees with 
 redoubled velocity ; ages of' laborious ascent have been followed 
 by a moment of rapid downfall ; and the several climates of the 
 globe have felt the vicissitudes of light and darkness. Yet the 
 experience of four thousand years should enlarge our hopes, and 
 diminish our apprehensions; we cannot determine to what 
 height the human species may aspire in their advances towards 
 perfection; but it may safely be presumed that no people, un- 
 less the face of nature is changed, will relapse into their original 
 barbarism. 
 
 "Since the first discovery of the arts, war, commerce, and 
 religious zeal have diffused, among the savages of the Old and 
 New World, those inestimable gifts, they have been successively 
 propagated ; they can never be lost. We may therefore acquiesce 
 in the pleasing conclusion that every age of the world has in- 
 creased, and still increases, the real wealth, the happiness, the 
 knowledge, and perhaps the virtue, of the human race." 
 
 § 12 
 
 One of the most interesting aspects of this story of Europe in 
 the seventeenth and earlier eighteenth century during the phase 
 of the Grand and Parliamentary Monarchies, is the compara- 
 tive quiescence of the peasants and workers. The insurrection- 
 ary fires of the fourteenth and fifteenth and sixteenth centuries 
 seem to have died down. The acute economic clashes of the 
 earlier period had been mitigated by rough adjustments. The 
 discovery of America had revolutionized and ohanged the scale 
 of business and industry, had brought a vast volume of pre- 
 cious metal for money into Europe, had increased and varied 
 employment. For a time life and work ceased to be intolerable 
 to the masses of the poor. This did not, of course, prevent 
 much individual misery and discontent; the poor we have al- 
 ways had with us, but this misery and discontent was divided 
 and scattered. It became inaudible. 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 819 
 
 In the earlier period the common people had had an idea to 
 crystallize upon, the idea of Christian communism. They had 
 found an educated leadership in the dissentient priests and 
 doctors of the Wycliffe type. As the movement for a revival 
 in Christianity spent its force, as Lutheranism fell back for 
 leadership from Jesus upon the Protestant Princes, this con- 
 tact and reaction of the fresher minds of the educated class 
 upon the illiterate mass was interrupted. However nuraerous 
 a downtrodden class may be, and however extreme its miseries, 
 it will never be able to make an effective protest until it achieves 
 solidarity by the development of some common general idea. 
 Educated men and men of ideas are more necessary to a popular 
 political movement than to any other political process. A mon- 
 archy learns by ruling, and an oligarchy of any type has the 
 education of affairs ; but the common man, the peasant or toiler, 
 has no experience in large matters, and can exist politically 
 only through the services, devotion, and guidance of educated 
 men. The Reformation, the Reformation that succeeded, the 
 Reformation that is of the Princes, by breaking up educational 
 facilities, largely destroyed the poor scholar and priest class 
 whose persuasion of the crowd had rendered the Reformation 
 possible. 
 
 The Princes of the Protestant countries when they seized 
 upon the national churches early apprehended the necessity of 
 gripping the universities also. Their idea of education was 
 the idea of capturing young clever people for the service of their 
 betters. Beyond that they were disposed to regard education 
 as a mischievous thing. The only way to an education, therefore, 
 for a poor man was through patronage. Of course there was a 
 parade of encouragement towards learning in all the Grand 
 Monarchies, a setting up of Academies and Royal Societies, but 
 these benefited only a small class of subservient scholars. The 
 church also had learnt to distrust the educated poor man. In 
 the great aristocratic "crowned republic" of Britain there was 
 the same shrinkage of educational opportunity. "Both the an- 
 cient universities," says Hammond, in his account of the eight- 
 eenth century, "were the universities of the rich. There is a 
 passage in Macaulay describing the state and pomp of Oxford 
 at the end of the seventeenth century, 'when her Chancellor, the 
 Venerable Duke of Ormonde, sat in his embroidered mantle on 
 his throne under the painted celling of the Sheldonian theatre, 
 
820 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 surrounded by hundreds of graduates robed according to their 
 rank, while the noblest youths of England were solemnly pre- 
 sented to him as candidates for academical honours.' The uni- 
 versity was a power, not in the sense in which that could be 
 said of a university like the old university of Paris, whose learn- 
 ing could make Popes tremble, but in the sense that the univer- 
 sity was part of the recognized machinery of aristocracy. What 
 was true of the universities was true of the public schools. 
 Education in England was the nursery not of a society, but of 
 an order ; not of a state, but of a race of owner-rulers." The mis- 
 sionary spirit had departed from education throughout Europe. 
 To that quite as much as to the amelioration of things by a dif- 
 fused prosperity, this phase of quiescence among the lower 
 classes is to be ascribed. They had lost brains and speech, and 
 they were fed. The community was like a pithed animal in the 
 hands of the governing dass.^ 
 
 Moreover, there had been considerable changes in the propor- 
 tions of class to class. One of the most difficult things for the 
 historian to trace is the relative amount of the total property 
 of the community held at any time by any particular class in 
 that community. These things fluctuate very rapidly. The 
 peasant wars of Europe indicate a phase of comparatively con- 
 centrated property when large masses of people could feel them- 
 selves expropriated and at a common disadvantage, and so take 
 mass action. This was the time of the rise and prosperity of 
 the Fuggers and their like, a time of international finance. 
 Then with the vast importation of silver and gold and com- 
 modities into Europe from America, there seems to have been 
 a restoration of a more diffused state of wealth. The poor 
 were just as miserable as ever, but there were perhaps not so 
 many poor relatively, and they were broken up into a variety 
 of types without any ideas in common. In Great Britain the 
 agricultural life which had been dislocated by the confiscations 
 of the Eeformation had settled down again into a system of 
 tenant farming under great landowners. Side by side with 
 the large estates there was still/ however, much common land 
 ' "Our present public school system is candidly based on training a 
 dominant master CI9.SS. But the uprising of the workers and modern 
 conditions are rapidly making the dominant method unworkable. . . . 
 The change In the aim of schools will transform all the organizations and 
 methods of schools, and my belief is that this change will make the new era." 
 — F. W. Sanderson, Head Master of Oundle, in an address at Leeds, Feb- 
 ruary 16th, 1920. 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 821 
 
 for pasturing the beasts of the poorer villagers, and much land 
 cultivated in strips upon communal lines. The middling sort 
 of man, and even the poorer sort of man upon the land, were 
 leading an endurable existence in 1700. The standard of life, 
 the idea, that is, of what is an endurable existence, was, how- 
 ever, rising during the opening phase of Grand Monarchy; 
 aft^ a time the process of the upward concentration of wealth 
 seems to have been resumed, the larger landowners began to 
 acquire and crowd out the poorer free cultivators, and the pro- 
 portion of poor people and of people who felt they were lead- 
 ing impoverished lives increased again. The bigger men were 
 unchallenged rulers of Great Britain, and they set themselves 
 to enact laws, the Enclosure Acts, that practically confiscated the 
 unenclosed and common lands, mainly for the benefit of the 
 larger landowners. The smaller men sank to the level of wage 
 workers upon the land over which they had once possessed rights 
 of cultivation and pasture. 
 
 The peasant in France and upon the Continent generally was 
 not so expropriated; his enemy was not the landlord, but the 
 taxgatherer; he was squeezed on his land instead of being 
 squeezed off it. 
 
 As the eighteenth century progressed, it is apparent in the 
 literature of the time that what to do with "the poor" was again 
 exercising men's thoughts. We find such active-minded Eng- 
 lish writers as Defoe (1659-1731) and Fielding (1707-54) 
 deeply exercised by this problem. But as yet there is no such 
 revival of the communistic and equalitarian ideas of primitive 
 Christianity as distinguished the time of Wycliffe and John 
 Huss. Protestantism in breaking up the universal church had 
 for a time broken up the idea of a universal human solidarity. 
 Even if the universal church of the Middle Ages had failed al- 
 together to realize that idea, it had at any rate been the symbol 
 of that idea, 
 
 Defoe and Fielding were men of a livelier practical imagina- 
 tion than Gibbon, and they realized something of the economic 
 processes that were afoot in their time. So did Oliver Gold- 
 smith (1728-74) ; his Deserted Village (17.70) is a pamphlet 
 on enclosures disguised as a poem. But Gibbon's circumstances 
 had never brought economic facts very vividly before his eyes , 
 h^ saw the world as a struggle between barbarism and civiliza- 
 tion, but he perceived nothing of that other struggle over which 
 
822 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 he floated, the mute, unconscious struggle of the commonalty 
 against able, powerful, rich, and selfish men. He did not per- 
 ceive the accumulation of stresses that were presently to strain 
 and break up all the balance of his "twelve powerful, though 
 unequal, kingdoms," his "three respectable commonwealths," 
 and their rag, tag, and bobtail of independent minor princes, 
 reigning dukes, and so forth. Even the civil war that had begun 
 in the British colonies in America did not rouse him to the 
 nearness of what we now call "Democracy." 
 
 From what we have been saying hitherto, the reader may 
 suppose that the squeezing of the small farmer and the peasant 
 off the land by the great landowners, the mere grabbing of com- 
 mons and the concentration of property in the hands of a power- 
 ful privileged and greedy class, was all that was happening to 
 the English land in the eighteenth century. So we do but state 
 the worse side of the change. Concurrently with this change 
 of ownership there was going on a great improvement in agri- 
 culture. There can be little doubt that the methods of cultiva- 
 tion pursued by the peasants, squatters, and small farmers were 
 antiquated, wasteful, and comparatively unproductive, and that 
 the larger private holdings and estates created by the Enclo- 
 sure Acts were much more productive (one authority says 
 twenty times more productive) than the old ways. The change 
 was perhaps a necessary one and the evil of it was not that it 
 was brought about, but that it was brought about so as to in- 
 crease both wealth and the numbers of the poor. Its benefits 
 were intercepted by the bigger private owners. The community 
 was injured to the great profit of this class. 
 
 And here we come upon one of the chief problems of our 
 lives at the present time, the problem of the deflection of the 
 profits of progress. For two hundred years there has been, 
 mainly under the influence of the spirit of science and enquiry, 
 a steady improvement in the methods of production of almost 
 everything that humanity requires. If our sense of community 
 and our social science were equal to the tasks required of them, 
 there can be little question that this great increment in pro- 
 duction would have, benefited the whole community, would have 
 given everyone an amount of education, leisure, and freedom 
 such as mankind had never dreamt of before. But though the 
 common standard of living has risen, the rise has been on a 
 scale disproportionately small. The rich have developed a 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 823 
 
 freedom and luxury unknown in the world hitherto, and there 
 has been an increase in the proportion of rich people and stag- 
 nantly prosperous and unproductive people in the community ; 
 but that also fails to account for the full benefit. There has been 
 much sheer waste. Vast accumulations of material and energy 
 have gone into warlike preparations and warfare. Much has 
 been devoted to the futile efforts of unsuccessful business com- 
 petition. Huge possibilities have remained undeveloped be- 
 cause of the opposition of owners, forestallers, and speculators 
 to their economical exploitation. The good things that science 
 and organization have been bringing within the reach of man- 
 kind have not been taken methodically and used to their utmost, 
 but they have been scrambled for, snatched at, seized upon by 
 gambling adventurers and employed upon selfish and vain ends. 
 The eighteenth century in Europe, and more particularly in 
 Great Britain and Poland, was the age of private ownership. 
 "Private enterprise," which meant in practice that everyone 
 was entitled to get everything he could out of the business of 
 the community, reigned supreme, ^o sense of obligation to 
 the state in business matters is to be found in the ordinary 
 novels, plays, and such-like representative literature of the 
 time. Everyone is out "to make his fortune," there is no 
 recognition that it is wrong to be an unproductive parasite on 
 the community, and still less that a financier or merchant or 
 manufacturer can ever be overpaid for his services to mankind. 
 This was the moral atmosphere of the time, and those lords 
 and gentlemen who grabbed the people's commons, assumed 
 possession of the mines under their lands, and crushed down 
 the yeoman farmers and peasants to the status of pauper 
 labourers, had no idea that they were living anything but highly 
 meritorious lives. 
 
 Concurrently with this change in Great Britain from tradi- 
 tional patch agriculture and common pasture to large and more 
 scientific agriculture, very great changes were going on in the 
 manufacture of commodities. In these changes Great Britain 
 was, in the eighteenth century, leading the world. Hitherto, 
 throughout the whole course of history from the beginnings of 
 civilization, manufactures, building, and industries generally 
 had been in the hands of craftsmen and small masters who 
 worked in their own houses. They had been organized in 
 ^ilds, find were mostly their own employers. They formed 
 
824 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 an essential and pennanent middle class. There were capi- 
 talists among them, who let out looms and the like, supplied 
 material, and took the finished product, but they were not big 
 capitalists. There had been no rich manufacturers. The rich 
 men of the world before this time had been great landowners 
 or inoney'lenders and money manipulators or merchants. But 
 in the eighteenth century, workers in certain industries began 
 to be collected together into factories in order to produce things 
 in larger quantities through a systematic division of labour, and 
 the employer, as distinguished from the master worker, began 
 to be a person of importance. Moreover, mechanical inven- 
 tion was producing machines that simplified the manual work 
 of production, and were capable of being driven by water 
 power and presently by steam. In 1765 Watt'si steam en~ 
 gine was constructed, a very important date in the history of 
 industrialism. 
 
 The cotton industry was one of the first to pass into factory' 
 production (originally with water-driven machinery). The 
 woollen industry followed. At the same time iron smelting, 
 which had been restrained hitherto to small methods by the 
 use of charcoal, resorted to coke made from coal, and the coal 
 and iron industries also began to expand. The iron industry 
 shifted from the wooded country of Sussex and Surrey to the 
 coal districts. By 1800 this change-over of industry from a 
 small scale business with small employers to a large scale pro- 
 duction under big employers was well in progress. Every- 
 where there sprang up factories using first water, then steam 
 power. It was a change of fundamental importance in human 
 economy. From the dawn of history the manufacturer and 
 craftsman had been, as we have said, a sort of middle-class 
 townsman. The machins and the employer now superseded his 
 skill, and he either became an employer of his fellows, and 
 grew towards wealth and equality with the other rich classes, 
 or he remained a worker and sank very rapidly to the level of 
 a mere labourer. This great change in human affairs is known 
 as the Industrial Eevolution. Beginning in Great Britain, it 
 spread during the nineteenth century throughout the world. 
 
 As the Industrial Eevolution went on, a great gulf opened 
 between employer and employed. In the past every manufac- 
 turing worker had the hope of becoming an independent mas- 
 ter. Even the slave craftsmen of Babylon and Rome were 
 
PRINCES, PARLIAMENTS, AND POWERS 825 
 
 protected by laws that enabled them to save and buy their 
 freedom and to set up for themselves. But now a factory and 
 its engines and machines became a vast and costly thing meas- 
 ured by the scale of the worker's pocket. Wealthy men had 
 to come together to create an enterprise ; credit and plant, that 
 is to say, "Capital," werQ required. "Setting up for oneself" 
 ceased to be a normal hope for an artisan. The worker was 
 henceforth a worker from the cradle to the grave. Besides the 
 landlords and merchants and the money-dealers who financed 
 trading companies and lent their money to the merchants and 
 the state, there arose now this new wealth of industrial capital 
 — a new sort of power in the state. 
 
 Of the working out of these beginnings we shall tell later. 
 The immediate effect of the industrial revolution upon the 
 countries to which it came, was to cause a vast, distressful shift- 
 ing and stirring of th» mute, uneducated, leaderless, and now 
 more and more propertyless common population. The small 
 cultivators and peasants, ruined and dislodged by the Enclosure 
 Acts, drifted towards the new manufacturing regions, and there 
 they joined the families of the impoverished and degraded 
 craftsmen in the factories. Great towns of squalid houses came 
 into existence. Nobody seems to have noted clearly what was 
 going on at the time. It is the keynote of "private enterprise" 
 to mind one's OM^n business, secure the utmost profit, and disr 
 regard any other consequences. Ugly great factories grew up, 
 built as cheaply as possible, to hold as many machines and 
 workers as possible. Around them gathered the streets of 
 workers' homes, built at the cheapest rate, without space, with- 
 out privacy, barely .decent, and let at the utmost rent that could 
 be exacted. These new industrial centres were at first without 
 schools, without churches. ... 
 
 The English gentleman of the closing decades of the eight- 
 eenth century read Gibbon's third volume and congratulated 
 himself that there was henceforth no serious fear of the Bar- 
 barians, with this new barbarism growing up, with this meta- 
 morphosis of his countrymen into something dark and desperate, 
 in full progress, within an easy walk perhaps of his door. 
 
XXXVI 
 
 THE NEW DEMOCKATIO EEPUBLICS OF AMEKICA 
 AND FKAN^B 
 
 § 1. Inconveniences of the Oreat Power System. § 2. The 
 Thirteen Colonies Before Their Revolt. § 3. Civil War Is 
 Forced Upon the Colonies. § 4. The War of Independency. 
 § 5. The Constitution of the United States. § 6. Primitive 
 Features of the United States Constitution. § 7. Revolu- 
 tionary Ideas in France. § 8. The Revolution of the Year 
 1789.: § 9. The French "Crovmed Republic" of '89-91. 
 §, 10. The Revolution of the Jacobins. § 11. The Jaxohin 
 Republic, 1792-9 Jf. § 12. The Directory. % 13. The Pause 
 in Reconstruction and the Dawn of Modem Socialism. 
 
 § 1 
 
 WHEN Gibbon, , nearly a century and a half ago, was 
 congratulating the "world of refined and educated peo- 
 ple that the age of great political and social catas- 
 trophes was past, he was neglecting many signs which we^ 
 in the wisdom of accomplished facts — could have told him 
 portended far heavier jolts and dislocations than any he fore- 
 saw. We have told how the struggle of the sixteenth and seven- 
 teenth-century princes for ascendancies and advantages de- 
 veloped into a more cunning and complicated struggle of foreign 
 offices, rifasquerading as idealized "Great Powers," as the eight- 
 eenth century wore on. The intricate and pretentious art of 
 diplomacy developed. The "Prince" ceased to be a single and 
 secretive Machiavellian schemer, and became merely the 
 crowned symbol of a Machiavellian scheme. Prussia, Eussia, 
 and Austria fell upon and divided Poland. France was baffled 
 in profound schemes against Spain. Britain circumvented the 
 "designs of France" in America and acquired Canada, and 
 got the better of France in India. And then a remarkable thing 
 occurred, a thing very shocking to European diplomacy. The 
 JBritish colonies in America flatly refused to have further part 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 827 
 
 or lot in this game of "Great Powers." They objected that they 
 had no voice and no great interest in these European schemes 
 and conflicts, and they refused to bear any portion of the 
 burthen of taxation these foreign policies entailed. "Taxation 
 without representation is tyranny"; this was their dominant 
 idea. 
 
 Of course this decision to separate did not flash out complete 
 and finished from the American mind at the beginning of these 
 troubles. In America in the eighteenth century, just as in 
 England in the seventeenth, there was an entire willingness, 
 indeed a desire on the part of ordinary men, to leave foreign 
 affairs in the hands of the king and his ministers. But there 
 was an equally strong desire on the part of ordinary men to 
 be neither taxed nor interfered with in their ordinary pursuits. 
 These are incompatible wishes. Common men cannot shirk 
 world politics and at the same time enjoy private freedom; but 
 it has taken them countless generations to learn this. The 
 first impulse in the American revolt against the government in 
 Great Britain was therefore simply a resentment against the 
 taxation and interference that followed necessarily from "for- 
 eign policy" without any clear recognition of what was in- 
 volved in that objection. It was only when the revolt was con- 
 summated that the people of the American colonies recognized 
 at all clearly that they had repudiated the Great Power view of 
 life. The sentence in which that repudiation was expressed 
 was Washington's injunction to "avoid entangling alliances." 
 For a full century the united colonies of. Great Britain in North 
 America, liberated and independent as the United States of 
 America, stood apart altogether from the blood-stained iiitrigues 
 and conflicts of the European foreign offices. Soon after (1810 
 to 1823) they were able to extend their principle of detach- 
 ment to the rest of the continent, and to make all the E^ew 
 World "out of bounds" for the scheming expansionists of the 
 old. When at length, in 1917, they were obliged to re-enter the 
 arena of world politics, it was to bring the new spirit and new 
 aims their aloofness had enabled them to develop into the tangle 
 of international relationships. They were not, however, the 
 first to stand aloof. Since the treaty of Westphalia (1648), 
 the confederated states of Switzerland, iu their mountain fast- 
 nesses, had sustained their right to exclusion from the schemes 
 of kings and empires. 
 
828 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 But since the North American peoples are now to play an 
 increasingly important part in our history, it will be well to 
 devote a little more attention than we have hitherto given to 
 their development. We have already glanced at this story in 
 § 8 of the preceding chapter. We will now tell a little more 
 fully— rthough still in the barest outline — ^what these colonies 
 were, whose recalcitrance was so disconcerting to the king and 
 ministers of Great Britain in their diplomatic game against 
 the rest of mankind. 
 
 § 2 
 
 The extent of the British colonies in America in the early 
 half of the eighteenth century is shown in the accompanying 
 map. The darker shading represents the districts settled in 
 1700, the lighter the growth of the settlements up to 1760. It 
 will he seen that the colonies were a mere fringe of population 
 along the coast, spreading gradually inland and finding in the 
 Alleghany and Blue Mountains a very serious barrier. Among 
 the oldest of these settlements was the colony of Virginia, the 
 name of which commemorates Queen Elizabeth, the Virgin 
 Queen of England. The first expedition to found a colony in 
 Virginia was made by Sir Walter Kaleigh in 1584, but there 
 was no permanent settlement at that time ; and the real begin- 
 nings of Virginia date from the foundation of the Virginia 
 Company in 1606 in the reign of James I (1603-25). The 
 story of John Smith and the early founders of Virginia and 
 of how the Indian "princess" Pocahontas married one of his 
 gentlemen, is an English classic.^ In growing tobacco the Vir- 
 ginians found the beginning of prosperity. At the same time 
 that the Virginian Company was founded, the Plymouth Com- 
 pany obtained a charter for the settlement of the country to 
 the north of Long Island Sound, to which the English laid 
 claim. But it was only in 1620 that the northern region began 
 to be settled, and that under fresh charters. The settlers of 
 the northern region (New England), which became Connecti- 
 cut, New Hampshire, Ehode Island, and Massachusetts, were 
 men of a different stamp to the Virginia people. They were 
 Protestants discontented with the Anglican Church compromise, 
 and republican-spirited men hopeless of resistance to the Grand 
 
 ^John Smith's Trwvels. 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 829 
 
 Monarchy of James I and Charles I. Their pioneer ship was 
 the Mayflower, which founded New Plymouth in 1620. The 
 dominant northern colony was Massachusetts. Differences in 
 religious method and in ideas of toleration led to the separation 
 of the three other Puritan colonies from Massachusetts. It 
 illustrates the scale upon which things were done in those days 
 that the whole state of New Hampshire was claimed as belong- 
 ing to a certain Captain John Mason, and that he offered to 
 sell it to the king (King Charles II in 1671) in exchange for 
 the right to import 300 tons of French wine free of duty — an 
 offer which was refused. The present state of Maine was bought 
 by Massachusetts from its alleged owner for twelve hundred 
 and fifty 'pounds. 
 
 In the Civil War that ended with the decapitation of Charles 
 I the sympathies of New England were for the Parliament, 
 and Virginia was Cavalier; but two hundred and fifty miles 
 separated these settlements, and there were no serious hostili- 
 ties. With the return of the monarchy in 1660, there vt^as a 
 vigorous development of British colonization in America. 
 Charles II and his associates were greedy for gain, and the 
 British crown had no wish to make any further experiments 
 in illegal taxation at home. But the undefined rektions of 
 the colonies to the crown and the British government seemed to 
 afford promise of financial adventure across the Atlantic. There 
 was a rapid development of plantations and proprietary colonies. 
 Lord Baltimore had already in 1632 set up a colony that was 
 to be a home of religious freedom for Catholics under the at- 
 tractive name of Maryland, to the north and east of Virginia ; 
 and now the Quaker Penn (whose father had rendered valuable 
 services to Charles II) established himself to the north at 
 Philadelphia and founded the colony of Pennsylvania. Its 
 main boundary with Maryland and Virginia was delimited 
 by two men. Mason and Dixon, whose "Mason and Dixon's 
 Line" was destined to become a very important line indeed in 
 the later affairs of the United States. Carolina, which was 
 originally an unsuccessful French Protestant establishment, and 
 which owed its name not to Charles (Carolus) II of England, 
 but to Charles IX of France, had fallen into English hands and 
 was settled at several points. Between Maryland and New 
 England stretched a number of small Dutch and Swedish set- 
 tlements, of which the chief town was New Amsterdani, These 
 
830 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 settlements were captured from the Dutch by the British in 
 1664, lost again in 1673, and restored hy treaty when Hol- 
 land and England made peace in 1674. Thereby the whole 
 
 ^(ie AlvtERlCAIVl eb2omgf.5?Knym^ferPttor^ 
 
 sdddaA uptol760 r ~ . 
 
 • •» forta 
 
 "K-Hf Nzw Hairpshire 
 TvT. * Massachusetts 
 
 C. = Cdnnecxicut 
 R.I.= "Ryiouz Is. 
 NJ. = New Jerstt 
 M5= Maryland 
 
 D. = Delaware 
 
 coast from Maine to Carolina became in some form or other a 
 British possession. To the south the Spanish were established ; 
 their headquarters were at Fort St. Augustine in Florida, and 
 in 1732 the town of Savannah was settled by a philanthropist 
 Oglethorpe from England, who had taken pity on the miserable 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 831 
 
 people imprisoned for debt in England, and rescued a number 
 of them from prison to become the founders of a new colony, 
 Georgia, which was to be a bulwark against the Spanish. So 
 by the middle of the eighteenth century we have these settle- 
 ments along the American coast'line: the New England group 
 of Puritans and free Protestants, Maine (belonging to Massa- 
 chusetts), New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and 
 Massachusetts; the captured Dutch group, which was now di- 
 vided up into New York (New Amsterdam rechristened) , New 
 Jersey, and Delaware (Swedish before it was Dutch, and in its 
 earliest British phase attached to Pennsylvania) ; then came 
 Catholic Maryland; Cavalier Virginia; Carolina (which was 
 presently divided into North and South) and Oglethorpe's 
 Georgia. Later on a number of Tyrolese Protestants took 
 refuge in Georgia, and there was a considerable immigration of 
 a good class of German cultivators into Pennsylvania. 
 
 Such were the miscellaneous origins of the citizens of the 
 Thirteen Colonies. The possibility of their ever becoming 
 closely united would have struck an impartial observer in 1760 
 as being very slight. Superadded to the initial differences of 
 origin, fresh differences were created by climate. North of the 
 Mason and Dixon line farming was practised mainly upon 
 British or Central European lines by free white cultivators. 
 The settled country of New England took on a likeness to the 
 English countryside; considerable areas of Pennsylvania de- 
 veloped fields and farmhouses, like those of South Germany. 
 The distinctive conditions in the north had, socially, important 
 effects. Masters and men had to labour together as backwoods- 
 men, and were equalized in the process. They did not start 
 equally; many "servants" are mentioned in the roster of the 
 Mayflower. But they rapidly became equal under colonial con- 
 ditions ; there was, for instance, a vast tract of land to be had 
 for the taking, and the "servant" went off and took land like 
 his master. The English class system ' disappeared. Under 
 colonial conditions there arose equality "in the faculties both 
 of body and mind," and an individual independence of judg- 
 ment impatient of interference from England. But south of 
 the Mason and Dixon line tobacco growing began, and the _ 
 warmer climate encouraged the establishment of plantations * 
 with gang labour. Eed Indian captives were tried, but found 
 to be too homicidal; Cromwell sent Irish prisoners of war to 
 
8S2 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 Virginia, which did much to reconcile the Royalist planters to 
 republicanism ; convicts were sent out, and there was a consid- 
 erable trade in kidnapped children, who were "spirited away" 
 to America to become apprentices or bond slaves. But the most 
 convenient form of gang labour proved to be that of negro 
 slaves. The first negro slaves were brought to Jamestown in 
 Virginia by a Dutch ship as early as 1620. By 1700 negro 
 slaves were scattered all over the states, but Virginia, Mary- 
 land, and the Carolinas were their chief regions of employ- 
 ment, and while the communities to the north, were communities 
 of not very rich and not very poor farming men, the south 
 developed a type of lai:ge proprietor and a white community of 
 overseers and professional men subsisting on slave labour. 
 Slave labour was a necessity to the social and economic system 
 that had grown up in the south; in the north the presence of 
 slaves was unnecessary and in some respects inconvenient. Con- 
 scientious scruples about slavery were more free, therefore, to 
 develop and flourish in the northern atmosphere. To this 
 question of the revival of slavery in the world we must return 
 when we come to >consider the perplexities of American Democ- 
 racy. Here we note it simply as an added factor in the hetero- 
 geneous mixture of the British Colonies. 
 
 But if the inhabitants of the Thirteen Colonies were miscel- 
 laneous in their origins and various in their habits and sym- 
 pathies, they had three very strong antagonisms in common. 
 They had a common interest against the Red Indians. For a 
 time they shared a common dread of French conquest and 
 4ominion. And thirdly, they were all in conflict with the claims 
 of the British crown and the commercial selfishness of the nar- 
 row oligarchy who dominated the British Parliament and 
 British affairs. 
 
 So far as the first danger went, the Indians were a constant 
 evil, but never more than a threat of disaster. They remained 
 divided against themtelves. Yet they had shown possibilities 
 of combination upon a larprer scale. The Five Nations of the 
 Iroquois (see map, p. 830) was a very important league of 
 tribes. But it never succeeded in playing off the French against 
 the English to secure itself, and no Red Indian Jengis Khan 
 ever arose among these nomads of the new world. The French 
 aggression was a more serious threat. The French never made 
 settlements in America on a scale to compete with the English, 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 833 
 
 but their government set about the encirclement of the colonies 
 and their subjugation in a terrifyingly systematic manner. The 
 English in America were colonists ; the French were explorers, 
 adventurers, agents, missionaries, merchants, and soldiers. 
 Only in Canada did they strike root. French statesmen sat 
 over maps and dreamt dreams, and their dreams are to be seen 
 in our map in the chain of forts creeping southward from ihe 
 great lakes and northward up the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. 
 The struggle of France and Britain was a world-wide struggle. 
 It was decided in India, in Germany, and on the high seas. In 
 the Peace of Paris (1763) the French gave England Canada, 
 and relinquished Louisiana to the inert hands of declining 
 Spain. It was the complete abandonment of America by France. 
 The lifting of the French danger left the colonists unencum- 
 bered to face their third common antagonist — the crown and _ 
 government of their mother land. 
 
 § 3 
 
 We have noted in the previous chapter how the governing 
 class of Great Britain steadily acquired the land and destroyed 
 the liberty of the common people throughout the eighteenth 
 century, and how greedily and blindly the new industrial revolu- 
 tion was brought about. We have noted also how the British 
 Parliament, through the decay of the representative methods 
 of the House of Commons, had become both in its upper and 
 lower houses merely the instrument of government through the 
 big landowners. Both these big property-holders and the crown 
 were deeply interested in America; the former as private ad- 
 venturers, the latter partly as representing the speculative ex- 
 ploitations of the Stuart kings, and partly as representing the 
 state in search of funds for the expenses of foreign policy, and 
 neither lords nor crown were disposed to regard the traders, 
 planters, and common people of the colonies with any more con- 
 sideration than they did the yeomen and small cultivators at 
 home. At bottom the interests of the common man in Great 
 Britain, Ireland, and America were the same. Each was being 
 squeezed by the same system. But while in Britain oppressor 
 and oppressed were closely tangled up in one intimate social 
 system, in America the crown ,and the exploiter were far away, 
 
834 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and men could get together and develop a sense of community 
 against their common enemy. 
 
 Moreover, the American colonist had the important advan- 
 tage of possessing a separate and legal organ of resistance to 
 the British government in the assembly or legislature of his 
 colony that was necessary for the management of local affairs. 
 The common man in Britain, cheated out of his proper repre- 
 sentation in the Commons, had no organ, no centre of expression 
 and action for his discontents. 
 
 It will be evident to the reader, bearing in mind the variety 
 of the colonies, that here was the possibility of an endless series 
 of disputes, aggressions, and counter-aggressions. The story 
 of the development of irritations between the colonies and 
 Britain is a story far too intricate, subtle, and lengthy for the 
 . scheme of this Outlina SufBce it that the grievances fell under 
 three main heads : attempts to secure for British adventurers or 
 the British government the profits of the exploitation of new 
 lands; systematic restrictions upon trade designed to keep the 
 foreign trade of the colonies entirely in British hands, so that 
 the colonial exports all went through Britain and only British- 
 made goods were used in America ; and finally attempts at taxa- 
 tion through the British Parliament as the supreme taxing 
 authority of the empire. Under the pressure of this triple 
 system of annoyances, the American colonists were forced to 
 do a very considerable amount of hard political thinking. Such 
 men as Patrick Henry and James Otis began to discuss the 
 fundamental ideas of government and political association very 
 much as they had been discussed in England in the great days 
 of Cromwell's Commonweal. They began to deny both the 
 divine origin of kingship and the supremacy of the British 
 Parliament, and (James Otis, 1Y62) to say such things as: — 
 
 "God made all men naturally equal. 
 
 "Ideas of earthly superiority are educational, not innate. 
 
 "Kings were made for the good of the people, and not the 
 people for them. 
 
 "Wo government has a right to make slaves of its subjects. 
 
 "Though most governments are de facto arbitrary, and conse- 
 quently the curse and scandal of human nature, yet none are 
 de jure arbitrary." 
 
 Some of which propositions reach far. 
 
 This ferment in the political ideas of the Americans was 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 835 
 
 started by English leaven. One very influential English writer 
 ■was John Locke (1632-1704), whose Two Treatises on Civil 
 Governmerd may be taken, as much as any one single book can 
 be taken in such cases, as the point of departure for modern 
 democratic ideas. He was the son of a Cromwellian soldier, 
 he was educated at Christ Church, Oxford, during the repub- 
 ' lican ascendancy, he spent some years in Holland in exile, and 
 ' his writings form a bridge between the bold political thinking 
 of those earlier republican days and the revolutionary move- 
 ment both in America and France. 
 
 But men do not begin to act upon theories. It is always 
 some real danger, some practical necessity, that produces action ; 
 and it is only after action has destroyed old relationships and 
 produced a new and perplexing state of affairs that theory comes 
 to its own. Then it is that theory is put to the test. The dis- 
 cord in interests and ideas between the colonists was brought 
 to a fighting issue by the obstinate resolve of the British Parlia- 
 ment after the peace of 1763 to impose taxation upon the Ameri- 
 can colonies. Britain was at peace and flushed with successes ; 
 it seemed an admirable opportunity for settling accounts with 
 these recalcitrant settlers. But the great British property- 
 owners found a power beside their own, of much the same mind 
 with them, but a little divergent in its ends — the reviving 
 crown. King George III, who had begun his reign in 1760, 
 was resolved to be much more of a king than his two German 
 predecessors. He could speak English; he claimed to "glory 
 in the name of Briton" — and indeed it is not a bad name for a 
 man without a perceptible drop of English, Welsh, or Scotch 
 blood in his veins. In the American colonies and the overseas 
 possessions generally, with their indefinite charters or no char- 
 ters at all, it seemed to him that the crown might claim authority 
 and obtain resources and powers absolutely denied to it by the 
 strong and jealous aristocracy in Britain. This inclined many 
 of the Whig noblemen to a sympathy with the colonists that 
 they might not otherwise have shown. They had no objection 
 to ithe exploitation of the colonies in the interests of British 
 "private enterprise," but they had very strong objections to 
 the strengthening of the crown by that exploitation so as to 
 make it presently independent of themselves. 
 
 The war that broke out was therefore in reality not a war 
 between Britain and the colonists, it was a war between 
 
8S6 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the British government and the colonists, with a body of 
 Whig noblemen and a considerable amount of public feeling 
 in England on the side of the latter. An early move after 1763 
 was an attempt to raise revenue for Britain in the colonies by 
 requiring that newspapers and documents of various sorts 
 should be stamped. This was stiffly resisted, the British crown 
 was intimidated, and the Stamp Acts were repealed (1766). 
 Their repeal was greeted by riotous rejoicings in London, more 
 hearty even than those in the colonies. 
 
 But the Stamp Act affair was only one eddy in a turbulent 
 stream flowing towards civil war. Upon a score of pretexts, 
 and up and down the coast, the representatives of the British 
 government were busy asserting their authority and making 
 British government intolerable. The quartering of soldiers 
 upon the colonists was a great nuisance. Khode Island was 
 particularly active in defying the trade restrictions ; the Rhode 
 Islanders were "free traders," — that is to say, smugglers; a 
 government schooner, the Gaspee, ran aground off Providence; 
 she was surprised, boarded, and captured by armed men in 
 boats, and burnt. In 1773, with a total disregard of the exist- 
 ing colonial tea trade, special advantages for the importation 
 of tea into America were given by the British Parliament to 
 the East India Company. It was resolved by the colonists to 
 refuse and boycott this tea. When the tea importers at Boston 
 showed themselves resolute to land their cargoes, a band of 
 men disguised as Indians, in the presence of a great crowd of 
 people, boarded the three tea ships and threw the tea overboard 
 (December 16th, 1773). 
 
 All 1774 was occupied in the gathering up of resources on 
 either side for the coming conflict. It was decided by the Brit- 
 ish Parliament in the spring of 1774 to punish Boston by clos- 
 ing her port. Her trade was to be destroyed unless she accepted 
 that tea. It was a quite typical instance of that silly "firmness" 
 which shatters empires. In order to enforce this measure, Brit- 
 ish troops were concentrated at Boston under General Gage. 
 The colonists took counter-measures. The first colonial Con- 
 gress met at Philadelphia in September, at which twelve colonies 
 were represented : Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hamp- 
 shire, Rhode Island, l^ew York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and North and South Carolina. 
 Georgia was not present. True to the best English traditions, 
 
BEPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 
 
 837 
 
 the Congress documented its attitude by a "Declaration of 
 Rights." Practically this Congress was an insurrectionary 
 government, but no blow was struck until the spring of 1775. 
 Then came the first shedding of blood. 
 
 Two of the American leaders, Hancock and Samuel Adams, 
 had been marked down by the British Government for arrest 
 and trial for treason ; they were known to be at Lexington, about 
 
 Sketch mapia^umr 
 
 •B05TCN e 
 
 1775 
 
 ■f MCks 
 
 eleven miles from Boston ; and in the night of April 18th, 1775, 
 Gage set his forces in motion for their arrest. 
 
 That night was a momentous one in history. The movement 
 of Gage's troops had been observed, signal lanterns were shown 
 from a church tower in Boston, and two men, Dawes and Paul 
 Revere, stole away in boats across the Back Bay to take horse 
 and warn the countryside. The British were also ferried over 
 thp water, and as they marched through the night towards 
 Lexington, the firing of signal cannon and the ringing of church 
 bells went before them. As they entered Lexington at dawn, 
 they saw a little company of men drawn up in military fashion. 
 It seems that the British fired first. There was a single shot and 
 then a volley, and the little handful decamped, apparently with- 
 out any answering shots, leaving eight dead and nine wounded 
 upon the village green. 
 
 The British then marched on to Concord, ten miles further, 
 occupied the village, and stationed a party on the bridge at that 
 place. The expedition had failed in its purpose of arresting 
 Hancock and Adams, and the British commander seems to have 
 
838 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 been at a loss what to do next. Meanwliile tlie colonial levies 
 were coming up from all directions, and presently the picket 
 upon the bridge found itself subjected to an increasing fire 
 from a gathering number of assailants firing from behind trees 
 and fences. A retreat to Boston was decided upon. It was a 
 disastrous retreat. The country had risen behind the British; 
 all the morning the colonials had been gathering. Both sides 
 of the road were now swarming with sharpshooters firing from 
 behind rock and fence and building; the soldiers were in con- 
 spicuous scarlet uniforms, with yellow facings and white gaiters 
 and cravats; this must have stood out very vividly against the 
 cold sharp colours of the late iN'ew England spring; the day 
 was bright, hot, and dusty, and they were already exhausted by 
 a night march. Every few yards a man fell, wounded or killed. 
 The rest tramped on, or halted to fire an ineffectual volley. 'No 
 counter-attack was possible. Their assailants lurked every- 
 where. At Lexington there were British reinforcements and 
 two guns, and after a brief rest the retreat was resumed in 
 better order. But the sharpshooting and pursuit was pressed 
 to the river, and after the British had crossed back into Boston, 
 the colonial levies took up their quarters in Cambridge and 
 prepared to blockade the city. 
 
 § 4 
 
 So the war began. It was not a war that promised a con- 
 clusive end. The colonists had no one vulnerable capital ; they 
 were dispersed over a great country, with a limitless wilderness 
 behind it, and so they had great powers of resistance. They 
 had learnt their tactics largely from the Indians; they could 
 fight well in open order, and harry and destroy troops in move- 
 ment. But they had no disciplined army that could meet the 
 British in a pitched battle, and little military equipment; and 
 their levies grew impatient at a long campaign, and tended to 
 go home to their farms. The British, on the other hand, had 
 a well-drilled army, and their command of the sea gave them 
 the power of shifting their attack up an,d down the long Atlantic 
 seaboard. They were at peace with all the world. But the 
 king was stupid and greedy to interfere in the conduct of 
 affairs ; the generals he favoured were stupid "strong men" or 
 flighty men of birth and fashion; and the heart of England 
 
EEPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 839 
 
 was not in the business. He trusted rather to being able to 
 blockade, raid, and annoy the colonists into submission than 
 to a conclusive conquest and occupation of the land. But the 
 methods emplojed, and particularly the use of hired German 
 troops, who still retained the cruel traditions of the Thirty 
 Years' War, and of Indian auxiliaries, who harried the out- 
 lying settlers, did not so much weary the Americans of the war 
 as of the British. The Congress, meeting for the second time 
 in 17Y5, endorsed the actions of the New England colonists, 
 and appointed George Washington the American commander- 
 in-chief. In 17Y7, General Burgoyne, in an attempt to get 
 down to "New York from Canada, was defeated at Freeman's 
 Farm on the Upper Hudson, and surrounded and obliged to 
 capitulate at Saratoga with his whole army. This disaster en- 
 couraged the French and Spanish to come into the struggle 
 on the side of the colonists. The French sent General Lafayette 
 to the States to assist them with his advice, and their fleet did 
 much to minimize the advantage of the British at sea. General 
 Comwallis was caught in the Yorktown peninsula in Virginia 
 in 1781, and capitulated with his army. The British Govern- 
 ment, now heavily engaged with France and Spain in Europe, 
 was at the end of its resources. 
 
 At the outset of the war the colonists in general seem to have 
 been as little disposed to repudiate monarchy and claim com- 
 plete independence as were the Hollanders in the opening phase 
 of Philip II's persecutions and follies. The separatists were 
 called radicals ; they were mostly extremely democratic, as we 
 should say in England to-day, and their advanced views fright- 
 ened many of the steadier and wealthier colonists, for whom 
 class privileges and distinctions had considerable charm. But 
 early in 1776 an able and persuasive Englishman, Thomas 
 Paine, published a pamphlet at Philadelphia with the title of 
 Common Sense, which had an enormous effect on public opinion. 
 Its style was rhetorical by modem standards. "The blood of 
 the slain, the weeping voice of Nature cries, ' 'TIs time to part,' " 
 and so forth. But its effects were very great. It converted 
 thousands to the necessity of separation. The turn-over of 
 opinion, once it had begun, was rapid. 
 
 Only in the summer of 1776 did Congress take the irrevocable 
 step of declaring for separation. "The Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence," another of those exemplary documents which it has been 
 
840 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tlie peculiar service of the English to produce for mankind, was 
 drawn up by Thomas Jefferson ; and after various amendments 
 and modifications it was made the fundamental document of 
 the United States of America. There were two noteworthy 
 amendments to Jefferson's draft. He had denounced the 
 slave trade fiercely, and blamed the home government for in- 
 terfering with colonial attempts to end it. This was thrown 
 out, and so, too, was a sentence about the British: "we must 
 endeavour to forget our former love for them . . • we might 
 have been a free and a great people together." 
 
 Towards the end of 1782, the preliminary articles of the 
 treaty in which Britain recognized the complete independence 
 of the United States were signed at Paris. The end of the war 
 was proclaimed on April 19th, 1783, exactly eight years after 
 Paul Eevere's ride, and the retreat of Gage's men from Con- 
 cord to Boston. The Treaty of Peace was finally signed at 
 Paris in September. 
 
 §5 
 
 From the point of view of human history, the way in which 
 the Thirteen States became independent is of far less impor- 
 tance than the fact that they did become independent. And 
 with the establishment of their Independence came a new sort 
 of community into the world. It was like something coming 
 out of an egg. It was a western European civilization that 
 had broken free from the last traces of Empire and Christen- 
 dom ; it had not a vestige of monarchy left and no state religion. 
 It had no dukes, princes, counts, nor any sort of title-bearers 
 claiming to ascendancy or respect as a right. Even its unity 
 was as yet a mere unity for defence and freedom. It was in 
 these respects such a clean start in political organization as the 
 world had not seen before. The absence of any binding re- 
 ligious tie is especially noteworthy. It had a number of forms 
 of Christianity, its spirit was indubitably Christian; but as a 
 state document of 1796 explicitly declared, "The government 
 of the United States is not in any sense founded on the Chris- 
 tian religion." ^ The new community had in fact gone ■ right 
 down to the bare and stripped fundamentals of human asaocia- 
 • The Tripoli Treaty, see Channing, vol. iii, chap, xviii. 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 
 
 841 
 
 tion, and it was building up a new sort of society and a new 
 sort of state upon those foundations. 
 
 Here were about four million people scattered over vast areas 
 with very slow and difficult means of intercommunication, poor 
 
 TKc UNITED 5 TATE5', showixi ^ extent cfsettU^ 
 
 ment m 
 
 .-NewHahpshik 
 
 ^'.£. -=EHaDE Island 
 
 l^.J. NewJersev 
 
 Tvi? Marm-and 
 
 P. Delaware 
 
 as yet, but with the potentiality of limitless wealth, setting out 
 to do in reality on a huge scale such a feat of construction as 
 the Athenian philosophers twenty-two centuries before had done 
 in imagination and theory. 
 
842 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 This situation marks a definite stage in the release of man 
 from precedent and usage, and a definite step forward towards 
 the conscious and deliherate reconstruction of his circumstances 
 to suit his needs and aims. It was a new method becoming 
 practical in human affairs. The modern states of Europe have 
 been evolved institution by institution slowly and planlessly 
 out of preceding things. The United States were planned and 
 made. 
 
 In one respect, however, the creative freedom of the new 
 nation was very seriously restricted. This new sort of com- 
 munity and state was not built upon a cleared site. It was not 
 even so frankly an artificiality as some of the later Athenian 
 colonies, which went out from the mother city to plan and build 
 brand new city states with brand new constitutions. The thir- 
 teen colonies by the end of the war had all of them constitutions 
 either like that of Connecticut and Ehode Island dating from 
 their original charters (1662) or, as in the case of the rest of 
 the states, where a British governor had played a large part 
 in the administration, re-made during the conflict. But we may 
 well consider these reconstructions as contributory essays and 
 experiments in the general constructive effort. 
 
 Upon the effort certain ideas stood out very prominently. 
 One is the idea of political and social equality. This idea, 
 which we saw coming into the world as an extreme and almost 
 incredible idea in the age between Buddha and Jesus of Naza- 
 reth, is now asserted in the later eighteenth century as a prac- 
 tical standard of human relationship. Says the fundamental 
 statement of Virginia: "All men are by nature equally free 
 and independent," and it proceeds to rehearse their "rights," 
 and to assert that all magistrates and governors are but "trustees 
 and servants" of the commonweal. All men are equally entitled 
 to the free exercise of religion. The king by right, the aris- 
 tocrat, the "natural slave," the god, king, and the god have all 
 vanished from this political scheme — so far as these declarations 
 go. Most of the states produced similar preludes to government. 
 The Declaration of Independence said that "all men are born 
 equal." It is everywhere asserted in eighteenth-century terms 
 that the new community is to be — to use the phraseology we 
 have introduced in an earlier chapter — a community of will 
 and not a community of obedience. But the thinkers of that 
 time had a rather clumsier way of putting the thing, they 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE * 843 
 
 imagined a sort of individual choice of and assent to citizenship 
 that never in fact occurred — the so-called Social Contract. The 
 Massachusetts preamhle, for instance, asserts that the state is a 
 voluntary association, "by which the whole people covenants 
 with each citizen and each citizen with the whole people that 
 all shall be governed by certain laws for the common good." 
 
 Now it will be evident that most of these fundamental state- 
 ments are very questionable statements. Men are not born 
 equal, they are not born free; they are born a most various 
 multitude enmeshed in an ancient and complex social net. Nor 
 is any man invited to sign the social contract or, failing that, 
 to depart into solitude. These statements, literally interpreted, 
 are so manifestly false that it is impossible to believe that the 
 men who made them intended them to be literally interpreted. 
 They made them in order to express certain elusive but pro- 
 foundly important ideas — ideas that after another century and 
 a half of thinking the world is in a better position to express. 
 Civilization, as this outline has shown, arose as a community 
 of obedience, and was essentially a community of obedience. 
 But generation after generation the spirit was abused by priests 
 and rulers. There was a continual influx of masterful will 
 from the forests, parklands, and steppes. The human spirit 
 had at last rebelled altogether against the blind obediences of 
 the common life; it was seeking — and at first it was seeking 
 very clumsily — to achieve a new and better sort of civilization 
 that should also be a community of will. To that end it was 
 necessary that every man should be treated as the sovereign of 
 himself; his standing was to be one of fellowship and not of 
 servility. His real use, his real importance depended upon 
 his individual quality. 
 
 The method by which these creators of political America 
 sought to secure this community of will was an extremely simple 
 and crude one. They gave what was for the time, and in view 
 of American conditions, a very wide franchise. Conditions 
 varied in the different states; the widest franchise was in 
 Pennsylvania, where every adult male taxpayer voted, but, com- 
 pared with Britain, all the United States were well within sight 
 of manhood suffrage by the end of the eighteenth century. 
 These makers of America also made efforts, considerable for 
 their times, but puny by more modern standards, to secure a 
 widely diffused common education. The information of the 
 
844 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 citizens as to what was going on at home and ahroad, they left, 
 apparently without any qualms of misgiving, to public meetings 
 and the privately owned printing press. 
 
 The story of the various state constitutions, and of the con- 
 stitution of the United States as a whole, is a very intricate 
 one, and we can only deal with it here in the broadest way. 
 The most noteworthy point in a modern view is the disregard 
 of women as citizens. The American community was a simple, 
 largely agricultural community, and most women were married ; 
 it seemed natural that they should be represented by their men 
 folk. But l^Tew Jersey admitted a few women to vote on a 
 property qualification. Another point of great interest is the 
 almost universal decision to have two governing assemblies, 
 confirming or checking each other, on the model of the Lords 
 and Commons of Britain. Only Pennsylvania had a single 
 representative chamber, and that was felt to be a very danger- 
 ous and ultra-democratic state of affairs. Apart from the argu- 
 ment that legislation should be slow as well as sure, it is diffi- 
 cult to establish any necessity for this "bi-cameral" arrange- 
 ment. It seems to have been a fashion with constitution plan- 
 ners in the eighteenth century rather than a reasonable impera- 
 tive. The British division was an old one; the Lords, the 
 original parliament, was an assembly of "notables," the leading 
 men of the kingdom ; the House of Commons came in as a new 
 factor, as the elected spokesmen of the burghers and the small 
 landed men. It was a little too hastily assumed in the eight- 
 eenth century that the commonalty would be given to wild 
 impulses and would need checking ; opinion was for democracy, 
 but for democracy with powerful brakes always on, whether 
 it was going up hill or down. About all the upper houses there 
 was therefore a flavour of selectness; they were elected on a 
 more limited franchise. This idea of making an upper cham- 
 ber which shall be a stronghold for the substantial man does 
 not appeal to modern thinkers so strongly as it did to the men 
 of the eighteenth century, but the bi-cameral idea in another 
 form still has its advocates. They suggest that a community 
 may with advantage consider its affairs from two points of 
 view — through the eyes of a body elected to represent trades, 
 industries, professions, public services, and the like, a body 
 representing function, and through the eyes of a second body 
 elected by localities to represent communities. For the mem- 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND ERANCE 
 
 &tS 
 
846 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 bers of the former a man would vote by bis calling, for tbe 
 latter by bis district of residence. They point out that the 
 British House of Lords is in effect a body representing func- 
 tion, in which the land, the law, and the church are no doubt 
 disproportionately represented, but in which industrialism, 
 finance, the great public services, art, science, and medicine, 
 also find places; and that the British House of Commons is 
 purely geographical in its reference. It has even been sug- 
 gested in Britain that there should be "labour peers," selected 
 from among the leaders of th6 great industrial trade unions. 
 But these are speculations beyond our present scope. 
 
 The Central Government of the United States was at first a 
 very feeble body, a Congress of representatives of the thirteen 
 governments, held together by certain Articles of Confederation. 
 This Congress was little more than a conference of sovereign 
 representatives ; it had no control, for instance, over the foreign 
 trade of each state, it could not coin money nor levy taxes by 
 its own authority. When John Adams, the first minister from 
 the TJnited States to England, went to discuss a commercial 
 treaty with the British foreign secretary, he was met by a 
 request for thirteen representatives, one from each of the states 
 concerned. He had to confess his inadequacy to make binding 
 arrangements. Tbe British presently began dealing with each 
 state separately over the head of Congress, and they retained 
 possession of a number of posts in the American territory about 
 the great lakes because of the inability of Congress to hold these 
 regions effectually. In another urgent matter Congress proved 
 equally feeble. To the west of the thirteen states stretched 
 limitless lands into which settlers were now pushing in ever- 
 increasing numbers. Each of the states had indefinable claims 
 to expansion westward. It was evident to every clear-sighted 
 man that the jostling of these claims must lead in the long run 
 to war, unless the Central Government could take on their ap- 
 portionment. The feebleness of the Central Government, its 
 lack of concentration, became so much of an inconvenience and 
 so manifest a danger that there was some secret discussion of 
 a monarchy, and l^Tathaniel Gorham of Massachusetts, the presi- 
 dent of Congress, caused Prince Henry of Prussia, tbe brother 
 of Frederick the Great, to be approached on the subject. Einally 
 a constitutional convention was called in 1787 at Philadelphia, 
 and there it was that the present . constitution of the TJnited 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 847 
 
 States was in its broad lines hammered out. A great change 
 of spirit had gone on during the intervening years, a wide- 
 spread realization of the need of unity. 
 
 When the Articles of Confederation were drawn up, men 
 had thought of the people of Virginia, the people of Massa- 
 chusetts, the people of Ehode Island, and the like; but now 
 there appears a new conception, "the people of the United 
 States." The new government, with the executive President, 
 the senators, congressmen, and the Supreme Court, that was 
 now created, was declared to be the government of "the people 
 of the United States"; it was a synthesis and not a mere 
 assembly. It said "we the people," and not "we the states," as 
 Lee of Virginia bitterly complained. It was to be a "federal" 
 and not a confederate government. 
 
 State by state the new constitution was ratified, and in the 
 spring of 1788 the first congress upon the new lines assembled 
 at New York, under the presidency of George Washington, who 
 had been the national commander-in-chief throughout the War 
 of Independence. The constitution then underwent considerable 
 revision, and Washington upon the Potomac was selected as 
 the Federal capital. 
 
 § 6 
 
 In an earlier chapter we have described the Roman republic, 
 and its mixture of modern features with dark superstition and 
 primordial savagery, as the JSTeanderthal anticipation of the 
 modern democratic state. A time may come when people will 
 regard the contrivances and machinery of the American con- 
 stitution as the political equivalents of the implements and 
 contrivances of Neolithic man. They have served their purpose 
 well, and under their protection the people of the States have 
 grown into one of the greatest, most powerful, and most civilized 
 communities that the world has yet seen ; but there is no rea- 
 son in that for regarding the American constitution as a thing 
 more final and inalterable than the pattern of street railway 
 that overshadows many New York thoroughfares, or the excel- 
 lent and homely type of house architecture that still prevails in 
 Philadelphia. These things also have served a purpose well, 
 they have their faults, and they can be improved. Our po- 
 litical contrivances, just as much as our domestic and mechan- 
 
848 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ical contrivances, need to undergo constant revision as knowl- 
 edge and understanding grow. 
 
 Since the American constitution was planned, our conception 
 of history and our knowledge of collective psychology has un- 
 dergone very considerable development. We are beginning to 
 see many things in the problem of government to which the 
 men of the eighteenth century were blind ; and, courageous as 
 their constructive disposition was in relation to whatever po- 
 litical creation had gone before, it fell far short of the boldness 
 which we in these days realize to be needful if this great human 
 problem of establishing a civilized community of will in the 
 earth is to be solved. They took many things for granted that 
 now we know need to be made the subject of the most exacting 
 scientific study and the most careful adjustment. They thought 
 it was only necessary to set up schools and colleges, with a grant 
 of land for maintenance, and that they might then be left to 
 themselves. But education is not a weed that will grow lustily 
 in any soil, it is a necessary and delicate crop that may easily 
 wilt and degenerate. We learn nowadays that the under-d&- 
 velopment of universities and educational machinery is like 
 some under-development of the brain and nerves, which hampers 
 the whole growth of the social body. By European standards, 
 by the standard of any state that has existed hitherto, the level 
 of the common education of America is high ; but by the stand- 
 ard of what it might be, America is an uneducated country. 
 And those fathers of America thought also that they had but 
 to leave the press free, and everyone would live in the light. They 
 did not realize that a free press could develop a sort of consti- 
 tutional venality due to its relations with advertisers, and that 
 large newspaper proprietors could become buccaneers of opinion 
 and insensate wreckers of good beginnings. And, finally, the 
 makers, of America had no knowledge of the complexities of 
 vote manipulation. The whole science of elections was beyond 
 their ken, they knew nothing of the need of the transferable 
 vote to prevent the "working" of elections by specialized organi- 
 zations, and the crude and rigid methods they adopted left 
 their political system the certain prey of the great party ma- 
 chines that have robbed American democracy of half its free- 
 dom and most of its political soul. Politics became a trade, 
 and a very base trade; decent and able men, after the first 
 great period, drifted out of politics and attended to "business," 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 
 
 849 
 
 and what I have called elsewhere the "sense of the state" ^ de- 
 clined. Private enterprise ruled in many matters of common 
 concern, because political corruption made collective enterprise 
 impossible. 
 
 Yet the defects of the great political system created by the 
 Americans of the revolutionary period did not appear at once. 
 For several generations the history of the United States was 
 one of rapid expansion and of an amount of freedom, homely 
 happiness, and energetic work unparalleled in the world's his- 
 tory. And the record of America for the whole last century 
 and a half, in spite of many reversions towards inequality, in 
 spite of much ravsTiess and 
 much blundering, is never- 
 theless as bright and honour- 
 able a story as that of any 
 other contemporary people. 
 
 In this brief account of 
 the creation of the United 
 States of America we have 
 been able to do little more 
 than mention the names of 
 some of the group of great 
 men who made this new de- 
 parture in human history. 
 We have named casually or 
 we have not even named such 
 men as Tom Paine, Ben- 
 jamin Franklin, Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, the Adam 
 cousins, Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and George' Washing- 
 ton. It is hard to measure the men of one period of history 
 with those in another. Some writers, even American writers, 
 impressed by the artificial splendours of the European courts 
 and by the tawdry and destructive exploits of a Frederick the 
 Great or a Great Catherine, display a snobbish shame of some- 
 thing homespun about these makers of America. They feel that 
 Benjamin Franklin at the court of Louis XVI, with his long 
 hair, his plain clothes, and his pawky manner, was sadly lacking 
 in aristocratic distinction. But stripped to their personalities, 
 Louis XVI was hardly gifted enough or noblfr-minded enough 
 to be Franklin's valet. If human greatness is a matter of scale 
 ' Wells, The Future in Amerioa. 
 
 'Benjamui TrankUii^ 
 
850 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and glitter, then no doubt Alexander the Great is at the apex of 
 human greatness. But is greatness that ? Is not a great man 
 rather one who, in a great position or amidst great opportunities 
 — and great gifts are no more than great opportunities — serves 
 God and his fellows with a humble heart ? And quite a num- 
 ber of these Americans of the revolutionary time do seem to 
 have displayed much disinterestedness and devotion. They were 
 limited men, fallible men; Washington was, for example, a 
 conspicuously indolent man; but on the whole they seemed 
 to have cared more for the commonweal they were creating 
 than for any personal end or personal vanity. 
 
 They were all limited 
 men. They were limited in 
 knowledge and outlook; they 
 were limited by the limita- 
 tions of the time. And there 
 was no perfect man among 
 them. They were, like all of 
 us, men of mixed motives; 
 good impulses arose in their 
 minds, great ideas swept 
 through them, and also they 
 could be jealous, lazy, ob- 
 stinate, greedy, vicious. If 
 one were to write a true, 
 full, and particular history 
 of the making of the United 
 States, it would have to be written with charity and high spirits 
 as a splendid comedy. And in no other regard do we find the 
 rich tortuous humanity of the American story so finely dis- 
 played as in regard to slavery. Slavery, having regard to the 
 general question of labour, is the test of this new soul in the 
 world's history, the American soul. 
 
 Slavery began very early in the European history of America, 
 and no European people who went to America can be held 
 altogether innocent in the matter. At a time when the German 
 is still the moral whipping-boy of Europe, it is well to note 
 that the German record is in this respect the best of all. Al- 
 Topst the first outspoken utterances against negro slavery came 
 from German settlers in Pennsylvania. But the German set- 
 tler was working with free labour upon a temperate country- 
 
 "WasTiitigianv 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 851 
 
 side, well north of the plantation zone ; he was not under serious 
 temptation in this matter. American slavery began with the 
 enslavement of Indians for gang work in mines and upon planta- 
 tions, and it is curious to note that it was a very good and 
 humane man indeed, Las Casas, who urged that negroes should 
 be brought to America to relieve his tormented Indian proteges. 
 The need for labour upon the plantations of the West Indies 
 and the south was imperative. When the supply of Indian 
 captives proved inadequate, the planters turned not only to the 
 negro, but to the jails and poorhouses of Europe for a supply 
 of toilers. The reader of Defoe's Moll Flanders will learn how 
 the business of Virginian white slavery looked to an intelligent 
 Englishman in the early eighteenth century. But the negro 
 came very early. The year (1620) that saw the Pilgrim 
 Fathers landing at Plymouth in New England, saw a Dutch 
 sloop disembarking the first cargo of negroes at Jamestown in 
 Virginia. Negro slavery was as old as New England; it had 
 been an American institution for over a century and a half 
 before the War of Independence. It was to struggle on for 
 the better part of a century more. 
 
 But the conscience of thoughtful men in the colonies was 
 never quite easy upon this score, and it was one of the accusa- 
 tions of Thomas Jefferson against the crown and lords of Great 
 Britain that every attempt to ameliorate or restrain the slave 
 trade on the part of the colonists had been checked by the great 
 proprietary interests in the mother country.^ With the moral 
 and intellectual ferment of the revolution, the question of negro 
 slavery came right into the foreground of the public conscience. 
 The contrast and the challenge glared upon the mind. "All 
 men are by nature free and equal," said the Virginia Bill of 
 Eights, and outside in the sunshine, under the whip of the over- 
 seer, toiled the negro slave. 
 
 It witnesses to the great change in human ideas since the 
 Roman Imperial system dissolved under the barbarian inrush, 
 that there could be this heart-searching. Conditions of indus- 
 try, production, and land tenure had long prevented any re- 
 crudescence of gang slavery ; but now the cycle had come round 
 again, and there were enormous immediate advantages to be 
 reaped by the owning and ruling classes In the revival of that 
 
 » In 1776 Lord Dartmouth wrote that the colonists could not be allowed 
 "to check or discourage a traffic so beneficent to the nation." 
 
85£ THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ancient institution in mines, upon plantations, and upon great 
 public works. It was revived — ^but against great opposition. 
 From the beginning of the revival there were protests, and they 
 grew. The revival was counter to the new conscience of man- 
 kind. In some respects the new gang slavery was worse than 
 anything in the ancient world. Peculiarly horrible was 
 the provocation by the trade of slave wars and man hunts in 
 Western Africa, and the cruelties of the long transatlantic voy- 
 age. The poor creatures were packed on the ships often with 
 insufficient provision of food and water, without proper sanita- 
 tion, without medicines. Many who could tolerate slavery upon 
 the plantations found the slave trade too much for their moral 
 digestions. Three European nations were chiefly concerned in 
 this dark business, Britain, Spain, and Portugal, because they 
 were the chief owners of the new lands in America. The com- 
 parative innocence of the other European powers is to be as- 
 cribed largely to their lesser temptations. They were similar 
 communities; in parallel circumstances they would have be- 
 haved similarly. 
 
 Throughout the middle part of the eighteenth century there 
 was an active agitation against negro slavery in Great Britain 
 as well as in the States. It was estimated that in 1Y70 there 
 were fifteen thousand slaves in Britain, mostly brought over 
 by their ovniers from the West Indies and Virginia. In 1Y71 
 the issue came to a conclusive test in Britain before Lord Mans- 
 field. A negro named James Somersett had been brought to 
 England from Virginia by his owner. He ran away, was cap- 
 tured, and violently taken on a ship to be returned to Virginia. 
 From the ship he was extracted by a writ of habeas corpus. 
 Lord Mansfield declared that slavery was a condition unknown 
 to English law, an "odious" condition, and Somersett walked 
 out of the court a free man. 
 
 The Massachusetts constitution of 1780 had declared that 
 "all men are bom free and equal." A certain negro, Quaco, put 
 this to the test in 1783, and in that year the soil of Massachu- 
 setts became like the soil of Britain, intolerant of slavery; to 
 tread upon it was to become free. At that time no other state 
 in the Union followed this example. At the census of 1790, 
 Massachusetts, alone of all the states, returned "no slaves." 
 
 The state of opinion in Virginia is remarkable, because it 
 brings to light the peculiar difficulties of the southern states. 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 853 
 
 The great Virginian statesmen, sucli as Washington and Jef- 
 ferson, condemned the institution, yet because there was no 
 other form of domestic service, Washington owned slaves. There 
 was in Virginia a strong party in favour of emancipating 
 slaves. But they demanded that the emancipated slaves should 
 leave the state within a year or he outlawed! They were 
 naturally alarmed at the possibility that a free barbaric black 
 community, many of its members African-bom and reeking with 
 traditions of cannibalism and secret and dreadful religious rites, 
 should arise beside them upon Virginian soil. When we con- 
 sider that point of view, we can understand why it was that a 
 large number of Virginians should be disposed to retain the 
 mass of blacks in the country under control as slaves, while at 
 the same time they were bitterly opposed to the slave trade and 
 the importation of any fresh blood from Africa. The free 
 blacks, one sees, might easily become a nuisance; indeed the 
 free state of Massachusetts presently closed its borders to their 
 entry. . . . The question of slavery, which in the ancient world 
 was usually no more than a question of status between indi- 
 viduals racially akin, merged in America with the different and 
 profounder question of relationship between two races at oppo- 
 site extremes of the human species and of the most contrasted 
 types of tradition and culture. If the black man had been 
 white, there can be little doubt that negro slavery, like white 
 servitude, would have vanished from the United States within 
 a generation of the Declaration of Independence as a natural 
 consequence of the statements in that declaration. 
 
 § 7 
 
 We have told of the War of Independence in America as the 
 first great break away from the system of European monarchies 
 and foreign offices, as the repudiation by a new community of 
 Machiavellian statescraft as the directive form of human affairs. 
 Within a decade there came a second and much more portentous 
 revolt against this strange game of Great Powers, this tangled 
 interaction of courts and policies which obsessed Europe. But 
 this time it was no breaking away at the outskirts. In France, 
 the nest and home of Grand Monarchy, the heart and centre of 
 Europe, came this second upheaval. And, unlike the American 
 
854 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 colonists, who simply repudiated a king, the French, following 
 in the footsteps of the English revolution, beheaded one. 
 
 Like the British revolution and like the revolution in the 
 United States, the French revolution can be traced back to 
 the ambitious absurdities of the French monarchy. The schemes 
 of aggrandisement, the aims and designs of the Grand Monarch, 
 necessitated an expenditure upon war equipment throughout 
 Europe out of all proportion to the taxable capacity of the age. 
 And even the splendours of monarchy were enormously costly, 
 measured by the productivity of the time. In France, just as 
 in Britain and in America, the first resistance was made not to 
 the monarch as such and to his foreign policy as such, nor with 
 any clear recognition of these things as the roots of the trouble, 
 but merely to the inconveniences and charges upon the indi- 
 vidual life caused by them. The practical taxable capacity of 
 France must have been relatively much less than that of Eng- 
 land because of the various exemptions of the nobility and 
 clergy. The burthen resting directly upon the common people 
 was heavier. That made the upper classes the confederates of 
 the court instead of the antagonists of the court as they were 
 in England, and so prolonged the period of waste further ; but 
 when at last the bursting-point did come, the explosion was more 
 violent and shattering. 
 
 During the years of the American War of Independence there 
 were few signs of any impending explosion in France. There 
 was much misery among the lower classes, much criticism and 
 satire, much outspoken liberal thinking, but there was little to 
 indicate that the thing as a whole, with all its customs, usages, 
 and familiar discords, might not go on for an indefinite time. 
 It was consuming beyond its powers of production, but as yet 
 only the inarticulate classes were feeling the pinch. Gibbon, 
 the historian, knew France well ; Paris was as familiar to him 
 as London ; but there is no suspicion to be detected in the pas- 
 sage we have quoted that days of political and social dissolution 
 were at hand. "No doubt the world abounded in absurdities and 
 injustices, yet nevertheless, from the point of view of a scholar 
 and a gentleman, it was fairly comfortable, and it seemed fairly 
 secure. 
 
 There was much liberal thought, speech, and sentiment in 
 France at this time. Parallel with and a little later than John 
 Locke in England, Montesquieu (1689-1755) in France, in the 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 855 
 
 earlier half of the eighteenth century, had subjected social, po- 
 litical, and religious institutions to the same searching and 
 fundamental analysis, especially in his Esprit des Lois. He 
 had stripped the magical prestige from the absolutist monarchy 
 in France. He shares with Locke the credit for clearing away 
 many of the false ideas that had hitherto prevented deliberate 
 and conscious attempts to reconstruct human society. It was 
 not his fault if at first some extremely unsound and imperma- 
 nent shanties were run up on the vacant site. The generation 
 that, followed him in the middle and later decades of the eight- 
 eenth century was boldly speculative upon the moral and intel- 
 lectual clearings he had made. A group of brilliant writers, 
 the "Encyclopaedists," mostly rebel spirits from the excellent 
 schools of the Jesuits, set themselves under the leadership of 
 Diderot to scheme out, in a group of works, a new world (1766). 
 The glory of the Encylopsedists, says Mallet, lay "in their hatred 
 of things unjust, in their denunciation of the trade in slaves, 
 of the inequalities of taxation, of the corruption of justice, of 
 the wastefulness of wars, in their dreams of social progress, in 
 their sympathy with the rising empire of industry which was 
 beginning to transform the world." Their chief error seems 
 to have been an indiscriminate hostility to religion. They be- 
 lieved that man was naturally just and politically competent, 
 whereas his impulse to social service and self-forgetfulness is 
 usually developed only through an education essentially re- 
 ligious, and sustained only in an atmosphere of honest co-opera- 
 tion. Unco-ordinated human initiatives lead to nothing but 
 social chaos. 
 
 Side by side with the Encyclopaedists were the Economists or 
 Physiocrats, who were making bold and crude inquiries into 
 the production and distribution of food and goods. Morally, 
 the author of the Code de la Nature, denounced the institution 
 of private property and proposed a communistic organization 
 of society. He was the precursor of that large and various 
 school of colleetivist thinkers in the nineteenth century who 
 are lumped together as Socialists. 
 
 Both the Encyclopaedists and the various Economists and 
 Physiocrats demanded a considerable amount of hard thinking 
 in their disciples. An easier and more popular leader to follow 
 was Rousseau (1712-78). He displayed a curious mingling 
 <tf logical rigidity and sentimental enthusiasm. He preached 
 
856 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the alluring doctrine that the primitive state of man was one 
 of virtue and happiness, from which he had declined through 
 the rather inexplicable activities of priests, kings, lawyers, and 
 the like. Rousseau's intellectual influence was on the whole 
 demoralizing. It struck not only at the existing social fabric, 
 but at any social organization. When he wrote of the Social 
 Contract, he seemed rather to excuse breaches of the covenant 
 than to emphasize its necessity. Man is so far from perfect, 
 that a writer who apparently sustained the thesis that the al- 
 most universal disposition, against which we all have to fortify 
 ourselves, to repudiate debts, misbehave sexually, and evade 
 the toil and expenses of education for ourselves and others, is 
 not after all a delinquency, but a fine display of Natural Virtue, 
 was bound to have a large following in every class that could 
 read him. Rousseau's tremendous vogue did much to popularize 
 a sentimental and declamatory method of dealing with social 
 and political problems. 
 
 We have already remarked that hitherto no human commu- 
 nity has begun to act upon theory. There must first be some 
 breakdown and necessity for direction that lets theory into her 
 own. Up to 1788 the republican and anarchist talk and writing 
 of French thinkers must have seemed as ineffective and po- 
 litically unimportant as the sesthetic socialism of William 
 Morris at the end of the nineteenth century. There was the 
 social and political system going on with an effect of invincible 
 persistence, the king hunting and mending his clocks, the court 
 and the world of fashion pursuing their pleasures, the financiers 
 conceiving continually more enterprising extensions of credit, 
 business blundering clumsily along its ancient routes, much in- 
 commoded by taxes and imposts, the peasants worrying, toiling, 
 and suffering, full of a hopeless hatred of the nobleman's 
 chateau. Men talked — and felt they were merely talking. Any- 
 thing might be said, because nothing would ever happen. 
 
 § 8 
 
 The first jar to this sense of the secure continuity of life in 
 France came in 1787, Louis XVI (1774-92) was a dull, ill- 
 educated monarch, and he had the misfortune to be married to 
 a silly and extravagant woman, Marie Antoinette, the sister of 
 the Austrian emperor. The question of her virtue is one of 
 
REPUBLICS t)F AMERICA AND FRANCE 857 
 
 profound interest to a certain type of historical writer, but we 
 need not discuss it here. She lived, as Paul Wiriath ^ puts it, 
 "side by side, but not at the side" of her husband. She was 
 rather heavy-featured, but not so plain as to prevent her posing 
 as a beautiful, romantic, and haughty queen. When the ex- 
 chequer was exhausted by the war in America (an enterprise 
 to weaken England of the highest Machiavellian quality) , when 
 the whole country was uneasy with discontents, she set her in- 
 fluence to thwart the attempts at economy of the king's minis- 
 ters, to encourage every sort of aristocratic extravagance, and 
 to restore the church and the nobility to the position they had 
 held in the great days of Louis XIV. Non-aristocratic officers 
 were to be weeded from the army ; the power of the church over 
 private life was to be extended. She found in an upper-class 
 official, Calonne, her ideal minister of finance. From 1783-87 
 this wonderful man produced money as if by magic — and as if 
 by magic it disappeared again. Then in 1787 he collapsed. He 
 had piled loan on loan, and now he declared that the monarchy, 
 the Grand Monarchy that had ruled France since the days of 
 Louis XIV, was bankrupt. No more money could be raised. 
 There must be a gathering of the notables of the kingdom to 
 consider the situation. 
 
 To the gathering of notables, a summoned assembly of lead- 
 ing men, Calonne propounded a scheme for a subsidy to be 
 levied upon all landed property. This roused the aristocrats to 
 a pitch of great indignation. They demanded the summoning 
 of a body roughly equivalent to the British parliament, the 
 States General, which had not met since 1610. Regardless of 
 the organ of opinion they were creating for the discontents 
 below them, exejted only by the proposal that they should bear 
 part of the weight of the financial burthens of the country, the 
 French notables insisted. And in May, 1789, the States 
 General met. 
 
 It was an assembly of the representatives of three orders, the 
 nobles, the clergy, and the Third Estate, the commons. For 
 the Third Estate the franchise was very wide, nearly every tax- 
 payer of twenty-five having a vote. (The parish priests voted 
 as clergy, the small noblesse as nobles.) The States General 
 was a body without any tradition of procedure. Enquiries were 
 sent to the antiquarians of the Academy of Inscriptions in that 
 •Article "France,'' Encyclopwdia Britannica, 
 
858 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 matter. Its opening deliberations turned on the question 
 whether it was to meet as one body or as three, each estate hav- 
 ing an equal vote. Since the Clergy numbered 308, the Nobles 
 285, and the Deputies 621, the former arrangement would put 
 the Commons in an 'absolute majority, the latter gave them 
 one vote in three. Nor had the States General any meeting- 
 place. Should it meet in Paris or in some provincial city? 
 Versailles was chosen, "because of the hunting." 
 
 It is clear that the king and queen meant to treat this fuss 
 about the national finance as a terrible bore, and to allow it to 
 interfere with their social routine as little as possible. We 
 find the meetings going on in salons that were not wanted, in 
 orangeries and tennis-courts, and so forth. 
 
 The question whether the voting was to be by the estates or 
 by head was clearly a vital one. It was wrangled over for six 
 weeks. The Third Estate, taking a leaf from the book of the 
 English House of Commons, then declared that it alone repre- 
 sented the nation, and that no taxation must be levied hence- 
 forth without its consent. Whereupon the king closed the hall 
 in which it was sitting, and intimated that the deputies had 
 better go home. Instead, the deputies met in a convenient ten- 
 nis-court, and there took oath, the Oath of the Tennis Court, 
 not to separate until they had established a constitution in 
 France. 
 
 The king took a high line, and attempted to disperse the 
 Third Estate by force. The soldiers refused to act. On that 
 the king gave in with a dangerous suddenness, and accepted 
 the principle that the Three Estates should all deliberate and 
 vote together as one National Assembly. Meanwhile, appar- 
 ently at the queen's instigation, foreign regiments in the French 
 service, who could be trusted to act against the people, were 
 brought up from the provinces under the Marshal de Broglie, 
 and the king prepared to go back upon his concessions. Where- 
 upon Paris and France revolted. Broglie hesitated to fire on 
 the crowds. A provisional city government was set up in Paris 
 and in most of the other large cities, and a new armed force, 
 the National Guard, a force designed primarily and plainly 
 to resist the forces of the crown, was brought into existence by 
 these municipal bodies. 
 
 The revolt of July 1789 was really the effective French revo- 
 lution. The grim-looking prison of the Bastille, very feebly 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 859 
 
 defended, was stormed by the people of Paris, and the insur- 
 rection spread rapidly throughout France. In the east and 
 north-west provinces many chateaux belonging to the nobility 
 were burnt by the peasants, their title-deeds carefully destroyed, 
 and the owners murdered or driven away. The insurrection 
 spread throughout France. In a month the ancient and decayed 
 system of the aristocratic order had collapsed. Many of the 
 leading princes and courtiers of the queen's party fled abroad. 
 The National Assembly found itself called upon to create a new 
 political and social system for a new age. 
 
 § 9 
 
 The French National Assembly was far less fortunate in the 
 circumstances of its task than the American Congress. The 
 latter had half a continent to itself, with no possible antagonist 
 but the British Government. Its religious and educational 
 organizations were various, collectively not very powerful, and 
 on the whole friendly. King George was far away in England, 
 and sinking slowly towards an imbecile condition. Neverthe- 
 less, it took the United States several years to hammer out a 
 working constitution. The French, on the other hand, were 
 surrounded by aggressive neighbours with Machiavellian ideas, 
 they were encumbered by a king and court resolved to make 
 mischief, and the church was one single great organization in- 
 extricably bound up with the ancient order. The queen was in 
 close correspondence with the Count of Artois, the Duke of 
 Bourbon, and the other exiled princes who were trying to induce 
 Austria and Prussia to attack the new French nation. More- 
 over, France was already a bankrupt country, while the United 
 States had limitless undeveloped resources ; and the revolution, 
 by altering the conditions of land tenure and marketing, had 
 produced an economic disorganization that has no parallel in 
 the case of America. 
 
 These were the unavoidable difficulties of the situation. But 
 in addition the Assembly made difficulties for itself. There 
 was no orderly procedure. The English House of Commons had 
 had more than five centuries of experience in its work, and 
 Mirabeau, one of the great leaders of the early Kevolution, tried 
 in vain to have the English rules adopted. But the feeling of 
 the times was all in favour of outcries, dramatic interruption-. 
 
8ed THE OUTLINE Of hIstoHY 
 
 and such-like manifestations of Natural Virtue. And the dis- 
 order did not come merely from the assembly. There was a 
 great gallery, much too great a gallery, for strangers ; but who 
 would restrain the free citizens from having a voice in the na- 
 tional control ? This gallery swarmed with people eager for a 
 "scene," ready to applaud or shout down the speakers below. 
 The abler speakers were obliged to play to the gallery, and take 
 a sentimental and sensational line. It was easy at a crisis to 
 bring in a mob to kill debate. 
 
 So encumbered, the Assembly set about its constructive task. 
 On the Fourth of August it achieved a great dramatic success. 
 Led by several of the liberal nobles, it made a series of resolu- 
 tions, abolishing serfdom, privileges, tax exemptions, tithes, and 
 feudal courts. (In many parts of the country, however, these 
 resolutions were not carried into effect until three or four years 
 later.) Titles went with these other renunciations. Long be- 
 fore France was a republic it was an offence for a nobleman to 
 sign his name with his title. For six weeks the Assembly de- 
 voted itself, with endless opportunities for rhetoric, to the 
 formulation of a Declaration of the Eights of Man — on the 
 lines of the Bills of Eights that were the English preliminaries 
 to organized change. Meanwhile the court plotted for reaction, 
 and the people felt that the court was plotting. The story is 
 complicated here by the scoundrelly schemes of the king's 
 CQUsin, Philip of Orleans, who hoped to use the discords of 
 the time to replace Louis on the French throne. His gardens 
 at the Palais Eoyal were thrown open to the public, and became 
 a great centre of advanced discussion. His agents did much 
 to intensify the popular suspicion of the king. And things were 
 exacerbated by a shortage of provisions — ^for which the king's 
 government was held guilty. 
 
 Presently the loyal Flanders regiment appeared at Versailles. 
 The royal family was scheming to get farther away from Paris 
 — in order to undo all that had been done, to restore tyranny 
 and extravagance. Such constitutional monarchists as General 
 Lafayette were seriously alarmed. And just at this time oc- 
 curred an outbreak of popular indignation at the scarcity of 
 food, that passed by an easy transition into indignation against 
 the threat of royalist reaction. It was believed that there was 
 an abundance of provisions at Versailles; that food was being 
 kept there away from the people. The public mind had been 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 861 
 
 mudi disturbed by reports, possibly by exaggerated reports, of a 
 recent banquet at Versailles, hostile to the nation. Here are some 
 extracts from Carlyle descriptive of that unfortunate feast. 
 
 "The Hall of the Opera is granted ; the Salon d'Hercule shall 
 be drawing-room. Not only the Officers of Flandre, but of the 
 Swiss, of the Hundred Swiss; nay of the Versailles National 
 Guard, such of them as have any loyalty, shall feast ; it will be 
 a Kepast like few. 
 
 "And now suppose this Eepast, the solid part of it, trans- 
 acted; and the first bottle over. Suppose the customary loyal 
 toasts drunk; the King's health, the Queen's with deafening 
 vivats ; that of the nation 'omitted,' or even 'rejected.' Suppose 
 champagne flowing ; with pot-valorous speech, with instrumental 
 music; empty featherheads growing ever the noisier, in their 
 own emptiness, in each other's noise. Her Majesty, who looks 
 unusually sad to-night (His Majesty sitting dulled with the 
 day's hunting), is told that the sight of it would cheer her. 
 Behold! She enters there, issuing from her State-rooms, like 
 the Moon from clouds, this fairest unhappy Queen of Hearts ; 
 royal Husband by her side, young Dauphin in her arms ! She 
 descends from the Boxes, amid splendour and acclaim; walks 
 queen-like round the Tables; gracefully nodding; her looks 
 full of sorrow, yet of gratitude and daring, with the hope of 
 France on her mother-bosom ! And now, the band striking up, 
 Richard, mon Roi, I'univers t'ahandonne (Oh Eichard, O 
 my king, the world is all forsaking thee), could man do other 
 than rise to height of pity, of loyal valour? Could feather- 
 headed young "ensigns do other than, by white Bourbon Cock- 
 ades, handed them from fair fingers; by waving of swords, 
 drawn to pledge the Queen's health; by trampling of National 
 Cockades; by scaling the Boxes, whence intrusive murmurs 
 may come ; by vociferation, sound, fury and distraction, within 
 doors and without — testify what tempest-tost state of vacuity 
 they are in? . . . 
 
 "A natural Repast ; in ordinary times, a harmless one : now 
 fatal. . . . Poor ill-advised Marie Antoinette ; with a woman's 
 vehemence, not with a sovereign's foresight ! It was so natural, 
 yet so unwise. Next day, in public speech of ceremony, her 
 Majesty declares herself 'delighted with Thursday.' " 
 
 And here to set against this is Carlyle's picture of the mood 
 of the people. 
 
862 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "In squalid garret, on Monday morning Maternity awakes, to 
 hear children weeping for bread. Maternity must forth to the 
 streets, to the herb-makers and bakers'-queues ; meets there with 
 hunger-stricken Maternity, sympathetic, exasperative. O ' we 
 unhappy women! But, instead of bakers'-queues, why not to 
 Aristocrats' palaces, the root of the matter? Allans! Let us 
 assemble. To the H6tel-de-Ville ; to Versailles. ..." 
 
 There was much shouting and coming and going in Paris be- 
 fore this latter idea realized itself. One Maillard appeared 
 with organizing power, and assumed a certain leadership. There 
 can be little doubt that the revolutionary leaders, and partic- 
 ularly General Lafayette, used and organized this outbreak 
 to secure the king, before he could slip away — as Charles I 
 did to Oxford — to begin a civil war. As the afternoon wore on, 
 the procession started on its eleven mile tramp. . . . 
 
 Again we quote Carlyle: 
 
 "Maillard has halted Ms draggled Menads on the last hill- 
 top; and now Versailles, and the Chateau of Versailles, and 
 far and wide the inheritance of Eoyalty opens to the wondering 
 eye. From far on the right, over Marly and Saint-Germain- 
 en-Laye; round towards Eambouillet, on the left, beautiful 
 all; softly embosomed; as if in sadness, in the dim moist 
 weather! And near before us is Versailles, New and Old; 
 with that broad frondent Avenue de Versailles between — stately 
 frondent, broad, three hundred feet as men reckon, with its 
 four rows of elms ; and then the Chateau de Versailles, ending 
 in royal parks and pleasances, gleaming lakelets, arbours, laby- 
 rinths, the Menagerie, and Great and Little Tlrianon. High- 
 towered dwellings, leafy pleasant places; where the gods of 
 this lower world abide: whence, nevertheless, black care cannot 
 be excluded ; whither Monadic hunger is even now advancing, 
 armed with pike-thyrsi !" 
 
 Eain fell as the evening closed. 
 
 "Behold the Esplanade, over all its spacious expanse, is cov- 
 ered with groups of squalid dripping women; of lank-haired 
 male rascality, armed with axes, rusty pikes, old muskets, iron- 
 shod clubs (batons femes, which end in knives or swordblades, 
 a kind of extempore billhook) ; looking nothing but hungry re- 
 volt. The rain pours; Gardes-du-Corps so caracoling through 
 the groups 'amid hisses'; irritating and agitating what is but 
 dispersed here to reunite there. . . . 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 863 
 
 "Innumerable squalid women beleaguer the President and 
 Deputation; insist on going with him: has not his Majesty him- 
 self, looking from the window, sent out to ask, What we wanted ? 
 'Bread, and speech with the King,' that was the answer. Twelve 
 women are clamourously added to the deputation; and march 
 with it, across the Esplanade ; through dissipated groups, cara- 
 coling bodyguards and the pouring rain." 
 
 "Bread and not too much talking !" Natural demands, 
 
 "One learns also that thp royal Carriages are getting yoked, 
 as if for Metz, Carriages, royal or not, have verily showed 
 themselves at the back gates. They even produced, or quoted, a 
 written order from our Versailles Municipality — ^which is a 
 monarchic not a democratic one. However, Versailles patrols 
 drove them in again; as the vigilant Lecointre had strictly 
 charged them to do. . . . 
 
 "So sink the shadows of night, blustering, rainy; and all 
 paths grow dark. Strangest night ever seen in these regions; 
 perhaps since the Bartholomew Night, when Versailles, as 
 Bassompierre writes of it, was a chetif chateau. 
 
 "O for the lyre of some Orpheus, to constrain, with touch of 
 melodious strings, these mad masses into Order ! For here all 
 seems fallen asunder, in wide-yawning dislocation. The high- 
 est, as in down-rushing of a world, is come in contact with the 
 lowest: the rascality of France beleaguering the royalty of 
 France; 'iron-shod batons' lifted round the diadem, not to 
 guard it ! With denunciations of bloodthirsty anti-national 
 body-guards, are heard dark growlings against a queenly 
 name. 
 
 "The Court sits tremulous, powerless : varies with the vary- 
 ing temper of the Esplanade, with the varying colour of the 
 rumours from Paris. Thick-coming rumours; now of peace, 
 now of war. ISTeeker and all the Ministers consult; with a 
 blank issue. The (Eil-de-Boeuf is one tempest of whispers : We 
 will fly to Metz; we will not fly. The royal carriages again 
 attempt egress — ^though for trial merely ; they are again driven 
 in by Lecointre's patrols." 
 
 But we must send the reader to Carlyle to learn of the com- 
 ing of the National Guard in the night under General Lafayette 
 himself, the bargaining between the Assembly and the King, 
 the outbreak of fighting in the morning between the bodyguard 
 and the hungry besiegers, and how the latter stormed into the 
 
864 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY, 
 
 palace and came near to a massacre of the royal family. Lafay- 
 ette and his troops turned out in time to prevent that, and timely 
 cartloads of loaves arrive from Paris for the crowd. 
 
 At last it was decided that the king should come to Paris. 
 
 "Processional marches not a few our world has seen ; Roman 
 triumphs and ovations, Cabiric cymbal-beatings, Koyal prog- 
 resses, Irish funerals ; but this of the French Monarchy march- 
 ing to its bed remained to be seen. Miles long, and of breadth 
 losing itself in vagueness, for all the neighbouring country 
 crowds to see. Slow: stagnating along, like shoreless Lake, 
 yet with a noise like l^iagara, like Babel and Bedlam. A 
 splashing and a tramping; a hurrahing, uproaring, musket- 
 volleying ; the truest segment of Chaos seen in these latter Ages ! 
 Till slowly it disembogue itself, in the thickening dusk, into 
 expectant Paris, through a double row of faces all the way from 
 Passy to the H6tel-de-Ville. 
 
 "Consider this: Vanguard of !N"ational troops; with trains 
 of artillery; of pikemen and pikewomen, mounted on cannons, 
 on carts, hackney-coaches, or on foot. . . . Loaves stuck on 
 the points of bayonets, green boughs stuck in gun-barrels. Next, 
 as main-march, 'fifty cart-loads of corn,' which have been 
 lent, for peace, from the stores of Versailles. Behind which 
 follow stragglers of the Garde-du-Corps ; all humiliated, in 
 Grenadier bonnets. Close on these comes the royal carriage; 
 come royal carriages ; for there are a hundred national deputies 
 too, among whom sits Mirabeau — ^his remarks not given. Then 
 finally, pell-mell, as rear-guard, Flandre, Swiss, Hundred Swiss, 
 other bodyguards, brigands, whosoever cannot get before. Be- 
 tween and among all which masses flows without limit Saint- 
 Antoine and the Monadic cohort. Menadic especially about 
 the royal carriage. . . . Covered with tricolor; singing 'al- 
 lusive songs' ; pointing with one hand to the royal carriage, 
 which the allusions hit, and pointing to the provision-wagons 
 with the other hand, and these words: 'Courage, Friends! 
 We shall not want bread now ; we are bringing you the Baker, 
 the Bakeress and Baker's boy.' . . . 
 
 "The wet day draggles the tricolor, but the joy is unextin- 
 guishable. Is not all well now? 'ATi Madame, notre bonne 
 Beine,' said some of these Strong-women some days hence, 
 'Ah, Madame, our good Queen, don't be a traitor any more 
 and we will all love you!' . . ." 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 865 
 
 This was October the sixth, 1789. For nearly two years the 
 royal family dwelt unmolested in the Tuileries. Had the court 
 kept common faith with the people, the king might have died 
 there, a king. 
 
 From 1789 to 1791 the early Kevolution held its own; France 
 was a limited monarchy, the king kept a diminished state in 
 the Tuileries, and the National Assembly ruled a country at 
 peace. The reader who will glance back to the maps of Poland 
 we have given in the previous chapter will, realize what occu- 
 pied Eussia, Prussia, and Austria at this time. While France 
 experimented with a crowned republic in the west, the last 
 division of the crowned republic of the east was in progress. 
 France could wait. 
 
 When we consider its inexperience, the conditions under 
 which it worked, and the complexities of its problems, one must 
 concede that the Assembly did a very remarkable amount of 
 constructive work. Much of that work was sound and still en- 
 dures, much was experimental and has been undone. Some 
 was disastrous. There was a clearing up of the penal code; 
 torture, arbitrary imprisonment, and persecutions for heresy 
 were abolished. The ancient provinces of France, Normandy, 
 Burgundy, and the like gave place to eighty departments. Pro- 
 motion to the highest ranks in the army was laid open to men 
 of every class. An excellent and simple system of law courts 
 was set up, but its value was much vitiated by having the judges 
 appointed by popular election for short periods of time. This 
 made the crowd a sort of final court of appeal, and the judges, 
 like the members of the Assembly, were forced to play to the 
 gallery. And the whole vast property of the church was seized 
 and administered by the state ; religious establishments not en- 
 gaged in education or works of charity were broken up, and the 
 salaries of the clergy made a charge upon the nation. This 
 in itself was not a bad thing for the lower clergy in France, 
 who were often scandalously underpaid in comparison with the 
 richer dignitaries. But in addition the choice of priests and 
 bishops was made elective, which struck at the very root idea 
 of the Roman church, which centred everything upon the 
 Pope, and in which all authority is from above downward. 
 Practically the National Assembly wanted at one blow to make 
 the church in France Protestant, in organization if not in 
 doctrine. Everywhere there were disputes and conflicts between 
 
866 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the state priesta created by the National Assembly and the 
 recalcitrant (non-juring) priests who were loyal to Kome. . . . 
 One curious thing the National Assembly did which greatly 
 weakened its grip on affairs. It decreed that no member of 
 the Assembly should be an executive minister. This was in 
 imitation of the American constitution, where also ministers 
 are separated from the legislature. The British method has been 
 to have all ministers in the legislative body, ready to answer 
 questions and account for their interpretation of the laws and 
 their conduct of the nation's business. If the legislature repre- 
 sents the sovereign people, then it is surely necessary for the 
 ministers to be in the closest touch with their sovereign. This 
 severance of the legislature and executive in Trance caused mis- 
 understandings and mistrust ; the legislature lacked control and 
 the executive lacked moral force. This led to such an ineffective- 
 ness in the central government that in many districts at this 
 time, communes and towns were to be found that were prac- 
 tically self-governing communities; they accepted or rejected 
 the commands of Paris as they thought fit, declined the pay- 
 ment of taxes, and divided up the church lands according to 
 their local appetites. 
 
 § 10 
 
 It is quite possible that with the loyal support of the crown 
 and a reasonable patriotism on the part of the nobility, the 
 National Assembly, in spite of its noisy galleries, its Eousseau- 
 ism, and its inexperience, might have blundered through to a 
 stable form of parliamentary government for France. In Mira- 
 beau it had a statesman with clear ideas of the needs of the 
 time ; he knew the strength and the defects of the British sys- 
 tem, and apparently he had set himself to establish in France 
 a parallel political organization upon a wider, more honest 
 franchise. He had, it is true, indulged in a sort of Ruritanian 
 flirtation with the queen, seen her secretly, pronounced her very 
 solemnly the "only mem" about the king, and' made rather a 
 fool of himself in that matter, but his schemes were drawn 
 upon a much larger scale than the scale of the back stairs of the 
 Tuileries. By his death in 1791 France certainly lost one of 
 her most constructive statesmen, and the National Assembly 
 its last chance of any co-operation with the king. When there 
 is a court there is usually a conspiracy, and royalist schemes 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 
 
 867 
 
 and royalist mischief -making were tihe last straw in the balance 
 against the Ifational Assembly. The royalists did not care for 
 Mirabeau, they did not care 
 for France; they wanted to be 
 back in their lost paradise of 
 privilege, haughtiness, and 
 limitless expenditure, and it 
 seemed to them that if only 
 they could make the govern- 
 ment of the National Assem- 
 bly impossible, then by a sort 
 of miracle the dry bones of 
 the ancient regime would live 
 again. They had no sense of 
 the other possibility, the gulf 
 of the republican extremists, 
 that yawned at their feet. 
 
 One June night in 1791, 
 between eleven o'clock and 
 midnight, the king and queen 
 and their two children slipped 
 out of the Tuileries disguised, 
 threaded their palpitating 
 way through Paris, circled 
 round from the north of the 
 city to the east, and got at last 
 into a travelling-carriage that 
 was waiting upon the road to 
 Chalons. They were flying to 
 the army of the east. The 
 army of the east wag "loyal," 
 that is to say, its general and 
 officers at least were prepared- 
 to betray France to the king 
 and court. Here was adven- 
 ture at last after the queen's 
 heart, and one can understand 
 the pleasurable excitement of 
 the little party as the miles 
 lengthened between themselves and Paris. Away over the hills 
 were reverence, deep bows, and the kissing of hands. Then back 
 
868 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to Versailles. A little shooting of the mob in Paris' — artillery, 
 if need be. A few executions — but not of the sort of people who 
 matter. A White Terror for a few months. Then all would be 
 well again. Perhaps Calonne might return, too, with fresh 
 financial expedients. He was busy just then gathering support 
 among the German princes. There were a lot of chateaux to re- 
 build, but the people who burnt them down could hardly com- 
 plain if the task of rebuilding them pressed rather heavily upon 
 their grimy necks. ... 
 
 All such bright anticipations were cruelly dashed that night 
 at Varennes. The king had been recognized at Sainte Mene- 
 hould by the landlord of the post house, and as the night fell, 
 the eastward roads clattered with galloping messengers rousing 
 the country, and trying to intercept the fugitives. There were 
 fresh horses waiting in the upper village of Varennes — the 
 young officer in charge had given the king up for the night and 
 gone to bed — ^while for half an hour in the lower village the 
 poor king, disguised as a valet, disputed with his postillions, who 
 had expected reliefs in the lower village and refused to go 
 further. Finally they consented to go on. They consented too 
 late. The little partj found the postmaster from Sainte Mene- 
 hould, who had ridden past while the postillions wrangled, and 
 a number of worthy republicans of Varennes whom he had 
 gathered together, awaiting them at the bridge between the two 
 parts of the town. The bridge was barricaded. Muskets were 
 thrust into the carriage : "Your passports ?" 
 
 The king surrendered without a struggle. The little party 
 was taken into the house of some village functionary. "Well," 
 said the king, "here you have me!"- Also he remarked that 
 he was hungry. At dinner he commended the wine, "quite 
 excellent wine." What the queen said is not recorded. There 
 were royalist troops at hand, but they attempted no rescue. 
 The tocsin began to ring, and the village "illuminated itself," 
 to guard against surprise. . . . 
 
 A very crestfallen coachload of royalty returned to Paris, 
 and was received by vast crowds — in silence. The word had 
 gone forth that whoever insulted the king should be thrashed, 
 and whoever applauded him should be killed. . . . 
 
 It was only after this foolish exploit that the idea of a re- 
 public took hold of the French mind. Before this flight to 
 Varennes there was no doubt much abstract republican senti- 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 86S 
 
 ment, but there was scarcely anj expressed disposition to abol- 
 ish monarchy in France. Even in Jnly, a month after the 
 flight, a great meeting in the Champ de Mars, supporting a 
 petition for the dethronement of the king, was dispersed by the 
 authorities, and many people were killed. But such displays 
 of firmness could not prevent the lesson of that flight soaking 
 into men's minds. Just as in England in the days of 
 Charles I, so now in France men realized that the king could 
 not be trusted — ^he was dangerous. The Jacobins grew rapidly 
 in strength. Their leaders, Eobespierre, Danton, Marat, who 
 had hitherto been figured as impossible extremists, began to 
 dominate French affairs. 
 
 These Jacobins were the equivalents of the American 
 radicals, men with untrammelled advanced ideas. Their 
 strength lay in the fact that they were unencumbered and 
 downright. They were poor men with nothing to lose. The 
 party of moderation, of compromise with the relics of the old 
 order, was led by such men of established position as General 
 Lafayette, the general who had represented France in America, 
 and Mirabeau, an aristocrat who wasi ready to model himself 
 on the rich and influential aristocrats of England. But Eobes- 
 pierre was a needy but clever young lawyer from Arras, whose 
 most precious possession was his faith in Eousseau; Danton 
 was a scarcely more wealthy barrister in Paris, a big, gesticulat- 
 ing, rhetorical figure; Marat was an older man, a Swissi of 
 very great scientific distinction, but equally unembarrassed by 
 possessions. On Marat's scientific standing it is necessary to 
 lay stress because there is a sort of fashion among English 
 writers to misrepresent the leaders of great revolutionary move- 
 ments as ignorant men. This gives a false view of the mental 
 processes of revolution; and it is the task of the historian to 
 correct it. Marat, we find, was conversant with English, Span- 
 ish, German, and Italian ; he had spent several years in England, 
 he was made an honorary M.D. of St. Andrew's, and had pub- 
 lished some valuable contributions to medical science in English. 
 Both Benjamin Franklin and Goethe were greatly interested 
 in his work in physics. This is the man who is called by Car- 
 lyle "rabid dog," "atrocious," "squalid," and "Dog-leech"— 
 this last by way of tribute to his science. 
 
 The revolution called Marat to politics, and his earliest con- 
 tributions to the great discussion were fine and sane. There 
 
870 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 was a prevalent delusion in France that England was a land of 
 liberty. His Tableau des vices de la constitution d'Angleterre 
 showed the realities of the English position. His last years 
 were maddened by an . almost intolerable skin disease which 
 he caught while hiding in the sewers of Paris to escape the 
 consequences of his denunciation of the king as a traitor after 
 the flight to Varennes. Only by sitting in a hot bath could 
 he collect his mind to write. He had been treated hardly and 
 suffered, and he became hard; nevertheless he stands out in 
 history as a man of rare, imblemished honesty. His poverty 
 seems particularly to have provoked the scorn of Oarlyle. 
 
 "What a road he has travelled; and sits now, about half- 
 past seven of the clock, stewing in slipper-bath ; sore aflicted ; 
 ill of Revolution Eever, . . . Excessively sick and worn, poor 
 man: with precisely elevenpence halfpenny of ready-money, in 
 paper; with slipper-bath; strong three-footed stool for writing 
 on, the while : and a squalid Washerwoman for his sole house- 
 hold . . . that is his civic establishment in Medical-School 
 Street; thither and not elsewhere has his road led him. . . . 
 Hark, a rap again ! A musical woman's voice, refusing to be 
 rejected : it is the Citoyenne who would do France a service. 
 Marat, recognizing from within, cries, Admit her. Charlotte 
 Corday is admitted." 
 
 The young heroine — ^for republican leaders are fair game, 
 and their assassins are necessarily heroines and their voices 
 "musical" — offered to give him some necessary information 
 about the counter-revolution at Caen, and as he was occupied 
 in making a note of her facts, she stabbed him with a large 
 sheath knife (1792). . . . 
 
 Such was the quality of most of the leaders of the Jacobin 
 party. They were men of no property — ^untethered men. 
 They were more dissociated and more elemental, there- 
 fore, than any other party; and they were ready to push the 
 ideas of freedom and equality to a logical extremity. Their 
 standards of patriotic virtue were high and harsh. There was 
 something inhuman even in their humanitarian zeal. They 
 saw without humour the disposition of the moderates to ease 
 things down, to keep the common folk just a little needy and 
 respectful, and royalty (and men of substance) just a little 
 respected. They were blinded by the formulse of Rousseauism 
 to the historical truth that man is by nature oppressor and 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 871 
 
 oppressed, and that it is only slowly by law, education, and the 
 spirit of love in the world that men can be made happy and 
 free. 
 
 And while in America the formulae of eighteenth-century 
 democracy were on the whole stimulating and helpful because 
 it was already a land of open-air practical equality so far as 
 white men were concerned, in France these formulse made a 
 very heady and dangerous mixture for the town populations, 
 because considerable parts of the towns of France were slums 
 full of dispossessed, demoralized, degraded, and bitter-spirited 
 people. The Parisian crowd was in a particularly desperate 
 and dangerous state, because the industries of Paris had been 
 largely luxury industries, and much of her employment parasitic 
 on the weaknesses and vices of fashionable life. Now the fash- 
 ionable world had gone over the frontier, travellers were re- 
 stricted, business disordered, and the city full of unemployed 
 and angry people. 
 
 But the royalists, instead of realizing the significance of these 
 Jacobins with their dangerous integrity and their dangerous 
 grip upon the imagination of the mob, had the conceit to think 
 they could make tools of them. The time for the replacement 
 of the National Assembly under the new-made constitution by 
 the "Legislative Assembly" was drawing near; and when the 
 Jacobins, with the idea of breaking up the moderates, proposed 
 to make the members of the National Assembly ineligible for 
 the Legislative Assembly, the royalists supported them with 
 great glee, and carried the proposal. They perceived that the 
 Legislative Assembly, so clipped of all experience, must certainly 
 be a politically incompetent body. They would "extract good 
 from the excess of evil," and presently France would fall back 
 helpless into the hands of her legitimate masters. So they 
 thought. And the royalists did more than this. They backed 
 the election of a Jacobin as Mayor of Paris. It was about as 
 clever as if a man brought home a hungry tiger to convince 
 his wife of her need of him. There stood another body ready 
 at hand with which these royalists did not reckon, far better 
 equipped than the court to step in and take the place of an 
 ineffective Legislative Assembly, and that was the strongly 
 Jacobin Commune of Paris installed at the Hotel de Ville. 
 
 So far France had been at peace. None of her neighbours 
 
872 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 had attacked her, because she appeared to be weakening herself 
 by her internal dissensions. It was Poland that suffered by the 
 distraction of France. But there seemed no reason why they 
 should not insult and threaten her, and prepare the way for 
 a later partition at their convenience. At Pillnitz, in 1791, 
 the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Austria met, and 
 issued a declaration that the restoration of order and monarchy 
 in France was a matter of interest to all sovereigns. And 
 an army of emigres, French nobles and gentlemen, an army 
 largely of officers, was allowed to accumulate cloae to the 
 frontier. 
 
 It was France that declared war against Austria. The mo- 
 tives of those who supported this step were conflicting. Many 
 republicans wanted it because they wished to see the kindred 
 people of Belgium liberated from the Austrian yoke. Many 
 royalists wanted it because they saw in war a possibility of 
 restoring the prestige of the crown. Marat opposed it bitterly 
 in his paper L'Ami du Peuple, because he did not want to see 
 republican enthusiasm turned into war fever. His instinct 
 warned him of Napoleon. On April 20th, 1792, the king came 
 down to the Assembly and proposed war amidst great applause. 
 
 The war began disastrously. Three French armies entered 
 Belgium, two were badly beaten, and the third, under Lafayette, 
 retreated. Then Prussia declared war in support of Austria, 
 and the allied forces, under the Duke of Brunswick, prepared 
 to invade France. The duke issued one of the most foolish 
 proclamations in history ; he was, he said, invading France to 
 restore the royal authority. Any further indignity shown the 
 king he threatened to visit upon the Assembly and Paris 
 with "military execution." This was surely enough to make 
 the most royalist Frenchman a republican — at least for the 
 duration of the war. 
 
 The new phase of revolution, the Jacobin revolution, was 
 the direct outcome of this proclamation. It made the Legisla- 
 tive Assembly, in which orderly republicans (Girondins) and 
 royalists prevailed, it made the government which had put 
 down that republican meeting in the Champ de Mars and hunted 
 Marat into the sewers, impossible. The insurgents gathered 
 at the Hotel de Ville, and on the tenth of August the Commune 
 launched an attack on the palace of the Tuileries. 
 
 The king behaved with a clumsy stupidity, and with that 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 873 
 
 disregard for others which is the prerogative of kings. Pie 
 had with him a Swiss guard of nearly a thousand men as well 
 as National Guards of uncertain loyalty. He held out vaguely 
 until firing began, and then he went oS to the adjacent Assem- 
 bly to place himself and his family under its protection, leaving 
 his Swiss fighting. No doubt he hoped to antagonize Assem- 
 bly and Commune, but the Assembly had none of the fighting 
 spirit of the Hotel de Ville. The royal refugees were placed 
 in a box reserved for journalists (out of which a small room 
 opened), and there they remained for sixteen hours while the 
 A.ssembly debated their fate. Outside there were the sounds 
 of a considerable battle; every now and then a window would 
 break. The unfortunate Swiss were fighting with their backs 
 to the wall because there was now nothing else for them to 
 do. . . . 
 
 The Assembly had no stomach to back the government's ac- 
 tion of July in the Champ de Mars. The fierce vigour of the 
 Commune dominated it. The king found no comfort what- 
 ever in the Assembly. It scolded him and discussed his "sus- 
 pension." The Swiss fought until they received a message from 
 the king to desist, and then — the crowd being savagely angry 
 at the needless bloodshed and out of control — they were for 
 the most part massacred. 
 
 The long and tedious attempt to "Merovingianize" Louis, 
 to make an honest crowned republican out of a dull and in- 
 adaptable absolute monarch, was now drawing to its tragic 
 close. The Commune of Paris was practically in control of 
 France. The Legislative Assembly — which had apparently un- 
 dergone a change of hearti — decreed that the king was suspended 
 from his ofiice, confined him in the Temple, replaced him by 
 an executive commission, and summoned a National Conven- 
 tion to frame a new constitution. 
 
 The tension of patriotic and republican Trance was now 
 becoming intolerable. Such armies as she had were rolling 
 back helplessly towards Paris. Longwy had fallen, the great 
 fortress of Verdun followed, and nothing seemed likely to stop 
 the march of the allies upon the capital. The sense of royalist 
 treachery rose to panic cruelty. At any rate the royalists had 
 to be silenced and stilled and scared out of sight. The Com- 
 mune set itself to hunt out every royalist that could be found,, 
 until the prisons of Paris were full. Marat saw the danger of 
 
m 
 
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 tn9TXiqqi3 berf doS^^^WaioaaAje'^r^ 
 
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876 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 11 
 
 And now followed a strange phase in the history of the French 
 people. There arose a great flame of enthusiasm for France 
 and the Eepublic. There was to be an end to compromise at 
 home and abroad; at home royalists and every form of dis- 
 loyalty were to be stamped out; abroad France was to be the 
 protector and helper of all revolutionaries. All Europe, all 
 the world, was to become republican. The youth of France 
 poured into the Republican armies ; a new and wonderful song 
 spread through the land, a song that still warms the blood like 
 wine, the Marseillaise. Before that chant and the leaping col- 
 umns of French bayonets and their enthusiastically served guns 
 the foreign armies rolled back; before the end of 1792 the 
 French armies had gone far beyond the utmost achievements 
 of Louis XIV; everywhere they stood on foreign soil. They 
 were in Brussels, they had overrun Savoy, they had raided to 
 Mayence; they had seized the Scheldt from Holland. Then 
 the French Government did an unwise thing. It had been ex- 
 asperated by the expulsion of its representative from England 
 upon the execution of Louis, and it declared war against Eng- 
 land. It was an unwise thing to do, because the revolution 
 which had given France a new enthusiastic infantry and a bril- 
 liant artillery, released from its aristocratic officers and many 
 cramping traditions, had destroyed the discipline of its navy, 
 and the English were supreme upon the sea. And this provo- 
 cation united all England against France, whereas there had 
 been at first a very considerable liberal movement in Great 
 Britain in sympathy with the revolution. 
 
 Of the fight that France made in the next few years against 
 a European coalition we cannot tell in any detail. She drove 
 the Austrians for ever out of Belgium, and made Holland a 
 republic. The Dutch fleet, frozen in the Texel, surrendered 
 to a handful of cavalry without firing its guns. For some 
 time the French thrust towards Italy was hung up, and it was 
 only in 1796 that a new general, !N"apoleon Bonaparte, led the 
 ragged and hungry republican armies in triumph across Pied- 
 mont to Mantua and Verona. An Outline of History cannot 
 map out campaigns ; but of the new quality that had come into 
 war, it is bound to take note. The old professional armies had 
 fought for the fighting, as slack as workers paid by the hour ; 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 877 
 
 these wonderful new armies fought, hungry and thirsty, for vic- 
 tory. Their enemies called them the "New French." Says 
 C. F. Atkinson,^ "What astonished the Allies most of all was 
 the number and the velocity of the Eepublicans. These im- 
 provised armies had in fact nothing to delay them. Tents were 
 unprocurable for want of money, untransportable for want of 
 the enormous number of wagons that would have been required, 
 and also unnecessary, for the discomfort that would have caused 
 wholesale desertion in professional armies was cheerfully borne 
 by the men of 1793-94. Supplies for armies of then unheard-of 
 size could not be carried in convoys, and the French soon be- 
 came familiar with 'living on the country.' Thus 1793 saw 
 the birth of the modem system of war — rapidity of movement, 
 full development of national strength, bivouacs, requisitions 
 and force as against cautious manoeuvring, small professional 
 armies, tents and full rations, and chicane. The first rep- 
 resented the decision-compelling spirit, the second the spirit of 
 risking little to gain a little. . . ." 
 
 And while these ragged hosts of enthusiasts were chanting 
 the Marseillaise and fighting for La, France, manifestly never 
 quite clear in their minds whether they were looting or liberat- 
 ing the countries into which they poured, the republican en- 
 thusiasm in Paris was spending itself in a far less glorious 
 fashion. Marat, the one man of commanding intelligence among 
 the Jacobins, was now frantic with an incurable disease, and 
 presently he was murdered; Danton was a series of patriotic 
 thunderstorms; the steadfast fanaticism of Eobespierre domi- 
 nated the situation. This man is difficult to judge; he was 
 a man of poor physique, naturally timid, and a prig. But 
 he had that most necessary gift for power, faith. He believed 
 not in a god familiar to men, but in a certain Supreme Being, 
 and that Kousseau was his prophet. He set himself to save 
 the republic as he conceived it, and he imagined it could be 
 saved by no other man than he. So that to keep in power was 
 to save the republic. The living spirit of the republic, it 
 seemed, had sprung from a slaughter of royalists and the; execu- 
 tion of the king. There were insurrections: one in the west, 
 in the district of La Vendee, where the people rose against 
 the conscription and against the dispossession of the orthodox 
 
 'In nis article, "Trench Revolutionary Wars," in the Encyolopoediai 
 Britannioa. 
 
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 age and the tangled weights and measures of old Frqgseyggy© 
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 fMfti/Ji%(»ft?9*'flo8t%iftgara4^}lf ifflSa S)& Mi, .ym-9$^i%<^\^i 
 
 tJ^iBef'iteiasBagA lo Jngbie-j-i*!" .mid in Ifod orit balgirij; iaob 
 ail?o MigTifeSi'ife^^^^rt/^^Jf^b^fieiiefel&tf* t\i9T$qm^(M 
 i^^W%dffli^ altJ^JBSfl^.f)ag b9ii:2i;OD eri ; raid b'-jtiosob 9oioT 
 A certain mental dis(yid!^i,teatefe3>^l',QfiS»li^*tefirii)R«>fcfisp45ri8 
 l§i&%iSP#JIWrx]§ttl&Sl e^?(?fy ^Ai',yM.ebW»sh^mh «0»c@|fied 
 with his religion. (The arrests and executions of sugp^jsiiSgf JBt 
 ge^ig^/^MeWM a^lM^ljLi** ^-ySt-Y 1|irfesfl[thfli,ptj5SB|6jftij;mri3 
 
 Begij)Je.^73iJ^e .i^i^Spl •ifee[iQ@n^ffl.jfeipi3idMcdQ«??P4*^.ii'r#^;«> 
 bl^py^ fe# ^g§%%^R^ag60&ndiinidi&«bc,OTBf.j8f»Bf €gct¥te 
 ft^jjjngj^jJftl^ft^'^fotfoeiaos^STtJnJiiM^iheie^M 
 tJS^H^^ f§lM^]3{9fotl3IT^ffi^l^®&«f3^«SBg«r£3^I?fifjs^5ft?8^oP'!l>eftit 
 §ig^fiil;eT;-^h^xi6%BPfPA'd^/ii[^y%f-SKhkltrhei'l{^iii#i^ !ft?t 
 
 ?«5^Mj3l'eft&njtc^8^:^ibWR^ «lt'&WyiS:t afidfiwh§8-t;«p.K^h^^ 
 Wrgfl-j<?f9i9i3?nnjflte«ynPi*t^iaiiTOprf§9it|af7A^iffi!rr8!SKi9Tric^ 
 TO€ftt §QieTi^U^hw^'mikeni'> ibyiiarnailipsBigteiWgq^teifaPtjtiftfflfi 
 t7it^k;isoro.6nSliiM) §ie&lsiHggsj ,a»oJ||^8e>jt);tf|tibl|$[i§;E^Se{'#ll^^ 
 dom rose in their place. Thef^fjs^fsfl? itep(JPJF^est5rRfi^4s©J#5® 
 ^lii?fif^fit%g j33pd^^giiiDtet7^p^i)fSi*l3&fJie[tA^§MS^ <o-owT 
 -d]^eiyjei(^^ifeBfltopi^fye^rdiss^l»JftJs*''i'^W*^i9^ 
 if&njiifii?^ j^lbi^ir*p%Lh«A^fe.Wy.ls9totfeerff'iiBt^fttifi!te 
 8 G-0n)^-flay.*ft-Jii%3|e#eftfp0Bf e^awJ M^'^&^iksk.mngsm^^^ 
 lba;t jetef rJ5V/(ioBi8fe(iwi^ 9l?3J?s]j rityf^ۤBtieW.g9y;9QMi^rjQa 
 the multitude of vices which the torrent of RevolutioifocfeW 
 mBefi Mwn^" ■ he dcHie4prfi» i him h-^%-i^^^\v^<i§pk?X%-iiM](^'a.- 
 ykik^km. ({{likm^ ^ibetiwie^ .trfembl6d:)!l^::3i(«b6iii:.he8sai.led 
 
880 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 by the impure neighbourhood of wicked men. ... I know 
 that it is easy for the leagued tyrants of the world to over- 
 whelm a single individual; but I know also what is the duty 
 of a man who can die in the defence of humanity." • . . 
 
 And so on to vague utterances that seemed to threaten 
 everyona 
 
 The Convention heard this speech in silence; then when a 
 proposal was made to print and circulate it, broke into a re- 
 sentful uproar and refused permission. Eobespierre went off in 
 bitter resentment to the club of his supporters, and re-read his 
 speech to them! 
 
 That night was full of talk and meetings and preparations 
 for the morrow, and the next morning the Convention turned 
 upon Eobespierre. One Tallien threatened him with a dagger. 
 When he tried to speak, he was shouted down, and the Presi- 
 dent jingled the bell at him. "President of Assassins," cried 
 Eobespierre, "I demand speech!" It was refused him. His 
 voice deserted him; he coughed and spluttered. "The blood 
 of Danton chokes him," cried someone. 
 
 He was accused and arrested there and then with his chief 
 supporters. 
 
 Whereupon the Hotel de Ville, still stoutly Jacobin, rose 
 against the Convention, and Eobespierre and his companions 
 were snatched out of the hands of their captors. There was a 
 night of gathering, marching, counter-marching; and at last, 
 about three in the morning, the forces of the Convention faced 
 the forces of the Commune outside the Hotel de Ville. Henriot, 
 the Jacobin commander, after a busy day was drunk upstairs ; 
 a parley ensued, and then, after some indecision, the soldiers 
 of the Commune went over to the Government. There was i. 
 shouting of patriotic sentiments, and someone looked out from 
 the Hotel de Ville. Eobespierre and his last companions found 
 themselves betrayed and trapped. 
 
 Two or three of these men threw themselves out of a window, 
 and injured themselves frightfully on the railings below with- 
 out killing themselves. Others attempted suicide. Eobespierre, 
 it seems, was shot in the lower jaw by a gendarme. He was 
 found, his eyes staring from a pale face whose lower part was 
 blood. 
 
 Followed seventeen hours of agony before his end. He spoke 
 never a word during that time, his jaw being bound up roughly 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 881 
 
 in dirty linen. He and his companions, and the broken, dying 
 bodies of those who had jumped from the windows, twenty-two 
 men altogether, were taken to the guillotine instead of the con- 
 demned appointed for that day. Mostly his eyes were closed, 
 but, says Oarlyle, he opened them to see the great knife rising 
 above him, and struggled. Also it would seem he screamed when 
 the executioner removed his bandages. Then the knife came 
 down, swift and merciful. 
 
 The Terror was at an end. From first to last there had been 
 condemned and executed about four thousand people. 
 
 § 12 
 
 It witnesses to the immense vitality and the profound right- 
 ness of the flood of new ideals and intentions that the French 
 Revolution had released into the world of practical endeavour, 
 that it could still flow in a creative torrent after it had been 
 caricatured and mocked in the grotesque personality and career 
 of Eobespierre. He had shown its deepest thoughts, he had 
 displayed anticipations of its methods and conclusions ; through 
 the green and distorting lenses of his preposterous vanity and 
 egotism, he had smeared and blackened all its hope and promise 
 with blood and horror, and the power of these ideas was not 
 destroyed. They stood the extreme tests of ridiculous and hor- 
 rible presentation. After his downfall, the Republic still ruled 
 unassailable. Leaderless, for his successors were a group of 
 crafty or commonplace men, the European republic struggled 
 on, and presently fell and rose again, and fell and rose and 
 still struggles, entangled but invincible. - 
 
 And it is well to remind the reader here of the real dimensions 
 of this phase of the Terror, which strikes so vividly upon the 
 imagination and which has therefore been enormously exag- 
 gerated relatively to the rest of the revolution. From 1789 to 
 late in 1791 the French Eevolution was an orderly process, and 
 from the summer of 1794 the Republic was an orderly and 
 victorious state. The Terror was not the work of the whole 
 country, but of the town mob which owed its existence and 
 its savagery to the misrule and social injustice of the ancient 
 regime; and the explosion of the Terror could have happened 
 only through the persistent treacherous disloyalty of the royalists 
 which, while it raised the extremists to frenzy, disinclined the 
 
882 3 : ) /> A THE .OUTLH* B 10^ HlSf dit? ' '^ -^ ii 
 
 Jti^texbimitea^reWaTgitetAfed.tiJi^ Jfaf^ thli:fealfilS',qgfldbaai8a.| 
 ;^8ei1toBsfeild3T^aid! aroretcHiA^iiityna-^esdt -fltiQijb^ ^fiaa^ro 
 aa&f foisitjsgvdioaQi thesS^Wc^ilpfJa/ll tHB56|prdfelsi§f f^^'SSfi^, 
 wasoeaiitUdalfa kJMT Ite^ii80ji!ii(i^8B4ch9t®aitor9rf«as^^fiMseh.tefr 
 makers as Philip, Duke of Orleans offijTtfaeaifekiS fcmV^ib 
 haifvbtefle&aflrfthefldeatthBrofi Iwxnai" XFtEs xMdiseBKveSowm M^led 
 by the Britilljogf ifBraJsfcaibmoo^iili/tkb iiipgajag9 4^ y«t^ki<i8 
 known as the Somme offensive of July, 1916, than in the whole 
 French revolution from start t(g|&msh. We hear so much about 
 the martyrs of the French Terror because they were notable, 
 Wd^i80bBe©te)i(p®i^l6^fan4,lftfeEferaseBthBimKa®rbe6tis©SEaitl©#pl!3bp- 
 sigmM (dliMiiiswS^tiBi^ ffiotalebhis'fealaikoeLajgfiiresitthieiBSOT 
 9nn)«Kybite''^fcatoTS^ ^©ifa^com ailJthifip£aeia3[iBtf WW wrri^ldogefit 
 «sm)HyWdthii1?iiiftiBJalTii(BritaiB9a3ad3 Jriaeni&i/lwfeilBtilthe UetEcfe 
 
 feifceStf-jB8rfgiKtetafq«i!teBri»^ialiwff£facfa^a:^nsfopraBe»^ 
 ■!*§B©idd)i^<ieoiiae&£fa);p She MeTk&atieiis^ eSbAa^mbajbhe^^i^ab 
 SgBJn^itb« SJi*tst80(P£cp(MBis§!p liis^gfr^et JMe*yrfiedfflBicfH>3pgop3fe 
 BBflesd^btttiite^Jai^BlJoflghb'raa^Itiafe^ feirifdredGor^ ^iiil vpSLs^teilg^ 
 innMasgagferfset'lssBliJi WSS^/fa^* afiflrcfibily .taking fcb© hat^dshWsf 
 a'mHbnckteso6ioa.iibi:lier^arl afehtodtHK^t fiinother8tt'?et.?bct'^4a9ii^ 
 Hdwarf(flrJthsrr^h^biathi[()ipIfetiifdaxhitrlMS})AfoiiWjffltiTOHmJ^e9rIdi^ 
 |ier:^fclga ianaBceat ^6efteij[fetaMedoln,dM'iHn@Ush piis6bs>.mha 
 
 fees. oaAmdriiiefelpfaisanpfik^iEe ^lilii;^rpdaflsS; u^dreraaMii dfoetiire 
 control. Torture was stiMcibnisetirtriAdsJ^mnlveriaalj^^nninifeiiis. 
 of [(MktiBiiafafiHacgiifaJesiygKTBl^sSEoi^ebJEHis-i IM Lladrlaedi Bn /use 
 bdiFwanfoe^^iipL'da tbeeftiimids afDibfeff ^^aiioSkbiiisfeemfeijiq J^Uftele 
 t^ii^ ^teTkfrfhejlevffil'Jolf thelagedi tkis shjiimi brHOOBdJtfeati'^BJy-i 
 (5ile68^2rs ailiB-KBerarte'fycrIbrtTirH§ by rtke aEterichJ'Jrcrs^elfftifeniffies! 
 (faimiii^sdiEKp^fiimi&no Hliaa&;'feMtlrhii/^fi6dfoofT!ffi5EiiDfclI(^bhl!iefe9M 
 Miii^oys&apilniiafe'afnoBficbijiHBmilhaflebUeiiiwel'li-coiiiteisdfehow^ 
 aiistwfairfJoflieriiovItoBfea^otiraE^, IxraitiaiBtprb'^ thssfffibafero&aiaiv 
 ^bsrBafediistexi^ atigfeajtrdrdgienfty. doThencommdn iQaAi'Sn^^aiBre© 
 vteasi 'aaiwsreif jfrbe, otetelrepib%iraia:dfjhapj{ieE!idurif% oth?|i=511BetsEo«35 
 ffliHro«:JipjJia9i'i}feefiiitrii]!ii 1558^^T grft 'lo fioiaolqxo edl has ;9nii'39i 
 8,taina9ostoify iof(. Hb^cxEeipiablici ifeftert theJ -Humqierit oi^ rl09f4r ^^beo 
 oifl b'utironigib ,y?.0hailm&dg5!ivilii'iiilyjdia|tftxfoiiiiK'r ii elisiw jdoidw 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 883 
 
 comes a tangled, story of political groups aiming at everything 
 from a radical republic to a royalist reaction, but pervaded by 
 a general desire for some definite vporking arrangement even 
 at the price of considerable concessions. There was a series 
 of insurrections of the Jacobins and of the royalists, there seems 
 to have been what we should call nowadays a hooligan class 
 in Paris which was quite ready to turn out to fight and loot on 
 either side ; nevertheless the Convention produced a; government, 
 the Directory of five members, which held France together for 
 five years. The last, most threatening revolt of all, in October, 
 1795, wa? suppressed with great skill and decision by a rising 
 young general, Napoleon Bonaparte, 
 
 The Directory was victorious abroad, but uncreative at home ; 
 its members were far too anxious to stick to the sweets ,and 
 glories of office to prepare a constitution that would supersede 
 them, and far too dishonest to handle the task of financial and 
 economic reconstruction demanded by the condition of France. 
 We need only note two of their names, Carnot, who was an 
 honest republican, and Barras, who was conspicuously a rogue. 
 Their reign of five years formed a curious interlude in this 
 history of great changes. They took things as they found 
 them. The propagandist zeal of the revolution carried the 
 French armies into Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, south GerT 
 many, and north Italy. Everywhere kings were expe;lled and 
 republics set up. But such propagandist zeal as animated 
 the Directorate did not prevent the looting of the treasures of 
 the liberated peoples to relieve the financial embarrassment of 
 the French Government. Their wars became less and less 
 the holy war of freedom, and more and more like the aggres- 
 sive wars of the ancient regime.. The last feature of Grand 
 Monarchy that France was disposed to discard was her tradi- 
 tion of foreign policy, grasping, aggressive, restless, French- 
 centred. One discovers it still as vigorous under the Directorate 
 as if there had been no revolution. 
 
 § 13 
 
 The ebb of this tide of Eevolution in the world, this tide which 
 had created the great Eepublic of America and threatened to 
 subraerge all European monarchies, was now at hand. It is as if 
 something had thrust up from beneath the surface of human 
 
884 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 affairs, made a gigantic effort, and for a time spent itself. It 
 swept many obsolescent and evil things away, but many evil 
 and unjust things remained. It solved many jH'oblems, and 
 it left the desire for fellowship and order face to face with 
 much vaster problems that it seemed only to have revealed. 
 Privilege of certain types had gone, many tyrannies, mvieh re- 
 ligious persecution. When these things of the ancient regime 
 had vanished, it seemed as if they had never mattered. What 
 did matter was that for all their votes and enfranchisement, 
 and in spite of all their passion and effort, common men were 
 still not free and not enjoying an equal happiness; that the 
 immense promise and air of a new world with which the Eevo- 
 kition had come, remained unfulfilled. 
 
 Yet, after all, this wave of revolution had realized nearly 
 everything that had been clearly thought out before it came. 
 It was not failing now for want of impetus, but for want of 
 finished ideas. Miany things that had oppressed mankind were 
 swept away for ever, l^ow that they were swept away it be- 
 came apparent how unprepared men were for the creative op- 
 portunities this clearance gave them. And periods of revolu- 
 tion are periods of action; in them men reap the harvests of 
 ideas that have grown during phases of interlude, and they 
 leave the fields cleared for a new season of growth, but they 
 cannot suddenly produce ripened new ideas to meet an un- 
 anticipated riddle. 
 
 The sweeping away of king and lord, of priest and inquisitor, 
 of landlord and taxgatherer and task-master, left the mass of 
 men face to face for the first time with certain very fundamental 
 aspects of the social structure, relationships they had taken 
 for granted, and had never realized the need of thinking hard 
 and continuously about before. Institutions that had seemed 
 to be in the nature of things, and matters that had seemed to 
 happen by the same sort of necessity that brought round the 
 dawn and springtime, were discovered to be artificial, control- 
 lable, were they not so perplexingly intricate, and — ^now that 
 the old routines were abolished and done away with — in urgent 
 need of control. The New Order found itself confronted with 
 three riddles which it was quite unprepared to solve: Propi- 
 erty. Currency, and International Relationship. 
 
 Let us take these three problems in order, and ask what 
 they are and how they arose in human affairs. Every human 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 885 
 
 life is deeply entangled in them, and concerned in their solu- 
 tion. The rest of this history becomes more and more clearly 
 the development of the effort to solve these problems; that is 
 to say, so to interpret property, so to establish currency, and 
 so to control international reactions as to render possible a 
 ■world-wide, progressive, and happy community of will. They 
 are the three riddles of the sphinx of fate, to which the human 
 commonweal must find an answer or perish. 
 
 The idea of property arises out of the combative instincts of 
 the species. Long before men were men, the ancestral ape was 
 a proprietor. Primitive property is what a beast will fight 
 for. The dog and his bone, the tigress and her lair, the roar- 
 ing stag and his herd, these are proprietorship blazing. No 
 more nonsensical expression is conceivable in sociology than 
 the term "primitive communism." The Old Man of the family 
 tribe of early palseolithic times insisted upon his proprietorship 
 in his wives and daughters, in his tools, in his visible universe. 
 If any other man wandered into his visible universe he fought 
 him, and if he could he slew him. The tribe grew in the course 
 of ages, as Atkinson showed convincingly in his Primal Law, 
 by the gradual toleration by the Old Man of the existence of 
 the younger men, and of their proprietorship in the wives they 
 captured from outside the tribe, and in the tools and orna- 
 ments they 'made and the game they slew. Human society 
 grew by a compromise between this one's property and that. 
 It was largely a compromise and an alliance forced upon men 
 by the necessity of driving some other tribe out of its visible 
 universe. If the hills and forests and streams were not you^ 
 land or my land, it was because they had to be our land. Each 
 of us would have preferred to have it my land, but that would 
 not work. In that case the other fellows would have destroyed 
 us. Society, therefore, is from its beginnings the mitigation 
 of ownership. Ownership in the beast and in the primitive 
 savage was far more intense a thing than it is in the civilized 
 world -to-day. It is rooted more strongly in our instincts than 
 in our reason. 
 
 In the natural savage and in the untutored man to-day — 
 for it is well to keep in mind that no man to-day is more than 
 four hundred generations from the primordial savage — there 
 is no limitation to the sphere of ownership. Whatever you 
 can fight for, you can own; women-folk, spared captive, cap- 
 
886 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tured beast, forest glade, stone pit or what not. As the com- 
 munity grew and a sort of law came to restrain internecine 
 fighting, men developed rough and ready methods of settling 
 proprietorship. Men could own what they were the first to 
 make or capture or claim. It seraned natural that a debtor 
 who could not pay up should become the property of his cred- 
 itor. Equally natural was it that, after claiming a patch of 
 land ("Bags I," as the schoolboy says), a man should exact 
 payments and tribute from anyone else who wanted to use it. 
 It was only slowly, as the possibilities of organized life dawned 
 on men, that this unlimited property in anything whatever began 
 to be recognized as a nuisance. Men found themselves born 
 into a universe all owned and claimed, nay ! they found them- 
 selves born owned and claimed. The social struggles of the 
 earlier civilization are difBcult to trace now, but the history we 
 have told of the Roman republic shows a community waking 
 up to the idea that they may become a public inconvenience 
 and should then be repudiated, and that the unlimited owner- 
 ship of land is also an inconvenience. We find that later Baby- 
 lonia severely limited the rights of property in slaves. Finally, 
 we find in the teaching of that great revolutionist, Jesus of 
 Nazareth, such an attack upon property as had never been 
 before. Easier it was, he said, for a camel to go through the 
 eye of a needle than for the owner of great possessions to 
 enter the kingdom of heaven. A steady, continuous criticism 
 of the permissible scope of property seems to have been going 
 on in the world for the last twenty-five or thirty centuries. 
 Nineteen hundred years after Jesus of ISTazareth we find all 
 the world that has come under the Christian teaching per- 
 Waded that there could be no property in persons. There has 
 teen a turn-over in the common conscience in that matter. 
 ^MiJ also the idea that "a man may do what he likes with his 
 ^^W': was clearly very much shaken in relation to other sorts 
 fe?''^pf6perty. But this world of the closing eighteenth century 
 'Wis iW. only in the interrogative stage in this' matter. It 
 had got nothing clear enough, much less settled enough, to act 
 up5?S'°^^0fie of its primary impulses was to protect property 
 %|atiStP'ffi#^greed and waste of kings and the exploita;tion of 
 ^c?Mfe~a®^M^rers. It was to protect private property that the 
 WS^dlWtJ^H' TOgan. But its equalitarian formulae carried it 
 ■ffitb 'aI'''6i€fi^isW'of the very property it had risen to protect. 
 
siiHy-rftliiffirrjpQQCoOSiliipIaiBifcd. v cbv/rovj erij o1 eoirfitioqmi Iidiv 
 '.'■{Tb -wii-JoBt ridjdle ifebeuJacofeiuiTBej)|lJ5yTwsritfei6eifftbcl:i}t-MM#7 
 iilg.)wpe'li Tiiefa]ffiani?diito/iBtfln6^;^jaiiiijd taisfe»si,liisaip]EQps[5tyfl' 
 Aitnmg9aii'jiifefrsiaiiie> eaitti/^'bjg agitffher.arriiaJfeejntlifea'&cweiBdj^ataies^ 
 kkiAhftI eiglite€iO<tbi ceiituiijjiaertaiiiopriiKiitfceb safesa^ifits-grrOlVe^q 
 be M^miss^mi, ^iimmums^»ar-yihefigr79n^i Ite-i^beJisVfli^tiwte 
 ps©^erty)'K8[ltog9t]jer. ^a-jfibe 7Sfcate-r<\a ^^ei^jiiatfeii^ate^jliva&Y&I 
 #BJEge ^^fed/^rslM^fldjH vTasAto owtEall p^fl^wtyni Ijtisv^a[5ii:^y<s ag 
 thefiai&ejtfefefttli) ceiitiiij;^';dewl6p^ jtial saen^sga^if dte M^zh^§H 
 pfflfipe|it|6BTEfei& «fcl))0?Meii-M«p!^'t(Si»gjoibT*thaYii!e^^ije^fefpJqxi)fl| 
 
 ^si| -(^idb 'jas-ibijmstB i)eS©p^dt«f 9^pJe»@&ta,8@fioan>}Mi€sfcr 
 
 gftjls.pai5njJfi^JU3»-b«Wit?rfof«rgieS«iWgl«>l-?5^^nnee^fiea(3kIjtoj-^ 
 ($5ft^dgg^ ■^rgrigga^jpeiflftnljg .tphjdetff iWJiaft IjfiiSrff agoinidi»»dCT 
 1,yjb^lJjBStaJ^§JlHI[(if Wfl-j^fftOiee Tjastpro^riy^ilfe-fSv^eHgh^^BAfoJ 
 ];iM>|a#ii,V^^8i}S'tp! tteiTptHH'fejdcpiaiftraaift i^yifei^iJtdffiiiftifit^S 
 ifl4tilfS}$T^tote-rf|e3a|a|:8iin,^|3ietgoB'9fitit5 Jfl*re3tJo}ft?ii'jlb8tJ)f^ 
 tklii)^ ft^8r.9Se3t4oH|%Kl|assxiiiilJOaf^M8S,.ii%aid IfeffupffioHwa 
 
 qftj^ieg)iP^(^j[jip^J40ftftlogci^c§«oillYrff.W-FQiteSay.9ft^^ 
 qffar:feu©^ij^i^ii<drftMrtiy[5^«8r?)fi£ d^1i»^§i((iro*>terB%ifiiei(}».eT^f 
 
 ilrfStiW §n7'^t ^^5i4nP&l#'k^atl't(.;&nnQMxiri^b§|'c[j6b8ii igi99ci6^ei 
 TJri^|i§fff |^^f;^i^ju§%%^ii9i^ (jit f)Vna[9)a4?ilM8if!3bte i^ii#tifei|Ji1)gg^% 
 centHtj^[j5jiFsa,^6fe^bfi%l^ i)f e^gijnA/^Sty <fltSeg(^pc^%(^eotbp[ilMfef^ 
 vague .ajjd;isp|ifsj^gdr pO^Wffe tewMeiat^ -^il^Bg te ^k^«§pg§(s 
 owners, a;5i4#}ag?g»/3|f s^^H^id l^J^ <3Wii««?cfe9lidBrff @BagwiS»b3 
 demandmg^iJ|e|ftl't,oftvjeiryjy^i|go^se,vJS:jyip-)arde_flj ^t9dxr&qmB% 
 and seeking -totjiQi^ri^^sfbtW^iii^itjWwVle ste# c^ai^MH^MhalT 
 ever that coiilidff|e?l^g&% ppbssgedii-iBT' dlrn eovfeenrodt hiwo'i 
 Closely connea|gdirT?Mfetfeftj;V8gsime9&;C)iE>tlen'arMlfe^) ?ib«ft[: 
 property was the m^^Ti'l^S'j}ir^}imrMfim)9^hl}^iimir^^3'>r(M>io. 
 the American and oth^ltFj^^n^-ifjipppblie^ Jf^lfcieti^fieififliiss ttwlftj 
 ble upon this seore^noMeije,! again, ivsf^cfd^liitvi^Tjftj^^^lg 
 
888 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 that is not simple, a tangle of usages, conventions, laws, and 
 prevalent mental habits, out of ■which arise problems v?hich 
 admit of no solution in simple terms, and vphich yet are of 
 vital importance to the everyday life of the community. The 
 validity of the acknowledgment a man is given for a day's 
 : work is manifestly of quite primary importance to the work- 
 ing of the social machine. The grovTth of confidence in the 
 precious metals and of coins, until the assurance became 
 practically universal that good money could be trusted to 
 have its purchasing power anywhere, must have been 
 a gradual one in human history. And being fairly estab- 
 lished, this assurance was subjected to very considerable strains 
 and perplexities by the action of governments in debasing cur- 
 rency and in substituting paper promises to pay for the actual 
 metallic coins. Every age produced a number of clever people 
 intelligent enough to realize the opportunities for smart opera- 
 tions afforded by the complex of faiths and fictions upon which 
 the money system rested, and sufficiently unsound morally to 
 give their best energies to growing rich and so getting people 
 to work for them, through tricks and tampering with gold, 
 ceinage, and credit So soon as serious political and social 
 dislocation occurred, the money mechanism began to work stiffly 
 and inaccurately. The United States and the French Republic 
 both started their careers in a phase of financial difficulty. 
 Everywhere governments had been borrowing and issuing paper 
 promises to pay interest, more interest than they could con- 
 veniently raise. Both revolutions led to much desperate pub- 
 lic spending and borrowing, and at the same time to an in- 
 terruption of cultivation and production that further dimin- 
 ished real taxable wealth. Both governments, being unable 
 to pay their way in gold, resorted to the issue of paper money, 
 promising to pay upon the security of undeveloped land (in 
 America) or recently confiscated church lands (France). In 
 both cases the amount of issue went far beyond the confidence 
 of men in the new security. Gold was called in, hidden by the 
 cunning ones, or went abroad to pay for imports; and people 
 found themselves with various sorts of bills and notes in the 
 place of coins, all of uncertain and diminishing value. 
 
 However complicated the origins of currency, its practical 
 effect and the end it has to serve in the community may be 
 stated roughly in simple terms. The money a man receives for 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 889 
 
 his work (mental or bodily) or for relinquishing his property 
 in some consumable good, must ultimately be able to purchase 
 for him for his use a fairly equivalent amount of consumable 
 goods. ("Consumable goods" is a phrase we would have under- 
 stood in the widest sense to represent even such things as a 
 journey, a lecture or theatrical entertainment, housing, medical 
 advice, and so forth.) When everyone in a community is as- 
 sured of this, and assured that the money will not deteriorate 
 in purchasing power, then currency — and the distribution of 
 goods by trade — is in a healthy and satisfactory state. Then 
 men will work cheerfully, and only then. The imperative 
 need for that steadfastness and security of currency is the fixed 
 datum from which the scientific study and control of currency 
 must begin. But under the most stable conditions there will 
 always be fluctuations in currency value. The sum total of 
 saleable consumable goods in the world and in various coun- 
 tries varies from year to year and from season to season ; autumn 
 is probably a time of plenty in comparison with spring; with 
 an increase in the available goods in the world, the purchasing 
 power of currency will increase, unless there is also an increase 
 in the amount of currency. On the other hand, if there is a 
 diminution in the production of consumable goods or a great and 
 unprofitable destruction of consumable goods, such as occurs 
 in a war, the share of the total of consumable goods repre- 
 sented by a sum of money will diminish and prices and wages 
 will rise. In modern war the explosion of a single big shell, 
 . even if it hits nothing, destroys labour and material roughly 
 equivalent to a comfortable cottage or a year's holiday for a 
 man. If the shell hits anything, then that further destruction 
 has to be added to the diminution of consumable goods. Every 
 shell that burst in the recent war diminished by a little fraction 
 the purchasing value of every coin in the whole world. If 
 there is also an increase of currency during a period when con- 
 sumable goods are being used up and not fully replaced — and 
 the necessities of revolutidhary and war-making governments 
 almost always require this — tlien the enhancement of prices 
 and the fall in the value of the currency paid in wages is still 
 greater. Usually also governments under these stresses borrow 
 money; that is to say, they issue interest-bearing paper, se- 
 cured on the willingness and ability of the general community 
 to endure taxation. Such operations would be difficult enough 
 
890 'dOYiA'M^nimTMf^m. m^m^^VJIESl 
 
 the full,%^^[g| g^b&gjIjjfiM^ §gJMtiiGo|ii9MlMg^<io-^Sif1(iiatfar 
 erto this ^^(>^Mmiihpm4Wif?^^l■fi^l}eie^Jy^^i^tio^mitle^St 
 egotist, thq ^(}y§j3]^/)fcBi,sI}jli%|i,"|'&c%ijJg,;tftf)dei©B*)thig^o| 
 little to his (j^ ^rf%^^g^.ic^l^v^^ffwJ^§^,)Mi,/iOMl^nihdh» 
 stupid egotist E^(iyi<^fti1;?M9l??«lt'J¥i)4'^*k 4'lrttoffe»ip(;9rjfi'j9»{; 
 sequently we pres^i^|iy9<^i^ciQtV^nfep/ystatef{pR<Si«feb^i ,i)5ivl« 
 excess of currency, v^^J^'ailj »r{P%Pft;^ri*»i^Mt^*iI»&;p«i® 
 debt, and also -with aij.gr.^ljisfeTiB^^J^f ^•i§3;0«p|atp}ft»'i)«piwi 
 Both credit and euTrenqj^^h^%i.jpi-^ucy^t%i)mi^^s.M}(i^ 
 the evaporation of piubli?[oC^flfi4e^ffirti'33Jti^yvI'i&*Pj 11^* My* 
 demoralized. r,^9g boB 8«orit8B'ilj/JO)8 huh -lo't bo-sri 
 
 The ultimate consequence of qfti^n^Btljiflejfoirfe^iaedi tfcMfeSie^ 
 would be to end all work and all tr§df> 'thMsopW notili^dajfiffii 
 on by payment in kind and barter ,,,; ^^BjiMSsW grfefcisewtfi 
 work except for food, clothing, housing, aui^tlsaiyiaaeiiiait) iutMad. 
 The immediate consequence of a partially demOTalfeedr aSttTt 
 rency is to drive up prices and make trading fevej^isitlfe&diijbjesr 
 turous and workers suspicious and irritable. A sha9r'p)riiiQii£tt 
 wants under such conditions to hold money for as brief oq 
 period as possible ; he demands the utmost for his reality, and 
 buys a reality again as soon as possible in order to get this per- 
 ishable stuff, the currency paper, off his hands. All who have 
 fixed incomes and saved accumulations suffer by the rise in 
 prices, and the wage-earners find, with a gathering fury, that 
 the real value of their wages is continually less. Here is a 
 state of affairs where the duty of every clever person is evi- , 
 dently to help adjust and reassure. But all the traditions 
 of private enterprise, all the ideas of the later eighteenth cen- 
 tury, went to justify the action of acute-minded and dex- 
 terous people who set themselves to accumulate claims, titles, 
 and tangible property in the storms and dislocations of this 
 currency breakdown. The number of understanding people 
 in the world who were setting themselves sincerely and simply 
 to restore honest and workable currency and credit conditions 
 were few and ineffectual. Most of the financial and specu- 
 lative people of the time were playing the part of Cornish 
 wreckers — not apparently with any conscious dishonesty, but 
 with the completest self-approval and the applause of their 
 fellow-men. The aim of every clever person was to accumulate 
 as much as he could of really negotiable wealth, and then, 
 
REPUBLICS OF AMERICA AND FRANCE 891 
 
 and only then, to bring about some sort of stabilizing political 
 process that would leave him in advantageous possession of 
 his accumulation. Here were, the factors of a bad economic 
 atmosphere, suspicious, feverish, greedy, and speculative. . . . 
 
 In the third direction in which the Revolution had been 
 unprepared with clear ideas, the problem of international re- 
 lationships, developments were to occur that interacted dis- 
 astrously with this state of financial and economic adventure, 
 this scramble and confusion, this preoccupation of men's minds 
 with the perplexing slipperiness of their private property and 
 their monetary position at home. The Republic at its birth 
 found itself at war. For a time that war was waged by the 
 new levies with a patriotism and a zeal unparalleled in the 
 world's history. But that could not go on. The Directory found 
 itself at the head of a conquering country, intolerably needy 
 and embarrassed at home, and in occupation of rich foreign 
 lands, full of seizable wealth and material and financial op- 
 portunity. We have all double natures, and the French in 
 particular seem to be developed logically and symmetrically 
 on both sides. Into these conquered regions France came as a 
 liberator, the teacher of Republicanism to mankind. Holland 
 and Belgium became the Batavian Republic, Genoa and its 
 Riviera the Ligurian Republic, north Italy the Cisalpine Re- 
 public, Switzerland was rechristened the Helvetian Republic, 
 Miilhausen, Rome, and Naples vrere designated republics. 
 Grouped about France, these republics were to be a constellation 
 of freedom leading the world. That was the ideal side. At 
 the same time the French government, and French private 
 individuals in concert with the government, proceeded to a 
 complete and exhaustive exploitation of the resources of these 
 liberated lands. 
 
 So within ten years of the meeting of the States General, 
 New France begins to take on a singular likeness to the old. 
 It is more fiushed, more vigorous ; it wears a cap of liberty in- 
 stead of a crown ; it has a new army — but a damaged fleet ; it 
 has new rich people instead of the old rich people, a new peas- 
 antry working even harder than the old and yielding more taxes, 
 a new foreign policy curiously like the old foreign policy 
 disrobed, and — ^there is no Millennium. 
 
XXXVII 
 
 THE CAEEER OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE 
 
 § 1. The Bonaparte Family in Corsica. § 2. Bonaparte as 
 a, Republican General. § 3. Napoleon First Consid, 1799- 
 1804. § 4. Napoleon I. Emperor, 1804-U. § 5. The Hun- 
 dred Days. § 6. The Map of Europe in 1815. 
 
 § 1 
 
 AND now we come to one of the most illuminating figures 
 in modern history, the figure of an adventurer and a 
 wrecker, whose story seems to display with an extraor- 
 dinary vividness the universal subtle conflict of egotism, van- 
 ity, and personality with the weaker, wider claims of the com- 
 mon good. Against this background of confusion and stress 
 and hope, this strained and heaving France and Europe, this 
 stormy and tremendous dawn, appears this dark little archaic 
 personage, hard, compact, capable, unscrupulous, imitative, and 
 neatly vulgar. He was born (1769) in the still half-barbaric 
 island of Corsica, the son of a rather prosaic father, a lawyer 
 who had been first a patriotic Corsican against the French 
 monarchy which was trying to subjugate Corsica, and who had 
 then gone over to the side of the invader. His mother was 
 of sturdier stuff, passionately patriotic and a strong and man- 
 aging woman. (She birched her sons; on one occasion she 
 birched Napoleon when he was sixteen.) There were numerous 
 brothers and sisters, and the family pursued the French author- 
 ities with importunities for rewards and jobs. Except for 
 Napoleon it seems to have been a thoroughly commonplace, 
 "hungry" family. He was clever, bad-tempered, and overbear- 
 ing. From his mother he had acquired a romantic Corsican 
 patriotism. 
 
 Through the patronage of the French governor of Corsica 
 he got an education first at the military school of Brienne and 
 then at the military school of Paris, from which he passed 
 
 892 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 89S 
 
 into the artillery in 1785. He was an industrious student 
 both of mathematics and history, his memory was prodigiously 
 good, and he made copious note-books which still exist. These 
 note-books show no very exceptional intelligence, and they con- 
 tain short pieces of original composition — ^upon suicide and 
 similar adolescent topics. He fell early under the spell of 
 Rousseau ; he developed sensibility and a scorn for the corrup- 
 tions of civilization. In 1786 he wrote a pamphlet against a 
 Swiss pastor who had attacked Eousseau. It was a very ordi- 
 nary adolescent production, rhetorical and imitative. He 
 dreamt of an independent Corsica, freed from the French. 
 With the revolution, he became an ardent republican and a 
 supporter of the new French regime in Corsica. For some 
 years, until the fall of Robespierre, he remained a Jacobin. 
 
 §2 
 
 He soon gained the reputation of a useful and capable oflBcer, 
 and it was through Robespierre's younger brother that he got 
 his first chance of distinction at Toulon. Toulon had been 
 handed over to the British and Spanish by the Royalists, and 
 an allied fleet occupied its harbour. Bonaparte was given the 
 command of the artillery, and under his direction the French 
 forced the allies to abandon the port and town. 
 
 He was next appointed commander of the artillery in Italy, 
 but he had not taken up his duties when the death of Robespierre 
 seemed likely to involve his own; he was put under arrest as 
 a Jacobin, and for a time he was in danger of the guillotine. 
 That danger passed. He was employed as artillery commander 
 in an abortive raid upon Corsica, and then went to Paris (1795) 
 rather down at heel. Madame Junot in her Memoirs describes 
 his lean face and slovenly appearance at this time, "his ill- 
 combed, ill-powdered hair hanging down over his grey over- 
 coat," his gloveless hands and badly blacked boots. It was a 
 time of exhaustion and reaction after the severities of the 
 Jacobite republic. "In Paris," says Holland Rose, "the star 
 of Liberty was paling before Mercury, Mars, and Venus" 
 — finance, uniforms, and social charm. The best of the common 
 men .were in the armies, away beyond the frontiers. We have 
 already noted the last rising of the royalists in this year (1795). 
 Napoleon had the luck to be in Paris, and found his second 
 
894 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 opportunity in this affair. He saved the Kepublic — of the 
 Directory. 
 
 His abilities greatly impressed Camot, the most upright of 
 the Directors. Moreover, he married a charming young widov?, 
 Madame Josephine de Beauharnais, who had great influence 
 with Barras. Both these things probably helped him to secure 
 the command in Italy. 
 
 We have no space here for the story of his brilliant campaigns 
 in Italy (1796-97), but of the spirit in which that invasion of 
 Italy was conducted we must say a word or two, because, it 
 illustrates so vividly the double soul of France and of Napoleon, 
 and how revolutionary idealism was paling before practical 
 urgencies. He proclaimed to the Italians that the French were 
 coming to break their chains — -and they were! He wrote to 
 the Directory: "We will levy 20,000,000 francs in exactions 
 in this country ; it is one of the richest in the world." To his 
 soldiers he said, "You are famished and nearly naked. . . . 
 I lead you into the most fertile plain in the world. There you 
 will find great towns, rich provinces, honour, glory, riches. . . ." 
 
 We are all such mixed stuff as this ; in all of us the intimations 
 of a new world and a finer duty struggle to veil and control the 
 ancient greeds and lusts of our inherited past; but these pas- 
 sages, written by a young man of twenty-seven, seem to show 
 the gilt of honourable idealism rubbed off at an unusually early 
 age. These are the bribes of an adventurer who has brought 
 whatever impulse of devotion to a great cause once stirred 
 within him well under the control of his self-love. 
 
 His successes in Italy were brilliant and complete; they 
 enormously stimulated his self-confidence and his contempt for 
 the energy and ability of his fellow-creatures. He had wanted 
 to go into Italy because there lay the most attractive task — 
 he had risked his position in the army by refusing to take up 
 the irksome duties of a command against the rebels in La 
 Vendee — and there are clear signs of a vast iexpansion of his 
 vanity with his victories. He had been a great reader of 
 Plutarch's Lives and of Roman history, and his extremely ac- 
 tive but totally uncreative imagination was now busy with 
 dreams of a revival of the eastern conquests of the Eoman 
 Empire. He got the republic of Venice out of his way by cut- 
 ting it up between the French and Austria, securing the l6nian 
 islands and the Venetian fleet for France. This peace, the peace 
 
CAREEB l(M HSr ABOGLEOK! ^BONlftPARTE 896 
 
 ^«MlyldndtiiltiMikliiyt&8disfa>st!B©ub9fcBa!g^H 'BWnexi^ repuMim; 
 t)cf§Manc^-H]fesiB*ddf!iM'/thBlafaiJdG'Aoe6Jkisxaidfeireptfa?epb^ 
 ^efeiwoeiHrie(ft'iiii>p«Hirt; .tej^inatfk ebaaider^bile &Utci<y -iii 'Ex-aHuh 
 ie-aa£driiiSu3tafiaY^ot{.rSfeaietiip, lihawMoii laiob mvlQlfSbsbeftvras 
 desditiidglEii Bteeditfi dsMhiji 'EMtebweresalsb sfouebClausesiJ)^ 
 mkidd^&ilir^tsm^^nd. Au?6fi®iWB»^naie»>t6) aGS^iifidaqjpjtfii 
 (&e«eB;^fi9fcePskoi'35'^ ^«fli>litIw^&lMyt mip tkwBldv&&&ipiek'eAst'- 
 ward that, was now excitmgo2fep)loMi?i BiaMo i^Tkisi'wfraitfife 
 IfeS^ef ii@«i^5SSafiHiiCl|e8liJ3Tw^na'olf|xi-:e»fia;^]ier>Ifofitbie^^ 
 mmfiSi<i'3^^Ykl of8fei!a'8fiv€'f^:tfsttBliFJ!#alifed88'.T -.fit" aev^ uob 
 aictJfesarffeM te(5SJI^4D£§i;i'<»/Mlrae['if!i$iiPiS-a«i4rJa h:ero4ndi (jan}- 
 ^<lSgrfeiqrjSlsdAw,i9afetdto»v^uldiieS«i^ WtMtfootolE^ptctajnd 
 I^i^se-E-gJ^p«Sidfindik/Awwetoi te^liiscOaaily elbenessteaTrnj-Uy 
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 tMgf^'deeigibifijfKllpl-vto'iti'itkwiJfj^' ' aaa'ifesiiliKicapeeSvfe^l &mija?fciom 
 3ffby'^lSii®rits -;of tfaiMBe fstarrte^rhitarr iLii,tkelIftoe. o-^^^hetiw&jaM 
 ^^f% sridf^^j^ft wJaii^Bsfea^taindrJtKS BrJiliifti^giiiiiBgpiffiDaof tsro 
 i<^itfMa.vaiirfitcl!liSie1S5 -w^OBfe jfei^omtEneeilf^aipoieitarBxagg^isartfedj 
 Tt^eBe'fetoQigiif tllitorth© IfaiiidB.--aliq^'iI McfljenraeryrfEgjrpfeowiifs 
 SPpssS^ofitl&MisJjkfeaeHijiir^iJby-no'iriAiiaiaitEQhtenJpbHjM^ 
 i'alte^#'daysiu'2>rci?etatifiles«.dhsn:jp*5sua!iHd^ 
 ■#ag dpsWflbbpiifis JtaHgnoespkntfeiBfto fletelriifiigmi a^^sr A-jgilda 
 
 'gmd'^smih'J^TSfstd^ AW Baji^Sali flfieti gpdilamvetatiiA(lexandm'ai 
 J&i45a«dedTtey: tTOi(i^Br.liiHTjiBilg;fja3d -tfifc Ifcat^ejof 'tka'Bjwaiiiiiids 
 '^desMnriaiiaBtBrtGf'i^^p*!' '!! h[;/09 9II .glqojq rfDfiei"! yrfj 
 .9ig]te^a8ir)BiitffiteiBBfeat)itiialfri4iiri3B)\toBiBith®fl^^ 
 &4dfe o6WJz, Txcrtfftltei4d33fflmKliiiti7<dfefihgdiias^fojJce)o£/l^rib®lt 
 te^s/J*bH^^ffijBeHid^llftralkJM6!is®IBg-aa peaJtlias'igeQdajaFi* Hftval 
 aSFafw'^ i^wrarrilSfepclednBiiiit 1flaihigpfln,iEta'B^t^t0''iw&sf?£8itdi*Ji*- 
 g^ tte>*!Beiuih floitiilk/tiiF(birrla t»n«i;Bri©ta©iijSftM#Sit ifo ^tieit 
 fl^iimivgni^ifiiially, wiitdtesngfifaiffi^jaCjtto^ratljs^rf^Tftp^ltJafe 
 fe^nflnk ,kbaBokdKiii>niiA5bdliki?B'fe8[g.TOE'feobftft (EftiJ^* ikilsnS- 
 teaiDes ;im8Bilig^aofii!tto omejEwei^daft^ca^a^iIdii^.M&TTOeilbF^SiTbtigii 
 h0HriHrtke,ft%-H)I|Ko Heibad iB^uisbfefits^ and, JtR-s^^aifeAm^l? 
 things ta>ltsaHirityta.vlii©&sKalJowl7KaAf8fr ijiila; >fea4rfliglitfni ^J!*? 
 ffif^nltdiftidErfMlrfedAcljgiWr^-t^rpiw^ ^S,t ys,<f d-y^f^ Wfe^M 
 ll9*craMiGfeiWfem(p!»'Qiti^ todi{sQifjaMfe/iV?);b&^e;MV W?mi^g 
 ■Mrftmein afoardpt»mtiilfiii(r ■^-asiiMoHflte^tO' dpi 95([^j ^^sct^j/h^g^^ 
 struck at once — against the advice of some of hj^yicapfeiiiW. 
 
896 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 One ship only went aground. She marked the shoal for the 
 rest of the fleet. He sailed to the attack in a double line 
 about sundown, putting the French between two fires. Night 
 fell as the battle was joined; the fight thundered and crashed 
 in the darkness, until it was lit presently by the flames of 
 burning French ships, and then by the flare of the French 
 flag-ship, the Orient, blowing up. . . . Before midnight the 
 battle of the Nile was over, and Napoleon's fleet was destroyed. 
 Napoleon was cut off from France. 
 
 Says Holland Kose, quoting Thiers, this Egyptian expedi- 
 tion was "the rashest attempt history records." Napoleon was 
 left in Egypt with the Turks gathering against him and his 
 army infected with the plague. Nevertheless, with a stupid sort 
 of persistence, he went on for a time with this Eastern scheme. 
 He gained a victory at Jaffa, and, being short of provisions, 
 massacred all his prisoners. Then he tried to take Acre, where 
 his own siege artillery, just captured at sea by the English, 
 was used against him. Returning baffled to Egypt, he gained 
 a brilliant victory over a Turkish force at Aboukir, and then, 
 deserting the army of Egypt — it held on until 1801, when it 
 capitulated to a British force — made his escape back to France 
 (1799), narrowly missing capture by a British cruiser off Sicily. 
 
 Here was muddle and failure enough to discredit any gen- 
 eral — ^had it been known. But the very British cruisers which 
 came so near to catching him, helped him by preventing any 
 real understanding of the Egyptian situation from reaching 
 the French people. He could make a great flourish over the 
 battle of Aboukir and conceal the shame and loss of Acre. 
 Things were not going well with France just then. There had 
 been military failures at several points; much of Italy had 
 been lost, Bonaparte's Italy, and this turned men's minds to 
 him as the natural saviour of that situation; moreover, there 
 had been much peculation, and some of it was coming to light ; 
 France was in one of her phases of financial scandal, and Na- 
 poleon had not filched; the public was in that state of moral 
 fatigue when a strong and honest man is called for, a wonder- 
 ful, impossible healing man who will do everything for every- 
 body. People, poor lazy souls, persuaded themselves that this 
 specious young man with the hard face, so providentially back 
 from Egypt, was the strong and honest man required — another 
 Washington. 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 
 
 897 
 
 With Julius Caesar rather than Washington at the back of 
 his mind, Napoleon responded to the demand of his time. A 
 conspiracy was carefully engineered to replace the Birectory 
 by three "Consuls" — everybody seems to have been reading far 
 too much Roman history just then — of whom Napoleon was 
 to be the chief. The working of that conspiracy is too intricate 
 a story for our space; it involved a Cromwell-like dispersal of 
 the Lower House (the Council of Five Hundred), and in this 
 
 Map -to iHustraie. 
 
 catvCpaig-tsl 
 
 xoySlu 
 
 affair Napoleon lost his nerve. The deputies shouted at him 
 and hustled him, and he seems to have been very much fright- 
 ened. He nearly fainted, stuttered, and could say nothing, but 
 the situation was saved by his brother Lucien, who brought in 
 the soldiers and dispersed the council. This little hitch did not 
 affect the final success of the scheme. The three Consuls were 
 installed at the Luxembourg palace, with two commissioners, 
 to reconstruct the constitution. 
 
 With all his confidence restored and sure of the support of 
 the people, who supposed him to be honest, patriotic, repub- 
 lican, and able to bring about a good peace, Napoleon took a 
 high hand with his colleagues and the commissioners. A con- 
 stitution was produced in which the chief executive officer 
 was to be called the First Consul, with enormous, powers. 
 He was to be Napoleon ; this was part of the constitution. He 
 was to be re-elected or replaced at the end of ten years. Be waa 
 
998 
 
 KTnimE'^QJi'mmMcimmiBTcmRsiAD 
 
 badiesjcitBeoilegial^ke (^d^oimhidh <toWii5»ptg^7i)u±-)iif}ti6^.^ 
 
 ¥fndteihiii[feiife rfifkfc(4epaiBQkie!nt^^fiS?iKi TS¥i;e5Skpted;;byiifeeij'T©S^as 
 
 feilfitias bifiBth(ef)3EdHnnHn9^1'Mbx) [iwer©i''^lirt^'3ikg^jiiia9«flJffii¥Jft 
 
 voters. The suffrage for the election of the notabilities of the 
 
 commiSnl 
 
 racy i: i 
 
 the joint 
 
 one oi 
 
 Franc > 
 
 in the 
 
 when, 
 
 was St 
 
 himself in fear of himself, and search his heart and serve God 
 afidf :to]J?sttjj«tH& «ttte)^tib gJiife old70»dei!rjifJ*Mngs9iwqs;deadilE 
 (fffltif^ sfeiajfflig&^tiewiifwfces/diiov^ thraa^hdlfsnpqrUxfeeefliiHgttfdraia 
 iM ^^Mmi^i&bh^msaiiBm oBQaf:xWjrid,te^uldic-«[md:.amHidiafiriiig 
 ■«W)^r&«fei(i€P<i^i8pe4WdKn=iaftQMtiMd<^ 
 
 fhfefeiul'aMsf 5gi^*ni!MiHy ofivMoaj-iskjbjHJWfrifafbaEeataafeiaaa^i* 
 flml6]S/rjhM^A©oytoiBccessifeW'-to'^»riiijto(Msia.'teEestedi aiftbitidia^ 
 heaffi^gfet-nfean^© dmite i^cwk ioBfsqai^iB»iJnt4iatr.57(juJLd AaferioaJadiQ 
 him the very sun of history. AlliEurbj«Efmmd)i&nteiri((iafriSibiinred 
 %• 'th«i<|#gt9ffeoMsei©f fe(naeir5-af^pwa9timiaaHiin|^ £ak MTaL\'Wot 
 IffSlJiffe ,altofS.tBqFrbjQo©>iWa)sf inf hisrAabaaJpc^sidnsifonipd^qt)9i!|o gifo 
 ^fi^' ^s 4iei|pl*^Sid,9wiiiin!gji£^r ipdaieef fibi!itriealQptoeiififoi5i-H5aKillii^ 
 an'W^uiisiteirsusaMdinrnTbeife ftaokediiiisibffinDgatd tfcis; ^eatl ofeg&i 
 ^fteffiobtPfFf Jtfxmbleliihlaginfelticfairfv^Ana ffiaibii^f^hat,?/ I^fajpol^iiS 
 (KTsMp^o f«9'iin©Ke>thiitmvatE{rteui»8lti ths'>feresiStoi*iifiiSDgB€fe.tci)iiQ)Wr 
 tMn oimppi'Pimm^llihe totoipcfeeiffelidn ;ai(d»Mi^lill.iri Thepfigufl 
 hewaSles. 'mi'Msilrotyi drfione • M almostf-locredtbie^i^elfreoKfceity, ■ of 
 
CARE?^^ bT* NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 
 
 899 
 
 VWltj, ^.eM, aiid'ctt'tiiiifi^,' of callous contempt and disregard 
 Uf^ll Mtf ftliisM'-'My,'' aiid^'of a grandiose aping of Caesar, 
 -m%xmm, '&m^'Gkm%&a^emimh. would be purely comic if 
 fe4fh'ieim?6^m^&¥4^tmmm.nhlood. Until, as Victor 
 B9g[?'^s^(p4ii m^mm^^uf^^m'^dd was bored by him," 
 Mflie WF'eaike'd' a^ir#Mt^^%ffiie!^lo'^6hd his days, explain- 
 
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 i^l^Btefil ffS^^it^Mt^ilfffl^ M^dn^iMs and squab- 
 
 M'^ffi?4^1y-^raFfeutefMfei ^6Kr ^a^«ilefe% show him 
 
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 scheming Jo 
 
 
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 ^Sa^'''keMsef%Ti'fe' "it= Vilfl(^^'^di%rf ^I^diais-ft ,i»mM 
 
900 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 astonish his mother. What response was there in a head of 
 that sort for the splendid creative challenge of the time ? But 
 first France must he prosperous. Trance hungry would cer- 
 tainly not endure an emperor. He set himself to carry out an 
 old scheme of roads that Louis XV had approved ; he developed 
 canals in imitation of the English canals; he reorganized the 
 police and made the country safe ; and, preparing the scene for 
 his personal drama, he set himself to make Paris look like Home, 
 with classical arches, with classical columns. Admirable 
 schemes for banking development were available, and he made 
 use of them. In all these things he moved with the times, they 
 would have happened — ^with less autocracy, with less centraliza- 
 tion, if he had never been born. And he set himself to weaken 
 the republicans whose fundamental convictions he was planning 
 to outrage. He recalled the emigres, provided they gave satis- 
 factory assurances to respect the new regime. Many were very 
 willing to come back on such terms, and let Bourbons be by- 
 gones. And he worked out a great reconciliation, a Concordat, 
 with Eome. Rome was to support him, and he was to restore 
 the authority of Home in the parishes. France would never 
 be obedient and manageable, he thought ; she would never stand 
 a new monarchy, without religion. "How can you have order 
 in a state," he said, "without religion? Society cannot exist 
 without inequality of fortunes, which cannot endure apart from 
 religion. When one man is dying of hunger near another who 
 is ill of surfeit, he cannot resign himself to this difference, un- 
 less there is an authority which declares — 'God wills it thus: 
 there must be poor and rich in the world: but hereafter and 
 during all eternity the division of things will take place dif- 
 ferently.' " Religion — especially of the later Roman brand — 
 was, he thought, excellent stuff for keeping the common people 
 quiet. In his early Jacobin days he had denounced it for that 
 very reason. 
 
 Another great achievement which marks his imaginative 
 scope and his estimate of human nature was the institution of 
 the Legion of Honour, a scheme for decorating Frenchmen 
 with bits of ribbon which was admirably calculated to divert 
 ambitious men from subversive proceedings. 
 
 And also Napoleon interested himself in Christian propa- ■ 
 ganda. Here is the Napoleonic view of the political uses of 
 Christ, a view that has tainted all French missions from that 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 901 
 
 time forth. "It is my wish to re-estahlish the institution for 
 foreign missions; for the religious missionaries may be very 
 useful to me in Asia, Africa, and America, as I shall make 
 them reconnoitre all the lands they visit. The sanctity of their 
 dress will not only protect them, but serve to conceal their po- 
 litical and commercial investigations. The head of the mis- 
 sionary establishment shall reside no longer at Rome, but in 
 Paris." 
 
 These are the ideas of a roguish merchant rather than a 
 statesman. His treatment of education shows the same nar- 
 row vision, the same blindness to the realities of the dawn about 
 him. Elementary education he neglected almost completely; 
 he left it to the conscience of the local authorities, and he pro- 
 vided that the teachers should be paid out of the fees of the 
 scholars; it is clear he did not want the common people to be 
 educated ; he had no glimmering of any understanding why they 
 should be; but he interested himself in the provision of tech- 
 nical and higher schools because his state needed the services 
 of clever, self-seeking, well-informed men. This was an astound- 
 ing retrogression from the great scheme, drafted by Condorcet 
 for the Eepublic in 1Y92, for a complete system of free educa- 
 tion for the entire nation. Slowly but steadfastly the project 
 of Condorcet comes true; the great nations of the world are 
 being compelled to bring it nearer and nearer to realization, 
 and the cheap devices of Napoleon pass out of our interest. As 
 for the education of the mothers and wives of our race, this 
 was the quality of !N"apoleon's wisdom: "I do not think that 
 we need trouble ourselves with any plan of instruction for 
 young females, they cannot be better brought up than by their 
 mothers. Public education is not suitable for them, because 
 they are never called upon to act in public. Manners are all 
 in all to them, and marriage is all they look to." 
 
 The First Consul was no kinder to women in the Code Napo- 
 leon. A wife, for example, had no control over her own prop- 
 erty ; she was in her husband's hands. This code was the work 
 very largely of the Council of State. Napoleon seems rather 
 to have hindered than helped its deliberations. He would in- 
 vade the session without notice, and favour its members with 
 lengthy and egotistical monologues, frequently quite irrelevant 
 to the matter in hand. The Council listened with profound 
 respect; it was all the Council could do. He would keep his 
 
902 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 councillors up to unearthly hours, and betray a simple pride 
 in his superior, wakefulness. He recalled these discussions with 
 peculiar satisfaction in his later years, and remarked on one 
 occasion that his glory consisted not in having won forty battles, 
 but in having created the Code Napoleon. ... So- far as it 
 substituted plain statements for inaccessible legal mysteries his 
 Code was a good thing; it gathered together, revised, and made 
 clear a vast disorderly accumulation of laws, old and new. Like 
 all his constructive work, it made for immediate efficiency, it 
 defined things and relations so that men could get to work upon 
 them without further discussion. It was of less immediate 
 practical importance that it frequently defined them wrongly. 
 There was no intellectual power, as distinguished from intel- 
 lectual energy, behind this codification. It took everything 
 that existed for granted. ("Sa Majeste ne croit que ce qui 
 est." ^) The fundamental ideas of the civilized community 
 and of the terms of human co-operation were in process of re- 
 construction all about Napoleon — and he never perceived it, 
 He accepted a phase of change, and tried to fix it for ever. To 
 this day France is cramped by this early nineteenth-century 
 strait-waistcoat into which he clapped her. He fixed the status 
 of women, the status of labourers, the status of the peasant; 
 they all struggle to this day in the net of his hard definitions. 
 
 So briskly and forcibly Napoleon set his mind, hard, clear, 
 and narrow, to brace up France. That bracing up was only a 
 part of the large egotistical schemes that dominated him. His 
 imagination was set upon a new Csesarism. In 1802 he got 
 himself made First Consul for life with the power of appoint- 
 ing a successor, and his clear intention of annexing Holland 
 and Italy, in spite of his treaty obligations to keep them sepa- 
 rate, made the Peace of Amiens totter crazily from the very 
 beginning. Since his schemes were bound to provoke a war 
 with England, he should, at any cost, have kept quiet until he 
 had brought his navy to a superiority over the British navy. 
 He had the control of great resources for ship-building, the, 
 British government was a weak one, and three or four years 
 would have sufiiced to shift that balance. But in spite of his 
 rough experiences in Egypt, he had never mastered the im- 
 portance of sea power, and he had not the mental steadfastness 
 for, a waiting game and long preparation. In 1803 his occupa- 
 'trourgaud quoted by Holland Rose. 
 
CAREBR OFiNAPOlEON' BONi^PARTE 
 
 dOS 
 
 agfilffl %itWiEi(glanii; 'i The 1 m^& a^Min^tei4fl(l B^lwfit> gbir© 
 jpkbe • todtlW ittfeatetl Pitt; ■ ailTk'eeri^slJi of 8Di]ia^oteol»'^:f stTOyiltiitbs 
 wp&ndt3afa*Iwat£ri b i8u[ sbw ;ti i-OSI nx ; woiisoiiixrgie oldBistiBiioo 
 
 3Jhisl-^&:>qtatfe'ttB9amiVeiy iqlaiiKcfisk^iiiia> Gmm&w,oa.Tii>il!i }Mip6 
 <6(ittcu«p£el^Sii$d IjAgfeaowfli* -vafedd'Hisif »si1:jia!inamidfrth» 6p-^^ 
 iKekitiesi}i^iJr^thimilBS^nc£ us can live without an audience. 
 
 ■a:a#iti!ie iflrsbianiiJisrige ofu^to' c ilSEiDod n 
 JHsiito'cfchfefiebqlPof (Mr^daysiaife swayed 
 ontt<if^ini3ikpd^bMJtHisra'iai}d , isters. 
 successful men or wojlieprdisp ay thi 
 •sfelr^fiDrgstiffglndss.-xix'OnijJ'iouls iplift^ 
 iM'a2ajfeth'i'VwasouipMfJedl,ocamisa; of alli 
 ai'otheD'andiiBiJs'ailweithjeii'!?'"! A large 
 Napblgot 'wilo-ttte jdesitfe id ai laze, ai 
 ikindf of 'fth©'fBmfajJari(;MoKmi y, and 
 |>"rop©t(ed>ih"i9 (l9othe»& lalSicniloi] ^ly — ^r they we 
 
 kllqSdtsieaoTWiS (jpenf-'nlfiu-thedl^^Uj, „„„._k™ 
 M^tfW^'ltwasiBertbCTf'aiiagedmoM^^T i^dcM i j C ^ 
 
 Mh g^ihe'? lasffley-ifca'speiM and asls^sa^^bsp aw^"^?*? s ; he 
 la:hoSte&>-h^ri*fl mtfter^gidiBplay, to live as became the mother 
 i3iflfeo''ffit'ait«ei'i©a3ji'm imsld^Bh^kmg/JStfa&n. .jMat-ilildd ^ad Md|^ 
 who had birched the Man of Destiny at the age of sixtosiiiiAir 
 gsSnaGittgaato hB'Sigraii^isiiifflibei^'^i^a'iyaieiiifer idaswW ntOB(^eErfi&ed 
 b^t ;yiBr<ia*i ttega^eJ^fef ' (thtrtjf tw^rioIMioFiaiiKfeoaQi^Md-stofltsbit) 
 hitey fbutf she toad'^Oi ifadiomisjniShaEbpiiit iif Sii%imdak^fh^js^ 
 hei*;i siheieSMM'iiiifeilriheituetfstQmiapy^ e(MM!K)itoiES39ob'^if39eH?it.i8i^I 
 over;"-stie:8aidpff5iqHi wiM'tePaldfiofiaiajr.'BatvingsjJT .egnib^aooTq 
 >'■"!. ^ oi hoHfi'so eH .iroiaiqo imgrJil [[fi hos.uBiJsg LbiI noij'Bn 
 '>iW ;b9v.(rrt9d bfid od -^fert en b a:^-^'^'^ ^'^^ "^^ i>fo *"^^ loi ledtio 
 tod gnifitotr tol :^sbI .tr; bo-if f.H .niv/.ot baffisl: bjsrf ed bio 
 We will not detail the steps by which Napoleon -IB^gaifiJ.^ 
 
 of 'gfall h-MS'fy 'kh&btP i^a-ptfssible > Ifo ■ imagSi^9'8€yi§& J'^'Wasf ' mfe 
 Mfgietlffe ^tfet^ ]fftp6fec)n<W^srip'Myag1«BSiv)at|^tei^f©feia»iig» 
 ilap^ tfeg%fe¥c^0'¥MM'te«Sp8^r;r'il:o«ite'^g#at«E0SaW^ Bwtvia 
 M'J"^MM%#^f<mtt^6^I)aifleln-'Parigr5^Jffi&tSfjMr.(iM4tsi¥Ii^^ 
 ski! feri^lfttt^t f:^6m: ''Mome>ia'^^>i:Mm^4'&miiA^n^i^miii^ aft 
 
904 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the climax Napoleon I seized the crown, waved the Pope aside, 
 and crowned himself. The attentive reader of this OvMine 
 will know that a thousand years before this would have had 
 considerable significance; in 1804 it was just a ridiculous scene. 
 In 1806 Napoleon revived another venerable antiquity, and, 
 following still the footsteps of Charlemagne, crowned himself 
 with the iron crown of Lombardy in the cathedral of Milan. 
 All this mummery was to have a wonderful effect upon the 
 
 imagination of western Ger- 
 many, which was to remem- 
 ber that it, too, had been a 
 part, of the empire of Charle- 
 magne. 
 
 The four daughter repub- 
 lics of France were now to 
 become kingdoms; in 1806 
 he set up brother Louis in 
 Holland and brother Joseph 
 in Naples. But the story of 
 the subordinate kingdoms he 
 created in Europe, helpful 
 though this free handling of 
 frontiers was towards the 
 subsequent unification of 
 Italy and Germany, is too complex and evanescent for this 
 Outline. 
 
 The pact between the new Charlemagne and the new Leo 
 did not hold good for very long. In 1807 he began to bully the 
 Pope, and in 1811 he made him a close prisoner at Fontaine- 
 bleau. There does not seem to have been much reason in these 
 proceedings. They estranged all Catholic opinion, as his coro- 
 nation had estranged all liberal opinion. He ceased to stand 
 either for the old or the new., The new he had betrayed ; the 
 old he had failed to win. He stood at last for nothing but 
 himself. 
 
 There seems to have been as little reason in the foreign policy 
 that now plunged Europe into a fresh cycle of wars. Having 
 quarrelled with Great Britain too soon, he (1804) assembled 
 a vast army at Boulogne for the conquest of England, regard- 
 less of the naval situation. He even struck a medal and erected 
 a column at Boulogne to commemorate the triumph of this 
 
 "Hdcooieoxx. AS "BvKgeeoe 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 90S 
 
 projected invasion. In some "Napoleonic" fashion the British 
 fleet was to be decoyed away, this army of Boulogne was to be 
 smuggled across the Channel on a flotilla of rafts and boats, 
 and London was to be ciaptured before the fleet returned. At 
 the same time his aggressions in south Germany forced Austria 
 and Russia steadily into a coalition with Britain against him. 
 In 1805 two fatal blows were struck at any hope he may have 
 entertained of ultimate victory, by the British Admirals Calder 
 and ISTelson, In July the former inflicted a serious reverse upon 
 the French fleet in the Bay of Biscay; in October the latter 
 destroyed the joint fleets of France and Spain at the battle oft 
 Trafalgar. Ifelson died splendidly upon the Victory, victori- 
 ous. Thereafter Napoleon was left with Britain in pitiless; 
 opposition, unattainable and unbonquerable, able to strike here' 
 or there against him along all the coasts of Europe. 
 
 But for awhile the mortal wound of Trafalgar was hidden 
 from the French mind altogether. They heard merely that 
 "storms have caused us to lose some ships of the line after an' 
 imprudent fight." After Calder's victory he had snatched his 
 army from Boulogne, rushed it across half Europe, and de- 
 feated the Austrian and Russian armies at Ulm and Austerlitz.; 
 Under these inauspicious circumstances Prussia came into, the 
 war against him, and was utterly defeated and broken at the 
 battle of Jena (1806). Although Austria and Prussia were 
 broken, Russia was still a fighting power^ and the next year was 
 devoted to this unnecessary antagonist of the French, against 
 whom an abler and saner ruler would never have fought at all. 
 We cannot trace in any detail the difficulties of the Polish cam- 
 paign against Russia ; Napoleon was roughly handled at Pultusk 
 — ^which he announced in Paris as a brilliant victory — and 
 again at Eylau. Then the Russians were defeated at Fried- 
 land (1807). As yet he had never touched Russian soil, the 
 Russians were still as unbeaten as the British ; but now came 
 an extraordinary piece of good fortune for Napoleon. By a 
 mixture of boasting, subtlety, and flattery he won over the youn,^ 
 and ambitious Tsar, Alexander I — ^he was just thirty years old 
 — to an alliance. The two emperors met on a raft in the middle 
 of the Niemen at Tilsit, and there came to an understanding.' 
 
 This meeting was an occasion for sublime foolishness on the 
 part of both the principal actors. Alexander had imbibed much 
 liberalism during his education at the court of Catherine II, 
 
906 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and was all for freedom, education, and the new order of the 
 world — subject to his own pre-eminence. "He would gladly 
 have everyone freie," said onie of his early associates, "provided 
 that everyone was prepared to do freely exactly what he, 
 wished." And he declared that he would have abolished serf- 
 dom if it had cost him his head — if only civilization had been 
 more advanced. He made war against France, he said, be- 
 cause Napoleon was a tyrant, to free the French people. After 
 
 Friedland he saw ]!!Tapoleon 
 in a different light. These 
 two men met eleven days 
 after that rout; Alexander 
 no doubt in the state of ex- 
 planatory exaltation natural 
 to his type during a mood of 
 change. 
 
 To IN'apoleon the meeting 
 must have been extremely 
 gratifying. This was his 
 first meeting with an em- 
 peror upon terms of equality. 
 Like all men of limited 
 vision, this man was a snob 
 to the bone, his continual 
 solicitude for his titles shows as much, and here was a real 
 emperor, a born emperor, taking his three-year-old dignities as 
 equivalent to the authentic imperialism of Moscow. Two 
 imaginations soared together upon the raft at Tilsit. "What 
 is Europe?" said Alexander, "We are Europe." They dis- 
 cussed the affairs of Prussia and Austria in that spirit, they 
 divided Turkey in anticipation, they arranged for the conquest 
 of India, and indeed of most of Asia, and that Eussia should 
 take Finland from the Swedes; and they disregarded the dis- 
 agreeable fact that the greater part of the world's surface is sea, 
 and that on the seas the British fleets sailed now unchallenged. 
 Close at hand was Poland, ready to rise up and become the pas:- 
 sionate ally of France had Napoleon but willed it so. But he was 
 blind to Poland. It was a day of visions vidthout vision. 
 Napoleon even then, it seems, concealed the daring thought that 
 he might one day marry a Russian princess, a real princess. But 
 that, he was to learn in 1810, was going a little too far. 
 
 Tsav Alcaca n 3gr I. 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 907 
 
 After Tilsit there was a perceptible deterioration in !N"apo- 
 leon's quality ; he became rasher, less patient of obstacles, more 
 and more the fated master of the world, more and more intoler- 
 able to everyone he encountered. 
 
 In 1808 he committed a very serious blunder. Spain was 
 his abject ally, completely under his control, but he saw fit 
 to depose its Bourbon king in order to promote his brother 
 Joseph from the crown of the two Sicilies. Portugal he had 
 already conquered, and the two kingdoms of Spain and Portugal 
 were to be united. Thereupon the Spanish arose in a state of 
 patriotic fury, surrounded a French army at Baylen, and com- 
 pelled it to surrender. It was an astonishing break in the 
 Prench career of victory. 
 
 The British were not slow to seize the foothold this insur- 
 rection gave them. A British army under Sir Arthur Welles- 
 ley (afterwards the Duke of Wellington) landed in Portugal, 
 defeated the French at Vimiero, and compelled them to retire 
 into Spain. The news of these reverses caused a very great ex- 
 citement in Germany and Austria, and the Tsar assumed a more 
 arrogant attitude towards his ally. 
 
 There was anothra* meeting of these two potentates at Erfurt, 
 in which the Tsar was manifestly less amenable to the dazzling 
 tactics of Napoleon than he had been. Followed four years 
 of unstable "ascendancy" for France, while the outlines on the 
 map of Europe waved about like garments on a clothesline on 
 a windy day. Napoleon's personal empire grew by frank an- 
 nexations to include Holland, much of western Germany, much 
 of Italy, and much of the eastern Adriatic coast. But one by 
 one the French colonies were falling to the British, and the 
 British armies in the Spanish peninsula, with the Spanish 
 auxiliaries, slowly pressed the French northward. All Europe 
 was getting very weary of Napoleon and very indignant with 
 him ; his antagonists now were no longer merely monarchs and 
 ministers, but whole peoples also. The Prussians, after the dis- 
 aster of Jena in 1806, had set to work to put their house in 
 order. Under the leadership of Freiherr von Stein they bad 
 swept aside their feudalism, abolished privilege and serfdom, 
 organized popular education and popular patriotism, accom- 
 plished, in fact, without any internal struggle nearly everything 
 that France had achieved in 1789. By 1810 a new Prussia 
 existed, the nucleus of a new Germany. And now Alexander, 
 
908 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 inspired it would seem by dreams of world ascendancy even 
 crazier than his rival's, was posing again as the friend of lib- 
 erty. In 1810 fresh friction was created by Alexander's ob- 
 jection to Napoleon's matrimonial ambitions. For he was now 
 divorcing his old helper Josephinej because she was childless, 
 in order to secure the "continuity" of his "dynasty." Napo- 
 
 leon, thwarted of a Eussian princess, snubbed indeed by Alex- 
 ander, turned to Austria, and married the arch-duchess Marie 
 Louise. The Austrian statesmen read him aright. They were 
 very ready to throw him their princess. By that marriage 
 Napoleon was captured for the dynastic system ; he might have 
 been the maker of a new world, he preferred to be the son-in- 
 law of the old. 
 
 In the next two years this adventurer's affairs crumbled 
 apace. Nobody believed in his pretensions any more. He was 
 no longer the leader and complement of the revolution; no 
 longer the embodied spirit of a world reborn ; he was just a new 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 009 
 
 and nastier sort of autocrat. He had estranged all free-spirited 
 men, and lie had antagonized the church. Kings and Jacobins 
 ■were at one, -when it came to the question of his overthrow. 
 Only base and self-seeking people supported him, because he 
 seemed to have the secret of success. Britain -was now his 
 inveterate enemy, Spain was blazing with a spirit that surely a 
 Corsican should have understood; it needed only a breach with 
 Alexander I to set this empire of bluff and stage scenery sway- 
 ing toward its downfall. The quarrel came. Alexander's feel- 
 ings for Napoleon had .always been of a very mixed sort ; he 
 envied Napoleon as a rival, and despised him as an underbred 
 upstart. Moreover, there was a kind of vague and sentimental 
 greatness about Alexander; he was given to mystical religiosity, 
 he had the conception of a mission for Eussia and himself to 
 bring peace to Europe and the world — by destroying Napoleon. 
 In that respect he had an imaginative greatness Napoleon 
 lacked. But bringing peace to Europe seemed to him qiiite 
 compatible with the annexation of Finland, of most of Poland, 
 and of great portions of the Turkish empire. This man's mind 
 moved in a luminous fog. And particularly he wanted to re- 
 sume trading with Britain, against which Napoleon had set his 
 face. For all the trade of Germany had been dislocated and 
 the mercantile classes embittered by the Napoleonic "Con- 
 tinental System," which was to ruin Britain by excluding Brit- 
 ish goods from every country in Europe. Eussia had suffered 
 more even than Germany. 
 
 The breach came in 1811, when Alexander withdrew from 
 the "Continental System." In 1812 a great mass of armies, 
 amounting altogether to 600,000 men, began to move towards 
 Eussia under the supreme command of the new emperor. About 
 half this force was Erench ; the rest was drawn from the Erench 
 allies and subject peoples. It was a conglomerate army like the 
 army of Darius or the army of Kavadh. The Spanish war was 
 still going on; Napoleon made no attempt to end it. Alto- 
 gether, it drained away a quarter of a million men from France. 
 He fought his way across Poland and Eussia to Moscow before 
 the winter — ^for the most part the Eussian armies declined bat- 
 tle — and even before the winter closed in upon him his posi- 
 tion became manifestly dangerous. He took Moscow, expecting 
 that this would oblige Alexander to make peace. Alexander 
 would not make peace, and Napoleon found himself in much 
 
910 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the same position as Darius had been in 2,300 years before in 
 South Eussia. The Russians, still unconquered in a decisive 
 battle, raided his communications, wasted his army — disease 
 helped them; even before Napoleon reached Moscow 150,000 
 men had been lost. But he lacked the wisdom of Darius, and 
 would not retreat. The winter remained mild for an unusually 
 long time — ^he could have escaped; but instead he remained in 
 Moscow, making impossible plans, at a loss. He had been 
 marvellously lucky in all his previous flounderings; he had 
 escaped undeservedly from Egypt, he had been saved from de- 
 struction in Britain by the British naval victories,; but now 
 he was in the net again, and this time he was not to escape. 
 Perhaps he would have wintered in Moscow, but the Rus- 
 sians smoked him out; they set fire to and burnt most of the 
 city. 
 
 It was late in October, too late altogether, before he decided 
 to return. He made an ineffectual attempt to break through 
 to a fresh line of retreat to the south-west, and then turned 
 the faces of the survivors of his Grand Army towards the coun- 
 try they had devastated in their advance. Immense distances 
 separated them from any friendly territory. The winter was 
 in no hurry. For a week the Grand Army struggled through . 
 mud ; then came sharp frosts, and then the first fiakes of snow, 
 and then snow and snow. . . . 
 
 Slowly discipline dissolved. The hungry army spread itself 
 out in search of supplies until it broke up into mere bands of 
 marauders. The peasants, if only in self-defence, rose against 
 them, waylaid them, and murdered them; a cloud of light 
 cavalry — Scythians still — Shunted them dovsra. That retreat is 
 one of the great tragedies of history. 
 
 At last Napoleon and his staff and a handful of guards and 
 attendants reappeared in Germany, bringing no army with him, 
 followed only by straggling and demoralized bands. The Grand 
 Army, retreating under Murat, reached Konigsberg in a dis- 
 ciplined state, but only about a thousand strong out of six hun- 
 dred thousand. From Konigsberg Murat fell back to Posen. 
 The Prussian contingent had surrendered to the Russians; the 
 Austrians had gone homeward to the south. Everywhere scat- 
 tered fugitives, ragged, lean, and frost-bitten, spread the news 
 of the disaster. 
 
 Napoleon's magic was nearly exhausted. He did not dare to 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 911 
 
 stay with his troops in Germany; lie fled post haste to Paris. 
 He began to order new levies and gather fresh armies amidst 
 the wreckage of his world empire. Austria turned against him 
 (1813) ; all Europe was eager to rise against, this defaulting 
 trustee of freedom, this mere usurper. He had hetrayed the 
 new order; the old order he had saved and revived now de- 
 stroyed him. Prussia rose, and the German "War of Libera- 
 tion" began. Sweden joined his enemies. Later Holland re- 
 volted. Murat had rallied about 14,000 Frenchmen round his 
 disciplined nucleus in Posen, and this force retreated through , 
 Germany, as a man might retreat who had ventured into a 
 cageful of drugged lions and found that the effects of the drug 
 were evaporating. Napoleon, with fresh forces, took up the 
 chief command in the spring, won a great battle at Dresden, 
 and then for a time he seems to have gone to pieces intellectually 
 and morally. He became insanely irritable, with moods of in- 
 action. He did little or nothing to follow up the Battle of 
 Dresden. In September the "Battle of the Nations" was fought 
 round and about Leipzig, after which the Saxons, who had 
 hitherto followed his star, went over to the allies. The end of 
 the year saw the French beaten back into France. 
 
 1814 was the closing campaign. France was invaded from 
 the east and the south ; Swedes, Germans, Austrians, Russians, 
 crossed the Rhine; British and Spanish came through the 
 Pyrenees. Once more Napoleon fought brilliantly, but now 
 he fought ineffectually. The eastern armies did not so much 
 defeat him as push past him, and Paris capitulated in March. 
 A little later at Fontainebleau the emperor abdicated. 
 
 In Provence, on his way out of the country, his life was en- 
 dangered by a royalist mob. 
 
 § 5 
 
 This was the natural and proper end of Napoleon's career. 
 So this raid of an intolerable egotist across the disordered be- 
 ginnings of a new time should have closed. At last he was 
 suppressed. And had there been any real wisdom in the conduct 
 of human affairs, we should now have to tell of the concentra- 
 tion of human science and will upon the task his treacheTy 
 and vanity had interrupted, tiae task of building up a world 
 system of justice and free effort in the place of the bankrupt 
 
912 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 913 
 
 ancient order. But we have to tell of nothing of the sort. 
 Science and wisdom were conspicuously absent from the great 
 council of the Allies. Came the vague humanitarianism and 
 dreamy vanity of the Tsar Alexander, came the shaken Habsr 
 burgs of Austria, the resentful HohenzoUerns of Prussia, the 
 aristocratic traditions of Britain, still badly frightened by the 
 revolution and its conscience all awry with stolen commons and 
 sweated factory children. No peoples came to the Congress, 
 but only monarchg and foreign ministers; and though you bray, 
 a foreign office in the bloodiest of war mortars, yet will its 
 diplomatic habits not depart from it. The Congress had hardly 
 assembled before the diplomatists set to work making secret 
 bargains and treaties behind each other's backs. ITothing could 
 exceed the pompous triviality of the Congress which gathered 
 at Vienna after a magnificent ceremonial visit of the allied 
 sovereigns to London. The social side of the Congress was very 
 strong, pretty ladies abounded, there was a galaxy of stars 
 and uniforms, endless dinners and balls, a mighty flow of bright 
 anecdotes and sparkling wit. Whether the two million dead 
 men upon the battlefields laughed at the jokes, admired the 
 assemblies, and marvelled at the diplomatists is beyond our 
 knowledge. It is to be hoped their poor wraiths got something 
 out of the display. The brightest spirit of the gathering was a 
 certain Talleyrand, one of !N"apoleon's princes, a very brilliant 
 man indeed, who had been a pre-revolutionary cleric, who had 
 proposed the revolutionary confiscation of the church estates, 
 and who was now for bringing back the Bourbons. 
 
 The allies, after the fashion of Peace Congresses, frittered 
 away precious time in more and more rapacious disputes ; the 
 Bourbons returned to France. Back came all the remainder 
 of the emigres with them, eager for restitution and revenge. 
 One great egotism had been swept aside — only to reveal a crowd 
 of meaner egotists. The new king was the brother of Louis 
 XVI ; he had taken the title of Louia XVIII very eagerly so 
 soon as he learnt that his little nephew (Louia XVII) was dead 
 in the Temple. He was gouty and clumsy, not perhaps ill- 
 disposed, but the symbol of the ancient system; all that was 
 rew in Prance felt the heavy threat of Teaction that came with 
 him. This was no liberation, only a new tyranny,^ a heavy and 
 inglorious tyranny iiistead of an active and splendid one. Was 
 there no hope for France but this ? The Bourbons showed par- 
 
914 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 ticular malice against the veterans of the Grand Army, and 
 France was now full of returned prisoners of war, who found 
 themselves under a cloud. IsTapoleon had been packed off to a 
 little consolation empire of his own, upon the island of Elba. 
 He was still to he called Emperor and keep a certain state. 
 The chivalry or whim of Alexander had insisted upon- this 
 treatment of his fallen rival. The Habsburgs, who had toadied 
 to his success, had taken away his Habsburg empress — ^she went 
 willingly enough — ^to Vienna, and he never saw her again. 
 
 After eleven months at Elba Napoleon judged that France 
 had had enough of the Bourbons; he contrived to evade the 
 British ships that watched his island, and reappeared at Cannes 
 in France for his last gamble against fate. His progress to 
 Paris was a triumphal procession; he walked on white Bour- 
 bon cockades. For a hundred days, "the Hundred Days," he 
 was master of France again. 
 
 His return created a perplexing position for any honest 
 Frenchman, On the one hand there was this adventurer who 
 had betrayed the republic; on the other the dull weight of old 
 kingship restored. The allies would not hear of any further 
 experiments in republicanism; it was the Bourbons or Napo- 
 leon. Is it any wonder that on the whole France was with 
 Napoleon ? And he came back professing to be a changed man ; 
 there was to be no more despotism ; he would respect the con- 
 stitutional regime. . . . 
 
 He gathered an army, he made some attempts at peace with 
 the allies; when he found these efforts ineffectual,,. he struck 
 swiftly at the British, Dutch, and Prussians in Belgium, hopin^j 
 to defeat them before the Austrians and Eussians could come 
 •up. He did very nearly manage this. He beat the Prussians 
 at Ligny, but not sufficiently; and then he was hopelessly de- 
 feated by the tenacity of the British under Wellington at 
 Waterloo (1815), the Prussians, under Bliicher, coming in on 
 his right flank as the day wore on. Waterloo ended in a rout ; 
 it left Napoleon without support and without hope. France 
 fell away from him again. Everyone who had joined him was 
 eager now to attack him, and so efface that error. A pro- 
 visional government in Paris ordered him to leave the country ; 
 was for giving him twenty-four hours to do it in. 
 
 He tried to get to America, but Eochefort, which he reached, 
 was watched by British cruisers. France, now disillusioned 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 015 
 
 and xmcomfortatly royalist again, was hot in pursuit of tim. 
 He went aboard a Britisli frigate, the BellerophoUj asking to 
 te received as a refugee, tut being treated as a prisoner. He 
 was taken to Plymouth, and from Plymouth straight to the 
 lonely tropical island of St. Helena. 
 
 There he remained until his death from cancer in 1821, 
 devoting himself chiefly to the preparation of his memoirs, 
 which were designed to exhibit the chief events of his life in a 
 misleading and attractive light and to minimise his worst blun- 
 ders. One or two of the men with him recorded his conversa- 
 tions and set down their impressions of him. 
 
 These works had a great vogue in France and Europe. The 
 Holy Alliance of the monarchs of Russia, Austria, and Prussia 
 (to which other monarchs were invited to adhere) laboured 
 under the delusion that in defeating !Kapoleon they had defeated 
 the Eevolution, turned back the clock of fate, and restored 
 Grand Monarchy — on a sanctified basis for evermore. The 
 cardinal document of the scheme of the Holy Alliance is said 
 to have been drawn up under the inspiration of the Baroness 
 von Eriidener, who seems to have been a sort of spiritual direc- 
 tor to the Russian emperor. It opened, "In the name of the 
 ICost Holy and Indivisible Trinity," and it bound the partici- 
 pating monarchs "regarding themselves towards their subjects 
 and armies as fathers of families," and "considering each other 
 as fellow-countrymen," to sustain each other, protect true 
 religion, and urge their subjects to strengthen and exercise 
 themselves in Christian duties. Christ, it was declared, was 
 the real king of all Christian peoples, a very Merovingian king, 
 one may remark, with these reigning sovereigns as his mayors 
 of the palace. The British king had no power to sign this docu- 
 ment, the pope and the sultan were not asked; the rest of the 
 European monarchs, including the king of France, adhered. 
 But the king of Poland did not sign because there was no king 
 in Poland; Alexander, in a mood of pious abstraction, was 
 sitting on the greater part of Poland. The Holy Alliance never 
 became an actual legal alliance of states ; it gave place to a real 
 league of nations, the Concert of Europe, which France joined 
 in 1818, and from which Britain withdrew in 1822. 
 
 There followed a period of peace and dull oppression in 
 Europe over which Alexander brooded in attitudes of ortho- 
 doxy, piety, and unquenchable self-satisfaction. Many people 
 
910 THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 in those hopeless days were disposed to regard even Napoleon 
 •with charity, and to accept his claim that in some inexplicahle 
 way he had, in asserting himself, heen asserting the revolution 
 and France. A cult of him as of something mystically heroic 
 grew up after his death. 
 
 § 6 
 
 For nearly forty years the idea of the Holy Alliance, the 
 Concert of Europe which arose out of it, and the series of 
 congresses and conferences that succeeded the concert, kept an 
 insecure peace in war-exhausted Europe, Two main things 
 prevented that period from being a complete social and inter- 
 national peace, and prepared the way for the cycle of wars 
 between 1854 and 1871. The first of these was the tendency 
 of the royal courts concerned, towards the restoration of unfair 
 privilege and interference with freedom of thought and writing 
 and teaching. The second was the impossible system of 
 boundaries drawn by the diplomatists of Vienna. 
 
 The obstinate disposition of monarchy to march back towards 
 paflt conditiong was first and most particularly manifest in 
 Spain. Here even the Inquisition was restored. Across the 
 Atlantic the Spanish colonies had followed the example of the 
 •United States and revolted against the European Great Power 
 system, when Napoleon set up his brother Joseph upon the 
 Spanish throne in 1810. The Washington of South America 
 was General Bolivar. . Spain was unable to suppress this revolt, 
 it dragged on much as the United States War of Independence 
 had dragged on, and at last the suggestion was made by Austria 
 in accordance with the spirit of the Holy Alliance, that the 
 European monarchs should assist Spain in this struggle. This 
 was opposed by Britain in Europe, but it was the prompt action 
 of President Monroe of the United States in 1823 whicJi con- 
 clusively warned off this projected monarchist restoration. He 
 announced that the United States would regard any extension 
 of the European system in the Western Hemisphere as a hostile 
 act. Thus arose the Monroe Doctrine, which has kept the Great 
 Power system out of America for nearly a hundred years, and 
 permitted the new states of Spanish America to work out their 
 destinies along their own lines. But if Spanish monarchism 
 lost its colonies, it could at least, under the protection of the 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPA&TE 917 
 
 Concert of Europe, do wliat it chose in. Europe. A popular in- 
 surrection in Spain' was crushed hj a French army in 1823, 
 ■with a mandate from a European congress, and simultaneously 
 Austria suppressed a revolution in ISTaples. The moving spirit 
 in this conspiracy of governments against peoples was the Aus- 
 trian statesman, Mettemieh. 
 
 In 1824 Louis XVIII died, and was succeeded by that Count 
 d'Artois whom we have seen hovering ag an emigr6 on the 
 French frontiers in 1Y89 ; he toolc the title of Charles X. 
 Charles set himself to destroy the liberty of the press and uni- 
 versities, and to restore absolute government; the sum of a 
 billion francs was voted to compensate the nobles for the chateau 
 burnings and sequestrations of 1789. In 1830 Paris rose 
 against this embodiment of the ancient regime, and replaced 
 him by the son of that sinister Philip, Duke of Orleans, whose 
 execution was one of the brightest achievements of the Terror*. 
 The other continental monarchies, in face of the open approval 
 of the revolution by Great Britain and a strong liberal ferment 
 in Germany and Austria, did not interfere in this affair. After 
 all, France was still a monarchy. This young man, Xouis 
 Philippe (1830-48), remained the constitutional king of France 
 for eighteen years. He went down in 1848, a very eventful 
 year for Europe, of which we shall tell in the next chapter. 
 
 Such were the uneasy swayings of the peace of the Congress 
 of Vienna, which were provoked by the reactionary proceedings 
 to which, sooner or later, all monarchist courts seem by their 
 very nature to gravitate. The stresses that arose from the un- 
 scientific map-making of the diplomatists gathered force more 
 deliberately, but they were even more dangerous to the peace of 
 mankind. It is extraordinarily inconvenient to administer to- 
 gether tie affairs of peoples speaking different languages and 
 so reading different literatures and having different general 
 ideas, especially if those differences are exacerbated by religious 
 disputes. Only some strong mutual interest, such as the com- 
 mon defensive needs of the Swiss mountaineers, can justify a 
 close linking of peoples of dissimilar languages and faiths ; and 
 even in Switzerland there is the utmost local autonomy. TJlti-' 
 mately, when the Great Power tradition is certainly dead and 
 buried, those Swiss populations may gravitate towards their 
 natural affinities in Germany, France, and Italy. When, as in 
 Macedonia, populations are mixed in a patchwork of villages 
 
918 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and districts, tlie cantonal system is imperatively needed. But 
 if the reader will look at tlie map of Europe as the Congress 
 of Vienna drew it, he will see that this gathering seems almost 
 as if it had planned the maximum of local exasperation. It 
 destroyed the Dutch Republic, quite needlessly, it lumped to- 
 gether the Protestant Dutch with the French-speaking Catholics 
 
 \ lA.^ — ^ zszr^FTTS^ri — c 1\ 
 
 Vx 
 
 tctinzL — ■ 
 
 "yPAIT-I 
 
 Bouiu3aiy of tJte GerTnan. 
 Conf cdcraiian. t^^^m^m^ 
 
 of the old Spanish (Austrian) Netherlands, and set up a king- 
 dom of the Netherlands. It handed over not merely the old 
 republic of Venice, but all of North Italy as far as Milan to 
 the German-speaking Austrians. French-speaking Savoy it 
 combined with pieces of Italy to restore the kingdom of Sar- 
 dinia. Austria and Hungary, already a sufficiently explosive 
 mixture of discordant nationalities, Germans, Hungarians, 
 Czecho-Slovaks, Jugo-Slavs, Eumanians, and now Italians, was 
 made still more impossible by confirming Austria's Polish 
 acquisitions of 1772 and 1795. The Polish people, being catho- 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 919 
 
 lie and republican-spirited, were chiefly given over to the less 
 civilized rule of the Greek-orthodox Tsar, but important dis- 
 tricts went to Protestant Prussia. The Tsar was also confirmed 
 in his acquisition of the entirely alien Finns. The very dis- 
 similar Norwegian and Swedish peoples were bound together 
 under one king. Germany, the reader will see, was left in a 
 particularly dangerous state of muddle. Prussia and Austria 
 were both partly in and partly out of a German confederation, 
 which included a multitude of minor states. The King of Den- 
 mark came into the German confederation by virtue of certain 
 German-speaking possessions in Holstein. Luxembourg was in- 
 cluded in the German Confederation, though its ruler was also 
 king of the JSTetherlands, and though many of its peoples talked 
 French. Here was a crazy tangle, an outrage on the common 
 sense of mankind, a preposterous disregard of the fact that the 
 people who talk German and base their ideas on German litera- 
 ture, the people who talk Italian and base their ideas on Italian 
 literature, and the people who talk Polish and base their ideas 
 on Polish Jiterature, will all be far better off and most helpful 
 and least obnoxious to the rest of mankind if they conduct their 
 own affairs in their ovsna idiom within the ring-fence of their own 
 speech. Is it any wonder that one of the most popular songs in 
 Germany during this period declared that wherever the Ger- 
 man tongue was spoken, there was the German Fatherland ? 
 
 Even to-day men are still reluctant to recognize that areas 
 of government are not matters for the bargaining and interplay 
 of tsars and kings and foreign offices. There is a naiural arid 
 necessary political map of the world which transcends these 
 things. There is a test way possible of dividing any part of 
 the world into administrative areas, and a best possible kind of 
 government for every area, having regard to the speech and 
 race of its inhabitants, and it is the common concern of all men 
 of intelligence to secure those divisions and establish those 
 forms of government quite irrespective of diplomacies and flags, 
 "claims" and melodramatic "loyalties" and the existing po- 
 litical map of the world. The natural political map of thie 
 world insists upon itself. It heaves and frets beneath 
 the artificial political map like some misfitted giant. In 
 1830 French-speakng Belgium, stirred up by the current 
 revolution in France, revolted against its Dutch association in 
 the kingdom of the Netherlands. The Powers, terrified at the 
 
.920 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 possibility of a republic and of annexation to France, hurried 
 in to pacify this situation, and gave the Belgians a monarch 
 from that rich breeding-ground of monarchs, Germany, Leopold 
 .1 of Saxe-Ooburg Gotha. There were also ineffectual revolts 
 in Italy and Germany in 1830, and a much more serious one 
 in Russian Poland. A republican government held out in War- 
 saw for a year against Nicholas I (who succeeded Alexander 
 in 1825), and was then stamped out of existence with great 
 violence and cruelty. The Polish language was banned, and 
 the Greek Orthodox church was substituted for the Roman 
 Catholic as the State religion. . . . 
 
 An outbreak of the natural political map of the world, which 
 occurred in 1821, ultimately secured the support of England, 
 France, and Russia. This was the insurrection of the Greeks 
 against the Turks. For six years they fought a desperate war, 
 while the governments of Europe looked on. Liberal opinion 
 protested against this inactivity; volunteers from every Euro- 
 pean country joined the insurgents, and at last Britain,. France, 
 and Russia took joint action. The Turkish fleet was destroyed 
 .by the French and English at the Battle of !N"avariho (1827), 
 .and the Tsar invaded Turkey. By the treaty of Adrianople 
 ,(1829) Greece was declared free, but she was not permitted 
 to resume her ancient republican traditions. There is a sort 
 of historical indecency in a Greek monarchy. But a Greek 
 republic would have been dangerous to all monarchy in a Europe 
 that fretted under the ideas of the Holy Alliance. A German 
 king was .found for Greece, one Prince Otto of Bavaria, slightly 
 demented, but quite royal — ^he gave way to delusions about his 
 divine right, and was ejected in 1862— and Christian governors 
 were set up in the Danubian provinces (which are now Ru- 
 mania) and Serbia (a part of the Jugo-Slav region). 
 This was a partial concession to the natural political map, but 
 much blood had still to run before the Turk was altogether 
 expelled from these lands. 
 
 A little later the natural political map was to assert itself in 
 Italy and Germany. 
 
CAREER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 921 
 
xxxvin 
 
 THE REALITIES AND IMAGINATIONS OF THE 
 NINETEENTH CENTUEY 
 
 § 1. The Mechanical Revolution. § 2. Relation of the Me- 
 chanical to the Industrial Revolution. § 3. The Fermenta- 
 tion of Ideas, 18^8. § 4. The Development of the Idea of 
 Socialism^ § 5. Shortcomings of Socialism as a Scheme of 
 Human Society. § 6. How Darwinism Affected Religious 
 and Political Ideas. § 7. The Idea of Nationalism. § 8. 
 Europe Between 1848 and 1878. § 9. The (Second) 
 Scravfible for Overseas Empires. § 10, The Indian Prece- 
 dent in Asia- § 11. The History of Japan. § 12. Close of 
 the Period of Overseas Expansion. § 13. The British Em- 
 pire in 1914. 
 
 § 1 
 
 THE career and personality of Napoleon I bulks dispro- 
 portionately in the nineteenth century histories. He 
 "was of little significance to the broad onward movement 
 of human affairs ; he was an interruption, a reminder of latent 
 evils, a thing like the bacterium of some pestilence. Even 
 regarded as a pestilence, he was not of supreme rank ; he killed 
 far fewer people than the influenza epidemic of 1918, and pro- 
 duced less political and social disruption than the plague of 
 Justinian. Some such interlude had to happen, and some such 
 patched-up settlement of Europe as the Concert of Europe, be^ 
 cause there was no worked-out system of ideas upon which a new 
 world could be constructed. And even the Concert of Europe 
 had in it an element of progress. It did at least set aside the 
 individualism of Machiavellian monarchy and declare that there 
 was a human or at any rate a European commonweal. If it 
 divided the world among the kings, it made respectful gestures 
 towards human unity and the service of God and man. 
 
 922 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 923 
 
 The permanently effective task before mankind which had 
 to he done before any new and enduring social and political 
 edifice was possible, the task upon which the human intelli- 
 gence is, with many interruptions and amidst much anger and 
 turmoil, still engaged, was, and is, the task of working out and 
 applying a Science of Property as a basis for freedom and 
 social justice, a Science of Currency to ensure and pre- 
 serve an efficient economic medium, a Science of Gov- 
 ernment and Collective Operations whereby in every community 
 men may learn to pursue their common interests in har- 
 mony, a Science of World Politics, through which the stark 
 waste and cruelty of warfare between races, peoples, and nations 
 may be brought to an end and the common interests of mankind 
 brought under a common control, and, above all, a world-wide 
 System of Education to sustain the will and interest of men 
 in their common human adventure. The real makers of history 
 in the nineteenth century, the people whose consequences will 
 be determining human life a century ahead, were those who 
 advanced and contributed to this fivefold constructive effort. 
 Compared to them, the foreign ministers and "statesmen" and 
 politicians of this period were no more than a number of 
 troublesome and occasionally incendiary schoolboys — and a few 
 metal thieves — playing about and doing transitory mischief 
 amidst the accumulating materials upon the site of a great build- 
 ing whose nature they did not understand. 
 
 And while throughout the nineteenth century the mind of 
 Western civilization, which the Renascence had released, 
 gathered itself to the task of creative social and political re- 
 construction that still lies before it, there swept across the world 
 a wave of universal change in human power and the material 
 conditions of life that the first scientific efforts of that liberated 
 mind had made possible. The prophecies of Eoger Bacon began 
 to live in reality. The accumulating knowledge and confidence 
 of the little succession of men who had been carrying on the 
 development of science, now began to bear fruit that common 
 men could understand. The most obvious firstfruit was the 
 steam-engine. The first steam-engines in the eighteenth century 
 were pumping engines used to keep water out of the newly 
 opened coal mines. These coal mines were being worked to 
 supply coke for iron smelting, for which wood-charcoal had pre- 
 viously been employed. It was James Watt, a mathematical , 
 
934 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 instrument maker of Glasgow, who improved this steam-pump- 
 ing engine and made it available for the driving of machinery. 
 The first engine so employed was installed in a cotton mill in 
 Nottingham in 1785. In 1804 Trevithick adapted the "Watt 
 engine to tralispbrt, and made the first locomotive. In 1825 
 the first railway, between Stockton and Darlington, was opened 
 for traffic. The original engine (locomotive No. 1, 1825) still 
 adorns Darlington platform. By the middle of the century a 
 network of railways had spread all over Europe. 
 
 Here was a sudden change in what had long been a fixed 
 condition of human life, the maximuln rate of land transport. 
 After the Russian disaster, Napoleon travelled from near Vilna 
 to Paris in 312 hours. This was a journey of about 1,400 
 miles. He was travelling with every conceivable advantage, and 
 he averaged under five miles an hour. An ordinary traveller 
 could not have done this distance in twice the time. These 
 were about the same maximum rates of travel as held good be- 
 tween Eome and Gaul in the first century a.d., or between 
 Sardis and Susa in the fourth century b.c. Then suddenly 
 came a tremendous change. The railways reduced this journey 
 for any ordinary traveller to less than forty-eight hours. That 
 is to say, they reduced the chief European distances to about a 
 tenth of what they had been. They made it possible to carry 
 out administrative work in areas ten times as great as any that 
 had hitherto been workable under one administration. The full 
 significance of that possibility in Europe still remains to be 
 realized. Europe is still netted in boundaries drawn in the 
 horse and road era. In America the effects were immediate. 
 To the United States of America, sprawling westward, it meant 
 the possibility of a continuous access to Washington, however 
 far the frontier travelled across the continent. It meant unity, 
 sustained on a scale that would otherwise have been impossible. 
 
 The steamboat was, if anything, a little ahead of the steam- 
 engine in its earlier phases. There was a steamboat, the Char- 
 lotte Dundas, on the Firth of Clyde Canal in 1802, and in 1807 
 an American named Fulton had a paying steamer. The Cler- 
 mont, with British-built engines, upon the Hudson river above 
 New York. The first steamship to put to sea was also an 
 American, the Phmnix, which went from New York (Hoboken) 
 to Philadelphia. So, too, was the first Ship using steam (she 
 also had sails) to cross the Atlantic, the Swvanndh (1819). All 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 02£, 
 
 these were paddle-wheel boats, and paddle-wheel boata are not 
 adapted to work in heavy seas. The paddles smash too easily, 
 and the boat is then disabled. The screw steamship followed 
 rather slowly. Many difficulties had to be surmounted before 
 the screw was a practicable thing. Not until the middle of the 
 century did the tonnage of steamships upon the sea begin to 
 overhaul that of sailing-ships. After that the evolution in sea 
 transport was rapid. For the first time men began to cross 
 the seas and oceans with some certainty as to the date of their 
 arrival. The transatlantic crossing, which had been an uncer- 
 tain adventure of several weeks — ^which might stretch to months 
 — ^was accelerated, until in 1910 it was brought down, in the 
 case of the fastest boats, to under five days, with a practically 
 notifiable hour of arrival. All over the oceans there was the 
 same reduction in the time and the same increase in the cer 
 tainty of human communications. 
 
 Concurrently with the development of steam transport upon 
 land and sea a new and striking addition to the facilities of 
 human intercourse arose out of the investigations of Volta, 
 Galvani, and Faraday into various electrical phenomena. The 
 electric telegraph came into existence in 1835. The first under^ 
 seas cable was laid in 1851 between France and England. In 
 a few years the telegraph system had spread over the civilized 
 world, and news which had hitherto travelled slowly from 
 point to point became practically simultaneous throughout the 
 earth. 
 
 These things, the steam railway and the electrio telegraph, 
 were to the popular imagination of the middle nineteenth cen- 
 tury the most striking and revolutionary of inventions, but they 
 were only the most conspicuous and clumsy firstfruits of a far 
 more extensive process. Technical knowledge and skill were 
 developing with an extraordinary rapidity, and to an extraordi- 
 nary extent measured by the progress of any previous age. Far 
 less conspicuous at first in everyday life, but finally far more 
 important, was the extension of man's power over various struc- 
 tural materials. Before the middle of the eighteenth century 
 iron was reduced from its ores by means of wood-charcoal, was 
 handled in small pieces, and hammered and wrought into shape. 
 It was material for a craftsman. Quality and treatment were 
 enormously dependent upon the experience and sagacity of 
 the individual iron worker. The largest masses of iron that 
 
926 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 could be dealt with under those conditions amounted at most 
 (in the sixteenth century) to two or three tons. (There was a 
 very definite upward limit, therefore, to the size of cannon.) 
 The blast furnace arose in the eighteenth century, and developed ■ 
 with the use of coke. I^ot before the eighteenth century do we 
 find rolled sheet iron (1728) and rolled rods and bars (1783). 
 Nasmyth's steam hammer came as late as 18'36. The ancient 
 world, because of its metallurgical inferiority, could not use 
 steam. The steam-engine, even the primitive pumping engine, 
 could not develop before sheet iron was available. The early 
 engines seem to the modern eye very pitiful and clumsy bits 
 or ironmongery, but they were the utmost that the metallurgical 
 science of the time could do. As late as 1856 came the Bessemer 
 process, and presently (1864) the open-hearth process, in which 
 steel and every sort of iron could be melted, purified, and cast 
 in a manner and upon a scale hitherto unheard of. To-day in 
 the electric furnace one may see tons of incandescent steel 
 swirling about like boiling milk in a saucepan. Nothing in 
 the previous practical advances of mankind is comparable in 
 its consequences to the complete mastery over enormous masses 
 of steel and iron and over their texture and quality which man 
 has now achieved. The railways and early engines of all sorts 
 were the mere first triumphs of the new metallurgical methods. 
 Presently came ships of iron and steel, vast bridges, and a new 
 way of building with steel upon a gigantic scale. Men realized 
 too late that they had planned their railways with far too timid 
 a gauge, that they could have organized their travelling with 
 far more steadiness and comfort upon a much bigger scale. 
 
 Before the nineteenth century there were no ships in the 
 world much over 2,000 tons burthen ; now there is nothing won- 
 derful about a 50,000-ton liner. There are people who sneer 
 at this kind of progress as being a progress in "mere size," but 
 that sort of sneering merely marks the intellectual limitations 
 of those who indulge in it. The great ship or the steel-frame 
 building is not, as they imagine, a magnified version of the 
 small ship or building of the past ; it is a thing different in kind, 
 more lightly and strongly built, of finer and stronger materials ; 
 instead of being a thing of precedent and rule-of-thumb, it is a 
 thing of subtle and intricate calculation. In the old house or 
 ship, matter was dominant — ^the material and its needs had to 
 be slavishly obeyed; in the new, matter has been captured, 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 927 
 
 changed, coerced. Think of the coal and iron and sand dragged 
 out of the banks and pits, wrenched, wrought, molten, and cast, 
 to be flung at last, a slender, glittering pinnacle of steel and 
 glass, six hundred feet above the crowded city ! 
 
 We have given these particulars of the advance in man's 
 knowledge of the metallurgy of steel and its results by way 
 of illustration. A parallel story could be told of the metallurgy 
 of copper and tin, and of a multitude of metals, nickel and 
 aluminium to name but two, unknown before the ninteenth cen- 
 tury davmed. It is in this great and growing mastery over 
 substances, over different sorts of glass, over rocks and plasters 
 and the like, over colours and textures, that the main triumphs 
 of the mechanical revolution have thus far been achieved. Yet 
 we are still in the stage of the firstfruits in the matter. "We 
 have the power, but we have still to learn how to use our power. 
 Many of the first employments of these gifts of science have 
 been vulgar, tawdry, stupid, or horrible. The artist and the 
 adaptor have still hardly begun to work with the endless variety 
 of substances now at their disposal. 
 
 Parallel with this extension of mechanical possibilities the 
 new science of electricity grew up. It was only in the eighties 
 of the nineteenth century that this body of inquiry began to 
 yield results to impress the vulgar mind. Then suddenly came 
 electric light and electric traction, and the transmutation of 
 forces, the possibility of sending power, that could be changed 
 into mechanical motion or light or heat as one chose, along a 
 copper wire, as water is sent along a pipe, began to come through 
 to the ideas of ordinary people. ... 
 
 The British and the French were at first the leading peoples' 
 in this great proliferation of knowledge ; but presently the Ger- 
 mans, who had learnt humility under Napoleon, showed such 
 zeal and pertinacity in scientific inquiry as to overhaul these 
 leaders. British science was largely the creation of Englishmen 
 and Scotchmen ^ working outside the ordiiaary centres of 
 erudition.^ We have told how in England the universities after 
 
 'But note Boyle and Sir Wm. Hamilton as conspicuous scientific men 
 who were Irishmen. 
 
 'It is worth noting that nearly all the great inventors in England dur- 
 ing the eighteenth century were working men, that inventions proceeded 
 from the workshop, and not from the laboratory. It is also worth noting 
 that only two of these inventors accumulated fortunes and founded 
 families. — E. B. 
 
928 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the reformation ceased to have a wide popular appeal, how they 
 became the educational preserve of the nobility and gentry, and 
 the strongholds of the established church. A pompous and un- 
 intelligent classical pretentiousness dominated them, and they 
 dominated the schools of the middle ; and .upper classes. The 
 only knowledge recognized was an uncritical textual knowledge 
 of a selection of Latin and Greek classics, and the test of a good 
 style was its abundance of quotations, allusions, and stereotyped 
 expressions. The early development of British science went on, 
 therefore, in spite of the formal educational organization, and 
 in the teeth of the bitter hostility of the teaching and clerical 
 professions. French education, too, was dominated by the clas- 
 sical tradition of the Jesuits, and consequently it was not diffi- 
 cult for the Germans to organize a body of investigators, small 
 indeed in relation to the possibilities of the case, but large in 
 proportion to the little band of British and French inventors 
 and experimentalists. And though this work of research and 
 experiment was making Britain and France the most rich and 
 powerful countries in the world, it was not making scientific 
 and inventive men rich and powerful. There is a necessary un- 
 worldliness about a sincere scientific man ; he is too preoccupied 
 with his research to plan and scheme how to make money out of 
 it. The economic exploitation of his discoveries falls very easily 
 and naturally, therefore, into the hands of a more acquisitive 
 type ; and so we find that the crops of rich men which every 
 fresh phase of scientific and technical progress has produced in 
 Great Britain,' though they have not displayed quite the same 
 passionate desire to insult and kill the goose that laid the na- 
 tional golden eggs as the scholastic and clerical professions, 
 have been quite content to let that profitable creature starve. 
 Inventors and discoverers came by nature, they thought, for 
 cleverer people to profit by. 
 
 In this matter the Germans were a little wiser. The Ger- 
 man "learned" did not display the same vehement hatred of 
 the new learning. They permitted its development. The 
 German business man and manufacturer again had not quite 
 the same contempt for the man of science as had his British, 
 competitor. Knowledge, these Germans believed, might be a 
 cultivated crop, responsive to fertilizers. They did concede, 
 therefore, a certain amount of opportunity to the scientific mind ; 
 their public expenditure on scientific work was relatively 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 929 
 
 greater, and this expenditure was abundantly rewarded. By 
 the latter half of the nineteenth century the German scientific 
 worker had made German a necessary language for every sci- 
 ence student who wished to keep abreast with the latest work 
 in his department, and in certain branches, and particularly in 
 chemistry, Germany acquired a very great superiority over her 
 western neighbours. The scientific effort of the sixties and 
 seventies in Germany began to tell after the eighties, and the 
 Germans gained steadily upon Britain and France in technical 
 and industrial prosperity. 
 
 In an Outline of History such as this it is impossible to 
 trace the network of complex mental processes that led to the 
 incessant extension of knowledge and power that is now going 
 on ; all we can do here is to call the reader's attention to the 
 most salient turning-points that finally led the toboggan of 
 human affairs into its present swift ice-run of progress. We 
 have told of the first release of human curiosity and of the be- 
 ginnings of systematic inquiry and experiment. "We have told, 
 too, how, when the plutocratic Koman Systran and its resultant 
 imperialism had come and gone again, this process of inquiry 
 was renewed. We have told of the escape of investigation from 
 ideas of secrecy and personal advantage to the idea of publica- 
 tion and a brotherhood of knowledge, and we have noted the 
 foundation of the British Eoyal Society, the Florentine Society, 
 and their like as a consequence of this socializing of thought 
 These things were the roots of the mechanical revolution, and 
 so long as the root of pure scientific inquiry lives, that revolu- 
 tion will progress. The mechanical revolution itself began, 
 we may say, with the exhaustion of the wood supply for the 
 ironworks of England. This led to the use of coal, the coal 
 mine led to the simple pumping engine, the development of the 
 pumping engine by Watt into a machine-driving engine led on 
 to the locomotive and the steamship. This was the first phase 
 of a great expansion in the use of steam. A second phase in 
 the mechanical revolution began with the application of elec- 
 trical science to practical problems and the development of elec- 
 tric lighting, power transmission, and traction, 
 
 A third phase is to be distinguished when in the eighties a 
 new type of engine came into use, an engine in which the ex- 
 pansive force of an explosive mixture replaced the expansive 
 force of steam. The light, highly efiicient engines that were 
 
930 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 thus made possible were applied to the automobile, and de- 
 veloped at last to reach such a pitch of lightness and efficiency 
 as to render flight — ^long known to be possible^ — a practical 
 achievement. A successful flying-machine — but not a machine 
 large enough to take up a human body — was made by Professor 
 Langley of the Smithsonian Institute of WasMngton as early 
 as 1897. By 1909 the aeroplane was available for human loco- 
 motion. There had seemed to be a pause in the increase of 
 human speed with the perfection of railways and automobile 
 road traction, but with the flying machine came fresh reductions 
 in tbe effective distance between one point of the earth's surface 
 and another. In the eighteenth century the distance from Lon- 
 don to Edinburgh was an eight days' journey; in 1918 the 
 Britisb Civil Air Transport Commission reported that the jour- 
 ney from London to Melbourne, half-way round the earth, would 
 probably, in a few years' time, be accomplished in that same 
 period of eight days. 
 
 Too much stress must not be laid upon these striking reduc- 
 tions in the time distances of one place from another. They 
 are merely one aspect of a much profounder and more mo- 
 mentous enlargement of human possibility. The science of 
 agriculture and agricultural chemistry, for instance, made quite 
 parallel advances during the nineteenth century. Men learnt 
 so to fertilize the soil as to produce quadruple and quintuple 
 the crops got from the same area in the seventeenth century. 
 There was a still more extraordinary advance in medical sci- 
 ence; the average duration of life rose, the daily efficiency 
 increased, the waste of life through ill-health diminished. 
 
 Now here altogether we have such a change in human life as 
 to constitute a fresh phase of history. In a little more than 
 a century this mechanical revolution has been brought about. 
 In that time man made a stride in the material conditions of 
 his life vaster than he had done during the whole long interval 
 between the palaeolithic stage and the age of cultivation, or 
 between the days of Pepi in Egypt and those of George III. 
 A new gigantic material framework for human affairs has come 
 into existence. Clearly it demands great readjustments of our 
 social, economical, and political methods. But these readjust- 
 ments have necessarily waited upon the development of the 
 mechanical revolution, and they are still only in their opening 
 stage to-day. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 931 
 
 § 2 
 
 There is a tendency in many histories to confuse together 
 what we have here called the mechanical revolution, which was 
 an entirely new thing in human experience arising out of the 
 development, of organized science, a new step like the invention 
 of agriculture or the discovery of metals, with something else, 
 quite different in its origins, something for which there was 
 already an historical precedent, the social and financial develop- 
 ment which is called the industrial revolution. The two proc- 
 esses were going on together, they were constantly reacting upon 
 each other, but they were in root and essence different. There 
 would have been an industrial revolution of sorts if there had 
 been no coal, no steam, no machinery ; but in that case it would 
 probably have followed far more closely upon the lines of the 
 social and financial developments of the later years of the 
 Eoman republic. It would have repeated the story of dis- 
 possessed free cultivators, gang labour, great estates, great finan- 
 cial fortunes, and a socially destructive financial process. 
 Even the factory method came before power and machin- 
 ery. Factories were the product not of machinery, but 
 of the "division of labour." Drilled and sweated workers were 
 making such things as millinery, cardboard boxes and furniture, 
 and colouring maps and book illustrations, and so forth, before 
 even water-wheels had been used for industrial processes. There 
 were factories in Rome in the days of Augustus. iN'ew books, 
 for instance, were dictated to rows of copyists in the factories 
 of the book-sellers. The attentive student of Defoe and of the 
 political pamphlets of Fielding will realize that the idea of 
 herding poor people into establishments to work collectively for 
 their living was already current in Britain before the close of 
 the seventeenth century. There are intimations of it even as 
 early as More's Utopia (1516). It was a social and not a 
 mechanical development. 
 
 Up to past the middle of the eighteenth century the social 
 and economic history of western Europe was in fact retreading 
 the path along which the Eoman State had gone in the three 
 last centuries b.c. America was in many ways a new Spain, 
 and India and China a new Egypt. But the political disunions 
 of Europe, the political convulsions against monarchy, the rei- 
 calcitrance of the common folk and perhaps also the greater 
 
882 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 accessibility of the westerii European intelligence to mechanical 
 ideas and inventions, turned the process into quite novel direc- 
 tions. Ideas of human solidarity, thanks to Christianity, were 
 far more widely diffused in this newer European world, political 
 power was not so concentrated, and the man of energy anxious 
 to get rich turned his mind, therefore, very willingly from the 
 ideas of the slave and of gang labour to the idea of mechanical 
 power and the machine. 
 
 The mechanical revolution, the process of mechanical inven- 
 tion and discovery, was a new thing in human experience, and 
 it went on regardless of the social, political, economic, and in- 
 dustrial consequences it might produce. The industrial revolu- 
 tion, on the other hand, like most other human affairs, was and 
 is more and more profoundly changed and deflected by the con- 
 stant variation in human conditions caused by the mechanical 
 revolution. And the essential difference between the amassing 
 of riches, the extinction of small farmers and small business 
 men and the phase of big finance in the latter centuries of the 
 Roman Republic on the one hand, and the very similar con- 
 centration of capital in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 
 on the other, lies in the profound difference in the character of 
 labour that the mechanical revolution was bringing about The 
 power of the old world was human power ; everything depended 
 ultimately upon the driving power of human muscle, the muscle 
 of ignorant and subjugated men. A little animal muscle, sup- 
 plied by draft oxen, horse traction, and the like, contributed. 
 "Where a weight had to be lifted, men lifted it; where a rock 
 had to be quarried, men chipped it out; where a field had to 
 be ploughed, men and oxen ploughed it ; the Roman equivalent 
 of the steamship was the galley with its banks of sweating 
 rowers. A vast proportion of mankind in the early civilizations 
 was employed in purely mechanical drudgery. At its onset, 
 power-driven machinery did not seem to promise any release 
 from such unintelligent toil. Great gangs of men were em- 
 ployed in excavating canals, in making railway cuttings and 
 embankments, and the like. The number of miners increased 
 enormously. But the extension of facilities and the output of 
 commodities increased much more. And as the nineteenth cen- 
 tury went on, the plain logic of the new situation asserted itself 
 more clearly. Human beings were no longer wanted as a source 
 of mere indiscriminated power. What could be done mechani- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 988 
 
 cally by a human being could be done faster and better by a 
 machine. The human being was needed now only where choice 
 and intelligence had to be exercised. Human beings were 
 wanted only as human beings. The drudge, on whom all the 
 previous civilizations had rested, the creature of mere obedi- 
 ence, the man whose brains were superfluous, had become un- 
 necessary to the welfare of mankind. 
 
 This was as true of such ancient industries as agriculture 
 and mining as it was of the newest metallurgica,l processes. For 
 ploughing, sowing, and harvesting, swift machines came for- 
 ward to do the work of scores of men.^ The Roman civiliza- 
 tion was built upon cheap and degraded human beings ; modern 
 civilization is being rebuilt upon cheap mechanical power. For 
 a hundred years power has been getting cheaper and labour 
 dearer. If for a generation or so machinery has had to wait 
 its turn in the mine, it is simply because for a time men were 
 cheaper than machinery.* 
 
 Ifow here was a change-over of quite primary importance in 
 human affairs. The chief solicitude of the rich and of the 
 ruler in the old civilization had been to keep up a supply of 
 drudges. As the nineteenth century went on, it became more 
 and more plain to the intelligent directive people that the 
 common man had now to be something better than a drudge. 
 He had to be educated — if only to secure "industrial efficiency." 
 He had to understand what he was about. From the days of 
 the first Christian propaganda, popular education had been 
 smouldering in Europe, just as it has smouldered in Asia wher- 
 ever Islam has set its foot, because of the necessity of making 
 the believer understand a little of the belief by which he is 
 saved, and of enabling him to read a little in the sacred books 
 by which his belief is conveyed. Christian controversies, with 
 their competition for adherents, ploughed the ground for the 
 harvest of popular education. In England, for instance, by 
 the thirties and forties of the nineteenth century, the disputes 
 of the sects and the necessity of catching adherents young had 
 produced an abundance of night schools, Sunday schools, and a 
 series of competing educational organizations for children, the 
 
 'Here America led the old world. 
 
 'In Northumberland and Durham in the early days of coal mining they 
 were so cheaply esteemed that it was unusual to hold inquests on the 
 bodies of men killed in mine disasters. 
 
934 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 dissenting British schools, the church National Schools, and 
 even Roman Catholic elementary schools. The earlier, less 
 enlightened manufacturers, unable to take a broad view of their 
 own interests, hated and opposed these schools. But here again 
 needy Germany led her richer neighbours. The religious 
 teacher in Brit^,in presently found the profit-seeker at his side, 
 unexpectedly eager to get the commonalty, if not educated, at 
 least "trained" to a higher level of economic efficiency. 
 
 The second half of the nineteenth century was a period of 
 rapid advance in popular education throughout all the West- 
 ernized world. There was no parallel advance in the education 
 of the upper classes, some advance no doubt, but nothing to 
 correspond, and so the great gulf that had divided that world 
 hitherto into the readers and the non-reading; mass became little 
 more than a slightly perceptible difference in educational level. 
 At the back of this process was the mechanical revolution, ap- 
 parently regardless of social conditions, but really insisting 
 inexorably upon the complete abolition of a totally illiterate 
 class throughout the world. 
 
 The economic revolution of the Roman republic had never 
 been clearly apprehended by the common people of Rome. The 
 ordinary Roman citizen never saw the changes through which 
 he lived, clearly and comprehensively as we see them. But the 
 industrial revolution, as it went on towards the end of the nine- 
 teenth century, was more and more distinctly seen as one whole 
 process by the common people it was affecting, because presently 
 they could read and discuss and communicate, and btecause they 
 went about and saw things as no commonalty had ever done 
 before. 
 
 In this Oidline of History we have been careful to indicate 
 the gradual appearance of the ordinary people as a class with a 
 will and ideas in common. It is the writer's belief that massive 
 movements of the "ordinary people" over considerable areas 
 only became possible as a result of the propagandist religions, 
 Christianity and Islam, and their insistence upon individual 
 self-respect. We have cited the enthusiasm of the commonalty 
 for the First Crusade as marking a new phase in social history. 
 But before the nineteenth century even these massive movements 
 were comparatively restricted. The equalitarian insurrections 
 of the peasantry, from the Wycliffe period onward, were confined 
 to the peasant communities of definite localities, they spread 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 935 
 
 oiily slowly into districts affected by similar forces. The town 
 artisan rioted indeed, but only locally. The chateau-burning of 
 the French revolution was not the act of a peasantry who had 
 overthrown a government, it was the act of a peasantry released 
 by the overthrow of a government. The Commune, of Paris was 
 the first effective appearance of the town artisan as a political 
 power, and the Parisian crowd of the First Eevolution was a 
 very mixed, primitive-thinking, and savage crowd compared with 
 any Western European crowd after 1830. 
 
 But the mechanical revolution was not only pressing educa- 
 tion upon the whole population, it was leading to a big-capital- 
 ism and to a large-scale reorganization of industry that was to 
 produce a new and distinctive system of ideas in the common 
 people in the place of the mere uncomfortable recalcitrance and 
 elemental rebellions of an illiterate commonalty. We have al- 
 ready noted how the industrial revolution had split the manu- 
 facturing class, which had hitherto been a middling and various 
 sort of class, into two sections, the employers, who became rich 
 enough to mingle with the financial, merchandizing, and land- 
 owning classes, and the employees, who drifted to a status closer 
 and closer to that of mere gang and agricultural labour. As the 
 manufacturing employee sank, the agricultural labourer, by the 
 introduction of agricultural machinery and the increase in his 
 individual productivity, rose. By the middle of the nineteenth 
 century, Karl Marx (1818-83), a German Jew of great schol- 
 arly attainments, who did much of his work in the British 
 Museum library in London, was pointing out that the organ- 
 ization of the working classes by the steadily concentrating group 
 of capitalist owners, was developing a new social classification 
 to replace the more complex class systems of the past. Prop- 
 erty, so far as it was power, was being gathered together into 
 relatively few hands, the hands of the big rich men, the capitalist 
 class ; while there was a great mingling of workers with little or 
 no property, whom he called the "expropriated," or "prole- 
 tariat" — a misuse of this word — ^who were bound to develop a 
 common "class consciousness" of the conflict of their interests 
 with those of the rich men. Differences of education and tradi- 
 tion between the various old«r social elements which were in 
 process of being fused up into the new class of the expropriated, 
 seemed for a time to contradict this sweeping generalization; 
 the traditions of the professions, the small employers, the farmer 
 
936 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 peasant and the like were all different from one another and 
 from the various craftsman traditions of the workers ; hut with 
 the spread of education and the cheapening of literature, this 
 "Marxian" generalization hecomes now more and more accept- 
 able. These classes, who were linked at first by nothing but a 
 common impoverishment, were and are being reduced or raised 
 to the same standard of life, forced to read the same books and 
 share the same inconveniences. A sense of solidarity between 
 all sorts of poor and propertyless men, as against the profit- 
 amassing and wealth-concentrating class, is growing more and 
 more evident in our world. Old differences fade away, the dif- 
 ference between craftsman and open-air worker, between black 
 coat and overall, between poor clergyman and elementary school- 
 master, between policeman and bus-driver. They must all buy 
 the same cheap furnishings and live in similar cheap houses ; 
 their sons and daughters will all mingle and marry ; success at 
 the upper levels becomes more and more hopeless for the rank 
 and file. Marx, who did not so much advocate the class-war, 
 the war of the expropriated mass against the appropriating few, 
 as foretell it, is being more and more justified by events.^ 
 
 § 3 
 
 To trace any broad outlines in the fermentation of ideas 
 that went on during the mechanical and industrial revolution 
 of the nineteenth century is a very difficult task. But we must 
 attempt it if we are to link what has gone before in this history 
 with the condition of our world to-day. 
 
 It will be convenient to distinguish two main periods in the 
 hundred years between 1814 and 1914. First came the period 
 1814-48, in which there was a very considerable amount of 
 liberal thinking and writing in limited circles, but during which 
 there were no great changes or development of thought in the 
 general mass of the people. Throughout this period the world's 
 
 •It is sometimes argued against Marx that the proportion of people 
 who have savings invested has increased in many modern communities. 
 These savings are technically "capital" and their owners "capitalists" to 
 that extent, and this is supposed to contradict the statement of Marx 
 that property concentrates into few and fewer hands. Marx used many 
 of his terms carelessly and chose them ill, and his ideas were better than 
 his words. When he wrote property he meant "property so far as it is 
 power." The small investor has remarkably little power over his in- 
 vested capital. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 987 
 
 affairs were living, so to speak, on their old intellectual capital, 
 they were going on in accordance with the leading ideas of the 
 Revolution and the counter-revolution. The dominant liberal 
 ideas were freedom and a certain vague equalitarianism ; the 
 conservative ideas were monarchy, organized religion, social 
 privilege, and obedience. 
 
 Until 1848 the spirit of the Holy Alliance, the spirit of 
 Mettemich, struggled to prevent a revival of the European revo- 
 lution that IlTapoleon had betrayed and set back. In America, 
 both North and South, on the other hand, the revolution had 
 triumphed and nineteenth-century liberalism ruled unchallenged. 
 Britain was an uneasy country, never quite loyally reactionary 
 nor quite loyally progressive, neither truly monarchist nor truly 
 republican, the land of Cromwell and also of the Merry Mon- 
 arch, Charles; anti- Austrian, anti-Bourbon, anti-papal, yet 
 weakly repressive. We have told of the first series of liberal 
 storms in Europe in and about the year 1830 ; in Britain in 1832 
 a Reform Bill, greatly extending the franchise and restoring 
 something of its representative character to the House of Com- 
 mons, relieved the situation. Round and about 1848 came a 
 second and much more serious system of outbreaks, that over- 
 threw the Orleans monarchy and established a second Republic 
 in France (1848-52), raised North Italy and Hungary against 
 Austria, and the Poles in Posen against the Germans, and 
 sent the Pope in flight from the republicans of Rome. A very 
 interesting Pan-Slavic conference held at Prague foreshadowed 
 many of the territorial readjustments of 1919. It dispersed 
 after an insurrection at Prague had been suppressed by Aus- 
 trian troops. 
 
 Ultimately all these insurrections failed^- the current system 
 staggered, but kept its feet. There were no doubt serious social 
 discontents beneath these revolts, but as yet, except in the case 
 of Paris, these had no very clear form ; and this 1848 storm, so 
 far as the rest of Europe was concerned, may be best described, 
 in a phrase, as a revolt of the natural political map against 
 the artificial arrangements of the Vienna diplomatists, and the 
 system of suppressions those arrangements entailed. 
 
 The history of Europe, then, from 1815 to 1848 was, gen- 
 erally speaking, a sequel to the history of Europe from 1789 to 
 1814. There were no really new motifs in the composition. 
 The main trouble was still the struggle, though often a blind 
 
9S8 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and misdirected struggle, of the interests of ordinary men 
 against the Great Power system which cramped and oppressed 
 the life of mankind. 
 
 But after 1848, from 1848 to 1914, though the readjust- 
 ment of the map still went on towards a free and unified Italy 
 and a unified Germany, there began a fresh phase in, the process 
 of mental and political adaptation to the new knowledge and 
 the new material powers of mankind. Came a great irruption 
 of new social,, religious, and political ideas into the general 
 European mind. In the next three sections we will consider 
 the origin and quality of these irruptions. They laid the 
 foundations upon which we base our political thought to-day, 
 but for a long time they had no very great effect on contempo' 
 rary politics. Contemporary politics continued: to run on in 
 the old lines, but with a steadily diminishing support in the 
 intellectual convictions and consciences of men. We have al- 
 ready described the way in which a strong intellectual process 
 undermined the system of Grand Monarchy in France before 
 1789. A similar undermining process was going, on throughout 
 Europe during the Great Power period of 1848-1914. Pro- 
 found doubts of the system of government and of the liberties 
 of many forms of property in the economic system spread 
 throughout the social body. Then, came the greatest and most 
 disorganizing war in history, so that it is still impossible to 
 estimate the power and range of the accumulated new ideas 
 of those sixtyrsix years. We have been through a greater 
 catastrophe even than the Napoleonic catastrophe, and we are 
 in a slack-water period, corresponding to the period 1815-30. 
 Our 1830 and our 1848. are still to come and show us where 
 we stand. 
 
 §4 
 
 We have traced throughout this history the gradual restric- 
 tion of the idea of property from the first unlimited claim of 
 the strong man to possess everything- and the gradual realiza- 
 tion of brotherhood as something transcending personal self- 
 seeking. Men were first subjugated into more than tribal 
 societies by the fear of monarch and deity. It is only within 
 the last three or at most four thousand years that we have any 
 clear evidence that voluntary self-abandonment to some greater 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 939 
 
 end, -without fee or reward, was an acceptable idea to men, 
 or that anyone had propounded it. Then we find spreading 
 over the surface of human affairs, as patches of sunshine spread 
 and pass over the hillsides upon a windy day in spring, the idea 
 that there is a happiness in self-devotion greater than any per- 
 sonal gratification or triumph, and a life of mankind different 
 and greater and more important than the sum of all the in- 
 dividual lives within it. We have seen that idea become vivid 
 as a beacon, vivid as sunshine caught and reflected dazzlingly by 
 some window in the landscape, in the teachings of Buddha, Lao 
 Tse, and, most clearly of all, of Jesus of Nazareth. Through 
 all its variations and corruptions Christianity has never com- 
 pletely lost the suggestion of a devotion to God's commonweal 
 that makes the personal pomps of monarchs and rulers seem 
 like the insolence of an overdressed servant and the splendours 
 and gratifications of wealth like the waste of robbers. No man 
 living in a community which such a religion as Christianity or 
 Islam has touched can be altogether a slave ; there is an ineradi- 
 cable quality in these religions that compels men to judge their 
 masters and to realize their own responsibility for the world. 
 As men have felt their way towards this new state of mind 
 from the fierce self-centred greed and instinctive combative- 
 ness of the early palaeolithic family group, they have sought 
 to express the drift of their thoughts and necessities very vari- 
 ously. They have found themselves in disagreement and con- 
 flict with old-established ideas, and there has been a natural 
 tendency to contradict these ideas flatly, to fly over to the abso- 
 lute contrary. Faced by a world in which rule and classes and 
 order seem to do little but give opportunity for personal self- 
 ishness and unrighteous oppression, the first impatient move- 
 ment was to declare for a universal equality and a practical 
 anarchy. Faced by a world in which property seemed little 
 more than a protection for selfishness and a method of enslave- 
 ment, it was as natural to repudiate all property. Our history 
 shows an increasing impulse to revolt against rulers and against 
 ■ ownership. We have traced it in the middle ages burning the 
 rich man's chateaux and experimenting in theocracy and com- 
 munism. In the French revolutions this double revolt is clear 
 and plain. In France we find side by side, inspired by the 
 same spirit and as natural parts of the same revolutionary 
 movement, men who, with their eyes on the ruler's taxes, de- 
 
940 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 clared that property should be inviolable, and others who, with 
 their eyes on the employer's hard bargains, declared that prop- 
 erty should be abolished. But what they are really revolting 
 against in each case is that the ruler and the employer, instead 
 of becoming servants of the community, still remain, like most 
 of mankind, self-seeking, oppressive individuals. 
 
 Throughout the ages we find this belief growing in men's 
 minds that there can be such a rearrangement of laws and pow- 
 ers as to give rule and order while still restraining the egotism 
 of any ruler and of any ruling class that may be necessary, and 
 such a definition of property as will give freedom without 
 oppressive power. We begin to realize nowadays that these ends 
 are only to be attained by a complex constructive effort; they 
 arise through the conflict of new human needs against, igno- 
 rance and old human nature; but throughout the nineteenth 
 century there was a persistent disposition to solve the problem 
 by some simple formula. (And be happy ever afterwards, re- 
 gardless of the fact that all human life, all life, is throughout 
 the ages nothing but the continuing solution of a continuous 
 synthetic problem.) 
 
 The earlier half of the nineteenth century saw a number of 
 experiments in the formation of trial human societies of a new 
 kind. Among the most important historically were the experi- 
 ments and ideas of Robert Owen (1771-1858), a Manchester 
 cotton-spinner. He is very generally regarded as the founder 
 of modem Socialism ; it was in connection with his work that 
 the word "socialism" first arose (about 1835). 
 
 He seems to have been a thoroughly competent business man ; 
 he made a number of innovations in the cotton-spinning indus- 
 try, and acquired a fair fortune at an early age. He was dis- 
 tressed by the waste of human possibilities among his workers, 
 and he set himself to improve. their condition and the relations 
 of employer and employed; This he sought to do first at his 
 Manchester factory and afterwards at New Lanark, where he 
 found himself in practical control of works employing about 
 two thousand people. Between 1800 and 1828 he achieved 
 very considerable things : he reduced the hours of labour, made 
 his factory sanitary and agreeable, abolished the employment 
 of very young children^ improved the training of his workers, 
 provided unemployment pay during a period of trade depres- 
 sion, established a system of schoolsi and made New Lanark 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 941 
 
 a model of better industrialism, while at the same time sus- 
 taining its commercial prosperity. He wrote vigorously to 
 defend the mass of mankind against the charges of intemperance 
 and improvidence which were held to justify the economic in- 
 iquities of the time. He held that men and women are largely 
 the product of their educational environment, a thesis that 
 needs no advocacy to-day. And he set himself to a propaganda 
 of the views that New Lanark had justified. He attacked the 
 selfish idolence of his fellow manufacturers, and in 1819, largely 
 under his urgency, the first Factory Act was passed, the first 
 attempt to restrain employers from taking the most stupid and 
 intolerable advantages of their workers' poyerty. Some of the 
 restrictions of that Act amaze us to-day. It seems incredible 
 now that it should ever have been necessary to protect little 
 children of nine ( !) from work in factories, or to limit the 
 nominal working day of such employees to twelve hours! 
 
 People are perhaps too apt* to write of the industrial revolu- 
 tion as though it led to the enslavement and overworking of 
 poor children who had hitherto been happy and free. But this 
 misinterprets history. From the very beginnings of civiliza- 
 tion the little children of the poor had always been obliged to 
 do whatever work they could do. But the factory system gath- 
 ered up all this infantile toil and made it systematic, conspic- 
 uous, and scandalous. The factory system challenged the quick- 
 ening human conscience on that issue. The British Factory 
 Act of 1819, weak and feeble though it seems to us, was the 
 Magna Carta of childhood ; thereafter the protection of the chil- 
 dren of the poor, first from toil and then from bodily starvation 
 and ignorance, began. 
 
 We cannot tellhere in any detail the full story of Owen's 
 life and thought. His work at New Lanark had been, he felt, 
 only a trial, upon a small working model. What could be done 
 for one industrial community could be done, he held, for every 
 industrial community in the country; he advocated a resettle- 
 ment of the industrial population in townships on the New 
 Lanark plan. For a time he seemed to have captured the imag- 
 ination of the world. The Times and Morning Post supported 
 his proposals; among the visitors io New Lanark was the 
 Grand Duke Nicholas who succeeded Alexander I as Tsar; 
 a fast friend was the Duke of Kent, son of George III and 
 father of Queen Victoria. But all the haters of change and 
 
943 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 all — and there are always many such — ^who were jealous of 
 the poor, and all the employers who were likely to be, troubled 
 by his projects, were waiting for an excuse to counterTattaqk 
 him, and they found it in the expression of his religious opin- 
 ions, which were hostile to official Christianity, and through 
 those he was successfully discredited. But he continued to 
 develop his projects and experiments, of which the chief .was 
 a community at New Harmony in Indiana (U.S.A.), in which 
 he sank most of his capital. His partners bought him out 
 of the New Lanark business in 1828. , 
 
 Owen's experiments and suggestions ranged very widely, and 
 do not fall under any single formula. There was nothing -doc- 
 trinaire about him. His New Lanark experiment, was the first 
 of a number of "benevolent, businesses" in the world; Lord 
 Leverhulme's Port Sunlight, the Cadburys' Bournville, and the 
 Ford businesses in America are contemporary instances ; it was 
 not really a socialist experimenl; at all; it was a "paternal" 
 experiment. But his proposals for state settlements were what 
 we should call state socialism to-day. His American experi- 
 ment and his later Writings point to a completer form of social- 
 ism, a much wider departure from the existing; state of affairs. 
 It is clear that the riddle of currency exercised Owen. He 
 understood that we can no more hope for real economic justice 
 while we pay for work with money of fluctuating value than 
 we could hope for a punctual world if there was a continual 
 inconstant variability in the length of an hour. One of his 
 experiments was an attempt at a circulation of labour notes rep- 
 resenting one ho.ur, five hours, or twenty hours of work. The 
 co-operative societies of to-day, societies of poor men which 
 combine fpr the collective buying and distribution of conimodi- 
 ties or f or collective manufacture or dairying or other forms of 
 agriculture, arose directly, out of his initiatives, though the 
 pioneer co-operative societies of his own time ended in failure. 
 Their successors have spread throughout the whole world, and 
 number to-day some thirty or forty million of adherents. 
 
 A point to note about: this early socialism of Owen's is- that 
 it was not at first at all "democratic." Its initiative was benevo- 
 lent, its early form patriarchal ; it was something up to which 
 the workers were to be educated by liberally disposed employ^ 
 ers and, leaders. The first socialism was not a worker's move- 
 ment ; it was a master's movement. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 943 
 
 Concurrently with this work of Owen's, another and quite' 
 independent series of developments was going on in America 
 and Britain which was destined to come at last into reaction 
 with his socialistic ideas. The English law had long prohib- 
 ited combinations in restraint of txade, combinations to raise 
 prices or wages by concerted action. There had been no great 
 hardship in these prohibitions before the agrarian and indus- 
 trial changes of the eighteenth century let loose a great swarm 
 of workers living from hand to mouth and competing for in- 
 sufficient employment. Under these new conditions, the workers 
 in many industries found themselves intolerably squeezed. They 
 were played off one against another ; day by day and hour by 
 hour none knew what concession his fellow might not have 
 made, and what further reduction of pay or increase of toil 
 might not ensue. It became vitally necessary for the workers to 
 make agreements — illegal though they were — against such un- 
 derselling. At first these agreements had to be made and sus- 
 tained by secret societies. Or clubs, established ostensibly for 
 quite other purposes, social clubs, funeral societies, and the like, 
 served to mask the wage-protecting combination. The fact that 
 these associations were illegal disposed them to violence; they 
 were savage against "blacklegs" and "rats" who would not join 
 them, and still more savage with traitors. In 1824 the House 
 of Commons recognized the desirability of relieving tension in 
 these matters by conceding the right of workmen to form com- 
 binations for "collective bargaining" with the masters. This 
 enabled Trade Unions to develop with a large measure of free- 
 dom. At first very clumsy and primitive organizations and 
 with very restricted freedoms, the Trade Unions have risen 
 gradually to be a real Fourth Estate in the country, a great 
 system of bodies representing the mass of industrial workers. 
 
 Arising at first in Britain and America, they have, with 
 various national modifications, and under varying legal condi- 
 tions, spread to FrancCj Germany, and all the westernized 
 communities. 
 
 Organized originally to sustain wages and restrict intolerable 
 hours, the Trade Union movement was at first something alto- 
 gether distinct from socialism. The Trade Unionist tried to 
 make the best for himself of the existing capitalism and the ex- 
 isting conditions of employment ; the socialist proposed to change 
 the system. It was the imagination and generalizing power of 
 
944 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Karl Marx wMcL brought these two movements into relation- 
 ship. He was a man with the sense of history very strong in 
 him ; he was the first to perceive that the old social classes that 
 had endured since the beginning of civilization were in process 
 of dissolution and regrouping. His racial Jewish commercial- 
 ism made the antagonism of property and labour very plain to 
 him. And his upbringing in Germany — where, as we have 
 pointed out^ the tendency of class to harden into caste was more 
 evident than in any other European country — made him con- 
 'ceive of labour as presently becoming "class conscious" and 
 collectively antagonistic to the property-concentrating classes. 
 In the Trade Union movement which was spreading over the 
 world, he believed he saw this development of class-conscious 
 labour. 
 
 What, he asked, would be the outcome of the "class war" of 
 the capitalist and proletariat? The capitalist adventurers, he 
 alleged, .because of their inherent greed and combativeness, 
 would gather power over capital into fewer and fewer hands, 
 until at last they would concentrate all the means of production, 
 transit, and the like into a form seizable by the workers, whose 
 class consciousness and solidarity would be developed pari passu 
 by the process of organizing and concentrating industry. They 
 would seize this capital and work it for themselves. This 
 would be the social revolution. Then individual property and 
 freedom would be restored, based upon the common ownership 
 of the earth and the management by the community as a whole 
 of the great productive services which the private capitalist 
 had organized and concentrated. This would be the end of the 
 "capitalist" system, but not the end of the system of capitalism. 
 State capitalism would replace private owner capitalism. 
 
 This marks a great stride away from the socialism of Owen. 
 Owen (like Plato) looked to the common sense of men of any 
 or every class to reorganize the casual and faulty political, 
 economic, and social structure. Marx found something more 
 in the nature of a driving force in his class hostility based 
 on expropriation and injustice. And he was not simply a 
 prophetic theorist ; he was also a propagandist of the revolt of 
 labour, the revolt of the so-called "proletariat." Labour, he 
 perceived, had a common interest against the capitalist every- 
 where, though under the test of the Great Power wars of the 
 time, and particularly of the liberation of Italy, he showed that 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 945 
 
 he failed to grasp the fact that labour everywhere has a common 
 interest in the peace of the world. But with the social revolution 
 in view he did succeed in inspiring the formation of an inter- 
 national league of workers, the First International. 
 
 The subsequent history of socialism is chequered between the 
 British'tradition of Owen and the German class feeling of Marx. 
 What is called Fabian Socialism, the exposition of socialism 
 by the London Fabian Society, makes its appeal to reasonable 
 men of all classes. What are called "Eevisionists" in German 
 Socialism incline in the same direction. But on the whole, it 
 is Marx who has carried the day against Owen, and the gen- 
 eral disposition of socialists throughout the world is to look 
 to the organization of labour and labour only to supply the 
 fighting forces that will disentangle the political and economic or- 
 ganization of human affairs from the hands of the more or less 
 irresponsible private owners and adventurers who now con- 
 trol it. 
 
 These are the broad features of the project which is called 
 Socialism. We will discuss its incompletenesses and inade- 
 quacies in our next section. It was perhaps inevitable that 
 socialism shbuld be greatly distraught and subdivided by doubts 
 and disputes and sects and schools; they are growth symptoms 
 like the spots on a youth's face. Here we can but glance at 
 the difference between state socialism, which would run the 
 economic business of the country through its political govem- 
 nient, and the newer schools of syndicalism and guild socialism 
 which would entrust a large measure in the government of each 
 industry to the workers of every grade — including the directors 
 and managers — engaged in that industry. This "guild social- 
 ism" is really a new sort of capitalism with a committee of 
 workers and officials in each industry taking the place of the 
 free private capitalists of that industry. The personnel becomes 
 the collective capitalist. 'Not can we discuss the undemocratic 
 idea of the Russian leader. Lenin, that a population cannot 
 judge of socialism before it has experienced it, and that a group 
 of socialists are therefore justified in seizing and socializing, 
 if they ean, the life of a country without at first setting up any 
 democratic form of general government at all, for which, sort 
 .of seizure he uses the Marxian phrase, a very imcompetent 
 'phrase, the "dictatorship of the proletariat." 
 
 All Eussia now is a. huge experiment in that dictatorship. 
 
946 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The i "proletariat" is supposed to he dictating the government 
 of' Russia through committees of workmen and soldiers, the 
 Soviets, hut as a matter of fact these Soviets have little or no 
 real directive power. They assemble in meetings so big as 
 to be practically mass meetings, and the utmost they can do is 
 to give a general assent to the proceedings of the government. 
 The Petersburg Soviet, which the writer visited in September, 
 1920, was a mass meeting of over three thousand people, in- 
 capable of any detailed criticism or direction of the Bolshevik 
 government.^ 
 
 § 5 
 
 We are all socialists nowadays, said Sir William Harcourt 
 years ago, and that is loosely true to-day. There can be few 
 people who fail to realize the provisional nature and the dan- 
 gerous instability of our present political and economic system, 
 and still fewer who believe with the doctrinaire individualists 
 that profit-hunting "go as you please" will guide mankind to 
 any haven of prosperity and happiness. Great rearrangenaents 
 are necessary, and a systematic legal subordination of personal 
 self-seeking to the public good. So far most reasonable men are 
 socialists. But these are only preliminary propositions. How 
 far has socialism and modern thought generally gone towards 
 working out the conception of this new political and social order, 
 of which our world admittedly stands in need ? We are obliged 
 to answer that there is no clear conception of the new state to- 
 wards which we vaguely struggle, that our science of htiman 
 relationships is still so crude and speculative as to leave us with- 
 out definite guidance upon a score of primarily important issues. 
 In 1920 we are no more in a position to set up a scientifically 
 conceived political system in the world than were men to set 
 up an electric power station in 1820. They could not have done 
 that then to save their lives. 
 
 The Marxist system points us to an accumulation of revolu- 
 tionary forces in the modem world. These forces will continu- 
 ally tend towards revolution. But Marx assumed too hastily 
 that a revolutionary impulse would necessarily produce an 
 ordered state of a new and better kind. A revolution may stop 
 half-way in mere destruction. No socialist sect has yet defined 
 
 * Wells, Russia in the Shadows, 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 947 
 
 its projected government clearly ; tke Bolsheviks in their Rus- 
 sian experiment seem to have been gxiided by a phrase, the dic- 
 tatorship of the proletariat, and in practice, we are told, Trotsky 
 and Lenin have proved as autocratic as the less intelligent but 
 equally v?ell-meaning Tsar, Alexander I. We have been at 
 some pains to show from our brief study of the French revolu- 
 tion that a revolution can establish nothing permanent that 
 has not already been thought out beforehand and apprehended 
 by the general mind. The French republic, confronted with 
 unexpected difficulties in economics, currency, and international 
 relationships, collapsed to the egotisms of the newly rich people 
 of the Directory, and finally to the egotism of Napoleon. Law 
 and a plan, steadily upheld, are more necessary in revolutionary 
 times than in ordinary humdrum times, because in revolution- 
 ary times society degenerates much more readily into a mere 
 scramble under the ascendancy of the forcible and cunning. 
 
 If in general terms we take stock of the political and social 
 science of our age, we shall measure something of the prelimi- 
 nary intellectual task still to be done by mankind before we 
 can hope to see any permanent constructive achievements emerg- 
 ing from the mere traditionalism and adventuring that rule 
 our collective affairs to-day. This Socialism, which professes 
 to be a complete theory of a new social order, we discover, when 
 we look into it, to be no more than a partial theory — very 
 illuminating, so far as it goes — about property. We have already 
 discussed the relationship of social development to the restric- 
 tion of the idea of property. There are various schools of 
 thought which would restrict property more or less completely. 
 Communism is the proposal to abolish property altogether, or, 
 in other words, to hold all things in common. Modern Social- 
 ism, on the other hand — or, to give it a more precise name, 
 "Collectivism" — does clearly distinguish between personal prop- 
 erty and collective property. The gist of the socialist proposal 
 is that land and all the natural means of production, transit, 
 and distribution should be collectively owned. Within these 
 limits there is to be much free private ownership and unre- 
 stricted personal freedom. Given efficient administration, it 
 may be doubted whether many people nowadays would dispute 
 that proposal. But socialism has never gone on to a thorough 
 examination of that proviso for efficient administration. 
 
 Again, what community is it that is to own the collective 
 
948 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 property J is it to be the sovereign or the township or the county 
 or the nation or mankind ? Socialism makes no clear answer. 
 Socialists are very free with the word "nationalize," but we 
 have been subjecting the ideas of "nations" and "nationalism" 
 to some destructive criticism in this Outline. If socialists 
 object to a single individual claiming a mine or a great stretch 
 of agricultural land as his own individual property, with a 
 right to refuse or barter its use and profit to others, why 
 should they permit a single nation to monopolize the mines 
 or trade routes or natural wealth of the territories in which 
 it lives, against the rest of mankind ? There seems to be great 
 confusion in socialist theory in this matter. And unless human 
 life is to become a mass meeting of the race in permanent ses- 
 sion, how is the community to appoint its officers to carry on 
 its collective concerns ? After all, the private owner of land or 
 of a business or the like is a sort of public official in so far as 
 his ownership is sanctioned and protected by the community. 
 Instead of being paid a salary or fees, he is allowed to make a 
 profit. The only valid reason for dismissing him from his own- 
 ership is that the new control to be substituted will be more 
 efficient and profitable and satisfactory to the community. And, 
 being dismissed, he has at least the same claim to consideration 
 from the community that he himself has shown in the past 
 to the worker thrown out of employment by a mechanical 
 invention. 
 
 This question of administration, the sound and adequate bar 
 to much immediate socialization, brings us to the still largely 
 unsolved problem of human association; how are we to secure 
 the best direction of human affairs and the maximum of will- 
 ing co-operation with that direction? This is ultimately a 
 complex problem in psychology, but it is absurd to pretend 
 that it is an insoluble one. Jhere must be a definite best, which 
 is the right thing, in these matters. But if it: is not insoluble, 
 it is equally unreasonable to pretend that it has been solved. 
 The problem in its completeness involves the Working out: of the 
 best methods in the following departments, and their complete 
 correlation: — 
 
 (i) Education. — The preparation of the individual for an 
 understanding and willing co-operation in the world's affairs. 
 
 (ii) Information. — The continuar truthful presentation of 
 public affairs to the individual for his judgment and approval. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 949 
 
 Closely connected ■with this need for current information is 
 the codification of the law, the problem of keeping the law plain, 
 clear, and accessible to all. 
 
 (iii) Representation. — The selection of representatives and 
 agents to act in the collective interest in harmony with the 
 general will based on this education and plain information. 
 
 (iv) The Executive. — The appointment of executive agents 
 and the maintenance of means for keeping them responsible 
 to the community, without at the same time hampering intelli- 
 gent initiatives. 
 
 (v) Thought and Research. — The systematic criticism of af- 
 fairs and laws to provide data for popular judgments, and 
 through those judgments to ensure the secular improvement 
 of the human organization. 
 
 These are the five heads under which the broad problem of 
 human society presents itself to us. In the world around us 
 we see makeshift devices at work in all those branches, ill co- 
 ordinated one with another and unsatisfactory in themselves. 
 We see an educational system meanly financed and equipped, 
 badly organized and crippled by the interventions and hostilities 
 of religious bodies ; we see popular information supplied chiefly 
 by a venal press dependant upon advertisements and subsidies ; 
 we see farfeical methods of election returning politicians to 
 power as unrepresentative as any hereditary ruler or casual 
 conqueror; everywhere the executive is more or less influenced 
 or controlled by groups of rich adventurers, and the pursuit of 
 political and social science and of public criticism is still the 
 work ,of devoted and eccentric individuals rather than a recog- 
 nized and honoured function in the state. There is a gigantic 
 task before right-thinking men in the cleansing and sweetening 
 of the politician's stable ; and until it is done, any complete 
 realization of socialism is impossible. While private adven- 
 turers control the political life of the state^ it is ridiculous to 
 think of the state taking over collective economic interests from 
 private adventurers. 
 
 Not only has the socialist movement failed thus far, to pro- 
 duce a scientifically reasoned scheme for the correlation of edu- 
 cation, law, and the exercise of public power, but even in the 
 economic field, as we have already pointed out, creative forces 
 Wait for the conception of a right organization of credit and a 
 right method of payment and interchange. It is a truism that 
 
950 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the willingness of the worker depends, among other things, 
 upon his complete confidence in the purchasing power of the 
 currency in which he is paid. As this confidence goes, work 
 ceases, except in so far as it can be rewarded by payment in 
 goods. But there is no sufficient science of currency and busi- 
 ness, psychology to restrain governments from the most disturb- 
 ing interferences with the public credit and with the circulation. 
 And such interferences lead straight to the cessation of work, 
 that is, of the production of necessary things. Upon such vital 
 practical questions it is scarcely too much to say that the mass 
 of those socialists who would recast the world have no definite 
 ideas at all. Yet in a socialist world quite as much as in any 
 other sort of world, people must be paid, money for their work 
 rather than be paid in kind if any such thing as personal free- 
 dom is to continue. Here, too, there must be an ascertainable 
 right thing to do. Until that is determined, history in these 
 matters will continue to be not so much a record of experiments 
 as of flounderings. 
 
 And in another direction the social and political thinking 
 of the nineteenth century was, in the face of the vastness of the 
 mechanical revolution, timid, limited, and insufficient, and that 
 was in regard to international relations. The reader of social- 
 istic literature will find the socialists constantly writing and 
 talking of the "State," and never betraying any realization 
 that the "State" might be all sorts of organizations in all sorts 
 of areas, from the republic of San Marino to the British Em- 
 pire. It is true that Karl Marx had a conception of a solidarity 
 of interests between the workers in all the industrialized coun- 
 tries, but there is little or no suggestion in Marxist socialism 
 of the logical corollary of this, the establishment of a demo- 
 cratic world federal government (with national or provincial 
 "state" governments) as a natural consequence of his projected 
 social revolution. At most there is a vague aspiration. But if 
 there is any logic about the Marxist, it should be his declared 
 political end for which he should work without ceasing. Put 
 to the test of the war of 1914, the socialists of almost all the 
 European countries showed that their class-conscious interna- 
 tionalism was veneered very thinly indeed over their patriotic 
 feelings, and had to no degree replaced them. Everywhere 
 during the German war socialists denounced that war as made 
 by capitalist governments, but it produces little or no perma- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 951 
 
 nent effect to denounce a government or a world system unless 
 you have a vcorking idea of a better government and a better 
 system to replace it. 
 
 We state these things here because they are facts, and a living 
 and necessary part of a contemporary survey of human history. 
 It is not our task either to advocate or controvert socialism. 
 But it is in our picture to note that political and social life 
 are, and must remain, chaotic and disastrous, v^ithout the devel- 
 opment of some such constructive scheme as socialism sketches, 
 and to point out clearly how far away the world is at present 
 from any such scheme. An enormous amount of intellectual 
 toil and discussion and education and many years — ^whether 
 decades or centuries, no man can tell — ^must intervene before a 
 new order, planned as ships and railways are planned, runs, as 
 the cables and the postal deliveries run, over the whole surface 
 of our earth. And until such a new order draws mankind to- 
 gether with its net, human life, as we shall presently show by 
 the story of the European wars since 1854, must become more 
 and more casual, dangerous, miserable, anxious, and disastrous 
 because of the continually more powerful and destructive war 
 methods the continuing mechanical revolution produces. 
 
 § 6^ 
 
 While the mechanical revolution which the growth of phys- 
 ical science had brought about was destroying the ancient social 
 classification of the civilized state which had been evolved 
 through thousands of years, and producing new possibilities and 
 new ideals of a righteous human community and a righteous 
 world order, a change at least as great and novel was going on 
 in the field of religious thought. That same growth of scien- 
 tific knowledge from which sprang the mechanical revolution 
 was the moving cause of these religious disturbances. 
 
 In the opening chapters of this Outline we have given the 
 main story of the Record of the Eocks ; we have shown life for 
 the little beginning of consciousness that it is in the still wait- 
 ing vastness of the void of space and time. But before the 
 end of the eighteenth century, this enormous prospect of the 
 
 " For a closely parallel view of religion to that given here, see Outspoken 
 Essays, by Dean Inge, Essays VIII and IX on 8t. Paul and on InsUtu- 
 tionq,li9m wn4 Mysticism, 
 
952 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 past whicli fills a modem mind with humility ^nd illiinitable 
 hope was hidden from the general consciousness of our race. 
 It was veiled by the curtain of a Sumerian legend. The heavens 
 were no more than a stage background to a little drama of 
 kings. Men had been too occupied with their own private pas- 
 sions and personal affairs to heed the intimations of their own 
 great destiny that lay about them everywhere. 
 
 They learnt their true position in space long before they 
 placed themselves in time. We have already named the earlier 
 astronomers, and told how Galileo was made to recant his as- 
 sertion that the earth moved round the sun. He was made 
 to do so by the church, and the church was stirred to make him 
 do so because any doubt that the world was the centre of the 
 universe seemed to strike fatally at the authority of Christianity. 
 
 Now, upon that matter the teller of modern history is obliged 
 to be at once cautious and bold. He has to pick his way be- 
 tween cowardly evasion on the one hand, and partisanship on 
 the other. As far as possible he must confine himself to facts 
 and restrain his opinions. Yet it is well to remember that nor 
 opinions can be altogether restrained. The writer has his own 
 very strong and definite persuasions, and the reader must bear 
 that in mind. It is a fact in history that the teaching of Jesus 
 of Nazareth had in it something profoundly new and creative; 
 he preached a new Kingdom of Heaven in the hearts and in the 
 world of men. There was nothing in his teaching, so far as 
 we can judge it at this distance' of time; to clash or interfiere 
 with any discovery or expansion of the history of the world 
 and mankind. But it is equally a fact in history that Sti. Paul 
 and his successors added to or completed or imposed upon or 
 substituted another doctrine for — as you may prefer to think — ' 
 the plain and profoundly revolutionary teachings of Jesus by 
 expounding a subtle and complex theory of salvation, a salva- 
 tion which could be attained very largely by belief and formali- 
 ties, without any serious disturbance of the believer's ordinary 
 habits and occupations, and that this Pauline teaching did 
 involve very definite beliefs about the history of the world and 
 man. It is not the business of the historian to controvert or 
 explain these matters; the question of their ultimate signifi- 
 cance depends upon the theologian; the historian's concern is 
 merely with the fact that official Christianity throughout the 
 world adopted St. Paul's view so plainly expressed in his epis- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 953 
 
 ties and so untraceable in the gospels, tliat the meaning of 
 religion lay not in the future, but in the past, and that Jesus 
 was not so much a teacher of wonderful new things, as a pre- 
 destinate divine blood sacrifice of deep mystery and sacredness 
 made in atonement of a particular historical act of disobedience 
 to the Creator committed by our first parents, Adam and Eve, 
 in response to the temptation of a serpent in the Garden of 
 Eden. Upon the belief in that Fall as a fact, and not upon 
 the personality of Jesus. of Nazareth, upon the theories of Paul, 
 and not upon the injunctions of Jesus, doctrinal Christianity 
 built itself. 
 
 We have already noted that this story of the special creation 
 of the world and of Adam and Eve and the serpent was also 
 an ancient Babylonian story, and probably a still more ancient 
 Sumerian story, and that the Jewish sacred books were the 
 medium by which this very ancient and primitive "heliolithic" 
 serpent legend entered Christianity. Wherever official Chris- 
 tianity has gone, it has taken this story with it. It has tied it- 
 self up to that story. Until a century and less ago the whole 
 Christianized world felt bound to believe and did believe, that 
 the universe had been specially created in the course of six days 
 by the word of God a few thousand years before — according 
 to Bishop Ussher, 4004 b.c. (The Universal History, in forty- 
 two volumes, published in 1779 by a group of London book- 
 sellers, discusses whether the precise date of the first day of 
 Creation was March 21st or September- 21st, 4004 b.o;, and 
 inclines to the view that the latter was the more probable 
 season.) 
 
 Upon this historical assumption rested the religious fabric 
 of the Western and Westernized civilization, and yet the whole 
 world was littered, the hills, mountains, deltas, and seas 
 were bursting with evidence of its utter absurdity. The re- 
 ligious life of the leading nations, still a very intense and sin- 
 cere religious life, was going on in a house of history built 
 upon sand. 
 
 There is frequent recognition in classical literature of a 
 sounder cosmogony. Aristotle was aware of the broad princi- 
 ples of modern geology, they shine through the speculations of 
 Lucretius, and we have noted also Leonardo da Vinci's (1452- 
 1519) lucid interpretation of fossils. A Frenchman, Descartes 
 (1596-1650), speculated boldly upon the incandescent begin- 
 
954 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 nings of our globe, and a Dane, Steno (1631-87), began the 
 collection of fossils and the description of strata. But it was 
 only as the eighteenth century drew to its close that the syste- 
 matic study of geology assumed such proportions as to affect 
 the general authority of the Bible version of that ancient 
 Sumerian narrative. Contemporaneously with the Universal 
 History quoted above, a great French naturalist, Buffon, was 
 writing upon the Epochs of Nature (1778), and boldly extend- 
 ing the age of the world to 70,000 or 75,000 years. He divided 
 his story into six epochs to square with the six days of the Crea- 
 tion story. These days, it was argued, were figurative days; 
 they were really ages. There was a general disposition to do 
 this on the part of the new science of geology. By that accom- 
 modating device, geology contrived to make a peace with ortho- 
 dox religious teaching that lasted until the middle of the nine- 
 teenth century. 
 
 We cannot trace here the contributions of such men as Hut- 
 ton and Playfair and Sir Charles Lyell, and the Frenchmen 
 Lamarck and Ciivier, in unfolding and developing the record 
 of the rocks. It was only slowly that the general intelligence 
 of the Western world was awakened to two disconcerting facts : 
 firstly, that the succession of life in the geological record did 
 not correspond to the acts of the six days of creation; and, 
 secondly, that the record, in harmony with a mass of biological 
 facts, pointed away from the Bible assertion of a separate crea- 
 tion of each species straight towards a genetic relation between 
 all forms of life, in which even man was included! The im- 
 portance of this last issue to the existing doctrinal system was 
 manifest. If all the animals and man had been evolved in this 
 ascendant manner, then there had been no first parents, no Eden, 
 and no Fall. And if there had been no fall, then the entire 
 historical fabric of Christianity, the story of the first sin and 
 the reason for an atonement, upon which the current teaching 
 based Christian emotion and morality, collapsed like a house 
 of cards. 
 
 It was with something like horror, therefore, that great 
 numbers of honest and religious-spirited men followed the work 
 of the English naturalist, Charles Darwin (1809^82) ; in 
 1859 he published his Origin of Species by Means of Natural 
 Selection, a powerful and permanently valuable exposition of 
 that conception of the change and development of species which 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 955 
 
 we have sketched briefly in Chapter III; and in 1871 he com- 
 pleted the outline of his work with the Descent of Man, which 
 brought man definitely into the same scheme of development 
 with the rest of life. 
 
 Many men and women are still living who can remember 
 the dismay and distress among ordinary intelligent people in the 
 Western communities as the invincible case of the biologists 
 and geologists against the orthodox Christian cosmogony un- 
 folded itself. The minds of many resisted the new knowledge 
 instinctively and irrationally. Their whole moral edifice was 
 built upon false history; they were too old and set to rebuild 
 it ; they felt the practical truth of their moral convictions, and 
 this new truth seemed to them to be incompatible with that. 
 They believed that to assent to it would be to prepare a moral 
 collapse for the world. And so they produced a moral collapse 
 by not assenting to it. The universities in England particu- 
 larly, being primarily clerical in their constitution, resisted the 
 new learning very bitterly. During the seventies and eighties 
 a stormy controversy raged throughout the civilized world. 
 The quality of the discussions and the fatal ignorance of the 
 church may be gauged by a description in Hackett's Comnwnr 
 place Book of a meeting of the British Association in 1860, at 
 which Bishop Wilberforce assailed Huxley, the great champion 
 of the Darwinian views, in this fashion. 
 
 Facing "Huxley with a smiling insolence, he begged to know, 
 was it through his grandfather or grandmother that he claimed 
 his descent from a monkey? Huxley turned to his neighbour, 
 and said, 'The Lord hath delivered him into my hands.' Then 
 he stood before us and spoke these tremendous words, 'He 
 was not ashamed to have a monkey for his ancestor; but he 
 would be ashamed to be connected with a man who used great 
 gifts to obscure the truth.' " (Another version has it : "I 
 have certainly said that a man has no reason to be ashamed 
 of having an ape for his grandfather. If there were an ancestor 
 whom I should feel ashamed in recalling, it would rather be 
 a man of restless and versatile intellect who plunges into scien- 
 tific questions with which he has no real acquaintance, only to 
 obscure them by an aimless rhetoric and distract the attention 
 of his audience from the real point at issue by eloquent di- 
 gressions and skilled appeals to prejudice.") These words 
 were certainly spoken with passion. The scene was one of 
 
956 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 great excitement. A lady fainted, says Hackett. . . . Such 
 was the temper of this controversy. 
 
 The Darwinian movement took formal Christianity una- 
 wares, suddenly. Formal Christianity was confronted with a 
 clearly demonstrable error in her theological statements. The 
 Christian theologians were neither wise enough nor mentally 
 nimble enough to accept the new truth, modify their formulae, 
 and insist upon the living and undiminished vitality of the 
 religious reality those formulae had hitherto sufficed to express. 
 For the discovery of man's descent from sub-human forms does 
 not even remotely touch the teaching of the Kingdom of Heaven. 
 Yet priests and bishops raged at Darwin ; foolish attempts were 
 made to suppress Darwinian literature and to insult and dis- 
 credit the exponents of the new views. There was much wild 
 talk of the "antagonism" of religion and science. Now m all 
 ages there have been sceptics in Christendom. The Emperor 
 Frederick II was certainly a sceptic ; in the eighteenth century 
 Gibbon and Voltaire were openly anti-Christian, and their writ- 
 ings influenced a number of scattered readers. But these were 
 exceptional people. . . . Now the whole of Christendom became 
 as a whole sceptical. This new controversy touched everybody 
 who read a book or heard intelligent conversation. A new 
 generation of young people grew up, and they found the de- 
 fenders of Christianity in an evil temper, fighting their cause 
 without dignity or fairness. It was the orthodox theology that 
 the new scientific advances had compromised, but the angry 
 theologians declared that it was religion. 
 
 In the end men may discover that religion shines all the 
 brighter for the loss of its doctrinal wrappings, but to the young 
 it seemed as if indeed there had been a conflict of science and 
 religion, and that in that conflict science had won. 
 
 The immediate effect of this great dispute upon the ideas 
 and methods of people in the prosperous and influential classes 
 throughout the westernized world was very detrimental indeed. 
 The new biological science was bringing nothing constructive 
 as yet to replace the old moral stand-bys. A real de-moraliza- 
 tion ensued. The general level of social life in those classes' 
 was far higher in the early twentieth than in the early seven- 
 teenth century, but in one respect, in respect to disinterested- 
 ness and conscientiousness in these classes, it is probable that 
 the tone of the earlier age was better than the latter. In the 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 957 
 
 owning and active classes of the seventeenth century, in spite 
 of a few definite "infidels," there was probably a much higher 
 percentage of men and women who prayed sincerely, who 
 searched their souls to find if they had done evil, and who were 
 prepared to suffer and make great sacrifices for what they con- 
 ceived to be right, than in the opening years of the twentieth 
 century. There was a real loss of faith after 1859. The true 
 gold of religion was in many cases thrown away with the 
 worn-out purse that had contained it for so long, and it was not 
 recovered. Towards the close of the nineteenth century a crude 
 misunderstanding of Darwinism had become the fundamental 
 mindstuff of great masses of the "educated" everywhere. The 
 seventeenth-century kings and owners and rulers and leaders had 
 had the idea at the back of their minds that they prevailed by 
 the will of God ; they really feared him, they got priests to put 
 things right for them with him; when they were wicked, they 
 tried not to think of him. But the old faith of the kings, own- 
 ers, and rulers of the opening twentieth century had faded 
 under the actinic light of scientific criticism. Prevalent peo- 
 ples at the close of the nineteenth century believed that they 
 prevailed by virtue of the Struggle for Existence, in which the 
 strong and cuiming get the better of the weak and confiding. 
 And they believed further that they had to be strong, energetic, 
 ruthless, "practical," egotistical, because God was dead, and had 
 always, it seemed, been dead — ^which was going altogether 
 further than the new knowledge justified. 
 
 They soon got beyond the first crude popular misconception 
 of Darwinism, the idea that every man is for himself alone. 
 But they stuck at the next level. Man, they decided,' is a social 
 animal like the Indian hunting dog. He is much more than a 
 dog — but this they did not see. And just as in a pack it is 
 necessary to bully and subdue the younger and weaker for the 
 general good, so it seemed right to them that the big dogs of the 
 human pack should bully and subdue. Hence a new scorn for 
 the ideas of democracy that had ruled the earlier nineteenth 
 century, and a revived admiration for the overbearing and the 
 cruel. It was quite characteristic of the times that Mr. Kipling 
 should lead the children of the middle and upper-class British 
 public back to the Jungle, to learn "the law," and that in his 
 book Stalky and Co. he should give an appreciative description 
 ojf the torture of two boys by three others, whpibave by a sub- 
 
958 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 terfuge tied up their victims helplessly before revealing their 
 hostile intentions. 
 
 It is worth while to give a little attention to this incident in 
 Stalky and Co., because it lights up the political psychology of 
 the British Empire at the close of the nineteenth century very 
 vividly. The history of the last half century is not to be under- 
 stood without an understanding of the mental twist which this 
 story exemplifies. The two boys who are tortured are "bullies," 
 that is the excuse of their tormentors, and these latter have 
 further been incited to the orgy by a clergyman. Nothing can 
 restrain the gusto with which they (and Mr. Kipling) set 
 about the job. Before resorting to torture, the teaching seems 
 to be, see that you pump up a little justifiable moral indigna- 
 tion, and all will be well. If you have the authorities on your 
 side, then you cannot be to blame. Such, apparently, is the 
 simple doctrine of this typical imperialist. But every bully 
 has to the best of his ability followed that doctrine since the 
 human animal developed sufficient intelligence to be consciously 
 cruel. 
 
 Another point in the story is very significant indeed. The 
 head master and his clerical assistant are both represented as 
 being privy to the affair. They want this bullying to occur. 
 Instead of exercising their own authority, they use these boys, 
 who are Mr. Kipling's heroes, to punish the two victims. Head 
 master and clergyman turn a deaf ear to the complaints of an 
 indignant mother. All this Mr. Kipling represents as a most 
 desirable state of affairs. In this we have the key to the ugliest, 
 most retrogressive, and finally fatal idea of modem imperial- 
 ism ; the idea of a tacit conspiracy between the law and illegal 
 violence. Just as the Tsardom wrecked itself at last by a fur- 
 tive encouragement of the ruffians of the Black Hundreds, who 
 massacred Jews and other people supposed to be inimical to 
 the Tsar, so the good name of the British Imperial Government 
 has been tainted-^and is still tainted — ^by an illegal raid made 
 by Doctor Jameson into the Transvaal before the Boer War, 
 by the adventures which we shall presently describe, of Sir 
 Edward Carson and Mr. F. E. Smith (now Lord Birkenhead), 
 in Ireland and by the tacit connivance of the British govern- 
 ment in Ireland with the "reprisals" undertaken by the loyalists 
 against the perpetrators of Sinn Fein outrages. By such trea- 
 sons against their subjects, empires destroy themselves. The 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 959 
 
 true strength of rulers and empires lies not in armies and navies, 
 but in the belief of men that they are inflexibly open and truth- 
 ful and legal. So soon as a government departs from that 
 standard, it ceases to be anything more than "the gang in pos- 
 session," and its days are numbered. 
 
 We have already pointed out that there must be a natural 
 political map of the world which gives the best possible geo- 
 graphical divisions for human administrations. Any other po- 
 litical division of the world than this natural political map will 
 necessarily be a misfit, and must produce stresses of hostility 
 and insurrection tending to shift boundaries in the direction 
 indicated by the natural political map. These would seem to 
 be self-evident propositions were it not that the diplomatists at 
 Vienna evidently neither believed nor understood anything of 
 the sort, and thought themselves as free to carve up the world 
 as one is free to carve up such a boneless structure as a cheese. 
 Nor were these propositions evident to Mr. Gladstone. Most 
 of the upheavals and conflicts that began in Europe as the world 
 recovered from the exhaustion of the Napoleonic wars were 
 quite obviously attempts of the ordinary common men to get rid 
 of governments that were such misfits as to be in many cases 
 intolerable. Generally the existing governments were misfits 
 throughout Europe because they were not socially representa- 
 tive, and so they were hampering production' and wasting human 
 possibilities ; but when there were added to these universal an- 
 noyances differences of religion and racial culture between rul- 
 ers and ruled (as in most of Ireland), differences in race and 
 language (as in Austrian North Italy and throughout most of 
 the Austrian Empire), or differences in all these respects (as 
 in Poland and the Turkish Empire in Europe), the exaspera- 
 tion drove towards bloodshed. Europe was a system of gov- 
 erning machines abominably adjusted. From the stresses of 
 this maladjustment the various "nationalist" movements that 
 played so large a part in the history of the nineteenth century 
 drew their driving force. 
 
 What is a nation? What is nationality? If our story of 
 the world has demonstrated anything, it has demonstrated the 
 mingling of races and peoples, the instability of human divi- 
 
960 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 sions, the swirling variety of human groups and human ideas 
 of association. A nation, it has been said, is an accumulation 
 of human beings who think they are one people; but we are 
 told that Ireland is a nation, and Protestant Ulster certainly 
 does not share that idea; and Italy did not think it was one 
 people until long after its unity was accomplished. When the 
 writer was in Italy in 1916, people were saying: "This war 
 will make us one nation." Again, are the English a nation oi 
 have they merged into a "British nationality" ? Scotchmen do 
 not seem to believe very much in this British nationality. It 
 cannot be a community of race or language that constitutes a 
 nation, because the Gaels and the Lowlanders make up the 
 Scotch "nation"; it cannot be a common religion,, for Eng- 
 land has scores; nor a common literature, or why is 
 Britain separated from the United States, and the Argentine 
 Republic from Spain ? We may suggest that a nation is in 
 effect any assembly, mixture, or confusion of people which is 
 either afflicted by or wishes to be afflicted by a foreign office 
 of its own, in order that it should behave collectively as if it 
 alone constituted humanity. We have already traced the de- 
 velopment of the Machiavellian monarchies into the rule of 
 their foreign offices, playing the part of "Powers." The 
 "nationality" which dominated the political thought of the 
 nineteenth century is really no more than the romantic and' 
 emotional exaggeration of the stresses . produced by the, dis- 
 cord of the ■■ natural political map with unsuitable political 
 arrangemeiats. 
 
 Throughout the nineteenth century, and particularly through- 
 out its latter half, there has been a great working up of this 
 nationalism in the world. All men are by nature piartisans and 
 patriots, but the natural tribalism of men in the nineteenth cen- 
 tury was unnaturally exaggerated, it was fretted and over- 
 stimulated and inflamed and forced into the nationalist mould. 
 Nationalism was taught in schools, emphasized by newspapers, 
 preached and mocked and sung into men. . Men were brought 
 to feel that they were as improper without a nationality as with- 
 out their clothes in a crowded assembly. Oriental peoples who 
 had never heard of nationality before, took to it as they took 
 to the cigarettes and bowler hats of the west. India, a galaxy 
 of contrasted races, religions, and cultures, Dravidian, Mongo- 
 lian, and Aryan, became a "nation." There were pferpleximg 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 961 
 
962 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 cases, of course, as when a young Whitechapel Jew had to decide 
 whether he belonged to the British or the Jewish nation. Cari- 
 cature and political cartoons played a large part in this eleva- 
 tion of the cult of these newer and bigger tribal gods — for such 
 indeed the- modern "nations" are— to .their ascendancy over 
 the imagination of the nineteenth century. If one turns over 
 the pages of • Punch, that queer contemporary record of the 
 British soul, which has lasted now since, 1841, one finds the 
 figures. of Britannia, Hibernia, France, and Germahia embrac- 
 ing, disputing, reproving, rejoicing, grieving. It greatly helped 
 the diplomatists to carry on, their game of Great Powers to 
 convey polities in this form to the doubting general intelligence. 
 To the common man, resentful that his son should be sent 
 abroad to be shot, it was made clear that instead of this being 
 merely the result of the obstinacy and greed of two foreign 
 offices, it was really a necessary part of a righteous inevitable 
 gigantic struggle between two of thfese dim vast divinities. 
 France had been wronged by Germania, or Italia was showing 
 a proper spirit to Austria. The boy's death ceased to appear 
 an outrage on common sense; it assumed a sort of mythological 
 dignity. And insurrection could clothe itself in the same ro- 
 mantic habiliments as diplomacy. Ireland became a Cinderella 
 goddess, Cathleen ni Houlihan, full of heartrending and unfor- 
 givable wrongs; young India transcended its realities in the 
 worship of Bande Mataram. 
 
 The essential idea of nineteenth-century nationalism was 
 the "legitimate claim" of every nation to complete sovereignty, 
 the claim of every nation to manage all its affairs within its 
 own territory, regardless of any other nation. The flaw in this 
 idea is that the affairs and interests of every modern community 
 extend to the uttermost parts of the earth. The assassination of 
 Sarajevo in 1914, for example, which caused the great war, 
 produced the utmost distress among the Indian tribes of Lab- 
 rador because that war interrupted the marketing of the furs 
 upon which they relied for such necessities as ammunition, 
 without which they Could not get sufficient food. A world of 
 independent sovereign nations means, therefore, a world of per- 
 petual injuries, a world of states constantly preparing for or wag- 
 ing war. But concurrently and discordantly with the preaching 
 of this nationalism there was, among the stronger nationalities, 
 a, vigorous propagation of another set of ideas, the ideas of im- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 963 
 
 perialism, in which a powerful and advanced nation was con- 
 ceded the right to dominate a group of other less advanced 
 nations or less politically developed nations or peoples whose 
 nationality was still undeveloped, who were expected by the 
 dominating nation to be grateful for its protection and domi- 
 nance. This use of the word empire was evidently a different 
 one from its former universal significance. The new empires 
 did not even pretend to be a continuation of the world empire 
 of Rome. 
 
 These two ideas of nationality and, as the crown of 
 national success, "empire," ruled European political thought, 
 ruled indeed the political thought of the world, throughout the 
 latter half of the nineteenth century, and ruled it to the prac- 
 tical exclusion of any wider conception of a common human 
 welfare. They were plausible and dangerously unsound work- 
 ing ideas. They represented nothing fundamental and inal- 
 terable in human nature, and they failed to meet the new needs 
 of , world controls and v^orld security that the mechanical revo- 
 lution was every day making more imperative. They were 
 accepted because people in general had neither the sweeping 
 views that a study of world history can give, nor had they 
 any longer the comprehensive charity of a world religion. Their 
 danger to all the routines of ordinary life was not reialized until 
 it was too late. 
 
 § 8 
 
 After : the middle of the nineteenth century, this world of 
 new powers and old ideas, this fermenting new wine in the 
 old bottles of diplomacy, broke out through the flimsy restraints 
 of the Treaty of Vienna into a series of wars. By an ironical 
 aqcident the new system of disturbances was preceded by a 
 peace festival:in London, the Great Exhibition of 1851, 
 
 The moving spirit in this exhibition was Prince Albert of 
 Saxe-Cpburg-Qotha, the nephew of Leopold I, the German king 
 ■who had been placed upon the Belgian throne in 1831, and 
 who ^as also the maternal uncle of the young Queen Victoria 
 of England. She had become queen in 183Y at the^ age of 
 eighteen. The two young cousins — ^they were of the same age — 
 had married in 1840 under their uncle's auspices, and Prince 
 Albert was known to the British as the "Prince Opnsprt." 
 
964 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 He was a young man of sound intelligence and exceptional 
 education, and he seems to have been greatly shocked by the 
 mental stagnation into which England had sunken. Oxford 
 and Cambridge, those once starry centres, were still recovering 
 but slowly from the intellectual ebb of the later eighteenth cen- 
 tury. At neither university did the aniiual matriculations 
 number more than four hundred. The examinations were for 
 the most part mere viva voce ceremonies. Except for two col- 
 leges in London (the University of London) and one in Dur- 
 ham, this was all the education on a university footing that 
 England had to offer. It was very largely the initiative of this 
 scandalized young German who had married the British queen 
 which produced the university commission of 1850, and it 
 was with a view to waking up England further that he promoted 
 the first International Exhibition which was to afford some 
 opportunity for a comparison of the artistic and industrial 
 products of the various European nations. 
 
 The project was bitterly opposed. In the House of Com- 
 mons it was prophesied that England would be overrun by 
 foreign rogues and revolutionaries who would corrupt the 
 morals of the people and destroy all faith and loyalty in the 
 country. 
 
 The exhibition was held in Hyde Park in a great building 
 of glass and iron — ^which afterwards was re-erected as the 
 Crystal Palace. Financially it was a great success. It made 
 many English people realize for the first time that theirs 
 was not the only industrial country in the world, and that 
 commercial prosperity was not a divinely appointed British 
 monopoly. There was the clearest evidence of a Europe recover- 
 ing steadily from the devastation of the Napoleonic wars, and 
 rapidly overtaking the British lead in trade and manufacture. 
 It was followed directly by the organization of a Science and 
 Art Department (1853), to recover, if possible, the educational 
 leeway that Britain had lost. 
 
 The exhibition released a considerable amount of interna- 
 tional talk and sentiment. It had already found expressjon in 
 the work of such young poets as Tennyson, who had glanced 
 down the vista of the future. 
 
 "Till the war-drums throb'd no longer, and the battle-flags 
 
 were furl'd. 
 In the Parliament of man, the Tederation of the world." 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 965 
 
 There was much shallow optimism on the part of comfortable 
 people just then. Peace seemed to be more secure than it had 
 been for a long time. The social gales of 1848 had blown, 
 and, it seemed, blown themselves out, Nowhere had the revo- 
 lution succeeded. In France it had been betrayed a second 
 time by a Bonaparte, a nephew of the first Napoleon, but a 
 much more supple man. He had posed as a revolutionary 
 while availing himself of the glainour of his name; he had 
 twice attempted raids on France during the Orleans monarchy. 
 He had written a manual of artillery to link himself to his 
 uncle's prestige, and he had also published an account of what 
 he allied to be Napoleonic views, Des Idees Napoleomennes 
 in which he jumbled up socialism, socialistic reform, and 
 pacificism with the Napoleonic legend. The republic of 1848 
 was soon in difficulties with crude labour experiments, and in 
 October he was able to re-enter the country and stand for elec- 
 tion as President. He took an oath as President to be faithful 
 to the democratic republic, and to regard as enemies all who 
 attempted to change the form of government. In two years' 
 time (December, 1852) he was Emperor of the French. 
 
 At first he was regarded with considerable suspicion % 
 Queen Victoria, or rather by Baron Stockmar, the friend and 
 servant of King Leopold of Belgium, and the keeper of the 
 international conscience of the British queen and her consort. 
 All this group of Saxe-Ooburg-Gotha people had a reasonable 
 and generous enthusiasm for the unity and well-being of 
 Germany — ^upon liberal lines — and they were disposed to 
 be alarmed at this Bonapartist revival. Lord Palmerston, 
 the British foreign minister, was, on the other hand, 
 friendly with the usurper from the outset; he offended 
 the queen by sending amiable dispatches to the French 
 President Vidthout submitting them for her examination 
 and so giving her sufficient time to consult Stockmar upon 
 them, and he was obliged to resign. But subsequently -the 
 British Court veered round to a more cordial attitude to the 
 new adventurer. The opening years of his reign promised a 
 liberal monarchy rather than a Napoleonic career; a govern- 
 ment of "cheap bread, great public works, and holidays," ^ and 
 he expressed himself warmly in favour of the idea of national- 
 ism, which was naturally a very acceptable idea to any liberal 
 ^Albert Thomas in the EnoyclopcBdia Britannioa. 
 
966 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 German intelligence. There had been a brief all-German par- 
 liament at Frankfort in 1848, which was overthrown in 1849 
 by the Prussian monarchy. 
 
 Before 1848 all the great European courts of the Vienna 
 settlement had been kept in a kind of alliance by the fear of a 
 
 -M^ - p cf JURD?^ 1848-1371 
 
 Ptougia. to 1866... 
 
 ..tciriloty 5eiaid 
 1666-7 - 
 
 TJ fifTm an Crm fpHoi-ati nry ISbd..*"* — » 
 
 German. 'Empire , 1871 -^^"^ 
 
 pTaru:e. ..tgrTitorv acquired 
 
 (;5a.vnj^6'Nlcc,1660). . 
 terrLtcpiy ij33t 
 (AIsace-LoiraLnii.lS/l - 
 ?LU^tria. ..tarTitor'vlQsb' 
 
 (.L^mbardy, 1659. VeiiEtia.. Ii366 i 
 /Tot Ttalq see. also scparaie map] 
 
 second and more universal democratic revolution. After the 
 re-^olutionary failures of 1848 this fear was lifted, and they 
 were free to resume the scheming and counter-scheming of the 
 days before 1789— with the vastly more powerful armies and 
 fleets the first Napoleonic phase had given them. The game of 
 Great Powers was resumed with zest, after an interval of sixty 
 years, and it continued until it produced the catastrophe of 
 1914. ■ ..' 
 
 The Tsar of Russia, Nicholas I, was the first to move to- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 967 
 
 wards war. He resumed the traditional thrust of Peter the 
 Great towards Constantinople. ISTicholas invented the phrase 
 of the "siek man of Europe" for the Sultan, and, finding an 
 excuse in the misgovernment of the Christian population of 
 the Turkish empire, he occupied the Danubian principalities 
 in 1853. European diplomatists found themselves with a 
 
 yy^ KINGDCM of ITALYT ig6i . 
 
 
 question of quite the eighteenth-century pattern. The designs 
 of Eussia were understood to clash with the designs of France 
 in Syria, and to threaten the Mediterranean route to India 
 of Great Britain, and the outcome was an alliance of Erance 
 and England to bolster up Turkey and a war, the Crimean 
 War, vphich ended in the repulse of Eussia. One might have 
 thought that the restraint of Eussia was rather the business of 
 Austria and Germany, but the passion of the foreign offices of 
 
968 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 France and; England for burning their fingers in Eussian affairs 
 has always been very difficult to control. 
 
 The next phase of interest in this revival of the Great Power 
 drama was the exploitation by the Emperor Napoleon III and 
 the king of the small kingdom of Sardinia in North Italy, of 
 the inconveniences and miseries of the divided state. of Italy, 
 and particularly of the Austrian rule in the north. The King 
 of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel, made an old-time bargain for 
 Napoleon's help in return for the provinces of Nice and Savoy. 
 The war between France and Sardinia on the one hand, and 
 Austria on the other, broke out in 1859, and was over in a few 
 weeks. The Austrians were badly beaten at Magenta and Sol- 
 ferino. Then, being threatened by Prussia on the Ehirie, Na- 
 poleon made peace, leaving Sardinia the richer for Lombardy. 
 
 The next move in the game of Victor Emmanuel, and of his 
 chief minister Cavour, was an insurrectionary movement in 
 Sicily led by the great Italian patriot Garibaldi. Sicily and 
 Naples were liberated, and all Italy, except only Eome (which 
 remained loyal to the Pope) and Venetia, which was held by 
 the Austrians, fell to the king of Sardinia. A general Italian 
 parliament met at Turin in 1861, and Victor Emmanuel be- 
 came the first king of Italy. 
 
 But now the interest in this game of European, diplomacy 
 shifted to Germany. Already the common sense of the natural 
 political map had asserted itself. In 1848 all Germany, in- 
 cludihg, of course, German Austria, was for a time united under 
 the Frankfort, parliament. But that sort of union was partic- 
 ularly offensive to all the German courts and foreign offices; 
 they did not want a Germany united by the will of its people, 
 they wanted Germany united by legal and diplomatic action — 
 as Italy was being united. In 1848 the German parliament 
 had insisted that the largely German provinces of Schleswig- 
 Holstein, which had been in the German Bund, must belong 
 to Germany. It had ordered the Prussian army to occupy 
 them, and the king of Prussia had refused to take his orders 
 from the German parliament, and so had precipitated the down- 
 fall of that body. Now the King of Denmark, Christian IX, 
 for no conceivable motive except the natural folly of kings, 
 embarked upon a campaign of annoyance against the Germans 
 in these two duchies. Prussian affairs were then very much 
 in, the hands of a minister of the seventeentb-century type, 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 969 
 
 von Bismarck (count in 1865, prince in 1871), and lie saw 
 brilliant opportunities in this trouble. He became the cham- 
 pion of the German nationality in these duchies — it must be 
 remembered that the King of Prussia had refused to under- 
 take this role for democratic Germany in 1848 — and he per- 
 suaded Austria to side with Prussia in a military interven- 
 tion. Denmark had no chance against these Great Powers; 
 she was easily beaten and obliged to relinquish the duchies. 
 Then Bismarck picked a quarrel with Austria for the posses- 
 sion of these two small states. So he brought about a needless 
 and fratricidal war of Germans for the greater glory of Prus- 
 sia and the ascendancy of the Hohenzollem dynasty in Ger- 
 many. German writers of a romantic turn of mind represent 
 Bismarck as a great statesman planning the unity of Germany ; 
 but indeed he was doing nothing of the kind. The unity of 
 Germany was a reality in 1848. It was and is in the nature 
 of things. The Prussian monarchy was simply delaying the 
 inevitable in order to seem to achieve it in Prussian fashion. 
 That is why, when at last Germany was unified, instead of 
 bearing the likeness of a modem civilized people, it presented 
 itself .to the world with the face of this archaic Bismarck, with a 
 fierce moustache, huge jack boots, a spiked helmet, and a sword. 
 
 In this war between Prussia and Austria, Prussia had for 
 an ally Italy ; most of the smaller German states, who dreaded 
 the schemes of Prussia, fought on the side of Austria. The 
 reader will naturally want to know why Napoleon III did 
 not grasp this admirable occasion for statecraft and come into 
 the war to his own advantage. All the rules of the Great Power 
 game .required that he should. But Napoleon, unhappily for 
 himself, had got his fingers in a trap on the other side of the 
 Atlantic, and was in no position to intervene. 
 
 In order to understand the entanglement of this shifty gen- 
 tleman, it is necessary to explain that the discord in interests 
 between the northern and southern states of the American 
 union, due to the economic difFerences based on slavery, had at 
 last led to open civil war. The federal system established in 
 1789 had to fight the secessionist efForts of the confederated 
 slave-holding states. We have traced the causes of that great 
 struggle in Chapter XXXVI, § 6 ; its course we cannot relate 
 here, nor tell how President Lincoln (bom 1809, died 1865, 
 president from 1861) rose to greatness, how the republic was 
 
970 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 cleansed from the stain of slavery, and how the federal govern- 
 ment of the union was preserved. The story of President Lin- 
 coln is in itself a great epic of union and order threatened and 
 saved, and it is with reluctance that it is treated so briefly here. 
 But in this Oidline we must cling closely to our main story. 
 For four long years (1861-65) this American civil war 
 swung to and fro, through the rich woods and over the hills of 
 Virginia between Washington and Richmond, until at last the 
 secessionist left was thrust back and broken, and Sherman, the 
 
 unionist general, swept 
 across Georgia to the sea in 
 the rear of the main confed- 
 erate (secessionist) armies. 
 All the elements of reaction 
 in Europe rejoiced during 
 the four years of republican 
 dissension; the British aris- 
 tocracy openly sided with 
 the confederate states, and 
 the British Government per- 
 mitted several privateers, 
 and particularly the Ala- 
 bama, to be launched in 
 England to attack the fed- 
 eral shipping. Napoleon 
 III was even more rash in his assumption that after all the 
 new world had fallen before the old. The sure shield of the 
 Monroe Doctrine, it seemed to him, was thrust aside for good, 
 the Great Powers might meddle again in America, and the 
 blessings of an adventurous monarchy be restored there. A 
 pretext for interference was found in certain liberties taken 
 with the property of foreigners by the Mexican president. A 
 joint expedition of French, British, and Spanish occupied 
 Vera Cruz, but Napoleon's projects were too bold for his allies, 
 and they withdrew when it became clear that he contemplated 
 nothing less than the establishment of a Mexican empire. This 
 he did, after much stiff fighting, making the Archduke Maxi- 
 milian of Austria Emperor of Mexico in 1864. The French 
 forces, however, remained in effectual possession of the coun- 
 try, and a crowd of French speculators poured into Mexico to 
 exploit its mines and resources. 
 
 'Bl^toarck- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 971 
 
 But in April, 1865, the civil war in the United States was 
 brought to an end with the surrender of the great southern 
 commander, General Lee, at Appomattox Court House, and 
 the little group of eager Europeans in possession of Mexico 
 found themselves faced by the victorious federal government 
 in a thoroughly grim mood, with a large, dangerous-looking 
 army in hand. The French imperialists were bluntly given 
 the alternative of war with the United States or clearing out 
 of America. In effect this was an instruction to go. This 
 was the entanglement which prevented Napoleon III from 
 interference between Prussia and Austria in 1866, and this 
 was the reason why Bismarck precipitated his struggle with 
 Austria. 
 
 While Prussia was fighting Austria, Napoleon III was try- 
 ing to escape with dignity from the briars of Mexico. He in- 
 vented a shabby quarrel upon financial grounds with Maxi- 
 milian and withdrew the French troops. Then, by all the rules 
 of kingship, Maximilian should have abdicated. But instead 
 he made a fight for his empire; he was defeated by his re- 
 calcitrant subjects, caught, and shot as a public nuisance in 
 1867. So the peace of President Monroe was restored to the 
 new v?orld. There remained only one monarchy in America, 
 the empire of Brazil, where a branch of the Portuguese royal 
 family continued to reign until 1889. In that year the em- 
 peror was quietly packed off to Paris, and Brazil came into line 
 with the rest of the continent. 
 
 But while Napoleon was busy with his American adventure, 
 Prussia and Italy were snatching victory over the Austrians 
 (1866). Italy was badly beaten at Custozza and in the naval 
 battle of Lissa, but the Austrian army was so crushed hj the 
 Prussian at the battle of Sadowa that Austria made an abject 
 surrender. Italy gained the province of Venetia, so making 
 one more step towards unity — only Eome and Trieste and a 
 few small towns on the north and north-western frontiers re- 
 mained—and Prussia became the head of a North German 
 Confederation, from which Bavaria, Wiirttemberg, Baden, 
 Hesse, and Austria were excluded. 
 
 Four years later came the next step towards the natural 
 political map of Europe, when Napoleon III plunged into 
 war against Prussia. A kind of self-destroying foolishness 
 urged him to do this. He came near to this war in 1867 so 
 
972 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 soon as he was free from Mexico, by demanding Luxembourg 
 for France; he embarked upon it in 1870, when a cousin oi 
 the king of Prussia became a candidate for the vacant throne 
 of Spain. Napoleon had some theory in his mind that Austria, 
 Bavaria, Wiirttemberg, and the other states outside the North 
 German Confederation would side with him against Prussia. 
 He probably thought this would happen because he wanted 
 it to happen. But since 1848 the Germans, so fax as foreign 
 meddling was concerned, had been in spirit a united people; 
 Bismarck was merely imposing the HohenzoUem monarchy, 
 with pomp, ceremony, and bloodshed, upon accomplished facts. 
 All Germany sided with Prussia. 
 
 Early in August, 1870, the united German forces invaded 
 France. After the battles of Worth and Gravelotte, one 
 French army under Bazaine was forced into Metz and sur- 
 rounded there, and, on September 1st, a second, with which 
 was Napoleon, was defeated and obliged to capitulate at Sedan. 
 Paris found herself bare to the invader. For a second time 
 the promises of Napoleonism had failed France disastrously. 
 On September 4th, France declared herself a republic again, 
 and thus regenerated, prepared to fight for existence against 
 triumphant Prussianism. For though it was a united Ger- 
 many that had overcome French imperialism, it had Prussia 
 in the saddle. The army in Metz capitulated in October ; Paris, 
 after a siege and bombardment, surrendered in January, 1871. 
 
 With pomp and ceremony, in the Hall of Mirrors at Ver- 
 sailles, amidst a great array of military uniforms, the King 
 of Prussia was declared German Emperor, and Bismarck and 
 the sword of the HohenzoUerns claimed the credit for that 
 German unity which a common language and literature had 
 long since assured. 
 
 The peace of Frankfort was a HohenzoUem peace. Bis- 
 marck had availed himself of the national feeling of Germany 
 to secure the aid of the South German states, but he had no 
 grasp of the essential forces that had given victory to him and 
 to his royal master. The power that had driven Prussia to 
 victory was the power of the natural political map of Europe 
 insisting upon the unity of the German-speaking peoples. In 
 the east, Germany was already sinning against that natural 
 map by her administration of Posen and other Polish districts 
 Now greedy for territory, and particularly for iron mines, she 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY &73 
 
 annexed a considerable area of French-speaking Lorraine, in- 
 cluding Metz, and Alsace, which, in spite of its German 
 speech, was largely French in sympathy. Inevitably there was 
 a clash between German rulers and French subjects in these 
 annexed provinces; inevitably the wrongs and bitterness of 
 the subjugated France of Lorraine echoed in Paris and kept 
 alive the passionate resentment of the French. . . . 
 
 The natural map had already secured political recognition 
 in the Austrian Empire after Sadowa (1866). Hungary, 
 which had been subordinated to Austria, was erected into a 
 kingdom on an equal footing with Austria, and the Empire of 
 Austria had become the "dual monarchy" of Austria-Hungary. 
 But in the south-east of this empire, and over the Turkish 
 empire, the boundaries and subjugations of the conquest period 
 still remained. 
 
 A fresh upthrust of the natural map began in 1875, when 
 the Christian races in the Balkans, and particularly the Bul- 
 garians, became restless and insurgent. The Turks adopted 
 violent repressive measures, and embarked upon massacres of 
 Bulgarians on an enormous scale. Thereupon Russia inter- 
 vened (1877), and after a year of costly warfare obliged the 
 Turks to sign the treaty of San Stefano, which was, • on the 
 whole, a sensible treaty, breaking up the artificial Turkish 
 Empire, and to a large extent establishing the natural map. 
 But it had become the tradition of British policy to thwart 
 "the designs of Russia" — ^heaven knows why ! — ^whenever Rus- 
 sia appeared to have a design, and the British foreign office, 
 under the premiership of Lord Beaconsfield, intervened with 
 a threat of war if a considerable restoration of the Turks' 
 facilities for exaction, persecution, and massacre was not made. 
 For a time war seemed very probable. The British music-halls, 
 those lamps to British foreign policy,, were lit with patriotic 
 fire, and the London errand-boy on his rounds was inspired to 
 chant, with the simple dignity of a great people conscious of 
 its high destinies, a song declaring that: 
 
 "We don't want to fight, but, by Jingo,' if we do, 
 We got the ships, we got the men, we got the nmnn-aye too "... 
 
 and so on to a climax: 
 
 "The Euss'ns shall not 'ave Con-stan-te-no — pie." 
 ' Hence "Jingo" for any rabid patriot. 
 
974 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 In consequence of this British opposition, a conference was 
 assembled in 1878 at Berlin to revise the treaty of San Stefano, 
 chiefly in the interests of the Turkish and Austrian moii'- 
 archies, the British acquired the island of Cyprus, to which 
 they had no sort of right whatever, and which has never been 
 of the slightest use to them, and Lord Beaconsfield returned 
 triumphantly from the Berlin Conference, to the extreme ex 
 
 to Uhisirate. the. 
 
 TREATV^ BERLIN 
 
 ^^ R U 5 S I A 
 
 A U S T R I, 
 
 by Kumania . . 
 CeAzd tyKumamato 
 
 JVcH- PriTidp.^of BuZgaria., 6* 
 aiiiOTiOTTious ppaviju:e£.Rumelia 
 
 Proposed 'Big Bulg-arian,'" 
 franiJier of Trkaiy of Sazi 
 
 asperation of Mr. Gladstone, with what the British were given 
 to understand at the time was "Peace with Honour." 
 
 This treaty of Berlin was the second main factor, the peace 
 of Frankfort being the first, in bringing about the great war 
 of 1914-18. ' 
 
 These thirty years after 1848 are years of very great in- 
 terest to the student of international political methods^ Ke- 
 leased from their terror of a world-wide insurrection of the 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 975 
 
 common people, the governments of Europe were doing their 
 best to resume the game of Great Powers that had been so 
 rudely interrupted by the American and French revolutions. 
 But it looked much more like the old game than it was in 
 reality. The mechanical revolution was making war a far 
 more complete disturbance of the general life than it had ever 
 been before, and the proceedings of the diplomatists were ruled, 
 in spite of their efforts to disregard the fact, by imperatives 
 that Charles V and Louis XIV had never known. Irritation 
 with misgovemment was capable of far better organization and 
 far more effective expression than it had ever been before. 
 Statesmen dressed this up as the work of the spirit of Na- 
 tionalism, but there were times and occasions when that cos- 
 tume wore very thin. The grand monarchs of the seventeenth 
 and eighteenth centuries had seemed to be free to do this or 
 that, to make war or to keep the peace, to conquer this province 
 or cede that as they willed ; but such a ruler as Napoleon III 
 went from one proceeding to another with something of the 
 effect of a man who feels his way among things unseen. 
 
 None of these European governments in the nineteenth cen- 
 tury was in fact a free agent. We look to-day at the maps of 
 Europe since 1814, we compare them with the natural map, 
 and we, see that the game the Great Powers played was indeed 
 a game of foregone conclusions. Whatever arrangements they 
 made that were in accordance with the natural political map 
 of the world, and the trend towards educational democracy, 
 held, and whatever arrangements they made contrary to these 
 things, collapsed. We are forced, therefore, to the conclusion 
 that all the diplomatic fussing, posturing, and scheming, all 
 the intrigue and bloodshed of these years, all the monstrous 
 turmoil and waste of kings and armies, all the wonderful atti- 
 tudes, deeds, and schemes of the Oavours, Bismarcks, Disraelis, 
 Bonapartes, and the like "great men," might very well have 
 been avoided altogether had Europe but had the sense to in- 
 struct a small body of ordinarily honest ethnologists, geog- 
 raphers, and sociologists to draw out its proper boundaries 
 and prescribe suitable forms of government in a reasonable 
 manner. The romantic phase in history had come to an end. 
 A new age was beginning with new and greater imperatives, 
 and these nineteenth-century statesmen were but pretending 
 to control events. 
 
976 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY »77 
 
 We have suggested that in the political history of Europe 
 between 1848 and 1878, the mechanical revolution was not 
 yet producing any very revolutionary changes. The post-revo- 
 lutionary Great Powers were still going on within boundaries 
 of practically the same size and with much the same formalities 
 as they had done in pre-revolutionary times. But where the 
 increased speed and certainty of transport and telegraphic com- 
 munications were already producing very considerable changes 
 of condition and method, was in the overseas enterprises of 
 Britain and the other European powers, and in the reaction 
 of Asia and Africa to Europe. 
 
 The end of the eighteenth century was a period of , disrupt- 
 ing empires and disillusioned expansionists. The long and 
 tedious journey between Britain and Spain and their colonies 
 in America prevented any really free coming and going be- 
 tween the home land and the daughter lands, arid so the colonies 
 separated into new and distinct communities, with distinctive 
 ideas and interests and even modes of speech. As they grew 
 they strained more and more at the feeble and uncertain link 
 of shipping that joined them. Weak trading-posts in the 
 wilderness, like those of France in Canada, or trading estab- 
 lishments in great alien communities, like those of Britain in 
 India, might well cling for bare existence to the, nation which 
 gave them support and a reason for their existence. That 
 much and no more seemed to many thinkers in the early part 
 of the nineteenth century to be the limit set to overseas rule. 
 In 1820 the sketchy great European "empires" outside of 
 Europe that had figured so bravely in the maps of the middle 
 eighteenth century, had shrunken to very small dimensions. 
 Only the Russian sprawled as large as ever across Asia. It 
 sprawled much larger in the imaginations of many Europeans 
 than in reality, because of their habit of studying the geography 
 of the world upon Mercator's projection, which enormously 
 exaggerated the size of Siberia. 
 
 The British Empire in 1815 consisted of the thinly popu- 
 lated coastal river and lake regions of Canada, and a great 
 hinterland of wilderness in which the only settlements as yet 
 were the fur-trading stations of the Hudson Bay Company, 
 about a third of the Indian peninsula, under the rule of the 
 
978 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 979 
 
 East India Company, the coast districts of the Cape of Good 
 Hope inhabited by blacks and rebellious-spirited Dutch settlers ; 
 a few trading stations on the coast of West Africa, the rock 
 of Gibraltar, the island of Malta, Jamaica, a few minor 
 slave-labour possessions in the West Indies, British Guiana in 
 South America, and, on the other side of the world, two dumps 
 for convicts at Botany Bay in Australia and in Tasmania. 
 Spain retained Cuba and a few settlements in the Philippine 
 Islands. Portugal had in Africa some vestiges of her ancient 
 claims. Holland had various islands and possessions in the 
 East Indies and Dutch Gniana, and Denmark an island or so 
 in the West Indies. France had one or two West Indian 
 Islands and French Guiana. This seemed to be as much as 
 the European powers needed, or were likely to acquire of 
 the rest of the world. Only the East India Company showed 
 any spirit of expansion. 
 
 In India, as we have already told, a peculiar empire was 
 being built up, not by the British peoples, nor by the British 
 Goverimient, but by this company of private adventurers with 
 their monopoly and royal charter. The company had been 
 forced to become a military and political power during the 
 years of Indian division and insecurity that followed the break- 
 up of India after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707. It had 
 learnt to trade in states and peoples during the eighteenth cen- 
 tury. Clive founded, Warren Hastings organized, this strange 
 new sort of empire; French rivalry was defeated, as we have 
 already toM; and by 1798, Lord Momington, afterwards the 
 Marquis Wellesley, the elder brother of that General Wellesley 
 who became the Duke of Wellington, became Governor-General 
 of India, and set the policy of the company definitely upon the 
 line of replacing the fading empire of the Great Mogul by its 
 own rule. Napoleon's expedition to Egypt was a direct attack 
 upon the empire of this British company. While Europe was 
 busy with the Napoleonic wars, the East India Company, under 
 a succession of governors-general, was playing much the same 
 role in India that had been played before by Turkoman and 
 such4ike invaders from the north, but playing it with a greater 
 efficiency and far less violence and cruelty. And after the peace 
 of Vienna it went on, levying its revenues, making wars, sending 
 ambassadors to Asiatic powers, a quasi-independent state, a state, 
 however, with a marked disposition to send wealth westward. 
 
980 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 In a previous chapter we have sketched the break-up of the 
 empire of the Great Mogul and the appearance of the Mahratta 
 states, the Rajput principalities, the Moslem kingdoms of 
 Oudh and Bengal, and the Sikhs. We cannot tell here in any 
 detail how the British company made its way to supremacy 
 sometimes as the ally of this power, sometimes as that, and 
 finally as the conqueror of all. Its power spread to Assam, 
 Sind, Oudh. The map of India began to take on the outlines 
 familiar to the English schoolboy of to-day, a patchwork of 
 native states embraced and held together by the great provinces 
 under direct British rule. . . . 
 
 Now as this strange unprecedented empire of the company 
 grew in the period between 1800 and 1858, the mechanical revo- 
 lution was quietly abolishing the great distance that had once 
 separated India and Britain. In the old days the rule of the 
 company had interfered little in the domestic life of the Indian 
 states; it had given India foreign overlords, but India was 
 used to foreign overlords, and had hitherto assimilated them.; 
 these Englishmen came into tlie country young, lived there 
 most of their lives, and became a part of its system. But now 
 the mechanical revolution began to alter this state of affairs. 
 It became easier for the British officials to go home and to 
 have holidays in Europe, easier for them to bring out wives and 
 families; they ceased to be Indianized; they remained more 
 conspicuously foreign and western — and there wsjre more of 
 them. And they began to interfere more vigorously with Indian 
 customs. Magical and terrible things like the telegraph and 
 the railway arrived. Christian missions became offensively 
 busy. If they did not make very many converts, at least they 
 made sceptics among the adherents of the older faiths. The 
 young men in the towns began to be "Europeanized" to the 
 great dismay of their elders. 
 
 India had endured many changes of rulers before, but never 
 the sort of changes in her ways that these things portended. 
 The Moslem teachers and the Brahmins were alike alarmed, and 
 the British were blamed for the progress of mankind. Conflicts 
 of economic interests grew more acute with the increasing near- 
 ness of Europe ; Indian industries, and particularly the ancient 
 cotton industry, suffered from legislation that favoured the 
 British manufacturer. A piece of incredible folly on the part 
 of the company precipitated an outbreak. To the Brahmin a 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY dSl 
 
 cow is sacred ; to the Moslem the pig is unclean, A new rifle, 
 needing greased cartridges — which the men had to bite — was 
 served out to . the company's Indian soldiers ; the troops dis- 
 covered that their cartridges were greased with the fat of cows 
 and swine. This discovery precipitated a revolt of the com- 
 pany's Indian army, the Indian Mutiny (1857). First the 
 troops mutinied at Meerut. Then Delhi rose to restore the 
 empire of the Great Mogul. . . . 
 
 The British public suddenly discovered India. They became 
 aware of that little garrison of British people, far away in 
 that strange land of fiery dust and weary sunshine, fighting for 
 life against dark multitudes of assailants. How they got there 
 and what right they had there, the British public did not ask. 
 The love of one's kin in danger overrides such questions. 
 There were massacres and cruelties. 185Y was a year of pas- 
 sionate anxiety in Great Britain. With mere handfuls of 
 troops the British leaders, and notably Lawrence and Nichol- 
 son, did amazing things. They did not sit down to be besieged 
 while the mutineers organized and gathered prestige ; that would 
 have lost them India for ever. They attacked often against 
 overwhelming odds. "Clubs, not spades, are trumps," said 
 Lawrence. The Sikhs, the Gurkhas, the Punjab troops stuck 
 to the British. The south remained tranquil. Of the massacres 
 of Cawnpore and Lucknow in Oudh, and how a greatly out- 
 numbered force of British troops besieged and stormed Delhi, 
 other histories must tell. By April, 1859, the last embers of 
 the blaze had been stamped out, and the British were masters 
 of India again. In no sense had the mutiny been a popular 
 insurrection ; it was a mutiny merely of the Bengal Army, due 
 largely to the unimaginative rule of the company officials. Its 
 story abounds in instances of Indian help and kindness to Brit- 
 ish fugitives. But it was a warning. 
 
 The direct result of the mutiny was the annexation of the 
 Indian Empire to the British Crown. By the Act entitled 
 An Act for the Better Oovernment of India, the Governor- 
 General became a Viceroy representing the Sovereign, and the 
 place of the company was taken by a Secretary of State for 
 India responsible to the British Parliament. In 1877, Lord 
 Beaconsfield, to complete this work, caused Queen Victoria to be 
 proclaimed Empress of India. 
 
 Upon these extraordinary lines India and Britain are linked 
 
m THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 at the present time. India is still the empire of the Great 
 Mogul, expanded, but the Great Mogul has been replaced by 
 the "crowned republic" of Great Britain, India is an autocracy 
 without an autocrat. Its rule combines the disadvantage of 
 absolute monarchy with the impersonality and irresponsibility 
 of democratic officialdom. The Indian with a complaint to 
 make has no visible monarch to go to ; his Emperor is a golden 
 symbol; he must circulate pamphlets in England or inspire a 
 question in the British House of Commons. The more occu^pied 
 Parliament is with British affairs, the less attention India will 
 receive, and the more she will be at the mercy of her small group 
 of higher officials. 
 
 This is manifestly impossible as a permanent state of affairs. 
 Indian life, whatever its restraints, is moving forward with the 
 rest of the world; India has an increasing service of news- 
 papers, an increasing number of educated people affected by 
 Western ideas, and an increasing sense of a common grievance 
 against her government. There has been little or no corre- 
 sponding advance in the education and quality of the British 
 official in India during the past seventy years. His tradition 
 is a high one ; he is often a man of exceptional quality, but the 
 system is unimaginative and inflexible. Moreover, the military 
 power that stands behind these officials has developed neither in 
 character nor intelligence during the last century. No other 
 class has been so stagnant intellectually as the British military 
 caste. Confronted with a more educated India, the British 
 military man, uneasily aware of his educational defects and 
 constantly apprehensive of ridicule, has in the last few years 
 displayed a disposition towards spasmodic violence that has had 
 some very lamentable results. Eor a time the great war alto- 
 gether diverted what small amount of British public attention 
 was previously given to India, and drew away the more intelli- 
 gent military men from her service. During those years, and 
 the feverish years of unsettlement that followed, things occurred 
 in India, the massacre of an unarmed crowd at Amritzar in 
 which nearly two thousand people were killed or wounded, 
 floggings and humiliating outrages, a sort of official's Terror, 
 that produced a profound moral shock when at last the Hunter 
 Commission of 1919 brought them before the home public. In 
 liberal-minded Englishmen, who have been wont to regard their 
 empire as an incipient league of free peoples, this revelation 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 983 
 
 of the barbaric quality in its administrators produced a very 
 understandable dismay. . . . 
 
 But the time has not yet come for writing the chapter of 
 history that India is opening for herself. . . . We cannot dis- 
 cuss here in detail the still unsettled problems of the new India 
 that struggles into being. Already in the Government of India 
 Act of 1919 we may have the opening of a new and happier 
 era that may culminate in a free and willing group of Indian 
 peoples taking an equal place among the confederated states 
 of the world. . . . 
 
 The growth of the British Empire in directions other than 
 that of India was by no means so rapid during the earlier half 
 of the nineteenth century. A considerable school of political 
 thinkers in Britain was disposed to regard overseas possessions 
 as a source of weakness to the kingdom. The Australian settl&- 
 ments developed slowly until in 1842 the discovery of valuable 
 copper mines, and in 1851 of gold, gave them a new importance. 
 Improvements in transport were also making Australian wool 
 an increasingly marketable commodity in Europe. Canada, too, 
 was not remarkably progressive until 1849; it was troubled 
 by dissensions between its French and British inhabitants, there 
 were several serious revolts, and it was only in 1867 that- a 
 new constitution creating a Federal Dominion of Canada re- 
 lieved its internal strains. It was the railway that altered the 
 Canadian outlook. It enabled Canada, just as it enabled the 
 United States, to expand westward, to market its corn and 
 other produce in Europe, and in spite of its swift and extensive 
 growth, to remain in language and sympathy and interests one 
 community. The railway, the steamship, and the telegraphic 
 cable were indeed changing all the conditions of colonial 
 development. 
 
 Before 1840, English settlements had already begun in 
 New Zealand, and a New Zealand Land Company had been 
 formed to exploit the possibilities of the island. In 1840 New 
 Zealand also was added to the colonial possessions of the British 
 Crown. 
 
 Canada, as we have noted, was the first of the British pos- 
 sessions to respond richly to the new economic possibilities the 
 new methods of transport were opening. Presently the re- 
 publics of South America, and particularly the Argentine 
 Republic, began to feel, in their cattle trade and coffee growing, 
 
984 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the increased nearness of the European market. Hitherto the 
 chief commodities that had attracted the European powers into 
 unsettled and barbaric regions had been gold or other metals, 
 spices, ivory, or slaves. But in the latter quarter of the nine- 
 teenth century the increase of the European populations was 
 obliging their governments to look abroad for staple foods ; and 
 the growth of scientific industrialism was creating a demand 
 for new raw materials, fats and greases of every kind, rubber, 
 and other hitherto disregarded substances. It was plain that 
 Great Britain and Holland and Portugal were reaping a great 
 and growing commercial advantage from their very consider- 
 able control of tropical and sub-tropical products. After 1871 
 Germany and presently France and later Italy began to look 
 for unannexed raw-material areas, or for Oriental countries 
 capable of profitable modernization. 
 
 So began a fresh scramble all over the world, except in the 
 American region where the Monroe Doctrine now barred such 
 adventures, for politically unprotected lands. Close to Europe 
 was the continent of Africa, full of vaguely known possibilities. 
 In 1850 it was a continent of black mystery; only Egypt and 
 the coast were known. A map must show the greatness of the 
 European ignorance at that time. It would need a book as long 
 as this Outline to do justice to the amazing story of the ex- 
 plorers and adventurers who first pierced this cloud of dark- 
 ness, and to the political agents, administrators, traders, set- 
 tlers, and scientific men who followed in their track. Wonder- 
 ful races of men like the pigmies, strange beasts like the okapi, 
 marvellous fruits and flowers and insects, terrible diseases, 
 astounding scenery of forest and mountain, enormous inland 
 seas and gigantic rivers and cascades were revealed; a whole 
 new world. Even remains (at Zimbabwe) of some unrecorded 
 and vanished civilization, the southward enterprise of an early 
 people, were discovered. Into this new world came the Euro- 
 peans, and found the rifle already there in the hands of the 
 Arab slave-traders, and negro life in disorder. By 1900, as 
 our second map must show, all Africa was mapped, explored, 
 estimated, and divided between the European powers, divided 
 with much snarling and disputation into portions that left each 
 power uneasy or discontented. Little heed was given to the 
 welfare of the natives in this scramble. The Arab slaver was 
 indeed curbed rather than expelled, but the greed for rubber, 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 985 
 
 which was a wild product collected under compulsion by the 
 natives in the Belgian Congo, a greed exacerbated by th» pitiless 
 avarice of the King of the Belgians, and the clash of inexperi- 
 enced European administrators with the native population in 
 many other annexations, led to horrible atrocities. No Euro- 
 pean power has perfectly clean hands in this matter. 
 
 We cannot tell here in any detail how Great Britain got 
 possession of Egypt in 1883, and remained there in spite of 
 the fact that Egypt was technically a part of the Turkish 
 Empire, nor how nearly this scramble led to war between France 
 and Great Britain in 1898, when a certain Colonel Marchand, 
 crossing Central Africa from the we«t coast, tried at Fashoda 
 to seize the Upper Nile. In Uganda the French Catholic and 
 
986 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the British Anglican missionaries disseminated a form of Chris- 
 tianity so heavily charged with the spirit of Napoleon, and so 
 finely insistent upon the nuances of doctrine, that a few years 
 after its first glimpse of European civilization, Mengo, the capi- 
 tal of Uganda, was littered with dead "Protestants" and "Oatho- 
 
 ft. S I A 
 
 AFRICA 
 
 1914 
 
 F-A ^ 
 
 German- — ^^^;^ij 
 
 BeZgxan — 
 Spaidah . . . 
 ItaKan. — 
 
 lies" extremely difficult to distinguish from the entirely un- 
 spiritual warriors of the old regime. 
 
 Nor can we tell how the British Government first let the 
 Boers, or Dutch settlers, of the Orange Eiver district and the 
 Transvaal set up independent republics in the inland parts of 
 South Africa, and then repented and annexed the Transvaal 
 Republic in 1877; nor how the Transvaal Boers fought for 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 987 
 
 freedom and won it after the Battle of Majuba Hill (1881). 
 Majuba Hill was made to rankle in the memory of the English 
 people by a persistent press campaign. A war with both re- 
 publics broke out in 1899, a three years' war enormously costly 
 to the British people, which ended at last in the surrender of 
 the two republics. 
 
 Their period of subjugation was a brief one. In 1907, after 
 the downfall of the imperialist government which had con- 
 quered them, the Liberals took the South African problem in 
 hand, and these former republics became free and fairly will- 
 ing associates with Cape Colony and Natal in a confederation 
 of all the states of South Africa as one self-governing republic 
 under the British Crown. 
 
 In a quarter of a century the partition of Africa was com- 
 pleted. There remained unannexed three comparatively small 
 countries: Liberia, a settlement of liberated negro slaves on 
 the west coast; Morocco, under a Moslem Sultan; and Abys- 
 sinia, a barbaric country, with an ancient and peculiar form of 
 Christianity, which had successfully maintained its independ- 
 ence against Italy at the Battle of Adowa in 1896. 
 
 § 10 
 
 It is difficult to believe that any large number of people really 
 accepted this headlong painting of the map of Africa in Euro-, 
 pean colours as a permanent new settlement of the world's 
 affairs, but it is the duty of the historian to record that it was 
 so accepted. There was but a shallow historical background 
 to the European mind in the nineteenth century, hardly any 
 sense of what constitutes an enduring political system, and no 
 habit of penetrating criticism. The quite temporary advantages 
 that the onset of the mechanical revolution in the west had given 
 the European Great Powers over the rest of the old world were 
 regarded by people, blankly ignorant of the great Mongol con- 
 quests of the thirteenth and following centuries, as evidences 
 of a permanent and assured leadership. They had no sense of 
 the transferability of science and its fruits. They did not 
 realize that Chinamen and Indians could carry on the work of 
 research as ably as Frenchmen or Englishmen. They believed 
 that there was some innate intellectual drive in the west, and 
 
988 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 some innate indolence and conservatism in the east, that assured 
 the Euisopeans a world predominance for ever. 
 
 The consequence of this infatuation -was that the various 
 European foreign offices set themselves not merely to scramble 
 with the British for the savage and undeveloped regions of 
 the world's surface, but also to carve up the populous and 
 civilized countries of Asia as though these peoples also were 
 no more than raw material for European exploitation. The 
 inwardly precarious but outwardly splendid imperialism of 
 the British ruling class in India, and the extensive and profit- 
 able possessions of the Dutch in the East Indies, filled the 
 ruling and mercantile classes of the rival Great Powers with 
 dreams of similar glories in Persia, in the disintegrating Otto- 
 man Empire, and in Further India, China, and Japan. In 
 the closing years of the nineteenth century it was assumed, as 
 the reader may verify by an examination of the current litera- 
 ture of the period, to be a natural and inevitable thing that all 
 the world should fall under European dominion. With a 
 reluctant benevolent effort the European mind prepared itself 
 to take up what Mr. Eudyard Kipling called "the White Man's 
 Burthen" — that is to say, the lordship of the earth. The 
 Powers set themselves to this enterprise in a mood of jostling 
 rivalry, with half-educated or illiterate populations at home, 
 with a mere handful of men, a few thousand at most, engaged in 
 scientific research, with their internal political systems in a state 
 of tension or convulsive change, with a creaking economic system 
 of the most provisiQnal sort, and with their religions far gone in 
 decay. They really believed that the vast populations of eastern 
 Asia could be permanently subordinated to such a Europe. 
 
 Even to-day there are many people who fail to grasp the es- 
 sential facts of this situation. They do not realize that in 
 Asia the average brain is not one whit inferior in quality to 
 the average European brain ; that history shows Asiatics to be 
 as bold, as vigorous, as generous, as self-sacrificing, and as 
 capable of strong collective action as Europeans, and that there 
 are and must continue to be a great many more Asiatics than 
 Europeans in the world. It has always been difficult to re- 
 strain the leakage of knowledge from one population to another, 
 land now it becomes impossible. Under modern conditions 
 world-wide economic and educational equalization is in the 
 long run inevitable. An intellectual and moral rally of the 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 989 
 
 Asiatics is going on at the present time. The slight leeway of 
 a century or so, a few decades may recover. At the present 
 time, for example, for one Englishman who knows Chinese 
 thoroughly, or has any intimate knowledge of Chinese life and 
 thought, there are hundreds of Chinamen conversant with every- 
 thing the English know. The balance of knowledge in favour 
 of India may be even greater. To Britain, India sends stu- 
 dents; to India, Britain sends officials, for the most part men 
 untrained in scientific observation. There is no organization 
 whatever for the sending of European students, as students, to 
 examine and inquire into Jndian history, archaeology, and cur- 
 rent affairs or for bringing learned Indians into contact with 
 British students in Britain. 
 
 Since the year 1898, the year of the seizure of Kiau-Chau 
 by Germany and of Wei-hai-wei by Britain, and the year after 
 the Russian taking of Port Arthur, events in China have moved 
 more rapidly than in any other country except Japan. A great 
 hatred of Europeans swept like a flame over China, and a po- 
 litical society for the expulsion of Europeans, the Boxers, grew 
 up and broke out into violence in 1900. This was an outbreak 
 of rage and mischief on quite old-fashioned lines. In 1900 
 the Boxers murdered 250 Europeans and, it is said, nearly 
 30,000 Christians. China, not for the first time in history, 
 was under the sway of a dowager empress. She was an igno- 
 rant woman, but of great force of character and in close sym- 
 pathy with the Boxers. She supported them, and protected 
 those who perpetrated outrages on the Europeans. All that 
 again is what might have happened in 500 b.c. or thereabouts 
 against the Huns. 
 
 Things came to a crisis in 1900. The Boxers became more 
 and more threatening to the Europeans in China. Attempts 
 were made to send up additional European guards to the Peking 
 legations, but this only precipitated matters. The German 
 minister was shot down in the streets of Peking by a soldier of 
 the imperial guard. The rest of the foreign representatives 
 gathered together and made a fortification of the more favour- 
 ably situated legations and stood a siege of two months. A 
 combined allied force of 20,000 under a German general then 
 marched up to Peking and relieved the legations, and the old 
 Empress fled to Sian-fu, the old capital of Tai-tsung. Some 
 of the European troops committed grave atrocities upon the 
 
990 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Chinese civil population.^ That brings one up to about the level 
 of 1850, let us say. 
 
 There followed the practical annexation of Manchuria by 
 Russia, a squabble among the powers, and in 1904 a British 
 invasion of Tibet, hitherto a forbidden country. But what did 
 not appear on the surface of these events, and what made all 
 these events fundamentally different, was that China now con- 
 tained a considerable number of able people who had a Euro- 
 pean education and European knowledge. The Boxer Insur- 
 rection subsided, and then the influence of this new factor 
 began to appear in talk of a constij;ution (1906), in the sup- 
 pression of opium-smoking, and in educational reforms. A con- 
 stitution of the Japanese type came into existence in 1909, 
 maiking China a limited monarchy. But China is not to be 
 moulded to the Japanese pattern, and the revolutionary stir con- 
 tinued. Japan, in her own reorganization, and in accordance 
 with her temperament, had turned her eyes to the monarchist 
 west, but China was looking across the Pacific. In 1911 the 
 essential Chinese revolution began. In 1912 the emperbr abdi- 
 cated, and the greatest community in the world became a repub- 
 lic. The overthrow of the emperor was also the overthrow of the 
 Manchus, and the Mongolian pigtail, which had been worn by 
 the Chinese since 1644, ceased to be compulsory. It continues, 
 however, to be worn by a large proportion of the population. 
 
 At the present time it is probable that there is more good 
 brain matter and more devoted men working out the moderniza- 
 tion and the reorganization of the Chinese civilization than we 
 should find directed to the welfare of any single European 
 people. China will presently have a modernized practicable 
 script, a press, new and vigorous modern universities, a reor- 
 ganized industrial system, and a growing body of scientific and 
 economic inquiry. The natural industry and ingenuity of her 
 vast population will be released to co-operate upon terms of 
 equality with the Western world. She may have great internal 
 difficulties ahead of her yet ; of that no man can judge. Never- 
 theless, the time may not be very distant when the Federated 
 States of China may be at one with the United States of Amer- 
 ica and a pacified and reconciled Europe in upholding the 
 organized peace of the world. 
 
 'See Putnam Weale's Indiscreet Letters from Pekin, a partly fictitious 
 book, but true and vivid in its effects. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 991 
 
 § 11 
 
 The pioneer country, however, in the recovery of the Asiatic 
 peoples was not China, but Japan. We have outrun our story 
 in telling of China. Hitherto Japan has played but a small part 
 in this history; her secluded civilization has not contributed 
 very largely to the general shaping of human destinies; she 
 has received much, but she has given little. The original in- 
 habitants of the Japanese Islands were probably a northern peo- 
 ple with remote Nordic affinities, the Hairy Ainu. But the 
 Japanese proper are of the Mongolian race. Physically they 
 resemble the Amerindians, and there are many curious re- 
 semblances between the prehistoric pottery and so forth of 
 Japan and similar Peruvian products. It is not impossible that 
 they are a back-flow from the trans-Pacific drift of the early 
 heliolithic culture, but they may also have absorbed from the 
 south a Malay and even a Negrito element. 
 
 Whatever the origin of the Japanese, there can be no doubt 
 that their civilization, their writing, and their literary and 
 artistic traditions are derived from the Chinese. They were 
 emerging from barbarism in the second and third century of 
 the Christian Era, and one of their earliest acts as a people 
 outside their own country was an invasion of Korea under a 
 queen Jingo, who seems to have played a large part in estab- 
 lishing their civilization. Their history is an interesting and 
 romantic one; they developed a feudal system and a tradition 
 of chivalry ; their attacks upon Korea and China are an Eastern 
 equivalent of the English wars in France. Japan was first 
 brought into contact with Europe in the sixteenth century ; in 
 1542 some Portuguese reached it in a Chinese junk, and in 1549 
 a Jesuit missionary, Francis Xavier, began his teaching there. 
 The Jesuit accounts describe a country greatly devastated by 
 perpetual feudal war^ For a time Japan welcomed European 
 intercourse, and the Christian" missionaries made a great num- 
 ber of converts. A certain William Adams, of Gillingham, in 
 Kent, became the most trusted European adviser of the Japa- 
 nese, and showed them how to build big ships. There were 
 voyages in Japanese-built ships to India and Peru. Then arose 
 complicated quarrels between the Spanish Dominicans, the 
 Portuguese Jesuits, and the English and Dutch Protestants, 
 each warning the Japanese against the evil political designs of 
 
992 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the others. The Jesuits, in a phase of ascendancy, persecuted 
 and insulted the Buddhists with great acrimony. These troubles 
 interwove with the feudal conflicts of the time. In the end the 
 Japanese came to the conclusion that the Europeans and their 
 Christianity were an intolerable nuisance, and that Catholic 
 Christianity in particular was a mere cloak for the political 
 dreams of the Pope and the Spanish monarchy — already in 
 possession of the Philippine Islands; there was a great and 
 conclusive persecution of the Christians, and in 1638 Japan 
 with the exception of one wretched Dutch factory on the minute 
 island of Deshima in the harbour of Nagasaki was absolutely 
 closed to Europeans, and remained closed for over 200 years. 
 The Dutch on Deshima were exposed to almost unendurable 
 indignities. They had no intercourse with any Japanese except 
 the special officials appointed to deal with them. During those 
 two centuries the Japanese remained as completely cut off from 
 the rest of the world as though they lived upon another planet. 
 It was forbidden to build any ship larger than a mere coasting 
 boat. No Japanese could go abroad, and no European enter 
 the country. 
 
 For two centuries Japan remained outside the main current 
 of history. She lived on in a state of picturesque feudalism 
 enlivened by blood feuds, in which about five per cent, of the 
 population, the samurai, or fighting men, and the nobles and 
 their families, tyrannized without restraint over the rest of the 
 population. All common men knelt when a noble passed; to 
 betray the slightest disrespect was to risk being slashed to death 
 by his samurai. The elect classes lived lives of romantic adven- 
 ture without one redeeming gleam of novelty; they loved, 
 murdered^ and pursued fine points of honour — ^which probably 
 bored the intelligent ones extremely. We can imagine the 
 wretchedness of a curious mind, tormented by the craving 
 for travel and knowledge, cooped up in these islands of empty 
 romance. 
 
 Meanwhile the great world outside went on to wider visions 
 and new powers. Strange shipping became more frequent, pass- 
 ing the Japanese headlands; sometimes ships were wrecked and 
 sailors brought ashore. Through the Dutch settlement at 
 Deshima, their one link with the outer universe, came warnings 
 that Japan was not keeping pace with the power of the Western 
 world. In 1837 a ship sailed into Yedo Bay flying a strange 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 993 
 
 flag of stripes and stars, and carrying some Japanese sailors 
 she had picked up far adrift in the Pacific. She was driven off 
 by a cannon shot. This flag presently reappeared on other ships. 
 One in 1849 came to demand the liberation of eighteen ship- 
 wrecked American sailors. Then in 1853 came four American 
 warships under Commodore Perry, and refused to be driven 
 away. He lay at anchor in forbidden waters, and sent messages 
 to the two rulers who at that time shared the control of Japan. 
 In 1854 he returned with ten ships, amazing ships propelled 
 by steam, and equipped with big guns, and he made proposals 
 for trade and intercourse that the Japanese had no power to 
 resist. He landed with a guard of 500 men to sign the treaty. 
 Incredulous crowds watched this visitation from the outer world, 
 marching through the streets. 
 
 Russia, Holland, and Britain followed in the wake of Amer- 
 ica. Foreigners entered the country, and conflicts between them 
 and Japanese gentlemen of spirit ensued. A British subject 
 was killed in a street brawl, and a Japanese town was bom- 
 barded by the British (1863). A great nobleman whose estates 
 commanded the Straits of Shimonoseki saw fit to fire on foreign 
 vessels, and a second bombardment by a fleet of British, French, 
 Dutch, and American warships destroyed his batteries and scat- 
 tered his swordsmen. Finally an allied squadron (1865), at 
 anchor off Kioto, imposed a ratification of the treaties which 
 opened Japan to the world. 
 
 The humiliation of the Japanese by these events was intense, 
 and it would seem that the salvation of peoples lies largely in 
 such humiliations. With astonishing energy and intelligence 
 they set themselves to bring their culture and organization up 
 to the level of the European powers. Never in all the history 
 of mankind did a nation make such a stride as Japan then did. 
 In 1866 she was a mediaeval people, a fantastic caricature of 
 the extremist romantic feudalism ; in 1899 hers was a completely 
 Westernized people, on a level with the most advanced Euro- 
 pean powers, and well in advance of Eussia. She completely 
 dispelled the persuasion that Asia was in some irrevocable way 
 hopelessly behind Europe. She made all European progress 
 seem sluggish and tentative by comparison. 
 
 We cannot tell here in any detail of Japan's war with China 
 in 1894-95. It demonstrated the extent of her Westernization. 
 She had an eflBcient Westernized army and a small but sound 
 
994 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 fleet. But the significance of her renascence, though it was 
 appreciated by Britain and the United States, who were already 
 treating her as if she were a European state, was not under- 
 stood by the other Great Powers engaged in the pursuit of new 
 Indias in Asia. Russia was pushing down through Manchuria 
 to Korea, France was already established far to the south in 
 Tonkin and Annam, Germany was prowling hungrily on the 
 look-out for some settlement. The three powers combined to 
 prevent Japan reaping any fruits from the Chinese war, and 
 particularly from establishing herself on the mainland at the 
 points commanding the Japan Sea. She was exhausted by 
 her war with China, and they threatened her with war. 
 
 In 1898 Germany descended upon China, and, making the 
 murder of two missionaries her excuse, annexed a portion of 
 the province of Shang-tung. Thereupon Russia seized the Liao- 
 tung peninsula, and extorted the consent of China to an exten- 
 sion of her trans-Siberian railway to Port Arthur ; and in 1900 
 she occupied Manchuria. Britain was unable to resist the imita- 
 tive impulse, and seized the port of Wei-hai-wei (1898). How 
 alarming these movements must have been to every intelligent 
 Japanese a glance at the map will show. They led to a war 
 with Russia which marks an epoch in the history of Asia, the 
 close of the period of European arrogance. The Russian people 
 were, of course, innocent and ignorant of this trouble that was 
 being made for them half-way round the world, and the wiser 
 Russian statesmen were against these foolish thrusts ; but a gang 
 of financial adventurers surrounded the Tsar, including the 
 Grand Dukes, his cousins. They had gambled deeply in the 
 prospective looting of Manchuria and China, and they would 
 suffer no withdrawal. So there began a transportation of great 
 armies of Japanese soldiers across the sea to Port Arthur and 
 Korea, and the sending of endless trainloads of Russian peas- 
 ants along the Siberian railway to die in those distant 
 battlefields. 
 
 The Russians, badly led and dishonestly provided, were 
 beaten on sea and land alike. The Russian JBaltic Fleet sailed 
 round Africa to be utterly destroyed in the Straits of Tshu- 
 shima. A revolutionary movement among the common people 
 of Russia, infuriated by this remote and reasonless slaughter, 
 obliged the Tsar to end the war (1905) ; he returned the south- 
 ern half of Saghalien, which had been seized by Russia in 1875, 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 995 
 
996 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 evacuated Manchuria, resigned Korea to Japan. The White 
 Man was beginning to drop his load in eastern Asia. For some 
 years, however, Germany remained in uneasy possession of 
 Kiau-Ohau. 
 
 § 12 
 
 We have already noted how the enterprise of Italy in Abys- 
 sinia had been checked at the terrible battle of Adowa (1896), 
 in which over 3,000 Italians were killed and more than 4,000 
 taken prisoner. The phase of imperial expansion at the expense 
 of organized non-European states was manifestly drawing to a 
 close. It had entangled the quite sufficiently difficult political 
 and social problems of Great Britain, France, Spain, Italy, Ger- 
 many, and Russia with the affairs of considerable alien, un- 
 assimilable, and resentful populations ; Great Britain had Egypt 
 (not formally annexed as yet), India, Burmah, and a variety 
 of such minor problems as Malta and Shanghai; France had 
 cumbered herself with Tonkin and Annam in addition to Algiers 
 and Tunis ; Spain was newly entangled in Morocco ; Italy had 
 found trouble for herself in Tripoli ; and German overseas im- 
 perialism, though its "place in the sun" seemed a poor one, 
 derived what satisfaction it could from the thought of a prospec- 
 tive war with Japan over Kiau-Ohau. All these "subject" lands 
 had populations at a level of intelligence and education very 
 little lower than those of the possessing country; the develop- 
 ment of a native press, of a collective self-consciousness, and of 
 demands for self-government was in each case inevitable, and 
 the statesmen of Europe had been far too busy achieving these 
 empires to have any clear ideas of what they would do with 
 them when they got them. 
 
 The Western democracies, as they woke up to freedom, dis- 
 covered themselves "imperial," and were considerably em- 
 barrassed by the discovery. The East came to the Western capi- 
 tals with perplexing demands. In London the common English- 
 man, much preoccupied by strikes, by economic riddles, by 
 questions of nationalization, municipalization, and the like, 
 found that his path was crossed and his public meetings at 
 tended by a large and increasing number of swarthy gentlemen 
 in turbans, fezes, and other strange headgear, all saying in 
 effect : "You have got us. The people who represent your gov- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 997 
 
 ermnent have destroyed our own government, and prevent us 
 from making a new one. What are you going to do with us ?" 
 
 § 13 
 
 We may note here briefly the very various nature of the con- 
 stituents of the British Empire in 1914. It was and is a quite 
 unique political combination; nothing of the sort has ever 
 existed before. 
 
 First and central to the whole system was the "crowned re- 
 public" of the United British Kingdoms, including (against 
 the will of a considerable part of the Irish people) Ireland. 
 The majority of the British Parliament, made up of the three 
 united parliaments of England, Scotland, and Ireland, deter- 
 mines the headship, the quality and policy of the ministry, and 
 determines it largely on considerations arising out of British 
 domestic politics. It is this ministry which is the effective 
 supreme government, with powers of peace and war, over all 
 the rest of the empire. 
 
 Next in order of political importance to the British States 
 were the "crowned republics" of Australia, Canada, N'ew- 
 foundland (the oldest British possession, 1583), New Zealand, 
 and South Africa, all practically independent and self- 
 governing states in alliance with Great Britain, but each with 
 a representative of the Crown appointed by the Government 
 in office; 
 
 Next the Indian Empire, an extension of the empire of the 
 Great Mogul, with its dependent and "protected" states reach- 
 ing now from Baluchistan to Burmah, and including Aden, in 
 all of which empire the British Cvown and the Indian Office 
 (under Parliamentary control) played the role of the original 
 Turkoman dynasty; 
 
 Then the ambiguous possession of Egypt, still nominally a 
 part of the Turkish Empire and still retaining its own monarch, 
 the Khedive, but under almost despotic British official rule ; 
 
 Then the still more ambiguous "Anglo-Egyptian" Sudan prov- 
 ince, occupied and administered jointly by the British and by 
 the (British controlled) Egyptian Government; 
 
 Then a number of partially self-governing communities, some 
 British in origin and some not, with elected legislatures and 
 
998 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 an appointed executive, such as Malta/ Jamaica, the Bahamas, 
 and Bermuda; 
 
 Then the Crown colonies, in which the rule of the British 
 Home Government (through the Colonial Office) verged on 
 autocracy, as in Ceylon, Trinidad, and Fiji (where there was 
 an appointed council), and Gibraltar and St. Helena (where 
 there was a governor) ; 
 
 Then great areas of (chiefly) tropical lands, raw-product 
 areas, with politically weak and under-civilized native commu- 
 nities, which were nominally protectorates, and administered 
 either by a High Commissioner set over native chiefs (as in 
 Basutoland) or over a chartered company (as in Ehodesia). In 
 some cases the Foreign Office, in some cases the Colonial Office, 
 and in some cases the India Office had been concerned in acquir- 
 ing the possessions that fell into this last and least definite class 
 of all, but for the most part the Colonial Office was now 
 responsible for them. 
 
 It will be manifest, therefore, that no single office and no 
 single brain had ever comprehended the British Empire as a 
 whole. It was a mixture of growths and accumulations entirely 
 different from anything that has ever been called an empire 
 before. It guaranteed a wide peace and security ; that is why 
 it was endured and sustained by many men of the "subject" 
 races — in spite of official tyrannies and insufficiencies, and of 
 much negligence on the part of the "home" public. Like the 
 "Athenian empire," it was an overseas empire ; its ways were 
 sea ways, and its common link was the British ISTavy. Like all 
 empires, its cohesion was dependent physically upon a method 
 of communication; the development of seamanship, ship-build- 
 ing, and steamships between the sixteenth and nineteenth cen- 
 turies had made it a possible and convenient Pax — the "Pax 
 Britannica," and fresh developments of air or swift land trans- 
 port or of undersea warfare might at any time make it incon- 
 venient or helplessly insecure. 
 
 ■'A new and much more liberal Maltese constitution was promulgated 
 in June, 1920, practically putting Malta on the footing of a self-governing 
 colony. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 999 
 
XXXIX 
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL CATASTEOPHE OF 1914 
 
 1. The Armed Peace Before the Oreat War. § 2. Imperial 
 German^/. § 3. The Spirit of Imperialism in Britain and 
 Ireland. § 4. Imperialism in France, Italy, and the Balkans. 
 § 5. Russia a Grand Monarchy. § 6. The United States 
 and the Imperial Idea. § 7. The^ Immediate Causes of the 
 Great War. § 8. A Summary of the Great War Up to 1917. 
 § 9. The Great War from the Russian Collapse to the Armis- 
 tice. § 10, The Political, Economical, and Social Disorgani- 
 zation Caused hy the War. § 11. President Wilson and the 
 Problems of Versailles. § 12. Summary of the First Cove- 
 nant of the League of Nations. § 13. A General Outline of 
 the Treaties of 1919 and 1920. 
 
 FOE thirty-six years after the Treaty of San Stefano and 
 the Berlin Conference, Europe maintained an uneasy 
 peace within its borders ; there was no war between any 
 of the leading states during this period. They jostled, brow- 
 beat, and threatened one another, but they did not come to 
 actual hostilities. There was a general realization after 1871 
 that modern war was a much more serious thing than the pro- 
 fessional warfare of the eighteenth century, an effort of peoples 
 as a whole that might strain the social fabric very severely, an 
 adventure not to be rashly embarked upon. The mechanical 
 revolution was giving constantly more powerful (and expensive) 
 weapons by land and sea, and more rapid methods of transport ; 
 and making it more and more impossible 'to carry on warfare 
 without a complete dislocation of the economic life of the com- 
 munity. Even the foreign offices felt the fear of war. 
 
 But though war was dreaded as it had never been dreaded 
 in the world before, nothing was done in the way of setting up 
 
 1000 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1001 
 
 a federal control to prevent Iranian affairs drifting towards war. 
 In 1898, it is true, the young Tsar Nicholas II (1894-1917) 
 issued a rescript inviting the other Great Powers to a confer- 
 ence of states "seeking to make the great idea of universal 
 peace triumph over the elements of trouble and discord." His 
 rescript recalls the declaration of his predecessor, Alexander I, 
 which gave its tone to the Holy Alliance, and it is vitiated by 
 the same assumption that peace can be established between sov- 
 ereign governments rather than by a broad appeal to the heeds 
 and rights of the one people of mankind. The lesson of the 
 United States of America, which showed that there could be 
 neither unity of action nor peace until the thought of the "people 
 of Virginia" and the "people of Massachusetts" had been swept 
 aside by the thought of the "people of the United States," went 
 entirely disregarded in the European attempts at pacification. 
 Two conferences were held at The Hague in Holland, one in 
 1899 and another in 1907, and at the second nearly all the 
 sovereign states of the world were represented. They were" 
 represented diplomatically, there was no direction of the general 
 intelligence of the world to their deliberations, the ordinary 
 common man did not even know that these conferences were 
 sitting, and for the most part the assembled representatives 
 haggled cunningly upon points of international law affecting 
 war, leaving aside the abolition of war as a chimsera. These 
 Hague Conferences did nothing to dispel the idea that inter- 
 national life is necessarily competitive. They accepted that idea. 
 They did nothing to develop the consciousness of a world com- 
 monweal overriding sovereigns and foreign offices. The interna- 
 tional lawyers and statesmen who attended these gatherings were 
 as little disposed to hasten on a world comnaonweal on such a 
 basis as were the Prussian statesmen of 1848 to welcome an all- 
 German parliament overriding the rights and "policy" of the 
 King of Prussia. 
 
 In America a series of three Pan-American conferences in 
 1889, 1901, and 1906 went some way towards the development 
 of a scheme of international arbitration for the whole American 
 continent. 
 
 The character and good faith of Nicholas II, who initiated 
 these Hague gatherings, we will not discuss at any length here. 
 He may have thought that time was on the side of Eussia. But 
 of the general unwillingness of the Great Powers to face the 
 
1002 THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 prospect of a merger of sovereign powers, without wliicli perma- 
 nent peace projects kxe absurd, there can be no sort of doubt 
 whatever. It was no cessation of international competition with 
 its acute phase of war that they desired, but rather a cheapening 
 of war, which was becoming too costly. Each wanted to econo- 
 mize the wastage of minor disputes and conflicts, and to establish 
 international laws that would embarrass its more formidable 
 opponents in war-time without incommoding itself. These were 
 the "practical ends they sought at the Hague Conference. It 
 was a gathering they attended to please Nicholas II, just as the 
 monarchs of Europe had subscribed to the evangelical proposi- 
 tions of the Holy Alliance to please Alexander I; and as they 
 had attended it, they tried to make what they conceived to be 
 some use of it. 
 
 The peace of Frankfort had left Germany Prussianized and 
 united, the most formidable of all the Great Powers of Europe. 
 France was humiliated and crippled. Her lapse into repub- 
 licanism seemed likely to leave her without friends in any 
 European court, Italy was as yet a mere stripling. Austria 
 sank now rapidly to the position of a confederate in German 
 policy. Eussia was vast, but undeveloped; and the British 
 Empire was mighty only on the sea. Beyond Europe the one 
 power to be reckoned with by Germany was the United States 
 of America, growing now into a great industrial nation, but 
 with no army nor navy worth considering by European 
 standards. 
 
 The new Germany which was embodied in the empire that 
 had been created at Versailles was a complex and astonishing 
 mixture of the fresh intellectual and material forces of the 
 world, with the narrowest political traditions of the European 
 system. She was vigorously educational ; she was by far the 
 most educational state in the world; she made the educational 
 pace for all her neighbours and rivals. In this time of reckon- 
 ing for Germany, it may help the British reader to a balanced 
 attitude to recall the educational stimulation for which his coun- 
 try has to thank first the German Prince Consort and then 
 German competition. That mean jealousy of the educated 
 common man on the part of the British ruling class, which no 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1003 
 
 patriotic prido or generous impulse had ever sufficed to over- 
 come, went dovra. before a growing fear of German efficiency. 
 And Germany took up tlie organization of scientific research 
 and of the application of scientific method to industrial and 
 social development with such a faith and energy as no other 
 community had ever shown before. Throughout all this period 
 of the armed peace she was reaping and sowing afresh and 
 reaping again the harvests, the unfailing harvests, of freely 
 disseminated knowledge. She grew swiftly to become a great 
 manufacturing and trading power; her steel output outran the 
 British ; in a hundred new fields of production and commerce, 
 where intelligence and system was of more account than mere 
 trader's cunning, in the manufacture of optical glass, of dyes 
 and of a multitude of chemical products and in endless novel 
 processes, she led the world. 
 
 To the British manufacturer who was accustomed to see in- 
 ventions come into his works, he knew not whence nor why, 
 begging to be adopted, this new German method of keeping and 
 paying scientific men seemed abominably unfair. It was com- 
 pelling fortune, he felt. It was packing the cards. It was 
 encouraging a nasty class of intellectuals to interfere in the 
 affairs of sound business men. Science went abroad from its 
 first home like an unloved child. The splendid chemical indus- 
 try of Germany was built on the work of the Englishman Sir 
 William Perkin, who could find no "practical" English business 
 man to back him. And Germany also led the way in many 
 forms of social legislation. Germany realized that labour is a 
 .national asset, that it deteriorates through unemployment, and 
 that, for the common good, it has to be taken care of outside 
 the works. The British employer was still under the delusion 
 that labour had no business to exist outside the works, and that 
 the worse such exterior existence was, the better somehow for 
 him. Moreover, because of his general illiteracy, he was an 
 intense individualist: his- was the insenate rivalry of the vulgar 
 mind ; he hated his fellow manufacturers about as much as he 
 hated his labour and his customers. German producers, on 
 the other hand, were persuaded of the great advantages of 
 combination and civility; their enterprises tended to flow 
 together and assume more and more the character of national 
 undertakings. 
 
 This educating, scientific, and organizing Germany was the 
 
1004 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 natural development of tlie liberal Germany of 1848 ; it had its 
 roots far back in the recuperative effort that drew its impulse 
 from the shame of the Napoleonic conquest. All that was good, 
 all that v^as great in this modern Germany, she owed indeed 
 to her schoolmasters. But this scientific organizing spirit was 
 only one of the two factors that made up the new German 
 Empire. The other factor was the HohenzoUern monarchy 
 which had survived Jena, vsrhieh had tricked and bested the 
 revolution of 1848, and which, under the guidance of Bismarck, 
 had now clambered to the legal headship of all Germany out- 
 side Austria. Except the Tsardom, no other European state 
 had so preserved the tradition of the Grand Monarchy of the 
 eighteenth century as the Prussian. Through the tradition of 
 Frederick the Great, Machiavelli now reigned in Germany. In 
 the head of this fine new modem state, therefore, there sat no 
 fine modern brain to guide it to a world predominance in world 
 service, but an old spider lusting for power. Prussianized Ger- 
 many was at once the newest and the most antiquated thing in 
 Western Europe. She was the best and the wickedest 'state of 
 her time. 
 
 The psychology of nations is still but a rudimentary science. 
 Psychologists have scarcely begun to study the citizen side of 
 the individual man. But it is of the utmost importance to our 
 subject that the student of universal history should give some 
 thought to the mental growth of the generations of Germans 
 educated since the victories of 1871. They were naturally in- 
 flated by their sweeping unqualified successes in war, and by 
 their rapid progress from comparative poverty to wealth. It . 
 would have been more than human in them if they had not 
 given way to some excesses of patriotic vanity. But this re- 
 action was deliberately seized upon and fostered and devel- 
 oped by a systematic exploitation and control of school and 
 college, literature and press, in the interests of the Hohen- 
 zoUem dynasty. A teacher, a professor, who did not teach and 
 preach, in and out of season, the racial, moral, intellectual, and 
 physical superiority of the Germans to all other peoples, their 
 extraordinary devotion to war and their dynasty, and their 
 inevitable destiny under that dynasty to lead the world, was 
 a marked man, doomed to failure and obscurity. German his- 
 torical teaching became an immense systematic falsification of 
 the human past, with a view to the Hohenzollem future. All 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1005 
 
 other nations were represented as incompetent and decadent; 
 the Prussians were the leaders and regenerators of mankind. 
 The young German read this in his school-books, heard it in 
 church, found it in his literature, had it poured into him with 
 passionate conviction by his professor. It was poured into 
 him by all his professors; lecturers in biology or mathematics 
 would break off from their proper subject to indulge in long 
 passages of patriotic rant. Only minds of extraordinary tough- 
 ness and originality could resist such a torrent of suggestion. 
 Insensibly there was built up in the German mind a conception, 
 of Germany and its emperor as of something splendid and 
 predominant as nothing else had ever been before, a godlike 
 nation in "shining armour" brandishing the "good German 
 sword" in a world of inferior — and very badly disposed — 
 peoples. We have told our story of Europe; the reader may 
 judge whether the glitter of the German sword is exceptionally 
 blinding. Germania was deliberately intoxicated, she was sys- 
 tematically kept drunk, with this sort of patriotic rhetoric. It 
 is the greatest of the Hohenzollern crimes that the Crown con- 
 stantly and persistently tampered with education, and partic- 
 ularly with historical teaching. No other modern state has 
 so sinned against education. The oligarchy of the crowned 
 republic of Great Britain may have crippled and starved edu- 
 cation, but the Hohenzollern monarchy corrupted and pros- 
 tituted it. 
 
 It cannot be too clearly stated, it is the most important fact 
 in the history of the last half century, that the German people 
 was methodically indoctrinated with the idea of a German 
 world-predominance based on might, and with the theory that 
 war was a necessary thing in life. The key to German his- 
 torical teaching is to be found in Count Moltke's dictum: 
 "Perpetual peace is a dream, and it is not even a beautiful 
 dream. War is an element in the order of the world ordained 
 by God." "Without war the world would stagnate and lose 
 itself in materialism." And the anti-Christian German phi- 
 losopher, Nietzsche, found himself quite at one with the pious 
 field-marshal. "It is mere illusion and pretty sentiment," he 
 observes, "to expect much (even anything at all) from man- 
 kind if it forgets how to make war. As yet no means are known 
 which call so much into action aS a great war that rough energy 
 bom of the camp, that deep impersonality bom of hatred, that 
 
looe 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 conscience born of murder and cold-bloodedness, that fervour 
 born of effort in the annihilation of the enemy, that proud 
 indifference to loss, to one's own existence, to that of one's fel- 
 lows, that earthquake-like soul-shaking which a people needs 
 when it is losing its vitality." ^ 
 
 This sort of teaching, which pervaded the German Empire 
 from end to end, was bound to be noted abroad, bound to alarm 
 
 every other power and 
 people in the world, bound 
 to provoke an anti-Ger- 
 man confederation and it 
 was accompanied by a 
 parade of military, and 
 presently of naval, prep- 
 aration that threatened 
 France, Eussia, and Brit- 
 ain alike. It affected the 
 thoughts, the manners, 
 and morals of the entire 
 German people. After 
 1871, the German abroad 
 thrust out his chest and 
 raised his voice. He threw 
 a sort of trampling quality 
 even into the operations of 
 commerce. His machinery 
 came on the markets of 
 the world, his shipping 
 took the seas with a splash 
 of patriotic challenga 
 His very merits he used as 
 a means of offence. (And probably most other peoples, if they 
 had had the same experiences and undergone the same training, 
 would have behaved in a similar manner.) 
 
 By one of those accidents in history that personify and pre- 
 cipitate catastrophes, the ruler of Germany, the emperor Wil- 
 liam II, embodied the new education of his people and the 
 Hohenzollem tradition in the completest form. He came to 
 the throne in 1888 at the age of twenty-nine; his father, Fred- 
 
 ' These quotations are from Sir Thomas Barclay's article "Peace" in 
 the EnoyoliypcBdia Britannica. 
 
 The Etnperor "William. IT. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1007 
 
 erick III, had succeeded his grandfather, William I, in the 
 March, to die in the June of that year. WiUiam II was the 
 grandson of Queen Victoria on his mother's side, but his tem- 
 perament showed no traces of the liberal German tradition 
 that distinguished the Saxe-Coburg-Gotha family. His head 
 was full of the frothy stuff of the new imperialism. He 
 signalized his accession by an address to his army and navy; 
 his address to his people followed three days later. A high note 
 of contempt for democracy was sounded: "The soldier and the 
 army, not parliamentary majorities, have welded together the 
 German Empire. My trust is placed in the army." So the 
 patient work 9f the German schoolmasters was disowned, and 
 the HohenzoUem declared himself triumphant. 
 
 The next exploit of the young monarch was to quarrel with 
 the old chancellor, Bismarck, who had made the new German 
 Empire, and to dismiss him (1890). There were no profound 
 differences of opinion between them, but, as Bismarck said, the 
 Emperor intended to be his own chancellor. 
 
 These were the opening acts of an active and aggressive 
 career. This William II meant to make a noise in the world, 
 a louder noise than any other monarch had ever made. The 
 whole of Europe was soon familiar with the figure of the new 
 monarch, invariably in military uniform of the most glittering 
 sort, staring valiantly, fiercely moustached, and with a withered 
 left arm ingeniously minimised. He affected silver shining 
 breastplates and long white cloaks. A great restlessness was 
 manifest. It was clear he conceived himself destined for great 
 things, but for a time it was not manifest what particular great 
 things these were. There was no oracle at Delphi now to tell 
 him that he was destined to destroy a great empire. 
 
 The note of theatricality about him and the dismissal . of 
 Bismarck alarmed many of his subjects, but they were pres- 
 ently reassured by the idwi that he was using his influence in 
 the cause of peace and to consolidate Germany. He travelled 
 much, to London, Viepna, Rome — ^where he had private con- 
 versations with the Pope — to Athens^ where his sister married 
 the king in 1889, and to Constantinople. He was the first 
 Christian sovereign to be a Sultan's guest. He also went to 
 Palestine. A special gate was knocked through the ancient wall 
 of Jerusalem so that he could ride into that place ; it was be- 
 neath his dignity to walk in. He induced the Sultan to com- 
 
1008 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 mence the reorganization of the Turkish Army upon German 
 lines and under German officers. In 1895 he announced that 
 Germany was a "world power," and that "the future of Ger- 
 many lay upon the water" — regardless of the fact that the 
 British considered that they were there already — and he began 
 to interest himself more and more in the building up of a great 
 navy. He also took German art and literature under his care ; 
 he used his influence to retain the distinctive and blinding 
 German blackletter against the Eoman type used by the rest 
 of western Europe, and he supported the Pan-German move- 
 ment, which claimed the Dutch, the Scandinavians, the Flemish 
 Belgians, and the German Swiss as members of a great German 
 brotherhood — as in fact good assimilable stuff for a hungry 
 young empire which meant to grow. All other monarchs in 
 Europe paled before him. 
 
 He used the general hostility against Britain aroused through- 
 out Europe by the war against the Boer Eepublics to press for- 
 ward his schemes for a great navy, and this, together with the 
 rapid and challenging extension of the German colonial em- 
 pire in Africa and the Pacific Ocean, alarmed and irritated 
 the British extremely. British liberal opinion in particular 
 found itself under the exasperating necessity of supporting an 
 ever-increasing British Navy. "I will not rest," he said, "until 
 I have brought my navy to the same height at which my army 
 stands." The most peace-loving of the islanders could not ignore 
 that threat. 
 
 In 1890 he had acquired the small island of Heligoland from 
 Britain. This he made into a great naval fortress. 
 
 As his navy grew, his enterprise increased. He proclaimed 
 the Germans "the salt of the earth." They must not "weary 
 in the work of civilization; Germany, like the spirit of Im- 
 perial Rome, must expand and impose itself." This he said 
 on Polish soil, in support of the steady efforts the Germans 
 were making to suppress the Polish language and culture, and 
 to Germanize their share of Poland. God he described as his 
 "Divine Ally." In the old absolutisms the monarch was either 
 God himself or the adopted agent of God; the Kaiser took 
 God for his trusty henchman. "Our old God," he said af- 
 fectionately. When the Germans seized Kiau-Chau, he spoke 
 of the German "mailed fist." When he backed Austria against 
 Russia, he talked of Germany in her "shining armour." 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1009 
 
 « 
 The disasters of Russia in Manchuria in 1905 released the 
 spirit of German imperialism to bolder aggressions. The fear 
 of a joint attack from France and Russia seemed lifting. The 
 emperor made a kind of regal progress through the Holy Land, 
 landed at Tangier to assure the Sultan of Morocco of his sup- 
 port against the French, and inflicted upon France the crown- 
 ing indignity of compelling her by a threat of war to dismiss 
 Delcasse, her foreign minister. He drew tighter the links be- 
 tween Austria and Germany, and in 1908, Austria, with his 
 support, defied the rest of Europe by annexing from the Turk 
 the Yugo-Slav provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. So by 
 his naval challenge to Britain and these aggressions upon France 
 and the Slavs he forced Britain, France, and Russia into a 
 defensive understanding against him. The Bosnian annexa- 
 tion had the further effect of estranging Italy, which had 
 hitherto been his ally. 
 
 Such was the personality that the evil fate of Germany 
 set over her to stimulate, organize, and render intolerable to 
 the rest of the world the natural pride and self-assertion of 
 a great people who had at last, after long centuries of 
 division and weakness, escaped from a jungle of princes to 
 unity and the world's respect. It was natural that the 
 commercial and industrial leaders of this new Germany 
 who were now getting rich, the financiers intent upon over- 
 seas exploits, the officials and the vulgar, should find this 
 leader very much to their taste. Many Germans who thought 
 him rash or tawdry in their secret hearts, supported him 
 publicly because he had so taking an air of success. Hoch der 
 Kaiser! 
 
 Yet Germany did not yield itself without a struggle to the 
 strong-flowing tide of imperialism. Important elements in Ger- 
 man life struggled against this swaggering new autocracy. The 
 old German nations, and particularly the Bavarians, refused 
 to be swallowed up in Prussianism. And with the spread of 
 education and the rapid industrialization of Germany, organ- 
 ized labour developed its ideas and a steady antagonism to the 
 military and patriotic clattering of its ruler. A new political 
 party was gi'owing up in the state, the Social Democrats, pro- 
 fessing the doctrines of Marx. In the teeth of the utmost oppo- 
 sition from the official and clerical organizations, and of vio- 
 lently repressive laws against its propaganda and against com- 
 
1010 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 binations, this party grew. The Kaiser denounced it again and 
 again; its leaders were sent to prison or driven abroad. Still 
 it grew. When he came to the throne it polled not half a mil- 
 lion votes ; in 1907 it polled over three million. He attempted 
 to concede many things, old age and sickness insurance, for 
 example, as a condescending gift, things which it claimed for 
 the workers as their right. His conversion to socialism was 
 noted, but it gained no converts to imperialism. His naval 
 ambitions were ably and bitterly denounced; the colonial 
 adventures of the new German capitalists were incessantly 
 attacked by this party of the common sense of the common 
 man. But to the army, the Social Democrats accorded a 
 moderate support, because, much as they detested their home- 
 grown autocrat, they hated and dreaded the barbaric and 
 retrogressive autocracy of Eussia on their eastern frontier 
 more. 
 
 The danger plainly before Germany was that this swagger- 
 ing imperialism would compel Britain, Russia, and France into 
 a combined attack upon her, an offensive-defensive. The Kai- 
 ser wavered between a stiff attitude towards Britain and clumsy 
 attempts to propitiate her, while his fleet grew and while he 
 prepared for a preliminary struggle with Russia and France. 
 When in 1913 the British government proposed a cessation on 
 either hand of naval construction for a year, it was refused. 
 The Kaiser was afflicted with a son and heir more HohenzoUern, 
 more imperialistic, more Pan-Germanic than his father. He 
 had been nurtured upon imperialist propaganda. His toys 
 had been soldiers and guns. He snatched at a premature pop- 
 ularity by outdoing his father's patriotic and aggressive atti- 
 tudes. His father, it was felt, was growing middle-aged and 
 over-careful. The Crown Prince renewed him. Germany had 
 never been so strong, never so ready for a new great adventure 
 and another harvest of victories. The Russians, he was in- 
 structed, were decayed, the French degenerate, the British on 
 the verge of civil war. This young Crown Prince was but a 
 sample of the abounding upper-class youth of Germany in the 
 spring of 1914. They had all drunken from the same cup. 
 Their professors and teachers, their speakers and leaders, their 
 mothers and sweethearts, had been preparing them for the great 
 occasion that was now very nearly at hand. They were full of 
 the tremulous sense of imminent conflict, of a trumpet call to 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1011 
 
 stupendous achievements, of victory over mankind abroad, tri- 
 umph over the recalcitrant workers at home. The country was 
 taut and excited like an athletic competitor at the end of his 
 training. 
 
 § 3 
 
 Throughout the period of the armed peace Germany was 
 making the pace and setting the tone for the rest of Europe. 
 The influence of her new doctrines of aggressive imperialism 
 was particularly strong upon the British mind, which was ill- 
 equipped to resist a strong intellectual thrust from abroad. 
 The educational impulse the Prince Consort had given had died 
 away after his death; the universities of Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge were hindered in their task of effective revision of 
 upper-class education by the fears and prejudices the so-called 
 "conflict of science and religion" had roused in the clergy who 
 dominated them through Convocation; popular education was 
 crippled by religious squabbling, by the extreme parsimony of 
 the public authorities, by the desire of employers for child la- 
 bour, and by individualistic objection to "educating other peo- 
 ple's children." The old tradition of the English, the tradition 
 of plain statement, legality, fair play, and a certain measure 
 of republican freedom had faded considerably during the 
 stresses of the iN^apoleonic wars; romanticism, of which Sir 
 Walter Scott, the great novelist, was the chief promoter, had 
 infected the national imagination with a craving for the florid 
 and picturesque. "Mr. Briggs," the comic Englishman of 
 Punch in the fifties and sixties, getting himself into highland 
 costume and stalking deer, was fairly representative of the 
 spirit of the new movement. It presently dawned upon Mr. 
 Briggs as a richly coloured and credible fact he had hitherto 
 not observed, that the sun never set on his dominions. The 
 country which had once put Clive and Warren Hastings on 
 trial for thfeir unrighteous treatment of Indians, was now per- 
 suaded to regard them as entirely chivalrous and devoted fig- 
 ures. They were "empire builders." Under the spell of Dis- 
 raeli's Oriental imagination, which had made Queen Vic- 
 toria "empress," the Englishman turned readily enough to- 
 wards the vague exaltations of modern imperialism. 
 
 The perverted ethnology and distorted history which was 
 
1012 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 persuading the mixed Slavic, Keltic, and Teutonic Germans 
 that they were a wonderful race apart, was imitated hy Eng- 
 lish writers who began to exalt a new ethnological invention, the 
 "Anglo-Saxon." This remarkable compound was presented as 
 the culmination of humanity, the crown and reward of the ac- 
 cumulated effort of Greek and Eoman, Egyptian, Assyrian, 
 Jew, Mongol, and such-like lowly precursors of its white splen- 
 dour. The senseless legend of German superiority did much to 
 exacerbate the irritations of the Poles in Posen and the French 
 in Lorraine. The even more ridiculous legend of the superior 
 Anglo-Saxon did not merely increase the irritations of English 
 rule in Ireland, but it lowered the tone of British dealings with 
 "subject" peoples throughout the entire world. For the cessa- 
 tion of respect and the cultivation of "superior" ideas are 
 the cessation of civility and justice. 
 
 The imitation of German patriotic misconceptions did not 
 end with this "Anglo-Saxon" fabrication. The clever young 
 men at the British universities in the eighties and nineties, 
 bored by the flatness and insincerities of domestic politics, were 
 moved to imitation and rivalry by this new teaching of an arro- 
 gant, subtle, and forceful nationalist imperialism, this com- 
 bination of Machiavelli and Attila, which was being imposed 
 upon the thought and activities of young Germany. Britain, 
 too, they thought, must have her shining armour ami wave her 
 good sword. The new British imperialism found its poet in 
 Mr. Kipling and its practical support in a number of financial 
 and business interests whose way to monopolies and exploita- 
 tions was lighted by its glow. These Prussianizing English- 
 men carried their imitation of Germany to the most extraor- 
 dinary lengths. Central Europe is one continuous economic 
 system, best worked as one ; and the new Germany had achieved 
 a great customs union, a ZoUverein of all its constituents. It 
 became naturally one compact system, like a clenched fist. The 
 British Empire sprawled like an open hand throughout the 
 world, its members different in nature, need, and itlationship, 
 with no common interest except the common guarantee of 
 safety. But the new Imperialists were blind to that difference. 
 If new Germany had a Zollverein, then the British Empire 
 must be in the fashion; and the natural development of its 
 various elements must be hampered everywhere by "imperial 
 preferences" and the like. . . . 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1013 
 
 Yet the imperialist movement in Great Britain never had 
 the authority nor the unanimity it had in Germany. It was 
 not a natural product of any of the three united but diverse 
 British peoples. It was not congenial to them. Queen Victoria 
 and her successors, Edward VII and George V, were indis- 
 posed, either by temperament or tradition, to wear "shining 
 armour," shake "mailed fists," and flourish "good swords" in 
 the Hohenzollem fashion. They had the wisdom to refrain 
 from any overt meddling with public ideas. And this "Brit- 
 ish" imperialist movement had from the first aroused the hos- 
 tility of the large number of English, Welsh, Irish, and Scotch 
 writers who refused to recognize this new "British" nationality 
 or to accept the theory that they were these "Anglo-Saxon" 
 supermen. And many great interests in Britain, and notably 
 the shipping interest, had been built up upon free trade, and 
 regarded the fiscal proposals of the new imperialists, and the 
 new financial and mercantile adventurers with whom they were 
 associated, with a justifiable suspicion. On the other hand, 
 these ideas ran like wildfire through the military class, through 
 Indian officialdom and the like. Hitherto there had always 
 been something apologetic about the army man in England. 
 He was not native to that soil. Here was a movement that 
 promised to make him as splendidly important as his Prussian 
 brother in arms. And the imperialist idea also found support 
 in the cheap popular press that was now coming into existence 
 to cater for the new stratum of readers created by elementary 
 education. This press wanted plain, bright, simple ideas 
 adapted to the needs of readers who had scarcely begun to think. 
 
 In spite of such support, and its strong appeal to national 
 vanity, British imperialism never saturated the mass of the 
 British peoples. The English are not a mentally docile people, 
 and the noisy and rather forced enthusiasm for imperialism and 
 higher tariffs of the old Tory Party, the army class, the country 
 clergy, the music-halls, the assimilated alien, the vulgar rich 
 and the new large employers, inclined the commoner sort, and 
 particularly organized labour, to a suspicious attitude. If the 
 continually irritated sore of the Majuba defeat permitted the 
 country to be rushed into the needless, toilsome, and costly 
 conquest of the Boer republics in South Africa, the strain of 
 that adventure produced a sufficient reaction towards decency 
 and justice to reinstate the Liberal Party in power, and to 
 
1014 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 undo the worst of that mischief by the creation of a South 
 African confederation. Considerable advances continued to 
 be made in popular education, and in the recovery of public 
 interests and the general wealth from the possession of the 
 few. And in these years of the armed peace, the three British 
 peoples came very near to a settlement, on fairly just and rea- 
 sonable lines, of their long-standing misunderstanding with 
 Ireland. The great war, unluckily for them, overtook them in 
 the very crisis of this effort. 
 
 Like Japan, Ireland has figured but little in this Outline of 
 History, and for the same reason, because she is an extreme 
 island country, receiving much, but hitherto giving but little 
 back into the general drama. Her population is a very mixed 
 one, its basis, and probably its main substance, being of the dark 
 "Mediterranean" strain, pre-Nordic and pre-Aryan, like the 
 Basques and the people of Portugal and south Italy. Over 
 this original basis there flowed, about the sixth century b.c. — 
 we do not know to ^vhat degree of submergence — a wave of 
 Keltic peoples, in at least sufficient strength to establish a 
 Keltic language, the Irish Gaelic. There were comings and 
 goings, invasions and counter-invasions of this and that Keltic 
 or Kelticized people between Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and 
 England. The island was Christianized in the fifth century. 
 Later on the east coast was raided and settled by Northmen, 
 but we do not know to what extent they altered the racial 
 quality. The Norman-English came in 1169, in the time of 
 Henry II and onward. The Teutonic strain may be as strong 
 or stronger than the Keltic in modem Ireland. Hitherto 
 Ireland had been a tribal and barbaric country, with a few 
 centres of security wherein the artistic tendencies of the more 
 ancient race found scope in metal-work and the illumination 
 of holy books. Now, in the twelfth century, there was an im- 
 perfect conquest by the English Crown, and scattered settlements 
 by Normans and English in various parts of the country. From 
 the outset profound temperamental differences between the 
 Irish and English were manifest, differences exacerbated by 
 a difference of language, and these became much more evident 
 after the Protestant Eeformation. The English became Prot- 
 estant; the Irish by a natural reaction rallied about the per- 
 secuted Catholic church. 
 
 The English rule in Ireland had been from the first an in- 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1015 
 
 termittent civil war due to the class of languages and the dif- 
 ferent laws of land tenure and inheritance of the two peoples. 
 The rehellions, massacres, and subjugations of the unhappy 
 island during the reigns of Elizabeth and James I we cannot 
 tell of here; but under James came a new discord with the 
 confiscation of large areas of Ulster and their settlement with 
 Presbyterian Scotch colonists. They formed a Protestant com- 
 munity in necessary permanent conflict with the Catholic re- 
 mainder of Ireland. 
 
 In the political conflicts during the reign of Charles I and 
 the Commonweal, and of James II and William and Mai-y, 
 the two sides in English affairs found sympathizers and allies 
 in the Irish parties. There is a saying in Ireland that Eng- 
 land's misfortune is Ireland's opportunity, and the English 
 civil trouble that led to the execution of Strafford was the occa- 
 sion also of a massacre of the English in Ireland (1641). Later 
 on Cromwell was to avenge that massacre by giving no quarter 
 to any men found under arms, a severity remembered by the 
 Irish Catholics with extreme bitterness. Between 1689 and 
 1691 Ireland was again torn by civil war. James II sought 
 the support of the Irish Catholics against William III, and 
 his adherents were badly beaten at the battles of the Boyne 
 (1690) and Aughrim (1691). 
 
 There was a settlement, the Treaty of Limerick, a disputed 
 settlement in which the English Government promised much in 
 the way of tolerance for Catholics and the like, and failed to 
 keep its promises. Limerick is still a cardinal memory in the 
 long story of Irish embitterment. Comparatively few English 
 people have even heard of this Treaty of Limerick ; in Ireland 
 it rankles to this day. 
 
 The eighteenth century was a century of accumulating griev- 
 ance. English commercial jealousy put heavy restraints upon 
 Irish trade, and the development of a wool industry was de- 
 stroyed in the south and west. The Ulster Protestants were 
 treated little better than the Catholics in these matters, and 
 they were the chief of the rebels. There was more agrarian 
 revolt in the north than in the south in the eighteenth century. 
 
 Let us state as clearly as our space permits the parallelisms 
 and contrasts of the British and Irish situation at this time. 
 There was a parliament in Ireland, but it was a Protestant 
 parliament, even more limited and corrupt than the contempo- 
 
1016 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Tary Britlsli Parliament; there was a considerable civilization 
 in and about Dublin, and much literary and scientific activity, 
 conducted in English and centring upon the Protestant uni- 
 versity of Trinity College. This was the Ireland of Swift, 
 Goldsmith, Burke, Berkeley, and Boyle. It was essentially a 
 part of the English culture. It had nothing distinctively 
 Irish about it. The Catholic religion and the Irish language 
 were outcast and persecuted things in the darkness at thia time. 
 
 It was from this Ireland of the darkness that the recalci- 
 trant Ireland of the twentieth century arose. The Irish Par- 
 liament, its fine literature, its science, all its culture, gravitated 
 naturally enough to London, because they were inseparably a 
 part of that world. The more prosperous landlords went to 
 England to live, and had their children educated there. This 
 meant a steady drain of wealth from Ireland to England in the 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1017 
 
 form of rent, spent or invested out of the country. The in- 
 creasing facilities of communication steadily enhanced this 
 tendency, depleted Dublin and bled Ireland white. The Act of 
 Union (January 1st, 1801) was the natural coalescence of 
 two entirely kindred systems, of the Anglo-Irish Parliament 
 with the British Parliament, both oligarchic, both politically 
 corrupt in the same fashion. There was a vigorous opposition 
 to the Union on the part not so much of the outer Irish as of 
 Protestants settled in Ireland, and a futile insurrection under 
 Robert Emmet in 1803. Dublin, which had been a fine Anglo- 
 Irish city in the middle eighteenth century, was gradually de- 
 serted by its intellectual and political life, and invaded by the 
 outer Irish of Ireland. Its fashionable life became more and 
 more official, centering upon the Lord Lieutenant in Dublin 
 Castle ; its intellectual life flickered and for a time nearly died. 
 But while the Ireland of Swift and Goldsmith was part 
 and lot with the England of Pope, Dr. Johnson, and Sir 
 Joshua Keynolds, while there has never been and is not now 
 any real definable difference except one of geography between 
 the "governing class" in Ireland and in Britain, the Irish under- 
 world and the English underworld were essentially dissimilar. 
 The upward struggle of the English "democracy" to education, 
 to political recognition, was different in many respects from the 
 struggle of the Irish underworld. Britain was producing a 
 great industrial population, Protestant or sceptical; she had 
 agricultural labourers indeed, but no peasants. Ireland, with 
 no coal, with a poorer soil and landlords who lived in England, 
 had become a land of rent-paying peasants. Their cultivation 
 was allowed to degenerate more and more into a growing of 
 potatoes and a feeding of pigs. The people married and bred ; 
 except for the consumption of whisky when it could be got, and 
 a little fighting, family life was their only amusement. Here 
 are the appalling consequences. The population of Ireland 
 
 in 1785 was 2,845,932, 
 
 in 1803 was 5,536,594, 
 
 in 1845 was 8,295,061, 
 at which date the weary potato gave way under its ever-growing 
 burthen and there was a frightful famine. Many died, many- 
 emigrated, especially to the United States ; an outflow of emi- 
 gration began that made Ireland for a time a land of old people 
 and empty nesta. 
 
1018 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Now because of tlie Union of the Parliaments, the enfran- 
 chisement of the English and Irish populations went on simul- 
 taneously. Catholic enfranchisement in England meant Cath- 
 olic enfranchisement in Ireland. The British got votes be- 
 cause they wanted them; the Irish commonalty got votes be- 
 cause the English did. Ireland was over-represented in the 
 Union Parliament, because originally Irish seats had been easier 
 for the governing class to manipulate than English ; and so it 
 came about that this Irish and Catholic Ireland, which had 
 never before had any political instrument at all, and which 
 had never sought a political instrument, suddenly found itself 
 with the power to thrust a solid body of members into the leg- 
 islature of Great Britain. After the general election of 1874, 
 the old type of venal Irish member was swept aside, and the 
 newly enfranchised "democracy" of Britain found itself con- 
 fronted by a strange and perplexing Irish "democracy," dif- 
 ferent in its religion, its traditions, and its needs, telling a tale 
 of wrongs of which the common English had never heard, 
 clamouring passionately for a separation which they could not 
 understand and which impressed them chiefly as being need- 
 lessly unfriendly. 
 
 The national egotism of the Irish is intense; their circum- 
 stances have made it intense ; they were incapable of considering 
 the state of affairs in England; the new Irish party came into 
 the British Parliament to obstruct and disorder English, busi- 
 ness until Ireland became free, and to make themselves a nui- 
 sance to the English. This spirit was only too welcome to the 
 oligarchy which still ruled the British Empire; they allied 
 themselves with the "loyal" Protestants in the north of Ireland 
 — loyal that is to the Imperial Government because of their 
 dread of a Catholic predominance in Ireland — and they watched 
 and assisted the gradual exasperation of the British common 
 people by this indiscriminate hostility of the common people 
 of Ireland. 
 
 The story of the relation of Ireland to Britain for the last 
 half-century is one that reflects the utmost discredit upon the 
 governing class of the British Empire, but it is not one of 
 which the English commons need be ashamed. Again and 
 again they have given evidences of goodwill. British legisla- 
 tion in relation to Ireland for nearly half a century shows a 
 series of clumsy attempts on the part of liberal England, made 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1019 
 
 in the face of a strenuous opposition from the Conservative 
 Party and the Ulster Irish, to satisfy Irish complaints and 
 get to a footing of fellowship. The name of Parnell, an Irish 
 Protestant, stands out as that of the chief leader of the Home 
 Sule movement. In 1886 Gladstone, the liberal British prime 
 minister, brought political disaster upon himself by introduc- 
 ing the first Irish Home Rule Bill, a genuine attempt to give 
 over Irish affairs for the first time in history to the Irish peo- 
 ple. The bill broke the Liberal Party asunder ; and a coalition 
 government, the Unionist Government, replaced that of Mr. 
 Gladstone. 
 
 This digression into the history of Ireland now comes up to 
 the time of infectious imperialism in Europe. The Unionist 
 Government, which ousted Mr. Gladstone, had a predomi- 
 nantly Tory element, and was in spirit "imperialist" as no pre- 
 vious British Government had been. The British political 
 history of the subsequent years is largely a history of the conflict 
 of the new imperialism, through which an arrogant "British" 
 nationalism sought to override the rest of the empire against 
 the temperamental liberalism and reasonableness of the Eng- 
 lish, which tended to develop the empire into a confederation 
 of free and willing allies. ISTaturally the "British" imperial- 
 ists wanted a subjugated Irish ; naturally the English Liberals 
 wanted a free, participating Irish. In 1892 Gladstone strug- 
 gled back to power with a small Home Eule majority ; and in 
 1893 his second Home Hule Bill passed the Commons, and 
 was rejected by the Lords. It was not, however, until 1895 
 that an imperialist government took office. The party which 
 sustained it was called not Imperialist, but "Unionist" — an odd 
 name when we consider how steadily and strenuously it has 
 worked to destroy any possibility of an Empire commonweal. 
 These Imperialists remained in power for ten years. We have 
 already noted their conquest of South Africa. They were de- 
 feated in 1905 in an attempt to establish a tariff wall on the 
 Teutonic model. The ensuing Liberal Government then turned 
 the conquered South African Dutch into contented fellow- 
 subjects by creating the self-governing Dominion of South 
 Africa. After which it embarked upon a long-impending strug- 
 gle with the persistently imperialist House of Lords. 
 
 This was a very fundamental struggle in British affairs. On 
 the one hand were the Liberal majority of the people of Great 
 
1020 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Britain honestly and wisely anxious to put this Irish affair 
 upon a new and more hopeful footing, and, if possible, to change 
 the animosity of the Irish into friendship; on the other were 
 all the factors of this new British Imperialism resolved at any 
 cost and in spite of every electoral verdict, legally, if possible, 
 but if not, illegally, to maintain their ascendancy over the af- 
 fairs of the English, Scotch, and Irish and all the rest of the 
 empire alike. It was, under new names, the age-long internal 
 struggle of the English community; that same conflict of a 
 free and liberal-spirited commonalty against powerful "big 
 men" and big adventurers and authoritative persons which we 
 have already dealt with in our account of the liberation of 
 America. Ireland was merely a battleground as America had 
 been. In India, in Ireland, in England, the governing class 
 and their associated adventurers were all of one mind ; but the 
 Irish people, thanks to their religious difference, had little 
 sense of solidarity with the English. Yet such Irish states- 
 men as Eedmond, the leader of the Irish party in the House 
 of Commons, transcended this national narrowness for a time, 
 and gave a generous response to English good intentions. 
 Slowly yet steadily the barrier of the House of Lords was 
 broken down, and a third Irish Home Rule Bill was brought 
 in by Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister, in 1912. Throughout 
 1913 and the early part of 1914 this bill was fought and re- 
 fought through Parliament. At first it gave Heine Rule to all 
 Ireland ; but an Amending Act, excluding Ulster on certain con- 
 ditions, was promised. Thus struggle lasted right up to the 
 outbreak of the Great War. The royal assent was given to this 
 bill after the actual outbreak of wat, and also to a bill suspend- 
 ing the coming into force of Irish Home Rule until after the 
 end of the war. These bills were put upon the Statute Book. 
 
 But from the introduction of the third Home Rule Bill 
 onward, the opposition to it had assumed a violent and extrava- 
 gant form. Sir Edward Carson, a Dublin lavryer who had 
 become a member of the English Bar, and who had held a legal 
 position in the ministry of Mr. Gladstone (before the Home 
 Rule split) and in the subsequent imperialist government, was 
 the organizer and leader of this resistance to a reconciliation 
 of the two peoples. In spite of his Dublin origin, he set up 
 to be a leader of the Ulster Protestants ; and he brought to the 
 conflict that contempt for law which is all too common a char- 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1021 
 
 acteristic of the successful barrister, and those gifts of per- 
 sistent, unqualified, and uncompromising hostility which dis- 
 tinguish a certain type of Irishman. He was the most "un- 
 English" of men, dark, romantic, and violent; and from the 
 opening of the struggle he talked with gusto of armed resist- 
 ance to this freer reunion of the English and Irish which the 
 third Home Rule Bill contemplated. A body of volunteers 
 had been organized in Ulster in 1911, arms were now smug- 
 gled into the country, and Sir Edward Carson and a rising 
 lawyer named F. E. Smith, trapped up in semi-military style, 
 toured Ulster, inspecting these volunteers and inflaming local 
 passion. The arms of these prospective rebels were obtained 
 from Germany, and various utterances of Sir Edward Car- 
 son's associates hinted at support from "a great Protestant 
 monarch." Contrasted with Ulster, the rest of Ireland was 
 at that time a land of order and decency, relying upon its 
 great leader Redmond and the good faith of the three British 
 peoples. 
 
 Now these threats of civil war from Ireland were not in 
 themselves anything very exceptional in the record of that un- 
 happy island; what makes them significant in the world's 
 history at this time is the vehement support, they found among 
 the English military and governing classes, and the immunity 
 from punishment and restraint of Sir Edward Carson and his 
 friends. The virus of reaction which came from the success 
 and splendour of German imperialism had spread widely, as we 
 have explained, throughout the prevalent and prosperous classes 
 in Great Britain. A generation had grown up forgetful of 
 the mighty traditions of their forefathers, and ready to ex- 
 change the greatness of English fairness and freedom for 
 the tawdriest of imperialisms. A fund of a million pounds was 
 raised, chiefly in England, to support the Ulster Rebellion, an 
 Ulster Provisional Government was formed, prominent English 
 people mingled in the fray and careered about Ulster in auto- 
 mobiles, assisting in the gun-running, and there is evidence 
 that a number of British officers and generals were prepared 
 for a pronunciamento upon South American lines rather than 
 obedience to the law. The natural result of all this upper-class 
 disorderliness was to alarm the main part of Ireland, never 
 a ready friend to England. That Ireland also began in its 
 turn to organize "National Volunteers" and to smuggle arms. 
 
1022 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 The military authorities showed themselves much keener in 
 the suppression of the Nationalist than of the Ulster gun 
 importation, and in July, 1914, an attempt to run guns 
 at Howth, near Dublin, led to fighting and bloodshed in the 
 Dublin streets. The British Isles were on the verge of civil 
 war. 
 
 Such in outline is the story of the imperialist revolutionary 
 movement in Great Britain up to the eve of the Great War. 
 For revolutionary this movement of Sir Edward Carson and 
 his associates was. It was plainly an attempt to set aside par- 
 liamentary government and the slow-grown, imperfect liberties 
 of the British peoples, and, with the assistance of the army, to 
 substitute a more Prussianized type of rule, using the Irish 
 conflict as the point of departure. It was the reactionary effort 
 of a few score thousand people to arrest the world movement 
 towards democratic law and social justice, strictly parallel to 
 and closely sympathetic with the new imperialism of the Ger- 
 man junkers and rich men. But in one very important re- 
 spect British and German imperialism differed. In Germany 
 it centred upon the crown ; its noisiest, most conspicuous advo- 
 cate was the heir-apparent. In Great Britain the king stood 
 aloof. By no single public act did King George V betray the 
 slightest approval of the new movement, and the behaviour 
 of the Prince of Wales, his son and heir, has been equally 
 correct. 
 
 In August, 1914, the storm of the Great War burst upon 
 the world. In September, Sir Edward Carson was denouncing 
 the placing of the Home Rule Bill upon the Statute Book. 
 On the same day, Mr. John Redmond, the leader of the Irish 
 majority, the proper representative of Ireland, was calling 
 upon the Irish people to take their equal part in the burthen 
 and effort of the war. For a time Ireland played her part in 
 the war side by sjde with England faithfully and well, until 
 in 1915 the Liberal Government was replaced by a coalition, 
 in which, through the moral feebleness of Mr. Asquith, the 
 prime minister, this Sir Edward Carson figured as Attorney- 
 General (with a salary of £7,000 and fees), to be replaced 
 presently by his associate in the Ulster sedition. Sir F. E. 
 Smith, 
 
 Grosser insult was never offered to a friendly people. The 
 WPrk of reconciliation, begun by Gladstone in 1886, and brought 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1023 
 
 so near to completion, in 1914, was completely and finally 
 wrecked. 
 
 In the spring of 1916 Dublin revolted unsuccessfully against 
 this new government. The ringleaders of this insurrection, 
 many of them mere boys, were shot with a deliberate and 
 clumsy sternness that, in view of the treatment of the Ulster 
 rebel leaders, impressed all Ireland as atrociously unjust. A 
 traitor. Sir Eoger Casement, who had been knighted for pre- 
 vious services to the empire, was tried and executed, no doubt 
 deservedly, but his prosecutor was Sir F. E. Smith of the Ulster 
 insurrection, a shocking conjunction. The Dublin revolt had 
 had little support in Ireland generally, but thereafter the move- 
 ment for an independent republic grew rapidly to great pro- 
 portions. Against this strong emotional drive there struggled 
 the more moderate ideas of such Irish statesmen as Sir Hor- 
 ace Plunkett, who wished to see Ireland become a Dominion, 
 a "crowned republic" that is, within the empire, on an equal 
 footing with Canada and Australia. 
 
 When in December, 1919, Mr. Lloyd George introduced his 
 Home Rule Bill into the Imperial Parliament there were no 
 Irish members, except Sir Edward Carson and his followers, 
 to receive it. The rest of Ireland was away. It refused to 
 begin again that old dreary round of hope and disappointment. 
 Let the British and their pet Ulst«rmen do as they would, 
 said the Irish. . . . 
 
 §4 
 
 Our studies of modem imperialism in Germany and Britain 
 bring out certain forces common to the two countries, and we 
 shall find these same forces at work in variable degrees and 
 with various modifications in the ease of the other great modern 
 communities at which we shall now glance. This modern im- 
 perialism is not a synthetic world uniting movement like the 
 older imperialism ; it is essentially a megalomaniac nationalism, 
 SL nationalism made aggressive by prosperity; and always it 
 finds its strongest support in the military and official castes, 
 and in the enterprising and acquisitive strata of society, in 
 new money, that is, and big business; its chief critics in the 
 educated poor, and its chief opponents in the peasantry and the 
 
1024 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 labour masses. It accepts monarchy where it finds it, but it 
 is not necessarily a monarchist movement. It does, however, 
 need a foreign ofiice of the traditional type for its full develop- 
 ment. Its origin, which we have traced very carefully in this 
 book of our history, makes this clear. Modem imperialisn is 
 
 T^z BALKAN! Sr.KZ'ES 
 
 a^hir iiieH^s of 
 1912-13 
 
 1 
 
 \,1l.-USSIA 
 I 
 
 TmOdsti 
 acquired by Ssrt 
 
 byGreem 
 
 hyBulgarm t 
 
 Jfov autoTwmuus iv^/^ 
 vrmdpy' c£ AHmiu's. . .. L^i^^ 
 
 Bulgarian terrifDry [ i-i rr ^. Ti 
 acquired ty ^imam a , l''-''.'-' , 'j 
 
 the natural development of the Great Power system which arose 
 with the foreign office method of policy, out of the Machia- 
 vellian monarchies after the break-up of Christendom. It will 
 only come to an end when the intercourse of nations and peo- 
 ples through embassies and foreign offices is replaced by an 
 assembly of elected representatives in direct touch with their 
 peoples. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1025 
 
 French imperialism during the period of the Armed Peace 
 in Europe was natul'ally of a less confident type than the Ger- 
 man. It called itself "nationalism" rather than imperialism, 
 and it set itself, by appeals to patriotic pride, to thwart the 
 efforts of those socialists and rationalists who sought to get 
 into touch with liberal elements in German life. It brooded 
 upon the Revanche, the return match with Prussia. But in 
 spite of that preoccupation, it set itself to the adventure of 
 annexation and exploitation in the Par East and in Africa, 
 narrowly escaping a war with Britain upon the Pashoda clash 
 (1898), and it never relinquisTied a dream of acquisitions in 
 Syria. Italy, too, caught the imperialist fever ; the blood-letting 
 of Adowa cooled her for a time, and then she resumed in 1911 
 with a war upon Turkey and the annexation of Tripoli. The 
 Italian imperialists exhorted their countrymen to forget Maz- 
 zini and remember Julius Csesar ; for were they not the heirs 
 of the Roman Empire ? Imperialism touched the Balkans ; 
 little countries not a hundred years from slavery began to 
 betray exalted intentions; King Perdinand of Bulgaria as- 
 sumed the title of Tsar, the latest of the pseudo-Csesars, and in 
 the shop-windows of Athens the curious student could study 
 maps showing the dream of a vast Greek empire in Europe 
 and Asia. 
 
 In 1913 the three states of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece 
 fell upon Turkey, already weakened by her war with Italy, 
 and swept her out of all her European possessions except the 
 country between Adrianople and Constantinople; later in that 
 year they quarrelled among themselves over the division of the 
 spoils. Rumania joined in the game and helped to crush 
 Bulgaria. Turkey recovered Adrianople. The greater im- 
 perialisms of Austria, Russia, and Italy watched that conflict 
 and one another, . . . 
 
 § 5 
 
 While all the world to the west of her was changing rapidly, 
 Russia throughout the nineteenth century changed very slowly 
 indeed. At the end of the nineteenth century, as at its be- 
 ginnmg, she was s*-'ll a Grand Monarchy of the later seven- 
 teenth-century type standing on a basis of barbarism, she was 
 
1026 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 still at a stage where court intrigues and imperial favouriteis 
 could control her international relations.' She had driven a 
 great railway across Siberia to find the disasters of the Japa- 
 nese war at the end of it; she was using modern methods 
 and modern weapons so far as her undeveloped industrialism 
 and her small supply of sufficiently educated people permitted ; 
 such writers as Dostoievski had devised a sort of mystical im- 
 perialism based on the idea of Holy Russia and her mission, 
 coloured by racial illusions and anti-Semitic passion; but, as 
 events were to show, this had not sunken very deeply into the 
 imagination of the Russian masses. A vague, very simple 
 Christianity pervaded the illiterate peasant life, mixed with 
 much superstition. It was like the pre-reformation peasant 
 life of France or Germany. The Russian moujik v^as sup- 
 posed to worship and revere his Tsar and to love to serve a gen- 
 tleman; in 1913 reactionary English writers were still praising 
 his simple and unquestioning loyalty. But, as in the case of 
 the western European peasant of the days of the peasant re- 
 volts, this reverence for the monarchy was mixed up with the 
 idea that the monarch and the nobleman had to be good and 
 beneficial, and this simple loyalty could, under sufficient prov- 
 ocation, be turned into the same pitiless intolerance of social 
 injustice that burnt the chateaux in the Jacquerie (see Chapter 
 XXXIV, § 3) and set up the theocracy in Miinster (Chapter 
 XXXIV, § 3). Once the commons were moved to anger, there 
 were no links of understanding in a generally diffused education 
 in Russia to mitigate the fury of the outbreak. The upper 
 classes were as much beyond the sympathy of the lower as a 
 different species of animal. These Russian masses were three 
 centuries away from such nationalist imperialism as Germany 
 displayed. 
 
 And in another respect Russia differed from modern West- 
 ern Europe and paralleled its mediaeval phase, and that was 
 in the fact that her universities were the resort of many very 
 poor students quite out of touch and out of sympathy with the 
 bureaucratic autocracy. Before 1917 the significance of the 
 proximity of these two factors of revolution, the fuel of dis- 
 content and the match of free ideas, was not recognized in 
 European thought, and few people realized that in Russia 
 more than in any other country lay the possibilities of a fun- 
 damental revolution. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1027 
 
 § 6 
 
 When we turn from these European Great Powers, with 
 their inheritance of foreign offices and national policies, to the 
 United States of America, which broke away completely from 
 the Great Power System in 1776, we find a most interesting 
 contrast in the operation of the forces which produced the 
 expansive imperialism of Europe. For America as for Europe 
 the mechanical revolution had brought all the world within the 
 range of a few days' journey. The United States, like the 
 Great Powers, had world-wide financial and mercantile inter- 
 ests; a great industrialism had grown up and was in need of 
 overseas markets; the same crises of belief that had shaken 
 the moral solidarity of Europe had occurred in the American 
 world. Her people were as patriotic and spirited as any. Why 
 then did not the United States develop armaments and an 
 aggressive policy ? Why was not the stars and stripes waving 
 over Mexico, and why was there not a new Indian system 
 growing up in China under that flag? It was the American 
 who had opened up Japan. After doing so, he had let that 
 power Europeanize itself and become formidable without a 
 protest. That alone was enough to make Machiavelli, the father 
 of modern foreign policy, turn in his grave. If a European- 
 ized Great Power had been in the place of the United States, 
 Great Britain would have had to fortify the Canadian frontier 
 from end to end — it is now absolutely unarmed — and to main- 
 tain a great arsenal in the St. Lawrence. All the divided 
 states of Central and South America would long since have 
 been subjugated and placed under the disciplinary control of 
 United States officials of the "governing class." There would 
 have been a perpetual campaign to Americanize Australia and 
 New Zealand, and yet another claimant for a share in tropical 
 Africa. 
 
 And by an odd accident America had produced in President 
 Eoosevelt (President 1901-1908) a man of an energy as rest- 
 less as the German Kaiser's, as eager for large achievements, 
 as florid and eloquent, an adventurous man with a turn for 
 world politics and an instinct for armaments, the very man, 
 we might imagine, to have involved his country in the scram- 
 ble for overseas possession. 
 
 There does not appear to be any other explanation of this 
 
1028 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 general restraint and abstinence on the part of the United 
 States except in their fundamentally different institutions and 
 traditions. In the first place the United States Government 
 has no foreign office and no diplomatic corps of the Euroj^ean 
 type, no body of "experts" to maintain the tradition of an ag- 
 gressive policy. The president has great powers, but they are 
 subject to the control of the senate, which again is responsible 
 to the state legislatures and the people. The foreign relations 
 of the country are thus under open and public control. Secret 
 treaties are impossible under such a system, and foreign pow- 
 ers complain of the difficulty and uncertainty of "understand- 
 ings" with the United States, a very excellent state of affairs. 
 The United States is ^ constitutionally incapacitated, therefore, 
 from the kind of foreign policy that has kept Europe for so 
 long constantly on the verge of war. 
 
 And, secondly, there has hitherto existed in the States no 
 organization for and no tradition of what one may call non- 
 assimilable possessions. Where there is no crown there cannot 
 be crown colonies. In spreading across the American conti- 
 nent, the United States had developed a quite distinctive 
 method of dealing with new territories, admirably adapted for 
 unsettled lands, but very inconvenient if applied too freely to 
 areas already containing an alien population. This method was 
 based on the idea that there cannot be in the United States 
 system a permanently subject people. The first stage of the 
 ordinary process of assimilation had been the creation of a "ter- 
 ritory" under the federal government, having a considerable 
 measure of self-government, sending a delegate (who could not 
 vote) to congress, and destined, in the natural course of things, 
 as the country became settled and population increased, to 
 flower at last into full statehood. This had been the process 
 of development of all the latter states of the Union ; the latest 
 territories to become states being Arizona and New Mexico 
 in 1910. The frozen wilderness of Alaska, bought from Rus- 
 sia, remained politically undeveloped simply because it had an 
 insufficient population for state organization. As the annexa- 
 tions of Germany and Great Britain in the Pacific threatened 
 to deprive the United States navy of coaling stations in that 
 ocean, a part of the Samoan Islands (1889) and the Sandwich 
 Islands (Hawaii) were annexed (1898). Here for the first 
 
 » "Is," not "are." Since the Civil War the U. S. A. is one nation. A. C. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1029 
 
 time the United States had real subject populations to deal 
 with. But in the absence of any class comparable to the Anglo- 
 Indian officials who sway British opinion, the American pro- 
 cedure followed the territorial method. Every effort was made 
 to bring the educational standards of Hawaii up to the Ameri- 
 can level, and a domestic legislature on the territorial pattern 
 was organized so that these dusky islanders seem destined ulti- 
 mately to obtain full United States citizenship. (The small 
 Samoan Islands are taken care of by a United States naval 
 administrator.) 
 
 In 1895 occurred a quarrel between the United States and 
 Britain upon the subject of Venezuela, and the Monroe Doc- 
 trine was upheld stoutly by President Cleveland. Then Mr. 
 Olney made this remarkable declaration: "To-day the United 
 States is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat 
 is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition." 
 This, together with the various Pan-American congTesses that 
 have been held, point to a real open "foreign policy" of alli- 
 ance and mutual help throughout America. Treaties of ar- 
 bitration hold good over all that continent, and the future seems 
 to point to a gradual development of inter-state organization, 
 a Pax Americana, of the English-speaking and Spanish-speak- 
 ing peoples, the former in the role of elder brother. Here is 
 something we cannot even call an empire, something going far 
 beyond the great alliance of the British Empire in the open 
 equality of its constituent parts. 
 
 Consistently with this idea of a common American welfare, 
 the United States in 1898 intervened in the affairs of Cuba, 
 which had been in a state of chronic insurrection against Spain 
 for many years. A brief war ended in the acquisition of Cuba, 
 Porto Eico, and the Philippine Islands. Cuba is now an inde- 
 pendent self-governing republic. Porto Kico and the Philip- 
 pines have, however, a special sort of government, with a pop- 
 ularly elected lower house and an upper body containing mem- 
 bers appointed by the United States senate. It is improbable 
 thai either Porto Rico or the Philippines will become states in 
 the Union. They are much more likely to become free states 
 in some comprehensive alliance with both English-speaking and 
 Latin America. 
 
 Both Cuba and Porto Eico welcomed the American inter- 
 vention in their affairs, but in the Philippine Islands there 
 
1030 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 was a demand for complete and immediate freedom after the 
 Spanish war, and a considerable resistance to the American 
 military administration. There it was that the United States 
 came nearest to imperialism of the Great Power type, and that 
 her record is most questionable. There was much sympathy with 
 the insurgents in the states. Here is the point of view of ex- 
 President Eoosevelt as he wrote it in his Aidohiography (1913) : 
 
 "As regards the Philippines, my belief was that we should 
 train them for self-government as rapidly as possible, and then 
 leave them free to decide their own fate. I did not believe in 
 setting the time-limit within which we would give them inde- 
 pendence, because I did not believe it wise to try to forecast 
 how soon they would be fit for self-government; and once 
 having made the promise, I would have felt that it was impera- 
 tive to keep it. Within a few months of my assuming office 
 we had stamped out the last armed resistance in the Philip- 
 pines that was not of merely sporadic character; and as soon 
 as peace was secured, we turned our energies to developing 
 the islands in the interests of the natives. We established 
 schools everywhere ; we built roads ; we administered an even- 
 handed justice; we did everything possible to encourage agri- 
 culture and industry; and in constantly increasing measure 
 we employed natives to do their own governing, and finally 
 provided a legislative chamber. . . . We are governing, and 
 have been governing, the islands in the interests of the Fili- 
 pinos themselves. If after due time the Pilipinos themselves 
 decide that they do not wish to be thus governed, then I trust 
 that we will leave ; but when we do leave, it must be distinctly 
 understood that we retain no protectorate — and above all that 
 we take part in no joint protectorate — over the islands, and give 
 them no guarantee, of neutrality or otherwise; that in short, 
 we are absolutely quit of responsibility for them, of every kind 
 and description." 
 
 This is an entirely different outlook from that of a British 
 or French foreign office or colonial office official. But it is not 
 very widely different from the spirit that created the Domin- 
 ions of Canada, South Africa, and Australia, and brought 
 forward the three Home Rule Bills for Ireland. It is in the 
 older and more characteristic English tradition from which the 
 Declaration of Independence derives. It sets aside, without 
 discussion, the detestable idea of "subject peoples." 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1081 
 
 Here we will not enter into political complications attendant 
 upon the making of the Panama Canal, for they introduce no 
 fresh light upon this interesting question of the American 
 method in world politics. The history of Panama is American 
 history purely. But manifestly just as the internal political 
 structure of the Union was a new thing in the world, so, too, 
 were its relations with the world beyond its borders. 
 
 § 7 
 
 We have been at some pains to examine the state of mind 
 of Europe and of America in regard to international relations 
 in the years that led up to the world tragedy of 1914 because, 
 as more and, more people are coming to recognize, that great 
 war or some such war was a necessary consequence of the men- 
 tality of the period. All the things that men and nations do 
 are the outcome of instinctive motives reacting upon the ideas 
 which talk and books and newspapers and schoolmasters and 
 so forth have put into people's heads. Physical necessities, 
 pestilences, changes of climate, and the like outer things may 
 deflect and distort the growth of human history, but its living 
 root is thought. 
 
 All human history is fundamentally a history of ideas. Be- 
 tween the man of to-day and the Cro-Magnard the physical and 
 mental differences are very slight; their essential difference 
 lies in the extent and content of the mental background which 
 we have acquired in the five or six hundred generations that 
 intervene. 
 
 We are too close to the events of the Great War to pretend 
 that this Outline can record the verdict of history thereupon, 
 but we may hazard the guess that when the passions of the 
 conflict have faded, it will be Germany that will be most blamed 
 for bringing it about, and she will be blamed not because she 
 was morally and intellectually very different from her neigh- 
 bours, but because she had the common disease of imperialism 
 in its most complete and energetic form. No self-respecting 
 historian, however superficial and popular his aims may be, can 
 countenance the legend, produced by the stresses of the war, 
 that the German is a sort of human being more cruel and 
 abominable than any other variety of men. AH the great states 
 of Europe before 1914 were in a condition of aggressive na- 
 
1032 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 tionalism and drifting towards war; the government of Ger- 
 many did but lead the general movement. She fell into the 
 pit first, and she floundered deepest. She became the dreadful 
 example at which all her fellow sinners could cry out. 
 
 For long, Germany and Austria had been plotting an exten- 
 sion of German influence eastward through Asia Minor to the 
 East. The German idea was crystallized in the phrase "Berlin 
 to Bagdad." Antagonized to the German dreams were those 
 of Russia, which was scheming for an extension ©f the Slav 
 ascendancy to Constantinople and through Serbia to the Ad- 
 riatic. These lines of ambition lay across one another and 
 were mutually incompatible. The feverish state of affairs in 
 the Balkans was largely the outcome of the intrigues and propa- 
 gandas sustained by the German and Slav schemes. Turkey 
 turned for support to Germany, Serbia to Eussia. Kumania 
 and Italy, both Latin in tradition, both nominally allies of 
 Germany, pursued remoter and deeper schemes in common. 
 Ferdinand, the Tsar of Bulgaria, was following still darker 
 ends ; and the squalid mysteries of the Greek court, whose king 
 was the German Kaiser's brother-in-law, are beyond our pres- 
 ent powers of inquiry. 
 
 But the tangle did not end with Germany on the one hand 
 and Eussia on the other. The greed of Germany in 1871 had 
 made France her inveterate enemy. The French people, aware 
 of their inability to recover their lost provinces by their own 
 strength, had conceived exaggerated ideas of the power and 
 helpfulness of Eussia. The French people had subscribed 
 enormously to Eussian loans. France was the ally of Eussia. 
 If the German powers made war upon Eussia, France would 
 certainly attack them. 
 
 Now the short eastern French frontier was very strongly 
 defended. There was little prospect of Germany repeating the 
 successes of 1870-71 against that barrier. But the Belgian 
 frontier of France was longer and less strongly defended. An 
 attack in overwhelming force on France through Belgium 
 might repeat 1870 on a larger scale. The French left might 
 be swung back south-eastwardly on Verdun as a pivot, and 
 crowded back upon its right, as one shuts an open razor. This 
 scheme the German strategists had worked out with great care 
 and elaboration. Its execution involved an outrage upon the 
 law of nations because Prussia had undertaken to guarantee 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1083 
 
 the neutrality of Belgium and had no quarrel with her, and it 
 involved the risk of bringing in Great Britain (which power 
 was also pledged to protect Belgium) against Germany. Yet 
 the Germans believed that their fleet had grown strong enough 
 to make Great Britain hesitate to interfere, and with a view 
 to possibilities they had constructed a great system of strategic 
 railways to the Belgian frontier, and made every preparation 
 for the execution of this scheme. So they might hope to strike 
 down France at one blow, and deal at their leisure with Kussia. 
 
 In 1914 all things seemed moving together in favour of the 
 two Central Powers. Kussia, it is true, had been recovering 
 since 1906, but only very slowly; France was distracted by 
 financial scandals. The astounding murder of M. Calmette, 
 the editor of the Figaro^ by the wife of M. Caillaux, the min- 
 ister of finance, brought these' to a climax in March; Britain, 
 all Germany was assured, was on the verge of a civil war in 
 Ireland. Repeated efforts were made both by foreign and Eng- 
 lish people to get some definite statement of what Britain 
 would do if Germany and Austria assailed France and Eussia; 
 but the British Foreign Secretary maintained a front of heavy 
 ambiguity up to the very day of the British entry into the war. 
 As a consequence, there was a feeling on the continent that 
 Britain would either not fight or delay fighting, and this may 
 have encouraged Germany to go on threatening France. Events 
 were precipitated on June 28th by the assassination of 
 the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, the heir to the Austrian 
 Empire, when on a state visit to Sarajevo, the capital of Bos- 
 nia. Here was a timely excuse to set the armies marching. 
 "It is now or never," said the German Emperor. Serbia was 
 accused of instigating the murderers, and notwithstanding the 
 fact that Austrian commissioners reported that there was no 
 evidence to implicate the Serbian government, the Austro-Hun- 
 garian government contrived to press this grievance towards 
 war. On July 23rd Austria discharged an ultimatum at Serbia, 
 and, in spite of a practical submission on the part, of Serbia, 
 and of the efforts of Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign 
 Secretary, to call a conference of the powers, declared war 
 against Serbia on July 28th. 
 
 Eussia mobilized her army on July 30th, and on August 1st 
 Germany declared war upon her. German troops crossed into 
 French territory next day, and, simultaneously with the deliv- 
 
1034 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 erjr of an ultimatum to the unfortunate Belgians, the big 
 flanking movement through Luxembourg and Belgium began. 
 Westward rode the scouts and advance guards. Westward 
 rushed a multitude of automobiles packed with soldiers. Enor- 
 mous columns of grey-clad infantry followed ; round-eyed, fair 
 young Germans they were for the most part — law-abiding, 
 educated youngsters who had never yet seen a shot fired in 
 anger. "This was war," they were told. They had to be 
 bold and ruthless. Some of theni did their best to carry out 
 these militarist instructions at' the expense of the ill-fated 
 Belgians. " ■ 
 
 A disproportionate fuss has been made over the detailed 
 atrocities in Belgium,' disproportionate, tbat is, in relation to the 
 fiindamental atrocity of August; 1914, which was the invasion 
 of Belgium. Gfiven that, the casual shootings and lootings, the 
 wanton destruction of property, the plundering of inns and of 
 food and drink shops by hungry arid weary men, and the con- 
 sequent rapes arid incendiarism follow naturally enough. ' Only 
 very siniple people believe that an army in the field can main- 
 tain as high a level of honesty, decency, and justice as a settled 
 coriimuriity at home. And the tradition of the Thirty Years' 
 War still influenced the Prussian army. It has been customary 
 in the countries allied agairiSfGennany to treat all this vileness 
 and bloodshed of the Belgian months as though nothing of the 
 -sort had ever happened before, and as if it were due to some 
 distinctively evil strain in the German character. They were 
 nickrianied "Huns." But nothing could be less like the sys- 
 teriiatic destructions of these nomads (who once proposed to 
 exterminate the entire Chinese population in order to restore 
 Ohina to pasture) than the German crimes in Belgium. Much 
 of that crime was the drunken brutality of men who for the 
 first tiriie in their lives were free to use lethal weapons, much 
 of it was the hysterical violence of men shocked at their own 
 proceedings and in deadly fear of the revenge of the people 
 whose country they had outraged, and riiuch of it was done 
 under duress because of the theory that men should be terrible 
 in warfare and that populations are best subdued by fear. The 
 German common people were bundled from an orderly obedi- 
 ence into this war in such a manner that atrocities were bound 
 to ensue. They certainly did horrible and disgusting things. 
 But any people who had been worked up for war and led into 
 
THE CATASTROPHE QF 1914 
 
 1035 
 
 war as the Germans were, would have behaved in a similar 
 manner. 
 
 On the night of August 2nd, while most of Europe, still under 
 the tranquil inertias of half a century of peace, still in the 
 habitual enjoyment of such a widely diffused plenty and 
 
 cheapness and freedom as no man living will ever see again, 
 was thinking about its summer holidays, the little Belgian 
 village of Vise was ablaze, and stupefied rustics were being led 
 out and shot because it was alleged someone had fired on the 
 invaders. The ofiicers who ordered these acts, the men who 
 obeyed, must surely have felt scared at the strangeness of the 
 things they did. Most of them had never yet seen a violent 
 death. Aiad they had set light not to a village, but a world. 
 
1086 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 It was the beginning of the end of an age of comfort, confi- 
 dence, and gentle and seemly behaviour in Europe. 
 • So soon as it was clear that Belgium was to be invaded, 
 Great Britain ceased to hesitate, and (at eleven at night on 
 August 4tb) declared war upon Germany. The following day 
 a German mine-laying vessel was caught off the Thames mouth 
 by the cruiser AmpMon and sunk, — ^the first time that the 
 British and Germans had ever met in conflict under their own 
 national flags upon land or water. ... 
 
 All Europe still remembers the strange atmosphere of those 
 eventful sunny August days, the end of the Armed Peace. F6r 
 nearly half a century the Western world had been tranquil 
 and had seemed safe. Only a few middle-aged and ageing 
 people in France had had any practical experience of warfare. 
 The newspapers spoke of a world catastrophie, but that con- 
 veyed very little meaning to those for w'hom the vrorld had 
 always seemed secure, who were indeed almost incapable of 
 thinking of it as otherwise than secure. In Britain particu- 
 larly for some weeks the peace-time routine continued in a 
 slightly dazed fashion. It was like a man still walking about the 
 world unaware that he has contracted a fatal disease which will 
 alter every routine and habit in his life. People went on with 
 their summer holidays; shops reassured their customers with 
 the announcement "business as usual." There was much talk 
 and excitement when the newspapers came, but it was the talk 
 and excitement of spectators who have no vivid sense of par- 
 ticipation in the catastrophe that was presently to involve 
 them all. 
 
 § 8 
 
 We will now review very briefly the main phases of the world 
 struggle which had thus commenced. Planned by Germany, it 
 began with a swift attack designed to "knock out" France while 
 Russia was still getting her forces together in the East. For 
 a time all went well. Military science is never up to date 
 under modern conditions, because military men are as a class 
 unimaginative, there are always at any date undeveloped in- 
 ventions capable of disturbing current tactical and strategic 
 practice which the military intelligence has declined. The 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1037 
 
 German plan had been made for some years; it was a stale 
 plan; it could probably have been foiled at the outset by a 
 proper use of entrenchments and barbed wire and machine 
 guns, but the French were by no means as advanced in their 
 military science as the Germans, and they trusted to methods 
 of open warfare that were at least fourteen years behind the 
 times. They had a proper equipment neither of barbed wire 
 nor machine guns, and there was a ridiculous tradition that 
 the Frenchman did not fight well behind earthworks. The Bel- 
 gian frontier was defended by the fortress of LiSge, ten or 
 twelve years out of date, with forts whosei armament had' been 
 furnished and fitted in many cases by German l3ontractors ; and 
 the French north-eastern frontier was very badly equipped. 
 Ifaturally the German armament firm of Krupp had provided 
 nutcrackers for these nuts in the form of exceptionally heavy 
 guns firing high explosive shell. These defences proved there- 
 fore to be mere traps for their garrisons. The French attacked 
 and failed in the southern Ardennes. The German hosts 
 swung round the French left with an effect of being irresistible ; 
 Liege fell on August 9th, Brussels was reached on August 20th, 
 and the small British army of about 70,000, which had arrived 
 in Belgium, was struck at Mons (August 22nd) in overwhelm- 
 ing force, and driven backward in spite of the very deadly rifle 
 tabtics it had learnt during the South African War. The little 
 British force was pushed aside westward, and the German 
 right swept down so as to leave Paris to the west and crumple 
 the entire French army back upon itself. 
 
 So confident was the German higher command at this stage 
 of having won the war, that by the end of August German 
 troops were already being withdrawn for the Eastern front, 
 where the Eussians were playing havoc in East and West Prus- 
 sia. And then came the French counter-attack, strategically 
 a very swift and brilliant counter-attack. The French struck 
 back on their centre, they produced an unexpected army on 
 their left, and the small British army, shaken but reinforced', 
 was still fit to play a worthy part, in the counter-stroke. The 
 German right overran itself, lost its cohesion, and was driven 
 back from the Marne to the Aisne (Battle of the Marne, Sep- 
 tember 6th to 10th). It would have been driven back farther 
 had it not had the art of entrenchment in reserve. Upon the 
 Aisne it stood and dug itself in. The heaTy guns, the high 
 
1038 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 explosive shell, the tanks, needed by the allies to smash up 
 these entrenchments, ; did not yet exist. 
 
 The Battle of the Marne shattered the original German plan. 
 For a time Trance was saved,. But the German was not de- 
 feated; he had still a great offensive superiority in men and 
 equipment. His fear of the Russian in the east had been re- 
 lieved by, a tremendous victory at Tannenberg. His next phase 
 was a headlong, less elaborately planned campaign to outflank 
 the left of the allied armies and to seize the Channel ports and 
 cut.pff stjpplies coming from Britain to France. Both armies 
 extended to the west in a sort of race to the coast. Then the 
 Germans, with -a great superiority of guns and equipment, 
 struck, at the British round and about Ypres. They came 
 very near to a break through, but the British held them. 
 . The war on th& Western front settled down to trench war- 
 fare. Neither side hadv^ the science and equipment needed to 
 solve the problem of breaking through modern entrenchments 
 and entanglements, and both sides were now compelled to resort 
 to scientific men, inventors, and such-like unmilitary persons 
 for counsel and help in. their difficulty. At that time the essen- 
 tial problem of trenehi warfare, had already beeji solved ; there 
 existed in England, for instance, the model of a tank, which 
 would have given the allies a swift and easy victory before 
 1916; but the professional military jtnind is by necessity an iu- 
 f erior and unimaginative mind ; no man of high intellectual 
 quality would willingly imprison his gifts in such a calling ; 
 nearly all supremely great soldiers have been either inexperi- 
 enced, fresh-minded young men like Alexander, Napoleon, and 
 Hoche,: politicians turned : soldiers like Julius Caesar, nomads 
 like the Hun and Mongol captains, or amateurs like Crom- 
 well and Washington; whereas this war after fifty years of 
 militarism was a hopelessly professional war; from first to 
 last it was impossible to, get it out of the hands of the regular 
 generals, and neither the .German nor allied headquarters was 
 disposed to regard an invention with toleration that would de- 
 stroy their traditional methods. The tank was not only dis- 
 agreeably strange to these military gentlemen, but it gave an 
 unprofessional protection to the common soldiers within it. The 
 Germans, however, did make some innovations. In February 
 (28) they produced a rather futile novelty, the flame projector, 
 the user of which „5vas in constant danger of being burnt alive, 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 
 
 1039 
 
 and in April, in the midst of a second great offensive upon the 
 British (second Battle of Ypres, April I7th to May I7th), 
 they employed a cloud of poison gas. This horrible device was 
 iised against Algerian and Canadian troops; it shook them 
 by the physical torture it inflicted, and by the anguish of those 
 
 FRONT 
 
 igi5-ts 
 
 * 
 
 PlliiA Uiw.. Mirdi 1915 _^_^_ 
 - Afril 1917 
 
 Gzpmzii Una , July 1916 •■■•w^.^h. 
 AULid Urte. , Nov. 11'^ 191S ..^.^_ 
 
 who died, but it failed to break through them. For some 
 weeks chemists were of more importance than soldiers on the 
 allied front, and within six weeks the defensive troops were 
 already in possession of protective methods and devices. 
 
 For a year and a half, until July, 1916, the Western front 
 remained in a state of indecisive tension. There were heavy 
 attacks on either side that ended in bloody repulses. The 
 French made costly but glorious thrusts at Arras and in Oham- 
 
1040 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 pagne in 1915, the British at Loos. From Switzerland to the 
 North Sea there ran two continuous lines of entrenchment, 
 sometimes at a distance of a mile or more, sometimes at a dis- 
 tance of a few feet (at Arras e,g.), and in and behind these 
 lines of trenches millions of men toiled, raided their enemies, 
 and prepared for sanguinary and foredoomed offensives. In 
 any preceding age these stagnant masses of men would have 
 engendered a pestilence inevitably, but here again modern sci- 
 ence had altered the conditions of warfare. Certain novel 
 diseases appeared, trench feet for instance, caused by prolonged 
 standing in cold water, new forms of dysentery, and the like, 
 but none developed to an extent to disable either combatant 
 force. Behind this front the whole life of the belligerent na- 
 tions was being turned more and more to the task of maintain- 
 ing supplies of food, munitions, and, above all, men to supply 
 the places of those who day by day were killed or mangled. 
 The Germans had had the luck to possess a considerable number 
 of big siege guns intended for the frontier fortresses; these 
 were now available for trench smashing with high explosive, 
 a use no one had foreseen for them. The Allies throughout 
 the first years were markedly inferior in their supply of big 
 guns and ammunition, and their losses were steadily greater 
 than the German. Mr. Asquith, the British Prime Min- 
 ister, though a very fine practitioner in all the arts of Par- 
 liament, was wanting in creative ability; and it is probably 
 due to the push and hustle of Mr. Lloyd George (who pres- 
 ently ousted him in December, 1916) and the clamour of the 
 British press that this inferiority of supplies, was eventually 
 rectified. 
 
 There was a tremendous German onslaught upon the French 
 throughout the first half of 1916 round and about Verdun. 
 The Germans suffered enormous losses and were held, after 
 pushing in the French lines for some miles. The French losses 
 were as great or greater. "lis ne passeront pas" said and sang 
 the French infantry — and kept their word. 
 
 The Eastern German front was more extended and less sys- 
 tematically entrenched than the Western. For a time the Eus- 
 sian armies continued to press westward in spite of the Tan- 
 nenberg disaster. They conquered nearly the whole of Galicia 
 from the Austrians, took Lemberg on September 2nd, 1914, and 
 the great fortress of Przemysl on March 22nd, 1915. But 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1041 
 
 after tlie Germans had failed to break the Western front of 
 the Allies, and after an ineffective Allied offensive made -with- 
 out proper material, they turned to Russia, and a series of 
 heavy blows, with a novel use of massed artillery, were struck 
 first in the south and. then at the north of the Russian front. 
 On June 22nd, Przemysl was retaken, and the whole Russian 
 line was driven back until Vilna (September 2nd) was in 
 German hands. 
 
 In May, 1915 (23rd), Italy joined the allies, and declared 
 war upon Austria. (Not until a year later did she declare 
 war on Germany.) She pushed over her eastern boundary 
 towards Goritzia (which fell in the summer of 1916), but her 
 intervention was of little use at that time to either Russia or 
 the two Western powers. She merely established another line 
 of trench warfare among the high mountains of her picturesque 
 north-eastern frontier. 
 
 While the main fronts of the chief combatants were in this 
 state of exhaustive deadlock, both sides were attempting to 
 strike round behind the front of their adversaries. The Ger* 
 mans made a series of Zeppelin, and later of aeroplane raids 
 upon Paris and the east of England. Ostensibly these aimed 
 at depots, munition works, and the like targets of military 
 importance, but practically they bombed promiscuously at in- 
 habited places. At first these raiders dropped not very effective 
 bombs, but later the size and quality of these missiles increased, 
 considerable numbers of people were killed and injured, and 
 very much damage was done. The English people were roused 
 to a pitch of extreme indignation by these outrages. Although 
 the Germans had possessed Zeppelins for some years, no one 
 in authority in Great Britain had thought out the proper 
 methods of dealing with them, and it was not until late in 
 1916 that an adequate supply of anti-aircraft guns was brought 
 into play and that these raiders were systematically attacked 
 by aeroplanes. Then came a series of Zeppelin disasters, and 
 after the spring of 1917 they ceased to be used for any purpose 
 but sea scouting, and their place as raiders was taken by large 
 aeroplanes (the Gothas). The visits of these latter machines 
 to London and the east of England became systematic after 
 the summer of 1917. All through the winter of 1917-18, Lon- 
 don on every moonlight night became familiar with the banging 
 of warning maroons, the shrill whistles of the police alarm, the 
 
1042 THE OUTLINE OP HISTORY 
 
 hasty clearance of the streets, the distant rumbling of scores 
 and hundreds of anti-aircraft guns growing steadily, to a wild 
 uproar of thuds and crashes, the swish of flying shrapnel, and 
 at last^ if any of the raiders got through the barrage, with the 
 dull heavy bang of the bursting bombs. Then presently, amidst 
 the diminuendo of the gunfire would come the inimitable rush- 
 ing sound of the fire brigade engines and the hurry of the 
 ambulances. . . . War was brought home to every Londoner 
 ■by these experiences. 
 
 ' While the Germans were thus assailing the nerve of their 
 enemy home population through the air, they were also attack- 
 ing the overseas trade of the British by every means in their 
 ipower. At the outset of the war they had various trade de- 
 stroyers scattered over the world, and a squadron of powerful 
 modern cruisers in the Pacific, namely, the Scharnhorst, the 
 Crneisenau, the Leipzig, the Numberg, and the Dresden. Some 
 of the detached cruisers, and particularly the Emden, did a 
 considerable amount of commerce destroying before they were 
 hunted down, and the main squadron caught an inferior Brit- 
 ish force off the coast of Chile and sank the Good Hope and 
 the Monmouth on November 1st, 1914. A month later these 
 German ships were themselves pounced upon by a British force, 
 and all (except the Dresden) sunk by Admiral Sturdee in the 
 Battle of the Falkland Isles. After this conflict the allies re- 
 mained in undisputed possession of the surface of the sea, a 
 supremacy which the great naval Battle of Jutland (May 1st, 
 1916) did nothing to shake. The Germans concentrated their 
 attention more and more upon submarine warfare. From the 
 beginning of the war they had had considerable submarine suc- 
 cesses. On one day, September 22nd, 1914, they sank three 
 powerful cruisers, the Ahovkir, the Hague, and the Cressy, with 
 1,473 men. They continued to levy a toll upon British ship- 
 ping throughout the war; at first they hailed and examined 
 passenger and mercantile shipping, but this practice they dis- 
 continued for fear of traps, and in the spring of 1915 they 
 began to sink ships without notice. In May, 1915, they sank 
 the great passenger liner, the Lusitania, without any warning, 
 drowning a number of American citizens. This embittered 
 American feeling against them, but the possibility of injuring 
 and perhaps reducing Britain by a submarine blockade was 
 «o great, that they persisted in a more and more intensified 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1043 
 
 submarine campaign, regardless of the danger of dragging the 
 United States into the circle of their enemies. 
 
 Meanwhile, Turkish forces, very ill-equipped, were making 
 threatening gestures at Egypt across the desert of Sinai. 
 
 And while the Germans were thus striking at Britain, their 
 least accessible and most formidable antagonist, through the 
 air and under the sea, the French and British were also em- 
 barking upon a disastrous flank attack in the east upon the 
 Central Powers through Turkey. The Gallipoli campaign was 
 finely imagined, but disgracefully executed. Had it succeeded, 
 the Allies would have captured Constantinople in 1915. But 
 the Turks were given two months' notice of the project by a 
 premature bombardment of the Dardanelles in February, the 
 scheme was also probably betrayed through the Greek Court, 
 and when at last British and French forces were landed upon 
 the Gallipoli peninsula in April, they found the Turks well 
 entrenched and better equipped for trench warfare than them- 
 selves. The Allies trusted for heavy artillery to the great guns 
 of the ships, which were comparatively useless for battering 
 down entrenchments, and among every other sort of thing that 
 they had failed to foresee, they had not foreseen hostile sub- 
 marines. Several great battleships weife lost ; they went down in 
 the same clear waters over which the ships of Xerxes had once 
 sailed to their fate at Salamis. The story of the Gallipoli cam- 
 paign from the side of the Allies is at once heroic and pitiful, a 
 story of courage and incompetence, and of life, material, and 
 prestige wasted, culminating in a withdrawal in January, 1916. 
 
 Linked up closely with the vacillation of Greece was the 
 entry of Bulgaria into the war (October 12th, 1915). The 
 king of Bulgaria had hesitated for more than a year to make 
 any decision between the two sides. Now the manifest failure 
 of the British at Gallipoli, coupled with a strong Austro-Ger- 
 man attack in Serbia, swung him over to the Central Powers. 
 While the Serbs were hotly engaged with the Austro-German 
 invaders upon the Danube he attacked Serbia in the rear, and 
 in a few weeks the country had been completely overrun. The 
 Serbian army made a terrible retreat through the mountains 
 of Albania to the coast, where its remains were rescued by 
 an Allied fleet. 
 
 An Allied force landed at Salonika in Greece, and pushed 
 inland towards Monastir, but was unable to render any effectual 
 
1044 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 assistance to the Serbians. It was the Salonika plan which 
 sealed the fate of the Gallipoli expedition. 
 
 To the east, in Mesopotamia, the British, using Indian 
 troops chiefly, made a still remoter flank attack upon the Central 
 Powers. An army, very ill provided for the campaign, was 
 landed at Basra in the November of 1914, and pushed up to- 
 wards Bagdad in the following year. It gained a victory at 
 Ctesiphon, the ancient Arsacid and Sassanid capital within 
 twenty-five miles of Bagdad, but the Turks were heavily rein- 
 forced, there was a retreat to Kut, and there the British army, 
 under General Tovmshend, was surrounded and starved into 
 surrender on April 29th, 1916. 
 
 All these campaigns in the air, under the seas, in Russia, 
 Turkey, and Asia, were subsidiary to the main front, the front 
 of decision, between Switzerland and the sea; and there the 
 main millions lay entrenched, slowly learning the necessary 
 methods of modern scientific warfare. There was a rapid prog- 
 ress in the use of the aeroplane. At the outset of the war this 
 had been used chiefly for scouting, and by the Germans for 
 the dropping of marks for the artillery. Such a thing as 
 aerial fighting was unheard of. In 1916 the aeroplanes carried 
 machine guns and fought in the air; their bombing work was 
 increasingly important, they had developed a wonderful art 
 of aerial photography, and all the aerial side of artillery work, 
 both with aeroplanes and observation balloons, had been enor- 
 mously developed. But the military mind was still resisting 
 the use of the tank, the obvious weapon for decision in trench 
 warfare. 
 
 Many intelligent people outside military circles understood 
 this quite clearly. The use of the tank against trenches was an 
 altogether obvious expedient. Leonardo da Vinci invented an 
 early tank, but what military "expert" has ever had the wits 
 to study Leonardo ? Soon after the South African War, in 
 1903, there were stories in magazines describing imaginary 
 battles in which tanks figured, and a complete working model 
 of a tank made by Mr. J. A. Corry of Leeds, was shown to the 
 British military authorities — who of course rejected it — ^in 
 1911. Tanks had been invented and re-invented before the 
 war began. But had the matter rested entirely in the hands 
 of the military, there would never have been any use of tanks. 
 It was Mr. Winston Churchill, who was at the British Admir- 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1046 
 
 alty in 1915-16, who insisted upon the manufacture of the first 
 tanks, and it was in the teeth of the grimmest opposition that 
 they were sent to France. To the British navy, and not to the 
 army, military science owes the use of these devices. The 
 German military authorities were equally set against them. In 
 July, 1916, Sir Douglas Haig, the British commander-in-chief, 
 began a great offensive which failed to break through the Ger- 
 man line. In some places he advanced a few miles; in others 
 he was completely defeated. There was a huge slaughter of 
 the new British armies. And he did not use tanks. 
 
 In September, when the season was growing too late for a 
 sustained offensive, tanks first appeared in warfare. A few 
 were put into action by the British in a not very intelligent fash- 
 ion. Their effect upon the German was profound, they pro- 
 duced something like a panic, and there can be little doubt that 
 had they been used in July in sufficient numbers and handled 
 by a general of imagination and energy, they would have ended 
 the war there and then. At that time the Allies were in greater 
 strength than the Germans upon the Western front. The odds 
 were roughly seven to four. Russia, though fast approaching 
 exhaiistion, was still fighting, Italy was pressing the Austrians 
 hard, and Eumania was just entering the war on the aide of 
 the Allies. But the waste of men in this disastrous July of- 
 fensive, and the incompetence of the British military command, 
 brought the Allied cause to the very brink of disaster. 
 
 Directly the British failure of July had reassured the 
 Germans, they turned on the Rumanians, and the winter of 
 1916 saw the same fate overtake Rumania that had fallen upon 
 .Serbia in 1915. The year that had begun with the retreat 
 from Gallipoli and the surrender of Kut, ended with the crush- 
 ing of Eumania and with volleys fired at a landing party of 
 French and British marines by a royalist crowd in the port of 
 Athens. It looked as thou^ King Constantine of Greece meant 
 to lead his people in the footsteps of King Ferdinand of Bul- 
 garia. But the coast-line of Greece is one much exposed to 
 naval action. Greece was blockaded, and a French force from 
 Salonika joined hands with an Italian force from Valona to 
 cut the king of Greece off from his Central European friends. 
 
 (In July, 1917, Constantine was forced to abdicate by the 
 Allies, and his son Alexander was made king in his place.) 
 
 On the whole, things looked much less dangerous for the 
 
1046 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Hohenzollem imperialism at the end of 1916 than they had done 
 after the failure of the first great rush at the Marne. The 
 Allies had wasted two years of opportunity. Belgium, Serbia, 
 and Rumania, and large areas of France and Russia, were 
 occupied by Austro-German troops. Counterstroke after coun- 
 terstroke had failed, and Eussia was now tottering towards a 
 collapse. Had Germany been ruled with any wisdom, she 
 might have made a reasonable peace at this time. But the 
 touch of success had intoxicated her imperialists. . They wanted 
 not safety, but triumph, not world welfare, but world empire. 
 "World power or downfall" was their formula; it gave their 
 antagonists no alternative but a fight to a conclusive end. 
 
 § 9 
 
 Early in 191Y Eussia collapsed. 
 
 By this time the enormous strain of the war was telling 
 hardly upon all the European populations. There had been 
 a great disorganization of transport everywhere, a discontinu- 
 ance of the normal repairs and replacements of shipping, rail- 
 ways, and the like, a using-up of material of all sorts, a 
 dwindling of food production, a withdrawal of greater and 
 greater masses of men from industry, a cessation of educa- 
 tional work, and a steady diminution of the ordinary securi- 
 ties and honesties of life. iN^owhere was the available direc- 
 tive ability capable of keeping a grip upon affairs in the face 
 of the rupture of habitual bonds and the replacement of the 
 subtle disciplines of peace by the clumsy brutalities of military 
 "order." More and more of the European population was being 
 transferred from surroundings and conditions to which it was 
 accustomed, to novel circumstances which distressed, stimulated, 
 and demoralized it. But Eussia suffered first and most from 
 this universal pulling up of civilization from its roots. The 
 Russian autocracy was dishonest and incompetent. The Tsar, 
 like several of his ancestors, had now given way to a crazy 
 pietism, and the court was dominated by a religious impostor, 
 Easputin, whose cult was one of unspeakable foulness, a reek- 
 ing scandal in the face of the world. Beneath the rule of this 
 dirty mysticism, indolence and scoundrelism mismanaged the 
 war. The Eussian common soldiers were sent into battle with- 
 out guns to support, them, vsdthout even rifle ammunition ; they 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1047 
 
 were wasted by their officers and generals in a delirium of 
 militarist enthusiasm. Tor a time they seemed to be suffering 
 mutely as the beasts suffer; but there is a limit to the endur- 
 ance even of the most ignorant. A profound disgust for the 
 Tsardom was creeping through these armies of betrayed and 
 wasted men. From the close of 1915 onwards Russia was a 
 source of deepening anxiety to her Western allies. Through- 
 out 1916 she remained largely on the defensive, and there 
 were rumours of a separate peace with Germany. She gave 
 little help to Rumania. 
 
 On December 29th, 1916, the monk Rasputin was mur- 
 dered at a dinner-party in Petrograd, and a belated attempt 
 was made to put the Tsardom in order. By March things were 
 moving rapidly; food riots in Petrograd developed into a revo- 
 lutionary insurrection; there was an attempted suppression of 
 the Duma, the representative body, attempted arrests of lib- 
 eral leaders, the formation of a provisional government under 
 Prince Lvoff, and an abdication (March 15th) by the Tsat. 
 For a time it seemed that a moderate and controlled revolution 
 might be possible — perhaps under a new Tsar. Then it be- 
 came evident that the destruction of confidence in Russia had 
 gone too far for any such adjustments. The Russian people 
 were sick to death of the old order of things in Europe, of 
 Tsars and of wars and great powers ; it wanted relief, and that 
 speedily, from unendurable miseries. The Allies had no un- 
 derstanding of Russian realities ; their diplomatists were igno- 
 rant of Russian, genteel persons, with their attention directed 
 to the Russian Court rather than Russia, they blundered stead- 
 ily with the new situation. There was little goodwill among 
 the diplomatists for republicanism, and a manifest disposition 
 to embarrass the new government as much as possible. At 
 the head of the Russian republican government was an eloquent 
 and picturesque leader, Kerensky, who found himself assailed 
 by the deep forces of a profounder revolutionary movement, 
 the "social revolution," at home and cold-shouldered by the 
 Allied governments abroad. His allies would neither let him 
 give the Russian people land nor peace beyond their frontiers. 
 The French and the British press pestered their exhausted ally 
 for a fresh offensive, but when presently the Germans made 
 a strong attack by sea and land upon Riga, the British Ad- 
 miralty quailed before the prospect of a Baltic expedition in 
 
1048 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 relief. The new Kussian republic had to fight unsupported. 
 In spite of their great naval predominance and the bitter pro- 
 tests of the great English admiral, Lord Fisher (1841-1920), 
 it is to be noted that the Allies, except for some submarine at- 
 tacks, left the Germans the complete mastery of the Baltic 
 throughout the war. 
 
 The Russian masses were resolute to end the war. There 
 had come into existence in Petrograd a body representing the 
 workers and common soldiers, the Soviet, and this body clam- 
 oured for an international conference of socialists at Stock- 
 holm. Food riots were occurring in Berlin at this time, war 
 weariness in Austria and Germany was profound, and there 
 can be little doubt, in the light of subsequent events, that such 
 a conference would have precipitated a reasonable peace on 
 democratic lines in 1917 and a German revolution. Kerensky 
 implored his Western allies to allow this conference to take 
 place, but, fearful of a world-wide outbreak of socialism and 
 republicanism, they refused, in spite of the favourable re- 
 sponse of a small majority of the British Labour Party. With- 
 out either moral or physical help from the Allies, the "moderate" 
 Russian republic still fought on and made a last desperate 
 offensive effort in July. It failed after some preliminary suc- 
 cesses and another grieat slaughtering of Russians. 
 
 The limit of Russian endurance was reached. Mutinies 
 broke out in the Russian armies, and particularly upon the 
 northern front, and iipon November 7th, 1917, Kerensky's 
 government was overthrown and power was seized by the Soviet 
 Government, dominated by the Bolshevik socialists under Lenin, 
 and pledged to make peace regardless of the Western powers. 
 Russia passed definitely "out of the war." 
 
 In the spring of 1917 there had been a costly and ineffec- 
 tive French attack upon the Champagne front which had failed 
 to break through and sustained enormous losses. Here, then, 
 by the end of 1917, was a phase of events altogether favourable 
 to Germany, had her government been fighting for security 
 and well-being rather than for pride and victory. But to the 
 very end, to the pitch of final exhaustion, the people of the Cen- 
 tral Powers were held to the effort to realize an impossible 
 world imperialism. 
 
 To that end it was necessary that Britain should be not 
 merely resisted, but subjugated, and in order to do that Ger- 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1049 
 
 many had already dragged America into the circle of her ene- 
 mies. Throughout 1916 the submarine campaign had been 
 growing in intensity, but hitherto it had respected neutral ship- 
 ping. In January, 1917, a completer "blockade" of Great 
 Britain and France was proclaimed, and ail neutral powers 
 were warned to withdraw their shipping from the British 
 seas. An indiscriminate sinking of the world's shipping began 
 which compelled the United States to enter the war in April 
 (6th) 1917. Throughout 1917, while Eussia was breaking up 
 and becoming impotent, the American people were changing 
 swiftly and steadily into a great military nation. And the 
 unrestricted submarine campaign for which the German im- 
 perialists had accepted the risk of this fresh antagonist, was 
 far less successful than had been hoped. The British navy 
 proved itself much more inventive and resourceful than the 
 British army ; there was a rapid development of anti-submarine 
 devices under water, upon the surface, and in the air; and 
 after a month or so of serious destruction, the tale of sub- 
 marine sinkings declined. The British found it necessary to 
 put themselves upon food rations; but the regulations were 
 well framed and ably administered, the public showed an ex- 
 cellent spirit and intelligence, and the danger of famine and 
 social disorder was kept at arm's length. 
 
 Yet the German imperial government persisted in its course. 
 If the submarine was not doing all that had been expected, 
 and if the armies of America gathered like a thunder-cloud, 
 yet Eussia was definitely down; and in October the same sort 
 of autumn offensive that had overthrown Serbia in 1915 and 
 Eumania in 1916 was now turned with crushing effect against 
 Italy. The Italian front collapsed after the Battle of Oapo- 
 retto, and the Austro-German armies poured down into Venetia 
 and came almost within gunfire of Venice. Germany felt justi- 
 fied, therefore, in taking a high line with the Eussian peace pro- 
 posals, and the peace of Brest Litovsk (March 2nd, 1918) gave 
 the Western allies some intimation of what a German victory 
 would mean to them. It was a crushing and exorbitant peace, 
 dictated with the utmost arrogance of confident victors. 
 
 All through the winter German troops had been shifting 
 from the Eastern to the Western fronts and now, in the spring 
 of 1918, the jaded enthusiasm of hungry, weary, and bleeding 
 Germany was lashed up for the one supreme effort that was 
 
1050 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 really arid truly to end the war. For some months American 
 troops had been in France, but the bulk of the American army 
 was still across the Atlaritic. It was high time for the final 
 conclusive blow upon the Western front, if such a blow was 
 ever to be delivered. The first attack was upon the British 
 in the Somme region. The not very brilliant cavalry, generals 
 who were still in command of a front upon which cavalry was 
 a useless encumbrance • were caught napping; and on March 
 21st, in ".Gough's Disaster," the fifth British army was driven 
 back in disorder. The jealousies of the British and French 
 generals had preyented any unified command of the Allied 
 armies in France, and there was no general reserve whatever 
 behind Gough. Thousands of guns were lost, and scores of 
 thousands of prisoners. Many of these losses were due to the 
 utter incompetence of the higher command. !No less than a 
 hundred tanks were abandoned because they ran out of petrol! 
 The British were driven back almost to Amiens. Through- 
 out April and May the Germans rained offensives on the Allied 
 front. They came rieai" to a break through in the north, and 
 they made a great drive back to the Mame, which they reached 
 again on May 30th, 1918. 
 
 This was the climax of the German effort. . Behind it was 
 nothing but an exhausted homeland. The Allied politicians 
 intervened in the quarrels of their professional soldiers, and 
 Marshal Foch was put in supreme command of all the Allied 
 armies. Fresh troops were hurrying from Britain across the 
 Channel, and America was now pouring men into France by 
 the hundred thousand. In June the weary Austrians made a 
 last effort in Italy, and collapsed before an Italian counter- 
 attack. Early in June Foch began to develop a counter-attack 
 in the Marne angle. By July the tide was turning, and the 
 Germans were reeling back. The Battle of Chateau Thierry 
 (July 18th) proved the quality of the new American armies. 
 In August the British opened a great and successful thrust 
 into Belgium, and the bulge of the German lines towards 
 Amiens wilted and collapsed. Germany had finished. The 
 fighting spirit passed out of her army, and October was a story 
 of defeat and retreat along the entire Western front. Early 
 in November British troops were in Valenciennes and Ameri- 
 cans in Sedan. In Italy also the Austrian armies were in a 
 state of disorderly retreat. But everywhere now the Hohen- 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OP 1914 1051 
 
 •zoHem and Habsburg forces were collapsing. The smash ^t 
 
 ; the end was amazifagly swift. Frenchmen and Englishmen could 
 
 not believe their newspapers as day after day they announced 
 
 the capture of more hundreds of guns and more thousands of 
 
 prisoners. 
 
 In September a great allied offensive against Bulgaria had 
 produced a revolution in that country and peace proposals. 
 Turkey had followed with a capitulation at the end of October, 
 and Austro-Hungary on November 4th. There was an attempt 
 to bring out the German Fleet for a last fight, but the sailors 
 mutinied (November 7th). 
 
 The Kaiser and the Crown Prince bolted hastily, and with- 
 out a scrap of dignity, into Holland. On November 11th an 
 armistice was signed and the war was at an end. ... 
 
 For four years and a quarter the war had lasted, and grad- 
 ually it had dra.wn nearly everyone in the Western world, at 
 least, into its vortex. Upwards of ten millions of people had 
 been actually killed through the fighting, another twenty or 
 twenty-five million had died through the hardships and dis- 
 orders entailed. Scores of millions were suffering and en- 
 feebled by under-nourishment and misery. A vast proportion 
 of the living were now engaged in war work, in drilling and 
 armament, in making munitions, in hospitals, in working as 
 substitutes for men who had gone into the armies and the like. 
 Business men had been adapting themselves to the more hectic 
 methods necessary for profit in a world in a state of crisis.. The 
 war had become, indeed, an atmosphere, a habit of life, a new 
 social order. Then suddenly it ended'. 
 
 In London the armistice was proclaimed abojut midday on 
 November 11th. It produced a strangei cessajtion of every 
 ordinary routine. Clerks poured out of their ofiices and would 
 not return, assistants deserted their shops, omnibus drivers and 
 the drivers of military lorries set out upon journeys of their 
 own devising with picked-up loads of astounded and cheering 
 passengers going nowhere in particular and careless whither 
 they went. Vast vacant crowds presently choked the streets, 
 and every house and shop that possessed such adornments hung 
 out flags. When night came, many of the main streets^ which 
 had been kept in darkness for mapy months , because, of the 
 air raids, were brightly, lit. It was very strange to see throng- 
 ing multitudes assembled, in an artificial light again. Every- 
 
1052 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
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 one felt aimleas, with a kind of strained and aching relief. 
 It was over at last. There would be no more killing in Francei, 
 no more air raids — and (things wojild get better. People 
 wanted to laugh, and weep — and could do neither. Youths of 
 spirit and young soldiers on leave formed thin noisy proces- 
 sions that shoved their way through the general drift, and did 
 their best to make a jollification. A captured German gun 
 was hauled from the Mall, where a vast array of such trophies 
 had been set out, into Trafalgar Square, and its carriage burnt. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 
 
 105S 
 
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 Squibs and crackers were thrown about. But there was little 
 concerted rejoicing. Nearly everyone had lost too much and 
 suffered too much to rejoice with any fervour. 
 
 § 10 
 
 The world in the year after the great war was like a man who 
 has had some vital surgical operation very roughly performed, 
 and who is not yet sure whether he can now go on living or 
 
105* THE OUTLINE OF HISTOEY 
 
 whether he has not been so profoundly shocked an3^ injured 
 that he-will presently fall down and die. It was a world dazed 
 and stufined. German militarist imperialism had been de- 
 feated, but at an overwhelming, cost. It had come Very near 
 to victory. Everything i went on, now tbat the strain of >the 
 conflict had ceased, ratHer laxly, rather! weakly, and with a 
 gusty and uncertain teniper. There wa^ a universal hunger - 
 for peace, a universal desire for the lost safety and liberty and; 
 prosperity of |pr€|-war times, without any power of will to 
 achieve and secure these things. ; 
 
 Just; as with the Roman . Hepublic under the long strain 
 of the jPunic War, so now there had been a great release of 
 yiojencb and cruelty, and a profound deterioration in financial 
 and economic morality.? Generous spirits had sacrificed them- 
 selves freely |to the urgent demands of the war, but the sly and 
 base of the "worlds of business and money had watched the 
 convulsive opportiinities; of the time and secured a firm grip 
 upon the resources and political power of their countries. 
 Everywhere men who would, have been regarded as shady ad- 
 venturers befbre 1914: had acquired power and influence while 
 better men toiled unprofitably. Such, men as Lord Ehondda, 
 the British food controller, killed themselves with hard work, 
 while the wair profiteer waxed rich and secured his grip upon 
 press and party organization. 
 
 In the course of the war there had been extraordinary ex- 
 periments in collefetive m^nageinent in nearly all the belligerent^ 
 countries. It was ; realized that the common expedieiits of peace-; 
 time commerce, tha higgling of the market, the holding out for! 
 a favourable bargain, were incompatible with the swift needsj 
 of warfare. Transport, fuel, food supply, and the distribution: 
 of the raw materials not only of clothing, housing, and thei 
 like, but of everything needed for war munitions, had been 
 brought' under public control. No longer had farmers been 
 allowed to under-farm; cattle had been put upon deer-parks 
 and grasslands ploughed up, with or without the owner's ap- 
 proval. Luxury building and speculative company promotion 
 had been restrained. In eifect, a sort of emergency socialist 
 state had been established throughout belligerent Europe. It 
 was rough-and-ready and wasteful, but it was more effective than 
 the tangled incessant profit-seeking, the cornering and fore- 
 stalling and incoherent productiveness of "private enterprise.'' 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1055 
 
 In the earlier years of the war there was a very widespread 
 feeling of hrotherhood and the common interest in all the 
 belligerent states. The common men were everywhere sacrific- 
 ing life and health for what they believed to: be the common 
 good of the state. In return, it was promised, there would 
 be less social injustice after the war, a more universal devotion 
 to the common welfare. In Great Britain, for instance, Mr. 
 Lloyd George was particularly insistent upon his intraition to 
 make the after-war Britain "a land fit for heroes." He fore- 
 shadowed the continuation of this new war communism into 
 the peace period in discourses of great fire and beauty. In 
 Great Britain, there was created a Ministry of Keconstruction, 
 which was understood to be planning a new and more generous 
 social order, better labour conditions, better housing, extended 
 education, a complete and scientific revision of the economic 
 system. Similar hopes of a better world sustained, the com- 
 mon soldiers of France and Germany and Italy. It was prfr 
 mature disillusionment that caused the Kussiah collapse. So 
 that twc* mutually dangerous streams of anticipation were run- 
 ning through the minds of men in Western Europe towards 
 the end of the war. The rich and adventurous men, and par- 
 ticularly the new war profiteers, were making their plans to 
 prevent such developments as that air transport should become 
 a state property, and to snatch back manufactures, shipping, 
 land transport, the public services generally, and the trade in 
 staples from the hands of the commonweal into the grip of 
 private profit ; they were securing possession of newspapers and 
 busying themselves with party caucuses and the like to that 
 end; while the masses of common men were looking forward 
 naively to a new state of siociety planned almost entirely in 
 their interest and according to generous general ideas. The 
 history of 1919 is largely the clash- of these two streams of an- 
 ticipation. There was a hasty selling off, by the "business!' govr 
 emment in control, of every remunerative ipublic enterprise to 
 private speculators. . . . By the middle of 1919 the labour 
 masses throughout the world were manifestly disappointed and 
 in a thoroughly bad temper. The British "Minister of Recon- 
 struction" and its foreign equivalents were exposed as a soothing 
 sham. The common man felt he had been cheated. There was 
 to bfe no reconstruction, but only a restoration of the old order- 
 in the harsher form necessitated by the poverty of the new time. 
 
1056 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 For four years the drama of the war had obscured the social 
 question which had been developing in the Western civilizations 
 throughout the nineteenth century. Now that the war was over, 
 this question reappeared gaunt and bare, as it had never been 
 seen before. 
 
 And the irritations and hardships and the general insecurity 
 of the new time were exacerbated by a profound disturbance of 
 currency and credit. Money, a complicated growth of conven- 
 tions rather than a system of values, had been deprived within 
 the belligerent countries of the support of a gold standard. 
 Gold had been retained only for international trade, and every 
 government had produced excessive quantities of paper money 
 for domestic use. With the breaking down of the war-time 
 barriers the international exchange became a wildly fluctuating 
 confusion, a source of distress to everyone except a few gamblers 
 and wily speculators. Prices rose and rose — ^with an infuriating 
 effect upon the wage-earner. On the one hand was the employer 
 resisting his demands for more pay; on the other hand, food, 
 house-room, and clothing were being steadily cornered against 
 him. And, which was the essential danger of the situation, he 
 had lost any confidence he had ever possessed that any patience 
 or industrial willingness he displayed would really alleviate the 
 shortages and inconveniences by which he suffered. 
 
 In the speeches of politicians towards the close of 1919 and 
 the spring of 1920, there was manifest an increasing recognition 
 of the fact that what is called the capitalist system — ^the private 
 ownership system that is, in which private profit is the working 
 incentive — ^was on its trial. It had to produce general prosperity, 
 they tidmitted, or it had to be revised. It is interesting to note 
 such a speech as that of Mr. Lloyd George, the British premier, 
 delivered on Saturday, December 6th, 1919. Mr. Lloyd George 
 had had the education and training of a Welsh solicitor; he 
 entered politics early, and in the course of a brilliant parlia- 
 mentary career he had had few later opportunities for reading 
 and thought. But being a man of great natural shrewdness, he 
 was expressing here very accurately the ideas of the more in- 
 telligent of the business men and wealthy men and ordinary 
 citizens who supported him. 
 
 "There is a new challenge to civilization," he said. "What is 
 it ? It is fundamental. It affects the whole fabric of society as 
 we know it; its commerce, its trade, its industry, its finance, 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1057 
 
 its social order — all are involved in it. There are those who 
 maintain that the prosperity and strength of the country have 
 heen built up by the stimulating and invigorating appeal to in- 
 dividual impulse, to individual action. That is one view. The 
 State must educate ; the State must assist where necessary ; the 
 State must control where necessary ; the State must shield the 
 weak against the arrogance of the strong; but the life springs 
 from individual impulse and energy. (Cheers.) That is one 
 view. What is the other ? That private enterprise is a failure, 
 tried, and found wanting — a complete failure, a cruel failure. 
 It must be rooted out, and the community must take charge as 
 a community, to produce, to distribute, as well as to control. 
 . "Those are great challenges for us to decide. We say that 
 the ills of private enterprise can be averted. They say, 'No, 
 they cannot. No ameliorative, no palliative, no restrictive, no 
 remedial measure will avail. These evils are inherent in the 
 system. They are the fruit of the tree, and you must out it 
 down.' That is the challenge we hear ringing through the 
 civilized world to-day, from ocean to ocean, through valley and 
 plain. You hear it in the whining and maniacal shrieking of 
 the Bolshevists. You hear it in the loud, clear, but more re- 
 strained tones of Congresses and Conferences. The Bolshevists 
 would blow up the fabric with high explosive, with horror. 
 Others would pull down with the crowbars and with cranks — 
 especially craiJis. (Laughter.) 
 
 "Unemployment, with its injustice for the man who seeks 
 and thirsts for employment, who begs for labour and cannot get 
 it, and who is punished for failure he is not responsible for 
 by the starvation of his children — that torture is something that 
 private enterprise ought to remedy for its own sake. (Cheers.) 
 Sweating, slums, the sense of semi-slavery in labour, must go. 
 We must cultivate a sense of manhood by treating men as men. 
 If I — and I say this deliberately — if I had to choose between 
 this fabric I believe in, and allowing millions of men and women 
 and children to rot in its cellars, I would not hesitate one hour. 
 That is not the choice. Thank God it is not the choice. Pri- 
 vate enterprise can produce more, so that all men get a fair 
 share of it. . . ." ^ 
 
 Here, put into quasi-eloquent phrasing, and with a jest 
 adapted to the mental habits of the audience, we have the com- 
 ^The Times, December 8th, 1919. 
 
1058 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 mon-aense view of the ordinary prosperous man not only of 
 Great Britain, but of America or France or Italy or Germany. 
 In quality and tone it is a fair sample of British political 
 thought in 1919. The prevailing economic system has made 
 us what we are, is the underlying idea; and we do not want 
 any process of social destruction to precede a renascence of 
 society, we do not want to experiment with the fundamentals of 
 our social order. Let us accept that. Adaptation, Mr. Lloyd 
 George admitted, tliere had to be. Now this occasion of his 
 speaking was a year and a month after the Armistice, and for 
 all that period private enterprise had been failing to do all 
 that Mr. Lloyd George was so cheerfully promising it would do. 
 The community was in urgent need of houses. Throughout the 
 war there had been a cessation not only of building, but of 
 repairs. The shortage of houses in the last months of 1919 
 amounted to scores of thousands in Britain alone. ^ Multitudes 
 of people were living in a state of exasperating congestion, and 
 the most shameless profiteering in apartments and houses was 
 going on. It was a difficult, but not an impossible situation. 
 Given the same enthusiasm and energy and self-sacrifice that 
 had tided over tbe monstrous crisis of 1916, the far easier task 
 of providing a million houses could have been performed in a 
 year or so. But there had been corners in building materials, 
 transport was in a disordered state, and it did not pay private 
 enterprise to build houses at any rents within tbe means of the 
 people who needed them. Private enterprise, therefore, so far 
 from bothering about the public need of housing, did nothing 
 but comer and speculate in rents and sub-letting. It now de- 
 manded grants in aid from the State — in order to build at a 
 profit. And there was a great crowding and dislocation of 
 goods at the depots because there was insufficient road trans- 
 port. There was an urgent want of cheap automobiles to move 
 about goods and workers. But private enterprise in the auto- 
 mobile industry found it far more profitable to produce splendid 
 and costly cars for those whom the war had made rich. The 
 munition factories built with public money could have been 
 converted very readily into factories for the mass production 
 of cheap automobiles, but private enterprise had insisted upon 
 these factories being sold by the State, and would neither meet 
 the public need itself nor let the State do so. So, too, with the 
 •Authorities vary between 250,000 and a million houaes. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1059 
 
 world in the direst discomfort for need of shipping, private 
 enterprise insisted upon the shutting down of the newly con- 
 .structed State shipyards. Currency was dislocated everywhere, 
 but private enterprise was busy buying and selling francs or 
 marks and intensifying the trouble. While Mr. George was 
 making the very characteristic speech we have quoted, the dis- 
 content of the common man was gathering everywhere, and little 
 or nothing was being done to satisfy his needs. It was becoming 
 very evident that unless there was to be some profound change 
 in the spirit of business, under an unrestrained private enter- 
 prise system there was little or no hope, in Europe at any rate, 
 of decent housing, clothing, or education for the workers for 
 two or three generations. 
 
 These are facts that the historian of mankind is obliged to 
 note with as little comment as possible. Private enterprise in 
 Europe in 1919 and 1920 displayed neither will nor capacity 
 for meeting the crying needs of the time. So soon as it was 
 released from control, it ran naturally into speculation, corner- 
 ing, and luxury production. It followed the line of maximum 
 profit. It displayed no sense of its own dangers ; and it resisted 
 any attempt to restrain and moderate its profits and make itself 
 serviceable, even in its own interest.^ And this went on in 
 the face of the most striking manifestations of the extreme re- 
 calcitrance on the part of the European masses to the prolonged 
 continuance of the privations and inconyeniences they suffered. 
 In 1913 these masses were living as they had lived since birth ; 
 they were habituated to the life they, led. The masses of 1919, 
 on the other hand, had been uprooted everywhere, to go into 
 the armies, to go into munition factories, and so on. They 
 had lost their habits of acquiescence, and they were hardier and 
 more capable of desperate action. Great multitudes of men 
 had gone through such brutalizing training as, for instance, 
 bayonet drill ; they had learnt to be ferocious, and to think less 
 either of killing or being killed. Social unrest had become, 
 therefore, much more dangerous. Everything seemed to point 
 to a refusal to tolerate the current state of affairs for many 
 years. Unless the educated and prosperous and comfortable 
 people of Europe could speedily get their private enterprise 
 under suiBcient restraint to make it work well and rapidly for 
 the common good, unless they could develop the idea of business 
 as primarily, a form of public service and not primarily a method 
 
1060 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 of profit-making, unless they could in their own interest achieve a 
 security of peace that would admit of a cessation not only of war 
 preparation, but of international commercial warfare, strike and 
 insurrection promised to follow strike and insurrection up to a 
 complete social and political collapse. It was not that the masses 
 had or imagined that they had the plan of a new social, political, 
 and economic system. They had not, and they did not believe 
 they had. The defects we have pointed out in the socialist scheme 
 (Chapter XXXVIII, § 5) were no secret from them. It was a 
 much more dangerous state of affairs than that. It was that they 
 were becoming so disgusted with the current system, with its 
 silly luxury, its universal waste, and its general misery, that they 
 did not care what happened afterward so long as they could 
 destroy it. It was a return to a state of mind comparable to that 
 which had rendered possible the debacle of the Koman Empire. 
 
 Already in 1919 the world had seen one great community 
 go that way, the Russian people. The Russians overturned the 
 old order and submitted to the autocratic rule of a small group 
 of doctrinaire Bolshevik socialists, because these men seemed to 
 have somfething new to try. They wrecked the old system, and 
 at any cost they would not have it back. The information avail- 
 able from Russia at th^ time of writing this summary is still 
 too conflicting and too obviously tainted by propagandist aims 
 for us to form any judgment upon the proceedings and methods 
 of the Soviet Government, but it is very plain that from No- 
 vember, 1917, Russia has not only endured that government 
 and its mainly socialistic methods, but has fought for it success- 
 fully against anything that seemed to threaten a retura to the 
 old regime. 
 
 We have already (§ 5) pointed out the very broad differences 
 between the Russian and the Western communities, and the 
 strong reasons there are for doubting that they will move upon 
 parallel lines and act in similar ways. The Russian peasants 
 were cut off by want of education and sympathy from the small 
 civilized community of prosperous and educated people which 
 lived upon them. These latter were a little separate nation. 
 The peasants below, under the really quite alien incitement of 
 the Bolshevik socialists, have thrown that separate nation off 
 and destroyed it. In the towns, and in the towns alone, com- 
 munism rules (1920) ; the rest of Russia is now no more than 
 a wilderness of barbaric peasantry; But there is much more 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1061^ 
 
 unity of thought and feeling between class and class in the 
 West than in Russia, and particularly in the Atlantic commu- 
 nities. Even if they wrangle, classes can talk together and 
 understand each other. There is no unhroken stratum of 
 illiterates. The groups of rich and speculative men, the "bad 
 men" in business and affairs, whose freedoms are making the 
 very name of "private enterprise" stink in the nostrils of the 
 ordinary man, are only the more active section of very much 
 larger classes, guilty perhaps of indolence and self-indulgence, 
 but capable of being roused to a sense not merely of the wicked- 
 ness but of the danger of systematic self-seeking in a strained, 
 impoverished, and sorely tried world. 
 
 In one way or another it seems inevitable now that the new 
 standard of well-being which the mechanical revolution of the 
 last century has rendered possible, should become the general 
 standard of life. Eevolution is conditional upon public dis- 
 comfort. Social peace is impossible without a rapid ameliora- 
 tion of the needless discomforts of the present time. A rapid 
 resort to willing service and social reconstruction on the part 
 of those who own and rule, or else a world-wide social revolu- 
 tion leading towards an equalization of conditions and an at- 
 tempt to secure comfort on new and untried lines, seem now to 
 be the only alternatives before mankind. The choice which 
 route shall be taken lies, we believe, in western Europe, and 
 still more so in America, with the educated, possessing, and 
 influential classes. The former route demands much sacrifice, 
 for prosperous people in particular, a voluntary assumption of 
 public duties and a voluntary acceptance of class discipline and 
 self-denial; the latter may take an indefinite time to traverse, 
 it will certainly be a very destructive and bloody process, and 
 whether it will lead to a new and better state of affairs at last 
 is questionable. A social revolution, if ultimately the Western 
 European States blunder into it, may prove to be a process ex- 
 tending over centuries; it may involve a social breakdown as 
 complete as that of the Eoman Empire, and it may necessitate 
 as slow a recuperation. 
 
 § 11 
 
 We have dealt with the social and economic disorder of the 
 European communities, and the rapid return of the "class-war" 
 
1062 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to the foreground of attention, before giving any account of 
 the work of world settlement that centred on the Peace Confer- 
 ence at Paris, because the worried and preoccupied : state of 
 everyone concerned with private problems of income, prices, 
 employment, and the like goes far to explain the jaded atmos- 
 phere in which that Conference addressed itself to the vast 
 task before it. . 
 
 The story of the Conference turns very largely upon the ad- 
 venture of one particular man, one of those men whom accident 
 or personal quality picks out as a type to lighten the task of 
 the historian. We have in the course of this history found it 
 very helpful at times to focus our attention upon some indi- 
 vidual, Buddha,' Alexander the Great, Yuan Ohwang, the Em- 
 peror Frederick II and Charles V and Napoleon I for example, 
 and to let him by reflection illuminate the period in which he 
 lived. The conclusion of the Great War can be seen most easily 
 as the riseof the American President, President Wilson, to'pre- 
 dominant importance in the world's hopes and attention, and 
 his failure to justify that predominance. 
 
 President Wilson (bom 1856) had previously been a promi- 
 nent student and teacher of history, constitutional law, and the 
 political sciences generally. He had held various professorial 
 chairs, and had been President of Princeton University (New 
 Jersey). There is a long list of books to his credit, and they 
 show a mind rather exclusively directed to American history and 
 American politics. He was mentally the new thing in history, 
 negligent of and rather ignorant of the older things out of 
 which his new world had arisen. He retired from academic 
 life, and was elected Democratic Governor of New Jersey in 
 1910. In 1913 he became the Democratic presidential candi- 
 date, and as a eonsequence of a violent quarrel between ex- 
 President Eoosevelt and President Taft, which split the domi- 
 nant Eepublican party, he became President of the United 
 States. 
 
 The events of August, 1914, seem to have taken President 
 Wilson, like the rest of his fellow-countrymen, by surprise. We 
 find him cabling an offer of his services as a mediator on 
 August 3rd. Then, for a time, he and America watched the 
 conflict. At first neither the American people nor their Presi- 
 dent seem to have had a very clear or profound understanding 
 of that long-gathered catastrophe. Their tradition for a century. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1063 
 
 had been to disregard tlie problems of the Old World, and it 
 was not to be lightly changed. The imperialistic arrogance of 
 the German Court and the stupid inclination of the German 
 military authorities towards melodramatic "frightfulness," their 
 invasion of Belgium, their cruelties there, their use of poison 
 gas, and the nuisance of their submarine campaign, created a 
 deepening hostility to Germany in the United States as the 
 war proceeded; but the tradition of political abstinence and 
 the deep-rooted persuasion that America possessed a political 
 morality altogether superior to European conflicts, restrained 
 the President from active intervention. He adopted a lofty 
 tone. He professed to be unable to judge the causes and justice 
 of the Great War. It was largely his high pacific attitude that 
 secured his re-election as President for a second term. But 
 the world is not to be mended by merely regarding evil-doers 
 with an expression of rather undiscriminating disapproval. By 
 the end of 1916 the Germans had been encouraged to believe 
 that under no circumstances whatever would the United States 
 fight, and in 1917 they began their unrestricted submarine war- 
 fare and the sinking of American ships without notice. Presi- 
 dent Wilson and the American people were dragged into the 
 war by this supreme folly. And also they were dragged into a 
 reluctant attempt to define their relations to Old World politics 
 in some other terms than those of mere aloofness. Their 
 thoughts and temper changed very rapidly. They came into 
 the war side by side with the Allies, but not in any pact with 
 the Allies. They came into the war, in the name of their own 
 modem civilization, to punish and end an intolerable political 
 and military situation. 
 
 Slow and belated judgments are sometimes the best judg- 
 ments. In a series of "notes," too long and various for detailed 
 treatment in this Outline, thinking aloud, as it , were, in the 
 hearing of all mankind. President Wilson sought to state the 
 essential differences of the American State from the Great 
 Powers of the Old World. We have been at some pains in this 
 history to make plain the development of these differences. He 
 unfolded a conception of international relationships that came 
 like a gospel, like the hope of a better world, to the whole eastern 
 hemisphere. Secret agreements were to cease, "nations" were 
 to determine their own destinies, militarist aggression was to 
 cease, the seaways were to be free to all mankind. These com- 
 
1064 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 monplaces 6f American thought, these secret desires of every 
 sane man, came like a great light upon the darkness of anger 
 and conflict in Europe. At last, men felt, the ranks of diplo- 
 macy were broken, the veils of Great Power "policy" were rent 
 in twain. Here with authority, with the strength of a powerful 
 new nation behind it, was the desire of the common man 
 throughout the world, plainly said. 
 
 Manifestly there was needed some over-riding instrument of 
 government to establish world law and maintain these broad 
 and liberal generalizations upon human intercourse. A number 
 of schemes had floated in men's minds for the attainment of that 
 end. In particular there was a movement for some sort of world 
 league, a "League of iN^ations." The American President 
 adopted this phrase and sought to realize it. An essential con- 
 dition of the peace he sought through the overthrow of German 
 imperialism was, he declared, to be this federal organ. This 
 League of ^Nations was to be the final court of appeal in inter- 
 national affairs. It was to be the substantial realization of the 
 peace. Here again he awakened a tremendous echo. 
 
 President Wilson was the spokesman of a new age. Through- 
 out the war, and for some little time after it had ended, he heldj 
 so far as the Old World was concerned, that exalted position. 
 But in America, where they knew him better, there were doubts. 
 And writing as we do now with the wisdom of subsequent events, 
 we can understand these doubts. America, throughout a century 
 and more of detachment and security, had developed new ideals 
 and formulae of political thought, without realizing with any 
 intensity that, under conditions of stress and danger, these ideals 
 and formulae might have to be passionately sustained. To her 
 community many things were platitudes that had to the Old 
 World communities, entangled still in ancient political compli- 
 cations, the quality of a saving gospel. President Wilson was 
 responding to the thought and conditions of his own people and 
 his own country, based on a liberal tradition that had first found 
 its full expression in English speech ; but to Europe and Asia 
 he seemed to be thinking and saying, for the first time in his- 
 tory, things hitherto undeveloped and altogether secret. And 
 that misconception he may have shared. 
 
 We are dealing here with an able and successful professor of 
 political science, who did not fully realize what he owed to his 
 contemporaries and the literary and political atmosphere he had 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1065 
 
 breathed throughout his lifej and who passed very rapidly, after 
 his re-electioH' as President, from the mental attitudes of a po- 
 litical-leader to those of a Messiah. His "notes" are a series of 
 exJ)lorations of the elements of the world situation. When at 
 lastj in his address to Congress of January 8th, 1918, he pro- 
 due€(d his Fourteen Points as a definite statement of the Ameri- 
 can peace intentions, they were, as a statement, far better in 
 their spirit than in their arrangement and matter. This docu- 
 ment demanded open agreements between nations and an end 
 to secret diplomacy, free navigation of the high seas, free com- 
 merce, disarmainent, and a number of political readjustments 
 upon the lines of national independence. Finally in the Four- 
 teenth Point it required "a general association of nations" to 
 guarantee the peace of the world. 
 
 These Fourteen Points had an immense reception throughout 
 the world. Here at last seemed a peace for reasonable men 
 everywhere, as good and acceptable to honest and decent Ger- 
 mans and Russians, as to honest and decent Frenchmen and 
 Englishmeii and Belgians ; and for some months the whole world 
 was lit by faith in Wilson. Could they have been made the 
 basis of a world settlement in 1919, they would forthwith have 
 opened a new and more hopeful era in human affairs. 
 
 But, as we must tell, they did not do that. There was about 
 President Wilson a certain egotism ; there was in the generation 
 of people in the United States to whom this great occasion came, 
 a generation bom in security, reared in plenty and, so far as 
 history goes, in ignorance, a generation remote from the tragic 
 issues that had made Europe grave, a certain superficiality and 
 lightness of mind. It was not that the American people were 
 Superficial by nature and necessity, but that they had never 
 been deeply stirred by the idea of a human community larger 
 than their own. It was an intellectual but not a moral convic- 
 tion, with them. One had on the one hand these new people 
 of the new world, with their new ideas, their finer and better 
 ideas, of peace and world righteousness, and on the other the old, 
 bitter, deeply entangled peoples of the Great Power system; 
 and the former were crude and rather childish in their immense 
 inexperience, and the latter were seasoned and bitter and in- 
 tricate. The theme of this clash of the raw idealist youthfulness 
 of a new age with the experienced ripeness of the old, was treated 
 years ago by that great novelist, Henry James, in a very 
 
1066 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 typical story called Daisy MUler. It is the pathetic story of a 
 frank, trustful, high-minded, but rather simple-minded Ameri- 
 can girl, with a real disposition towards righteousness and a 
 great desire for a "good time," and how she came to Europe 
 and was swiftly entangled and put in the wrong, and at last 
 driven to welcome death by the complex tortuousness and obsti- 
 nate limitations of the older world. There have been a thou- 
 sand variants of that theme in- real life, a thousand such trans- 
 Atlantic tragedies, and the story 
 of President Wilson is one of 
 them. But it is not to be sup- 
 posed, because the new thing 
 succumbs to the old infections, 
 that is the final condemnation 
 of the new thing. 
 
 Probably no fallible human 
 being manifestly trying to do 
 his best amidst overwhelming 
 circumstances has been sub- 
 jected to such minute, search- 
 ing, and pitiless criticism as 
 President Wilson. He is 
 blamed, and it would seem that 
 he is rightly blamed,' for conducting the war and the ensuing 
 peace negotiations on strictly party lines. He remained tjie 
 President representing the American Democratic Party, when 
 circumstances conspired to make him the representative of the 
 general interests of mankind. He made no attempt to forget 
 party issues for a time, and to incorporate with himself such 
 great American leaders as ex-President Roosevelt, ex-President 
 Taft^ and the like. He did not draw fully upon the moral and 
 intellectual resources of the States ; he made the whole issue 
 too personal, and he surrounded himself with merely personal 
 adherents. And a still graver error was his decision to come to 
 the Peace Conference himself. Nearly every experienced critic 
 seems to be of opinion that he should have remained in Amer- 
 ica, in the role of America, speaking occasionally as if a nation 
 spoke. Throughout the concluding years of the war he had 
 by t'lat method achieved an unexampled position in the world. 
 Says Dr. Dillon : ^ "Europe, when the President touched 
 'In his book, The Peace Conference. 
 
 Pre«ldeat T^C'lUoa 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 
 
 1067 
 
 its shores, was as clay ready for the creative potter, l^ever 
 before were the nations so eager to follow a Moses who would 
 take them to the long-proniised land where wars are prohibited 
 and blockades unknown. And to their thinking he was that 
 great leader. In France men bowed down before him with awe 
 and affection. Labour leaders in Paris told me that they shed 
 tears of joy in his presence, and that their comrades would go 
 through fire and water to help him to realize his noble schemes. 
 To the working classes in Italy 
 his nanie was a heavenly clarion 
 at the sound of which the earth 
 would be renewed. The Ger- 
 mans regarded him and his 
 humane doctrine as their sheet- 
 anchor of safety. The fearless 
 
 M.. Cletoencgatt 
 
 Herr Muehlon said: 'If Presi- 
 dent Wilson were to address the 
 Germans, and pronounce a 
 severe sentence upon them, they 
 would accept it with resigna- 
 tion and without a murmur and 
 set to work at once.' In Ger- 
 man-Austria his fame was that 
 of a saviour, and the mere mention of his name brought balm 
 to the suffering and surcease of sorrow to the afflicted. . . ." 
 
 Such was the overpowering expectation of the audience 
 to which President Wilson prepared to show himself. He 
 reached France on board the Oeorge Washmgton in December, 
 1918. 
 
 He brought his wife with him. That seemed no doubt a per- 
 fectly natural and proper thing to an American mind. Quite 
 a number of the American representatives brought their wives. 
 Unhappily a social quality, nay, almost a tourist quality, was 
 introduced into the world settlement by these ladies. Transport 
 facilities were limited, and most, of them arrived in Europe with 
 a radiant air of privilege. They came as if they came to a 
 treat. They were, it was intimated, seeing Europe under ex- 
 ceptionally interesting circumstances. They would visit Ches- 
 ter, or Warwick, or Windsor en route — for they might not have 
 a chance of seeing these celebrated places again. Important 
 interviews would be broken- off to get in a visit to some "old 
 
1068 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 historical mansion." This may seem a trivial matter to note in 
 a History of Mankind, but it was such small human things as 
 this that threw a miasma of futility over the Peace Conference 
 of 1919. In a little while one discovered that Wilson, the Hope 
 of Mankind, had vanished, and that all the illustrated fashion 
 papers contained pictures of a delighted tourist and his wife, 
 grouped smilingly with crowned heads and such-like enviable 
 company. ... It is so easy to be wise after the event, 
 and to perceive that he should not have come over. 
 
 The men he had chiefly to 
 deal with, for example M. 
 Clemenceau (France), Mr. 
 Lloyd George and Mr. Balfour 
 (Britain), Baron Sonnino and 
 Signer Orlando (Italy), were 
 men of widely dissimilar his- 
 torical traditions. But in one 
 respect they resembled him and 
 appealed to his sympathies. 
 They, too, were party poli- 
 ticians, who had led their coun- 
 try through the war. Like 
 himself they had failed to 
 grasp the necessity of entrust- 
 ing the work of settlement to more specially qualified men. 
 "They were the merest novices in international affairs. Geog- 
 raphy, ethnology, psychology, and political history were sealed 
 books to them. Like the Eector of Louvain University, who 
 told Oliver Goldsmith that, as he had become the head of that 
 institution without knowing Greek, he failed to see why it 
 should be taught there, the chiefs -of State, having obtained the 
 highest position in their respective countries without more than 
 an inkling of international affairs, were unable to realize the 
 importance of mastering them or the impossibility of repairing 
 the omission as they went along. . . ." ^ 
 
 "What they lacked, however, might in some perceptible de- 
 gree have been supplied by enlisting as their helpers men more 
 happily endowed than themselves. But they deliberately chose 
 mediocrities. It is a mark of genial spirits that they are well 
 served, but the plenipotentiaries of the Conference were not 
 
 'Oillon. 
 
 "y^.Hovjl Geartgt 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1069 
 
 characterized by it. Away in the background some of them had 
 familiars or casual prompters to whose counsels they were wont 
 to listen, but many of the adjoints who moved in the limelight 
 of the world-stage were gritless and pithless. 
 
 "Aa the heads of the principal Governments implicitly 
 claimed to be the authorized spokesmen of the human race, and 
 endowed with unlimited powers, it is worth noting that this 
 claim was boldly challenged by the people's organs in the Press. 
 Nearly all the journals read by the masses objected from the 
 first to the dictatorship of the group of Premiers, Mr. Wilson 
 being excepted. . . ." ^ 
 
 The restriction upon our space in this Outline will not 
 allow us to tell here how the Peace Conference shrank from a 
 Council of Ten to a Council of Four (Wilson, Clemenceau, 
 Lloyd George, and Orlando), and how it became a conference 
 less and less like a frank and open discussion of the future of 
 mankind, and more and more like some old-fashioned diplomatic 
 conspiracy. Great and wonderful had been the hopes that had 
 gathered to Paris. "The Paris of the Conference," says Dr. 
 Dillon, "ceased to be the capital of France. It became a vast 
 cosmopolitan caravanserai teeming with unwonted aspects of 
 life and turmoil, filled with curious samples of the races, tribes, 
 and tongues of four continents who came to watch and wait for 
 the mysterious to-morrow. 
 
 "An Arabian ^Nights' touch was imparted to the dissolving 
 panorama by strange visitants from Tartary and Kurdistan, 
 Korea and Aderbeijan, Armenia, Persia, and the Hedjaz — 
 men with patriarchal beards and scimitar-shaped noses, and 
 others from desert and oasis, from Samarkand and Bokhara. 
 Turbans and fezes, sugar-loaf hats and head-gear resembling 
 episcopal mitres, old military uniforms devised for the embry- 
 onic armies of new states on the eve of perpetual peace, snowy- 
 white burnouses, flowing mantles, and graceful garments like 
 the Eoman toga, contributed to create an atmosphere of dreamy 
 unreality in the city where the grimmest of realities were being 
 faced and coped with. 
 
 "Then came the men of wealth, of intellect, of industrial 
 enterprise, and the seed-bearers of the ethical new ordering, 
 members of economic committees from the United States, 
 
 •Dillon. And see his The Peace Gonferenoe, chapter iii, for instances 
 of the amazing ignorance of various delegates. 
 
1070, THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Britain, Italy, Poland, Russia, India, and Japan, representa- 
 tives of naphtha industries and far-off coal mines, pilgrims, 
 fanatics and charlatans from all climes, priests of all {religions^ 
 preachers of every doctrine, who mingled with princes, field- 
 marshals, statesmen, anarchists, builders-up and pullers-down. 
 AH of them burned with desire to be near to the crucible in 
 which the political and social systems of. the world were to be 
 melted and recast. Every day, in my walks, in my apartment, 
 or at restaurants, I met emissaries from lands and peoples whose 
 very names had seldom been heard of before in the West. A 
 delegation from the Pont-Euxine Greeks called on me, and dis- 
 coursed of their ancient cities of Trebizond, Samsoun, Tripoli, 
 Kerassund, in which I resided many years ago, and informed 
 me that they, too, desired to become welded into an independent 
 Greek Republic, and had come to have their claims allowed. 
 The Albanians were represented by my old friend Turkhan 
 Pasha, on the one hand, and by my friend Essad Pasha on the 
 other — ^the former desirous of Italy's protection, the latter de- 
 manding complete independence. Chinamen, Japanese, Koreans, 
 Hindus, Kirghizes, Lesghiens, Circassians, Mingrelians, 
 Buryats, Malays, and Negroes and Negroids from Africa and 
 America were among the tribes and tongues foregathered in 
 Paris to watch the rebuilding of the political world system- and 
 to see where they 'came in.' ..." 
 
 To this thronging, amazing Paris, agape for a new world, 
 came President Wilson, and found its gathering forces domi- 
 nated by a personality narrower, in every way more limited and 
 beyond comparison more forcible than himself : the French Pre- 
 mier, M. Clemenceau. At the instance of President Wilson, M. 
 Clemenceau was elected President of the Conference. "It was," 
 said President Wilson, "a special tribute to the sufferings and 
 sacrifices of France." And that, unhappily, sounded the hey- 
 note of the Conference, whose sole business should have been 
 with the future of mankind. 
 
 Georges Benjamin Clemenceau was an old journalist poli- 
 tician, a great denouncer of abuses, a great upsetter of govern- 
 ments, a doctor who had, while a municipal councillor, kept a 
 free clinic, and a fierce, experienced duellist. None of his 
 duels ended fatally, but he faced them with great intrepidity. 
 He had passed from the medical school to republican journalism 
 in the days of the Empire. In those days he was an extremist 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1071 
 
 of tJie left. He was for a time a teacher in America, and he 
 married and divorced an American wife. He was thirty in the 
 eventful year 1871. He returned to France after Sedan, and 
 flung himself into the stormy politics of the defeated nation 
 with great fire and vigour. Thereafter France was his world, 
 the France of vigorous journalism, high-spirited personal quar- 
 rels, challenges, confrontations, scenes, dramatic effects, and 
 witticisms at any cost. He was what people call "fierce stuff," 
 he was nicknamed the "Tiger," and he seems to have been rather 
 proud of his nickname. Professional patriot rather than states- 
 man and thinker, this was the man whom the war had flung up 
 to misrepresent the fine mind and the generous spirit of France. 
 His limitations had a profound effect upon the conference, which 
 was further coloured by the dramatic resort for the purpose of 
 signature to the very Hall of Mirrors at Versailles in which 
 Germany had triumphed and proclaimed her unity. There the 
 Germans were to sign. To M. Olemenceau and to France, in 
 that atmosphere, the war ceased to seem a world war ; it was 
 merely the sequel of the previous confiict of the Terrible Year, 
 the downfall and punishment of offending Germany. "The 
 world had to be made safe for democracy," said President Wil- 
 son. That from M. Clemenceau's expressed point of view was 
 "talking like Jesus Christ." The world had to be made safe 
 for Paris. "Talking like Jesus Christ" seemed a very ridicu- 
 lous thing to many of those brilliant rather than sound diplo- 
 matists and politicians who made the year 1919 supreme in the 
 history of human insufficiency. 
 
 (Another flash of the "Tiger's" wit, it may be noted, was 
 tihat President Wilson with his fourteen points was "worse" 
 than God Almighty. "Le bon Dieu" only had ten. . . .) 
 
 M. Clemenceau sat with Signer' Orlando in the more central 
 chairs of a semicircle of four in front of the fire, says Keynes. 
 He wore a black frock-coat and grey suede gloves, which he 
 never removed during these sessions. He was, it is to be noted, 
 the only one of these four reconstructors of the world who could 
 understand and speak both French and English. 
 
 The aims of M. Clemenceau were simple and in a manner 
 attainable. He wanted all the settlement of 1871 undone. He 
 wanted Germany punished as though she was a uniquely sinful 
 nation and France a sinless martyr land. He wanted Germany 
 so crippled and devastated as never more to be able to stand up 
 
1072 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 to France. He wanted to hurt and humiliate Germany more 
 than France had been hurt and humiliated in 1871. He did 
 not care if in breaking Germany Europe was broken ; his mind 
 did not go far enough beyond the Rhine to understand that possi- 
 bility. He accepted President Wilson's League of Nations as 
 an excellent proposal if it would guarantee the security of 
 France whatever she did, but he preferred a binding alliance 
 of the United States and England to raaintain, uphold, and 
 glorify France under practically any circumstances. He wanted 
 wider opportunities for the exploitation of Syria, North Africa, 
 and so forth by Parisian financial groups. He wanted indemni- 
 ties to recuperate France, loans, gifts, and tributes to France, 
 glory and homage to France. France had suffered, and France 
 had to be rewarded. Belgium, Russia, Serbia, Poland, Armenia, 
 Britain, Germany, and Austria had all suffered too, all man- 
 kind had suffered, but what would you ? That was not his affair. 
 These were the supers of a drama in which France was for him 
 the star. ... In much the same spirit Signer Orlando seems 
 to have sought the welfare of Italy. 
 
 Mr. Lloyd George brought to the Council of Foiir the subtlety 
 of a Welshman, the intricacy of a European, and an urgent 
 necessity for respecting the nationalist egotism of the British 
 imperialists and capitalists who had returned him to power. 
 Into the secrecy of that council went President Wilson with 
 the very noblest aims for his newly discovered American world 
 policy, his rather hastily compiled Fourteen Points, and a 
 project rather than a scheme for a League of Nations. 
 
 "There can seldom have been a statesman of the first rank 
 more incompetent than the President in the agilities of the 
 Council Chamber." From the whispering darknesses and fire- 
 side disputes of that council, and after various comings and 
 goings we cannot here describe, he emerged at last with his 
 Fourteen Points pitifully torn and dishevelled, but with a little 
 puling infant of a League of Nations, which might die or which 
 might live and grow — no one could tell. This history cannot 
 tell. We are at the end of our term. But that much, at least, 
 he had saved. , . . 
 
 § 12 
 
 This homunculus in a bottle which it was hoped might be- 
 come at last Man ruling the Earth, this League of Nations as 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1073 
 
 it was embodied in the Covenant of April 28th, 1919, was not a 
 league of peoples at all ; it was the world discovered, a league 
 of "states, dominions, or colonies." It was stipiilated that these 
 should be "fully self-governing," but there was no definition 
 whatever of this phrase. There was no bar to a limited franchise 
 and no provision for any direct control by the people of any 
 state. India figured — j^resnmably as a "fully self-governing 
 state !" An autocracy would no doubt have been admissible as 
 a "fully self-governing" democracy with a franchise limited to 
 one person. The League of the Covenant of 1919 was, in fact, 
 a league of "representatives" of foreign offices, and it did not 
 even abolish the nonsense of embassies at every capital! The 
 British Empire appeared once as a whole, and then India (!) 
 and the four dominions of Canada, Australia, South Africa, and 
 ISTew Zealand appeared as separate sovereign states. The Indian 
 representative was, of course, sure to be merely a British nomi- 
 nee; the other four would be colonial politicians. But if the 
 British Empire was to be thus dissected, a representative of 
 Great Britain should have been substituted for the Imperial 
 representative, and Ireland and Egypt should also have been 
 given representation. Moreover, either !New York State or 
 Virginia was historically and legally almost as much a sovereign 
 state as New Zealand or Canada. The inclusion of India raised 
 logical claims for French Africa and French Asia. One French 
 representative did propose a separate vote for the little princi- 
 pality of Monaco. 
 
 There was to be an assembly of the League in which every 
 member state was to be represented and to have an equal voice, 
 but the working directorate of the League was to vest in a 
 Council, which was to consist of the representatives of the 
 United States, Britain, France, Italy, and Japan, with four 
 other members elected by the Assembly. The Council was to 
 meet once a year; the gatherings of the Assembly were to be 
 at "stated intervals," not stated. 
 
 Except in certain specified instances the league of this Cove- 
 nant could make only unanimous decisions. One dissentient on 
 the council could bar any proposal — on the lines of the old 
 Polish liberum veto (Chapter XXXV, § 7). This was a quite 
 disastrous provision. To many minds it made the Covenant 
 League rather less desirable than no league at all. It was a 
 complete recognition of the tlnalienable sovereignty of statesj 
 
1074i THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and a . repudiation of the idea of an overriding commonweal 
 of mankind. This provision practically barred the way to all 
 arpendments to the league Constitution in future except by the 
 clumsy expedient of a simultaneous withdrawal of the majority 
 of member states desiring a change, to form the league again 
 on new lines. , The covenant made inevitable such a final wind- 
 ing-up of the league it created, and that was perhaps the best 
 thing about it. 
 
 The following powers, it was proposed, should be excluded 
 from the original league : Germany, Austria, Russia, and what- 
 ever remains there were of the Turkish Empire. But any of 
 these might subsequently be included with the assent of two- 
 thirds of the Assembly. The original membership of the league 
 as specified in the projected Covenant was: the United States 
 of America, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, the British Empire 
 (Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, and India), 
 China, Cuba, Ecuador, France, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, the 
 Hedjaz, Honduras, Italy, Japan, Liberia, Nicaragua, Panama, 
 Peru, Poland, Portugal, Rumania, the Serb-Croat-Slovene 
 State, Siam, Czecho-Slovakia, and Uruguay. To which were 
 to be added by invitation the following powers which had been 
 neutral in the war: the Argentine Republic, Chile, Colombia, 
 Denmark, Holland, Norway, Paraguay, Persia, Salvador, Spain, 
 Sweden, Switzerland, and Venezuela. 
 
 Such being the constitution of the league, it is scarcely to be 
 wondered at that its powers were special and limited. It wa!s 
 given a seat at Geneva and a secretariat. It had no powers 
 even to inspect the military preparations of its constituent states, 
 or to instruct a military and naval staff to plan out the armed 
 co-operation needed to keep the peace of the world. The French 
 representative in the League of Nations Commission, M. Leon 
 Bourgeois, insisted lucidly and repeatedly on the logical neces- 
 sity of such powers. As a speaker he was rather copious and 
 lacking in "spice" of the Clemenceau quality. The final scene 
 in the plenary session of April 28th, befare the adoption of the 
 Covenant, is described compactly by Mr. Wilson Harris, the 
 crowded Banqueting Hall at the Quai d'Orsay, with its "E". 
 of tables for the delegates, with secretaries and officials lining 
 the walls and a solid mass of journalists at the lower end pf 
 the room. "At the head of the room the 'Big Thve^' ^diveifteti 
 themselves in undertones at the expense of the worthy ',M. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 
 
 1075 
 
1076 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Bourgeois, now launclied, with the help of what must have been 
 an entirely superfluous sheaf of notes, on the fifth rendering of 
 his speech in support of his famous amendments." 
 
 They were so often "diverting themselves in undertones," 
 those three men whom God had mocked with the most tre- 
 mendous opportunity in history. Keynes (op. cit.) gives other 
 instances of the levities, vulgarities, disregards, inattentions, 
 and inadequacies of these meetings. 
 
 This poor Covenant arrived at in this fashion returned with 
 President Wilson to America, and there it was subjected to an 
 amount of opposition, criticism, and revision which showed, 
 among other things, how relatively unimpaired was the mental 
 energy of the United States. The Senate refused to ratify the 
 covenant, and the first meeting of the League Council was held 
 therefore without American representatives. The close of 1919 
 and the opening months of 1920 saw a very curious change 
 come over American feeling after the pro-French and pro- 
 British enthusiasms of the war period. The peace nego- 
 tiations reminded the Americans, in a confused and very 
 irritating way, of their profound differences in intemati©iial 
 outlook from any European power that the war had for a time 
 helped them to forget. They felt they had been "rushed" into 
 many things without due consideration. They experienced a 
 violent revulsion towards that policy of isolation that had broken 
 down in 1917. The close of 1919 saw a phase, a very uider- 
 standable phase, of passionate and even violent "Americanism," 
 in which European imperialism and European socialism were 
 equally anathema. There may have been a sordid element in 
 the American disposition to "cut" the moral responsibilities the 
 United States had incurred in the affairs of the Old World, and 
 to realize the enormous financial and political advantages the 
 war had given the new world; but the broad instinct of the 
 American people seems to have been sound in its distrust of the 
 proposed settlement. 
 
 §13 
 
 The main terms of the Treaties of 1919-20 with which the 
 Conference of Paris concluded its labours can be stated much 
 more vividly by a few maps than by a written abstract. We 
 need scarcely point out how much those treaties left unsettled, 
 
THE "CATASTROPHE OF 1914 
 
 1077 
 
W78 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 but we may perhaps enumerate some of the more salient breaches 
 of the Twelve that survived out of the Fourteen Points at the 
 opening of the Conference. 
 
 One initial cause of nearly all those breaches lay, we believe, 
 in the complete iihprfeparedness and unwillingness of that pre- 
 existing league of nations, subjected states and exploited areas, 
 the British Empire^ to submit to any dissection and adaptation 
 of its systeni or to any control of its naval and aerial armament. 
 A kindred contributory cause was the equal unpreparedness 'of 
 the American mind for any interference with the ascendancy of 
 the United States in the New World (compai-e Secretary Olney's 
 declaration in this chapter, § 6) . Neither of those Great Powers, 
 who w^re "necessarily dominant and leading powers at Paris, 
 had properly thought out the implications of, a League of 
 Nations in relation to these older arrangements)^, and so their 
 support of that project had to, most European observers a curi- 
 ously hypocritical air; it was as if they wished to retain jiiid 
 ensure their own vast predominance and security while at the 
 same tim'e restraining any other power from such expansions, 
 anuexations, and alliances as might create a rival and competi- 
 tive imperialism. Their failure to set an example of interna- 
 tional confidence de|Stroyed all possibility of international con- 
 fidence in the other nations represented at Paris. 
 
 Even more unfortunate was the refusal of the Americans to 
 assent to the Japanese demand for a recognition of racial 
 equality. 
 
 Moreover, the foreign offices of the British, the French,: and 
 the, Italians were haunted by traditional schemes of aggregision 
 entisrely incompatible with the new ideas. A League of Nations 
 that is tb be of any appreciable value to mankind must super- 
 sede imperialisms; it is either a super-imperialism, a liberal 
 world-empire of united states, participant or in tutelage, or it 
 is nothing ; but few of- the people at the Paris Conference had 
 the mental vigour even to assert this obvious consequence of 
 the League proposal. They wanted to be at the same time bound 
 and. free, to, ensure peace for ever, but. to keep their weapons 
 in their hands. Accordingly the old annexation projects of the 
 Great Power period were hastily and thinly camouflaged as 
 proposed acts of this poor little birth of April 28th. The newly 
 born and barely animate League was represented to be dis- 
 tributing, with all the reckless munificence of a captive pope, 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 
 
 1079 
 
1080 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 "mandates" to the old imperialisms that, had it been the young 
 Hercules we desired, it would certainly have strangled in its 
 cradle. Britain was to have extensive "mandates" in Mesopo- 
 tamia and East Africa ; France was to have the same in Syria ; 
 Italy was to have all her holdings to the west and south-east 
 of Egypt consolidated as mandatory territory. Clearly, if the 
 weak thing that was being nursed by its Secretary in its cradle 
 at Geneva into some semblance of. life, did presently succumb 
 to the infantile weakness of all institutions born without pas- 
 sion, all these "mandates" would become frank annexations. 
 Moreover, all the Powers fought tooth and nail at the Confer- 
 ence for "strategic" frontiers — ^the ugliest symptom of all. Why 
 should a state want a strategic frontier unless it contemplates 
 war? If on that plea Italy insisted upon a subject population 
 of Germans in the southern Tyrol and a subject population of 
 Yugo-Slavs in Dalmatia, and if little Greece began landing 
 troops in Asia Minor, neither France nor Britain was in a posi- 
 tion to rebuke these outbreaks of pre-millennial method. 
 
 We will not enter here into any detailed account of how 
 President Wilson gave way to the Japanese and consented to 
 their replacing the Germans at Kiau Chau, which is Chinese 
 property, how the almost purely , German city of Danzig was 
 practically, if not legally, annexed to Poland, and how. the 
 Powers disputed over the claim of the Italian imperialists, a 
 claim strengthened by these instances, to seize the Yugo-Slay port 
 of Fiume and deprive the Yugp-Slavs of a good Adriatic outlet. 
 Nor will we do more than note the complex arrangeinents and 
 justifications that put the French in possession of the Saar val- 
 ley, which is German territory, or the entirely iniquitous breach 
 of the right of "self-determination" which practically forbatie 
 German Austria to unite — as it is natural and proper that she 
 should unite — ^with the rest of Germany. These burning ques- 
 tions of 1919-20 which occupied the newspapers and the minds 
 of statesmen and politicians, and filled all our wastepaper 
 baskets with propaganda literature, may seem presently : very 
 incidental things in the larger movement of these times. All 
 these disputes, like the suspicions and tetchy injustices of a 
 weary and irritated man, may lose their importance as the tone 
 of the world improves, and the still inadequately apprehended 
 lessons of the Great War and the Petty Peace that followed it, 
 begin to be digested by the general intelligence of mankind. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1081 
 
 It is worth while for the reader to compare the treaty maps 
 we give with what we have called the natural political map of 
 Europe. The new arrangements do approach this latter more 
 closely than any previous system of boundaries. It may be a 
 necessary preliminary t« any satisfactory league of peoples, 
 that each people should first be in something like complete 
 possesion of its own household. 
 
 § 14 
 
 A FOEECAST OF THE NEXT WAE 
 
 The failure to produce a more satisfactory world settlement 
 in 1919-20 was, we have suggested, a symptom of an almost 
 universal intellectual and moral lassitude resulting from the 
 overstrain of the Great War. A lack of fresh initiative is 
 characteristic of a fatigue phase; everyone, for sheer inability 
 to change, drifts on for a time along the lines of mental habit 
 and precedent. 
 
 ^Nothing could be more illustrative of this fatigue inertia than 
 the expressed ideas of military men at this time. It will round 
 off this chapter in an entirely significant way, and complete 
 our picture of the immense world interrogation on which our 
 history must end, if we give here the briefest summary of a 
 lecture that was delivered to a gathering of field-marshals, gen- 
 erals, major-generals, and the like by Major-General Sir Louis 
 Jackson at the Royal United Service Institution in Lon- 
 don one day in December, 1919. Lord Peel, the British Under- 
 Secretary for War, presided, and the reader must picture to 
 himself the not too large and quite dignified room of assembly 
 in that building, and all these fine, grave, soldierly figures 
 quietly intent upon the lecturer's words. He is describing, 
 with a certain subdued enthusiasm, the probable technical de- 
 velopments of military method in the "next war." 
 
 Outside, through the evening twilight of Whitehall, flows 
 the London trafiic, not quite so abundant as in 1914, but still 
 fairly abundant; the omnibuses all overcrowded because there 
 are now not nearly enough of them, and the clothing of people 
 generally shabbier. Some little way dovm Whitehall is a tem- 
 porary erection, the Cenotaph, with its base smothered with a 
 vast, pathetic heap of decaying wreaths, bunches of flowers, and 
 the like, a cenotaph to commemorate the eight hundred thou- 
 
1082 THE OUTLINE OE HISTORY 
 
 sand young men of the Empire who have been killed in the 
 recent struggle. A few people are putting fresh flowers and 
 wreaths there. One or two are crying. 
 
 The prospect stretches out beyond this gathering into the 
 grey vastness of London^ where people are now crowded as 
 th^y have never been crowded before; whose food is dear and 
 employment more uncertain than it has ever been. But let not 
 the spectacle be one of unrelieved gloom ; Regent Street, Oxford 
 Street, and Bond Street are bright with shoppers and congested 
 with new automobiles, because we must remember that every- 
 body does not lose by a war. Beyond London the country sinks 
 into night, and across the narrow sea are North France and 
 Belgium devastated, Germany with scores of thousands of her 
 iiifants dwindling and dying for want of milk, all Austria starv- 
 ing. Half the population of Vienna, it is believed' unless 
 American relief comes, quickly, is doomed to die of hardship 
 before the spring. Beyond that bleak twilight stretches the 
 darkness of Russia. There, at least, no rich people are buying 
 anything, and no military men are reading essays on the next 
 war. But in icy Petrograd is little food, little wood, and no 
 coal. All the towns of Russia' southward as far as the snow 
 reaches are in a similar plight, and in the Ukraine and to the 
 south a ragged and dingy war drags to its end. Europe is 
 bankrupt," and people's pockets rustle with paper money whose 
 purchasing power dwindles as they walk about with it. 
 
 But now we will return to Sir Louis in the well-lit room at 
 the United Service Institution. 
 
 He was of opinion — we follow the report in next morning's 
 Times * — that we were merely on the eve of the most extensive 
 modifications of the art of war known to history. It behoved us, 
 therefore — us being, of course, the British and not the whole 
 of mankind — to get on with our armaments and to keep ahead ; 
 a fine opening generalization. "It was necessary to develop 
 new arms. , . . The nation which best did so would hare a 
 great advantage in the next war. There were people who were 
 crying aloud for a- reduction of armaments " 
 
 (But there the Director of Trench Warfare and Supplies 
 was wrong. They were just crying at the cenotaph, poor, soft, 
 
 ' Checked by subsequent comparison with the published article in the 
 Jour, of the Roy United Service Institution, vol. Ixv, No. 457, February, 
 1920. 
 
THE CATASTRPPHE OF 1914 1083 
 
 and . stupid souls, because a spa . or a brother or a father was 
 dead.) 
 
 Sir Louis believed that one of the greatest developments in 
 the art of warfare would be brought about in mechanical trans- 
 port. The tank he treated with ingratitude. The^e" military 
 gentlemen are ungrateful to an invention which shoved and 
 butted them into victory almost in spite of themselves. The 
 tank, said Sir Louis, was "a freaL ... The outstanding fea- 
 ture" of the tank, .he said, was that it made mechanical trans- 
 port independent of the roads. : Hitherto armies on the march 
 had only been able to spoil the roads; now their transport 
 on caterpillar wheels would advance 'in open order on a broad 
 front carrying guns, munitions, supplies, bridging equipment, 
 rafts, and men — and incidentally ploughing up and destroying 
 hedges, ditches, fields, and cultivation generally. Armies 
 would wallow across the country, leaving nothing behind but 
 dust and mud. ■ ; 
 
 So our imaginations are led up to the actual hostilities; 
 
 Sir Louis was in favour of gas. For punitive expeditions 
 particularly, gas was to be recommended. And here he startled : 
 and disconcerted his hearers by a gleam of something approach- 
 ing sentimentality. "It might he possible," he said, "to come 
 to some agreement that no gas should be used which, caused 
 unnecessary suffering." But there his heart spoke rather than 
 his head ; it should have been clear to him that if law can so i 
 far Override warfare as to prohibit any sort of evil device; 
 whatever, it can override warfare to the extent of prohibiting 
 it altogether* And where would Sir Louis Jackson and his 
 audience be then? War is war; its only law is the law that; 
 the maximum destruction of the forces of the enemy is neces- 
 sary. To that law in warfare all considerations of humanity 
 and justice are subordinate. 
 
 From gas Sir Louis passed to the air. Here he ptedicted 
 "most important advances. . . . We need not trouble ourselves 
 yet with flying destroyers or flying concrete forts, but in twenty 
 years' time the Air Force Estimates might be the most impor- 
 tant part of our preparations for war." He discussed the con^ 
 version of commercial flying machines to boniibing and recon- 
 naissance uses, and the need for special types of fighting ma- 
 chine in considerable numbers, and always ready. He gave; 
 reasons for supposing that the bombers in the next war would 
 
1084 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 not have the same targets near the front of the armies, and 
 would secure better results by going further afield and bombing 
 the centres "where stores are being manufactured and troops 
 trained." As everyone -who stayed in London or the east of 
 England in 1917-18 knows, this means the promiscuous bomb- 
 iiig of any and every centre of population. But, of course, 
 the bombing of those 'prentice days would be child's play to 
 the bombing of the "next war." There would be countless more 
 aeroplanes, bigger and much nastier bombs. . . , 
 
 Sir Louis, proceeding with the sketch, mentioned the "de- 
 struction of the greater part of London" as a possible incident 
 in the coming struggle. And so on to the culminating moral, 
 that the highest pay, the utmost importance, the freest expendi^- 
 ture, must be allowed to military gentlemen. "The expense 
 entailed is in the nature of an absolutely necessary insurance." 
 With which his particular audience warmly agreed. And a 
 certain Major-General Stone, a little forgetful of the source of 
 his phrases,^ said he hoped that this lecture "may be the 
 beginning not of trusting in the League of Nations, but in 
 our own right hand and our stretched-out arm!" 
 
 But we willnot go on with the details of this dream. For 
 indeed no Utopia was ever so impossible as this forecast of a 
 world in which scarcely anything but very carefully sandbagged 
 and camouflaged: G.H.Q. would be reasonably safe, in which 
 countless bombers would bomb the belligerent lands incessantly 
 and great armies with lines of caterpillar transport roll to 
 and fro, churning the fields of the earth into blood-streaked mud. 
 There is not energy enough and no will whatever left in the 
 world for such things. Generals who cannot foresee tanks 
 cannot be expected to foresee or understand world bankruptcy ; 
 still less are they likely to understand the limits imposed upon 
 military operations by the fluctuating temper of the common 
 man. Apparently these military authorities of the United 
 Service Institution did not even know that warfare aims at the 
 production of states of mind in the enemy, and is sustained by 
 states of mind. The chief neglected factor in the calculations 
 of Sir Louis is the fact that no people whatever will stand 
 such warfare as he contemplates, not even the people on the 
 winning side. For as northern France, south-eastern Britain, 
 and north Italy now understand, the victor in the "next war" 
 *Cp. Psalm cxxxvi. 
 
THE CATASTROPHE OF 1914 1085 
 
 may be bombed and starved almost as badly as the loser, A 
 phase is possible in which a war-tormented population may 
 cease to discriminate between military gentlemen on this side 
 or that, and may be moved to destroy them as the common 
 enemies of the race. The Great War of 1914-18 was the cul- 
 mination of the military energy of the Western populations, 
 and they fought and fought well because they believed they 
 were ■ fighting "the war to end war." They were. German 
 imperialism, with its organized grip upon education and its 
 close alliance with an aggressive commercialism, was beaten 
 and finished. The militarism and imperialism. of Britain and 
 France and Italy are by comparison feeble, disorganized, and 
 disorganizing survivals. They are things "left over" by the 
 Great War. They have no persuasive power. They go on — 
 for sheer want of wits to leave ofF. No European Government 
 will ever get the Saine proportion of its pebple into the ranks 
 and into its munition works again as the governments of 1914- 
 18 did. Our world is very weak and feeble still (1920), but 
 its war fever is over. Its temperature is, if anything, sub- 
 normal. It is doubtful if it will take the fever again for a long 
 time. The alterations in the conditions of warfare are already 
 much profounder than such anthorities as Sir Louis Jackson 
 suspect.^ 
 
 'Here is another glimpse of the a^eeable dreams that fill the contem- 
 porary military mind. It is from Fuller's recently published Tanks in 
 the Great War. Colonel Fuller does not share that hostility to tanks 
 characteristic of the older type of soldier. In the next war, he tells us: 
 "Fast-moving tanks, equipped with tons of liquid gas . . . will cross the 
 frontier and obliterate every living thing in the fields and farms, the 
 villages, and cities of the enemy's country. Whilst life is being swept 
 away around the frontier, fleets of aeroplanes will attack the enemy's 
 gi-eat industrial and governing centres. All these attacks will be made, 
 a,t first, not against the enemy's army . . . but against the civil popula- 
 tion, in order to compel it to accept the will of the- attacker." 
 
 For a good, well-balanced account of what modern war really means, 
 see Philip Gibbs, Realities of War. 
 
XL 
 
 THE 'N'EXT ST4.GE OF HISTOEY 
 
 1. The Possible Unification of Men's Wills in Political Mat- 
 ters. > § 2. How a F6deral World Government may Come 
 About. § 3. Some Fundamental Cha/racteiHMics of a Modem 
 World Staie. § 4. What this World MigJit 'he were it under 
 one Law and Justice. 
 
 WE have broug;ht this Outline of History up to the thresh' 
 old of our own times, but we have brought it to no 
 conclusion. ' It breaks off at a dramatic phase of ex- 
 pectation. , Nobody believes that the system of settlements 
 grouped about the Treaty of Versailles is a permanent arrange- 
 ment of the world's affairs. These Treaties were the end of 
 the war and not the establishment of a new order in the world. 
 That new order has now to be established. In social and eco- 
 nomic as in international affairs we are in the dawn of a great 
 constructive etfiirt. The story of life which began inestimable 
 millions of years ago, the adventure of mankind which was al- 
 ready afoot half a million years ago, rises to a crisis in the 
 immense interrogation of to-day. The drama becomes our- 
 selves. It is you, it is I, it is all that is happening to us and 
 all that we 'are doing which will supply the next chapter of 
 -this continually expanding adventure of mankind. 
 
 Our history has traced a steady growth of the social and 
 political Units into which' men haye combinedr In the brief pe- 
 riod of ten thousand years these units have grown from the 
 small family tribe of the early neolithic culture to the vast 
 united realms — vast yet still too small and partial — of the 
 present time. And this change in size of the state — a change 
 manifestly incomplete — ^has been accompanied by profound 
 changes in its nature. Compulsion and servitude have given 
 way to ideas of associated freedom, and the sovereignty that 
 
 1086 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY 1087 
 
 was once concentrated in an: autocratip king and god, has. been 
 widely diffused throughout the community. Until the Roman 
 republic extended itself to all Italy, there had been no free 
 community larger than a city state; all great communities were 
 communities of obedience under a monarch. The great united 
 republic of the United States would have been impossible 
 before the printing press and the railway. The telegraph 
 and telephone,, the aeroplane, the continual progress of land 
 and sea transit, are now insisting .upon a still larger political 
 organization. ,. 
 
 . If our Outline. has-heen faithfully drawn, and if these brief 
 conclusions are sound, it follows that we are engaged upon an 
 immense tdsk of adjustment to these great lines upon which our 
 affairs are moving. Our wars, our social conflict, our enor- 
 mous economic stresses,^ are all aspects of that adjustment. 
 The loyalties and- allegiances to-day: are at best provisional 
 loyalties and allegiances; Our true State, . this state that is 
 already beginning, . this gtate to which every man owes his ut- 
 most political effort, must be now ..this nascent Federal World 
 State to which human necessities- point. Our true God now 
 is the God of all men. Nationalism as a God must follow the 
 tribal gods to limbo.- Our. true. nationality is mankind. 
 
 How far will modem men layihpld upon, and identify them-, 
 selves with this necessity and set themselves to revise their ideas, 
 remake their institutions, , and, educate- the coming generations 
 to this fina:l extension of citizenship? How far will they re- 
 main dark, obdurate^, habitual, and traditional, resisting the 
 convergent forces that offer them either unity or misery ? 
 Sooner or later that unity. must come or else plainly jnen must 
 perish by their own inveiitions. We, because we believe in the 
 power of reason and in the increasing good will in men, find 
 ourselves compelled to reject the latter possibility. But the 
 way to the former may be very long and tedious, very tragic 
 and wearisome^ a martydom of many generations, or it may be 
 travelled over almost swiftly in the course of a generation or so. 
 That depends upon forces whose nature we understand to some 
 extent now, but not their power. There has to be a great proQ- 
 ess. of education, by precept and by information and by ex- 
 perience, but there are as yet no quantitative, measures of edu- 
 cation to tell us how much has to be learnt or how soon that 
 learning can be done. Our estimates vary with our moods; the 
 
1088 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 time may be mucli longer than our hopes and much shorter than 
 our fears. 
 
 The terrible experiences of the Great War have made very 
 many men who once took political things lightly take them now 
 very gravely. To a certain small number of men and women 
 the at4;ainment of a world peace has become the supreme work 
 in life, has become a religious self-devotion. To a much greater 
 number it has become at least a ruling motive. Many such 
 people now are seeking Ivays of working for this great end, 
 or they are already working for this great end, by pen and 
 persuasion, in schools and colleges and books, and in the 
 highways and byways of public life. Perhaps now most 
 human beings in the world are well-disposed towards such ef- 
 forts, but rather confusedly disposed; they are without any 
 clear sense of what must be done and what ought to be pre^ 
 veiited, that human solidarity may be advanced. The world- 
 wide outbreak of faith and hope in President Wilson, before 
 he began to wilt and fail us, was a very significant thing 
 indeed for the future of mankind. Set against these motives 
 of unity indeed are other motives entirely antagonistic, the 
 fear and hatred of strange things and peoples, love of and trust 
 in the old traditional thing, patriotisms, race prejudices, sus- 
 picions, distrusts-^-and the elements of spite, scoundrelism, and 
 utter selfishness that are so strong still in every human soul. 
 
 The overriding powers that hitherto in the individual soul 
 and in the community have struggled and prevailed against 
 the ferocious, base, arid individual impulses that divide us from 
 one another, have been the powers of religion and education. 
 Religion and education, those closely interwoven influences, 
 have made possible the greater human societies whose growth 
 we have traced in this Outline; they have been the chief syn- 
 thetic forces throughout this great story of enlarging human 
 co-operations that we have traced from its beginnings. We 
 have found in the intellectual and theological conflicts of the 
 nineteenth century the explanation of that curious exceptional 
 disentanglement of religious teaching from formal education 
 which is a distinctive feature of our age, and we have traced 
 the consequences of this phase of religidus disputation and con- 
 fusion in the reversion of international politics towards a brutal 
 nationalism arid^ in the backward drift of industrial and busi- 
 ness life towards harsh, selfish, and uncreative profit-seeking. 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY 1089 
 
 There has been a slipping off of ancient restraints; a real de- 
 civilization of men's minds. We would lay stress here on the 
 suggestion that this divorce of religious teaching from organ- 
 ized education is necessarily a temporary one, a transitory dis- 
 location, and that presently education must become again in 
 intention and spirit religious, and that the impulse to devo- 
 tion, to universal service and to a complete escape from self, 
 which has been the common underlying force in all the great 
 religions of the last five and twenty centuries, an impulse which 
 ebbed so perceptibly during the prosperity, laxity, disillusion- 
 ment, and scepticism of the past seventy or eighty years, will 
 reappear again, stripped and plain, as the recognized funda- 
 mental structural impulse in human society. 
 
 Education is the preparation of the individual for the com- 
 munity, and his religious training is the core of that prepara- 
 tion. With the great intellectual restatements and expansions 
 of the nineteenth century, an educational break-up, a confu- 
 sion and loss of aim in education, was inevitable. We can no 
 longer prepare the individual for a community when our ideas 
 of a community are shattered and undergoing reconstruction. 
 The old loyalties, the old too limited and narrow political and 
 social assumptions, the old t6o elaborate religious formulae, 
 have lost their power of conviction, and the greater ideas of a 
 world state and of an economic commonweal have been win- 
 ning their way only very slowly to recognition. So far they 
 have swayed only a minority of exceptional people. But out 
 of the trouble and tragedy of this present time there may 
 emerge a moral and intellectual revival, a religious revival, of a 
 simplicity and scope to draw together men of alien races and 
 now discrete traditions into one common and sustained way 
 of living for the world's service. We cannot foretell the scope 
 and power of such a revival ; we cannot even produce evidence 
 of its onset. The beginnings of such things are never con- 
 spicuous. Great movements of the racial soul come at first "like 
 a thief in the night," and then suddenly are discovered to be 
 powerful and world-wide. Religious emotion — stripped of cor- 
 ruptions and freed from its last priestly entanglements — ^may 
 presently blow through life again like a great wind, bursting 
 the doors and flinging open the shutters of the individual life, 
 and making many things possible and easy that in these present 
 days of exhaustion seem almost too difficult to desire. 
 
1090 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 § 2 
 
 If we suppose a sufficient righteousness and intelligence in 
 men to produce presently, from the tremendous lessons of his- 
 tory, an effective will for a world peace — that is to say, an 
 effective will for a world law under a world government — ^for in 
 no other fashion is a secure world peace conceivable — in what 
 manner may we expect things to move towards this end ? That 
 movement will certainly not go on equally in every country, 
 nor is it likely to take at first one uniform mode of expression. 
 Here it will find a congenial and stimulating atmosphere, here 
 it will find itself antagonistic to deep tradition or racial idio 
 syncrasy or well-organized base oppositions. In some cases 
 those to whom the call of the new order has come will be living 
 in a state almost ready to serve the ends of the greater political 
 synthesis, in others they will have to fight like conspirators 
 against the rule of evil laws. There is little in the political 
 constitution of such countries as the United States or Switzer- 
 land that would impede their coalescence upon terms of frank 
 give and take with other equally civilized confederations; 
 political systems involving dependent areas and "subject peo- 
 ples" such as the Turkish Empire was before the Great War, 
 seem to require something in the nature of a brea;king up before 
 they can be adapted to a federal world system. Any state 
 obsessed by traditions of an aggressive foreign policy will be 
 difficult to assimilate into a world combination. But though 
 here the government may be helpful, and here dark and hos- 
 tile, the essential task of men of goodwill in all states and 
 countries remains the same, it is an educational task, and its 
 very essence is to bring to the minds of all men everywhere, 
 as a necessary basis for world co-operation, a new telling and 
 interpretation, a common interpretation, of history. 
 
 Does this League of Nations which has been created by the 
 covenant of 1919 contain within it the germ of any permanent 
 federation of human effort? Will it grow into something for 
 which, as Stallybrass says, men will be ready to "work whole- 
 heartedly and, if necessary, fight" — as hitherto they have been 
 willing to fight for their country and their own people ? There 
 are few intimations of any such enthusiasm for the League at 
 the present time. The League does not even seem to know how 
 to talk to common men. It has gone into official buildings, and 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY 1091 
 
 comparatively few people in the world understand or care what 
 it is doing there. It may be that the League is no more than 
 a first project of union, exemplary only in its insufficiencies 
 and dangers, destined to be superseded by something closer 
 and completer as were the United States Articles of Confedera- 
 tion by the Federal Constitution. The League is at present 
 a mere partial league of governments and states. It empha- 
 sizes nationality; it defers to sovereignty. What the world 
 needs is no such league of nations as this nor even a mere 
 league of peoples, but a world league of men. The world per- 
 ishes unless sovereignty is merged and nationality subordinated. 
 And for that the minds of men must first be prepared by ex- 
 perience and knowledge and thought. The supreme task before 
 men at the present time is political education. 
 
 It may be that several partial leagues may precede any world 
 league. The common misfortunes and urgent common needs 
 of Europe and Asia may be more efficacious in bringing the. 
 European and Asiatic states to reason and a sort of unity, than 
 the mere intellectual and sentimental ties of the United States 
 and Great Britain and France. A United States of the Old 
 World is a possibility to set against the possibility of an At- 
 lantic union. Moreover, there is much to be said for an Amerir 
 can experiment, a Pan-American league, in which the New 
 World European colonies would play an in-and-out part as 
 Luxembourg did for a time in the German confederation. 
 
 We will not attempt to weigh here what share may be taken 
 in the recasting and consolidation of human affairs by the 
 teachings and propaganda of labour internationalism, by the 
 studies and needs of international finance, or by such boundary- 
 destroying powers as science and art and historical teaching. 
 All these things may exert a combined pressure, in which it may 
 never be possible to apportion the exact shares. Opposition 
 may dissolve, antagonistic cults flatten out to a common culture, 
 almost imperceptibly. The bold idealism of to-day may seem 
 mere common sense to-morrow. And the problem of a fore-, 
 cast is complicated by the possibilities of interludes and back- 
 waters. History has never gone simply forward. More 
 particularly are the years after a great war apt to be years 
 of apparent retrocession ; men are too weary to see what has 
 been done, what has been cleared away, and what has been 
 made possible. 
 
109^ THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 Among the things that seem to move commandingly towards 
 an adequate world control at the present time are these : — 
 
 (1) The increasing destruetiveness and intolerableness of 
 war waged with the new powers of science. 
 
 (2) The inevitable fusion of the world's economic affairs into 
 one system, leading necessarily, it would seem, to some common 
 control of currency, and demanding safe and uninterrupted 
 communications, and a free movement of goods and people by 
 sea and land throughout the whole world. The satisfaction of 
 these needs will require a world control of very considerable 
 authority and powers of enforcement. 
 
 (3) The need, because of the increasing mobility of peoples, 
 of effectual controls of health everywhere. 
 
 (4) The urgent need of some equalization of labour condi- 
 tions, and of the minimum standard of life throughout the 
 world. This seems to carry with it, as a necessary corollary, 
 the establishment of some minimum standard of education for 
 everyone. 
 
 (6) The impossibility of developing the enormous benefits 
 of flying without a world control of the air-ways. 
 
 The necessity and logic of such diverse considerations as 
 these push the mind irresistibly, in spite of the clashes of race 
 and tradition and the huge difficulties created by differences in 
 language, towards the belief that a conscious struggle to estab- 
 lish or prevent a political world community will be the next 
 stage in human history. The things that require that world 
 community are permanent needs, one or other of these needs 
 appeals to nearly everyone, and against their continuing per- 
 sistence are only mortal difficulties, great no doubt, but mortal ; 
 prejudices, passions, animosities, delusions about race and coun- 
 try, egotisms, and such-like fluctuating and evanescent things, 
 set up in men's minds by education and suggestion; none of 
 them things that make now for the welfare and survival of the 
 individuals who are under their sway nor of the states and 
 towns and associations in which they prevail. 
 
 § 3 
 
 The attainment of the world state may be impeded and may 
 be opposed to-day by many apparently vast forces ; but it has, 
 urging it on, a much more powerful force, that of the free and 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY 1093 
 
 growing common intelligence of mankind. To-day there is 
 in the world a small but increasing number of men, historians, 
 archaeologists, ethnologists, economists, sociologists, psycholo- 
 gists, educationists, and the like, who are doing for human in- 
 stitutions that same task of creative analysis which the scientific 
 men of the seventeenth and eighteenth century did for the 
 materials and jnechanism of human life ; and just as these lat- 
 ter, almost unaware of what they were doing, made telegraphy, 
 swift transit on sea and land, flying and a thousand hitherto 
 impossible things possible, so the former may be doing more 
 than the world suspects, or than they themselves suspect, to 
 clear up and make plain the thing to do and the way to do it, 
 in the greater and more urgent human affairs. 
 
 Let us ape Koger Bacon in his prophetic mood, and set down 
 what we believe will be the broad fundamentals of the coming 
 world state. 
 
 (i) It will be based upon a common world religion, very 
 much simplified and universalized and better understood. This 
 will not be Christianity nor Islam nor Buddhism nor any such 
 specialized form of religion, but religion itself pure and unde- 
 filed ; the Eightfold Way, the Kingdom of Heaven, brotherhood, 
 creative service, and self-f orgetfulneas. Throughout the world 
 men's thoughts and motives will be turned by education, exam- 
 ple, and the circle of ideas about them, from the obsession of 
 self to the cheerful service of human knowledge, human power, 
 and human unity. 
 
 (ii) And this world state will be sustained by a universal 
 education, organized upon a scale and of a penetration and 
 quality beyond all present experience. The whole race, and 
 not simply classes and peoples, will be educated. Most parents 
 will have a technical knowledge of teaching. Quite apart 
 from the duties of parentage, perhaps ten per cent, or more of 
 the adult population will, at some time or other in their lives, 
 be workers in the world's educational organization. And 
 education, as the new age will conceive it, will go on through- 
 out life; it will not cease at any particular age. Men and 
 women will simply become self-educators and individual stu- 
 dents and student teachers as they grow older. 
 
 (iii) There will be no armies, no navies, and no classes of 
 unemployed people either wealthy or poor. 
 
 (iv) The world state's organization of scientific research 
 
1094 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 and record comparied with that of to-day will be like an ocean 
 liner beside the dug-out canoe of some early heliolithic 
 wanderer. 
 
 (v) There will be a vast free literature of criticism and 
 discussion. 
 
 (vi) The world's political organization will be democratic, 
 that is to say, the government and direction of affairs will be 
 in immediate touch with and responsive to the general thought 
 of the educated whole population. 
 
 (vii) Its economic organization will be an exploitation of 
 all natural wealth and every fresh possibility science reveals, 
 by the agents and servants of the common government for the 
 common good. Private enterprise will be the servant — a useful, 
 valued, and well-rewarded servant — and no longer the robber 
 master of the commonweal. 
 
 (viii) And this implies two achievements that seem very 
 difficult to us to-day. They are matters of mechanism, but 
 they are as essential to the world's well-being as it is to a sol- 
 dier's, no matter how brave he may be, that his machine gun 
 should not jam, and to an aeronaut's that his steering-gear should 
 not fail him in mid-air. Political well-being demands that 
 electoral methods shall be used, and economic well-being re- 
 quires that a currency shall be used, safeguarded or proof 
 against the contrivances and manipulations of clever, dishon- 
 est men.^ 
 
 § 4 
 
 There can be little question that the attainment of a federa- 
 tion of all humanity, together with a sufficient measure of 
 social justice, to ensure health, education, and a rough equality 
 of opportunity to most of the children born into the world, 
 would mean such a release and increase of human energy as to 
 open a new phase in human history. The enormous waste 
 caused by military preparation and the mutual annoyance of 
 competing great powers, and the still more enormous waste due 
 to the under-productiveness of great masses of people, either 
 because they are too wealthy for stimulus or too poor for effi- 
 ciency, would cease. There would be a vast increase in the 
 supply of human necessities, a rise in the staiidard of life 
 ' See Wells, The Salvaging of Civilization. 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY 1095 
 
 and in what is considered a necessity, a development of transport 
 and every kind of convenience ; and a multitude of people would 
 be transferred from low-grade production to such higher work 
 as art of all kinds, teaching, scientific research, and the like. 
 All over the world there would be a setting free of human 
 capacity, such as has occurred hitherto only in small places and 
 through precious limited phases of prosperity and security. 
 Unless we are to suppose that spontaneous outbreaks of super- 
 men have occurred in the past, it is reasonable to conclude 
 that the Athens of Pericles, the Florence of the Medici, Eliza- 
 bethan England, the great deeds of Asoka, the Tang and Ming 
 periods in art, are but samples of what a whole world of sus- 
 tained security would yield continuously and cumulatively. 
 Without supposing any change in human quality, but merely 
 its release from the present system of inordinate waste, history 
 justifies this expectation. 
 
 We have seen how, since the liberation of human thought in 
 the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a comparatively few 
 curious and intelligent men, chiefly in western Europe, have 
 produced a vision of the world and a body of science that is now, 
 on the material side, revolutionizing life. Mostly these men 
 have worked against great discouragement, with insufficient 
 funds and small help or support from the mass of mankind. 
 It is impossible to believe that these men were the maximum 
 intellectual harvest of their generation. England alone in the 
 last three centuries must have produced scores of Newtons 
 who never learnt to read, hundreds of Daltons, Darwins, Ba- 
 cons, and Huxleys who died stunted in hovels, or never got a 
 chance of proving their quality. All the world over, there must 
 have been myriads of potential first-class investigators, splendid 
 artists, creative minds, who never caught a gleam of inspiration 
 or opportunity, for every one of that kind who has left his 
 mark upon the world. In the trenches of the Western front 
 alone during the late war thousands of potential great men died 
 unfulfilled. But a world with something like a secure interna- 
 tional peace and something like social justice, will fish for 
 capacity with the fine net of universal education, and may ex- 
 pect a yield beyond comparison greater than any yield of able 
 and brilliant men that the world has known hitherto. 
 
 It is such considerations as this indeed which justify the con- 
 centration of effort in the near future upon the making of a 
 
1096 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 new world state of righteousness out of our present confusions. 
 War is a horrible thing, and constantly more horrible and 
 dreadful, so that unless it is ended it will certainly end human 
 society ; social injustice, and the sight of the limited and cramped 
 human beings it produces, torment the soul; but the strongest 
 incentive to constructive political and social work for an im- 
 aginative spirit lies not so much in the mere hope of escaping 
 evils as in the opportunity for great adventures that their sup- 
 pression will open to our race. We want to get rid of the mili- 
 tarist not simply because he hurts and kills, but because he is 
 an intolerable thick-voiced blockhead who stands hectoring and 
 blustering in our way to achievement. We want to abolish 
 many extravagances of private ownership just as we should 
 want to abolish some idiot guardian who refused us admission 
 to a studio in which there were fine things to do. 
 
 There are people who seem to imagine that a world order and 
 one universal law of justice would end human adventure. It 
 would but begin it. But instead of the adventure of the past, 
 the "romance" of the cinematograph world, the perpetual reiter- 
 ated harping upon the trite reactions of sex and combat and the 
 hunt for gold, it would be an unending exploration upon the 
 edge of experience. Hitherto man has been living in a slum, 
 amidst quarrels, revenges, vanities, shames and taints, hot de- 
 sires and urgent appetites. He has scarcely tasted sweet air 
 yet and the great freedoms of the world that science has enlarged 
 for him. 
 
 To picture to ourselves something of the wider life that 
 world unity would open to men is a very attractive speculation. 
 Life will certainly go with a stronger pulse, it will breathe a 
 deeper breath, because it will have dispelled and conquered a 
 hundred infections of body and mind that now reduce it to 
 invalidism and squalor. We have already laid stress on the 
 vast elimination of drudgery from human life through the crea- 
 tion of a new race of slaves, the machines. This — and the dis- 
 appearance of war and the smoothing out of endless restraints 
 and contentions by juster social and economic arrangements — 
 will lift the burthen of toilsome work and routine work, that 
 has been the price of human security since the dawn of the first 
 civilizations, from the shoulders of our children. Which does 
 not mean that they will cease to work, but that they will cease to 
 do irksome work under pressure, and will work freely, plan- 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY 1097 
 
 ning, making, creating, according to their gifts and instincts. 
 They will fight nature no longer as dull conscripts of the pick 
 and plough, but for a splendid conquest. Only the spiritless- 
 ness of our present depression blinds us to the clear intima- 
 tions of our reason that in the course of a few generations every 
 little country town could become an Athens, every human being 
 could be gentle in breeding and healthy in body and mind, the 
 whole solid earth man's mine and its uttermost regions his 
 playground. 
 
 In this Outline we have sought to show two great systems 
 of development interacting in the story of human society. We 
 have seen, growing out of that later special neolithic culture, the 
 heliolithic culture in the warmer alluvial parts of the world, 
 the great primordial civilizations, fecund systems of subjuga- 
 tion and obedience, vast multiplications of industrious and sub- 
 servient men. We have shown the necessary relationship of 
 these early civilizations to the early temples and to king-gods 
 and god-kings. At the same time we have traced the develop- 
 ment from a simpler neolithic level of the wanderer peoples, 
 who became the nomadic peoples, in those great groups the 
 Aryans and the Hun-Mongol peoples of the north-west and the 
 north-east and (from a heliolithic phase) the Semites of the 
 Arabian deserts. Our history has told of a repeated overrun- 
 ning and refreshment of the originally brunet civilizations by 
 these hardier, bolder, free-spirited peoples of the steppes and 
 desert. We have pointed out how these constantly recurring 
 nomadic injections have steadily altered the primordial civiliza- 
 tions both in blood and in spirit; and how the world religions 
 of to-day, and what we now call democracy, the boldness of 
 modem scientific inquiry and a universal restlessness, are due 
 to this "nomadization" of civilization. The old civilizations 
 created tradition, and lived by tradition. To-day the power of 
 tradition is destroyed. The body of our state is civilization 
 still, but its spirit is the spirit of the nomadic world. It is the 
 spirit of the great plains and the high seas. 
 
 So that it is difficult to resist the persuasion that so soon 
 as one law runs in the earth and the fierceness of frontiers 
 ceases to distress us, that urgency in our nature that stirs 
 us in spring and autumn to be up and travelling, will have 
 its way with us. We shall obey the call of the summer pastures 
 and the winter pastures in our blood, the call of the mountains, 
 
1098 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 the desert, and the sea. For some of us also, who may be of a 
 different lineage, there is the call of the forest, and there are 
 those who would hunt in the summer and return to the fields for 
 the harvest and the plough. But this does not mean that men 
 will have become homeless and all adrift. The normal nomadic 
 life is not a homeless one, but a movement between homes. 
 The Kalmucks to-day, like the swallows, go yearly a thousand 
 miles from, one home to another. The beautiful and convenient 
 cities of the coming age, we conclude, will have their seasons 
 when they will be full of life, and seasons when they will seem 
 asleep. Life will ebb and flow to and from every region sea- 
 sonally as the interest of that region rises or declines. 
 
 There will be little drudgery in this better-ordered world. 
 Natural power harnessed in machines will be the general 
 drudge. What drudgery is inevitable will be done as a service 
 and duty for a few years or months out of each life ; it will not 
 consume nor degrade the whole life of anyone. And not only 
 drudges, but many other sorts of men and ways of living which 
 loom large in the current social scheme will necessarily have 
 dwindled in importance or passed away altogether. There will 
 be few professional fighting men or none at all, no custom- 
 house officers; the increased multitude of teachers will have 
 abolished large police forces and large jail staffs, mad-houses 
 will be rare or non-existent; a world-wide sanitation will have 
 diminished the proportion of hospitals, nurses, sick-room at- 
 tendants, and the like ; a world-wide economic justice, the float- 
 ing population of cheats, sharpers, gamblers, forestallers, para- 
 sites, and speculators generally. But there will be no diminu- 
 tion of adventure or romance in this world of the days to come. 
 Sea fisheries and the incessant insurrection of the sea, for 
 example, will call for their own stalwart types of men; the 
 high air will clamour for manhood, the deep and dangerous 
 secret places of nature. Men will turn again with renewed 
 interest to the animal world. In these disordered days a stupid, 
 uncontrollable massacre of animal species goes on — from cer- 
 tain angles of vision it is a thing almost more tragic than human 
 miseries; in the nineteenth century dozens of animal species, 
 and some of them very interesting species, were exterminated ; 
 but one of the first fruits of an effective world state would be 
 the better protection of what are now wild beasts. It is a 
 strange thing in human history to note how little has been done 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY , 1099 
 
 since the Bronze Age in taming, using, befriending, and ap- 
 preciating the animal life about us. JBut that mere witless 
 killing which is called sport to-day would inevitably give 
 place in a better educated world community to a modification 
 of the primitive instilicts that find expression in this way, 
 changing them into an interest not in the deaths, but in the 
 lives of beasts, and leading to fresh and perhaps very strange 
 and beautiful attempts to befriend these pathetic, kindred 
 lower creatures we no longer fear as enemies, hate as rivals, or 
 need as slaves. And a world state and universal justice does 
 not mean the imprisonment of our race in any bleak institu- 
 tional orderliness. There will still be mountains and the sea, 
 there will be jungles and great forests, cared for indeed and 
 txeasured and protected; the great plains will still spread be- 
 fore us and the wild winds blow. But men will not hate so 
 much, fear so much, nor cheat so desperately — and they will 
 keep their minds and bodies cleaner. 
 
 There are unhopeful prophets who see in the gathering to- 
 gether of men into one community the possibility of violent 
 race confiiets, conflicts for "ascendancy," but that is to suppose 
 that civilization is incapable of adjustments by which men of 
 different qualities and temperaments and appearances will live 
 side by side, following different roles and contributing diverse 
 gifts. The weaving of mankind into one community does not 
 imply the creation of a homogeneous community, but rather the 
 reverse ; the welcome and the adequate utilization of distinctive 
 quality in an atmosphere of understanding. It is the almost 
 universal bad manners of the present age which make race in- 
 tolerable to race. The community to which we may be mov- 
 ing will be more mixed — ^which does not necessarily mean 
 more interbred — ^more various and more interesting than any 
 existing community. Communities all to one pattern, like boxes 
 of toy soldiers, are things of the past rather than the future. 
 
 But one of the hardest, most impossible tasks a writer can 
 set himself, is to picture the life of people better educated, 
 happier in their circumstances, more free and more healthy 
 than he is himself. We know enough to-day to know that there 
 is infinite room for betterment in every human concern. Noth- 
 ing is needed but collective effort. Our poverty, our restraints, 
 our infections and indigestions, our quarrels and misunder- 
 standings, are all things controllable and removable by con- 
 
1100 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 certed human action, but we know as little how life would feel 
 without them as some poor dirty ill-treated, fierce-souied crea- 
 ture born and bred amidst the cruel and dingy surroundings 
 of a European back street can know what it is to bathe every 
 day, always to be clad beautifully, to* climb mountains for 
 pleasure, to fly, to meet none but agreeable, well-mannered 
 people, to conduct researches or make delightful things. Yet 
 a time when all such good things will be for all men may be 
 coming more nearly than we think. Each one who believes 
 that brings the good time nearer ; each heart that fails delays it. 
 
 One cannot foretell the surprises or disappointments the 
 future has in store. Before this chapter of the World State 
 can begin fairly in our histories, other chapters as yet unsus- 
 pected may still need to be written, as long and as full of con- 
 flict as our account of the growth and rivalries of the Great 
 Powers. There may be tragic economic struggles, grim grap- 
 plings of race with race and class with class. It may be that 
 "private enterprise" will refuse to learn the lesson of service 
 without some quite catastrophic revolution, and that a phase of 
 confiscation and amateurish socialistic government lies before 
 us. We do not know; we cannot tell. These are unnecessary 
 disasters, but they may be unavoidable disasters. Human his- 
 tory becomes more and more a race between education and 
 catastrophe. Against the unifying effort of Christendom and 
 against the unifying influence of the mechanical revolution, 
 catastrophe won — at least to the extent of achieving the Great 
 War. We cannot tell yet how much of the winnings of catas- 
 trophe still remain to be gathered in. New falsities may arise 
 and hold men in some unrighteous and fated scheme of order 
 for a time, before they collapse amidst the misery and slaugh- 
 ter of generations. 
 
 Yet, clumsily 'jr smoothly, the world, it seems, progresses 
 and will progress. In this Outline, in our account of palae- 
 olithic men, we have borrowed a description from Mr. Worth- 
 ington Smith of the very highest life in the world some fifty 
 thousand years ago. It was a bestial life. We have sketched, 
 too, the gathering for a human sacrifice, some fifteen thousand 
 years ago. That scene again is almost incredibly cruel to a 
 modem civilized reader. 
 
 Yet it is not more than five hundred years since the great 
 empire of the Aztecs still believed that it could live only by the 
 
THE NEXT STAGE OF HISTORY 1101 
 
 shedding of blood. Every year in Mexico hundreds of human 
 victims died in this fashion : the body vyas bent like a bow over 
 the curved stone of sacrifice, the breast was slashed open with 
 a knife of obsidian, and the priest tore out the beating heart 
 of the still living victim. The day may be close at hand when 
 we shall no longer tear out the hearts of men, even for the 
 sake of our national gods. Let the reader but refer to the 
 earlier time charts we have given in this history, and he will 
 see the true measure and transitoriness of all the conflicts, 
 deprivations, and miseries of this present period of painful 
 and yet hopeful change. 
 
CHEOl^OLOGIOAL TABLE 
 
 TO conclude this Outline, we give here a Table of Leading 
 Events from the year 800 e.g. to 1920 a.d. FoUoyFitg 
 that we give five time diagrams covering the periq^ 
 from 1000 e.g. onward, which present the trend of events in 
 a graphic form. 
 
 It is well that the reader should keep in mind an idea of 
 the true proportions of historical to geological time. The scale 
 of the five diagrams at the end is such that by it the time dia- 
 gram on page 142 would be about 8^2 times as long, that is to 
 say about 4 feet; that on page 47 showing the interval since 
 the Eoliths, 555 feet, and that on page 11 representing the 
 whole of geological time would be somewhere between 12 and, 
 at the longest and most probable estimate, 260 miles! Let the 
 reader therefore take one of these chronological tables we give, 
 and imagine it extended upon a long strip of paper to a distance 
 of 55 feet. He would have to get up and walk about that 
 distance to note the date of the painting of the Altamira caves, 
 and he would have to go ten times that distance by the side 
 of the same narrow strip to reach the earlier Neanderthalers. 
 A mile or so from home, but probably much further away, the 
 strip might be recording the last of the dinosaurs. And this 
 on a scale which represents the time from Columbus to ourselves 
 by three inches of space ! . 
 
 Chronology only begins to be precise enough to specify the 
 exact year of any event after the establishment of the eras of 
 the Eirst Olympiad and the building of Rome. 
 
 About the year 1000 e.g. the Aryan peoples were establishing 
 themselves in the peninsulas of Spain, Italy, and the Balkans, 
 and they were established in North India. Cnossos was already 
 destroyed, and the spacious times of Egypt, of Thotmes III, 
 Amenophis III, and Eameses II were three or four centuries 
 away. Weak monarchs of the XXIst Dynasty were ruling 
 in the Nile Valley. Israel was united under her early kings; 
 
 1102 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1103 
 
 Saul or David or possibly even Solomon may have been reign- 
 ing. Sargon I (2750 b.c. of the Akkadian Sumerian Empire 
 was a remote memory in Babylonian history, more remote than 
 is Constantine the Great from the world of the present day. 
 Hammurabi had been dead a thousand years. The Assyrians 
 were already dominating the less military Babylonians. In 
 1100 B.C. Tiglath Pileser I had taken Babylon. But there 
 was no permanent conquest; Assyria and Babylonia were still 
 separate empires. In China the new Chow dynasty was flour- 
 ishing. Stonehenge in England was already a thousand years 
 old. 
 
 The next two centuries saw a renascence of Egypt under the 
 XXII Dynasty, the splitting up of the brief little Hebrew 
 kindgom of Solomon, the spreading of the Greeks in the Bal- 
 kans, South Italy and Asia Minor, and the days of Etruscan 
 predominance in Central Italy. We may begin our list of 
 ascertainable dates with 
 
 B.O. 
 
 800. The building of Carthage. 
 
 790. The Ethiopian conquest of Egypt (founding the XXVth 
 Dynasty) . 
 
 776. First Olympiad. 
 
 753. Kome built. 
 
 745. Tiglath Pileser III conquered Babylonia and founded 
 the New Assyrian Empire. 
 
 738. Menahem, king of Israel, bought off Tiglath Pileser III. 
 
 735. Greeks settling in Sicily. 
 
 722. Sargon II armed the Assyrians with iron weapons. 
 
 721. He deported the Israelites. 
 
 704. Sennacherib. 
 
 701. His army destroyed by a pestilence on its way to Egypt. 
 
 680. Esarhaddon took Thebes in Egypt (overthrowing the 
 Ethiopian XXVth Dynasty). 
 
 667. Sardanapalus. 
 
 664. Psammetichus I restored the freedom of Egypt and 
 founded the XXVIth Dynasty (to 610). He was as- 
 sisted against Assyria by Lydian troops sent by Gyges. 
 
 608. Necho of Egypt defeated Josiahj king of Judah, at the 
 Battle of Megiddo. 
 
 606. Capture of ISTineveh by the Chaldeans and Medes. Eoun- 
 dation of the Chaldean Empire, 
 
1104 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 B.C. 
 
 604. Necho pushed to the Euphrates and was overthrown by 
 Nebuchadnezzar II. Josiah feU with him. 
 
 586. liTebuchadnezzar carried off the Jews to Babylon. Many 
 fled to Egypt and settled there. 
 
 550. Gyrus the Persian succeeded Cyaxares the Mede. 
 Cyrus conquered Croesus. 
 
 Buddha lived about this time. So also did Confucius 
 and Lao Tse. 
 
 539. Cyrus took Babylon and founded the Persian Empire. 
 
 527. Peisistratus died. 
 
 525. Cambyses conquered Egypt. 
 
 521. Darius I, the son of Hystaspes, ruled from the Helles- 
 pont to the Indus. 
 His expedition to Scythia. 
 
 490. Battle of Marathon. 
 
 484. Herodotus bom. ^schylus won his first prize for 
 tragedy. 
 
 480. Battles of Thermopylae and Salamis. 
 
 479. The Battles of Platsea and Myeale completed the re- 
 pulse of Persia. 
 
 474, Etruscan fleet destroyed by the Sicilian Greeks. 
 
 470. Voyage of Hanno. 
 
 466. Pericles. 
 
 465. Xerxes murdered. 
 
 438. Herodotus recited Ms History in Athens. 
 
 431. Peloponnesian War began (to 404). 
 
 428. Pericles died. Herodotus died. 
 
 427. Aristophanes began his career. Plato bom. He lived 
 to 347. 
 
 401. Eetreat of the Ten Thousand. 
 
 390. Brennus sacked Eome. 
 
 366. Camillus built the Temple of Concord. 
 
 359. Philip became king of Macedonia. 
 
 338. Battle of Chaeronia. 
 
 336. Macedonian troops crossed into Asia, Philip murdered. 
 
 334. Battle of the Granicus. 
 
 333. Battle of Issus. 
 
 332. Alexander in Egypt. 
 
 331. Battle of Arbela. 
 
 330. Darius III killed. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1105 
 
 B.C. 
 
 323. Death of Alexander the Great. 
 
 321. Rise of Chandragupta in the Punjab. The Romans 
 completely beaten by the Samnites at the battle of the 
 Gaudine Forks. 
 
 303. Chandragupta repulsed Seleucus. 
 
 285. Ptolemy Soter died. 
 
 281. Pyrrhus invaded Italy. 
 
 280. Battle of Heraclea. 
 
 279; Battle of Ausculum. 
 
 278. Gauls' raid into Asia Minor and settlement in Galatia. 
 
 275. Pyrrhus left Italy. 
 
 264; First Punic War. (Asoka began to reign in Behar — 
 to 227.) First gladiatorial games in Rome. 
 
 260. Battle of Mylse. 
 
 256. Battle of Ecnomus. 
 
 246. Shi Hwang-ti became king of Ch'in. 
 
 242. Battle of ^gatian Isles.. 
 
 241. End of First Punic War. 
 
 225. Battle of Telamon. Roman armies in lUyria. 
 
 220. Shi Hwang-ti became emperor of China. 
 
 [Note that the date given to Shi Hwang-ti in the dia- 
 gram on p. 142 is incorrect.] 
 
 219. Second Punic War. 
 
 216. Battle of Cannae. 
 
 214. Great Wall of China- begun. 
 
 21«. Death of Shi Hwang-ti. 
 
 202. Battle of Zama. 
 
 201. End of Second Punic War. 
 
 200-197. Rome at war with Macedonia.. 
 
 192. War with the- Sdeucids. 
 
 190. Battle of Magnesia.. 
 
 149. Third Punic War. (The Tueh-Chi came into Western 
 . - ; Turkestan.) : 
 
 146. Carthage destroyed. Corinth destroyed. 
 
 133. Attains bequeathed Pergamum to Rome. Tiberius Grac- 
 chus killed. 
 
 121. Gaius' Gracchus killed. 
 
 118. War with Jugurtha. 
 
 106*. War Veith Jjigurtha ended; 
 
 102. Marius drove back Germans. 
 
1106 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 B.C. 
 
 100. Triumph of Mariua. (Wu-ti conquering the Tarim 
 valley.) 
 91. Social war. 
 
 89. All Italians became Roman citizens. 
 86. Death of Marius. 
 78. Death of Sulla. 
 
 73. The revolt of the slaves under Spartacus. 
 71. Defeat and end of Spartacus. 
 66. Pompej led Eoman troops to the Caspian and Euphrates. 
 
 He encountered the Alani. 
 64. Mithridates of Pontus died. 
 53. Crassus killed at Carrhae. Mongolian elements with 
 
 Parthians. 
 48. Julius Caesar defeated Pompey at Pharsalos. 
 44. Julius Caesar assassinated. 
 31. Battle of Actium. 
 
 27. Augustus Caesar princeps (until 14 a.d.). 
 4. True date of birth of Jesus of Nazareth. 
 A.D. Christian Era began. 
 6. Province' of Moesia established. 
 
 9. Province of Pannonia established. Imperial boundary 
 carried to the Danube. 
 14. Augustus died. Tiberius emperor. 
 30. Jesus of Nazareth crucified. 
 37. Caligula succeeded Tiberius. 
 
 41. Claudius (the first emperor of the legions) made em- 
 peror by» pretorian guard after murder of Calig- 
 ula. 
 64. Nero succeeded Claudius. 
 61. Boadicea massacred Eoman garrison in Britain. 
 
 68. Suicide of Nero. (Galba, Otho, Vitellus, emperors in 
 
 succession.) 
 
 69. Vespasian began the so-called Flavian dynasty. 
 79. Titus succeeded Vespasian. 
 
 81. Domitian. 
 84. North Britain annexed. 
 
 96. Nerva began the so-called dynasty of the Antonines. 
 98. Trajan succeeded Nerva. 
 102, Pan Chau on the Caspian Sea. (Indo-Scythians in- 
 vading North India.) 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1107 
 
 A.I). 
 
 117. Hadrian succeeded Trajan. Eoman Empire at its 
 
 greatest extent. 
 138. Antoninus Pius succeeded Hadrian. (The Indo-Scy- 
 
 thians at this time were destroying the last traces of 
 
 Hellenic rule in India.) 
 150. [About this time Kanishka reigned in India, Kashgar, 
 
 Yarkand, and Kotan.] 
 161. Marcus Aurelius succeeded Antoninus Pius. 
 164. Great plague began^ and lasted to the death of M. 
 
 Aurelius (180). This also devastated allAsia. 
 180. Death of Marcus Aurelius. 
 
 (Nearly a century of war and disorder began in the 
 
 Roman Empire.) 
 220. End of the Han dynasty. Beginning of four hundred 
 
 years of division in China. 
 227. Ardashir I (first Sassanid shah) put an end to Arsacid 
 
 line in Persia. 
 242. Mani began his teaching., 
 247. Goths crossed Danube in a great raid. 
 251. Great victory of Goths. Emperor Decius killed. 
 260. Sapor I, the second Sassanid shah,, took Antioch, cap- 
 tured the Emperor Valerian, and was cut up on his 
 
 return from Asia Minor by Odenathus of Palmyra. 
 
 269. The Emperor Claudius defeated the Goths at Nish. 
 
 270. Aurelian became emperor. 
 
 272. Zenobia carried captive to Home. End of the brief 
 glories of Palmyra. ' 
 
 275. Probus succeeded Aurelian. 
 
 276. Goths in Pontus. The Emperor Probus forced back 
 
 Franks and Alemanni. 
 
 277. Mani crucified in Persia. 
 284. Diocletian became emperor. 
 
 303. Diocletian persecuted the Christians. 
 
 311. Galerius abandoned the persecution of the Christians. 
 
 312. Constantine the Great became emperor. 
 
 313. Constantine presided over a Christian Council at Aries. 
 321. Fresh Gothic raids driven back. 
 
 323. Constantine presided over the Council of Nicsea. 
 337. Vandals driven by Goths obtained leave to settle in 
 Pannonia. 
 
1108 THE OUTLINE OF. HISTORY 
 
 A.D. 
 
 337. Oonstantine baptized on hia deatkbed.i 
 
 354. St. Augustine born. 
 
 361-3. Julian the Apostate attempted' to substitute Mithraism 
 
 for Christianity. 
 379. Theodosius the Great (a Spaniard) emperor. 
 390. The statute of Serapis at Alexandria broken up. 
 392, Theodosius the Great emperor of east and west. 
 395. Theodosius the Great died. Honorius and Arcadius 
 
 jredivided the empire with Stilicho and Alaric as 
 
 thieir masters and protectors. 
 410. The Visigoths under Alaric captured Rome. 
 425. Vandals settling in south of Spain. Huns in Pannonia, 
 
 Goths in Dalmatia. Visigoths and Suevi in Portugal 
 
 and North Spain. • English invading Britain. . 
 429. Vandals under Genseric invaded Africa. 
 439. Vandalsi took Carthage. 
 448. Priscus visited Attila. 
 451. Attila raided Gaul and was defeated by Franks, Ale- 
 
 manni, and Komans at Troyes. 
 453. Death of Attila. 
 455. Vandals sacked Rome. 
 470. Ephthalites? raid into India. 
 476. Odoaeer, king of a medley of Teutonic tribes, informed 
 
 Constantinople that there was no emperor in the West. 
 
 End of the Western Empire. 
 
 480. St. Benedict born. 
 
 481. Clovis in France. The Merovingians. 
 
 483. Nestorian church broke away from the Orthodox Chris- 
 tian church. . 
 
 493. Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, conquered Italy and became 
 King of Italy, but was nominally subject to Constan- 
 tinople. 
 
 (Gothic kings in Italy. Goths settled on special con- 
 fiscated lands as a garrison.) 
 
 527. Justinian emperor. 
 
 528. Mihiragula, the (Ephthalite) Attila of India, over- 
 
 thrown. 
 
 529. Justinian closed the schools at Athens^ which had flour- 
 
 ished nearly a thousand years. Belisarius ( Justiniail's 
 general) took Naples. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1109 
 
 A.D. 
 
 531. Ghosroes' I began to reign. 
 
 543. Great pkgue' in' Constantinople. 
 
 544. St. Benedict died. 
 
 553. Goths expelled from Italy by Justinian. CassiodorTis 
 
 founded his monastery. 
 565. Justinian died. The Lombards conquered most of 
 
 Iforth Italy (leaving Eavenna and Kome Byzantine). 
 
 The Turks broke up the Ephthalites in Western Turke- 
 ' Stan. 
 
 570. Muhammad bom. 
 579. Ghosroes I died. 
 
 (The Lombards dominant in Italy.) 
 590. Plague raged in Rome. (Gregory the Great — Gregory 
 
 I — and the vision of St. Angelo.) Ghosroes II began 
 
 to reign. 
 610. Heraclius began to reign. 
 619.' Ghosroes II held Egypt, Jerusalem^ Damascus, and had 
 
 armies on Hellespont. Tang dynasty began in Ghina. 
 
 622. The Hegira. 
 
 623. Battle of Badr. 
 
 627. Great Persian defeat at Nineveh by Heraclius. The 
 
 Meccan Allies besieged Medina. Tai Tsung became 
 Emperor of China. 
 
 628. Kavadh II murdered and succeeded his father, Ghos- 
 
 roes II. 
 Muhammad wrote letters to all the rulers of the earth. 
 
 629. Yuan Chwang started for India. Muhammad entered 
 
 Mecca. 
 632. Muhammad died. Abu Bekr Caliph. 
 
 634. Battle of the Yarmuk. Moslems took Syria. Omar 
 
 second Caliph. 
 
 635. Tai Tsung received Nestorian missionaries. 
 637. Battle of Kadessia. 
 
 6^8: Jerusalem surrendered to Omar. 
 
 64:2. Heraclius died. 
 
 643. Othman third Caliph. 
 
 645. Yuan Chwang returned to Singan. 
 
 655. Defeat of the Byzantine fleet by the Moslems. 
 
 656. Othman murdered at Medina. 
 661. Ali niurdered. 
 
1110 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 A.D. 
 
 662. Moawlya Caliph. (First of the Omayyad caliphs.) 
 668. The Caliph Moawiya attacked Coiistaiitinople by sea — 
 
 Theodore of Tarsus became Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 675. Last of the sea attacks by Moawiya on Constantinople. 
 687. Pepin of Hersthal, mayor of the palace, reunited Aus- 
 
 trasia and I^eustria. 
 711. Moslem army invaded Spain from Africa. 
 
 714. Charles Martel, mayor of the palace. 
 
 715. The domains of the Caliph Walid I extended from the 
 
 Pyrenees to China. 
 
 717-18. Suleiman, son and successor of Walid, failed to take 
 Constantinople^ The Omayyad line passed its climax. 
 
 732. Charles Martel defeated the Moslems near Poitiers. 
 
 735. Death of the Venerable Bede. 
 
 743. Walid II Caliph — ^the unbelieving Caliph. 
 
 749. Overthrow of the Omayyads. Abdul Abbas, the first 
 Abbasid Caliph. Spain remained Omayyad. Begin- 
 ning of the break-up of the Arab Empire. 
 
 751. Pepin crowned King of the French. 
 
 755. Martyrdom of St. Boniface. 
 
 768. Pepin died. ' 
 
 771. Charlemagne sole king. 
 
 774. Charlemagne conquered Lombardy. 
 
 776. Charlemagne in Dalmatia. 
 
 786. Haroun-al-Easchid Abbasid Caliph in Bagdad (to 809). 
 
 795. Leo III became Pope (to 816). 
 
 800. Leo crowned Charlemagne Emperor of the West. 
 
 802. Egbert, formerly an English refugee at the court of 
 Charlemagne, established himself; as King of Wessex. 
 
 810. Krum of Bulgaria defeated and killed the Emperor 
 Nicephorus. 
 
 814. Charlemagne died, Louis the Pious succeeds him. 
 
 828. Egbert became first King of England. 
 
 843. Louis the Pious died, and the Carlovingian Empire 
 went to pieces. Until 962 there was no regular suc- 
 cession of Holy Eoman Emperors, though the title 
 appeared intermittently. 
 
 850. About this time Rurik (a Northman) became ruler of 
 Novgorod and Kieff. 
 
 852. Boris first Christian King of Bulgaria (to 884). 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1111 
 
 A.D. 
 
 865. The fleet of the Russians (Northmen) threatened Con- 
 stantinople. 
 
 886. The Treaty of Alfred of England and Guthrum the 
 Dane, establishing the Danes in the Danelaw. 
 
 904. Russian (ISTorthmen) fleet off Constantinople. 
 
 912. Eolf the Ganger established himself in Normandy. 
 
 919. Henry the Fowler elected King of Germany. 
 
 928. Marozia imprisoned Pope John X. 
 
 931. John XI Pope (to 936). 
 
 936. Otto I became King of Germany in succession to his 
 father, Henry the Powler. ., ,, 
 
 941. Russian fleet again threatened Constantinople. 
 
 955. John XII Pope. 
 
 960. Northern Sung Dynasty began in China. 
 
 962. Otto I, King of Germany, crowned Emperor (first 
 
 Saxon Emperor) by John XII. 
 
 963. Otto deposed John XII. 
 
 969. Separate Eatimite Caliphate set up in Egypt. 
 
 973. Otto II. 
 
 983. Otto III. 
 
 987. Hugh Capet became King of France, End of the 
 Garlovingian line of French kings. 
 1016. Canute became King of England, Denmark, and 
 
 Norway. 
 1037. Avicenna of Bokhara, the Prince of Physicians, died. 
 1043. Russian fleet threatened Constantinople. 
 1066. Conquest of England by William, Duke of Normandy. 
 1071. Revival of Islam under the Seljuk Turks. Battle of 
 
 Melasgird. 
 1073. Hildebi-and became Pope (Gregory VII) to 1085. 
 1082. Robert Guiscard captured Durazzo. 
 1084. Robert Guiscard sacked Rome. 
 1087-99. Urban II Pope. 
 
 1094. Pestilence. 
 
 1095. Urban II at Clermont summoned the First Crusade. 
 
 1096. Massacre of the People's Crusade. 
 
 1099. Godfrey of Bouillon captured Jerusalem. Paschal II 
 
 Pope (to 1118). 
 1138. Kin Empire flourished. The Sung capital shifted from 
 
 Naoking to Hang Chau, 
 
1112 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 A.D. 
 
 114Y. The Second Crusade. Foundation of the Christian 
 Kingdom of Portugal, 
 
 1169. Saladin Sultan of Egypt 
 
 1176. Frederick Barbarossa acknowledged supremacy of the 
 Pope (Alexander III) at Venice. 
 
 1187. Saladin captured Jerusalem. 
 
 1189. The Third Crusade. 
 
 1198. Averroes of Cordoba, the Arab philosopher, died. Inno- 
 cent III Pope (to 1216). Frederifek II (aged four), 
 KiHg of Sicily, became his ward. 
 
 1202. The Fourth- Crusade attacked the Eastern Empira 
 
 1204. Captures of Constantinople by the Latins. 
 
 1206. Kutub founded Moslem state at Delhi. 
 
 1212. The Children's Crusade. 
 
 1214. Jengia Khan took Peking; 
 
 1215. Magna Carta signed. 
 
 1216. Honorius III Pope. 
 
 1218. Jengis Khan invaded Kharismia. 
 
 1221. Failure and return of the Fifth Crusade. St. Dominic 
 died (the Dominicans). 
 
 1226. St. Francis of Assisi died. (The Franciscans.) 
 
 1227. Jengis Khan died, Khan from the Caspian to the Pacific, 
 
 and was succeeded by Ogdai Khan. 
 Gregory IX Pope. 
 
 1228. Frederick II embarked upon. the Sixth Crusade, and 
 
 acquired Jerusalem. -. , 
 
 1234. Mongols completed conquest of the Kin Empire with 
 the help of the Sung Empire. 
 
 1239. Frederick II excommunicated for the second time. 
 
 1240. Mongols destroyed Kieff. Eussia tributary to. the 
 
 Mongols. 
 
 1241. Mongol victory at Liegnitz in Silesia. 
 
 1244. The Egyptian Sultan recaptured Jerusalem. This led 
 
 to the Seventh Crusade. 
 
 1245. Frederick II re-excommunicated. The men of Schwyz 
 
 burnt the castle of New Habsburg. 
 1250i St. Louis of France ransomed. Frederick 11^ the. last 
 Hohenstaufen Emperor, died. German interregnum 
 until 1273. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1118 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1254.. Mangu Khan became Great Khan, Kublai Khan gov- 
 ernor of China. 
 1258. Hulagu Khan took and destroyed Bagdad. 
 
 1260. Kublai Khan became Great Khan. Ketboga defeated 
 
 in Palestine. 
 
 1261. The Greeks recaptured Constantinople from the Latins. 
 1269. Kublai Khan sent a message of inquiry to the Pope by 
 
 the older Polos. 
 1271. Marco Polo started upon his travels. 
 1273. Eudolf of Habsburg elected Emperor. The Swiss 
 
 formed their Everlasting League. 
 1280. Kublai Khan founded the Yuan Dynasty in China.. 
 
 1292. Death of Kublai Khan. 
 
 1293. Roger Bacon, the prophet of experimental science, died. 
 
 1294. Boniface ,VIII Pope (to 1303). 
 
 1295. Marco Polo returned to Venice. 
 
 1303. Death of Pope Boniface VIII after the . outrage of 
 
 Anagni by Guillaume de Nogaret 
 
 1305. Clement V Pope. The papal court set up at Avignon. 
 
 1308. Duns Scotus died. 
 
 1318. Four Franciscans burnt :for heresy at Marseilles. 
 
 1347. Occam died. 
 
 1348. The Great Plague, the Black Death. 
 1358.. The Jacquerie in France. 
 
 1360. In China the Mongol (Yuan) Dynasty fell, and was 
 
 succeeded by the Ming Dynasty (to 1644). 
 1367. Timurlane assumed the title of Great Khan. 
 
 1377. Pope Gregory XI returned to Home. 
 
 1378. The Great Schism. Urban VI in Rome, Clement VII 
 
 at Avignon. 
 1381. Peasant revolt in England. Wat Tyler murdered in 
 
 the presence of King Eichard II. 
 1384. .Wycliffe died. . 
 139fir. Huss preached Wycliffism at Prague. 
 1405, Death of Timurlane. 
 
 1414-18. The Council of Constance. Huss burnt (1415). 
 1417. The Great Schism ended, Martin V Pope.. 
 1420. The Hussites revolted. Martin V preached a crusade 
 
 against them. 
 
1114 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1431. The Catholic Crusaders dissolved before the Hussites at 
 
 Domazlice. The Council of Basle met. 
 1436. The Hussites came to terms with the church. 
 1439. Council of Basle created a fresh schism in the church. 
 
 1445. Discovery of Cape Verde by the Portuguese. 
 
 1446. First printed books (Coster in Haarlem). 
 
 1449. End of the Council of Basle. . : i 
 
 1453. Ottoman Turks under Muhammad II took Constanti- 
 nople. 
 
 1480. Ivan III, Grand-duke of Moscov?, threw off the Mongol 
 
 allegiance. 
 
 1481. Death of the Sultan Muhammad II while preparing 
 
 for the conquest of Italy. Bayazid II Turkish Sultkn 
 '(to 1512). 
 1486. Diaz rounded the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 1492. Columbus crossed the Atlantic to America. Kodrigo 
 
 Borgia, Alexander VI, Pope (to 1503). 
 
 1493. Maximilian I became Emperor. 
 
 1498. Vasco da Gama sailed round the Cape to India. 
 
 1499. Switzerland became an independent republic. 
 
 1500. Charles V born. 
 
 1509. Henry VIII King of England. 
 
 1512. Selim Sultan (to 1520) . He bought the title of Caliph. 
 
 Fall of Soderini (and Machiavelli) in Florence. 
 
 1513. Leo X Pope. 
 
 1515. Francis I King of France. 
 
 1517. Selim annexed Egypt. Luther propounded his theses 
 at Wittenberg. 
 
 1519. Leonardo da Vinci died. Magellan's expedition started 
 
 to sail round the world. Cortez entered Mexico city. 
 
 1520. Suleiman the Magnificent, Sultan (to 1566), who ruled 
 
 from Bagdad to Hungary. « Charles V Emperor. 
 
 1521. Luther at the Diet of Worms. Loyola wounded at 
 
 Pampeluna. ' 
 
 1525. Baber won the battle of Panipat, captured Delhi, and 
 
 founded the Mogul Empire. 
 1527. The German troops in Italy, under the Constable of 
 
 Bourbon^itook and pillaged Kome, 
 J539, Suleimap besieged Vienna, 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1115 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1530. Pizarro invaded Peru. Charles V crowned by the 
 Pope. Henry VIII began his quarrel with the 
 Papacy. 
 
 1532. The Anabaptists seized Miinster. 
 
 1535. Fall of the Anabaptist rule in Miinster. 
 
 1539. The Company of Jesus founded. 
 
 1543. Copernicus died. 
 
 1545. The Council of Trent (to 1563) assembled to put the 
 
 church in order. 
 
 1546. Martin Luther died. 
 
 1547. Ivan IV (the Terrible) took the title of Tsar of Eus- 
 
 sia. Francis I died. 
 1549. First Jesuit missions arrived in South America. 
 1552. Treaty of Passau. Temporary pacification of Ger^ 
 
 many. 
 1556. Charles V abdicated. Akbar Great Mogul (to 1605). 
 
 Ignatius of Loyola died. 
 1558. Death of Charles V. 
 
 1563. End of the Council of Trent and the reform of the 
 
 Catholic Church. 
 
 1564. Galileo born. 
 
 1566. Suleiman the Magnificent died. 
 
 1567. Kevolt of the Netherlands. 
 
 1568. Execution of Counts Egmont and Horn. 
 1571. Kepler born. 
 
 1573. Siege of Alkmaar. 
 
 1578. Harvey born. 
 
 1583. Sir Walter Raleigh's expedition to Virginia. 
 
 1601. Tycho Brahe died. 
 
 1603. James I King of England and Scotland. Dr. Gilbert 
 died. 
 
 1605. Jehangir Great Mogul, 
 
 1606. Virginia Company founded. 
 1609. Holland independent. 
 1618. Thirty Years' War began. 
 
 1620. Mayflower expedition founded New Plymouth. First 
 , negro slaves landed at Jamestown (Va.). 
 
 1625. Charles I of England. 
 
 1626. Sir Francis Bacon (Lord Verulam) died. 
 
1116 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1628. Shah Jehan Great Mogul. The English Petition of 
 
 Bight. 
 
 1629. Charles I of England began his eleven years of rule 
 
 without a parliament. 
 
 1630. Kepler died. 
 
 1632. Leeuwenhoek born. Gustavus :^dolphus killed at the 
 
 Battle of Liitzen. 
 
 16*34. Wallenstein murdered. 
 
 1638. Japan closed to Europeans (until 1865). 
 
 1640. Charles I of England summoned the Long Parliament. 
 
 1641. Massacre of the English in Ireland. 
 
 1642. Galileo died. Newton born. 
 
 1643. Louis XIV began his reign of seventy-two years. 
 
 1644. The Manchus ended the Ming dynasty. 
 
 1645. Swine pens in the inner town of Leipzig pulled down. 
 
 1648. Treaty of Westphalia. Thereby Holland and Switzer- 
 
 land were recognized as free republics and Prussia 
 became important. The treaty gave a complete vic- 
 tory neither to the Imperial Crown nor to the Princes. 
 War of the Fronde; it ended in the complete vic- 
 tory of the French crown. 
 
 1649. Execution of Charles I of England, 
 
 1658. Aurungzeb Great Mogul. Cromwell died. 
 
 1660. Charles II of England. 
 
 1674. Nieuw Amsterdam finally became British by treaty and 
 
 was renamed "New York. 
 1683. The last Turkish attack on Vienna defeated by John 
 
 III of Poland. 
 
 1688. The British Revolution. Flight of James IL William 
 
 and Mary began to reign. 
 
 1689. Peter the Great of Eussia. (To 1725.) 
 
 1690. Battle of the Boyne in Ireland. 
 1694. Voltaire born. 
 
 1701. Frederick I first King of Prussia. 
 
 1704:. John Locke, the father of modem democratic theory, 
 
 died. 
 1707. Death of Auruiigzeb. The empire of the Great Mogul 
 
 disintegrated. 
 
 1713. Frederick the Great of Prussia bom; 
 
 1714. George I of Britain. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1117 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1715. Louis XV of France. 
 1727. Newton died. George II of Britain. 
 1732. Oglethorpe founded Georgia. 
 
 1736. Nadir Shah raided India. (The beginning of twenty 
 years of raiding and disorder in India.) 
 
 1740. Maria-Theresa began to reign. (Being a woman, she 
 
 could not be empress. Her husband, Francis I, was 
 emperor until his death in 1765, when her son, Joseph 
 II, succeeded him.) 
 Accession of Frederick the Great, King of Prussia. 
 
 1741. The Empress Elizabeth of Russia began to reign. 
 1755^63. Britain and France struggled for America and India. 
 
 France in alliance with Austria and Russia against 
 Prussia and Britain (1756-63) ; the Seven Years' 
 War. 
 1757. Battle of Plassey. 
 
 1759. The British general, Wolfe, took Quebec. 
 
 1760. George III of Britain. 
 
 1762. The Empress Elizabeth of Russia died. Murder of the 
 
 Tsar Paul, and accession of Catherine the Great of 
 Russia (to 1796). 
 
 1763. Peace of Paris; Canada ceded to Britain. British 
 
 dominant in India. 
 
 1764. Battle of Buxar. 
 
 1769. Napoleon Bonaparte born. 
 
 1774. Louis XVI began his reign. Suicide of Clive. • The 
 
 American revolutionary drama began. 
 
 1775. Battle of Lexington. 
 
 1776. Declaration of Independence by the United States of 
 
 America. 
 
 1778. J. J. Rousseau, the creator of modem democratic senti- 
 ment, died. 
 
 1780. End of the reign of Maria-Theresa. The Emperor 
 Joseph (1765 to 1790) succeeded her in the hereditary 
 Habsburg dominions. 
 
 1783. Treaty of Peace between Britain and the new United 
 States of America. Quaco set free in Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 1787. The Constitutional Convention of Philadelphia set up 
 the Federal Government of the United States. France 
 
1118 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 A.D. 
 
 discovered to be bankrupt. The Assembly of the 
 Notables. 
 
 1788. First Federal Congress of the United States at New 
 
 York. 
 
 1789. The French States-General assembled. Storming of 
 
 the Bastille. 
 
 1791. The Jacobin Kevolution. Flight to Varennes. 
 
 1792. France declared war on Austria. Prussia declared war 
 
 on France. Battle of Valmy. France became a 
 republic. 
 
 1793. Louis XVI beheaded. 
 
 1794. Execution of Robespierre and end of the Jacobin re- 
 
 public. Rule of the Convention. 
 
 1795. The Directory. Bonaparte suppressed a revolt and went 
 
 to Italy as commander-in-chief. 
 
 1797. By the Peace of Campo Formio Bonaparte destroyed 
 
 the Republic of Venice. 
 
 1798. Bonaparte went to Egypt. Battle of the Nile. 
 
 1799. Bonaparte returned. He became First Consul with 
 
 enormous powers. 
 
 1800. Legislative union of Ireland and England enacted Jan- 
 
 uary 1st, 1801. 
 
 Napoleon's campaign against Austria. Battles of 
 Marengo (in Italy) and Hohenlinden (Moreau's 
 victory). 
 
 1801. Preliminaries of peace between France, England, and 
 
 Austria signed. 
 
 1803. Bonaparte occupied Switzerland, and so precipitated 
 
 war, 
 
 1804. Bonaparte became Emperor. Francis II took the title 
 
 of Emperor of Austria in 1805, and in 1806 he 
 dropped the title of Holy Roman Emperor. So the 
 "Holy Roman Empire" came to an end. 
 
 1805. Battle of Trafalgar. Battles of TJlm and Austerlitz. 
 
 1806. Prussia overthrown at Jena. 
 
 1807. Battles of Eylau and Friedland and Treaty of Tilsit. 
 
 1808. Napoleon made his brother Joseph King of Spain. 
 
 1810. Spanish America became republican. 
 
 1811, Alexander withdJrew from the "Continental Sys- 
 
 tem." 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1119 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1812. Moscow. 
 
 1814. Abdication of Napoleon. Louis XVIII. 
 
 1815, The Waterloo campaign. The Treaty of Vienna. 
 1819. The First Factory Act passed through the eiforts of 
 
 Robert Owen. 
 1821. The Greek revolt. 
 
 1824. Charles X of France. 
 
 1825. Nicholas I of Russia. First railway, Stockton to Dar- 
 
 lington. 
 1827. Battle of Navarino. 
 
 1829. Greece independent. 
 
 1830. A year of disturbance. Louis Philippe ousted Charles 
 
 X. Belgium broke away from Holland. Leopold of 
 Saxe-Coburg-Gotha became king of this new country, 
 Belgium. Russian Poland revolted ineffectually. 
 
 1832. The First Reform Bill in Britain restored the demo- 
 cratic character of the British Parliament. 
 
 1835. The word socialism first used. 
 
 1837. Queen Victoria. 
 
 1840. Queen Victoria married Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg- 
 Gotha. 
 
 1848. Another year of disturbance. Republics in France and 
 Rome. The Pan-slavic conference at Prague. All 
 Germany united in a parliament at Frankfort. Ger- 
 man unity destroyed by the King of Prussia. 
 
 1851. The Great Exhibition of London. 
 
 1852. Napoleon III Emperor of the French. 
 
 1854. Perry (second expedition) landed in Japan. Nicholas 
 
 I occupied the Danubian provinces of Turkey. 
 1854-56. Crimean "War. 
 
 1856. Alexander II of Russia. 
 
 1857. The Indian Mutiny. 
 185?: Robert Owen died. 
 
 1859. Franco- Austrian war. Battles of Magenta and Sbl- 
 ferino. 
 
 1861. Victor Emmanuel First King of Italy. Abraham Lin- 
 coln became President, U.S.A. The American Civil 
 War beganJ 
 
 1863, British bombarded a Japanese town. 
 
 1864. Maximilian became Emperor of Mexico. 
 
1120 THE OtTTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1865. Surrender of Appomattox Court House. Japan opened 
 
 to the world. 
 
 1866. Prussia and Italy attacked Austria (and the south Ger- 
 
 man states in alliance with her). Battle of Sadowa. 
 
 1867. The Emperor Maximilian shot. 
 
 1870, Napoleon III declared war against Prussia. 
 
 1871. Paris surrendered (January). The King of Prussia 
 
 became William I, "German Emperor." The Hohen- 
 zoUern Peace of Frankfort. 
 1875. The "Bulgarian atrocities." 
 
 1877. Eusso-Turkish War. Treaty of San Stefano. Queen 
 
 Victoria became Empress of India. 
 
 1878. The Treaty of Berlin. The Armed Peace of forty-six 
 
 years began in western Europe. 
 1881. The Battle of Majuba Hill. The Transvaal free. 
 1883. Britain occupied Egj'pt. , 
 
 1886. Gladstone's first Irish Home Euie Bill. 
 1888. Frederick II (March), William II (June), German 
 
 Emperors. 
 1890. Bismarck dismissed. Heligoland ceded to Germany by 
 
 Lord Salisbury. 
 1894^5. Japanese war with China, 
 
 1895. "Unionist" (Imperialist) government in Britain. 
 
 1896. Battle of Adowa. 
 
 1898. The Fashoda quarrel between France and Britain. Ger- 
 
 many acquired Kiau-Chau. 
 
 1899. The war in South Africa began (Boer war). 
 
 1900. The Boxer risings in China. Siege of the Lei^ations at 
 
 Peking. 
 1904, The British invaded Tibet. ' ' ; 
 
 1904-5, Russo-Japanese war. 
 
 1906. The "Unionist" (Imperialist) party in Gi-eat Britain 
 
 defeated by the Liberals upon the question of tariffs. 
 
 1907. The Confederation of South Africa established. 
 
 1908. Austria annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
 
 1909. M. Bleriot flew in an a;eroplane from France to Eng- 
 
 land. 
 
 1911. Italy made war on Turkey and seized" Tripoli. 
 
 1912. China became a republic. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1121 
 
 1913. The Balkan league made war on Turkey. Bloodshed, at 
 
 Londonderry in Ireland caused by "Unionist" gun 
 running. 
 
 1914. The Great War in Europe began (for which see special 
 
 time chart, pp. 1052-53). • 
 1917. The two Eussian revolutions. Establishment of the 
 
 Bolshevik regime in Eussia. 
 1919-20. The Clemeneeau Peace of Versailles. 
 1920. Eirst meeting of the League of Nations, from which 
 
 Germany, Austria, Eussia, and, Turkey were excluded, 
 
 and at which the United States was not represented. 
 And here our List of Events breaks off with a note of interred 
 
 gation. . ' 
 
1122 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
 sr^«»6«R^,i^ S III 
 
 " « I I i li. 
 4lJ F A M 
 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 1123 
 
1124 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 1125 
 
1126 
 
 THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY 
 
INDEX 
 
KEY TO PRONUNCIATION 
 VOWELS 
 
 a as in far (far), father (fa' thli), mikado (mi ka' d5). 
 i „ „ fat (fS,t), ample (&mpl), abstinence (S.b'stin&iB). 
 a „ „ fate (fat), wait (wS,t), deign (dSin), jade (jad). 
 aw „ „ fall (fawl), appal (a pawlO, broad (brawd). 
 a „ „ fair (far), bear (bar), where (hwar). 
 
 e „ „ bell (bel), bury (ber'i). 
 
 5 „ „ her (hSr), search (sSrch), word (w8rd), bird (bSrd). 
 
 i „ „ beef (bef), thief (thef), idea (i de' d), beer (ber), casino (kdE s€' n5) 
 
 i „ „ bit (bit), lily (Ul' i), nymph (nimf), build (bUd). 
 i „ „ bite (bit), analyse (&n' dUz), light (lit). 
 
 o „ „ not (not), watch (wooh), cough (kof), sorry (sor'i). 
 
 6 „ „ no (no), blow (bio), brooch (broch). 
 8 „ „ north (north), absorb (db sorb'). 
 
 00 „ „ food (food), do (doo), prove (proov), blue (bloo), strew (stroo). 
 
 u „ „ bull (bul), good (gud), would (wud). 
 i „ „ sun (stSn), love (Iflv), enough (^nflf). 
 fl „ „ muse (muz), stew (stil), cure (kOr). 
 
 on „ „ bout (bout), bough (bou), crowd (kroud). 
 oi „ „ join (join), joy (joi), buoy (boi). 
 
 A short mark placed over a, e, o, or u (d, i, 6, i2) signifies that thi 
 vowel has an obscure, indeterminate, or slurred sound, as in: — 
 
 advice (<Jd visO. current (kilr'&t), notion (n5' shdn), 
 
 breakable (bra' kdbl), sailor (sa'ldr), pleasure (plezh'Ar). 
 
 CONSONANTS 
 
 "g" is used only for the sibilant "s" (as in "toast," tost, "place," 
 plas); the sonant "s" (as in "toes," "plays") is printed "z" (toz, plaz). 
 
 "c" (except in the combinations "oh" and "cA"), "q" and "x" are 
 not used. 
 
 b, d, f, h (but see the combinations below), k, 1, m, n (see n below), p, r, 
 t, V, z, and w and y when used as consonants have their usual values. 
 
 ch as in church (chSrch), batch (b&ch), capriccio (ka pre' cho). 
 th „ „ loch GocA), coronach (kor'onacA), clachan (kl&cA' an). 
 
 C ., „ get (get), finger (fing'g^r). 
 
 j „ „ join (join), judge (jiij), germ (jgrm), ginger (jin' j&). 
 
 gh (in List of Proper Names only) as in Ludwig (luf vigh). 
 hi ( „ „ „ „ ) „ „ LlandUo (hl&n dl' Id), 
 
 hw as in white (hwit), nowhere (u6' hwar). 
 
 n „ „ cabochon (ka bd shon"), coug6 (kon'zha). 
 
 Eh „ „ shawl (shawl), mention (men'sh^n), 
 zh „ „ measure (mezh'ilr), vision (vizh'dn). 
 
 th „ „ thin (thin), breath (breth). 
 A „ „ thine (tAIn), breathe (brefA). 
 
 The accent (') foUowi the syllable to be stressed. 
 
INDEX 
 
 A 
 
 Aak (ar) Vallet, 754 
 Aaronson, Aaron, 131 
 Abbasids (0, bis' idz), 595, 601, 625, 628, 
 
 636, 667, 686, 1110 
 Abd Manif (abd man ef), 571 
 Abdal Malik (abd al ma' lik), 594 
 Abelard, P., 728 
 Aboukir (a boo ker'), 895, 896 
 Aboukir, cruiser, 1042 
 Abraham the Patriarch, 142, 218, 221, 
 
 231, 232, 500, 572 
 Absolutism, 768 
 Abu Bekr (a' boo bek' &), 672-73, 579- 
 
 88, 599, 1109 
 Abul Abbas, 596, 1110 
 Abul Fazl (a' bool fa' zl), 695. 
 Abydos (d bl' dos), 283-88 
 Abyssinia, 121, 126, 986 
 Abyssinian Christians, 524, 539, 568, 
 
 572; language, 120 
 Acad^mie des Sciences, 791 
 Academy, Greek, 299-301 
 Academy of Inscriptions, 857 
 Acre, 157, 896 
 
 Acropolis (a. krop' d lis), 257, 285 
 Act of Union, 1017 
 
 Actium &,k'tHim), battle of, 444, 1106 
 Acts of the Apostles, 510, 611 
 Adam and Eve, 953 
 Adams, Prof. G. B., 611 
 Adams, John, 849 
 Adams, Samuel, 837, 849 
 Adams, William, 991 
 Addington, 903 
 Aden, 126, 144, 597, 997 
 Adowa (a'dowa), battle of, 561, 625, 
 
 996, 1025, 1120 
 Adrianople, 481, 683, 1025; Treaty of, 
 
 920 
 Adriatic, 216, 331, 386, 395, 404, 468, 
 
 489, 527, 537, 617, 644, 907, 1032 
 Adriatic river, 89, 90 
 >£gatian Isles, 403, 1105 
 JEgean (Sje'du) cities, 177; civilization, 
 
 169-62, 221, 252; Dark Whites, 382; 
 
 hunters, 267 
 
 .^gina (eji'na), 285 
 
 Mneid (e'neid), the, 382 
 
 .iEolic dialect, 252 
 
 Aeroplanes, 3, 930, 1041, 1044 
 
 Aeschylus (es'kilils), 166, 1104 
 
 Afghanistan, 120, 147, 369, 371, 647- 
 49, 662, 693, 806 
 
 Africa, 43, 81, 91, 114, 120, 121, 129, 221, 
 421, 439, 674, 699; peoples of, 65, 81, 
 108, 111, 113, 125-26, 143, 162, 158, 
 177, 712; languages of, 124^25; early 
 trade with, 162, 215; Moslems in, 
 587, 590, 696, 606, 616, 628, 632, 1110; 
 voyages and travels in, 163, 439, 
 741-43, 803; Phoenicians in, 381, 493, 
 660; Roman, 402, 409, 427, 467, 488, 
 626; Vandals in, 482, 527, 536, 1108; 
 slavery in, 748, 780; modern exploita- 
 tion of, 886-87, 979, 985, 1009 
 
 Africa, Central, 125, 486; East, 29, 248; 
 South (see South Africa); West, 166, 
 768 
 
 African lung fish, 21 
 
 Agincourt, 736 
 
 Agriculture, early, 77, 84-87, 100, 107, 
 125, 136, 196, 242; slaves in, 201; 
 Arab knowledge of, 603; in Great 
 Britain, 820-22 
 
 Agriculturists, 206, 208, 211 
 
 Agrimentum (,&g ri men' ti2m) , 402 
 
 Agrippina (&g ri pi' n&), 464 
 
 Ahriman (a' ri man), 645-47 
 
 Ainu (i'noo), 108,811,991 
 
 Air, the, 3, 19 
 
 Air Force, 595 
 
 Aisne (an), 1037; battle of the, 612 
 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, 627 
 
 Akbar (ak' b6r), 693, 805, 1115 
 
 Akhnaton (ak na' ton), 193-94. ^Sea 
 Amenophis IV) 
 
 Akkadia (and Akkadians), 137, 188 
 
 Akkadian-Sumeriau Empire, 142, 1103 
 
 Alabama, the, 970 
 
 Alamanni, 480, 613, 1108 
 
 Alans, 476, 481, 548, 1106 
 
 Alaric (.&!' & rik), 481, 489, 1109 
 
 Alaska, 1028 
 
 Alban, St., 614 
 
 1129 
 
1130 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Alban Mount, 383 
 
 Albania, 1044 
 
 Albert, Prince Consort, 963, 1011, 1114 
 
 Albertus Magnus, 400 
 
 Albigenses (&l bi jeu' sez), 655-58 
 
 Aloarez (2,1 car' ez), 763 
 
 Alchemists, 731 
 
 Alcibiades (8,1 si bi' di dez), 299 
 
 Alcmseonidae (Mk me on' i de) , 264 
 
 Alcohol, discovery of, 602 
 
 Alcuin (Sr kwin), 624 
 
 AlKtnanni. (See Alamanni) 
 
 Aleppo, 640 
 
 Alexander the Great, 141, 144, 147, 151, 
 162, 194, 195, 217, 293, 302-3, 309, 
 341, 342, 350, 367, 380, 387, 400, 
 436, 439, 452, 470, 474, 489, 519, 
 662, 616, 642, 675, 705, 755, 850, 1105; 
 empire of (maps), 335, 339; mother 
 of, 387 
 
 Alexander, son of Alexander the Great, 
 336 
 
 Alexander II, king of Egypt, 430 
 
 Alexander I, tsar of Russia, 905-8, 
 913-16, 919, 941, 947, 1000-2, 1119 
 
 Alexander II, tsar of Russia, 1119 
 
 Alexander III (pope), 659-61, 1119 
 
 Alexander VI (pope), 751, 1113 
 
 Alexandretta, 322, 325 
 
 Alexandria, 10, 325, 331, 337-38, 367, 
 396, 428, 455, 461, 466, 491, 510, 532, 
 535, 600, 655, 895, 899, 1108; mu- 
 seum at, 303, 343, 350, 408, 422, 
 657; culture and religion of, 303, 352, 
 513, 523, 602; library at, 344, 350; 
 Serapeum, 352, 353 
 
 Alexandrian cities, 215 
 
 Alexius Comnenus (S, lek' si Us kom ne'- 
 n^), 639-43 
 
 Alfred, king, 618, 707, 1111 
 
 Algse, 7 
 
 Algebra (tViehrd), 164, 602, 652 
 
 Algeria, 76, 163, 1025 
 
 Algiers, 687, 780, 996 
 
 Ali (a' le) , nephew of Muhammad, 572, 
 673, 579, 691, 595, 628, 1109 
 
 Alkmaar (alk mar'), siege of, 771, 773 
 
 Allah, 671, 586, 691-92 
 
 Alleghany mountains, 828 
 
 Allen, Grant, 102 
 
 Alp Arslan (alp ars Ian'), 636 
 
 Alphabets, 173, 254, 361, 548, 558-60 
 
 Alps, the, 38, 55, 404, 407, 437, 527, 623, 
 627, 646, 749 
 
 Alsace, 480, 755, 786, 795, 972-74 
 
 Alstadt, 736 
 
 Altai (al' ti), the, 474, 654 
 
 Altamira (al tdi mer' dO , cave of, 72j 
 1102 
 
 Aluminium, 927 
 
 Alva, General, 770-3 
 
 Alyattes (S li at' ez), 266 
 
 Amadis (Sm' d dis) de Gaul, 723 
 
 Ambar, 696 
 
 Amber, 72, 461 
 
 Amenophis (S.meno'fis) II, 227 
 
 Ameuophis III, 146, 165, 188, 192 
 
 Amenophis IV, 142, 165, 188, 192-94; 
 197, 220, 351, 381 
 
 America, 43, 46, 76, 165, 805, 937; pre- 
 historic, 75, 76, 82, 115, 163; races of, 
 108, 111, 125, 154; languages of, 117, 
 124; discovery of, 555-56, 660, 618, 
 648 sqq., 678, 742, 749, 801, 818, 1114; 
 European settlements in, 801-4, 821- 
 23, 826-40, 850, 1116. (See also 
 United States) 
 
 America, Central, drawings, 153 
 
 America, South, 153, 724, 743, 746^8, 
 916, 983, 1116-18 
 
 American Indians, 85, 94, 107, 113, 124- 
 26, 153, 171, 724, 746, 804, 991 
 
 American king-crab, 8; picture writing, 
 153 
 
 Amiens, 1050; Peace of, 490, 492 
 
 Amir, 684 
 
 Amman (Philadelphia), 641-43 
 
 Ammon, 192, 193, 325, 341, 351, 523 
 
 Ammonites, 33 
 
 Ammonites, a people, 232 
 
 AmcEba {dme'hd), 13 
 
 Amorites, 138, 218 
 
 Amos the prophet, 233 
 
 Amphibia, 22, 24, 26, 38-39, 42 
 
 Amphictyonies (am fik' ti <5n iz) , 263, 
 669, 673 
 
 Amphion, cruiser, 1036 
 
 Amphipolis (5.m fip' d lis), 314 
 
 Amritzar (&m rit' sdr) , 982 
 
 Amur (a moor'), 809 
 
 Anabaptists, 715-20, 1115 
 
 Anabasis (d o&h' d sis) , the, 290 
 
 Anagui (a nan' ye), 663, 1113 
 
 Anatolia, 636, 682 
 
 Anatolian peninsula, 644 
 
 Anatomy, 343, 344, 733 
 
 Anaxagoras j_ (&n dk sSg' 6 rSs), 296, 
 302-7 
 
 Andaman (Sn' dd mfin) Islands, 109 
 
 Andes, 38 
 
 Angelo, St., 1109 
 
 Angles, 482, 626, 614, 619, 630 
 
 Anglia, East, 606 
 
 Anglo-Norman feudalism, 608 
 
INDEX 
 
 1131 
 
 "Anglo-Saxon," 1012 
 
 Anglo-Saxons, 492, 526, 532, 611, 690, 
 
 709 
 Animals, 8, 14, 17-18, 20-22, 40. 42, 
 
 48, 50, 77, 81, 83, 87, 96, 196. (See 
 
 also Mammals) 
 Anio, the, 392, 631 
 Anna Comnena (kom ne' nd) , 644 
 Annam, 654, 561, 811, 994, 996 
 Anne, queen, 781 
 Anselm, St., 728 
 Antarctic birds, 32 
 Antigonus (Sn tig' o niis), 337 
 Antimony, 80 
 Antiooh, 457, 511, 525, 538, 542, 585, 
 
 642, 1107 
 Antiochus (Sn tl' tf kils) III, 406, 413, 
 
 415 
 Antiochus IV, 496 
 Antonines, 455, 460, 466, 470, 1106 
 Antoninus (Sn to ni' nils) , Marcus Aure- 
 
 lius, 455, 467, 469, 712, 1107 
 Antoninus Pius, 455, 463, 1107 
 Antony, 442, 444 
 Antwerp, 736, 741 
 Anu, 188 
 
 Anubis (<8 nQ' bis), Egyptian god, 179 
 Anytus (an'itiis), 299 
 Apamea (&p d me' d) , 642 
 Apes, 49, 51, 54, 175; anthropoid, 44, 47, 
 
 48 
 Apion, 430 
 
 Apis (a' pis), 324,451, 512 
 Apollinaris Sidonius, 527 
 Apollo, 263, 273, 632 
 ApoUonius (S, j>6 16' ni Us), 343 
 Appian Way, 394, 436 
 Apples, 86 
 
 Appomattox Court House, 971, 1119 
 Aquileia (& kwS la' yiJ) , 395, 487 
 Aquinas {d kwi' nds) , 728 
 Arabia, 81, 91, 120, 121, 126, 133, 142, 
 
 163, 173, 214, 220, 233, 342, 461, 639, 
 
 544, 654, 567, 669, 571, 677, 582, 584, 
 
 591, 616, 640, 660. (-See also Arabs) 
 Arabian Nights, the, 597 
 Arabic language and literature, 121, 122, 
 
 469, 594, 596, 599, 718 
 Arabs, 275, 494, 554, 567, 574, 582, 585, 
 
 593, 596, 603, 606, 625, 675, 708, 718; 
 
 culture of, 600, 726 
 Aral sea, 120, 126, 329, 731 
 Aral-Caspian region, 267 
 Arameans, 139, 201, 206, 494, 551, 567 
 Arbela (arbe'M), battle of, 327, 411, 
 
 1104 
 Arcadius, 482, 1108 
 
 Archaeopteryx (ar ke op' t^r iks), 32 
 ArchsBOzoic (ar ke o z6' ik) period, 7. 
 
 (iSee also Azoic) 
 Archers, 182, 314 
 Archimedes (ar ki me' dez), 345, 408, 
 
 463 
 Architecture, 626, 736 
 Arctic birds, 32; circle, 553; Ocean, 120; 
 
 seas, 702 
 Ardashir (ar dasher'), I, 638, 646, 1107 
 Ardennes, 1037 
 Argentine republic, 127, 983 
 Argon, 680 
 Argonne, 875 
 Argos, 388 
 
 Ariadne {&i i S,d' ni), 161 
 Arians (ar' i dnz), 616, 522 
 Aridseus (Sr i de' *s), 318, 336 
 Aristagoras (S.r is t&g' d r^), 289 
 Aristarchus, 326 
 
 Aristides (a,r is ti'dez), 263, 285, 294 
 Aristocracy, 135, 208, 268 
 Aristodemus (di is td de' mils) , 284 
 Aristophanes (&r is tof d nez), 166, 1104 
 Aristotle, 165, 256, 264, 301-9, 321, 
 
 325, 334, 340, 343, 350, 372, 424, 459, 
 
 491, 600, 601, 653, 705, 726, 730, 795; 
 
 Politics of, 258-62, 396, 398 
 Arithmetic, 164-65 
 Arius ((J rl' lis), 616, 522 
 Arizona, 1028 
 Ark of bulrushes, 155 
 Ark of the Covenant, 188, 222-26 
 Aries (arl), 522, 530, 1107 
 Armadillo, giant, 76, 153 
 Armenia (and the Armenians), 240, 
 
 268, 337, 436, 452, 455, 475, 476, 
 
 524, 537, 641, 628. 636, 675, 679, 
 
 682, 712 
 Armenian language, 118, 240 
 Arno, 385, 394, 395 
 Arras, 869, 1039 
 Arrow, 437 
 
 Arrow heads, 77, 78, 85, 100 
 Arrow straighteners, 69-74 
 Arsacids (arsas'idz), 462-637, 1107 
 Arses, 290 
 Art, Buddhist, 367; Cretan, 159-60; 
 
 Neolithic, 98; Palaeolithic, 71, 74, 93, 
 
 99 
 Artabanus (ar td ba' niia), 283 
 Artaxerxes II, 290, 306 
 Artaxerxes III, 290 
 Artillery, 314, 684 
 Artisans, 206-12 
 Artois (ar twa'), Count of. (See Charley 
 
1132 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Aryan, languages and literature, 104, 
 118, 121, 127, 129, 236, 238, 239, 243, 
 
 329, 381, 797; peoples and civiliza- 
 tions, 99, 118, 125, 134, 142, 186, 190, 
 221, 236, 239, 243, 255, 265-66, 268, 
 
 330, 354, 381, 382, 472, 476, 480, 
 485, 703, 726, 740, 746 
 
 Aryan Way, the, 355, 361, 371, 379, 384 
 
 As, Roman coin, 400 
 
 Ascalon, 221 
 
 Asceticism, 359 
 
 Ashdod, 189, 221 
 
 Ashtaroth (Ssh' U roth), 222, 225, 227 
 
 Asia, general and early period, 43, 49, 
 65, 56, 65, 75, 81, 87, 119, 121-26, 
 143, 214, 239, 265, 267, 464, 474, 478, 
 484, 545, 548, 636, 662, 666-69, 675, 
 712, 726, 742, 797, 936, 990, 1107; 
 Greeks in, 274, 318, 331, 337; Romans 
 in, 338, 412, 430, 461, 468; tribes 
 and people of, 437, 472, 480, 674, 
 687, 694, 696, 809, 815; Christianity 
 in, 447, 519, 524, 538, 634, 675, 
 678; Turks in, 539-40, 589, 593, 616, 
 628, 630, 681, 683; voyages and trav- 
 
 ' els in, 548, 561, 743, 749, 988 > 
 
 Asia, Central, 75, 108, 125, 126, 239, 
 
 267, 469, 597, 699, 749, 809; tribes, 
 people, and civilization of, 133, 329, 
 435, 525, 688 
 
 Asia, Eastern, 108, 111 
 
 Asia, Southeastern, languages of, 123 
 
 Asia, Western, 68, 114, 667, 725; tribes, 
 
 people, and civilization of, 111, 112, 
 
 164, 177, 726 
 Asia Minor, 80, 119, 165, 208, 239, 
 
 268, 275, 337, 443-45, 449, 538, 543, 
 594, 673, 697; tribes and people of, 
 135, 158, 239, 265-66,330, 382; 
 Greeks in, 252, 254, 259, 265, 289, 
 1107; Gauls in, 337, 384, 1105; Turks 
 in, 596, 598, 636, 667, 674, 681 
 
 Asiatics, intellectual status of, 988 
 
 Asoka (aso'ka), King, 142, 350, 368, 
 369, 421, 649, 564, 693, 1106 
 
 Aspasia (&s pa' shi d), 293, 298 
 
 Asquith, Rt. Hon. H. H., 1020, 1040 
 
 Ass, wild, 163 
 
 Assam, 980 
 
 Assist (a se' zi), 658 
 
 Assur, 139, 351 
 
 Assurbanipal. {See Sardanapalua) 
 
 Assyria (and Assyrians), 139-40, 146, 
 151, 161, 168, 183-92, 197, 202, 218, 
 229-33, 266-67, 269, 276, 290, 325, 
 326, 381, 455, 494, 794, 1103 
 
 Assyrian language and writing, 120, 172 
 
 Asteroids, 2 
 
 Astrologers, 731 
 
 Astronomy, 2, 184, 307, 602, 675, 731 
 
 Athanasius, 515, 522 
 
 Atheism, 879 
 
 Athene (tf the' ne), 296 
 
 Athens, 204, 252-65, 280-301, 315, 319, 
 321, 327, 391, 394, 400, 464, 611, 643, 
 1007, 1026, 1045; social and political, 
 166, 258-60, 296, 298-301, 310-12, 
 393, 395, 706; literature and learning, 
 291, 309, 342, 343, 348, 634, 557, 1108 
 
 Atkinson, C. F., 872 
 
 Atkinson, J. J., 59, 95, 885 
 
 Atlantic Ocean, 65, 88, 90, 108, 119, 461, 
 560, 588, 648, 749, 817; navigation of, 
 163, 741, 743, 746, 924, 1114 
 
 Atlantosaurus (^t l&n to saw' rtis), 29 
 
 Atmosphere, 3, 6 
 
 Aton (a' ton), Egyptian godt 193 
 
 Atonement, 499, 511 
 
 Attains (at' (J Ills), 317 
 
 Attains I, 338 
 
 Attalus III, 338, 430, 1105 
 
 Attica (W i kdf), 280-81, 391 
 
 Attila (at'ildJ), 485, 629, 560, 607, 1108 
 
 Aughrim, battle of, 1015 
 
 Augsburg, 761-65 
 
 Augurs, Roman, 397 
 
 Augustine, St., Bishop of Hippo, 514, 
 526, 526, 637, 1108 
 
 Augustus Ccesar, Roman Emperor, 448, 
 452, 463, fro, 520, 640, 1106 
 
 Aurangzeb. (See Aurungzeb) 
 
 Aurelian, emperor, 455, 481, 623, 538, 
 1107 
 
 Aurignacian (aw rig na' shun) age, 73, 
 243 
 
 Aurungzeb (aw riing zab'), 693, 806, 979, 
 1116 
 
 Ausculum, battle of, 387, 1106 
 
 Austerlitz, 905, 1118 
 
 AustraUa, 62, 152, 556, 979, 983, 997; 
 aborigines of, 109-11 
 
 Australian language, 129; lung-fish, 22; 
 throwing-stick, 69 
 
 Australoids, 111, 125, 152 
 
 Austrasia, 610, 612 
 
 Austria, 766, 769, 783, 792-95, 801, 826, 
 859, 865, 872, 974; wars with France, 
 872, 876, 894, 899, 905, 911, 1119; 
 war with Prussia, 970-72, 1120; in 
 Great War, 1033, 1060, 1080, 1120 
 
 Autocracy, 290, 774 
 
 Automobiles, 930 
 
 Avars, 487, 491, 537, 541, 689, 612, 632, 
 673 
 
INDEX 
 
 11S3 
 
 Avebury, 83, 142, 383 
 
 Avebury, Lord, 78, 80, 83 
 
 Averroes (,d ver' d ez), 601, 658, 726, 728, 
 
 1112 
 Avicenna (&vi sen' (li),llll 
 Avignon (a ve nyon'). 649, 663, 687, 708, 
 
 1113 
 Axes, ancient, 77, 80, 85, 101 
 Axis of earth, 44 
 Ayesha (S'^shd), 577, 591 
 Azilian age, 69, 73, 74, 89, 103, 119 
 Azoic (a zo'ik) period, 7, 11, 14 
 Azores, 741 
 Aztecs, 746 
 
 B 
 
 Baal, 180, 222, 230 
 
 Baalbek (bal bek'), 542, 668 
 
 Babel, Tower of, 136 
 
 Baber, 693, 755, 805, 1114 
 
 Baboons, 49, 60, 175 
 
 Babylon (and Babylonia), 138, 147, 164, 
 168, 172, 188, 200, 205, 209, 217, 218, 
 229, 232, 266, 270, 274, 289, 290, 307, 
 325, 327, 331, 336, 350, 355, 363, 376, 
 384, 428, 437, 439, 461, 494, 506, 541- 
 45, 661, 662, 667, 636, 691, 824, 886, 
 1102-6; religion of, 181, 183 188, 
 189, 217, 234, 341, 369 
 
 Bacchus, 445 
 
 Bacharach, 737 
 
 Back Bay, 837 
 
 Bacon, Francis, Lord Verulam, 302, 733, 
 1115 
 
 Bacon, Roger, 230, 233, 923, 1115 
 
 Bactria (and Bactrians), 337, 475, 
 537 
 
 Baden, 971 
 
 Badr (bad'Sr), battle of, 573, 592, 
 1109 
 
 Baedeker, 793 
 
 Baganda, 152 
 
 Bagaudse, 716 
 
 Bagdad, 696, 602, 625, 628, 636, 640, 645, 
 667, 674, 687, 691, 1032, 1044, 1110, 
 1113 
 
 Bagoas (b&g5'S.s), 290 
 
 Bahamas, 804, 998 
 
 Baikal (bl kal'), 670 
 
 Baldwin of Flanders, 646, 770 
 
 Balearic Isles, 482 
 
 Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J., 1068 
 
 Balkan peninsula, 75, 120, 142, 239, 262, 
 267, 337, 485, 623, 682, 699, 740, 973, 
 1024, 1032, 1102, 1120 
 
 Balkash, lake, 669 
 
 Balkh, 679 
 
 Ball, John, 716 
 
 BalUol College, 660 
 
 Balloons, 3 
 
 Baltic Sea, 45, 75, 120, 126, 440, 461, 468, 
 
 476, 480, 617, 618, 630, 635, 689, 739, 
 
 786, 816, 1048 
 Baltimore, Lord, 829 
 Baluchistan. (See Beluchistan) 
 Bambyce (b&mbl'se), 642 
 Bannockburn, 735 
 Bantu, 124, 129, 135 
 Barbados, 803 
 Barbarians, 817-18 
 Barbarossa, Frederick. (See Frederick 
 
 I, emperor) 
 Barca family, 405 
 Barcelona, 616, 736 
 Bards, 175, 243-44 
 Barley, 84, 242, 485 
 Baroda (ba r5' dd), 806 
 Barons, Revolt of the, 774 
 Barras (ba ra'), 883, 894 
 Barrows, 82, 236, 241, 245 
 Barry, Comtesse du. {See Du Barry) 
 Basle, Council of, 664, 712, 1114 
 Basque language, 127, 129, 135, 236; 
 
 race, 127, 129, 238, 1014 
 Basra, 601, 1044 
 Bassompierre, 863 
 Bastille, 858, 1118 
 Basu, Bhupendranath, 248, 261 
 Basutoland, 998 
 Batavian Republic, 891 
 Bats, 29 
 
 Bauernstand, 209 
 Bavaria (and Bavarians), 613, 621, 736,- 
 
 971, 1009 
 Bayezid (bl e zedO Hi Sultan, 685, 
 
 1114 
 Baylen, 907 
 Bazaiqe, General, 971 
 Beaconsfield, Earl of, 782, 973, 981 
 Bears, 52, 67, 71, 73 
 Beauharnais, Josephine de, 894, 90S 
 Beauty, artistic, 160 
 Beaver, European, 52 
 Beazley, Raymond, 631 
 Bede, the Venerable, 529, 614, 1110 
 Bedouins, 206, 218, 544, 668, 674, 676, 
 
 582, 589 
 Beech, fossil, 37 
 Bees, 37 
 Behar, 1105 
 
 Behring Straits, 76, 125, 126 
 Bektashi, order of dervishes, 683 
 Bel, 189, 222, 274 
 
1134, 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Belgium, 610, 642, 754, 771, 872, 876, 
 
 883, 891, 914, 919, 1032, 1034, 1037, 
 
 1113 
 Belisarius, 532 
 
 Bellerophon (be ler' 6 fon), frigate, 915 
 Bel-Marduk (bel mar' dook), 189, 193, 
 
 327, 351, 523 
 Belshazzar, 190, 274 
 Beluchistan (bel oo chi stan') > 997; lan- 
 guages of, 135 
 Benaiah, 226 
 Benares (bena'rez), 356, 360, 365, 384, 
 
 475, 549 
 Benedict, St., 531, 535, 600, 660, 
 
 1109 
 Benedictines, 533, 723 
 Beneventum, 388 
 Bengal, 250, 331, 355, 357, 693, 806, 
 
 808 
 Bengal, Bay of, 126 
 Benin, 420 
 
 Benjamin, tribe of, 223 
 Beowulf (ba' d wulf), 245, 251 
 Berar, 693 
 
 Berber language, 121-25, 238 
 Berbers, 152 
 Bergen, 736, 739, 741 
 Berkeley, George, 1016 
 BerU^re, 532 
 Berlin, Treaty of, 974, 1000, 1071, 
 
 1120 
 Bermuda, 998 
 Bernard, brother, 658 
 Bes, Egyptian god, 179 
 Bessemer process, 926 
 Bessus, satrap, 328 
 Bethlehem, 498 
 Beth-shan, 225 
 Bburtpur (bhSrt poor'), 805 
 Bible, the, 139, 222, 228, 342, 350, 494, 
 
 496, 625, 656, 660, 709, 710, 718, 720, 
 
 725, 766, 794 
 Birch tree, 37 ' 
 
 Birds, 3, 29, 32, 40 
 
 Birkenhead, Lord. (See Smith, Sir F. E.) 
 Birth-rate in ancient Athens, 264 
 Biscay, Bay of, 905 
 Bismarck, Prince, 968, 971, 1004, 1007, 
 
 1120 
 Bison (bi' S(5n), 52, 57, 70, 71, 75, 153 
 Bithynia, 337, 415, 430, 436, 441, 488, 
 
 521 
 Black Death, 712, 1113 
 Black Friars, 658 
 Black Hundred, 958 
 Black lead, 7 
 Black Prince, 735 ^ ,i 
 
 Black Sea, 89, 120, 126, 142, 202, 239, 
 
 253, 266, 289, 294, 337, 437, 440, 476, 
 
 480, 521, 527, 542, 631, 635, 640, 672 
 Blake, Admiral, 780, 806 
 Bleriot, M., 1120 
 Blind bards, 244 
 Blood sacrifice, 511, 613, 708 
 Blue Mountains, 828 
 Blucher, Marshal, 914 
 Blues, faction of the, 797 
 Blunt, W. S., Ill 
 Bo Tree, 360, 371 
 Boadicea (bo i de se' S), 454, 1106 
 Boars, 52 
 
 Boats, 153-59. (See also Ships) 
 Body, painting of, 71 
 Boeotia (be 5' shi d!), 285 
 Boer Republics, 987, 1008, 1013 
 Boer War, 417, 958, 1008 
 Boethius (bo e' thi Ha), 602 
 Bohemia (and Bohemians), 482, 616, 
 
 640, 711, 712, 720, 785 
 Bohemond, 644 
 
 Bokhara (bo kha' ra), 474, 601, 670, 678 
 Boleyn, Anne, 761 
 Bolivar (bol' i var). General, 916 
 Bologna (bolon'ya), 724, 726, 736, 760 
 Bolshevists, 947, 1048, 1057, 1060 
 Bombay, 807 
 
 Bonaparte, Joseph, 904, 907, 916, 1119 
 Bonaparte, Louis, 904 
 Bonaparte, Lucien, 897 
 Bonaparte, Napoleon. (See Napoleon I) 
 Boncelles (bon sel'), 51 
 Bone carvings, 73-4; implements, 69, 74, 
 
 85, 613, 616 
 Boniface, St., UIO 
 Boniface VIII, Pope, 662, 1112 
 Boniface, Roman Governor, 484 
 Book-keeping, Aramean, 200 
 Books, 195, 344, 348, 718. (See also 
 
 Printing) 
 Bordeaux, 736 
 Borgia, Alexander. (See Alexander VI, 
 
 Pope) 
 Borgia, Csesar and Lucrezia, 751 
 Boris, king of Bulgaria, 635, 1110 
 Borneo, 115, 560 
 Bosnia, 1009, 1120 
 Bosphorus, 89, 119, 252, 253, 265, 275, 
 
 279, 282, 288, 322, 489, 521, 540, 542, 
 
 594, 596, 642, 682 
 Bosses, American, 258 
 Boston, Mass., 836, 840 
 Bostra, 544 
 Botany Bay, 979 
 Botticelli (bot i chel' i), 740 
 
INDEX 
 
 11S5 
 
 Boulogne, 736, 904 
 
 Bourbon, Constable of, 759, 1114 
 
 Bourbon, Duke of, 859 
 
 Bourbons, 900, 913 
 
 Bourgeois (boorzhwaO, L6on, 1073-76 
 
 Bournville, 942 
 
 Bow and arrow, 74, 85, 437 
 
 Bowmen, Mongol, 679 
 
 Boxer rising, 989, 990 
 
 Boyle, Robert, 927, 1016 
 
 Boyne, battle of the, 1015, 1116 
 
 Brachiopods (brS,k' i 6 podz), 8, 18 
 
 Brachycephalic (br&k 1 se f&l' ik) skull, 
 
 113 
 Brahe (bra'h^), Tyoho, 732, 1115 
 Brahma, 374, 694 
 Brahminism (and Brahmins), 211-13, 
 
 564-5-6, 355-6, 365, 368, 378, 549, 
 
 669, 697, 805, 980 
 Brain, 43, 58, 67 
 Brandenburg, elector of, 786 
 Brass, 80 
 
 Brazil, 747, 748, 755, 971 
 Bread in Neolithic Age, 84 
 Bread-fruit tree, 37 
 Breasted, J. H., 198 
 Breathing, 19, 24 
 Bremen, 634, 736-39 
 Brennus, 385, 1104 
 Breslau, 736 
 
 Brest-Litovsk (brest le tov' sk), 1049 
 Breton language, 238 
 Briareus (brl'aroos), 216 
 Brienne, 892 
 
 Brindisi (bren' de ze), 632 
 Bristol, 713 
 Britain, 45, 83, 97, 214, 422, 463, 534, 
 
 606, 616, 630; invasions of, 481, 526, 
 
 1108; Roman, 165, 166, 435, 439, 451- 
 
 55, 492, 605, 614, 1106; Keltic, 482. 
 
 (See oLio England and Great Britain) 
 British Association, 955 
 British Civil Air Transport Commission, 
 
 930 
 British Empire (1815), 977, (1914), 
 
 997-99 
 British Empire, political life of, 424 
 British Museum, 935 
 "British" nationality, 1012 
 "British schools," 934 
 Britons, ancient. (See Britain) 
 Brittany, 115, 482, 616, 755 
 Broglie, Marshal de, 858 
 Brontosaurus (bron td saw' rjis) , 27 
 Bronze, 79, 88, 153, 242; Chinese vessels 
 
 of, 150; ornaments, 85; weapons, 80 
 Bronze Age, 80, 101, 103, 142, 144, 157 
 
 Brown, Campbell, 602 
 
 Bruce, Robert the, 735 
 
 Bruges (broozh), 736, 739, 770 
 
 Brunellesco (broo n^les' k5), 740 
 
 Brunswick, Duke of, 872, 875 
 
 Brussels, 876, 1037 
 
 Brutus, 421, 443 
 
 Bubonic plague, 529 
 
 Buda-Pesth (boo' i& pest), 760 
 
 Buddha (bud' S), 142, 212, 358, 360, 371, 
 376, 462, 497, 505, 513, 530, 545, 547, 
 564^65, 657, 842, 1105; Ufe of, 354 
 sqq.\ teaching of, 311, 360, 376, 939 
 
 Buddhism, 212, 350, 355, 505, 530, 548- 
 49, 553, 559, 564-65, 572, 667, 669, 
 675, 679, 687, 810. (See also Buddha) 
 
 Buddhist art, 366 
 
 Budge, WalUs, 144, 192 
 
 Buffon, Comte de, 954 
 
 Building, 144 
 
 Bulgaria (and Bulgarians), 451, 481, 
 527, 589, 623, 634, 637, 661, 682, 690, 
 973, 1024, 1025, 1043, 1051, 1110 
 
 Bulgarian atrocities, 1120 
 
 Bulgarian language, 238 
 
 Bull fights, Cretan, 215 
 
 Bunbury, 162 
 
 Burgerstand, 239 
 
 Burgoyne, General, 837 
 
 Burgundy (and Burgundians) , 432, 527, 
 612, 735, 755, 770, 795, 865 
 
 Burial, early, 63, 71, 81, 93, 100, 143, 
 236, 241, 245 
 
 Burke, Edmund, 1016 
 
 Burmah (and Burmese), 85, 148, 678, 
 811, 997 
 
 Burmese language, 123 
 
 Burnet, 297 
 
 Burning the dead, 241 
 
 Bushman language, 129 
 
 Bushmen, 72, 111, 168 
 
 Butter in Neolithic Age, 84 
 
 Butterflies, 14, 37 
 
 Buxar, 808, 1117 
 
 Byzantine architecture, 625 
 
 Byzantine church. (See Greek Church) 
 
 Byzantine Empire, 451, 489, 540, 557, 
 582-85, 589, 592, 603, 606, 618, 623, 
 624, 628-33, 636, 638, 644, 1109-11 
 
 Byzantium (bi zSn' tyilm) , 323, 556, 
 583, 590, 601, 622, 626, 638, 666, 698, 
 797. (See oho Constantinople) 
 
 C 
 
 Cabtjl (ka' bul), 328, 693 
 Cadbury, Messrs., 942 
 
11S6 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Cadiz (ka' diz), 895 
 
 Caen (kare), 870 
 
 Cffisar, title, etc., 455, 492, 512, 516, 619, 
 
 624 
 Ctesar, Julius, 84, 103, 142, 341, 398, 
 
 419, 424, 436, 440, 447, 458, 463, 470, 
 
 618, 895, 897 
 Cffisars, the, 454, 467, 488 
 Cahors, 757 
 
 Caiaphas (ki' d Ida) , 508 
 Caillaux, M., 1033 
 Cainozoio (kl nd zo' ik) period, 10, 12, 
 
 33, 35, 40, 43, 49 
 Cairo, 601, 602 
 Calabria, 409, 632, 633 
 Calcutta, 807 
 Calder, Admiral, 905 
 Calendar, the, 99 
 CaUcut, 743, 807 
 California, 206 
 
 Caligula (kS, lig' u W) , 454, 1106 
 Caliphs, 581, 584, 589, 600, 607, 625, 
 
 628, 636, 685, 704, 1110, 1114 
 Callicratidas (k& li kra' ti dS.s) , 321 
 Callimachus (kd lim' d kAs) , 345 
 Callisthenes (kd lis' th£ nez), 334 
 Calmette, 1033 
 Calonne, 857-868 
 Cambodia, 561 
 Cambridge, University of, 459, 964, 
 
 1011 
 Cambridge, Mass., 838 
 "Cambulac," 679 
 
 Cambyses (kambi'sez), 274, 324, 1104 
 Camels, 43, 163, 272 
 Camillus (od mil' ils), 393, 430, 433, 1104 
 Campanella, 766 
 Campo Formio, peace of, 895 
 Camptosaurus (k&mp td saw' rus) , 27 
 Canaan (and the Canaanites), 218, 567 
 Canada, 7, 127, 805, 826-33, 839, 978, 
 
 983, 997, 999, 1117 
 Canary Isles, 741 
 Candahar, 331 
 Candles, ceremonial, 353 
 Cannse (k&n'e), battle of, 408, 411, 
 
 1105 
 Cannes, 914 
 
 Cannibalism, 236, 743, 746 
 Cannon, 785-817 
 Canoes, 156 
 Canterbury, 613; archbishops of, 614, 
 
 illO 
 Canton, 554, 561 
 Canusium (cd nQz' i Urn), 464 
 Canute, 630, 1111 
 Cape Colony, 987 
 
 Capernaum, 507 
 
 Capet (ka pa'), Hugh, 626, 735, 1111 
 
 Capitalism, 726, 824, 935, 943, 1056 
 
 Caporetto, battle of, 1049 
 
 Cappadocia, 337, 541, 544 
 
 Capua (kSp' u d), 408, 435 
 
 Cardinals, 663, 687 
 
 Caria (ka'ri d), 317-18, 642 
 
 Caribou (kSri boo'), 58, 94, 107 
 
 Carlovingians, 621, 1110, 1111 
 
 Carlyle, Thomas, 792, 861 sqq., 881 
 
 Carnao, 82, 242 
 
 Carnivores, early type of, 43 
 
 Carnivorous animals, 31 
 
 Carnot (kar no'), L. N. M., 883, 894 
 
 Carolina, 803, 829, 831, 836 
 
 Carpathians, 634 
 
 Carrhae, 437, 468, 537, 1106 
 
 Carson, Sir Edward, 262, 958, 1019, 1022 
 
 Carthage (and the Carthaginians), 142, 
 158, 162-63, 184, 215, 232, 253, 324, 
 342, 380, 383, 388, 428, 440, 444, 461, 
 478, 488, 493, 495, 606, 653, 704, 740, 
 1103-8; war with Rome, 388, 401, 417 
 
 Carvings, Palaeolithic. (See Art) 
 
 Casement, Sir Roger, 1023 
 
 Cash, Chinese, 551 
 
 Caspian Sea, 89, 97, 119, 126, 239, 267, 
 275, 329, 430, 436, 439, 476, 480, 
 548, 554, 631, 670, 713, 1104, 1105, 
 1106, 1112 
 
 Caspian-Famir region, 496 
 
 Cassander, 337 
 
 Cassiodorus (kSisi iJdor' lis), 533, 535, 
 600, 60S, 1109 
 
 Cassiterides (k&s i ter' i dez), 163 
 
 Cassius, Spurius, 392 
 
 Caste, 210, 211 
 
 Castile, 744, 755 
 
 Castlemaine, Lady, 781 
 
 Cat, 43, 175 
 
 Catalonians, 741 
 
 Catapult, 314 
 
 Caterpillars, 62 
 
 Cathars, 655 
 
 "Cathay," 679 
 
 Catnerine the Great, 792, 813, 816, 849, 
 1117 
 
 Catherine II, 800, 905 
 
 Catholicism, 702, 709, 719, 728, 750, 
 765, 783, 789, 798, 829, 1014, 1015, 
 1018 
 
 Catiline, 441 
 
 Cato, Marcus Porcius, 405, 409, 412, 
 417, 421, 428, 457 
 
 Cattle, 52, 75, 163. (.See also Animals) 
 
 Caucasian languages, 118, 135 
 
INDEX 
 
 1137 
 
 Caucasians, 110-16, 118-26, 702 
 Caucasus (kaw' kd site), 80, 128, 275, 
 
 641 
 Caudine Forks, 1105 
 Cavaliers, 777, 778 
 Cavalry, 314 
 Cave drawings, 73-4; dwellings, 236; 
 
 men, 50, 54, 57, 67 
 Cavour, 968 
 Cawnpore, 981 
 Caxton, William, 717 
 Celebes (sel' e bez), pile dwellings, 82 
 Celibacy, 352, 638, 709 
 Celt-Iberian script, 173 
 Celtic. (See Keltic) 
 Celts, bronze, ipi 
 Cenotaph (Whitehall), 1081 
 Ceremonies, early use of, 97 
 Cervantes (s& v&n' tez), 700 
 Ceylon, 360, 371, 462, 562, 806, 998 
 Chaeronea (kerdne'tf), battle of, 312, 
 
 315, 1104 
 Chalcedon (kS,l se' don), 523, 539 
 Chaldea (and the Chaldeans), 140, 146, 
 
 147, 190, 207, 230, 260, 292, 327, 437, 
 
 567, 1103 
 Chaldean writing, 172 
 Chalons, 867 
 
 Champagne, depart., 1040, 1048 
 Chancellor, Lord, of England, 721 
 Chandernagore, 807 
 Chandragupta (chan dra goop' ta) , 368, 
 
 380, 1105 
 Chang Daoling, 371 
 Chang-tu, 373 
 Channa, the charioteer, 356 
 Channing, 840, 882 
 Chapman, G., 245 
 Charcoal, 824 
 
 Chariots, 138, 247, 314, 326 
 Charlemagne, emperor, 371, 481, 5S3-54, 
 
 612-16-18-19, 634, 660-62, 675, 693, 
 
 707, 765, 763, 767, 788, 904, 1110 
 Charles V, emperor, 700, 722, 739 aqq., 
 
 755, 770, 783, 793, 1114H6 
 Charles I, king of England, 768-75-78- 
 
 81, 787, 791, 803, 829, 862 
 Charles II, king of England, 733, 780, 
 
 788, 794, 803, 829 
 Charles VII, king of France, 735 
 Charles IX, king of France, 829 
 Charles X, king of France, 917 
 Charles III, king of Spain, 816 
 Charlotte Dundas, steamboat, 924 
 Charmides (kar' mi dez) , 299 
 Charon, 421 
 Charter House, London, 713 
 
 Chateau Thierry, 1050 
 
 Chateauroux, Duchess of, 791 
 
 Chatham, Earl of. (See Pitt, William) 
 
 Cheese, 84 
 
 Chellean age, 46, 52, 58-60, 66 
 
 Chelles, 68 
 
 Chemistry, 602 
 
 Chemosh (ke'mosh), 227 
 
 Chen, L. Y., 154, 171 
 
 Chen, Tuan, 372 
 
 Cheops (ke' ops_), 144 
 
 Chephren (kef'ren), 144, 190-91 
 
 Cherry-tree, 436 
 
 Chieftains, 103, 247 
 
 Child labour, 941 
 
 Chimpanzee, 47, 51, 163 
 
 Chin, absence of, 54 
 
 China, 62, 78, 85, 126, 371, 461, 647, 
 549, 682, 677, 694, 735, 749, 810; 
 history (early history and great age of), 
 142, 148-51, 195, 213, 329, 331, 467, 
 469-76, 537, 540, 650-55, 1103, 1107, 
 1109; (lOiA to 18th century), 666, 667- 
 79, 694, 698, 712, 810, 815, 1112, 1113; 
 (20th century), 988-96, 1120; Chris- 
 tianity in, 672, 725; civilization and 
 culture, 112, 115, 142, 148, 213, 261, 
 257, 525, 547, 650, 654 sgg., 603, 666, 
 707, 719; other religions of, 195, 366, 
 369, 373, 375, 810; social, 428, 550, 
 991. (See also Chow, Han, Kin, Ming, 
 Shang, Sung, Suy, Tang, Tsing, Wei, 
 and Yuan dynasties) 
 
 China, Great Wall of, 162, 213, 455, 562, 
 1105 
 
 Chinese, the, 47, 125; classics, 170, 568; 
 coinage, 551; emperor, 183, 195, 485; 
 language, 123, 126, 129, 168, 170, 559; 
 script, 169, 172, 214, 558, 811 
 
 Chios (ki' OS), 643 
 
 Chnemu, Egyptian god, 182 
 
 Chosroes (koz'roez) I, 539, 588, 765, 
 1109 
 
 Chosroes II, 462, 639, 544, 568, 646, 1110 
 
 Chow dynasty, 142, 160, 161, 195, 372, 
 1103 
 
 Christ. (See Jesus of Nazareth) 
 Christian IX, 968 
 Christian era, 1106 
 Christian science, 726 
 Christianity, 235, 449, 493, 538, 690, 720, 
 794, 814, 954, 956; history (early), 423, 
 511 sgg., 522, 524, 616, 618, 1107; 
 (middle ages), 615, 628, 637-40, 650, 
 659, 711; and Buddhism, 368, 379; and 
 Islam, 679, 681, 593 sgg., 598, 645, 
 675, 710; and Judaism, 708; and learn- 
 
1138 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ing,531 sqq. ; missions and propaganda, 
 420, 554, 613, 675, 687, 707, 900, 933- 
 34, 991-92; official, 523 sqq., 619, 814, 
 953; ritual of, 353, 378, 467, 513, 523, 
 653, 708, 716; sects, 616, 667, 677; 
 spirit of, 352, 467, 499, 716, 938. (.See 
 also Jesus of Nazareth) 
 
 Chronicles, book of the, 222 
 
 Chronology, 615 
 
 Ch'u, state of, 151 
 
 Church, the, 521, 525, 602, 650, 652, 655, 
 661, 708, 722, 732, 734, 821, 1113-14 
 
 Churches, orientation of, 183 
 
 Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston, 1044 
 
 Cicero, M. TuUius, 419, 423, 443, 446 
 
 Cilioia, 419, 541, 636, 643, 679 
 
 Cilician Gates, 597, 642 
 
 Cimmerians, 239, 266, 268, 330, 472, 682 
 
 Cincinnatus, Order of, 901 
 
 Circumcision, 112 
 
 Cistercian order, 709 
 
 Citizenship, 259, 261 
 
 City Sta.tes, Chinese, 151; Greek, 256, 
 264, 306, 807, 312, 388; Sumerian, 137 
 
 CiviUzation, 556, 698, 704, 716, 767; 
 Aegean, 169-63; Hellenic, 254 sqq.; 
 prehistoric. 111, 240 sgg., 246-48; prim- 
 itive, 163, 251, 702. (See also Culture) 
 
 Clans, 242 
 
 Class consciousness, 935, 944; distinc- 
 tion, 134, 209; war, 210 
 
 Classes, social, 204, 213 
 
 Classics, study of the, 928 
 
 Classification, 726 
 
 Claudius, emperor (a.d. 41-54), 454, 
 1106 
 
 Claudius, emperor (a.d. 268-270), 481, 
 1106 
 
 Claudius, Appius, decemvir, 392 
 
 Claudius, Appius, the Censor, 394-98 
 
 Claudius, Consul, 401 
 
 Clay documents, 136, 144, 189; model- 
 ling. Palaeolithic, 73 
 
 Clemenceau, G. B., 1068-71, 1120 
 
 Clement V (pope), 663, 1113 
 
 Clement VII (anti-pope), 633, 1113 
 
 Cleon, 297 
 
 Cleopatra, 440, 445 
 
 Cleopatra (wife of Philip II), 317, 319 
 
 Clergy, taxation of, 650 
 
 Clermont, 639, 1111 
 
 Clermont, steamer, 924 
 
 Cleveland, President, 1029 
 
 Climate, change of, 15, 17, 33, 37, 44, 81, 
 241, 247, 269, 473, 478; effect of, 176, 
 266 
 
 CUtus (kli' tils), 334, 705 
 
 Clive, Robert, Lord, 807, 979, 1011, 1117 
 
 Clodius, 441 
 
 Clothing, 82, 85 
 
 Clovis, 610, 612, 1108 
 
 Clyde, Firth of, 924 
 
 Cnossos (nos' ds), 142, 161-62, 168, 177, 
 199, 206, 231, 262, 254, 265, 268, 381, 
 382, 556, 1102 
 
 Coal, 24, 25, 824, 923, 929 
 
 Cockroaches, 24 
 
 Code Napoleon, 901, 902 
 
 Coinage, earliest, 165; Athenian, 166; 
 Bactrian, 337; Carthaginian, 400; 
 Lydian, 266; Roman, 388, 399 
 
 Coinage of stamped leather, 653 
 
 Coke, 824 
 
 Cole, Langton, 158 
 
 Collectivism, 947 
 
 Cologne, 625, 736, 739 
 
 Colonies, British, 826, 828, 997; scram- 
 ble for, 977-87 
 
 Colorado, 26 
 
 Colosseum, 650, 606 
 
 Columba, St., 614 
 
 Columbus, Bartholomew, 742 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, 741 sgg., 755, 
 1102, 1114 
 
 Comedy, Greek, 307 
 
 Comet, 2, 629 
 
 Commagene (kom <8 je' ne) , 542 
 
 Commodus (kom' 6 dila) , 456, 457 
 
 Commons, House of, 774-82, 787, 833, 
 844, 858, 937 
 
 Commune, French Revolution, 872, 880 
 
 Communism, 712, 716, 819, 820, 885, 
 945, 947 
 
 Communities, 242, 702, 706 
 
 Community of obedience, 842; of will, 
 842 
 
 Comnena, Anna. (See Anna) 
 
 Comnenus, Alexius. (See Alexius " Com- 
 panions," equestrian order, 312, 314 
 
 Compass, 565-56, 749 
 
 Concert of Europe, 915, 916, 922 
 
 Concord, Mass., 837, 840 
 
 Concord, Temple of, 430, 1104 
 
 Condor, the, 3 
 
 Condoroet (kon dor sa^r 901 
 
 Confucianism, 371, 376 
 
 Confucius, 142, 213, 371, 376, 384, 505, 
 539, 545, 556 
 
 Congo, 125, 985 
 
 Congress, American, 846 
 
 Congress, 1st Colonial, 836 
 
 Conifers, 26 
 
 Connecticut, 828, 831, 836, 846 
 
 Conrad II, 627 
 
INDEX 
 
 1189 
 
 Conrad III, 627 
 
 Constance, 710 
 
 Constance, Council of, 660, 664, 710, 
 1113 
 
 Constantine I the Great, 371, 420, 447, 
 457, 481, 488, 516, 519, 523, 536, 
 538-39, 546, 566, 693, 817, 1107 
 
 Constantine, King of Greece, 1045 
 
 Constantinople, 482, 485, 492, 521, 529, 
 535-6-7-8-9, 568, 584-5, 589, 594, 
 622, 631, 634, 637, 640, 646, 661, 672, 
 678, 683, 689, 691, 739, 770, 797, 967, 
 1025, 1032, 1107-14. (See aiso Byzan- 
 tium) 
 
 Consuls, Roman, 389 
 
 Convicts sent to New England, 832 
 
 Cooking, 77, 78 
 
 Co-operative Societies, 942 
 
 Copernicus (ktf pSr' ni kiis) , 732, 1115 
 
 Copper, 2, 78, 153, 746, 927 
 
 Copper axes, 101 
 
 Coptic language, 121 
 
 Corday, Charlotte, 870 
 
 Cordoba (kor'do ba), 601-2 
 
 Corfu (korfoo'), 736 
 
 Corinth (and Corinthians), 254, 284, 
 318, 324, 417, 423, 428, 439, 441, 464, 
 488, 511, 1105 
 
 Corinth, isthmus of, 284 
 
 Cornish people, 119 
 
 CornwaU, 79, 163, 526, 605, 616, 780 
 
 Cornwallis, General, 839 
 
 Corrosive sublimate, 602 
 
 Corsets, 160 
 
 Corsica, 404, 482, 893 
 
 Cortez, 747, 1114 
 
 Corvus, the, 402 
 
 Cossacks, 795, 809, 810 
 
 Coster, printer, 717, 1114 
 
 Cotton industry, 824 
 
 Cotylosaur (kot'i Msawr), 23 
 
 Councils, Church, 638, 659, 665, 710, 
 712, 724, il07, 1113 
 
 Counting, 118 
 
 "Counts of Asia Minor," 698 
 
 Court system, 205 
 
 Couvade (kuvad'), 113 
 
 Cow, sacred to Brahmins, 981 
 
 Cow deities, 180 
 
 Crabiapples, 85 
 
 Crabs, 8 
 
 Cranach, 757 
 
 Cranium, of apes, 54; Piltdown. (See 
 Piltdown) 
 
 Crassus, 410, 436, 441, 475, 537, 585, 
 1106 
 
 Crawley, A. E., 102 
 
 Creation, story of, 218, 231, 953 
 
 Crecy, 735 
 
 Credition, 616 
 
 Creeds, Christian, 515, 525, 637, 1107 
 
 Cremation, 242 
 
 Cressy, cruiser, 1042 
 
 Cretan LabjTinth, 160; language, 129, 
 227; script, 172 
 
 Crete (and Cretans), 142, 158-62, 177, 
 215, 221, 265, 266 
 
 Crimea, 678, 712 
 
 Crimean War, 967, 1114 
 
 Criminals, Roman, 422; used for vivi- 
 section, 343 
 
 Crispus, son of Constantine, 626 
 
 Critias, 299 
 
 Croatia, 537 
 
 Crocodiles, 28, 32 
 
 Croesus (kre'siis), 165, 264, 270, 274; 
 355, 1104 
 
 Cro-Magnon race, 66, 72, 103 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, 777, 780, 834, 1015 
 
 Cromwell, Thomas, 753 
 
 Cross, in Buddhist ritual, 368; true, 539, 
 646 
 
 Crown, the power of the, 782 
 
 Crucifixion, 513 
 
 Crusades, 599, 644, 647, 657, 661, 685, 
 711, 735, 770, 934, 1111-14 
 
 Crustaceans, 21 
 
 Crystal Palace, 964 
 
 Crystals, 14 
 
 Ctesiphon (tes' i fon), 539, 543, ' 545-47, 
 555, 588, 596, 646, 691, 1044 
 
 Cuba, 748, 979, 1029 
 
 Cubit, length of, 228 
 
 Culture, Aryan, 242-51; Heliolithio, 
 112, 127, 132, 135, 142, 148, 153, 
 157, 169, 242, 354; Neolithic, 76, 81, 
 88 sqq., 98, 111, 112, 119, 132, 143, 148, 
 151-54; prehistoric and primitive, 57 
 sqq., 92 sqq. (See also Civilization) 
 
 Cuneiform (ku' n^i form), 137, 172, 215 
 
 Cup, pebble, 69 
 
 Currency, 887-90, 923, 942, 950, 1056 
 
 Cusseans, 336 
 
 Custozza, 971 
 
 Cuvier (ku-vya), 954 
 
 Cyaxares (si S,k' sd rez), 269, 1104 
 
 Cycads (si'kddz), 25, 37 
 
 Cynics, 304 
 
 Cyprus, 80, 158, 270, 289, 324, 337, 974 
 
 Cyrenaica (sir e ua' i kd), 430 
 
 Cyrene (si re' ne), 458 
 
 Cyrus, the Great, 140-42, 165, 190, 202, 
 217, 230, 264, 269, 273, 314, 331, 355, 
 380, 451, 470, 543, 645, 1104 
 
1140 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Cyrus, the Younger, 290 
 Czecho-Slovaks, 918 
 Czechs (cheks), 482, 712 
 
 D 
 
 Dacia, 456, 481, 491, 636 
 
 Dsedalus (de' ddliis), 160 
 
 Dagon, 189, 351 
 
 Dalai Lama (da li' la' ma) , 376 
 
 Dalmatia, 482, 527, 537, 616, 622, 1079, 
 
 1107, 1109 
 Damascus, 130, 164, 214, 452, 539, 544, 
 
 667, 584, 685, 593, 596, 602, 713, 1109 
 Damask, 214 
 Damietta, 646 
 
 Damon, friend of Pericles, 296 
 Dancing, 243 
 Danelaw, 618, 1111 
 Danes, 617, 618, 630, 770, 1111 
 Dante, 338 
 Dantou, 869, 872-81 
 Danzig, 736, 800, 1080 
 Danube, 119, 240, 275-78, 314, 320, 329, 
 
 436, 437, 452, 455, 461, 468, 473, 475, 
 
 479, 480, 481, 485, 491, 527, 537, 548, 
 
 616, 634, 641, 700, 815, 1043, 1106 
 Danubian provinces, 920, 967 
 Dardanelles, 252, 681, 1043 
 Darius (dd ri' Ha) I, 191, 274, 277, 282, 
 
 287, 328, 1104 
 Darius II, 289 
 Darius III, 322, 325, 326, 332, 337, 437, 
 
 470, 682, 909 
 Dark ages, the, 528 
 Dartmouth, Lord, 851 
 Darwin, Charles, 50, 954 
 Darwinism, 964-58 
 David, King, 225-30, 493, 498, 503, 715, 
 
 1103 
 Davids, Rhys, 359, 360, 367 
 Dawes, 837 
 Day, length of, 4, 37 
 Dead, eating the, 143 
 Dead Sea, 89 
 
 Debtor, slavery as fate of, 199 
 Decimal notation, 602 
 Deoiua, Emperor, 467, 481, 616, 1107 , 
 Declaration of Independence, 839, 842 
 Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire 
 
 (Gibbon), 813-19 
 Deer, 53 
 
 Defoe, Daniel, 786, 821, 851 
 Deformities, 113 
 Delaware, 831, 836 
 
 Delhi, 669, 691, 805, 806, 981, 1112, 1114 
 Dehan League, 264, 294 
 
 Delos, Island of, 261, 263 
 Delphi, 263, 271, 313, 337, 464 
 Delphi, oracle of, 256, 270, 271 
 Delphic amphictyony, 314 
 Demeter (de me' ter), 316, 466 
 Democracy, 259, 262, 390, 822, 844 
 Demos, 259 
 Demosthenes (d^mos th^nez), 306, 310, 
 
 319, 329, 406, 443 
 Deniker, 76 
 Denmark, 81, 83, 468, 630, 720, 761, 780, 
 
 793, 802, 816, 919, 969, 979, 1111 
 Deportation, 138 
 Dervishes, 683 
 Descartes (da kart'), 953 
 Deshima, 992 
 
 Deuteronomy, Book of, 221 
 Devon, 780 
 Dewlish, 68 
 Dialects, 252 
 
 Diaspora (di as' p<5 riJ), 360, 493, 496 
 Diaz (de' as), 741, 1114 
 Dickens, Charles, 736 
 Dicrorerus (di krd're' liia), 41 
 Dictator, Roman, 393 
 Diderot (ded ro'), 856 
 Diet (assembly), 784, 800 
 Dillon, Dr., 1066-68 
 Dinosaurs (di' nd sawrz), 28, 32 
 Dinothere (di' nd ther) , 41 
 Diocletian, 467, 488, 516, 520, 523, 1107 
 Dionysius, god, 316 
 Dionysius of Syracuse, 372, 401 
 Diplodocus (dip lod' d kits), 27 
 Disease, infectious, 96 
 Dispensations, papal, 649, 657 
 Disraeli, Benjamin. (iSee Beaconsfield, 
 
 Earl of) 
 Divans, 597 
 Divination, 398 
 Divua Caesar, 455 
 Dixon line, 829, 832 
 Dnieper (ne' p&), 119, 439, 476, 480, 672, 
 
 809 
 Doctors, 178 
 
 Dog, the, 43, 77, 81, 83, 87, 175 
 Dolmens, 82 
 Domazlioe, 711, 1114 
 Dominic, St., 658-59, 1112 
 Dominican Order, 658-59, 677, 748, 991, 
 
 1112 
 Domitian, 455, 1106 
 Don, river, 119, 476, 809 
 Don Cossacks, 809 
 Donatello, 740 
 Doric dialect, 252 
 Dorset, 58 
 
INDEX 
 
 1141 
 
 Dortmund, 740 
 
 Dostoievski (dos t(5 ef ski), 1026 
 
 Dover, 736 
 
 Dover, Straits of, 436 
 
 Dragon flies, 24 
 
 Dragonnades, 789, 803 
 
 Dravidian civilization, 142, 147, 354, 
 
 702; language, 124, 135 
 ■ Dravidians, 114, 124, 128, 211, 251, 265, 
 
 694 
 Drepanum (drep' a nQm), 403 
 Dresden, cruiser, 1042 
 Dresden, battle of, 911 
 Drogheda, 779 
 Druids, 105 
 Drums, Neolithic, 86 
 Drusus, Livius, 433 
 Dryopithecus (dri d pi the' kiia) , S3 
 Dubarry, Comtesse, 791 
 Dublin, 1016, 1022 
 Duma, the, 1047 
 
 Dumouriez (du moo ryaO , General, 875 
 Dunbar, battle of, 780 
 Dunce, derivation of, 729 
 Dunkirk, 781 
 Duns Scotus, 728, 1113 
 Dupleix (duplaO, 807 
 Durazzo (du rad' zo), 488, 632, 637, 
 
 644 
 Durham, University of, 964 
 Diisseldorf, 54 
 Dutch language, 611, 770; people, 611; 
 
 Repubhc, 769-72, 918; settlements 
 
 and seamanship, 744, 801, 830, 988, 
 
 993. (See also Holland) 
 Dwellings, Neolithic, 85 
 Dyeing, 603 
 Dynamics, 732 
 
 E 
 
 Earth, the, 1-5, 11, 43, 44 
 
 East, orientation to, 182 
 
 East India Company, 808, 836, 979 
 
 Easter, feast of, 99 
 
 Eastern lamb, 511 
 
 Eastern (Greek) Empire. (See Byzan- 
 tine Empire) 
 
 Ebenezer, 222 
 
 Ebro, river, 405, 407 
 
 Ecbatana (ek b&t' d nd), 546 
 
 Echidna (ekid'niS), 40 
 
 Economists, French, 865 
 
 Eoonomus (e kon' 6 miis) , battle of, 403, 
 1105 
 
 Eden, garden of, 953 
 
 Edessa, 542, 643, 644 
 
 Edom, 794 
 
 Education, 208, 212, 213, 438, 634, 696, 
 706, 724, 819, 820, 848, 901, 923, 928, 
 933, 934, 948 
 
 Edward I, 774 
 
 Edward VI, 773, 775 
 
 Edward VII, 783, 1013 
 
 Edward, Prince of Wales, son of George 
 V, 1022 
 
 Egbert, 616, 618, 1110 
 
 Eggs, 26, 39, 40, 85 
 
 Egibi (ege'be), 207 
 
 Eginhard, 623, 624 
 
 Egmont, Count of, 770, 771 
 
 Egypt, 80, 121, 337, 452, 489, 494-98, 
 540, 567, 597, 647, 657, 699, 712, 
 1109; history (early), 103, 115, 131, 
 140-43, 146, 158, 166, 172, 177, 189, 
 198, 203, 209, 215, 218, 228, 232, 257, 
 265-66, 271, 274, 282, 289, 290, 303, 
 451, 567, 747, 1103; (and Greece), 
 324, 331, 342, 1103; (and Rome), 413, 
 430, 440-41, 462; (and Islam), 589, 
 593, 596, 601, 628, 636, 667, 674, 682, 
 685, 1112-13; (modern period), 895, 
 896, 902, 979, 985, 997, 1025, 1119-20; 
 Christianity in, 525, 531, 639, 708; 
 Jews in, 343, 376, 496, 1114; Kingship 
 in, 191-93, 205, 450; religious systems, 
 144, 180-87, 191-92, 234, 324, 350, 
 352, 367, 466, 513 
 
 Egyptian language, 121 
 
 Egyptian script, 153, 172 
 
 Egyptian shipping, 214 
 
 "Egyptians" (Gipsies), 697 
 
 Elam (e'ia,m), 135, 268 
 
 Elamite language, 129 
 
 Elamites, 135, 140, 188, 327, 666 
 
 Elba, 914 
 
 Elections, 425, 848 
 
 Electricity, 927, 929 
 
 Electrum, 166 
 
 Elephants, 43, 52, 57, 75, 153, 156, 268, 
 328, 389, 403-11, 585 
 
 Eli, judge, 228, 223 
 
 Elixir of life, 731 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 773, 775, 
 808, 828 
 
 Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, 792, 1117 
 
 El-lU, 136 
 
 Emden, cruiser, 1042 
 
 Emesa (em' e b&) , 542 
 
 Emirs, 596 
 
 Emperor, title of, 492 
 
 Emperors of Germany, 755 
 
 Employers and employed, 824, 935 
 
 Enclosure Acts, 823-5 
 
 "Encyclopsedists," the, 855 
 
1142 
 
 INDEX 
 
 England, 529, 628, 630, 735, 757, 960, 
 996; history {early), 38, 74, 647, 605, 
 614, 618, 630, 1110; {under the Nor- 
 mans), 631, 1111; {in the \3th and lith 
 centuries), 731, 736; {Civil war), 773, 
 777-79, 829; {war with Holland), 777- 
 80, 829; {war with Spain), 780; {reign 
 of Charles 11), 780; {in 18ft century), 
 780-2; {and America), 803-5; {union 
 with Ireland), 1118; political and con- 
 Btitutioual, 396, 399, 740, 767, 768, 
 781-82, 785, 787; reUgion, 613-19, 
 664, 708, 721, 761, 7T5, 776, 780, 
 802, 829; social, 713, 795, 820, 868, 
 879, 1113. (iSee also Britain, Great 
 Britain, and the Great War) 
 
 English, the, 614, 630, 1108 
 
 English language, 118, 558, 614, 718 
 
 English seamen, 743 
 
 Entelodont (en tel' o dout), 39 
 
 Eoanthropus (e 6 dn thro' piis), 46, 53-7. 
 {See also Man) 
 
 Eocene (§' 6 sen) period, 38-44 
 
 Eohippus, 43 
 
 EoUthic age, 55 
 
 Eoliths, 51, 1102 
 
 Ephesus (ef e siis), 288, 321, 511, 643 
 
 Ephesus, Council of, 523 
 
 Ephthalite (ef thdf lit) coins, 551 
 
 Ephthalites, 648, 665, 1108, 1109 
 
 Epics, 243, 245 
 
 Epictetua (ep ik te' tils), 423 
 
 Epicureans (epi ku re' (ins), 304, 306, 
 553 
 
 Epirus (epi'riis), 317, 318, 386, 632 
 
 Equality, 581, 842 
 
 Equisetums (ek wi se' tiimz) , 22 
 
 Eratosthenes (er d tos' the nez), 10, 343, 
 344, 348 
 
 Erech, 137 
 
 Eretria, 281 
 
 Erfurt, 907 
 
 Eridu (a'ridoo), 136, 141, 156, 691 
 
 Esarhaddon (e siJr h&d' »n), 189, 190, 
 229, 269, 1103 
 
 Essad Pasha, 1070 
 
 Essex, 543, 605 
 
 Esthonians, 795 
 
 Ethiopia (and Ethiopians), 146, 193, 
 325, 1103 
 
 Ethiopian dynasty, 143, 1102 
 
 Ethiopic language, 121 
 
 Ethnologists, 110 
 
 Etiquette in China, 373 
 
 Etruria, 384 
 
 Etruscans, 382, 383, 393, 397, 705, 
 1103-4 
 
 Euclid, 343, 602 
 
 Euphrates, 115^ 136, 140, 145, 148, 155, 
 181, 193, 230, 267, 437, 452, 468, 489, 
 537, 542, 568, 1106 
 
 Euripides (ii rip' i d5z), 299, 312, 334 
 
 Europe, 118, 124, 127; Christianity in, 
 447, 524, 531, 616, 648, 654, 659, 664, 
 675, 706, 718-20, 723, 761, 785, 794, 
 796, 819; common cause in, 639-41-; 
 Concert of, 916, 922; feudaUsm in, 
 607 sqq., 610; history (general), 282, 
 526-28, 607-8, 619, 668, 698, 737, 
 757, 762, 767, 783, 786, 791, 798, 801, 
 812, 818, 820, 903, 911, 914, 916-20; 
 Huns in, 486, 548; Imperialism in, 
 996-98, 1000 sqq.; industrial revolu- 
 tion in, 824; intellectual development 
 in, 602, 653, 706, 725, 731; languages 
 of, 127; literature of , 718; "Marriage 
 with Asia," 332; mechanical revolu- 
 tion in, 931 sqq.; monarchy in, 765, 
 771, 786-93, 801; Mongolians in, 476, 
 673, 726; Moslems in, 593, 606, 612, 
 628, 682, 740-43, 749, 754; natural 
 poUtioal map of, 921, 971, 976, 981; 
 peoples and races of, 76, 107, 110, 111, 
 236, 475, 478, 697, 815; Powers of, 
 795-97, 801, 826, 999; prehistoric, 44, 
 52, 55, 57, 66, 73, 76, 80, 88, 104, 109, 
 112, 118, 131, 142, 151, 177, 183, 242, 
 243, 266, 267, 746; social development 
 in, 700, 717, 734, 756, 767, 773, 797, 
 818-22, 935, 937. {See also Great 
 War) 
 
 Europeans descended from Neolithic 
 man, 78 
 
 Euryptolemus (a rip tol' 6 Totia), 295 
 
 Eusebius (fi se' bi Us) , 522 
 
 Evans, Sir Arthur, 117 
 
 Evans, Sir John, 107 
 
 Everlasting League, 754, 1113 
 
 Evolution of the Earth, 3 
 
 Examinations, 211, 560 
 
 Excommunication, 645 
 
 Executive, the, 949 
 
 Exodus, book of, 220 
 
 Experience, 174 
 
 Exploration, 163-64 
 
 "Expropriated," the, 935 
 
 Ex votos, 177, 353 
 
 Eylau (i' lou), battle of, 905 
 
 Ezekiel, 231, 233 
 
 Fabian Society, 945 
 Fabius, 409-10 
 
INDEX 
 
 1143 
 
 FactorJea, growth of, 824 
 
 Factory Act, 940-41, 1119 
 
 Factory system, 931, 940 
 
 Faizi (fa'izi), 695 
 
 Falkland Isles, battle of, 1042 
 
 Family groups, 82, 131, 246 
 
 Faraday, M., 925 
 
 Farming, Arab knowledge of, 603 
 
 Farrar, F. W., 456 
 
 Fashoda (fasho'da), 985, 1025, 1120 
 
 Fatepur-sikri (f ut e poor' sik' ri) , 695, 
 
 696 
 Fatima (fat'imii), 591, 628 
 Fatimite caliphate, 628, 640, 685, 1111 
 Fauna, early, 74 
 Fausta, 520 
 
 Faustina (f aws tl' nd) , 456 
 Fear, 94 
 
 Feasts, Aryan, 242 
 Feathers, 30, 35 
 
 Ferdinand I, emperor, 783, 962-63 
 Ferdinand, king of Bulgaria, 1025, 1032, 
 
 1045 
 Ferdinand, king of Spain, 742, 755 
 Fermentation, 242 
 Ferns, 20, 22 
 
 Ferrero (fer ra' ro), 389, 424, 432 
 Fetishism, 93, 99 
 Feudal system, the, 607 sqq. 
 Fezzan, 88 
 Fiefs, 608 
 
 Field of the Cloth of Gold, 757 
 Fielding, H., 821, 931 
 Fiji, 998 
 
 Finance, 428-30, 757, 768 
 Finland (and the Finns), 476, 909, 
 
 919 
 Finland, Gulf of, 816 
 Finnish language, 123 
 Finno-Ugrian language, 487 
 Fire, early use of, 57, 59 
 Fish, 8, 19, 21, 38 
 Fisher, Lord, 1048 
 Fisher, Osmond, 58 
 Fishing, 85 
 Fiume (fu'ma), 1080 
 Five Classics, the, 571 
 Flame projectors, 1038 
 Flanders, 631, 642 
 Flavian dynasty, 455, 1106 
 Flax, 85 
 
 Fleming, Bishop, 660 
 Flemings, the, 611, 645, 735 
 Flemish language, 611 
 Flint implements, 46, 51, 54, 57, 67, 69, 
 
 74, 79, 85, 107 
 Flood, story of the, 218, 230 
 
 Florence, 736, 740, 750-52, 757, 790, 792, 
 1114 
 
 Florentine Society, 929 
 
 Florida, 830 
 
 Flowers, Cainozoic, 37 
 
 Flying machines, 160, 730, 930 
 
 Fontainebleau (fon tan bio'), 904, 911 
 
 Food, 13, 19, 61-2, 84, 132 
 
 Fools, 243 
 
 Foot of apes, men, and monkeys, 49 
 
 Ford businesses, 942 
 
 Forests, 77 
 
 Fort St. Augustine, 830 
 
 Fossils, 6, 10, 21, 33, 37, 43, 50, 954 
 
 Fouoher, 367 
 
 "Fourteen Points," the, 1065, 1071 
 
 Fowl, domestiqated, 84, 86 
 
 Fox, the, as food, 81 
 
 France, 81; history (to Revolutionary 
 period), 71, 163, 482-84, 527, 547, 589, 
 606, 611, 613, 616, 626, 644, 651, 655, 
 663, 715, 716, 725, 734-35, 749-60, 
 768-70; 783-88, 794, 801, 816, 821, 
 826, 1107, 1114; (Revolutionary pe- 
 riod), 716, 793, 896, 1118; (Napoleonic 
 period), 898, 1118; (to Great War), 
 914-15, 919, 937, 965-72, 1009-10, 
 1032, 1118; (Greai War), 612, 1036 
 sqq.; Imperialism, 998, 1025; over-^ 
 seas dominions, 802, 826-33, 839, 977, 
 992. (See also Franks, Gaul) 
 
 Francis, St., of Assisi, 657, 720, 812, Ilia 
 
 Francis I, emperor, 1115 
 
 Francis II, emperor, 1118 
 
 Francis I, king of France, 755-61, 1114 
 
 Francis Ferdinand, archduke, 1033 
 
 Franciscan Order, 657-59, 728, 749, 
 1112-13 
 
 Frankfort, 736, 966, 1119; Peace of, 972:- 
 73, 1002, 1120 
 
 Franklin, Benj., 849 . 
 
 Franks, the, 480, 487, 491, 606, 610-16, 
 621, 626, 634, 643, 690, 703, 1107 
 
 Frazer, Sir J. G., .100, 102 
 
 Flrederick I (Barbarossa), emperor, 645, 
 651, 653, 661, 1112 
 
 Frederick II, emperor, 645, 647, 652, 673, 
 678, 708, 719, 755, 783, 956, 1112 
 
 Frederick III, emperor, 755 
 
 Frederick I, king of Prussia, 791, 1116 
 
 Frederick II (the Great), king of Prussia, 
 791, 798, 813, 816, 846, 1117 
 
 Frederick III, king of Prussia, 1007 
 
 Frederick, don, 772 
 
 Frederick, Margraveof Brandenburg, 711 
 
 Free discussion, 717; trade in Athens, 
 394 
 
1144 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Free intelligence, 204 
 
 Freedom, 201, 826 
 
 Freeman's Farm, 839 
 
 French language, 118, 491, 611, 630, 718, 
 754, 770 
 
 Preya (frl'(i),613 
 
 Friara, the, 722, 729. (See also Francis- 
 can Order) 
 
 Friedland (fred'lant), battle of, 905, 
 1118 
 
 Frisian coast, 468; language, 770 
 
 Frisians, the, 613 
 
 Frog, the, 22 
 
 Froissart (frwa sar'). 714 
 
 Fronde, the, 787 
 
 Fu, S. N., 553 
 
 Fuggers, the, 757-58, 820 , 
 
 Fulas, 152 
 
 Fulton, R., 924 
 
 Furnace, blast, 926; electric, 926 
 
 Future life, belief in, 93, 466 
 
 G 
 
 Gaelic, 238, 1015 
 
 Gage, General, 837, 839 
 
 Galatia, 384, 1105 
 
 Galatiaus, 337, 338, 682 
 
 Galba, 455, 1106 
 
 Galerius, 517, 518, 1107 
 
 Galicia, 1040 
 
 Galilee, 507, 510, 513, 542 
 
 Galileo (gSl i IS' 5), Galilei, 732, 733, 952, 
 
 1115 
 Gallas, language of the, 121 
 Galvani, 925 
 Gama, Vasco da (v&s ko' da ga' ma), 744, 
 
 806, 1114 
 Gamaliel, 511 
 Gambia, 163 
 Games, 264 
 Gametes (gS.m ets') , 20 
 Gandhara (gan d ha' ra), 367 
 Ganesa (ga na' sha) , 377 
 Gang labour, 207, 226 
 Ganges, 126, 147, 210, 211, 328, 331, 364, 
 
 369, 667 
 Garibaldi, 768 
 Gas, 240, 556 
 Gas in warfare, 1039, 1083 
 Gaspee, vessel, 835 
 Gath, 221 
 Gaul (and the Gauls), 142, 330, 337, 384, 
 
 392-95, 404, 407, 433-36, 439, 470, 
 
 481, 487, 489, 527, 534, 606, 611, 626, 
 
 815, 1105-8 
 Gaulish language, 238 
 
 Gautama (gou' ta ma). (iSfee Buddha) 
 
 Gaza, 202, 221, 321, 324 
 
 Gazelle, 43 
 
 Gaztelu, 762 
 
 Genesis, book of, 98, 218-21 
 
 Geneva, 754, 813, 1074 
 
 Genoa (ien'dfd) and the Genoese, 640, 
 644, 678, 712, 736, 739, 741, 891 
 
 Genserio (jen's&ik), 482, 1108 
 
 Gentiles, the, 504 
 
 Geography, 2 
 
 Geology, 953 
 
 Geometry, 602 
 
 George I, 781, 782, 1116 
 
 George II, 782, 1117 
 
 George HI, 782, 835, 1117 
 
 George IV, 783 
 
 George V, 770, 1013, 1022 
 
 George, Lloyd, 1023, 1040, 1053-59, 
 1068, 1072 
 
 Georgia, 831, 836, 970, 1117 
 
 Gerasa Qei' d ad) , 542 
 
 Gerash, 544 
 
 'Gerbert (gar' ber), 602 
 
 German language, 118, 238, 611, 718, 
 770; songs and tales, 624 
 
 Germany, 75, 81, 268; history (to Saxon 
 kings), 434-36, 440, 451, 463, 468-69, 
 480, 484, 524, 610-12, 616, 622, 703; 
 (Saxon kings to Napoleonic period), 
 627, 632, 639, 645, 651, 662, 663, 700, 
 715-21, 735, 739, 744, 753-64, 767, 
 770, 787, 794-97, 803-5, 814-17, 831, 
 ■ 832, 833, 839, 904-5, 1111-16; (War 
 of Liberation to the Great War), 911, 
 919, 928, 935-38, 965-74, 994-96, 
 1002; (Great War), 1023 agq.; class 
 distinction in, 209; Imperialism of, 
 946, 1004-11, 1031 
 
 Gethsemane, 508 
 
 Ghent, 736, 754, 770 
 
 Gibbon, Edward, 460-64, 485, 486, 615, 
 518, 620, 629, 539, 625, 627, 632, 813- 
 17, 825, 826, 854, 956 
 
 Gibraltar, 90, 163, 461, 606, 983, 998 
 
 Gideon, 222 
 
 Gigantosaurus (j! g&n td saw' T^) , 29 
 
 Gilbert, Dr., 733, 1115 
 
 Gilboa, Mount, 22S 
 
 Gills, 19, 21, 38 
 
 Gin, 165 
 
 Giotto (jot' 6), 740 
 
 Gipsies, 697, 698 
 
 Gipsy language, 698 
 
 Giraffe, 43 
 
 Giroudins, 872 
 
 Gizeh (gez£), 144, 181. 
 
INDEX 
 
 1145 
 
 Glacial Age. (See Ice Age) - 
 Gladiators, 421, 423, 435, 458, 462, 530, 
 
 1105 
 Gladstone, W. E., 293, 974, 1022, 1120 
 Glasfurd, A. I. R., 85, 96 
 Glass, 603 
 
 Glastonbury, 83, 242 
 Glauoia, 433 
 
 Glyptodon (glip' t<Jdon), 76, 153 
 Gneisenau (gnl' ze nou) , cruiser, 1042 
 Gneiss (nis), fundamental, 6 
 Gnosticism (nos' ti sism), 514, 524 
 Goats in lake dwellings, 83 
 Gobi Desert, 126, 473, 554, 561, 563 
 God, 514, 523, 595, 732; idea of one true, 
 
 234, 341, 363, 376, 466, 493-95, 500, 
 
 571-73, 577, 584, 696; of Judaism, 305 
 
 sqq., 350, 581; Kingdom of, 498, 662, 
 
 677, 708, 796 
 Godfrey of Bouillon, 642, 770, 1111 
 Gods, 178, 180, 185, 188, 351; Aryan, 
 
 256; Egyptian, 180-83, 191-94; 
 
 Greek, 256, 305; Japanese, 367; 
 
 tribal, 104, 283 
 Goethe, 869 
 
 Gold, 78, 88, 465, 653, 888 
 Golden Horde, the, 694, 809 
 Goldsmith, Oliver, 821, 1017, 1068 
 Golgotha, 508 
 
 Good Hope, Cape of, 806, 979, 1114 
 Good Hope, cruiser, 1042 
 Goods, consumable, 889 
 Gorham, Nathaniel, 846 
 Gorilla, 47, 163 
 "Gorillas," 184 
 Goshen, land of, 220 
 Gospels, the, 497, 499, 507-11, 516, 523, 
 
 709, 954 
 Gotha (go'ta), aeroplane, 1041 
 Gothic architecture, 736; language, 238 
 Goths, 457, 472, 476, 481, 487-91, 5271 
 
 630,. 532, 636, 606, 610, 631, 1107-8 
 Gough, General, 1060 
 Government, 185, 397, 706, 922 
 Gracchi, the, 432, 707 
 Gracchus, Caius, 431, 1106 
 Gracchus, Tiberius, 427-31, 1105 
 Grain, as food, 84, 87, 134 
 Granada, 742 
 Grand E«monstrance, 777 
 Granicus (grd nl' kiis), battle of the, 321, 
 
 1104 
 Grape, 242 
 Graphite, 7 
 Grasses, 37, 43 
 Gravelotte (grav lot'H 972 
 Gr»vp,3end, 780 
 
 Gravitation, law of, 733 
 
 Gray, G. B., 220 
 
 Great Britain, history (general), 795, 
 997; (and India), 693-96, 805-9; (and 
 America) 802, 806, 823, 827-28, 833- 
 34; (and French Revolution), 873, 876; 
 (in Napoleonic period), 894-96, 902, 
 904, 908, 1117; (war with Turkey), 920; 
 (Crimean war), 967; (suspicion of 
 Russia), 973; (in alliance against Ger- 
 many), 1008-9; (the Great War), 1033 
 sqq., (effect of Great War on), 1053 
 sqq.; constitutional, political, and 
 social, 426, 821-22, 844, 865, 883, 927, 
 936, 1011, 1118-19; expansion and Im- 
 perialism, 797, 977-87, 991, 996, 997, 
 1011-23, 1120. (See also Britain and 
 England) 
 
 Great Exhibition, the, 964, 1119 
 
 Great Mogul, 805, 808 
 
 Great ox. (See Aurochs) 
 
 Great Schism. (See Papal Schism) 
 
 Great War, the, 613, 725, 775, 785, 
 1033 sqq., 1120 
 
 Greatness, 849 
 
 Greece (and the Greeks), 65, 80, 86, 221, 
 263-68, 381-82, 703, 718, 746; history 
 (to war with Persia), 158-62, 177, 221, 
 252 sqq., 1103; (war with Persia), 
 263, 275, 278-90, 1104; (to 15th cen- 
 tury), 292, 301, 306, 310-16, 320, 324, 
 337, 384, 480, 541, 552, 643, 662, 
 682-86, 1113; (modem), 920, 1026, 
 1119; civilization, 264r-65, 307, 389, 
 423, 542, 1043, 1045; constitutional, 
 256-65, 304-7, 313, 320, 389; religion, 
 185, 265-66, 316, 350, 612; thought 
 and learning, 248, 303-6, 340-43, 419, 
 557, 600 
 
 Greek alphabet, 172; archipelago, 89, 
 202; Church, 525, 538, 622, 624, 637- 
 38, 643-45, 661, 920, 1108; language 
 and literature, 118, 140, 238, 243, 
 252-54, 297, 300, 306, 310, 342, 350, 
 459, 463, 489, 510, 636, 543, 696, 
 699, 614; warfare, 624, 718 
 
 Greek (Eastern) Empire, see Eastern 
 (Greek) Empire 
 
 Green, J. R., 713 
 
 Green flag, 628 
 
 Greenland, 56, 618, 741 
 
 "Greens," faction of the, 797 
 
 Gregory, Sir R. A., 733 
 
 Gregory I, the Great, 534, 561, 606, 614, 
 660, 712, 725, 1109 
 
 Gregory VII, 637, 638, 648, 660, 709, 
 726, 1111 
 
1146 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Gregory IX, 647, 651, 708, 1112 
 
 Gregory XI, 663, 687, 1113 
 
 Grey, Sir Edward, 1033 
 
 Grey Friars. (See Franciscan Order) 
 
 Grimaldi race, 67, 72, 89 
 
 Grimm's Law, 118 
 
 Grisons, 491 
 
 Grote, 299 
 
 Growth, 13 
 
 Guadalquivir (gaw ddl kwiv' Sr) , 744 
 
 Guianas, the, 979 
 
 Guilds, 209 
 
 Guillemard, 744 
 
 Guillotine, 878 
 
 Guiscard (geskar'), Robert, 632, 644, 
 
 1111 
 Gulf Stream, 17 
 Gum-tree, 37 
 
 Gunpowder, 556, 670, 735, 817 
 Guptas (goop' tds), 549 
 Gurkhas, 981 
 
 Gustavus Adolphus, 786, 802 
 Gutenberg, 717 
 Guthrum, 618, 1111 
 Gwalior, 806 
 Gyges (gl' jez), 266, 1103 
 
 H 
 
 Haarlem (har'lem), 770, 772, 1114 
 Habsburgs, 662, 700, 754-57, 783, 786, 
 
 794, 799, 913, 914 
 Hackett, 955 
 Hadrian, 455, 464, 1107 
 Hadrian, tomb of, 606 
 Hadrian's wall, 455 
 Hague Conferences, 1001 
 Haig, Sir Douglas, 1045 
 Hair, 34, 40 
 Halicarnassus (hS.1 i k&r o&a' Ha) , 202, 
 
 204, 289, 321, 324 . 
 Hall, 164 
 
 Ham, sou of Noah, 110 
 Hamburg, 736, 739 
 Hamiloar, 404, 407 
 Hamilton, Alexander, 849 
 Hamilton, Sir William, 927 
 Hamites, 125, 148, 187 
 Hamitic languages, 121, 128, 129; ships, 
 
 158 
 Hammond, 819 
 Hammurabi (hS,m moo ra' be) , 138, 142, 
 
 145, 147, 188, 200, 218, 327, 1103 
 Han dynasty, 151, 195, 212, 371, 439, 
 
 470, 472, 475, 550, 1107 
 Hancock, 837 
 Hang Chau (hang'ohou), 669, 1111 
 
 Hannibal, 405-10, 415 
 
 Hanno, 142, 163-67, 177, 184, 405, 439, 
 
 461, 741, 1104 
 Hanover, 882 
 
 Hanover, elector of. (iSee George I) 
 Hanoverian dominions, 795 
 Hanoverian dynasty, 782, 787 
 Hansa towns, 739-44 
 Hanse merchants, 816 
 Harcourt, Sir William, 946 
 Hare, the, 84 
 Hariti,366 
 Haroun-al-Raschid (ha roon al ra' shed), 
 
 596, 598, 625, 1110 
 Harpagos (bar' pd gds), 272 
 Harpalus (har' pd lifts), 318, 329 
 Harpoons, 69 
 Harran, 543 
 Harris, H. Wilson, 1074 
 Harvey, John, 733, 1115 
 Hasan, son of Ali, 592, 596 
 Hasdrubal, 405-9 
 Hastings, Warren, 808, 979, 1011 
 Hatasu (ha' ta soo) , Queen of Egypt, 146 
 Hathor, 182, 192, 351, 352 
 Hatra, 543 
 Hatred, 405 
 Hauran, 544, 568 
 Hawk gods, 180 
 Hearths, 242 
 Heaven, Kingdom of, 498, 501, 506, 5ia 
 
 952. (See also God) 
 H6bert, 879 
 
 Hebrew language, 120, 494, 496; litera- 
 ture, 232; prophets, 522; thought, 
 
 305; moral teaching, 164. (See oho 
 
 Jewish) 
 Hebrews, 188, 220-23, 568. (See also 
 
 Jews) 
 Heoataeus (hek d te' lis) , 166 
 Hector, 245 
 Hedgehogs, 43 
 
 Hegira (hej' i rd), 573, 577, 582, 1109 
 Heidelberg man, 52, 54, 63 
 Hekt, 182 
 Helen of Troy, 161 
 Helena, Empress, 539, 646 
 Helena, mother of Conatantine, 520 
 Heligoland, 1008, 1120 
 Heliolithic (he li d lith' ik) culture, 112, 
 
 115, 128, 132, 142, 148, 163-59, 168, 
 
 242, 354, 746, 991 
 Heliolithic peoples, 152 
 Heliopolis (he li op' o Us), (Baalbek), 542 
 Hellenes, 252 
 Hellenic civilization, 254 sqq., 589, 726; 
 
 tradition, 401 
 
INDEX 
 
 1147 
 
 Hellenism, 368, 494 
 
 Hellespont, 282, 287-88, 306, 314, 321, 
 
 451, 541, 585, 643, 697, 1104, 1109 
 Helmolt, H. F„ 404, 584, 588, 696 
 Helmont, van, 240 
 Helots, 256 
 
 Hen. (See Fowl, domesticated) 
 Henriot, 880 
 
 Henry II, German Emperot, 626 
 Henry % German Eiripe'r'or, 627 
 Henry Vl, Geririan Ettiperor, 651 
 Henry II, tCliii 6i England,' 1014 
 Henry III, King of England, 774 
 Henry V, King of England, 735 
 Henry VII, King of England, 742, 773, 
 
 775 . . 
 Henry VIII, King of England, 753, 755, 
 
 759, 760, 773; 775, 1115 
 Henry of Prussia, Prince, 846 
 Henry the Fowler, 627, 635 
 Henry, Patrick, 834, 849 
 Hephsestion (he fes' ti Sn), 334, 440 
 Heraclea (her (S kle'a), 387, 1105 
 Heraclius (her ak'li «s), 536, 539, 544, 
 
 555, 567, 583-85, 646, 1109 
 Heraldry, 209 
 Herat, 328, 525 
 Herbivorous animals, 28, 29 
 Hercules, demi-god, 341, 445 
 Hercules, son of Alexander, 336 
 Hercules, temple of, 177 
 Herdsmen; 206, 208 
 Hereditary rule, 703 
 Heredity, 175 
 Heretics, 658 
 Heristhal, 612 
 Hermon, Mount, 85, 131 
 Heme Island, 163 
 Hero, 343, 468 
 Herodes Attiius (her 6' dez at' i kiis), 
 
 464 
 Herodians, 503 
 Herodotus (he rod' (5 ttfs) , 132, 163, 166, 
 
 184, 202, 209, 234, 264, 268-74, 281, 
 
 287, 290, 294, 298, 300, 341, 345, 427, 
 
 461, 536, 561, 585, 1104 
 Herods, the, 495, 498, 503 
 HerophUus (h^rof i l*s), 343 
 Herzegovina (hgrt se gov' ^ nd) , 1009, 
 
 1120 
 Hesperornis (hes per or' nis) , 35 
 Hesse (hes' ^ and Hessians, 616, 760, 
 
 971 
 Hezekiah, King, 229 
 Hieratic script, 173 
 Hiero (hi' it 6), 401, 403, 408 
 Hieroglyphics, 154-57, 173 '' 
 
 Hieronymua (hi it on' i to.'S.b) of Syra- 
 cuse, 408 
 Hildebrand. (.See Gregory VII) 
 Himalayas, 38, 126, 474 
 Hindu deities, 374, 376; priests, 249; 
 
 schools, 696 
 Hindu KusH, 693 
 Hindus, 2ll, 240, 248, 467, 694, 697, 
 
 806 
 Hindustan, 669, 693 
 HipiparchU3,-342 
 Hipt)ias, 280 
 Hippo'; 484, .525 
 Hippdpoiainus, 26, 52, 57 
 Hippopotattiua deities, 144, 180 
 Hira,, 584, 585 
 
 Hiram, King of Sidon, 225-27 
 Hirth, 37,3, 506 
 Histiseus, 278, 289, 489 
 Hittites, 138, 142, 146, 165, 218, 221, 
 
 222, 240, 275' 
 Hi-ung-nu. (See Huns) 
 Hague, cruiser, 1042 
 Hohenlinden, battle of, 624 
 Hohenstaufens .(ho en stou' f&), 627, 
 
 662, 739, 754, 783 
 Hojhenzollerns, 786, 791, 913, 969, 972, 
 
 1004 
 Holland, 469, 527, 616, 717, 739, 744, 
 749, 771, 773, 779, 780, 786, 802, 806, 
 830, 877, 883, 891, 903-4, 911, 979, 
 984, 1119 
 Holly, 37 
 Holstein, 919 
 Holy Alliance, 915, 916, 920, 937, 1000, 
 
 1002 
 Holy Land. (See Crusades and Pales 
 
 ■tine) 
 Holy Roman Empire, 623, 628, 632, 690, 
 
 730, 754, 757, 764, 767, 805, 1118 
 Homage, 609 . 
 Home Rule Bill, 262 
 Homer, 85, 164, 173, 252, 437 
 Homo antiquus. (See Neanderthal man; 
 Heidelbergensis, see Heidelberg man; 
 Neanderthalensis, see Neanderthal 
 man; primigenius, see Neanderthal 
 man; apiens, see Man, true) 
 Homs; 542 
 
 Honduras (hon dur' ds), British, 803 
 Honey, 243 
 Honoria, 484 
 Honorius, 481 
 
 Honorius III, pope, 651, 1112 
 Hopf, Ludwig, 100 
 Hophni, 223 
 Horn, Count of, 770, 771 
 
1148 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Horn implements, 69, 79 
 
 Horrabin, F., 89 
 
 Horses, 43, 48, 62, 70, 135," 239, 241, 
 459 . 
 
 Horticulture, 196 
 
 Horus, 191, 195, 351, 35*3, 367, 613 
 
 Hotel Cecil, 542 ' , , ■' 
 
 Hottentot language, 129 
 
 Households, growth of, 199 
 
 Houses, stone, 242 
 
 Howard, the philanthropist, 882 
 
 Hrdlicka, Dr., 76 ■ ' . 
 
 Hsia, Empire of, 672 • . 
 
 Hue, 367 
 
 Hudson Bay Company, 803 
 
 Hudson Bay Territory, 125 
 
 Hudson Biver, 839, 924 . ' 
 
 Hugo, Victor, 899 
 
 Huguenots, 795, 803, 830 
 
 Halagu, 674, 678, 680, 691, fl3, 111,3 
 
 Human association, 949 
 
 Human sacrifice, 87, 100, 747 
 
 Hungary (and the Hungarians), 79, 481, 
 487, 521, 616, 635, 642, 663; 673, 683, 
 687, 699, 740, 759-QO, 784, '809, 918, 
 937, 973, 1114. (See also Austria) 
 
 Huns, 150-52, 195, 330, 439, 462, 468, 
 472-82, 484, 487, 548, 553, 563, 635, 
 667, 669, 673, 702, 815, 1108 • 
 
 Hunter Commission, 982 
 
 Hunting, 70, 76, 84, 94, 267 
 
 Husein, son of Ali, 592, 595 
 
 Huss, John, 664, 710, 758, 812, 821, 
 1113 
 
 Hussites, 711, 715, ill3 
 
 Hut urns, 86 
 
 Hutcfhinson, 129 
 
 Hutton, 954 
 
 Huxley, Prof., Ill, 955 
 
 Hwang-ho (hwSng'ho), river, 151, 470, 
 679 . 
 
 Hysena, cave, 57 
 
 Hysenodon (hi e' no don), 39 
 
 Hyde Park, 964 
 
 Hyksos, 142, 145, 567 
 
 Hyracodon (hi r&k' o don), 39 
 
 Hystaspes (Ids t&s'i>ez), 274, 1104 
 
 I 
 
 Ibebiait language, 236 
 
 Iberians, 74, 111, 142, 158, 221,' 236, 
 241, 246, 381. (See also Mediterra- 
 nean race) 
 
 Ibex, 71 
 
 Ibn Batuta (ibn ba too' ta), 713 
 
 Ibn-rushd. (See Averroes) 
 
 Ibrahim, son of Muhammad, 579 
 
 Icarus (ik' (J nis), 161 , . , 
 
 Ice, effect. of, 44 . • ' • •'.,* 
 
 Ice Age, 38, 43,'45';'51, .5B,b'2, l25", 267 
 
 Iceland, 618, 741, 802 . 
 
 Icelandic language, 238 
 
 Ichabod, 223 • - 
 
 Ichthyosaurs (ik' thi i5 sawr^),'28, 32 ■ 
 
 Iconium, 636 ' 
 
 Ideograms, 169, 170 
 
 Ideographs, 173 ■ , ; 
 
 Idumeans, 494 - '. , . , 
 
 Ignatius, St., of Loyola^ 722, 724, 812, 
 1114, 1115 - . ' ■ 
 
 Iliad, the. ' (See Homer) 
 
 Ilkhan, Empire of, 680, 687 
 
 lUyria, 314, 317, 320, 404, 412, 682, 1104 
 
 Immprtality, idea of, 352, 362, 467 
 
 Iraperator, title of, 492 
 
 Imperial preference, 1011- '3 
 
 Imperialism, 261, 959, 962, 988, 989 
 1000 sqq., 1023-24 
 
 Implements, bronze, 101; Chellean, 52; 
 copper, 79; earliest use of, 51;' flint, 
 54, 57, 61, 67, 69, 85; horn, 69, 79; 
 iron, 80; Neolithic, 77, 78, 86, 100; 
 Palaeolithic, 56, 77, 107; Pliocene, 51- 
 3; stone, 50, 60, 77, 78, 215; use of 
 by animals, 51 ; wooden, 57 
 
 Inca of Peru, 746 
 
 India, 81, 85, 152, 251, 275, 338, 369, 421, 
 439, 461, 475, 547, 592, 598, 669, 691, 
 698, 703,817, 895; history (Alexavder 
 in), 320, 328, 332, 367, 439; (Irido- 
 Scythians in), 474; 549, 11Q7; (flph- 
 thalites in), 548, 1107; (Mongols in), 
 476, 675, 697; (17lh and 18th cerir- 
 turies), 805-7,811; (BHtish in) , 694, 
 806-9, 827, 834, 977-82, 991, 997, 
 1011, 1117-19; civilization, social de- 
 velopment and culture 111, 142, 147, 
 210-14, 248, 257, 354, 368, 697, 704, 
 981; European settlements in, 805-9, 
 827, 834, 1117; languages of, 124, 239, 
 698; peoples and races, 107-9, 111, 
 125, 126, 142, 265, 329, 550, 667, 747; 
 religions of, 378, 524, 545, 669, 675, 
 697, 724; trade of, 342, 462, 806; 
 travels and voyages to, 462, 561-62, 
 679, 741-44, 990, 1108, 1114 
 
 Indian corn, 85 
 
 Indian ocean, 81, 87, 156, 743 
 
 Indians, American. (See American In- 
 dians) 
 
 Indies, East, 32, 115, 125, 128, 163, 156, 
 214, 806, 979, 988 
 
 Indies, West, 743, 802, 852, 979 ' 
 
INDEX 
 
 1149 
 
 Individual, the ?ree,'2C(l 
 Individuality, in reproduction, 13 
 Indo-European languages. (See Aryan 
 
 languages) 
 Indo-Iranian language, 238; people, 466 
 Indore, 806 
 
 Indo-Scythians, 475, 538, 549, 1106 
 Indulgences, 657, 758 
 Indus, 126, 251, 275, 327, 331, 337, 368, 
 
 436, 451, 691, 1104 
 Industrial Revolution, 825, 931-34, 941 
 Industrialism, 823 
 Infanticide, 104 
 Influenza, 922 
 Information, 948 
 Inge, Dean, 507, 951 
 Innes, A. D., 773 
 Innocent III, pope, 646, 647, 651, 661, 
 
 725, 1112 
 Innocent IV, 646, 652, 677 
 Inns, early, 166 
 Innsbruck, 762 
 
 Inquisition, the, 659, 723, 764, 916 
 Insects, 3, 21, 23 
 
 Instruments, Neolithic musical, 86 
 Interglacial period, 43, 51, 52, 55, 57 
 "International," the, 945 
 International relationship, 891 
 Internationalism, 960 
 Intoxicants, 242, 251 
 Investitures, 609, 638, 649 
 Ion, poet, 295 
 lona, 614 
 
 Ionian Islands, 894 
 
 lonians, 264, 266, 275, 279, 285, 288, 682 
 Ipsus (ip' stts) , battle of, 237 
 Irak, 598 
 
 Iran (e ran'), 437, 547 
 Ti'ftTiifl.Tm ^48 
 Ireland, '65, 78, 82, 155, 251, 262, 624, 
 
 605, 614, 631, 661, 735, 779-81, 968, 
 
 960, 997, 1011-23, 1119-20 
 Irish Catholics, 777-79, 796; language, 
 
 119, 238; prisoners, 831; race, 238 
 Irish sea, 56 
 Iron,' 2, 69; as currency, 165; use of, 80, 
 
 134, 161, 153, 824, 924r-27, 1103 
 Iron Age, 80 
 Iionsides, 778 
 
 Iroquois (ir d kwoi') tribes, 832 
 Irrigation, 136 
 Irving, Washington, 803 
 Isaac, patriarch, 218-20 
 Isabella of Castile, 742, 755 
 Isaiah, 602 
 Ishma«l, 220 
 Ishtar, 188 ■ 
 
 Isis, 182, 192, 351-52, 367, 466, 467, 499, 
 512-13 
 
 Iskender, 331 
 
 Islam, 235, 379, 506, 5571 570 sgq., 702, 
 750; and Christianity, 599, 628, 676, 
 708; propaganda of, 681, 694, 616, 
 675, 687, 706, 805, 933-34; teaching 
 of, 579 sqg., 628, 697, 706, 939. (.See, 
 also Moslems, and Muhammada'nism) 
 
 Isocrates (Isok'rd tez), 298, 300, 307, 
 310, 331, 340 
 
 Ispahan (Ispahan'), 691 
 
 Israel, Kingdom of (and Israelites), 139, 
 217sgg., 266, 704, 796, 1102. (See also 
 Jews) 
 
 Issik Kul (is'ikkool), 562 
 
 Issus, battle of, 322, 326, 686, 642, 1104 
 
 ItaUan language, 118, 381, 754 
 
 Italy (and Italians), 78, 142, 158, 221, 
 380,, 382, 454, 533, 682, 703, 1106; his- 
 tory (Greeks in), 253, 294, 382, 385-87, 
 1104-5; (Oauls in), 380, 385, 404; 
 (Roman), 387, 394, 426, 430-36, 451, 
 706; (invasion by Hannibal), 408-10; 
 (Goths in), 480, 527, 610, 631, 1108; 
 (Huns in), 486; (Lombards in), 527, 
 537, 621, 712, 1110; (Charlemagne in), 
 621-22; (Germans in), 623, 1114; (Nor- 
 mans in), 631, 632, 640; (Saracens 
 in), 632; (Magyars in), 632; (13th-18th 
 cent.), 647, 651, 653, 662, 685-87, 739, 
 750-52, 768, 768, 785-91, 1114; (Na- 
 poleonic period), 786, 883, 890, 894-95, 
 902, 906, 1118; (to unification of), 
 618-19, 936-38,' 960; (Kingdom of), 
 968-72, 992, 996, 1025, 1041, 1120; 
 imperiahsm of, '996, 1025. (See also 
 Rome and Great War) . 
 
 Ivan III, 689, 1114;' IV (the Terrible), 
 689, 1115 
 
 Ivory, trade in, 214 
 
 Ivy, fossil, 37 
 
 J 
 
 Jacob, patriarch, 218 sq. 
 
 Jacobins, French, 869, 877 sqq., 887, 
 
 893, 1118 
 Jacquerie, 715, 1026, 1113 
 Jade, 88 
 Jaffa, 896 
 
 Jaipur (jlpoor'), 806. 
 Jamaica, 803, 979, 998 
 James I, 82, 768, 788, 803, 828 
 James II, 781, 1016 
 James, St., 603 
 James, Henry, 1066 
 Jameson, Dr., 958 
 
1150 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Jamestown, 832, 851 
 Janissaries, 683, 691 
 Japan, 109, 367, 371, 679, 742-44, 811, 
 
 992-94, 1119-20 
 Japanese, 49, 990 
 
 Japanese language and writing, 121, 558 
 Japhet, 110 
 Jarandilla, 762 
 Jarrow, 614 
 Java, 51, 743 
 Jaw, chimpanzee, 54; human, ib. Pilt- 
 
 down (see Piltdown) 
 Jefferson, Tho., 840, 849 sgg. 
 Jehad (jehad'), "holy war," 645 
 Jehan (jehan'). Shah, 693 
 Jehangir, 693 
 
 Jehovah; 222, 226, 23.0, 257, 351 
 Jena (ya' nd), battle of, 905, 907, 1004, 
 
 1118 
 Jengis Khan (jen'gis kan), 667, 669 sq., 
 
 6t5 sq., 681, 688 sqq., 809, 1112 
 Jerome of Prague, 710 
 Jerusalem, 191, 217, 226-33, 350, 452, 
 
 495, 502, 503, 607, 511, 525, 539, 544, 
 
 586, 588, 628, 639, 642-47, 661, 679, 
 
 1007, 1109, 1111 
 Jesuits, 678, 687, 722, 749, 928, 9.91, 1113 
 
 sq. 
 Jesus, spirit and teaching of, 234, 423, 
 
 496 sqq., 522, 539, 547, 572, 578 sgq., 
 
 619, 628, 649, 654 sgg., 677, 687, 708, 
 
 sq., 716, 721, 812, 843, 886, 902, 939, 
 
 952, 1106 sq. 
 Jewellery, iron, 80 
 Jewish religion and sacred books, 218, 
 
 233, 234, 341, 350, 376, 466, 495, 
 
 499, 600, 953 
 Jews, 146, 191, 217, 230-35, 254, 342, 
 
 352, 493-95, 530, 568-74, 584, 694, 
 
 597, 600, 606, 635, 652, 682, 706, 793, 
 
 798, 1106. (.See also Judaism) 
 "Jingo," 973 
 Jingo, queen, 991 
 Joab, 226 
 Joan of Are, 735 
 Job, Book of, 8S, .232 
 Jodhpore (iod poor'). Raja of, 695 
 John, King of England, 645 
 John II, king of Portugal, 742 
 John III, king of Poland. (See Sobiesky, 
 
 John) 
 John VI, pope, 660 
 John X, pope, 627, 1111 
 John XI, pope, 627, 1111 
 John XII, pope, 627, 637, 660, 1111 
 John, Prester, 679 
 John, St., 503; Gospel of, 497, 614 
 
 Johnson, Samuel, 1017 
 
 Jones, H. Stuart, 446, 463 
 
 Joppa, 221 
 
 Jordan, river, 218, 684 
 
 Joseph, St., 498 
 
 Joseph II, emperor, 792, 1117 
 
 Josephine, empress. (See Beauharnais) 
 
 Josephus, 430, 494 sq. 
 
 Joshua, 221 
 
 Josiah, king of Judah, 299, 1103 
 
 Judah, kingdom of, 227, 794 
 
 Judaism, 378, 493, 581, 702, 708. (See 
 also Jews) 
 
 Judas, 508 
 
 Judea, 142, 217, 308, 376, 466, 494 sgg., 
 507 sgg., 570, 592 
 
 Judges, Book of, 222 sg. 
 
 Judges of Israel, 400, 704 
 
 Jugo-Slavs (u'goslavz). (See Yugo- 
 slavs) 
 
 Jugurtha (joo gSr' thS.), 432 sg., 1105 
 
 Julian, the Apostate, 546, 1106 
 
 Julius III, 763 
 
 Jung, 304 
 
 Jungle fo 1, 85 
 
 Juno, 163 
 
 Junot, Mme., 893 
 
 Jupiter, 351 sg., 383, 613 
 
 Jupiter, planet, 2 
 
 Jupiter Serapis, 351 
 
 Justinian, 527 sg., 554, 610, 621 sg., 712, 
 922, 1108 
 
 Jutes, 482, 526, 619 
 
 Jutland, battle of, 1042 
 
 Kaaba (ka' d hd), 569 sgg., 577, 592 
 
 Kadessia, battle of, 585, 1109 
 
 Kadija (ka de' ja), 570 sgg. 
 
 Kaffirs, 164 
 
 Kaisar-i-Hind, 492, 694 
 
 Kaisar-i-Roum, 492 
 
 Kaiser, Austrian, 492; German, 492 
 
 Kali (ka' 16), 377 
 
 Kalifa. (See Caliph) 
 
 Kalinga, 369 
 
 Kalmucks (kai' miiks), 107, 113, 473, 688 
 
 Kanishka (kanish'ka), 549, 564, 1107 
 
 Kao-ohang, 563 
 
 Karakorum (ka ra kor' dm), 672 sgg., 694 
 
 Karma (kar'md), doctrine of, 363 
 
 Karnak, 146 
 
 Kashgar (kashgar'), 474, 549, 562, 588, 
 
 670, 679 
 Kashmir, Buddhists in, 371 
 Kavadh, 545, 555, 567, 909, 1109 
 
INDEX 
 
 1151 
 
 Kazan (kazan'), 678 
 
 Keane, A. H., 127 
 
 Keith, Dr. A., 53 sg. 
 
 Keltic languages, 238, 251, 381, 527 
 
 Keltic race, 142, 238, 330, 337, 482, 605, 
 770, 1014 
 
 Kent, Duke of, 941 
 
 Kent, Kingdom of, 605 
 
 Kepler, 732 
 
 Kerensky, 1047 
 
 Kerne Island, 163 
 
 Ketboga, 691 
 
 Keynes, J. M., 1076 
 
 Khalid (kaled'), 584s3. 
 
 Khana,563,674sgg., 688 sgg., 704, 1112 sg. 
 
 Kharismia, 667, 670, 1112 
 
 Khazais (kazafz'), 635 
 
 Khedive, the, of Egypt, 997 
 
 Khitan people, 669, 679 
 
 Khiva (ke'va), 669, 679 
 
 Khokand (ko kand'), 474, 670 
 
 Khorasan (ko'rasan'), 596, 602 
 
 Khotan (ko tan'), 549, 679, 1107 
 
 Khyber Pass, 328, 475, 562, 806 
 
 Kiau-Chau (kyou' chou'), 996 sg., 1080, 
 1120 
 
 Kidnapped children sent to New Eng- 
 land, 831 
 
 Kieff, 631, 689, 694, 1110; Grand Duke 
 of, 672 
 
 Kin Empire, 669 sg., 688, 811, 1111 
 
 Kings, Book of, 140, 222, 225, 229 
 
 Kings (and kingship), 104, 185, r97 sgg., 
 205 sgg., 223, 247 sgg., 255 sg., 368, 703, 
 750, 785, 833, 916 sg.; divine right of, 
 774, 777 
 
 Kioto (kyo'to), 993 
 
 Kipchafc, Empire, 674, 688 sg. 
 
 Kipling, Radyard, 957, 988, 1012 
 
 Kii^his (kirggz'), 670; steppe, 554 
 
 Kitchen-middens, 81, 83, 119 
 
 Kiwi, 153 
 
 Knighthood, 398, 757 
 
 Knights, 209, 736; of the Shire, 397, 774 
 
 Knives, flint, 79 
 
 Knots, records by means of, 154 
 
 Knowledge, diffusion of, 340, 499 
 
 Konia, 636 
 
 Konigsberg, 736, 910 
 
 Koran, 574 sg., 581, 594 sg., 806 
 
 Korea, 558 sg., 811, 991 
 
 Korean alphabet, 559; language, 123 
 
 Kosciusko (kos i iis' ko), 801 
 
 Krapina, 54 
 
 Kremlin, the, 792 
 
 Krishna (fcrish' nd), 377 
 
 Kriidener, Baroness von, 915 
 
 Krum, Prince of Bulgaria, 623, 634, 1110 
 
 Krupp, firm of, 1037 
 
 Kshatriyas (ksha tre' yaz), 211 
 
 Kuan-yin, 367 
 
 Kublai Khan (koo'bllkan), 674 sg^., 
 
 687 sg., 704, 1113 sg. 
 Kuen-lun (kwen loon') mountains, 147, 
 
 474, 562 
 Kufa, 601 
 
 Kushan (kbo shan') dynasty, 549 
 Kusinagara, 565 
 Kut, 1044 
 Kutub, 669, 1112 
 
 L 
 
 Labotjb, 197, 207, 213, 747, 942, 1003 
 
 Labour Colleges, 419 
 
 Labourers, Statute of, 715 
 
 Labrador, 58, 94, 107, 962 
 
 Labyrinth, Cretan, 159-62 
 
 Lacedemon (las e d6' mto) , 254 
 
 Lacedemonians, 258, 271, 281 
 
 LadS, 279 
 
 Ladrones (la dronz'), 743 
 
 Ladysmith, 417 
 
 Lafayette (la fa yet'). General, 839, 
 
 860-63, 869, 872 
 Lagash (la' gash), 141 
 Lahore, 670 
 Lake dwellings, 82, 87, 103. (See also 
 
 Pile dwellings) 
 Lamas, Grand, 368 
 Lamfcalle, princess de, 875 
 Lamps, Pailseolithic, 74 
 Lande head, teonzes 101 
 Land, tenure of, 197, 213 
 Lang, Andrew, 59 
 Langley, Prof., 930 
 Languages of mattkind, 97, 103, 117, 129, 
 
 135, 172, 238, 243, 381 
 Laodicea (la o di se' iJ) , 643 
 Lao Tse (la'otze"), 371, 375, 505, 553, 
 
 566, 667, 939, 1104 
 Lapland, 123 
 Larsa, 141 
 
 Las Casas (las ka' sas), 748, 851 
 Lateran, the, 622, 628, 637, 648, 654-55, 
 
 661 
 Latin emperors, 662, 783; language and 
 
 literature, 137, 236, 395, 459, 463, 489- 
 
 91, 526, 535, 611, 625, 635-36, 690, 719 
 Latins, the, 381-83, 1106-9 
 Latium, 382 
 Laud, Archbishop, 776 
 Law, 260, 536, 610 
 Lawrence, General, 981 
 Leagueof Nations, 1064-65, 1072-78, 1121 
 
1152 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Learning, 184, 675 
 
 Leather, Arabian, 603; money, 165, 653 
 
 Lebanon, 226, 542, 544 
 
 Lecointre (le kwantr'), 863 
 
 Lee, General, 847, 971 
 
 Leeuwenhoek (la' vSn huk), 733 
 
 Legge, 353, 467 
 
 Legion of Honour, 900 
 
 Leicestershire, 715 
 
 Leiden, 770 
 
 Leipzig (lip' sik), 736; battle of, 911 
 
 Leipzig, cruiser, 1042 
 
 Lemberg, 1040 
 
 Lemming, 44 
 
 Le Moustier, 58 
 
 Lemurs, 43, 49 
 
 Lena, river, 816 
 
 Lenin (len'iu), 946-48, 1048 
 
 Leo I, 487; III, 622, 624, 660, 1125; 
 
 X, 755-58, 1114 
 Leo the Isaurian, 594 
 Leonidas (le on' i dSs) , 284 
 Leopold I, of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, 920, 
 
 963, 1119 
 Leopold, king of Belgium, 965 
 Lepanto, battle of, 700, 742 
 Lepers, 657 
 
 Lepidus (lep' i dus), 44'4 
 Levant, the, 749 
 ' Levantine lake, 155 
 Leverhulme, Lord, 942 
 Levites, 226 
 Leviticus, Book of, 221 
 Lex Valeria, 391 
 Lexington, 824, 1117 
 Lhassa, 326, 373 
 Liang-chi-chao, 151 
 Liao-tung (le ou' toong'), 994 
 Liberal Party, 1013 
 Liberia, 163, 986 
 Libraries, 231, 344 
 Libyan script,. 173 
 Licinian Rogations and Laws, 393, 430, 
 
 552 
 Licinius, 393 
 Lifege (liazh'), 1037 
 Liegnitz (lig'nits), battle of, 673, 1112 
 Life, 3, 14, 35; early forms of, 3-12, 18- 
 
 24, 25; intellectual development of 
 
 human, 173-76 
 Light, essential to plants, 20 
 Ligny (le nye*), 914 
 Liguiian republic, 891 
 Lilybseum, 402 
 Limerick, Treaty of, 1015 
 Lincoln, Abraham, 293, 969, 1119 
 Lion, the, 51, 56, 75, 248, 267 
 
 Lippi, Filippo, 740 
 
 Lisbon, 458, 644, 736, 743, 762, 806 
 
 Lissa, battle of, 972 
 
 Literature, prehistoric, 243 
 
 Lithuania, 689, 795 
 
 Liu Yu, 554 
 
 Liverpool, 924, 1119 
 
 Lizards, 32 
 
 Llama, 42, 153 
 
 Lloyd, 294 
 
 Lloyd, L., 243 
 
 Lob Nor, 679 
 
 Lochau (16 chou'), 761 
 
 Locke, John, 833, 855, 1116 
 
 Lockyer, Sir Norman, 183 
 
 Logic, study of, 726 
 
 Loire (Iwar), the, 611 
 
 Lombardy (and Lombards), 491, 527, 
 
 529, 533, 537, 610, 621, 712, 772, 904, 
 
 968, 1109 
 London, 713-14, 736, 739, 777, 799, 808, 
 
 836, 905, 913, 935, 963, 996, 1016, 
 
 1041, 1051, 1119 
 London, Royal Society. (See Royal 
 
 Society of London) 
 London, University of, 964 
 Londonderry; 1021-23, 1120 
 Longinus (Ion jl' nils), 464 
 Long Island Sound, 828 
 Longwy (Ion ve'), 873 
 Loos, 1040 
 Lopez de Recalde, Inigo. (See Ignatius, 
 
 St., of Loyola)' 
 Lords, House of, 398, 420, 775, 779-82, 
 
 787, 844 
 Lorraine, 972-73, 1012 
 Lost Ten Tribes, 138 
 Louis the Pious, 612, 626-26, 1110 
 Louis VII, 644; IX, 648, 677, 1112; XI, 
 
 735; XIV, 781, 787-89, 792, 798, 803, 
 
 857, 876, 899; XV, 791, 794-95, 813, 
 
 900, 1117; XVI, 791-94, 816, 849, 857 
 
 sqq., 882, 913; XVII, 913; XVIII, 
 
 913, 1117-18 
 Louis Philippe, 917, 1118 
 Louisiana,' 805, 833 
 Louvain University, 1068 
 Loyalty, modern conceptions of, 958 
 Loyola (loi 6' Id), St. (See Ignatius, 
 
 St., of Loyola) 
 Lu, 372 
 Lubbock, ' Sir John. (See Avebury, 
 
 Lord) 
 Lubeck, 739 
 Lucerne, Lake of, 754 
 Lu-chu Islands, 552 
 Lucknow, 805, 981 
 
INDEX 
 
 1153 
 
 Lucretius (10 kre' shi Us), 419, 462, 953 
 LucuUus (IC kar Us), 436 
 Luke, St., 497 
 Lunar month, 99 
 Lung-fish, 21 
 Lungs, 22, 42 
 "Lur," bronze, 101 
 Lusitania, hner, 1042 
 Luther, Martin, 719-23, 758, 761, 1114 
 Lutterworth, 660 
 Lutzen (luf s^n), 786 
 Lutzow, Count, 711 
 Luxembourg, 972, 1034 
 Luxembourg Palace, 897 
 Luxor, 146, 192 
 Lvoff, Prince, 1047 
 Lyceum, Athens, 301, 303 
 Lycia, sea-battle of, 593 
 Lycurgus (UkSr'giis), 166 
 Lydia (and Lydians), 165, 264-66, 269 
 sqq., 274, 314, 337, 355, 413, 682, 1103 
 Lydian language, 128; script, 171 
 Lyell, Sir C, 952 
 Lyons, 488, 878 
 Lysimachus (ll sim'd kHa), 337 
 
 M 
 
 Macatilat, Lohd, 384, 819-20 
 
 Macaulay Island, 162 
 
 Maccabeans, 495, 570 
 
 Macedon, 543 
 
 Macedonia (and the Macedonians), 158, 
 253, 259, 279, 288, 306, 311, 328, 332, 
 336, 342, 369, 387, 408, 412, 568, 608, 
 682, 705, 817, 917, 1104 
 
 Machiavelli (ma ke a vel' e) , N., 751, 
 758, 765,792, 1004, 1114 
 
 Machinery, 824, 932 
 
 Madagascar, 153 
 
 Madeira, 741 
 
 Madhurattha Vilasini (mad' hoo rat'- 
 t'ha vi la' si ne), 360 
 
 Madison, 849 
 
 Madras, 249, 369, 702, 807 
 
 Maeander (me &n' der), 643 
 
 Melius, Spurius, 392, 431 
 
 Magdal^uian Age, clothing, 347; hun- 
 ters, 267 
 
 Magdeburg, 736, 786 
 
 Magellan, Ferdinand, 743, 1114 
 
 Magenta, 968, 1119 
 
 Magic and magicians, 104, 178 
 
 Magna Carta, 774, 1112 
 
 Magna Grxcia, 253, 266, 385, 386 
 
 Magnesia, 338, 413, 1105 
 
 Magnetism, 733 
 
 Magyar Iang^age, 173, 487, 635 
 
 Magyar's (majarz'), 487, 527, 632, 673 
 
 Mahaffy,.301, 331 
 
 Mahrattas, 805 
 
 MaiUard, 862 
 
 Maimonides (ml mou' i dez) , 600 
 
 Maine, 829-31 
 
 Mainz (mints), 624, 717 
 
 Maize, 85, 153 
 
 Majuba, 986, 1013, 1120 
 
 Malabar, 462 
 
 Malay-Polynesian languages, 124 
 
 Malays, 148 
 
 Mallet, 855 
 
 Malory, Sir Thomas, 244 
 
 Malta, 780, 895, 979, 996 
 
 Mamelukes, 683, 685, 691 
 
 Mammals, 33, 45, 50. (See also Ani- 
 mals) 
 
 Mammoth, 44, 48, 52, 57, 59, 70, 72, 75 
 
 Man, 3, 4, 17, 26, 47, 48, 75, 78, 80, 84, 
 104; ancestry of, 36, 43, 44, 47, 60, 
 954; brotherhood of, 507; early, 43, 
 65, 67, 70, 75, 80, 87, 92, 105, 215, 
 347, 885; Eoanthropus, 46, 63; Hei- 
 delberg, 46, 52, 64, 63; life of common, 
 197; as mechanical power, 933; Ne- 
 anderthal, 46, 54, 66, 69, 71, 81, 93; 
 primeval, 59, 62; and the State, 795 
 
 Manchester, 940, 1119 
 
 Manchu (m&n choo') language, 123 
 
 Manchuria, 474, 561, 811, 991-95, 1009 
 
 Manchus,' 688, 811, 991 
 
 Mandarins, 212 
 
 Mangu Khan, 674, 677, 1113 
 
 Mani (ma'ne), 546, 572, 578-82, 1107 
 
 Manichaeans (m&ni kg' (inz), 524, 546, 
 594, 656 
 
 Manichaeism, 546 
 
 Manif (ma nef)> 577 
 
 Mankind, 106, 235, 308; brotherhood of, 
 797 
 
 Manlius, Marcus, 392, 406, 431 
 
 Manny, Sir Walter, 713 
 
 Manresa (man ra' ad). Abbey of, 723 
 
 Mansfield, Lord, 862 
 
 Mansur, 696 
 
 Mantua (mSln'tya S), 876 
 
 Manuscripts, 345, 548, 717 
 
 "Manzi," 679 
 
 Manzikert (m&n' zi kSrt), 636 
 
 Mara, Indian god, 357 
 
 Marat (mara'), 869-71 
 
 Marathon, 280-84, 292, 294 
 
 Marchand, Colonel, 986 
 
 Marcus AureUus. (See Antoninus) 
 
 Mardonius (mar do ni jis) , 287, 288 
 
1154 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Marduk (mar dook), a god, 180 
 
 Marengo, 899, 1118 
 
 Maria Theresa, 801, 803, 1117 
 
 Marie Antoinette, 856 
 
 Marie Louise, Archduchess, 908 
 
 Mariner's compass, 555, 556, 681 
 
 Maritime power, 162 
 
 Marius (mar' i Us), 418, 432-35,441, 1105 
 
 Mark, St., 497, 502, 603 
 
 Marly, 862 
 
 Marne, 1038, 1060 
 
 Marozia, 626, 1111 
 
 Marriage and intermarriage, 180, 192, 
 
 208, 249 
 Mars, god, 613 
 Mars, planet, 2, 3 
 Marseillaise, the, 876 
 Marseilles (mar salzO. 253, 381, 408, 646, 
 
 658, 736, 759, 878, 1113 
 Marston Moor, 778 
 Martel, Charles, 612, 613, 1110 
 Martin V, Pope, 660, 664, 710 
 Marx, Karl, 935, 936, 944, 946, 950, 1009 
 Marxists, 210 
 
 Mary, the Egyptian, 578, 579 
 Mary, the Virgin, 499, 513 
 Mary I, Queen of England, 773, 774 
 Mary II, Queseu of England, 781 
 Maryland, 829-32, 836 
 Mas d'AzU, 74 
 Masai hunters, 267 
 Masked Tuaregs, 121 
 Mason, Capt. John, 829 
 Mason and Dixon line, 829, 831 
 Maspero, 193, 195 
 Mass, the, 708 
 Massachusetts, 829, 831, 836, 843, 848, 
 
 852, 882 
 Massage, 113 
 Massinissa, King, 411 ' 
 Mathematics, 600, 602, 675 
 Matthew, St., 497, 501, 610 
 Maulvi Muhammad, Ali, 574 
 Mauritius, 806 
 Maxentius, 519 
 Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 970, 
 
 971, 1119, 1120 
 Maximilian I, 755, 1114 
 Maximin, 485 
 
 Maya (ma' ya) writing, 154 
 Mayence. (See Mainz) 
 Mayflower, the, 803, 829, 831 
 Mayor, 422 
 
 Mayor of the Palace, 612 
 Mazarin, Cardinal, 787, 788, 796 
 Mazdaism, 647, 681 
 Mecca, 569, 581, 689, 396 
 
 Meccan allies, 1109 
 
 Mechanical Revolution, the, 922-36, 
 
 961, 963, 977, 980, 987, 1000, 1061 
 Medes, 140, 146, 190, 229, 239, 265, 268, 
 
 281, 289, 292, 330, 384, 472, 1103 
 Media (me' di A), 139, 232, 270, 275. 329, 
 
 437, 452 
 Medici (med' i ch§) family, 740, 761-52 
 Medicine, 343, 600, 602 
 Medina (m^de'niJ), 646, 654, 567, 668, 
 
 673, 674, 580-86, 589-96 
 Mediterranean, 120, 126, 132, 137, 165, 
 161, 164, 218, 253, 338, 380, 401, 437, 
 458, 468, 470, 488, 494, 541, 593, 618, 
 630, 699, 739, 741, 746, 749, 780 
 
 Mediterranean alphabets, 173, 253, 658; 
 civilization, 115, 142; early, 172, 182, 
 489; navigation of, 155, 157, 162, 
 442; race and peoples, 74, 81, 108, 110, 
 111, 121, 126, 162, 221, 238, 240, 263, 
 381, 466; valley, 55, 88, 90, 132 
 
 Medway, 781 
 
 Meerut, 981 
 
 Megabazus (meg d ba' ztfs), 279 
 
 Megalithic monuments, 83, 113 
 
 Megara (meg' d id), 285 
 
 Megatherium, 76, 163 
 
 Megiddo, 229, 1103 
 
 Melanesia, 115 
 
 Melasgird, 636, 1111 
 
 Memphis, 274, 307, 325, 351 
 
 Menahem (men' §. hem), 229, 1103 
 
 Menelaus (men^la'tis), 246 
 
 Menes (me' nez), 142, 160 
 
 Mengo, 986 
 
 Mercator's projection, 474 
 
 Mercenary armies, 762 
 
 Merchants, 206, 211 
 
 Mercia, 606, 614, 61S 
 
 Mercury, god, 391 
 
 Mercury, planet, 2 
 
 Merodach (mer'o da,k), 188 
 
 Merovingians, 612, 783 
 
 Merv, 525 
 
 Merycodus (mer 1 ko' dSs), 41 
 
 Mesopotamia, 76, 103, 131-32, 138, 142- 
 44, 165, 177, 187, 196, 256, 331, 439, 
 465, 491, 637-44, 567, 584, 686, 596, 
 679, 688, 690, 704, 1044 
 
 Mesozoic (mestizo'ik) period, 8, 11, 
 25-43, 60, 51, 700 
 
 Messiah, 231, 466, 493, 499, 604-9 
 
 Messina (m^se'nd), Straits of, 388, 
 394, 401, 403 
 
 Metallurgy, 927 
 
 Metals, 78, 80, 152, 163, 166, 731 
 
 Metaurus, 409 
 
INDEX 
 
 1155 
 
 Methodist revival, 8l3 
 
 Methuselah, 99 
 
 Metternich, 917, 937 
 
 Metz, 863, 972 
 
 Mexico (and the Mexicans), 112, 148, 
 
 153, 154, 742, 747, 748, 970, 972, 1115 
 Mey, Peter Van der, 771 
 Michael VTI, emperor, 637 
 Michael Vlil. (See Palseologus.Michael) 
 Michelatfg'elo, 740 
 Miohelih guided, 169 
 Miokleg^rtH, 668 
 MicrosobpS, 734 
 Middelburg, 789 
 Midianitfes, 222 
 Midsummer day, 181, 183 
 Midwinter day, 183 
 Migrations, 78, 474-80, 483 
 Mihiragula (mi her d goo' la), 550, 1108 
 Miklagard, 618 
 Milan, 487, 488, 736, 740, 752, 753, 759, 
 
 760, 904, 918 
 Miletus (mi le' tils), 254, 262, 278, 288, 
 
 321 
 MiUtary organization, 136; service, 261; 
 
 tactics, 785 
 Milk, 70, 84, 134, 473 
 Millet, 486 
 Milligan, Joseph, 129 
 Miltenburg, 737 
 
 Miltiades (mil tl' (Sdez), 278, 294 
 Milvian Bridge, 519 
 Minerals, 8 
 Ming dynasty, 171, 555, 557, 677, 688, 
 
 724, 811, 1113 
 Minos (mi'nos), 142, 159, 161, 179, 266 
 Mindteur (miii' o tawr), 159, 161 
 Minstrels, 244 
 
 Miocene (mi' d sen) period, 38, 41-53, 70 
 Mirabeau (me ra bo), 859, 864-65 
 Misraim and Misrim, 220 
 Missionaries (and missions), 371, 613, 
 
 614, 675, 677, 724, 985, 1115 
 Mississippi, 833 
 Mitauni, 138 
 Mithraic inscriptions, 423 
 Mithraic Sun-day, 499 
 Mithraism, 466, 612, 513, 546, 654, 708, 
 
 1108 
 Mithras, 352, 465, 513, 546 
 Mithridates (mithri da' tez), 434, 435, 
 
 1106 
 Mo Ti, 505 
 Moa, 153 
 
 Moab (and Moabites), 222, 232, 794 
 Moawijs. (.See Muawija) 
 MoBSia, 491, 636, 1106 
 
 Mogul, Greaf, 997, 1116 
 
 Mogul dynasty, 693, 1116 
 
 Mohammed. (See Muhammad) 
 
 Mokanna, 596 
 
 Moloch, 227 
 
 Moltke, Count, 1005 
 
 Moluccas, 743 
 
 Mommseui 215j 311, 766, 768 
 
 MbnarcW; 769, 771^ 7^6-93, 799, 801, 
 
 j, S83i9i5 ,- 
 
 Mbhastferles (arid nionasticism) , 530 
 
 kda-'i 6i4, 667; 709. 
 
 Mottastif (mSnastSr'), 1043 
 
 Money; 164-65, 380, 391, 427, S51, 888. 
 (See also Currency) 
 
 Mongolia, 469, 472, 561, 672-80, 811 
 
 Mongolian languages, 126, 129; races 
 and peoples. 111, 116, 126, 152, 239, 
 266, 329, 330, 436, 437, 472-78, 527, 
 682, 700, 703, 797, 809, 810, 990 
 
 Mongoloid tribes, 153, 744 
 
 Mongols, 469, 473, 479, 486, 647, 666 
 sqq., 675, 682, 687, 688, 689, 700, 703, 
 726, 740, 749, 809, 817, 1112, 1113 
 
 Monkeys, 43, 48 
 
 Monks. (See Monasteries) 
 
 Monmouth, cruiser, 1042 
 
 Monosyllabic language, 123 
 
 Monotheism, 581 
 
 Monroe, President, 916, 971 
 
 Monroe doctrine, 970, 984, 1029 
 
 Mons, 1037 
 
 Monte Cassino, 631, 533 
 
 Montesquieu, 854 
 
 Montezuma (mon te zoo' tad), 747 
 
 Montfort, Simon de, 774 
 
 Montreal, 804 
 
 Montserrat, 723 
 
 Moon, 2, 98 
 
 Moorish buffoon, 486 
 
 Moorish paper, 718 
 
 Moors, 422, 749 
 
 Moose, 52 
 
 Moral ideas, 233 
 
 Moravia, 482 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, 766, 931 
 
 Moreau, General, 890, 1118 
 
 Morelly, 855 
 
 Morning Post, 941 
 
 Mornington, Lord, 979 
 
 Morocco, 163, 702, 987, 996, 1009, 
 1025 
 
 Morris, WiUiam, 866 
 
 Mortar, pebble, 69 
 
 Morte d'Arthur, 244 
 
 Mosasaurs (mo' ad sawrz), 28, 32 
 
 Moscow, 689, 694, 792, 909, 1118 
 
1156 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Moscow, Grand Duke of, 689, 1114 
 
 Moscow, Taar of, 809 
 
 Moses, 142, 146, 155,"i87;-220, 231,'547 
 
 Moslem schools, 697; universities, 'fiOl 
 
 Moslems, the, 583-93, 597, 628, 635, 
 639,645-46,657, 668, 674, 689, 696, 
 700, 718, 981, 1109-ll;-iu Europe, 
 593-95, 606, 612, 616,; 621, 632, 652, 
 742, 793, 1111, (See aUo Crusades and 
 Islam) . . ' • 
 
 Mosses, 20 
 
 Mosso, 156 
 
 Most, 711 
 
 Mosul, 642, 691 
 
 Motley, 771-72 , 
 
 Mounds, 83, 95 , _ 
 
 Mountains (and mountaineering), 3, 38 
 
 Mousterian Age (and implements^ , 46, 
 58, 60, 66 
 
 Muawija (mooa we' ya), 589-94, 1110 
 
 Mudfish, 21, 42 
 
 Muehlon, Herr, 1067 
 
 Muhammad (mii hSm' dS), prophet, 235, 
 497, S06, 545, 555, 561, 567, 685, 696, 
 708; life of, 570 sqq., 591, 592; teach- 
 ing of, 579-82, 594 
 
 Muhammad II, sultan, 752, 1114 
 
 Muhammad-Ibn-Musa, 602 
 
 Muhammadan communistic movement, 
 716 
 
 Muhammadanism, 594, 606, 694; (See 
 also Islam aTiii Muhammad) 
 
 Mulberry tree, 458 
 
 Mules, 110 
 
 Miilhausen (mul'hou zfe), 891 
 
 MiiUer,, Max, 180 
 
 Mummies, 112 
 
 Munich (mu' nik), 731 
 
 Munster (mun'ster), 715, 1026, 1115 
 
 Milnster, Bishop of, 715 
 
 Munzuk, 486 
 
 Murad I, 683 
 
 Murat (mu ra'), 910 
 
 Murzuk, 88 
 
 Muscovites, 793 
 
 Muscovy, empire of, 792 
 
 Musical instruments, 86 
 
 Musk ox, 44, 48, 57, 75 
 
 Muskets, 785 
 
 Mycale (mik' & le), 288, 290, 1104 
 
 MycensB (mi se' ne), 80, 254, 265, 267 
 
 Myoenean (ml se ne' (Jn) architecture, 
 
 ■ 383 ' 
 
 Mycerinus (mis S rl' n&), 144 
 
 Mylffi, 402, 1105 \ 
 
 Myos-hormos, 462 
 
 Myrina . (mi ri' n*) ,385 
 
 Myron, 294 
 
 Mysteries, religious, 316 
 
 Mythology, 100, 304 
 
 N •; : 
 
 Nabatean Kings, 542 
 
 Nabonidus (nSb o ni' dus) , 190-93, 197, 
 
 217, 226, 23i; 269, 274, 327, 355 
 Nadir Shah (na'dgr sha'), 806, 1117. 
 Nagasaki (na ga sa' ke), 992 
 Nalanda, 564 
 Nanking, 669, 1111 
 Naples, 385, 440, 531-32, 653, 736, 766, 
 
 891, 904, 917, 968, 1108 ; 
 
 Napoleon I, 653, 765, 872, 876, 883; 892- 
 
 915, 922, 924, 979, 1117-18; III, 492, 
 
 965-73, 975, 1119-20 
 Narbonne, 736 
 Naseby, 778 
 Nasmyth, 926 
 Natal, 987 , 
 Nathan, 225 
 "National Schools," 934 
 Nationahsm, 959-63; 975, 1023-24 
 Nationalization, 947 
 Natural rights, selection, 15 
 Nautilus, Pearly, 33 
 Naval tactics, Roman, 403 
 Navarino (nS,v a re' no) , battle of, 920, 
 
 1119 
 Navigation, early, 155-64, 241 
 Nazarenes, 510-13, _ 
 Neanderthal (na an' der tal) man, 46, 
 
 54, 66, 67, 71, 81, 93, 420, 427 
 Nebuchadnezzar (neb u k(Sd nez' &t) (the 
 
 Great) II, 140, 146, 162, 217, 228, 230, 
 
 269, 324, 327, 1104 
 Nebulse, 1 
 Necho (ne'ko), Pharaoh', 146, 163, 229, 
 
 342, 439, 461, 741,, 1103-4 
 Necker, 863 .; 
 Needles, bone, 69 
 Negritos, 991 
 Negroes, 47, 51, 110, 119, 143, 152, 462, 
 
 749, 832, 851, 852 
 Negroid race, 67, 109, 112, 143 
 Nehemiah, 232' 
 Nelson, Horatio, 895-97, 905 
 Neohipparion, 41 
 Neolithic Age, 55, 80, 83, 119-20, 125-27, 
 
 142, 143, 241; agriculture, 85-7, 100, 
 
 135, 267; civilization and culture, 77, 
 
 98-104, 111-12, 119, 131-34, 140, 144, 
 
 148, 155-59, 242-46; man, 75-8, 97-8, 
 
 102-4, 111, 125, 168, 215, 246, 249, 847 
 Neo-platonism, ,514(,X2Q . -.i 
 
INDEX 
 
 1157 
 
 Nepal (niJpawl'), 355, 561, 562, 811 
 
 Nephthys (nef'thls), 192 
 
 Neptune, planet, 2 
 
 Nero, 454-55, 512, 531, 1106 
 
 Nerva, 455, 1124 
 
 Nestorlan Christians, 525, 538, 547, 554, 
 600, 667, 677, 679 
 
 Netherlands, the, 755, 762, 769, 770-73, 
 788, 803, 918-20. (See also Dutch Re- 
 public and Holland) 
 
 Nets, flax, 85 
 
 Neustadt (noi' stat), 736 
 
 Neustria, 612-13, 1110 
 
 Neva, river, 792 
 
 New Amsterdam, 803, 829-32 
 
 New England, 45, 741, 802, 828-32 
 
 Newfoundland, 803, 997 
 
 New Guinea, 108, 111, 129 
 
 New Habsburg, 754, 1112 
 
 New Hampshire, 828, 831, 836 
 
 New Harmony (U.S.A.), 942 
 
 New Jersey, 831, 836; 844, 1062 
 
 New Lanark, 941-42 
 
 Newmarket, 781 
 
 New Mexico, 1028 
 
 New Orleans, 804 
 
 New Plymouth, 829 
 
 Newton, Sir Isaac, 348, 462, 733, 1116 
 
 Newts, 21 
 
 New Year, festival of, 183 
 
 New York, 426, 459, 736, 802, 831, 836, 
 839, 846, 924, 1118 
 
 New Zealand, 153, 983, 998-99 
 
 Niarchus, 318 
 
 Nicsea (m se' d), 522-23, 636, 642, 1107 
 
 Nice, Province- of, 968 
 
 Nicene (ni' sen) Creed, 522, 624, 1107 
 
 Nieephorus (nl sef 5 riSs), 623, 1110 
 
 Nicholas 1, tsar, 920, 941, 966, 1119; II, 
 1001 
 
 Nicholas of Myra, 522 
 
 Nicholson, Gen. John, 981 
 
 Nickel, 2, 927 
 
 Nicomedes (niko me' dez), King of 
 Bithynia, 430 
 
 Nicomedia, 488, 518,. 521 
 
 Niemen (ne' men) , 905 
 
 Nietzsche (ne' ch^, 1005 
 Nieuw Amsterdam. (See New Amster- 
 dam) 
 Nile, the, 89-90, 107, 125, 146, 1S2, 156- 
 57, 215, 255, 462, 702, 985; battle of, 
 896, 1118; delta, 144, 164, 181; valley, 
 143, 214, 1102 
 Nineveh (nin'ev^),' 138-40, 146, 190, 
 231, 269, 326, 537, 539, 543, 645, 691, 
 1103, 1109 
 
 Nippur (nip poor'), 103, 131, 136, 142, 
 
 215, 691 
 Nirvana (nir va' n&), 362, 364, 370 
 Nish, 457, 481, 485, 520, 1107 
 Nisibin, 543 
 Nitrate of silver, 602 
 Nitric acid, 602 
 Noah, 110 
 Nobility, 200, 205 
 Nogaret, Guillaume de, 663, 1113 
 Nomadism (and Nomads), 84, 107, 133, 
 135, 246, 329, 548, 567, 666, 670, 689, 
 697-98, 703-4 
 Nominalism, 728 sgg. 
 Nonconformity, 721 
 
 Nordic race, 123, 152, 266, 312, 316, 329, 
 475, 608, 630, 682, 703, 709, 726, 797, 
 811, 1014 
 Normandy (and the Normans), 618, 
 631-32, 637-42, 735, 865, 1111; duke- 
 dom of, 626, 630 
 Norse language, 238, 619 
 Northmen, 468, 617, .618, 628-30, 635, 
 
 709, 1014 
 North Sea, the, 55, 468, 630, 739-40, 741 
 Northumberland, 933 
 Northumbria, kingdom of, 605, 615 
 Norway, 75, 526, 616, 630, 661, 720, 
 
 761, 803, 919, 1111 
 Norwegian language, 238 
 Norwich, 713 
 Nottingham, 777, 924 
 Nova Scotia, 741 
 Novgorod (novgorod'), 631, 689, 736, 
 
 739, 1110 
 Nubia, 200 
 Nubian wild ass, 163 
 Numbers, use of, 97 
 Numerals, Arabic, 164, 602, 652 
 Numidia (and Numidians), 407, 410, 
 
 416, 432, 463' 
 Nuns, 709 ' 
 
 Nuremberg, 736; Peace of, 761 
 Niimberg (nurn bereft) , cruiser, 1042 
 
 O 
 
 Oak, 45 
 
 Oars, 156 
 
 Obedience and will, 702-7 
 
 Obi (6' be), river, 329, 816 
 
 Occam, 729, 730, 1113 
 
 Ocean, 3 
 
 Oceania, 153 
 
 Octavian. (See Augustus) 
 
 Odenathus (od e na' thiis), 538, 568,. 
 
 1107 
 Odin, 613 
 
1158 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Odoacer (o d5 a' a&), 623, 1108 
 
 Odysseus, 437 
 
 Odyssey. (.See Homer) 
 
 CGcumenicai councils, 522 
 
 Offerings, 178 
 
 Ogdai Khan, 672, 673, 1112 
 
 Oglethorpe, 830, 1117 
 
 Ohio (6 hi' 6), 45, 833 
 
 "Old Man" in religion, 95, 102-4, 885 
 
 Oligarchies, 258, 260 
 
 OUgocene (ol' i gd sen) period, 38, 39, 50, 
 
 51 
 Olney, Mr., 1029, 1078 
 Olympiad, first, 264, 1103 
 Olympian games, 264 
 Olympias, 316 sqq., 329, 336, 343, 387 
 Olympus, mount, 283 
 Omar I, caUph, 584-89, 647, 1109 
 Omayyads (omi'yadz), 591-601, 625, 
 
 628, 1110 
 O'Neil of Tyrone, 82 
 Oppossum, 43 
 Oracles, 194, 256, 270 
 Orange, house of, 773 
 Orange, Duke of, 772 
 Orange River, 986 
 Orang-outang, 46 
 Orbit of earth, 44 
 Orient, ship, 896 
 Orientation of temples, 181, 183 
 Origen (or' i j&), 514 
 Orissa, 378 
 
 Orlando, Signor, 1068, 1071 
 Orleans, 487, 736, 937 
 Ormonde, Duke of, 819 
 Ormuz, 679 
 
 Ormuzd (or' mjizd) , 545, 546 
 Ornaments, 85 
 
 Ornithorhynchus (or nith d ring' kiis) , 40 
 Orpheus (or' fiis), 466 
 Orphic cult, 316 
 Orsini (or se ne) , family, 663 
 Orthodox Church. (See Greek Church) 
 Osborn, Prof. H. P., 65, 462 
 Osiris (d sir' is), 192, 351, 352 
 Osman, House of, 683 
 Oatia, 428 
 Ostracism, 263 
 
 Ostrogoths, 476, 481, 527, 631, 1108 
 Othman, 589, 591, 1109 
 Otho, Emperor, 455, 1109 
 Otis, James, 834 
 Otranto, 685 
 Otters, 26, 52 
 Otto I, 627, 635, 660, 1111 
 Otto II, 627, 1111 
 Otto III, 627, 1111 
 
 Otto of Bavaria, 920 
 
 Ottoman Empu-e, 681-87, -691, 692, 696, 
 
 697, 736, 1114. (See also Turkey and 
 
 Turks) 
 Oudh (oud), 805, 808, 981 
 Ovid, 10 
 
 Owen, Robert, 940-45, 1119 
 Ownership, 885 
 Ox, great, 75 
 Ox-carts, 221 
 Oxen, 83, 162, 241, 247 
 Oxford, 459, 601, 659, 712, 726, 728, 
 
 729, 736, 777, 813, 819, 835, 862, 964, 
 
 1011 
 Oxide of iron, 7 
 Oxus, 550 
 
 Oxydactylus (ok si dak' ti Ws), 41 
 Oxygen (ok' si jen), 19 
 
 Pacific Ocean, 33, 62, 115, 152, 214, 
 
 672, 702, 742, 747, 811, 1008, 1112 
 PaddUng in navigation, 157 
 Padua, 487 
 Paine, Tom, 849 
 Painted pebbles, 73 sg., 74 
 Painting, Palaeolithic, 71 
 Paionia, 288 
 Pateoanthropus Heidelbergensis (pSl- 
 
 e 5 an thro' pds hi' d^I bSrg en' sis) , 
 
 46, 52, 54 
 Palaeolithic age, 46, 55, 65, 68, 74, 80, 
 
 143; art, 71, 93, 99; implements, 57, 
 
 60, 77, 107; man, 62, 65, 76, 80, 87, 98, 
 
 104, 108, 112, 117, 118, 129, 152, 168, 
 
 215, 347, 746, 759, 885 
 Palaeologus (pa,l e ol' d gfis), Michael 
 
 (Michael VIII), 662; Zoe, 689 
 Falaeopithecus (pal e o pi the' kits) , 50 
 Palaeozoic (paleozo'ik) period, 8, 16, 
 
 19, 24, 25, 36, 38. 42 
 Palais Royal, 860 
 Palermo (pdS ler' mo) , 403 
 Palestine, 202, 218-21, 227, 382, 493, 
 
 568, 636-37, 644, 657, 667, 674, 679, 
 
 691, 1007, 1113 
 Pali (pa' li) language, 355 
 Palms, Cainozoio, 37 
 Palmyra (pM mS'rd), 538, 542 sqq., 568, 
 
 1107 
 Palos (pa' 16s), 741 
 Pamir (pa mer') Plateau, 329 
 Pamirs, 562, 589, 670, 688, 740 
 Pampeluna (pam p^loo' na), 722, 1114 
 Pamphylia (pS,m fil' i d) , 643 
 Panama Canal, 1031 
 
INDEX 
 
 1159 
 
 Panama, Isthmus of, 743, 746 
 
 Pan-American Conferences, 1001, 1029 
 
 Pan Chau, 1106 
 
 Pan-German movement, 1008 
 
 Panipat (pa'nepiit), 693, 1114 
 
 Pannonia (pa n5' ni d), 481, 527, 1106 
 
 Panth,er in Europe, 268 
 
 Papacy (incl. popes), policy of, 654; 
 outline of, 6S0; and the Great War, 
 725; and world dominion, 802; mis- 
 cellaneous, 526, 533, 607, 612, 621 egg., 
 632, 637, 644 sgg., 659, 663, 677 sg., 
 684 sgg., 708 sg.,720,724,744, 758, 796, 
 937, 1113. (See also Rome, Church of) 
 
 Papal Schism, 663, 710, 1113 
 
 Paper, introduction and use of, 144, 346, 
 603, 681, 717 sg., 758 
 
 Papua (pa'puii), tjrpe of mankind in, 
 108 
 
 Papuan speech, 129 
 
 Papyrus (p(J pl'rils), 144, 347, 603 
 
 Parchment, 603 
 
 Parchment promissory notes, 653 
 
 Pariahs, 211 
 
 Paris, Peace of, 830, 1117; during the 
 Revolution, 858 sgg.; Napoleon in, 
 892, 904, 910, 914, capitulation of, 
 911; rising against Charles X, 917; 
 revolution of 1848, 938; siege of, 972; 
 Zeppelin raids on, 1041; Peace Con- 
 ference at, 1061-72, 1076-81; miscel- 
 laneous, 736, 839, 901, 935, 1120 
 
 Paris, University of, 724, 729, 820 
 
 Parker, E. H., 470 
 
 Parliament, government by, 750; Eng- 
 lish, 773-83, 798, 808, 833 sg., 1017 sg., 
 1118; PoUsh, 801 
 
 Parliamentary Monarchy in Europe, 793 
 
 Parma, 652 
 
 Parmenio (par me' ni o), 318, 333 
 
 Parsees, 545, 696 
 
 Parthenon (par' th^ nfa) , 2'94 
 
 Parthia (and Parthians), 330 sg., 337, 
 436 sgg., 452, 455, 468, 472 sg., 537, 
 542 sg., 1106 
 
 Paschal 11, 1111 
 
 Passau (pas' ou). Treaty of, 762, 1115 
 
 Passover, Feast of the, 507 sg. 
 
 Passy (pa se'), 864 
 
 Pasteur (pas tur') , 348 
 
 Patricians, Roman, 389-96 
 
 Patriotism, 260, 364, 797 
 
 Pattison, Prof. Pringle, 729 
 
 Patzinaks, 635 
 
 Paul, St., 337, 423, 507, 510 sgg., 952 
 
 Paul, Tsar of Russia, 1117 
 
 Paulicians, 524 
 
 Pauline epistles, 510 sg. 
 
 Pauline mysteries, 513 
 
 Pa via (pa ve' d) , 759 
 
 Peace, universal, 234, 653 
 
 Peace Conference. (See Paris) 
 
 Peas, as food, 85 
 
 Peasant revolts, 714 sg., 758, 821, 984, 
 1113 
 
 Peasants, 118, 198 
 
 Peounia, 164 
 
 Pecus, 165 
 
 Peers, Council of, 776 
 
 Pegu (pegoo'), 679 
 
 Peisistratidse (pi sis tra' ti de), 264 
 
 Peisistratus (pi sis' trd t^s), 258, 280-85, 
 391, 1104 
 
 Pekinese language, 123 
 
 Peking, 183, 561, 669, 674 sg., 694, 792, 
 811, 989, 1112, 1120 
 
 Peloponnesian War, 291, 1104 
 
 Pelycosaurs (pel'i ktfsawrz), 23 
 
 Pendulum, invention of, 602 
 
 Penelope, 248 
 
 Penn, William, 829 
 
 Pennsylvania, 829, 831, 843 sg., 850 
 
 Pentateuch, 218 sgg., 231 
 
 Pepi, 145, 342, 765 
 
 Pepin (pep' in) I, 612, 616, 1110; son of 
 Charlemagne, 621; of Heristhal, 612, 
 1110 
 
 Pepys, Samuel, 781 
 
 Pergamum (p6r' gd miim) , 337, 430 sg., 
 436 
 
 Pericles (per'i klez), 259, 290 sgg., 307, 
 457, 712 sg., 740, 1104; Age of, 300 
 sg., 308 
 
 Perihelion, 44 
 
 Peripatetic school, 343 
 
 Periplus, of Hanno, 163, 184 
 
 Perkin, 1003 
 
 Perry, Commodore, 993, 1119 
 
 Persepolis (p6rsep'<51is), 307, 327, 584 
 
 Persia (and the Persians), 81, 109, 164, 
 190, 229-30, 240, 257, 267, 315, 319, 
 331, 336-37, 386, 436, 440, 462, 467, 
 470, 472, 479, 543, 547-48, 554^57, 
 568, 583-85, 631, 636, 666, 670, 675- 
 79, 687, 699, 716, 735, 806, 817, 1107; 
 history (rise of), 140, 144, 146, 152, 
 190, 202, 259, 261-64, 267-71; (.Em- 
 pire), 452, 1105-8; (war with Greece), 
 274 sgg.; (war with Alexander), 321, 
 324-30, 1123; (Sassanid Empire), 
 457, 537-39, 545, 596, 1109; (Islam 
 and Persia), 585-96, 628; (Mongol 
 Empire), 673, 689, 694; religion of, 
 350-52, 518, 524, 638, 545-46, 564, 696 
 
1160 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Persian Gulf, 126, 132, 136, 156, 329, 679 
 Persian language, 118, 140, 240, 698 
 Peru, 112, 115, 153-54, 746-49, 991, 1115 
 Peshawar (p^shawr'), 367, 562 
 Pestilence, 74, 457, 470, 529, 552, 606, 
 
 610, 621, 640, 712, 923, 1107 sqq. 
 Peter, St., 85, 508, 622, 662; the Great, 
 
 792 sg., 809, 967, 1116; the Hermit, 
 
 639 sq « 
 Peterhof, 792 
 Petition of Right, 776 
 Petra (pe' tid), 568 
 Petrie, Flinders, 143 
 Petrograd, 792, 1047 
 Petronius (p^tro' ni Us), 458 
 Petsohenegs, 635 sg. 
 Phalanx, 313 sg. 
 Phanerogams, 22 
 Pharaohs, the, 145, 159, 191 sg., 197 
 
 sgg., 220, 227, 342 sg., 439, 461 
 Pharisees, 496, 502 
 
 Pharsalos (far sa' Wa), battle of, 441, 1106 
 Pheidippides (fl dip' i dez), 281 
 Phidias (fid' i &s), 294 sg. 
 Philadelphia (ancient), 542, 643; U. S. A., 
 
 829, 839 sg., 846, 1117 
 Philip, of Hesse, 761 
 Philip of Macedon, 292, 302, 306 sgg., 
 
 331 sgg., 340, 343, 372, 489, 1104 
 PhiUp, King of France, 663 
 Philip II, King of Spain, 762, 770 sg., 
 
 783, 793, 839 
 Philip, Duke of Orleans, 860, 882, 917 
 Philippine Islands, 743, 979, 992, 1029 
 Phihstia (and Philistines), 142, 188, 221 
 
 sgg., 382 
 Philonism, 514 
 Philosophy, primitive, 92; Greek, 304, 
 
 349; medicinal, 727 sgg.; experi- 
 mental, 734 
 Philbtas (fi 16' tda), 318, 333 
 Phinehas, 223 
 Phocians (fo' shi anz), 313 
 Phoenicia (fe nish' d), and Phoenicians, 
 
 158 sgg., 168, 177, 214, 218 sg., ,225, 
 
 228 sgg., 279-85,324-37, 342, 493, 560; 
 
 language and script, 120, 173; colonies, 
 
 253, 383 
 Phoenix, steamship, 924 
 Phonetic spelling, 559 
 Phonograms, 170 sg. 
 Phrygia (frij'id), and Phrygians, 253, 
 
 265, 330, 337, 382, 682 
 Phrygius, 318 
 Physics, 602 
 Physiocrats, 855 
 Fiacenza (pya chen' tsa) , 639 
 
 Pictographs, 169 sgg. 
 
 Plots, 461 
 
 Picture writing, 144, 153, 173 
 
 Piedmont, 876 
 
 Pig, 48, 169; unclean to Moslems, 981 
 
 Pigtails, Chinese, 688, 811, 990 
 
 Pilate, Pontius, 507 
 
 Pile dwellings, 80, 132. (See also Lake 
 
 dwellings) ^ 
 
 Pilgrim Fathers, 851 
 Pilgi:ims, 632, 639 
 Pillnitz, 872 
 
 Piltdown skull, 46, 53 sgg. 
 Pindar (pin' ddr), 320 
 Pins, bone, 85 
 Piracy, 739 
 Pisa, 732, 736 
 Pithecanthropus (pith e kJln- thro pfis) , 
 
 erectus, 46, 49 sgg. 
 Pitt, William, the "Younger," 903 
 Pius, VII, 903 
 
 Pixodarus (piksddar'iSs), 318 
 Pizarro (pizar'6), 747, 1115 
 Placentia (pW sen' shi d). (See Piaoenza) 
 Plague. (See Pestilence) • 
 Plaiting, Neolithic, 78 
 Planets, 2 sg. 
 Plants, 8 sgg. 
 
 Plassey, battle of, 808, 1117 
 Platsea (pWte'd), battle of, 284, 288 
 
 sgg., 296, 1104 
 Plato, 292, 298, 299 sgg., 340, 372, 491, 
 
 539, 726, 766, 944, 1104 
 Playfair, 954 
 
 Plebeians, Roman, 389 sgg., 418, 419 
 Pleistocene (plis' to sen) Age, 38, 44, 46, 
 
 48 sg., 75, 121, 197 
 Flesiosaurs (pie' zi 6 sawrz) , 28, 32, 36 
 Pliny, theelder, 132 ; the younger, 463, 602 
 Pliocene (pli' 6 sen) Age, 38, 44, 46, 51 
 
 sg., 215 
 Plotiuus (pli5 ti' n?Js), 348, 514 
 Plunkett, Sir Horace, 1023 
 Plutarch, 263, 293 sg., 316,320, 332, 336, 
 
 406, 432, 435, 442 sgg., 520, 894 
 Pluvial Age, 126 sg., 246 
 Plymouth, 915; (New, England) , 851 
 Plymouth Company 828 
 Po, valley of the, 330, 384, 395, 404 
 Pocahontas (po kd hon' tds), 828 
 Pocock, R. I., 72 
 Pooook, Roger, 239, 479 
 Poitiers, 612, 735, 1110 
 Poland, 635, 664, 673, 685, 690, 735, 787, 
 
 795, 798-801, 809, 816, 823, 826, 865, 
 
 872, 906-8, 915, 918-20, 937, 1080, 
 
 1116, 1119 
 
INDEX 
 
 1161 
 
 Polish language, 238 
 
 Political ideas, common, 449 
 
 Politics (and Politicians), 426, 700, 796 
 
 Polo, Maffeo, 678 
 
 Polo, Marco, 678, 681, 741, 751, 1113 
 
 Polo, Nicolo, 678 
 
 Polyclitus (pol i kll' tils), 294 
 
 Polynesia, il5, 128; languages of, 121:, 
 129; peoples of, 81, 116, 124 
 
 Pompadour, Madame de, 791 
 
 Pompeii (pom pa' ye), 421 
 
 Pompey, 436, 439-43, 467-70, 476, 496, 
 546, 1106 
 
 Pondicherry, 807 
 
 Pontifex maximus, 619 
 
 Pontus, 481, 541 
 
 Poor, the, 818 aq. 
 
 Poor Laws, 766 
 
 Pope, Alex., 1017 
 
 Popes. (See Papacy) 
 
 Poplioola (pop lik' (5 Id) , Valerius, 391 
 
 Poppaea (pd pe' (J), 454 
 
 Poptilar education, Christianity and, 700 
 sqq. 
 
 Port Arthur, 989, 994 
 
 Port Sunlight, 942 
 
 Porto Rico, 1029 
 
 Portugal (and Portuguese), 163, 238, 482, 
 491, 664, 907, 1014, 1108, 1112-14; 
 overseas trade and expansion of, 740- 
 44, 747-49, 801, 807, 852, 979, 984, 991 
 
 Porus (p6' nls), king, 328 sq., 368 
 
 Posen, 910, 937, 972, 1012 
 
 Post horses in ancient Persia, 275 
 
 Potash, 602 
 
 Potato, 154 
 
 Potomac, river, 847 
 
 Potsdam, 792 ■ 
 
 Pottery, 77, 82 sq., 100 sq., 383, 603 
 
 Poultry. (See Fowl) 
 
 Powers, Great, 767 sqq., 797, 802, 826, 
 917, 966, 975, 1024 
 
 Prague, 710, 732, 937 sq., 1119; Univer- 
 sity of, 710 
 
 Prayer-flags, Buddhist, 378 
 
 Prayer-wheels, 376 
 
 Presbyterianism, 776 
 
 Prescott, 762 sq. 
 
 Press, free, 843 ; in politics, 396 
 
 Prester John, 679 
 
 Priam (pri'iJm), 283 
 
 Pride, Colonel, 779 aq. 
 
 Priestcraft (inol. Priesthood and Priests), 
 96, 100, 103, 150, 178-89, 193-95, 205, 
 208, 225, 247, 251, 256, 369, 582, 649, 
 709-10, 796 
 
 Primal law, 59 
 
 Prince, character of a, 751 aqq. 
 Princes, an exclusive class, 209 
 Princeton, Univ. of, 1062 
 Printing, 175, 347, 396, 717 sq:, 724, 731, 
 
 1114; Chinese, 550 
 Priscus (pris' kfis), 485 sq., 607, 1108 
 Prisoners as slaves, 851 
 Prisons, English, 882 
 Private enterprise, 822 aq., 1056 sqq.; 
 
 ownership, 822; property, 782 
 Probus (pro'btls), emperor, 481, 1107 
 Production, distribution and profits of, 
 
 823; of machinery, 824 
 Profit, 878 
 
 Prokop the Great, 711 
 Proletariat, 210, 390, 935, 944 sqq. 
 Promissory notes, early, 165 
 Property, 201, 207, 705, 769, 855, 882 
 
 sqq., 923, 936 sq., 946 
 Prophets, Jewish, 104 sq. 
 Proterozoic (prot ii 6 zo' ik) period, 8, 
 
 11, 14, 17 S3. 
 Protestantism, 709, 725, 761-62, 769-81, 
 
 770, 785, 789, 793, 802, 815, 819-20, 
 
 828-32, 991, 1014-21 
 Provence, 913 
 Proverbs, book of, 232 
 Providence, Rhode Island, 836 
 Prussia, 786, 791, 795-800, 827, 858, 865, 
 
 872, 904, 908, 914, 919, 968-72, 1004, 
 
 1119-20 
 Przemysl (pshem'isl), 1041 
 Psalms, 2?2 
 Psammetichus (sa met' i kiss), 146, 229, 
 
 266, 1103 
 Pskof, 736 
 Pteria (te'rid), 272 
 Ptolemies, 337, 342, 371, 494 
 Ptolemy (tol'^mi) I, 318, 342, 344, 
 
 348-55, 557, 1105; Ptolemyll, 344-45; 
 
 Ptolemy III, 345 
 Public opinion, growth of, 708 
 Public schools. (See Schools, public) 
 "Pul," Assyrian monarch, 229 
 Pultusk, 9p4 
 Punch, 962, 1011 
 Punic (pu' nik) language, 457; wars, 142, 
 
 388 aq., 394, 398 aqq., 1105 
 Punjab, 147, 330, 367 sq., 674, 693 aq., 
 
 806, 1105 
 Puritans, 780, 830 
 Pyramids, 103, 144 sg., 181, 202, 215; 
 
 battle of the, 894 
 Pyrenees, 127, 482, 593, 606, 610 aq., 
 
 616, 789, 910, 1110 
 Pyrrhus (pir' fis), 386 sqq., 401, 632, 1105 
 Pytho (pi'tho), 271 
 
1162 
 
 INDEX 
 
 QtJAOo, 1117 
 Quadrupedal reptile^, 28 
 Quartzite implements, 107 
 Quebec, 805, 1117 
 Quipus, 154 
 Quixada (ke ha' da) , 762 
 
 R 
 E.A, 193 
 Races of mankind, 66, 67, 74, 89, 
 
 106-19 
 Radiolaria, 8 
 Ragusa (ra goo' za), 736 
 Rahab, month of, 574 
 Rai, Lajpat, 980 
 Railways, 924, 1119 
 Rajgir, 357 
 
 Rajput (raj poof) clans, 550 
 Rajput princes, 805 
 Rajputaua, 550, 735, 803 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 828 
 Ramah, 224 
 
 Rambouillet (ron boo ya') , 862 
 Ramesea (ram'esez) II, 142, 146, 220, 
 
 221, 228, 342, 1102 
 Rameses III, 191, 221 
 Raphael, 740 
 
 Rasputin (ras poof in) , 1047 
 Ratisbon, Diet of, 761 
 Ratzel, 154, 479 
 
 Ravenna, 482, 484, 488, 527, 625, 1109 
 Rebus, 172 
 
 Reconstruction, Ministry of, 1055 
 Red Cross, 754 
 Red Indians, 473, 832 
 Red Sea, 121, 126, 132, 156, 157, 220, 
 
 226, 228, 342, 457, 462 
 "Red Sea" river, 89, 92 
 Redmond, John, 1021, 1022 
 Reed pipes, 86 
 Reform Bill, 937, 1119 
 Reformation, the, 518, 720, 724, 758, 
 
 819, 820 
 Regicide, 779 , 
 
 Reindeer, 48, 57, 58, 70, 72, 76, 87 
 Reindeer Age, 60, 69, 73-4 
 Reindeer men, 76, 81, 87, 93, 103, 241 
 Religion, 94r-7, 101, 180, 348-52, 506 
 
 sqq., 723, 855, 957; "Old Man" in, 
 
 24, 100-4 
 Religious wars, 761 
 Remus (re' mtis) and Romulus (rom' Q- 
 
 liis), 383 
 Renaissance, 699, 740 
 Renascence, 699 
 Rent, 197, 208 
 
 Reparation, 164 
 
 Representation, political, 425, 845, 949 
 
 Reproduction, 13, 15; of amphibia, 22; 
 of mammals, 40 
 
 Reptiles, 22, 23, 25 sqq. 
 
 Republicanism, 798, 813, 891 
 
 Republics, 258, 702, 703 
 
 Retailers, 207 
 
 Revere, Paul, 837, 840 
 
 "Revisionists," 945 
 
 Revolution, 939, 947 
 
 Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 1017 
 
 Rhine, 52, 436, 437, 452, 455, 468, 475, 
 481, 484, 633, 758, 786, 788, 815, 875, 
 911, 968 
 
 Rhinelaud, 527, 611, 632, 642, 770 
 
 Rhinoceros, 43, 44, 48, 52, 57 
 
 Rhode Island, 828, 831, 836, 842, 847 
 
 Rhodes, 338, 643 
 
 Rhodesia, 998 
 
 Rhondda, Lord, 1054 
 
 Rhone valley, 527 
 
 Rice, 560 
 
 Richard I, Coeur de Lion, 645, 774 
 
 Richard II, 715, 1112 
 
 Richelieu, Cardinal, 787, 796, 803 
 
 Richmond, 970 
 
 Ridgeway, W., 80 
 
 Riga, 736, 739, 1047 
 
 Righteousness, 341 
 
 Rio de Oro (re' o da 6' ro), 163 
 
 Ritual, 708. (See also Christianity) 
 
 Riviera (re ve ar' a) , French, 381 ; Italian, 
 891 
 
 Robert of Sicily. (See Guiscard, Robert) 
 
 Robertson, 763 
 
 Robespierre (ro bes pyar'), 869, 876- 
 81, 893, 1118 
 
 Robinson, J. H., 662, 803 
 
 Roohefort, 914 
 
 Rocks, 6, 9, 20 
 
 Rocquain, 855 
 
 Roger I, King of Sicily, 651 
 
 Rolf the Ganger, 619, 630, 1126 
 
 Roman coins, 389 
 
 Roman Empire, 447 sqq. • social and po- 
 litical state of, 457, 462-69, 472, 478, 
 726; fall of, 478, 480, 482; separation 
 into Eastern and Western Empires, 
 488, 491; later Roman Empire (West- 
 ern), 519, 526, 535, 539, 553, 555, 606, 
 619, 621, 623, 631, 717, 814, 816, 1107. 
 {See also Eastern (Greek) Empire) 
 
 Roman law, 394, 537; roads, 394, 468 
 
 Roman Republic (19th century), 891, 
 1119 
 
 Romansch language, 612, 754 
 
INDEX 
 
 1163 
 
 Rome, 435, 439, 449, 475, 492, 495, 512, 
 627, 531, 537, 641, 654, 568, 614, 685, 
 739, 750, 758, 824, 968, 971, 1007; 
 early history of, 380-86, 392, 1103, 
 1104; war with Carthage, 388; social 
 and political state of, 389-98, 405, 
 412-31, 437, 445, 550, 705, 931, 1105; 
 assemblies of, 396, 398, 418, 419, 425, 
 436; patricians and plebeians, 389-96, 
 418-19; Senate, 389, 393, 396-400, 
 413, 415-19, 425-35, 443-45, 454; 
 Consuls of, 389, 398; colonies of, 390, 
 394, 464; Punic wars, 142, 388 aq., 
 394, 398 sgg., 1123; military system of, 
 417, 436, 450; bequests to, 430, 1105; 
 Social war, 433, 1106; monarchy in, 
 and the fall of the Republic, 442-50; 
 Roman Empire (see above) ; plague in, 
 629, 606, 1109; true cross at, 539, 
 647; "duke of," 607; Pepin crowned 
 at, 623 ; in 10th century, 627 ; sacked 
 byGuiscard, 632, 1126; Germans raid, 
 759, 1114; Charlemagne crowned at, 
 767 
 
 Rome, Church of (inc. general Christian 
 associations), 612-14, 525, 605-7, 614, 
 619-23, 637, 639, 649, 653-64, 688, 
 694, 763, 768, 767, 781, 900. (.See also 
 Catholicism and Papacy) 
 
 Romulus and Remus, 383 
 
 Roosevelt, President, 1027, 1030, 1062, 
 1066 
 
 Rose, Holland, 893, 896, 902 
 
 Roses, Wars of the, 735 
 
 Ross, 470, 696 
 
 Rostro-carinate implements, 46, 60, 216 
 
 Roth, H. L., 78 
 
 "Roum," Empire of, 682 
 
 Roumania (and the Roumanians), 491, 
 635, 674, 683, 918, 920, 1025, 1045 
 
 Rousseau (rooso'), J- J-, 865, 856, 869, 
 877, 893, 1117 
 
 Rowing, 157, 402 
 
 Roxana, 332, 336 
 
 Royal Asiatic Society, 564 
 
 Royal families, marriage of, 208 
 
 Royal Society of London, 557, 791, 929 
 
 Rubicon (roo' bi kto), the, 441 
 
 Rudolf I, German Emperor, 754, 1113 
 
 Rulers, deification of, 415 
 
 Ruling families, 258 
 
 Rumansch language. {See Romansch 
 language) 
 
 Rump Parliament, 779 
 
 Rurik, 631, 1110 
 
 Russia, 75, 76, 118, 126, 142, 232, 267, 
 275, 329, 436, 467, 470, 473, 476,. 481, 
 
 488, 494, 521, 582, 618, 628, 631, 635, 
 674, 687, 689, 694, 699, 716, 735, 786, 
 793-99, 809-10, 814, 816, 826, 865, 
 905, 909, 920", 945, 966, 974, 991-96, 
 1009, 1010, 1026, 1032, 1033, 1046, 
 1047, 1111,1121. (See also Great War) 
 
 Russian language, 118, 236, 558 
 
 Rustam, 585 
 
 Rusticiano, 678 
 
 Ruth, Book of, 222 
 
 Rutilius, P. Rufus, 433 
 
 S 
 
 Saae (sar) Vallet, 1080 
 
 Sabbath, Jewish, 495, 499, 500, 514 
 
 Sabellians, 693 
 
 Sachsenhausen (sach' sen hou zen), 736 
 
 Sacraments, 100, 1C2 
 
 Sacrifice, 102, 150-53, 178, 247, 746, 953; 
 
 human, 88, 100, 104, 420 
 Sadducees, 496 
 Sadowa (sa' do va), battle of, 971, 973, 
 
 1120 
 Safiyya (safye'ja), 578-79 
 Sagas, 245, 618 
 Saghalien (sa ga len') , 994 
 Sahara, 65, 126, 152, 162, 1026 
 Sails, use of, 157 
 St. Andrew's, 869 
 
 St. Angelo, castle of, 606, 627, 649, 759 
 St. Gall, monastery of, 634 
 Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 862 
 St. Gothard Pass, 740 
 St. Helena, 915, 998 
 St. Just, 878 
 St. Lawrence river, 803 
 St. Medard, 613 
 St. Peter's, Rome, 513, 758 
 St. Petersburg. (See Petrograd) 
 St, Sophia, Church of, 536, 684 
 Sainte Menehould, 868 
 Sakas (sa' kas) , 549 
 Sakya (sa' kya) clan, 355 
 Saladin (sSl' ddin), 645, 667, 1112 
 Salanus (sal' d mis), 285, 292, 296, 402, 
 
 585, 1104 
 SaUsbury, Lord, 1120 
 Salmon of Reindeer Age, 73 
 Salonika, 1043 
 Salt, 88 
 
 Salvation, Christian theory of, 952 
 Salvation Army, 352, 724 
 Samaria, 139, 232 
 Samarkand, 328-32, 474, 525, 562, 663, 
 
 670, 691, 693 
 Samnites, 386, 1105 
 
1164 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Samoan Islands, 102S 
 
 Samos, 254, 293 
 
 Samoyed (s5in' <5 yed) language, 123 
 
 Samson, 222, 231 
 
 Samuel, Book of, 222-25 
 
 Samurai (a^m' u ri), 222-25, 992 
 
 San Casciano, 751 
 
 Sanderson, F. W., 820 
 
 Sandracottus. (See Chandragupta) 
 
 Sandstone, 5 
 
 Sandwich Islands, 1028 
 
 Sanscrit, 239, 251, 559, 695 
 
 Sans Souci (san soo se'), park of, 792 
 
 San Stefano, treaty of, 973, 1000, 1120 
 
 Santa Maria, ship, 742 
 
 Sapor I, 538, 546, 1107 
 
 Saracens, 626 
 
 Sarajevo-(sarI' v5), 962, 1033 
 
 Saratoga, 839 
 
 Sardanapalus (sar ddEnd pa'liSs), 140, 
 
 189, 228, 231, 266, 1103 
 Sardes, 643 
 
 Sardinia, 162, 404, 482, 755, 918, 968 
 Sardis, 265, 272, 279, 288, 321 
 Sargon I, 103, 137-42, 190, 215, 520, 
 
 765, 1122; II, 139-42, 146, 189, 228, 
 
 268, 1103 
 Sarmatians, 239, 472, 635 
 Sarum, Old, 782 
 Sassanids (s&s' d nidz), 452, 546, 596, 
 
 1107. (See also Persia) 
 Saturn, planet, 2 
 Saturninus (s^t iSr nl' nHs), 433 
 Saul, king of Israel, 225, 1103 
 Saul of Tarsus. (See Paul, St.) 
 Savannah, 804, 830 
 Savannah, steamship, 924 
 Save, river, 488 
 Savoy, 780, 792, 876, 918, 968 
 Saxe-Coburg-Gotha family, 1007 
 Saxony (and the Saxons), 482, 527, 589, 
 
 613, 616-21, 626, 630, 787, 792, 911, 
 
 1111 
 Saxony, Duke of, 711; Elector of, 758 
 Sayce, Prof., 156, 199, 207 
 Scandinavia, 75, 238, 462, 468, 476 
 Schamhorst, cruiser, 1042 
 Scheldt, the, 640, 876 
 Schism, the Great, 663, 687, 710, 1113 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 968 
 Schmalkalden, 760 
 Schmalkaldic league, 760 
 Schmidt, Dr., 696 
 Schmit, E., 695 
 Scholars, 348 
 
 Schools, monastic, 624 ; public, 820 ag. 
 Schurtz, Dr., 484, 584, 588 
 
 Schwill, 602 
 
 Schwyz (shvits), 753, 754, 1112 
 
 Science, 341 sqq., 601, 730 sqg.; exploita^ 
 
 tion of, 927-29, 945; and religion, 507, 
 
 732, 733, 957 
 Science and Art Department, 964 
 Scientific research, 729 
 Soilly Isles, 162 
 Soind (sind), 674 
 Scipio, Lucius, 413 
 Scipio, P. Cornelius, 408 
 Scipio (sip' i 6) , Africanus, the Elder, 
 
 409-13, 415, 417, 429, 468 
 Scipio Africanus Minor, 409, 415, 431 
 Scipio Nasioa (nd si' kd), 415, 431 
 ScorpioUj 21, 24 
 
 Scorpion, sea. (See Sea-scorpion) 
 Scotch colonists, 82 
 Scotland, 45, 82, 83, 461, 605, 630, 664, 
 
 720-22, 734, 735, 777-78, 795, 809, 
 
 960, 997 
 Soott, Michael, 6S3 
 Scott, Sir Walter, 1011 
 Scriptures, Arabic, 588; Christian, 547, 
 
 554 
 Scythia (sith' i d) and the Scythians, 190, 
 
 202, 240, 268-69, 275-78, 320, 330, 
 
 332, 422, 436-40, 462, 472-77, 486, 
 
 630, 635, 672, 688, 910, 1104 
 Sea, depth of, 3 
 Sea fights, ancient, .285 
 Sea power, ancient, 321-23, 592 
 Sea trade, 740 
 Seamanship, early, 155-59, 162, 164, 
 
 208, 214, 741 sqq. 
 Seas, primordial, 6, 7, 18, 19 
 Sea-scorpion, 8, 20 
 Seasons, the, 97, 99 
 Seaweed, 19 
 
 Secunderabad (se kiin d^r d bad'), 331 
 Sedan, 972, 1050 
 Seeley, Sir J. R., 700-1 
 Seine, the, 107 
 Seleucia, 542 
 Seleucid (se lu' sid) dynasty, 337-38, 
 
 367, 371, 413, 452, 494, 537, 1105 
 Seleucus (sc? lu' kHs) I, 337, 369 
 Selfishness, 365 
 Selim (salem'), sultan, 685 
 Seljuks (seljooks'), 599, 636-40, 667, 
 
 674, 1111. (See also Turks) 
 Semites (and Semitic peoples), 115, 
 
 120-26, 157, 164, 172, 180, 185, 206, 
 
 240, 567, 586, 666, 707, 726, 797 
 Semitic languages, 120, 121, 129 
 Seneca (sen' i kd), 422 
 Senegal river, 164 
 
INDEX 
 
 1165 
 
 Sennacherib (se nak'^rib), 139-40, 146, 
 
 189, 229, 1103 
 Sepulchre, Holy, 624, 630, 639, 642 . 
 Sequoias (a^kwoi'dz), 37 ' 
 Serapeum (ser & p5' lim), 351-52, 708 
 Serapia (sera' pis), 351-62,' 367, 466, 
 
 511-13, 523, 1108 
 Serbia (and the Serbs); "'457, 481, 527, 
 
 537, 589, 682, 920, 1025, 1033--34, 
 
 1043-45 
 Serbian language, 238 
 Serfdom, 521 
 Sergius III, Pope, 626 
 Serpent in religion, 100, 113, 953 
 Servants, domestic, 207 
 Set, Egyptian god, 180 
 Seton-Karr, Sir H. W., 107 
 Seven Years' War, 833, 1117 
 Severus (s^ ver' tfs), Septimus, 456 
 Seville, 744 
 Sex, 102 
 Shale, 5 
 
 Shalmaneser (shai mS, ne' z&), 139, 229 
 Shamanism, 675, 689, 705 
 Shamash, 188 
 Shang dynasty, 142, 150 
 Shanghai (sh&ng hi'), 996 
 Shang-tung, 994 
 Shaving the face, 333 
 Sheep in lake dwellings, 83 
 Shekel, 165 
 
 Sheldonian Theatre, 819 
 Shell Age, supposed, 51 
 SheUfish, 8 
 
 Shells, as ornaments, 67 
 Shem, 110 
 Shen-si, 553 
 Sherbro Island, 163 
 Sherman, General, 970 
 Shi Hwang-ti, emperor, 142, 151, 195, 
 
 470, 473-74, 765, 1105 
 Shiites (she' Its), 592-94, 628, 635-36, 
 
 645, 694, 8(J5 
 Shiloh, 223 
 Shimei, 225 
 Shimonoseki (she' mii no sek' S) , Straits 
 
 of, 993 
 Shipbuilding, 631, 926 
 Ships, earliest, 165-59 
 Shishak (shi' shak), 146, 227 
 Shrines, 177, 263 
 Siam (and Siamese), 148, 561 
 Siamese language, 123 
 Siberia, 76, 123, 125, 462, 474, 552, 674, 
 
 691, 809 
 Siberian railway, 994, 1026 
 SioiUes, Two, 755, 907 
 
 Sicily, 158, 162, 253, 324, 381, 386-87, 
 401-3, 412, 417, 428, 435, 482, 630, 
 632, 642, 651-54, 662, 739, 896, 918, 
 967, 1103 
 
 Sickles, earthenware, 135 
 
 Siddhattha Gautama (sid hat' t'ha goii'- 
 tama). (See Buddha) 
 
 Sidon, 158, 162, 208, 218, 228, 279, 322-25 
 
 Sieyes (syayes'), 898 
 
 Sign-language, 117 
 
 Sikhs (seks), 806, 981 
 
 SUbury, 83, 105 
 
 Silesia, 673, 801 
 
 Silk, 214, 459, 789 
 
 Silver as standard of value, 16S 
 
 Sin, idea of, 746 
 
 Sind, 981 
 
 Singan, 561-65, 1109 
 
 Singing, 86 
 
 Sinope (si no' pe), 542 
 
 Siris, 288 
 
 Sirius (sir' i lis) , a star, 181 
 
 Sirmium, 488 
 
 Sistrum, 352 
 
 Siva, 374 
 
 Sivapithecus (si vd pi the' kiits), 50 
 
 SiwaUk HiUs, 50 
 
 Skins, use of, as clothing, 64, 85 ; in- 
 flated, as boats, 155 
 
 Slate, 5 
 
 Slavery (and slaves), 197-202, 256-61, 
 307, 389, 422-23, 459, 612, 552, 598, 
 691, 705, 748, 824, 832, 850 aqq. ; Ameri- 
 can, 886, 1119 
 
 Slavic tribes', 456 
 
 Slavonian dialect, 238 
 
 Slavonic languages, 635 
 
 Slavs, 537, 689", 613; ■621; 626, 635, 689 
 
 Sloth, 153 
 
 Smelting, 78, 80 
 
 Smerdis, 274 
 
 Smilodon (sndi'Io doii), 43 
 
 Smith, Elliot, 112, 113 ' 
 
 Smith; Rt. Hon. F. E., 958; 1021 
 
 Smith, John, 828 
 
 Smith, Wbrthington, 59 
 
 Smithsonian Institution, 930 
 
 Smyrna, 643 
 
 Sobiesky (so byes' ki), John (John III), 
 799, 1116 
 
 Social Contract, 843, 863 
 
 Social Democrats, 1010 
 
 Social War, the, 433, 1106 
 
 SociaUsm, 855, 885-91, 940 aqq., 1119 
 
 Society, beginning of humaii, 248 
 
 Socrates (sok'rd tez), 85, 298i 3Q0-2, 
 308, 368, 375' ; ~ -■ .. ; ' 
 
1166 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Boderini, 750-62, 1114 
 
 Boisaons, 612 
 
 Solar year, 99 
 
 Solent, the, 107 
 
 Splferino- (sol f^ re' no), battle of, 968, 
 1119 
 
 Soli^; ensign, 772 
 
 Sblttmon, King) 146, 224-32, 493, 1003 
 
 Solbn-, 166, 273 
 
 SoiUtr^l 70, 94 .. . 
 
 Soiuteto Agrfi ^67, 746 
 
 Somalllktta) 107; i26, 163 
 
 Somalia; language of, 121 
 
 Soihersetti J., 852 
 
 Somttie, ih<e, 107: battle of, 882, 1050 
 
 Sonnino, Baron, 1068 
 
 Sonoy, Governor, 772 
 
 SocSthaayers, 2S6 
 
 Sophists, Greek, 298 
 
 Sophocles (sof o klez), 298 
 
 Soudan, tribes of, 88 
 
 Soul, the, 102 
 
 South Africa, 417, 986, 997, 999, 1013, 
 1019, 1120 
 
 South Sea Islanders, 61 
 
 Southampton, 736 
 
 Soviets (sov'yets), 946, 1048, 1060 
 
 Sowing, and burial, 100; and human 
 sacrifice, 104 
 
 Space, 1, 12 
 
 Spain, 71, 81, 111, 127, l42, 158, 162, 
 381-83, 612, 536, 606, 664, 700, 718, 
 735, 796; history {Carthaginians in), 
 404-10; (Ramana in); 412, 416, 
 429-32, 439, 452, 468, 494; {Vandala 
 in), 481, 484, 1108; {Under the Goihs), 
 527, 621, 1108; (Modri in), 492, 589, 
 624, 628, 750, 794, 1110: (Wh-mth 
 cent.), 742-43, 749-58, 762-63, (17ft- 
 18ft cent.), 7'67-73, 780, 783, 789, 794, 
 801, 826, 1029; (19ft cent), 839, 916, 
 972, 1029; overseas dominions, 154, 
 744, 747; colonial expansion, 802-3, 
 830, 833, 839, 853, 916, 977, 996 
 
 Spanish language, 118, 491, 718, 747 
 
 Sparta, 254-58, 281-84, 291, 297-99, 
 312, 320 
 
 Spartacus (spar' td kfis), 435, 1106 
 
 Species, 13, 17, 21, 107, 109 
 
 Speech, development of, 54, 59, 93, 99, 
 118, 129, 168-70 
 
 Sphinx, the, 181 
 
 Spices, Oriental, 806 
 
 Spiders, early, 24 
 
 Spinnerets of spiders, 24 
 
 Stloleto (Spb la' t6); S3l 
 
 Spotel, 20 
 
 Spy, 54 
 Stag, 73, 75 
 Stagira (stajir'd), 301 
 Stalky and Co., 957 
 StambUl (stam bool'), 685 
 Stamp Acts', 835 
 Stamps Used for signatures, 347 
 Stars') I, 3; and early man, 97 
 ■Stat^i fHe; 420m-'i 4S0, 752, 795, 950 
 Stalt&^GfenerSli-the, 785, 856-57, 1118 
 Steani! .iise of i .§2'4, ,^Sl'9 
 Steamboat; intV'dWction of the, 924 
 StSam-ehgine, in'veiltion of, 825, 923, 
 
 924 
 Steam-hamflier, 926 
 Steam-power; 825 
 Steel, 214, 326 
 
 Stegos'auriis (StSg d saw' riis), 27 
 Stein, Freiherr von, 907 
 Steno; 953 
 Stettin, 736 
 
 Stilicho (stil'ikS), 482, 488, 1108 , 
 Stockholm, 1048 
 Stockmar, Baron, 965 
 Stoicism, 304, 307, 510 
 Stone, early use of, 242 
 Stone, Major-Gen., 1084 
 Stone Age, 50, 52, 55, 60, 77, 83, 144, 
 
 159, 215 
 Stouehenge, 82, 83, 113, 142, 183, 242, 
 
 1103 
 Stopes, Dr. Marie, 25 
 story-telling', primitive, 99 
 Strabo (stra' ho), 10 
 Strafford, Earl of, 777-78, 1015 
 Strata, geological, 6 
 Strikes in ancient Rome, 391 
 Stuart dynasty, 781 
 Sturdee, Aditiiral, 1042 
 Styria, 755 
 
 Subiaco (soo be a' ko), 531 
 Submarine warfare, 1042, 1049 
 Sudan, the, 997 
 Sudras, 211, 564 
 
 Suetonius (su e to' ni Ha), 454, 520 
 Suevi (swe' vl), 482, 527, 1108 
 Suez, 121, 143, 163 
 Suffering, cause of, 361 
 Suffrage, manhood, 843 
 Sugar, 602 
 Suleiman (soo la man'), the Masnifioent, 
 
 589, 594, 843, 845, 1110, H14 
 Sulla, 434-35, 441, 1106 
 Siilphuric acid, 602 
 Siilpicius (s)il pish' i lis), 434 
 Sultan, Tutkish, 492 
 Sumatra, 680 
 
INDEX 
 
 1167 
 
 Sumer (inol. Sumeria and Sumerians), 
 108, 135, 142, 148, 153-57, 172, 177, 
 185-91, 196, 201, 215, 235, 257, 268, 
 313 
 
 Sumerian language and writing, 103, 
 129, 135, 136, 144, 558 
 
 Sun, the, 1, 2; worship, 100, 180, 352 
 
 Sunday, 511, 708; schools, 933 
 
 Sung dynasty, 555-57, 561, 668, 675, 1111 
 
 Sunuites, 636, 645, 696 
 
 "Sunstone," 112 
 
 Superior Lake, 171 
 
 Surrey, 864 
 
 Susa, 135, 202, 274-78, 285-86, 307, 327- 
 28, 332 
 
 Sussex, 53, 605, 824 
 
 Suy dynasty, 553 
 
 Swabians, 611 
 
 Swastika (swSs' ti kdi), 113, 246 
 
 Sweden (and the Swedes), 75, 480, 526, 
 616, 720, 761, 780, 785, 793-94, 799, 
 802, 806, 816, 829, 911, 919 
 
 Swedish language, 238 
 
 Swift, Dean, 1017 
 
 Swimming-bladder, 21 
 
 Swine, keeping of, 736 
 
 Switzerland (including the Swiss), 80, 82, 
 87, 132, 152, 241, 491, 634, 759, 786, 
 827, 864, 873, 883, 891, 903, 917, 1114, 
 1118 
 
 Swords, bronze, 101 
 
 Sykes, Ella and Percy, 475 
 
 Sykes, Sir Mark, 540, 572, 595, 682, 685 
 
 Syndicalism, 945 * 
 
 Syracuse, 299 
 
 Syria (and Syrians), 75, 126, 139, 140, 
 146, 193, 207, 218, 229-30, 274, 289, 
 322, 537, 540-44, 567, 570-73, 585, 
 636, 643, 661, 667, 674, 690, 691, 708, 
 967, 1025 
 
 Syrian language, 548, 600 
 
 Tabriz, 680 
 
 Tabu, 95 
 
 Tachov (tak' hov), 711 
 
 Tadpoles, 22, 39 
 
 Taft, President, 1062, 1066 
 
 Tagus valley, 762 
 
 Tain, an Irish epic, 251 
 
 Tai-tsung, 554, 561, 566-67, 667, 1109 
 
 Talleyrand, 913 
 
 TalUen, 880 
 
 Tammany, 426 
 
 Tancred, 644 
 
 Tang dynasty, 550-57, 561, 667, 1109 
 
 Tangier, 1009 
 
 Tanks, 1038, 1044, 1084-So 
 
 Tannenberg, 1038 
 
 Taoism (ta' 6 izm), 372, 376 
 
 Tapir, 43 
 
 Tarentum, 386, 408 
 
 Tarim (tarem), valley, 147, 1106 
 
 Tarpeian Rock, 393 
 
 Tarquins, the, 384, 390 
 
 Tartar language, 123, 679 
 
 Tartars (and Tartary), 330, 548, 669, 
 
 673, 679, 689, 690, 795, 809, 816 
 Tashkend, 562 
 Tasmania (and Tasmanians), 62, 108, 
 
 746, 979; language, 129 
 Taurus mountains, 337-38, 589, 593, 
 
 599, 607, 683, 769 
 Taxation, 206, 260 
 Taxilla,.564 
 Tayf (tJ'if),573 
 Taylor, H. O., 729 
 Tea, 551, 838 
 Teeth, 32, 52, 54, 65 
 Telamou (tel' d miSn) , battle of, 404-7, 
 
 1105 
 Tfelegraph, electric, 925 
 Tel-el-Amama (tel el amar' na), 146, 
 
 165, 188, 227 
 Telescope, invention of the, 732 
 Tell, William, 754 
 Tempe (tem' pe), vale of, 283 
 Temples, 137, 177-85, 192, 255 
 Ten Thousand, Retreat of the, 1104 
 Ten Tribes, 139 
 Teneriffe, 780 
 Tennyson, Lord, 246, 964 
 Testament, Old, 85, 217, 230, 233; New, 
 
 85 
 Tetrabelodon (tet id, bel' S d<5n), 41 
 Teutonic Knights, 816 
 Teutonic tribes, 231, 439, 456, 491, 1108 
 Texel, 876 
 
 Textile fabrics, Arab, 602 
 Thames, the, 107, 739, 786, 1036 
 Thatcher, 602 
 Thebes (thebz) and Thebans, 215, 254, 
 
 284, 313-14, 1103 
 Themistocles (th^ mis' to klez) , 263, 285 
 Theocrasia, 351, 352, 466, 512, 708 
 Theodora, Empress, 536 
 Theodora, sister of Marozia, 626 
 Theodore of Tarsus, 614, 1110 
 Theodoric (the od' d rik) the Goth, 487, 
 
 527, 602, 1108 
 Theodosius (the 6 do' shi Us), the Great, 
 
 482, 524, 1108 
 Theriodont (the' ri o dont) reptiles, 40 
 Theriomorpha, 28 
 
1168 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Thermopylae (tWr mop' i le) , 283, 1104 
 
 Theseus (th§'sus), 161 
 
 Thespians, 284 
 
 Thessalus (thes' & life), 388 
 
 Thessaly (and Thessahans) , 326, 387, 441 
 
 Thibet, 371, S49 
 
 Thien Shan, 474, 562 
 
 Thiers (tyar), 801 
 
 Thirty Tyrants, 299 
 
 Thirty Years' War, 786, 812, 839, 1034 
 
 Thomas, Albert, 965 
 
 Thompson, R. Campbell, 135 
 
 Thor, 613 
 
 Thoth-lunus (thoth'lu' nfe), Egyptian 
 
 god, 182 
 Thothmes (thoth'mez), 145, 228, 267, 
 
 342, 1102 
 Thought and research, 304, 949 
 Thrace (thras) and Thraoians, 253, 277- 
 
 78, 288, 314, 320, 337, 585, 638 
 Three Teachings, the, 375 
 Throwing sticks, 69 
 Thucydides (thu sid' i dez), 292 
 Thuringians, 616 
 Tian Shan, 474 
 Tiber, river, 382, 391, 606 • 
 Tiberius Caesar, 452, 496, 507, 1106 
 Tibet, 162> 376, 473, 613. 561, 674, 688, 
 
 811, 990, 1120 
 Tibetan language, 123 
 Tides, 5 
 
 Tiger, sabre-toothed, 43, 48, 52, 57 
 Tiglath Pileser (tig' l&th pi le'z6r) I, 138, 
 
 142; III, 229, 268, 1103 
 Tigris, 132, 138, 156, 181, 202, 537, 568, 
 
 667 
 Tii, Queen, 192 
 Tille, Dr., 741 
 TiUy, 746 
 
 Tilsit, Treaty of, 907, 1118 
 Time, 12, 98, 99, 1102 
 Times, the, 941 
 Timou (tl' mdn), 444 
 Timurlane, 692, 697, 809, 1113 
 Tin, ,2, 79, 80, 163, 214, 927 
 Tinstone, 79 
 Tiryns (tl'rinz), 254 
 Titanothere (ti' tdn S thSr), 39, 43 
 Titus, 255, 495, 1106 
 Tobacco, 240, 828, 831 
 Toe, great, 48 
 To^kin, 994, 996 
 Torr, Cecil, 157, 200 
 Tortoises, 28, 32 
 Torture, use of, 882 
 Tory Party, 1013 
 Toulon, 878, 893-94 
 
 Toura, 736 
 
 Towers of Silence, 546 
 
 Town life, European, 735 sqq. 
 
 Townshend, General, 1044 
 
 Township, primitive, 197 
 
 Tracheal tubes, 21 
 
 Trachodon (tr&k' o don), 30 
 
 Trade, early, 88, 154r-67, 199, 205- 
 
 routes, 737; sea, 739 
 Trade Unions, 419, 463, 943 
 Tradition, 42, 94-99, 174 
 Trafalgar, battle of, 905, 1118 
 Trajan (tra'jdn), 454-59, 538, 568, 1106 
 Transmigration of souls, 363-65 
 Transport, 924, 1083 
 Transubstantiation, 709 
 Transvaal, 958, 986, 1120. (iSee also 
 
 South Africa) 
 Transylvania, 455, 673 
 Trasimere, Lake, 408 
 Travels, early, 166, 924 
 Trees, 22 
 
 Trench warfare, 1037 
 Trent, Council of, 724, 1115 
 Tresas, 284 
 Trevithick, 924 
 Trianon, the, 863 
 Tribal system, 24, 688 
 TriloWtes, 8, 18 
 Triceratops (tri ser' d tops), 30 
 Trieste, 971 
 Trigonometry, 602 
 Trinidad, 998 
 Trinilr 61, 52 
 Trinitarians, 615, 523 
 Trinity, doctrine of the, 499, 516, 693 
 Trinity College, Dublin, 1016 
 TripoU, 840, 997, 1025, 1121' 
 Trojans, 161, 382 
 Troltsoh, 525 
 Trotsky, 947 
 
 Troy, 161, 254, 268, 283, 381 
 Troyes (trwa), battle of, 486, 1108 
 Trumpet, bronze, 101 
 Tsar, title of, 492 
 
 Tshushima (tsoo she' ma). Straits of, 994 
 Ts'i (dynasty and state), 151,. 439 
 Ts'in (dynasty and state), 1 1, 195 
 Tuaregs, 121, 152 
 Tuileries, 866-66, 872-73 
 Tulip tree, 37 
 Tunis, 403, 848, 996 
 Turanian language. (See TJral-Alt^io 
 
 languages) .. " ,. 
 
 Turanians, 125, 548, 594, 632, 682 ' . 
 Turkestan, 120, 126, 152, 214, 267, 
 
 328, 330, 366, 371, 474, 479, 525, 539, 
 
INDEX 
 
 1169 
 
 547, 548, 563, 583, 589, 598, 636, 670, 
 674, 681, 687, 691, 811, 1105, 1109 
 
 Turkey, 762, 909, 920, 967, 974, 1007, 
 1024, 1025, 1043-44, 1045, 1077, 1120. 
 (See diso Turks) 
 
 Turkey, Great, 674 
 
 Turkhau Pasha, 1070 
 
 Turkish fleet, 700; language and litera^ 
 ture, 123, 548, 682; peoples, 470, 494, 
 
 548, 636, 699, 811 (see also Turks); 
 princes, 684 
 
 Turko-Finnic language, 635 
 
 TurkcKFinnish peoples, 486, 527 
 
 Turkomans, 479, 691, 811, 997 
 
 Turks, 330, 478, 539, 547-48, 563, 589, 
 699, 667, 681, 1109; and the Crusades, 
 642 «gg.;. Ottoman, 536, 681 sqq., 697, 
 699, 740-41, 749, 752, 755, 759-63, 
 783, 792, 799, 896, 1114-16; Seljuk, 
 636-39, 674, 682, 1111 
 
 Turtles, 28, 32 
 
 Tuscany, 779, 787, 792 
 
 Tusculum, 405 
 
 Tushratta, King, 138, 146, 188 
 
 Twelve Tables, the, 392, 419 
 
 Tyler, Watt, 715, 1113 
 
 Tylor, E. B., 102 
 
 Tyndale, Bible of, 221 
 
 Tyrannosaurua (ti rSn 6 saw' tUs) , 29 
 
 Tyrants, 258 
 
 Tyre, 142, 157, 162, 202, 206, 208, 218, 
 232, 279, 321-26, 331, 401, 495-96, 
 704, 795 
 
 Tyrol, 832, 1080 
 
 U 
 
 Uganda, 152, 616, 985 
 
 XJhud, battle of, 514 
 
 Uigurs (we'goorz), 670 
 
 Uintathere (u in' t& ther), 39, 43 
 
 Ukraine Cossacks, 809 
 
 Ukrainia (and Ukrainians), 689. 795 
 
 Uhn, 1118 
 
 Ulster, 32, 960, 1014-23 
 
 Uncleanness, 96, 101 
 
 "Unionist" party, 1019 
 
 United Pro-vinoes. (See Holland) 
 
 United Service Institution, 1081, 1084 
 
 United States, 473, 840, 844; constitu- 
 tion, 840 sg., 859, 916, 1117; political 
 and social conditions, 209, 258, 424, 
 839, 842, 883, 886, 924, 933, 1065; 
 slavery in, 749, 839; Declaration of 
 Independence, 839, 1117; treaty with 
 Britain, 840-41, 1117; Civil War, 965, 
 1119; modem foreign policy of, 1027- 
 
 31; in Great War, 1049, 1062, 1076. 
 
 (See also America) 
 Universal History, the, 953 
 Universal law, 768 
 Universals, 731 
 Universe, 952 
 
 Universities, 601, 653, 726, 819, 927 
 University Commission, 964 
 Unterwalden (oon' ter val den) , 754 
 Ur, 141 
 
 Ural mountains, 119 
 Ural-Altaic languages, 123, 150, 239, 243; 
 
 people, 487 
 Uranus (Or' d nils) ,2 
 Urban II, Pope, 637, 638, 648, 662, 724, 
 
 1111 
 Urban VI (pope), 663, 1113 
 Uri, 754 
 Urns, 86 
 Uruk, 141 
 
 Urumiya (fl ril me' ya) , lake, 268 
 Ussher, Bishop, 953 
 Usury, 207 
 Utica (u'tikd), 158 
 Utopias, 300, 302, 766 
 Utrecht, 770 
 
 Vaisyas (vis' yaz), 211 
 
 Valais, 491 
 
 Valenciennes, 1050 
 
 Valens, Emperor, 481 
 
 Valerian, Emperor, 458, 538, 1107 
 
 ValladoUd, 762, 764 
 
 Valmy, battle of, 875, 1118 
 
 Valona, 1045 
 
 Value, 164, 165 
 
 Van, 268 
 
 Vandals, 467, 481, 484, 492, 527, 589. 
 1107 
 
 Varangians (vd r&u' ji Anz), 631 
 
 Vareunes (varen'), 868-71, 1118 
 
 Varro, 408 
 
 Vasa (va' ad) , Gustava, 784 
 
 Vatican, 622, 649, 663 
 
 Vedas (va'ddz), 243, 251, 806 
 
 Vegetarians, 251, 356 
 
 Vegetation, 26 
 
 Veil (vS'j^),384, 393, 417 
 
 Vendue, 879, 894 
 
 Venetia, 968, 971, 1049 
 
 Venezuela, 1029 
 
 Venice (and the Venetians), 641, 645, 
 660, 678, 680, 685, 700, 736, 739, 741, 
 895, 918, 1049, 1112, 1113, 1118 
 
1170 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Venus, goddess, 613 
 
 Venus, planet, 2, 3 
 
 Vera Cruz, 970 
 
 Verbal tradition, 175 
 
 Verde, Cape, 1114 
 
 Verde, Cape, Islands, 744 
 
 Verdun, 873, 875, 1032 
 
 Verona, 736, 876 
 
 Versailles, 788, 792, 798, 858-68, 972, 
 
 1002, 1071; Peace of, 1076 sqq., 1121 
 Verulam, Lord. (See Bacon, Sir Francis) 
 Vespasian (ves pa' zhi dn), 456, 463, 496, 
 
 1106 
 Vessels of stone, 159 
 Vesuvius, 435 
 Via Flaminia, 404 
 Victims, human, 512 
 Victor Emmanuel, 968, 1119 
 Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 783, 
 
 963, 965, 981, 1007, 1011, 1119, 1120 
 Victory, flagship, 905 
 Vienna, 760, 799, 914, 1009, 1114, 1116; 
 
 Congress of, 913, 916, 918, 963, 1118 
 Vigilius, 486 
 
 Vikings (vik'iugs), 617, 631 
 Village, the, 82, 198 
 Vilna, 924, 1041 
 Vimeiro (ve ma' e ro), 907 
 Vinci (vin' che) , Leonardo da, 461, 953, 
 
 1044, 1114 
 Vindhya (vind' ya) mountains, 357 
 Vinland, 741 
 Virgil, 382, 460 
 Virginia, 829, 831, 835, 839, 843, 847, 
 
 851, 852, 970 
 Virtue, 298 
 Visfe, 1035 
 Vishnu, 249, 374 
 
 Visigoths, 476, 481, 486, 527, 1108 
 Vistula, 673 
 Vitellus, 456, 1106 
 Vitloria, ship, 744 
 Viviparous animals, 40 
 Vivisection, 343, 422 
 Vocabulary of man, 118 
 Volga, 120, 126, 371, 487, 527, 816 
 Volscians, 392 
 Volta, 925 
 Voltaire, F. M. A. de, 791, 792, 813, 815, 
 
 956, 1116 
 Votes, 707 
 Vowels, 254 
 Voyages, 162-63 
 Vulgate, the, 527 
 
 W 
 
 Waobs, 199, 714 
 
 Wagons, 243 
 
 Waldenses, 656, 657 
 
 Waldo, 656, 657 
 
 Wales, 155, 527, 605, 735 
 
 Walid (wa led' ) I, 593, 1110 
 
 Walid II, 595, 1110 
 
 Wallace, William, 735 
 
 Wallenstein, 786 
 
 Walpole, Sir Robert, 781 
 
 War, Great. (See Great War) 
 
 War and warfare, 198, 242, 312, 314, 785, 
 
 959, 1000, 1005, 1036 
 War of American Independence, 839 sgq. 
 Warsaw, 920 
 Warwick, Lord, 777 
 
 Washington, 450, 827, 847, 900, 930, 970 
 Washington, George, 839, 847, 849, 853, 
 
 897 
 Water, 19, 824 
 Waterloo, 914, 1118 
 Watt, James, 824, 923, 929 
 Weale, Putnam, 990 
 Weapons, 58, 80, 85, 151, 1103 
 Weaving, 78 
 
 Wedmore, Treaty of, 619 
 Wei dynasty, later, 554 
 Wei-hai-wei (wa hi wa'), 989, 994 
 Wellesley, Marquis. (See Mornington, 
 
 Lord) 
 Wellesley, Sir Arthur. (See Wellington, 
 
 Duke of) 
 Wellington, Duke of, 907, 914 
 Wells, J., 392, 403 
 Welsh, the, 795 
 
 Welsh language, 238 . 
 
 Were-wolf, 93 
 Wessex, 605, 616, 1110 
 Western civilization, 557 
 Westminster, 397, 420, 737, 776, 780, 782 
 Westphalia, Peace of, 773, 786, 827 
 Whales, 28 
 Wheat, 84, 131 
 Whigs, 835 
 
 White Man's Burthen, 988 
 Whitehall, 777, 779, 1081 
 Wilberforce, Bishop, 955 
 Wilhelm I, German Emperor, 1007 
 Wilhelm II, German Emperor, 624, 
 
 1006-11, 1120 
 Wilhelm, Crown Prince of Germany, 
 
 1010 
 Will and obedience, 707 
 William I, etc.. Emperors of Germany. 
 
 (See Wilhelm) 
 William the Conqueror, 347, 631, 1111 
 WUliam III, Prince of Orange, 781. 1016, 
 
 1116 
 
INDEX 
 
 1171 
 
 William IV, King of England, 783 
 
 WilUam the Silent, 770 
 
 Williams, Harold, 635 
 
 Williams, S. Wells, 470 
 
 Wilson, W., President of U.S.A., 776, 
 
 1062, 1064, 1065-72, 1076, 1080 
 Wiltshire, 83 
 
 Winckler, H., 141, 290-94 
 Windsor, 777 
 Wine, 829 
 Wiriath, 857 
 Wisby, 736 
 Witchcraft, 96, 316 
 Wittenberg, 758, 1114 
 Wolfe, General, 805, 1117 
 Wolsey, Cardinal, 757 
 Wolves, 52, 383 
 
 Women, 193, 260, 579, 721, 847 
 Wood, 57 
 
 Wood blocks, for printing, 718 
 Woollen industry, 824 
 Workmen, 943 
 World (geographical), 287, 344, 744, 
 
 747; (political), 340, 827, 919, 922, 
 
 976 
 World, Old, nursery of mankind, 76 
 World dominion (and unity), 340, 341, 
 
 637, 654, 796, 797, 802, 811 
 Worms, Diet of, 758, 1114 
 Worship, 100 
 Worth (vert), 972 
 Wright, W. B., 74, 90 
 Writing, 137, 144, 154, 160, 168-80, 
 
 244, 245, 359, 558, 624 
 Written word, 232 
 Wu Ti, 475, 1106 
 Wu Wang, 150 
 Wilrtemberg, 75, 971 
 Wyoliffe, John, and his followers, 659, 
 
 664, 709, 715, 758, 819, 821, 1113 
 
 Xavibr (za' vi er) , Francis, 991 
 Xenophon, 290, 299, 301, 306 
 Xerxes (zgrk' sez), 282-89, 306, 327, 470, 
 682, 1104 
 
 Y 
 Yanbu, 554 
 Yang-chow, S79 
 
 Yang-tse valley, 151, 470 
 
 Yang-tse-kiang (yang tsa ke ang') , 147 
 
 Yarkand, 549, 1107 
 
 Yarmuk, 684, 1109 
 
 Year, Moslem, 574; solar, 99 
 
 Yeast, 242 
 
 Yedo bay, 992 
 
 Yeliu Chutsai, 672 
 
 Yemen, 539, 568, 570 
 
 York, 458, 776 
 
 Yorkshire, 713 
 
 Yorktown, 839 
 
 Ypres (e'pr), 770, 1037, 1039 
 
 Yuan Chwang, 470, 561 sgg., 588, 598, 
 
 666, 680, 1109 
 Yuan dynasty, 675, 677, 688, 1118 
 Yucatan, 154, 747 
 Yueh-Chi, 474, 548, 561, 1105 
 Yugo-Slavia (and Yugo-Slavs), 537. 681, 
 
 918 sg., 1009, 1079 
 Yuste (yoos' ta), 762, 764 
 
 Zadok, 225 
 
 Zaid (za'id), 577 
 
 Zainib, 577 
 
 Zama (za' md), 409-12, 415, 1105 
 
 Zanzibar, 743 
 
 Zara, 645 
 
 Zarathustra (za id thoos' trd). (See Zo- 
 roaster) 
 
 Zebedee, 503 
 
 Zeid (zid), a slave, 572 
 
 Zend Avesta, 545 
 
 Zenobia, 464, 538, 1107 
 
 Zeppelin raids, 1041 
 
 Zeus (zus), 338, 351 
 
 Zeuxis (zuk' sis), 312 
 
 Zimbabwe (zem bab' wa), 984 
 
 Zinc, 80 
 
 Ziska, 710 
 
 Zodiac, 183 
 
 ZoUverein (tsol' fer In) , 1012 
 
 Zoroaster (z6 ro §.s' ter) and Zoroastri- 
 anism, 462, 465, 538, 545, 547, 570, 
 681, 594 
 
 Zoroastrian language, 547 
 
 Zosimus (zos' i miis), 521 
 
 Zulus, 164, 313 
 
 Zyp, the, 771 
 
IJMr. WELLS has also written the 
 following novels: 
 
 LOVE AMD ME. LEWISHAM 
 
 KIPPS 
 
 MR. POLLY 
 
 THE WHEELS OF CHANCE 
 
 THE NEW MACHIAVELLI 
 
 ANN VERONICA 
 
 TONO BUNGAY 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 BEALBY 
 
 THE PASSIONATE FRIENDS 
 
 THE WIFE OF SIR ISAAC HABMAN 
 
 THE RESEARCH MAGNIFICENT 
 
 MR. BRITLING SEES IT THROUGH 
 
 THE SOUL OF A BISHOP 
 
 JOAN AND PETER 
 
 THE UNDYING FIRE 
 
 T[ The following fantastic and imagina- 
 tive romances: 
 
 THE WAR OF THE WORLDS 
 
 THE TIME MACHINE 
 
 THE WONDERFUL VISIT 
 
 THE ISLAND OF DR. MOREAU 
 
 THE SEA LADY 
 
 THE SLEEPER AWAKES 
 
 THE FOOD OF THE GODS 
 
 THE WAR IN THE AIR 
 
 THE FIRST MEN IN THE MOON 
 
 IN THE DAYS OF THE COMET 
 
 THE WORLD SET FREE 
 
 And numerous Short Stories now collected in 
 One Volume under the title of 
 THE COUNTRY OF THE BLIND 
 
 Ti A Series of books upon Social, Reli- 
 gious and Political questions: 
 
 ANTICIPATIONS (1900) 
 
 MANKIND IN THE. MAKING 
 
 FIRST AND LAST THINGS 
 
 NEW WORLDS FOR OLD 
 
 A MODERN UTOPIA 
 
 THE FUTURE IN AMERICA 
 
 AN ENGLISHMAN LOOKS AT THE 
 
 WORLD 
 WHAT IS COMING? 
 WAR AND THE FUTURE 
 IN THE FOURTH YEAR 
 GOD THE INVISIBLE KING 
 RUSSIA IN THE SHADOWS 
 THE SALVAGING OF CIVILIZATION 
 
 U And two little books about children's 
 play, called: 
 
 FLOOR GAMES and LITTLE WARS