CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Cornell University Library F 29B82 J72 History of the towns of Bristol and Brem olin 3 1924 028 809 840 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028809840 "N as*" C>^Vh^ (^i/'tL.^^i^Tt^v:;: PROF. NAT. SCIENCE WES. UNIVe'RSITY. A HISTORY OP Tins TOWNS OP BEISTOL AND BREMEN STATE OF MAINE, INCLUDING THE PEMAQUID SETTLEMENT. JOHN JOHNSTON, LL.D., A NATIVE OF BRISTOL, AND PROrESSOR EMERITUS OF NATURAL SCIENCE IN THE "WESLETAN UNIVERSITY, 3IIDDLET0WN, CONN., AND COR. MEM. OF THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. ALBAJSfY, N. r.: JOEL MUNSELL. 1873. Entered accorcllug to Act of Congvcss iu tiie year 1873 By John Johnston, In the Office of the Librarian of Coucrress, in Washington. -< .C^' / r PREFACE. This work, though belonging to that class denominated locaT~liistories, to a considerable extent, describes events and transactions more or less intimately connected with tlieearljhistoryof the whole north Atlantic coast. This is true at least of much of the first part. In preparing the work the author has considered himself as particularly addressing the citizens of the place, most of them the neighbors and friends of his youth, or their direct descendants ; and in the belief that they would be particularly interested, like himself, in the ancient history of their native place, much labor has been expended on this part and much space allotted to it, though it becomes necessary, as a consequence, to exclude considerable matter relating to modern times that had been prepared, and, were it possible, would gladly have been included. To have merely described the transactions that took place here would have been comparatively an easy task ; but to show the real import- ance and significance of these transactions, required a wider range of view, and an examination of their relations to events simultaneously transpiring in other places on the coast, and even in Europe. Free use has been made of every source of information within the author's reach, but all important statements, as far as possible, have been traced to their original sources. That immense receptacle of original documents pertaining to the early history of New England, the Massachusetts Archives, contained in some 240 or more volumes, and preserved in the State House in Boston, was explored ciuite thoroughly, and with considerable profit, as the attentive reader will not fail to observe. iv PfiEFACB. Mr. Thornton's " Ancient Pemaquid " [Maine Hist. Soc. Col., Vol. V), served as an excellent guide in the author's researches ; but it is proper to say that much of the ground had been explored before that work was published. The author has supposed it a special duty to give a plain and unbiassed account of persons and events coming under consideration, but he has not hesitated to express an opinion in any case where it seemed to be called for. If, on some not unimportant points, his opinions are found to diifer essentially from those expressed by others, it has not been because of a desire to be peculiar, or because of any want of respect toward the views of those difiering from him, but only because, in his own judgment, the incontrovertible facts required it. Extracts from original documents and letters have been freely introduced, in the belief that we thus get a more vivid and faithful picture of the persons and events described. These extracts are always given exactly as they are found in the originals, without any attempt to correct errors whether in orthography or grammar. In some cases the authors were really illiterate, but this is not to be inferred because of peculiarities observed in their modes of spelling words, or peculiar modes 'of expression. In those early times great diversity in the modes of spelling words, including even proper names, was allowed. The same person would at different times use different modes of spelling his own name. The author takes pleasure in expressing his obligations to many friends who have, in different ways, aided him in the preparation and publication of the work ; but to none has he been under more obligation than to those old friends of his boyhood, William and James H. Hackelton, Esqs., and Hon. Arnold Blaney, without whose coopera- tion it probably would never have been given to the public. Many others also have extended kindly aid in different modes, but the names are too many to be inserted here. The author's researches have been carried on, more or Preface. v less, in uearly all the larger public libraries in New England and the city of New York, and in all of them, without exception, he has found the librarians and their assistants kind and obliging, aiid ready to afford all the facilities in their power. The same remarlv will apply to several of the clerks in the secretary's ofhce in Boston, but especially to Mr. H. J. Coolidge, who has long occupied a desk there, and who seemed never wearied by the repeated calls made upon him. Only a small part of the material collected for the work has in reality been used in its preparation. As is known to man}' of the citizens, much material had been collected with the design of preparing pedigrees of many of the older families ; but it was found that space could not be allowed for them, without unduly extending the size of tlie volume. The islands near the coast were considered of much greater relative importance in the early times than at present ; and a separate chapter devoted to tlieir history was prepared, but necessai'ily excluded for the same reason. The Autuor. MiDDLETOWN, Ct., Oct. 1, 1873. DIRECTIONS TO BINDEK. Portrait of Author, to face Title. Map, p. 1 Portrait of Com. Samuel Tucker, 364 Hon. Arnold Blaney, 389 " Hon. James Erskine, 437 " Capt. John Fossett, 443 Col. Samuel T. Hinds, 446 Thomas Johnston, 499 CORKECTIONS, &c. Page 03. Near the "bottom, for " Ca^ie Newagen (Bootlibay)" read Caxic New- agen (Soutliport). Page 83. For " Bignyduce" read Biguyiluce. Tliis was the ancient name for the present Castine. It was always pronounced Bagaduce, and often so written. Page 85. Second line of second paragraph. For " their cause " read ilm cause. Page 88. Near the middle of the page for " forward " re&A formal. Page 89. Note. For " but there is not," read hut is there not. Page 106. Last line of first paragraph. For " rivers " read icives. Page 174. For " Abenaquises " read Ahenaques. Page 2.13. Note at bottom. For " St. John's Tower" read St. John's Towne. Page 258. Near middle. For " 1636 and 1037 " read 1730 and 1737. Page 316. Near middle. For " storm " read stern. Page 318. Near middle of page ; Strike out the word " sic." Page 333. For the name " Gondy " here, and in one or two other places, read Ooudy. Page 335. The name " William,^ " near middle of the page should be in small ca^ntals, like the names James,^ Annie,'' &c., and in the same perpen- dicular line with them. He married not Mary Goudy (printed Gondy) hut Mary Clark. Page 445. Note. For " (1707 and 1737)" read (1737 and 1747). Page 400. Near top of page. For " 1854 " read 1864. OUR MAP. The map here given is peculiar, but will not be unacceptable to the people of the place. It represents the place with the pre- sent roads and some modern improvements, but contains the names only of those known to reside here in 1751. It was the intention, at first, to insert the names of the present residents, in the manner of the recent county maps; but the size of a map that is to be inserted in a book is necessarily limited, and because of the small space it was found impossible to introduce the names legibly. Most of the names were taken from North's map, prepared for the Kennebec proprietors, in December of the year mentioned ; but the names of all others have been added whose places of residence were known. North's map did not include the eastern part of the town, for the reason that the Kennebec proprietor's claim did not extend east of the Pemaquid river and ponds. {Note, fage 339). REFEEENCES. In the references to authorities in the notes the usual abbre- viations are used, and will need no special explanations, except in a single instance. Lincoln Beport, or Lin. llep., 1811, indicates a very important document, now very rare, entitled " Order of both branches of the Legislature of Massachusetts, to appoint Commissioners to investigate the C«Mse« of the Difficulties in the County of Lincoln, and the report of the Commissioners thereon, with the documents in support thereof, Boston, 1811." HISTORY BRISTOL AND BREMEN. CHAPTEK I. General Description of the Place — Minerals — Geology. The two townships of Bristol and Bremen occupy nearly the whole of the peninsula lying between the Damariscotta river on the west and the Muscongus sound and bay on the east, and have on the north the towns of Damariscotta, Nobleboro, and Waldoboro. The territory is in the south part of Lincoln county, in the state of Maine ; and the southern point, extend- ing several miles into the Atlantic ocean, forms a prominent head-land, long known to navigators on the coast as Pemaquid point. A light-house was erected on the point in 1824. Three miles north of the extreme point, on the west side, is Pemaquid harbor, which, being easily accessible and very safe for ships at all seasons of the year, was in early times, and in fact still is a place of frequent resort by vessels sailing on the coast. West of the point, and extending some distance south of it, is Rutherford's island, so named, it is said, from Pev. Robert Ru- therford, who came here as chaplain to Governor Dunbar in 1729, and probably resided for a time on the island. It is con- nected with the main-land by a stone bridge. The name Pemaquid first occurs in Strachey's account of the Popham * expedition, in 1607, and designates the harbor already mentioned; and an indefinite territory in the vicinity. The name is to be understood as the English rendering of an Indian ' Maine, Hist. Coll., iii, 290 ; Ifemorial Volume of the PopJiam Gelebration, p. 267. 1 2 History of Bristol and Bremen. word more or less resembling it in sound, but the true pronun- ciation of which cannot now be determined.^ By accurate determinations of the officers of the United States coast survey, the light-house is found to be in 43° 51' IST. lat. and 69° 29' W. long. On the south, from the point, the view of the Atlantic is en- tirely unobstructed, but to the south-east and east lie the large islandof Mouhegan, andthe cluster of smaller islands, called the Georges or St. Georges islands. From the point where the light-house stands, the coast extends north-north-east ten or twelve miles nearly in a straight line to Greenland cove iu the town of Bremen. S"early three miles from the southern point of the peninsula on the east side is ~Sew Harbor, which with Back cove, the two uniting at their mouth, form two considerable indentations into the land which serve as valuable harbors for the many small vessels always engaged here in the fishing business. Round pond is another small harbor still further north, formed by an indentation from Muscongus bay, having Mus- congus island stretched two miles or more iu a north and south direction in front of its mouth, and efi'ectually protecting it from the winds and waves to which it would otherwise be exposed from the east. Another small indentation, a mile or more north of Round pond, constitutes Muscongus harbor, so called, into which a small stream empties from Muscongus pond.^ Broad cove in the north-eastern part of Bremen, separating it in part from Waldoboro, is often mentioned iu documents pertaining to the ancient history of this region. It is some fifteen miles from the light-house on the point, and formerly con- stituted the north-eastern boundary of the town of Bristol. ' The name is found in twenty or more forms among Englisli and French writers. Williamson (mst. of Maine, i, p. 57), and others ^ttui: him. {Maine Hist. Coll., iv, p. 108, and Eaton, An. Warren, p. 18), suppose the real Indian name was Pemaquid- eag or Pemaquina, and probably signified long point, but by others this explana- tion is not accepted. The late Rev. Dr. Ballard of Brunswick, thought the word to mean crooked river, or at the crooked river, which however does not seem to be particularly appropriate to the place {U. 8. Coast Survey, 1868, p. 245). Pem- aquin, Penmiquid, Pemequit, Pemekiiit, Pemquet, Peinkuit, Pemquet, Pemskuit, Pemquid, Pamaquid, Pinkuit, Penkuit, Paineuit, Peneoit, PemJiueag, Pemaheag, are other methods of spelling and pronouncing the name actually found among the old writers. " Probably a corruption of the old Indian name, Rcmobscus or Seremobscus, HiSTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. 3 West of Pemaquid point, aud lying between it and Ruther- ford's island, is John's bay, containing several small islands, and connected witli it is John's river,' which is only an arm of the sea, extending a few miles northward into the land. Damariscotta river, the Tamiscot of Heyliu, 1G45, constitutes the western boundary both of Bristol, and the town of Damaris- cotta. The tide flows up this river some eighteen miles or more to the village known as Damariscotta Mills. On the opposite or west side of the Damariscotta river are the towns of Boothbay, Edgecomb, aud Newcastle. Besides the islands which have already been incidentally men- tioned, there are several others usually considered as belonging to Bristol, which were in early times considered of some import- ance, and even contained some families as settlers, as the Da- mariscove islands, which constitute a group lying several miles south west of Pemaquid point. Further notice will be taken of them hereafter. The only stream of importance in Bristol is the Pemaquid river, which takes its rise beyond the northern limits of the town in several ponds, lying partly in the towns of ITobleboro, and Damariscotta, and partly between these towns and the town of Bremen. One of these, called Pemaquid pond is some six miles in length, and a mile wide at the broadest place. It lies partly in Nobleboro, and serves in part as a natural bound- ary between Damariscotta aud Bremen. Biscay pond connects with the former on the south ; it serves as a natural boundary on the north between Bremen and Damariscotta, and, on the soutti, between Bremen and Bristol. Several smaller ponds are connected with the two just named by small streams, ^as Muddy pond and Little pond in Damariscotta, Duckpuddle pond, lying between Waldoboro and I^obleboro, and McCurdy pond in Bremen. Pemaquid river has several falls in its course which afford sites for mills and factories; but unfortunately, the supply of water, though plentiful in the wet season, is liable to fail en- tirely in seasons of drought. The lower falls on the stream, at the Fails village, occur just above the point where the fresh water of the stream empties into the tide water of the bay, two 1 John's river, John's bay, and John's island, are names jjrobably derived from Smith's map of 1014, in wliich the name, St. John Towne is placed near this lo- cality. —Mass. Hist. Coll., [3], Yin, Map. 4 History of Bristol and Bremen. miles above the site of the old fort. Here probably the first mills were erected in all this region ; but no account of them has come down to us. Here on the east side of the stream are still to be found the remains of an old canal, which .begins just where the country road now is, and extends downward many rods, keeping at about the same level on the bank, and having several lateral or side canals apparently for conveying water to mill-wheels situated there. ^ The falls at the Mills village furnish good sites for mills, which have not been neglected ; and farther down the stream, in the Fountain neighborhood, are other falls, on which mills have been erected, but the descent of the water is not sufficient to allow any considerable accumulation of power. Muscongus stream originates in Muscongus pond in Bremen ; and, running southerly only a few hundred rods, empties into Muscongus harbor. There are two falls on the stream. In both the Pemaquid and the Muscongus streams the early settlers were accustomed to take large quantities of alewives and shad in the spi'ing of the year, but only a very few are now caught. In fact, no shad have been taken for many years, but the alewives still return each "spring, in small numbers, to make their ascent to the ponds above, where they deposit their spawn. The geology of Bristol and neighboring towns is decidedly granitic ; the rocks are what geologists call metamorphic, being mostly gneiss and mica-slate; but they are traversed, in many places, by veins of granite, which occasionally forms large masses, and is advantageously quarried for building purposes. These rocks lie mostly in parallel ridges in the direction of ]Sr. JS[. E., and W. S. W ; in fact, on nearly the whole east- ern shore, from the light-house at the point, to the northern limit of the town, the further encroachment of the sea is pre- vented by a barrier of rock. Indeed it is these rocky barriers, which give to the coast of this part of the state of Maine its present conformation, the earth having been removed by the con- stant dashing of the waves, wherever it has not been protected by the immovable rocks. That part of the coast of Maine be- tween the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers is not unlike the fingers of the hand, being made so by the parallel ridges of rock, which, more or less covered with soil, extend down into ' Popliam Memorial Volume, p. 273. History of Bristol and Bremen. 5 the ocean, the tide flowing up many miles between them in the rivers Sheepscott, Damariscotta, Muscongus, and St. George. The township of Bristol is divided into two nearly equal parts by the Pemaquid stream, each part having its separate ridge of underlying rock. In the eastern part, the rock shows itself at the surface almost continuously from south to north quite to the northern line of Bremen ; but, in the western part, the rock is more concealed by the overlying soil. The eastern shore of Bristol, and adjacent islands afi'ord ex- cellent opportunities for the study of those rocks, which are kept bare by the constant dashing of the waves. Dr. Jack- son ^ gives a very good description of their appearance in some places, visited by him, in the course of his survey of the state. "At the extremity of Pemaquid point, which is a long rocky promontory, there are some remarkable geological phenomena. The rocks are generally gneiss and mica slate, the strata running N. 43° E., S. 43° W, while the dip is N. W. or S. E., according to the time of disruption and fracture, produced by the upturn- ing strata, which was eflected by the huge beds and veins of granite. At the extreme point, below the light-house, may be seen a remarkable instance of this violent intrusion of a granite vein, the strata of mica slate having been turned completely over by the injected vein. Here we remark the contortions of the mica slate, and the curve where it was bent over by the upheaving and overturning veins of granite. The vein is from twelve to thirty feet wide, and runs N. 30° E., S. 30° W. On its eastern side, the strata of mica slate dip S. E. 60° and on its western side 1^. W. 60°. Huge masses of the protruding granite have been broken off, and removed from thirty to fifty yards to the westward. One of those blocks measures eighteen feet square ; another is twenty-five feet long by eight feet wide, the former being thirty yards and the latter fifty yards from the parent vein." Cases similar to these may be seen at other places on the point, and north along the eastern shore, and on the shores of the adjacent islands. Dr. Jackson describes an interesting dyke of trap or basalt (as he calls it), on the estate of Mr. Joshua House, now in the town of Damariscotta, and just north of the line of Bristol. It is near a granite vein, and shows itself again on the shore of 1 Geology oflfaine, 3d Annual Report, p. 58. 6 PIisTORY OF Bristol and Bremen. Biscay pond.^ The rock is decidedly columnar in its struc- ture, and forms a vein or dyke in the granite from twelve to thirty feet in width. Probably, by careful examination, it may be traced much further back to the north-west and the south- east. Another well characterized vein or dyke of basalt occurs at: Pemaquid harbor, and in fact constitutes the wall or promon- tory of rock on the west side which so perfectly protects the harbor on the south. No visitor can fail to notice the different color and appearance of this rock from the surrounding granite and gneiss. It is of a dark gray color, where it has been long exposed to the weather, but is often of a beautiful blue or green when recently broken. Its texture is compact and hard ; and unlike the gneiss and mica slate it is fractured with equal faci- lity in every direction, showing that it is not crystaliue. It gene- rally withstands the action of the weather better than the granite rocks ; and it seems to be in consequence of this that the rocky promontory, alluded to at the harbor is preserved in its present form. This projection from the western side is often called the Barbican, by early writers ; and, as we shall hereafter see, many important transactions have taken place upon it.^ On the east side there is no appearance of the dyke in the immediate vicinity, but two miles or more to the north-east, near the head of Longcove there are distinct traces of it, and also half a mile further in the same direction on the eastern shore, north of Long-cove point. Here the trap rock occurs in large masses and has been known in the neighborhood as the indigo rocks, from the supposed resemblance of the cubical masses to lumps of indigo, as it is often purchased. Persons examining it at this point may easily be deceived as to its true character, from the fact that the vein, though preserving its true characteristics, is nearly horizontal, having been intruded be- tween the nearly horizontal strata of the inclosing metamorphic rocks. Over a surface of many square rods, one side of the vein is entirely exposed, the" overlying stratum of gneiss having been removed by the action of the waves. On the shore, both north and south of the trap vein, for a distance of several rods, detached masses of the trap are found in abundance ; and on the west side of the point, the smooth blue pebbles, frequently occurring and so ' Oeology of Maine, 3d Annual Report, p, 29. ' Papham Memorial, p. 64. History of Bristol and Bremen, 7 easily distinguished from the granite pebbles, are to be referred to the same origin.' These dykea or veins of trap are often very extensive, aad if the proper examination should be made in a south-western direc- tion fromPemaquid harbor even into the township of Boothbay or farther, it is quite probable that traces of it would be dis- covered. There is appearance of trap in the road near Round pond, a short distance south of Mr. David Chamberlain's, but it is not known whether it makes a part of a dyke. The soil of all this region is, of course, granitic, but in some places it is light and sandy, while in others, clay abounds. In many places, clay suitable for making brick is abundant, and the inhabitants have for many years manufactured bricks in suffi- cient quantity for their own use. At the present time, many are also made for the Boston and other markets. The cultivated fields are of limited extent because of the broken nature of the surface, and the frequent protrusion of the underlying rocks. In some places the granitic rocks rise considerably above the general level, and are only partly covered by soil. Nearly all these hills were originally covered with a stunted growth of trees ; and sometimes, where the first growth has been removed, it has been succeeded by a second, in which the prevailing species will almost always be different from those of the first. As a ge- neral rule, applicable to other parts of ISTorth America, as well as to this, when the primitive forest is composed mostly of deci- duous trees, as the oak, maple, beech, etc., the growth succeed- ing will be made up mostly of coniferte, as the spruce, pine, fir, and other evergreens. Many interesting facts bearing on this topic, so often discussed by naturalists, might be collected here.^ The true metamorphic rocks, as are most of this region, sel- dom contain interesting minei^al species, but in the granite, and especially the quartz veins, that always traverse them, they are sometimes, of frequent occurrence. Unfortunately, no public or other works have been undertaken here, requiring extensive excavation in the rocky masses so as to bring into view their hidden contents ; but a few species are known to present them- 1 An old man who lived in the neighborhood was accustomed to call the trap peb- bles, ma-pU stones, for the reason that, compared with granite or gneiss pebbles, the}' presented to his mind a dissimilarity not unlike that shown by maple and oak wood, these being the two common woods in this region. ^ SiUiman's Journal, XLV, 300. 8 History of Bristol and Bremen. selves at the surface. Among these are quartz and feldspar crystals, black tourmaline, beryl, olivine, hornblende, iron pyrites, and bog iron ore. The tourmalines occur in granite near Muscongus harbor, and thirty-five or forty years ago some persons put in several blasts with the view to remove them, upon the supposition that they were coal ! Of course, if they had understood the merest alphabet of geology, they would have known that the occurrence of coal among granite rocks is im- possible. Many years ago it was reported that plumbago had been discovered in the southwest part of Bristol, but the report needs confirmation. Dr. Jackson, when making his exploration of the state, dis- covered a small deposit of bog iron ore on the farm of Mr. Wm. McCobb, a Httle distance southeast of the Falls village, but the quantity to be obtained is small. The composition of the iron ore he found to be protoxide of iron 63 per cent, water 22 per cent, and silica 15 per cent. There are also indications of arsenic.^ l^early all the swamps contain peat which however is better known among the people generally as swamp mud, or muck. In some places, as in the vicinity of Pemaquid pond, in Bre- men, deposits of peat are found many feet in thickness, but generally they are more shallow. They usually rest on sand. It is probable that in connection with some, at least, of those peat deposits, beds of shell marl would be found by a proper examination. This is a valuable manure. Very often roots and trunks of large trees are found inclosed in the peat. The deeper peat beds, especially those near large ponds, are constantly saturated with water, but the more shallow deposits, in seasons of drought, often become thoroughly dried, and, in several instances, have been known to become ignited and burn for many days. This was the case with several peat swamps, in the Long-cove neighborhood, about 1823 or 1824. The peat, in some places, was burned to the depth of two feet or more, and occasionally trees of considerable size were burned down. The fires continued many days, until at length extin- guished by the autumnal rains. The appearance of the surface at this time clearly indicated that similar fires had occurred in these beds at an earlier period, and the holes burned out at the time alluded to, remained plainly to be seen for many years. ' Geology of Maine, 3d Annual Report, p. 59. History of Bristol and Bremen. '9 If some enterprising individual or company should undertake the preparation of peat for the market, from some of these de- posits, it is by no means certain that it would prove an unprofit- able business. CHAPTER n. Wild Animals of the Region. The Native Tribes. Among the wild animals found here, the moose, the deer, and bears and wolves, were the largest and the most important. , The moose disappeared entirely from this immediate vicinity, probably as early as the time of the llevolutionary war ; but the old men, fifty years ago, were accustomed to tell interesting stories of their exploits in shooting and capturing them. They were perfectly harmless animals, and their flesh was esteemed good food. In the summer season they wandered separately in the woods or fed about the brooks and swamps, frequently fol- lowing the channels of the streams, and cropping tlie grass from the banks. Their necks are so short, that, on the level ground, they can scarcely reach to crop the grass. In the win- ter they collected together in herds, from a kind of instinct- ive sociality, or perhaps the better to protect themselves against their enemies. When the snow was deep a herd would remain many days, very nearly in the same spot, treading the snow down over a space of many square rods, or even dcres, and feeding entirely upon the twigs of such shrubs and trees as were within their reach. At a distance of eighty or a hundred miles from the sea coast, moose were occasionally seen as late as the beginning of the present century; and the late Rev. Joshua Soule, D.D., one of the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and afterwards of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, in the early days of his ministry, used to boast of his prowess in shooting a moose, 10 ' History of Bristol and Bremen. when but a boy ! The family lived in the town of Avon where the exploit was probably performed.^ These animals were very timid and very fleet of foot, and could be approached only with the greatest caution. When alarmed they would make their way through the forest, and through the tangled thicket with a speed surpassing that of the swiftest race horse, their cloven hoofs all the time making a loud clicking noise. The immense horns of the male are shed every year. When he runs, these are laid back upon his neck and shoulders, so as to interfere as little as possible with his motion through the forest. According to the description of the old men of the last gene- ration, his " mode of motion " was a peculiar trot, which would be scarcely broken as he passed, at full speed, over an ordinary, or even a high fence. Some of the fathers of New England entertained the notion that the moose might be domesticated, and made serviceable to man ; but the few attempts of the kind, that have been re- corded, were unsuccessful. A young one, taken in the town of Warren, became quite tame, so as to be allowed to go about without restraint. During the day, he generally remained quietly at home, but in the night he would seek his food in the neighboring swamps and marshes.^ Deer were common in Bristol as well as other parts of the state, but it is believed that they were never as plentiful as the moose. Their flesh was esteemed as excellent food ; and laws were passed, as early as 1764, by the legislature of Massachu- setts, for the protection both of deer and moose. ^ From and after August 11th, of each year, until Dec. 21st, they might be hunted, but severe penalties were inflicted upon persons hunting them at other seasons ; and towns were required annually to appoint othcers, called deer-reeves, whose special duty it was to see that the law was observed. In the town of Biistol these officers seem never to have been appointed. Bears and vi'olves were abundant in Bristol and other places on the sea-coast, as well as in the interior of the state. Both were considered natural enemies of the settlers, and were, of course, hunted and destroyed without mercy. The bears remained con- stantly in the same region, apparently never wandering far from 1 Rev. F. A. Soule, relative of the Bisliop. ° Sibley's -ffwi. ('/ f/'/iio/i, p. 390, 394. "Idem, p. 888. History op Bristol and Bremen. H their dens. Sheep and calves, and even swine, were never se- cure from their attacks, and occasionally they made sad havoc among the herds of the settlers. Sometimes they would seize upon children, but it was only when suddenly fallen upon, or when disturbed while eating their prey, or attending upon their young. The bear, in all ordinary circumstances, was always inclined to flee from the presence of man ; but the old people used to relate instances in which a man and a bear have been driven by circumstances to engage in single combat! In such a case, according to tradition, the bear would throw himself upon his haunches, and standing nearly erect, would defend himself with his fore paws so dexterously that the man, though armed with an axe or club, could scarcely inflict upon him a serious blow. Bears are fond of green corn, and the fields of the early set- tlers not unfrequently suffered from their depredations. To pro- tect the fields, traps were set, and snares laid, which often proved effectual. A huge and ferocious bear, with one foot in a power- ful trap, is said to become at once singularly pliable and docile. Mr. Alexander Fossett, who died in 1824, used to relate an in- stance, in which a man, having caught a large black bear in a trap, actually seized him by the shaggy hair of his neck, and led him a distance to a convenient place to dispatch him, the trap all the time dangling at his foot ! Occasionally, loaded guns, were placed in the field, with a line attached to the trigger, and stretched to a distance directly in front, in such a manner that the animal pressing against it, or striking it with his feet, would cause a discharge, lodging the contents in his body. In one case, a man had provided this means of defence for his cornfield, but was surprised to find in the morning that his cow, having bro- ken into the field, had received the shot intended for a bear. This practice was at length discontinued because of its obvious danger to innocent men, as well as to guilty bears. The wolves were accustomed to wander over large tracts of country ; and, in any particular district, for many months, per- haps, no traces of them would be seen, bat suddenly they would again make their appearance, often destroying several flocks of sheep in a single night. Generally, two or more would be to- gether ; and the havoc they would make in a neighborhood, on a single visit, was often astonishing. It was always observed, that, after committing their depredations at any point, they never re- 12 History of Bristol and Bremen. turned immediately to the same place. Having gorged their appetite, by a successful foray, at a particular place, it would be natui-al to expect their return again very soon, but such was not their mode of operating. The place of their attack one mght, was sure to be unvisited, by the same individuals, for some nights afterward; but their depredations would perhaps be heard of in another neighborhood, at the distance of several miles. Soon after the incorporation of the town of Bristol, in 1765, a bounty of £2 was voted for wolves' heads ; and frequent en- tries in the records show that the law was not a dead letter. Some years they voted to give for the head of a full grown wolf £2, but for whelps only half as much. For a year or two, dur- ing the war of the revolution, the bounty offered was less. The bounty appears to have been discontinued about the close of the last century ; and the sight of a bear or wolf in the town, since that time, has probably been rare. It was reported late in the summer of 1825, that a bear was seen in some place in the north part of the town; and as extensive hres had prevailed in the woods of the interior a little previously, it is probable that the animal had been driven from his usual hiding places, and obliged to seek a place of greater safety. It is not known that any in a wild state, have been since seen in the town. When the ships from Europe first visited the coast of Maine, beavers were abundant in the country ; but, as they cannot exist in the presence of civilized man, it is probable they became ex- tinct, at a very early period. Many remains of their dams are however still to be seen. Ponds of considerable extent were often produced by these dams ; but, generally', judging from the localities examined by the writer, the water in them must have been very shallow. But it was sufficient to destroy the trees and underbrush previously growing on the land thus overflowed; and when the beavers were driven away and the dams demol- ished, the wild grass, springing up luxuriantly, offered to the early settler advantages for securing a supply of hay not to be despised. The hay was indeed of a miserably poor quality, but it was eagerly sought after in those early times. Capt. John Smith, ^ whose history is so iudissolubly connected with that of Pocahontas, whatever may be true in reo'ard to particular transactions, came to this region early in the summer of 1614, and remained several months, himself engao-ed in trad- ' V. AC}3. ^ " At tlie head of every tribe was a sagamore or chief magistrate, whose conncil- lors or ^oise ??ie« were denominated sachems." Idem, i, 495, Drake, in Book of the In dians, thinlcs that sachem, or sachemo, and sagamo, or sagamore are only ditfer- ent modifications of the same word, hook iir, p. 93, Sagamore a chief of second rank among tlie American Indians. Worcester's Dictionary. History of Bristol and Bremen. 15 they appeared to entertain great respect ; and it was arranged that Capt. Gilbert, commander of one of the ships of the expe- dition, with some attendants, should be sent as representatives of the colony. The matter being fully understood, as was sup- posed, the Indians took their departure for Pemaquid, where, as the English appear to have supposed, the^^ were to remain un- til the arrival of Gilbert and his party. On account of several unfavorable circumstances, it was six days before Capt. Gilbert and company reached Pemaquid, when they found, to their great mortification, ITahanada, and the other Indians, whom he ex- pected to accompany him, had already departed for the Penob- scot, where the bashaba resided. They immediately followed, in the hope of joining their Indian friends in the immediate pre- cinct of the basJiaba's court; but having spent two days in a vain search for the mouth of the river, and their supply of pro- visions failing, they turned again to the new settlement. Tills failure in itself appears of little consequence, but, had the enterprise been successful, very probably important informa- tion, in regard to this half-mythical character, the bashaba, would have been obtained, that is now utterly lost. Several weeks later, a brother of the bashaba, with suitable attendants, and some formalities, actually made the new colony a visit, where they were respectfully and kindly entertained ; but nothing further is said of the proposed visit to the august ruler.^ The Abenakis, according to the authority before mentioned, were divided into four tribes, viz : The Sekokis, or Saco Indians, the Anasagunticooks, the Canibas or Kennebec Indians, and the Waiuenocks. The Anasagunticooks had their chief residence at Pejepscot (Brunswick) but the whole valley of the Androscog- gin was considered as their peculiar territory. They were at one time numerous and powerful, and were noted for their hatred of the English, though for a long time they were less interfered with by the settlers thau any of the neighboring tribes. The Canibas, or Kennebec Indians occupied the banks of the Kennebec above Merrymenting bay. The tribe consisted of several subdivisions, or political families. They were for a time more friendly to the English than the neighboring tribes. 1 Maine Hist. Coll., iii, 303-307. Popliam Memorial, p. 296. 16 History of Bristol and Bremen. Their chief residence was at ISTorridgewock ; and in later times the tribe in consequence came to be known by this name. But the tribe more especially interesting to us, in connection with this work, was the Waicejiocks, whose territory extended along the coast, from the mouth of the Kennebec, on the west, to the river St. George, on the east, and perhaps quite to the Penobscot. The great bashaba is believed to have been of this tribe. Their principal residence, when the European adventurers first became acquainted with them, was probably near Pemaquid, but, at a later period, it was at Sheepscott, and they became known as the Sheepscott Indians. According to Capt. Francis,^ a Penob- scot chief, the name "Wauneocks, or Wawenocks signifies fear- ing nothing, very brave, which seems to accord well with their general character. Smith, who visited the place in 1614, says ; " they were active, strong, healthful, and very witty. The men had a perfect constitution of body, were of comely proportion, and quite athletic. They would row their canoes faster with five paddles than our own men would our boats with eight oars." The people of this tribe were, like the Kennebec Indians, more mild and gentle in their dispositions, and less inclined to war than some of the neighboring tribes ; and for many years no serious difficulty occurred between them and the English. So far as is known, the "Wawenocks and Kennebecs, were al- ways on good terms with each other, and in the Indian wars, they were always allies. In the great and devastating Indian war, which, as we have seen, occurred about 1615 or 1616, the Wawenocks were greatly reduced ; and the dreadful epidemic'^ of 1617, affected them still more seriously. ITothiiig is heard of the great bashaba, after this period, and it is supposed that he was slain in the war. From this time, they gradually dwindled away; and according to Douglass,' in 1747, there were only two or three families remaining. These, a year or two afterwards, emigrated to Canada, and joined themselves with the St. Francis Indians. The other great division of the Indian tribes, called the Etechemins, inhabited that part of the country between the ' WilUitmson's Hist. Maine, i, p. 467. '' We sliall have occasion to refer to tMs again further on. '' Su'iamary, i, p. 184. History of Bristol and Bremen. 17 Peuobscot and the St. John rivers. There were at least three tribes of JEteehemins ; the Pcnobseois, or Tarratines, the Openan- gos or Passamaquoddy (after contracted to Quoddy) Indians, and the Maleciies or Souriquois. Of these, the Penobscots were the most numerous and warlike ; and though living on the river of this name, they exerted a powerful influence on the tribes living west of them even as far as Massachusetts. As is well known, a remnant of this tribe still remains, their residence being on an Island in the Penobscot some ten or twelve miles above the city of Bangor. It is understood that their number is gradually diminishing, and apparently the day is not distant when they will entirely disappear like most of the other tribes. The other tribes of the Etechemins lived farther east, quite beyond the limit of the state of Maine, and do not require fur- ther notice here. CHAPTER in. Early Navigators on the coast — Beginning of the English and French rivalries for exclusive possession — The fisheries — Gosnold's voyage and discovery of Cape Cod — Capt. Pring. The progress of discovery on the American continent, for a full century after the first voyage of Columbus, in 1492, was very slow; at least, such is the appearance to us of the present day. The report of Columbus's great discovery produced a profound sensation in the maritime nations of Europe,' and adventurers were not wanting to make explorations in the nevr world; but the records of their discoveries that have been pre- served, are few and meagre. John and Sebastian Cabot, under the patronage of Henry VII, of England, in 1497, discovered Newfoundland, and visited the adjacent coast from 38° to 56° of K latitude. " The commission given them by the king," says ^Hist. and Gen. Rerj., xv, 97. 18 History oe Bristol and Bremen. SullivfiD/ " contained pretended powers to sail to all countries and seas, to the east and west, and to the north, under his royal banners and ensigns, and with five ships and on the proper charge of the adventurers, to seek out, discover, and find, what- soever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and injidels, wheresoever they might be, which had before that time been unknown to all Christians, and to set up banners and en- signs in every village, isle and mainland, so newly discovered." Though the adventurer was to do everything at his own proper charge, the king was to receive one-fifth part of all the ore, mines and other profits of the enterprise ! Two years only, after the first voyage of Columbus, the kings of Spain and Portugal, with the approbation of Pope Alexander VI, and by his authority, agreed to divide the new world be- tween themselves, but England, whatever may have been the theories of the time in regard to the jurisdiction of the Pope, Ijractically refused to acquiesce in this partition between the states, of a quarter at least of the earth's surface, and Prance,^ taking the same view, began also to assert her right of making discoveries by sending adventurers to the American coast. Yerazzani, a native of Florence, but in the service of France, in 1524, explored the east of North America from Florida to New- foundland, giving it the name o? Nouvelle France [Neio France); but, in a subsequent voyage, he is said to have been killed by the natives.' Ten years later, in 1534, James Cariicr,* a native of St. Malo, France, was commissioned by Francis I, to make discoveries iu America, and sailed with two ships, on the 20th of April. May 10th, he made jSTewfoundland, the coast of which he partially explored, and also the adjacent coast of Nova Scotia. Directing his course northward, he discovered the shores of Labrador, and returned to St. Malo, in September. In subsequent years, Car- tier made two other voyages to North America, and in one of them sailed up the St. Lawrence as far as Montreal, then called Hochelega. His discoveries were limited to this region of the continent. ■ History' of Mf.iine, -p. 'i?i. ' It is said that the king of France, when he heard of the agreement of the kings of Spain and Portugal, pleasantly remarked, " I should be glad to see the clause in Adam's will, Avhich makes that continent their inheritance exclusively." ° Belknap's Am. Biog., i, 230, Harper's ed. ■■ Belknap's Am. Biog., I, 231, Harper's ed. History op Bristol and Bremen. 19 Hoberval, another Frenchman, who was in some way connected ■with Cartier in one of his voyages, about this time, undertook to found a settlement near the present site of Quebec, but the enterprise was soon abandoned. These enterprises of the French were not attended by any immediate results of importance, but they laid the foundation for a claim to the country, on the part of France, which was afterwards asserted with no little pertinacity, for two centuries or more, and was finally relinquished only after the fall of Quebec in 1759. Even before the time of Cartier's first voyage, it is probable that many fishermen of France were accustomed to ply their busi- ness annually on the coasts of IsTova Scotia and New Brunswick, and perhaps those of Maine; but the French government seems not to have taken any steps, formally to assert its jurisdiction until the year 1603. ISTov. 4th of this year, Henry IV granted a charter of Acadie, a country said to extend from the 40th to the 46th degree oflST. latitude, toDeMonts, a Frenchman, who was appointed lieutenant general of the new territory, and the next year, in company with Poutrincourt and Champlain,^ fitted out an expedition for the northern Atlantic coast of the continent. A settlement was made by them at the mouth of the river St. Croix, but the company spent only one winter there, when the enterprise was relinquished, and another settlement begun at Port Royal, now Annapolis. Forts were immediately erected in this and other places in the vicinity, one as far west as the mouth of the Penobscot. Jesuit missionaries were introduced, and a foundation seemed to be laid for establishing the ascend- ancy of the French '' in these parts. The colony prospered only for a little time, as it was destroyed, in 1613, by Gapt. Argall, who was sent from Virginia for the purpose. Probably, in no place on the surface of this globe, in any pe- riod of its history, has the fishery business been carried on so prosperously, or become so largely developed, as on the north Atlantic coast of this continent. These fisheries commenced in all probability soon after the voyage of the Cabots, in 1497, but their early history is , lost. ' Tlie eame who afterwards gave Ms name to one of the most beautiful of our lakes. ■' Hist, of Portland, pp. 10, 11, 2d ed. 20 History of Bristol and Bremen. They formed almost the only source of profit to the early navi- gators, and we may not pass them unnoticed. Vessels of Spain were engaged in the fisheries as early as 1517 ;Mn 1527, twelve French vessels were employed in the same business, but in 1744 their number had increased to 264, employing 27,500 men. About the year 1577, the number of Spanish vessels employed about ISTewfoundlaud was estimated at 100, but in 1593 there were only eight.^ ISTot long after this, the Spanisli flag ceased to appear on these fishing grounds ; but France and England, especially the latter, greatly increased their vigor in prosecuting the business. Abouttheyear 1600, itJs estimated that England sentannually 100 fishing ships to the ISTorth American coast, and that they employed in the different branches of the business no less than 10,000 men and boys. As may well be supposed, the moral character of many of these men, was not above par; and on the coast of Newfoundland, and perhaps further west, numerous atrocities were committed by them upon the poor natives and others, which could not fail to excite in their minds a violent hatred of the white race. But while these fishermen were so earnestly prosecuting their business, on the extreme northeastern parts of the continent, few, if any of them, ventured so far as the coast of Maine. It was near the close of the 16th century, when their voyages began to be extended to the fishing grounds of this vicinity. The early navigators in sailing for America, instead of mak- ing their course directly across the Atlantic, were accustomed to take a circuitous route by \ray of the Canary islands and the Azores; and Ckipt. Qosnold v^ixs the first man of eminence who ventured to censure the prevailing practice ; and, to prove the truthfulness of his views, undertook to make the passage by the most direct course. But how was it with the hundreds of fish- ermen who, before Gosnold's time, were accustomed to make their annual visit to these shores? Were they too accustomed to sail by way of the Canary isles, and the West Indies? Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold was a distinguished seaman of the west of England, who had previous to this time (1600), under the auspices of Sir Walter Raleigh, made one or more voyages to America, but in a subordinate position. His ' Sabine, Rep. on Fisheries, p. 209. ^ Sabine, Rep. on Fisheries, pp. 209, 315, 316. History of Bristol and Bremen. ' 21 advocacy of the direct passage, by which he claimed that at least 100 leagues would be saved, compared with the circuit- ous route alluded to, had attracted much attention. He was fitted out with a small bark, manned with thirty-two men, of whom only eight were experienced seamen, and sailed from Falmouth, March 16, 1602. He made land May 13, but at what point has not been satisfactorily determined, though he himself made the latitude to be about 42 degrees. Coursing southward, he discovered Cape Cod, to which he gave this name, because of the great abundance of this fish found by them in the neighboring waters. Passing around Cape Cod to the south, they discovered Martha's vineyard and other oeigliboriug islands, on one of which they made some preparation to leave a part of their company, as the begining of a permanent settle- ment; but, finding upon examination that their supply of pro- visions was not sufficient, the plan was relinquished, and all returned again to England. An interesting circumstance, connected with this voyage of Gosnold, was the discovery of a boat of European make, in use among tlie savage natives, ■ some of whom were also dressed in European clothes. From this, they inferred that " some unfor- tunate fisherman of Biscay or Brittany had been wrecked on the coast." The remark of the writer that they supposed the fisher- man to have been from " Biscay or Brittany," indicates that they recognized the boat or clothing, or both, as not of British make.^ Capt. Gosnold's passage to the American continent was made in seven weeks, lacking a day, and his return passage in five weeks; both of which at that time were considered highly satis- factory. The account of the vo^^age attracted mucli attention, especially in the city of Bristol, and, iu the course of the au- tumn and winter, preparation was made for fitting out anotlaer expedition the following spring, one thousand pounds sterling being raised for the purpose. Among those who especially interested themselves in the en- terprise, were Mr. EichardHackluyt, prebendary of St. Augus- tine Church, Bristol, Robert Aldsworth, a young but leading merchant, whose fiither, Thomas Aldsworth, had formerly been mayor of the same city, and others. Mr. ITaclduyt afterwards ' Purchase v., p. 1647 ; Belknap'a Biog., ii., 206, Harp. ed. ; Williamson's flist. of Maine, i., 184, 22 History of Bristol and Bremen. became celebrated, not only as a Christian gentleman, of more than usual enterprise, and large and liberal views, but as the compiler of a most important work, known as HacMui/fs Voyages, which has long been a standard authoritj^ in all matters pertain- ing to the early voyages on these shores. April 10th, 1603, two vessels, the Speedwell of 50 tons, and the Discoverer, of 26 tons, the two manned with 43 men, were ready to sail, and actually departed on a voyage of discovery to the coasts of M"orth Virginia. They were placed under the command of Capt Ilartin Pring ; ^ and two important characters, who had been with Gosnold the year before, were induced to join the expedition; they were John Angell, and Robert Saltern. "Why Capt. Gosnold, who had given so much satisfaction the year before, was not again placed in command, does not appear. Four years later, we find him with Capt. John Smith, in South Virginia, where he died, Aug. 22, 1607. Capt. Pring first made laud among the Fox Islands, on the coast of Maine, eivina" them this name because of the multitude of these animals seen on them. This was early in the month of June. After spending a little time here, taking fish, they pro- ceeded westward, noticing the bays and inlets as they passed; but, in genera], not describing places with sutficient accuracy to enable us, at this time, to identify them. It is a remarkable fact that in this voyage along the coast thej' saw none of the na- tives, though the remains of their camp fires were frequent. Dr. Belknap, to account for it, suggests that the natives at this sea- son (June), were probably at their fishing places on the streams, a little inland ; but this hardly seems sutficient, when we con- sider that our voyagers, in several instances, passed up a con- siderable distance into the bays and inlets, where these fishing places were situated. At every place where they stopped they made diligent search for sassafras [laurus benzoin), which was then much used for its supposed medicinal properties. Finding none at their first landing places, they pursued their voyage westward, and at length, came to anchor at a place novp- very well ascertained to be the harbor of Edgartown, Mass. Here they remained some time, busily engaged in gathering sassafras, which they found in great abundance. Having secured so much of this as to make ' Written also I'fin, Pryn, and Prynnc. History of Bristol and Bremen. 23 their voyage a proiitable one, and gotten into a quarrel with the natives, they departed for home, carrjnng with them as a curiosity a [birch] canoe, of native manufacture. CHAPTER IV. Important voyage of Capt. Oeorge Weymouth, Pentecost Harbor. Though the results of Gosnold's voyage, in 1602, and more especially that of Bring, in 1603, were considered very satisfac- tory, there seems to have been little done the succeeding year (1604) by the English, but the French, (ante, p. 18) were espe- cially active; and Be Monts made his exploration of the coast of ITewfoundland, and sailed up the St Lawrence. The effect of this was to excite the English to new exertions ; and in the year 1605 occurred the memorable voyage of Capt. George Weymouth, an account of which wasprepared and published, the same year, by James Rosier, a French gentleman, who was employed for this purpose to accompany him on the voyage. The professed object of the voyage was to discover the supposed north-west passage, that is, a passage to the great Western Ocean, and so to the east Indies, north of the American continent; but the real object was to anticipate the French in making discoveries on this coast. Weymouth sailed March 31st, and made land near Cape Cod, Maj' 11th; but immediately put his ship about and went out to sea again, being alarmed bj' the shoals and quick sands, with which his ship was nearly surrounded. On the 17th, they made land again, bat it being near night "and the sea very high" they put out to sea again, and in the morning of the next day returned, and by 12 o'clock came to anchor about a league north of "an island some six miles in compass," which they called St. George's Island, but which is now known by its Indian name Monhegan.' . ■, . ' Tins is tlie received ortliograpliy of tlie name at tlie present time, but by early writers it is often spelled Monldgyon, Manhiggon, Monahiggon, ete.; and the au- 24 History oe Bristol and Beembn. The language of the narrative is as follows, viz : " Friday the 17th of Alay, about 6 o'clock at night, we discovered the land which bare from us IST. K E.; but, because it blew a great gale of wind, the sea very high, and near night, not fit to come upon an unknown coast, we stood off till two o'clock in the morning being Saturday; then standing in again, we discovered it by eight o'clock in the morning bearing north-east from us. It appeared a mean high land, as we after found it, beiu^au island of some six miles in compass, but I hope the most fortunate ever yet discovered. About 12 o'clock that day, we came to anchor, on the north side of this island, about a league from the shore. * * * This island is woody, grown with fir, birch, oak and beech, as far as we saw along the shore ; and so, likely, within. On the verge grow gooseberries, strawberries, wild peas, and M^ild rose bushes. The water issued forth down the rocky cliff in many places, and much fowl of different kinds breed upon the shore and rocks." " While we went ashore, our men aboard, with a few hooks, got about thirty great cods and haddocks, which gave us a taste of the great plenty of fish, which we found afterward whereso- ever we went upon the coast. From hence, we might discern the main land from the west south-west to the east north-east, a great way (as it then seemed, and we after found it) up in the main we might discern very high mountains, though the main seemed but low land ; which gave us a hope it would please God to direct us to the discovery of some good; although we were driven by winds far from that place, whither (both by our direction and desire) we ever intended to shape the course of our voyage." " The next day, being Whitsundaj^, because we rode too much open to the sea and wind-s, we weighed anchor about 12 o'clock, and came along to the other islands more adjoining to the main, and in the road directly with the mountains, about three leagues from the first island where we had anchored." " When we came near unto them (sounding all along in a good depth) our captain manned his ship boat and sent her before with Thomas Cam, one of his mates, whom he knew to be of good experience, to sound and search between the islands for a i)lace safe for our ship to ride in; in the meanwhile, we thors of the recent map of Lincoln County, not satisfied with any of the old methods of siiclling the word, invented a new one, and call it Manheio-in. History of Bristol and Bremen. 25 kept aloof at sea, having given tliem in the boat a token to wefte in the ship, if he found a convenient harbor ; which it pleased Grod to send us, far beyond our expectation, in a most safe berth, defended from all winds, in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six, seven, eight, nine, and ten fathoms, upon a clay ooze, very tough." "We all, with great joy praised God for his unspeakable goodness, who had from an apparent danger delivered us, and directed us upon this day into so secure a harbor, in remem- brance whereof we named it Pentecost harbor; we arrived there that day out of our last harbor in England, from whence we set sail upon Easter day."^ After describing minutely the events of several succeeding days, during which a small boat or shallop was constructed from materials brought with them, the narrative proceeds : " Wednesday, the 29th day, our shallop being now finished, and our captain and men furnished to depart with her from the ship, we set up a cross on the shore side upon the rocks. Thursday, the 30th of May, about 10 o'clock before noon, our captain with thirteen men more, in the name of God, and with all our prayers for their prosperous discovery and safe re- turn, departed in the shallop ; leaving the ship in a good har- bor; which before mentioned, well moored, and manned with fourteen men." In the afternoon of this day they received at the ship their first visit from the natives, a number of whom came out in their canoes, and spent the night on an island near by. A friendly intercourse at once commenced between the par- ties, which, in spite of the jealousy of the English, and the shyness of the Indians, continued a number of days, until violently interrupted by the English. The next day. May 31st., about 10 o'clock, Capt. W. and his party returned from their excursion in the shallop, and re- ported the welcome discovery they had made of " a great river, trending alongst into the main about forty miles." "The pleasantness whereof," says the writer, " with the safety of the harbor for shipping, together with the fertility of the ground ^ Mass. Hist. Soo. Golleetions, vill, 135 ; Rosier' s Narrative, by Prince, i, 18 ; 4 Purchase, 1659. ° Hosier's Narrative by Prince, p. 23. 4 26 HiSTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. and other fruits, which were generally by his whole company related I omit, till I report of the whole discovery therein after performed." By desire of the Indians, a number of the English now went several miles to meet a company of the former for purposes of trade, but nothing was accomplished. The English were suspi- cious that foul play was intended, and thoughtprudent to retire ; but it is by no means certain that the natives intended any wrong. The civilized white men needed a pretence for the wrong they were about to commit, and took this method to find it; at least, there is abundant reason for such a suspicion. " These things considered," says the writer, " we began to join them in the rank of other savages, who have been by travelers in most countries found very treacherous, never attempting mis- chief until, by some remissness, fit opportunity afforded them certain ability to execute the same. Wherefore, after good ad- vice taken, we determined, so soon as we could, to take some of them, least (being suspicious we had discovered their plot) they should absent themselves from us." Accordingly, the next day, three of the natives having unsus- pectingly come on board, were easily detained, and imme- diately afterwards a party of sailors went ashore, and succeeded in arresting two others, though not without a serious struggle. These being all securely confined on board, it -was a small matter to steal two of their [birch] canoes, to take with them to England. The names of those savages, as given by the writer, were " Tahanedo, a sagamore or commander ; Amoret, Sicowaros and Maneddo, gentlemen ; and Saff'acomoit, ' a servant." ^ Waymouth and company held considerable more intercourse with the natives ; but the writer does not say whether any al- lusion was ever made by any of them to those of their brethren who had been unjustly seized, and were still held in bondage. Daring this intercourse with the Indians, they explored the region for a considerable distance " about the islands adjoin- ing," everywhere taking soundings, and carefully noting the ' Hosier's Narrative, by Prince, p. 40. ^Probably a misprint for Sasnaeomoit, the sound of the letter f not being known in the Abenalii language. Poplium Mem. Volume, p. 294. Tlie name Talianedo, is more frequently written, Naliauada ; but tbere are still otlier modifi- cations. There is great variety in the spelling of Indian names. History of Bristol and Bremen. 27 peculiarities of the rocky shores, and the trees and plants, etc., growing inland. This occupied them until the 11th of June, when it was de- termined to make a further exploration of the river previously visited. May 30th and 31st, as has been described. The narrative proceeds, " Tuesday, the eleventh of June, we passed up into the river with our ship (the Archangel) about six and twenty miles, of which I had rather not write, than by my relation detract from the worthiness thereof. For the river, besides that it is subject by shipping to bring in all traf&cs of merchandise, a benefit always accounted the richest treasury ; for which our Thames hath that due denomination, and France by her navigable rivers receiveth her greatest wealth ; yet this place of itself, from God and nature, afFordeth as much diversity of good commodities, as any reasonable man can wish for pre- sent habitation and planting. * * * * As we passed up with our ship in this river, any man may conceive with what admiration we all consented in joy. Many of our company who had been travelers in sundry coantties, and in the most famous rivers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld." Their admiration of the river and adjacent country was unbounded. In the same connection, the writer says, " the river, as it run. neth up into the main very nigh forty miles toward the great mountains, beareth in breadth a mile, sometimes three quarters, and half a mile in the narrowest, where you shall never have under four and five fathoms of water hard by the shore, but six, seven, eight, nine and ten fathoms all along, and on both sides every half mile very gallant coves." The tide, he says, flows about 18 or 20 feet. Having passed the night at anchor in the river, they prepared ^the next morning to explore the country in the direction of the mountains they had seen. " Wednesday, the 12th of June, our Captain manned his light horseman ' with 17 men, and run up from the i-hip, riding in the river up to the codde^ thereof, where we landed, leaving six to keep the light horseman till our return. Ten of us with our shot, and some armed, with a boy 1 A large boat %Tithout a deck ; the name is not now used. Probably it was much the same as the modern wluiU-hoat, or a large dory. ' Godde or cod, is said to be a Saxon word meaning pod. Its meaning here seems to be a small hay, or cove. {Prince's Hosier, 33.) 28 History of Bristol and Bremen. to carry powder and match, marched up into the country towards the mountains, which we descried at our first falling in with the land. Unto some of them, the river brought us so near, as we judged ourselves where we landed, to have been within a league of them, but we marched up about four miles in the main and passed over three hills ; and because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their armor not able to travel far and return that night to our ship, we resolved not to pass any further, being all very weary of so tedious and labor- some a travel." Scarcely allowing themselves time to rest from their " labor- some travel," in their unsuccessful attempt to reach the "very high mountains," they determined the next day to continue their explorations further up the river. Says Rosier : " Thursday, the 13th of June, by two o'clock in the morning, (because our captain would take the help and advantage of the tide) in the light horseman with our company, well provided and furnished with armor and shot, both to defend and offend ; we went from our ship up to that part of the river which trended westward into the main, to seai'ch that ; and we carried with us a cross to erect at that point, which (because it was not day- light,) we left on shore until our return back, when we set it up in manner as the former" (May 29th). They estimated the distance they thus " rowed up " the river from the ship, to be 20 miles ; and from the highest point they reached to Pentecost harbor, they supposed the distance to be " not much less than three score miles." Though they observed very carefully, they nowhere saw any indication that any civil- ized man had ever before trod his foot upon the shores visited by them ; neither on the banks of the river they ascended, nor upon any of the islands previously visited ! Friday, June 14th, they returned with the ship to the mouth of the river, when Capt. W., either this or the following day, " upon the rock in the midst of the harbor," determined the latitude of the place, which, however, is not given by Rosier; but in the account of the voyage given by Purchase, is said to have been 43° 30' IST. The variation of the compass was found to be " one point," or 11° 15' W. Sunday, June 16th, "the wind being fair," they took their departure for Old England, and arrived at Dartmouth the 18th of the next month. History of Bristol and Bremen. 29 CHAPTER V. The river discovered by Weymouth. Is it the Kennebec ? The Penobscot? The St. George? It is universally admitted that the present Monhegan is the "island some six miles in compass," discovered May 17th, by Capt. "W". ; and, of course, it was three miles north of this island where he first came to anchor. But what were the " very high mountains," which they " discerned " from the ship as she lay there, towards which " the next day, being Whitsunday," they sailed "in the road directly with the mountains," finding at length "between the islands " " a place safe for the ship to ride in," naming it " Pentecost harbor ?" This harbor, the writer informs us, is " about three leagues from the first island," " more adjoining the main — is defended from all winds," and has " an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six*, seven, eight, nine and ten fathoms, upon a clay ooze, very tough!" And what river was it which they ascended 26 miles in the ship, and then, subsequently, in a boat, by " estimation," 20 miles further, " in that part of the river which trendeth westward into the main ?" It is not proposed here to enter into a full discussion of these questions, which have in recent times excited so much interest; but their proper solution too intimately cencerns the history of Pemaquid to allow us to pass by them without notice. Three different answers have been given to the above ques- tion. 1st. That the" very high mountains," seen as they lay at anchor near Monhegan, are the "White mountains of 'New Hampshire, towards which they sailed when leaving their anchorage; that Pentecost harbor is the present Boothbay harbor, and that the river, ascended so far by them, is no other than the present Kennebec. This has been .called the Kennebec theory, and was ably presented a few years ago by the late John McKeen, Esq., of Brunswick, in a paper in the Collections of the Mame Historical Society.^ Sewall earnestly advocates the same view.^ ' Maine Hist. Soe. Collections, v, 309. ^ Ancient Dominions of Maine, p, 58, et seg. 30 History of Bkistol and Bremen. 2d. The Penobscot theory, as it has been called. This theory was first presented by Capt. John Foster Williams, who for many years commanded a revenue cutter, connected with the port of Boston, and was familiar with the whole coast of Maine. In 1796, Di'. Belknap ' placed in his hands an abstract of Rosier's narrative of Wej'mouth's voyage, requesting him to take it with him, iiasome of his cruises on the coast, and from actual observa- tion determine, if possible, the several points in question. Being thus prepared, "Williams decided that the place where Weymouth first anchored was near Monhegan; that the " very high mountains seen from the ship " could be no other than the Penobscot or Camden hills; that Pentecost harbor must be the present George's Island harbor; and that the river, as- cended by them, is the Penobscot. This view was generally received for many years; Holmes, in his American Annals,'^ favors it, if he does not adopt it; Wil- liamson' and Folsom^ accept it without question. 3d. The St. George's theory, ^rat suggested in 1858, by George Prince,'Esq., of Bath, but formerly of Thomaston. He accepts Capt. Williams^ view as to Pentecost harbor, but claims ■ that the river discovered and explored by Weymouth is the present Si. George's river, and not the Penobscot. The subject is not without its difficulties, whatever view we may take; absolute demonstration in such cases is not to be expected; but a careful examination of the facts, it is believed, will enable the unprejudiced reader to arrive at very satisfac- tory conclusions. The narrative of Weymouth's voyage was published in Lon- don immediately after his return, and excited no little attention.^ The idea of planting colonies on the coast of America received a new impulse, and one important result was the chartering, April 10th, 1606, of a company for colonizing America, called the Council of Virginia. The charter authorized the formatioa of two companies : one, called the London Company, for coloniz- ing South Virginia, as the southern part of ISTorth America ' American Biog., ii, 240, Harp. Ed. ^lUd, 1,151. 'Hist. Maim., I, 192. ■■ Hist. Saco and Biddeford, p. 22. ' Palfrey (Hist, of New England, i, 76) is evidently mistaken wlien lie says of Weymouth's voyage tlaat, " except for this (the kidnapping of the natives') and for Bome additions to the knowledge of the local geography, it was fruitless." History of Bristol and Bremen. 31 was then called ; aud another, called the Plymouth Compmiy, for colonizing North Virginia, meaning by this the northern part of the continent. This part of the country had not then re- ceived its present name, New England. Under the auspices and patronage of the London company, the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, was begun in 1607 ; and by the Plymouth company a similiar settlement, called the Popham colony, was attempted the same year, at the mouth of the Kennebec. jSTow, as the fitting out of this last expedition was chiefly stimulated by Rosier's " glowing narrative," and as the mouth of the Kennebec was finally selected for the site of the colony, it has been assumed that the " river of Weymouth " can be no other than this same Kennebec. This view is also favored by Strachey,' in his account of the expedition which brought this Popham colony to our shores ; a matter of every considerable importance, considering that he was contemporary with "Weymouth, and wrote his account so near the time, about 1618. But Strachey never was on this coast ; he came to Virginia in 1609, and was for a time secretary of the colony there, but returned to England before 1612. His information, therefore, was all derived from others. The writer cannot adopt this view, for many reasons ; but only two can be introduced here. 1. The " very high mountains " seen from the ship, when nearMonhegan, could not have been the White mountains. It is, indeed, allowed that these mountains can occasionally be seen from that point ; but it is only in the very clearest weather, such as actually occurs, on an average, only three or four days a month during the year. Some seasons, for many weeks together they cannot be seen. If Weymouth and his men may perhaps during their stay have occasionally caught glimpses of the White mountains, they were too dimily" discerned," and appeared too far away to require mention. Furthermore, if seen, they do not answer the description, either as to their appearance, or their bearing by the compass. 2. Wednesday, June 12th, (ante p. 27), Capt. W. and seven- teen men went up the river a distance and landed, with the view of making a journey to the mountains, which, being in full 1 Maine Eist. 8oc. Coll., in, 280 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.'iAh. series, i, 238 ; Narrative of 7Jmj«»', by Prince, Bath, 1860. 32 History of Bristol and Bremen. view, they judged to be " within a league of them ! " Moreover, they proposed to make the journey to the mountains, and " re- turn that night to the ship." (Ante p. 28). But after walking four miles, their courage failed them, and they returned. Now, ou the Kennebec theory, the company must have landed at, or near the site of the present city of Bath (" near the rail road depot," McKeeti), from which the White mountains can never be seen ; and their distance is not one league, but more nearly thirty leagues. But, supposing them in sight, who would think of making a journey to them on foot, and returning the same day? This negative fact seems therefore fully determined, that the " very high mountains " of Weymouth were not the White mountains of IsTew Hampshire ! These mountains were known nearly a century before Wey- mouth's time, being in all probability the " high mountains within the land " mentioned by Yerrazani ^ ; but, if these were the mountains seen by Weymouth, would he not have recog- nized them, aa being known ? And would not Rosier, the historian of the voyage, have described them as such ? If the White mountains are not the " very high mountains" seen by Weymouth, then, of course, all other parts of the theory fail. Of the second, or Penobscot theory, suggested by Williams, only a few words will be required. ^ This theory claims, that the mountains seen by Wej^mouth, when lying at anchor north of Monhegan, must be the Penob- scot or Camden hills, which admirably answer the description of the narrative; and that when they left their anchorage the next day, and proceeded in the " road directly to the mount- ains," finding at length a good harbor " between the islands," which they called Pentecost harbor, it was the present George's Islands harbor which thej' entered. Thus far, every thing seems to be satisfactory ; but, when we come to inquire as to the river they ascended from Pentecost har- bor, the descriptions of Rosier do not apply. The mouth of the Penobscot is too far distant, and when we seek " that part of it ' 3faine Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d series, i, 205. ° Very many of those, for whom this work has been especially prepared, are fami- liar witli the localities referred to, and will be very competent judges as to the chief points iu controversy. History os Bristol and Bremen. 33 which tended westward into the main," we do not find it. " The river of Weymouth," therefore, cannot be the Penobscot. 8 The George's river theory. The suggestion of Mr. Prince, that the George's river is the true " river of Weymouth," though still rejected by some, will probably, eventually, be accepted aa a satisfactory settlement of this long debated question. Hosier's description of Weymouth's river, applies well to this ; very much better, certainly, than to any other on the coast of New England. It is indeed true, that the distances given by him, are much too great to apply to this river. 1st. When the party of discovery entered its mouth the fii-st time, tliey were gone just twenty-four hours from the ship ; but they are credited with the feat of having, in this time, " rowed up the river forty miles, and returned." 2d. Says the writer : " Tuesdaj^, the eleventh of June, we passed up into the river with our ship, about six and twenty miles. Thursday, the thirteenth of June * * in the light horseman, we went from our ship up to that part of the river which tended westward into the main," rowing up it by estimation, twenty miles." In another place he saj's, "from the place of our ships, riding in the harbor at the entrance into the sound, to the farthest part we were in this river, by our estimation, was not much less than three score miles." If these distances are correctly stated, it is admitted that the George's river cannot be the river of Weymouth ; but, as sug- gested by Prince, if we diminish all the estimates (and they are only estimates, for no measurements were made), by about one half, they are not far out of the way,^ as applied to this river. Allowing, if we please, that considerate men ought not to have erred so egregiously in their estimate of the distances, it is well to note tlae fact that Hosier's Narrative was written with great enthusiasm ; and his statement in regard to the natural beauties of the river and country adjacent, and its various pro- ductions, etc., are often greatly exaggerated; and it was natu- ral that his estimate of distances should be made in the same spirit. So, the flow of the tide in the river was estimated by Eosier to be eighteen or twenty feet, which, reduced in the same proportion as above, will give us very nearly the actual flow of the tide in George's river. But Rosier was not alone of the early adventurers here in his manifest disposition to exaggerate; ' Bosier's Narrative, by Prince, pp. 34, 35, 86. 5 34 History of Bristol and Bremen. two years later, when the Popham colony came to establish themselves at the mouth of the Kennebec, a large party, in two boats, made a tour of observation up the river, and, says the writer, " sayled up into the river neere forty leagues," or one hundred and twentymiles.^ But they were- gone only about twenty-four hours, and we know that the performance of such a feat is impossible. Besides this, our knowledge of the river assures us, that, at the utmost, they could not have passed up in their boats more than about one-half the distance they estima- ted, because of the falls that would prevent further progress. "We, therefore, with some confidence, adopt this theory, as to the locality of Weymouth's adventures in this region, as altogether more probable than any other that has been presented. Indeed, if it is rejected, there is reason to doubt whether the question as to the locality of Weymouth's exploits on the American coast, in the summer of 1606, is capable of solution.^ CHAPTER VI. Continued efforts to colonize Nonli America — Sailing of the Popham colony under the directions of the PljTaouth company — They visit Pemaquid, where they are kindly received ; and finally debark at the mouth of the Kennebec — Voyage of Capt. John Smith to this coast (1605-1614). The publication of Rosier's narrative in the latter part of the year 1605, as we have seen, very considerably stimulated the colonizing spirit which had for some time manifested itself among the English people. This interest was increased by the sight of the few natives whom Weymouth had kidnapped from this immediate vicinity, and whose appearance before the English public, just at this time, was very opportune. They may not have been the very first North American Indians ever seen in England, but the sight of one in that country was bo rare, that, some years later than this, natives of this country were exhibited in Loudon and other English cities, for money. ' Maine Hist. Coll., in, p. 300. ' See Stith'B Bistory of Virginia,^. 83, Sabine's reprint, for some early iwr- mises on this topic. History of Bristol and Bremen. ' 35 Weyraoutli, on his return from America, ran into Dartmouth, of which port SirFerdinando Georges was then captain; and he at once became deeply interested in the Indians, and took three of them into his family. Many years afterwards, when writing his Brief Narration of his efibrts to colonize New England, he says : " This accident must be acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our [American] plantations." ' Mention has already been made of the chartering of the great Council of Virginia, in April, 1606, authorizing the forma- tion of two companies, called the London and Plymouth com- panies, for the express purpose of colonizing ITorth America. Of the former, or Loudon company, we shall not have occasion to speak further ; but the doings of the latter, or Plymouth companj^, intimately concern us. Without waiting for the full organization of this company, several gentlemen, deeply interested in its success, sent two or three vessels, at difi'erent times, to make discoveries on this coast ; but, unfortunately, nothing was accomplished except to largely increase their experience, and convince them of the many difficulties necessarily attending the enterprise they were undertaking. But the spring of 1607 opened with new and better prospects for the colonization of E^orth America; by the London com- pany the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, was begun, which was never afterwards entirely broken up. In the same year, but later in the season, under the auspices of the Plymouth company, came the Popham colony, so called, and made an un- successful attempt to found a plantation at the mouth of the Kennebec, then called the Sagadahoc. This expedition sailed from Plymouth in June, in two ships, or rather a ship and a smaller craft, called a fly-boat; the for- mer being named the Mary and John, and the latter, the Gift of God. Besides their respective crews, the two brought "one hun- dred and twenty persons for planters." Leaving Plymouth on the last day of May, they arrived at Monhegan early in August, this island having been agreed upon, as their place of rendez- vous, before leaving England. Fortunately, we have quite a full narrative of the events of the voyage, including their visit to ' Maine Hist. Coll., ii, p. 17. 36 History op Bristol and Bremen. PemaquicI, and also the cii'oumstances attending their debarka- tion at the mouth of the Keunebec.^ On one of the islands they saw a cross set up there by Weymouth two years before! The ships remained at Monhegan only one night, because of their exposure to the winds and waves ; and the next morning sought a more secure anchorage, very probably " among the islands," as Weymouth had done previously. Possibly they may have found refuge in the very Pentecost harbor of Weymouth. Whatever place it was, they began at once to make preparations for an excursion westward to Pemaquid. Says the author of the narrative : " About midnight, Capt. Gilbert caused his shipp's boat to be mannde with fourteen persons and the Indian Skidwares (brought to England by, Capt. Wayman),^ and rowed to the westward from their ship to the river of Pemaquid, which they found to be four leagues distant from the shipp where she rode. The In- dian brought them to the salvages' houses, where they found a hundred men, women and childrene ; and their commander, or sagamore, amongst them, named ITahanada, who had been brought likewise into England by Capt. Wayman, and returned thither by Capt. Hanam, setting forth for those parts and some part of Canada the year before ; at their first comying, the In- dians betooke them to their amies, their bowes and arrowes ; but after Nahanada had talked with Skidwares and perceaved that they were English men, he caused them to lay aside their bowes and arrowes, and he himself came unto them and ym- braced, and made them much welcome, and entertayned them with much chierfulness, and did they likewise him, and after two bowers thus interchangeably spent, they returned abourd again e. "Sunday 9th, the chief of both the shipps, with the greatest part of all the company, lan-ded on the island where the crosse stood, the which they called St. George's island, and heard a sermon delivered unto them by Mr. Seymour, his preacher, and soe returned abourd againe. ' Maine, Hist. Coll., ii, p. 21. Hist, of Saco and Biddeford, p. 21. ' The author, Wm. Strachey, as we have already seen (p. 31), was not connected with the expedition, but made up his account from the statements of others, some of whom may liave liept journals of their proceedings. Strachey 's account was written aboat 1618, but remained in manuscript until 1849, when it was published by tlie Hackluyt Society. It has since been published, both by the Massachusetts and Maine Historical Societies. {Maine Hist. Coll., ill, 283.) ° Capt. George V/eymouth. History of Bbibtol and Bremen. 37 " Monday 10th, Capt. Popham manned his shallop, and Capt. Gilbert his boat, with fifty persons in both, and departed for the river of Pemaquid, carrieing with them Skidwares, and ar- rived in the mouthe of the river; there came forth ISTahanada, with all his company of Indians, with their bowes and arrowes in their handes. They, being before his dwelling house, would will- ingly have all our people come ashoare, using them all in kind sort after their manner; nevertheless, after one hower they all suddenly withdrew themselves into the woodes, nor was Skid- wares desirous to return with them any more abourd. Our peo- ple, loth to proffer any violence unto them by drawing him by force, suffered him to stay behind, promising to return to them the day following, but he did not. After his departure, they im- barked themselves and rowed to the further side of the river, and there remayned on the shoare for that night." The next day, August 11th, they returned to their ships which were still lying under St. George's Island, and the day following sailed west "for the river of Sagadahoc." This extract from Strachey is of deep interest to us, as giving us a glimpse of the condition of the place at this early period. "We learn from it that one, at least, of the Indians, seized by "Weymouth two years before and conveyed to England, was a sagamore of this place.^ His character as a chief of his tribe — probably the Wawenocks — seems to have been recognized when he was first taken into captivity ; and though compara- tively little is said of him during his residence with the English, when he is brought before us, he always appears to good advant- age. After a residence in England of about a year, he was re- turned to his native country by Capt. Pring, ^in 1606; and his kindly reception of the company composing the Popham colon}'-, as just related, as indeed was always his conduct towards the English (when brought in contact with them), was quite in contrast with the treatment he had himself received of Capt. "Weymouth. A month later than this (Sept. 5th), ISTahanada and Skidwares with some forty others, in nine canoes, came to visit the new English settlement at the mouth of the Kennebec, where they spent the remainder of the day and night in friendly intercourse, I He is called Nahanada, Tanedo, Dehaneda, whicli are only different modes of spelling the same name. ' Strachey says by Capt. Hanam. 38 History op Bristol and Bremen. returning home in the morning. Before leaving, however, it was agreed that Capt. Gilbert should make a visit to the bashaba on the Penobscot, and that a delegation of the Pemaquid Indians should accompany him. With our present knowledge of the coast it may seem a little strange that experienced seamen, as they were, should have any difficulty in finding the wide mouth of the Penobscot, but we know not what obstacles, as stormy weather, or dense fogs (which are very common there), may have interfered with their designs. And then it was the par- ticular locality of the great monarch they were searching for, and not merely the Penobscot river. We next hear of Nahanada Oct. 3d, when he makes his ap- pearance again at the Kennebec, attended by his wife, and having in company a brother of the bashaba, Amenquin, another saga- more, and his ever faithful attendant Skidwares. This time they remained some three days, one of them being the sab- bath; and being invited by the president they attended public worship, behaving in all respects with the most perfect pro- priety. At their departure, Popham, president of the colony, bestowed upon them some trifling presents, promising to visit in person the bashaba at Penobscot, and make arrangements for a regular trade. This promise evidently was made with entire sincerity, but it never was fulfilled. A few months after- wards, President Popham died; and the next spring the colony was discontinued. After this, we hear no more of the Pema- quid Indians, until the arrival of Capt. John Smith, in the sum- mer of 1614. Nahanada then makes his appearance again with the same character as before, treating the English with great kindness, aud maintaining the same lofty bearing. Smith, in his description of New England, acknowledges his obliga- tions to him, and in a few words plainly indicates a proper appreciation of his character. ^ This seems to be the iast mention that is made of the name of ISTahanada, or his accompanying friend Skidwares. Very soon after this visit of Capt. Smith, those two dreadful scourges of the human race, war aud pestilence, fell upon the natives of ^ Mass. Hist. Goll. 3d, vi., p. 130. " The main assistance, next God, I had to this small number, was my acquaintance among tlie Salvages, especially with Dohaunida, one of their greatest lords, who had lived long in England. By the means of this proud salvage, I did not doubt but quicldy to have got that credit vrith the rest of his friends aud alliants, to have had as many of them as I desired in any design." History of Bristol and Bbemen. 39 ISTew England, of whicli we shall have more to say further on, and it is qnite possible they were among the very many that per- ished. Certain it is, that the next time we find any reference made to the Pemaquid Indians, the names that appear are altogether new. Smith sailed from England, March 3, 1614, and arrived at Monhegan the last of April. He had under his command a ship and a bark, and forty-five men. Their object, he says, was " to take whales, and make trials of a mine of gold and copper." The gold and copper they did not find, and were not any more successful in taking whales ; but they secured a good quantity of codfish, and for a small sum purchased a large amount of furs of the Indians, as we have seen on preceding pages. They built several boats on Monhegan ^ with which they ranged the coast many miles, both east and west. During this time, the ship and bark laid at anchor in Monhegan harbor. Smith took with him in those excursions eight men, making everywhere as good surveys as was possible with the means at his command, very probably at the time intending to prepare a map^ of the coast, he did two years afterward, (as described on the next page). The map was vastly superior to any that had before appeared ; and as a result of Smith's labors during the season the general knowledge of the country (and its pro- duction) was greatly increased. When Smith's ships lay at Monhegan, " right against him in the main was a ship of Sir Francis Popharn," and "forty leagues to the westward were two Erench ships, that had made then a great voyage by trade." This shows that, at this period, there was beginning to be considerable intercourse between Europe and the coast of ISTew England. July 18th, Smith sailed in the bark for England, leaving the ship in command of Thomas Hunt to complete his fare offish; but he soon left his fishing, sailed westward to Massachusetts, where he seized twenty-seven^ of the natives for the purpose of selling them as slaves. He took them with him to Spain, and nist. CoK., 3d, vi,120. Smitli says "Monhegan (lie spells .the word Monahigan) is a round isle, and close by it is Monanis, betwixt which is a Bmall harbor where we rode." Spark's Am. Biog., ii., 355, "^ Republished in Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d. Series, vol. m ; and in Palfrey's Hist. New England, vol. I. " One account says 24, another 37, and another 30. 40 History op Bristol and Bremen. was able to make a sale of a part of them, at about one hundred dollars apiece ; but by the intrusion of some monks, the sale of the others was prevented. One of them, SquantoorTasquantum, found his way back, and, early after the arrival of the May Flower in the harbor of Plymouth, introduced himself to the Pilgrims in the most friendly manner. Subsequently he did them much good service in various ways, and never betrayed the trust reposed in him.^ This act of treachery, on the part of Hunt, greatly exaspe- rated the natives against the English, and laid the foundation for that hatred which led to those disastrous Indian wars of later times. After this visit of Capt. Smith to our shores, he showed his appreciation of the country by his efforts to establish a perma- nent colony somewhere in this immediate vicinity, but all his labors and sacrifices proved in vain. Two expeditions, fitted out under his charge, in the years 1615 and 1616 were entirely unsuccessful, though not because of any fault of his. In 1616, Smith published his Description of ITew England with a map of the coast, from the mouth of the Penobscot to ' cape Cod, for which he had collected the necessary materials during his visit on the coast just described. He dedicated the work " To the High Hopeful Charles, Prince of Great Britain," afterwards Charles I., requesting him to change " the barbarous names for such English, as posterity may say. Prince Charles was their godfather."^ This the Prince condescended to do, for thirty or more places; and several of the names suggested by him are still retained, as Charles river near Boston, Cape Ann, (he called it Cape Anna), and Cape Elizabeth. In this work, the name, " JSTew England " is first applied to this part of the continent, but it was given by Smith himself, and not by the Prince as has sometimes been said. The Prince named Pema- quid, St. John's town, and Monhegan (he called) Barty island. Three years before this visit of Capt. Smith, another outrage, similar to that of Capt. Weymouth, had been committed upon ' Georges names Tasquantiim as one of tlie tliree Indians brouglit to England "by Weymoutb, who afterwards came into bis hands ; but as the name is not on Rosier's list (p. 26), it is plain that he makes a mistake. (Me. Hist. Coll., ii, 17). Tasquautum may have been in George's hands, but he was taken to England by limit, and not by Weymouth. ' Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d, vi., p. 95. History of Bristol and Bremen. 41 the unsuspecting natives, tending to foster in their minds that intense hatred for the English, which at length became a settled passion. In the summer of 1611, Capt. Edward Harlow crais- ing on this coast, called atMonhegan, and either here or some- where, probably in this vicinity, seized three natives who had come on board for the sake of trade, and carried two of them off', one having escaped by jumping overboard and swimming to the shore. He then sailed to Cape Cod, where he kidnapped three more, taking the five with him to England.^ • CHAPTER VH. A fierce war among the natives, folloTred by a destructive pestilence — Several Engiislmien, sent out by Sir F. Gorges, spend a winter in the country — -Voyage of Capt. Dermer in pursuit of Eocroft, and cruise along the coast from Monhegau to Virginia — Levett's voyage (1615-1633). The memorable voyage of Smith, followed as it was, by his description of the country, and especially the publication of his map of the coast, constitutes an important epoch in the history of this part of the continent. But events still more important, in the form of war and pestilence, were immediately to follow, of which however, it is to be regretted, we have only very meagre accounts. In the year 1615 — probably early in the year — a fierce war broke out between the Tarratines, in the eastern part of Maine, and the tribes living on the Merrimac and Piscataqua, which was carried on with great fury until some of the tribes were nearly annihilated. The cause of this war cannot now be fully ascertained; but it appears that the Tarratines began it on ac- count of some treachery, real or supposed, on the part of the tribes living at the westward, but acknowledging the supremacy of the same great monarch or baahaba. Hubbard ^ says "those that were seated more eastward about Pemmaquid and Kennebecke were called Tarratines ; betwixt whom and those that lived about Paseataqua, Merrimack, and Agawam, now called Ipswich, had arisen some deadly fued, upon the account of some treachery used by those western Indians against the others ; so as every year they were afraid of being surprised by them." ' Prince, p. 33 ; Will Hist. Maine, i, p. 207. ' Mass. Hist. Coll, sv, 30. 6 42 History of Bristol and Bremen. This war continued, it is believed, about two yeara ; and though in the end the Tarratines claimed the victory, the results were about equally disastrous to both parties. During its progress, the great bashaba of the Penobscot was slain; and from the fact that we hear no more of such a ruler in this region, it is probable that his family was destroyed, and the dynasty efl'ectually broken up. Levett,^ in 1623, does indeed speak of the great sagamore of the east country, but it does not appear that after the time of this war, any one is spoken of by the title of bashaba. Though the war is supposed to have terminated in 1617, we shall hereafter see that the enmity between the Tarratines, and the Indians residing in the eastern part of Massachusetts, was continued many yeai-s later, and sometimes broke out in acts of hostility. The other important event, alluded to above, was a dreadful pestilence, which commenced its ravages amongst the natives about the time the war closed, or even before, and continued at ditFerent places on the coast for several years. The Tarratines in the east, and the Narragansets in the west, were not affected by it, or not seriously ; but all the tribes living between these suffered great loss, and some of them were nearly exterminated. Capt. Dermer, who sailed along the coast in 1619, found some places which, a few years before, were considered populous, now almost destitute of inhabitants; and some he saw atfiicted with bad sores, who had recovered from the disease. In some places so many died that the survivors were unable, or afraid, to bury them, and their bones were to be seen years afterwards still bleaching upon the surface. It would be interesting to determine, if possible, the nature of this destructive pestilence, but probably it was something pecu- liar to these people, and is not recognized among the diseases of civilized life. Some have supposed that it was the stnallpox, but others have claimed that the symptoms, which however cannot now be very accurately known, more resembled those of yellow fever ; either of which, perhaps, in the entire absence of capable physicians, as was the case here, might be capable of producing similar disastrous results. It is interesting to know that some Englishmen, who lived with the Indians during the winter, were unaffected by the disease, whatever it was. A fact ' Maine Hist. Coll., li, 72. History of Bristol and Bremen. 43 meutioaed by Hutchinsoa/ may aid us iu forming an opinion on the subject. In the beginning of October, 1763, a destruc- tive pestilence, sometimes called the plague, broke out among the Indians of Martha's Vineyard, and so dreadful were its ravages that in the following January only 85 individuals remained of the whole tribe, which at thebeginning numbered 320. And of these survivors, 15 had been absent during the prevalence of the disease. For two years previous to this time the crops had been very deficient, and the Indians had been obliged to live upon the meanest kinds of food; and during the summer of this year they had been without any thing of a farinaceous kind, except what they could gather at the time from the fields. The consequence was, the large quantities of green food consumed by them, in connection with their peculiar mode of life, prepared them for the peculiarly destructive sickness which followed. It is remarkable that in this case the English people, living on the same island, were not effected by the disease. This great diminution of the native population of our coast, was considered, at the time, as a providential interference favoring the colonization of the country, by Europeans ; and in the patent of New England, granted by the King of England, Nov. 3, 1620, the extraordinary effects of this pestilence are re- ferred to as a reason for the course he saw fit to take in regard to it. " We have been further given certainly to know, that within these late years, there hath, by Grod's visitation, reigned a wonderful plague amongst the savages there heretofore in- habiting, in a manner to the utter destruction, devastation and depopulation of that whole territory, so as there is not left, for many leagues together, in a manner, any that do claim or chal- lenge any kind of interest therein ; whereby we iu our judg- ment, etc." ^ Though the tribes of this region are not specifically men- tioned, in connection with either of these disastrous events, there is no reason to suppose that they escaped their ravages ; and the negative fact that the names of the few with whom we have heretofore become acquainted no more appear, may be con- sidered significant of their fate. 1 History of Massaclmsetts, l, p. 38, 3d edition. ^For references to the authorities on this interesting Bubjeot, eee an admirable note in Young's Ohronides of Plymouth, p. 183. 44 HiSTOKT OF Bristol and Bremen. The fisiicries on the coast of ISTew England had become so well established at this period, that ships from England were every year on this coast, but few records of their doings have come down to us. They, however, remained only during the season of fishing, all returning to Europe in the autumn. lu 1616, Sir F. Georges, on his own responsibility, sent a party under Mr. Richard Vines, a man who had previously made several voyages to the coast, for the purpose of taking fish and trading with the natives ; and it was especially stipulated that they should spend the winter in the country. This they did, living mostly with the natives about the mouth of the Saco river, and were uniformly treated with kindness. It was during this winter the dreadful pestilence prevailed on this coast ; and these were the only white men, so far as we know, who were brought in actual contact with the fearful malad3^ How or when they returned is not stated ; but two years afterwards, in 1618, one Edward Rocroft, who had been sent on an expedition by the Plymouth company, having had a quarrel with some of his men, put three of them ashore at Saco, where they were left to take care of themselves. These men by some means found their way, late in the sea- son, to Monhegan, where it is said they passed a miserable winter. Here they were found in the spring of 1619, by Capt. Dermer, whom the Plymouth company had sent out to act in conjunction with Rocroft, and, at the same time, to use means for conciliating the natives, who, under their continued ill treatment, were becoming exceedingly hostile. Before Dermer's arrival Rocroft, without orders, had sailed for Virginia, where, as it afterwards appeared, he was killed in a quarrel with one of his own countrymen. Dermer therefore delayed a few weeks at Monhegan, until his men could load his ship with fish and furs, himself with a few men in the meantime making an excursion in an open boat to the west as far as Massachusetts. Returning to Monhegan, with two Frenchmen, whom he had rescued from a captivity of two years among the Inclians, he despatched the ehip^ to England; and then in his open boat, of five tons, and six or seven men, started for Virginia. On his voyage south he passed through Long Island sound and the East river, into New York harbor, and so on by way of Sandy hook ; being un- ^It is plftasing to kuow tliat tliiis sliip made a very successful voyage, and both her owners and sailors were well rewarded for their enterprise. History of Bristol and Bremen. ■ 45 questionably the first man who ever sailed from Maine to Vir- ginia by this route ; but not the first (as by some claimed), to discover that Long island is not a part of the main land. It will be seen from the facta above related, that there must have been considerable business transacted at Mouhegan dur- ing the spring and summer of 1619 ; and probably from this time the island was permanently occupied, at least until the breaking out of the first general Indian war.' There is sufficient reasou found in the unfriendly feelings of the natives at this time, to account for the fact that this busi- ness was transacted on an island like Monhegan rather than on the main ; but it ia possible that the settlement at Pemaquid harbor also commenced about this time, perhaps this same year. Eoeroft was a scoundrel, and died in an ignoble quarrel ; but Dermer was a true man, and ever faithful to the trust imposed in him. His eftbrta to conciliate the natives were sincere, and apparently attended with some success, but he at length died of wounds received at their hands. Ee- turning from Virginia to the coast of Massachusetts, he was attacked by the Indians, and several of his men killed ; and he himself only escaped with some severe wounds, of which he afterwards died in Virginia. By some however, it is said, he died, not of his wounds, but of disease contracted in the country. Up to this time the Plymouth company had failed to establish a colony in North Virginia, and they therefore petitioned the king (.James I,) for a new charter with enlarged powers. Such a charter was granted on the 3d of ISTovember, 1620, which gave to the Plymouth company, in fee simple, the whole country of ISTorth America, from ocean to ocean, between the parallels of 40 and 48 degrees of north latitude — a magnificent present truly ! 2 They were also to have complete civil jurisdiction — the right to appoint governors, magistrates and other authorities for the colony, and to enact laws needful for the administration of justice. To them were to belong the exclusive right of trade, and of taking fish within their territorial limits. ' Tliornton, Maine Hist. Coll., vol. v, p. 164. » This corporation, consisting of "forty noblemen, knights, and gentlemen resid- ing in England," is often designated as the Plymouth council, or the Council of Plymouth; and is not to be confounded with the Plymouth colony, which was established at Plymouth, Massachusetts, in Dec, 1030. 46 History of Bristol and Bremen. Under this charter Capt. Robert Gorges, son of Sir F. Gorges, was immediately appointed governor general of the territory, and came to reside at Plymouth, having associated with him- self as counsellors several other gentlemen, among whom was Christopher Levett, Esq., who also embarked for the country and arrived in the autumn. This gentleman was his majesty's woodward for Somersetshire, and just as he was about to sail, was made a member of the council for New England. He had interested himself in the company to the amount of one hun- dred and ten pounds, and received a grant of six thousand acres of land. He spent several mouths in the country, in search of a proper place to commence his plantation.^ Landing first at the " Isle of Shoulds," [Shoals] he came next to the new settlement at Piscataqua (Portsmouth, IT. H.), where he met Gov. Gorges, and remained a month, and then with two boats and several men made an excursion to the east- ward, as far as Capmanwagan, now Southport. Here he remained several days, not deeming it advisable to go farther east for the reason that he " had heard that Pemaquid, Capmanwagan, and Monhiggon were granted to others." Prom this place he returned to the westward, and finally selected a site for his proposed plantation, to which he gave the name of York, probably near the present place of this name. At Capmanwagan Levett met the Indian sagamore, Samo- set (or Somerset as often written), whose interesting character we shall have occasion soon to notice more fully. With many others of the natives Samoset was preparing to go to Pemaquid, with " some store of beaver coats and skins to trade with one Mr. Witheridge, a master of a ship of Bastable" [Barnstable, Mass.], which then lay at Pemaquid ; but Levett so ingratiated himself with these "children of nature," and especially with Samoset, that they proposed to bestow upon him their stock of furs gra- tuitously — no do ubt however expecting a generous return. This he honorably dechned, but at length secured by purchase " all except one coat and two skins, which they reserved to pay an old debt with; but they, staying all that night, had them stolen from them." In the morning great complaint was made to Levett, but when he showed a disposition to aid them in discover- ing the culprit, they intimated that such interference was not desired.^ ' Mai7u Hist. Coll. v., p. 167. " Idem, u, p. 88, and v., p. 168. History of Bristol and Bremen. 47 Levett from this place returned with some of the natives to the site of his proposed plantation, which however was not destined to become a snccess Gorges remained in the country only until the spring of 1624, when he returned to Eng- land, of course resigning his office as governor. Those who came out with Gorges to form a part of his colony now separated, some returning with him to England and others going to Virginia.^ A very considerable business was now transacted on this coast, connected entirely with the fisheries and the fur trade, which centered chiefly at Monhegan and Pemaquid. At both places a very considerable and busy population was found in the summer season, and very possibly also some in the winter, though we have no positive evidence of the fact. Of the amount of business done on the coast we can form some opinion from the number of ships annually sailing here from Europe. In 1614, when Capt. Smith lay in the harbor at Monhegan, " right against him on the main was a ship of Sir Francis Popham," which had been accustomed to trade there for several years pre- viously. In succeeding years, the same business was continued by many others; and it has been determined that between the years 1607 and 1622, no less than " 109 ships entered and cleared from the harbors of Pemaquid and its dependencies, where they did more or less business in the discharge and re- ceipt of cargoes and commerce with Europe."^ The English ships employed in transporting emigrants to Vir- ginia, with their necessary supplies, found it for their interest, on their return, to call on this coast and obtain such return cargoes of fish and furs, as the constantly increasing business of the country was able to afford. In the spring of the year 1622, the people of the new settle- ment at Plymouth, Mass., were saved from starvation by a timely supply of bread obtained from the fishing-fleet in this region ; and the next year the people of Weston's settlement at Weymouth sent an expedition here for the same purpose, and probably with the same success.'' ' Hulibard, Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d series, vol. v., p. 90. "Bfuiistcick Telegraph, July 19, 1872. 'Young's GhronicUs of Plymouth, p. 293 ; Prince, i, p. 118. 48 History of Bristol and Bremen. CHAPTER Vni. The Plymouth Patent of June 1st, 1G31, in the name of John Peirce. Richard Pearce, sou of Joliu Peirce, and his father-in-law, John Brown, become perma- nent settlers at Pemaquid — Statement of Samuel Welles of Boston — Brown's purchase of two Indian sagamores — Abraham Shurte purchases Monhegan for Aldsworth and Elbridge (1030-25). We come now to a period in tlie history of this place concern- ing some points of which there is much obscurity, not to say mj^stery. It is well known that when the Plymouth colony arrived on the coast of Massachusetts, in ISTovember, 1620, they were with- out a charter, or rather the charter they had obtained from the London or South Virginia company was useless, for the reason that they had come so far to the north as to be beyond the jurisdictionof that company. They, therefore, by the retura of the Mayflower, made application for a charter from the Plymouth or ISTorth Virginia company ; or, rather to the successors of this company now styled the Council for ISTew England, or Plymouth Council on whose territory they found themselves located. This charter was readily granted, and was issued Junel, 1621, in the name of John Peirce, " citizen and clothworker of London," and his associates. It was brought to Plymouth in the ship Fortune, which arrived in Nov., 1621.^ That it thus came into the possession of the colony is certain, but it does not appear that they ever made any use of it. The same patent or charter, however, long subsequentljr, was made use of by de- scendants of Peirce as the basis of a claim to lands at Pemaquid, which was prosecuted with vigor. This patent was of a singular character, mentioning no metes and bounds, but simply reciting the fact that a settlement had been commenced in ISTew England ; it gave to John Peirce and his associates, and his and their heirs and assigns, one hundred acres of " growud" for every person who should be transported by them and continue in the country three years, Avith a long detail of limitations, restrictions and conditions. And inasmuch as churches, schools, hospitals, bridges, etc., were to be built, fifteen hundred acres, additional to that above provided for, were 'Bradford, Mass. Hist, oil., 4th series, in, p. 107; Prince, i, 114; Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th series, ii, 158 ; Proceedings of the Am. Antiquarian, Soc. for 1867, p. 53. History of Bristol and Bremen. 49 given to the undertakers for these purposes. So, also, on certain other conditions, every emigrant was to have fifty more acres allotted to him, after a settlement should be fairly begun, and due return made of their transactions. Power was at the same time given to enact necessary laws and appoint necessary officers for the government of the colony, and to exclude all intruders. Less than a year after the issuing of this patent (April 20th, 1622), Mr. Peirce, in some way, unfairly, as was charged by his associates, obtained another patent which produced considerable dissatisfaction, but in May, 1623, the difficulty was settled, and Peirce resigned the patent to the company for the consideration of 500 pounds. Some months before thus closing his connection with the colony, he had at great expense fitted out the ship Paragon, and dispatched her with many passengers for the new settle- ment; but being forced back by the weather, he, at great addi- tional expense, a^ain fitted her for sea, and embarked in her himself with one hundred and nine passengers. Unfortunately, after making half the distance across the Atlantic, she was again obliged to return, and Peirce's name no more appears iu connection with the Plymouth colony. But only a few years later than this, a Mr. Richard Pearce, who is claimed to have been a son of John Peirce, is found as a permanent resident of Pemaquid, or rather Muscongus; and after the lapse of a century or more, some of his descendants laid claim to a large tract of land here, basing their claim in part upon this very patent of June 1st, 1621. The subject is very fully presented in the following document of Samuel Welles of Boston : "This may certify all coDceroed, that I have in my hand, a certain patent, signed by the Earl of Warwick, and several other members of the Council of Plymouth, in England, dated June 1st, 1621, about three years after the patent constituting the Council of Plymouth for ordering the affairs and settlement of New England, that is, of land between the 40th and 48th degrees of north latitude. The sum and substance of this patent of June 1st, 1621, is a grant to one John Pierce, a citizen of London, of liberty to come and settle in New England, with divers privileges in such place as he or his associates should choose under certain limitations of not 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., ii., p. 157 ; Bradford, 4 Mass. Hist. Ooll., iii. p. 139. Prince, ISew England, i, p. 13G ; Palfrey's Hist. N. E., i, p. 310. 7 50 History of Bristol and Bremen. interfering with otlier grants, or settling within ten miles of any other settlement, unless on the opposite side of some great navigable river, and on return made, to have further grants and privileges. Now, as I am informed, and hear it is agreed on all hands, Mr. Pierce came over and here settled, that is, at a place called Broad Bay, and there his pos- terity continued above one hundred years ; sometime after the settlement was begun, one Mr. Brown made a purchase of a large tract of land of the natives; and as Mr. Pierce's was the most ancient grant thereabout, they united the grant from home with the purchase of the natives, and it is said that the Indians have ever acknowledged the justice of our claims and never would burn Pierce's house, even though he left it. * * * Boston, 11th September, 1755, Samuel Welles."i The author of this statement was a native of Connecticut, hut lived in Boston, where he was held in hitih estimation, and often appointed to offices of great trust and responsibility. We may believe that he would not make such a declaration without due consideration, nor without evidence satisfactory to himself of its truth; but that John Peirce, after holding the relation he did to the Pilgrim Eathers, could come to this country, and even undertake to found a permanent settlement on the coast, no farther than this from the Plymouth settlement, and the fact entirely escape mention in contemporary history, until the middle of the last century, is extremely improbable. The language of Mr. Welles plainly implies that his information was derived chiefly, if not entirely, from Peirce's descendants; and even with them it was preserved by tradition, only except so far as evidence was furnished by the patent itself. But Eichard Pearce (this appears to have been his way of spelling the name), who is conceded to have been a son of John Peirce, did establish himself here as one of the very earliest permanent settlers of the place, and left quite a numerous posterity, of whom we shall have something to say in the pro- gress of this work. John Brown, whose daughter he married, purchased land here of the Indians, in July, 1626, but how long he had been in the place we do not know; nor can we now tell whether Pearce's intimate relationship with the Brown family began before their immigration to this country. The proba- bility seems to be that they all came together, and it may be they came in an expedition sent oat by Pearce's father, imme- 1 Willis, Hist. Portland, 2d ed., p. 32. Manuscriijts in Ajcliives of the Maine Hist. Society. History op Bristol and Bremen. 51 diately after the secoud disastrous return of his ship, the Par- ragon, iu 1623. The fact that Brown afterwards purchased the same land from the Indians makes nothing against this view. When the patent of June 1st, 1621, was issued iu the name of John Peirce and his associates, it was intended to be for the benefit of the colony then recently established at Plymouth, Mass.; there can be no question of this. When therefore it is recited in the patent, "that whereas the said John Peirce and his Associates haue transported and vndertaken to transporte at their cost and chardges themselves and dyvers psons into N"ew England and there to erect and build a Towne, &c.," it was the beginning of the Plymouth colony that was referred to. There can be no escape from this, though some have supposed that the language may have referred to another settlement pre- viously begun here by Peirce. But if there may have been, in former times, some reason for such a suspicion, the matter has been set at rest by the publication of fragments of the records of the Coancil for ITew England, by the American Antiquarian Society.^ We may, indeed, suppose that two patents were issued the same day, in the name of John Peirce, in trust ; one for Ply- mouth, and the other for a settlement elsewhere. But this is too improbable to be thought of for a moment. Mr. Welles says further that " some time after Peirce's settle- ment here was begun, oue Mr. Brown made a purchase of a large tract of land of the natives ; and as Mr. Peirce's was the most ancient grant thereabouts, they united the grant from home with the purchase from the natives, &c." But Mr. Welles was not the author of this ingenious mode of representing these transactions; it had beeu adopted by the Peirces, as early as 1734. But probably we shall best regard it as an afterthought, adopted by them to strengthen their supposed claim to a proprietary interest in the lands here, by virtue of the irregular transactions of their ancestors. Thus John Brown — third of the name — in a quit-claim deed to several of the Pearce family, Sept. 10, 1734, says : " To all people to whom these presents shall come;— John Browu of New Harbor, in the county of York, yeoman, sendeth greeting, &c. Whereas my Hon"- G-randfather, John Brown of said Ifew Harbor, Deceas''-, in his Life Time stood seized of a Large Tract ' Proc. Am. Ant. 8oc., 1867, pp. 85, 88 and 91. 52 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. of Land at aud adjoining to s"* New Harbor by Purchase of Capt. John Summereett, &c., Indian Sachems, as per their Deed Dated the 15th Day of July, 1625, a Part of which Lands my said Grandfather gave to his Son-in-Law, Richard Pearce of Mar- blehead, Dec" ; and Instead of giving a Deed of said land to said Peirce he allowed the said Sachem to give a Deed of the Land to his Son-in-Law, as per the Deed of said Sachem, Summersett [9th] Day of January, 1641. Bounded, beginning at Round Pond Falls, Extending North "West four miles and so back to Pema- quid River, which said Bounds Trench Partly on the Bounds of said New Harbor Purchase, which said Purchase since the Death of my said Grand-father, and the Death of my Hon''* Father John Brown late of Damariscotta has been divided, &c."* The fact is well established, that Brown did fully assent to the sale of the land referred to — a part of his own tract — to his son-in-law Pearce, and by the same Indian sachem, Samoset, who sold it to him sixteen years before, for his name appears as a witness on the deed f but not a word in it indicates that he, at the time, had any such thoughts as the interpretation after- ward put on the transaction supposed. Is it not more probable that he considered the deed his son-in-law was receiving from the " untutored savages " as of even less consequence than his own previous deed ? But the fact that a son of John Peirce, in whose name the first Plymouth patent was issued, became a permanent resident here, at so early a period, coupled with the fact that the Ply- mouth people were greatly displeased with his father's doings, and charged him with managing their affairs in view of selfish ends of his own, must be considered as very significant. The Plymouth people did not confide in his integrity. It is said that in 1623, without consulting his associates, he obtained another charter or patent ostensibly for the Plymouth colony, but containing certain provisions designedly favoring his own selfish ends, aud those of his family. It is not now extant, and what its special provisions were is not known, but it was characterized in severe terms by Bradford and others. Subsequently, May 18th, 1623, the matter was settled by the payment to Peirce of £500, by the company ; but it is evident that it was not done without some bad feeling between the parties. 1 Torh Records, vol. xvi, p. 15. Files in possession of Maine Hist, Society. " Ekt. and Gen. Beg., sm, p. 365. History 0¥ Bristol and Bremen. 53 Did Peirce immediately after this send his son Eichard to this place, accompanied perhaps by Brown and others, with the view of establishing another settlement under the patent ? This seems probable ; but no public announcement was ever made of such a transaction. Still, it may have been that those were the very men who had taken possession of Pemaquid, and of whom Samoset and other Indians of the place informed Levett, at Gapmanwagen (Southport), late in the autumn of the same year, 1623.^ But no evidence has been found that Peirce ever intimated an intention to make such a use of the patent of June 1st, 1621 ; and more important still, so far as we know, his son Eichard, during his lifetime here, never put forward any claim based upon the provisions of that charter ! Some points in the character and history of the patent are decidedly curious : First. InTo metes or bounds are mentioned in it, but Peirce and his associates were authorized to take possession anywhere between the 40th and 48th degrees of north latitude, with only some restrictions in regard to other settlements, &c. It might, therefore, have been located here without any violation of its own express provisions. Second, the said patent, so far as we can now learn, after being sent to Gov. Carve.r (who, however, died before its arrival), the same year it was given, was never in the possession of John Pierce, or his son Eichard, nor was it ever brought to Pema- quid, or Muscongus, where Eichard Pearce lived. Third. The earliest date at which this patent of June 1, 1621, is mentioned by the descendants of Eichard Pearce, as the foundation, in whole or in part, for their claim to lands in this place, so far as has been discovered, is that above given in John Brown's quit-claim deed to several of the Pearces, Sept. 10th, 1734. Several deeds of lands at Pemaquid, of an earlier date, are to be found on the York County Eecords, given by persons styling themselves " grand-children of Eichard Pearce and great-grand-children of John Brown" of Pemaquid, but they mention only, as the foundation of their claims, the pur- chase from the Indians in 1625, and the "deed of gift" of John Brown to his daughter, Mrs. Eichard Pearce, omitting entirely any allusion to the patent of 1621. 1 Maine Hist. Coll, ii, p. 88. 54 History of Bristol and Bremen. Fourth. The patent referred to seems to have been in the custody of the Plymouth people, a whole century and more, without receiving any special attention, or exciting particular inquiry; but, in 1727 great search was made for it, and it could not be found. Again in 1733, 1739, and 1741, the search was i-euewedin Plymouth, Ipswich and Cambridge, but without success. At length, it is said Perez Bradford, by request, consented to aid in the search, and after considerable exertion brought it to light; and the fact was ascertained that it had been " designedly concealed."^ May not the document have fallen into the hands of some one of the heirs of Richard Pearce, who was carefully preserv- ing it in order to strengthen the family claim to a proprietary interest in the lands here, when the time should come for the settlement of the question ? Nevertheless, when the settlement was actually made, early in the present century, as we shall hereafer see, only very slight reference was made to the patent by one or two of the claimants in the Peirce interest, and the commissioners seem to have given it little, if any, attention. The purchase of land at Pemaquid of the Indians by John Brown, constitutes an important epoch in the history of the place. He probably came here directly from Bristol, Eug. ; and the following document, copied from the records of that city, makes us acquainted with some items of his history. "Feb. 21, 1658, Eobert Allen of Sheepscott River in New Eng- land, planter, came pei'sonally before me, etc., etc., that for 17 years last past he well knew John Brown of New Harbor in New England, mason, who often told him that he was the son of Richard Brown of Barton Regis, in Gloucester, in England, and that he married Margaret, daughter of Francis Hayward of Bristol. Said Brown was alive and in £:ood health in New England last June."^ The Indian deed to Brown is as follows :^ " To all people whom it may concern. Know ye, that I Capt. John Somerset and Unongoit, Indian sagamores, they being the proper heirs to all the lands on both sides of Muscongus river, have bargained and sould ' Willis, Hist. Portland, p. 23, 2d ed. Hinman's Catalogue of First Settlers in, Connecticut, p. 271, note. Plainly, Hinman did not understand the merits of the case. " From H. G. Somerby, of Boston, the well known antiquarian, who himself made the copy from the Bristol records. ' Two words illegible, but supposed to indicate occupation. * Lincoln Report, I'dll,^. Ida. ¥i\es oi t\xfi Maine Hist. 8oc. History of Bristol and Bremen. 55 to John Brown of New Harbor this certain tract or parcell of land as fol- lowetb, that is to say, beginning at Pemaquid Palls and so running a direct course to the head of New Harbour, from thence to the south end of Muscongus Island, taking in the island, and so running five and twenty miles into the country north and by east, and thence eight miles north west and by west, and then turning and running south and by west to Pemaquid where first begun — To all which lands above bounded, the said Captain John Somerset and Unnongoit, Indian Sagamores have granted ' and made over to the ahove said John Brown, of New Harbour, in and for consideration of fifty skins, to us in hand paid, to our full satisfaction, for the above mentioned lands, and we the above said sagamores do bind our- selves and our heirs forever to defend the above said John Brown and his heirs in the quiet and peaceable possession of the above said lands. In witness whereunto, I the said Capt. John Somerset and Unnongoit have set our hands and seals this fifteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred and twenty-five. Capt. John Somerset, [seal.] Unnongoit. [seal.] Signed and sealed in presence of us, Mattheav Newman, Wm. Cox. July 24, 1626, Capt. John Somerset and Unnongoit, Indian Sagamores, personally appeared and acknowledged this instrument to be their act and deed, at Pemaquid, before me, Abraham Shurte. Charlestown, December 26, 1720, Bead, and at the request of James Stilson, and his sister Margaret Hilton, formerly Stilson, tbey being claimers and heirs of said lands, accoinlingly entered. Per Samuel Phipps, One of the Clerks of the Committee for Eastern Lands." The two witnesses to this deed were probably men who had come with Brown from England, but nothing is now known of the first, Matthew Newman.' Wm. Cox became a resident of the place ; and his posterity of the same name are still here. The late Capt. Israel Cox, who many years occupied a place on the board of selectmen of the town of Bristol, and died only a few years ago, claimed that this Wm. Cox was his great-grand- father's father. He continued to reside here, but the time of his death is not known. All of the name of Cox now in this 1 It is remarkable that thirty-five years after this transaction, that is, in the year 1660, the same names, Matthew Newman and Wm. Cox, appear as witnesses to a deed from John Brown of New Harbor to Sander Gould and his wife, who was Brown's daughter. Lincoln Beport, 1811, p. 131, 123. 56 History of Bristol and Bremen, region, and on the Kennebec, are believed to have descended from him ; and it may be further added, that of all the settlers who came here from this period until the close of the century, when the place was destroyed by the Indians, the names of Cox and Hilton appear to be the only ones now perpetuated in the place Brown lived near IsTew Harbor, and is therefore in the old records frequently called John Brown of JSTew Harbor; but being a man of great enterprise, in 1639 he purchased more land of the Indians at a place called ISTaquassett (now Woolwich) on the Kennebec river, and removed there. In the year 1641, his name appears as a witness to an Indian deed of lands at Muscongus to his son-in-law, Eichard Pierce, the land being a part of the same he had purchased of the Indians in 1626. We have already seen the interpretation given to this transaction by Peirce's descendants. In 1646, he sold his lands at Fequasset, and returned to Pemaquid; but in 1654 he was living at Damariscotta, "Phillips, Taylor, and Scott being his neighbors." By some it is added that he died in 1670, probably at Damariscotta ; but according to a deposition of Benjamin Prescott, of Danvers, made in Salem, in 1765, he lived with his son, John Brown, Jr., at Boston, the last years of his life." These four, John Brown, John Taylor, Walter Phillips, and Robert Scott, were the only men having families who then lived at Damariscotta " Salt Water Falls," where the bridge now is. Scott lived on the east side directly opposite the " great bank of oyster shells," -and Brown's House was south of him ; Phillips and Taylor lived on the west side. During the war, called King Philips' war, about the year 1676, they were all obliged to make their escape, in the best way they could. Brown left three children, JohnBrown, Jr., and twodaughters, Margaret, who married Sander or Alexander Gould, and long resided in the place, and Elizabeth, who married Richard Peirce or Pearce. The acknowledgement of this deed, it will be observed, was made before Abraham Shurte at Pemaquid, only a year after it was given. Shurte does not append any title to his name, and ' Files Maine Hist. Soe. The Indian deed referred to is published in the N. E. Hist. & Oen. Reg., vol. xii, p. 305. 'Lincoln Rep., 1816, p. 115, 116. Files Maine Hist. Soe. History of Bristol and Bremen. 57 , probably claimed no authority for such an act, but made the record as a matter of accommodation in a new settlement, far removed from any regularly appointed magistrates, leaving it for those whom it might afterwards concern to attach such im- portance to it as might seem just and proper. " The precision and conciseness of this first deed of convey- ance of American soil, written at Pemaquid, and the neat and compact formula of acknowledgement, drawn up by Abraham Shurte, and still adhered to in New England, word for word, are interesting to the jurist. There was no precedent for the acknowledgement, or the formula, and Mr. Shurte is well en- titled to be remembered as the father of American conveyancing. The first legislation of Massachusetts, providing for this mode of authenticating deeds, did not occur until 1640, when commis- sioners were especially appointed for the purpose, and Plymouth colony did not adopt this security against fraudulent convey- ances until six years later, in 1646.' This deed was not recorded for nearly a hundred years, and was then entered on the records at Charlestown, Mass. Shurte gives quite a history of himself and some of his doings in the following deposition, given by him, Dec. 25th 1662. " The Deposition of Abraham Shurte, aged fourscore years, or thereabouts, saith — That in the year 1626, Alderman Alsworth [often written Aldsworth], and Mr. Gyles Elbridge of Bristol, merchants sent over this Deponent, for their Agent, and gave power to him to buy Monhegan, which then belonged to Mr. Abraham Jennings of Plimouth,who they understood was willing to sell ; and having conference with his agent, about the price thereof; agreed to fifty pounds, and the patent to be delivered up ; and gave him a bill upon Alderman Alsworth ; which bill being presented, was paid, as the aforesaid wrote me. The Deponent further saith, that about the year 1629, was sent over unto him by the aforenamed Alderman Alsworth, and Mr. ELdbridge a patent granted by the Patentees, for twelve thousand acres of land at Pemaquid, with all islands, islets adjacent, within three leagues ; and for the delivery was appointed Captain Walter Neale, who gave me possession thereof; and bounded the twelve thousand ' Thornton, Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 195. Mr. Thornton h-is since learned that the same form was in use in the mother country, long before Shurte's day. (Letter to Author.) 58 History of Bristol and Bremen. acres for the use above named, from the head of the river of Damariscotta, to the head of the river of Muscongus, and be- tween it, to the sea. Moreover it was granted by the same patent; that every servant, that they, Alderman Aldsworth and Mr. Eldbridge did send over, one hundred acres of land and to every one thei-eborn fifty acres of land, for the term of the first seven years ; and to be added to the former twelve thousand acres. — Likewise this Deponent saith, that Domanriscove was included, and belonging to Pemaquid ; it being an island, situ- ate, and lying within three leagues of Pemaquid Point ; and some years after Mr. Thomas Eldbridge coming to Pemaquid, to whom the patent by possession did belong, and appertain, called a Court, unto which divers of the then inhabitants of Monhegan and Damariscove repaired, and continued their fishing, paying a certain acknowledgement — and further saith not. Sworn the 25th December, 1662, by Abraham Shurte, Before me Eichard Eussell, Magistrate."^ According to Mr. Thornton,^ Mr. Jennens, with others, had made considerable purchases of land in New England from the Plymouth council, as early as 1622 ; and probably it was under the title thus acquired that he claimed to hold the island of Mon- hegan. Jennens himself, so far as we know, had never visited this country, but a very considerable business had been transacted on the island in his name, for, when it was known at the new settlement at Plymouth, Mass., that his establishment was to be discontinued, Gov. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, with several others proceeded there to make purchases. Stopping at Pisca- taqua on their way, Mr. David Thompson took passage with them, being anxious also to make purchases. In order to avoid the evils of two great competition between the two parties, they agreed to purchase all the goods ofl'ered, and to divide them equally between them. They also purchased " a parcell of goats." The purchases of Gov. Bradford amounted to about X400 Sterling. The same Spring a French ship had been cast away at Sagadahoc, but many goods were saved, and for sale ' Lincoln Beport, 1811, p. 40. = Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. IGO, 170. History op Bristol and Bremen. 59 among the fishermen at Damariscove and Monhegan, of which the Gov. purchased to the amount of another hundred pounds.^ Shurte became a resident at Pemaquid soon after his arrival iq the country, and spent here the rest of his life. IsTearly all his life he was actively engaged in business, often extending his trad- ing expedition as far west as Massachusetts, and as far east as Nova Scotia. In one of his excursions he came near losing his life by the recklessness of a seaman, who was so addicted to smoking that he could not forego the use of his pipe for small reasons. He was on his way to Boston, in a small vessel com- manded by Capt. Wright. As they were entering the harbor at Piscataqua a seaman in attempting to light his pipe near a keg of gunpowder, exploded the powder, blowing the vessel as well as himself to atoms. Shurte with the others escaped with little or no injur3^ He is always spoken of as having been a magistrate of influence in the colony, but it does not now appear from what source his authority was derived. It is probable that the excellent influence he exercised was due more to his elevated character as a just and upright man, than to his civil authority. The Indians he always treated justly and kindly, and thus maintained their friendship and re- spect, even' when they were enraged against others. In the summer of the year 1631, near a hundred of the Eastern Indians, in thirty canoes, made their way to the west, as far as Agawam [Ipswich, Mass.], and fell suddenly upon the Indians there, killing several, and carrying into captivity, with others, the wife of one of their Sagamores. Through the medi- tation of Shurte of Pemaquid, she was afterwards restored to the chief; and thus probably was laid the foundation for the friendship ever afterwards shown him.^ It is not known that Shurte left any family. Being eighty years of age in 1662, it is probable that he soon afterwards passed away.^ Nothing is really known of him after this date, but it is altogether probable that he ended his days at Pemaquid, where he had been so long known as an honest man and an upright magistrate. 1 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iii, p. 208. = Hubbard. 3Iass. Hist. Coll., [2], v, p. 145. Lewis, Hist, of Lynn, p. 75, 8d ed. = LmcolnRep.,1811,p. 40. \Ni\\, Hist. 3Iaine,i,v- 603. Williamson, on the page last quoted, says that Shurte died at Pemaquid about 1680, but on page C94, he mentions 1690, as the year of his death. Both dates are probably erroneous. See also Hist. Gen. Ueg., xxv, p. 131. 60 HiSTOKT OF Bristol and Bremen. CHAPTER IX. The two Indian sao-amorea, Samoset and Unongoit — Pemaquid tlie centre of business on the coast — Beginnings of other settlements in the vicinity — The first fort at Pemaquid — Traders and pirates on the coast' — Dixy Bull — Mills at the Falls. Of the two Sagamoies whose names appear on the deed of Brown, one, Samoset, is very well known in the history of the time, but the memory of the other, Ungonoit, except his mere name, has utterly perished. Indeed, this seems to be the only instance in which even his name occurs, or it may be that he was known by other names which, we are not able now to identify. Samoset ' has left behind him a name which is every way honorable and interesting. The first we hear of him is at Ply- mouth, March 16th, 1621, where he was the first to welcome " The Pilgrim Fathers " to the inhospitable shores of Massachu- setts. Though they landed, as we know, in December, the na- tives feared and avoided them ; and, until this time, held no intercourse with them. Indeed, few had been seen, and they were altogether hostile. The account of Samoset's meeting with them is as follows : "This morning [Friday, March 16, 1621,] we determined to conclude of the military orders, which we had begun to consider before, but were interrupted by the savages. And whilst we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendez-vous ; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in, asundoubtedly he would out of his boldness. He saluted usiu English, and bade us ' Welcome,' for he had learned some broken English among the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon (Monhegan), and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters that usually come. He was a man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things ; he was the first savage we could meet withall. 1 The name is often written Somerset, Summerset, Sameset, Sammeset, etc. On the deed his name is written Capt. John Somerset. Mr. Drake (Hubbard's Ind. Wars, ii, p. 81, note), supposes that this may not have been his real Indian name, but one given him by the English. His suggestion partakes too much of the fanciful. History of Bristol and Bremen. 61 He said he was not of those parts, but of Morattiggon,' and one of the sagamores or lords thereof, and had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of every province, and of their sagamores, and their number of men and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horse- man's coat about him; for he was stark naked, only a leather ahout his waist, with a fringe about a span long or little more. He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed and the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight man ; the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of mallard; all of which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such amongst the English. * * * All the afternoon we spent in conversation with him. We would gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on shipboard, wherewith he was content, and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and the water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins' house, and watched him." ^ Bradford says that " he came boldly amongst them and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand." " He become profitable to them in acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country in the east parts where he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them." ^ Both of the writers just quoted proceed to show the various modes in which this interesting " savage" made himself " profit- able" to them. He informed them of the hostiUty of the natives to the English, in consequence of Hunt's* treachery, some years before, and used his infiuence to produce a better state of feeling. He introduced to them his friend Squanto or Tisquantum, a native of the place who had been in England, and who afterwards became " a spetiall instrument sent of Grod for their good beyond their expectation." ' It would seem very evident that this is only another name for Monhegan, or rather a mere modification of the name ; bnt Dr. Young {Gliron. of Ply m., p. 183,) appears to have some doubts. " GliTonicles of Plymouth, p. 183. 3 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., m, p. 93. ' See page 39. (52 History of Bristol and Brbmbn. Samoset coutiuuedin the vicinity some time, always seeking to promote good feeling between the English and the natives. This led to the formation of a treaty of peace between the new colony and Massasoit, sagamore of the neighboring Wampauoag Indians, which remained inviolate more than fifty years, or until the time of King Phillip's war in 1675. Samoset probably returned soon after this to his native place, as we hear nothing further of him at Plymouth. The next we hear of him he is at Capmanwagan,^ (Capenewa- gen) or the coast of Maine, at the time of Levett's visit there, in the winter of 1623-4. Levett introduces him to us as a " sagamore that hath been found very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of our nation, some from starving, and others from killing." He received Levett with much cordiality, calling him cousin. He had become so much acquainted with the English as to be entirely free from the timidity usually shown by the natives at this early period, and proposed that perpetual friendship should be maintained between them, "until Tanto carried them to his wigwam, that is, until they died." He had his wife and son with him here, and several noble attendants ; and the simple narrative of Levett presents them before us in a very interesting light. His wife in particular conducted herself in truly royal style. " When we came to York the masters of the ships came to bid me welcome, and asked what savages those were. I told them, and I thanked them ; they used them kindly, and gave them meat, drink and tobacco. The woman, or reported queen, asked me if those men were my friends, I told her they were ; then she drank to them, and told them they were welcome to her country, and so should all my friends be at any time, she drank also to her husband, and bid him welcome to her country too ; for you must understand that her father was the Sagamore of this place, and left it to her at his death, having no more children." ^ This interview of Levett with this kind-hearted " savage " of Pemaquid, it will be noticed, occurred only a year, or a little more, before the time of Brown's purchase, and it is possible that Brown and Pierce were even then both of them on the ground. And this kindly intercourse with the English prepared ' Ante, p. 13. ' Levett, Maine Rid. Coll. n, p. 89. History of Bristol and Bremen. 63 the mind of the simple-hearted native for the favor the new set- tlers received at his hands. Samoset lived many years after this in quiet and peaceable intercourse with his new neighbors: certain it is history re- cords no quarrel between the parties ! January 9th, 1641, be with two other " sagamores sold to Richard Pierce, carpenter of Eemobseus " (alias Muscongus), a large but ill defined tract of land at that place, said tract being a part of the same previously sold by him and Unongoit to John Brown, as before stated (p. 55). Still another deed of his, or rather a fragment of one, has been brought to light by Mr. Thornton.' This document is dated July, 1653, and appears to be a deed of land also at Muscongus.^ Samoset must at this time have been an old man, and pro- bably soon passed away. Though an " untutored savage," he has left behind him a character highly creditable to him, as a man of elevated rank among his countrymen. He appears not only to have been destitute of the jealousies and petty vices of his race; but, at the same time, to have manifested on all oc- casions a love of justice and truth, a generous confidence in others, and an elevation of soul far superior to very many of the Europeans with whom he was brought in contact. And the fact that twenty years later than the date last above given, his name was still remembered among the natives as that of a " famous sachem," shows that his manly character was not un- appreciated by them. The settlement at Pemaquid was now beginning to assume considerable importance as a centre of business, much of that formerly done at Monhegan, having been gradually transferred to this place. Fishing vessels in the proper season were con- tinually coming and going ; and there was more activity mani- fested than at any other point on the whole coast. Other settlements also began to spring up in the neighbor- hood, as at Damariscotta Lower Falls (Damariscotta Bridge), Sheepscott Farms (Wiscasset), Cape ISTewagen (Boothbay) Nequasset (Woolwich), and perhaps other places. A trading house was also established at Bagaduce (Castine) at the mouth 1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 188. = Such instances show very clearly that the Indians, in selling their lands, really had no proper idea of the nature of tlie transactions. Their idea probably was that they were simply conferring the right to hunt and fish, as they did themselves. 64 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. of the Penobscot, by the Plymouth colony. This was in 1626. At Pemaquid, St. Georges, and Sheepscott there were in the year 1630 no less than eighty four families, besides the fishermen.^ WiUiamson thinks that the fii'st settlement at Pemaquid was on the west side, but he gives no reasons for this opinion. The chief business here at this time was in connection with the fisheries ; and the land on either side was well adapted to their operations. The sterile soil did not particularly invite cultiva- tion, but agriculture was not entirely neglected, and even at this early period a considerable commerce was springing up ; and this in spite of the various restrictions and monopolies which it was the fashion of those times to establish. Furs obtained of the Indians, and fish taken on the coast, and properly cured, were the chief articles of export; and though their principal market was in the mother country, a regular trade was carried on with the Plymouth colony. The first fort at Pemaquid was erected in 1630, or 1631; and seems to have been intended rather as a protection against renegades and pirates, that were beginning to infest the coast, then against the Indians, who were in the main very friendly. This fort was only a stockade ; and its site very probably, was the same or nearly so, as that on which all the other forts were successively built. Among the traders on the coast at this time, whose characters were not above suspicion, was Mr. Isaac Allerton, one of the passengers by the May Flower, who had subsequently made several voyages to England chiefly on business for the Ply- mouth colony, but had so managed the afifairs committed to him as to forfeit their confidence. Having chartered a ship in England, he loaded her heavily and " set forth againe with a most wicked and drunken crue " for the coast of ISTew England, where " he set up a company of base fellows, and made them traders to ruue into every hole, and into the river of Kennebec^" in a manner altogether contrary to the established rules of trade. By this course he brought upon himself no little scandal, and occasioned much disquiet. He was a man of much energy and industry, and appears to have faithfully transacted the business committed to him as ' Sullivan, Hist. Maine, p. 107. Piles in Secretary's office, Boston. '' 4 Bradford, Mem. Hist. Coll., iii, p. 291. History of Bristol and Bremen. 65 agent of the colony, but the popular voice was against him, and he left the colony in disgust/ Very many of unlicensed traders of that day thought it quite allowable, if not meritorious, to overreach the simple natives in trade ; and the enmity of those latter was constantly excited, and liable at any moment to break out in acts of open hostility. About the year 1628, one Walter Bagnall took up his residence upon Richmond island, near Portland, for the purpose of trad- ing with the Indians, and in three years acquired a large pro- perty, as was thought in those times. In the autumn of the year 1631, the Indians, stung to madness by his constant cheat- ing them in trade, went to the island and killed all the inmates of his house, which they then sacked and burnt. A party was immediately sent from Piscataqua in pursuit of the murderers, but not finding the real authors of the outrage, they hung a poor wretch, known as Black Will, though without the least evidence of his guilt.^ Among the noted characters, who at this period sought illicit trade with the natives, was one Dixy Bull, of whose history little is known previous to this time. A shallop containing his goods having been seized by the French, he collected a com- pany of characters like himself, and made preparation for apirat- ical cruise on the coast. It is said that he took several vessels at sea, but with a single exception, we do not know who or what they were. One of the vessels taken was commauded by Capt. Anthony Dix, who came to Plymouth in 1623; and probably the vessel belonged to that place. Coming to Pemaquid in 1682, Bull seems to have taken the fort without any serious resistance, and at once rifled it of its contents, at the same time plundering the neighboring planters, as farmers were then called. But if the pirates met with little resistance in their attack upon the fort, they were not allowed to leave the place without loss ; for, as they were about weighing anchor, a well directed shot from the shore killed one of Bull's principal men. The courageous individual, who fired the shot, is said to have been one of Shurte's men; and, as the pirates made haste to depart, ' Baylies's Hist, of Plymouth, i, p. 304. " Williamson's Hist, of 3Iain6, i, p. 351, 9 66 History op Beistol and Bremen. it is probable that the people at the fort were beginning to manifest a little more spirit than they first showed. Information of Bull's piratical doings at Pemaquid having been received at Piscataqua, notice was given to Gov. Winthrop at Boston; and means were taken to subdue and punish them. Foar small vessels (" two pinnaces and tvro shallops")^ were fitted out at Piscataqua, with forty men, and sent to Pemaquid, where they were joined by others from Boston ; but the object of their pursuit had escaped some time before to the eastward. A paper was afterwards received, purporting to be from this piratical gang, in which they promised to cotnmit no more de- predations upon their own countrymen ; and requested that further pursuit of them should be abandoned, saying that they would die rather then be taken. They also made some restitu- tion for previous wrongs committed by them. Little more is now known of this bold and reckless man ; but it has been said that he was afterwards taken to England, where he suffered the just reward of his deeds. Some time before these events connected with the pirate. Bull, a trading house, which had been established at the mouth of the Penobscot by the Plymouth colony, was robbed by the French, who took away every thing of value that suited them ; and there were rumors that the French were also taking measures greatly to extend their influence in that region. These things caused considerable alarm in Boston ; and measures were taken to erect a fort at the entrance of that harbor, but the object was not accomplished until the summer of 1634, several years after the erection of the first fort at Pemaquid.^ An important article in the treaty of St. Germains, March 2S, 1632, between England and France, threatened serious evil to Pemaquid. By the third article of this treaty, England rehn- quished to France " all the places occupied by the British sub- jects in New France, Acadia, and Canada;" and though the limits of neither of these places were very well defined, it was well known that Pemaquid was within the French claim of JSTew France. It is perhaps to this period, or possibly to a period a little later, that we are to assign the erection of certain public works 1 Wintlirop, vol, i, p. 115. " Sewall, A?i. Dom. Maine, p. 114 ; Drake, Hist. Boston, p. 173, History of Bristol and Bremen. 67 in the vicinity of Pemaquid, ttie remains of which are yet to be seen. . The most important of these is a canal or watercourse, still plainly to be seen at the falls, just above the head of tide water. It is on the east side, and commences where the bridge now is, and extends down, a distance of iifteen or twenty rods, to a point near where the dam for the old mills stood, forty years ago. This canal was evidently a watercourse for conveying water to mills, which were erected there at an early date. A low dam was probably made exactly where the bridge now is, and apart or all of the water, except in time of freshets, was turned into the canal and used to carry the mills below. When first made, it must have been at least ten feet wide and probably six or eight feet deep. No definite tradition of the existence of such mills has come down to us; nor, indeed, do we know that any mills were erected in this vicinity until a hundred years later than this ; but, from sheer necessity, the early settlers must have pro- vided themselves with them; and no other site as good as this could be found anywhere in the vicinity. When the ancestors of the present inhabitants came here, about the year 1730, maple and other trees a foot in diameter were found growing in the canal, which shows that it had long been disused.' We are told by Belknap,^ that, at this period, "bread was either brought from England in meal, or from Virginia in grain, and then sent to the wind-mill at Boston, there being none erected here" [at Piscataqua] ; and from places as far castas Scarboro, we know the inhabitants were accustomed to take their corn there to be ground.' If, as Mr. Thornton suggests, the people of Pemaquid for a time actually took their corn and grain to Boston to be ground, is it not extremely probable that they very early endeavored to erect mills of their own? Two small mill stones made of granite were found at the head of New Harbor many years ago, which may ^possibly have been used at this early period. Allusions have been made to the restrictions under which the fisheries were managed at this time, and trade carried on ' Mr. Alexander Fossett of Long Cove, Horatio N. Fossett. ' Belknap, £"ist New Samp., i, p. 25 ; Thornton, Maine Sist. OoS., v, p. 304 ; Popham Mem. Volume, p. 375. ^ The first mill for grinding corn in the Massachusetts colony was a wind-mill erected in Newtown, hut in August 1632 it was removed to Copp's lull, Boston. Drake, Sist. Boston, 141, 144. The first water-mill appears to have heen erected erected in Boxhurj in 1633. (Holmes's Annals, 1633. 68 HisTOET OE Bristol and Bremen. with the natives, but some further explanation may be neces- sary. These restrictions were founded in the rights supposed to be conferred on certain of the colonies to enjoy exclusively the benefit of these pursuits in all localities included in the charters respectively. Thus the colony of Plymouth very early established trading houses on the Kennebec, at the mouth of the Penobscot, and still farther east, at Machias. They there- fore, claimed, according to their charters, the exclusive right of trade with the natives of these places, in opposition not only to the French, or English, but also in opposition to the people of other American colonies. At Cushnoc (Augusta), on the Kennebec, a vessel coming from Piscataqua, belonging to lords Say and Brooke, was forbidden to trade with the natives, and ordered to depart ; and the contest was carried so far that one man on each side was killed, which gave rise to the saying that " on the Kennebec they cut throats for beaver."' The French, as we have before seen, early gained a foothold on the North American coast, and at this period, stimulated by the recent treaty of St. G-ermain, were disposed to extend their influence. Their claims were, of course, exclusive of all others, and acting under it, in 1633, they attacked the Plymouth trading house at Machias, killed two of the five men in charge of it, and carried the others with all their goods to Port Eoyal, The next year Mr. AUerton of Plymouth was sent there to obtain the men, who v^ere held as prisoners, and to demand satisfaction for the goods which had been taken. He was met with great firmness by the French commander of the post, M. La Tour, who affirmed that he had taken them as a lawful prize by the authority of the King of France, " who challenged all from Cape Sable to Cape Cod," and assured them that if the English ventured to trade to the eastward of Pemaquid he would seize them. Being asked to show his commission he answered that " his sword was his commission, when he had strength to overcome, and when he wanted he would show his commission." Only two years later however, that is, in 1636, the French commander at Penobscot, M. D'Aulney de Charnise, in answer to a letter from Governor Winthrop, acknowledged that the claim of France extended no farther west than Pemaquid. If we may find a reason for this restrictive policy in the mat- ter of trade between the people of diiferent nationalities, it is ' Baylies's Hist. Plymouth, ii, p. 314. HisTOET OF Bristol and Bkemen. 69 not easy to see what could be gained, in the long run, by these incipient colonies to hamper each other in the business inter- course of their people with the Indians, or with each other. But such was the spirit of the times; nor has it yet entirely passed away. CHAPTEE X. Patents granted by the great Council of Plymouth — The Pemaquid patent ^ Gyles, John and Thomas Eldridge — Nicholas Davison becomes sole owner of the Pemaquid patent — Shem Drowne. The " council established at Plymouth [Eug.] in the county of Dover, for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New England in America," as the sticcessor of the ITorth Vir- ginia, or Plymouth company [ante, p. 45), was called, consisted of forty noblemen and gentlemen of England, and was to have jurisdiction over all the territory of ITorth America between the 40th and 48th parallels of latitude, but a few months after their organization, they relinquished to Sir Wm. Alexander all that part lying south of the St. Lawrence, and east of the St. Croix. They were then prepared to apportion the immense territory that remained to them among individuals and companies, as seemed to them proper, by patents or charters, which gave to the patentees the right of property in the soil; but it has always been a question whether they also conferred power to enact laws and establish civil governments. Yet some of them actu- ally did undertake to establish civil governments and enact laws, and were never called to account for it. The corporation contin- ued in operation nearly fifteen years, but finally surrendered their charter to the king, June 7th, 1635. But before thus dis- solving they by lot divided all the remaining territory among themselves, fully expecting that the king would, subsequently, confirm the transaction. During the short life of the corporation, it made certainly twelve grants of land within the present state of Maine, with- out including the grant to John Peirce and his associates (June 70 History of Bristol and Bremen. Ist, 1621), of which so much has already been said. Probably two others were made of which no record has been preserved.^ Three of these grants which more particularly concern us in this work, are the following, viz : 1. The grant to Wm. Bradford and his associates (January 13, 1630), of fifteen miles on each side of the Kennebec river, extending up as far as the Cobise- contee river, which was afterwards transferred to the Plymouth adventurers, and became known as the Kennebec purchase. 2d. The grant to John Beaucamp and Thomas Leverett (Feb. 12, 1630), of thirty miles square on the west side of the Penob- scot river, which became known subsequently as the Lincoln or Waldo patent ; and, eventually, near the close of the last cen- tury, came into the possession of Gen. Henry Knox. 3d. The grant to Eobert Aldsworth and Gyles Elbridge (Feb. 29, 163J), of 12,000 acres at Pemaquid. The limits of these grants being poorly defined, the claimants under them, in subsequent years, found no little difficulty in set- tling their respective boundaries, as will appear in the progress of this ivork. These three grants covered substantially, the whole territory on the sea coast from the Penobscot to an indefinite point, somewhere fifteen miles west of the Kennebec. The Pemaquid patent to Aldsworth and Elbridge is as fol- lows. It is copied from Thornton's Ancient Pemaquid, verbatim et literatim.^ Ef)t patent. ®l)is Jtlbentttte made the Nine and twenteth day of February Anno D'm 1631, And in the Seaventh yeere of the Raigne of our Sovraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God King of England Scotland Fraunoe and Ireland, Defender of the ffaith, &c. JSettDecne the President and Councill of New England on the one parte, and Robert Aldworth and Gyles El- bridge of the City of Bristoll merchants, on the other parte, UjotrtCSSCtl) That whereas our Soveraigne Lord King James of famous memori late King of England Scotland Fraunce and Ireland, by his hignes Letters Pattente and Royall graunte vnder the great Scale of England bearing date the Third day of Nouember In the eighteenth Yeare of his Raigne [1620] of England Fraunce and Ireland &c for the causes therein ex- I Willis's Hist, of Portland, p. 63, 2d ed. ^ Mr. T. informs us that it was verified by the notarial copy preserved in tlie library of the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester, Mass. By the kind- ness of S. P. Haven, Esq., librarian of the society, the author had the privilege of examining the interesting relict several years ago. It is on parchment. Mr. T. notices the peculiarity of the date, Feb. 29, 1631. History op Bristol and Bremen. 71 pressed did absolutely giue graunt and confirme vnto the said President and Councell and their Successors forever, All the land of New England in America lying and being from fortie to fortie eight degrees of north- erly Latitude and in length by all that breadth aforesaid from Sea to Sea throughout the Main land, Together with all the woods, waters, soils, rivers, havens, Harbors, Iselands, and other commodities whatsoever therevnto belonging with divers other priviledges preheminences profits and timbers, by Sea and land As by the said Letters patents amongst other things contayned wberevnto due relacon being had it doth and may appeare Now this Indenture tUDtnessetl) That the said President and Councell of New England by vertue and authoritie of the said L'res Pat- tent and for and in consideracon that the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge have and will transporte and doth vndertake to Transporte att their owne Costs and Chardges divers persons into New England and there to erect and build a Town and settle diuers Inhabitants for their own safe- tie better assuerance and advanceme' of the generall plantacon of that Country and for the furtherance of the said Plantacon and Encouragement of the said Vndertakers ■^'^1)® agreed and doe hereby agree graunte assigne allott and appointe to the said Robert Aldworth and Giles El- bridge theire heirs and assignes and every of them one hundred acres of ground for every Person soe by them, or anie of them Transported or that shall now or hereafter be Transported besides diurse other priviledges liberties and Comodities hereafter menconed. And to that intent they have graunted allotted assigned And confirmed And by theis P'sents doe grante allot assign And confirme vnto the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge their heires and assignes and euerie of them, One hundred seueral acres of ground in New England for every prgon transported or to be transported within the Space of Seaven yeerea next ensuing that shall abide and continew there Three yeares either att one or severall times or dye in the meane season after hee or they are Shipped w''' an Intent there to inhabite The same lands to be taken and chosen by them or either or anie of them their deputies or assignes in anie place adjoent to the said Twelve thousand acres of land hereafter menconed to be granted and not lately granted, setled and in- habited by anie English and wherein noe English person or persons are allreadie placed or settled, Togeather with free libertie to fiish in and uppon the Costeof New England in all Havens, Ports, Rivers, and Creeks, thereunto belonging and not granted to any others And that noe person, or persons whatsoever shall take anie benefit, or lib'tie of or to anie of the said grounde, (excepting the free use of high^waies by land, and Naviga- ble Rivers) but that the said Robert Aldworth and Gyles Elbridge their heires and assignes, shall have the Sole right, and use of the said grounds with all their proffits and appurtenances AND the said President and Councell doe further graunte assigne allott and confirme vnto the said 72 History of Bristol anb Bremen. .Robert Aldworth and Gyles Elbridge theire heires and assignes Twelve Thousand acres of land more over and above the aforesaid proporcon of One hundred the person for every person Transported or to be Transported as aforesaid as his or their proper inheritance forever, The same land to be bounded, Chosen, taken and laid out neare the River Commonly called or known by the name of |)CEiJl^®.lJ.3i!iri or by what other name or names the same is or haue ben or hereafter shal be called or knowne by and next adioyning by both along the Sea Coast as the Coast lyeth, and Soe upp the River as farr as may Containe the said Twelve Thowsand acres within the said bredth and length Togeather with the said hundred acres for every person by them the said Robert Aldworth and G-yles Elbridge to be trans- ported as aforesaid Togeather alsoe with all the Iselands and Iselettes within the lymitts aforesaid Three leagues into the Main Ocean Yeelding and paying vnto our Soveraigne Lord the King his heires & Successors One ilfth parte of all the Gould and silver Oare to bee found and had in and on the premises or any parte thereof and one other ififth part of the said President and Councell aforesaid and their Successors for ever anh alsoe ^eelbing anb |) aging to the said President and Councell in the name of all other rents services duties and demands whatsoever for every hundred acres of Arrable lands soe obtayned by the same Robert Aid- worth and Gyles Elbridge their heires and assignes and every or any of them And by those said other P'rson or p'rsons, their heires and assignes The yearely rent of twoe shillings of lawful money of England At the ffeast of S' Michaell the Arohangell [September 29th] to the hands of the Rent gatherer of the said President and Councell and their Successor forever (when it shall be by him the said Rent gatherer lawfully de- manded) The first payment to begin after the expiracon of the ffirst Seaven years next after the date hereof And it shall and may be lawful for the said Vndertakers and Planters, theire heires and Successors ffreely to Truck Trade, and Trafiique in all lawful comodities, with the salvages in any parte of NctD QErtgltttttr or neighbouring thereabout att their wills and pleasures without lett or disturbance, As also to have libertie to hunte hawke ffish or fifowle in any place or places whatsoever now or hereafter, by any English Inhabited axib the said President and Councell doth Covenant and promise to, and with the said Robert Aldworth and Gyles Elbridge their heires and assignes and every of them and others the prson and prsons as aforesaid his and their heires and assignes ; That their Tenants or servants shall not be taken from their owne imployments, by any Governor or other there to be established but only for the publique defence of these Countries, or suppression of Rebellion, Riotts, or Routs, or other unlawful assemblies onb further it is Covenanted uppon lawful survay to be had and made att the chardge of the said Vndertakers and Planters, and lawful Informacon given of the bounds meets and quan- titie of the lands soe as aforesaid to bee by them Chosen and Possessed History of Bristol and Bremen. 73 They the said President and Counoell uppon surrender of this present grante and Indenture and upon reasonaJole request made by the said Robert x^ldworth and Giles Elbridge their heires or assigties or any of them, within Seaveu yeares now next comeing shall by their deede In- dented and Vnder theire Common Seale graunte, enfeoffe and conflrme All and every of the said lands sett out, and bounded as aforesaid to the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge and their associats and such as Con- tracte with them, their heires and assignes in as large and beneficiall manner as the same are in theis prsents granted or intended to be granted or hereafter to be granted to all intents and purposes with all and every pticular priviledges and freedomes reservations and conditions with all dependaneies And shall also attany time within the said Terme of Seaven yeares uppon request vnto the said President and Councell made, grannte vnto them the said Bobert Aldworth and Gyles Elbridge their heires and assignes letters and grants of Inoorporacon by some usuall and fitt name and title with libertie to them and their successor from time to time to make orders. Laws, Ordinances, and Constitucons for the rule, govern- ment, ordering, and directing of all persons to be Transported and setled upon lands hereby graunted intended to be granted, or hereafter to be granted And of the said lands and profits thereby arising, And in the meane tyme and until such grant be made, it shall be lawful for the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge their heires and assignes from time to time, to establish such laws and ordinances as are for the better gov- ernme' of the said prsons soe Transported and the same by such officer or officers as they shall by most voices Elect, and choose to putt in execution. i 5^N!E) that it shall be lawful for the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge their heires and assignes or either or any of them from tyme to tyme and at all tymes hereafter for their several defence and safety to encounter expulse expel fortifie defend and resist by force of Armes aa well by sea as^ by land, and by all wayes and meanes whatsoever and' to take apprehend seize and make prize of to their owne use, and behoofe All such prson and prsons, their Ships and goods, as without the Speciall license of the said President and Councell and their Successors or the greater parte of them, shall attempt to inhabite or Trade with any of the Salvadge people of that country within the several prec.ncts or lymitts of their said Plantacon, or shall enterprize or attempt att any tyme hereafter destrucoh, invaoon or annoyance to the sai(i Plantacon And further that it shall be lawful to and for the said Robert Aldworth and Gyles Elbridge their heires and assignes, or either of them from tyme to tyme to Transport and carry such powder, Shott, provision and Ordonanoes as shall be necessarie for their defence anil further That the said Robert ' This, and every clause of the patent, are drawn evidently with the nicest re- ference to the provisions in the patent creating the Plymouth C iuncil . — Thornton. 10 74 HiSTOET OF Bristol and Bremen. Aldworth and Giles Elbridge tbeire heires or assignes shall not anye tyme hereafter aliene theis pi'mises or any parte thereof to any foraigne Nation [especially the French] or to any other prson or prsons whatsoever without the Spetiall License consent and agreem' of the said President and CouDcell and their Successors and assignes, Except it be to their owne Tenants or Vndertakers, belonging to the said Towne by them to be Erected as aforesaid uppon paine of forfeiture of the said land soe Aliened, to the Vse of the said President and Counoell againe axib further know yee that the said President and Councell have made constituted and deputed Authorized and appointed and in their steade and place, doe put Captaine Walter Neale and Kichard Vines gent, or in his or their ab- sence to anie person that shall be theire Grovernour or other officer to the said President and Councell to be their true and lawful Attorney or At- torneys, and in their name and steade to enter the said Poroon of land, and other the premises, apprtenances or into some Part thereof in the name of the whole soe had and taken then for them, and in their names to deliver the full and peaceable possession and seizen of all and singular the said granted premises vnto the said Robert Aldworth and Giles El- bridge or to their certain Attorney or Attorneys in that behalf according to the true intente and meaning of these p sents Ratifying, allowing and confirming all, and whatsoever their said attorney or Attorneys shall doe in or about the p^mises by theis p^sents. ^\x W6xiM^fi whereof, the Pre- sident and Councell to the one part of these p''sent Indentures have set their Seale and to the other part thereof the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge have set their bands and seals. Given the day and year first above written. R. WARWICK. [L. S.] FERD. GORGE. This is a true copy of the Letters pattents under the Seale of the Pre- sident and Counoell of New England signed by the Earle of Warwicke and S' Gerdinando Gorge, examined with the same Letters patents this twenty and sixth day of March 1648, By us whose names are subscribed viz ERA. YEAMANS, No^y Pubb. ROBT. DENNIS, DEW TONY, Servants to the said No. P= " i This document is here inserted entire because of its intimate connection with the subsequent history of the place, for a period of nearly two hundred years. It is remarkable that no writer, ' Verified by the notarial copy preserved in the library of the American Anti- quarian Society. — Thmidon. History of Bristol and Bremen. 75 except Mr. Thorntou,' has noticed the peculiarity of its date, Feb. 29, 1631. Feb. 29th occurs only in leap year ; and it is evident, that, according to our present mode of reckoning time, it should be 1632. One year and three months after the date — that is May 27th, 1633, possession was formally given to the grantees, in the usual mode of those days, Capt. Walter N"eale, acting as agent of the grantors, and Mr. Abraham Shurte, of Pemaquid, as agent for the grantees. This latter gentleman, as we have seen (p, 59), was an honored resident here for many years. By referring to his deposition, as previously given, it will be seen that he was not altogether correct in some of his state- ments. He there says that the patent was sent over to him " about the year 1629," whereas, ia fact, it was not granted until Feb. 163J. He also says that fifty acres of land were to be allowed to each child born in the colony during the first seven years; but this particular provision is not found in the patent. Evidently he spoke from memory only. Capt. Thomas Cammock, whose name appears as the first witness to the delivery of the patent, resided at Black point, of which settlement he was the founder. He was a nephew of the Earl of Warwick, and came to this country in 1631, fixing his residence first on the northern bank of the Piscataqua. Two years later he removed to his patent between Spurwick and Black point, now Scarboro. In 1636, he was appointed by Gov. Wm. Gorges, one of the councilors for his new govern- ment of Somersetshire, and died in 1643, on a voyage to the West Indies. He was an early and intimate friend of Henry Jocelyn, wio, after his death married his widow.^ Wm. Hooke (or Hook) another of the witnesses, lived at Accomenticus, and was a man of excellent reputation. He was also appointed one of Gorges's board of councilors, but never acted with them. Probably he came to this country in 1631, and removed from Accomenticus to Salisbury, Mass., in 1640. From that place he was elected deputy to the general court in 1643 and 1647. He died in Salisbury in 1654. Walter locale, who was appointed to make delivery of the Pemaquid patent, to the agent of Aldsworth and Elbridge, 'Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 207. ' Maine Hist. Goll, m, p. 13- Allen's Biog. Diet., Wintli., i, p. 107. WUl. Hist. Maine, i, PP- 278, 666 and 678. Hist. ofSaco and Bid. p. 44. 76 History op Bristol and Bremen. came to this country in 1630, and was at one time styled " Governor of Piscataqua." Only four days before making delivery of possession of the Pemaquid patent, as agent for the Plymouth Council' — that is, May 23,1633 — he had performed the same office for the Cammock patent at Black point. He sailed for England the following August and never returned. The history of the three other witnesses to the delivery of possession, Barksted, Newman, and Knight, cannot now be traced. They were probably residents at Pemaquid or the im- mediate vicinity. As the proprietors of the patent under which possession had now been taken, were to receive a hundred acres of land for every settler they should introduce within seven years, and as it is known that the population from this time rapidly increased, it is altogether probable that active measures were taken to forward immigrants from England, but only few and very scanty records of the transactions are now to be found. Ac- cording to Shurte's deposition, when possession was given under the patent, it was agreed to bound the twelve thousand acres from the head of Damariscotta river to the head of the Mus- congus, and "between them to the sea;" but this tract con- tained much more than the quantity mentioned. And more than a century later, the proprietors of the patent laid claim to ninety thousand acres.' The only pretence for making so large a claim must have been because of the large number of settlers introduced by the proprietors, in accordance with the provisions of the patent. Eobert Alsworth, first named in the patent, died in 1634, and Elbridge thereafter became sole proprietor,^ but by what right we are not told. -July 21st, 1639, he obtained permission " to export eighty passengers and provisions to JSTew England, they taking the oath of allegiance and supremacy."^ These, it is fair to presume, were designed to reinforce the settlement of Pemaquid, although the seven years limitation had already axpired; but we, unfortunately, have no further evidence in regard to them. On the death of Gyles Elbridge the patent fell by inheritance to his eldest son, John Elbridge, who by his last will and testa- 'ilisl «/ J/ainc, I, p. 241, note. ''Lincoln Report, 1811, p. 10. s Hist, and Gen. Reg., viii, p. 144. Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 333. History of Buistol and Bremen. 77 ment, dated Sept. 11th, 1646, bequeathed it to hia brother Thomas Elbridge. John Elbridge dying soon after the date of his will, hia brother Thomas became sole proprietor, and at once manifested hia interest in his new possessions, by repairing here, and giving his personal attention to the aiiairs of the set- tlement. The exact tmie of his arrival is not known, but it is certain that he was here as early as 1650.' According to Shurte's deposition he " called a court here, unto which divers of the then inhabitants of Monhegan and Damariscove re- paired, continuing their fishing, and paying a certain acknow- ledgement." Thomas Elbridge being now sole proprietor of the patent, by deed Feb. 1st, !^51, conveyed one-half to Paul White, mer- chant of Pemaquid, but who afterwards removed to Newbury- pert, where he died at the age of 89, in the year 1679.^ White retained his ownership in the patent only two years, for in April 1653 he conveyed his right to Pichard Russell and Nicholas Davison, both of whom resided in Charlestown. Thus the ownership remained for four years, but in July, 1757, Eussell conveyed his quarter to Davison, and in September fol- lowing, Elbridge conveyed to Davison the half which he had until this time retained. Thus iN'icholas Davison, of Charles- town, became the sole proprietor of the Pemaquid patent; and his heirs-at-law, nearly a century later, became the " Proprie- tors " so hated by the settlers; they were represented by Mr. Shem Drowne, who long acted as their agent. It thus became known aa the Drowne claim, and was not fully settled until the beginning of the present century. Davison by his will, dated March 26th, 1655, gave all hia property in equal parts to his widow, Joan Davison, and hia two children Daniel and Sarah Davison,^ or in case of their death to other relatives of his. We omit the further history of this matter for the present. ^Lincoln Report, 1811, 9, 10 and 49. Hist, of Maim, i, p. 329. ''Hut. Newhury, p. 331. 3 Lincoln Report, 1811, p. 53, 53. Davison's will was attested on oath by John Dudley, one of the witnesses of its signing in 1G64, where Davison is spoken of as havino- deceased. But as his will is dated in 1055, two years before he became sole proprietor of the patent, what becomes of that supposed principle of law that a man cannot convey by will real estate not possessed by him at the time of making the will ? 78 History op Bristol and Bremen. WhenElbridge came to the place he did not fail, as we have seen, to assert his rights under the patent, as he at once took measures to establish a civil government; but it is remarkable that no evidence of any sales of land made by him have been preserved except the sale of the patent itself, as heretofore detailed. The deeds to White and Davidson, conveying the patent, are decided curiosities. They go wonderfully into details, convey- ing to the grantee everything above and below, around and beneath, real or imaginary, pertaining to the place. The deed to White is a full warranty, as we should call it at the present time; and the grantor engages " to save and keep harmless, and indemnifie, as well the said Paul White, his heirs, under- takers and assigns, and every of them, and all and singular the said premises, and from and concerning all other bargains, sales, joyntures, dowers, titles of dowers, arrearages of rents, and of the staple, exec[utive] judgments, extents, forfeitures, charges, titles, troubles, incumbrances, and demands whatsoever, &c." The deed to Davison is only a quit claim. By recitals in it we learn that Nov. 5, 1650, Elbridge had mortgaged Daraariscove island and Monhegan' to Richard Russell of Charlestown, Mass. The consideration mentioned in the several deeds, including the mortgage, amounts only to £385, lawful money. Elbridge continued to reside at Pemaquid, long after he had conveyed away all his right in the patent. In his conveyances he styled himself " merchant of Pemaquid." He was a man of small stature and insignificant appearance, but ever exerted a mild and beneficial influence in the settlement. But he was not permitted to live without molestation, for in 1659 he brought two actions against George Cleaves, one for defama- tion, and the other for assault and battery, ou the first of which he recovered fifty pounds damages. The result of the other action is not stated.^ He was still living in 1672, for we find his name as the signer of apetition from residents of the place, to be taken under the government and protection of Massachusetts. It is not known -whether he had any family, nor has the time of his death been ascertained. Thomas Elbridge, who was a member of the first fire corapanj' formed in Boston, 1676, may have been the same man. ' Called-in tlie deed Damariscotty Cove and Monliiggan. "Hist. Port., -p. 133, 2d Ed. HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. 79 CHAPTER XL The great storm of August, 1635, on tlie coast of New England — The ship Angel Gabriel, wrecked at Pemaquid — John Cogswell and family passengers by her — Affidavit of Samuel Haines, a servant in the Cogswell's family — En- croachment of the French at the east — Immigration from England checked by the political troubles, there — Ferocious strife between the two French rivals, D'Alney and La Tour, in the French colonies at the east, threatening at times to involve Massachusetts and other English settlements on the coast. The great storm of August 15, 1635, was probably one of the most severe and destructive ever known on the coast of New England. It ravaged the whole coast from ITova Scotia to Manhattan (ITew York) and probably further south." It began early in the morning with the wind at the northeast, and con- tinued with great fury five or six hours, the tide rising in some places more than twenty feet " right up and down." Accord- ing to some of the old writers, the tide not only rose to a very unusual height, but was attended by other peculiar circum- stances. High tide seems to have occurred about the proper time, according to calculation, and was followed by a partial ebb, but then immediately succeeded another and unaccount- able tidal wave, in which the water rose even higher than at first. The growing crops every where were greatly injured ; and the largest trees of the forest, which then covered a large part of the surface, were blown down in immense numbers. This storm was very severe at Pemaquid, but we are in- debted chiefly to a disastrous shipwreck that occurred here for what information we have of its ravages. June 22d, previously, two ships, the Angel Gabriel of two hundred and forty tons, and carrying sixteen guns, and the .James of two hundred and twenty tons, sailed together from Milford Haven for JSTew Eng- land, both bringing passengers and supplies for the colonies. They kept together for nearly two weeks, but the James, being the best sailer, at length lost sight of the other, and proceeded on her voyage. During those two weeks the latter had not spread all their sails, so that they " might not overgo her." Among the passengers of the James was the Rev. Richard Mather and family, the ancestors of Drs. Increase and Cotton 80 History of Bristol and Bremen. Mather, and most or all of the name in New England. Both of the ships, besides their passengers, brought also cattle and horses and other domestic animals, with the necessary supplies for the voyage. Mr. Mather kept a diary during the voyage, which was published by Dr. Young in his Chronicles of Massa- chuseiis m 1846, after having been kept in manuscript two hun- dred and eleven years. Afterwards it was republished by the Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society. But though the James thus early in the voyage was obliged to part with her consort, because of her own fast sailing, she did not arrive much in advance of her. The great storm of Aug. 16th, found her at anchor at the Isle of Shoals; but having, in the first part of it, lost all her anchors she was obliged to put to sea again, and after a very perilous contest with the storm, and having all her sails " rent in sunder and split in pieces, as if thej' had been rotten ragges," arrived in Boston harbor the next day. Mr. Mather "was exercised" as he expresses it, at least once every Sabbath, during the voyage, and sometimes at "both ends of the day." The night before the storm, while the James lay at the Isle of Shoals, the Angel Gabriel lay also at anchor at Pemaquid; but probably not in the inner harbor, for if she had been there, even if her anchors could not hold her, she could not have been dashed in pieces, as actually happened. One seaman and three or four of the passengers were lost, and most of the animals and goods. Of the latter a part was recovered in a damaged state. ^ Among the passengers by the Angel Gabriel was Mr. John Cogswell, a London merchant, who afterwards established himself in business at Ipswich. He was accompanied by three sons and several servants ; and brought also many valuable household goods. The following deposition is of interest, as connected with the shipwreck. It is contained in the Massachusetts Archives, vol. XXX, p. 535. A quarrel had arisen among the sons, or other descendants of Cogswell, which found its way into the courts; and this deposition was taken in reference to the trial, and pro- bably was actually used. Another deposition of Wm. Furber, also servant of Cogswell, was taken the same day, and is of the same character. — Mass. Archives vol. xxxix, p. 504. ' Journal of Bichard Mather, above cited, passim. - History of Bristol and Bremen. 81 " The Deposition of William Furber Sen^. aged 60 years or there abouts. This Deponent testifyeth and saith, that in the year of our lord 1635 I the said Deponent did come over in the ship (called the Angell Gabriel) along with Mr. John Cogswell Senr. from Old England, and we were oast ashoare at Peumayquid ; and I doe remember that there was saved several Casks both of Dry Goods and provisions which were marked with Mr. Cogswell Sen^ Marks and that there saved a tent of Mr. Cogswell Sen^. which he had set up at Penmayquid ; and Lived In it (with the goods that he saved in the wracke) and afterwards Blr. Cogswell Removed to Ipswich ; And in november after that ship was cast away I the said Deponent Came to Ipswich and found Mr. Cogswell, Sen''. Living there, and hired myself with him for one year ; I the said Deponent doe well remember that there were severall feather beds and I together with Deacon Haines as ser- vants lay upon one of them, and there were severall dozen of pewter plat- ters, and that there were severall brass pans besides other pieces of pewter and other household goods as Iron worke and others necessary as for house Repairing and have in the house then. I the said Deponent doe further testify that there were two maires and two Cowes brought over in an other ship which were landed safe ashoare and were Kept at misticke till Mr. Cogswell had y™. I doe further testify that my maister, John Cogswell Sen^. had three sons which came over along with us in the ship (called the Angell Gabriell) the Eldest sonnes name were William, and he were about fourteen yeares of age, and the second sonne were called John and he was about twelve yeares of age then, and the third sonne name were Edward which was about six years of age at that time, and further saith not. William Furber Senf came and made oath to all the above written this first of X^". 1676.1 Before me Richard Martyn, Comis"'." A fellow passeuger with Mather on the Angel Gabriel, was Bailey, who came over to this country with the view of settling here, but left his wife in the old country, until he could first make himself a little acquainted with the new country, and provide a suitable place for his family. Though he escaped from the wreck unhurt, his mind was deeply effected by his narrow escape, and he wrote to his wife such a doleful account of the storm and shipwreck, that she never could be persuaded to undertake 1 Hist Oen Reg , xxiii, p. 153. For account of the storm, Chronicles, of Mass., p. 478 ; and 3 Miss. Hist. Coll., v, p. 109 ; Wint/uvp, l, p. 197 ; Thornton, Maine Hist. Coll., Y, p. 317. 11 82 History of Bristol and Bremen. the voyage, even to join her husband. And as he was too timid to risk himself again on the stormy Atlantic, they remained separate the rest of their lives.' It is interesting to remark here that Thacher's island, at Cape Ann, received its name from a circumstance that occurred there in this storm. A small vessel with 23 persons, men, women and children on board sailed from Ipswich for Marblehead, and being overtaken by the storm, was dashed to pieces on the island ; and all on board were lost except a man named Anthony Thacher and wife. These latter had with them their four children, all of whom perished. They afterwards had three other children, from whom, and a nephew of Anthony, who . came over with him, have descended probably all of the name in New England.^ Two circumstances occurred this year (1635) which produced some uneasiness in all the E"ew England colonies : the surrender of the charter of the Plj'mouth Council in England [ante p. 69), and the continued encroachments of the French at the eastward. The latter especially concerned the Pemaquid settlement, as being in their immediate neighborhood. On the division (on paper) of the territory by the council of Plymouth before giving up their charter, the Pemaquid river was made the boundary between two different proprietors ; but as those proprietors never took actual possession, or exercised any other act of ownership, it is not necessary to pursue the subject further. The encroachment of the French at the east especially con- cerned the Pemaquid settlement, but all the English colonies on the coast, even as far west as Connecticut, were not unin- terested spectators. Immediately after the ratification of the treaty of St. Germain, the French agents proceeded to suppress the trading house at Machias, belonging to the Plymouth colony : and a few days before the great storm, a French ship with a commission (as was pretended) from the king of Prance, seized the other Plymouth trading house at Bignyduce, at the mouth of the Penobscott, sending the men away, but appropri- ating the goods to themselves, only giving bills for them. They bade the men to till the plantations, tliat they would come ' CoSin, Hist, of Neiohuri/. '' Chrotiidcs of Mass., -p. 485. History of Bristol and Bremen. 83 within a year with eight ships aud displace them all, as far south as forty degrees of K latitude. Subsequently, the French Captain (D'Aulney de Charnisse) in a letter to the governor of Plymouth, stated that his commission was from Gen. Razilly^ comnaaoder of the fort at La Heve," and that his orders were to displace the English, only as far west as Pemaquid.^* But Plymouth was not disposed to submit to a decision so summary, iu regard to her rights in the east, and made applica- tion to Massachusetts for aid against the French. They sent an armed ship to settle the matter at the Penobscot, but the French having had time to fortify their position, nothing was accomphshed. Further negotiation with Massachusetts was had, and men aud ammunition Avereto be supplied by Massachu- setts, but the crops having been so much injured by the great storm, it was found that sufficient provision for such an expedi- tion could not well be spared. The whole thing therefore failed ; and it is added " nor did they (the Plymouth colonists) find any means afterwards to recover their interest there any more." In this affair the Pemaquid settlers found themselves between two fires, for while the French on one hand, were threatening to displace them as intruders, on the other hand. Gov. Brad- ford of Plymouth complained that they " filled ye Indians with gunes and munishtion to the great danger of ye English," and kept both the French and Indians informed of what was pass- ing among the colonists. Their position was exceedingly criti- cal, but their aftairs seem to have been managed with great skill and moderation ; so that if they did not altogether please the three parties, viz., the English colonies west of them, the French at the east, or the native Indians, iu their midst, they at least gave mortal offense to none. As a natural result they for many years enjoyed a good degree of prosperity, and the population of the place rapidly increased. Gov. Winthrop,^ in 1 Tills name is variously spelled by different writers, as Roselly (Wint.), Eos- sillon (Hub.), and Razilla (Williamson), Charlevoix writes it as in the text. ' This place is in the present Dublin County, Nova Scotia. 3 Huh., 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. v, p. IGl ; Wint., i, p. 198 ; Brad., p. 336. ■' Hist. N. E., I, p. 400. Is it a misprint that Mr. Savage, in his note on page 401, is made to call the 6th day of the week Saturday V Mr, Thornton (Me. Hist. Coll., T. p. 235), copies the mistake. What authority has either Mr. Savage or Mr. Thornton for saying that Gov. Winthrop made the entry in his journal on Sun- day. Rather small criticism- 84 IltsTORY OF Bristol and Bremen. a veiy incidental manner, affords us some evidence of the pros- perity of tlie place, in the month of May 1640. "Joseph Grafton set sail from Salem, the 2d day in the morning, in a ketch of about forty tons, (three men and a boy in her) and ar- rived at Pemaquid(the wind easterly) upon the third (Tuesday) in the morning, and then took in some twenty cows, oxen, &c., with hay and oats for them, and came to an anchor in the bay the 6th day about three afternoon." This was making good despatch, but the voyage could veiy easily be accomplished in the time mentioned, if the vessel was only a moderately good sailor, and the wind was favorable both going and returning. The first cows were brought to Plymouth in 1623, but after this they were brought over in considerable numbers ; but as the natural increase would at first be small, prices were high. In 1636, cows sold in Massachusetts as high as 25 and even 30 pounds a head, and oxen at 40 pounds per pair ; but after this the price was lower. In 1640, cows were worth in Massachusetts only 20 pounds ; — and the next year, 1641, the same cows could be purchased for 4 or 5 pounds.^ This great fall in prices was occasioned by the great diminu- tion in the number of emigrants arriving from the mother country. Not only was there as Hubbard expresses it, " a total - cessation of any passengers coming over," but there was a return tide, many persons returning home on account of the changes taking place there or in prospect. For twenty years begin- ning with the year 1641 the New England colonies lost as many returning home as they received of new immigrants. ^ This is not at all strange. A great change had taken place in the atfairs of the mother country, by the concessions which the king, Charles I, had been compelled to make to his peo- ple. After a long recess, during which the king had undertaken to rule the country without the aid of parliament, this body was again called together. The mass of the people of England, who had been driven almost to despair by the tyranical rule of the king, began to take hope. As a natural consequence, very many who were preparing to escape from the evils they com- plained of, by emigrating to America, now resolved to change their course and remain at home, some who had become resident > Wint, II, p. 37 ; ITuh., 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. v, p. 338. '' Neat's iV. B., i, p. 3t8 ; Williamson's Maine, i, p. 387 ; Holmes's Annals, 1640. History oe Bristol and Bremen. 85 and in the colonies, in the change of circumstances at home, re- turned again to join their friends and rehatives under the old flag. The settlements at Pemaquid and vicinity were probably less aft'ected by their cause than the more decided puritan colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut. There were now many scores of English settlers at Damariscotta, Sheepscott, Arowsic Island, in other places on the Kennebec, and also at the St. George and the Penobscot rivers. Further east were several small but vigorous French establishments. At Pemaquid, and probably at the other settlements, some attention began to be given to agriculture, but the catching and curing of tish was the chief business. Every spring many fishing vessels arrived from Europe, to spend the summer on the coast; and though they brought most of their supplies with them, a ready mar- ket was made for any surplus produce the colonists might have. The natives of the country, though not numerous, mingled freely with the colonists ; no serious difiiculty, so far as we know, having ever occurred between them. Furs abounded in the vicinity, and the trade in these, with the natives, added some- thing to the general business. The winter of 1641-2 was very severe, and navigation on the coast was especially dangerous ; but in the month of January a shallop with eight men started from Piscataqua for Pemaquid. Being overtaken on the voyage by a furious N. W. gale, they were unable to hold the shore and were driven out to sea. After fourteen days of great suffering, they at length arrived at Monhegan, from which four of them, who alone survived, were rescued by some fishermen. ^ It is implied in this statement that there were at this time no residents on the island ; and this harmonizes with the re- mark of Richard Mather, in his journal of his voyage to this country, in 1635, that "the island called Menhiggin" was then without inhabitants.^ We have before seen (p. 70) that the proprietors of the island, Messrs. Aldsworth and Elbridge, of Bristol, England some twelve years before this, had procured their patent of Pemaquid, and taken possession under it ; and it is probable that they very soon directed their agent, Abraham Shurte, to transfer the seat of his operations from the island to the main land, at Pemaquid. ' Wird., II, p. 73 ; Sub., p. 431. ' Ghroii. Mass., p. 470. 86 History oe Bristol and Bremen. The real couditiou of affairs here at this period, iu some re- spects, caDtiot be fully understood without a knowledge of some of the transactions taking place east of them, in the French settlement. N"ew France was the name applied by the French to the territory beginning at the gulf of St. Lawrence, and ex- tending indefinitely westward, but certainly including a part of what is now the state of Maine. The right of France to the territory had been disputed b}' the English, and in 1621, James I made a grant of all this territory, east of the St. Croix river, to Sir Wm. Alexander, under the name of Nova Scotia. This grant was confirmed three years afterwards by Charles I, who had succeeded to the throne of England. Sir William, then, with the approbation of the government, and aided by Sir David Kirk a French protestant, and refugee from his native country, projected a plan for the entire expulsion of the French from New France ; and so energetically did the two enter upon the undertaking that thej^ well nigh succeeded the very first cam- paign. This was in 1627. It was natural that transactions like these should arouse the French to renewed activity to preserve their ascendancy in ISTew France ; and, for this purpose an association was formed, called the Company of New France, to whom the whole territory was ceded, upon condition that the colonies should immediately be strengthened by new emigrants from France. Many other conditions were also stipulated, but they do not concern our" immediate purpose. Great preparations were made by the company to fulfill their contract, and an armament under i?a2j% was about to sail for Nova Scotia, when, by the treaty of St. Germain, in 1632, the whole territory was given up by Charles I, to the king of France. Eazilly was also appointed commander in chief of Acadia by the French government, and in addition received a grant of the riverandbayofSt. Croix. Leaving behind the forces he had col- lected, as not being needed under the new circumstauces, he set sail for Nova Scotia with high hopes. Next east of the St. Croix a large tract was granted to Charles Etienne La Tour, and still farther east, and extending to the St. Lawrence, a grant was made to M. Deuys. Besides his grant on the St. Croix River, La Tour had claims to other large tracts, some of which he inherited from his father, who long resided in this region — indeed he had pur- History of Bristol and Bremen. 87 cliased of Sir Wm. Alexander in 1630 all his right in ISTova Scotia except Port Royal. ' It is hardly necessary to say that he was a man of fortune and influence ; a protestant in reli- gion professedly, but utterly destitute of Christian principle, or any uoble traits of character whatever. Razilly had the chief command ; and it is understood that ho was instructed by the French government to maintain posses- sion of the country as far west as the Kennebec if possible. One of his first acts was to send his lieutenant, M. D'Aulney ^ de Charnisse, to the Penobscot * to seize the trading house established there, as we have just seen. When D'Aulney and his men arrived there the head man of the establishment, as it happened, was absent, but the Frenchman, pretending to have put in there in distress, and earnestly requesting permission to repair damages, succeeded in deceiving those in charge, and so gained easy possession. This was in 1635. So also the suppression of Mr. Allerton's trading house at Machias, the year before (in 1635) was by La Tour, acting under the authority of Razilly, who claimed all the country east of Pemaquid, and threatened to seize any traders who might be found there without being properly authorized. Gen. Razilly died soon after the suppression of the Plymouth trading house at Penobscot, and his lieutenant D'Aulney suc- ceeded him in office. Razilly had his residence at La Heve, but his successor removed to the Penobscot, at the place afterwards made famous as the residence of the Baron de Castine, and now known by his name. From some cause, having no other foun- dation apparently than personal rivalry, a misunderstanding oc- curred between D'Aulney and La Tour which speedily ripened into a disastrous quarrel, and seemed likely at one time to in- volve uot only the small English settlements at the east, but even the Massachusetts colony itself. D'Aulney was a Catholic, and naturally felt that he could con- fide in the French government for aid against his Huguenot rival, but La Tour, at the same time, hoped for sympathy and assistance, if needed, from Massachusetts and the other Protest- 1 Holmes's AnnaU, i,p. 253. ^ This name D'Aunai, D'Aunay, D'Aulnay, and D'Aulney, and sometimes by Enn-lisli ^\Tite^s, Doney. This latter indicates the true pronuijciati(m. Halibur- ton°in his Uista'ry of Nam Scotia writes the name Daubre. ' Ealiburton (vol. I, p. 53), errs in speaking of this trading port as bemg at Pema- quid. 88 History of Bristol and Bremen aut settlements on the coast. Accounts of their dissensions reached France, and the two rivals were enjoined by the king, Louis XIV, to confine their operations each within his own territory. This advice was good but ineffectual in stopping the dissensions ; and mutual complaints and eliminations were per- formed before the king, until at length he found it necessary to take some more decisive steps. He therefore caused an order to be issued to D'Aulney, authorizing him to arrest La Tour, and send him a prisoner to France. This was in February, 1641. The result Avas to intensity the strife. The contest between the parties was at once commenced with vigor, each bringing into action all the force he could command whether of men or ammunitions of war. The French government was too much engaged in its own affairs at home to interfere with forces, and they were left to prosecute the war upon each other like two independent chieftains. In Nov. 1641, La Tour made application to Massachusetts for aid against his rival ; but nothing was done, though the peo- ple of Massachusetts sympathized with him. The agent of La Tour brought with him a letter of introduction from Mr. Shurte of Pemaquid. Another, and more forward and urgent request for aid, the next autumn, was attended with no better result, except that a system of perfect free trade was agreed upon between Massa- chusetts and the adherents of La Tour. Some of the mer- chants of Boston, availing themselves of this agreement, at once sent a small trading schooner to the eastward, which was re- ceived very cordially by the people on the St. Johns, and La Tour their chief. On their return home they called at Pema- quid, and were surprised to find there D'Aulney himself, who very consequentially showed them the authority he had received from the French Government for the arrest of La Tour, and threatened to sieze any Massachusetts vessels that might presume to visit the St. Johns river for purposes of trade.^ lo the spring of the next year D'Aulney was able to raise suificient force to blockade completely the river St. Johns; and in the meantime a ship arrived from Rochelle with 140 emi- grants for La Tour's colony, but being unable to enter the river she set sail for Boston, with La Tour and his wife, who were ' }Yiid., 11, p. 109 ; Hub., p. 479 ; Charlevoix, ii, 15G. History of Bristol and Bremen. 89 able to get on board by passing the blockade in the night. This ship, it would seem, bad been sent out by friends of La Tour in France, and brought several documents from the Vice Admiral of France and others, to La Tour, styling him His Majesty's Lieut. General of Acadia. This seemed to place La Tour at least on an equality with his great rival, as it regards the favor of France.' Many influential citizens of Massachusetts were now much dis- posed to favor La Tour, but the governor and others in authority hesitated; and the subject was discussed pro and con, some- times angrily, through all the English settlements on the coast, from Boston to Pemaquid. Most persons had full confidence in the Protestantism of La Tour, which they would gladly favor, but they did not desire a quarrel with D'Aulney. It was at length, after due consideration, decided that though government, as such, could not extend any aid to him, yet he was at liberty to employ ships, and enlist men into his service, as he pleased. By mortgaging his possessions at St. Johns, he succeeded in procuring four ships imd 142 men as sailors and soldiers, with which he set sail for the Penobscot about midsummer. The attack upon D'Aulney was made with great vigor, and he was obliged to run some of his vessels ashore, but he then made a stand with such determination, and such means of defense, that the commander of the Massachusetts forces declined to prose- cute the enterprise further. The Boston ships returned in due time without loss. Massachusetts, not wishing to provoke the anger of D'Aulney felt it necessary to send him an official note, informing him of what they had done in reference to his rival La Tour, but the messenger did not find him in a very pleasant mood ; still he was not in a condition, as was more than suspected in Massa- chusetts, to manifest openly his displeasure. But he resolved no less vigorously to prosecute his measures for the subjugation of his rival ; and therefore made another application for aid to the French government. To ensure the success of his applica- tion he shortly set sail for the French capital. ' Writers on this, witliout exception, concede tlie genuineness of these docu- ments and those of D'Aulney to arrest La Tour, purporting to have been issued hy authority ; but there is not sufficient reason to question them. Neither D'Aul- ney nor La Tour was too honest to forge such documents, if there \Yas a prospect that they could be used advantageously. 12 90 History of Bristol and Bremen. By this time the trade of Massachusetts with the French at the east was now nearly destroyed; and persons having debts due them in the French settlements thought it necessary to take measures fortheir collection. La Tour,atthetime, stood as debtor on the books of several wealthy men of Boston, and D'Aulney himself held the same relation, at least to Mr. Shurte of Pemaquid. So about midsummer, 1644, Mr. Vines of Saco, Mr. Wannerton of Piscataqua, and Mr. Shurte started with a suitable boat's crew, on a collecting tour to the east. They called first at Penobscot where D'Aulney detained them, as semi-prisoners, several days ; and it was only in consequence of the great personal influence of his creditor, Mr. Shurte, that they were at length released. They then proceeded to St. John's, not without some decided feeling of resentment because of this inexcusable treatment. Thomas "Wannerton had been a man of considerable in- fluence in the colony at Piscataqua, and his name appears with those of Gorges, Mason, and others, as one of the commis- sioners in the Laconia patent. But he was a man of low and grovelling feelings and base passions, and, at least, in the latter part of his life, a miserable drunkard. John Jocelyn' says of him : " Sep. 24, 1639, several of my friends came to bid me farewell, among the rest Capt. Thomas Wannerton, who drank to me a pint of Kill-devil, alias rhum." At a period still ear- lier, in 1635, he had a quarrel with several others, for which he was put under bonds for his good behavior. Hubbard says that he had been a soldier many years, and that by the irregularities of his conduct, he at one time occasioned much trouble in Mason's colony at Piscataqua. Arriving at St. John's, Wannerton was easily pursuaded by La Tour to join with him in an expedition against D'Aul- ney, especially as it was supposed that the forces of the latti.T at that time, were not very considerable, and that he was short of supplies. The number of men in the expedition was about twenty ; and when they arrived at Penobscot, instead of making an attack upon the fort, they went to a farm house six miles distant, where Wannerton, in attempting to enter the house, was shot dead, and one other of his men wounded. There were only three men in the house, one of whom was killed, and the others taken prisoners. They then burned the house and killed ' VoyiKje, p. 36 ; Wint., i, p. 217 ; Hubbard's N. E., p. 484. History of Bristol and Bremen. 91 all the cattle they could find, and retired. Leaving the Penob- scot they set sail, not for St. John's, but for Boston, where La Tour had now gone, and where his wife soon after arrived from Loudon, though not until a few days after her husband had left for his home.^ D'Aulney now greatly incensed by this ill-judged affair, threatened vengeance against the English colonists at the west, and acutually issued commissions for the capture of all vessels of theirs found east of the Penobscot ; but Massachusetts now manifesting a little firmness, and intimating a disposition to call him to account for such acts of aggression he apologized for his haste, and said that he had received commands from his sovereign to hold friendly intercourse with all the English. But the end of this strife was not yet. Later in the autumn of this year, an agent of D'Aulney came to Massachusetts for the double purpose to make known the plenary authority he had received from the French government, for the arrest and confinement of La Tour, and to form such a treaty with the government of Massachusetts as he might be able. Though Massachusetts would by no means allow all the claims and pre- tensions made in behalf of D'Aulney, only four days elapsed before terras were agreed upon by the parties, and a settlement of their dithculties effected, which caused great rejoicing among the scattered settlements on the eastern coast of ITew England. Thus affairs remained during the winter of 1644-5 ; but in the spring D'Aulney, learning that La Tour was absent from his garrison, he prepared an attack upon it, expecting to make an easy conquest. On his way he met with a ITew Eng- land vessel, somewhere on the coast, and in utter disregard of his treaty with Massachusetts, on which the ink was but just dry, made a prize of her, turning the crew ashore on a distant island, without food or comfortable clothing. Arriving at St. John's, he moored his ship before the fort and began a bombard- ment, but Madam La Tour, who had command in her husband's absence, made such spirited resistance that he was obliged to retire, his ship being badly damaged, and twenty of his men killed and thirteen wounded. On his return, a wiser if not a better man, he took aboard the men he had put ashore on the island, who had remained there ten days in great suffering ' Pot character of Wannerton further, see Hist. Oen. Reg., ii, p. 203. 92 History of Bristol and Bremen. and gave them au old shallop to return home in, but without restoring any of their property. The indignation of the government and people of Massachu- setts was justly excited at this pertidious outrage; and a messenger with an energetic remonstrance was at once sent to D'Aulney ; but he was not in a temper to negotiate, and the messenger returned, not however without an assurance that no further acts of aggression should be committed, until time should be had for consultation between the parties. The question what next to do now occupied the minds of the government and people of Massachusetts, and the matter was anxiously, and even angrily, discussed among the magistrates and people. A considerable party were in favor of making a proposition to the haughty chieftain that representatives of the two parties should meet at Pemaquid, and confer together con- cerning their mutual difficulties and complaints ; but, before any conclusion was arrived at, a notice was received from J)'Aulney informing them that he would, in due time, send mes- sengers to Boston for the purpose. But it was not until late in September of the next year (1646), that the promised messengers made their appearance; — hav- succeeded in preventing his rival at St. John's from receiving any supplies from the English colonies, at the west, there was on his part no occasion for haste. But to the colonies it was a gi'evious delay, all their trade at the east being suspended. At the beginning of the negotiation, D'Aulney's representar fives demanded damages of Massachusetts for injuries be had suffered, to the amount of eight thousand pounds, which, how- ever, Massachusetts refused ; but at length it was agreed that the former treaty should be revived, and that Massachusetts should send to D'Aulney, as a present, an elegant sedan, which had been sent by the viceroy of Mexico, as a present to his sister in the West Indies, but had been brought to Boston and presented to the governor, by the captain of a ship sailing from that port. The article was a costly thing of the kind, but, not being suited to the taste of the Bostonians, was little prized by them ; and the result of the negotiation was considered a triumph of di- plomacy on the part of New England. ^ But the time was now drawing near for the termination of this miserable quarrel, which, originating in matters purely per- 1 Hubbard, p. 496 ; Winth., II, p. 853 ; Williamson's Hist, of Maine, i, p. 819. History of Bristol and Bremen, 93 sonal between two as despicable characters as the history of those tiriies has made known to us, at length came to involve in some of its consequences, the whole eastern coast of the continent north of Cape Cod. La Tour, effectually prevented from receiving anything from the English colonies west of him, before the spring of the next year, 1647, found himself short of provisions, and was there- fore obliged to be much from home, cruising from place to place in search of the necessary supplies. Seeing a favorable opportunity thus aflbrded him, in the^ month of April, D'Aulney, with such a force as he was able to raise, suddenly made his appearance at the St. John's, and laid seige to the fort with so much energy that he soon gained possession of it, making Madame La Tour and the whole garrison prisoners, and appro- priating to himself all of La Tour's effects of "every kind, the value of which was not less than ten thousand pounds. Madame La Tour, in the absence of her husband, had com- mand of the fort, and, as on a former similar occasion, de- feuded it with great vigor, killing and wounding many of D'Aulney's men, but the latter, having gained some advantage, offered favorable terms, and she was induced to capitulate, surrendering every thing into the hands of her adversary. But as soon as possession of the fort had been gained, D'Aulney, ntterly disregarding the promises he had made, in accordance with his base nature, put the whole garrison to death, except a single man, and compelled Madame La Tour herself, with a rope around her neck, to be present at the execution. This lady, exhausted by the heroic exertions she had made in defending the fort, and stung to madness by the wrongs and indignities she was made to suffer, died only three weeks after the surrender of the fort ; and her husband, now reduced to poverty, was left a wanderer and an exile. At this time La Tour owed considerable sums to individuals in Massachusetts, to whom much of his property in ISTova Scotia was mortgaged, one man alone, by name of G-ibbons, having a claim of more than £2,500. The prospect of ever collecting their dues was now small. La Tour in despair now made application for aid to his former friend Sir David Kirk of Newfound 'and, but without effect, > Charelvoix's Hist. N. F., ii, p. 196 ; Hub. Hist. N. S., p. 497 ; Hutch. Hist. Mass., 1, p. 137. 94 History op Bristol and Bremen and then turned again to Massachusetts, where he found some men of wealth who still having confidence in his integrity, fur- nished him with a vessel and goods to the value of £400, for a trading excursion among the Indians at the east. Arriving at Cape Sable, he developed his true character as a low scoundrel and hypocrite, by entering into a conspiracy with a part of his crew, who were Frenchmen, to put ashore the others who were English, and take possession of the vessel and cargo as their own. The men, thus put ashore in the depth of winter, in a destitute condition, were, after much suffering, releived by a party of Mickmack Indians, who kindly aided them to return to their homes. La Tour and his confederates, now regular pirates, it is be- lieved, sailed further east to the Hudson's bay; but nothing is known of their doings. D'Aulney died in 1651, and a way was thus opened for La Tour's return to the scene of his former exploits. The ferocious contest, between those two unscrupulous rivals, raged with more or less violence for twelve years, and produced effects not a little detrimental to the settlement at Pemaquid, and all others on the coast. Sometimes enormous wrongs were committed on innocent people, living in the neighborhood of their exploits; and angry menaces' occasionally thrown out, could not but excite the apprehensions of persons living so near as Pemaquid. But the strangest thing connected with this affair remains yet to be mentioned. La Tour, after his return, made love to the widow of his late hated rival, D'Aulney ; and they were actually married, and lived together many years, several children being born to them. All his former possessions in ITova Scotia were now resumed by him, and a singular prosperity marked the latter years of his life; but, it is added, in the history of •the time, that in all his prosperity he did not remember his friends in Massachusetts, vs'ho aided him in the days of his adversity and trial, so much as to pay them the money he owed them. ^ So singular a termination to such a bitter and protracted con- test exceeds the limits of ordinary romance; and one scarcely ' CTiarlewix's Hist. JSf. F., ii, p, 198 ; Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I. p. 127 ; Sulli- van's Hist Maine p. 282. History of Bribtol and Bremen. 95 knows whether it should be contemplated as belonging to the sublime or the ridiculous, to the romantic or the disgusting. Capt. Wannerton who was killed iu an attack upon D'Aul- ney's plantations at Penebscot, was deeply in debt at the time of his death, as has often been the case with fast livers like him- self. His creditors, among whom was Abraham iShurte of Pema- quid, in the settlement of his estate, became involved in a law suit among themselves, which terminated only in 1648. The deci- sion was adverse to Mr. Shurte, some of the other claimants being able to establish their claims as being supeiior to his. CHAPTER Xn. Civil Government at Pemaquid — Silvanus Davis's statement as to tlie population of Pemaquid and vicinity — Progress of the settlements west of the Kennebec — The Piscataqua settlement taken under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts — Inquiry as to the northern boundary of the latter — By actual survey it is found to be in lat, 43° 43' 13" — The line extended east to Clapboard Island — Massa- chusetts extends her j urisdiction east to Saco — Charles II sends Commissioners to investigate the difficulties of the colonies — The territory of Sagadahoc — The Royal Commissioners of Penobscot — Oath of allegiance taken by citizens- County of Cornwall — New Dartmouth — The governments established by the Commissioners soon die out, and the people look to Massachusetts. The settlement at Pemaquid, for- the first half century of its history, may be said to have been almost literally without civil government. Abraham Shurte, as agent of the proprietors of the Pemaquid patent, for a time performed important magis- terial functions here, but his iufluence seems to have been of a moral rather than governmental character. The same also may be said of Thomas Elbridge, during his sojourn in the country, though he was then sole proprietor of the patent. By general consent, a limited authority was considered as belonging to them, simplv because of their relation to the patent. Williamson remarks of this patent, " that it is a charter as well as a patent; " and its language seems plainly to authorize the establishing of a regular civil government over the territory conveyed byitj but the proprietors never undertook to exer- 96 History of Bristol and Bremen. cise such a power, whatever may have been their opinions of the proper interpretation of the language used in it.^ It is indeed said of Thomas Elbridge, wlien he came to reside in the place, being then sole owner of the patent, that he " called a court," here, to which divers fishermen repaired, paying a cer- tain acknowledgement for the right to continue their fishing. This indicates that his chief object was the collection of money. What his success was, we do not know ; but as he was willing in a very few years, to dispose of the patent, and all his right under it, for a very moderate compensation, the probability is that his collections were not large. Probably he came to this country about 1647, and in 1651, he disposed of one half of the patent, and the remaining half only six years later. After the sale of the patent by Elbridge, until the time Massa- chusetts assumed jurisdiction in 1674, the people seem to have been without form or pretence of civil government of any kind, except such as they may have organized for themselves. As may readily be supposed, in an isolated community as this then was, and on the very " outskirts of civilization," made up largely of desperate adventurers from Europe, poor fishermen, many of whom spent only their summers in the place, or on the coast; and not a few miscellaneous characters, and transient visitors, both from the mother country and from the other ISTew England colonies, the moral and religious condition of the place was not elevated. !N"ot until several years later than this do we hear of any attempts for the cultivation of religion. Elbridge was an Episcopalian, or, at least, sympathized with the national church of his country, but he did nothing for the introduction of the church into the settlement. Many of the permanent residents in the place, in all probability, were in sympathy with the Puritan^ colonies of Plymouth and Massa- chusetts, but we do not learn that religious service was by them regularly established here, until at least a century after the first settlement of the place. We shall see hereafter that chaplains, in several instances, accompanied the troops that were stationed at the fort, and religious services were occasionally held by ministers ' Sullivan {Hist, of JIaiiie, p. 160), says the " patent contained no power of civil government." ^ Tliougli the people of the Plymouth colony were not technically Puritans, as were those of Massachusetts, still, as regards the English government, they all thoroughly sympathized together. History of Bristol and Bremen. 97 accidentally in the place, to which the people resorted from con- siderable distances, often coming on the sabbath from the neigh- boring islands, which, at a very early period, even contained a greater population than they now do. At this period (1640-1650) the settlement, at first limited to the two banks of the Pemaquid river, from the harbor to the falls above, had become much more extended, but we cannot now determine with any accuracy the number of permanent resi- dents. Sullivan,^ on the authority of Capt. Sylvanus Davis, says that in 1630 there were ""eighty-four families, besides fishermen, about Pemaquid, and St. Gorges and Sheepscott river," but the statement of Davis, still on file in the secretary's office in Boston, scarcely justifies the assertion. The statement is as follows: " March, 1701. " Capt. Sylvanus Davis, gives this account of the several Eng- lish settlements, that he hath known to be formerly, at the east- ward of Kennebec or Sagadahock, along the sea-coast to Men- tinicus. Sundry English fishing places, some 70 and some 40 years since. At Sagadahock many families and 10 boats and sometimes more. At Cape ITewagen many families and 15 boats. At Hippocras Island, 2 At Damariscove, 15 At Two Bacon Gutt, "I ggj^ermen At Holmes Island, J At Pemaquid, 5 At New Harbor, 6 At Monhegan, near 20 At St. Gorges fishers, At Mentinicus Island, 20 Fishing vessels Earmers JSastward. At and near Sagadahock, 20 At E. side of Sagadahock to Merry meeting, 31 From Cape Newagen to Pemaquid, At Pemaquid, At New Harbor, At St. Gorges, W. side, M. Foxwell, At Saquid Point, 60 years agone. On the E. side of Quisquamego, Philip Swadeu 50 years ago, besides fishermen 60 or 70 years, 84 } 15 15 10 1 1 Farmers. St. George 84 Families. Hist, of Maine, 167-391. 13 98 History op Bristol and Bremen. Within Land. Between Kennebec and Georges Rivers, 12 At Sheepscott town, besides farms, 50 Between Sheepscot and Damariscotta River, 10 At Damariscotta, 7 or 8 Between Damariscotta, Misconcus "I -,cy and Pemaquid and Round Poi 91 Families/ Though the statement of Davis fails to frove that as many as eighty-four families had settled at Pemaquid and vicinity as early as 1630, it is of importance as indicatiiig something of the populousness of these places, at a later period, when the Indian wars began. Davis had been a resident of Damariscotta or vicinity where in 1659 he purchased lands of the Indians, but subsequently removed to Arrowsic island in the Kennebec, and acted as agent of Clark and Lake, who claimed large tracts of land in that re- gion. In the attack on that place by the Indians, Aug. 14th, 1676, he was badly wounded, but finally made his escape. Afterwards he resided at Falmouth, where he was highly es- teemed. In 1690, he was in command of Fort Loyal at Fal- mouth, when it was besieged and captured by the French and Indians. Taken a prisoner to Canada, he was detained there several months ; but subsequently returned and settled in Bos- ton. In the charter of Massachusetts, granted by William and Mary, in 1692, he was named as one of the council.^ He died in 1703. For a full half century after the settlement began, the native Indians seem to have given them no trouble whatever; and the houses of the settlers were considerably scattered, at Pemaquid Harbor, New Harbor, Round Pond, Muscongusand Broad Cove, and on the Damariscotta river north as far as the bridge. On the west side of the Damariscotta aiso, there were scattered houses besides the settlement on the Sheepscott, which was particularly flourishing. But the Indians, though friendly, were in full sympathy with the French, at the cast, whose nearest settlement was at the mouth of the Penobscot, now Castine. ' Council Files, State House, Boston. ■' S J.';■^'^;. im. Coll, I, p. 101 ; Williamson's Hist, of Maine, I, 671 ; Eiat. of Port- land, p. 284, 2d ed. History of Bristol and Bremen. 99 West of the Kenuebec, the settlements increased with more rapidit}' than in this vicinity, bat they were Icept, almost with- out cessation, in a state of uncertainty and discontent by the quarrels of those claiming to be proprietors of the soil. These quarrels, though taking place at a distance, were not without their inj urious effect upon the Pemaquid, as well as other neighboring settlements; but the matter can only be alluded to here. They originated chiefly from the indeiinite, aud often conflicting charters, granted to different parties, by the crown, or by the council of Plymouth, neither apparently having much regard to the doings of the other. Thus their difficulties were for some time increased not a little by the political troubles in England. Charles I can hardly be said to have had any par- ticular colonial policy ; but whatever was his mode of treating his American colonies, it could not but be changed on the accession to power of the protector, Oliver Cromwell ; and another momentous change was equally inevitable on the re- storation of Charles, II in 1660. The founders of these settlements, as well as the settlers themselves were, most of them, warmly attached to the esta- blished church, and, as a matter of course, adopted the forms of the Episcopal church, in their religious worship. This excited no little antipathy against them among the Puritans of Massachusetts, in which feeling the colonies of Plymouth and the two colonies in Connecticut largely participated. There- fore, when, in 1643, the confederacy was formed by the four colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, Maine was not invited to join them. The small colony established on the banks of the Piscataqua, in 1623, maintained a separate existence for a time, but at length became so much distracted, chiefly by their own internal dis- sensions, that they felt obhged to look abroad for aid. Their reho-ious sympathies were favorable to the Enghsh church, but the distractions in England, at this time, precluded any hope, they might otherwise have indulged, of receiving the royal attention. In this extremity, therefore, the more considerate of the people thought it their best course to seek a more intimate alliance with Massachusetts; —and thus began the series of measures, which eventually resulted in the annexation, not only of the Pemaquid settlement, but of the whole state (or district) of Maine, to Massachusetts. 100 History of Bristol and Bremen, Fortunately, just at this time, Massachusetts was more than williug to lend a listeuing ear to the proposition. For several years prior to this the question of her proper northern boundary, according to her charter, had been much discussed. Accord- ing to this instrument, their north line was to be "three miles to the northward of the Merrimack river and any and every branch thereof; " but no actual survey of the line had ever been made. As soon as attention was drawn to the subject, it was seen, that, wherever the line should fall, by the plain language of their charter not only the Piscataqua settlements, but also those farther east, within the present state of Maine, would be brought within the territorial limits of Massachusetts. Gladly therefore did the Massachusetts people listen to the proposals of the Piscataqua settlements for a political union, which was formally ratified June 14th, 1641.^ But it was ten years after this before the proposed survey was actually made. The survey, in itself, was a very innocent transac- tion ; but for the colonial government to extend its jurisdiction over all the territory which they proposed to grasp, could not fail to provoke violent opposition at home, and might call down upon them the indignant frowns of the English government. The watchful leaders of the Massachusetts Bay colony knew how to choose their time. Charles I had perished upon the scaffold ; and under theParliament, or under Cromwell, the peo- ple of Massachusetts could take hope. In 1651 the matter was brought before the general court, and it was determined, that, to fix the northern boundary of the colony, a point three miles north of the Merrimack must first be found, through which a due east and west line being drawn would constitute the bound- ary in question. Commissioners were at once appointed to make the survey, who after employing the best scientific talent in the country to assist them, proceeded with the work. August 1st, 1652, they made their report, in which they decided that " the head of the MeiTimack, where it issues out of the lake, is in latitude 43° 40' 12" ; and of course the boundary line would be three miles further north, or in latitude 43° 43' 12". " This line traced eastward, it was found, would strike the coast at Clapboard island ' The connection continued until 1680, wlien the colony of New Hampshire received a separate charter from the crown. HiSTORT OP Bristol and Bremen. 101 [in Casco Bay] about three miles eastward of Cascopeniusula." jtSTothing was said of territory farther east. By this movement of Massachusetts, great excitement and much disquietness was produced among the people living on the territory in question, many of whom probably, both in poli- tics and religion, sympathized with the Puritans of Massachusetts ; but a majority were of the opposite party, and abhorred any connection with their neighbors west of them. Even before the actual movement for the determination of the line, an earnest remonstrance against any such plan as Massachusetts had in view, and a petition for protection against such a catastrophe, was sent to the English government, which however had now fallen into the hands of Cromwell ; and the eftbrt was without avail. Massachusetts having now settled her northern boundary to her own satisfaction, immediately took measures to conciliate her new subjects by sending commissioners among them to ex- plain more fully their real intention, and give to them positive assurances of the most perfect protection in the enjoyment of all their rights. Massachusetts only proposed to take them under her jurisdiction and protection, to become a part of her own people, with the same rights, privileges and responsibilities. These commissioners, while they pressed earnestly the claims of Massachusetts, were careful to do it with the utmost kindness, and not without effect. The time for this movement had been judiciously chosen ; all the circumstances, both in the mother country, and in the colonies were favorable. Many of those who by the proposed movement were to be brought under the jurisdiction of Massa- chusetts, were still furiously opposed to the measure, but they were powerless. The commissioners, proceeded in their work with great firmness and decision, but at the same time, with equal forbearance and kindness, until at length the opposition entirely broke down. The jurisdiction of Massachusetts being thus extended over the Piscataqua settlement, the commissioners next addressed themselves to the Province of Maine, which then included only that part of the present state of Maine west of the Kennebec river. They first presented the subject to the authorities of the Province, who still held their offices under their charter from the crown ; but finding it impossible to produce any efiect in this direction, they ignored the rulers and turned to the peo- 102 History of Bristol and Bremen, pie. Visiting all the principal settlements in the province, they addressed themselves directly to the citizens, persuading them individually to make their submission to Massachusetts, and take the oath of allegiance. In this they succeeded even beyond their own expectations; and soon they were in a condition to organize local governments, and appoint the necessary local oflicers. This was a movement worthy of Young America of the present day, and as a neces- sary result the officers who had been acting under the royal char- ter, to their great mortification, found " their occupation gone." Thus in the summer of 1653, the jurisdition of Massachusetts was extended as far east as Saco ; but five or six years more were required before it could be extended so as to include Falmouth, now Portland. This was at length accomplished by the spontaneous movements of the people of Scarboro and Fal- mouth themselves. Deeming it for their own interest, the peo- ple of these places, in 1658, quietly elected a deputy to the Massachusetts general court, who was allowed to take his seat without opposition. But all this time there were individuals who utterly refused submission, and by their opposition produced much disquiet among certain classes of the people. Among these were the Rev. Robert Jordan, Henry Jocelyn, and Richard Bonython, [Bonighton] who were men of characterand influence. It was not until some of them had been arrested, and removed to Boston for trial, tha.t they were brought to see the futility of their course. Of course it was only because of the revolution in England that this marvellous success of Massachusetts, in these move- ments, was possible. But the time was at hand, when, on the restoration of Charles II, their skill and firmness were to be severely tested. This event occurred in 1660; and among the many things pertaining to his government, that wore at once brought before him, while there were some which more immediately concerned the stability of his throne, there were few that occasioned more perplexity than the management of his American, and especially his iSTew England, colonies. Finding it difficult to understand clearly the full import and bearing of the many conflicting questions and interests presented before him, he resolved to send commissioners to this country, to examine the condition History of Bristol and Bremen. 103 of aifairs, and make report to himself. Indeed he went much farther than this, and gave them power to " examine and deter- mine all complaints and appeals in all contests and matters, as well military as criminall and civill, and to proceed in all things, provideing for and settling the peace and security of the said country, according to their good and sound discretion, and to such instructions as they or the survivors of them shall from tyme to tyme receive from us in that behalfe, and from tyme to tyme as they shall find expedient to certify to us, or our privy councill of their acts and proceedings." ^ For commissioners he named Coll. Robert Mcholls, Sir Eobert Carr, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick. The last mentioned, Samuel Maverick, had been many years in the country, and had his residence on l^oddle's island, now East Boston These proceedings greatly disgusted the people of Massa- chusetts, but they were too wise to make any open opposition. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the proprietor of the province of Maine, (that part of the present state west of the Kennebuuk) also became alarmed for his proprietary interest, and sent over an agent John Archdale, to attend to his aifairs. He visited all the set- tlements, asserted in a formal manner the claims of his princi- pal, and even undertook to appoint civil ofhcers, as authorized, by the charter. But his eftbrts were unavailing, except to pre- pare the way for a sale of the patent or charter to Massa- chusetts, as was afterwards effected. The royal commissioners in due time made their appearance in Boston ; and after attending to their business in Massachu- setts, and at Piscataqua, proceeded east as far as York, where, in the language of that day, they again "held a court." June 23d, 1665, they issued a formal proclamation, annulling (on paper) the authority both of the Gorges government and that of Massachusetts, in the then province of Maine, at the same time, in the king's name undertaking to establish a kmd of government of their own. Proceeding eastward, they "held court" in several other places, in each going through the same forms, by which they claimed that the several municipal gov- ernments of these places were annulled, and others substituted in their stead. Sept. 5th, they arrived at Sheepscott, and " opened court" as usual at the house of John Mason, and called upon ' Hutch. Hist., II, p. 460 ; Doc. Col. Hist, N. T., in, p. 64. 104 History of Bristol and Bremen. the inhabitants to come forward and swear allegiance to their royal master, the king of England. It is necessary to remark here, that the year before this (March • 10, 1664), Charles II, wishing to do a favor to his brother James, duke of York, by royal charter had made a grant to him of the territories of N'ew York and Sagadahoc, the latter being defined as "all that part of the Main land of New England, beginning at a certain place called and known by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to !N"ew Scotland [Nova Scotia] in North America, and from thence extending along the sea-coast into a place called Petuaquine or Pemaquid, and so on up the river thereof to the farthest head of the same as it trendeth northwards and extending from thence to the river Kinebequi, and so upwards by the shortest course to the river of Canada." ^ The commissioners supposed themselves in these transactions to be within the limits of the duke's patent, but plainly they were not, as a careful examination of the language of the above extract will show. As we have heretofore seen, there had been here, before this, scarcely the pretence of a civil government; and the way was therefore comparatively easy for the commissioners to execute their office and authority. Proclamation being made for the citizens to appear, and make their submission to his majesty's government, the following twenty-nine persons answered to the call, and took the prescribed oath. Of Pemaquid and WinneganceJ Henry Chamness, George Buckland, Edmund Arrowsmith, M. Thomas Albridge, [Elbridge.] Thomas Gardiner, Of Shipscot. John Mason, John Taylor, Thomas Mercer, John White, Walter Philips,^ William Markes, Nathaniel Draper, Eobert Scott, Christopher Dyer, Andrew Stalger, William Dole, Moses Pike, William James, Thomas Gent. 1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 6 ; Williamson's Ilist. Maine, l, p. 407. = This was the name of a small settlement on the Sheepscott somewhere near its mouth. ^ See nest page. History of Bristol and Bremen. 105 Of Sagadahoch. Eichard Hamons [Hammond.] John White, Thomas Parker, Markes Parsons, Robert Morgan, John Miller, Thomas Watkins, William Friswell. Of Arrowsick, Nicholas Eaynal.^ The territory of Sagadahock they erected into a country which thejr called Cornwall, and gave to the Sheepscott plantation the name of Dartmouth or New Dartmouth. The ofBcers then ap- pointed were Walter Phillips^ of Damariscotia, clerk and recorder, Nicholas Raynal of Sagadahock, Thomas Gardiner of Pemaquid, and TFm. Dyer of Dartmouth, justice of the peace, and Richard Demons, constable. They even pretended to establish a kind of church govern- ment, but nothing ever came of it. Having thus arranged the political affairs of Sagadahock or New Dartmouth to their satisfaction, the royal commissioners were prepared to return again to Massachusetts, where they found the spirit of the government and people not all together submissive to their authority. Of their doings in this last place of their visitation William- son' very justly says, " short sighted statesmen, unacquainted with the genius of the people, their necessities, and the political remedies needed, they formed no regular system of government ; their whole management giving full proof of their inadaquacy to the magnitude of the trust to which they had been commis- sioned." Though they were received kindly by the people here, they were evidently in a mood not to see things favorably, as their oiiicial representations of the condition of the people plainly shows. They say " the places beyond Sagadahock [river] were o-iven to His Royal Highness by his Ma"°. yet as Col. Wi- colls*' desired, who could not attend to go himself, we have appointed some to govern them for the present, as there was ■ 8ul. Hist. Maine, 287 ; Williamson's Hist. Maine, i, 431. ' '■ Walter Philips of Damariscotta," appointed " clerk and recorder," began his took of records, at this time the title of which has been preserved, but the book itself long since disappeared. Williamson's Hist. Maine, i, 420. 'Hist. Maine, i., 432, 433. ■> Col. Nichols [NicoUs, NichoDs] was in New York at this time ; he did not ac- company the other commiseioners into Maine. u 106 History op Bristol and Bremen. great need. Upon 3 rivers, east of [the] Kennebec, [the] Ship- scot [Damariscotta], and Pemaquid — there are 3 plantations, [but] the greater hath not more over 20 houses, and they are inhabited by the worst of men. They have had hitherto noe government and are made up of such as to avoid paying of debts and being punished have iied hither; for the most part they are fishermen, and share in their rivers as they do in their boats." ' Their account of the country was more favorable, for, however much they disliked the people, they looked with admiration upon the immense stores of timber the country afforded, and the wild game and the wild fruits that abounded. The commissioners were recalled in 1666 ; and in a little time all traces of theirdoings "were obliterated" except a "fewmonu- mental evils." England was now at war both with Holland and France, and little attention from her could be expected by the colonies. This war terminated the next year, in a way deeply interesting to the New England colonies, by the cession of ISTova Scotia to France and of the Dutch colony on the Hudson to England. In 1668, the governments established by the commissioners had nearly died out. In fact they never " possessed within them- selves any permanent principle or power to give-sanction to their authority," " the officers received no support or encouragement from England," "the laws were feebly administered, and the public affairs fell into confusion." The people were therefore compelled to take action in the matter; and considering the miserable result of the doings of the royal commissioners, it was natural that tliey should look to the stable government of Mas- sachusetts Bay, which had recently shown more than ordinary firmness and skill in themanagementoftheirownpolitical affairs. ' Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., Ill, 101. A discrepancy appears here that needs expla- nation. This report of the royal commissioners to the English secretary of state is dated Boston, July 20, 1GG5, and yet the time of their " holding court " at the house of John Mason, at Sheepscott, is said to have boen Sept. 5, of the same year. History of Bristol and Bremen. 107 CHAPTER XIH. Massacliusetta, on application, sends commissioners to tlie eastern settlements — Fierce war between the Mohawks and the New England Indians — Acadia ceded to France ; and the latter takes possession of the country as far west aa the Penobscot, but asserts a claim to the territory quite to the Kennebec — Massachusetts orders a new survey of her northern boundary line with a view of extending her jurisdiction over the eastern settlements — The people petition to be taken under her protection — Action of the general court — Commissioners appointed by the general court " hold a court" at Pemaquid — Organization of the county of Devon or Devonshire, and civil and military officers ai)pointed — The Indian war, called King Philip's war, begun in Massachusetts, extends to the eastern colonies — The people of Pemaquid still hope to preserve the peace and make commendable efforts for the purpose — John Earthy. The indications of the popular sentiment in those eastern settlements were favorably received by the government and peo- ple of Massachusetts ; and the matter was early (May, 1668), brought before the general court, by whom it was decided that four commissioners ^ should be sent to York, and open the court there, which was to be held the first Tuesday of July, of course in the name and by the authority of Massachusetts. Proclama- tion to this eflectwas made at once; and, on the day appointed, the commissioners repaired to the meeting house where the court was to be held, and proceeded with their business, though not without some rather sharp altercation with the opposite party. It was plain, however, that the feelings of the people were very generally in favor of the Massachusetts commissioners, who soon found themselves firmly established in the authority they claimed. Thus was the jurisdiction of Massachusetts fully established over the western part of the present state of Maine, never again to be interrupted until the organization of the present state government. Several circumstances that occurred about this time tended to produce much uneasiness in New England, and especially in the eastern settlements. A great war between the Mohawks on the Hudson and the New England Indians began about the year 1663, and continued full six years, terminating in 1669 by a great battle, in which the New England Indians were defeated and 'The commissioners were Major General /o/j;i Leverett, Mr. Edward Tyng ; assistants, Mr. Richard Waldron and Major Bohert Pike. 108 History of Bristol and Bremen, obliged to retreat. Even the Tarratines, living on the Penob- scot and further east, it is said, were engaged in the war, and on their retreat were pursued by the outraged Mohawks quite to their homes.^ Before the time of this war no serious diffi- culty had occurred between the English and the natives, but, immediately afterwards, a growing uneasiness and disquiet made itself visible among the latter, and among the former a greatly increased distrust of their savage neighbors. The war declared by Erance against England in 1666, (already referred to) was terminated by the treaty of Breda, July 31, 1667, by which, or rather, by a subsequent article, all Acadia was ceded to Erance. ISTo boundaries of this indefinite country, Acadia, were given in the treaty, but several places in JSTova Sco- tia were specifically named, and also Pentagoet, the French name for Penobscott. The agents of the Erench government immediately took possession of the country, erecting forts in several places, and extending their jurisdiction westward, un- disputed, quite to the Penobscot, but claiming the country as far west as the Kennebec.^ This claim, if allowed, would bring the Pemaquid and neigh- boring settlements within the jurisdiction of Erance; and not only the residents of Pemac[uid, but the people and government of Massachusetts were obliged to consider the condition of things with some concern. The matter was brought before the general court at its session in May, 1671 ; and, after much de- liberation, it was decided to extend the line constituting their northern boundary, as already determined, further east, as it was claimed the charter authorized. As their agent for this purpose they appointed Mr. Thomas Clark, of the firm Clark & Lake, of Boston, who claimed a large tract of land on the coast, between the Kennebec and Sheepscott rivers. Clark em- ployed as surveyor, George Munjoy of Ealmouth, who was a celebrated surveyor of the time. His report, made in 1672, was as follows : "From Clapboard Island, tlie place Mr. Jonas Clarke and Mr. Samue Andrews observation, due east takes in about one "mile and three quarters aboue New Damerells Cove, and along a little above Capt. Paddisballs house in Kinnebeoke, w"' Capenawagen, Damerells Cove, Monbagen, Munstinious and Munteuock, w'l' some part of Pemaquid, most of St. Geor- ' Williamson's Hist. Maine, i, 44C ; Mass. Hist. Coll., i, 1G6. - Williamson's Hist. Maine, i, 441. History of Bristol and Bremen. 109 ges Island, and so runneth out into the sea, no more land east untill wee come to Cape Sables ; this I have observed by a lardge quadrant, w''^ the approbation of Mr. Wisewall who is well skilled in the mathematics, and into my best skill and judgment due east from the aboue sajd island. If the honorable Court were pleased to goe twenty minnitts more northerly in Merrimack River it would take in all the inhabitants and places east along, and they seem to desire it. Falmouth, 9th, 2 mo., 1672. George Munjoy.i" Mr. Munjoy's remarkable suggestion to the Massachusetts authorities, that if " they were pleased to go twenty minutes more northerly in the Merrimac river it would take in all the territory they desired, is excellent in its way ; and Williamson^ says " in bis (Munjoy's) search he found, as he believed, the northernmost source of the Merrimack to be about two leagues farther north, than had been determined by the preceding surveyors." Adding this to the latitude as previously deter- mined (43° 43' 12") and we have for the latitude of the north boundary line of Massachusetts Bay colony 43° 49' 12". "A line from this point, stretched due east would cross the Sagada- hock near where Bath now is, and terminate at White Head island in the bay of Penobscot." This, if the determination of the latitude had been correct, would have brought the " princi- pal part" of the Pemaquid settlement within the limits of the Massachusetta Bay patent. The feelings of the people of Pemaquid and vicinity towards this movement of Massachusetts at this time is apparent from the following petition. " To the Honor'd G-overnor, Deputy Governour, Majestrates, & Deptu- ties Assembled in the General Court now sitting in Boston this 18th day of May, 1672. The petition of * * * several of the Inhabitants of the Eastern parts of New England, viz. Kenebeok, Cape Bonawagon, Damares Cove, Shipscoate, Pemaquid, and Monhegan. ' Mass. Coll. Ree., iv., Part ii, p. 519 ; Williamson's Hist. Maine, i, p. 442 ; Hist. Portland, p. 186, 20d ed. ^ Hist. Maine, i, p. 443. By the maps of the coast survey it appears that the true parallel of 43° 49' 32" falls a little south of the southern extremity of Pema- quid point, so that all their eff(jrts to bring the settlement within the j uriadiction of Massachusetts would have availed nothing if an accurate determination of the latitude had been made. 110 History op Bristol and Bremen. Humbly Sheweth that whereas the Providence of God hath stated our habitations into these parts wherein some times past we have had some kind of Government settled amongst us; but /or these Several years have not had any at all which is greatly to our Prejudice and damage having no way to Right oitrselves upon any Account tvhatsoever and have little hopes of obtaining any to be helpfull to us for the good of our Soles unless we have Government settled amongst us; The Bumble Request therefore of your Petitioners is that you will please so farr to favour us as to take us under your Government and protection that we may all have the Benefit of all those Laws settled among yourselves granted unto us which if this Honourable Court shall accept of & granted to us we have desired our loveing friend Mr. Eiehard Collacot to advise with this honoured Court or committee w'' they shall appoint for that purpose, & so to ad in our behalf what shall be Judged meet or convenient for us whereby your Petitioners shall be ever Engaged to pray &c." This petition was signed by twenty-five names from " Kennebeck," six teen from " Cape Bonawagen" [Capenawageu] and the following from the places named. Pemaquid. Tho«. Gardner, Jer. Hodsden, Jno. Cole, Jno. Hinks, Alex. Gold, Jno. Browne, Wm Phillips, Thos. Harrison, Tho. Eibridge, Walter Phillips, Jno. Taylor, Sheepscoate. Wm. Dyer, Nath'. Draper, Thos. Dwinthine, Thos. Morrer, Wm. Cole, Sam. Coxbinson, John Whyte, Wm. Collecott, Christ". Dyer, Jno. Dyer, Wm. James, Damaris Cove. Richard Honywell, Jon^. Allen, Boger Seaward, Jno. Wrieford. Elias Trick, Jno. Bedwell, Robi. Parker, Emanuel Whiteham, Leonard Alber, William Lee, Sym". Lewsombe, Nioh". Oyand, Rich. 1^1. History of Bristol and Bremen. 137 English governor, Col. Richard Nicolls, one of the royal com- missiouers jnst alluded to. From that time ITew York became a British province, and was ruled at tirstby governors appointed by the Duke of York, but afterwards by the crown. But, excepting what was done by the royal commissioners in 1665, as already described, the duke seems to have utterly neg- lected his territory of Sagadahoc, for quite a number of years. No communications, so far as we know, passed between him and the people of the province, who were left to take care of them- selves, as they might be able. At length the long silence was broken by Lovelace, then governor of ]N"ew York, by sending the following letter " to y" inhabitants of Pemaquid." " Gents, It might seem strange to you that in soe long distance of time those parts under his Royal Highness Patronage and Protection, of which you are Memh''^ and Inhabitants have not been assumed in any particular care and Goverment, as Substitute to his Royal Highness, by whose Grace and Indulgence I am (under him), appointed Governor of all his Terri- toryes in America ; And truly I migth justly have fallen under yo^ Cen. . sure of Remissness, were notlallwayes in Espectacon that Affayers would have been perfected by my worthy Predecessor Coll : Nioholls, to whom the sole managery of that Busyness was committed; neither could I ever doubt of the perfecting of it, had it not been interrupted by an Active and furious warr, in w='' Expedition hee most sadly, (yet as bravely) laid down his Life at his Masters ffeet ; i All expectations from him being now wholly extinct, It is a Duty incumbent on mee to erect a superstruction on that ffoundation, which hee in his Lifetime worthily arrived at ; To which end I shall desire you, ffirst to give mee a true state of yo>- Affayres, as they now stand ; next that you would transmitt to me a modell of such a Govermen' as shall bee most conducing to the Happyness of that Colony, both to its safety, Traffick, and Increase of Inhabitants, promising upon the reception of that Scheme, not only to Invest you W" ample power to Exercise yo^ Authority both to Eclesiastiok as Civill Affayres, but will bee ready on all Occasions to bee assisting to you in the Preservation of all yo' Rights and Interest against any sinister obstructions ; Thus desiring to heare from you by the first Opportunity, I heartily recommend you to the Allmighty's Protection, and remain Yo^ very Affectionate ffriend, Fran : Lovelace 2 Fort James on ye Island Manhatans in N. Yorke, ffeb. 16th 1671. ' Coll. Nicolls, still In the service of the Duke of York, was killed in a naval en- gagement witli the Dutcli only a few months before the date of this letter, "jUe. Hist. GoU., v, p. 0. 18 138 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. A copy of this letter is preserved in the state archives in Albany, but whether the original ever reached " y" inhabitants of Pemaquid" cannot now be known. If the letter was actually sent to Pemaquid, being addressed to the people generally, and not to any particular ofEcer or person, probably no specific reply or direct result was expected ; but it served the purpose of a notice to the parties, that, notwithstanding the present neglect, the duke's claim was still to be maintained. It is true the letter very kindly ^suggests to the people, that the governor would be pleased to confer with them as to the form of government that would be agreeable to them, and in fact breathes a very liberal spirit; bui considering the circumstances of the people, at the time, nothing more could have been ex- pected by intelligent men, from such a proclamation, than to make a favorable exhibition of the duke's government before the people. In fact, it would have been excellent policy at this time, for the duke's government to use all possible means to conciliate the people, in this part of his dominions. We have seen how steadily all the eastern settlements, for years before this, gravi- tated towards Massachusetts, and the reason is perfectly plain ; Massachusetts was so wise as to make it for their interest to do so. Very many of the people of the Piscataqua settlement, and of the provinces of Maine and Lygonia, who where at first not a little prejudiced against the government of Massachusetts Bay, afterwards, gradually changed their views, and were ready, on invitation, to unite their destinies, for good or evil, with those of their western neighbors. Had the duke's government ma- naged its aflairs as wisely, as did the government of Massa- chusetts, very probably, a different and more favorable result would have been obtained. Since the Duke of York had accepted the proprietory go- vernment of the territory of Sagadahoc, nearly nine years had elapsed, at the date of this letter, but this, so far as we can learn, was the first act of his representatives, in this country, acknow- ledging any claim of the people upon his fostering care and pro- tection. First, Mcolls, and then Lovelace came over to New York, as governors under the duke, but the territory of Saga- dahoc was too insignificant to receive their attention. Sir Ed- mnnd Andros succeeded Lovelace, as ducal governor, in 1674 ; but his course, in regard to these eastern possessions of the duke, History op Bristol and Bremen. 139 was the same as that of his predecessors. Even the extremely perilous couditioa of the defenseless iuhahitants, at the begin- ning of the IndiaQ war in 1675, called forth no efibrt for their protection ; but at length, after the destruction of the settle- ments, the following action was taken : " At a Councell Sept. 8, 1676, Present the governo'", Capt. Brockhols, the Secretary, Capt. Dyre." " Resolved to send a sloope to Pisoataway, Salem and Boston, to invite and bring as many of the Inhabitants particularly iSsherman, as will coma driven from the Dukes Territoryes, and parts Eastward, and to supply them with Land in any part of the Government they shall ohuse."i This was, of course, at the governor's residence in New York. The sloop was actually sent, as here indicated, but the peo- ple of Massachusetts did not favor the project ; and she returned without success. The General Court of Massachusetts began its session in Boston, Oct. 11th, following, and the very next day took occasion to denounce the project of the governor of New York, considering it a mean attempt to take away from them a portion of their population, whom they could not afford to lose. They also determined to protect the eastern settlements against both the French and the Indians, and made provision for sending at once, a force of one hundred and fifty men to the eastward, for this purpose.^ Governor Andros was a Roman Catholic, as was also his mas- ter, the Duke of York, at least at heart; and, very naturally, all their movements were watched by the Puritan colonists with suspicion and distrust. This feeling was constantly showiug itself on the most unimportant occasions. We have seen, that, immediately after the destruction of Pemaquid and the neigh- boring settlements, the Indians captured many fishing vessels, then called ketches, some of which they retained, though unable to navigate them. Some of those first captured soon came into th*e custody of Andros, and petitions were presented to him for their restoration to their former owners; and it is pleasant to ' Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 9, 10. Information of the Indian depredations at Pem- aquid and vicinity wag received in New Yorli;, by a letter " from Mr. Aljrabam Corbetts wlio lived to tlxe eastward, on tlie duke's patent." ''Rec. Mass., Y, p. 123. 140 HiSTOEY OF Bristol and Brbmew. know that this was done, only, sufficient bonds were required forthe payment of any salvage that might be found due. Among others who presented petitions of this kind, was Mr. Wm. Bow- ditch, merchant of Salem, Mass., who had the satisfaction to receive his property ; and at the same time he was informed, that others who had lost ketches, might probably have received them sooner, " but for severall Reports coming, that some of these owners have said, they had rather the Indyans had kept their Eetches, than that they should come into the hands of the New Yorke government."^ This was in January, 1677 ; but more than a year afterwards, Mr. Bowditch recovered, in the same way, some fishing schooners which had been captured, but which he had purchased of the former owners. The fact that several of the ketches had fallen into the hands of the ]^ew York government, so soon after the Indian war be- gun in those parts, indicates that Andros's emisaries or agents, were already prowling about here ; but it was uot until June 9, 1677, that the governor and council in New York, determined formally " to send and take Possession and assert the Duke's Interest at Pemaquid, and parts adjacent Eastward, according to his Roy" IP Pattent." When this was determined on, to their credit it must be said, they agreed if they made " Peace with the Indyans then- the Massachusetts to bee comprised if they Please." ^ The thing being resolved on, no time was lost, and only four days afterward, June 13th, four good sloops, loaded with lum- ber and other material for " a strong framed Redoutt" were dis- patched " to take possession and settle in his Roy" Highnesse right at Pemaquid, and defend and secure the ffishery giving notice thereof to the Massachusetts, and our other neighbours." The expedition was commanded by Lieut. Anthony Brockles,' ensign Casar Knapton, and Mr. M. ISTicolls; and very full in- structions were given to them, as to the course they were to pursue.^ They were to make their way eastward as speedily as possi- ble, and " having made choice of the most convenient place upon Pemaquid, for shipping. Defence and good fresh water, if ittmay ^ Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 13. ^ Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 15. , 5 Brockholls, Brocklioles, Brockles. ' See these in full, Doc. Col. Ilist. N. Y., iii, 248. History of Bristol and Bremen. 141 bee about halfe, and not exceeding mnsqnett shot, from the shoare, convenient to command all thither." If for any cause they should be unable to land at Pemaquid, they were to make a temporary lodgment " upon Cape Auowagon [Capenawagen] Damarell's Cove, Monhigan or other adjacent islands" within the duke's patent. Having landed and made themselves secure against any foes that might make their appearance, they were to despatch one of the sloops to [New "York with full accounts of their transactions ; and this tlieywere prepared to do, as early as July 13th, thus showiug a yevy commendable energy in their work. Aug. 2d, the governor and council were again iu con- sultation on the aifairs of Pemaquid, having received letters from Brockhols and others there, of the date just given, so it would appear that the sloop sent as express must have had rather a long passage, for the season of the year. ^ The fortifications erected at this time consisted of " a wooden Eedoutt w"" two guns aloft and an outworke with two Bas- tions in each of w"'" two greatt guns, and one att y Gate; ffifty Bouldiers w"" suificient ammunicou, stores of warre, and spare arms, victualled for about eight months, and his Roy" High- nesse sloope w"" four gunns to attend y* Coast and tfishery." ^ This wooden fort or redoubt occupied very nearly the same site as those erected subsequently, but was situated a little farther to the east, as will hereafter appear. Capt. Anthony Brockhols and Ensign Csesar Knapton were put in command of the fort and settlement, with a company of fifty soldiers. They called the place Jamestown, iu honor of the king, James II. The fort they named Fort Charles. The duke's government being established, orders were at once given for the regulation of trade and afiliirs generally, some of which, at this day, appear unnecessarily stringent. They were not to form any treaty with other parties, or even enter into any negotiation for such a purpose, but to refer every thing of the kind to the governor at New York. All questions of disagreement between the inhabitants and fishermen to be referred to a justice of the peace, an appeal being allowed in important cases to the governor at JSTew York. ^ Mame Hist. Coll., v, p. 16. ''Boc. Col. Hist. N. Y., Ill, p. 350, 265. The learned editor of these N. Y. Documents iu hia note on page 356, is evidently mistaken in supposing the fort then described was erected on the Sheepscott river. It evidently was the same fort as is referred to on pages 348-357 of the same volume. See also Mains Hist. Coll., v, p. 5. 142 History of Bristol and Bremen. " The trading place to be at Pemaquid and no where else." " AH Entryes to bee made at New Yorke and no Coasters or Interlo- pers allowed, but if any found to be made prise." "Liberty of Stages upon the ffishing Islands but not upon the Maine, except at Pemaquid near the ffort." " The Indyans not to goe to ye ffishing Islands." " No rum to bee dranke on that side the ffort stands." , "No man to trust any Indyans." Traders from New York were allowed to establish houses in the place, but only near the fort, and on a street of good breadth, leading " directly from the Fort to the narrowest part of the neck or point of land tlie Fort stands upon, going to the great neck towards New Harbour." " All trade to be in the said Street, in or afore the houses, between sun and sun, for which the drum to beate, or bell ring every morning and evening, and neither Indyan nor Christian suffered to drinke any strong drinke, nor lye ashore in the night, &o." " No Indyans nor Christians to be Admitted att any time within the Fort except some few upon occasion of businesse below, but none to goe up into the Eedout, &o." " Fishermen giving notice to the Port, to have all Liberty of taking their ffish on the fishing Islands, or neare and under the protection of the Fort." "If Occasion one or more Constables to be appointed for the fishing Islands, and Indyans to have equall .Justice and Dispatch." i " Fishermen to come to Pemaquid yearly to renew their Engagen'^ and not to splitt or flmg out their Grurry on the fishing ground, or to trade with the Indyans to the prejudice of the fishery and hazard of these parts." " Land to bee given out indifferently to those that shall come and set- tle, but no trade to bee at any other place than Pemaquid, and none at all with the Indyans as formerly ordered." " It shall not be Lawful for any Vessels Crew that belongeth not to the Government to make a voyage in the Government, except he hath an house or stage within the Government on penalty of forfeiture of paying for makeing his voyage." " It shall not be lawful for fishermen to keep any more dogges than one to a family on such penalty and forfeiture as shall be thought fitt by you [Capt. of the Fort]." " No coasting vessels shall trade on the Coast as Bumboats tradeing from Harbor to Harbor, but as shall supply the Generall account for one boate or more, neither shall it be careful for him to trade in any other 1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 18, 30, 21, 23. History of Bristol and Bremen. 143 Harbor, but where the boat or boats are, neither, shall it be lawful for him to trade with any other crew for liquors or wine, Eumm, Beer, Sider, &c., on such penalty as you [Capt. of Fort] think fitting." " All vessels out of any Government if they come to trade or fish shall first enter at Pemaquid, or the places appointed, and they shall not go in any other Harbor except by stress of weather.' " No stragling farmes shall be erected, nor no houses built any where under the number of twenty." ^ These extracts from orders issued at ditierent times for the goverumeot of theplace sniSciently indicate the general charac- ter of the whole. They were only military orders, but in the existing circumstances, had the force of law over the duke's ter- ritory of Sagadahoc, which was claimed to include the whole coast from the Kennebec to the St. Croix. The duke's govern- ment determined to secure to themselves an absolute monopoly of the business of the place, without regard to the interests of the settlers; but they meant also to punish the other New England colonies, especially Massachusetts, by excluding them from the trade with the Indians, or taking fish on the coast ex- cept by payment of tribute at the Pemaquid custom house. The Indians, overawed by this show of military strength and determined purpose of the English, soon made their submission ; and with some reluctance, according to Governor Audros's ac- count, agreed to include Massachusetts in the treaty of peace to be formed, and to give up all captives in their hands, and also to restore any ketches that might still be in their possession. As a result of the treaty, thirty-five' captives were soon brought in, and in due time restored to their friends. Most of the ketches before referred to were brought in by the Indians at this time.* These stringent regulations of trade and business on the coast did not long remain a dead letter; Mr. John Alden of Boston, had sent his ketch on a trading excursion to the east; and un- fortunately she was seized in the St. G-eorges river, and with her cargo taken to Pemaquid, in custody of the duke's officers. The case was taken to ISTew York, where Mr. Alden appeared in person before the governor and council, June 12, 1678, pleading for a restoration of his property. Whether or not the ketch 1 Maine Eist. Coll., v, p. 35, 36, 37, 75. ' Doc. Col. Hist. N. F"., in, p. 256, 265. ' One account says near forty. Hubbard says fifty. ' Hub. Ind. Wars, Drake's ed., p. 238. Rec. Mass., v, 163. 144 History of Bristol and Bremen. was condemued finally is not known, but she was now given up to the claimant upon his giving security for the payment of £120, (the estimated value of ketch and cargo), in case a decree of con- demnation should be rendered. The reasons given for this extraordinary clemency on the part of the government, were the good character of the applicant, and the fact that he had sustained great loss in the "late Dutch war." Some of the reasons given by the applicant in favor of his petition seem, at this day, a little contradictory. First, he was entirely ignorant of the existence of the order, under which the ketch had been seized; and second, he did not suppose the place where he was trading, was within the duke's patent. For some reason, Andros, in the spring of the year 1678, felt it necessary to write out a formal justification of his government- al policy towards the New England colonies, and, in substance aflirms, that when it was heard in Massachusetts that the duke's government had taken possession of Pemaquid "they [the government of Mass.] proclaimed a fast and day of prayer, levyed or pressed about 120 men w""" they alsoe sent East ward of w"*" J being killed by Indians att black point the rest pro- ceded to ors at Pemaquid but finding them already posted they friendly questioned our comeing there and soe returned." ^ But Andros was mistaken in part at least. The expedition " to prosecute the Quarrel against those Eastward Indians, around the Kennebec," was planned in Boston early in the sea- son, before the order passed by the governor and council in ISTew York, for taking possession of Pemaquid, which we have seen, was June 9th. It consisted of some 40 English and 200 Christian Indians, and was commanded by Capt. Benj. Swett and Lieut. Richardson. The vessels containing them arrived at Black Point, June 28th ; and Capt. Swett, learning that In- dians had recently been seen in the vicinity, the next day landed a part of jjis force, which was joined by some of the men of the place, making ninety in all. These, in two parties, immediately gave chase to a body of Indians that showed themselves, but at once fled on their approach, and were thus drawn into an am- bush, about two miles from the fort ; and two-thirds of their number, including bothSwett and Pichardson, were slain before they could regain the fort. Of the GO slain, 40 were English and 20 Indian*. The vessels, after this disaster, if Andros is to 1 Boc. Col. Hist. iY. r., Ill, 305. History op Bristol and Bremen. 145 be believed, coDtinuod their course as far east as Pemaquid, aud probably made the Duke's colony the first visit with vs-hich they were houored by the men of Massachusetts.^ Capt. Anthony Brockholls, who conducted the expedition from New York, to Pemaquid, ^nd superintended the erection of the fort, was appointed first commander of the place ; but Ensign Cassar Knaptou, succeeded him as captain in a few mouths, aud appears to have held the place until Dec, 1680. At this date Ensigne Thomas Sharpe was appointed to the place, and to him succeeded Capt. Francis Skinner, Aug. 30, 1681, who, it is believed, retained the position until 1686, when, by YoyaA order " the ifort and Count}' of Pemaquid" was " annexed to, aud Continued under the Goverum' of our territory and dominion of ISTew England."^ Other oflicers, civil and military, were appointed by the gov- ernor from time to time as occasion might require. Henry Jocelyn came to Pemaquid from Black point very soon, proba- bly, after the establishment of the Duke's government in 1677 ; and by general consent, seems to have acted as justice of peace, for a time, without formal appointment, which, however, he sub- sequently received. His commission declares him " to bee Justice ofthe Peacein Corum" [Quorum] aud he appears to have been the only one at Pemaquid who enjoj^ed this distinction.' Other justices were, John Dollin, Lawrence Dennis, John Jour- daiu, Eichard Eedding, John Allen, Thomas Giles (or Gyles) Alexander Waldrop, Thomas Sharpe, Eichard Pattishall, Nicho- las Manning, Giles Goddard, Caesar Kuapton, John West aud Elihu Gannison.-' These did not all reside at Pemaquid, but some belonged to neighboring settlements, as Damariscotta and Sheepscott. Gov. Andros, in 1680, addressed a letter to " Mr. Justice Jourdain att Eichmond Island uere Caskobay." Other civil oflicers appointed were, sheriff's, constables, col- lectors, etc., but the names were not generally preserved. Com- ' Sub. Incl. Wars, Drake's ed., ii, 234; Maine Hist. Coll., iii, 113 ; Williamson's Hist, of Maine, i, 551 ; Rcc. Mass., Y, p. 134. . ^ Maine Hist. Coll., v, 130, 131. 3 3Iaine Hist. Coll., v, p. 33, 30-39, 60, 102, 113. ' Tliis distinction of certain justices seems not to be continued in tliis country, though common at a very late period. " John Joslyne," page 33, vol. V, of the Maine Hist. Collections, is believed to be a mistake for Henry Jocelyn. Hist. Oen. JRecj., xi, p. 32. 19 146 flisTOEY OF Bristol and Bremen. missions for justices of peace were generally given for one year only, but sometimes they were to continue until otherwise or- dered by the governor. As to the collectors their duties do not appear to have been burdensome; and Governor Dongan in June, 1686, "for the augmentinghisMajestyesReuenue," proposed to " Sell and Lett to farme" " the Excise and Customes" in hope of better results, remarking that " very Little Reuenue" thus far had " accrued to hisMajesty from Pemaquid by theDutyes of Excise and Cus- tomes.'" Facts recorded at the time show that at Pemaquid, as else- where, justices of the peace were not unnecessary officers. In the autumn of the year 1679, a quarrel occurred on board the ketch, Cumberland, Capt. Israel Dumont, then lying at Pema- quid or vicinity, during which one Samuel Collins was thrown overboard and drowned ; and the captain and John Rashly (pro- bably a sailor with Collins on board of the Cumberland) were charged with his murder. By authority of Governor Andros, a special court was ordered for their trial, to be held at Pema- quid, in the summer or autumn of the year 1680 ; but we are not informed of the result. The condition of the place, as to morals, at a period a little later was not above reproach. May 10, 1683, Lieut. Governor Brockholls wrote to Capt. Skinner, then in command of the fort, as follows, viz : " Am Sorry the Loosnesse and Carelessenesse of your Command gives Opportunity for Strangers to take notice of your Extravigancyes and Debaucheryes and that Complaints must come to me thereof being what your Office and Place ought to prevent and punish ***** Expect a better observance and Comporte [to previous instructions] for the future, and that Sweareing Drinking and Prophanesse to much practiced and and Suffered with you will be wholly Suppressed * * *."^ But if stringent laws favoring good morals did not produce a satisfactory result, the same was found to be true of the still more stringent rules for regulating trade. Col. Thomas Don- gan, appointed governor of " N'ew York and Sagadahoc" in 1682, arrived in this country in the month of August, 1683, and find- ing the people much dissatisfied with the previous administra- tion of the government, immediately after entering upon his ' Maine Hist. CHI, v, 112. 'Maine Hist. Coll., \, p. 33, 40. History op Bristol and Bremen. 147 duties proposed with other reforms the election by the " free- holders" of a legislative assembly —a thing until this time en- tirely unknown in the colony. Writs for the election were soon issued by the sherifis; and to Pemaquid, or rather to the county of Cornwall, including Pemaquid and the neighboring settlements, was assigned a single member. The people both of ]Sre*v York, and of Sagadahoc, received the announcement with joy ; and from this part of the Duke's dominions Gyles Godard Esq., of Sheepscott, was unanimously chosen represent- ative to the assembly. He actually attended the assembly as a member one session and perhaps more. Some language used in a "Petition of Inhabitants of New Dartmouth" [ITewcastle] to the governor and council in !N"ew York, may be understood to imply that he attended more than one session, but the date April, 1684, does not favor this view. They say, " and allso when our Representative, Mr. Gyles Godward went Last, etc."' Two petitions from the people of Pemaquid about this time, that are fortunately preserved among the New York archives indicate something of the character of the people, and the ground of their complaint against the government. They are addressed to Coll. Thomas Dongan. " The Humble Petioon of the poor Inhabitants of the toune of Pema- quyd etc., Humbly Sheweth. That when the most part of the Inhabitants of this place did come from New York, at the subdueing of this Countrie here to Serue his Royall High' ; Therefore and for Seuerall other good reasons (and Seoureatie of the People) moueing your hone predecessor S^ Edmund Andros, and Confirmed by Capt. Brookholls ; did giue grant and Confirme to this Toune of Pemaquid the whole trade of the Indians; directly and indirectly forbidding all other Persons to trade with the In- dians within this Colony Except at Pemaquid vnder very great Penalties as the Records here make appear. ****** Therefore your humble poor peticoners doth humbly beg and Desire your bono'' that our former Liber- ties granted to us Concerning tradeing with the Indians may be confirmed and strict Charge giuen that noe other Person nor Inhabitant Shall trade Except they doe come and build here which will be a strenghening to the garrison of this place."'-* * * * * " Likewayes to grant your poor Peticoners an order how wee shall behaue towards the french in your Jurisdiction to the Eastw' for the trade that way is Considerable and will promote your bono"-' interest." This petition is not dated, but was received by Gov. Dongan Sept. 6, 1683, only a few days after his arrival in the country. 1 Maine Hut. Coll., v, p. 98. ' Idem, p. 70. 148 History of Bristol and Bremen. ^ In anticipation of this event, it had evidently been prepared earlier in the season, and forwarded to New York. The other petition evidently prepared by another hand is also without date, but probably was sent at a period a little later than the preceding. It is addressed to the Honre'''' Coll. Thomas Dongan, Left. Govern' etc." " The humble Pi^tion of the inhabytance of the Extreme partes of his Riall Hiness Teritory Betweae the Riuer Kenybeke and S" Croix Hum- bly Showeth, Ware as y"'' P'^^tinor^ Came to vnderstand by Seuerall Commition and in struoktion ifor the Settillment of the afforesaid partes that yo' Hon' Hath intended Good ffor these partes and all ways will wee Beliue ConfFerme the same which Giues vs Greate boulldnes to seeck j°' Hon^s protecktion and Eeedres ifrom many burthen, and oppretions that are Layed vpone vs by the wonte of Laues being Lefte to the will and plesuer of the Millitary order by which menes the Gouernment bee Comes to vs allto Gether Arby- tary which soe to bee is Repugnant to the Laues of England and his Maj'Siy Regall athority as allso a great Reflecktion one yC Honer^ athority Being ffully ashored of our Deliuerc ffrom the same By yo^ Honer, Affter seuerill yeares suifering By ouer Great Distant ffrom New Yorke whare we ar all wayes to have oure Releefe in such and the Licks Cases. P^mis the Boody of Lawes of New Yorke and the adjasent partes of his Ryal] Hines territory hath not these partes in it Thareftore humbly Request that wee may bee At mimber of that Boody. 2'y. Thare has ben but one appointed ffor these partes which all Cases Com beffore and if Injustis Don any man under correeation bee it spoockem to the Loos of his Estate or Dammige to his parson this Law Appointes uoe Appeall ffor vs which priueliges is a Lowed of By y"' Hon'' and Couuaell at New Yorke and thare ffore hope yo'' Hon'^'' will prouide some way ffor ouer Releefe. 3' y. It hath Binne the praoktis of the Commander of Pemaquid to appre- hend by fforse of armes the kings Justis of the pease and thretten other Justis of the Pease with Putting in Irons and keping in the ffort a pris- nor seuerall dayes with other Grand abusses and uillifing Lang^ and ffor- noe Eeson only ffoUowing thare Commition Granted to the Said Justis^ of the pease as allso thretnige the Desolfing of Coarts att plessuer By which meanes the Kings Justices and Subjects haue bine turned beesides that busnis ; Humbly Beging Yo' Hon" Releefe in the same. 4'i ly. Whare as you Honer haue Sent formerly Artickels in tittled Instruction for the settillment of Pemaquid which signyfies to yo'' petition- eor that yo^ Honrs haue thoughts of Good ffor the Inhabitants of these partes if a Right vnderstanding whare as the ffurste Instrucktion Declarith History op Bristol and Bremen. 149 that noe vesseill shall trad one the Coste as bumboates ffrom ITarbber to Ilarber but such as shall supplye the Gine''orall account ffor one Boate or more nether shall it bee LawfuU to trad in any other barber which or Instrucktion is much to the danimig of the in habbytance and a great Dis- corigement of others that wold Come to inhabbitte ffor answer to the affore said Instruction the persons that haue supplied the ffishery haue allways sate such Grate prises one thare Goods that it hath ffor many years Im- poverished yo'' poore petititones butt of Late hath by the Resons of Sup- plyes att a Cheaper Rate and not Consarned with the Supply of boates made vs to make a more comfFortable Liuing than heare to fore. Likewayes we tacke bouldnes to accquainte yo'' Hono''' with a Considder- able quantidy of planters Settled and are a Coming to Settill in his Riall highnes teritory in the Estern partes if iti corrigment ffrom yo^ boner which wee Disspare not of Desirring yo' honer to take into yo"^ pieous Consideration how these affore said planters shall bee supplyed Being abso- lutly Commanded that the supplyes shall Dispose of noe goods but in the harbors whare ffishery is and to now other but the boates even which affore said instrucktion we humbly Conseue were Given in to yo' Honor by him that had to much sellfe in it and wee ffeare a Combination w"' other sup- pliers to the Impourishing of Your poore petisiners as heretoffore which infringment of trade hath neuer Been as wee humbly Conceue to his Maj- esty subiaok humbly Desiring Yo' honer to Reliue vs in the same. 5'bly. Whare as the ninth i Instrucktion that the ffishermen of Sacady- hocke ILand shall not Builde any'more howeses one that parte of the Hand whare the Stages bee, but shall Remoae all thare Houses within the Spase of three yeares which will bee the Runing of the proprietors of y^ same but wee humbly Conseue and sartingly knowe that his Majesty by act of parlyment haue mad proclaymation that all Hands and plases conuenient ffor ffishery all tho any person or persons propriety shall Bee Improued ffor that End; as allsoS'" Edmond Androus Confferming of the same; wee ffeare yC Honers infformation haue been ffrom a person fformerly Claim- ing a Right thare vnto all tho pretended which parson can bee noe other parson than M'' Richard Pattishall which we haue Grounds to ffear Doth not Desighne Good to their partes we Humbly Request yo^ honer to Relieue yC poore petysenors in this matter. 6ti'ly. Ware as in the thirtenth i artickell that all vessels shall enter at Pemaquid, and att noe other place, which wee humbly Conseiue, will bee Very Detrimental! to a Considerabell quantity of ffisher men and planters by Reson of the Great Distanc of Pemaquid, and the Depones and Difficulty of the bay of Pemaquid, has Detained seuerall vessills many Days, som times Weeckes, which has exposed the ffishery and planters to Great Wontesas also a Great Dammige to thare Imploye, ouer Humble Request 1 Maine Hist. Coll., v,p.77. 150 History op Bristol and Bremen, to yc Honer is that you wold grante vs two plases more of Entrys and Clering, tlie one at Nu Darthmouth in Ships Grutt riuer whare ar Consid- derable in habbitance and meny more Coming, and promsing a Consider- able trad of shiping iFor maste and Lumber and all soe an office, or some parson at Sacadyhooke in Kenybec Riuer, appointed ifor Entring and Clearing. 7'''ly. War as the Eighteenth i instrucktion Doth Require noe settill- ment in those partes under the number of Twenty fiamelyes which wee accknolige a very great prudence of yor Honner wee humbly Conseue if yo'' Honner Doth but parfer tenn ffamelyes it may much more Conduse to the Settelling of those partes ifor tenn ffamelyes can be ffound to Settill at the ffurste a town ship, when twenty Cannot be procured, but when tenn settled som small town it hath' all times by Expperience incurriged more to Come wee humbly Request your honner to Grante the same. 8''dy. Wee ffartber take Boulldnes to aoquainte yo' honnor of auery Con siderable Charge, that the towne of Nu Darthmouth is [by mistake for in] Ships Grutt Riuer and Saoadyhocke in Kenybeok Riuer, in Erickting of a ffort at Each place ffor Security of the in habbitance against the He- thin, by Reson of thretting Languge proseding ffrom them and to bee found consulltation ffor ware as allsoe thay Declaring that if thay did not Cutt of the English now they came to in habittbeffore that thaj' wold bee to manny ffor them and to strong, wee humbly Requeste yC honer to prouide some better security ffor affter time. All those fforementioned artickells wee are fully parsuaded yo'' honner has a better vnderstanding of then, wee ar Capable to informe ; not Dout- ing as yo"' honer has already Desighend Good ffor these partes will Grant vnto yo'' pore petistnors all the affore said artickells wee shall Euer pray. Jno. Allyen, Elihu Gunnison, Larry Denny, Christopher Ryer, Justes Thomas Gent, Nic'i. Manning, William Lowering, Thomas Gyles, Robert Cook, Phi. Parson, Ffranois Johnsonn, Affte Nele, Tho Sergant, Goury Gray, John Lange, Elias Trucke, John Sellman, i ' Maine Sid. Coll., v, p. 81-88. No student of New England history will regret the insertion of this petition entire (except only the official address) because of the space it occupies. Fortunately the names of the signers are preserved. The orthography is bad, as is also the construction of many of the sentences, hut at that time much less was thought of those points than now. The best scholars History of Bristol and Bremen. 151 A petition to Gov. Dongan from the " Inhabitants of y«^ Towne of New Dartmouth" (Sheepscott Plantations), not dated but re- ceived April 21, 1684, has been preserved. It has only eight signers, and four of them are the same as on the preceding, viz. Thomas Gent, Wm. Lowring [Lovpering] Thomas Gyles, and Elihu Gunnison. The chief object was to secure the confirmation of a grant of laud prevously made to them by Henry Jocelyn Esq., in the name of Gov. Audros; but they took occasion also to protest again the conduct and character of " one Capt. Nicholas Manning," who was very " Troublesome" and produced " divisions" and dis- turbances among them.^ Both this and the last mentioned petitions were sent to New York by Mr. Goddard probably when he went on to attend a session of the assembly in the spring of 1684, and both were " re- ferred" [deferred ?] " untill the Goveruo' go to Pemaquid."^ The petition previously mentioned had suffered the same fate. As Gov. Dongan never came to Pemaquid, it is not probable that the petitions ever received any further attention. "At a Council at tfbrt James [N.Y.] July the 9th, 1684," mention was made of a "petition of the Inhabitants of Pema- quid" which was also " referred untill the Governor go thither."^ This may have been the same as one of the preceding, but pro- bably it was a new one of more recent date. The Civil government of " Pemaquid and its dependencies" was conducted with some energy and a fair appearance of justice durino- the whole of Dongau's administration ; but the ab- surd determination of the government to make the young and distressed colony a source of revenue to themselves rendered necessary very oppressive taxation in every possible form. Even transient fishermen on the coast, were obliged to pay tribute to " the Duke's government," " a decked vessell four Kentalls Mer- chantable fish and an open boate two Kentalls." Collectors and subcoUectors were not wanting; but the " Quitt Kents" not- withstanding were often greatly " in arrears." often spelled the same word in different ways even in the same document. But notwithstanding the violation of some of our rules for good writing, it is a docu- ment of oreat ability. It is in excellent temper, and its points are well put ; and it could not have failed of prodacing a good effect if anything of the kind was allowed to have influence. 1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, 95-100. ' Idem, p. 94. Udem, i, 104. 152 History of Uristol and Bremen. The feelings of the tax-payers iii view of those facts are un- mistakably expressed in the following petition. " To the Right honorable Governor and Counoill of Assembly at New Yorke. The humble Petition of the inhabitants of New Harbour humbly showeth : That, whereas y"" petitioners have beene at great charge in building their habitations, and as yett have noe assurance of either house lots or the bounds of our place, which is a hindrance to our conveniencyes of plant- ing or making an improvement etc. We humbly [pray] that there may be surveyors appointed for that purpose to lay out lands ; likewise the * * * of these customs may be taken off, because it never used to be paid by any iEsherman in this world as we know of, and it hinders the coasters coming to us to bring our supplies, and when they do come, the very name of these customs makes them sell their goods almost as dear again as formerly they used, so that we finde it to be to all the country a grevious burden and to all the people called fishermen an utter ruin. And that Pemaquid may still remain the metropolitan of these parts, because it ever have been so before Boston was settled. Wherefore your honors poore petitioners humbly desire that the honor- able Governor and Councell would please to take the premises in to your pious consideration, to order and confirm the lots, bounds and limits of thi s place to be laid out, and that we may enjoy the labors of our hands and have it for our children after us, and also that the customs may be taken of, and raised some other way, and that Pemaquid may be the metropolitan place, and your honors petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray. Per order of the inhabitants Wm. Sturt, Town Clerk, at Pemaquid. i Ownership of the soil being claimed by the government of the Duke, by right of his grant from the king, and this without regard to previous patents as that of Aldsworth, and jElbridge grants of land were promised " indiii'erently to those who should settle" but it does not appear that any deeds were given for a num- ' Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 137-138. The original of this petition is preserved in tlie State Archives at Albany N, Y., and was found among the papers of the year 1692 ; but as the editor of these Pemaciuid Papers suggests, it must have had an earlier origin. The order for the transfer of Pemaquid from the jurisdiction of New Y'^ork to that of New England was given Sep. 19, 1686, and of course a petition could not have been addressed to the authorities of New York at a date later than this. We may, indeed, reasonably presume it was presented some time previous to Oct. 33d, 1684, for at this date Gyles Godard was appointed surveyor of Pemaquid. — Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 106. History op Bristol and Bremen. 153 ber of years. In 1684 Alexander Wardrop [Waldrop, Woldrop, WoodropJ was appointed to " aske, demand and Receive all such quitt Rents as were due," " and to give Receipts for the same" ; but it was not until two years later (June 1686) that John Palmer, with John West as his deputy, was sent to those parts " with full power and authority to treate with the Inhabitants for Takeiug out Pattents and Paying the quitt rents." The people had earnestly petitioned that their claims to their lots might be properly confirmed by the government, and pro- per surveys made, and the work was now about to commence, but with attendant circumstances not anticipated. The lots were generally intended to contain 100 acres of woodland and 20 of marsh, if it could be found ; and for this, an annual " quit rent of 5s. in money, or a bushel of good wheat was demanded, and a fee of =£2 10s, for executing the leasehold. Some favorites received 800 or 1000 acres, but others only 3 or 4 acres ; " they were in haste and gottwhat they could." As might have been expected, " this bred a great mischiefe amongst the people," who justly considered themselves as oppressed beyond measure; but as the only alternative was to give up their houses and lots, all that could raise so much money hastened to pay. In ISTew Dart- mouth [Sheepscott Farms] alone, we are told, about 140 leases were take out. ■' Sullivan says that many deeds given by Palmer and West in the name of the governor of E"ew York " have been exhibited in the contests iu that country within the last thirty years," but the titles thus conferred "never prevailed against the grant of Elbridge and Aldsworth, nor against the Indian deeds." ^ One of these deeds he gives in full. It is a lease rather than a deed, and conveys to John Balling of Monhegan an indefinite " par- cel of land" on that island, " not exceeding six acres, " with a full third part of a certain marsh or meadow," upon condition of his paying "yearly and every year," " one bushel of mer- chantable wheat or the value thereof in money." Copies of several grants of land are given in the fifth volume of the collections of the Maine Historical Society, which has so often been referred to. They are nearly all in favor of gentlemen said to be of New York city, and give no metes or bounds. One of 1 Hutch. Coll., p. 563, = Hist. Maine, p. 163. 20 154 History op Bristol and Bremen. • them gives " Liberty andLycence" to John Spragge" ' " of this Citty of New Yorke " to take up and Enjoy a Certaine Island called and Knowne by the name of Summersett Island [Loud's Island] and the small Island thereunto adjacent [Marsh Island]. To " James Graham of the city of New Yorke Merchant" a grant was made of one thousand acres of land at Pemaquid in the county of Cornwall, " provided that not above one hundred acres of the said land be fronting on the ea or water side, also provided the same be not appropriated or legally disposed of to any others." This Graham was for a time associated with Palmer and West in the management of aifairs at Pemaquid- and, subsequently, was appointed attorney general of Massachu, setts under Andros, and resided in Boston. John West, at the same time, received a grant of Arowsic Island, in the Kennebec, or rather all of it except a small tract at the south end, which had previously been granted by Andros to "Mr. LawrenceDennisand others," " and called New Towne.' Thus were the government agents well provided for, whatever might be said of the poor settlers. Palmer and West appear to have spent the Summer of 1686 at Pemaquid and vicinity, where they, as we have seen, succeeded in making themselves sufficiently odious. They had exercised the almost unlimited powers entrusted to them in the most arbitrary manner; but it is not to be forgotten, that the people collected here at this time, were not the most orderly or intelli- gent. Mention is made several times, in the records, of the governor and council in New York, of information received there, of " disorders and confusion amongst the Inhabitants of Pema- c[uid." ^ Considering the position of the place so completely isolated on the very borders of civilzation, and the fact that the present population had but recently come together, some from New York, brought there by the agents of the government, such as they could readily gather together from the streets and wharfs of the city, and the rest, returned old residents, who, since the destruction of the place, had been wandering from place to place, it IS not strange, perhaps, that they did not sustain an elevated moral character. ' This Gt3ntleman was long a member of tlie Governor's Council in New York, and at one time secretary. ' Maine Hid. Col, v, p. 107, 111. History op Bristol and Bremen. 155 We have uo means of knowing what proportion of the former inhabitants returned, after the war, to become citizens under the duke's government. Palmer and West, in their greed for money, sometimes did not hesitate to resort to doubtful means to accompUsh their purpose. During their stay at Pemaquid, a report came that a ship from Piseataqua, was landing some wine at Penobscott without having first entered it at the custom house, in Pema- quid ; they therefore dispatched a suflicieut force to seize the wine and bring it to Pemaquid. This was within the letter of their instructions, which authorized them to assert the duke's au- thority and claim all the land as far castas the river St. Croix ; but the French were in possession of the place when the wine was landed, and both they and the people of Massachusetts took serious offeuce. The government of Massachusetts issued a circular warning the fishermen on the coast, and also the peo- ple of Maine and ISTew Hampshire, to avoid the harbors on the eastern coasts, lest they should be seized, and held to answer for crimes not their own. After some time the English govern- ment, at the request of the French minister at that court, ordered a restoration of the property.' Mcholas Manning was appointed " Sub-Collectors Survey" ' Hutch. Coll., 547. Was there a second case of this kind ? Or does the follow ing extract have reference to the same transaction. It is from a work, not often met with in American libraries, entitled " Memoires des Commissaires du Koi et de Cenx de sa Majeste Britanniquo, sur les Possessions et les Droits Respectifs des Deus Couronnes en Amerlque, avec les Artes publics et Pieces justificatives. 4 tomes, Paris, 1755-7. Tome II, p. 328. Les soussignes, Ambassadeurs et Envoyes estraordinaires de France, etc. etc. represent a Votre Majeste, que leuomm^ Phillippe Syuret, maitre d'un vaisseau, nomme La Jeanne, etant parti de Malgue pour la Nouvelle France, charge de marchandises pour le compt des Sieurs Nelson, Watkins et consorts, et les ayant d^livres, suivant ses counaissauces, au Sieur Vincent de Castene, mar- chaud etabli a Pentagoet, situe dans la province de I'Acadie, le Juge de Peniquide, qui est sous I'obeissance de Votre Majeste, fit equiper une vaisseau qu'il envoya a Pentagoet, d'ou il enleva les dites marchandises comme etant de contrabande etpretendant que Pentagoet appartient a Votre Majeste, mit en arret le vaisseau du dit Syuret, et refuse encore presentement de la restituer. * * * Les dites soussignes, Ambassadeurs et Envoyes, esperent de la justice de Votre Majeste, qu'apres avoir pris connaissance de tous ces faits, elle desavouera le precede du Juge de Peniquide, defendra qu'il se committe de pareilles contraven- tions a I'avenh-, et ordonnera que toutes les marchandises du dit Syuret lui seront restituees, on le juste valeur ; que son vaisseau lui sera rendue incessament, et qu'il sera dedomage de tous les frais que cette interruption dans son commerce lui a causes, 1687. Bakillon & Bonebpans." 156 History of Bristol and Bremen. and Searcher of his Ma"™ Customes and Excise" for the county of Coruwall, Sep. 7, 1686 ; and it is more than probable that he ought to share largely in the odium of these transactions. He had, two years before, been appointed Captain of a " Foot Company" at Pemaquid; and conducted himself in such a man- ner as to call out a petition from the people to the authorities at New York for his removal. The little regard the authorities had for the wishes of the people is seen in the fact that he now received the appointment just mentioned, and also a commis- sion as justice of the peace. It is not known at what time he came to Pemaquid ; but in 1680 he was living at Salem, Mass., where he was accused by female servants in his family of crimes too indecent to be mentioned. ^ His character seems to have been in every way desi^icable. The commerce of the place at this time was becoming of some importance, and merchant vessels were constantly passing between Pemaquid and the other colonies, and especially New York. CPIAPTER XVI. Jamea Duke of York beoomea King of England, as James II, and New York and Sagadahoc, in consequence, become Royal Provinces — The Sagadahoc territory, including Pemaquid, detached from New York and transferred to Massachusetts — Increased burdens of the people under their new rvilers — Baron de St. Castine, becomes a resident at Biguyduce and marries a daughter of Madockawando — Gov. Andres makes an excursion to Biguyduce, with a email military force, and pillages the house of Castine — Returns to Pemaquid and proceeds to Boston — His efforts to conciliate the Indians unsuccessful — Dis- gusted, because they pay no respect to his proclamation, he resolves on a coer- cive policy, and with a military force marches to the eastward to chastise the disobedient natives — At Pemaquid he hears of the Revolution in England and hastily returns to Boston — Lieut. James Weems, commander of the Pemaquid fort, remains at his post, with a few men, and reports to the authorities at Boston — Capture and destruction of the fort and settlement at Pemaquid by the Indians. The connection of the Sagadahoc territory with the govern- ment of New York was attended with many inconveniences, ' Mass. Arch., vol. 8, p. 8. HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. 157 both to the officers of governmeut at New York and to the people of the distant territorj^, and was not likely to be con- tinued longer than the extraneous reasons existed, for which the unnatural connection was first made. The duke of York, by the death of his brother Charles II, in 1685, became king of great Britain, as James II, and the ducal province of ISTew York and Sagadahoc became in con- sequence a royal province, and of course, attached to the crown. The condition of the peopile of Massachusetts had also greatly changed within a few years, as their charter by a writ of quo warranto had been taken from them ; and the government of the colony became dependant directly upon the crown, pre- cisely as in New York, of which mention has just been made. As a natural consequence of this, the home government and its faithful adherants began to manifest less jealousy of Massa- chusetts than formerly ; and a suggestion of governor Dongan " to draw off the men and arms" from Peraaquid " with the guns," and " to annex that place to Boston," was received with favor.' Accordingly, Sep. 19th, 1686, by a royal order the "ffbrt and Country of Pemaquid in Regard of its distance from New Yorke" was detached from New York and placed under SirEdmondAndross, " Captainegenerallandgovernourin chiefe of the territory and dominion of New England." This " territoiy and dominion of New England" consisted of Massachusetts Bay, New Plymouth, New Hampshire, Maine, Ehode Island, and Connecticut, and to these, the territories of New York and East and West Jersey were subsequently added. The jurisdiction of Gov. Andros, therefore, extended over all the Enghsh settlements north of Pennsylvania. Gov. Dongan being thus superseded by Andros, quietly re- linquished the government of New York ; but the people there felt not a httle degraded, in being made an appendage to another government not greatly respected by them. The au- thorities of New York were also very reluctant to yield their hold upon Pemaquid ; and as late as March 28, 1688, at a " Coun- cil Held at ffort James," N. Y., they ordered a remonstrance to be drawn up against the proposed measure.- But it was of no avail; and the transfer was made, as just stated, and the great ' Doe. Coll. Hist. N. T., in, p. 391. ^ Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 132, 158 History op Bristol and Bremen. guns of the fort were removed first to Boston, and then, in the spring of 1691, to !N"ew York.'- Andros, thus entrusted with the government of so large a territory now, 1686, entered upon the discharge of his duties with vigor ; but by the people of all Few England, he was watched with a jealous eye. And events soon proved that their fears were not without foundation^ as is fully recorded in his subsequent history. The people of Pemaquid and vicinity felt severely the in- creased burdens imposed upon them. Edward Kandolph, who accompanied Gov. Audros to the place, in the spring of 1688, speaks thus of them. " The poor have been very much oppressed here, the forte run all to ruin, and wants a great deale to repair it ; the Governor has ordered it to be well re- paired; it stands very well to command a very good bay and harbour about it, and will in time be a good place, being the only good porte for all vessels eastward to ride well and secure by the forte from danger. Capt. Palmer, and Mr. West laid out for themselves such large lotta, and Mr. Graham, though not there, had a child's portion. I think some have 8 or 10,000 acres ; I hear not of one penny rent comeing to the King from those who have their grants confirmed at Yorke, and this 5s. an hundred acres was only a sham upon the people." " The addition of New York to this government does very much inlarge our bounds and may be of great service to the crowne, but they have been Bqueesed dry by CollnoU Dongan and his agents, West and Graham, that there is little good to be done. * * * It was well done of Palmer and West to tear all in pieces that was settled and granted at Pemmequid, by Sir Edmond, that was the scene when they placed and displaced at pleas- ure, and were as arbitrary as the great Turke; some of the first settlers of that eastern country were denyed grants of their own lands, whilst these men have given the improved lands amongst themselves." ^ These remarks apply to the oppressions upon the people here during the preceding adnainistration of Gov. Dongan, but we do not learn that any measures were adopted to lighten their burdens by the administration of Audros who succeeded him. We have seen that Dongan, while Governor, at one time medi- tated a visit to these eastern parts of his dominions, but he never accomplished it. ISTo doubt there was abundant need of such a visitation in Dongan's time, but there was even more ^ Idem., p. 131, ''Hutch. GoU.,i>.r,(j^,mri. History of Bristol and Bremen. 159 need now. Acadia had been ceded to France in 1668, by the treaty of Breda, but an earnest, not to say angry, dispute as to the proper western boundary of this territory had ever since been in progress, between the two governments. On the part of England, it was claimed that the river St. Croix must be con- sidered the true western boundary of this territory, but the French insisted, that Acadia extended farther west, even to the Kennebec, or at least to Pemaquid, and actually were in posses- sion of all the country east of the Penobscot. ' Soon after the adoption of the treaty of Breda, just alluded to, an enterprising and unscrupulous Frenchman, Baron de St. Castine, had taken his residence at Bagaduce, ° a place near the mouth of the Penobscot ; and having married a daughter of the Indian chief, .Madockawando, was gradually acquiring great influence among the natives, as well as considerable wealth. As a matter of course, his position there could but create some un- easiness in the minds of the English ; but, as the two nations were at peace, though the dispute in regard to the jurisdiction was still in progress, it is not easy to see how the Frenchman could be rightfully disturbed. Some apprehension of danger from the Dutch, was also felt at this time, as the Dutch fleet had previously made some demon- strations on the coast, and might possibly again seize upon some portion of the disputed territory, between the Penobscot and St. Croix rivers. Having, therefore, made suitable preparations, early in the spring of 1688, Gov. Andros, with a number of attendants started from Boston on his proposed eastern tour. They went as far as Piscataqua by land ; but here took passage in the Governor's sloop which, with a commodious barge, awaited his arrival. Orders were sent to Col. Mason, a faithful friend, who had been sent some time previously on a tour of inspection among the provincial militia of Maine, to meet him at Casco bay ; and from this place they proceeded leisurely to Pemaquid, visiting some of the settlements on their way and even passing some distance up the Kennebec. As had been previously arranged, the British frigate. Rose, Capt. George, lay at anchor in Pemaquid harbor, and was ready to sail with them for the Penobscot. 1 The 3£emm-ials of the English and French Commmioners concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia, vol. I, p. 9. ■■■ Bagaduce, Biguyduce, Majorbiguyduoe. 160 History of Bristol and Bremen. Arrived at Biguyduce, the frigate anchored in front of Cas- tine's residence, and a lieutenant was sent ashore to acquaint the Frenchman of their presence ; but he, on learning that Grov. Andros was on board, being incapable of successful resistance, and too suspicious of their designs to trust himself in their hands, immediately with his family made his escape to the woods, leav- ing all his eifects to the mercy of the unwelcome visitors. The Governor, with some attendants,then landed, and by some means gained access to the house which they pillaged of whatever they chose, but carefully respected an altar they found in one of the rooms, and other religious emblems. They had carried with them some boards, nails and other materials, and also workmen, to repair the fort there; but he found that it would require a much greater outlay than had been expected, and the project was therefore abandoned. The expedition, with their booty, returned toPemaquid, Andros tak- ing care to say to an Indian sachem, neighbor to Castine, that all the goods would be restored to the former owner, if he would make application at Pemaquid, and promise to " come under obedience to the [British] King." ^ Immediately after returning to Pemaquid, Andros sent mes- sengers to several Indian chiefs in the vicinity, inviting them to meet him at Pemaquid, where he treated them with presents and drink, and advised them not to fear the French, or follow them, but to call home their young men and live quietly under the protection of the English. Andros at the time hoped for good results from his efforts to conciliate the Indians, whatever they may have thought of his treatment of their friend, Castine; but he was doomed to be disappointed. Ever since the peace agreed upon with the In- dians at Pemaquid, in 1677, comparative quiet had prevailed, but causes of discontent were not of unfrequent occurrence, and only the influence of Castine was needed to bring on the war which followed, and which is sometimes called the second In- dian war. Andros returned to Boston very early in the summer, and proceeded to New York, not returning again to Boston until September. The Indians at the east had begun their depreda- tions upon the settlements, and some preparations were making , ' Eutai. Coll., p. 502. History of Bristol and Bremen. 161 m Boston, for the contest which it was seen must soon take pUice; but Andros, still adhering to his conciliatory policy, ut- terly refused his assent to all proposed methods of coercion, and as late as Oct. 20th, even ordered all Indian prisoners to be unconditionally set at liberty. At the same time by a formal proclamation he commanded the Indians, at their peril, to set at liberty all English captives in their hands, by the 11th of November, and to surrender for trial and punishment all who had been concerned in the late outras-es. Considering all the circumstances of the case, the governor in Boston, with but a feeble force at his command, issuing his edicts to the ignorant savages, quite at ease in their native haunts two hundred miles distant from him, with the wily Frenchman, Castine, among them, smarting under a sense of the recent wrongs committed on him by Andros himself, one can hardly read these accounts without a smile of contempt at his weakness. Yet it would probably be wrong to accuse him of any want of sincerity, in pursuing this course. Soon, how- ever, rapidly transpiring events convinced him that mere pro- clamations, even though accompanied by acts of kindness to- wards the savages, in their present temper, would avail absolutely nothing ; and he, therefore, determined to change his policy, and by force compel them to a course of conduct so kindly recom- mended to them in his proclamation. In the language of the old fable, if " grass would not do, he would try what virtue there was in stones." Without waiting for the full time to elapse (until Nov. 11th), which he had named in his proclamation, for the Indians to make their submission, he hastily began his preparations for sending an expedition eastward; and by the last of November, had collected together a force of about 800 men, moat of whom were impressed into the service from the vicinity of Boston, but some were regular soldiers. The command of the expedition was first oflered to "Major General Winthrop, one of the Councill," but he declined, and Andros determined to march, , himself, at the head of the troops. All considerate men saw the folly of the proposed enterprise, as clearly as did Winthrop; but the governor was in a rage, and was not to be dissuaded from his purpose. Late in November the march commenced, the weather being unusually mild; but they were destitute of baggage trains or 21 162 History of Bristol and Bremen. tents, or other comforts, now deemed absolutely essential in such expeditions; and we are not surprised to be told that the men sufi'ered incredibly by cold and fatigue, and that some even died from their exposures. Andros himself partook of the same fare as his soldiers, and freely submitted to the same hardships. The expedition did not march always togetlier, but parties were occasionally sent in different directions, where the Indians were supposed to be; and some damage was done them in the destruction of their canoes, which were laid by for winter, and the seizure of ammunition and goods, said to have been pre- viously taken from the English; but not one Indian was killed, or taken captive. In one instance a company " of 160 men marched above 120 miles right up into the country, in a deep snow, and burnt two Indian forts," doing also other damage ; but the Indians themselves, forewarned of their approach, made their escape. The governor and some part of the force marched the whole distance to Pemaquid, but it is believed all did not come here. The number of men lost on the march probably exceeded the whole number of Indians at the time in hostility.' The fort at Pemaquid was immediately put in good repair, and new ones erected at Sheepscott and Pejepscot [Brunswick] and garrisons stationed at as many as eleven different places between Pemaquid and Piscataqua. Two companies of 60 men each, and 36 regulars were stationed in the fort at Pemaquid, under the command of Capt. Anthony Brockholes and Lieut. James Weems. ^ Here, or in this immediate vicinity, Andros was early in the Spring of 1689, when news was received of the abdication of James II, and the probable accession of William and Mary to the throne of England; and he hastened to return to Boston. Leaving Pemaquid March 16th, he arrived in Boston about a week afterwards ; his subsequent deposition from office and imprisonment, April 18th, and return to England at a later period, are familiar to every student of American history. ^ Hutch. Hist, I., 331 ; Boc. Col. Hist. N. T., m., 581. '" WilUfimson's Hist, of Maine, i, 589, says " at Pemaquid, he stationed two com- panies of GO men eacli under Col. B. Tyng and Capt. Minot, joinedby 36 regulars, and gave the command of the garrison to Capt. Anthony Brookholt and Lieut. Weems." History op Bristol and Bremen. 163 But in the midst of tliese momentous changes, what was to become of the garrison and settlement of Pemaquid. Randolph, secretary to Gov. Andros, who accompanied him in this eastern expedition, and was imprisoned with him on their return tq Boston, says, " as soou as those souldiers had notice of the dis- turbance hi Boston, some forsooke, others revolted, and seized upon their officers, and sent them bouud prisoners heither; so that all the country, extending above forty leagues upon the sea shore, that was secured in their fishery and sawmills is now de- serted and left to the ravage of the barbarous heathen." ^ Noth- ing is said in this connection of Brockholes whom Andros had placed in chief command in the fort, but very probably he "for- sooke" at the same time with his master. We hear of him in Kew York near the close of the year, but he does not again ap- pear in our history. The history of the next few months will be best given in the following documents, which, fortunately, have been preserved in the Massachusetts Archives. Before the summer had fairly arrived, of the 156 men who constituted the garrison at Pemaquid, all had left except about 30 who remained under the command of Lieut. James Weems ; and the following letters which passed between him and the authorities at Boston, during the few months before the cap- ture of .the fort by the Indians, August 2d, will well illustrate the condition of things there at the time. The first letter is dated Pemaquid, May 11, 1689, and is ad- dressed to the authorities in Boston. He says; " This Day Arrived a party from New Dartmouth [Newcastle] to take the fort and Seaze us, nott meeting w''^ any Resistance, I being willing to have Rendered itt up before had a positive order binn sent from your hands, or, line from S^. Edmond Andros [here a part of the document is illegible, but the names of Mr. Gullison and Maj. Brocketts, can be made out] speaks of being " obliged to stay in the fort itt being my Post w"*' I shall Honorably maintain and Defend agst all Enimis in vindication of the true Protestant Religion, and maintains thereof in the mean time, Expecting to hear from " them" &c. - ' Doc. Gol. Hist. N. T., in, 581. Randolph wrote May 29tli, 1689, " from the Common Gaole in Boston." ''Mass. Arch. ,YoJ., 107, 33. 164 History op Bristol and Bremen. The meu who came down from ISTew Dartmouth [Newcastle] to take possession of the fort were evidently patriotic citizens, who, supposing that the regular garrison had deserted, or be- come entirely demoralized, proposed to hold the place against the Indians and other enemies until the government in Boston should have oi^portunity to send reinforcements and reestablish their authority ; but, finding affairs in a better condition than they expected, and Weems the commander favorably disposed towards the new condition of public affairs, were content to leave things as they were. The same day a petition for the continuance of Lieut. Weems in his command at the fort, was forwarded to Boston, by seve- ral of the inhabitants of the place. It contains eight names, but only six are now legible ; these are Elihu Gunnison, Alex. Woodrop, George Jackson, John Bullock, Jonas Bogardus, and John Starkey. On the receipt of the petition a vote was passed by the Governor and Council, in accordance with the request. But all things at the fort were not entirely satisfactory, as ap- pears by the following. " Pemaqd June ye fst '89, [June 1, 1689]. I Kecei'' yoi^^, sent by Mr. Hesooti who did not come heare but Left itt by the way wherein you Desire me to be carefull of this Garrison and Stores which care you need not be doubtfull of Dureing my Continu- ance here which I suppose will not be Longe unless you take further care of these parts neither have I Bin acustomed to Live upon Sault provisions and Drinking of Bad water however I Best Satisfied for this place afFordeth nothing but poverty, whereas formerly they ware well Suppleyed by ye Costers but now there comes none but passes by to supply the french and Indians, and informs you doe intend to Slight and Dis- owne these Basturne parts which news is like to Cause the people to leave their habitation and Desart the Country neither can I Oblidge the Souldiers to stay with me unless they know upon what tearms, they being in great wante of Seaverall necessaries which would not have bin wanting had the G-overn^ Conti'i his power, this is all att presant weighting yo^ Answer I Kemaine. Yours, J. Weemes. This Garrison is in noe want of Ammunition nor of Provisions Seaver- all months only Bread and pease and malaties [molasses ?] for Bear of which they have had none this Long time."i 'ifrt.vs. Arch., \o].-im, 70. History of Bristol and Bremen. 165 From this it appears that Weems did not altogether sympa- thize with tlie Massachusetts people iii deposing Governor An- dres, but was willing, as a true patriot, to submit to the powers that be. June 14tli, 1689. At a meeting of the Governor and Council it was voted " That L'. Weems be written to forthwith at pemaquid to take care of that G-arrison ; And that promise be made him, and his Company of the Kings pay from this time forward, And further order that there be a supply of what provisions, etc. is necessary for s* Garrison."! But with this the Lieutenant was not altogether satisfied, and June 23d, in a moment of irritation wrote unwisely as follows : Gent. Yo's I have reed wherein you propose very fair in the respects of ye time to come, and till further order providing it might stand w''' my Advantage and Hono'' I would imbrace, but I must tell you y' my Depen- danoe is els Whers Where I hope to be more Servisable to my King and Countrey y" here, for since y° haue seen cause to Displace the Govern'' and all those Gentlemen under his comand I am resolued to take my for- tune wth them, therefore I advise you to hasten and send yC forces and take possession of this place for I cannot promise to secure it ; my men beino- all resolued to leaue as some haue done already but haue prevailed w''i them for a short time waiting yo' speedy releaf and satisfaction from this time. The 20th of this Instant arrived two Captives, w''° I thought convenient to hasten to you being desireous to know the state of the Countrey and Indians w^^h they can best relate, hauing no more to add only my Humble Servis and remains. Yours, James Weems. I have ingaged you will satisfey these men for their Boate and time itt [being] for the kings seruis agreed for £3-0-0. (The letter was addressed to Mr. Simon Bradstreet Esq. Govern^ of Boston, he having been appointed provisional governor in place of Andros deposed.) Who these two captives were, whom he thought it so im- portant to send to Boston by a special messenger, is not known ; but the fact that the Governor and Council refused to pay the three pounds " agreed" on, indicates that they did not consider the matter of special consequence. ' Mass. Arch., 107, 09, and 70, 499. ■■' Mass. Arch., 107, 139. 166 History of Bristol and Bremen. To the above the Governor and Council replied as follows; " Boston, 12tli, July 1689. Lt. Weema, yo'' of ye 23'h of June ult. came to hand being in a differ- ent Style from yo^ former, notwithstanding all Encouragement given yo" by the Convention here to continue yo'' Post in that place, ordering that yo'' selfe and Souldiers should be continued in the Kings Pay, the Inhabi- tants haveing also desired yo^ stay there in yo'' Command which in yo"' former yo>i seemed to be contented with, though now [you] intimate that yo"" Expectations are raysed with hopes of some greater advantage and Hon' and yt yo'' dependance is elsewhere resolving to take yc ffortune with ye Gent" now under confinement, the Reasons induoeing thereto are with yo' Selfe, yet you might do well to consider how honorable and safe it may be for you to leave yo'' Post and desert this MaiJes Garrison to be exposed to the Enemy, -whereas yo^i have Encouragemi for pay and supplies now sent by Mr. Hobby of Provisions and Clothing, the Convention haveing agreed to continue yo' selfe [and] Souldiers there under yo" in the Kings pay, and past ye some by their vote. Mr. James Cook informing that you did not so clearly understand what was formerly written to yo'^ about yo' pay, which you may please to understand is agreed to by an unanimous consent of the whole, and that care be taken for ye preservation of that place, and of their Ma''" Subjects and interests there, which if notwith- standing you do resolve to continue no Longer there, please to give yo' Answer therein, that so much may be taken to comit that comand to Bome other meet person. By order of the Governo'' and Council, , Isa. Addington Secry." i This called out from Weems, the following apologetic re- sponse : " Pemaquid, July ye. 23d, 1689. Gent. Yo''. of ye. 12th Instant I reed. And Esteem Well of your Instant Pieasonable offers, by which I haue preuailed with my men to stop and Defend this place assuring them their Pay for the time Past and to come. And that by the first occasion you will send them both money and more men as for myselfe I haue more than Ordenary occasion being Constrained to ye Inhabitants for severalls, both for my owne use and the garrisons, as ffireing and Candles, which Cannot be had without Ready money. Your Intimate of my altering my Style and Disarting my Post, for the which I had more Just Cause than some of your Coun- trey officers who Did Desert their Posts to their Great Diso-race and Ruine of the Countrey. I seeing my men wholy Resolved to leaue me, ^Mass. Arch., 107, 327. History of Bristol and Bremen. 167 and being almost without bread, and we not beveing from you in so long time. As for my Proposing of more honor And Advantage it is not Doubtable, now or Elsewhere. Neither is there any thing that In- duceth me to be confined here, as ye hon"' I owe to the King and ye Interest of his People, what Else I haue to add I haue Communicated in a line to the Treasurer. And Subscribe myselfe Gent Yo' Assurd Servan. James Weems. [In margin] Gen'. I Expect yo>- Speedy Supply of about 10 or twelve men to be in the garrison for we are but weake at Present. S^^ it is very hard that the Poor man that brought yo" ye Captives has not been Satisfied for his Paines. as he Informs me."i The next day aftei'the above was written an apologetic letter from the soldiers of the garrison was addressed to the Massa- chusetts authorities. They seem to have been in very good humor, but they had evidently felt that their honor had also been called in question. " Pemaquid the 24 [July], 1689. Honor^iil 6 — genoe to Boston of ye Condition of the Garrison. J £ 157— 6 James Weems" i " A List of ye men that was under ye Command of Lieut. James Wemmes when ye Enemy did attack that Garrison at Pemmequid in August 1689. Kodger Sparkes gunr. William Jones, Paul MijkamSurgt, Mat. Taylor, Jones Marroday Copl, Fred<;i£ Burnet, Kobert Smith Drumc, Rob' Baxter, Ruland Clay, John Bandies, ? John Pershon, Thomas Shaffs, William GuUington, John Allen, Brugan Org, Rodger Heydon, Richard Dicurows, Joseph Mason, Thomas Mapleton, John Herdin, Riohd Clifford, Benj Stanton, John Boirnes, Rob' Lawrence, Thomas Barber, Thomas Baker, Henry Walton, Orrel James, Rob' Jackson, Ralph Praston.2 1 Mass. Arch., 70, 500. ^ Matss. Ardi., 70, .501. Several of the names are written very obscurely in the original document, and may U(jt have been copied with perfect correctness. History of Bristol and Bremen, 177 These are to Certify that Gapt. James Weems hath this day made ' affirmation hefore us that the above number of thirty men was actually with him ia the Engagement when ye Enemy did assault the Towns and fort of Pemmequid and y^ ye said Thirty men was dayly paid ye Kings Pay in Money or JMoney worth by Said Weems according to his account, now in hands of Mr. Thomas Newtoune at Boston. Given at Albany this first day of June, 1700." Sworn to before the Mayor and Kecorder of Albany. It is presumed that Weems's claims for services at Pemaquid were now (1700), settled ahdpaid, though no express statement to this eifect has been found ; but it was not without the most earnest etibrts on his part, and the bringing of his case twice before the king and council. Dissatisfaction with his conduct in surrendering the fort so hastily, was probably the first cause of delay; but after his appeal to the home government, the Massachusetts authorities were content to let it take its course. Weems's first petition to the British government, has not been found, but probably it was forwarded very soon after it became evident that the authorities in Boston were not prepared to give his claims the prompt attention he desired. Of the pre- cise character of the petition we are also ignorant, but we may presume it mainly consisted of a statement of the grounds of his claim, as given by him at a later period, and inserted on a preceding page. Massachusetts was at the time represented in London by four commissioners, who, on the reception of the petition, were called upon to make answer before the privy council; this they did in writing as follows : " To ye R'- Honbie the L''^ of their Ma'ies most hontie privy Councill. The Answer of S' Henry Ashurst Barronet, Increase Mather, Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes, gentlemen [so far forth as they are concerned] to y8 petion of L' James Weems. Having received a Copy of y<= s* pe'tion and your Lordships Order for the Agents of New England to put in their Respective Answers Doe with all humility lay before your Lapp's That they are Only Imployed and in- trusted by the Grovernor, Councill and Representatives of ye Colony of the Massachusetts Baye in New England and for no other part of New England. And the s^ Respondents S' Henry Ashurst and Increase Mather doe humbly represent unto your L'pp's that neither of them was in New England during the Transaction in the petition mentioned and know 23 178 HisTOKT OF Bristol and Bremen. nothing thereof. And the Other Respondents Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes doe most humbly acquaint your Lapp's that they doe not know that ye ffort of Pemaquid was so distressed or taken by reason of such Defect or in such manner as the petition sets forth. And with submission your Ldpps doe apprehend that y= governm' of y 8"^ Colony can make it ap- peare that the petitioner hath not truly represented matters in his petition. And none of the Respondents know that ye 172-06-10'5 in the petition mentioned, or any part thereof is Due or unpayed to the petitioner. And if any thing appeares to be Due to him They humbly conceive that had he remained upon the place Or shall make application to ye Governm'; that he might or will there receive satisfaction for his Demands. However these respondents deny that they were or are any waies entrusted or had or have any Authority from or eifects of the &^ government in their handa or power to pay the petitioner his Demands or any part thereof. But shall by the first opportunity represent to the Governm' there w' L' Weems has Represented to your Lapp's in his petition. And doe not question but they will enable us to returne your L''pp's a very satisfactory Answer. All which is most humbly Said before your Lordships. March 18, 169^ Elisha Cooke, Henry Ashurst, Thomas Oakes, [ncrease Mather." i What further transpired at this time we are not informed ; but at length, October 22, 1694, an order was transmitted from the privy council to the government of l^ew England for the pay- ment of the claim, but so far as we can learn, nothing was done. But Weems was not to be easily turned aside, and again by peti- tion called the attention of the home government to his claim which remained unsatisfied. This resulted in the issue of the following order; or perhaps we should rather call it a recom- mendation. " Att the Council Chamber in Whitehall the 26th day of August 1697 Present Their Excellencies the Lords Justices, in Council upon reading this day att the Board the humble Petition of Captain James Weems, humbly praying, that his Maj'ies Order of the Two and twentieth of October, one thousand six hundred ninety and Four may be Renewed to the Govern- ' Maine Hist. Coll., v,p. 376. This document was first published by Mr. Thornton, by favor of Charles H, Morse, Esq., of Cambridge. Though making an import- ant part of the history of the controversy with Weems, no copy of it has been found in tlie public archives. The amount here claimed to be due him, it will be noticed, is .-£5-0-10 more than his bill as presented for settlement three years afterwards. History of Bristol and Bremen. 179 meat of New England, for paying the Petitioner for his Services and Dis- bursements att Pemaquid against the French, out of the Publick Revenue of that Province. Their Excellencies the Lords Justices in Counoill, upon Consideration of the matter are pleased to Order that it be Recommended to the Right Honoble the Barle of Bellamont Governour of the Massachusetts Bay to take Effectual Care that the Petitioner be Satisfyed what shall appear due to him for his Services and Disbursements att Pemaquid in Course out of the Pablick Revenue of that Province according to his Majesties Order. Wm. Bridgeman." i Oa the receipt of this order, Weems again addressed a peti- tiou to His Excellency Earle of Bellamont, then Governor of Massachusetts, reciting his services, sufferings and " disburse- ments" at Pemaquid as before given, and requesting payment out of the revenues of the province. This appears to have led to a settlement of the claim though not until three years more had elapsed. '^ French officials in Canada, in the year 1692, claimed that iu the various Indian fights of the preceding years, they had de- stroyed for the ISTew Englanders besides Pemaquid, no less than ' Mass. Arch., 70, 503. " Against the French". Other documetits in the ArcUves of Massachusetts speaks of this fight as having been against the French and Indians; but there is reason to believe that not one Frenchman accompanied the expedition. Whatever aid the Indians received from the French, was supplied before the expedition left the Penobscot. ' Mr. Vinton {Giles Memorial, p. 106), has raised the question whether August 2d, as given by Gyles in his Narrative and by Mather a contemporaneous authority, correct, for the reason that Weems, in settling his accounts with the government, charged, and actually received pay for the services of himself and men until the 13th ; bat this probably was the date of their discharge from the service. They left Pemaquid in the sloop of Capt. Padeshall, the 3d or perhaps the 4th of the month ; and sailing directly to Boston were ready for their discharge the 13th ; and would of course receive pay to this time. We concluded therefore that Aug. 3d is the correct date. It is interesting to notice that the affidavit of Grace Higiman (p 175), sworn to less than sis years after the transaction, gives the same date. Charlevoix {Hist. N. F. n, 415) says, the party of Indians was organized {se mit en Gampagne) at the Penobscot Aug. 9th ; and afterwards, iu describing the attack upon the fort, he says it was continued from noon of the 14th until night, both dates of course, being according to the New or Gregorian style, then in use by the French These dates correspond to July 30th and Aug. 4th, 0. S. used at that period by the English. The first date may be correct, but the latter is in error by two days. Aug. 14th, N. S., that year fell on Sunday, when a " strict Sabbatarian," as the excellent Thomas Gyles was, would not with his men be at work upon his hay. 180 History of Bristol and Bremen. 16 pallisadoed forts aud settlements, in which were 20 cannon and about 200 men. ^ Thomas Gjles, above referred to, was one of three brothers who emigrated to this country from Kent, England, probably in 1668 ; the names of the others being James, and John. Mr. Vinton in his elaborate work the Giles 31emorial, (p. 101), supposes they may have been sons of a Thomas Gyles formerly of Salem, but probably without sufficient reason. We shall have occa- sion further on to speak of the two brothers James and John, but at present we will follow the history of Thomas and his family. He (Thomas), was one of the chief men of the place, and ap- pears to have carried on a considerable business. On the morn- ing of that memorable day when the fort was captured, with his three oldest sons, Thomas, James and John, and several hired men, he went up to the falls, to work in a field he had there, some at haying, and some in gathering grain. They labored until noon, and took their dinner together at the farm house, without suspicion of danger. Having finished their dinner the men went to their work; but Mr. G-yles and two of his sons, remained at the house, when suddenly firing was heard from the direction of the fort. Mr. Gyles was disposed to interpret the occurrence favorably, and so remarked to his sons; but their conversation was cut short by a volley of bullets from a party of Indians who had been hitherto concealed, awaiting the signal from the fort to begin their bloody work! The party of Indians numbered some thirty or forty, who now rising from their ambush, finished their work in a few minutes, killing or cap- turing all except Thomas Gyles, the oldest son, then about nine- teen. Whore the latter was when the attack began, we do not know, but he was so fortunate as to make his escape unhurt from the field, and passing down on the west side to Pemaquid harbor, was taken on board a fishing schooner which was just ready to sail. Thomas Gyles, the father, was mortally wounded by the first volley from the Indians, and afterwards despatched with ahatchet. 1 Doc. Col. Eist. N. Y., ix, 433, 437, 440. Charlevoix's Sist. iV", F., it, 419, This aiitlioT saya fovrteen forts in the neighborhood of tlie Kennebec River ; he says, farther, that 200 persons were killed, and that the chief benefit of all this to the French was, that it effectually prevented any alliance of the Indians with the Enfflish. History op Bristol and Bremen. 181 His sou John, who was taken captive, says that when the attack was made, " my brother ran one way and I another, and looking over my shoulder, I saw a stout fellow, painted, pursuing me with a gun, and a cutlass glittering in his hand, which I ex- pected every moment in my brains." Falling down the Indian did him no injury, but tied his arms and bade him follow in the direction where the men had been at work about the hay. " As we went," he says, " we crossed where my father was, who looked very pale and bloody, and walked very slowly. "When we came to the place, I saw two men shot down on the flats, and one or two knocked on the head with hatchets. Then the Indians brought two captives, one a man, and my brother James, who, with me had endeavored to escape by running from the house, when we were first attacked." At length the savages were ready to start with their captives, and the narrative continues, " we marched about a quarter of a mile, and then made a halt. Here they brought my father to us. They made proposals to him by old Moxus, who told him that those were strange Indians who shot him, and that he was sorry for it. My father replied that he was a dj'ing man, and wanted no favor of them, but to pray with his children. This being granted him, he recommended us to the protection and blessing of God Almighty; then gave us the best advice, and took his leave for this life, hoping in Grod that we should meet in a better land. He parted with a cheerful voice, but looked very pale, by reason of his great loss of blood, which now gushed out of his shoes. The Indians led him aside. I heard the blows of the hatchet, but neither shriek nor groan. I afterwards heard that he had five or seven shot holes through his waist- coat or jacket, and that he was covered with sonie boughs. Thomas G-yles, whose useful and honorable life was thus brought to a close, was a remarkable man. At what time he came to this country is not certainly known, but May 8th, 1669, he purchased land on the north side of the Pejepscot, or Andros- coggin river, a few miles below Topsham village, where he located his family and resided several years. His father who was a man of considerable wealth in England, having died, he with his family left for England probably in 1674, and returned soon after the first destruction of the English settlements in this region. To avoid trouble with the Indians, he removed his family to Long Island, JSTew York, and lived there sevw-aL 182 History of Bristol and Bremen. years ; but fancying that the atmosphere there was oot suited to his coustitutioii, and learniug that the agents of the duke of York were about establishing a regular government here, and erecting a fort, lie returned to this place, and became a permanent resi- dent. He derived an annual income from the estate of his father in England, and probably was the most wealthy citizen of the place ; and being strictly methodical in his habits, he took care to purchase of the constituted authorities, what landed estate he needed, probably about the falls. He also purchased one or more lots near the fort, where the family lived. He was a man of the most unbending integrity, and always exerted great influence in the community where he lived, but was not particularly popular. In his religious opinions he sym- pathized with the puritans, and was very particular iu regard to the proper observance of the sabbath ; and his earnest attempts to discharge every duty as an upright magistrate sometimes brought him in collision with his neighbors. In 1683, he united with many of the inhabitants in a petition and remonstrance to Governor Dongau against the ruinous restrictions imposed on trade by the rules (pp. 141, 143) adopted, showing among other things that the money the authorites supposed they were getting out of the traders, was really paid by the settlers in the increased price of the goods they were obliged to purchase. The next year we find his name on a petition from the inhabit- ants of I^ew Dartmouth to have their titles to their lands con- firmed, as had been promised them, as other claimants were making their appearance, and causing much uneasiness. In the same document they also took occasion to remonstrate against the misdoings of" one Capt. Nicholas Manning, Capt. of a Com- pany That is very Troublesome, and Doth much Obraide and Disturbe vs in our buisenesse &c." His son John, in his narra- tive, says that "when Pemmaquid was set off by the name of the county of Cornwall, in the province of New York, he was com missioned chief justice of the same" by Gov. Dongan; but pro- bably he was only an associate justice. ' But to him, a puritan, such an appointment from the royal governor was every way ' See the commission, — Maine Hist. Coll., v. p. 113. The original commission is preserved among tlie New York Archives, in the State Hall at Albany, where the writer, by favor of Dr. Hough, then superintendent of the Census, had the privi- lege of examining it, and also the other Pemaquid papers, several years ago, and before their publication by the Maine Hist. 8oeiety. History op Bristol and Bremen. 183 honorable, as showing the confidence reposed in him by all parties. His children were four sons, Thomas, James, John and Samuel, and two daughters, Mary and Margaret. The latter at the time of the attack of the Indians was about four years of age, the eldest, Thomas, being nineteen. At the time of the attack by the Indians Mr. G-yles's house was about a quarter of a mile from the fort; but the onset was so sudden and unexpected that Mrs. Gyles and her two young daughters were seized before they could make their escape within the walls, and consequently, with the two sons captured at the falls, were taken captives to the Penobscot. Their youngest son, Samuel, then a little boy, was at play near the fort, and took refuge within the gates ; and of course was in- cluded in the terms of capitulation, by which, as we have seen, all within the fort were allowed to depart in peace. The mother and daughters, after sufi'eriug much with the Indians for several years, were finally restored to their friends in Boston, where Mrs. G. soon died. Of the two sons, James and John, the former after being in captivity three years, and suft'ering great hard- ship, made his escape to 'New Harbor, with another boy who had been captured at Casco. Here unfortunately, they were both taken prisoners again by the Indians, and returned to the Penobscot, where they were tortured to death at the stake by a slow fire. John, the other son, after being with the Indians about six years, was sold to a French gentleman, who lived somewhere on the Penobscot. By this man and his family he was treated with much kindness, being known among them as Little English. Finally, in the summer of 1698, a favorable opportunity occur- ring for him to secure a passage by a trader to Boston, his mas- ter voluntarily gave him his liberty, and he rejoined his two brothers and sisters in Boston, his mother having died several years previously. As he was about eleven years old, when captured at the falls, he was of course now about twenty, with only the litttle educa- tion he had received before his capture. Having obtained a good knowledge of the Indian language, and also the Canadian French, he was often employed by the government, as well as the traders, to act as interpreter with the Indians. In 1700 he re- ceived a commission as Lieutenant, and was put under regular 184 History op Bristol and Bremen. pay by the government; and six years later, he was made cap- tain. In 1715 he superintended the erection of the fort at Bruns- wick:, which was named Fort George. Here he remained ten years, being in 1725 transferred to the command of the garrison on St. George's river. Subsequently in 1728 he was appointed a justice of peace, which in those days was considered a high honor. Mr. Gyles in 1736 published a very interesting account of the capture of Fort Charles, and the attending circumstances, and a narrative of events during his residence with the savages. About the same time the garrison at the fort was considerably reduced, and Gyles retired from the service. The rest of his life was passed in Salisbury and Roxbury. He died in the latter place in 1755, at the age of 77. He was twice married, 1st to Ruth True at Salisbury, Oct. 26th, 1703, and 2d to Hannah Heath at Roxbury, Nov. 6, 1721. James Gyles before alluded to, was a brother of Thomas of Pemaquid, probably he was the elder of the two, though this is not certain. Nearly all that is known of him is contained in a manuscript narrative ^ of his, recently discovered in New Jersey, to which place he removed during the Indian troubles in this re- gion. With his family he came to Boston, JSTov. 1668, and passed the winter in Braiutree, but, in the spring, removed to the Kennebec, and finally settled on a farm in the present town of Topsham, on Muddy river, a stream which empties into Mery- mating bay. When the fort of Clark and Lake on Arrowsic island was captured by the Indians in August, 1676, he was one of the in- mates, but escaped unhurt (ante, p. 125), to Damariscove island. Here he remained about a week, and with others, made some attempts to recover any of their property that remained among the ruins of the former settlement, but found their enemies, the Indians, were too watchful for them. ISTothing is said of his family during this time, but probably they were with him. ■ In the autumn of the same year he with his family removed to Southold, Long Island, very probably at the same time with his brother Thomas, as before related. Governor Andros, having learned something of his history, took some notice of him while here, and even undertook to provide a place for him on Statea ' It is printed in full in Giles Memorial, p. 113. History of Bristol and Bremen. 185 Island; but being suddenly called away from his government, the thing was not accomplished, and Mr. Giles and family finally settled upon a farm at Round Brook, upon Raritan river, in New Jersey. The time of his death is not known. His family of four daughters subsequently married in ISTew Jersey; and among their descendants were the late General Worth, of the United States army, and Charles S. Olden, recently governor of the state. Jolm Giles also a brother of Thomas, of Pemaquid, was born in 1653, and came to Pemaquid very probably soon after the set- tlement here of the duke's government. It is believed that he was here at the time of Gov. Andros's visit, late in the year 1688, but probably left the place before the attack by the Indians, August 2d, the next year, for the reason that his name is not mentioned in connection with the tragic events of the time. He was a man of good education, and after his removal from the place was employed in teaching in Salem, and perhaps also in Boston, where he died Aug. 29, 1730, aged 77. Several years ago there was found in Bristol a curious old document, of which the following is a copy. To his Excellanoy S''. Edmond Audross Kni and Governor in Chiefe in, and over his Maj'''=s Territories and Dominioos of New England, &c. May it Please yC Excellanoy. That your Humble Petition' Desires a Certaine Tract of Upland lying upon ys westwarde side of Pemaquid River betweene y^ Lotts of Henry Hedo-er and Denise Higaman, with Meadow to it Suffitient the nighest that can be found not already taken up. Yof Excellancyes Humble Petition^ hath by order from Capt". Nichol- son Ever Since June last Read Prayers at the Garrison on Wednesdayes and ffridayes and hath not received any thing for itt. Yo^ Excellancyes Humble Petition^ Desires only one Man's Provision from said Garrison, and is willing to officiate still, if it so Please yo' Excellanoy. And yo'^ Ex- cellancyes Humble Petition"- shall Ever Pray &c. John Gyles. There was really no date to the document, but a more recent hand had written at the bottom, 1688, and Mr. Vinton, in Gyles Memorial, p. 119 has suggested ISTovember as the probable month, thus supplying for it the date, November, 1G88. Theidea, of course is, that Mr. Gyles had the petition in readiness to pre- 24 186 History of Bristol and Bremen. sent to the governor when he visited Pemaquid, about this time, or, probably, a little later. Whether or not it ever reached the hands of Androswe have no means of knowing but very probably it did not, as the fact that it was found in these parts would seem to indicate. ^ The complete destruction of the fort and settlement at Pema- quid was considered a great achievement by the Indians; and they assured M. Thury, on their return, that, with two hundred Frenchmen, a little acquainted with the country, and ready to follow their lead, they would not hesitate to march upon Boston. ^ The same feeling was shown by the French in Nova Scotia and Canada ; and from this time hopes began to be entertained by them that they might be able utterly to exclude the English from the continent, at least as far south as ]^ew York and New Jersey. Indeed, even before the capture of Pemaquid, the Cana- dian authorities had, under consideration, a project for seizing upon the whole province of New York ; and M. De Callieres, a French officer in Canada, who seems to have first suggested the enterprise, was sent home to France to press the matter upon the attention of the government. "It would" said he " furnish bis Majesty with a beautiful harbor, that of Manhat, (New York), which is accessible at all seasons of the year in less than a month's voyage."^ Such being the circumstances of the time, nothing was to be looked for in all the English settlements of the region but war and carnage ; and these, all that now remained being west of the Kennebec river, became the special object of savage venge- ance. At the close of the next year (1690), only four English settlements remained on the territory of the present state of Maine, viz., Wells, York, Kittery and Appledore, the latter being situated on one or more of the Isles of Shoals. " And all of these, except, perhaps, the latter, had suffered greatly by re- peated attacks of the Indians, and frequent indiscriminate mur- ders of the inhabitants whenever found unprotected. ' A part of the document is omitted in the copy as printed in the Oyles Memorial. " Charlevoix's Hist. N. F., p. 418. ' Doc. Col. Hist, m T., IX, 370, 413, et seq. A fleet was actually sent to Nova Scotia, from France, which was designed to attack New York from the sea, while a land force was to invade the country by way of Lake Champlain. The farther prosecution of the enterprise, was prevented by the destruction of Montreal by the Indians, a few days before the capture of Pemaquid. McMuUen, Hist. Canada, p. 6G ; Williamson, Hist. Maim, i, p. 616. ' Hist. Maine, i, 627. •History of Bristol and Bremen. 187 Nor did the Indians, or their allies, the French, escape with- out severe punishment ; very many Indians were slain in their constantly recurring fights with the English ; and in the spring of 1690, a small force under the command of Sir. Wm. Phips, proceeding southward in eight vessels, destroyed the French settlement at Port Royal [Annapolis, IsT. S.]. A much more formidable expedition fitted out from Boston, later in the season, under the same commander, made an attack upon Quebec, but without success. The fleet of thirty-two vessels, on their return, was scattered by a storm, and several of them lost. Those that were so fortunate as to reach their homes in safety, found on their arrival, that no provision had been made to pay their demands : and the government was obliged to resort to the expe- dient of issuing bills of credit in order to cjuiet the great discon- tent that prevailed.^ The next month after the destruction of Pemaciuid, Major Benjamin Church, who had greath' distinguished himself in the previous Indian wars, especially in that called King Pliilip's war, was commissioned with extraordinary powers, and placed at the head of a considerable force, to carry on the war against the eastern Indians. Church continued his operations agaiust the savages several years, but met with no marked success, and added nothing to his laurels previously won ! ' Hutch. Hist. Mass., i, 353. This was the first issue of paper to circulate as money in any of the colonies ; but other issues, of comparatively large amounts, were subsequently made by several of the colonies, producing deplorable confu sion in all the fiscal affairs of the country. Gold and silver disappeared from the country ; and for more than fifty years no other currency was known than this de- preciated paper. 188 History of Bristol and Bremen. CHAPTER XVIIL Ilebuildiiio; of tke fort at Pemaquid by Q-ov. Pliips, who names it Fort William Henry — Unsatisfactory description of the new fort by Mather — House of Re- . presentatives dissatisfied with such an appropriation from the public treasury, A French naval force designed to destroy the fort appears in the ofiiag, but re- turns without making an attack — Treaty of peace signed at Pemac[uid — The Indians, under the influence of French priests, begin hostilities in violation of the treaty — Bomazeen and other Indians who under a flag of truce are received into the fort, are immediately made prisoner — Pasco Chubb, appointed captain of the fort, makes an unjustifiable attack upon some Indians at or near Fort William Henry — Sharp reply of an Indian to a letter of Governor Stoughtbn. The next important event at Pemaqnid was the building of the first stone fort there by Gov. Phips in 1692. Ever since the old charter of the Massachusetts Baj' was annulled, by a writ of quo warranto, (1684), the province had been governed directly by the crown ; but after the accession of William and Mary to the English throne, by great effort on the part of Massachusetts, a new charter was obtained, and Sir. Wm. Phips, being then in England, was appointed governor. He arrived in Boston with the new charter, May 14th, 1692, and the same season, in obe- dience to the royal commands, proceeded to erect a strong fort at Pemaquid, such as had never before been seen in all the re- gion ! Though ordered by the home government, the expense was to be borne by the colony ; and the people generally looked upon the project with coldness. Writs were issued for the elec- tion of a legislative assembly, which met June 8th ; but it does not appear that the project for erecting the fort was definitely brouglit before that body. A bill was passed authorizing a tax to raise £30,000 for general purposes; and from this the gov- ernor felt himself authorized to draw, in order to execute the royal command as to the fort. But if the assembly were not definitely asked for an appro- priation to build the fort, they must have known of the pre- paration which the governor was making for the purpose ; yet no official remonstrance was made. Having engaged some four hundred and fifty men, and procured such tools and implements as were needed, he set sail from Boston early in August, takino- History op Bristol and Bremen. 189 with him Col. Benj. Church, commander of the provhice forces. Ou their way they stopped at Falmouth, aud took on board the large guns which had lain there ever since the de- struction of Fort Loyal, more than two years previously, and decently interred the bones of the slain, which still lay bleach- ing upon the surface. Having anchored' safely in the harbor of Pemaquid, by the aid of Major Church, a site for the new fort was selected, very nearly the same as that occupied by the old stockade, but ex- tending a little further west, so as to include within the walls the large rock of which the ludiaus bad taken advantas:e in the disastrous fight three years before. Only two companies were retained to work upon the fort, the rest being sent, under Major Church, on an expedition farther east, to look after the public enemies. Mather gives us the following description of the fort which they erected.' " Captain Wing, assisted by Captaia Bancroft, went through the former part of the work ; and the latter part of it was finished by Captain March. His Excellency, attended in this matter, with these worthy Captains, did in a few months, despatch a service for the king, with & prudence, and in- tlustry, and thriftiness, greater than any reward they ever had for it. The fort, called William Hoiry, was built of stone, in a quadrangular figure, being about ievcn hundred and thirty-seven foot in compass, without the outer walls, and one hundred and eight foot square, within the inner ones ; twenty-eight ports it had, and fourteen (if not eighteeni) guns mounted, whereof six were eighteen pounders. The wall on the south line, fronting to the sea, was twenty-tioo foot high, and more than six foot thick at the porta, which were eight foot from the ground. The greater flanker or round tower at the loesferu end of this line, was tioenty-nine foot higli. The locdl on the east line was twelve foot high, on the north it was ten, on the loest it was eighteen. It was computed that in the whole there were ' Ma/jn'-dia, ii., 536. Mather seems to be the only original authority on this subject, and later writers have implicitly followed him, yet his description of the fort is very obscure and unsatisfactory. His language seems to imply that the walls were double ; but probably it was not intended to be so understood. If the fort was only 108 feet square inside the walls, supposing this to be tlie mean- ing, how could it be 737 feet in compass? The greater flanker, or round tower, of the next and last fort built there, the foundations of which still re- main, was 130 feet in compass, but, including this we cannot make the distance around the walls as great as Mather gives. Perhaps a large bastion or lesser flanker at the opposite angle from the round tower, may have increased the dis- tance around so as to make it as stated. See Popham Meinurial Volume, p. 286, note. 190 History op Bkistol and Bremen. laid above two thousand cart loads of stone. It stood a score of rods from high ivafer mark ; and it had generally at least sixfi/ men posted in it for its defence, which if they were 7ne7i, might easily have maintained it against more than ttoice six hundred assailants." As tl]is fort was destroyed four years afterward, and subse- quently another erected upon its ruins, we have no means now to judge of the accuracy of this description ; but most persons will probably hesitate to receive all the measurements with full confidence. The stone used in its construction was evidently collected from the shores in the immediate vicinity, where an abundance could easily be found without the trouble of blasting. The stone, consisting of small fragments only, was well laid in lime mortar ; but of course walls so constructed would have little strength, as compared with the walls of modern structures of the kind. We are not informed where the lime was obtained, but probably it was brought from Boston. There is no lime- stone in the region nearer than Rockland; and at this early period probably the existence of this was quite unknown. The cost of erecting the fort is said to have been nearly £20,000, and was a heavy tax upon the impoverished people of the province ; and to support a garrison there required a large annual expenditure. At length, the popular feeling in regard to these large expenditures, found vent in the following reso- lution of the lower house of the legislature : "Resolve of the House of Representatives, in Boston, Xber [Decem- ber] 6, 1693 ; — That the imployment of any money out of the publick treasury for the building and maintaining of the fort at Pemaquid was beside the intention of the act for Raising the thirty thousand pounds the Geni Assembly not being there about advised and consulted nor any direc- tion or provision made for the same in the s^ act ; and that their Majestyes bee humbly addressed to take the charge of the fort and Port Royal i more immediately upon themselves. Nathaniel Byfield, Speaker."^ This was a direct censure of the governor ; but, at the pre- sent day, we should consider it wonderfully mild language to be used in regard to such an assumption of power by the executive. 1 Port Royal [Annapolis] N. S., wliicb, as we have seen, bad been seized by Pbips two years btifore, ^ Mass. An-Ji., 70: 317. ^ History of Bristol and Bremen, 191 To hold this pL^ce was a matter of great importance to tlie English interests, iu order to prevent the Frencli from taking possession ; and to this the people of Massachusetts were not insensible; but the burdensome taxation rendered necessary by the Indian wars, so long continued, admonished them of the necessity of economizing their resources. It is remarkable that no official returns of the building of the fort are now to be found. Governor Phips appears to have taken the thing wholly into his own hands. He alone, except so far as he was pleased to ask advice, appears to have planned the work, then superintended its construction, and last of all, drawn the money from the treasnry to pay the expenses ! It was such experiences as this that trained the people of Massa- chusetts for their work the succeeding century. The fort was finished late in the autumn (1692), and supplied with a permanent garrison of sixty men, under the command of Capt. March; and, so far as we are informed, for the first time furnished with a regular chaplain. Rev. John Pike. He was a son of Hon. Robert Pike, for many years a distinguished leader in public affairs in Massachusetts. The son graduated at Harvard College in 1675, and was first settled in the ministry, in 1681, at Dover, N. H., but removed to Portsmouth imme- diately after the destruction of that place by the Indians in 1689. From this place he was appointed to the chaplaincy of Pemaquid fort, Oct., 1692, where he remained until July, 1695. He died at Dover in 1710. He was an excellent man of more than ordinary ability. ^ The erection of this strong fortress at Pemaquid was a mat- ter of disgust both to the Indians and the French ; and the new structure was scarcely finished before plans were devised in Ca- nada for its destruction. The plan adopted for the purpose was proposed by Chevelier Villebon, a French officer iu Canada. It was to dispatch two ships of war to attack the fort from the sea, whilst he, with a land force of Indians should do the same from the land. Two ships, L'Envieux, and LePoli (the latter of which had been recently taken from the Datch), were fitted up for the purpose, and put under the command of DTberville ; but it was late in the season before they were iu readiness to leave the Penobscot; and though they actually made their ap- 1 iV. K, Hist., GoU., Ill, 40 ; Magn., ir, 513. ][92 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. pearance in the ofBng at Pemaqind, they did not communicf.te with the fort, made no special demonstrations, and returned east, much to the disgust of the Indians, who, in large numbers, and with still larger expectations, had collected in the vicinity. As an excuse for their retreat without a single effort at any- thing, the officers claimed that, at the time of their arrival, the weather was particularly unfavorable, and they were without a good pilot on board, or any who was acquainted with the shores and islands of the region ; and, moreover, an English ship, lying at anchor under theguns of the fort, indicated thatthe authorities at Boston had probably learned of the proposed attack upon the place, and sent them reinforcements. John IsTelson, a distinguished citizen of Boston, who had been taken prisoner and was now at Quebec, by some means learned of the preparations in progress for an attack upon Pemaquid, and hired two French soldiers to desert and carry information of the fact to Boston. Their departure became known to the Quebec authorities in a little time, and a party of armed men was sent to overtake and arrest them if possible, but without avail. French writers of the time, affirm that, in consequence of information thus received, supplies and reinforcements had been sent to the fort before the arrival of the French ships; but Hutchinson pronounces it a mistake. The two deserters were afterwards taken by the French and shot; and Nelson, for his offence, was sent to prison in Paris, where he suiiered an imprisonment of iive years. ^ The utter failure of the expedition against Pemaquid greatly dispirited the Indians, and they began to lose their confidence in the promises of the French, which the latter did not fail to see. Increased eftbrt on the part of the French officials in the ' CMrUtoiT, Hist. N. F., in, 177-170 ; nvtcU., Hist. Mass., ii., 68 ; Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., IX, 544, 555 ; Will. Hist. Maine, i, 637. Nelson was a relative of Sir Thos. Temple, a distinguished Englisli gentleman of that day. He, was cue of the most active in etfecting the arrest and imprisonment of Andros, in Boston, April 18, 1689, and in 1691, was taken prisoner by the French on his way to Port Royal, N. S. Two years of his imprisonment in Prance he passed in a small hole in the prison, and he saw only the servant who daily passed his food to him through the grate. At length, finding means to communicate with his relative. Sir Pur- beck Temple, in England, a demand was made for his release or exchange, wliich had the effect to cause his removal to the more aristocratic prison, the celebrated Bastile, and finally to his release on parole to visit England, about the time of the peace of Rysvwck. Doc. Col. Hist. N. T., iv, 211. History of Bristol and Bremen. 193 country was therefore essential in order to retain their bold upon the fickle natives. For a time the Indians were held in check by their fears, and a degree of quiet prevailed ; but there was no assurance of continued peace, and the next spring (1693), Major Converse, as commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts forces, was prepared again to take the field. With several hun- dred men he visited Pemaquid, Sheepscot and other places; and at Saco erected a strong fort. The Indians were in great dis- tress and despair, and began seriously to consider the necessity of making peace with the English on such terms as they could obtain. This feeling amoug the Indians the French mission- ries did not fail to see and deplore; as a peace being once established and trade renewed with the English a transfer of their allegiance, in the same direction, might be expected very soon to follow. The missionaries, therefore, strenuously opposed all counsels of peace ; and we shall see, further on, how they used their influence after a treaty of peace was formed. The negotiations began on the part of the Indians with great caution, and a disposition to conceal from the French as much as possible everything connected with it. First a kind of in- formal conference between the parties was held at Pemaquid, July 21st, and a total cessation of hostilities by either party against the other for twenty days agreed upon. It was also agreed that twenty days from that time, or August 11th (1693), another conference should be held at Pemaquid, with a view to form a new treaty of perpetual peace and friendship. This conference was held at the time appointed, all the In- dian tribes being represented, from the Saco river quite down to the Passamaquoddy. The commissioners on the part of Massa- chusetts were John Wing, Nicholas Manning and Benjamin Jackson. The following are the words of the treaty as given by Ma- ther. ^ " Whereas a bloody war has for some years now past been made and carried on by the Indians within the eastern parts of the saiji province [Massachusetts] against their Blajesties' subjects the English, through the instigations and influences of the French; and being sensible of the mise- ries which we and our people are reduced unto, by adhering to their ill 1 Magna., ii, 543. 25 194 History of Bristol and Bremen. councils : We whose names are hereunto subscribed, being Sagamores and Chief Captains of all the Indians belonging to the several rivers of Penobscot and Kennehei-h, Amarascogin and Saco, parts of the said pro- vince oi Massachusetts Bny within their said Majesties' soveraignty, hav- ing made application unto his Excellency Sir William Phips, Captain General and Governour in Chief in and over the said province, that the war may be put to an end, do lay down our arms, and cast ourselves upon their said Majesties' grace and favour. And each of us respectively for our selves, and in the name and with the free consent of all the Indians belonging unto the several rivers aforesaid, and of all other Indians within the said province, of and from Merrimack river, unto the most easterly bounds of the said province: hereby acknowledging our hearty subjection and obedience unto the crown of England; and do solemnly covenant, promise and agree, to and with the said Sir William Phips, and his successors in the place of Captain General and Governour in Chief of the aforesaid province or territory, on their said Majesties' behalf in man- ner following, viz : " That at all times and for ever, from and after the date of these presents, we will cease and forbear all acts of hostility towards the sub- jects of the crown of England, and not offer the least hurt or violence to them, or any of them, in their persons or estate : But will henceforward hold and maintain a firm and constant amity and friendship with all the English. " Item. — We abandon and forsake the French interest, and will not in any wise adhere to, join with, aid or assist them in their wars or designs against the English, nor countenance, succor or conceal any of the enemy Indians of Canada, or other places, that shall happen to come to any of our plantations within the English territory, but secure them, if in our power, and deliver them up unto the English. " That all English captives in the hands or power of any of the Indians, within the limits aforesaid, shall with all possible speed be set at liberty, and returned home without any ransom or payment to be made or given for them, or any of them. " That their Majesties' subjects the English shall and may peaceably and quietly enter upon, improve, and for ever enjoy all and singular their rights of lands, and former settlements and possessions within the eastern parts of the said province of the Massachusetts Bay, without any preten- sions or claims by us, or any other Indians, and be in no wise molested, interrupted, or disturbed therein. " That all trade and commerce, which may hereafter be allowed between the English and Indians, shall be under such management and regulation as may be stated by an act of the General Assembly, or as the governor of the said province, for the time being, with the advice and consent of the council, shall see cause to direct and limit. History of Bristol and Bremen. 195 " If any controversie or difference at any time hereafter happen to arise between any of the English and Indians, for any real or supposed wrong or injury done on one side or the other, no private revenge shall be taken by the Indians for the same, but proper application be made to their Ma- jesties' government upon the place, for remedy thereof, in a due course of justice; we hereby submitting ourselves to be ruled and governed by their Majesties' laws, and desire to have the benefit of the same. " For the full manifestation of our sincerity and integrity in all that which we have herein before covenanted and promised, we do deliver unto Sir William Fhipps, their Majesties' governour as aforesaid, Ahassomha- mett, brother to Edgeremett, Wenongahewitt^ cousin to Madockawando, and Edgeremett, and Bagatawawongon, alias Sheepscoat John, to abide and remain in the custody of the English, where the governour shall direct, as hostages or pledges for our fidelity, and the true performance of all and every the foregoing articles, reserving liberty to exchange them in some reasonable time for a like number, to the acceptance of tho governour and council of the said province, so they be persons of as good account and esteem amongst the Indians as those which are to be exchanged. In testimony whereof, we have hereunto set our several marks and seals, the day and year first above-written. " The above written instrument was deliberately read over, and the several articles and clauses thereof interpreted unto the Indians, who said they well understood and consented thereunto, and was then signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of us, Edgeremett, John Wing, Madockawando, Nicholas Manning, Wassambomet of Norridgwock, Benjamin Jackson, Wenobson of Teconnet, in behalf of Moxus. Ketterramogis of Norridgwock, Madaumbis, A HANQUiT of Penobscot, Paquaharet, a&s, Nathaniel, Bomaseen, John Hornybrook, Nitamemet, John Bagatawawongo, alias, Webenes, Sheepscoat John, Awansomeck, Phill. Ounsakis, Squaw. Eobin Doney, This " was a treaty of perpetual peace and friendship, sanc- tioned by the most solemaasseverations of the parties;" — and we may believe that the Indians, as well as the English, were, at the time, sincere in their professions, and determined to observe its stipulations. In fact the peace thus inaugurated was main- tained nearly a year ; but the Indians had formed the treaty 196 History of Bristol and Bremen. without consulting the French, whose agents did not fail to censure them for their course. As we have seen (ante, p. 175), the governor of Canada [Frontenac] told Bomaseen that they should not have made the treaty, as they had done, but " they might carry it friendly to the English till they should meet with a convenient opportunity of having an advantage to do mis- chief." The French missionaries before alluded to. Father Thury, and two brothers, V. and J. Bigot, used their utmost influence among the Indians to prevent a faithful fulfilment of the treaty ; and therefore, though a general quiet prevailed, the war spirit was not laid, and the English captives still held among them were not brought in. The evil influences at work were not unobserved by the Eng- lish, whose feelings were becoming more and more exasperated, as they, by sore experience, learned more and more of the treachery and perfidy of the enemy they had to contend with. Another important circumstance should also be noted here ; for several years previous to this, beginning with the capture of Port Royal, and the attack upon Quebec by Phips, a project for seizing upon Canada, and expelling the French therefrom was more or less discussed in New England and ITew York ; and, on the other side, the French were debating plans for sacking the cities of Boston and New York, and thus reducing to sub- mission all the English settlements as far south at least as Penn- sylvania.^ About this time too the coasts of New England, and farther south were seriously annoyed by privateers and pirates, the fa- mous Capt Kidd being one of the latter class. Madockawando, chief of the Penobscots, was present at the Pemaquid conference, and signed the treaty there formed ; but, assured by the priests, as is aflirmed bj' writers of the time, " that to break faith with heretics was no sin," his virtue could not withstand their evil influence. He at length consented to lead a hostile band against the English settlements; — and soou some two or three hundred Indians, from the various tribes, were marching across the present state of Maine to fall upon the vil- lage at Oyster river in New Hampshire. This occurred July 18, 1694. The onset was terrible; the destruction of life and ^Doc. Col. Hist. N. T., IX, 411, et seq., 574, et seq. History of Bristol and Bremen. 197 property enormous, the cruelties practiced upon the victims never before surpassed ; — but further description is not required in these pages. ^ The Indians having thus taken up the hatchet without re- serve, other outrages upon the neighboring settlements followed in quick succession ; and a barbarous war, without any decla- ration of war, was inaugurated. This statement is necessary in order to understand the true condition of affairs when (Nov. 19th, 1694), Bomaseen and two other Indians made their appearance at Pemaquid, pretending to have just come from Canada, and to know nothing of any of the outrageous violations of the Pemaquid treaty. They came with a flag of truce, Mather says, " loving as bears and harmless as tigers," and hailed the fort from the west side, desiring to speak with Capt. March. After parleying with them some time, a white flag was raised on the fort, and the In- dians received within, and immediately made prisoners. Sub- sequently, Bomaseen was sent a prisoner to Boston, where he was long confined in jail. His companions were also sent to Boston as prisoners, but it is believed they were soon liberated. Bomaseen was one of the signers of the treaty at Pemaquid, the year preceding ; and now he had j ast come from the bloody attacks upon the Oyster river and other settlements in shameful viola- tion of that treaty. Shall we justify Capt. March in the course he took with the savages ? The unanimous answer would be in the negative ; — no excuse can justify a violation of a flag of truce ; — in all circumstances it is to be held sacred ; — and yet the circumstances of this case deprived the oftense of much of its enormity. And the authorities in Boston bestowed no censure upon March, but rather justified his action, by receiving the prisoner, and holding him as such for a number of years. Capt. March and his men, though never receiving direct cen- sure from the government, felt themselves in the wrong, as the following labored effort in justification of their conduct will show. ^ 1 Charlevoix's Hist. N. F., iii, 313-315 ; Will. Eist. Maine, i, 640 ; Belknap Hist. N. H., I, 315 ; Magn. ii, 544. = Letter of Rev. John Pike, chaplain of the fort, to governor and council, dated, Pemaquid, Jan'y 7, 1694 [should be 169f]. 198 History of Bristol and Bremen. "November 19, Boiuaseen, with ten or a dozen Indians, called over the Bavbican, desiring to speak with Capt. March, and set up a flag, by which they did implicitly own themselves enemies and breakers of the peace. [If it was a time of peace between the parties, as it should have been ac- cording to the treaty of Pemaquid, what need was there of a flag of truce ?] We did not put out ours until an hour or two after theirs ; would have pursuaded them there was no reason for it ; that flags were used between enemies in time of war, not friends in time of peace ; minding them of the late agreement at Pemaquid ; but they called earnestly for it. We resolved to seize Bomazeen at any rate, except positive violation of promise. We made no other promise before he came over but that he should be welcome, we should be glad of his company, would treat him kindly, and do him no hurt. After he was seized, we told him the same, and observed it punctually, so long as he staid here ; but withal told him we must know who did the mischief at Oyster River and Groton, &c., of which they made themselves ignorant ; why the peace was so soon broken and by whom ; that they must go to Boston and abide there till Sheeps- cote John was sent to fetch in the Sagamores, and then they should come again with some English to treat, &c. We thought it not unlawful, nor culpable to apprehend such perfidious villains and traitors (though under a white rag) that have so often falsified their promise to the English, viz : at Cocheoo, at Casoo fort, at Oyster Kiver and other places ; that make no conscience of breaking the peace whenever it serves their turn, although never so solemnly confirmed with subscriptions and oaths. They have no regard to the law of nations, and therefore deserve no human respect. Besides, we are credibly informed, they came with a certain design to be- tray their majesties' fort here, under pretence of trade, friendship, &c., and so they are fallen into a pit of their own digging. Neither did we aim at anything more than their detainment as prisoners, supposing some advantage might accrue to the poor captives, if not the country thereby. If your honors judge it not fairly done, they are now in your hands to dispose of and deal with them as may be for their majesties' honor, and as the circumstances of the case may require." i Of the Indians there were now in prison in Boston the hos- tages given at Pemaquid at the adoption of the treaty, and Bomaseen, with such as may have been sent there at the same time with him. These the tribes greatly desired to see at liberty again, to which the English were willing to agree, provided only that sufficient security could be given against the repetition of ^ RutcJi. Hist. Mass., ii, 81. History of Bristol and Bremen. 199 future outrage. Early in the spring therefore (1695), it was ar- ranged that Sheepscot John, should be sent on a tour among the various tribes, with the view of elTecting some arrangement looking towards the restoration of peace. As the result, May 20th, 1 a flotilla of some fifty canoes, with many Indians, made their appearance at Pemaquid and encamped on an island — some say, Rutherford's Island — a league from the fort. Some ofHcers from the fort met them there and received from them eight English captives whom they freely gave up; they also confessed the grevious wrongs of which the Indians had been guilty, and agreed to a truce of thirty days, until commissioners from Boston might arrive to negotiate further with them. The confereirce met as agreed upon, the English commis- sioners being Col. Phillips, Lt. Col. Hawthorne, and Major Converse ; but on the part of the English it was claimed, un- wisely as many thought, that all other captives still held by the Indians must be given up, according to the former treaty, before any negotiations with reference to a new one could be even be- gun. The Sagamores had already freely restored eight cap- tives, and were very angry that so hard a condition should be required of them; they complained bitterly that Bomaseen and other Indian prisoners in Boston were not restored, and abruptly departed to enact other scenes of carnage and blood. ^ The Indians now were ready for the indiscriminate murder of English people wherever found, and too often the English, in their exasperation showed a disposition not less diabolical. Within a period of about six months not less than forty persons connected with the different settlements were either killed or taken captive by the savages. September 9th (1695), as a number of men were rowing a gondola " around a high rocky point above thebarbacan," they were fired upon by some Indians, and four killed and six wounded. The killed were Serg. Hugh March, Ed. Sargeant, John Linkhorn, and Thos. Johnson. ' About this time Capt. March, at his own request, was relieved of his command at the fort, and Pascho Chubb appointed in his place. He proved to be a man with scarcely a single quali- ' May 23d, Pikgs Journal, Hist. Coll. N. H., ill, 46. ' Hutch. Hist. 3Iass., ii, 84 ; Magn., ii, 548. s Journal Bei>. John Pike, Hist. Coll., N. H, iii, 47 ; Macja., ii. 548. The gon- dola (usually pronounced gundaloio), is still much used in the vicinity. 200 History of Bristol and Bremen. fication for so importaut a trust, as will shortly be shown. Al- most at the very beginning of his administration, occurred a transaction that we cannot contemplate without shame. Sun- day, Feb. 16 (1696), there appeared at the fort a company of Indians among whom were Edgeremet, a Machias' chief, Aben- quid,^ a Penobscot chief, and Toxus, chief of the ITorridgwocks, with several others, having for their object professedly to nego- tiate for an exchange of prisoners. The two first mentioned had signed the treaty at Pemaquid in 1693. The English, it is believed, met the Indians a little distance outside of the fort; — and soon an altercation began between the parties, in a manner that cannot now be very well determined ; but resulted in the death of the two chiefs first mentioned above, and two other Indians, and, perhaps, of one or two En- glishmen. Some Indians were taken prisoners, but Toxus and a few others rescued themselves from their grasp and escaped.' Some accounts of the transaction represent that Chubb and ■ his men, having engaged in a free and friendly conversation with the Indians, without any provocation, fell suddenly upon them with their weapons, killing several and wounding some others, and that the Indians in the struggle acted only in self defence; but this is questionable. But it is certain that the people of New England, much as they were exasperated against the Indians at the time, considered the conduct of Chubb and his men very reprehensible, which clearly shows that they must have been entirely in the wrong. The following account is from Drake's Book of the Indians (Book III, p. 122), which, however, he does not consider as worthy of implicit reliance. He suggests that it may be Chubb's own statement of the transaction. " An Indian sagamore's son appeared with a flag of truce, and Oapt. Chuh went out to them without arms, man for man. An Indian asked for rum and tobacco : the captain said, ' No ; it is sabbath dai/.' They said, ' We loiU have rum, or we will have rum and you too.' Two Indians laid hold on the captain. Then he called to his men, to fall on, for God's sake. Then he made signs to his men, to come from the fort. One of the English had a hatchet under his coat, took it out and killed an In- ' Others say, a Kennebec chief, tliough often residing at Machias. '' Abenquid, Aheiiquid, Ahanquid, &c. Toxus, Taxons, Toxons, Ilonqui, &c. ' Tlie original letter, which was written only a month after the event, is pre- served in the archives of the Mass. Hist. Soc. History of Bristol and Bremen. 201 dian ; and tlien ours killed two more Indians, and took another alive, and wounded another, supposed mortally. Then many of the enemy came near to the English, who retreated all safe to the fort." The French officiala in this country, in their correspondence with-their own government, gave a very ditt'erent representa- tion of the aifair. The Indians were very desirous at this time to effect the return of their friends, still held in Boston, and to this end sought to open a correspondence in regard to a general exchange of prisoners. To open the way a number of Indiana were sent [probably from the Penobscot] to Pemaquid with a letter from English captives in the hands of the enemy; but here they were debauched by the captain of the fort, and by fair promises induced to enter into trade, contrary to the en- treaty of their friend, M. Thury, who accompanied them in the expedition, but withdrew into the woods, when he saw they were determined to reject his advice. The parties traded together in good faith for several days ; but at length " the English, perceiving the principal chiefs grouped under the guns of the fort, began by killing Egere- met \_Edgeremet] a famous chief and his son by pistol shots. Taxous [Taxus] was seized by three soldiers, and some others were laid hold of in like manner, one of whom was carried alive into the fort. Two more armed with knives liberated themselves from three of the enemy who had hold of them, and four Englishmen lost their lives. One of our Indians was killed by the shots which were fired from the fort ; another saved Taxous after having killed two more of the enemy with his knife. Thus we lost four, and the enemy six, men by their treachery. It is to be hoped that the Abenakis will not place any confidence hereafter in English promises." The account goes on to say that " some Micmacs and other Kennebec Indians surprised a detachment belonging to the gar- rison of Pemkuit in some islands opposite the fort, and killed twenty-three of them." ' ''Doc. Gol. Hist. N. Y., ix, 643. What transaction the last statement has refe- rence to cannot now be determined. M. Thury was probably the real author of the whole statement. Charleviox (Sist. N. P., Ill, 333) is exceeding confused in what he says of the matter. 26 202 HiSTOBT OF Bristol and Beemen. A little time previous to these tragical events at Pemaquid, Gov. Stonghton, of Massachusetts (Jan'y 21st, 1695), addressed a short letter to the Indians, hoping in some measure to restrain their ferocity ; and it called forth a reply remarkable for its malignity, from which we give some extracts below. The go- vernor in his letter charged upon them " the late tragical out- rages and barbarous murders," called them " enemies of the crown of England," and threatened them with severe punish- ment if they failed to restore the captives still in their hands, and also to arrest and bring in the guilty authors of the late atrocities. The reply was signed by one of the Indians ; but of course it was not written by him. The two brothers, Vincent and James Bigot were at this time serving as missionaries among the Abenakis, and very probably to one or the other of these we may trace the real authorship of the letter. ' " Lord who writest to me, listen and understand what I am about to say, and write, to you. Thou wilt easily recognize my words, and why wilt thou not recognize them. It is thou (so to express myself) that furnishest them to me. Writing with too much haughtiness, thou obligest me to reply to thee in the same style. Now, then, listen to the truths I am about to tell thee of thyself; of thee, who dost not speak the truth when thou sayest that I kill thee cruelly. I never exercise any cruelty in kill-, ing thee, [as I kill thee] only with hatchet blows and musket shots. Thy heart must have been ever addicted to wickedness and deceit. No other proof is necessary than the acts last autumn at Saco and Pemkuit, taking and detaining those who were going to obtain news from thee. Never in the universal world has it been seen, never has it been related of a man being taken prisoner who bears a tiag [of truce] and goes to parley on public business. This, however, is what thou hast done ; in truth, thou hast spoiled the subject of discussion. Thou hast covered it with blood ; as for me, I could never resolve to act in that manner, for therein I have even an extreme horror of thy unparalleled treachery. How then dost thou expect that we would talk. * * * What thou sayest I retort on thyself There, repent and repair the grave fault thou hast committed ; seize those who killed me at Saco, and made me prisoner at Pemkuit. I will do the like by thee. I will bring thee those who killed thee when I shall be able to find them. Fail not to do what I require of thee ; of thee, I say, who killest me without cause ; who takest me prisoner when I am off my guard. Here, again, is what ' Doc. Col. Ilut. N. Y., IX, 613-615. History of Bristol and Bremen. 203 I say to thee. Bring, or send me back my relatives whom thou detainest without cause. * * As for me, thou canst not inflict much injury on me except by your treachery. My houses, my stores, my pro- perty are in inaccessible countries. If thou wilt confiscate them, they will cost thee a great deal of labor and fatigue." * * * Several events of minor importance that occurred at Pema- quid while fort William Henry stood there in all its grandeur may be mentioned here. Governor Phips made an excursion east as far as Pemaquid in 1693, but was not present at the negotiation of the treaty of that year, as has been sometimes said ; the next year, 1694, he made another visit here. He went as far east as St. George's river, calling at several of the settlements. His object seems to have been, by personal inspection to acquaint himself with the general condition of affairs in those settlements. At Pema- quid he met the Penobscot chief, Madockawando, and pur- chased of him a large tract of land on the Penobscot and St. George's rivers, which like other transactions of this character afterwards became the subject of much controversy. Long after Phips's day the proprietors of the claim, and those holding un- der the grant of the council of Plymouth, March 30th, 1630, to Beauchamp and Leveret agreed to unite their interests ; and the united claim came to be represented by "Waldo, and finally by Gen. Henry Knox of revolutionary fame. The claim was for a tract thirty miles square. March 28th, 1695, two men. Sergeant Tilton and Peter Dill ventured out into the sound in a birch canoe, and were over- taken by a sudden snow squall and both drowned. The caution of the natives in not venturing, as a general thing, to go around the point in their small craft seems to have been wise. 204 History of Bristol and Bremen. CHAPTER XIX. Condition of affairs at Pemaqnid in the spring of tte year 1696 — Fort William Henrj' a great annoyance to the Indians — Plans for its reduction, and a naval and military force sent by the French for its capture — Strength of the force — Capture of an English ship, the Newport, by two French frigates — The French ships anchor at a respectful distance from the fort, and Castine with his Indians ready to make an attack from the land — Capture of the fort and surrender of the garrison — Chubb, the commander of the fort, severely censured — He peti- tions to be released from jail — Killed by the Indians — A military and naval expedition sent to the eastward from Boston — Plans of the French and Cana- dians to reduce all the northern English settlements to subjection — The people of Massachusetts not altogether inexcusable for the disastrous result at Pema- quid — • John Palmer, John West, James Graham, Henry Jocelyn and Sir Wil- liam Phips. The year 1696 was ushered in with unusual quiet for these parts; but plans for the reduction of New England and New York continued to be earnestly discussed by the French officials in Canada aud Acadia. The Indians early in the season com. mitted several murders in JSTew Hampshire and the western part of Maine ; and the peace that prevailed in the region of Pemaquid was due to the fortress there, which was considered the " strongest fastness of the British in North America." * The French could expect to maintain their hold in Acadia and Nova Scotia only by'retaining the Indians in their interest; and the friendship of the latter would be of little consequence un- less they could be kept in active hostility against the English." Several times some of the Indians indicated a disposition to transfer their allegiance from the French to the English ; but such a tendency was always promptly met by the French offi- cers, and the French missionaries, by efforts to bind them more closely to themselves, or else to excite in their breasts a more deadly hatred of the English. Tothelndians thefortatPemaquid wasa source of much annoy- ance, as we have seen heretofore, being situated directly on their line of travel, along the coast in their canoes. This will be better ^Hist. of Canada, i, 349. History of Bristol and Bremen. 205 understood when it is known that the natives seldom ventured around the point in their canoes, but chose rather to carry them, and whatever etfects they had, across the laud from New Har- bor to the outer Pemaquid Harbor. In their small light canoea of birch bark it was not safe, except in the very finest weather, to venture so far out to sea as to pass around the point. The fort, therefore, being exactly in their path, would almost pre- clude any communication between the eastern and western tribes by their canoes, at least in time of war. To obtain pos- session of it was, therefore, a matter of great importance, both to the Indians and the French ; and to this end preparations now began to be made in good earnest. Villebon, governor of the French settlements in Acadia was accustomed to receive his supplies from the home government early in the spring of the year, and a plan was devised in Bos- ton to seize upon the vessels bringing them, on their passage. For this purpose an English armed ship was the year before sent down from Boston to cruise off the mouth of the St. John's river, but the Frenchmen were found too strong to be attacked, and nothing was accomplished. This year (1696) it was determined to send a stronger force ; and two ships of war, the Neioport and the Sorlings, with a small vessel to act as a tender, were put in readiness and ordered to cruise to the east- ward, and if possible intercept the expected store ship. These ships, however, instead of the expected rich store ship, fell in with two French ships of war, I'Envieux and la Pro- fonde, under D'Iberville, both well provided and armed, and destined together to make an attack on fort William Henry, at Pemaquid. The French ships were superior to the English ; and in the fight that ensued, the IsTewport soon lost her topmast, and was obliged to surrender; and the Sorlings and the tender only made their escape in a thick fog, which now very oppor- tunely settled down upon them. These French ships had been fitted out at Quebec ^ for the express purpose of reducing Pemaquid ; but the English had failed to learn the fact, or had neglected to make any special preparation in self-defence. With their prize, the Newport, the French ships made sail for St. Johns, where all needed i-epairs were made, and the 'In Garneaa's Hist, of Canada, translated by Bell (vol. i, 348), it is said they sailed from Rochefort. 206 History of Bristol ant> Bremen. Indians coDciliated by presents freely distributed among them. At Cape Breton cue of the ships had taken on board some fifty Indians, and here fifty more were put on board the other. They then sailed for the Penobscot, where Castine, who had engaged in the service two hundred of the Penobscot tribe, was in readi- ness for them. Here also another French officer, Villieu, with twenty-five French soldiers, joined the expedition ; and the three ships sailed together for Pemaquid, Castine and his two hun- dred Indian warriors having previously started in their canoes. Castine and his Indian allies reached the place August 13th, and D'Iberville with the men of war the next day — the ships taking their position a league from the fort, thus manifesting for it a very proper respect. At five o'clock, p. m., of the 14th, a summons was sent to the fort to surrender, to which Capt. Chubb, with no little bluster, replied, that he would not do so even " if the sea were covered with French vessels, and the land with Indians." ^ The French had already landed several field pieces ; and with this, the attack was begun, the Indians also firing their mus- kets as occasion offered. The fort replied in like manner; but as the fort was provided with heavy cannon of long range it is difficult to understand how the beseigers could approach near enough to produce any effect with field pieces and muskets ! Probably little was accomplished by these preliminary move- ments ; but during the night heavier cannon and mortars were landed, and put in position in the early part of the next day, so that by three in the afternoon they were ready for more deci- sive operations. Some gentleman, a few years ago, after personal examination of the place, came to the conclusion that the place selected by the French for landing their cannon and mortars — certainly the latter — was a little cove that makes up from the south on the west side, beyond the Barbacan. The point probably was then well covered by a heavy growth of spruce, which, espe- cially in the night, would perfectly conceal them from observa- ■ Charlevoix, Hist. N. F., Iii, 363 ; Hutcli. Hist. Mass., ii, 89 ; Will. Hist. Maine,, I, 643 ; Doc. CM. Hist. N. Y., vs., 658. Hutcliinson says the fort was captured July 14tli ; and Williamson and Dexter (Ghurch's Eastern, Expeditions, p. 88, note) fol- low lilm ; but the date given in the text is probably the true one. Mather (ifa^rn. II, .549) says the " fifth or sixth of August," which of course is to be understood as 0. S., while the date given in the text, being taken from the French accounts, is according to the N. S. The 14th, N. S., would correspond to the 3d, 0. S. History op Bristol and Bremen. 207 tion by those in the fort. Searching ou the shore they thought they found some masses of rock so placed artificially that they may have been used as bases ou which the heavy mortars were supported. The idea of course is that the bombs were thrown across the water a little outside the point of rock, called the Barbacan. • Another circumstance may perhaps favor this view. The place alluded to is almost exactly opposite the west angle of the fort, so that it would be extremely difficult to train upon it the heavy guns of the fort from either the southwest or north- west sides. They began by throwing into the fort several bombs from their mortars, producing no little consternation in the minds of the besieged. Just at this time Oastine found means to convey a letter into the fort, threatening that if they refused to surren- der until the place should be carried by assault, they would have to deal with the Indians, and must expect no quarter, for such were the commander's instructions from the king. ^ This produced the desired effect. After a short parley between Chubb and the French officers a surrender was agreed to, and before night the French took possession. The terms of surrender were that the officers and soldiers of the fort should be sent to Boston, and the same number of French and Indian prisoners returned ; and that they should be specially protected from the malice of the Indians. Chubb and his men then marched out of the fort, and for security from the savages, were conveyed to an island (probably Ruther- ford's island) near which the ships were anchored; and Vil- lieu with sixty French soldiers entered and took possession. On entering they found an Indian in irons, who had been held a prisoner since the fight in the month of February, as heretofore described. He was in a miserable condition, having suffered greatly from his long confinement ; and when the other Indians became acquainted with his case, they were exceedingly en- rao-ed. But for the precaution which the French commander had taken to remove all the English irom the place, they would have been in great danger from the fury of the savages. ^ > E. K. Sewall, Esq. ^ When Hutcliiuson wrote his History of Massachusetts he had before hiiu the orio-inal note which Castine sent into the fort, and which led to the surrender. °Some writers— and among them Williamson (Hut. of Maine, i, 644) — affirm that the Indians, in their rage, did actually fall upon several of the soldiers and murder them ; but the statement is not supported by the best authorities. 208 History of Bristol and Bremen. Ud fortunately, Chubb left in tbe fort some of his private pa- pers, and among them was found an order, recently received from the Massachusetts authorities, to hang the wretched In- dian prisoner; but the French oiEcer wisely kept the fact from the knowledge of the Indians. ^ The conduct of Chubb in thus surrendering the fort, without even a serious eftbrt to hold it. was severely condemned by the government and people of Massachusetts. The fort was in good condition, with a well supplied bomb-proof magazine, situated, according to Charlevoix, partly under the large rock within the walls, and had fifteen mounted cannon. Thegarrison consisted of ninety-two men, with sufficient supplies for a long siege ; and French writers admit that if the fort had been properly defended the result would have been doubtful. Cer- tain it is that it could have been captured only by a long siege, and the shedding of much blood. No one in the fort was in- jured ; and the French lost but one man, who died some time after the capture of the fort, of pleurisy, contracted, as was supposed, by his labors and exposure during the siege. The cannon and other property of the fort were then removed on board the French ships, except the small arms, which, with much ammunition, were distributed among the Indians, much to their satisfaction. The fort, and everything about it were destroyed ; the walls thrown down as far as possible ; and, on the eighteenth of the month, they took their departure to the Penobscot. Chubb, on his return to Boston, was arrested and thrown into prison, where he remained several months ; but it is be- lieved he was never brought to trial. The following is a petition of his addressed to the general court, to be released from prison : " To the Greate and Gen" Court of his Majn-s Province of the Massa- chusetts Bay in New England Assembled att Boston by adjournment November 18th, 1696. The Petition of Pasco Chubb Late Commandr of his Maj'ys Fort at Pemaquid Humbly Slieweth That yo'' Petition^ Stands oomited a Prison'' in the Boston Goale for his Late Surrendering & delivering up the aforesaid Fort and Stores thereto belonging unto his Majiys Enemies, &c. And Whereas Yo' Petitionr is a very poore man, having a wife and 1 Charlevoix, Hist. N. F., in, 203. History op Bristol and Bremen. 209 children to Look after w=h by reason of his confinem» & poverty are reduced to a meane and necesstous condition, having not wherewith all either to defray his prison necessary charges or to relieve his Indigent family Yo"- Petition' Therefore humbly prays that this high and honbie Court will please to consid' the premises Soe that he may either be Brought to his Tryall, or else upon giving Sufficient Bayle, be released from his pre- sent Confinement whereby he may be enabled to take some care of his poore family for their- Subsistence in this hard and deare Winter Season. And y Petition' as in duty bound shall ever pray." i The general court took action upon the petition, March Slst, 1697, and in consideration of his long imprisonment ordered payment to be made him for his services ; but did nothing fur- ther. Not long afterwards he was discharged from prison, by what process has not been ascertained, and allowed to return to his family in Andover, where himself and wife were killed by the Indians, Feb. 22d, 1698. The Indians, about thirty in number, it is supposed, visited the place with the special design of seeking revenge upon Chubb for the wrongs they believed he had done them; but in the attack several others were slain, and some taken into captivity. ^ It has been suggested — and with much plausibility — that both Chubb and his men, in so cowardly surrendering the fort at Pemaquid, were influenced not a little by fear of the savage vengeance that would probably be executed upon them, should they fall into the Indians' hands. More than this, their own consciences accused them of wrong doing in regard to these vindictive people. The first intelligence of the capture of the English ship Newport, and the fall of Pemaquid, was brought to Boston by the shallop sent there with the prisoners to be exchanged according to the terms of capitulation. The event was consi- dered by the Indians and French as a matter of the greatest importance ; and it was supposed that the same forces would proceed at once to attack other English settlements on the coast farther west, as Casco, York, or Piscataqua. There was ^Mass. Archives, 70, 307 and 335. = Journal of John Pike, W. H. Hist. Coll., in, 49. 27 210 History oe Bristol and Bremen. need of prompt action on the part of Massachusetts, and a force of five hundred men under Col. Gedney was sent east to York, for the protection of that settlement, and Major Church with as many more men in three ships of war, and one or two tenders, was despatched to Pemaquid, to give battle to the French fleet if it could be found, and to punish the enemy, either French or Indians, as they might have opportunity. They landed at York, as they sailed east, called and inspected the ruins of Pemaquid, but found no enemy to fight, as the French fleet had left those waters, and the Indians were careful to be out of the way. To give the latter an opportunity to leave their hiding places Church anchored his ships in the har- bor of Monhegan, and hoped to catch the Indians about the mouth of the Penobscot by sending his armed boats there in the night ; but nothing of any importance was accomplished. Thus passed away the autumn of 1696; and if the French did not follow up their advantage with becoming energy, it was for the reason that the next year, with better preparation, they proposed for themselves a magnificent enterprise, which had often been suggested, but never before undertaken. Immedi- ately after the capture of fort William Henry, the French easily reduced whatever other impoverished English settlements there were to the east of Pemaquid ; and by right of conquest, the whole country east of the Kennebec became subject to the crown of France. This proposed enterprise was the reduction of all the En- glish settlements on the coast as far south as, and including l^ew York. A magnificent project truly, as it appears to us at the present day, and of doubtful execution ; but the French government, intoxicated by their successes of the preceding year, were disposed to make the attempt. Therefore, early in the spring (of 1697) a formidable fleet of "ten men-of-war, a galliot, and two frigates," were put in readiness and ordered to sail for those shores. The plan was for them to leave the port of Brest, not later than April 25th ; but various delays occurred, and they did not reach Placentia Bay in IsTewfoundland until July 24th. Here they came to anchor, and had communication with the French officials residing in the place, and here the commander, the Marquis of JSTesmoud — an able and experienced officer — seemed fii-st to have formed some adequate notion of the mag- History of Bristol and Bremen. 211 uitude of the enterprise in wliicli he was engaged. His ofScers also shared the same feelings with him ; and it hegan to be seen that the season was too far advanced to begin so extensive a plan as that proposed ; therefore when a council of war was called to determine whether they should proceed immediately to make an attack upon Boston, every voice was given in the negative. The Massachusetts people were not ignorant of these designs of the enemy against them, and such preparations were made for self-defense as they were able. An expedition under Major March — the same who had previously been commander of Pemaquid fort — was sent to scour the coasts to the eastward; but nothing of any importance was accomphshed. In attempt- ing to land somewhere at the mouth of the Damariscotta river, he was fired upon by Indians lying near in ambush, and several killed. He, however, soon rallied his men that remained, and, charging upon the enemy with fixed bayonets, drove them in every direction, several on both sides being left dead upon the field. This occurred Sept. 9th, 1697. The treaty of Kyswick, by which peace was restored between England and France, was signed Sept. llth, but the fact was not officially made known in Boston until Dec. 10th. By this treaty a nominal peace was restored to the country ; but the chief point in dispute — the true western boundary of Aca- dia, or, as we should now express it, the true boundary line between Maine and New Brunswick — remained just as before. All places, forts, &c., conquered by either party from the other during the war, were to be restored, and all questions as to the proper western boundary of Acadia remained still unsettled. Massachusetts, backed by the British government, still claimed jurisdiction as far east as the St. Croix river, while the French still asserted their rights as far west as the Kennebec. Thus terminated, just at the close of the 17th century, this disastrous Indian war of ISTew England, usually called the second Indian ivar, or King William's war. JSTo one can read the short and melancholy history of fort William Henry without interest. Though the people felt deeply the heavy burden imposed upon them without their con- sent, by the expense of its construction , and were greatly divided in opinion as to the propriety of the expenditure, there can now be no question of the great importance of the fortification in 212 History of Bristol and Bremen. the condition of affairs at the time. The excellent effect upon the Indians was plainly seen ; and if it could have been main- tained with the same spirit as Phips manifested in its construction, the subsequent enormous expenditure of blood and treasure would have been avoided. The appointment of so incompetent a commander as Pasco Chubb, in so important a place, at such a critical juncture, was an official blunder, for which no excuse can be allowed ; but still the fatal disaster, which terminated its existence so soon in its history, must be ascribed in no small degree to the coldness, not to say the hostility of the people of Massachusetts. Feats of self-sacrificing endurance and deeds of heroic daring ought not to be expected of even good soldiers, when they know that a spirit of repining and complaint is abroad among those who ought to be their supporters. A few of the personages who had a hand in the transactions, heretofore described, require some further notice here. John Palmer and John West were two such characters. Palmer came to Pemaquid from New York in the summer of 1686, by appointment of Gov. Dongan, having received his commission June 19th. His chief business was to attend to the collection of the revenues, the chief part of which was to be derived from the quit-rents, or moneys received for leases of land to the settlers ; for while government claimed to own all the land, it was not the policy to sell farms to settlers, giving deeds thereof, as is now done with us; only leases were given, the considera- tion being a certain amount per acre, or per hundred acres, to be paid annually as quit-rent. He and his associates seem to have been allowed to fix their own scale of prices, which of course were limited only by the supposed ability of the settlers to pay. He was also clothed with some civil authority, not very well defined. He had been a member of Grov. Dongan's council in New York, and was by natural disposition and habit a fit instrument to be sent here, as assessor and collector of an unjust and unwilling tribute from the poOr settlers. He was here when Gov. Andros with his soldiers arrived, late in the autumn of 1688 or early in the year 1689, and probably left with him for Boston on hearing of the revolution in England. At Boston with Andros and others he was imprisoned several months, and afterwards took his departure for England. History of Bristol and Bremen. 213 John "West, an Englishman, came to New York in 1678 in the same ship with Gov. Andros, James Graham, and others. He was appointed to several important offices by Andros, as secretary of the province, clerk of the court of assizes, and clerk of the city of ISTew York. In old documents he is sometimes styled " Merchant of IsTew York." In 1680, he was appointed by Andros " Justice of peace at Pemaquid and its dependen- cies;" but it is believed he did not remove there for several years. October, 1684, he was married to Anne Rudyard, daugh- . ter of Gov. Rudyard of ISTew Jersey. We first hear of him at Pemaquid in 1686, when he was associated with John Palmer, as deputy secretary, for the collection of the revenue. He was a fit associate of Palmer, but, if possible, still more arbitrary, and greedy of money. It is believed that he was here at the time of Andros's visit, and probably returned with him and Palmer to Boston. He was one of those imprisoned in Boston with Andros, Palmer and others by the uprising of the people, and probably died not long afterwards. James Graham, who came to this country with Andros and Palmer, as before mentioned, was by birth a Scotchman, but strong in the confidence of Andros. He first engaged in mer- chandise in ISTew York city, and entered largely into the pur- chase of lands in IsTew York, New Jersey, and elsewhere. But he soon found his way into office, as was of course the understanding. He was first made attorney general, though not bred to the law, and member of the council for New York, but when Andros was appointed governor of New England, Graham came with him, as his attorney general, and long re- sided "in Boston. His fondness for holding real estate is seen in the fact that on very easy conditions, as previously mentioned (ante, p. 154), he obtained, apparently without rendering any consideration whatever, the large grant of one thousand acres of land at Pemaquid. He was never in the place ; and his association with Palmer and West, as previously related, was only advisory, as law officer of the government. He was im- prisoned in Boston, at the same time with Gov. Andros and others, and was not released until several months. He removed from Boston to New York in 1691, and in the latter part of his life resided at Morrisania, where he died about 1702 or 1703. 214 History of Bristol and Bremen. Henry Joscelyn (Josselyu) came to this country in 1634, and settled at Black Point (Scarboro'). He was a man of strict integrity, and, at different times, was appointed to several import- ant oiBces ; but he always favored the views and interests of the royal government, and the proprietors holding grants under it, and opposed the schemes of Massachusetts. Becoming dis- gusted with the course the public affairs were taking in the western part of the present state of Maine, he with his family left it, and removed to Pemaquid, where he spent the rest of his life. He came to reside at Pemaquid very soon, probably, after the occupation of the place by the agents of the Duke of York, about 1677 or 3678. In 1680, be was appointed " Justice of the Peace in Quorum," by the governor of New York, and subsequently received other marks of confidence. In September of the same year, Gov. Andres wrote to Ensign Sharpe, then in command of Pemaquid, as to " Mr. Joslyne whom I would have you use with all fitting respect Considering what he hath been and his age. And if he Desire and shall build a house, for himselfe to lett him Choose any lott and pay him ten pound towards it or if he shall Desire to byre soe to live by himself then to Engage and pay the rent either of which shall be allowed you in yo' account as alsoe sufficient provision for him- selfe and wife as he shall Desire out of the stores." He died previous to May 10th, 1683 ; as Capt. Brockholls writing that day to Lawrence Dennis speaks of him as deceased. He was an honored and worthy man ; and if the spot where his dust reposes could now be known, it would constitute an addi- tional attraction for visitors to old Pemaquid. Many writers mention Pemaquid as the probable birth-place of Sir Wm. Phips, afterwards governor of Massachusetts, under the Charter of William and Mary, but others say, probably more truly, that he was born at Woolwich, on the Kennebec. Others still, who allow that he was born at Woolwich, claim that he lived some time at Pemaquid. Mather says that " he was born Feb. 2, 1650, at a despicable plantation on the river of Kenne- bec, and almost the furthest village of the eastern settlement of New England." This despicable village is believed to have been the ancient Nequasset, at or near which is the present village of Woolwich. When about twenty- four or twenty-five years old he con- tracted to build a vessel at Sheepscott, and had just finished it History of Bristol and Bremen. 215 when the Indian war began here, which was in August, 1676. From this circumstance it is, probably, that it is sometimes said he was born at Sheepscott. The remarkable history and career of Sir Wm. Phips are well known, and would not require mention here but for the fact that it is so often said that Pemaquid was his birth-place. Pemaquid, probably, would not refuse the honor implied, pro- vided only that the " facts of history," as recorded by the most reliable historians would allow its acceptance. ' CHAPTER XX. Ancient Puins at Pemaquid. Fort William Henry and Fort Frederic — Geology of Pemaquid Harbor — Ruins of tlie old forts — Pavements — May the relics found here pertain to a period more ancient than the occupancy of the place by the English ? — Ancient streets — Lewis's field — Ancient canal at the Falls — Gyle's field — Population and business of the place — Vessels built at Pemaquid — Claims to land in this place entered in the book of " Eastern Claims." The name Pemaquid has sometimes been used to designate the whole coast from the mouth of the Kennebec river, to the St. George, but it properly belongs only to the peninsula where the old fort stood and the adjacent harbor and river. The accompanying map of fort Frederick, and the Pemaquid peninsula on which it stands, will be understood without any special description. This fort, erected by Col. David Dunbar, in 1729, under the direction and at the expense of the British o-overnment, has not yet been described in this work. Like fort William Henry, constructed by Phips in 1692, as previously described (ante, p. 168), it was built of stone, and probably occupied the same foundations, though of this there may be some doubt. But whether or not the foundations are the same ' The anonymous writer of an article in vol. ii, p. 338, of the 3Iaine Hist. Col- lections says that " James Phips, father of Sir William Phips, settled here about 1638 but afterward removed to the banks of the Kennebec, in the town of Wool- wich" but cites no authority for the statement ; and the author of this work has been unable to find any support for it among the old writers. History of Bristol and Bremen. 217 as those laid bj' Pbips, it is entirely certain that the two occu- pied substantially the same site. A further description will be given when the subject comes again before us in the regular order of events. The peculiar formation of the harbor is especially interesting to the geologist, being separated as it is from the sea on the south by an immense dyke of trap or basalt, which like an artificial breakwater, protects it from the waves, but allows a sufiicient space for the passage of ships. ^ The rocks of this whole region are of the kind called by geologists, metamorphic, with frequent masses and veins of granite and quartz, and occa- sional dykes of trap, passing into hornblende. The upheaval of the stratified gneiss and mica slate in all this region has been in lines nearly north and south, the axial lines being continued down into the promontories; and between these the tide fiows up a greater or less distance, as in the Kennebec, Sheepscot, the Damarriscotta, aud the Pemaquid rivers. Pemaquid point is the extreme southern termination of one of these promonto- ries, having the Muscongus bay on the east, and John's bay and the Damariscotta river on the west. The projecting, basaltic sea wall at the harbor on the west side was often called the Barbacan by the early writers, pro- bably because of its supposed resemblance to certain walls or watch towers, which in those days were often erected near the entrance of fortifications or walled cities, and called by this name. A particular locality in the city of Loudon was long known as the Barbacan, and a place of worship was main- tained there by some of the early puritans. It may be that the name is still retained. (Ante, p. 68). Little more now remains of Dunbar's fort than the mere foundations or substructions, on which the walls formerly rested, but these enable us to fix precisely the location of the import- ant structure. It was on the east side of the entrance to the harbor, nearly opposite the sea-wall, or barbacan, but a little south of it, as required by the peculiar conformation of the sur- face. This point of land is really a small promontory by itself, made so by an indentation from John's bay, or Pemaquid outer 1 This dyke has been previously described, ante, p. 6. The appearance of the dyke near the head of Long cove was first pointed out to the writer by William Hackelton, Esq. 28 218 HisTOET OF Bmstol and Bremen. harbor on the south, and a small cove on the north, connected with the Pemaquid inner harbor. This was formerly called Cox's cove, from the circumstance that a descendant, probably a son of William Cox, oue of the vpitnesses to Brown's Indian deed, long lived there. ^ The name is not often heard now, and is not found on the recent map of Lincoln county. Be- tween this cove and the indentation from John's bay on the south, just alluded to, the land is low; and no very consider- able rise in the adjacent waters would be required to change the peninsula into an island. But to claim that it probably has been an island within the period of human history, and perhaps connected with the main land by an artificial bridge, as has been done by the author of the Ancient Dominion of Maine, is to draw quite too largely on the imagination for the legitimate purposes of history. ^ The remains of the fort show it to have been situated on the highest ground on the peninsula, which happens to be near the water's edge just at the entrance of the harbor. The fort was quadrangular in form but not perfectly square. The four sides faced towards the southwest, northwest, northeast and south- east, the four corners or angles being of course towards the four cardinal points. At the west angle is a huge boulder of granite, around which the wall was built, some of the stones still re- maining in their places. The southwest and northwest walls were continued nearly up to this rock, having it exactly in the angle between them ; then starting from these the wall was carried around the rock in a perfect circle, the distance around being 130 feet. This has sometimes been called the round tower, or the greater flanker. The southeast and northeast sides were each 148 feet in length, and the southwest and north- west sides each 130 feet; The entrance was on the northeast side; and at the east angle and diagonally opposite the round tower there was a regular bastion. ^ Within the fort there is ' It may be that tlie cove formerly called by tHs name is the similar indentation from tlie same harbor further east. '' Anc. Dmnmio7>s of Maine, p. 115. s Our artist in drawing the map has taken the liberty to represent a round tower at the eastern angle of the fort, but probably it was a regular bastion. The place of entrance was closed by massive gates of oak. The late Mrs. Sarah (Jolmston) Barnet, who was born in the fort, and lived there in her childhood, in her old age used to describe the scene when after the close of the French war the big gates were thrown open, and the heavy cannon removed and put on a ship to be taken to Boston. History op Bristol and Bremen. 219 a small but well preserved cellar, and at one end of it the re- mains of a brick chimney. The huge granite boulder, inclosed within the round tower, is partly buried in the soil, but if the rubbish were removed that has accumulated around it, would be probably on the west side at least twenty feet in height, and doubtless weighs many hundred tons. On the east side of the rock and partly under it, in an excavation made for the purpose, was the principal magazine of the fort. The entrance to it was by a trap door from above ; a portion of the walls lining it on three sides may yet be seen. Probably another magazine was contained in the bastion in the east angle of the tort. iN'ortheast from the fort, about forty rods distant, is the an- cient cemetery, now handsomely inclosed, but formerly making a part of the open field, and extending over a much larger surface than at present. Unfortunately for us no monuments were placed at the ancient graves, but only rough head and foot stones, obtained from the shore; and it is well known that many of those once standing here were long ago removed, and the ground leveled by the plow. One rough stone which formerly stood alone, at some distance from the present inclosure, contains on it the letters H and M (but they are cut together, thus, EM), and beneath them the date of the year, which some read 1625, but probably it should be read 1695. Some suppose that this is only the foot stone of the grave, the more elaborate head stone having been removed ; but there may be some doubt of this. Formerly the places of several graves were indicated by pieces of plank placed at the bead and foot, the one at the head having a piece of lead in- serted, with an inscription engraved upon it ; but they have long since disappeared. On one of these the inscription was in a language that no one in the place could read but Parson McLean, a clergyman of the place. ^ The grave probably was that of a French lady, the wife of a French captain, whose remains were brought on shore there and buried, perhaps aboul the time of the Revolutionary war, or soon after its close. From the eastern angle of the fort towards the cemetery, directly on the highest point of the ridge, and but little con- cealed beneath the soil, are the remains of an ancient pavement, ' Mrs, Dr. How, 1860. Some account of Rev. Mr. McLean will be given fur- ther on. 220 History of Bristol and Bremen! which probably formed the principal street of the village. The pavement probably was not laid regularly, but was made by throwing in loose stones, which in time became imbedded in the soil, as we now find them. They are so compacted together that it is found impossible to pass the plow through them. ^ Some large flat stones, formerly covered a part of the street, appearing as if laid for flagging ; and only a few years ago an old lady (Mrs. Robinson) remembered to have seen the weeds growing up between them when she once visited the place in her childhood. The pavement extends several rods from the fort, but not as far as the cemetery, which is about foi'ty rods distant. On both sides of the supposed main street are the remains of former cellai's more or leas distinct. From a point near the present cemetery fence, another street evidently connected with this principal street, making nearly a right angle with it, and extending to the shore, where are still to be found in position, a number of the timbers of a former wharf. One of these, perfectly sound, was removed from its old bed in the gravel only a few years ago. On both sides of these supposed streets, are many depressions indicating the exist- ence of cellars. At present there are no walls to the cellars that can be seen, but it is known that formerly, in some of them at least, there were well laid walls; and persons are now living who twenty or thirty years ago aided in removing the stones which appeared at the surface, and in filling the cellars with earth. It is believed that another street once existed, on the south- east side of the main street, just described, and running parallel with itj but the houses on it were mostly without walled cellars. Its supposed place is indicated on the map. From the southeast wall of the fort the ground descends quite rapidly, and at the distance of several rods another pavement is found, even more interesting than the preceding, and the pur- pose for which it was laid not so easy to understand. It is situated on the very edge of the bank from which probably some considerable earth has been washed away, though proba- bly it is not reached by the highest tides. The stones of the pavement until recently were entirely concealed by black earth and gravel to the depth of six to ten inches, and in it the couch- grass roots are thoroughly intertwined so as to form a very ' Mr. Partridge, tlie present owner of the fiejd. History of Bristol and Bremen. 221 tough sod. ITear the edge of the bank the covering of earth _has been removed so as to expose to view a considerable area ; . and it issliown to be a pavement of rather small water-worn peb- bles, as regularly laid as in a street of a city, and all of them in place except as they have been disturbed by very recent intrud- ers. The appearance instantly suggests the idea of a street having a width of twelve or fourteen feet, one side of which is found to rest against a regular cellar wall, and on the other side is a row of larger stones, evidently designed for curb stones. Near the cellar wall a depression in the pavement was plainly intended to carry off the water. Assuming this to be the pavement of a street leading north- easterly towards the present town road, search was made some years ago by a company of gentlemen, at which the writer was present, and the following facts were determined. The cellar though small has a well faced wall probably on all its four sides. The western wall is situated just at the edge of the bank, 80 that the washing away of a very little more earth would expose it to view. On the south side is the pavement just de- scribed, some twelve or fourteen feet in width, and might well be taken for the pavement of a narrow street, but when exa- mined further, it is found to extend around the east and north sides of the cellar wall about the same width ; though on the north side the stones have been somewhat displaced. All- around on the south and east sides at the outer edge a row of larger stones is placed as if for a curbing; though the stones appear to have been only laid upon the surface, and are not fixed in the earth, as is done in modern times. The lines are perfectly straight, so far as exposed to view, and at the south- east angle every stone was found nicely adjusted to its place. The conclusion arrived at from these facts must be that these pavements were designed for the courtyard of a gentleman's house or perhaps some public building, and not for a public street. 1. The stones of which it was made are too small and hght, for a street pavement, and are simply laid upon the earth, which was carefully levelled for the purpose, but were not em- bedded in mortar, as must be done to resist the tread of horses and the pressure of heavy wheels. 2. The pavement is found only on the three sides of the cel- lar and does not extend in any direction from the cellar wall 222 HiSTOEY OF Bristol and Bremen. more than twelve or fourteen feet, which would not be the case if it formed a part of a street. Search was made in every direction, especially on a line towards the present country road but without finding any indications of a further continuance of the pavement. 3. In the early history of the place when these pavements were constructed there were no roads in all this region except on a very small scale in the village here at the fort, and no pleasure car-riages whatever, and of course no need of paved streets. 4. The partial pavement or flagging of the main street leading northeasterly from the fort was pro- bably designed to facilitate the passage of h'eavy teams between the fort and the wharf for which there would be constant need. Traveling in those days in this region was entirely by boat or on horseback, even down to the time when Phips's fort was destroyed in 1696 ; and though there were probably at the latter period a few roads leading from the fort to other places, as New Harbor and Round Pond and Broad Cove, as also to the Falls and to Damariscotta even, they were prepared only for the use of ox teams, and were but barely passable for these. The cellar connected with these pavements has long been completely filled, so that the plow has passed over it as over other parts of the field, yet- the walls are easily found, and im- bedded in the earth in the cellar fragments of charred and rotten wood, and nails, and the remains of articles of domestic use have been found. May not this pavement and other ruins found here, belong to an earlier period than we have supposed, and indicate the presence of civilized people before the advent of either the English or French? This inquiry naturally suggests itself, and has constantly been kept in mind during the explorations here, and elsewhere in this vicinity; and the reply must be very decidedly in the negative. The fragments of many articles of domestic use which have been found, in the opinion of compe- tent judges, are not older than the beginning of the seventeenth century. Some copper coins were found at different times, many years ago, but unfortunately they have not been preserved, and we have not their nationalities or dates. A large copper coin found more recentl}', and now in the possession of R. H. Sewall, Esq., of Wiscasset, though so much corroded that the inscription and various characters upon it can not all be made out satisfactorily, is believed to be a Portugese coin of not ancient date. History of Bristol and Bremen. 223 The fact that the pavement is covered to the depth of six to twelve iuches with soil may be thonglit to indicate a more ancient origin than we are disposed to allow it, but it is to be noted that it is on low ground, and so situated as to receive any- loose material that might be washed upon it by the rains. ' Leaving this pavement and following the shore in a south- easterly direction towards Fish point, we pass the remains of several blacksmith shops, which too plainly indicate their cha- racter to be mistaken, and at length, at only a little distance find other remains the character of which is not so evident. They are mostly covered with green turf, but in digging a little beneath it, for a space of several square yards, we find in abundance fragments of clay tobacco pipes, and occasionally a whole pipe. The soil also appears unlike that in the vicinity, as if mixed with proper pipe clay ; and it has been suggested that probably a manufactory of clay pipes once stood here. Other appearances which can not here be given in detail de- cidedly favor the suggestion. Keturning again to the site of the old fort, we find under the banks, a little distance from the round tower, at the western angle, and down near the water's edge, a remarkable structure, the design of which has as yet baffied all explanatory attempts by the antiquarians. It has the appearance of a well about seven feet in diameter, and nine or ten feet deep, with a wall of coarse red brick, made of a trapezoidal form, and evidently struck in a mould made for this special purpose. Probably they were made here, but, so far as we know, no remains of an ancient brick-kiln has ever been found in the neighborhood. The wall is not perfectly circular but slightly eliptical, having its major axis of about seven feet, the other being about six inches less. The brick wall rests on a smooth surface of solid rock, which at very high tides, may probably be covered with water. The brick were probably laid in clay, instead of lime mortar, but much of it has been washed out by the water. There are no stairs or steps or other indications of any means for persons to descend into it. The structure is imbedded in the bank of loose gravel and sand, and when discovered was quite concealed by the native ' Though much has been said of the ancient voyages of the Northmen, and many eflforts made to discover some traces of their vporka on the coast and islands of New Enn-land, it has hitherto been without any other than a negative result. 224 History of Bristol and Bremen. shrubbery growiog there. It was also entirely filled with the same sand and gravel that form the bank. The top of the wall when discovered, corresponded all around with the slanting surface of the bank, and was of course higher on one side than on the other, several courses of the brick on the lower side having fallen down to the beach below. The discovery of these fallen brick on the shore by a neighbor of Mr. Partridge led him to search for their origin, and eventually brought the whole thing to light. It should be added that the top of the higher part of the wall inclines inward a little, and seems to indicate that it may once have been arched over. It is difficult to imagine what could have been the design of such a structure, in such a place. It is outside of the fort, and not very readily accessible from it ; and probably never was capable of holding water. The suggestion has been made that it was used as a place of punishment, by solitary confinement, of unruly or disobedient soldiers; but if we adopt this view several puzzling questions at once suggest themselves in regard to it; and we are obliged to leave the intelligent reader to form his own opinion. Besides the streets described above, there were probably others — and some have thought they were able to indicate their locality — but the Avriter chooses to confine himself to facts that have been determined with reasonable certainty. Some one, a few years ago, found on the peninsula the remains of fortj'-seven cellars, and at least seven blacksmith's forges; and probably there were many houses without cellars. Near the remains of the old wharf there ajipears to have been a very large cellar, on which (some one has suggested) perhaps stood the public store-house. Perhaps the custom-house of the Duke of York, stood on this very spot, as all foreign vessels, arriving on the coast, anywhere between the Kennebec and the St. Croix rivers — and even fishing-boats — were required to enter and clear at this port, of course paying the required duties and fees. ^ Some old cellars, apparently of ancient date, are found on the west side of the harbor, nearly opposite the fort ; but half or three quarters of a mile further north — at a place frequently called Lewis's field, from the name of the present owner — ^are ruins of a deeply interesting, because of their somewhat myste- ' Maine Hist. Coll., v, 80. History op Bristol and Bremen. 225 rious chariicter. The presumption of course is that the works were designed by the early settlers as means of defense against tbeir enemies, but it is not so clear bow they were constructed, or used. Was there a small fort there, or only a tower for ob- serving the enemy, and also serving to protect tbe guard for a time, until help could be sent from the fort ? The ruins alluded to bere are on a point of land a little elevated above tbe adjacent field, which projects so much into tbe river as to give a clear view upwai'd to the falls and down- ward to tbe fort. Towards tbe uortb, the ridge, wbich lies nearly east and west, falls off quite abruptly, and for several rods presents something of the appearance of an artificial work ; but probably this has been produced in modern times by the repeated passing of the plow along tbe bill-side. Just at the highest point, wbich is a little back from the edge of the bank, there is concealed under the soil, a perpendicular wall of stone very well faced, having the appearance of a cellar wall, or per- haps the foundations of a tower; but the whole is so much concealed by the earth and overgrowing weeds that it is diffi- cult to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. Among the ruins some pieces of a kind of freestone are found, that were evi- dently brought from abroad, as the like is not produced in this region. Both north and south of these ruins, are pavements of small stones, like those previously' described, and concealed from the direct view only by the grassy turf that has grown over them. These pavements evidently were not for streets, but what pur- pose they served we know not. In one or two places they have the appearance of paved water coui-ses leading down to the edge of the bank. Some have thought they found down under the bank indications that there may have been a subterranean passage, leading from the water's edge at high tide to the forti- fications, or whatever it was, upon tbe point of the ridge already described. Near this spot are many old cellars, that appear not to have been disturbed in modern times. From one of these the earth and rubbish were partly removed a few years ago, disclosing very good cellar walls, and bringing to light the remains of articles of domestic use and quite a number of clay tobacco pipes. 29 226 History op Bristol and Bremen. Near this spot some pieces of fossiliferous limestone are found lying loosely upon the surface, which evidently have been brought from abroad, but for what purpose can not now^ be known. The few fragments found would probably be called calcareous tufa, by the mineralogists. At a little distance from the fortification (if such it was) but in the same field, in a low wet place, are the remains of a tan- nery, which, it is believed, dates back to the early settlement of the place. One or two of the ancient vats can yet be traced, and by using a short stick, some of the planks that formed the vats can be felt. A few years ago some pieces of leather well preserved were removed from one of them. Mr. R. K. Sewall has suggested that a Spanish military or naval establishment may have been located here, which is not improbable considering the many Spanish fishing vessels em- ploj'ed on the coast at a very early period, but we need more evidence before accepting the view. He has in his possession two coins found in the viciintj^, one Russian and the other a Portuguese coin of the time of John IV of Portugal (1640-55). The tide flows about a mile northeast from this point to the falls, so called, because of the water-power that occurs here. It was a place of great importance to the early inhabitants, for the reason that it afibrded a good pilace for the erection of mills, and also because of its excellent shad and alewives fisheries, at the proper season of the year. An object of special interest here is the ancient canal, or water course on the east side of the stream, still tolerably well preserved. It begins near the present road, and extends down- ward about twenty rods, curving considerably at places so as to follow along the bank at about the same level. It was probably about ten feet in width and six or eight in depth, but is some- what less now; evidently it was constructed for the purpose of carrying water to the mills situated below. On the side next to the stream were several sideeuts to draw oft' the water to the mills situated below on the edge of the stream. Oul^^ a short and inexpensive draw was required, exactly in the place occu- pied by the present bridge, for the purpose of turning the water — -as much of it as was needed — into the canal. Tradi- tion informs us that when the ancestors of the present inhabit- ants came here, nearly a century and a half ago, large forest trees were found growing in the bed of the canal, and ou its History op Bristol and Bremen. 227 banks, but no information has come to us concerning its origin or use, except what is afforded by the ruiua themselves. ' *Con. sidering all the circumstances of the early settlers here — their great distance from other settlements, and the constant demand upon them for bread by the numerous fishermen and sailors continually resorting here — and especially the need of sawed lumber for the erection of buildings — it is altogether probable that mills were erected here very early, perhaps as early as at any place in IN'ew England. - A faint tradition prevails in the place that the field of Thomas Q-yles, where he and his men were at work on the fatal August 2d, 1689, and where he and several of his men perished, was a few rods below this canal, on the same side of the river ; and the fact that in some accounts of the attack by the Indians it is said that Thomas G-jdes, jr., iu making his escape, forded the river, and made his way down on the west side to the bar- bacan, favors the tradition. But we know that Mr. Gyles owned quite a large tract of land on the loest side of the stream while there is no evidence that he possessed any at the place mentioned on the east side. August 5th, 1686, he purchased of John Palmer, who acted in the name of Governor Dongan, a tract of two hundred acres, which is thus described : " Also, that Tract or Parcel of Upland being Two hundred acres situate lying and being within the Bounds of James Town afore""*, at the Head of a Certain Elver there called and known by y" name of Pemaquid River on the West Side of the Great Falls of y" sK Kiver, &c." ' It is probable therefore that here was the field where the attack was made. It is to be noted also that John Gyles, in his description of the attack, and the escape of hia brother Thomas, does not say that he either forded or in any way crossed the stream, but only that he " wonderfully escaped by land to the Barbacan, a point of land on the west side of the river opposite the fort." It is singular that nothing is said in history of any fortifica- tion at ISTew Harbor; but it is plain from the remains found there that such a structure once existed. All that is to be found now consists of large blocks of granite, which are regularly laid ' H. Nelson Fossett. 2 Much of tte above concerning the ancient rnina of Pemaquid, has been taken from a paper by the author, contained in the Memorvil Volume of the Fop- ham Celebration, Aug. 29th, 1863. ' Torlc Records, vol. xx, p. 253. 228 HiSTOKY OP Bristol and Bremen. upoa the surface of the ground, as if to form the foundation for a wooden structure upon it. The stones are laid in the form of a rectangle, at a place on the north side of the Harbor, about half way from the head to its mouth. It would be exceedingly interesting if we could find means to determine the population and busiaess of the place, at differ- ent periods of its history over which we have passed. We have seen that at the time of the first Indian war, when the inhabit- ants of several of the settlements had collected together on Damariscove island, there were in all about three hundred per- sons, of whom perhaps one-sixth, or fifty, belonged to Pemaquid; but probably there were many others not included in the count. Some escaped from the Kennebec and Sheepscott to other islands, and we know that Sir Wrn. Phips, then a young man, took his father's large family and many of his neighbors directly to Boston, on a new vessel then just launched. Perhaps we shall not greatly err if we estimate the whole population of all these settlements at this time at double the number collected on the island, or six hundred. Of these we may suppose one hundred belonged to Pemaquid and Mus- congus. The following estimate of the population at an earlier date confirms this view. In 1672, the people of the various settlements in this region petitioned to be taken under the care and protection of Massa- chusetts, and the petition was signed by ninety-six names, eleven being of persons belonging to Pemaquid, fifteen to Damariscove, and eighteen to Monhegan, the rest belonging to other places. If we consider these as constituting what would now be called legal voters, as seems proper, a total population of about five hundred would be indicated ; but as we know very well that the names of all persons, in any community, entitled to a voice in such matters can never be obtained at the same time, we may safely add to the above estimate a considerable percentage.^ But Gyles, in his narrative,^ says there were at the time when the place was destroyed by the Indians (1676), at New Harbor alone, "about twelve houses;" which, if we allow for each house a family of five persons, would indicate a population of sixty. Therefore considering this settlement and that at Mus- ' See Will. Hut. Maine, i, p. 447, and Willis's Hist. Portland, 2d ed., p. 187. '' Drake s Trajjcdics uf the Wilderness, p. 77. History of Bristol and Bremen. 229 congns as making a part of Pemaquid, we may safely conclude that the population driven off by the Indians from the territory of the present towns of Bristol and Bremen was not less than one hundred and may have been more neariy two hundred. We have seen that, immediately after the destruction of Pemaquid, the agents of the Duke of York made their appear- ance here, and took possession in his name. They came with a strong force, and immediately began the construction of a fort, which, however, we know was only an earth-work sur- mounted by a stockade. But it was so strong as to command decidedly the respect of the natives, and Pemaquid very soon was found to be a place of safety, where all parties could meet, without fear of molestation, or injury to person or property. As a natural result, a brisk trade soon sprang up, making the place a great business centre for several hundred miles of the coast. All this was foreseen by the duke's government, and hence the very stringent rules of trade and general intercourse with the natives heretofore noticed (ante p. 141). To secure a good revenue for the government the general prosperity of the com- munity must be promoted, and especially must collisions with the natives be avoided. Absurd as some of their regulations of trade were several of them directly favored Pemaquid, especially that making it the only portof entry for the whole coast between tiie Kennebec and the Penobscot, even every fisherman on the coast being obliged, before throwing a line, to enter at the custom house here aud pay a stipulated fee. . With the iucrease of busiuess the village (or city) of James- town also rapidly increased ; and very probably it was during this period of its history, while a royal province, that it attained its highest prosperity. A writer in vol. ii, p. 240, of the Col- lections of the llame Historical Societi/, supposes the population near the close of this period may have been eight hundred, but probably this is too high an estimate, unless we include some of the neighboring settlements. The same writer says that when the place was attacked by the French and Indians, all the people took refuge within the fort, and by the terms of the capitulation were again set at liberty. But if there were within the walls of the fort as many people as this (which is not proba- ble) there was good reason why Chubb should surrender as he 230 History of Bkistol and Bremen. did, and the odium cast upon him for that act was quite unde- served. lu a petition of the inhabitants to Governor Dongan in 1683, it is said (aute, p. 147) " the most part of the inhabitants of the place did come from New York at the subduing of this country," but we know also that many of the old settlers returned. Much of the business of the settlements on the coast at this period was done by bumboats, as they were called, which were small sloops running from port to port on the coast, and carry- ing goods to be retailed both to the Indians and the English, as guns, ammunition, articles of clothing, &c. The people com- plained, that, when these traders were obliged to pay a duty to government, they made it a pretense for charging their custo- mers a still larger percentage, as very pirobably was the fact. But larger ships were not uufrequently seen in the harbor ; between the years 1681 and 1685 inclusive, nine passes ^ — clearances we should call them — were granted at the custom house in New York alone to vessels bound for this place ; but these probably constituted only a small part of those actually entering here. Two vessels, one of them a sloop of thirty-five tons burthen, were built at Pemaquid previous to the destruction of fort Wil- liam Henry in 1696; and very probably there may have been others of which no record has been preserved. The one first to be mentioned was built by private parties but with the expecta- tion apparently that she was to become the property of the government, but some misunderstanding occurred, and it is not known whether the transfer was ever actually made. The other was a sloop of thirty-five tons, and was built here in 1695, as shown by the following entry found in the Massa- chuselis Archives, vol. vii, p. 136. " Sloop, James and Thomas, Capt. James Bevan, a quaker affirmed — sloop of thirty-five tons burthen, built at Pemaquid in 1695. Capt. John Reed of Antigua and himself owners. Registered at Boston, Nov. 19, 1698." The particular location of only a very few of the early families can now be determined. For obvious reasons most or all of them had their residences directly on the har- bors, and the majority of them probably near the fort, to which they could readily fiee in case of special danger. We ' Maine Hist. Coll., V, p. 135, 100. History of Bristol and Bremen. 231 learn from the petition of John Gyles (p. 185), that at the time of Governor Andros's visit in 1688, Ilenrj' Hedger and Dennis Iligiman had their residences on the west bank of the Pema- quid river, and very probably Grace Higiman, previouslj' men- tioned (p. 175), belonged to the family of the latter. When the fort was destroyed in 1696, it was evidently the general expectation that it would soon be rebuilt; bul it was found in a few years that in this they were to be disappointed ; and in 1700 the general court of Massachusetts appointed a committee to receive and register all claims to lands in this re- gion from which the owners had been driven during the Indian wars. From this time to the year 1720, many entries were made; and the book containing them, entitled Eastern Claims, is still preserved in the secretary's office at Boston. From this book most of the following extracts and minutes have been made, pertaining to lands at Pemaquid and vicinity. They make known the names of many of the persons having pos- sessions here, and in most cases probably we may believe the persons lived upon the lands they claimed. We learn from them also that the place (or city, as some- times called), was not limited to the small peninsula of Pema- quid, but included a much larger area. As early as 1686, the part of Jamestown near the fort was sometimes called Newtown, w\i\\q some other part which has not been determined was called Oldtown. This appears from the following extract from a deed contained in the old York records, vol. 20. p. 253. The deed is from John Palmer, Esq., in the name of Governor Dongan, to Thomas Gyles of James- town. It is for " all that Certain Messuage or Lott or Tufft of Ground situate and being on Pemaquid Point where the Fort Charles standeth in that part of Jamestown afore=^ called by the name ol JSIewtown^hura the s-i. Thomas Gyles now dwelleth in Breadth fronting on the Street Three Pole nine and a Half Feet and in the Rear the Like — in Length on both sides Seven Pole Thirteen Foot and Half and also one other Lot or Tufft of Ground situate and being at Pemaquid Point afore'", in that Part of Jamestown afore'", called by the Name of Old Town &c.i ' In the same document mention is made of a meadow owned by Dennis Iligi- man, who lived on the west bank of Pemaquid harbor or river. 232 History of Bristol and Bremen. Coroelius Darling in riglit of Mary Frebray his wife claims a house lot near Pemaquid fort, & a hundred acres of upland, & twenty acres meadow on the western side of Pemaquid Kiver, & the 5"' lot from the Falls by a deed J. Palmer Com. by Coll. Dungan Instr. dated IS'h Sep. 1686, in James Town. Thomas Warden, late of New Harbor, claims a certain Tract or Parcel, of upland lying and being on the westward side of a Cove called by the name of Long Cove, containing one hundred acres, being in Front sixty- four Poles, & in length two hundred & sixty Poles Northwest from a stake at the water side into the woods to an Oak Tree marked butted & bounded S. Southeasterly next to the Lott of Arthur Neale Northerly to the Land of William Case at the east end of the Cove, at the west end the Woods. And also a certain Tract or Parcell of Land lying and being within the bounds of Jamestown on the Land of New Harbor containing sixty acres and one hundred Poles, beginning at a certain stake by the highway and is the westward bounds of George Slater, from thence northerly three hun- dred Poles to a black Oak marked on four sides from thence South three hundred Poles to a stake along the highway, from thence east to the place where began. Also there is a highway left which is to run through along this lott from the head of the Cove called Long Cove. Also Twenty acrea of meadow, one acre whereof laid out at Green Bleadow, the other nine- teen acres to be laid out where it can be found most convenient &c. con- veyed to the said Thomas Warden his heirs &c. as per patent from under Coll. Dungan (Dongan) dated Sep. 13, 1686, & recorded the same day by J. West, Dept. Seo'y Item Recorded in the Records of the County of Pemaquid, July 4, 1687 pr. Jn". Giles, Clerk. Tryall Newberry, in behalf of heirs of John Starkey, claims one hun- dred & four acres of Land within the bounds of James Town upon Pemaquid Neck, beginning at a certain run by the north of Murren's House, with twenty acres of Bleadow, by patent under Gov. Dungan to Richard Mur- ren dated 13, 7'"='' 1686, to pay one bushel merchantable wheat on every 25 of March. Further in like manner claims one hundred & four acres more of upland & 20 acres of meadow lying next to Richaid Murren's said meadow, to be laid out where most convenient, by patent under Gov. Dungan to Nicholas Denning, dated 7^" 17, 1686. Jn°. Butler claims land delivered by Execution, belonging to George Buckland, s'^. Land lying near Pemaquid, viz. 100 acres of Ball Island, Two Farmes lying between Damariscotty and Pemaquid back River, front- ing to a thoroughfair which runs between Damariscotty River & Pema- quid, & 5 acres marsh on the west side Damaris Cove, &c. Mr. John Coltnian, in behalf of himself & Charles Hobby, representing the heirs of Mr. William Hobby, dec'. Thomas Hutchinson Esq for the heirs of Thos. Kelland claims the Residue of the Term of Lease of History of Bristol and Bremen. 233 one parcell of Ground and Land situate lying and beino- near the River called by tbe name of Musoonkus, to the valuation of four hundred acres Land seat (situate) at a place commonly called Round Pond, limited within the bounds following, viz : on small River lying on the North or North East side thereof & extending to the edge or bounds of a parcell of Land in Possession of Thomas Coole of Pemaquid former [ly] sold by Tho^ El- dridge [Elbridge ?] to John Dollen of Mount Hegon (Monhegon) as per an instrument under hand and seal of s^. Thomas Eldridge dated August 1699 and by s"!. John Dollen sold and conveyed to Mr. "Jn". Foster & Wm. Hobby of Boston. Ruth Berry, formerly Sergeant, formerly of New Harbor, in behalf of herself & children, claims a certain Tract or Parcell of upland lying in the bounds of James Town, on the Land of New Harbor, at a certain Place called Long Cove, containing one hundred acres, whereof fifty acres lyeth along the guUey by the said New Harbor Plains, beginning at the Black Oak Tree marked on four sides by said Gulley, from thence North to John Hoskins bounds, from thence west to Rob'. Lally's bounds, from thence Pouth to a Black Oak marked on four sides, from thence East to place where began. Remainder fifty acres is lying at Long Cove, begin- ning at a certain Black Oak Tree marked on four sides, & is the North bounds of Tho'. Warden, from thence North thirty-two Poles to Wm. Case's South bounds, from thence West two hundred & sixty Poles along s^. Case's line, from thence South Thirty-two Poles to Tho^ Warden's bounds, from thence East two hundred and sixty Poles to place where began. Also twenty acres of Meadow to belaid out. Two whereof is laid out, which Bar-ton by the said Wm. Case. The remainder eighteen acres to be laid out where most convenient &c. said Land & Premises granted & conveyed to the claimers former husband Thomas Sergeant of New Harbor dec^. his heirs &c. by a Patent or Conveyance from & under Col. Dungan, dated Sep'. 13, 1686. Recorded same Day by Jn°. West D. SeCy. I', en'. & recorded in the Records of Pemacjuid, July 4, 1687, page 16, p^ Jn°. Giles, C". Same in behalf of herself & sister, Mary Warden's children, claims a certain Tract or Parcell of Land, containing one hundred acres lying & beino- in tbe bounds of James Town in the county of Cornwall, on the East side of Long Cove, being the point running from said Cove over to the sea-side up Nortb-East to a marked Tree, at the head of the Swamp near the Path which leads from said Cove head into Brown Cove adjoin- ino- to the upland of John Haskins on the Southerly side of the same. Alio fifty acres more of upland at New Harbor in abovesaid County, & one hundred Poles beginning at a certain Stake by the Highway, & is the Westward bound of Tho^ Warden, from thence Northerly three hundred Poles to an Oak Tree marked on four sides, from thence West twenty- 30 ' 234 History of Bristol and Bremen. seven Poles to a black Oak marked on four sides, from thence South three hundred Pole to a Stake by the highway, from thence east to the place where began. Also fifty acres of upland more lying and being the South side of New Harbor Cove in abovesaid County, bounded by Kichard Mur- rin's East line, being thirty-two Pole in front and Rear, & Two hundred & sixty Poles deep which is North & South with twenty acres of Meadow, Two acres & a half thereof being laid out already the one in a Meadow known by the name of Long Cove Meadow, being the seventh Lett bounded on the Northerly side with Wm. Case & on the Southerly side Arthur Neale, & to the West end the upland on the South side of Anis Smith stalking place, the other acre & a half at witch Barton on the Westward side on the left hand, i The remainder of the said Twenty acres of Meadow being seventeen acres & a half is to be laid out where most con- venient not already laid out, s'K Tract & Parcell of Land & Meadow granted & conveyed to the olaimer's father, Francis Johnson of s''. New Harbor Dec^., by Patent under & from Coll. Dungan dated Sept. 13, 1686 Signed by J. Palmer J. West D. Sec)'. Jn». Leverett Esq., claims as heir to Tho^. Leverett, dec', all the Lands within and between Musoongus Towards the South or South West a Straight Line ten Leagues to the main land & Continent towards the great sea called the South Sea, & the utmost Limits of the space of Ten Leagues on the North & North Ea.st of a River called Peuobscott towards the Nortli & North East & the Great Sea called the Western Ocean to- wards the East and a direct Line extending from the most westward part & Point of the a'^. Straight Line which extends from Muscongus aforesaid toward the South Sea to the uttermost Limits of the s^. Ten Leagues on the North side of the River of Penobscott towards the West with all Islands within the space of three miles & premises granted by Patent from the Earl of Warwick, To Jn". Beauohamp & Tho*. Leverett, bearing date 13 March, 1629. [Claim afterwards called the Waldo Claim or Patent, and at a later period was represented by Gen. Henry Knox.] Richard Pearse of Marblehead, son of Richard Pearce of Remobscose, carpenter, alias, Misconcus, claims several lands near adjoining unto Round Pond falls, by the name of Remobscus (purchased of Capt. John Sumerset) Trenched away five miles Eastward, four miles Northwest so back to Pemaquid River, uplands & meadows, Islands & Isletts. containing to Twelve miles. ****** Deed from John Sumersett, Sagamore, Easy Gale, Sagamore, & Dick Swaoht, Sagamore. Possession given in formall manner by turf & twig in presence of John Brown & Richard Shoote. Deed dated 9th January 1641. " Strengthened by oaths of Morrice Champrise & John Curtiss, Sr. ^'ov. 26, 1717, before John Legg, Just. Peace. Recorded in Records of Pemiiquid. ■ This is not very intelligible. History op Bristol and Bremen. 235 Morrice Cliamles now of Marbleliead formerly of Sumersett Island at tlie eastward, Taylor, claims uplands & meadows lyiug on the westward side of JNluscoucos River butted and bounded viz, beginning on the North- east side of a marsh in the Broad Bay called by the name of Humphrey Farrell's marsh two miles into the woods upon a west Line this being the Southeast bounds, and from the foresaid marsh or Farrell's marsh round the great Bay & so up along Muskoncos River side to a falls or fresh River commonly called & known by the name of Madahomack Falls from said Falls two miles upon a west Line into the Woods, this being the Northward bounds, Musoongus River & the Broad Bay being the East Bounds, with all meadows &c &o. Deed by Indian Sagamore Arrowago- nett dated 9th Jany, 167-|. Possession given in presence of Silvanua Davis & John Pearso. JMr. James Pitts of Boston claims a piece of Land at the eastern Parts of New England, situate lying & being in a Place called by the Indiana Remobsous, but by the English, Greeuland, near unto the Ponds called Round Pond's Falls, viz one thousand acres, butted and bounded easterly by the River called Remobscus or Musconcus River, westerly keeping the breadth of three quarters of a mile till it makes 8"^. one thousand acres, also Two hundred acres more, viz, one lot equal with those who are going to settle a new Township in s''. Remobscus Falls &c &c &c. purchased of Richard Pearse of Marblehead, Mariner. Deed dated April 17, 1718, & acknowledged same day before Sam'l Checkley, Jus. Peace. Richard Pearse of Remobsous, alias, Misconcos in the Eastern Parts of New England, Fisherman, claims a tract of land at Greenland, beginning at the Gripes, from thence to a Pine Tree being the Northernmost bounds in the Broad Bay & from Musconcus River four miles back — which tract w.as given to him the s^. Richard Pearse by one Wm. England of Re- mobscos by deed dated May 13, 1663. Richard Pearse Senf. of Marblehead, " Fisherman or Coaster" gives power of attorney to his wife Mary Pearse, Nov. 26'!' 1717, being the 4iii year of the Reign of George, King of Great Britain, France, & Ireland. Entered June 19, 1719 by " Sam'. Phipps, Clk. of Com. of Eastern Claims." Richard Patishall claims a Stage bougbt of Charles Harris on Monhe- gan, with Privilege of Flakes, and the Swamp on said Island. Deed dated, August 3, 1683. Also Damarisoove Island granted to him by Patent from Col. Dungan, about 200 acres, and also Wood Island. George Jeffrey of Portsmouth, merchant, claims Hippooras Island lying on the Eastern side of Kennebec River, near Damaris Cove, which Island was granted by Henry Joslin ( Joscelyn) Esq. to Wm. Phillips deced, and by George Snell and wife, relict and administrator of s'l Wm. Phillips, March 20, 169i. Recorded July 24th, 1699. 236 HiSTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. Robert Patishall, in behalf of himself and heirs of Richard Patishall claims a certain Island called Seguin, etc. purchased by Richard Patishall of certain (unnamable) Indians, Aug. 3d, 1685. Blargaret Hilton, formerly Stilson, wife of Wm. Hilton, now living at Remobsous, alias Misconous, in the Eastern Parts of New England, in be- half of himself and brother, James Stilson, living in New Hampshire * * being the only children of Margaret Pittman, now of Marblehead, claim lands at New Harbor and Muscongus. CHAPTER XXI. Early Residents op Pemaquid and their Families. John Brown and his Family — Richard Pearce and his Family — Alexander Gould and his Family — James Stilson and his Family — Tliomas and Margaret (Gould) [Stilson] Pittman — "William Hilton and his Family. Mauy interesting facta in the history of the very early inhabit- ants of Pemaquid have ah-eady been given ; but some more detailed account of them may be expected. Only a few of the many that became residents here previous to the first Indian war have (ven left their names in history, and of those who acted more prominent parts, and became better known, as a general thing, only a few facts can now be ascertained. !N"early all were men of humble origin, and only moderate pretentions, but some of them in times of great danger and difficulty conducted them- selves, and the public interests committed to them with a cour- age and skill worthy of statesmen and heroes. John Brown, (son of Richard B.) was born in Barton Regis, Gloucester, England, about , marriedMargaret Hay ward, daughter of Francis Hayward of Bristol, England, came to this country with his family probably one or two years previous to July, 1625. As to the circumstances of his leaving the old country, and taking up his residence here we know absolutely nothing. In the affidavit on a proceeding page (54) he is styled "mason," but at that time men of this useful occupation were not much in demand in this region. He was a man of much History of Bristol and Bremen. 237 enterprise, and of a kindly, generous spirit, but of little educa- tion or culture. July 15th 1625, he purchased a large tract of land at Peraaquid of two Indian sagamores for " iifty skins " {ante p. 54). He had his residence at New Harbor, and is therefore frequently spoken of as " of New Harbor." In 1639, he purchased lands of the Indians at Nequassett, (Woolwich) and removed there with his family. In 1646, he sold this laud to Edward Bateman, styling himself as " late of Nequassett, now of Pemaquid." In 1641, he witnessed a deed of land, apparently lying between Round Pond and the Pema- quid river and Ponds, from the Indian chief, Samoset^ and two others, Easey Gale and Dick Sicalks, to Richard Pearce, his son-in-law, the tract being part of the same included within the boundaries described in his own deed from Samoset and Unoi^goit, dated July 15th, 1625, as before mentioned. In 1654, he lived at Damariscotta, on the east side of the river, a little below the " salt water falls," or the present bridge, there being there at the time only three other families. Brown's cove a little further south (so called in the act incorporating the town of Bristol), is believed to have received this name from him. Aug. 8th, 1660, by deed of gift he conveyed to Sander (or Alexander) Gould, his son-in-law, and his wife and their heirs forever a tract of land eight miles square at Broad cove, and extending northward and westward. Its location is easily un- derstood by considering that it had its southeast corner at a pine tree on Broad cove. It is often designated as the " eight- mile-square tract." He probably died about 1671. ^ The pine tree (supposed to be the same) is still remembered by some of the old people of the place. It was blown down early in the present century. After Brown's death his widow returned to New Harbor, and built a house there. Nothing more is known of her. John Brown' and wife Margaret had several children, whose ' The name in this deed is written Summersett. This is tlie deed of which the curious explanation was afterwards given, as described on page 51. Many of the facts of Brown's history are there also given, but are repeated for the purpose of bringing them together.— iV. £!. HM. and Oen. Reg. xiii, p. 365. = According to a deposition of Benj. Prescott Esq. of Danvers, he lived the last year or two of his life with his son, John Brown jr., in Boston, but it is doubtful. Lincoln Reiwrt of l?,n.— Files Maine Bist. Society. 238 History of Bristol and Bremen. names have come down to us, as given below, and perhaps others. ISTothiug is liinown of their relative ages. 1. Joho,^ born in 1636, probably at Pemaquid, or ISTew Harbor, lived with hia father until he was 30 years of age. He married Elizabeth • and settled at Daraariscotta, and it is beheved lived there until driven off, with all the other inhabitants, at the beginning of the first Indian war in 1676. In 1674, two years before the war, he witnessed the Indian deed' of lands in that region to Walter Phillips, one of his neighbors. After the war it is believed that he returned either to Pemaquid or Damariscotta and re- sided there some time, but was obliged to flee again by the con- tinued Indian wars. He seems to have lived sometimes in Gloucester, and at others in Pramingham, and is therefore often spoken of as " of Framingham," but sometimes " of Gloucester." The old records of York county [vol. x, p. 264] contain a deed of his to Nathaniel Winslow, " Physitian," of land at Fal- mouth. It is dated April 9th, 1719, and he is said to be " of Gloucester." In this deed both himself and wife sign by mark. December 7th, 1720, by deed of gift he conveyed to his son, "John Brown of Saco, alias of Biddeford," all his right, title and interest whatever, which he might have to lands at I^ew Harbor, Damariscotta, etc. He signed the deed by markB., and his wife also by mark. In this deed he is styled " of Fra- mingham." The deed appears to convey the whole tract pur- chased of the Indians, no reference being made to the claims of his sisters, mentioned above, or their heirs. Had he purchased these claims? We have no evidence of any such conveyance. Feb. 9th, 172^, he gave a deposition concerning affairs at Pemaquid and New Harbor in his youth, styling himself " of Framingham," and giving his age as "about 85 years." This fixes the date of his birth at about 1636, as given above. He died before 1734, leaving an only son, John Brown,^ of whom we shall have occasion to speak very soon. Margaret,^ born probably at Pemaquid or New Harbor, but at what date is not known. She married Alexander (called also Sander) Gould, and lived on Muscongus (or Lond's) Island, which was given to herself and husband by her father, as they ' The original deed, with Brown's mark, B. and tlie scrawl of the old Indian, is still preserved in the secretary's office in Boston. It is in a very dilapidated con- dition, but most of it jjerfectly legible. History of Bristol and Bremen. 239 always claimed; but no deed of the kind has been found. Nothing is known of Gould's origin and very little of his history. He was living in 1667, when he witnessed a deed of lands at Museongusfrom Richard Fulford to IIumphreyHorrel or Harrel.' The family lived mostly upon Muscongus island, though one of their children is said to have been born at ISTew Harbor. It is incidentally mentioned in an old document that his widow lived on the island many years after his death, which may imply that he died at a comparatively early age. 3. Elizabeth ,^ born at , married Richard Pearce (Peirce, Pierce, Pearse) and lived at Muscongus. It is not known when or where she died. 4. Mary,^ (or Emma?^) b. at and died She married Nicholas Detning (Demming) and removed from the place, pro- bably to Falmouth or Saco. (Another account says that she married John Coats.) John Brown^and wife Elizabeth had but one child also named John.' John' who was born in 1666, probably at Damariscotta. He married Sarah ? as we learn by a deed recorded in the York Records, vol. xv, page 239. In this document he is said to be " of Biddeford" where it is known he long resided. His 07^4^ ^ [ Autograph copied from a deed to land at New Harbor, given to Josepli Mors of Muscongus, July 13, 1735. ] wife signed the deed by mark.^ It is believed they never had any children. The deed was for " one' thousand acres of land situated near Pemaquid Fort and is part of that Tract of Land which my grand- father bought of Capt. John Somerset and Unongoit Indian Sag- amores Anno 1625, * * * and is Bounded at the lower End upon Lots that is laid [out] for a Township at New Harbor belonging to the s« Tract in my Westerly Division Tuching the whole of the lower End of the Lots laid out for a Township as before s^ and so moving Back into the Country the 1 Files of Maine Hist. Society. = This is the only evidence we have of his having been married, but it is con- clusive. Not another allusion to her has been found by the writer in all his re- searches. 240 History of Bristol and Bremen. whole Breadth of the s'' Westerly DivisioD until the Thousaiid acres be fully made up, and Completed." The deed was givea to Epes Sergeant of Gloucester, and is dated Aug. 22d, 1729. Probably he is the individual by this name who participated in 1728, in the "allotment of town lauds" in Biddeford, as de- scribed by Folsom. ' Immediately after receiving this from his father, February 172^, he caused an entry of the claim to be recorded in the book of Eastern Claims. Subsequently, in 1729, he caused a survey to be made of the whole Brown tract, as described in the Indian deed of 1625, by one Bachelder. Probably also a division of the property was at the same time agreed to by him- self and the other heirs, as this is implied occasionally in the language used in the conveyances executed by several of the heirs. July 1734, he gave to several of the heirs of Richard Pearce a quit-claim deed of lands at Round Pond, and subsequently (Dec. 7th, 1735) another deed to Wm. Vaughan of the whole Brown claim without exception or reservation. Other deeds of his are on record, but do not require to be further noticed. He was living at Biddeford in 1734, but subsequently removed to Muscongus, and died in the year 1746, as appears by the follow- ing deposition of Sarah Elwell. Deposition of Sarah Elwell of Cape Elizabeth, widow, aged about 57 years, formerly lived at IJew Harbor, and knew John Brown, grandson of the first of the name. He lived to be near 70 years of age, and was drowned at Broadbay, about 17 or 18 miles from New Harbor, about 20 years ago. Understood that 8* Brown had [sold] the interest he had in the purchase of hia grandfather to one Wm. Vaughan. Signed by mark. Falmouth, June 27th, 1766. ~ There is some difficulty here. In an affidavit on record in the York County Record oj Deeds, given Oct. 21st, 1730, he stated that his age was 64, by which it would appear that he was born in 1666; but if this is correct, his age in 1746, would be 80. There is a discrepancy of 10 years. Richard Pearce (Pearse, Peirce,) son of John Peirce of Lon- ' Hist. Siico and Biddeford, p., 207. John Brown's garrison at Saco falls is mentioned in this v/ork (pages 218aud 219) bat it is not known whether the same man is meant. ° Files Maine Hist. Society. History of Bristol and Bremen. 241 dou, Eng., came early to this place, perhaps at the same time with John Brown, whose daughter, Elizabeth, he married. It has beeu conjectured that the marriage was at least con- tracted before they came to this country, but it is only con- jecture. Not much is known of Pearce except that he resided at Muscongus, 1 and had a large family. The names of nine child- ren of his have been preserved, as given below. 1. Eichard^ of whom nothing further is known. 2. William^ do ' do 3. Joseph- do do 4. Elizabeth^, who married Richard Fulworth (or Fulford :) 5. George^ 6. Margaret^ who married Nathaniel Ward. 7. Francis^' (or Frances-) who m ? They had an only child, a daughter, named Elizabeth. This d. mar- ried Edward Clarke at Gloucester, Nov. 24th, 1718. Oct. 17th, 1729, Clarke and wife gave a quit-claim deed of one half of their "right, title and interest" in the John Brown Tract, as sole heirs to Frances (or Francis) Pearce late of Muscongus, the claim of the latter being for " one ninth part of one cjuarter." John Brown^ left four children, each of whom would inherit one quarter of bis estate, and Francis (or Frances) Pearce, one of the nine children of Elizabeth (Brown) Pearce, would of course, if all were living, be entitled to just the part mentioned, "one ninth of one quarter." — York Rec. vol. 17, p. 220. 8. Sarah^ who m. Eleaser Stockwell. 9. Mary^ who m. Nathaniel Hamlin. - Many isolated facts connected with one or another of Richard Pearce's descendants are known, and may hereafter serve a good purpose, if a history of the family should be attempted. ' Under tbis name the whole territory from Round Pond up to Medomac falls (Waldoboro') was often included. ^ This account of the children of Richard Pearce' is derived chiefly from a state- ment of Joseph Peirce, of Boston, dated Dec. IGth, 1813, and addressed to Messrs. Smith, Woodward and Howell, Commissioners for settling the disputes as to land titles in this region. The author was a descendant of Richard Pearce', but we know not in what line. The order in which the names appear is not to be understood as necessarily indicating their relative ag 'S. Some circumstances in- dicate considerable doubt whether it is entirely reliable. The statement of Joseph Peirce referred to, is contained in the Files of the Maine Hist. Society. 31 242 HisTOKT OP Bristol and Bremen. John Pearce of Manchester gave a deposition in 1734, being then ninety years. Was born at Pemaquid about 1644 : — when about ten years of age was at the house of John Browu\ who then lived at Damariscotta. In another deposition given in 1735, calls himself uiuety-one years of age. Knew Wm. Cox, who lived at Cox's cove, and owned a farm bounded southwesterly on laud of one Cole, northerly on laud of John Brown, easterly on laud of one Philips, westerly by a brook. As no one of Richard Pearce's sous was named John, it is clear that this must have been his grandson ; thus, supposing the father of the latter to have been onl}' 20 years old when his son was born, we are carried back to the year 1624 as the time of his birth. This was one year at least before they are known to have been at Pemaquid or Muscongus, and indicates that Richard Pearce and Elizabeth Brown were married before their emigration to this country, as heretofore intimated. Richard Pearce of Marblehead, mariner, in 1718, gave a deed to Philip Damuresqne of Boston, of 1000 acres of land " at a place called by the Indians Remobscus, but by the Euglish, Greenland, near to the pond called Round pond falls." Him- self and wife, Mary, signed by mark. Two years later, Mary, wife of " Richard Pearce, of Muscou- gus, alias Marytown," acting as his attorney, gave deed to same of a very large tract of land " lying on the back or in the Rear of Greenland, containing by estimation six miles, more or less," describing boundaries at considerable length. At the same time she gave to the same man a deed of "all that stream of water, called the Mill Stream in Smelt Cove, which empties itself into the middle of Misconkus, alias Mary- town," one condition being that he should erect there a saw- mill. Soon after the building of the fort, by Dunbar, and a feeling of security began to prevail, sales of land here were frequent, and the same Richard Pearce, styling himself now " of Marble- head," gave deeds of many lots here and in the vicinity, which need not be noticed further. Was this Richard Pearce a son or grandson of the first Richard ? JSTo means have been found to determine this ques- tion ; ijnt it seems altogether probable that he was a grandson. Others of the famil}', as Joseph Pearce of Plymouth, and John Pearce of Rochester, gave deeds about this time (1731- History of Bristol and Bremen. 243 1735) of all their right aud title " to lands in this region, as heirs ot Richard Pearce aud John Browu. In some of them reference is made to a former division of the original claim among the heirs, probably that made under John Brown^ in 1729, before referred to. In some of them also refercnceismade to "Lots laid out for a Township," of which we have no other knowledge. The claim made for Richard Pearce and his descemlauts, iu the statement of Mr. Wells, {ante p. 49, 50) of the special friend- ship of the Indians, etc., aud that they were actually iu posses- sion of the property here, " more than a hundred years," and by one member of the Pearce family, that they remained in peace- ful possession of the property for a period of 109 years, appears to be without foundation. Whatever may have been the rela- tion between Richard Pearce ' himself and the Indians, there is no evidence that his descendants were treated by them difierently from others. Alexander (often familiarly called Sander) Gould and Marga- ret (Brown) Gould lived on Muscongus island, or occasionally for limited periods, at N"ew Harbor. Of Gould's origin we have no information whatever, or of the time of his death. Some circumstances indicate that he died comparatively young. Alexander Gould and wife had three daughters, Margaret, born about 1660, Mary and Elizabeth. Margaret married, 1st James Stilson of ISTew Harbor, and, 2d Thomas Pittmau of Marblehead. ISTothing is known of Stilson's history previous to his marriage ; after his marriage he settled with his family at Muscongus (or Broad Cove) and three childreu were born to them, James jr., Margaret, and ? Before proceeding further it will be important to have before us the two following atHdavits, from which most of our informa- tion of this and several other families is derived. They are believed to be entirely reliable. The first is from Mrs. Margaret (Gould) [Stilson] Pittman, just named. The second is by Hannah Teuxbury, a great granddaughter of the preceding. "The deponent, Margaret Pittmau of Marblehead, aged about 73 years, says that she was born at New Harbor, and lived there until they, withothers-, were driven oft' by the Indians. She well remembers her grandfather, John Brown, and she has often heard that her grandfather Brown gave her father, Alex- ander Gould, Muscongus island by a written deed as a part of 244 History of Bristol and Bremen. his estate and her portion ; her mother often told her that b"* isUmd was given by her father, John Brown to her husband, Alexander Gould and to his heirs, and to her, the s"* Margaret. And the s'' Gould lived on s"* island, as his own estate, and his wife after his decease many years. Taken at Salem, Oct. 24, 1733." (Signed by mark.) Deposition of Hannah Tenxlitiry of Manchester [Jioss.] aged 11 yeeirs, tahen Sept. 9, 1807. Wm. Hilton, the elder and Margaret Lis wife, who lived at Muscongus, had nine children, whose names were Elizabeth, Stilson, Joshua, William, Benjamin, Samuel, Amos, Blolly, and Margaret, who were all born before thej were driven off by the Indians. Deponent's mother was 63 years old when she died, and she has been dead now (1807) 40 years, and she was 14 years old when the Hiltons aforesaid were driven off by the Indians, and came to Blanchester. Wm. Hilton, the elder d. in 1723, aged 44 years. Stilson Hilton, the eldest son, had 6 children, viz., Stilson 2d, Betty, Thomas, Hannah,the deponent, Amos and Samuel. Elizabeth Hilton, daughter of Wm. H., the elder, m. John Knowlton, and afterwards a man named Farnham. Joshua H., son of Wm. the elder, had only one child, Wm., who d. without issue. Wm. H., the son who was killed by the Indians, son of Wm. the elder (some years after the old man's death) moved down into the eastern parts, to reside there on his father's lands, and had several children. Richard, who was shot by the Indians at the same time John and his father were killed, she has been acquainted with and understands he is still alive. Benjamin Hilton, son of William the elder, was killed in the service of government ; he had 4 children. Amos Hilton, son of William the elder, was killed by the Indians ; he had 2 children. * * * Old Margaret Hilton, deponent's grandmother, died at Manchester, in the fall, 44 years ago, aged 84 years. Has often heard her tell that when about 8 or 9 years old she was with her father, James Stilson, in a Canoe, going across some waters at Muscongus, when the Indians fired upon them, and killed her father, then took a youuger sister, a sucking baby, from her mother's breast and burnt it on the fire, and carried s'f Margaret, the daughter, and her mother into captivity, and sold them to the French in Canada, where Margaret, the daughter, was detained 12 years, and then being released she returned home and married Wm. Hilton, the deponent's grand- father. Old Margaret, her mother, got away some years before her and returned home. ^She had married one Thomas Pittmau, and the depo- History op Bristol and Bremen. 245 nent also remembers tlieir great grandmother Pittman, wlio lived to a very great age. i Hannah Teuxbury. Taking the dates and ages as given in these affidavits, and making the proper calculations we find that Margaret (Gould) [Stilson] Pittman (grand-daughter of John Brown') was born in 1660, being 73 years old in 1733. The attack of the Indians when her husband (James Stilson') and the infant daughter were killed, was in 1688 or 1689 ; the latter, it will be recollected, being the year in which the fort and settlement of Pemaquid, were destroyed. Mrs. Stilson (afterward Pittman) and daughter Margaret, were taken to Canada and sold to the French, but the name of James Stilson jr., then a boy, is not mentioned in the same connection, though it is very certain that he was taken to Canada at the same time. Mrs. Stilson, with twenty-one others, was ransomed at Quebec, October, 1695, by Matthew Cary, having been in captivity about 6 years, but her daughter and probably her son were detained 6 years longer. By what means they obtained their freedom is not known. At the time when Mrs. Stilson was ransomed there remained in captivity 42 persons, and among them James Stilson and John Stephins, two boys from Pemaquid, and one girl, Mary (Margaret?) Stilson of the same place. ^ The boy, John Stephins, is said to have belonged to Pema- quid, but we know nothing more of him. Margaret Stilson^, (for evidently this is the person meant, the name Mary, having been used by mistake) remained in Canada 12 years, by which, it appears she was restored to her friends in 1700 or 1701. Very probably her brother, James Stilson^, returned from'his long captivity at the same time. Margaret (Gould) Stilson, widow of James Stilson', after her return from Canada, married Thomas Pittman, as we have seen ; and besides this deposition of hers, several others are known, all of them pertaining to the early history of Pemaquid and vicinity, and persons living there. In one of them she speaks ' These documents are contained in the valuable files of the Maine Hist, Society. They have never before been printed. It was Wm. (son of Wm.) that was killed by the Indians and not John, as Mrs. T. supposes. See further on. '' New Eng. Gen. and Hist. Reg., vol. vi, p. 87. For lists of these names we are indebted to the research of that careful and industrious Antiquarian, Frederick Kidder, Esq., of Boston. The name of James Stilson, is erroneously printed Stilton. 246 History of Bristol and Bremen. of having often attended public worship at Pemaquid fort, coming there for the purpose from Muscougus Island, where the famil}' lived. It is not known where Pittman was born, uor at what time he died, but he was living in 1720. ISTor is it known when Mrs. Pittman died ; but she lived to a very great age. Her great granddaughter, Mrs. Teuxbury, who was born in 1736, remem- Ijered to have seen her. It is believed that she never had her residence here after her return from Canada, and marriage with Pittman. Nothing is known of the two other daughters of Gould, sisters of Mrs. Pittman. James Stilsou^ settled at Newcastle, ISTew Hampshire, where he was living in 1738. Little more is known of him. The above depositions have afforded very essential aid, in preparing some of the preceding statements; but we shall be still more dependant upon them for information concerning another of the families early settled here, that of Wm. Hilton. Wm. Hilton was born probably at Dover, New Hampshire, in 1679, as he was 44 years old when he died in 1723. He was a son (or perhaps grandson) of Edward Hilton^ who came to this country from London, where he had been employed in the fish business, and was therefore styled Fishmonger. He was one of the company of emigrants who, under Gorges and Mason, came over in 1623, and established on the banks of the Piscataqua, the first English settlement in New Hampshire. He took a lively interest in the new colony, and was a man of considerable influence. "We cannot now determine at what time Wm. Hilton first came to this place ; whether it was before his marriage or not until afterwards; but the probability seems to be that it was immediately after his marriage. The name is still honored in the community by his numerous posterity.^ i Charles V. Hilton of Bremen. A writer in the iV. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., vol, VII, p. 50, gives a different account of Wm. Hilton, sou of Edward. It is possible that Wm. Hilton, who came to Round Pond, may have been a grandson of the first Edward. 2 See page 5G ante. The descendants of Wm. Cos will be spoken of hereafter. Many of the present inhabitants of Bristol will remember Francis Peirce Esq., who many years ago resided in Bristol. A part of the time his father and a sister lived with him. They were from Ipswich, Mass., and claimed to be descended from Richard Pearce. Tiiey were the only representatives of the Pearce family that have resided here in modern times. History of Bristol and Bremen. 247 We have alread}' learned sometbing of the liistory of Margaret Stilsou whom he married. We do uot know whether they first met iu this, the phice of her nativity, or in Massachusetts, where she found her mother was living on her (the daughter's) return from Canada. From Mrs. Teuxbury's deposition we learn that she was born in 1679, the same year as Wm. Hilton, and that she returned from her enforced absence among the Indians and the French of Canada in 1700, or 1701, being then 21 or 22 years of age. Pier marriage with Wna. Hilton took place soon after this date, probably iu Massachusetts; but they immediately removed to this place, locating themselves first at Round Pond, but afterwards at Broad Cove. William and Margaret (Stilson) Hilton had nine children, all of whom, according to Mrs. Teuxbury, were born here before they were driven off by the Indians, and this last event she shows, by a recital of several circumstances connected with the life and death of her mother (a daughter of Stilson Hilton, and granddaughter of Wm.), to have been in 1718. The 9 children of Wm. and Margaret Hilton were 1. Elizabeth, who m. 1st John Kuowlton, and 2d, Faruham. 2. Stilson, who married and had 6 children, amoug whom was Hannah, who married Teuxbury and left this very valuable and reliable deposition. 3. Joshua, who married and had 1 child named William. 4. William, who married Lee and had several children (four sons, James, Richard, John and William,') several years after his father's death (which we have seen oc- curred in 1723) he removed to this place, and occupied the old homestead of his father. It is very probable that this may have been about the time the Eno-lish rule was reestablished in this region by the rebuild- ing of Pemaquid fort under Dunbar, in 1729 ; but no positive evidence of the kind has been fouud.^ Wm. Hilton and family appear to have lived here, without serious molestation by the Indians, until the time of the French 1 Cliarles V. Hilton. " According to a tradition in tlie family, lie had come into posses^sion of a claim to a large tract of land in the present town of Bremen and towns adjacent. Very probably the claim may have been to the eight miles square tract, the history of which will be given further on in this work. (Ante, p. 327.) 248 History of Bristol and Bremen. and Indian war, which, as we know, terminated with the cap- ture of Quebec, in 1759. He carried on bis farming operations chiefly at Broad Cove, but his family, at least a part of the time during this war, re- sided at Muscongus Harbor, the communication between the places being mostly by water. He had given his sons (or some of them) farms here, and they had made some progress in clear- ing them, and had built a small house. When going up to the farm, if danger was apprehended, they usually took their dogs with them, and made them swim ashore before landing themselves ; so that if any Indians were about the place they would be likely to be discovered. Going up at one time with three of his sons, William, Richard and John, the usual precaution was neglected, and they were fired upon just as they landed, by an Indian previously con- cealed from view. The son William was shot dead ; and subsequently his father was badly wounded in the knee by another Indian, who had rushed forward and seized the loaded gun the young man had dropped as he fell. One ac- count says that Richard was wounded, but John escaped un- hurt. Richard discharged his fowling piece at cue of the Indians, wounding him badly in one knee, so that he was a cripple for life. Many years afterwards, in one of the early years of the present century, the same Indian, then an old man and very lame, visited the place, and affirmed that his lameness was occasioned by a shot from a white man, at the very spot where this fight occurred. He related other circumstances which showed conclusively that he was the man that was wounded by the shot from Richard Hilton, and probably the man that fired the first gun, killing William Hilton jr. The two sons with their father, badly wounded in one knee, made their way back to their home at Muscongus Harbor, where he died of the wound a few days afterwards. Some per- sons on Dutch Neck, hearing the firing, came over to the place, but the Indians had gone. Finding the body of William jr., in the place where he fell, they wrapped it in some bed clothing obtained from the house, and buried it without a coffin on the bank near by. Richard Hilton (brother of William, who was thus buried), died here, early in the present century; and about the same time it was observed that the grave of William was in danger History of Bristol and Bremen. 249 of being carried away by the falling of the bank; so the bones were taken up and reinterred in the same coffin with the re- mains of Richard.' This party of Indians had come here from Walpole, where they committed other depredations, and we shall have occasion to refer to them again in another connection. 5. Benjamin, who died in the service of the government, but when or in what capacity is not known. He left four children. 6. Samuel. 7. Amos, who married , and was killed by an Indian, but under what circumstances is not known. He had two children. 8. Molly. 9. Margaret. From this family, it is believed, all of the name of Hilton, now in the place and the immediate vicinity, as well as many others that have removed toother places, have descended; but the limits prescribed for this work will not permit a further continuance of the family pedigree. ' Charles "V. Hilton, Esq., of Bremen, grandson of James Hilton, above mentioned, vrlio was born and has always resided on, or near by, the old Hilton homestead. Richard Hilton in his old age showed him, then a boy, all the localities connected ■with the transaction. He remembers the visit of the lame old Indian, and was present at the funeral of Richard and reinterment of the bones of William Hilton. 250 History op Bristol and Bremen. CHAPTER XXII. Condition of affairs east of the Kennebec, immediately after tlie destruction of Fort William Henry — Disagreement between tlie Britisb government and that of Massachusetts, in regard to the rebuilding of the fort — Report of the lords of trade on the condition of aifairs in these parts — Conference between Indian chiefs and agents of Government — Capture of Port Royal in Nova Scotia, and reduction of that province by the English — Close of the third Indian war, sometimes called Queen Anne's war — Rebuilding of the fort on George's river, and also Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec — The Kennebec Indians begin the fourth Indian war — Indian Conference at Arrowsic, in 1717 — Fishing schooners seized by the Indians — The Penobscot tribe peaceably disposed — Indian Conference at Falmouth, in 1737 — Truck houses to be established. The destruction of the fort at Pemaquid, in 1696, put an end for the time being to any English influence in all this region; and every English settlement east of the Kennebec was broken up and abandoned. Patrick Rodgers, who was for a time lieutenant of the fort, testified in 1773, that about 1720 or 1721, he lived in Georgetown, and there was not then a house that he knew of between Georgetown and Annapolis Roj'al in N^ova Scotia,^ except a single fish house on Damariscove island. West of the Kennebec, the settlements had suflered badly, but they were not, like those east of this river, so utterly devastated ; and very soon, most or all of them began to recover; but for Pema- quid, audits dependencies, there seemed to be no hope. Many of the old settlers who had fled to the westward, as the phrase then was, were still living and anxious to return to their old possessions, but a new obstacle was now interposed in the disagreement that sprung up between the Britieh govern- ment and that of Massachusetts, in regard to the rebuilding of the fort. Both governments earnestly desired to see the fort rebuilt, but each preferred that it should be done at the expense of the other. ' Lincoln Bep., 1811, p. 60. At the time mentioned (1720 or 21), it may have been literally true that there were no families living on these shores, or islands, as testified by Rodgers, but at a little earlier period, Wm. Hilton and family, re- sided at Broad Cove, as we have seen. History of Bristol and Bremen. 251 Massachusetts, as we have seen, had for many years embraced every favorable opportunity to extend her jurisdiction east- ward; but her people in doing it preferred not to incur too great expense. Moreover all the settlements in the region having been abandoned by the English, their restoration was a matter for the consideration and effort of the British nation rather than the people of the single colony of Massachusetts Bay. The French, ever since the treaty of Breda, in 1668, had held undisputed possession of Acadia, as the undefined territory' east of Saga- dahock, was called ; but the two governments of England and France had never been able to agree upon the true dividing line between these provinces. The English claimed for the territory of Sagadahoc, all the country from the Kennebec as far east as the St. Croix, and were actually in possession as far east as the Penobscot ; while tlie French claimed for Acadia, all the country as far west as the Kennebec, but were in actual possession as far west as the Penobscot. The bitter enmity between the English and French was probably never more de- cided, than in this age of which we are speaking ; and iu their respective colonies this feeling was rather intensified than other- wise. Among the people of the French colonies plans were every year discussed for extending their own jurisdiction over not Maine only, but the whole of !N"ew England; while the people of the English colonies, on the other hand, were talking of schemes for the utter expulsion of the French from the whole eastern country. The progress of events in that age was comparatively slow, but no one could fail to see that a crisis was approaching, when the British nation would find it necessary by its mighty arm to defend this territory, or else to relinquish their claim to it altogether. The people of Massachusetts, being well assured that the latter alternative would never be submitted to, were content to adopt for themselves a course of " masterly inac- tivity," so judiciously recommended by a renowned statesman, in regard to another matter at a later period in our country's history. By the treaty of Eyswick in 1697 a quasi peace was established between England and France, but it lasted only a few years, and its benefits were scarcely felt in these colonies of the two nations. On the accession of Queen Anne, in 1702, war again broke out; and iu the western part of Maine, and iu New 252 History op Bristol and Bremen. Hampshire, the Indians failed not to murder any straggling Englishmen they might meet with, or to fall upon and destroy any unprotected English settlement. The last fort at Pemaquid having been erected at the expense of the colony, it might 'be expected that it would be rebuilt in the same manner ; but no movement being made for this pur- pose, the home government soon began to see the need of some action. January 10th, 1700, in obedience to au order from the king, the lords of trade made a report upon the condition of the several forts in his Majesty's Plantations, in which is the following recommendation for Pemaquid. "About five leagues to the "Westward of St. Georges lyes Pemaquid a. Spacious River of great Consequence as covering three other Rivers, Dama- risoot, Sheepsoot, and Kennebec, and therefor deserves to be well Guarded. At the Entrance of this River within two Leagues of the main Sea, formerly stood a Fort which at the approach of two men of war with 100 French & 500 Indians was Shamefully Surrendered in August, 1696, and de- molished. For the Security of this Fort^ & Harbour and all that Country, and to encourage people to settle there as formerly, a good Fort ought to be built in the same place, or thereabout, and for its better defense in Case of an attack from the Sea a Battery may be raised on the next point of Land & a redoubt or Round Tower on John's Island.'^ Towards the mouth of the Kennebec Rioer (seven Leagues from Pema- quid) are many little Islands. On that of Damaras Cove there was before the war a Pallisadoed Port for the defense of ye fishermen, and another on Cape Nawagen where they used to cure their Fish. But to Guard the Entrance of the River a Redoubt ought to be raised on the Island Saga- dahook, and a little Fort at New Town in Rowseck (Arrowsic) Island two Leagues up the River where there was formerly a small square one Pallisa- doed. "^ It was wise in the ministers to begin operations in this general way, but the object chiefly aimed at was the erection of the two forts, the one at Pemaquid, and the other at Piscataqua. Joseph Dudley, appointed governor of Massachusetts Bay, arrived in Boston early in the summer of 1702, and immediately entered ' " Port " in the New York Col. Documents. '' This name, applied also to the bay as well as this island, is derived very pro- bably from the name " St, John's Tower," given to the place in Smith's map. — Ms. Hist. Col. [3] Vol. TIT. = Mass. Arch., 70 ; 480-4■ of Fort Frederic, would probably apply equally well for Bristol at the same period. Other afiidavits, sworn to at the same time, are on file in Boston, but only some short extracts can be given here. At the same date as the above, Wm. Moore, aged 72, after confirming the above, deposed as follows : That at Townsend the said Dunbar said he meant to found a city. That the two acre lots were laid out by order of one Mitchell, said to be one of the King's Surveyors sent from Annapolis in Nova Scotia for that purpose, and after him by one Newman sent by said Dunbar from Pemaquid. That the reason why this deponent, and the other settlers who had fulfilled the conditions required, did not receive deeds from said Dunbar was by him declared to be because they must needs be sent to a certain Governor Armstrong at Annapolis to be sealed, which beini'- a hardship on the settlers, and disagreeable to said Dunbar, he advised them to defer the execution of their deeds till he should have an answer from the Court of Great Britain to an application he had made them requesting the seal should be committed by himself. That [from various causes, as already related,] provisions were so scarce among them, the only sustenance this deponent could find for himself and family was clams and water for several weeks together, and he knows not of any of the settlers that were not then in the same state, so that when the first History op Bristol and Bremen. 271 child was bora in the settlement not more than three quarts of meal was to he found amongst them all. John Beath aged sixty-two years testifyeth that he lived with his father who dwelt at Lunenburgh in the western part of said Province (of Mass. Bay) when the news was published over New England that His Most Ex- cellent Majesty, King George the second had commissioned and sent to Pemaquid in the eastern parts of said Province a certain Col. David Duii- bar, as his agent to take possession and begin the settlement of the land eastward of Kennebec River in His Majesty's name & behalf, & that said Dunbar was arrived and had published large encouragements to any of his Majesty's Protestant liege subjects who should settle on said lands. In pursuance of which this deponent, together with his father & family, in June, 1731, left their plantation, & at no small expense transplanted themselves, their stock & effects to said Pemaquid, when after treating with said Dunbar this deponent, with his father &, as he supposes, above sixty others, were by the said Duubar settled [on a piece of land at Booth- bay Harbour where he proposed to build a city.] That on the 19th of August in the year 1749, this deponent with seventeen others was taken captive by the Indians, that they were detained till November, that said Indians took from him a sloop of sixty tons burthen with the cargo [which they took to St. Peters & sold.] ISTo copy of a deed or lease given by Duubar is now known to be in existence, but Williamson says " the assurances of title he gave the settlers were leasehold indentures, with the an- tiquated reservation of a ' pepper corn ' if demanded." What became of these deeds or leaseholds is not certainly known, but it has been said they were committed by Dunbar to Mont- gomery and Campbell, before named, and by Campbell, after the death of Montgomery, to Wm. Vaughau, who lived at Darnariscotta Mills. Vaughan built a house there about 1740, which, not long afterwards was consumed by fire, and probably also the documents in question.^ Whatever may be said of Dunbar's character as a man, it is certain he conducted the affairs of his office with great vigor, and success. And it is probable that in all his arbitrary con- duct towards the inhabitants he only acted in accordance with his instructions, which however he refused to show. He dis- regarded alike the claims of the great proprietors, whether holding under royal grants or Indian deeds, and those of the ' Hist. Mcdne, ii, 166. ^ Lincoln Report, 1811. p. 145, Testimony of Col, Wm. Jones. 272 History of Bristol and Bremen. poorest settlers, holding their small farms under these propri- etors. On the theory just alluded to the whole had become the property of the crown whose agent he was. Such a course as this could not but wake up a formidable op- position on every hand, and Dunbar soon found himself in dif- ficulty. Disregarding alike all former titles, from whatever source derived, he soon found that all persons representing the/ old claims were arrayed as one man agaiust him. At first he affected to despise this opposition, but at length he found, much to his disappointment, that it possessed a strength he had not anticipated. Petitions and remousti'ances crowded the tables of the general court in Boston, and agents of some of the larger claimants even went to England to bring the matter before the proper authorities there. The remonstrances and petitions addressed to the general court were referred to a committee who speedily reported, presenting the facts in the case, and de- nouncing the courseof Dunbar ; but the provincial government was powerless in the matter, except merely to bring it before the British authorities. This they did in earnest, and with efiect. Belcher, at this time governor, though in the midst of a bitter quarrel with the house in regard to his salary, united with them in this mattter, out of hatred to Dunbar. Political parties in the colonies at this time were as decided and bitter as they have ever been since; and Dunbar had given mortal ofience to Belcher by joining the party opposed to him. When therefore all the proprietary interests were combined to effect Dunbar's removal. Gov. Belcher was ready without hesi- tation to afford all the aid which his official position might en- able him to give. He evidently had the disposition to proceed to more decisive measures, but for his fear " to encounter a man armed with a royal commission." About this time Dunbar, having occasion to visit Boston, was surprised to find that governor, legislature and the people were alike opposed to his course, which they considered excessively arbitrary and unjust. Beingthwarted in some of his plans, and some of his views of public affairs being violently opposed, he fell into a passion, and in stroug language denounced governor, legislature and people together. Scarcely two years had elapsed, after Dunbar's arrival in the country, before the complaints preferred against him in Eng- land became so loud and earnest, that the government was HisTOKY OP Bristol and Bremen. 273 obliged to notice tbcm. Sliem Drowue, of Boston, in beluilf of the proprietors of the Pemaquid patent, petitioned the crown for bis removal ; and Samuel Waldo, sent over as asrentfor the claimants under the Muscongus patent, with other friends they found in England, was present in person to urge the same thing. The whole matter was referred to the Board of Trade, who call- ed the province agent, Frcaicis Wilkes before them and ordered a full statement of the matter in controversy, to be made up and referred to the attorney and solicitor general for their opin- ion. The facts, as heretofore related (pages 254, 266), of the conquest bj' the French in 1696, and the reconquest by the En- glish in 1710, were to be particularly referred to, and the two following queries submitted, viz : " 1. Whether the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, if they ever had auj- right to the government of the tract of land lying between the St. Croix and Kennebec, have not, by their neglect, and even refusal, to defend and take care of and improve the same, forfeited tbose said rights to the government, and what right the}- had, under the charter, and now have to the lands. " 2. Whetherby the said tracts being conquered by theFrench, and afterwards reconquered by General Nicholson, in the late queen's time, and yielded up by France to G-reat Britain, by the treaty of Utrecht, that part of the charter relating thereto, became vacated, and whether the government of that tract, and the lands thereof, are not absolutely revested in the owner, and whether the owner has not thereby sufficient power to ap- point governors, and assign lands to such families as shall be desirous to settle there." ' These officers, after patiently listening to the arguments of counsel on both sides, made a report which entirely settled the question. They decided that by the royal charter^ to Massa- chusetts Bay, this territory was granted to her, both as to civil jurisdiction and right of soil, and that she had not at any time so neglected it as to forfeit the rights. They decided further that the conquest by the French, by the laws of nations did not annul, but only suspended, the rights of the crown and people of the province, and that upon the reconquest by the Eno-lish, all the ancient rights, whether of the crown or the ' Sul Hist., Me., p. 393. Will, mat.. Me., ii., 174. •^ The charter of William and Mary, in 1693, is meant. '35 274 History of Bristol and Bremen. people, being British subjects, immediately reverted to their former holders ; that the charter remained valid and in full force, and that the crown did not have any right to appoint a governor, or to make assignments of the land. ^ This report was made in August, 1731, and adopted by the government; and there remained no reason for the long con- tinuance of Dunbar in his oifice atPemaquid ; but his dismissal did not take place until the following year, August, 10, 1732. The same royal order that dismissed Dunbar, also revoked the authoritj^ previously given to Governor Phillips of (ISTova Scotia) over this territory, and recalled the soldiers from Fort Frederic. Afterwards the fort at Winter Harbor was dismantled, and the troops, arms and stores removed to Fort Frederic, where a gar- rison was to be maintained. . Dunbarstill retained his office as survej^or of the king's woods, and also lieut. governor of IsTew Hampshire, to which he was appointed in 1731, but continued his residence at Pemaquid until 1734. liemoving at this time to Portsmouth, he was for a time very zealous and active in his efforts as surveyor to pro- tect " the king's timber", which frequently brought him into violent collision with trespassers upon the royal woods. By a law of parliament, passed at an early period, no pine trees 24 inches or more in diameter a foot from the ground, were to be felled, as they were to be preserved for masts for the royal navy, and trespassers were punished by severe penalties. Logs, cut without license, were liable to be seized by the surveyor wherever found, and Dunbar with his servants, in several in- stances, went to the saw mills, in search of contraband lumber, vphere serious wars of words and threatenings occurred between him and the trespassers, which greatly lowered his dignity. At length becoming exceedingly unpopular in New Hampshire, he returned to Pemaquid, and subsequently built a house at a place he named Belvidera, on the Damariscotta river, a little below the fresh water falls. He was a man of energy and good capacity for business, but, at the same time, a scheming politician, and ready by any intrigue to promote his own selfish ends. Though unpopular ' The reader will bear in mind that this " conquest" of the country consisted in the capture of Pemaquid by Ibberville, in 1696, and the " reconquest" in the cap- ture of Port Royal by Nicholson, in 1713. These terms of course can be used only by way of legal fiction. History of Bristol and Bremen. 275 M'ith the multitude in New Hampshire, he had some warm friends, who seemed to tliink that influence enough could be raised in his ftxvor, to secure for him the oflfice of governor of that province ; and with the view of obtaining this he went to England in 1737, but was not successful. Some of his old creditors, in the hope of obtaining their dues, caused his arrest, and he was thrown into prison, but was soon liberated, by what means is not known, by some of his friends. All this time, though in Europe, he continued to hold his office in New England as surveyor of the woods, but at length, for £2000 sterling, was persuaded to resign, and was appointed governor of the Island of St. Helena by the Royal East India Company. This was in 1743.^ Whether Duubar ever returned to this country is not known, nor is it known when or where he died, but his widow, after his death, returned to this country and married Thomas Henderson, of Gushing, and was living in 1776, as was proven before the commissioners for settling the difficulties in Lincoln Co., in 1811.^ Some of the families introduced by Dunbar, became residents at Pemaquid, but it is believed, that most of them settled in Boothbay, where they are still represented. "When the British government decided on the removal of Dunbar they of course by their acts, if not by words, repudiated the theory as to the ownership of the soil, on which he had been acting in their name ; but no attention was given to the settlers, now left with- out any title whatever to the lands he had assigned them. A grosser piece of injustice, on the part of any government to- wards its subjects, has seldom been heard of; but there was no remedy. Dunbar, after his removal, told the people that the governor of JSTova Scotia would give them deeds of their lands ; but how could he give deeds after the confession of his supe- riors, that those lands belonged of right to other parties ? The whole thing was a mean fraud having its origin and animus in the violent political partizanship of the day. If the land offi- > Belknap, Hist. N. H., ii, 93. The autlior does not give Ms autlwrity : he is fol- lowed implicitly by Williamson {Hist. Me., ii, 178), who takes no notice of the facta as sworn to by Mr. Plummer. ' Lincoln Rep., 1811 , p. 153 ; Benjamin Plummer's testimony, Eaton, Hist. Th., II 263 Henderson lived for a time at Round Pond, but removed to Warren and then to Pleasant Point in Cashing. At one time he had command of the fbrt on St. Georges' river. 276 History of Bkistol and Bremen. cera of the crown, to whom the question was referred, had been no more honest than the o-overnment itself, an opposite opinion might have been obtained and this, in all probability, would have been followed by the formal detachment from Massachu- setts of all the territory of Maine, east of the Kennebec, and its annexation to Nova Scotia. As a possible result of this the same territory might at this day form a part of the neighboring British province of Ifew Brunswick. With all his faults Dunbar was an energetic officer, and by his efforts a very good beginning was made for-the new settle- ment. How many families were introduced by him, on the territory within his assumed jurisdiction, we cannot now know with certainty, but p^robably as many as fifty or sixty. Several families as well as single men came from Boston and vicinity, many of them were persons who had but recently arrived from the old country, and were poorly prepared for the hardships for which they had volunteered, and much suffering was the necessary consequence. Of those that settled in liarrington, or perhaps some in Wal- pole, were Moses Young, Kent, James Sproul, and Heed, who received lots of land, on the west side of Pemaciuid river, lying side by side, in the order of the names ; Young's lot being at the north, and Reed's at the south. The lots were intended each to be 16 rods wide. Sproul's lot was the same occupied by the late Capt. John Sproul who was his grandson. The latter was accustomed to show in his field, some distance east of his house, the foundations of a stone house, and also a stable, erected and occupied by his grandfather, who died some time before the close of the last century. He was born in Ire- land, probably near Belfast, and came with his family and also a brother, John, to Boston, not long before the arrival of Dun- bar. Induced probably by Daubar's offers he came here the very first year of his [Dunbar's] operations, and spent here the rest of his life. From him have descended, it is believed, all persons of this name in ISTew England. John Sproul, brother of James, lived in Stowe, Mass., audit is not known whether he w as ever in these parts. Win. Sproul, of the Meadows, whom many of the older people now living will remember, was a son or grandson of his.' 1 Capt. .Jolin Sproul, Mrs. Dr. Howe, Mrs. Mary (Sproul) Joknstou. The latter reiin--mb<'recl James Sproul, tlie first of tlie name in tlie country. He was her yrandfallier. History of Bristol and Bremen. 277 Sontli of the four families resided others, ou simiUir lots, but their names are not known. On the east side, probably, were William and (Joseph ?) Burns, ancestors of all persons of this name in this region. They came under Dunbar; and the former received from him a lot of land, but, being dissatisfied with the location, he left it and removed to Broad Bay, at the invitation of Waldo. Being driven away by the Indians, he took his family to Scituate, Mass., but afterwards, about 1748, returned to Pemaquid, and finally settled at Muscongus, receiving a deed of his farm there from Waldo. He was present as captain of a transport at the taking of Louisbarg. He died at Muscongus, Dec, 1750. Wm. Burns brother of Joseph (?) just named, and uncle of Deacon Wm., in the time of the Indian wars, raised a volunteer company of militia, and did good service for his country.^ James Bailey and family came to Eonnd Pond in 1729 or 1730, but whether under Dunbar or not is not known. His house was near the shore, at the southwest part of Pound Pond, where he cultivated a field. After living here eiglit or nine years, at the beginning of the Spanish war, he removed with his flimily to the westward, but returned again, many years afterwards, and took possession of his former old field. His subsecpient history is not known. Thomas Henderson "lived on a point of land to the south- ward of Bailey's house, and joining them, and ou the northerly side of a small brook, near to where said Bailey lived, and now improved by John Kandell."^ Henderson subsequently re- moved to Gushing or St. Georges ; where one or two relatives of the same name also lived. At a later period he married the widow of Gov. Dunbar,- as before related. Moore who lived on the lot owned and occupied by the late Wm. Mc- Cobb, may have been the same as mentioned previously as belono-inc- to Boothbay. His house was some distance east of the present road ; and some stones showing the position of ' Lin. Rep., 1811, 163. The Barns family during- the Indian trouljles were three times driven from their homes. ^ Deposition of Patricia Rodgers in Lin. Rep., 1311, p. Gl. This deposition was o-iven in 1773. Rodgers was several years an officer in the fort, and ancestor of those of the name who lived at Pemaquid in recent times. The name has be- come extinct in this line. Whether the exact location of Bailey's and Hender- son's lots can now be detemiined the writer is unable to say. Eaton's Mst. Thorn., II, 203. 278 History of Bristol and Bremen. the chimney, were to be seen a few years ago. There were also indications of a small cultivated field. Mr. McGobb was accustomed to show the place, and claimed that Moore was an ancestor of his on his mother's side. John North came from Ireland with his son John jr., aged 15, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Lydia, about 1719, or 1720, and settled first at North Yarmouth. He came in a vessel owned by himself with his family and servants. About 1731, he removed with his family to Pemaquid, and died here, about the year 1740.^ His son John, was afterwards captain of the fort and surveyor of land, having been employed by Shem Drowne in making a survey of the claims he represented, and also a regular division of it into lots, for distribution among the diff"erent persons claiming under this right. He subsequently removed to St. George, and was for a time captain of the fort there. He died in 1763. Lydia North, sister of the above, married Boyce Cooper, as his second wife, and lived in Thomaston. Descendants of the family now live iu Augusta, and vicinity, and in the house of one of them are still preserved articles of household furniture once used in the family of Captain North, in Pemaquid. Capt. John North ^ was on excellent terms with Shem and Thomas Drowne, who employed him as surveyor. The farm he occupied was given to him by Thomas Drowne; it was situ- ated at the head of the western branch of John's river, and was sold by him to James Young, and by the latter to Merrill. Some remains of the cellar of his house near the shore, it is said, are still to be found, and also some shrubs and plants that were cultivated in his garden. The settlement of the place, thus commenced under Dunbar, continued after his removal, but its progress was not rapid. The fishing business was prosecuted with a good degree of success ; but the hard, unproductive soil, without plenty of manure, which could not then be obtained, yielded but a mis- erably poor return for its cultivation. Timber was abundant, of almost every kind, and the cutting and exportation of it soon became a leading business, not of Pemaquid only, but of all the settlements on the coast and navigable streams. Boston and 1 Miss II. E. Nortli, and Hon. James W. Nortli. History op Bristol and Bremen. 279 other places in Massachusetts had long before this furnished a market for large quantities of wood for fuel; and probably at this tune more persons in the eastern settlements obtained a hvelihoodbj-gettiugout" cord wood" than by any otherbusiness. The native savages always roaming along the coast were fre- quent visitors; and though sometimes friendly required always to be watched. At times they were dangerous; and on their approach all had to leave their business, however urgent, and seek safety in the forts or other less imposing fortifications pre- viously provided. It is not strange therefore that most of the settlers were miserably poor and, at times, even destitute of the meanest comforts, as described by atfidavits on a preceding page. They brought little with them, and for many years the acquisition of anything more than was absolutely required for the support of themselves and families was impossible. Another circumstance which retarded the settlement of the place was the singular uncertainty of land titles in all this region. Most of the settlers at this time held their possessions under Dunbar; but, as before stated, they had received from bim neither deeds or leases; and besides, the British' govern- ment, whose agent he was, had relinquished the feeble pretence of title upon which they had sent him here. Whatever title actual possession and reoccupation might give they had, but nothing more. If the settlers under Dongan, or their repre- sentatives, had returned and occupied their former possessions, they would have had a strong argument in their favor; but only a few came, and they seem not to have urged their claims with earnestness. The two sets of claimants, one under the Indian deed of Brown, and the other under the Peraaquid patent to Elbridge and Aldsworth, very soon began some activity ; and at different times, caused surveys to be made of the territories severally claimed by them. Both of these claims covered all the present townships of Bristol, Bremen, and Damariscotta, and a part of Waldoboro, and Jefferson. ^ Besides these, other claimants to portions of the same terri- ' By referring to Brown's deed (p. 54) it will be seen that it did not include Pemaquid point, and perhaps not Eutlierford's island and a portion of the neck of land between John's river and the Damariscotta ; but those having posses- sion of the claim did not hesitate for such trifles as these. 280 IIisTORT OF Bristol and Bremen. tory made their appearauce who will be noticed hereafter. These unfavorable circumstances, by preventing immigration, tended strongly to retard the growth of the settlement. Cooper, with his family and servants, came to Pema- quid some time before 1740. He came " from Ireland, in a brig of his own, with a numerous train of deiDendents, bound to him, for a certain number of years, to pay for their passage over. He resided first at Portsmouth, and afterwards at Pema- quid, coasting in his own vessel ; his wife and family sometimes making their home on board." He afterwards moved to Broad Bay, where he died. Boice (or Boyce) Cooper, son of the preceding, came with his father to Pemaquid, when a mere lad. He was " a humorous, eccentric character; a genuine son of the Emerald Isle, fearless and reckless, passionate and profane, but generous and hospitable, prodigal of his money, his time, and convivial hilarity." It ia related, that wheu the family lived at Pemaquid, and the vessel they came in, was found to need repairs, they "hauled her up there for the purpose, and the father went to Boston to procure workmen. During his absence, some of the people, iniluenced by motives of miscliief or profit, persuaded Boice that it would be better to build a new one, with the iron of the old. He seized upon the idea at once, set the brig on tire, and on the old gentleman's return, nothing remained but the ashes." Being an only child, he inherited the propertj' of his father, and continued to reside on his father's place at Broad Bay, until the coming of the German settlers there, with whom he never could agree. "His habits, temper and recklessness, brought him in perpetual collision with them, their fists being more than a match for his tongue, especially as the latter was not under- stood." Disgusted with the Dutchmen, he removed from Broad Bay to the present town of Warren, having exchanged his lots in the former, for others in the latter place. After the death of his father, he made a voyage to Ireland, and disposed of consi- derable property that fell to him, bringing with him, on his re- turn, several men and women, who had engaged to work for him seven years in payment for their passage. Not long after his removal from Broad Bay, going with another man some dis- tance down the river St. George, for the purpose of gathering rock weed fur manure, they were both captuied by a company of Indians, and taken to Canada. Cooper, in his captivity, History of Bristol and Bremen. 281 maintained his usual cheerfulness, and more than his usual good humor, which greatlj' pleased his captors, and secured for him good treatment. While in prison in Canada, a fellow prisoner, like himself a native of Ireland, died, bequeathing to him a violin, on which instrument he was a skillful player. He made such excellent use of the instrument, that he received much attention from the governor and others, until an exchange of prisoners took place, and he was set at liberty. He died in 1795, aged 75. He married, 1st, Katherine Kellyhorn, and 2d, Lydia North, as before mentioned. He left several daughters, but no sons,^ and the name is not perpetuated. Wm. Starrett, a Scotchman, in 1735, with his family removed from Pemaquid to George's river, but it is not known how long he had been here. The family afterwards removed to Massa- chusetts, where he died, but subsequently his widow and family returned to AVarreu. The name is still perpetuated there by a numerous and respectable posterity. Two grandsons of his graduated at Bowdoin College in the class of 1818.^ John Shibles and wife, Ehzabeth (Killpatrick) Shibles, came here before 1732, as their son John was born here that year. Mrs. Shibles with her infant son removed to George's river (Thomaston) in 1736; aud it is inferred that her husband had died at Pemaquid. John jr., married in Thomaston ; and from him have descended all of the name now in that place. He died in 1777. ^Eaton's An. Warren, 62, 63, 71 and 284. This story of the Coopers having come over, with their attendants, in their own vessel, closely resembles tliat of the Norths before given. Considering the connection between the two families, and the fact that they both came to this country about the same time, may sug- gest a doubt whether the story, very probably true of one, may not also have been attributed to the other. " Eaton's Annals Warren, p. 428. Triennial Catalogue. ''Do. Hist. Thomaston,!!,^. 391. Others of the settlers who came here under Dunbar wiU be noticed hereafter in connection with events in which they bore a part. 36 282 History of Bristol and Bremen. CHAPTER XXIV. Governor Dunbar's Removal, and Events Immediately Succeeding. Gov. Belclier holds a Conference with the Indians at Falmouth, after having visited Pemaquid, and St. George — The Governor malies a second excursion to the eastern settlements, and, with several attendants, goes on foot from Pema- quid to the Sheepscott — Scarcity of food, and prevalence of Scarlet Fever in va^ rious parts of the province — Great embarrassment produced by the depreciation of the currency — A Land Banlt established — Origin of the old tenor and new tenor, as applied to the currency — War declared between England and France — Necessary precautions taken against the Indians — Scouting parties formed for protection against the Indians — Expedition against Louisbourg — • Beginning of the fifth Indian War — Murders by the Indians at Walpole and elsewhere — Indian conference at Falmouth — Unfortunate affair at Wiscasset — Massachusetts redeems her bills of credit. Goveruor Belcher, in 1732, made a visit to the various Eng- lish settlements as far east as St. Georges, calling at Pemaquid. His object was to learn, in person, the condition of the settle- ments, their wants and their strength, and especiallj^ to use what influence he might to keep the Indians quiet, and to pro- tect them from wrong on the part of the settlers. The latter object was of great importance, and to some extent under the control of the governor ; but a greater source of discontent with the natives was the continual enlargement and increase of the English settlements which the governor was obliged to favor. If, as between the two parties, he had of necessit}? something of a double part to play, it was no more than others before him have often done, through what has been called motives of state policy. His chief conference with the Indians was held at Falmouth, where he gave a patient hearing to all their complaints. Besides the encroachments of the English settlements, they had other thmgs to complain of ; the truckmaster at St. George, Capt. John Gyles, allowed their young men too much rum which made them drnuk, and had also dealt out to them " sour meal and damnified tobacco" ; and in one instance some of the Eng- History of Bristol and Bremen. 283' lish had killed two of their dogs for ouly barking at a cow ! They thought, too, that the gunsmith at Georges did not mend their guns as promptly and as well as he should. To all this such explanations were made, and such assurances given for the future as measurably to satisfy them for the tirae.^ The governor, on his return, spoke in the warmest terms of the improvements he had witnessed at the several plantations, and of their natural advantages, and future prospects. When the news of Dunbar's recall was received, at the governor's re- commendation, provision was made by the legislature for con- tinuing a garrison at this place ; for this purpose the fort at Winter Harbor was dismantled, and the ofEeers and soldiers, with the artillery and stores of all kinds, transferred to Fort Frederic, at Pemaquid. In the summer of 1734, Governor Belcher, ever watchful of the interests of these eastern settlements, made another excur- sion, in the " Scarborough man of war," along the coast, calling at most of the settlements, and listening patiently to all complaints whether of the Indians or English. While at Fort Frederic, he made a personal exploration of the Damariscotta and Sheep- scott rivers, and even undertook an excursion on foot from the head of Johns river to the Sheepscott. He was accompanied by six " musquetiers" ; and at the end of their journey, which we may suppose to have been at Wiscasset or the immediate vi- cinity, they were met by the " man of war's pinnace " and taken back to the fort. Here many of the eastern Indians had assembled, probably by previous appointment, and an informal conference was held, the Indians expressing a desire for a long continued peace. The governor entertained the Indians in the kindest manner, and much to their satisfaction, who finally left for their homes in excellent good humor. A tax of ^1000 was the next year (1735) assessed upon the people of the province of Massachusetts Bay, of which only £46 and 7 shillings fell to Maine. The settlements east of the Kennebec river were not called upon for anything.^ At this time, whatever may have been the pretence to In- dians, it was evidently very desirable ou the part of the Eng- lish to extend, as rapidly as possible, the settlement of the wild lands, especially those in Maine ; and a project was started for ' Eatorts An. War., 47. = Will- Siat. Maine, ii., 185 ; Hist. Magazine, x., p. IIG of the supplement. 284 History of Bristol and Bremen. accomplishing this object, and at the same time rewarding some ancient claimants upon the public gratitude. More than fifty years had passed since the war of King Philip, and most of those who served in that contest had gone to their rest ; but a law was passed giving, on certain conditions, a farm among the wild lands of the state to each survivor, and also to the heirs of those who were dead. Seven full townships were gratuitously set apart for this purpose, five in Massachusetts and two, now Buxton and Gorham, in this state. This encouraged others, who supposed themselves to have claims upon the colonial govern- ment, to come forward, and the result was that many other grants of the wild lands were made, thus stimulating their settlement in a manner not before known. The increased activity in this direction could not fail to be perceived by the natives, and to iuci'ease their uneasiness. They complained particularly of the encroachment by Waldo's set- tlements on the St. George, and government was obliged to take measures to prevent Waldo's people from building or otherwise occupying the lands above the upper falls in the pre- sent town of Warren. With this the Indians expressed them- selves satisfied, especially as presents of the value of £100 were sent to be distributed among the tribe. They continued so quiet a number of years that several of the forts were dismantled, aud the soldiers removed, that in this place being one of them. Only a small number of men were retained in the forts atKich- moud, on the Kennebec, and that on St. Georges river. It was about this time (1735-1738) that such a scarcity of bread prevailed in this region, as described in an affidavit on a preceding page. The famine was most severe in the spring of 1737, and extended to all this eastern country. It was occa- sioned by the short crops for several years in succession ; aud was not unknown in Boston, and other parts of Massachusetts. At the same time a very mortal disease, called then throat dis- temper {scarlatina), prevailed in many parts of New England, greatly increasing the general distress.' We do not learn that the disease was known here, at the time, but in consequence of other troubles many, who had set- tled in this place, made preparations to leave for other localities which they considered as more favored; or it may be that the ' Will. Hid., Maine, n, 180-193 ; Eaton An. War., 53 ; Smith's Jour., 83, 83, 86. History of Bristol and Bremen. 285 agents of other settlements sought to entice them away to in- crease their own popuUxtions. In the spring of 1735, a contract was made with Waldo, at St. Georges fort, by 27 individuals for the settlement of themselves and famihes on his lands on that river; and it is probable that most or all of them were then resident at Pemaquid. We are led to this conclusion from the fact that the drawing for choice of lots was appointed at Pemaquid, the 4th of May, and, further, many of them we know belonged here. Among the known Pemaquid names are John ISTorth jr., McCordy, EUiot, Henderson, James Sproul, Starrett, Young, McFarland, Fossett, Mclutyre, and perhaps others. All who signed the contract did not participate in the drawing, but perliaps others took their places.' To keep the Indians tranquil, and to protect alike both the white man and the Indian, Gov. Belcher, almost every year, made a visit to these settlements ; but in spite of all his care be could not but observe a growing antipathy between the two races and, in 1739, began to take measures of precaution against the coming struggle, which he plainly foresaw. Various measures were adopted to pacify the natives, in the hope of avoiding a rupture, but at the same time means were provided for repairing several of the forts on the coast, and a small garri- son again stationed at the fort in this place. Great embarrass- ment was experienced at this time in every branch of business, because of the great decline in the value of the paper money, in circulation, called " bills of credit." Many plans were suggest- ed to remedy the difficulty ; and among other things a kind of bank, called a Land Bank, was started in Massachusetts, which however was dissolved by act of parliament. To increase the difficulties war broke out between England and Spain, in 1739, and it was considered necessary by the colonists to strengthen themselves against any Spanish pirates which, it was rumored, might appear on the coast. Besides this it was expected that a war with France would soon follow, which would very certainly bring upon them again the dreaded savages. The terms " old tenor " and " new tenor," as applied to the Massa- ■ Eaton's An. War. 17, 54. A list of the lots drawn on botli sides of Georges river is o-iven by this very careful and judicious writer. The name of James Sproul (or Sprowl) is here written Sprawl, hy mistaliiug in the Ms. an o for an a ! Thouo-h sirming the contract, Sproul did not participate in the drawing. 286 IIiSTOKT OF Bristol and BEEMBisr. cbusetts cuiTCucy, origiuated at this time (1741, 1742) and were occasionally heard in conversation, especially among the old people, as late as the beginning of the present century. A word as to their origin and meaning may not be out of place here. . Gov. Shirley succeeded Belcher in 1741, and one of his first eftbrts was directed to a reform in the currency, which was then so much depreciated that £100 sterling was considered equal to £550 Massachusetts currencj^ After much discussion and con- troversy it was decided to issue bills of credit, " of a new form," in which, as expressed on the face of the note or bill, the pound, or 20 shillings should be of the value of 3 ounces of silver. An ounce of silver would then, in this currency, be worth 6s and 8d., whereas in the old currency its value was 28s. These notes, like those of former emissions, were made a legal tender in the payment of debts ; but with this singular provi- sion, that if they should depreciate in value, an additional sum should be required to be paid in proportion to the real de- preciation, which should be determined once a year in each county by the oldest councillor residing in it. To distinguish these bills from the old they .were called 7ieui tenor, and of course the old soon came to be called old tenor. ^ For a little time these bills of the new tenor passed at their declared value ; but as no provision was made for the actual jxojment of the 3 ounces of silver for each 20 shilling note, they soon depreciated in value, precisely as all former emissions, and all took the name together of old tenor. We shall have oc- casion to refer to this again hereafter. The next year, 1742, Gov. Shirley made his first excursion . to these parts, and spent a little time at Fort Frederic. When he returned he expressed much satisfaction with what he had seen at the settlements ; and, at his recommendation, an appropriation of £700 was made for the repair of the fort here, and those at one or two other places. For the first time we now hear of provision being made for the appointment of a chaplain for Fort Frederic.^ The year following, in apprehension of an im- mediate war with France, very liberal appropriations were made ' Will. Bid. Maine, ii, 308 ; Eaton, An. War., p. 64 ; Doug. Sum., i, p. 494 : Hutch. Hist. II, 361. ^ Rev. Mr. Rutlierford, as we have before seen, officiated as chaplain here under Diiubar, and it may be that he was regularly- appointed and paid by the govern- ment. History of Bristol and Bremen. 287 for the eastern settleraeuts, the fort in this phice receiving £134 for repairs, aud au addition of six men to its garrison. All the forts or block houses in the vicinity, as Richmond, Arrowsic, Sheepscott, Damariscotta, Broad Bay, and St. George, also re- ceived aid.' The result showed their wisdom, for the dreaded war was declared against England by France, March 15, 1744; aud the French and Indians had begun their devastations in Nova Scotia, before the declaration was known in New England. News, both of the declaration of war and the disturbances at the eastward was received in Boston while the legislature was in session; and active measures were taken immediately to meet the emergency, in which the settlements on the coast of Maine were so deeply interested. Five hundred men were at once drafted, of whom 300 were designed to protect the east- ern frontiers. Seventy-three new recruits were sent to the several forts on the coast, of whom 24 were ordered to Fort Frederic. As the Penobscot Indians had for some time been very peace- able, and appeared friendly, it was thought they might be pre- vented from joining the French, and at length, by kind treatment, become attached to the Englisli interest. Measures were there- fore adopted for this purpose; and a delegation, sent from Bos- ton, in July, had a meeting at St. George's fort with some of the Penobscot chiefs, who gave every assurance of a strong desire, on their part, for a continuance of the present peace with the English. The tribes further east, on the Passamaquoddy, had already joined with the French in their acts of violence; and therefore in the autumn of the year war was regularly declared against them by the government of Massachusetts. The Penob- scot Indians were forbidden, at the same time, to have any inter- course or correspondence with the " Indian rebels " to the east of them. It is painful to be obliged to add that to all persons who should volunteer and enter the war, at their own expense, a reward of £100 was offered for the scalp of every male Indian above 12 years of age, =£50 for that of a younger male or of a female, and £5 additional to these rates for captives. It was hoped to enhst some of the able bodied Penobscots in the public service against the French and Indians farther east, but it was found impracticable.^ 1 Will. Hint. Maine, ii, 214. ^ Will. Hist. Maine, li, 218. 288 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. Xow, for the first time, the militia of Maine was regularly organized iuto two regiments, one being put under the com- mand of Col. Wm. Pepperell, of Kittery, and the other under Col. Samuel Waldo, of Falmouth. The whole number of men enrolled was 2,855. The number in Col. Waldo's regiment was 1,290, of whom 270 are credited to Georges and Broad Bay, 50 to Pemaquid, and 50 to Sheepscott. Now also we first hear of regular " scouting parties " in this vicinity who were to range through the woods from settlement to settlement, in order to intercept any hostile parties who might be disposed to mischief. One hundred men were enlisted for the winter (1744-5) for this purpose, who were divided into 8 companies, each commanded by a sergeant. The distance to be traversed over was from Berwick, near the I^ew Hampshire line, to the St. George's river ; and this was divided into 8 parts, to each of which a scouting party was assigned. The three parties in this vicinity, which more particularly concern us, were arranged as follows : a party of 14 stationed at Wiscasset, was to scout as far as Vaughau's mills, at Bamariscotta, at Vaughan's block house, a party of the same number to scout to Broad Bay (WaJdoboro), and another of 14 at Broad Bay to scout to the block house on St. George's river.^ This was an excellent arrangement, and under difiE'erent or- ganizations was continued for many years, at least in times of special danger. The year 1745 was destined to mark an important epoch in the history of New England and of British dominion on this continent, and must not be passed in silence, although the trans- actions were not particularly connected with the progress of events at this place. The great event was tlie capture of Louis- bourg, on the island of Cape Breton, June 17th, just thirty years before the battle of Bunker Hill. Whether we consider the unsurpassed energy with which the expedition was organized, the bravery and perseverance with which the siege was prose- cuted, the wonderfully favorable turn which several apparently fortuitous, but very important circumstances took in its progress, or the momentous intiuence the result produced upon the rela- tive position of the French and English elements on this conti- nent, this enterprise of the English colony of Massachusetts Bay must ever hold a place among the wonders of history. ' Will. Hist. Maine, ii, 218 ; Eaton, An. War., 66. History of Buistol and Bremen, 289 The city of Louisbourg was protected by several fortresses of unmeuse strength, aud coutaiued a large stone building called the CUadel in which were the house of the governor, barracks for the soldiers and military stores of every kind, and in abun- dant supply. The whole was also well mauned. For half a century or more, as we have seen, there had been much talk in the English colonies of making an effort to drive the French from this whole region, if not from the continent; but they had all the time been increasing their strength. It does not appear that this grand result was particularly aimed at when the Louisbourg expedition was planned, though it actually followed the capture of that stronghold, almost as a necessary consequence, only fifteen yeai's afterwards. During the summer of 1744 the English, and especially the ISTewEnglanders, suffered greatly in their commercial and fishing interests from vessels of war and privateers fitted out from Louisbourg ; and in the autumn it is said to have been a subject of general conversation that the place must be takeu ; but Wm. Vaughan of Damariscotta appears to have been the first to pro- pose a plan for the bold undertaking. The legislature met on the first of January, and Gov. Shirley, having consulted with Vaughan and others, took an early opportunity to present the matter before them in a formal manner. After much discussion the recommendation of the governor was passed by one majority, January 26th, — and all parties without delay began to make pre- paration for the struggle. With such energy was the enterprise prosecuted, that, before the close of March, the expedition actually set sail from Boston, and arrived in tlie vicinity of Louisbourg before the ice had sufficiently melted away to allow the ships and transports to enter the harbor. We do not here enter into any details of the siege ; — aud it is sufficient to say, as above stated, that the place with all its immense stores fell into the hands of the English on the 17th of June. They were greatly aided by several ships of the royal navy, under Admiral Warren, belonging to the English West India squadron, which was despatched there for the purpose. The residents of this place could not but be deeply interested in the success of the enterprise,— and we are anxious to know what part they took in it,— but very little information has come down to us. The fact is well known that nearly all the promi- 37 290 History of Bristol and Bremen. nent officers of the expedition were selected from the district of Maine, and their influence induced many men from the same reo-ion to enhst in the service. From the German settlement under "Waldo, at Broad Bay, which had been begun only a few years previously, all the able bodied men enlisted, some of them taking their families with them ; — many also joined the service from Georges river. The Broad Bay settlement was for the time entirely broken up, those who did not enlist being obliged to remove to other places of greater safety.^ We learn the names of only two who went from Pemaquid, Joseph Burns, who was captain of a transport, and Jamea Yeates, or Yates, as the name is now usually written. Yates was absent about three years. At the same time Wm. Burns, brother of the preceding, enlisted a company of men in the ser- vice of government for the protection of the place.^ It may be that the men of Pemaquid were excused from serv- ing in the expedition for this express purpose. The place (Louisbourg) as previously stated, was captured •June 17th, but Gov. Shirley, who took occasion to visit the place soon after its capture, persuaded as many as he could to re-enlist for the defense of the place, which, it might be expected, the French would immediately undertake to I'ecapture. This explains why so many that joined the expedition did not return sooner than three or even four years. As was expected, the next year, (1646), an immense fleet was fitted out from France, for the recapture of Louisbourg and other hostile movements against the English settlement, and caused no little consterna- tion ; but so many of the ships were disabled on the passage, by storms and unexpected calamities, that nothing was accomplished, and nothing even attempted by way of fighting. The British government, several years afterwards, paid to the several colonies who planned and executed so great a feat, in compensation of their expenditures, the sum of £200,000 ster- ling, equal to about $1,000,000. It was paid in specie, silver and copper, which was brought into Boston in 215 boxes. Wm. Vaughan, who was so intimately connected with the Louisbourg expedition, was a son of George Vaughan, formerly lieut. governor of New Hampshire. He was born in Ports- ' Eaton's An. War, G7 ; Com. Rep., 1811, p. 61, 102. ^ The commission of one or the other of these men was preserved in a family of his descendants only a few years ago. History of Bristol anb Bremen. 291 mouth in 1703, and gniduated at Harvard College in 1722. He early engaged in the fishing business, and his schooners were ofteu at Mouhegau, and Matimans and other places eastward. In the public documents of the time he is occasionally styled " fisherman." He appears to have established himself at the " Damariscotta Fresh Water Falls" about the time Dunbar came to Pemaquid, and there was always an excellent understanding between the two, but we do not know as there was any other connection. He early erected saw mills in the place and was largely en- gaged in the manufacture of lumber, which was disposed of in the Boston and other markets. He sometimes kept as many as 12 yoke of oxen, and other stock in proportion, employing of course many men. Probably he held a grant of land on the Damariscotta river and pond fi'om Dunbar ; but he also obtained deeds of ill-defined tracts of the same lands of the Indian chiefs residing in the place or vicinity, and also of other claimants, as John Brown^, and John Taylor. The object, of course, was to make his title perfect as possible. For protection against the Indians he constructed a strong fort of timber 100 feet square. On one occasion he sent down a large raft of lumber to a vessel loading somewhere below ; and the men as they returned, when near the fort, were fired upon by some Indians and a man named Joseph Jones and Plato, a negro, were wounded. Plato was a cripple ever after- wards. About 1740 he built for himself a large and elegant house, for that time, but it was afterwards destroyed by fire. Whether or not Vaughan first suggested the Louisbourg en- terprise, it is certain that Gov. Shirley made him one of his principal advisers in planning the expedition ; though Douglas ^ says of him that he was a " wild visionary projector in his own private concerns, entirely ignorant of military affairs, and of the nature of the defense, or strength of a place regularly and well fortified at immense expense." He thought the fort at Louisbourg, strong as it was, could be taken by 1500 militia, provided with scaling ladders, and attended by a few armed schooners. Though his advice was not followed altogether, the plan of the ladders was adopted ; but when those supplied ' rvUUcoJ, Summary, i, p. 348. 292 JSiSTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. for the purpose were received before the walls, they were found to be ten feet too short. Williamsou says of him that he thought they might hope to capture the place, in the winter season, by marching over the walls upon the banks of snow, which might be expected to form against them. ' From these facts we may conclude that he was more distinguished for bravery and energy than for sound discretion, but still he was trusted by Gov. Shirley with a lieutenant colonel's commission though without any particular command. He did good service at the siege of the fort, and contributed his full share to the wonderful success of the ex- pedition. The capture of the city of Louisbourg, with all its immense fortifications and military stores, was justly considered an event of more than usual importance, and entitling the officers in com- mand to some special rewards for meritorious services ; but, in distributing rewards, the American officers, with one or two exceptions, were entirely overlooked, Yaughau himself being entirely neglected. The next year he sailed for England where he died. Another war, sometimes called the fifth Indian war, was a necessary consequence of the declaration of war by France, against England, as has been stated. This being clearly fore- seen, our people hoped at first to secure the Penobscot tribe in their interest, and took measures for this purpose ; but it was found impracticable. As neutrality on their part was impossi- ble, in the present circumstances, it was plain that they must be considered as enemies ; and the government therefore, Aug. 23, 1745, declared war against them, as they had, the preceding autumn, against the tribes further to the eastward. The mis- erable expedient was also resorted to of offering bounties for Indians captured alive or for scalps of those slain. But the savages had begun hostilities before the war was de- clared ; they delayed not for such (to them) unmeaning formali- ties. July 19th, they made an unsuccessful attack upon the fort at St. George, and a little later another party made their ap- pearance before Port Prederic. " In approaching it, they met a woman, about 300 yards from the walls, whom they wounded in the shoulder, and then one of them seized her. Either the report of the gun or her shrieks, unfortunately for them, alarmed ■ Willi'tmson's Hist. Maine, ii, p. 330. History of Bristol and Bremen. 293 the garrison ; and amidst the momentary consternation and rising smoke, or through the carelessness of her keepers, she broke away from tliem, and under the fire from the fort escaped to tlie gate." ^ This, so fav as we can learn, was all they accom- plished at this time. A story similar to this, and perhaps only another version of the same, used to be told by the old people living in the vicinity. A woman, Mrs. McEarland, was picking beans in a field a little distance from the fort, but seeing an Indian partially concealed in the bushes, scarcely a gun-shot from her, she knew it was time for her to be seeking a place of safety. To attempt at once to run for the fort would be almost sure death ; so, with apparent unconcern, she stepped slowly away for a few seconds, and then began to run for life. The Indian, seeing it was his last chance, rushed from his ambush and fired upon her but just at that instant she stumbled upon the uneven ground, and fell forward upon her face, the bullet merely grazing her shoulder, and producing a slight wound. She was now within range of the guns of the fort, the guards of which had been aroused by the report of the Indian's piece, so that any nearer approach, on his part, would have been particularly dangerous, and the woman was soon within the gates. ^ Does the following extract from a message of Gov. Shirley to the house of representatives, July 25th, 1745, have reference to the same occurrence ? '.' I have also to inform j'ou, that I re- ceived yesterday an Express from Capt. Savage, at His Majesty's Fort Frederic, advising me, that on the 19th Instant a party of Indians had seized a woman within three hundred yards of the Fort, but that she breaking from them had, under Cover of the Fire from theFort, escaped into it with receiving only one Wound in her Shoulder with a Musquet Ball ; and that he was in hourly Expectation of having the Fort itself attacked by a large Party of the Enemy."* During the next year, (1746), the savages continued their stealthy attacks upon the settlements, and wanton murders in every direction, wherever they could find unprotected victims; 80 that the people could labor on their farms or in their shops upon week days, or attend worship on the sabbath, only under 1 Wili- Hist. Maine, ii, 237. 'Mrs. Sarah (Johnston) Barnett, a granddaughter of Mrs. McFarland. 3 Copied from Journal of Bouse, p. 85. 294 History op Bristol and Bremen. the guard of armed men, aud at the risk of their lives. In the month of May, they fell upon the settlement at Broad Bay and entirely destroyed it, but in this vicinity all lied to Fort Frederic, leaving only the cattle and the horses and other domestic animals to the savage enemy. The people lived in continual alarm, the men attending to their work with their loaded guns near at hand, and their families being in constant readiness to flee to the fort at any moment. John McFarland and family occupied a place at a distance from the fort, and in their defenceless condition were set upon by a party of Indians who wounded several of the family, leaving them for dead, and destroyed his house and everything connected with it.' Id the spring of the year, 1747, the Indians began their de- predations unusu ally early ; Apiil 27th, Hhey suddenly made their appearance at Walpole, killing Mrs. Jane and Mrs. Elizabeth Lermond, and several others whose names have not been pre- served. A small building had been constructed of granite boulders, about two miles north of the present meeting house, to serve as a place of retreat, in case of an attack, aud the women were milking their cows near it when the Indians suddenly rushed upon them. One of them had nearly reached the door of the fort when she was shot down. Wm. Jones, who afterwards became a distinguished public man in the place, was then a young man, and was about build- ing a house, for which he had procured some clear boards, only the day before the attack. A part of the boards were used for cofiius for the slain, including the persons named. One ac- count says there were no less than 13 persons killed in Walpole, during this incursion of the enemy. About this time also, or a day or two earlier, they paid their respects to some of the settlers in ISTewcastle on the west bank of the Damariscotta, killing or taking captive do less than 15 persons ! Either at this or some subsequent incursion they killed a woman, by the name of Gray, and six children who were living on the Farley place, in Ifewcastle.' May 2t)th, a large company, numbering over 100, appeared before Fort Frederic, prepared for an assault, but they ' Will. Hist. Maine, ii., 24G. ^ Tombstones of the Lermonds. Tradition. ° Testimony of Joliu Farley, Lin. Sep., 1811, 152:. Tradition. History op Bristol and Bremen. 295 could make little impression upon its stone walls. Daring the fight five men, that belonged to Falmouth and Perpooduck were slain, whose names are given by Smith in his diary ; they were John and Joseph Cox, Vinceut, Smith and Weston. Eive men belonging to the garrison of the fort were also killed, and three others taken prisoners.^ The two Coses were cousins to the father of the late Capt. Israel Cox of Bristol. The same day the Lermond women were killed, a party from the fort paddled up the Pemaquid river, in birch canoes, on a gunning excursion, but proceeded cautiously, for Indians were known to be in the region. Passing into the stream, a little above Boyd's pond, they saw at a distance an animal, partly dressed, hanging upon a tree, and near by appearances of a re- cent fire. Landing carefully, and approaching nearer, they saw it was the carcass of a colt, and near it indications that a fire had been kindled, as if to roast it, but left to go out befoi-e the cooking was completed. IsTo Indians were to be seen ; but the party thought it prudent to leave for their canoes, as silently as they came. One or two, however, not entirely satisfied with the performance, stole slyly back to the colt and cut oii" a joint from one of the legs, which they carried, as evidence of their daring, to show to their friends in the fort.^ They could not, of course, have known at the time, anything of the terri- ble disaster at Walpole. During the summer of this year, mur- ders and other outrages by the savages were constantly occurring in other parts, but this place seems not to have been again dis- turbed until September, when a company of Indians and French, about 60 in number, came silently, very early in the morning, as if intending to capture the fort by surprise. But it happened that a party of five men had, for some reason, gone a little distance from the fort, whom they unexpectedly met. The Indians instantly leveled their guns at them, killing three dead, and badly wounding the other two. Two of the men thus shot down were scalped and left on the ground, but were soon afterwards found by a party from the fort. One of them was still alive and affirmed that he was scalped by a Frenchman, and not an Indian. He told them where they would find the bodies of two Indians, who had been killed by the fire from the fort, but on going there no bodies were found 1 Smith's Jour., 129. Will- Eist. Maine, ii, 253. ■' Capt. John Sproul, 1853. 296 History of Bristol and Bremen. but much blood, appearances indicating that the bodies had been removed. Before leaving, the enemy made a furious assault upon the fort for two hours or more but could do no further injury.' About this time two boys, George and Walter McFarland, sons of Mrs. McFarland before mentioned, while at work on Johns island, were attacked by some Indians, the former being killed, and the latter, Walter, carried into captivity. After being with the Indians (probably the Penobscots) about two years, he was restored to his friends at the Indian conference, held in Falmouth, in the autumn of 1749. We shall have occa- sion to speak of him again in another connection. The following year, 1748, was a time of quiet here, though some outrages were perpetrated by the Indians, at Brunswick, and ISTorth Yarmouth, and other places. This year, by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, peace was restored between England and France, and the other nations of Europe, occasioning much joy in this frontier region. But while the inhabitants in these parts could not but rejoice in the restoration of peace, they felt it as a disgrace that Louisbourg, and the island of Cape Bre- ton, which they had aided to conquer only three years before, at so great a sacritice, should again be restored to France. But the peace following this treat}', which was indeed real among the nations of Europe, was little more than nominal here. The Indians, it is true, refrained for a time from their usual depre- dations and murders; but such was the feeling of distrust toward them, that it was considered necessary to preserve still their military organizations, and to conduct all their affairs as on a war footing. Hence, in the spring of 1749, we find there were in the garrison at St. George, 45 men, at Pemaquid, 24, and at Richmond, on the Kennebec, also 24. Besides these, scouting parties ranged the woods from one fortified posi- tion to another. Capt. Jabez Bradbury was in command of the fort on St. Georges river, and therefore came much in con- tact with the Indians, who had chiefly deserted this part of the country, and taken up their 'residence on the Penobscot. Several of the chiefs intimated to him that the Indians greatly desired to have peace with their neighbors and expressed the opinion that, if they were in Boston, they could easily conclude a treaty with the authorities that would put an 'Hist. Mug., X, p. 117, supplement. History of Bristol and Bremen. , 297 end to their difficulties. He therefore, by permission of the Massachusetts authorities, gave them a free passage to Boston iu the province sloop, where they made sueli representations of the strong desire for peace among the eastern Indians, that it was agreed to hokl another Indian conference at Falmouth, the September following. This conference was attended by five commissioners from Mas- sachusetts, and nineteen Indian Chiefs, representing the Anasa- gunticooks and Waioenocks (St. Francis tribe) the Norridgewocks and the Penobscots. A new treaty was formed on the basis of the Dummer treaty of 1726 ; presents were bestowed as usual upon the Indian negotiators, and " the parties separated with salutations of mutual and cordial friendship."' This treaty, it is said, was never openly violated by the Pe- nobscots, who ever afterward*, nominally at least, lived in peace with the English; but the same cannot be said of the other tribes. For several years however, after this, the people of Pemaquid were little molested. Only a few weeks after the signiag of this treaty an uofortunate oc- currence at Wiscasset greatly exasperated the Indians and put all the settlements in jeopardy. In a violent quarrel between some white men and Indians, one of the tatter was killed, and two others badly wounded. Occurriog so soon after the formation of the treaty; there was reason to fear that all the good effects expected to result from it, would be lost ; but the Indians, though much excited, were persuaded to await the action of the law. Three of the whites engaged in the fight were arrested and put on their trial for murder ; but so strong was the feeliag against the Indians that no jury could be found to convict them. The govern- ment officers evidently desired that justice should be done; but various delays were interposed on the part of the defence, and the softening effects of time were as observable on the minds of the savages as they have often been iu civilized communities. The government officials took occasion to explain, as well as they could, the causes of delay, and to conciliate the family and friends of the deceased by presents. Below is a bill of goods presented to the widow immediately after the sad event, atid months afterwards other presents of a similar kind were bestowed ou her Will- Hist. Maine, ii, 258 ; Maine Hist. Ooll., i, 320. 38 298 HisTOBX OF Bristol and Bremen. and othera of his tribe. The goods were delivered hy Capt. Bradbury at Fort Kiohmond. " Sundries delivered to widow of the Indian that was killed, viz : "34 Bisquet at 6rf 0—17—0 3c|ts. Molasses 4s. 6d. 0—13—6 " 6 Cakes Gingerbread Is.. 0— 6—0 2 yds. Flannel 35s...3— 10— " 2 qts. Bum at 5s 0—10—0 Linen Cloth 0-12-0 "2 Blankets £5 10— 0-0 1 Hatohett, 1— 0-0 "7 fts. Pork at 6s 2— 2—0 5—15—6 13_15_0 13—15—0 £19—10—6 The troubles growing out of this diastrous occurrence con- tinued several years, and occasioned considerable correspond- ence between the English authorities and the Indians. Squadook was a noted chief of the Penobscots at the time ; and in one of his letters to Grov. Phips, dated Sept. 12, 1751, he used the following language. The writing of course was done by some one serving as his amanuensis. " Brother, once more, we don't like a great deale of Rum it hinders our Praires we buy too much of it, it hurts our souls it is not you but us that doe it. One Kegg and one bottle is enough for one man, the women must have none, this we ask of the Governor and Council, the women buy and sell to the men and are debauched thereby. I believe you will think I speak well. Rum is the Cause of quarrels amongst us. I expect your answer to this." ^ " Squadook." The name of Squadook is very frequently met with in the original documents pertaining to the history of these trying times; audit is gratifying to know that generally he was an earnest advocate of peace. He died of smallpox in 1756, and also a son and other relatives. This disease was very fatal this year among the Penobscots, and so many of the tribe perished that their strength was sensibly diminished. ^ It has been stated heretofore that the Indian tribe called Wawenocks had their chief residence in this place and vicinity, but now we find them associated with the Anasagunticooks, and the two together called the St. Francis tribe. This tribe, ' Jfas.s. ArclL, vol. 83, p. 18 ; Do. p. 199. ' Do. p. 761. History of Bristol and Bremen. 299 which took its name from that of the river on which they had, and still have, their residence, was made up entirely of emi- grants from the tribes on the coast in this region. The French very early acquired controlling influence over the Indians of these parts ; but occasionally a disposition was manifested by them to transfer their allegiance to the other party. This the French greatly dreaded ; and, as a means to preserve the hold they had gained over them, persuaded many to remove to the St. Francis river in Canada. This is about the last we hear of the Wawe- nocks who no longer constituted a separate people. Probably they and the Anasagunticooks (Androscoggins) formed the chief part of the new St. Francis tribe. It is to this people then we are to look for the descendants of the race who inhabited these shores, when the first settlers took up their residence here, and who roamed these forests for more than a century afterwards. The year 1749 was rendered remarkable in Massachusetts, and, in fact, in all New England, by the wise course of the legis- lature in providing for the redemption in coin of the bills of credit, of which some £2,200,000 were in circulation. The oc- casion was furnished by the reception from the British govern- ment of nearly £200,000 in payment of their expenditures in the taking of Louisbourg, as before described. These bills of credit were of two kinds, old tenor and new tenor, as heretofore described, both of which had greatly depreciated in value ; so that a Spanish milled dollar, was now worth 45 shillings, old tenor, or lis. 3d., new tenor. At this rate the bills were re- deemed by the treasurer of the colony, and received by the collectors of the taxes; and in a little more than a year they disappeared from circulation. The next year, 1750, a law was enacted, which provided that in all future transactions, contracts should be payable in coin, at the rate of 6s. 8d. per ounce of silver. This, it will be per- ceived, is at the rate of 3 ounces of silver to the £. The Spanish dollar was then rated at 48. 6d., sterling, and at 6s. lawful money; a phrase which soon came into general use in ISTew England. This return to specie payments was effected at this time by Massachusetts only ; but such was her leading position among the neighboring colonies, that very soon all were obliged to flill in with^her, especially as it was made a penal ofience for per- sons in Massachusetts to receive bills of credit of other colonies. 300 History op Bristol and Bremen. Thus was established what has been suice known as the JSTew England currency, in which the dollar is reckoned at 6 shillings. The province of Massachusetts Bay was the first to issue bills of credit, to circulate as money, but the other colonies soon fol- lowed her example. After struggling with the enormous evils, occasioned by this miserable, irredeemable currency, for more than half a century, Massachusetts was also the first to free herself from the incumbrance, by redeeming the old bills, and providing for her people a currency of the precious metals. Others of the colonies were later in effecting the same change, and the value of the dollar, as it came to be regarded as the standard of value, was reckoned differently in their several currencies. Thus in Virginia the dollar was reckoned at 6s., the same as in New England, while in jSTew York it was reckoned at 8s., and in Pennsylvania at 7s. and 6d. CHAPTER XXV. Pemaquid dukinq the French and Indian War (1750 -'59). The question whether England or France should take the lead, in the further colonization of North America could be determined only hj the sword — Com- missioners appointed to determine the true boundaries of Acadia — The French or French and Indian War begun — Ebenezor Hall and family of Metinicus — Fort DuQuesne, Crown Point and Niagara — Capt. James Cargill and his com- pany — Discouraging condition of aifairs in the Spring of 1756 — Loss of Fort William Henry on Lake George — A change in the British Ministry produces a great change in the aspect of afl'airs here — News of the capture of Quebec re- ceived at Fort Frederick. The time was now rapidly approaching when a mighty ques- tion was to be settled, and the history of the preceding half century had fully shown that it could be settled only by the sword. The question was whether the English or French in- fluence should prevail in the further development of this vast continent ; whether En2;land or France should take the lead HisTOEY OF Bristol and Bremen. 301 in shaping the iiistitntions and controlling the destinies of the future inhabitants of a hfth part of tliis globe of ours. The two nations could not act in coucert in their schemes of colonization, nor would either consent to witlidraw from the field. Both governments saw the value of the prize, to be con- tended for, as did also the chief men in the colonies, though these latter had before their minds, as the only immediate objects of the contest, their own political and pecuniary in- terests. It was indeed only a very subordinate part which those feeble colonies, on the coast of Maine, were to act in the mem- orable drama; but we shall fail to estimate properly the other- wise trifling incidents of their history if we omit to notice their relation to other, and more imposing events transpiring else- where. During the last half century projects for removing the French from Canada and Nova Scotia had occasionally been discussed in New England, and hke plans for expelling the English from the New England coast, had been discussed in Canada and among the French, which have been sufficiently described in the preceding pages. As we have seen, once or twice exten- sive expeditions were fitted out by one party or the other, with some indefinite hope of striking a blow that should decide the contest, but now, at the middle of the eighteenth century, both parties stood firm and defiant as ever. England and France were nominally at peace, and diplomatically giving assurances of their earnest desire for continued peace, but each distrusted the other, and continued to make preparation for the mighty struggle that was seen to be inevitable. By the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, (1748) Louisboarg and the island of Cape Breton had been restored to France, and provi- sion made for the settlement of questions in regard to the true boundary between the English and French territories at the east ; and in due time commissioners were appointed to meet in Paris for this purpose. Their labors were long continued and earnest, but had no favorable result. The real question was as to the true limits of Acadia, by which was meant, as all parties ao-reed, a territory somewhere to the east of the Kennebec river, but whether it included the whole country east of the river and south of the St. Lawrence, or only a part of it, had never been authoritatively determined. 302 History of Bristol and Bremen. That the commissioners were unable to agree in settling so momentous and so indefinite a question is not surprising. It was an absurdity to suppose the thing possible. But while negotiatious were in progress, there was good reason for delay, and this, probably, was all either party expected to result from it.' The English now held possession of the whole Atlantic coast north of Florida quite to this disputed territory of Acadia, and farther east they were in possession also of ISTova Scotia ; their opponents or rivals, the French, held undisputed possession of both banks of the St. Lawrence, and were rapidly extending their dominions into tlie region of the great lakes, and -even to the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. They were also nominally in possession of tlie territory between the Bay of Fundy and the Penobscot river, through which, in the winter season, they had access to their Canadian colonies. But their right to this territory was of course involved in the ques- tion iu dispute as to the proper limits of the renowned territory of Acadia. For some years past, iu the great contest for colonizing this continent, the French had been losing ground ou the Atlantic coast, nortlieast of us, but in Canada and the region of Lakes Ontario and Erie, and the country south and east of the lakes, they were taking measures to extend their domaiu with astonish- ing boldness and success. Their right to the head waters of the Kennebec, where they formerly had a fortification, they had not formally renounced ; while further west, at Crown Point, on Lake Champlaiu, they showed their future determination and views, by erecting a fortress of considerable strength. At one time they felt so strong as to extend their hostile incursions southward from Lake Cliamplain, until even Albany was seriously threatened. At Niagara was another fort of theirs, which served as a depot of supplies, while they were industri- ously establishing their military posts south and southeast from this point, to the infinite annoyance and astonishment of their English rivals. A French colony had long before been established in Louisiana, at the mouth of the Mississippi ; and it now became iMt'moires des commissionaires du Roi et de Ceux de sa Majeste Britannique, Bur les Possessions et les Droits Respectifs des Deux Couronnes en Amerique, avec los Actes publics et Pieces j ustificatives, 4 Tomes, Paris, 1755 — 7. History of Bristol and Bremen. 303 apparent that the French government had conceived the bold idea of extending a hne of fortihcations quite through the val- leys of the Ohio and Mississippi, thus connecting their extreme northern and southern settlements. In fact the idea had been conceived long before, and the action upon 'it now begun, seemed likely to be successful. This scheme of the French, so boldly initiated, showed that, at most, they intended to allow to the English only the narrow belt they then occupied on the Athuitic coast, if perchance they might be able to hold even this, when their colonies came to be entirely surrounded on the north and west by their powerful foe. The British government, and the people of the colonies were not entirely idle; and several plans to counteract these move- ments of their rivals were projected, one of which was to estab- lish a strong English colony ou the Ohio river, for which a powerful company was formed in England, and 600,000 acres of land actually purchased. But for some reason nothing came of it. The plan was violently opposed by Pennsylvania, whose citizens feared it might in some way interfere with their in- terests. Next a union of the colonies was suggested for the general protection against their combined foes, the French and the Indians; and iu due time a convention of delegates from seven of the colonies met in Albany, for the purpose of estab- lishing such a union. A wise plan, as it seems to us, was adopted for presentation to the several colonies and to the English government ; but it was rejected by both parties ; hj the British o-overnment, because of their fear of the colonies, and by the colonies because of an absurd fear of establishing too strong a government over themselves. Massachusetts, always active in the cause of the colonies, some time before this, had erected a pallisade fort at Oswego, on the south shore of Lake Ontario, much to the disgust of the French ; and now Governor Dinwiddle, of Virginia, alarmed by the bold and daring movements of the latter in establishing their military posts ou the Ohio, and other places iu the west, felt it necessary to take some more active measures to protect his dominions from these encroachments. A small number of soldiers and others was sent to construct a fort and establish a military post at the confluence of the Alleghany and Mononga- hela rivers (now Pittsburgh, Pa.), but the French were upon them at once, in great force, and drove them from the country. 304 HisTOEY OF Bristol and Beembn. Being- now in possession of this important position, they (the French) immediately built a strong wooden fort, which they called Fort Du Quesne.^ This was in 1754. It was only the autumn before this that George Washington was sent with a message to the French coramander on the Ohio river, protest- ing against the French encroachments, and urging the entire withdrawal of their forces. The French general utterly denied any hostile intentions on the part of his government, but coolly claimed the country as belonging to the French crown, and declared his purpose to arrest every Englishman found ti'ading with the Indians in that region. Thus was really inaugurated, in these colonies, another war between France and England, though as yet no declaration of war had been made b}' either party. This has been called the French loar, and the sixth Indian war. Governor Shirley, who served as one of the British commis- sioners at Paris in the prolonged negotiations regarding the true boundary of Acadia ([lage 301), returned to Boston in 1753, and the next year, in the province frigate, Massachusetts, made a voyage to the eastward, visiting Falmouth, and the Kennebec, and the other settlements farther eastward. He was accompauied by several gentlemen of distinction ; and to con- vince the Indians of his power to enforce obedience to his commands, took with him some 800 men whom he had enlisted for this special purpose. At Falmouth a number of Indian chiefs met him by appointment, at which the usual expressions of good will towards each other, and promises of good in- tentions for the future were indulged in, and some of the old treaties renewed, but probably with little hope by either party that the treaty thus renewed would be any better obeyed than it had been previously. He then sailed up the Kennebec river, and ordered forts to be erected at Teconuet (Fort Halifax), at Cushuoc (Augusta) which he called Fort Western, and another at Frankfort (Dresden) which was named Fort Shirley. Several of the forts in other places were also repaired, as that at Bruns- wick, and that at St. Georges, but no mention is made in this connection of the fort in this place. It is easy to be seen that as the English settlements extended back from the coast, and ' Prouoanced Du Kane. Tlie name was given in honor of a Prenoli general, of the time, of some distinction. History of Bristol and Bremen. 305 fortifications began to be erected in the interior, those so far down on the coast as this at Pemaquid, at first so important, were gradually becoming of less consequence; and nothing re- quiring notice was done here, at this time, though a small garrison was still maintained. The gradual extension of the English settlements into the in- terior, and especially the erection of the new forts just men- tioned, caused great annoyance to the Indians, who, in several of the conferences that had been held within the few years pre- ceding, had insisted that while the English should be allowed to occupy the coast, they should not extend their settlements "above where the salt water flows." The Indians never suc- ceeded in having this last restriction formally inserted in any treaty, and of course were at length obliged in fact, if not in form, to relinquish the claim. Fully persuaded that they were deeply wronged, in these constant extensions of the English settlements over territory they considered their own it is not surprising that they, "untutored savages" as they were, should sometimes manifest their resentment by unjustifiable modes; but it is painful to be obliged to admit that other provocations were not wanting, as we have already shown. The following is an extract of a letter to Gov. Pnips ^ (of Mass.,) from four Penobscot Indians in behalf of the tribe. It is dated April 25th, 1753. " Brother, you did not hearken to us about the Englishman on the Island, he hunts us in our Selling and fishing, its our livelihood and others too for what we get we bring to your Truck masters, we don't hinder him from fishing; if you don't Remove him in two mouths we shall be obliged to do it ourselves. We have writ to you before and have had no answer, if you dont answer we shant write again, its our custom if our letters are not answered not to write again. * * * * We salute you and all the Council. In behalf of the Penobscot Tribe. COSEMES, NOODOBT, Ghebenood, nugdumbawit." ~ 1 Spencer Phips, an adopted son of Sir Wm. Pliii>s. - 3Iass. Arch., 32, y. 353. 39 306 IJisToiiY OF Bristol and Bremen. Ebenezer Hall at this time lived, with his family, at Metiiii- CU8 island, employing several men, as is supposed, iu the fishing business. In 1754, one James Clark, made an alfidavit before the governor and council, that in the summer of 1751 he was em- ployed on tlie island by Hall, and lived with liim. Sometime in the summer two Indians came upon the island, and Hall, aided by Ids sou, shot both of them, and buried their bodies in his gar- den. He then burned the canoe which they came in, but pre- served their guns. But the cowardly act did not pass unrevenged. Not in two months, as they threatened, but in a very few years, they effected Hall's removal with a vengeance. Early in June, 1757, a company of them made their appearance on the island, killed Hall, destroyed his house and everything he had, and took his wife and five or six children prisoners to the Penobscot. At this place Mrs. H. was separated from her children and taken to Quebec, but was redeemed by a generous friend, and put on board a vessel bound to England ; and, iu about 13 mouths from the time she was taken, found her way back to her former home. But not one other children could be found. She lived many years afterwards, and continued her assiduous inquiries, as far as her means allowed, for her children ; but no reliable report ever came to her of any one of them.' In the spring of 1755, active preparations were made by the English government, aided also by the colonies, for a vigorous campaign against their rivals, but without a formal declaration of war. Four separate expeditious were resolved upon against as many fortified positions of the French ; but only a few words iu regard to them will be required here. The most important of these was commanded by the con- ceited Gen. Braddock, the history of which is familiar to all. It was designed to wrest from the French the important posi- tion of Fort Du Quesne, but ended in the general's inglorious defeat and death, and a decided increase of the French influence over the natives of that region. Next in importance, perhaps, was the expedition against Crown Point, which was put iu command of Col. Wm. John- son of Schenectady. This fortified position of the Freuch gave them complete control of Lake Champlain, and also served as a ' Will Hist. Maine, ii, p. 320 ; Jour. H. Represen., Feb. 7, 1760, p. 236. History of Bristol and Bremen. 307 place of resort and a centre of supplies for the marauding par- ties of French and Indians, which were occaaionally committing their depredations upon the froiitiersof Massacliusetts and Few Hampshire. Though Johnson did nut succeed in gaining pos- session of tliis stronghold, he badly punisheil the French army that came out to meet him, and secured for himself great re- nown. A third expedition against the French fort at ISTiagara, com- manded in person l)y Gov. Shirley, of Massaclmsetts, accom- plislied nothing except to prove the incapacity of the commander for military achievement, though a wortliy and popular governor. The fourth expedition, to which allusion lias been made, was directed against the French in Nova Scotia; and of course more immediately concerned the people of this region than any of the others. The French still asserted their right to the country as far west as the Kennebec; and the result of the ex- pedition might even decide the question whether they should still remain under the jurisdiction of Great Britain, or be trans- ferred to occupy a similar relation to the government of France. The expedition was undertaken by the British government, of course at its own expense, but the eastern provinces were called upon for troops; and such was the popularity of the movement that 2000 volunteers were enlisted in Massachnsetts (including the district of Maine), in the short space of two months. It has not been ascertained whether or not any en- listed from this place. The force was commanded by the British General, Monkton, and soon succeeded in reducing all the French settlements on the Bay of Fundy and in Nova Scotia. Loui3bourg,on the island of Cape Breton alone, of aU the French settlements of the Atlantic coast, south of the St. Lawrence, remained under the jurisdiction of the French king. It was in connection with this campaign that the " French Neutrals," as they were called, were removed from their settle- ments in Nova Scotia, to several of the English colonies. They were emigrants from France, or descendants of f )rmer emi- o-rauts, who, since the conquest of the country by the English, had given the government much trouble by their insubordination audit was now determined to remove tiiem from the country and couiiscate their possessions. More than 7000 persons, old and young, were transported to the other British colonies, some being sent as far south as Georgia. Between 1000 and 1100 b 308 History of Bristol and Bremen. were allotted to Massachusetts to be supported at the public expense. Only 61 were allotted to the district of Maine, and these were distributed among the towns of York, Kittery, Ber- wick, Wells, Arundel, Biddeford, Scarboro, Falmouth, North Yarmouth, Brunswick and Georgetowi].' The story of these French neutrals has been made familiar by Longfellow's Evan- geline. These successes of the Bi'itish armies above mentioned were not without their favorable effects on the minds of the natives, but did not counteract the pernicious influence of the disasters in other directions just described. Besides this, as the French could not openly engage in acts of war against the English, the two nations being nominally at peace, they did not hesitate to urge on the savages in their acts of pillage and murder, hoping thus, by distressing the settlers, to furnish an additional motive for them to leave the country. Formal treaties to which ignorant savages ma}' be parties, generally avail little ; — ^ so it was found by the early colonists, and so it was found at this time. The treaty of 1752, and that also of 1754, were only re-enactments of that of Bummer in 1726 ; they were all equally good and equally worthless, for any practical purpose, for the reason that there was not, in the chiefs of the tribes, sufiicient power to enforce any decisions the leaders might make, or to execute any agreement or treaty they might form. However honest a great majority of a tribe may have been, in agreeing upon terms of peace, if there remained only a small number disaffected, and determined to execute their plans of private revenge, little regard was likely to be paid to treaty arrangements. This was well understood by the settlers, and the officers of government; atul therefore at the very time they were negotia- ting and establishing the most solemn treaties with the savages, for the preservation of peace, they were also careful to prepare for war. The forts were, therefore, kept in good condition, and numerous lesser fortifications constructed at important points, usually called block-houses. One was placed on tlie east bank of the Damariscotta, one at Broad Bay (Waldoboro), and another at Meduncook (Friendship), besides others not in this vicinity. All these, however, could not save the people from the treacherous savages, who this year (1755) renewed their mur- ' Maine Hi/it. Coll., vi, p. 341. History of Bristol and Bremen. 309 deroua attacks at several places, as at Frankfort (Dresden), i^ewcastle, JTortb Yarmouth and New Gloucester. At l^ew- castle they seized five men, as they were plowing, and carried them captives to Canada. Only two of them lived to return. These depredations, it will be noticed, were all to the west- ward of this place, and the fact plainly indicated that the Kennebec or Canada Indians were the perpetrators, and not the Penobscots, who probably were sincerely desirous to preserve the peace. But tliey could not be persuaded to join with the English, to make common cause with them, but chose to remain neutral. While the Penobscots were hesitating, in doubt what to do, the government of Massachusetts, in view of the late hostilities, felt obliged to declare war (Juno 11, 1755) against the perpetrators, but especially excepted this tribe, which" how- ever was afterwards (Nov. 5), included, by a second proclamation. It is painful to be obliged to add that they also, again, offered large rewards for Indian scalps, and also for Indian captives. It is not surprising that the minds of the English became at times greatly excited against the Indians, leading to the perpe- tration of great wrongs upon them, which all just minded per- sons deeply regretted, but could not prevent. In some cases the most outrageous atrocities were perpetrated, of which we cannot even now read, without a blush of shame and sorrow. Capt. James Cargill, of Newcastle, in the summer of 1755, commanded a company of " scouts," as they were called, whose business it was to patrol the country between the Sheepscott and St. George's rivers, and in one of his excursions with his com- pany near the latter river they met an unarmed Indian of the Penobscot tribe, with his wife and child two months old. This was several months before the declaration of war against this tribe; but, without making any inquiry, the}' tired upon them, killing the man instantly, and mortally wounding the woman, but without injuring the child. As her murderers came up to her, she held up her child to them, saying with her expiring breath, "take it to Capt. Bradbury," but an inhuman monster at the moment knocked it in the head, with the remark, " every nit will make a louse." The only apology that can be made for the party is to say that they were all intoxicated. The Indian man was also intoxicated, it is supposed. The woman, Margaret Moxa, was well known at the fort on the St. Georges, and was greatly esteemed for her honest dealing and kind and 310 History of Bristol and Bremen. genial nature; and her death was deeply lamented, especially by the women at the fort. At a later hour the same day, a part of the same conapany, with Oargill at their head, fell in with a party of thePenobscots, whom they recklessly fired upon killing no less than nine, whose scalps they exhibited the next da,j at the fort. Of course this was simply cold-blooded murder, and Cargill was appre- hended and after about two years, tried' for murder, but ac- quitted by the jury, the excitement against the Indians being such for a long time that no white man could be convicted for killing one.' This aftair, as a matter of course, greatly exasperated the whole Penobscot trilje; and if, before the sad event, there had been a possibility of winning them over to the English, it could hardly be expected now. The government sought by all possi- ble means to pacify them, hy assurances that justice should be done to the culprits, and by abundant presents lavished upon the relatives and friends of the Indians slain, but all was in- sufficient to produce the desired result. Therefore, later in the season (Nov. 5,) they were included in the declaration of war. This, of course, admirably suited the French who all the time were using their utmost efforts to intensify the Indian hatred against the English. The condition of public affiiirs in these colonies at the close of this year was gloomy in the extreme. Almost uniform disaster had attended the English arms during the whole year. The disgraceful defeat of Braddock does not find a parallel elsewhere in the history of North America, and the utter failure of Shirley -against the French fort at Niagara, though not so disgraceful, was scarcely less disheartening to the minds of the colonists. Some success had attended the British arms in par- ticular directions, but, to all intelligent observers, that gloomy autumn, the ultimate triumph of the French in establishing their ascendency on this continent must have seemed quite possible or even probable. During the winter, small garrisons were maintained at the more important forts and block-houses in the eastern parts, there being 35 at St. Georges, and 20 at Fort Frederic, but we do not learn that any eventof interest occurred, anywhere in these parts. ' An. Warren, p. 04 ; Will. Hist. Maine, ii, p. 314. History of Bristol and Bremen, 311 But neither Jobu Bull nor Brother Jonathan is accustomed to yield a point for a mere trifle. Affairs in the spring of 1756 were in a condition truly discouraging, but the contest must be renewed with vigor. The Indian depredations began early in the season, in different parts east and west of the Kennebec, and several persons were killed, and others taken prisoners to Canada ; but the English had well learned the necessity of cau- tion and less injury was done than in former times. In June of this year England declared war against France, and soon France reciprocated the compliment by declaring war against England ; but why it should be done just now it is not easy to see. And the war, now that a war had been doubly declared, was scarcely more real than it had been in years im- mediately preceding. The most important event of the war this year was the capture of the English fort at Oswego, on Lake Ontario, by Montcalm, with its garrison of 1600 men, 121 cannons, and abundance of military stores, and two sloops of war on the lake, and boats innumerable. The Indians, at plant- ing time, made their appearance on Arrowsic island, and killed a man and his wife, as they were at work in a cornfield, and took their three children with them to Canada, but we do not learn as they came any nearer toPemaquid. Puring the summer, several attacks were made on other places in the interior and east of us, on the coast, several coasting vessels and fishing schooners were seized and destroyed, and several men killed. On the whole the season closed this, as it did the last year, with- out anything to encourage the heart of the English, but with much of the opposite character, The next year, 1757, little change occurred in the affairs of the provinces; but the capture of Fort William Henry on Lake George, with all its stores and 3000 men, was a sad blow to the English interest. Another attack upon Louisbourg this season was determined upon ; and a large force sent from England, to be joined with the provincial troops, for the pupose; but nothing was accomplished, chiefly through the imbecility of the commanding otiicers. One favorable indication this year began to manifest itself; this was a profound conviction in the public mind of the imbecility of those in power, from the king's min- isters down to the lowest officer in the goverment. Mention has already been made of the prevalence of small pox among the Penobscots, a little time before this, which had preceptibly di- 312 HisTOKY OF Beistol and Bremen. minished their strength, and it was probably in consequence of this that they began to indicate a desire for peace. But, as if to prevent the possibility of a speedy reconciliation, a party of soldiers marching through the woods near the St. Georges fort, met with a party of Indians, and fired upon them, killing one and wounding some others. The etfect upon the minds of the In- dians was extremely unfavorable. During all the years of this war " scouting parties " were con- tinually ranging the country from one fortified place to another, as previously described; and the muster rolls of several com- panies are preserved in the state department in Boston. Some of the names on these rolls are still familiar in all this region, and one or more of them may be given -in an appendix, if space can be allowed. The commander of Fort Frederic at this time, 1756, and several years subsequently, was Alexander Nickels, a native of Londonderry, Ireland, who came to this country with his wife and family, in 1721, and resided many years in Boston. ISTot much is known of him until his appearance here as com- mander of the fort, though holding only a lieutenant's commis- sion. He had several children, but only two of Ihem were well known here. Those were Alexander jr., father of the late James, Wm. and John Nickels of Pemaquid, and several daugh- ters, and James Nickels, ancestor of those of the name in Wis- cassett and Newcastle. In 1758, 600 men were recruited for the army in the District of Maine, of whom 300 were assigned to garrison duty, and stationed at the various forts and block-houses. Of these Fort Frederic received 16, Georges fort 35, the block-house at Me- duncook, 10, and that at Broad Bay, 17. Below is the muster roll of the company at Fort Frederic, Capt. Alexander Nickels, from August 14, 1758, to September 30, 1759. Alexander Nickels, Lieut. David Drowne, Do Sergi. Eichard Bulkl-ey, Patrick Rogers, do. Archibald FuUerton, Do Cent. Samuel Boyd, Boice Cooper, Corp\ John McFarland sen., Do Cent. Roger Hamble, Thomas Johnston, Cent. Joseph Green, Owen Madden, Samuel Boges or Boggs.' John McFarland, ' Maaii. Arch., came liere from Wiscasset iox tlie pnrpose of fisli- ing for alewives, all of wliom, but one, were killed by the Indians. ' Hist. Magazine, vol. v. p. IIC, supplement. 324 History of Bristoi, and Bremen. William Fossett was shot and scalped by some savages, as he was searching for the cows, only a little distance from the fort. Afterwards it was ascertained that they had purposely detained the cows from returning, and then lay in ambush, where persons seeking aftjr them would be likely to pass. The body was found the next day and interred neai- the fort. At Broad Bay (Waldoboro) there were some interesting occur- rences during this war, that may be mentioned here, as they have not found mention in print elsewhere. A Mr. Demuth lived on the east side of the river, a little below the present bridge, but had a small garden on the opposite or west side mostly planted with cabbages. At midday the cows were ob- served among the cabbages, and Mr. Demuth and a young man crossed at once in a boat to attend to them. They lauded on the west side undisturbed, but before they reached the garden several Indians sprang upon them from their ambush, and seized upon Mr. Demuth, securing him firmly, but the young man, running for the boat, was shot dead before he reached it. Mr. Demuth was taken away with them, but was never heard of afterwards. The wiley savages had purposely turned the cows into the cabbage yard, and secreted themselves near by for the very purpose they had now accomplislied. The timber block house, erected soon after the beginning of- these troubles, stood on the bank of the stream a distance above the present bridge, to which the people hastily repaired in case of alarm. A mile or so below the block house lived a family by the name of Kinsel. all of whom at the signal of danger had atone timesuddenly made their escape to the place of safety. At the farm they left, with other things, a hen with her young brood for which Mrs. Kinsel, after finding herself and family in a place of safety, became much concerned. The next morning as there were no Indians to be seen, she desired her husband to go down and see to the chickens. So taking his trusty dog and gun he passed down by the usual path, and attended to the chickens and some other matters about the house without observing anj^thing unusual. But as he was about to return, the dog begun to show signs of alarm, and he was well assured there were Indians near; for the dog, by long experience and training, understood the subject as well as his master. Wliat now was to be done ? To go back by the usual way would be especially dangerous, for the scoundrels History op Bristol and Bremen. 325 would probably be secretly waiting for bim near tbe path, and to go further into thewooda so as to avoid any ambush prepared for him would also be dangerous. But no time must be lost ; 80 looking again to his gun to see that it was in order, and motioning to bis dog to take his position behind him, he walked cautiously to the shore, and the tide being out, waded out m the mud so as to be more than a gun shot from the shore, and then made his way upwanl iu the middle of the channel, and finally reached the block house in safety. ^ Besides the stone fort in Walpole, mentioned on a preceding page (294), there was another, built of wood, directly on the shore", on the farm owned and occupied by the late J. Gilmore Huston,' Esq., near which some important events transpired, but the traditions concerning them have become so indistinct and con- tradictory that a detailed account will not be attempted. CHAPTEE XXVII. From the Capture op Quebec to the Beginning of the Revolutionary War, Continued. (1759-1775). Quebec having- fallen, the Indians at once become more docile — Population in 1764 — John North's map of 1751 — Residences of persons named on the map — Family of James Sproul — Though peace was restored between Bujjland and France, liy the treaty of 1703, the mutual hatreds of the Eng-lish settlers and the Indians remained active — Measures taken to secure an act of incorporation — An act of incorporation passed, and the new town called Bristol — Organization of the town government under the charter — Change in the northern boundary of the town — Public doings of the town — Troubles regarding meeting houses. The war which had been so long and so desperately waged did not at once cease on the fall of Quebec, but the aspect of affairs, especially in these parts, was immediately greatly changed . The Indians very soon became quite sensible of their great blunder in adhering to the French, and were now glad to make any terms with the English if they could be allowed to pursue their hunting and fishing unmolested. But full confidence ' George Smouse, Esq. 326 History op Bristol and Bremen. between the parties conlcl not be at once restored ; and, though animated with hope for the fatare, the people felt it necessary to be on their guard against the perfidy of the savages whom, as they had found to their sorrow, no treaties or promises could bind. But general quiet prevailed ; — and Pemaquid had this advantage, that, as the settlements were extended more into the interior, these became more the points of danger, and at the same time a protection to those lower down on the coast. In 1758, the soldiers were removed from the fort as being more needed elsewhere, but the heavy guns were retained for future use if they should be needed. The power of France on the continent was effectually broken by the capture of Quebec in 1759, and the events which immediately followed, but it was not until 1763, that a treaty of peace was signed by the two nations. By this treaty France renounced all her claims in these northern parts except the two small islands, St. Peter and Miquelon, on the coast of E"ova Scotia. These were re- served to her for the shelter of her fishermen in these waters ; and the one first mentioned now receives the American end of the French telegraph cable. With the change in the afi"airs of the northern colonies con- sequent on the expulsion of the French, came also a very con- siderable change in the treatment of the "mother country." The British government had indeed expended much ti'easure and blood, in defending the colonies and rescuing them from the dominion of France; and now it seemed to be taken for granted by those in authority, that they could of right exact from them such retui'u as they themselves might determine. Schemes for raising a revenue out of the colonies for the benefit not of the colonies, but of the home government, began to be discussed ; and in spite of every remonstrance they soon ripened into the tea act, the stamp act, etc., and led finally to the revolt of the colonies and the establishment of an independent government. In 1764, a beginning was made by an order from the lords of trade for a census of all the inhabitants of the colonies ; and Massachusetts immediately took measures to give effect to the order, the enumeration being accurately made when it could be done conveniently, and estimates to be made when this was impracticable. Maine then contained three counties, York, Cumberland, and Lincoln, which contained, respectively History of Bristol and Bremen. 327 11,145, 8196, aud 4,347 white iiihabitauts, besides 232 negroes. The popuhition of Towuseud, Peiuaqnid and liarriugtou, was put by estimation at 300.^ Of those probably two-thirds, or about 200, resided in Bristol (Pemaquid Harrington and Walpole). Down to this time the people appear to have built their houses always near the shores, for the reason proba- bly, that whenever it was practicable, communication from place to place was by means of boats. Thus Pemaquid, in that day, held more frequent intercourse with Townsend and Damariscotta than with Broad Cove, or even Muscongus. No roads whatever, it is believed, had been made, except merely to remove the uuderbush so as to provide a narrow pathway. Horses, cattle, and sheep were common, but not abundant. According to Mr. Eaton {An. War., p. 112), no carts were in use at this period, in the settlements on Georges river, and we may presume there were few if any here. Agriculture was not entirely neglected, but was little depended on. People obtained a livelihood chiefly by getting out lumber and wood, or by fishing. Wood was worth about 58 cents per cord on Georges river, and of course it would be about the same here. Corn brought from Boston, cost 50 cents per bushel, and tea 42 cents per pound. Small sloops and schooners ran frequently to Bos- ton, carrying wood and lumber, bringing, in return, supplies of West India goods and other articles, as ordered in small quantities by the inhabitants. This also gave ernployment to many youug men, who thus became expert sailors, and were excellently trained for the carrying trade, that sprung up in subsequent years, especially after the close of the lievolution- ary war. While the men were employed as thus described, the women were not less industrious, in manufacturing the necessary clothing for their families, from the wool and flax of domes- tic growth. Mr James Bo^gs had lived some years at Pema- quid, but afterwards removed to Georges river, in the present town of Warren. Having some sheep at Pemaquid, or per- haps he had purchased them here, he went for them in a small sail boat ; and on bis return with the sheep the following acci- entd occurred. " Sitting on the windlass, with his flock on the deck, he became drowsy and begun to nod. An old wether, standing iu front, mistaking the nod for a menace, sprang ' Will. Mist, of Maine, n, 372. 328 ITisTOKT OF Bristol and Bremen. forward, and butted bira over upon tbe deck ! Boggs sprang upon bis feet mucb enraged, and pitcbed tbe old wetber over- board, wbeu tbe wbole flock, following tbeir leader, also jumped into tbe water; and all were floating togetber in tbe ocean. By some eifort be was able to recover tbe flock, and proceeded on bis wa}'." ^ By means of a small map, prepared by Jobn Nortb in 1751, we are able to fix tbe location of a few families at tbe date men- tioned. It is only a rougb sketcb, and includes Pemaquid Point and Harbor, Jobu's river and Bay and apart of Damaris- cotta but not the eastern part of tbe present Bristol. Tbe fol- lowing are all tbe bouses marked upon it. At a little distance east from tbe fort, Jeremiab Plouse, and on tbe opposite side of the river and farther north, James Sproul, apparently the same place occupied hy tbe late Capt. John Sproul, who was grand- son of the first James. Near the easternmost head of John's river, and north of tbe present meeting house, were "Wm. Sproul, Moses Young, and Geo. Colwell,^ in the other mentioned. Directly at tbe bead of tbe western branch of John's river was the residence of " widow North ;" she was the widow of the first of tbe name who came to this country, as before related. Her husband probably died here about 1741 or 1742, and it is not known that the widow ever removed from tbe place. Tbe re- mains of the cellar are still to be found here, and some shrubs still growing that were cultivated in tbe garden attached to the premises, and also several apple trees which are yet in bearing. Passing down on the west side we come first to tbe house of G. Clark, then P. Rodgers, R. Sproul, and J. Young. Further down, and nearly opposite Seal'cove, was Jobn Wirliug. On the Damariscotta, a little north of Gondy's mills were the bouses of Wm. Kent and Jobn Xent, and quite a distance further north those of Thos. Hutcbius and John North, the former being situated on the east bank and the latter on the west bank. This John North, a son of tbe first of tbe name, was author of the map, though we have no other evidence that he ever lived in tbe place alluded to, or owned property there. He was a ' Eaton's Annals War., p. 112. ■■' This name is so written on the map but is probably tlie same as is elsewhere written Caldwell. The old people put the accent on the second syllable, and pro- nounce the name as if written Kilwell. History of Bristol and Bremen. 329 noted land surveyor, and as early as 1737, was employed by the Peinaquid proprietors represented by Shem Drowue to survey the tract claimed by them, dividing it into lots of about 100 acres each, which were all numbered and subsequently distri- buted by lot to the several claimants.' At one time he was cap- tain of the fort here, and otherwise much employed in the public business. Subsequently he removed to St. G-eoi-gc's river, and was captain of the fort there. While residing in the latter place he was employed by the Kennebec proprietors in making surveys of their large tract claimed by them on that river. When he com- manded the fort at St. George's he held a commission as justice of the peace, and in 1760, on the formation of Lincoln county, he was appointed-one of the four judges of the court of Common Pleas. He died at Fort St. George, 1753, aged 65 years. The present Judge James W. N"orth, of Augusta, is a grandson of his. In one branch of the family there are still preserved some articles of furniture that were once used in the fort in this place.^ Enough has already been said of several of the persons named on the map, but a few words concerning the others will not be out of place. The residence of Jeremia.h House has some special marks about it, as if larger or of more importance than others, but we know very little of the man. Moses Young is believed to have been a brother (or perhaps cousin) to James Young both of whom came from Ireland, lauding first in Phi- ladelphia. It is not known by what peculiar train of circum- stances they were brought to this place. Moses early removed to Georo-e's river where he ever afterwards lived. James lived on the place mentioned above, as indicated on the map, where he died of small pox, a little before the close of the last century. There is some reason for believing that his father and perhaps 1 Lincoln Eep., 1811, p. 67. 'Lincoln Rep., 1811, p. 59 ; Eaton's An. War., p. 113. Miss. H. E. North, wlio kindly procured for the writer a copy of this map, which was found among the old North papers in the possession of a branch of the family. It was prepared for the Kennebec proprietors whose claim extended to this region. As this clami did not include the eastern part of the town, it is not represented on the map. . A copy of the map is on file at the State House in Boston. Tliese places of residents are indicated on the map in the first part of tins work. Some other names of families kaowa to have been here at the time have been added. 42 ool History of Bristol anb Bremen. others of tlie family came at the same time. Certain it is a young lady of the family, probably a sister of James, had a lover ill Ireland, whom she favored, in spite of the opposition of her father and family. This young man was Alexander Fossett who, after the Youngs had left for America, determined also to come. Landing first at Philadelphia, and finding that the fair lady had come to this region, with her friends, he soon made his way here, and was favorably received. They were in due time married, and according to tradition Mr. F. received from his father-in-law, the whole tract of land lying between the Great and Little Falls streams, and extending northward some 200 rods excepting a strip, called the Given lot, on the banks of the Great Falls stream. Fossett was so well pleased with the country that he wrote for his brother William who subse- quently came over, and, unfortunately, was killed by the In- dians as before related. Alexander Fossett married (1) Miss Young who died without issue ; (2) Mrs. Eleanor McDougal in Falmouth, August 14, 17-18, and (3) Mrs. Sproul, widow of John Sproul, before men- tioned, p. 276. He died in 1806. ^ Of George Colwell or Caldwell little is now known ; fifty years ago the old people were accustomed to refer to a man of this name as an old resident, pronouncing the name as hereto- fore mentioned. Wm. Sproul, who lived next to Moses Young, was son of James Sproul who has already been mentioned as having taken up his residence here in Dunbar's time. A little below "widow North's" place, according to the map, lived George Clark who came here from Londonderry, ISTew Hampshire, some time before the date of the map (1751). He was a descendant, probably a grandson, of the Eev. Matthew Clark who came over from Londonderiy, Ireland, about 1728 or 1729. Matthew Clark was a young man when (1689-90) the siege of Londonderry, Ireland, took place, and an active participator in the fight ; but afterwards studied for the ministry. In the siege alluded to he was wounded in the face, the cheek bone being injured in such a manner that it never healed ; and he always afterwards wore a black patch to conceal it. He was for ' Alexander Fossett, Horatio N. Fossett, and Wm. Haclcelton, July 1860. Hist. Oen. Register, vol. XIV, p. 336. History of Bristol and Bremen. 331 a time pastor of the Presbyterian churcli in Londonderry, JST. H., and enjoyed the full confidence of his people ; but was somewhat eccentric. Once preaching on the character of Peter, and his self-coniideuce that he would not deny his Lord, and his subsequent fall, he said in his broad Scotch dialect, " Just like Peter, aye mair forrit than wise, gauging and swaggering about wi' a sword at his side ; an' a puir han' he mad' o' it, when he cam' to the trial, for he only cut oif a chiel's lug, an' he ought to ha' split doon his heed." ^ Mr. Samuel Clark, who has recently died on the same place, was a grandson of George whose name is on the map. Next south of George Clark's house, was that of P. (Patrick) Rodgers, who was for a time lieutenant of a company of militia of which Alexander IN'ickels jr. was commander though holding only a lieutenant's commission. He was born about 1706, and lived in Georgetown when he was about 14 or 15 years old, and came to this place before 1737, for this year he aided Mr. North in making the survey and division of the laud of the Pemaquid patent, as before re- lated. Before this he was engaged in the fishing business, and was well acquainted here. He died Nov. 24th, 1796, aged 90 years. His wife, Anna, died July 1st, 1758, at the age of 40 or 41. He was a man of much energy of character and fully enjoyed the public confidence, as was shown by his frequent elections as selectman and treasurer of the town of Bristol, after its in- corporation in 1765. When Rev. Alexander McLean was in- stalled, in July, 1773, as the first settledpastor of the Presbyterian church in Bristol, Patrick Rodgers and Edward Young enter- tained the ministers that attended, at their own private expense. He left several children, two sons and two daughters, certainly, George, William, Elizabeth and Mary; and another son, John, died young, July 15th, 1760. George married Hannah Nickels Nov., 1766, and lived at New Harbor ; William died unmarried, Nov. 26th, 1815, aged 63. The two daughters, Elizabeth and Mary, familiarly known in the neighborhood as " Betty " and "Polly," or " Aunt Betty " and " Aunt Polly," were very ec- centric' characters, and well known though they seldom ven- tured from home, especially in the latter part of their lives. ' Mist. Land., p. 138. Hon. Elisha Clark, of Bath, -svho is a great graiidsou of George aforesaid. 332 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. Though in speaking of them, in their absence, the neighbors almost always used these terms, they knew well that to address them thus to their face would cost theToss of their friendship. Once a pedler stopped at the house and opened his wares, and had nearly completed a bargain for some articles, when, in his good humor, ho unfortunately addi-essed one of them as " Auntie," and it was all up. They bade him pick up his goods and leave the house, which he was obliged to do in spite of all apologies and explanations he could make. They said people took the liberty to use such terms only because they were old maids. Between the family of Patrick Rodgers and that of Capt. Alexander Nickels there existed an ancient feud, said to have had its origin very early in some question of mihtary etiquette, but was especially remarkable for the persistence with which the feeling was maintained by the Eodgers, or some of them at least. Elizabeth died, Jan. 20, 1830, aged 87, and Mary, Sept. 27, 1847, aged 91. The latter, near the close of her Ufe, in dis- posing of some real estate near the fori, where Capt. John Nickels lived, wished to have the writing so drawn that the property could never come into the hands of her " inemies," meaning the iSTickelses.^ B,eturuing again to our map, next south of P. Kodgers, lived Robert Sproul, who was a son of James Sproul, and was born in Ireland ; he was some 10 or 12 years old when the family came to this country. He was twice married and left a large family, who are still well represented in the place and vicinity. James Young lived still farther south ; but we have already spoken of him. Of John Wirling, whose house was situated nearly down to the present bridge leading to Rutherford's island, nothing is now known. Tliere is some reason to believe that his wife was a sister of Captain John North. On the east side of Damariscotta river, near the place of the tide grist-mill, (called Askins or Gondy's mills), two houses are represented on the map, with the names Wm. Ke»t and John Kent. Of the latter nothing is now known, but the former, Wm. Kent, was from Ireland. He was lost in a vessel with Capt. James Morton of Muscongus and a female passenger, on one of the Daraariscove islands, Dec. 25, 1785, on the passage home from Boston. John Morton, brother of James, was the ' Tradition, gravestones in Pern., l)urying ground, Wm. Hackelton, Esq. -^ History of Bristol and Bremen. 333 011I3' person that escaped.^ In the Bristol records for 1773, and several years following, mention is made of " old Mr. Kent and wife" as receiving aid from the town, and possibly it was the John Kent referred to ; but in one place he is called, Mr. Wm. Kent. Thomas Hutchins, Avhose place of residence was on the Bamariscotta farther north, is believed to have been the pro- genitor of all of this name now in this region. The site of Fort Frederic is marked on the map, but no houses are indicated near it, though we well know tliere were many there. The map does not include the eastern part of the town, N'ew Harbor, Round Pond, and Muscongus, for reasons given above. Solomon McFarland and family lived in the fort during a part, at least, of the last Indian war ; but little more is known of him, than has already been given. Besides the sous already named he had certainly three daughters, who married respect- ively David Browne, Thomas Johnston and Jacob Docken- dorff. Johnston and Dockendorff with their families, after the war, removed to Broad Cove. Browne lived at !N"ew Harbor, and both himself and wife were lost by shipwreck on their way to Boston. Mrs. Browne was not intending to goat that time; but being urged by a female friend, Mrs. McGlathery, who had taken passage, she set aside her spinning wheel, and departed without much preparation. The schooner with all on board was lost. This was about 1769. Whether Mrs. B. left any children or not is not known; but her immediate friends were greatly afSicted by her death, which they considered so strange ; and for a long time, they preserved her spinning wheel and other things precisely as the owner so hastily left them.' Wm. Hiscock (Hitchcock) came to Walpole about 1735, and took up his residence here. Little is known of him now, but he is presumed to have been the progenitor of those of the name now living in the place. Simon Elliot (Eliot) came from Londonderry, I^T. H., as is be- lieved, about 1755, and settled at Round Pond. He was ori- 1 Jolm Butman, grandson of Wm. Kent, July, 18G0. " Tradition. Jlr. and Mrs. Drowne were both lost by shipwreck on their way to Boston, hat there is some doubt whether they were iu the same vessel. Mr. D. was a relative of Shem Drowne, long the energetic agent for the Pemaquid pro- prietors, hut probably not a brother, as some have claimed. 334 History of Bkistol and Bremen. o-iually from the north of Ireland, perhaps, Londonderry. He was the father of Capt. Simon Elliot, who, about the beginning of this century, once or twice represented the town of Bristol in the legislature of Mass., and filled other important offices. He died at sea about 1815. There were several other sons, as John Elliot, who lived at Long Cove, probably one or two others. John Reudeil or Randall, an Englishman, also lived at Round Pond, probably on the same lot previously occupied by Thomas Henderson. He was born in 1733, and came here with his wife before 1759. The family afterwards removed to Thomaston. James Sproul, as we have seen, (p. 276) came here under Dunbar, and lived on the west side of the Pemaquid river, a distance above the harbor. He is represented at the present time probably by a more numerous posterity than any other one of these early immigrants. He came to Boston with his wife and several children, pro- bably about 1727, and to this place in 1729. He died some time before the close of the last century. Mrs. Mary (Sproul) Johns- ton, his grand-daughter, who died July 4, 1853, at the age of 84, remembered him. He was a helpless invalid several years before he died. James Sproul^ and wife had children : Robert^, William^, James^ John^ Mary^, Anne^ and two or three other daughters, whose names are not known. One of them married — Young, and another, Thomas Brackett. Robert- was born in Ireland in 1716, and died March 25, 1793, aged 77 years. He married 1st, Ann Reed, who died January 29, 1756 ased 26, and for a second wife, Anna Little. Children of RoherP, hy his first wife: Robert^, born in 1754, married Jane Greenlaw, and lived at the Mills. Katy3, who m. Sylvester. By his second icife : JohnS, who lived in Harrington. In early life he lost a thumb by the bursting of a gun, and was, therefore, often called " One Thumb John," to distinguish him from several others, of the same name. He married Mary Gondy. William-', who lived in Walpole. Thomas^, who d. April 2, 1798, aged 24 years, unmarried. Margaret'!, familiarly called Peggy^, who m. Elisha Clark. Jane", who married Ebenezer Blunt, and d. Jan. 10, 1796, aged 27. History of Bristol and Bremen. 335 Sally3, who m. (1), Thos. Masterson, and (2), Arch. Oliver. Mary3, who m Stetson Soule. JamesS, who m. (1), Susan Foster, and (2), Abigail Mann. James2, married Young and lived on the old homestead. TJieir Children were : Francis^, who was born Dec. 8, 1765. He married Nancy Young, and died Dec. 10, 18o7, aged 72 years. His wife Nancy, died Feb. 24, 1823, aged 53. James^, who m. Greenlaw. Williams, d. ;„ the war of 1812. (Blown up in the Young Teazer.) John3, who m. Hannah BIcFarland. He was captain of a militia company in the war of 1812. Hannah^, who m. Samuel Tibbets. William'^, who married Mary Gondy and lived near the old Har- rington meeting house. He died Feb. 18, 1804, aged 78 years. There are two traditions in the family as to the time of his birth. According to one tradition he was born on shipboard on the passage of the family to this country, but according to the other he was two years old when they came to America. Per- haps we may be allowed to harmonize the two accounts by sup- posing that he was born on their passage from Ireland in 1726, or 1727, and was, therefore, two years old when they removed to Pemaquid in 1729. By the inscription upon the headstone at his grave we learn that he died at the date and of the age above given, by which it would appear that he was born in 1726. His wife d. April 30, 1816, aged 78 years. Mr. S. was a man of great industry and enterprise, and one of the first in the place to begin ship-building after the close of the revolutionary war. Anne^, married Thos. Johnston, as his second wife, July 26, 1764, and lived in Broad Cove when she died, Jan. 9, 1809, aged 72 years. Mary*, married Stetson Soule, who was a brother or cousin of the late Joshua Soule, bishop of the M. E. Church, South. JOHN^, was perhaps the oldest of the children, though spoken of last. He was by trade a hatter and lived in Stow, Mass. It is believed that he did not come to Pemaquid with the rest of the family. He died when quite young leaving two children, a son named William'' and a daughter, Elizabeth''. After the death of Mr. Sproul (of Stow) his widow and children came to reside in Bristol. Subsequently the widow married Alexan- 336 History of Bristol and Bremen. der Fossett (first of the name), and the daughter Elizabeth married Jacob Fountain. The son, Wm.3, was adopted i-nto the family of his undo Wm. Sproul'- of Harrington. When quite a small boy it was his business one summer to drive the cows morning and evening to and from the pasture which was at some distance in the woods. Usually at the proper hour in the evening the cows would be found at the bars at the entrance of the pasture, waiting to come through when the bars should be let down by their well known attendant. One evening, the cows not having arrived he let down the bars, and placed himself a little out of sight at one side of the entrance, and waited for their arrival. Soon they came up the path, and crowded along as if a little excited, but he kept his place intending when the last one should come along to jump up suddenly so as to startle them a little and hurry them along. The cows passed along and at the proper moment he sprang up with a loud shout ; but the sup- posed last cow proved to be a big black bear, which struck at him savagely with his claws, tearing off most of his clothes, and so lacera- ting the flesh of his shoulders and back that the soars remained through life (ante p. 276). He married Kebecca Fossett, and d. Peace between England and France being fully established by the treaty of 1763, there was little now to be feared from the Indians who would long before have ceased troubling, the set- tlers but for the pernicious influence of their pretended friends, the French. But the whole country being now given up to the "English, there could be no more occasion for French interfer- ence ; but so deep were the feelings of hatred between the settlers and the Indians, which had been excited by the terrible conflicts of the past, that perfect quiet could not be at once re- stored. Some difflculties that occurred on the Penobscot, iu which an Indian was killed, produced much excitement, and Governor Pownal felt it necessary to issue a proclamation, for- bidding acts of hostility towards the Indians, and ordering the immediate arrest and punishment of all offenders. The garrison from the. fort had been removed, before the capture of Quebec, but the heavy guns remained tliere^seve- ral years; and only a few j'ears ago some of the old people were accustomed to describe the scene when they were removed through the big oaken gate, to be transported to Boston. The Penol)scot Indians in their canoes were frequent visitors, but gave no trouble. The summers of 1761 and 1762, were ex- History of Bristol and Bremen. 337 ceedhigly dry in all N"ew England, and the crops in consequence were very short; but the people relieved of the oppressive bur- dens of war, and freed from constant fear of the Indians, with which they bad been so long borne down, partook joyfully of their humble and sometimes scanty fare, and a creditable spirit of enterprise soon began to manifest itself. Up to this time, as far as we can learn, there had been no political organization whatever among the residents of Pema- quid. In some of the settlements, as at Meduucook (Friend- ship), voluntary organizations were formed, and records kept of their transactions, which are still preserved ; but we have no evidence that there was anything of the kind here. In 1764 Boothbay, with which Pemaquid then held very intimate rela- tions, nearly all communications being by water, became in- corporated as a town ; and in the autumn of the year the people of this place took measures for the same purpose. ' The first act of incorporation was passed June 2l8t, 1765, but the north- ern boundary not suiting the citizens, another act was passed the following year, June 19th, 1766. By some mistake the first charter did not include Broad Cove within the limits of the town ; the language as to the northern boundary was " Beginning at a Heap of Stones at the Head of Brown's Cove^near the great Salt Water Falls in Dama- riscotta River on the Eastern Side of the said River, runniuff a southeasterly course to a heap (if stones at aplace called Round Pond, five and a half miles," etc. Thomas Rice, Esq., of Wis- casset, was authorized to call the first meeting, which was held at the house of Wm. Sproul, in Harrington, Dec. 4, 1765, Capt. 'Nov. 1, 1764, at a meeting of gentlemen from " Walpole, Harrington, Pema- quid, Broad Cove, and Round Pond," James Boyd was cliosen moderator, and Thomas Johnston, Clerk. Measures were taken to procure an act of incorporation ; and James Boyd and Wm. Miller were appointed a committee to draft a petition for the purpose, procure signatures, and forward it to the legislature. At the same meeting it was also agreed, that the new town should include the three districts of Walpole, Harrington, and Broad Cove each of which should build its own meeting house, and each have its proper share of the " ministerial performances," when a minister should be obtained. They also agreed upon the proposed boundaries of the new town, and appointed Mr. Packard to survey the territory and prepare a map or plan, under the direction of Thomas Fletcher, Robert Huston , and Wm. McLain. Another meeting was appointed for the 39th of the month, at the house of Wm. Sproul, Inholder, to take any further action on the subject that might be necessary. No suggestion is made as to the name the town should take.— Minutes oj: the first meeting in the handwriting of Thos. Johnston. 43 338 History of Bristol and Bremen. Thomas Fletcher was chosen moderator, and Eobert Given, town clerk. Selectmen and assessors, Wm. Jones jr., Patrick Eogers, Eobert Sproul, Henry Hunter, and James Young jr. Constables, Alexander Erskiue, and James Sproul. The very appropriate name, Bristol was given to the new town, because of the connection of its previous history with so many eminent citizens of Bristol, England, but it is not known by whom it was first suggested. The second meeting of the " legal voters " of the town was heldAlarch 13th, 1766, and measures were promptly taken to pro- cure a change of the north boundary " so as to correspond with first petition." Accordingly a supplemental law was passed as above stated, by which the northern boundary line was made to extend from Brown's Cove on the Damariscotta, to the eastern creek of Broad Cove, so called, on Muscougus river, the eastern part of this line constituting the " line dividing between the English and Butch settlements." This was accepted as satisfactory, and Broad Cove became a part of the town. From this time the " town meetings," — meetings of the legal voters of the town, were held in diflerent parts of the town, — as the selectmen might direct in the warrant, or as might have been determined by vote at the last previous meeting. The first, or annual meeting for 1766, was held at the house of Henry Hunter, March 13th, at which James Boyd, James Huston, andEobert Sproul were chosen selectmen and assessors, Henry Hunter, town clerk, and Patrick Eodgers, treasurer. After electing officers for the year ensuing, the first business transacted, according to the record, had reference to the erec- tion of a meeting house, or meeting houses, and the settlement of a minister of the gospel. On the meeting house question there was evidently much difference of opinion, and no con- clusion was arrived at ; but after considerable discussion it was at length : " Voted, that the selectmen procure preaching this year in the best manner they can." Several meetings were held during the summer, but no men- tion is made of the assessment of a tax until August 26th, when it was voted to assess a tax of 20 pounds " for the support of a minister and making roads and bridges." The tax probably was delayed for the reason that an amendment of the act of History of Bristol and Bremen. 339 incorporation was expected, very considerably enlarging the limits of the town, and increasing the number of tax payers. At the annual meeting, March 12, 1767, besides choosing officers little was done, except to "discuss the meeting house question, and appointing a committee to procure preaching," but at a meeting in June, it was decided to build their meeting houses, as soon as the citizens " should think proper." It was also : " Voted, that the town get into church order as soon as oppor- tunity will afford, and that we shall be under the Westminster Confession of Faith, or Presbyterian rules." Committee ap- pointed to carry this resolution into eifect, Wm. Jones, Patrick Eogers, George Clark, ISTathl. Palmer, and Wm. McLain. But there was a powerful minority, violently opposed to the decision concerning the meeting houses because they thought the people unable to raise so much money as would be required. They therefore caused a protest in the record, " a decent" [dissent] ^ to be entered on the town record, which was signed by the following twelve persons, viz. James Drummond, Simon Elliot, George Clark, John Lermond, Francis Young, Elisha Clark, Joseph Clark, Samuel Clark, Alexander Fossett, James Sproul, John Lermond jr. and Robert Paul. Measures were taken to preserve the alewives in the Pema- quid and Muscongus streams. The next year the meeting house question was the chief matter of discussion at the town meetings; but in spite of the opposition the plan to have three houses was adhered to, and May 2d, (1768), it was " voted to locate the Pemaquid and Har- rington meeting-house and burying place, on Wm. Sproul's land," where after much contention it was afterward erected, and stood until recent times. Alexander Nickels, Patrick Rodgers, and Robert Sproul were appointed a committee to at- tend to the building of the house. At the same meeting the Walpole meetinghouse was located "on land of John Thomson, " and Dugall McMichael, Henry ' All the old secretaries were very deficient in tlieir orthography ; but we do not often meet with such curious mistakes as this. It is well known that previous to the publication of Johnson's Dictionary, about the middle of the last century, the orthography of the language was very unsettled, and many words were spelled, even by the learned of that day, in diflferent ways. What we should call bad spelling did not therefore with our fathers indicate the same illiteracy as it would at the present day. 340 History of Bkistol and Bremen. Hunter, and Eichard Hiscock appointed a committee to lay out the land for it. "Broad Cove and Roun\t. 57', 50. History op Bristol and Bremen. 357 This drew from 'Washiugton the foUowino- letter, which was addressed to the St. John's tribe ; but a copy or a similar letter was also sent to the Passamaquoddy and perhaps other tribes. That sent to the latter tribe has been carefully and sacredly preserved by them, and was seen by Mr. F. Kidder of Boston, in 1852. Some other documents of the period are also pre- served by them. " Brothers of the St. John's Tribe. It gave me great Pleasure to hear by Major Shaw, that you Kept the chain of Friendship, which I sent you in February last from Cambridge bright and unbroken. I am glad to hear that you have made a Treaty of peace with your Brothers and neighbors of tho Massachusetts Bay, who have, agreeable to your desire, established a Truck House at St. .Johns out of which they will furnish you with everything you want and take your Furs in Ee- turn. My good Friend and Brother, Gov^. Pierre Tommar, and the War- riors that came with him, shall be taken good care of, and when they want to return home, they and our Brothers of Penobscot shall be fur- nished with everything necessary for their journey. Brothers, I have one thing more to say to you, our enemy, the King of Great Britain, endeavoured to stir up all the Indians from Canada to South Carolina against us; but our Brothers of the Six Nations and their Allies, the Shawnese and Delawares would not listen to him. The Cherokees and Southern Tribes were foolish enough to listen to them and take up the hatchet against us, and our Warriors have in return invaded their country, and burnt their houses and corn, obliging [them] to sue for peace, and give Hostages for their future good behaviour. Never let the King's wicked Counsellors turn your heads against me and your Brethren of this Country, but bear in mind what I told you last February and what I tell you now. In token of my Friendship for you I send you this from my Army on the Bank of the Great Kiver Delaware this 24th day of December, 1776. G. WASIIINaTON.' The efforts of the government of Afassachusetts to secure and maintain tlie friendship of the Indians were unremitted; and the amount of money expended in presents was not small. Often small parties and even individuals, by a timely applica- ' Mass. Arch., 144 ; No. 1377. Kidder's East. Maine, .59, The reader will notice that the lettur was written only two days before Washington's famous victory at Trenton, N. J. 358 History of Bristol and Bremen. tion, secured grants or presents on small pretense of services or claims. Occasioually a few of the young men joined the service and received the regular pay as other soldiers. Thus seven men of the Penobscot tribe were enrolled in a company under Lieut. Gilman from l^ov. 13th, 1776 to Feb. 7th, 1777, " including 15 days' travel from Boston to the Penobscot." Arexis, i month 42 pr. mo., 3 — 3 — Wongoret, 2 months and 26 days, 6 — — 6 Attenanies, Ditto 6 — — 6 Ansong Neptune, Ditto 6 — — 6 Assonsar, Ditto 6 — — 6 Joseph James Holet, Ditto 6 — — 6 Joseph Cook, a Mohawk, Ditto 6 — — 6 £39—6—0 Boston, Jan'y 23, 1777. Andrew Gilman. A month later 15 Indians from the army, 6 of them being Penobscots, and the rest of the St. John's tribe, being at head quarters and desirous of returning home, caused a petition to be presented for means to return home and also to obtain clothing for themselves, and also any arrears of pay that might be due, all of which was granted. The Indians not being fully satisfied, an additional grant of 11 shirts was made them. But they had still another claim. When they came to head quarters they brought their arms with them, which had been stolen ; and they tlierefore prayed that other arms might be supplied to them. Whether or not the last request was granted is not known. Many such cases occurred. The people of Canada, as is well known, refused to join with the other colonies in the contest for liberty, and the Indians of that region naturally took sides with them. These, excited to action by the British officials, were ever ready to use their influence among their brethren on the Penobscot in favor of the English, and against the Americans. Early in the spring of 1779, they sent two of their young men with a formal mes- sage to this effect. The message and manner of its delivery are thus represented : April 30th, 1779. John Neptune & Orono came into Prebblea at Penobscot Falls by Ex- press sent by John Marsh from John Prebble, and was Informed that a History of Bristol and Bremen. 359 Message with Wampum -was sent from Captain Smith, at Machias, Deputy Superintendent, to acquaint the whole Tribe that Col. Allan requested their assembling at Machias the 25th May, to Receive the Priest. &o., and to bring the Peltry with them. Then John Neptune Presents three small strings Wampum and says (holding the first string) These are sent our Tribe from Canada by Two Young men about three weeks ago. " 1st String, We send you this to open your Eyes 2nd Sfi-iiuj, That you may see a great way. 3d Siring, That your Ears may be opened to hear, and fix your Hearts that you may have a Right understanding to what I am going to tell you." Then presenting a large Belt of Wampum, 1,500 White, said this Like- wise was sent from Canada with this Message. " Brothers, Don't have any Connections with the Americans. Remove yourselves ofi' from them and not keep with them, for Powder and Balls Las no respect to Persons for if we should find one of our Brothers Dead it would make us sorry and Angry. The Americans have no knowledge of what they are about in Fighting the Great King of England ; but now the King is in Earnest and Deter- mined to whip them severely, we send you this Great Belt of Wampum for every one of you to See and think of, and to Show it to the St. Johns' and Micmacs, and to let them Know what we say, and Return the Belt Back to us Immediately. The Indians are coming across the woods as soon as the Leaves are as big as our nails, and we are Determined to Destroy the white People, — 800 on the River Penobscot, 300 upon the Norridgwalk River, and 300 upon Cohos. There is 800 Barrels of Flour at Sococon for the Support of the In- dians who are coming a Cross the Country. Brothers of Penobscot we have Provision Enough in Canada to last 30 years if the war should last so long. Don't think this Belt of Wampum is sent for nothing, Don't make a Laugh and Scorn of it, it is the Truth we send you and you may Depend upon it. Brothers, there is now at and near Canada good Indians ready to exe- cute any order they may receive from the British General in Canada. ^ Brothers, the Indians were so rejoiced to get their Wampum Carried to your Tribe, that they Danced and Drank three Days and Nights and Liquor was given them free as water." ■" 'i o ii Jq2p^ Prebble. ' This actiou of the Canada Indiaiw could not fail to excite some anxiety in the miuds of the Americans, when it first be- 'iVass. Arch., 144, No. 417 ; Kidder East. Maine, p. 3fi3. 360 History of Bristol and Bremen. came known ; but the disastrous results of the Penobscot expe- dition, which occurred a little later in the summer, very considerably increased the danger. The Indians like always to tight with the victorious party; and they might at any time transfer their allegiance from the Americana to their enemies, the victors in the last fight. The Indians, therefore, were closely watched and cared for; and as the Penobscot river was now inaccessible, it was decided to establish a truck house " at or near Fort Halifax," on the Kennebec where the natives could bring their furs and obtain in exchange such articles as they needed. Col. Josiah Brewer was appointed truck master ; and it was at the same time voted in the house of representatives (Sept. 27, 1779) " to give a suit of clothes and a gun to each of the Penobscots in towii."" A little later (Oct. 8th) Major Wm. Todd being in Boston with some Indians, one of whom claimed that Gen. Lovell had pro- mised him a hat, in return for one he had lost when serving as a pilot somewhere at the east ; and on application to Mr. Powell, a member of the council, the hat was granted. In the same spirit of conciliation the government of Massa- chusetts employed Juniper Bertfaanme, aPoman Catholic priest, as an instructor of the Indians living about the Penobscot. He resided for a time at Fort Halifax on the Kennebec. Mr. Kidder writes the name Barihlum. These wisely directed eliorts were the essential means by which the friendship of the Indians was secured and continued; l)ut the alliance witli France was not without its influence. The French had been driven from the country years before ; but the savages liad not forgotten tlieir former fiiendship. In a confer- ence held with some of the chiefs at Penobscot by Gen. Lovell, in Aug. 1779, they professed sincere attachment to the cause of the colonies, the more so because of the " alliance with France," and said they had " but two fathers, George Wash- ington and the King of France."^ The business of privateering was carried on briskly in tliis region during the war; but it does not appear that any of the people of Bristol were directly interested in it. Congress very early established a court for the trial of maritime cases; and many such were brought before it in the autumn of 1776, and subsequently. Hon. Timothy Langdon, a lawyer of some dis- ' MfiiiS. Archires, 144, No. 423. History of Bristol and Bremen. 361 tinction residing at Wiscasset, was appointed judge; and no- tices of the " libels " to be tried before him are contained in the newspapers of the day. Wiscasset was then called the " East Precinct of Pownalboro," the present town of Wiscasset not having been incorporated until the beginning of the present century. There was then no court house, and the trials were held iu the meeting house. ISTone of them, so far as we know, were in any way connected with the history of this place. Previous to the publication of North's excellent History of Augusta, in 1870, probably very few of the citizens were aware that one of the most worthy, but one of the youngest of the generals of the American army in revolutionary war, was born within the town. This was Gen. Wra. North, son of John North, the surveyor, and Elizabeth, his wife. He was born in Pemaquid fort in 1755, but his father having died when he was only eight years old, his mother with her family removed to Boston. When Arnold was preparing to make his celebrated march by way of the Kennebec river to Canada, in the autumn of 1775, he voluntered for the service, but was kept at home by sickness. On his recovery he joined the army as second lieutenant of artillery, and continued in the service during the whole war. For a time he was attached to the staff of Steuben, whose con- fidence he enjoyed, and was present with him at the surrender of Cornwallis, at Yorktown, in 1781. He had at this time at- tained the rank of major, but subsequently, during the ad- ministration of Adams, he was appointed adjutant general with the rank of brigadier general. After the close of the war he married a daughter of Hon. James Duane of New York, and settled at Duanesburg, N. Y. He was several times a member of the legislature of New York, and once speaker of the house of representatives. For a short time, in 1798, he was a member of the senate of the United States, by appointment of Gov. Jay. Baron Steuben showed his regard for North by appointing him one of his executors, and bequeathing to him a liberal share of his estate. Gen. North died in the city of New York, January 3d, 1836,' ^ Hist, of Augusta, p. 180; Memoir hj Miss H. E. North ; Drake's Biographi- cal Dictionary. 46 362 HiSTOEY OF Bristol and Bremen. and was buried in Duanesburgh, where an elegant tablet in the Episcopal church commemorates his virtues. The war having terminated by the triumphant establishment of the great doctrine of popular rights, against governmental tyrannj^ ; it was not to be expected that those, who during the contest had sympathized with the enemy and even " afforded him aid and comfort," should be allowed to come in and enjoy, the rights and privileges they had been seeking to destroy. The government caused circulars to be sent about the country, calling attention to this subject ; and one of them having been read here in town meeting, it was voted that " no refugee hav- ing taken refuge under the British during the late war shall be suffered to return to this town to share any of the liberties and privileges, that we have purchased at so dear a rate ;" they then proceeded to choose a committee to carry the reso- lution into effect. The members of the committee, were Elisha Hatch, John Lermond, Samuel Yates, Wm. Jones, Wm. McLaiu, Isaac Colimore, Wm. McGlathery, Saml. Otis, and John Boyd. This committee was instructed to meet and organize at once, and communicate with the committee of correspondence, etc., in Boston, "informing them of our doings." It does not appear that they ever had occasion to exercise the functions of their ofSce ; but this may be only the fault of the records. But little information, except what is given above, has come down to us of the doings here through the war, but Wm. Rodgers in 1811 testified that about one-fourth of all the able bodied men of the town perished in the service, either by sea or by land. Fortunately we have the names of thirty-four. Moses Eddy, Wm. McLean, (McLain ?), Isaac Randall, Wm. Coleman, Thaddeus Ames, Ebeiiezer Bowman, Job Pronty, James Low, (or Law) James Condon, James Ronght, Joseph Wascutt, Moses Harvey, Timothy Weston, Benjamin Crooker, Thomas Farrow, Jacob Partridge, Robert Morton, Thomas Morton, David Bryant, .James Elliot, Thomas Smellage, Timothy Sylvester, Jacob Hooper, .John Ilolden, Zebulon Howland, Jolm Reed jr., Jacob Bryant, .Jacob Smith, John McGlathery, James Mc- Caffrey, Ichahod Doughty, Ezra Harrow, Michael Fountain. ^ The first constitution of the state of Massachusetts was formed by a convention which met in Cambridge, in Sept., 1779, but ' Files, Secretary's Office, Boston ; Lin Rip., 1811, p. 157. History op Bristol and Bremen. 363 did not adjourn finally until early in the following year. The constitution agreed upon was subsequently submitted to the popular vote, article by article, each article to be considered adopted if two-thirds of the votes cast should be found in the affirmative. No particular day was named for the citizens of the towns to meet and vote upon the subject, but each one acted at his own pleasure. June 14th, it was found by returns from 186 of the 290 towns and plantations in the state, that a suffi- cient majority of the people had voted in favor of every article ; and the constitution was therefore declared adopted, and the last Wednesday of October designated as the day when it should go into operation. This town does not appear to have taken any action upon the question of the adoption of the constitutiou ; but embraced the opportunity to vote for state officers, at the time appointed, (Sept. 4th,) and the record of the transaction is as follows, viz : " Voted the Honorable John Hancock, Esq., Governor, voted the Honorable James Bowdion, Esq., Lieut. Gov., and Samuel Thvving, Esq., Senator." Such unanimity in these our times would be truly wonder- ful ; but if the return to the state canvassers was made in the same style as the record, it is not probable that the vote of Bristol, unanimous as it was, availed anything for the benefit of their favorite candidates.^ The spirit of reform was abroad in those days, as well as the present; and some of the people of Bristol deeming it proper to attempt something practical in a particular direction, caused an article to be inserted in the warrant for a town meeting, Oct. 3d, 1780. " To see if the town will choose a committee to instruct their representatives to get the order of lawyers entirely abolished." The decision was in the affirmative ; but whether the com- mittee was ever appointed, or anything further done, we are not informed. But it is certain that " the order of lawyers" still survives. The movement, inaugurated in 1785, to separate the counties of York, Cumberland and Lincoln, then constituting the whole of Maine, from Massachusetts, and establish therein an inde- pendent state government, ultimately failed, as is well known ; but the matter was kept in debate two or three years, during i Ji;ato7i's An. War.,]). 171. 364 History of Bristol and Bremen. which time two conventions were held in Portland, both of them being attended by Wra. Jooes, as delegate from Bristol. The people of the town never manifested any enthusiasm in its favor, but when the question was submitted to vote in town- meeting (Oct. 3, 1786), there were 19 yeas and 1 nay. The meeting was held at the house of Richard Jones. CHAPTER XXIX. From tub Close of the Revolutionary War to the War of 1812. Crimmodore Samuel Tucker — Jacob Eaton jr. — Kev. A. McLean — Murder of Cleary or McClary by Jolin O'Neil — Trial and execution of the latter — Sheriff Qoudy. The revolutionary war produced only a few naval heroes; but there were several whose names will live for all time. Among these was Samuel Tucker, who ten years after the war came to reside in Bristol, in the part subsequently set off as Bremen, and spent here the rest of his life. He was born in Marblehead, Nov. let, 1747; and when a mere boy began the life of a seaman. He was in London when news of the battle of Bunker Hill was received there ; and for a time was in great danger of arrest, because of some patriotic, but incautious words, but escaped by a stratagem, and found passage homeward on board a vessel belonging to Robert Morris of Philadelphia, and bound to that cit}'. Morris gave him letters to Washington, then at the head of the army at Cambridge, to whom they were presented on his way homeward, near the close of the year, 1775. Having been married several years before this, he has- tened to join his family at the old homestead. Congress, in October, passed a resolve authorizing the fitting out of some armed ships, which were greatly needed in the cir- cumstances of the country ; and it may be that the matter was not forgotten when he had his interview with Washington. However this may be, a favorable impression had been made ^ "Vv~, 3iDi-^^ ■ (C/^'t^^-rj^ ^O ^Ci^cA^^ • History of Bristol and Biiemen. 365 upon the mind of tlie great American leader, whose judgment of men at sight was almost miraculous ; and when it was de- termined to fit out some armed vessels to pre}' upon the enemy, one of the first commissions issued was to our hero, Samuel Tucker. It was dated January 20th, 1776, and sent by a spe- cial messenger ; it appointed him captain of the armed schooner Franklyn, then lying in the harbor of Beverly and nearly ready for sea. It was signed by Gen. Washington as commander of the American army. Though this was late in the afternoon, early the next morn- ing he was on his way to assume the command thus conferred upon him. He did so good service in the Franklyn that, Sept. 3d, he was transferred to the armed schooner Hancock, and at a later period to the frigate, Boston. This last commission was dated March 15, 1777. In his several comuiands he was very successful, and during his few years of service made a large number of prizes; but a full list cannot now be made out. Some of them were of great value, and his share of the spoils amounted to a large sum. In 1778, while in command of the frigate Boston, he was ordered to convey the Hon. John Adams to France, to which he had been appointed minister, and successfully performed the duty, taking several prizes on the voyage. The late Dr. Ben- jamin Brown, of Waldoboro, was surgeon of the ship during the voyage. In the autumn of 1770, the Boston was ordered south, as one of Commodore Whipple's squadron for the de- fense of that coast ; and with all the commodore's squadron, was obliged to surrender to the enemy in Charleston harbor, when that place was captured in the spring of 1780. Tucker was allowed to return home on parole, and very soon was ex- changed for Capt. Wm. Wardlow, whom he had himself cap- tured about a year before, in the Thorne. There being now no vacant ship to which he could be ap- pointed, he requested and obtained permission to take command of the Thorne which he had captured (commanded by Wardlow just mentioned), and which was now commissioned as a pri- vateer, and in her did excellent service, making many valuable prizes, and greatly distressing the enemy. But fortune is not always propitious ; the Thorne, with all on board, in the summer of 1781, was obliged to surrender to a superior force of the enemy, while on a cruise near the mouth of the St. Lawrence. 366 History of Bristol and Bremen. The prisoners were landed on Prince Edward's Island, from which Tucker and some others escaped iu an open boat, and arrived safely in Boston. When he returned from Charleston, in 1780, he found himself a rich man, as a result of the many prizes (probably as many as sixty at least) he had captured, and he removed his family to Boston, where they lived, " rather extravagantly," one ac- count says, for a number of years. He had proved himself to be a bold and successful fighter ; but he had no tact for busi- ness, and, at the same time, was generous to a fault. He lost largely in different ways, and especially by loans to pretended friends, whose solicitations he never could deny. To relieve himself from embari'assment he sold his property in Boston, and engaged in business in his native place ; but with little suc- cess. He therefore sold out his interest there and purchased a farm iu Bristol of Daniel McCurdy, on which he resided the rest of his. life (this was in 1793). The farm is a little north of the mills at the outlet of Muscongus pond, and the house into which the family moved, was a small wooden building of a sin- gle story only. This he pulled down many years ago, and erected in its place a larger house of two stories, which in turn gave place to the one now standing there. The property some years ago passed entirely out of the family. The people of Bristol received the commodore among them with great cordiality : and ever treated him and his family with the greatest respect, the forty j'cars of his life spent among them. They also showed their appreciation of him by his frequent elec- tion to office ; eight times he represented them iu the legislature of Massachusetts, before the separation, and twice afterwards in the legislature of Maine. He was also a member of the con- vention that formed the first constitution of Maine. In 1820 he was chosen an elector of president and vice president of the United States, and was appointed messenger to carry the vote of Maine to Washington, where he was received with the honors due him for his former services. Having many years before received the thanks of congress for his gallant services in the war of the revolution, he was, by the rales of congress, entitled to admission at all times to the floor of both houses. His public services in the troubles with the " Proprietors" and also in the war of 1812 will be related hereafter. History op Bristol and Bremen. 367 Other minor offices he often held, as that of selectman of Bristol, and of Bremen after the latter was incorporated, as his residence was in this town. He died at his home, after a short illness, March 10, 1833, in his 86th year, and was interred with others of his kindred in the rural cemetery of Bremen. His wife died less than two years before him. They lived together 68 years. Knowing, as we do, the great services of the commodore in the revolutionary war, we are surprised that he was not remembered subsequently for some appointment in the navy or in the cus- toms service. Having no tact for business he was always poor, and such a recognition would have been doubly welcome to him ; and we experience a feeling of surpirise, bordering on in- dignation, when we learn that even an appointment as captain of a revenue cutter was refused when applied for by his friends. We are, however, obliged to make some concessions in regard to him. His qualities, as simply a, fighter, were of the highest order, as his great successes in the revolutionary war clearly showed; but for cool judgment, that leads to a cautious adap- tation of means to ends, he did not excel. His perfect dare- devil mode of fi-ghtingdid, indeed, give him wonderful success, in many desperate fights; but it is very questionable whether a similar result could be expected to follow a continuation of the same tactics even by himself. But though strangely neglected he was not utterly cast off' by his country. By a general law of congress, passed about 1820, he afterwards received a pension of $20 per month, or $240 a year, and still later, about 1832, by another general law, he be- came entitled to a pension of $50 per month ; but he lived only a single year to enjoy it. Had such a pension been bestowed 40 years earlier it would have been only a just recognition of his ' Sheppard's Life of Samuel Tucker, Commodore in the American Resolution, Boston, 1868. Most of the above facts have been taken from tliis excellent work, though many of them were familiar to the writer from early boyhood. Though generally very accurate in his statements, the respected author occasionally mis- takes. Page 224, " In 1810, the town voted to choose no representative." The town record, on the contrary, says that Samuel Tucker was «hosen representative May 16th, that year. The author also fails to inform us that Tucker represented the town of Bristol in the legislature, in the years 1798, 1799, and 1800, as well aa those years mentioned by him. The author also entirely ignores one utterly inexcusable fault in the character of the old hero, which ought not to pass unnoticed. Throughout his long life, 368 History of Bristol and Bremen. Jacob Eaton jr., was elected selectman of Bristol in 1772, and afterwards filled several important trusts. He or his father occu- pied the farm in the very JST. E. corner of the town, and his name is mentioned in the act of incorporation, or rather the amended act of incorporation. Joseph Eaton, probably another son of Jacob sr., married Jane McGlathery of New Harbor, Feb. 28, 1769. Jacob Eaton (probably jr.,) at the very beginning of the revolutionary war, was captured by the enemy and taken to Europe, but with another man, Joseph Berry of Topshan, made his escape as described below. The family soon after the war removed from town, probably to Camden ^ and little more is known of them. All that is known of Eaton's capture and return is contained in the following joint petition of Eaton and Berry for aid, ad- dressed to the Massachusetts legislature then in session. It is dated Boston, Jan. 8th, 1776. They say " that they were taken by Men of War belonging to Britain, viz., the said Eaton, the 5th of November, 1775, and the said Berry in August, 1775, and brought into the Port of Boston, afterwards they were put on board the Boyne Man of War to help work her home to England, and they arrived safe in Plymouth, and from thence your petitioners ran away and got to Prance, where they entered on board a Continental vessel bound to America. That on their passage they were taken off the Capes even in his old age, lie was in the habit of using language grossly profane. At the time of the troubles with the non-resident proprietors, to be described here- after, one summer, when much excitement prevailed, extempore meetings were occasionally held in the open air, and the various aspects of the subject discussed. Those familiar with political meetings, in times of high excitement, may form some idea of the character of the impromptu speeches on these occasions. Such fearful denunciations of the hated proprietors, and such hints at deeds of valor and renown, if an attempt should really be made to compel by force the running of the disputed lines, we will not undertake to record. At one of these meetings, after several had spoken, there were loud calls for " Tucker, Tucker," who, though seldom inclined to undertake such a performance, felt obliged to comply. So mounting the same rostrum the other speakers had used, a farmer's empty cart, that stood by the road side, he began his speech, " I'll be d — d." This was too abrupt to be endured, and a vociferous and long continued burst of laughter from the audience prevented further progress, and he retired from the rostrum. — Hon. Arnold Blany. For the accompanying portrait of the old commodore we are indebted to the excellent author of the Memoirs, the reading of which no student of American history can afford to omit. ^ Lo ke ; Hist. Camden, p. 213. History of Bristol and Bremen. 369 of Philadelphia and carried into New Yorke from New Yorke, they got to New Haven, and there obtained a pass to get home. And your petitioners, being now above two hundred miles from home, and neither money nor Cloathing, and being now in their own State, from which they were taken, having lived upon charity ever since they left New Yorke. They humbly pray your Honors would be pleased to take their dis- tressed Case into your compassionate consideration and to Grant them a Supply of Money and Cloathing to get home to their Families, or releave them in such other way as your honors in your known wisdom shall see nieet."^ Rev. Alexander McLean, whose name has already (p. 343) been mentioned, was the first minister regularly settled in Bris- tol; but before he came to the place different clergymen had been employed for limited periods by the selectmen or by committees appointed for the purpose, and their services paid for out of the treasury of the town. Thus, in 1771, mention is made of money paid to Mr. Mies, Mr. Potter, Mr. Austin and Mr. Jackson " for preaching." The Rev. John Murray, the very popular minister of Boothbay was also occasionally em- ployed here, as in other places in the vicinity, at times when he could be spared from his own people. Mr. McLean made his appearance here probably early in the year 1772 ; and as soon as the people had become a little ac- quainted with him, he was invited to become their settled pastor. This was done by vote of the citizens in town meeting, Aug. 5th. It was voted also to pay his expenses in coming to the place, and a committee was appointed to settle with him, and make such arrangements with him as might be necessary. Previous to this, June 23, 1767, the citizens in town meeting had voted to adopt the " Westminister Confession of Faith and Presbyterian Rules," and now. May 1, 1773, in town meeting at the house of Wm. Burns, they voted " that the Rev. Mr. McLean be installed in the town," and that " the people of this town submit themselves to the Boston Presbytery." At the same time Patrick Rodgers was appointed " delegate to the presbytery with the minister." Col. Wm. Jones entered a protest against the movement as not being legal. '■Mass. Arehioes, vol. 180, No. 281. 47 370 History of Bristol and Bremen. July 7, at a town meeting at Henry Fossett's, the installation was appointed at " Wm. Sproul's inn ;" but a proposition to make an appropriation to pay incidental expenses, was refused, and Patrick Eodgers and Edward Young offered to entertain the ministers expected to attend on the occasion gratuitously, as before mentioned. The installation probably took place in accordance with the vote, but no record of the transactions has been found. ^ The records of the town indicate that no regular .salary was established at first, but money was appropriated occasionally as was deemed necessary. Born in the Island, of Sky e, as has beeu before stated, Alex- ander McLean entered Kings' college, Aberdeen, in 1758, pro- bably in his fifteenth year, and graduated in 1762. He came to this country in 1770, and was cordially received by the lead- ing ministers of the Presbyterian church in ISTew Jersey, and by them recommended to this place. ^ After his settlement he preached successively in the three meetinghouses of the town ; and his public services were well appreciated by the people, though on account of some of his peculiarities he was never popular as a man. January 9, 1779, he was married to Miss Sarah Given, daugh- ter of Robert Given who lived at the Falls, and was probably at the time the most wealthy man in the town. She was a beautiful girl of seventeen ; and her marriage to a man so much her senior (about 34) could not fail to occasion many disparag- ing remarks among his parishioners. Soou after his settlement ' The date is not mentioned in the record, but elsewhere it is said to have been August 18th, 1773. ^ According to a tradition among his descendants his father was twice married, and had a family of more than twenty children, most of whom were sons, and were liberally educated. One besides Alexander, named Donald, entered Kings' College in 1763, and graduated in 17G7 ; but no mention is made of any others in the college record. {Letter from Rev. Dr. Gampydl, principal of the University of Aberdeen, May 10, 1871.) Several of the sons were physicians, and three of them were surgeons on board of Nelson's fleet in the battle of Trafalgar. One of them was surgeon general of the fleet, and perished with his ship, which was sunk by the enemy. Another son, Francis, was a general in the British army, and commanded the British forces in the siege of the Penobscot in our revolutionary war. After the close of the war, and before the British forces were withdrawn, his brother Alex- ander made him a visit, at his head quarters, and was kindly received. .(Misa Hannah McLean, daughter, and Capt. Israel Cox brother-in-law of the parson, Mrs. Wm. Russell, Wm. Johnston, Wm. Hackelton, and many others.) History of Bristol and Bremen. 371 he had purchased a farm at Round Pond, of Joshua Soule, which is now owned and occupied by David Charuberlain. To this pUxce they removed immediately after their marriage and it was his home the rest of his life. His wife died, Feb. 8th, 1791, at the age of twenty-nine ; and his eldest daughter, Jenny, a ver^" capable girl, then only 12 years of age, was entrusted with the care of the household. June 6th, after the death of his wife, at a town meeting he requested permission to be absent until the next spring, in order to visit his friends in Scotland ; and in the meantime the select- men were authorized to " supply preaching." He accordingly made the voyage to Scotland ; but the precise dates of his de- parture and return have not been ascertained. It has been said (and probably with truth) that he originally left Scotland because of his failure to secure the hand of a fair liidy to whom he had ottered himself, and now, being a widower, he returned with the view of renewing the suit, but found, to his great mortiiication, that she had just been married to another. He had good reason to expect success in renewing the suit, as the opposition had been from the lady's friends, and not from herself. Jenny McLean was fond of reading and had adopted the very objectionable practice of reading by the light of a candle after retiring in bed, and unfortunately lost her life in consequence. Having fallen asleep while thus reading on the night of May 25th, 1796, her bed clothes took fire from her candle and she was so badly burned that she died at 9 o'clock the next evening. Mr. McLean was absent but the Rev. Mr. Riddel, who was boarding in the family, hearing her screams rushed into her room, and carried her out in his arms ; the others of the family were also rescued, but the house was entirely consumed, and with it Air. McLean's library and correspondence, and also the records of the church.' On Mr. McLean's return from Scotland, sometime in the year 1792, he resumed his labors as pastor, but found them so severe that at a town meeting, May 6, 1795, he requested that an assistant should be provided; but not succeeding in this, he asked a dismission, which after some hesitation was granted, ■ Tradition. Rev. Mr. Parsons of Bristol, July, 1860. Letter from Rev. Win. Biddel, Feb. 26tli, 1847. Mass. Eist. Coll., [3] i, p. 97. GreenUafs Ecclesiasti- cal Sketches, p. 08. 372 History of Bristol and Bremen, Sept. 30th. At the same time, himself with Thos. McClure, and Thos. Johuston were appointed a committee to " provide preaching." Another committee (Wm. Mclntyre, James Sproul, and Thos. Johnston), was appointed to settle all claims he might have against the town ; and his i'eceipt in full, dated Nov. 24th, is to be found in the town record. Subsequently, after much negotiation, it was agreed that Mr. McLean should withdraw his resignation, and retain his place as pastor of the church, but should have, settled with him as colleague, Kev. "Wm. Riddell, a brother minister with whom he had recently became acquainted. By McLean's generous offer he was to preach one half of the time in the town gratui- tously. After the settlement of his colleague, Parson McLean, as he was familiarly called, continued his labors according to promise, at the same time systematically supplying the pulpits of some of the weaker churches in neighboring towns, under the direction and pay of the " Society for propagating the Gospel." It is believed that, by agreement with his colleague, he made himself responsible for the due amount of service in the Broad Cove meeting house, while Mr. E. supplied the other two on alternate sabbaths. He died in Newcastle, January 11th, 1808 ; but his remains were brought to Bristol and interred with those of his wife and daughter in his own held, vphere a beautiful headstone was placed at his grave only a few years ago, by some descendants of his former parishioners. His age was 63 years. Mr. McLean, when leaving college, it is said, inclined to- wards IJnitarianism in his views, but his studies and reflections on his voyage to this country resulted in a considerable change; he became decidedly evangelical in his sentiments, so that he was cordially received in the Presbyterian church. He was a man of considerable ability; and his education more ex- tensive and thorough than that of almost any of his brethren in the ministry, in this region of the country. Among his brother ministers his piety was undoubted, but he had some very objectionable peculiarities that greatly injured his popu- larity.' Trained among the aristocracy of his native country, he had high notions of the respect due to the clergy and of their authority over their flocks. lu his in.tercourse with his people ' Panoplut, for February, 1808. History of Bristol and Bremen. 373 he was very severe in his censures, often even when no censure was required. ISTot unfrequently he carried this peculiarity so far as to be chargeable with a want of ordinary politeness. He could scarcely make any allowance for the weaknesses and follies of children ; and those of the families where he visited fre- quently and familiarly (as one of them in his mature years re- marked) " hated the sight of him." He treated his own family with the same severity, as is illustrated by the following anec- dote. Slavery at this period existed in Massachusetts, but it is be- lieved slaves were held by only two, or perhaps three families in this town, and one of them was that of Mr. Given, Mrs. McLean's father. When the daughter was married, a colored girl of the family was given her as a servant. Years afterwards, late in the autumn, when there was considerable snow and sleet, the cows not coming home at night, the colored girl poorly clad was sent to find them. In the evening she came in declar- ing that she was not able to find them ; but her master sternly ordered her to continue the search until she should be success- ful. The poor girl, " with the tears freezing upon her face," left his presence, and in the morning was found dead by the side of a fence, not far from the house. It was supposed that, being unable to find the cows, and afraid to enter the house, being much fatigued, she lay down to rest herself, and froze to death. A clergyman in whose family such an incident should occur, would not be tolerated at the present day ; and at that time the affair did not pass by without much indignant remark and reprehension. Sometimes he would take very singular liberties with the affairs of his intimate friends. When he visited Scotland he took with him a letter from Thomas Johnston, to his brother Andrew Johnston, then living near Edinburgh. Thomas Johnston was a very particular friend of the parson and an elder in his church; and his relations in Scotland, being pre- viously informed of McLean's proposed visit, anticipated no little pleasure when the time should come to meet him. But when the old parson arrived in Scotland, in the autumn of the year 1791, he made no effort to see any of Johnston's friends, repulsed almost with rudeness some of the younger members of one of the families that had been sent some distance to meet him, and neglected even to give information where they might 374 History of Bristol and BrexAibn. write to him. At length, after several months had elapsed, Andrew Johnston met McLean in Edinburgh, and received from him a letter from his brother Thomas in America, with which he hnd been intrusted, and which he had retained until this time. But to his astonishment the seal had been broken ; and McLean did not pretend to conceal the fact that he had taken the liberty to read it. Johnston's feelings had before been tried severely by McLean's heartless course, but now it was only with much effort he could restrain his indignation. It was late in the day; and Johnston left to attend to some urgentbusiuess, but called again in the morning. Their second interview, as might be expected, was short and very cold; and they parted to meet no more. Andrew Johnston's letter to his brother giving an account of the whole affair, is dated Cattle- shile [Scotland], April 17th, 1792, and closes thus : " And now, brother, however dear he (McLean) may be to you, he ia not so to me ; for I can pronounce him, without the smallest breach of charity, neither laudable or praiseworthy." In February, 1788, a barbarous murder was perpetrated at Pemaquid Falls, that produced great excitement in all this re- gion. Michael Cleary (or McCleary),^ came from Ireland as a passenger with Capt. Wm. Nickels about 1764, leaving a wife and daughter, it is said, in the county of Cork. He came first to Boston, but soon found his way here, 'because of his acquaint- ence probably with Capt. Nickels. He was industrious in his habits, and economical in his expenditures, and gradually ac- cumulated some property, and even purchased a small tract of land on the east side of the stream, which, on the settlement of his estate about 1796, was purchased by the late Thomas Miller. In religion he professed to be a Roman Catholic ; but was a man of low and groveling views and tastes, and worse morals. lie lived mostly by himself in a miserable and filthy hut, doing his own cooking, and having little intercourse with the people of the place. ' It ia believed tliat he called his own name McCleary, but in the record of his trial it is written Clary. After his death a will signed Michael McClary and properly executed was brought to light. It was dated July 14, 1784. John Cos- tellow of Pownalboro was appointed executor of the will. The personal property was appraised by Robert Given, Henry Fossett and James Sproul at £212-2s.-M. and the real estate at £115. Besides this he had in cash, which it seems his murderer had not found, ,£5-12s. Tliere were also several notes for small amounts due him from Alex. McGlathery, Jolm Costellow, James Connor, Joseph Prouty, JoBeph Boyd and Thomas Boyd. — (Probate Record.) History of Bristol and Bremen. 375 John O'l^eil was another Irishman of a similar character, who came to the town the 3'ear previous to the murder, and worked several months on the farm of Deacon Wm. Burns, at Muscon- gus, "Wm. McClintock, Esq., then a boy, living in the same family, and often working with him in the field. Being dis- charged in the autumn he wandered down this way early in the winter; and Cleary out of compassion took him into his house. Gradually something of his previous history began to be known, and he was looked upon with suspicion and aversion. He had been convicted of some ofi'ense in his own country, and sent as a convict to Newfoundland by the government; but by some means had made his waj^ to Machias and thence to Bris- tol. When he had been with Cleary only a few weeks the latter began to have some fears for his own personal safety, which he intimated to a neighbor. Cleary carried in his pocket a few pieces of gold and silver; and the neighbor suggested to him that he might yet be murdered for them. Cleary replied that he was not in the least afraid in the. day time. His fears how- ever, increased and for two nights he left CNeil at his house and slept at a neighbor's. Wednesday morning, Feb. 13th, he was seen going home ; and shortly afterwards a person called at the house and found the two there engaged in an earnest dispute about a silver buckle. He left them still disputing; and not more than an hour afterwards, CiSTeil was seen to ride by on Cleary's horse. It was afterwards ascertained that he was then dressed in the clothes of the murdered man, and that he rode to Broad Cove, nine or ten miles distant, and spent the night at the house of his friend, James Poor. Poor was an Irishman and a Catholic, an honest man and good citizen, and always friendly to his brother Irishmen. O'Neil informed him that their mutual friend, Cleary, was very sick and could not live long, complained of not being well himself, and said he could not sleep. In the morning he left, and returned home, and in the evening a negro boy spent two hours with him at Cleary's house, who he said had gone to attend to his horse. Early the next morning, O'iNeil again made his appearance in Broad Cove, having rode all the distance in the night, and informed Mr. Poor that Cleary was dead, and clainjed that he had first fallen on the ice and injured his head, leaving it to be inferred that his death had resulted in consequence of the in- 376 History of Bkistol and Bremen. jury. He said further that Cleary had by deed of gift left to him all his property, and moreover told him a little before his death to take what money he had and purchase for himself a suit of clothes, and six gallons of rum for the funeral, which, however, was to be strictly private, only a few choice friends being allowed to be present. He desired him not to mention his death to the neighbors, but first to inform his friends. O'lSTeil's design in this evidently was to account for his strange conduct in riding so far in the night, without first having made known the death of Cleary to his neighbors. Poor's fears were excited by the strange story ; and before starting with O'Neil, he told all the circumstances to some of his neighbors. Before night (Friday 15th) they, O'lSTeil and Poor, arrived at " The Falls ; " and then the people there first learned of Cleary's death. Of course there could be but one opinion as to the matter ; and O'Neil was arrested, and a coro- ner's jury at once summoned. The body on examination showed several bruises about the head, and one deep cut, supposed to have been produced by an ax, or by a heavy shovel, or bar of iron. The wounds were found to have been carefully washed, and the shirt also which had evidently been removed from the body for this purpose, but by mistake had been put on again with the wrong side out. The money which he claimed the deceased had given him was found in his pockets, and also the silver buckles of which men- tion has been made. O'JSTeil when charged with the murder, denied it, and told several inconsistent and contradictory stories to account for the facts, but the jury brought in their verdict of " wilful murder," and he was committed for trial at the next term of the supreme judicial court in Pownalboro [Dresden]. The court began its session July 8th. but the trial of O'Neil did not come on until the 11th. Three judges were present, Hon. Wra. Gushing, chief justice, and Hon. Nathaniel P. Sargeant, and Hon. David Sewall. Wm. Lithgow and George Thacher, Esqs., were assigned by the court as counsel for the prisoner.^ The next week after the trial, an account of it was published in a Boston paper, prepared probably by Mr. Thacher, one of the counsel for the prisoner. The following is an extract. ' lii-cords of the S. J. Court, Boston. History of Bristol and Bremen. 377 " This being the first capital crime iu the county, it drew together a numerous concourse of spectators ; the solemnity of the occasion was still heightened by the able and spirited de- fense of Gen. Lithgow, who was assigned by the court as counsel for the prisoner. The trial took up the most part of the day, and when the jury returned they declared they could not agree. One of them, a good man, seemed to think he ought not to give his voice against the prisoner, because there was no positive evidence. The chief justice then gave them some further instructions, after which they retired for a few moments, only, and brought in a verdict of " guilty." Before the close of the session of the court, he received his sentence, and was hung accordingly at Pownalboro, the very last of Sep- tember or first of October.^ No notice of the execution has been found. Below is the pretended will or "deed of gift" from Cleary to O'l^feil, which was produced by the latter a little time before the murder. O'lfeil went some distance to a friend to obtain aid in writing it, saying that it was done at the request of Cleary. It is not known now who this friend was ; it may have been Poor, but then it would seem that his suspicions ought to have been excited earlier. " Bristol, the 9tli day of February, 1788. " Kind Sir, You are my sister's son to be sure, JoJm O'JVeil, I am very glad to have one of my sister's sons along with me, now I deliver everything inside and outside that I have, to you John O'Neil, in consideration of you being my nearer Kinsman in blood, and other weighty motives inducing me to, do hereby voluntarily and by my own accord and good pleasure, and nature all my lands, Cattle, Stock of Cattle, and all real and personal Estate in your favor, and thereby giving you full and complete and immediate pos- session thereof, to dispose of at your pleasure, after my disease ; only re- serving for yourself a complete maintenance thereout, which you are hereby bound to give for the said possession and gift. ' Hampshire Gazette August 15tli, 1788. The writer speaks of the able and spirited defense of the prisoner by Mr. Lithgow, but says nothing of Mr. Thacher, who we know, from the records of the court, was associated with him. We there- fore concluded that Thacher himself was the writer of the communication, which was dated, Pownalboro, July 16, 1788, tho day the court adjourned. 48 378 History of Bristol and Beembn. " David Given got my cattle, to work vfith them till Spring, and you will have them, there is some money due to me now at present. Here is all I want of you, to be careful in all you have in mind. " Michael Clary." ' The sheriff of the county at this time, whose duty it was to execute the sentence of death upon O'Neil, was Amos Goudy, Esq., who was born in Bristol, October, 1744, and died, June 22, 1824. His father, whose name was also Amos, came here from York and was one of the earliest settlers on the eastern bank of the Damariscotta opposite Pleasant Cove. He was largely engaged in the fishing business, and erected a saw mill at the place long known as Goudy's mills. He left two sons from whom have descended all of the name in this region. He had also three daughters. Amos Goudy, the sherifl", was a man of much intelligence and firmness and, according to tradition, creditably performed the painful duty of conducting the first execution in Lincoln county. His wife was Sarah Clark who was born in 1745, and died in 1834.=' Alexander Mckels jr. [_anie, p. 313], who commanded a militia company employed as " scouters" in the time of the French and Indian war, settled at Pemaquid after war was over, and became a prominent and useful citizen. Sometime before the famous but abortive expedition of Arnold and his men up the Kennebec to Canada, in the autumn of 1775, Nickels with only a dozen men was sent on an exploring tour over the same route, and returned in safety. It was a task of great difiiculty aitd danger on account of the hostile ludians. Somewhere on the upper Kennebec they surprised an Indian trapper, whom, though probably peacefully disposed, they were obliged to make prisoner, and compel his attendance with them through the rest of the journey to prevent him from giving information of their movements to the other Indians. Several years before the revolutionary war he had received a commission as justice of the peace, hat in the summer of 1775, the revolutionary authorities of Massachusetts, by ordinance duly published, forbade all such, not commissioned by them- ' Mass. Spy or Worcester Gazette, April 3, and Oct. 16, 1788. Some words appear to be wanting immediately before the phrase " all my lands, &c.," but the docu- ment is copied as it appeared in the paper referred to. "J. H. GoLidj', 1872. History of Bristol and Bremen. 379 selves, to discharge the function of their office after the 15th of September. He had given good satisfaction in the office, and was highl}' esteemed as a man ; and the citizens, by a peti- tion dated Sept. loth, to the proper authorities, procured his restoration to the office. He served many years as treasurer of the town, and in the year 1782, represented the town in the legislature. He died Feb. 11, 1799, aged 78 years.^ He left a family of three sons and several daughters, some of whom have been already referred to. His wife Sarah ( ), died Aug. 8, 1779. CHAPTER XXX. From the Close of the Revolutionary War to the War of 1812, concluded. The Jones, Huston, and Lermond families — Col Wm. Jones, James Huston, Robert Huston, Thomas Brackett — Survey and Map of the Town — Robert Given — Robert McKown — Rev. Wm. Riddel — ■ Thomas McCluro — Aaron Blaney — Hon. Arnold Blaney — Thomas Johnston — Town house built — Rev . Jonathan Belden — Quakers — Calvinistic Baptists — Free vrill Baptists — Meth- odists — Quarrels in regard to the Tax for the Support of the Gospel. Though the town of Bristol was incorporated in 1765, no representative was sent to the legislature until 1775, when the choice fell upon Wm. Jones, an old and honored citizen who lived in the part of the town called Walpole. The three families, Jones, Huston, and Lermond, came to this place about the same time and probably together. They were neighbors and friends in Ireland, but before coming here had resided some time in Boston. Wm. Jones, the first of the name here, was born in Bally- money, Ireland, and came with his wife and three sons, to Wal- 1 It is a matter of sincere regret that we have so few facts in the history of Capt Nickels, especially of his expedition to Canada. The author has sought aid in obtaining information from every source known to him, but without a satisfactory result. Application was made to his eminent grandson. Rev. Christojjher M. Nickels, CD., for a brief memoir of his ancestor, but none has been received. The p'etition in his favor, above alluded to, with the 77 names attached to it may bo given in an appendix if our volume does Hot become too large. 380 History of Bristol and Bremen. pole in 1730, and settled on the land still owned and occnpied by his descendants. Both himself and wife died here.; but little more is known of them. "Wm. Jones, better known as Col. Wm. Jones, son of the pre- ceding, was born in Ireland, in 1724, and therefore was 6 years old when the family became residents here. He married, 1st, Margaret Huston, daughter of James Huston, and, 2d, widow Jane Young, daughter of Patrick Rodgers of Peraaquid. He was bred to the trade of a joiner, but was also much employed as a school teacher. April 27th, 1747, when the Lermond women were killed by the Indians, he was at the stone garrison previously described, and at once, with his gun, rushed to the rescue. Seeing an Indian near, he discharged his gun at him, but without effect, and in return received the Indian's fire. But before the Indian fired he (Jones) had seized the body of one of the women, who it seems had been killed by the tomahawk, and was conveying it to the garrison, when the Indian's bullet struck him in the arm, producing a bad wound. He however saved the body from the Indian scalping knife. The wound in his arm was thought so serious that it was neces- sary to have better surgical aid than the place afforded ; and the first of May, with his wife, to whom he had not long been married, he sailed for Boston, and was gone two years. Their oldest sou, James, was born during their absence. In the revolutionary war he early received a commission as lieutenant colonel of a regiment of which the notorious Cargill of iN'ew Castle was colonel. In this capacity he did good service on several occasions; once with a portion of his command he was called to Wiscasset in a matter that required to be treated with delicacy, as well as courage. Very early in the war an En- glish ship, the Rainbow, Sir George Colyer, came up the Sheeps- cott river, and seized two vessels which were loading with masts and spars, and other timber, for France. Jones demanded that they should be given up, which was refused, and there was much threatening and hard talk on both sides; but at length it was agreed that the Yankee vessels should be released, and the English ship allowed to leave the river without molestation. The English captain evidently foresaw how difficult the task would be even to get his own ship out of the river if the Yankees should make serious resistance. History of Bristol and Bremen. 381 The Yankee vessels made the voyage in safety ; and on their return brought arms and ammunition that were of great service in the war. The public offices he filled in the course of his life show very clearly the estimation in which he was held by his neighbors and fellow citizens. He represented the town of Bristol in the general court many times, and was also a member of the con- vention of Massachusetts by which the constitution of the United States was adopted. He took an active part in the convention, but was not pleased with the constitution as a whole, and finally voted against its ratification. He thought there ought to have been in it a more decided acknowledgment of God, and also some " religious test " required of candidates for office. He was accustomed to say, years after the constitution went into opera- tion, that he " could have made a better constitution himself."^ The church first organized in the place was Presbyterian in form, and he was elected an elder, a place which he long held. Often when the minister was absent he would hold service, reading a sermon, or making an extemporaneous address, and offering prayer. But he had his own opinions of Christian doctrine and usages, and did not always agree with the min- isters. Fearless in expressing his own views ; and not a little inclined to be censorious towards others, the latter pai't of his life was rendered unhappy by his constant wordy quarrels with all the ministers with whom he came in contact. The church at length determined to withdraw from the Presbytery and adopt the Congregational form, which greatly grieved him; and he withdrew from its communion. When, near the close of the last century, the Methodists came into the place he connected himself with them ; but the connection was soon broken off. Just at the close of his long life he published a pamphlet of 93 pages, which he called "J. True Account of all the Presbyterian and Congregational Ministers" who had preached in Maine between the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers previous to that time, in which they are handled rather roughly. Sub- sequently he published a similar pamphlet against the Metho- dists, of 61 pages, entitled " Jones' Second Free Gift." Both were written after he was 80 years old ; and if they show some- thing of the imbecility of age it is not surprising. But with all their crudities and vituperation, they record many un- ' Israel Cos, 1846. 382 History of Bristol and Bremen. doubted facta in the religious history of the time. He died Sept. 28, 1811, aged 86 years. He left several children, and his descendants are now numerous. Eichard Jones was a younger brother of the preceding, and like him was a carpenter by trade. He owned the grist mill at the centre of the town, and from this circumstance the place was long called " Jones's Mills." It is probable that he erected the first mill on that site. Matthew Jones was another brother who died quite young. There were also one or two sisters. James Jones, above mentioned, son of Colonel William, was born in Boston, June 9th, 1747, and died in Bristol, July 6th, 1845, aged 98 years. He was never married. Of the Lermond family, who were associated with the Hus- ton's, and the Jones's, little is known, besides what has already been stated. One or more families removed early to the town of Warren, where, and in the vicinity, their descendants still reside. At a very early period one of the family, Capt. John Lermond sailed as master of a ship to the Mediterranean, and had the misfortune to be captured by an Algerine pirate. The pirate put only a small prize crew on board, to take the ship into port, and kindly allowed Lermond and his mate occasionally to walk on deck. On a pleasant day Lermond and his mate by previous concert, at the same instant, each seized a man of the prize crew and by desperate effort threw him overboard ; they then easily overpowered the others, and brought the ship home.^ James Huston (Houston) and family consisting of his wife (Mary), and seven children — three sons and four daughters, came to this country from Londonderry, Ireland, about 1725, and first settled in Boston. According to a tradition among his de- scendants, the first of the name, a native of Cornwall, accom- panied Sir Richard de Huston into Ireland, in the reign of Elizabeth, and received for his services a grant of land near Londonderry, where many of the name, his descendants, still live. James Huston, the progenitor of those of the name in this region, was one of those. After residing a few years in Boston, induced probably by the liberal offers of Col. Dunbar, he with his whole family came to Pemaquid, and settled on the banks of the Damariscotta. The place had just then received from Dunbar the name of Walpole. ' Wm. Jouos, grandson of Col Wm,, 18G0. History of Bristol and Bremen. 383 In connectiou with this family, the following story is told, which if the Jones and Lermoud families were associated with them, applies equally to them. Passing up the Damariscotta they landed on what is now called the Sugar Loaf, being only a bare rock, but which was then a small island some fifty rods from the shore. A sand bar that connected the island with the shore was entirely bare at low water ; and as they walked over this to the main land and saw such evidence of the teeming life (clams) beneath their feet, some one of the company exclaimed, " call this an inhospitable shore, where a man has only to dig his meat from the ground over which he walks ! " Their first meal was cooked by hanging a pot from the limb of a tree, and kindling a fire under it. A storm coming on before their first hut could be finished the women and children found protection under the empty hogsheads which had contained their scanty supply of cooking utensils and furniture. Dunbar assigned to each family a city lot of two acres, and a farm of forty acres, with a promise of one hundred acres more in due time. No charge was made for the land, except for each lot the occupant was to pay a pepper corn annually if demanded. James Huston married Mary Sloss. Their children were : "William who married Nancy Lermond. Eobert a Jane Bell. James u Fanny Eodgers Margaret a Wm. Jones. Jane a John Stinson. Elizabeth a Dodd. About 1745, when nearly all the settlements were broken up, by the Indians, some of their number were killed and others taken prisoners, and the rest obliged to flee for safety. Most of them went to Boston or vicinity, but at the close of the war in 1759, nearly all found their way back to their old homesteads in Walpole. They had received no titles to their lands from Dunbar, and the place was then entirely desolate ; so they selected for them- selves some 1200 or 1500 acres in a body, dividing it into lots to suit the number of families. Nearly all of these lands are still in the possession of their descendants.' 1 J. Gilmore Huston, 1859. 384 History of Bristol and Bremen. John Huston, in 1811, testified before the commissioners for settling the diflieulties in Lincoln county, that he was a grandson of the first of the name that came to Walpole, and was born in Boston in 1748. Probably they had been settled here before this, but had been driven off by the Indians, and were now re- turning to their former possessions. He learned from his parents that they came to Walpole the next year; and he him- self remembered " living in garrison." Before he was born an aunt and grandmother of his were killed by the Indians, and grandfather (he does not say whether on his father's or mother's side) taken prisoner. In 1757, a man was killed in Walpole and another taken prisoner ; and the next day they killed two and wounded several in another part of the town. As early as he could remember, the country there was " considerably set- tled " on both sides of the river.' Several individuals of the family have distinguished them- selves by holding important offices in the town, always perform- ing the prescribed duties with fidelity. James Huston, son of the first of this name, was a very estimable citizen, and was often employed in the public service (ante, pp. 347, 350). He was fii'st elected on the board of se- lectmen in 1766, the second year after the town was incorpo- rated, and subsequently many years, the last time in 1797. The time of his death has not been ascertained. He married Fanny Eodgers. Bobert Huston, son of Wm. and Nancy (Lermond) Huston, was perhaps as distinguished as any. He was for many years a justice of the peace and was familiarly known as " Squire Huston." From 1799 to 1812, both years inclusive, he was elected a member of the board of selectmen, and one or two years afterwards, and often filled other offices. The present Mrs. William Hackelton is a daughter of his. He died May 7th, 1824, aged 72 years. The name of Thomas Brackett has been several times men- tioned (pages 345, 346 and 355) in connection with impoi'tant offices held by him. It is believed that he came here from Boston where himself or his father had kept a tavern. He married a daughter of James Sproul (ante, p. 334) and lived for a time, at least, on the place owned formerly by Arthur Child, and subsequently by James Blaisdell. He was a mem- 1 Lin. Rep., 1811, p. 151, History of Bristol and Bremen. 385 ber of the board of selectmen in 1787 ; but as his name does not afterwards appear it is probable that he died about this time. All of the name in the town are probably descendants of his. In the autumn of 1784, it was determined to have an accurate survey made of the territory of the town, in accordance with a previous resolve of the legislature. A map was also to be prepared; and the enterprise was committed to John Johnston and Caleb Turner, who engaged to do it for £42. They em- ployed Thos. Boyd as surveyor ; and the map made by him is still preserved in the secretary's office in Boston. By his re- port, dated, June 25th, 1795, it appears that he began at the northeast corner of the town, " and ran thence southerly by the shore as the shore lyeth to Pemaquid Point," and so on around the shores of John's river and Damariscotta river to the Noble- boro line, then on the line of ISTobleboro and Waldoboro to the place of beginning. He mentions also as included in the survey "Rutherford's Island, and all the islands in Pemaquid Sound." He estimates the distance of the centre of the town " from the shire town of the county" [VViscasset] to be 15 miles, and " from the metropolis of the commonwealth " (Boston), 190 miles. The shore line with all the indentations of the sea, seems to be accurately laid down, and also the various ponds and streams but not the roads. The places of the three meeting houses are noted and those of the saw and grist mills, but noth- ing more, Robert Given was the first town clerk of Bristol elected after its incorporation, and subsequently served as one of the select- men of the town. He was born (it is believed) in Newcastle about 1732, and came to this place when a young man, and married Jane Nickels, a daughter of Alexander Mckels, com- mander of Port Frederic, and sister of Alexander Nickels jr., who served as captain of the company " of scouters" as before related, {ante, p. 312). He purchased land at the Falls on which a saw and a grist mill were erected, probably before his time. He carried on the business of his mills and farm with much success, and became, before his death, the most wealthy man in the town. Having faithfully served his generation, he died Jan. 15th, 1796, aged 64. His wife died June 14th, 1819, at the age of 87. 49 386 History of Bristol and Bremen. A remarkable circumstance that happened in the family a century ago, is still preserved in the traditions of the place. Robert jr., one of his two sons, when about 10 or 12 years old, was sent to a distant pasture in the woods for some oxen, but on the way was frightened by a bear, and so confused that he became entirely lost, and unable to find his way home. The family and people of the neighborhood searched the country for him in every direction for many days, and were about to relinquish further effort when he was discovered nearly ex- hausted, by a company that had penetrated the woods from the Round Pond neighborhood. He was found some two miles from home near Boyd's pond ; and a large rock in the imme- diate vicinity is still known as Robert's rock, or Given's rock. By careful nursing he recovered, though not fully until after considerable time. He afterwards died at sea as did also his brother, but on different ships. There were four daughters in the family, one of whom, Sarah, as we have seen, married Rev. A. McLean. Jane married Israel Cox, Betsey married John Nickels, and Hannah married Thos. Miller. Robert McKown of Boston married another daughter of Alex- ander Nickels sr., and early came with his family to Pema- quid. He had his residence on the west side of the harbor, where he purchased a lot of 12 acres of Shem Drowne, agent of the Pemaquid proprietors, Oct. 12, 1759 ; but it is believed that he had leased the same or an adjacent lot as early as 1727, at which time, as appears by the record, a dwelling house of some kind had already been erected on the lot. According to a gravestone, supposed to be his, in the Pemaquid cemetery he died April 1, 1776, aged 57 years. John McKown, believed to be abrother of Robert, purchased a lot herewith a dwelling house upon it of Shem Drowne, July 3, 1740, and probably lived here for a time, but afterwards re- moved to Boston. By his will, dated July 9, 1768, besides other bequests, he gave to his nephew, John McKown, then a minor, " all his real estate lying in Bristol in the county of Lincoln," thus showing that he still owned laud here. The will was admitted to probate Oct. 11, 1771 ; and of course he had died previous to this date.^ Sept. 26, 1776, Robert McKown who had previously been ' Certified copy of will iu possesBion of the author. History of Bristol and Bremen. 387 appointed " commissioner for troops at Bristol" made a requi- sition for money upon the council in Boston, saying that he had made his first payment, and now needed more means " to meet the expenses for the next three months." As Robert McKown, first mentioned, had died previous to the date of the requisition, it is clear there was another man of the same name here, who at this time held the important office alluded to. Their rela- tionship the author is unable to determine.^ The name has now become extinct in the place. Rev. Wm. Riddel [ante, p. 372), was born in Coleraine, Mass., about 1768, and graduated at Dartmouth college in 1793. Having spent some time in the study of theology, he came here in 1795, and was subsequently settled as colleague with Rev. Mr. McLean, as heretofore stated. His ordination took place Aug. 17th, 1796, according to the usual forms of the Con- gregational church. The exercises were as follows, viz : Introductory Prayer by Rev. Mr. Gillett, Hallowell. Sermon^ " " Emerson, Georgetown. Consecrating Prayer " " Powers, Penobscot. Charge, " " " Bradford, Wiscasset. " Right Hand of Fellowship, " " Wallis, Bath. Concluding Prayer. Mr. R. in his letter of acceptance reserved the right to be absent four sabbaths each year. The church was originally organized according to the Pres- byterian forms, but on the settlement of Mr. R., it was changed and became Congregational. According to the record '• they therefore, without renouncing Presbyterian principles, but be- cause the edification of the body at present requires it, mutu- ally and unanimously agreed to change the constitution of the church, as to its government and discipline from Presbyterian to Congregational." Soon after his settlement Mr. R. married a daughter of Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D.D., of Hadley, Mass., whose acquaintance he had previously formed. He was received here with some cordiality, but for some reason full sympathy between him and the people seems never to have been established, and his min- ■ 3fMS. Archwes, vol. 165, No. 389. ' Said to have been tbe same preached by him more than 30 years previously, atthoordLaation of the notorious Rev. John Urquhart. Batons An. Warreyi.v. 155. 388 History of Bristol and Bremen. istry was only partially suceeesful. Therefore when he asked a dismission in 1804, it was very readily granted. Afterwards hereturned to his native place, and was a few years settled as pastor over a church in Vermont ; but most of his life was spent in missionary work in the vicinity where he re- sided. He died in South Deerfield, Mass., in 1849, aged 81 years. He is believed to have been a faithful minister of the Gospel, and sincerely devoted to his work. Though receiving only a small compensation for missionary labors, he was a liberal contributor to the various benevolent enterprises of the day. Two sermons of his delivered before his people in Bristol were printed. Iloski7is, Wiscasset, 1800. Thomas McClure came to this place probably from Boston, several years before the close of the last century, and opened a store on the Damariscotta river a little distance from the Walpole meeting house. He took an active interest in the affairs of the place, and was once elected treasurer of the town, and twice as representative to the general court. He was appointed post- master when the first office was established in Bristol, probably in October, 1800, as he made his first returns to the general ofiice, Jan. 1, 1801. He held the ofiice until his removal from the place in 1806. Aaron Blaney was appointed to succeed him in the office May 15, 1806. He married Nancy Hunter, daughter of Henry Hunter before mentioned. She died May 28, 1800, and five or six years afterwards he removed to Boston. Eev. Alexander W. McClure {Amherst Col, 1827), re- cently so well known for his spirited controversial writings was his son. Aaron Blaney jr. became associated in business with Mr. McClure on the Damariscotta, about 1803. He came from Roxbury to Damariscotta as clerk to Oliver Gridley in 1793, but the next year engaged in the service of Kavanagh and Cottrill (or Coterel) who were at that time very largely engaged in trade with the West Indies. Subsequently, he became a partner with McClure in Walpole, and when the latter retired he con- tinued the business many years. Though carrying ou a large mercantile business, especially during the first years of the century, before the war of 1812, he took a deep interest in the public affairs of the town ; and from his knowledge of business made himself particularly useful in settling the difficulties with the non-resident lauded proprie- (lia->A^c>iSc(_ u '^t^-&^^A^^u -,TT A^^'^■'!L, L' El^ANEY History of Bristol anb Bremen. 389 tors, as will appear when the subject comes before us for dis- cussion. Several years he was elected treasurer of the town, and later in life for four years successively (1824-27 inclusive) he represented the town in the legislature of the state. For many years he held the office of justice of peace. His father, Aaron Blaney sr., who had come to reside in the place, was appointed in 1806, to succeed Mr. McClure as post master, and held the office until 1818, when his son was ap- pointed to succeed him. He (A. Blaney sr.) died Oct. 24, 1824, aged 84 years. The son being in office as postmaster now dropped the "jr." from his name; and this being recognized on the records of the general office in Washington, one trusting to the records alone might be led to suppose that a new appoint- ment had been made. He was greatly afflicted with asthma in the last years of his life, and died, July 31, 1834, aged 58 years. His autograph will be recognized at once by all the older people. ^^^ ^^o^^yi^d^^ Hon. Arnold Blaney, son of the above, was born in Bristol, and has always resided in the place. An active business man and politician, he has filled almost every office in the power of his fellow citizens to give him. Member of the board of select- men many years, even through the recent war, though an out- spoken democrat, treasurer of the town, and representative in the legislature, and for one term judge of probate for the district, no man more fully enjoys the respect and confidence of his fellow citizens. Thomas Johnston, whose name has been many times men- tioned, died, April 28th, 1811. He was born- in the parish of 390 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. Longformacus, Berwickshire, Scotland, March 28th, (or 31st) 1735, 0. S. aud came to this country in 1753. Though only a boy, he had procured on credit a small package of goods of the value of about £5, and started on a peddling expedition in order to earn a livelihood. At the very beginning of his proposed tour, he had the misfortune to lose his whole stock in trade which was stolen from him in the night at the tavern where he had stopped. From the circumstances of the case a recovery of the goods he knew to be hopeless, and he was in utter consternation. Just at this time he met with Waldo's advertisement, inviting emigrants to his possession on the Muscongus patent, as it was called, in the state of Maine [district of Maine], and, with- out even returning to bid farewell to his friends, struck a bargain with Waldo's agent and embarked on board the vessel which was about ready to sail. This was the brig Dolphin, Captain Cooters, then lying in the harbor of Greenock. They arrived first at Piscataqua, and came thence to the St. George's river, and landed on the west side in the lower part of the present town of Warren, Sept. 1753.^ There were on board, as emigrants, 14 families, consisting of about 60 persons, besides several young children, and two or more unmarried men. One or two years after his arrival he was in the employ of Waldo ; but in those troublous times, the military service swallowed up all other employments, and in 1755, we find his name on the roll of Capt. John JSTorth, then stationed in Fort Frederic at Pemaquid. At the close of the war, in 1759, he was serving at the same place in the company of Capt. Alexander Nickels, and had probably been there the whole period intervening.^ April 13th, 1758, he was mai-ried to Mary McFarland in Pemaquid fort ; she was a daughter of Solomon McFarland, and sister of Walter, previously mentioned {anie pp. 321, 333). A year after this marriage they removed to Broad Cove, and settled upon the farm, now owned by his grandson, James W. Johnston, where he lived the rest of his life. Johnston's wife died, Feb. 1, 1763, leaving three daughters, and he married, as his second wife, Anna Sproul of Harrington, July 26th, 1764. He had received in Scotland more of an education than most of those he was brought in contact with, in the then wilderness ' Gyrus Eaton, Annals Warren, p. 85, 121. " Mass. Archives, vol. 94, p. 432 and vol. 97, p. History of Bristol and Bremen. 391 of Maine, and soon came into notice as a public man. He took an active part in the preliminary steps to secure the incorpora- tion of the town of Bristol, in 1765, and in 1769 was elected on the board of selectmen. Subsequently he was elected to a place on this board, or the board of assessors every year, except iu 1772 and 1781, until and including 1801. At the annual town- meeting in 1802, bis name was omitted from the list and that of his son, John, substituted ; and he made them a short speech, thanking them for the favor so long shown him and especially for the honor done him in electing his son to take his place.' According to tradition among his descendants he served six months in the revolutionary war, at St. Georges, in the com- missary's department, but no record of it has been found. The fact that his name is not on the list of selectmen for the year 1781, indicates that it may be he was absent at this time.^ In 1793 he represented the town in the general court. For many years after Johnston came to the country there were no mail facilities extended to Maine east of Portland, and no correspondence passed between him and his friends iu Scot- land for about 36 years. About 1789 a Scotch gentleman by the name of Proctor interested himself io taking letters from him to his friends in Scotland, and a correspondence thus be- came established. Learning that his brothers, for the credit of the family, had many years before paid the debt he owed, when he left the coun- try so unceremoniously, he refunded the money with liberal interest. He was first appointed a justice of the peace (this officer was then appointed by the governor and council) June 25th, 1789, and was subsequently reappointed three times at periods of seven years. According to the town record he officiated at a greater number of weddings than any other man, justice or clero-yman, has ever done before or since. ISText to him, in this respect, was the Kev. Enos Baxter. He became a member of the Presbyterian church, it is believed, at the time of its organi- zation by Rev. Mr. McLean, and was subsequently elected to ' JoTin Clark, Bath, 1809. '' The reason why he was not elected, either as selectman or assessor, m the year 1773, was probably because of the course ho took on the meeting-house question, then raging. 392 HisToa? op Bristol and Bremen. the office of elder. He died April 28, 1811, aged 76 years. His wife died Jan. 9, 1809, aged 72 years. John Johnston, eldest eon of the above by his second wife, was born, May 11th, 1765, and in early life, followed the sea. He was elected selectman, as before stated, in 1802, and subse- quently annually re-elected to the same office, until 1808, the year of his death. He was also five times (1803-1807) elected representative to the general court. The town meetings for thirty years after the incorporation of the town were held in diiferent parts of the town, as we have seen ; but in 1797, it was determined to erect a house for the purpose, which, however, was not f).nished until 1799. The house was built by John Bugbee for |295, on the same spot as that occupied by the present town house, the land being given by Elisha Clark jr. It was of sufficient size, but only a shell, without any inside finish. It has since been replaced by another and greatly improved building. A curious piece of furniture, which formerly occupied one corner of the audience-room, was the stocks for confining per- sons disposed to be disorderly. This piece of furniture, as many will rememberj was made of two pieces of oak plank 10 or 12 feet in length, and probably 8 inches in width, with a strong iron hinge at one end, so as to allow the two pieces to open precisely like a carpenter's rule. Then supposing the rule closed, in the line where the two pieces came together three pairs of holes were made about 4 or 4| inches in diameter, in which to place the feet of culprits. The feet were introduced by slightly opening the two parts ; and when they were brought together again and secured by staple and padlock, at the other end from that on which the hinge was placed, the offender or offenders would be held very securely.^ Rev. Jonathan Belden succeeded Mr. Riddel as pastor of the Congregational church, his installation having taken place July 26, 1807. He was a native of Wethersfield, Ct., but when a 1 It is not easy to understand -svliat position tlie body of the offender -was ex- pected to take when confined in the stocks, — whether he was to sit on the instru- ment with the feet protruding helow, or whether he was to lie on his hack upon the floor, the instrument being placed on one side, as is sometimes represented in the old pictures. In early times, in Massachusetts, towns were obliged bylaw to provide atocks and whipping-posts. (N. E. Hist, and Gon. Beg. II, p. 68). HisTOBY OF Bristol and Bremen. 393 child was received iuto the family of Deacon Jonathan B. Balch of West Hartford, who kindly paid the expense of his education at Yale College. He graduated in 1796, the late emiuentProf. Silliman being a classmate.' He was to preach only in the Walpoleaud Harrington meeting houses, the Broad Cove people not uniting in the arrangement. He came here from Wiuthrop, where he had been previously settled. He was a man of only moderate abilities, and had little influence and little success. He continued his services here about eight years, but, in the troubled times of the war with Great Britain, much of his salary remained unpaid, and he left in a rather informal way. Several years afterwards he, or some of his family, threatened the town with a lawsuit for the recovery of the part of his salary still due, and a sum was raised by subscription to pay the claim. He died in Augusta, or Hallowell, not many years ago. The concerns of religion appear to have received little atten- tion in the early history of the settlement here ; and for a whole century the people were favored with preaching only occasionally as ministers of the gospel might happen to be in the place. Eev. Eobert Pike, of Portsmouth, in the autumn of 1692, was appointed chaplain of the fort at Pemaquid, and remained here nearly three years, being, so far as we know, the first resi- dent clergyman in the place. Though appointed particularly as chaplain to the persons con-uected with the fort, the people of the vicinity were not neglected by him. Subsequently when Dunbar, by order of the British govern- ment, came here in 1692 to rebuild the old fort, he brought with him as his chaplain Rev. E-obert Rutherford, a Presbyterian clergyman of good character and superior ability. He remained here some five or six years, when he removed to Brunswick, where, and in Georgetown, he officiated regularly until 1742. He was a warm friend of the Dunbar family, and after the death of Dunbar, and the marriage of his widow with Thomas Henderson of St. George, he removed therewith his family, and died there October 18, 1756, aged 68 years. Though never attempting to organize a church in any of the places where he resided, his in- fluence as a moral and religious man was always good. Religion was supported by law in Massachusetts, as we know, until some time after the beginning of the present century ; and immediately after the incorporation of this town we find that ' Letter from Rev. Myron N. Morris, West Hartford, Ct., January 34, 1865. 50 394 History of Bristol and Bremen. money was occasioually appropriated from the treasury to pay for " preaching," though they had no settled minister. Very probably they "had, long before the time mentioned, supplied themselves with occasional " preaching" in the same way. Though at first the people here were cordially united in sup- porting the gospel by this mode, ministers of other denomina- tions bcsidesthat established bylaw soon made their appearance, and the usual train of difficulties and strife succeeded. About 1792, a considerable revival of religion occurred at Muscongus and vicinity under the labors chiefly of Rev. Job Macomber a Calvinist Baptist minister; ^ and a church of this denomination organized which, in form at least, is still preserved by some members living on Muscongus island. A few years later than this, about 1795 or 1796, a more ex- tensive revival occurred, in the lower part of the town, includ- ing Rutherford's island. It was chiefly under the direction of Rev. Ephraim Stiuchfield, a minister of the Freewill Baptist denomination. Among his people he was generally known as Elder Stiuchfield. This revival numbered among its converts some of the most substantial men of the place. A church was organized according to the usages of the denomination num- bering nearly fifty male members.^ For some reason the organ- ization was not long maintained ; and many of the members were transferred to the Methodist and other denominations. Rev. Jesse Lee was the first Methodist preacher to visit this place; he passed through tliis country from Portland to Thom- aston in 1793, but made his first visit here two years later, Nov. 2.3, 1795, by invitation of Col. Wm. Jones. He came down from Newcastle, probablj' no further than the house of Colonel Jones, where, or in the immediate vicinity, he held a single service, and returned to Nobleboro to preach again in the even- ing at the house of a Mr. Russ. This was the beginning of the Methodist society in the place which rapidly increased in num- bers and influence. The Friends or Quakers appear to have been the first to move in the strife that followed before the " ministerial tax " was abo- lished. •Letter of Rev. W. S. Spaulding, June 10, 1871. Manuary 30tli, 1800, Elder Stinchfield prepared a list of tlie male memi era of tlie church, wliicli was subsequently entered upon the town records. Among the names are those of William Mclntyre, long known as Squire Mclntyre, and James Hackelton, father of our respected fellow citizens Wm. and James H. Haokelton. HiSTOKY OP Bristol and Bremen. 395 T'l > first reference ou the town record to the presence of Quakers or Friends in the pUice is in 178-1:, when at a town meeting (April 5th) an article was inserted in the warrant to test the question whether they should be excused from paying their proportion of the regular ministerial tax; and it was de- cided in the negative. The subject appears not to have been again discussed iu town meeting until May 3d, 1798, when the Baptists were also included in the petition for an abatement of this tax ; but the decision was the same as before. At a town meeting, April 6, 1801, an attempt was made to remit the " ministers' tax" to all persons " professing themselves Methodists," but without effect. Subsequently several times during this and the following year the same question in dif- ferent forms, was brought forward in town meeting, but the article in the warrant was invariably' "dismissed" by decided majorities. But now, by union of the different sects that had sprung up, the opposition was becoming strong, and much feel- ing was beginning to be manifested. Once or twice an effort was made to have the money raised by the town for the sup- port of the gospel divided among the different denominations, in proportion to their relative numbers, but this too was refused. By the close of the year 1802, the Methodists had so increased in numbers that their proportional share of the public money would be quite appreciable ; and it was thought by many that by a proper interpretation of the law then in force the Method- ist ministers who had been actually employed in the town could legally recover payment. Therefore, by advice, the Rev. Joshua Taylor, at that time presiding elder of the Kennebec district, in which Bristol was included, brought an action against the town to recover payment for himself and colleagues for the two preceding years ; and at a town meeting. May 2, 1803, it was voted to offer his agent -530, as payment in full of the claim. "Whether or not a settlement was thus effected has not been ascertained. But other troubles connected with this subject, though of a different character, now began to threaten the town. After the dismissal of Rev. Jonathan Belden in 1804, the town was several years without any regularly settled minister of the " standing order," and after Mr. Belden's settlement in 1807, it was found exceedingly difficult to raise the money needed for his support. As there was in existence an express statute pro- 396 History of Bkistol and Bremen. viding a penalty for such a state of affairs, some one entered a complaint against the town for not providing properly for the support of the gospel and an action was begun against them in proper court. In due time a bill was found against the town for neglecting to raise money for the support of the Gospel, by the grand jury, and at a town meeting, April 1, 1811, Enos Baxter was chosen agent of the town to make the proper de- fence. At another town meeting two months later, June 3d, it was voted to take the case to the Supreme Judicial Court ; but it is not known how it was disposed of. Jonas Fitch, ancestor of the several families of this name in the place was born in Boston or vicinity in June, 1718, and came to this place in 1753. About this time he was an officer under Gen. Winslow, who was employed in building the forts, Halifax and Weston, on the Kennebec river. Subsequently, in the years, 1756, 7, 8 and 9, he served, first as lieutenant, under Capt. Goodwyn, and afterwards as captain of a militia company, sent here against the Indians. A part of the time the company served as " scoutei^s " and ranged from Brunswick to George's river. His father, Joseph Fitch, married Margaret Clark, a daughter of Timothy Clark, and sister of Mrs. Shem Drowne, and was equally interested with Mrs. Drowne in the Pemaquid Patent. Jonas Filch as son of Joseph, and grandson of Mar- garet (Clark) Fitch was therefore by inheritance entitled to a share in the Pemaquid Proprietary claim, but he declined to take any action in the matter, saying he thought the actual set- tlers had the best title.' He was chosen a menaber of the board of selectmen several years, the first time in 1785; and subse- quently, John Fitch, a son of his, served the town in the same capacity many years. As we have seen (p. 346), the citizens of the town, by a spon- taneous movement in 1775, organized three militia companies of 60 men each, exclusive of officers, which were ever after- wards maintained. At the beginning of the present century James Young was captain of the Harrington company ; and at a general training or muster at ISTewcastle, in 1805 or 1806, led his men in an act of insubordination which occa- sioned considerable reprehension especially in military cir- cles. On the day of the muster the three Bristol companies ' Lincoln Mep., 1811, p. im. History of Bristol and Bremen. 397 took their proper places in their regiment, and all went well until the middle of the day when the general otJicers leaving their men in line, without any explanation, went to dinner at a hotel near by. The company officers, when they ascertained the cause of the delay were highly indignant, and Capt. Young, first ordering his men to load their pieces and fix bayonets, led them from the field to a place at little distance where refreshments were provided. The "Walpole company, under their lieutenant, Mr. Hatch, left at the same time, Capt. Huston of the company re- fusing to join in such an act of insubordination. One other company of the regiment (name not ascertained) joined in the rebellion. In the afternoon the rebellious companies returned but were not admitted to their places. The rebellious officers were subjected to trial by court martial, in the ordinary mode. Capt. Young was deposed from office, and a new election ordered which resulted in his reelection unanimously. As might be ex- pected the election was declared void and another ballot ordered, ill which, however, the same man was unanimously reelected as before. The general officers, not choosing to contend longer, now prepared and forwarded to him his commission, but Capt. Young died a few days subsequently.^ This was in 1807. Capt. Young belonged to the family several times alluded to heretofore, who lived on the neck between the Pemaquid and Damariscotta rivers {ante, p. 276), but the relationship has not been traced. He married Polly Clark (pubUshmeut Nov. 21st, 1792) who in 1817, married SamuelJackson,as a second husband and removed from the town. During the early years of the present century, among the ao-ed people of Bristol, the wild horses that roamed the woods in this region were a common topic of remark. It is sup- posed they were descendants of horses left here by the early settlers a century before. Occasionally some of them were caught and appropriated ; and not unfrequently when guilty of breaking into fields and destroying the growing crops, they were shot down without mercy. Some few remained in the woods until very near the close of the last century. Mrs. Alexander Fossett, who died in I860, remembered to have seen at one time, about 1783, a dozen or more of them feeding to- gether near the head of Long Cove.^ 1 Tradition. Jolin Fossett, Wm. Hackelton. 1 Hist. Oen. Beg., vol. xxiv, p. lOG. 398 History of Bristol and Bremen. Bears aud other wild animals were not uncommon until about the beginning of the present century. James Sproul, who died in the Long Cove district only a year or two ago, when a child, was once caught by a bear and considerably injured. He was about six years old, and in company with a sister and another girl, both older than himself, was passing through the woods in the Fountain neighborhood, when their attention was attracted by the squealing of a large pig which a bear had caught and was holding fast. Sproul, supposing the animal to be a big dog rushed at him to drive him off, when Bruin leaving the pig caught hold of the boy, and probably would have done him more serious injury but for the interfer- ence of his small dog, which opportunely joined in the fray ! The bear jumped at the dog, at the same time dropping the boy, who then made his escape. Though considerably injured he soon entirely recovered. The occurrence probably took place about 1794.^ - CHAPTER XXXI. Bristol in the War of 1812. War declared against Great Britain — Feeling in regard to the war — War ships and privateers on the coast early in the spring, 1813 — The war ships, Bream and Rattler — Coasters captured — The sloop Increase fitted out as a privateer Capt. Tucker, she captures the privateer Crown — " Distress in Maine " The privateer Young Teazer — The war ships Enterprise and Boxer — PerilouB condition of affairs in 1814 — Attack of the enemy in the Sheepscott, aud at Pemaquid and New Harbor — Seizure of Eastport, and Castine — Two of the militia companies of Bristol ordered to Wiscasset — Smugo-lera. War was declared against Great Britain, June 18th, 1812; and news of it reached the city of :N"ew York, at 9 o'clock ou the morning of the 20th, by express from' the secretary of war to Gen. Bloomfield, then in command of this division of the "United States army. It was announced in the Commercial Ad- ' Statement of Mr. Sproul to the author. History op Bristol and Bremen. 399 verdzer of that day uuder the headiDg " Awful Calamity ; " a fact which may be taken as faintly indicating the feeling with which the announcement was received by a large propo- tion of the people of 'Sew England, as well as New York. When the president's proclamation was received in Providence, R. I., the bells of the churches were tolled, most places of busi- ness were closed, and the flags of ships at the wharves displayed at half mast. A similar spirit was manifested in many other places. The people of Bristol could not be without anxiety at such a time, situated as they were directly on the coast, and exposed to assaults from the ships of the enemy; but they made no factious demonstrations. Many of them did not sympathize with this act of the administration, but the general feeling was that the country must be sustained. The first entry in the records of this town on the subject is August 10th, when a town meeting was called to consider the condition of affairs, on the petition of Samuel Tucker and others. It was decided to petition government for a supply of arms and ammunition, &c. Following the example of the fathers in the revolutionary war, they also appointed a " Committee of Safety and Correspondence, " consisting of Samuel Tucker, James Yates, Simon Elliot, Thos. Dockendorf, Wm. Eussell, Israel Cox, John Sproul, John Dickey, "Wm. McClintock, Samuel Porter, Aaron Blaney, Wm. Eodgers, Philip Crooker, Samuel Eeed, and Miles Thompson. At a meeting a mouth later, it was decided to erect a building for the storage of arms and ammunition, and a committee appointed for the purpose. May 12th, this year, the line between this town and Nobleboro was carefully surveyed by John Gleason, Esq., of Thomastown, the selectmen of both towns being present. The line between this town and Waldoboro was surveyed June 24th, 1813 by Wm. McClintock. After war was declared the people were in constant appre- hension of danger from ships of war and privateers of the enemy; but none seem to have made their appearance here for the remainder of the season. This is the more remarkable as an English fleet, under the command of Admiral Warren, arrived at Halifax as early as September. It consisted of three ships of the line, besides several frigates and gunboats. In the interior the war was begun in earnest, and for us with 400 History of Bristol and Bremen. disaster, not to say disgrace. Aug. 17th, Gen. Hull, who had invaded Canada, by crossing Niagara river, vpithout any very serious fighting, surrendered to the commander of the British forces his whole army of 2500 men Early in the spring of the next year, 1813, the people were made aware of their danger by the appearance of a number of British cruisers at different places on the coast, of which the Rattier and the Bream became subsequently the most noted. The3? were sloops of war, the former carrying 16 guns, and the latter 8 guns. They suddenly made their appearance off'Pemaquid point, the last day of March, and at once gobbled up 5 schooners and sloops, on their way to Boston, loaded with wood and lumber. Prize crews were put on board of the vessels which were ordered to the eastward ; but one of them was recaptured two days afterwards by 3 boats, manned by 20 men, and sent out from Boothbay harbor. At this time she was entirely becalmed, and the day before had been unable to make headway against the east wind that prevailed. Only two days later a privateer, called the Liverpool Packet, made her appearance and captured 3 sloops and a schooner in sight of Boothbay harbor. The men were put in one of the sloops, a small craft from Cape Cod, and sent into the harbor. A little time after the recaptured prize bad been secured in the harbor the Rattler came in from the westward, and anchored near Squirrel island. An alarm was fired by Captain Read, who was in command of the militia there, which soon brought to their assistance Captain Rose with a company of soldiers from theDamariscotta fort. In the night a boat from the Rattler, landed some men at a place on the west side of Spruce Point; but when tired upon they made haste to escape.^ The beginning thus made by the enemy upon the coasting trade of Maine was followed up vigorously during the summer, and a large part of the sloops and schooners engaged in it captured and destroyed or sold for the benefit of the captors. Sunday, April 25th, tlie same ships of the enemy captured two sloops and a schooner near George's islands, putting the men ashore. About the same time the sloop Lucy, of Salem, was captured by the Bream, a few miles west, or southwest, of White Head light, and 4 schooners seized in Tennant's ' Boat. Pat., AprU 13tli, 1813 ; Letter from Capt. W. M. Read, Boothbay, April 5tli. History of Bristol and Bremen. 401 harbor, and 2 sehoouers loaded with wood captured near Seguiu island, and some or all of them burned.' Soon after the Bream made her appearance on the coast, a number of gentlemen having accidentally met together on a Sunday afternoon, some one ventured to raise the question whether it would not be possible to capture her by such a force as could be raised on the spot. The suggestion was favorably received, and Commodore Tucker, being called in consultation, strongly advised that such an enterprise should be instantly started. The proposition being once named there was no lack of volunteers for the service; and before 24 hours, the sloop Increase had been engaged for the enterprise, and a crew of 45 men. Subsequently the crew was somewhat increased and the old commodore, Samuel Tucker, chosen captain. The sloop was only of about 100 tons burden, and lay near by partly loaded with cordwood, which would answer well for ballast. Soon the necessary papers were obtained from the Custom House, and the sloop was ready to sail, the men having provided for themselves the necessary rations. Each man also supplied himself with arms and ammunition. Some boarding pikes were provided, but the only gun they had, larger than a musket, was a small swivel. Thus prepared, the sloop without Capt. T., passed down from Muscongus, where she lay, and around Pemaquid point to Bootbbay harbor where they came to anchor, and sent to "Wiscasset for a couple of cannon and a brass field piece with the proper ammunition. Here the commodore came on board and assumed the command ; some thirty men of the guard stationed there also joined the expedition, and one of the original crew left the sloop for home. Everything being'in readiness they passed out of the harbor and steered east, in the hope of meeting the Bream or some privateer of the enemy, but only to be disappointed. After sailing east a distance they tacked ship and stood again to the west; but met no vessel of the enemy. At the end of two days their supply of provisions became scanty, and they concluded to return ; indeed they had been out as long as ' Bost. Pat., April 38tli, 1813. The writer, then hut a child, distinctly remcmhers to have seen two vessels burning at one time in the night, between Pemaquid Point and Monhegan, and a third at another time ; being loaded with wood or lumber, the fires continued some time. 51 402 History of Bkistol and Bremen, they had at first contemplated. They ran into Boothbay, discharged the soldiers who had joined them there, returned the cannon and field piece they had borrowed, and prepared to make their way home, a little discouraged at their want of success. As they had passed around Pemaquid point in going out with no other arms than the muskets in their hands, so now they must return in the same manner, though outside the point they would be exactly in the track of the enemy's ships of war and privateers. This had not been unthought of; but they did not hesitate to run the risk. As they came around the point they saw a sail some distance to the east, but kept on their way as if heading for St. George's river, and at the same time eyeing the stranger closely. Soon the stranger changed her course as if designing to intercept them, and they were then fully satisfied of her true character. Previous to this. Tucker had ordered all his men below, except the regular sailors to manage the vessel, and shaped his course as if aim- ing to make his escape. But soon tacking ship he suddenly bore down on the ci'aft, at the same time ordering the American flag to be hoisted, and all his men to take their proper positions on deck, the object being to oblige the enemy to fight at close cjuarters, which in his condition was an important point to be gained. The enemy fired the first shot, but the firing was soon returned by the Increase, and with such effect that the enemy's men were soon obliged to seek a place of safety below decks. The captain, whose name was Jennings, threw himself upon his back on the quarter deck, and reaching up with his bands to the helm undertook to steer his vessel out of the range of the Yankee's guns, but it was of no avail. He was obliged to strike his colors, and the Yankees soon had possession of his vessel. Though there was much firing on both sides, and the sails and rigging of both vessels were considerably damaged, no person on either side was injured. Capt. Jennings found, by a hole in his hat, that a bullet had passed in very close proximity to his head, but he suffered no bodily harm. This occurred April 26th. It has been said that the perforation of the hat was by a bullet directly aimed at the captain as he lay upon the deck, but the story is questionable. The prize proved to be the Crown, a privateer from Halifax, History of Bristol and Bremen. 403 of about 35 tons burden, and 20 men. She had been only 8 days out from Halifax, but had captured an American brig and had a number of Americans as prisoners on board. Her surgeon and one or two men had been left on Monhegan before the fight, but fortunately the services of the surgeon were not needed. The position of the vessels at the time of the fight was a mile or more east and a little north from the extremity of Long Cove point. After the capture both vessels were taken into Eound Pond. The prize was found to have on board a con- siderable quantity of ammunition and other stores, intended for the supply of some of the enemy's ships, all of which was sold for the benefit of the captors. The Crown was sold to a party living at Gloucester, or vicinity, and was repaired and long used as a packet between that place and Boston. The men of the Crown, being prisoners of war, were sent to the jail in Wiscasset, and it is presumed, were in due time ex- changed. Capt. Jennings, the commodore at first took with him to his own house ; but he was afterwards sent to Wiscasset jail, from which he made his escape in disguise.' During the summer many vessels, coasters and fishermen, were captured in this vicinity, and some of them again recaptured by American privateers that occasionally visited these waters. Among these, were the Fox, belonging to Wiscasset, and the Teazer and Young Teazer of ISTew York. Of the latter, especially, we shall soon have occasion to speak more particu- larly. The next mouth after the capture of the Crown, Commodore Tucker was elected representative to the legislature, and with more boldness than discretion, as some thought, ventured to take passage by sea to Boston, though it was well known that the enemy's armed cruisers were constantly on the coast. He sailed in the sloop, "Penobscot Packet," Capt. Elliot, of Waldoboro, which was so fortunate as to make the passage in safety, though not without great danger. As they were off Cape Ann, in company with several other coasters, loaded mostly with lumber and wood, a British armed brig suddenly ' Shep. Life of Tucker, 316 ; Com. Adv. (N. Y.) May 7, andl3, 1813 ; Tradition . Tho newspapers of the time say she had twenty American prisoners onboard. Tliree of these belonged to this town. James L, Mclutyre, Andrew Sproul, and Plummer. The first two were really prisoners, but many were suspicious that Plummer was voluntarily serving as pilot. But when put ou trial the court failed to convict him. James L. Mclutyre, 1853. Capt. J. Sproul. John Fossett, 1873. 404 History of Bristol and Bremen. came upon tbem, and captured several of the fleet, but Capt. Elliot, aud oue or two others put about, and ran into the harbor of Portsmouth. The commodore himself witnessed the capture of two sloops and a scJiooner, one of which was after- wards burned.^ Much of the business of all this region was at this period closely connected with the navigation interests and the fisher- ies, both of which were for the time nearly destroyed, and the people suffered seriously in consequence. They could neither send their wood aud lumber to market, nor obtain the neces- sary supplies they were accustomed to receive in return. Besides this they were kept in constant alarm, especially those living immediately on the coast, where marauding parties seeking plunder occasionally made their appearance. But though the inhabitants suffered many privations, their condition was not quite as deplorable as was often represented by the papers. The following extract is from the Com. Adveriizer (N.Y.) May 12, 1813. " The District of Maine. We are assured by gentlemen best acquainted witli that part of the state (of Mass.) that the situation of the poor inhabit- ants in regard to the supply of provisions, is deplorable, having neither flour, nor corn, nor even potatoes to live upon. The general poverty of the people, produced by the anticotnmercial policy, and restrictive mea- sures of the government, has been greatly increased by the short crops of the last season, and has, at the same time, reodered provisions scarce and dear, and reduced the means of the country people so low that they could not pay for them even if they were plenty and cheap. " The writer then goes on to urge that means may at once be devised to send the needed supply. Of course we cannot fail to see in the extract a little of the partisan spirit of the time. The writer desired to make a point against the government. I^Tor did the people of Maine alone suffer in consequence of the war; June 5th, less than a month after the above date, flour in ISTew York was $22 per barrel and Indian corn $2.50 per bushel. {£oston Pat., June 9, 1813.) The Young Teazer, Capt. Dobson, was a privateer hailing from Kew York, which made her appearance in these waters early in 1 Bust. Pat., May 29, 1813. History of Bristol and Bremen. 405 the season, aud for a time had wonderful success in capturing many prizes from the enemy, but eventually came to a disastrous end. In one cruise she is said to have made nine prizes from the enemy, several of which arrived safely in port, but others were retaken. In the early part of June she was off the port of Halifax, aud captured several English vessels in sight of the Light House. At one time she was chased quite into the harbor of Halifax by a British ship, but escaped by hoisting a British flag, and thus deceiving the Englishman, who put about and stood out to sea, leaving the American to follow, as soon as it was safe. One of the prizes of the Young Teazer which arrived in Port- land harbor in safety was the English schooner, G^^ey Hound, of 100 tons burden, loaded with iish and lumber. She belonged to Liverpool, Nova Scotia, and was bound for the West Indies, and had been out but a day or two when captured. A prize crew was put on board, who were ordered to take her into Portland ; but soon La Hogue, an English 74 gun ship, hove in sight, and they saw there was no hope of escape, except by stratagem. So it was hastily arranged that when the English officers should come on board they should claim to be the proper officers and (the Yankees the crew of the craft),' named in her papersjust taken from a Halifax office. This they actually did, the captain and crew for the time assuming the names upon her papers ; and so well all acted their parts that the schooner was allowed to pass and arrived safely in port.- The Young Teazer closed her career by the explosion of her magazine, under circumstances which led to the belief that the match was applied intentionally by her lieutenant, whose name was Johnson. He had been a prisoner in the hands of the enemy a httle time before this, and by enlisting again in the Young Teazer, had broken the parole granted him ; and of course had little rea- son to expect mercy if he was again captured. They had been cruising several days at the eatstward, and had taken several English merchant ships near the mouth of Halifax harbor, being constantly in great danger from the enemy's ships of war, but avoiding capture by persistent vigilance, and adroit management. At length, as they were passing the mouth of a small bay, a few ^Bost. Pat.,ixx\j 7th, 1813. ^ Coot. Adv., (N". Y.) , June 4tli, 1813. The War, July 30tli, 1813. 406 History of Bristol and Bremen. miles west of Halifax, early in the morning, a British 74 gun ship hove in sight, and to avoid her the Young Teazer put in near an island where the water was too shallow for the heavy Englishman to follow, who therefore sent after them several of her barges. As the latter drew near and it became apparent that they could not escape, Lieutenant Johnson suddenly went below and the explosion occurred in a very few moments. There were on board in all 37 persons, of whom only 8 escaped. Capt. Dobson and Lieut. Johnson both perished. A boy, who was one of the 8 that were saved, was said to have told a story a little different from the above. He said that just before Lieut. Johnson went below, Capt. D. reprimanded him sharply for some disobedience of orders in regard to the manner he had loaded the large gun on board ; and it is left to be inferred that in his rage he blew up the ship in consequence. Both stories may be substantially true. Seven of the 8 that were saved were in the forecastle at the time of the explosion, and the other was in a boat alongside, and they all made their escape to the shore near Malagash, in the boat, but some or all of them were afterwards arrested and sent to Halifax as prisoners of war. Among those that were lost was Win. Sproul (ante. p. 335) brother of the late Capt. John Sproul of Pemaquid, who had shipped on board in Portland. The most important naval action that occurred in this region during the summer of this year (1813), or indeed during the war, was the capture of the British brig Boxer by the United States brig. Enterprise, on Sunday, the 5th of September. The action took place in a line nearly midway between the extreme end of Pemaquid Point and the island of Monhegan, and was witnessed by many of the inhabitants of the south part of the town. This heroic naval contest has been too often described, and everything connected with it is too well understood to require a repetition of the details. The Boxer had been lurking in these waters several months, and had made many prizes and done con- siderable mischief; and it aflbrded the people much relief when it was known that she was out of the way. A few days before the battle the British ship had boarded a schooner showing the Swedish flag, which had come in and anchored in Pemaquid harbor. She was really a Yankee craf't commanded by Captain Thos. Child,of Bristol, but had been put under the Swedish flag because of ths neutrality of that nation at History of Bristol and Bremen. 407 the time. Saturday afternoon, Sept. 4th, the Boxer came in and anchored near John's island, and the next morning sent a flag of truce up to the harbor, requesting permission to board the foreign ship. The Harrington militia company, Capt. Sproul, had been called out that afternoon for drill ; and word being sent them of the appearance of the British ship in the mouth of Pemaquid Harbor, Capt. S. with a part his men repaired to the site of the old fort, and were there on the approach of the flag. Capt. S. after consultation thought proper to grant the request, and the British officer proceeded on board the schooner. Soon signals were made from the Boxer, and the boat made haste to return ; and in a very little time, the big ship, as she appeared to the people on the shore, with all sails set was heading out to sea. About the same time the United States ship, Enterprise, made her appearance at a considerable distance outside, coming from the west ; and it became evident to the people on shore that a fight was probable. Many left their homee to seek better places of observation, and multitudes on the shores and hills waited with anxiety the result of the contest. The firing did not begin until about 3 p.m. The afternoon was perfectly clear, with only a gentle breeze from the 'S. JST. W., so that the movements of the combatants were not rapid. During the fight the people on shore could know nothing of the comparative damage received by the combatants; therefore when, at tlie end, the ships were seen to turn their prows to the west, there was great rejoicing.^ The Enterprise had one man killed and 13 wounded. The loss of the Boxer is believed to have been much greater, but is not acurately known. The two ships after the battle, made their way to Portland harbor, and a week afterwards the British brig, Ratler, appeared off the mouth of the harbor, with a white flag at her mast head, and sent a boat ashore requesting to exchange the prisoners ^Bost. Pat., Jime 26tli, July 7tli,28tli ; The War, Sept. 23, 1813 ; Cooper's Hist, of the Na/ey II, p. 169 ; Ileadley's Second War with Eiig., I, p. 349. Tlie event is distinctly remembered by tbe autlior, who, -u-ith his parents,'wa8 a witness of the fight from the high land near Long Cove. The wind was light, and occasionally for some time neither ship could be seen for the smoke that en- veloped them. Soon after the firing ceased the two ships turned their prows to the west, and the people on the shore then first knew which jmrty had gained the victory. 408 History of Bristol and Bremen. taken iu the Boxer; but the authorities had received no autho- rity to act in such matters, and were therefore obliged to dechne.^ When the capture of the Boxer became known in England it ■ produced a profound sensation. The following extract is from a Loudon paper of the time.^ Among tbe American news which is to be found in the papers just received from that country, it pains m to find a full ooafirmatioii of the loss of his majesty's brig Boxer, which has added another laurel to the naval honors of the United States. The vessel which was captured is repre- sented (falsely we believe) as of only equal force with herself; but what we regret to perceive stated, and trust will be found much exaggerated, is that the Boxer was literally cut to pieces, rigging, spars and hull ; while the Enterprise (her antagonist) loas in a situation to commence a similar ac- tion immediately afterwards. The fact seems to be but too clearly estab- lished that the Americans have some superior mode of firing and we cannot be too anxiously employed in discovering to what circumstances that superi- ority is owing. The three miltia companies organized in the town at the very beginuingof the revolutionary war (ante, p. 357), it is believed had mantained their organization until this time, Capt. Robert Day now having command of the Walpole corupany, Capt. Sproul of the Harrington company, and Capt. Samuel Yates of the Broad Cove company. They belonged to the 2d regiment, 2d brigade, 11th division of the Massachusetts militia. They appear not to have been called out, or only for discipline, the first year of the war, and though Capt Sproul and a part.of iiis company were present at Pemaquid fort when the Boxer came in there, Sept. 4th and 5th, 1813, they probablj^ were acting as volunteers. August 24th, 1813, the town voted to make application for two twelve pound cannon, and two fourteen pounders, the latter to be for the use of an artillery company about to be organized. They petitioned also for 150 stand of small arms and the necessary ammunition. In the autumn the proposed artillery company was duly organized, with Marius How as captain, and Barry G. Pomeroy lieutenant. In the course of the winter two brass field pieces were obtained, and on the opening of spring the " Independent Wash- ington Artillery," about 40 in number, in their new uniform, as they frequently met for drill and parade, made no mean appear- ' Tlu War, Sept. 13, 1813. -'The War, April 2G, 1814. History of Bristol and Bremen. 409 auce, and attracted uo little attontiou. Au armory was erected for the use of the company, and the organization was continued according to the records until 1840. The last meeting recorded was held October 15, 1840. In the spring of 1814, two six pound iron cannon were ob- tained from the government, and some small arms and ammuni- tion. One of the cannon was kept at the Falls and the other at Round Pond. Some 50 stand of arms were sent on by government, a part of which was distributed between the Broad Cove and Harrington militia companies, and the rest committed to the custody of Aaron Blaney for safe keeping. The capture of JSTapoleon, in the spring of 1814, and subsequent banishment to the island of Elba, was an event that boded nothing but evil to the people of this country, as it permitted the English goverument to bring much of the force heretofore emplo^-ed in the mighty contest with him, into action against the United States. ISTo attempt had as yet been made by tlie enemy to seize upon any of tlie territory of Maine; but nothing could be more probable than a movement of this kind. His ships ranged this coast almost unobstructed ; and attempts to laud troops at available points might be expected at any time. To guard against surprises constant watchfulness was required and as a warning to the miltia companies, it was ordered that two cannon reports, one immediately succeeding the other, should be considered a signal of the approach of danger.^ This preparation for self defense in the spring of 1814 was not without sufficient reason, as tlie sequel will show. Early in the season several British war vessels appeared on the coast, among them the Bulwark, a 74 gun ship, with smaller vessels and barges for running into the bays and harbors. April 25th, Ad- miral Cockrane, having his head quarters at Bermuda, declared ' Mrs. Wm. Yates, and a sister of liers, both of whom lived near Round Pond, had a brother, Mr. McCobb, who lived on the upper end of Loads or Miiscongus island opposite the harbor, and the sisters were accustomed occasionally to make a signal to their brother, who would come in a boat and talve them to his house. In the time of the war they thus on a pleasant day signaled to their brother from the north point by raising a red shawl and waving it to and fro to attract Ids at- tention. Soon a gan was heard on the opposite or soutliern point and then another in another direction, and another still, and another, and it was not until the militia men began to come together from all directions with their loaded gnus that the ladies were aware of the alarm they had so innocently created. — Ai.exandbr Yates, Esq. July, 18G8. 52 410 History of Bristol and Bremen. the whole coast of the United States from Eastport to the mouth of the Mississippi in a state of blockade, no vessels to be allowed to enter or depart from any one of the ports. Admiral Warren, ITov. 16th, 1812, being then at Halitax, issued his proclamation declaring certain of our ports to be in a state of blockade, and then it was extended to all our ports — on paper.' But the aggressions of the enemy were not to be confined to the ocean ; in the month of June, the Bulwark made several at- tempts to land troops from her barges in this vicinity. Six of them, Monday, June 20th, entered the Sheepscott, river and effected a landing, though opposed by some 40 of the militia. A field piece left by the militia was disabled, and thrown into the river and then they commenced their march inland, intending, it is supposed, to reach the village of Wiscasset. When they had marched about 7 or 8 miles they were met by a larger force of militia, and, in their turn, obliged to retreat. Marching back to their boats, they reembarked and passed out in safety, only making some demonstrations opposite the fort in Georgetown.^ Several of the enemy's ships were now constantly on this coast; and one of them, June 27th or 28tli, sent some barges into the harbor of Boothbay ; but being fired upon by the militia assembled there they soon retreated. The militia of the whole region were frequently called out for drill, and in all respects were kept in readiness for action. June 29th the fog was very thickalongthecoast most of the time, and the evening quite dark but the practiced ears of the inhabitants and soldiers of Captain Sproul's companj', many of whom had been temporarily sta- tioned at the old fort, could readily detect the sound of the oars of boats mak ing their way carefully up towards the harbor. They could not be seen ; but it was deemed best to fire upon them though they could aim their guns only by the sound. This was done, and the fire returned, but probably without ettect on either side. Certainly no harm was done to those on the shore. The firing lasted only a little time, and the unseen enemy re- treated. 1 The papers of the day affirm that Capt. Dohsoii, of the Young Teazor, lying oflf the port of Halifax, early in July, 1813, declared that port 171 a state of blockade. If he did so — which may be doubted ^^ it was of course, intended, as a farce upon the previous action of Admiral Warren. Considering the magnitude of the work that Warren prop(wed for himself, if a real blockade was intended, and the means at his command, his declaration was scarcely less farcical than that of Capt. Dob- son. (Boistoii Pat., July 1, 1813). '/yysC. Paz., June 35th, 1814. History of Bristol and Bremen. 411 Bat before it was over Arthur Child was sent np to the Falls to fire au alarm, the cannon assigned to this neighborhood for this purpose being kept in the barn of Captain John Fossett. It was past midnight when he reached the place, with some others, boj's and men. They were in a groat hurry, but it took some time to get the heavy iron piece out of the barn and load it, and in their excitement neither men nor boys ob- served that the piece was pointed exactly towards Capt. F's house, so that when the gun was discharged nearly every pane of glass in oue side of the house was broken. A second discharge of the piece immediately following the first, gave the people of the whole region decided intimation of their danger.^ After it became evident that the enemy had left the region of the fort, there was much discussion between Captain Sproul and his men as to the course the enemy's boats might be ex- pected to take, many predicting that they would pass around the point and make an attempt to land at New Harbor. This feel- ing soon became so strong that some that were only spectators - or perhaps volunteers started to walk across ; and they were soon followed by Captain Sproul and his men. Several nights previous to this guards had been stationed at several points on the coast, one of which was on the north side of New Harbor near its mouth, where a small guard house had been erected. Some remains of it were still to be seen only a few years ago. It was occupied at this time, it is believed, by a detachment of eight or ten men from the Broad Cove com- pany. Captain Tates.^ The morning of June 30th had but just dawned when three of the barges probably the same as were at the fort the night previous were suddenly discovered just entering the mouth of JSTew Harbor. The fog probably had before concealed them. In fact only two of them actually entered the harbor, the third re- maining outside as a guard, and for observation. Though the hour was early Wm. Eodgers, whose house was very near, with a loaded gun, had walked down on the shore ; and was hailed by an officer on board, and with a threat ordered not to fire. He advised them to be off, as there would presently be a hundred 1 Tradition. John Fossett, 1873. "Considerable effort has been made to determine their names without success, the orderly book of the company having been lost. 412 HisTOKT OP Bristol and Bremen. men there ; and in spite of the threat fired his piece by way of alarm. This seems to have been the first intimation the men ou guard had of the enemy's presence, but they now rushed down on the shore ; and soon a rather heavy fire of musliietry was pouring into the barges, especially the forward one. Each man on the shore took care to protect himself as much as possible from the shot of the enemy, and loaded and fired as rapidly as possible, several, it is said, firing as many as nine or more times. The enemy returned the fire with much spirit from small cannon as well as muskets ; and for a few minutes the pattering of the bullets on the rocky shore was lively and also the whist- ling of the cannon shotin the air, the aim being mostly too high to strike the men on shore. Soon the men in the forward barge began to show signs of discomfort, and the next instant were actually backing out of the scrimmage ; but the other barge for a few minutes showed a disposition to take the place of her con- sort and continue the fight. But it was kept up only a few moments, and both the barges made haste to get outside of the harbor, some of the men following down on the shore and con- tinuing their firing at the enemy, even after he was far beyond the reach of their bullets. Quite a number of men were killed, and many wounded on board the barges, but the exact number was never ascertained. On the Yankee side one man, Daniel Richards, was wounded in the thigh, either by a wad or a spent ball. Though the flesh was only bruised, the shock brought him to the ground. The fight was but just over when the fastest ruflners from the fort began to arrive, and very soon after them Captain S. and his men, who had just reached the bridge over the stream running into the head of the harbor, when the first shot was fired.' Besides the guard house at New Harbor there were several others erected and niglitly occupied for some time in the summer and autumn of 1814, as at Round Pond and Rutherford's island. ' Tradition. Capt. Sproul, 1859, Wm, Hackelton. Mrs. Wm. Russell, who saw tlie barges as tliey were entering the mouth of the harbor before the first shot was fired. She saw them from her residence on the high land north of Long Cove. Early in the i'orenoon, a number of men and boys, coming from the harbor, called at Mr. Hackiilton's at Long Cove, and among them was Wm. Elliot of Round Pond, \\illi Ills faci- and hands well blackeud with gunpowder. It is believed that he beliiiiged to the Broad Cove company, and was one of the guard (previously men- History of Bristol and Bremen. 413 The condition of aftairs in eastern Maine was now becoming decidedly interesting, not to say precarioas, as we shall soon see. Jnly 11th, a strong British force took possession of Eastport under the pretence that it belonged of right to Great Britain, having, with other islands in the Passamaquoddy bay, been improperly given up by the treaty of 1783. There can be no doubt that it had ah-eady been determined to seize upon and hold as large a part of the territory of Maine, as they might be able to conquer, but it was deemed best for the present to conceal this part of their real intentions, and hence the pretence was re- sorted to to blind the eyes of the inhabitants. But all was soon made pla'm by the course of events. The people of Bristol, as well as other adjacent towns, well understood the disasters that portended them ; but we, their descendants, cannot now well appreciate the feeling that for man}' weeks pervaded the public mind. The enemy having made himself secure, on Moose Island, on which Eastport is situated, and collected there a large force of war ships and transports, an expedition with some 3000 troops was fitted out, which made its appearance at the mouth of the Penobscot the first day of September. As resist- ance to the strong force of the enemy would evidently be vain, the commander of the fort at Castine at once spiked all the cannons, blew up the magazine, and, with the few troops under his command, fled for safety up the river. Next the enemy took possession of Belfast, and quartered there a considerable part of his force, assuring the inhabitants if they were quiet and orderly no harm should be done to them. A considerable force was then sent up the river quite to Bangor, and all the territory of Maine, east of the Penobscot, was declared by right of conquest to be subject to the British Crown. ^ A proclamation to this effect was issued by Lieut. Gen. Sir John Sherbroke, K B., commander of the British land forces, and Edward Grifiith, Esq., rear admiral of the White, commanding the British tioned) stationed at the harbor the night previous. All were greatly excited as a matter of course, and Elliot perfectly furious. He said he had been having the best sport he ever had in his life, shooting Englishmen. It is believed that Col. Robert Day sent to Gen. King a full report of the affair at New Harbor, and that it was made use of in Washington 12 or 14 years ago, in establishing some soldiers' claims ; but at the author's request search was made at the proper ofBce and the document could not be found. 1 Bost. Pat., Sept. 10, and Oct. 19, 1814. Will- Hint. Maim, ii, p. 50, ; Locke nut. Cam., p. 117 ; Nilcs's Bcyister. 414 History of Bristol and Bremen. squadron in the Penobscot. It was published in the Boston papers, Sept. 10th. K'ext came the following general order from the commander of the British ship Eudymion, " Endymion, at sea, Sept. 15, 1814. " General Order. The territory lying betweeu the bay of Passama- quoddy and the Penobscot river having been taken possession of by His Maj. forces; All vessels clearing out from any of H. Mas. North Ameri- can Provinces for any port or place within this territory, including the port of Gastine, and the port and places situated on the east side of the Penobsbot river, are to be allowed to pass free and unmolested, to bring back return cargoes of lumber and provisions, also any vessels being from the port of Castine with a license from the Commanding Officers of H. Mas. land and naval forces at Castine. " Edward G-rifith " The enemy succeeded in bis Penobscot expedition quite beyond his own most sanguine expectations ; and it was confi- dently expected that another similar expedition would soon make its appearance in this region, prepared to attempt a land- ing at some favorable point. What place would be selected for the purpose ? Would it be Portland, or some place on the Kennebec, or Wiscasset, or some pilace more to the east ? Those were the anxious questions the civil and military autho- rities asked each other, and the people earnestly discussed. To be in readiness for the enemy, whenever he might make bis appearance. Gen. Wm. King, of Bath, ordered out his whole division of the militia; and establishing his own headquarters at Wiscasset, stationed his troops mostly in Edgecomb but some in other exposed places. Of the three companies in this town the two at Walpole and Broad Cove were ordered to Wiscasset, but the other, the Har- rington company, Captain John Sproul, was allowed to remain at home for the protection of the exposed places on the coast. Capt. liiscock's (Walpole) company received their orders Sept. 7th, and the next day 67 men answered to their names at Sheepscott bridge, from which place they marched to Wiscasset, and were quartered in the Court ITouse. On the 9th, they were trans- ferred to Edgecomb where they remained some two weeks, except that several of them at dilierent times were detached for special duty elsewhere. The last of them broke up their camps History of Bristol and Bremen. 415 OD the 25th. The Broad Cove company, Captain Yates, was ordered to Wiscasset at the same thne, hut it is beheved were allowed to return to their homes sooner than the other.' Sept. 30th twenty men were detached from Captain Hiscock's company and sent to Squam Island (Westport) for 15 days. Captain Sproul's company had it for their special duty to watch the coasts in the southern part of the town, and to give the alarm in case of danger. Sept. 12th, they were called out and stationed at Pemaquid falls, and guards, of 7 or 8 men each, stationed at ISTew Harbor, Pemaquid harbor and Rutherford's island, their countersign being "liberty." The next night the countersign was " union," but further than this the record saith not. Sept. 15th, they were dismissed to their homes, but re- quired to be ready at a moment's notice. The number of men in Captain Sproul's company, Sept. 13th, present and ready for duty, was 75. Captain Yates's company probably contained about the same number.^ During these movements of the militia all eyes were turned eagerly to the eastward, to watch the actions, and, if possible discern the intentions of the hostile force which had been so successful in that direction; and no little relief was felt by the people when information was received that the hostile fleet on leaving the Penobscot, had turned to the eastward. This took place Sept. 19th, but could not be fully known here until several days later. The favorable season was now fast passing away, and the assurance became general that the great danger for the present at least had passed, and the militia companies were at length formally dismissed. DuringtheBritish occupancy of the eastern territorj', aglorious opportunity was afforded for smugglers ; and it was not neglected. English* goods at that time commanded very high prices and were brought in in abundance, some paying a high duty but more without paying any. At the same time beef and other articles ueeded by the British forces were in great demand, and were readily paid for when they reached the lines. The temptation to eno-age in an illegal tralhc was too great to be resisted, and many yielded to it who would be very indignant to be charged with dishonesty. Droves of cattle were sent through the country, ' Captain Uiscock's Orderly Booh. Tradition. Hiscock liad Ijeen elected in the place of Robert Day, promoted colonel. '^ Captain Sproul's Orderly Book Tradition. Captain Sproul, July, 1800. 416 History of Bristol and Bremen. even from the western part of the state; and the people iu some sections so far sympathized with the traders that they were allowed to carry on the wicked traffic almost unmolested. The British goods were generally sent west in wagons, the drivers, to avoid arrest, resorting to all sorts of contrivances ; but some were also brought along the coast in boats; and many curious stories were formerly told of mysterious adven- tures in this vicinity. In those days sheriffs were appointed by the governor and council, and of course in politics were in sympathy with the federal party then iu power. The sheriff of Hancock county was of this character; and having been detected iu a smuggling operation, the opposite party showed him no mercy. Passing through Wiscasset with a peculiar wagon, he was arrested by the collector there; and his vehicle on being searched was fouud to have a double bottom in which was concealed a quan- tity of English goods that had not paid the duty. They were of course seized aud confiscated; and it was a long time before he heard the last of his " Double Bottomed Waggon." The following is an extract from a communication to the Boston Patriot, for JSTov. 9, 1814. " The Double Bottomed Waggoii. The next trip Mr. Sheriff Adams takes to Oastine, we would advise him to make use of an Air Balloon as there appears to be no safety in travelling on the land. The double bot- tomed loafji/ons are not safe from the gripe of James Madison's sentinels; but in an Air Balloon there will be perfect safety, as the officers of gov- ernment are not permitted to travel in the air, nor to make seizures there." * * " But he must take care that when he commences his aerial voyage from Oastine, he must not have it published in the papers, as the Government Shcu-Jcs may be looking out for him at his landing-place in Boston." , ,' The treaty of Ghent, was signed by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and the Tnited States, Dec. 24th, 1814 ; but the news did not reach Washington until some time in February, arriving there almost simultaneously with the news of Gen. Jackson's victory at New Orleans, January 8th. An express messenger was at once despatched with the joyful tidings of peace to ISTew York, which he reached in twenty-three hours; then the news was again expressed to Boston which required thirty two hours. History of Bristol and Bremen. 417 Everywhere the amioiiuceraeut of peace was received with the loudest demonstrations of joy ; and in the larger cities public meetings were held to commemorate so important an event. It was the last of February before the news, reached this place; but the people, not to be outdone by their fellow- countrymen elsewhere, appointed a meeting at the Town House for the exchange of their mutual joys and cheerful congratula- tions. No record of the meeting has been preserved; but it was held, it is believed, early in March, and was largely attended, several clergymen of the place taking part in the exercises. CHAPTER XXXn. From the Close of the War in 1815 to the Incorporation of THE Town of Bremen in 1828. Enterprise of the citizens after the restoration of peace — Support of the Q-os- pel ministry from the town treasury discontinued — Propositions for dividi)ig the town — Question of the separation of Maine from Massacliusetts — A satinet manu- factory — Support of the poor — Dr. Marius How — Wm. Mclntyre— Thomas Cliild — Wm. Burns — Rev. Jesse Lee — Formation of a Methodist Society — Progress of the society — First Methodist church erected — Ordination of Rev. Nathaniel Chap- man — Alexander and Ninon Erskine — Hon. James Erskiue — Samuel Saunders — ■ The Friends or Quakers — Religious revival under the Freewill Baptists — Enthu- siastic celebration of Anniversary of Independence. The war with Great Britain (1812-1815) being chiefly a maritime war, the great interests of navigation and commerce suffered enormously ; but it was upon these most of the people of Bristol depended for their liviog, either directly or indi- rectly. Therefoi'e, though they rejoiced on the return of peace, they could not but feel poor, yet a commendable spirit of enter- prise soon began to manifest itself chiefly in the way of ship building, in which many of them had formerly been engaged. Before the year had closed, several small vessels, designed chieiiy for the coasting trade had been launched or were pro- jected. During the war they had kept up nearly their usual appro- 418 History of Bristol and Bremen. priations for schools, for improving the roads and for other public purposes. Even a proposition to establish a grammar school at the centre of the town vpas started at a little later period, but it failed through fear that it would not receive suffi- cient patronage to support it. Up to this time the support of the gospel was considered a proper charge of the town, as much as the support of the schools; and the expenses were met by a tax upon the people ; but the minority opposed to this practice was continually in- creasing until in 1816, when it was abolished. This year. May 6th, an appropriation of $300 for this purpose was voted, but two weeks later. May 20th, the vote was rescinded, and the subject seems never again to have been brought before the town meeting. The spring of this year was cold and wet, and vegetation unusually backward. As a consequence, the farmers were de- layed in their planting; and certain of their crops, as Indian corn, was so backward that an early frost quite destroyed them. It is believed there were some frosts on the low grounds in the town every month of the year. On the evening of June 6th (or 8th) snow fell so as to fairly whiten the ground. By authority of the General Court, the question whether it was expedient to separate the district of Maine from Massachu- setts, in order to form an independent state, was this year (1816) twice brought before the people of the several towns, and oa both occasions the people of Bristol gave their voice in the neg- ative. May 20th the vote was 13 for, and 37 against separation, and Sept. 6th, 76 for, and 142 against separation. To determine the result of this vote, and form a constitution, if the decision should be in the affirmative, the law provided for holding a con- vention in Brunswick; and Wm. Chamberlain was chosen dele- gate. The convention was held, but the separation was not etfected. The terrritory of the town being extensive, and many obliged to travel a great distance to reach the centre, many plans for dividing it had often been talked of, but one of them was for the first time submitted to a vote of the citizens, Oct. 15, 1817, but it was rejected by a vote of 42 in favor, and 60 against it. The next year, JSTov. 2, 1818, a proposition to divide the town by the old parish lines of Walpole, Harrington and Broad C(jve was submitted to vote and rejected. History of Bristol and Bremen. 419 This year the town voted to send no representative to the General Court, for the reason, probably, that each town was now required to pay its own representatives, they having been paid several years before this by the state. The question of separation from Massachusetts again came up, July 26, 1819, and the decision in the town was in favor of the measure by 80 yeas, and 50 nays. The reason of this change in the public sentiment, is found in the fact that by a recent change in a law of congress, vessels sailing from one state to another were not required to make regular entries and clearances, as they had formerly been, though not when passing froTU port to port in the same state. The business between the seaport towns and Boston was im- mense, and those engaged in it under the old regulation derived an advantage from their political relations to Massachusetts. By the new regulation this was done away with. The question of separation having been decided by a sufS- cient majority of the voters of the state, delegates to form a constitution for the state were chosen Sept. 20th, the individuals selected being Samuel Tucker, William McClintock, and John Fossett. Plans for dividing the town were again agitated and twice rejected in the year 1821. A Satinet manufactory that was established at the mills in 1822, by Messrs. Benjamin and Oakman Ford, two gentlemen of en- terprise and experience from Massachusetts, richly deserves to be commemorated, though the enterprise was not ultimately successful. The article turned out by them was considered of good quality ; and considerable business was done for some time, but the manufacture was not found to be sufficiently re- munerative to become permanent. Previous to this time, ever since the incorporation of the town, the poor had been supported in separate families in dif- ferent parts of the town, as might be agreed upon, but at the April meeting of 1823, it was decided to keep them together; and John Bearce contracted to support and clothe them, and also supply them with tobacco and snuflE" for $550. The number to be supported is not known. Dr. Marius How died ISTov. 30th, 1822. He was born in Worcester, Mass., April 9th, 1773, and studied medicine there with Pr. Willard. He came to Bristol before the close of the 420 HisxoET OF Bristol akd Bremen. last ceil tury, aud taught a scliool for some time, until Lis medi- cal practice was sufficient to yield him a support. April 30th, 1801, he was married to Betsey Sproul daughter of Wm. Sproul, of the neighborhood called " The Meadows," and estabhshcd his residence near the old meeting-house in Walpole. He was rather a portly gentleman, as the writer re- members him, with an agreeable person aud manner, and was considered an excellent physician, until he allowed the love of strong drink to get the mastery of him. It is believed he was the first regularly educated physician who came to reside perma- nently in the place, unless Dr. Foster be an exception, who resided some time at the Mills, but of whom little is now known. Dr. How's popularity as a man and citizen was shown by his election as the first captain of the artillery company, as before mentioned (p. 408). Dr. John F. Gardiner came here from Massachusetts some time before the death of Dr. How, and resided at the Mills. He was popular as a physician, and interested himself in the public schools, occasionally serving as a member of the super- intending committee of the schools, but continued here only a few years. He removed with his family to Lynn, Mass. The summer of the year 1823 was exceedingly dry ; and late in the season a disastrous fire occurred in the northern part of the town of Wiscasset, which spread over many acres, de- stroying the crops in the fields, aud many buildings, and greatly distressing the people thus "burned out." The select- men of Bristol, in view of these facts, called a town meeting to consider the subject; and by almost a unanimous vote it was decided to appropriate $300 for the benefit of the sufferers, and places of deposit were also appointed to receive donations of produce for the same purpose. Wm. Mclntyre usually known as Squire Mclntyre, died about this time. His father, Wm. Mclntj^re sr., came here from the St. George's river, and settled on the neck, formerly called Orr's neck, and recently owned by James BlaisdeH Little is now known of him except that he died at compara- tively an early age, aud that his widow subsequently married Thomas Fletcher, and continued to reside on the same place. Wm. Mclntyre (second of the name) was born probably be- ' Eaton's Annals Warren, 48,410. History of Bristol and Bremen. 421 fore 1750, and was married to Susan or Susanna Simonton, Sept. 28tli, 1773. In the revolutionary war lie acquired some mili- tary distinction, and was often called Major Mclntyre. In 1796 lie represented the town in the general court, and in 1799 was appointed a justice of the peace, and was lAvice reappointed to the same ofhco at intervals of seven years, as was then the cus- tom. He continued to perform the duties of the office to the general satisfaction until debilitated by age. He was a man of excellent character and good standing in society ; and became deeply interested in the religions movement under the Freewill Baptists, just at the close of the last century. Yet the following anecdote was told of him by Mrs. Susan (Child) Fox in New Loudon, Ct., in 1848, she being then in her 80th year. It is given as illustrating one phase of society at that time. Mrs. Fox's father, Capt. Thomas Child, was engaged in the "West India trade, and bis family resided at the Falls. Her mother being out of health, it was determined that she should accompany her husband in a voyage to the West Indies; and the family was left in the daughter's care, she being the oldest of the children. One evening, on a stormy night in mid-winter, some gentlemen in the neighborhood were having a " drunken frolic " (her own words) and something was said about giving Susan Child a little fright by way of sport. Some said she could not be frightened; and the result was a bet in regard to it, and Major Mclntyre and Major McKown volunteered to make the experiment. She had with her an Indian boy, named ISed, and the children of the family, her brother Arthur, then but a child, being sick. It was near midnight when the two men on horseback, riding up rapidly stopped before the door, and demanded to be admitted. She refused, saying, she had a sick child in the house, and they could not come in. They boister- ously insisted; but she called earnestly for "E"od to bring the pistols," declaring "by the powei-s" "she would make an eye- let hole through somebody " if they did not desist. They were obliged to leave; but how the bet was decided she did not know. The gentlemen named sought to keep the thing secret as possible ; but were greatly mortified as it gradually became known. Mrs. Fox, at the same interview, gave the following account of her father, Capt. Thomas Child, mentioned above. At her 422 History of Bristol and Bremen. earliest recollection the family lived in JSTewport, R. I., and her fixther held some office in connection with the British army or navy, though his sympathies were altogether with his country. For some reason they removed to Bridgewater, Mass., and Capt. C. engaged in business as a merchant.^ He had acquired a large property, and at one time loaned the government 010,000, " in silver dollars," receiving therefor continental bills, which soon became utterly worthless, and Mrs. F. and sisters afterwards used many of them in " doing up their hair." Subsequently the family removed, first to Wiscasset and then to Pemaquid. Deacon Wm. Burns died May 13th, 1821, aged 87 years and 6 months. His father, and family came to Pemaquid under Col. Dunbar, about 1729 or 1730, and received from him a lot of land there when the general distribution was made, as before described. Being dissatisfied with the land assigned him he purchased a lot of Waldo at Muscongus harbor, on which the family afterwards lived, except for limited periods, when driven off by the Indians. At one time, about 1743 or 1744, to 1748, the family lived in Scituate, Mass., but returned in 1748. He (the father), was present at the capture of Louisburg as captain of a transport (p. 290). He died in Dec, 1750 and his wife in March, 1755. Deacon Wm. Burns was born, Nov. 12th, 1733, and Jan. 11th, 1763, was married to Mary Maxwell, who died just four years afterwards, on the anniversary of their marriage. He then married, as his second wife, Sept. 23d, 1767, EUzabeth Young of Harrington, who was the mother of most of his children. For his third wife, he married Mrs. Margaret (Full- erton) McClintock, mother of Wm. McClintock, Esq., who still (1873) survives at the age of nearly 95 years. Deacon Burns was a man of much prominence in his day, and served the town many years, as clerk, treasurer, and selectman. He lived on the old homestead at Muscongus harbor, and, it is believed, owned the grist and saw mills there, which probably were erected by his father. In early times the ti'avelled road from Pound pond followed up the shore to Muscongus harbor, and thus by Burns's house to Greenland cove, where the old meeting house stood, and so onto Broad cove. As late as 1816, this road from 'lie (lied, October 19, 1794, in bis 53d year. — (Tombstone.) a History of Bristol and Bremen. 423 Muscongus to Broad cove was much used. The town meetiuo- was often held at his house. ^ A few very old apple trees still staudiug on the place may have beeu planted by the senior Burns, hut it is believed by many that they belong to an earlier period. Other trees of a similar character are found on the place of David Chamberlain, Esq., at Bound pond. A few years ago, apples from these trees' were exhibited at an agricultural fair. Joseph Burns, brother of the above, was boru March 23d, 1737. During the Indian wars, he raised a company for the general defense, of which he was appointed either captain or lieutenant, and his commission (it is believed) is still preserved. According to a tradition in the family, he was killed in the time of the revolutionary war at a place called Mare's Brook, by an Indian who was concealed among the thick branches of a tree near which he was passing.' The first Methodist society in the town was formed a little before the close of the last century, but the names of the mem- bers are not now known. That famous apostle of JSTew England Methodism, Eev. Jesse Lee, was the first preacher of the denomination who visited the place. According to his journal, his first visit to this place was made Nov. 23d, 1795, though he had passed from Portland by way of ISTewcastle to Thomaston two years before, preaching frequently as he had opportunity. At the date just given, he came down from New- castle, probably on the invitation of Col. Wm. Jones, who had become much disalFected towards his Presbyterian brethren.'-^ Probably he came down no further than the residence of Col. Jones (in "Walpole) where, or in the vicinity, he preached a ser- mon from the text 2 Peter, iii, 14. He tarried not even for a night, but returned to Nobleboro to preach again in the evening at the house of a Mr. Bust. The next day he preached at New Milford (Alna) and then continued his journey westward. The " Bath and Union circuit " is first mentioned in the Conference Minutes of. the church in 1798, in which it is be- lieved this town was included ; and " a class " had been formed in Bristol at least as early as this. Bobert Tallaley and Aaron 1 Town Record ; Burns Family Record ; Josepli Bums, McClintock Family Ee- cord ; Lincoln Report, p. 162. "^ Letter of Rev. Wm. Riddell, 1847. 424 History of Bristol and Bremen. Humphrey were the preachers in charge of this circuit. The number of members for the circuit is given as 100. The name of this town first appears in the Minutes of 1803 ; and from the fact that it is credited with 200 members, we con- clude they belonged to a " circuit," and not to the town of Bristol. The minister of the circuit was Comfort C. Smith. The number of members reported in 1804, was 188. Samuel Hillman being the preacher in charge. In 1805 the number reported was 158, and in 1806, only 149. At this time, and for many years afterwards, the towu-houso at the Mills was used as a place of worship ; and here persons still living remember to have heard Jesse Lee and Joshua Soule, and other prominent preachers of that day. ^ From 1797 to 1801, Joshua Taylor was presiding elder of this district, and the events occurred in regard to salaries before described (p, 395). During this period an earnest pamphlet controversy took place between Rev. Nathaniel Ward, Congre- gational minister of New Milford [Alna] and E.ev. Mr. Taylor, on the respective merits of the Calvinistic and Arminian creeds. Both sides were well sustained; and to students of Divinity the pamphlets four in number are worth reading at the present day. Mr. Ward, who began the controversy, was a graduate of Dart- mouth College in the class of 1792, having as classmates the two distinguished men, Rev. President Appletou of Bowdoin College, and Rev. President Porter of the Andover Theological Seminary. After closing his ministry in Alna, he returned to New Hampshire, where he was greatly respected, and for many years before his death, which occurred at Brentwood, Feb. 24th, 1860, was familiarly known as " father Ward." His age at the time of his death was a little over 90.^ Mr. Taylor was born in Princeton, New Jersey, in 1768. He early became connected with the Methodist church, and in 1791 was received into the conference, and in the regular course of his ministry came to this district as stated above. In 1806 he located and opened a private school in the city of Portland where he ever afterwards resided. He usually preached in some neighboring church on the sabbath, and as a citizen was greatly respected. In 1824 he was chosen one of the electors of president and vice-president for Maine, and cast his vote ' Hon. James Erskiue. '' Iiulcpcndcut, Marcli, 1800. HiSTOET OF BniBTOL AND BREMEN. 425 for John Quincy Adams. He died March 20th, 1861, at the great age of 93 years. Though a Methodist society was thus early formed in the town, and had never been left for a single year without a min- ister, they were content for many years to worship, in the town house, in private houses, school houses, or other places, as occa- sion might oiFer. Late in the summer of 1823, the first Methodist church in the town was dedicated by the Eev. David Hutchinson, pre- siding elder of the district, Eev. James L. Bishop being the preacher in charge. The enterprise was begun some two years before by Mr. Elijah Crooker, and others. MBTH. E. CHlXRCn, BKISTOL MILLS. The house was in the old meeting house style of ISTew England, and stood on the high hill a mile north of the Mills village. Of course it was soon found that a great mistake had been made in the location ; but it was not until 1868, that a decided effort was made for its removal to its present position. This year, under the superintendence of the Eev. S. H. Beale, then preacher in charge, it was taken down and removed, or rather a new church was constructed from the materials of the old, where it now stands in the north part of the village. 54 426 History of Bristol and Bremen. Many years before a substantial parsonage had been erected in the immediate vicinity for the minister in charge of tlie station. The new church was dedicated in 1869 by the Rev. Charles B. Dunn, presiding elder of the district. After the dismission of the Rev. Mr. Belden, in the time of the war of 1812, for some ten years, there had been no settled pastor of the Congregational church ; but one or the other of the two pulpits at Harrington and Walpole was supplied, much of the time, by dift'erent ministers from abroad, some of them being sent for limited periods by the Maine missionary society. Rev. ISTathaniel Chapman, a graduate of the Bangor Theo- logical Seminary, began his labors here in 1824, preaching alternately at Walpole and Harrington ; and was ordained as regular pastor of the church, Sept. 15th, 1825.^ The following churches were represented in the council at the ordination, viz., Chesterville, Hallowell, Bath, Waldoboro, Alna, Boothbay, and Thomaston. The services at the ordination were as follows, viz. — Introductory Prayer by Rev. Jotham Sewall. Sermon by Prof. John Smith. Right Hand of Fellowship by Rev. D. M. Mitchell. Address to the church by " J. W. EUingwood. Charge to Pastor by " S. Johnson. ^ Mr. Chapman's services were very acceptable to his people and to the citizens generally; and he added much to his popu- larity by the interest he took in the public schools, often serving as chairman of the superintending committee of the town, and, as such, aiding in the examination of teachers, and visiting the schools in the diflereut districts. He was dismissed, at his own request, in April, 1833. Some time before this he was much injured in one knee by a kick from a horse, and was for many weeks entirely laid aside from his labors. After leaving Bristol, he preached in several other places, al- ways maintaining the same elevated character as an earnest and judicious Christian minister. He died in Gardiner (it is be- ' A letter liom Kev. W. S. Spaulding (May 28th, 1871), gives tlie date of Mr. C's ordination as Seijt. lltli, 1824, but in the author's notes, copied several years ago from the church record, it is as given above. ■' Records of the Church which begin July 23d, 1796. History of Bristol and Bremen.' 427 lleved) ouly a few years ago, but was brought to this place and interred in the Walpole burying ground, in the midst of many of his former parisliioners. Alexander Erskine came to Bristol from Boston with Shem Browne in 1747, to assist in making a survey of the Pemaquid Proprietor's claim, and through his influence, not long after- wards came his brother ISTinon ;' and from these have descended all of the name in the place. Ninon died, June 15th, 1795, at the age of 90 years. It is believed they were born in the north of Ireland. The present Hon. James Erskine is a grandson of Alexander; and himself and two sisters, aged respectively 95 and 90, are all that are now living of a family of 11 children. He has long been a prominent man in the town and active in all its aftairs, political, military and civil. In the militia, hav- ing attained the rank of colonel, he has long been familiarly de- signated by that title by his fellow citizens. In town affairs, he has at different times, filled nearly every ofiice, has served as county commissioner, and commissioner of state valuation, and has been elected to bpth branches of the state legislature. In 1872 he was chosen elector of president and vice-president, and cast his vote for Ulysses S. Grant. Two of his brothers, Alexander and Ebeuezer, married daughters of Samuel Saunders of whom the following interest- ing story is told. These daughters were his only children. Saunders was an Englishman, born probably in London, but came when quite young to this country. He was a man of little energy or force of character, but became notorious for a singular adventure that happened to him in the Indian wars. During the French and Indian war, the same day the Hiltons were attacked by the Indians at Broad Cove (ante, p. 247-249). Samuel Saunders and a young man by the name of Hutchins, both of them belonging to Capt. Nickels Miller's garrison on the west bank of the Damariscotta river, were at work in the woods at a distance, and were attacked by some Indians, and Hutchins killed and Saunders taken prisoner. Taking him with them they travelled some distance towards Broad Cove, ' Pronounced Ninyon. The name is always now written Erskine, but formerly it was often written Asians. It is thus on Ninon's tombstome in Walpole ceme- tery. In the first mention of Alexander's name we have met with it is written Erskine. (Lincoln Bep., 1811, p. 59). 428 History of Bristol and Bremen. when the rej^ort of guus was heard io the direction of the latter place, and the Indians greatly desired to hurry on so as to share in the expected plunder. Placing Saunders with his back against a tree, and binding his hands, they tied him fast by means of a blanket, and then hastened onward. Probably their work was not very well done, for after being left alone he soon found means to free his hands, and release himself. Many years afterwards, he delighted to tell the story of his adventure, and would laughingly remark, " they thought they had a fool in the halter but found him to be a rogue.'" A brother of Sa.unders, named William, was a merchant in Loudon, and at one time largely interested in the fisheries on the coast of ISTova Scotia. He became very wealthy and in his will made provision for the payment of an annuity of £60 (about $300) to his brother in America, or his widow or children, so long as any one of them should live. It is pleasant to be able to add that the annuity was paid regularly according, to the will, during the life of Mr. Saunders, and afterwards continued to his daughters, the two Mrs. Erskine, and ceased only when the last one died a few years ago. During the war of 1812, payment was necessarily suspended, but, on the return of peace, the whole of the back payments was received at one time. The Friends or Quakers first made their appearance at Broad Cove soon after the close of the revolutionary war ; and in 1784 they caused their presence to be recorded by petitioning to be released from paying the ordinary "ministerial tax." They were not successful. Aaron Lancaster, David Sands, and John Wigham, the latter, a man from the north of England, were greatly instrumental about this time in disseminating their principles in various parts of the state ; and the two last named were probably here. In 1795 their numbers here had so increased that a meeting for worship was regularly organized. The first meeting was held at the house of Isaac Lincoln, Sept. 9th, 1795. Three years later, in 1798, they were strong enough to erect a small meeting-house, the laud for the house and a graveyard adjacent having been purchased of George Rhodes. In 1801 the society was constituted a preparation meeting by the proper authority, and seemed to be in every way prosperous. At this ' This story of Saunders, wliicli was never before committed to writing, is told witli many variations as to the attending circumstances, but the above is proba- bly substantially true. History of Bristol and Bremen. 429 time, or a few years later, it numbered more than fifty members- but never made any further advance. Soon by deaths and re- movals from the place, their numbers began to diminish, and about 1826 their meetings entirely ceased; and for many years there has not been a single member in the place. The meeting- house having greatly decayed, was taken down many years ago, but the graveyard is still cared for by the society in Vassalboro.' As it was not their custom to place gravestones or monuments of any kind at the last resting places of their departed ones, even the graveyard possesses little interest, and attracts little attention. Ezekiel Farrar, Wm. Keen, Hannah Farrar, John Donnell, James Warner, Wm. Hilton and wife, and Peter Hussey were prominent members of the society during the lat- ter years of its existence. Peter Hussey was a man of consider- able influence in the community, and was a member of the board of selectmen for several years (1820-1822). ^ The Freewill Baptist church which, it is believed, was form- erly organized in the town, (p. 380) was not very efliciently sup- ported nor long maintained ; but their numbers were considerably increased by another revival in the spring and summer of 1822, under the ministry chiefly of Pev. Mr. Pratt. But for want of pastoral care, or proper organization, the flock was again soon scattered, many of the members connected themselves with other denominations, particularly the Methodist ; and the Freewill Baptist church was no more heard of. Early in the summer of the year 1824, by a spontaneous burst of patriotism, it was resolved to celebrate the anniversary of the nation's birth in a manner worthy of the occasion ; but as July 4th fell on a Sunday, the public services and dinner were very properly appointed for Monday the 6th. Preparations were begun sometime beforehand, especially for the public dinner to be served in the town -house. When the day arrived it was ushered in by the usual honors, and at the proper hour a large audience assembled in the Methodist church near the Mills, when after prayer by the Eev. Nathaniel Chapman, and reading the Declaration of Independence by Arnold Blaney, ' Town Records. Tradition. Letter from Joseph H. Cole of Vassalboro, (dated 11th month, 14th, 1859) who kindly searched the records of the monthly meeting, and thus supplied most of the information above given. Greenleaf'a Eceles. Sketches, p. 258. 430 History of Bristol and Bremen. Esq., Dr. Albert 8. Clarke, who had then recently eonae to the place, gave an eloquent address carefully, prepared for the occasion. After the conclusion of the exercises at the church, a large company collected at the town-house, and did justice to the dinner there provided. In the mean time a detachment from the artillery company, with one of their pieces, stationed on the hill a little south of the town-house, honored the occasion in the usual authorized mode. The dinner was served by Mr. Elisha Clark, who kept a public-house at that time,' CHAPTER XXXni. From the Incorporation of Bremen in 1828 to the beginning OF TUB Civil War. Temperance Societies — The Wasliingtonian movement — Erection of Chvuoliea at Roimd Pond — Several ministers of the Congregational church — Hon. James Drummond — Division of surplus funds by the government — The Aroostook war — Rev. Enos Baxter^Eev. Moses McFarland — Hon. John Fossett — Israel Cox — Wm. Chamberlain — Patrick and Roger Hanly — Dr. Joseph Washburn — Robert Paul — Vote on proposed changes in the Constitution of the state — Incor- poration of Damariscotta — Samuel L. Hinds — James Yates — Mrs. Ruth Barn- aby. No place in all the country in the early times probably suf- fered more from the giant evil of intemperance than this town of Bristol; and the fact had long been felt and mourned; and when in the spring of 1828 the formation of temperance societies began to be generally advocated, very many here hailed the plan with joy, and immediately resolved to lend their aid to the cause. Meetings were held by the friends of the movement several Sunday evenings at the Mills for the public reading of 1 Of some dozen or more persona who remembered the occasion here referred to, and were inquired of as regards the year in which it occurred, there was foimd a perplexing disagreement, nearly all putting it one or tioo, and some four years later than here given. The fact that it occuri-ed on Monday, July 5th, determines the ytar l)eyond controversy, to say nothing of other evidence in possession of the author, Su'imid W. Johnson, M. I). Hun. E. Clark, Bath. History of Bristol and Brejien. 431 Dr. Lymau Beecher's sermons on intemperance, then recently published ; and at the close of these readings, a meeting was called for the formation of a temperance society. This meeting was held about the last of August in the town-house, and was opened by prayer by the Rev. Enos Baxter. Several addresses were made, and a paper oli'ered with a proper pledge of total abstinence, which at the time received 32 signatures, and many more at a later period. The following are the names of the first signers. Phillips Hatch sr., Wm. Hunter, James Drum- moud, Phillip Crooker, Albert S. Clark, Samuel Bearce, Wm. Erskine, Henry Erving, Andrew Baker, Phillips Hatch jr., Waterman Hatch, James Blunt, Samuel Erskine, Wm. Baker, John Hanly 3d., Thos. Baker, Henry Hunter, John Johnston, John Hatch, James Varney, John E. Bffxter, Samuel McCobb, Jacob T. Little, Wm. McClintock, Sewall Pearson, Alex. Ers- kine, Erastus Jones, Aaron Hatch, Prince Crooker, Henry Wentworth, John S. Pearson, and Henry Erskine. The movement thus begun proved the beginning of a great reform in this, as in other parts of the country ; meetings for the promotion of the cause were held very frequently, and per- sons solicited to sign the pledge until the list of " cold water men " or " teetotallers " included not a small part of the citi- zens of the town. Here, as elsewhere, it was found that to sign the pledge did not always save the person from subsequent ruin ; yet a new and purer public sentiment was created which has been of inestimable benefit. At a later period, about 1840, occurred the Washingtonian movement, which had for its special object the recovery of such as had already yielded themselves more or less to habits of intem- perance ; and for a time it had good success, and accomplished much good, even if all that was expected by the zealous leaders was not secured. The effect of the first movement on the public sentiment was manifested Sept. 10th, 1832, by a vote of the citizens recom- mending to the selectmen to grant no licenses for the year ensu- ing for retailing ardent spirits; and the next year, April 10th, their recommendations were changed to instructions. At the same time they by vote promised to sustain their faithful public ser- vants, if they should be put to any trouble in consequence of their doino-s. Since that day very many in the town have con- tinued their interest in the cause ; and, probably, no place in 432 History of Bristol and Bremen. the whole country has profited more than this by the great temperance reformation. Besides the Methodist church at the Mills, there are two others in the town, one at the Ealls village, and the other at Bound Pond. That at the Falls was erected in 1837, and dedicated to the worship of God in October of that year, by the Eev. Mark Trafton. The Round Pond Methodist E. church was erected in 1853 ; when the enterprise was begun it was the wish of many of the UNION cnuiicn, round tond. other denominations in the place that all should unite in build- ing a single union Ijouse ; but the Methodists chose to act sepa- rately, and proceeded to put up their house. It was dedicated by the Rev. A. Church. The members of other denominations in the place the same year, emulating the zeal of the Methodist people, erected in the immediate vicinity another, called a Union church. It was dedicated late in the year 1853 by the Rev. Wm. A. Drew. Tlie old Harrington meeting-house (page 342) was taken down and remodeled the same year, and its location slightly changed. It was rededicated in January 1854, sermon by Eev. Wm. A. Drew. Like the preceding it is a Union church. 434 HiSTOBT OF Bbistol and Bremen. tides on the subject from his pen appeared in a Boston paper. Latterly he has resided in South Boston ; and his great work, entitled the " Gyles Memorial," is well known, and admired. Mr. Vinton was succeeded by Eev. Charles Morgridge, as " stated supply," who continued his services until the summer of 1854. The first church in the town, we have seen, was Presbyterian in form, and probably in communion with the Boston Presby- tery, but subsequently (p. 381) became Congregational. Its records were lost in the burning of Rev. Mr. McLean's house, in May 1796; and their present records begin July 23d, of that year. It was of course for the whole town, but towards the close of the year 1854, (Dec. 14) the members of the church living near the Mills village took measures for calling a council and organizing a second church, to be located at that place. The council decided in favor of the movement, although there was considerable opposition from some of the members of the church in Walpole ; and the new church of thirteen members was duly organized. The following entry upon the record of the church is suificiently explicit, as it regards the feelings and views of those most active in the movement. " The members of the Congregational church in Bristol, re- siding at the Mills, having succeeded, by the assistance of per- sons in this community, and with some aid from the missionary society, in sustaining Congregational preaching all the time for more than three years ; and feeling assured that the continu- ance in this place of the ordinances of the gospel by our order depends upon the continuance of this effort, and seeing no pro- spect of their returning to worship with the church in Walpole, we are desirous of being organized into a church by ourselves ; and at a meeting of several of the members of the church re- siding at the Mills on the evening of Dec. l4th, they voted to apply to the church for a dismission and letter of recommenda- tion to the council that they may be organized into a Congre- gational church." The organization of the church was effected Jan. 31, 1855; and the same day Pev. Ealph Fairchild was ordained as an Evangelist and constituted regular pastor of the church. He had already supplied the pulpit several months. He was a faithful servant of his master, but was called to resign both his labors and his life the July following. History of Bristol and Bremen. 435 The expectation that the new church and society would be able to sustain a pastor with little or no aid from abroad, was destined to disappointment; and very soon we find the two churches were obliged to unite in the support of a pastor, who preached alternate sabbaths at Walpole and the Mills. A part of the time while the church at the Mills were able to maintain a separate pastor, the old church united with the church in Newcastle for the support of a preacher. Eev. Mr. Cushman was employed in this way. Other ministers that supplied the pulpit at Walpole and the Mills, employed at different times and under different arrangements, were Rev. T. A. Merrill, J. M. Parsons, Rev. H. E. Russell, Rev. Mr. Campbell, Rev. S. "W". Pearson, and Rev. W. S. Spaulding. The organization of the second church at the outset was a matter of doubtful expediency, as has been fully shown by the experiment; and in January 1871, after much consultation, it was determined to unite the two Bristol churches in one, to be called hereafter the Consjreo'ational church of Bristol.' Hon. James Drummond, a native of the town and a much esteemed citizen, died, after a short illness, January 5, 1837, aged 63 years. His father, a Scotchman, has already been mentioned (ante p. 353). The son was born March 13, 1774, and received such an education as the very poor schools of that day and that place, were able to give. The chief opening for earnest and ambitious young men of the place at that time was to engage as seamen, and for this business he offered himself when about nineteen or twenty, and made his first voyage be- fore the mast to the "West Indies with Capt. Thos. Johnston, son of the Scotchman of this name. By industry and fidelity to every trust, and especially by avoiding all the common vices of sai4ors, he early secured the confidence of his employers and prepared the way for a rapid promotion in his chosen employment. While yet quite young he attained the position of captain of a small vessel, of which he had made himself owner in part; and so much success at- tended his efforts that he continued in the business many years. In 1812 he was engaged in building a small vessel, chiefly on his own account; and the declaration of war that year seemed likely to involve him in financial ruin. Late in the autumn, the hull, not yet entirely finished, was sunk in a conveuiout ' Letter of Rev. W, S. Spaulding. ^36 History of Bristol and Bremen. place in the Daraariscotta river, and remained there until the close of the war. In the spring of 1815, peace being again re- stored, the vessel was raised and put in good order; and he took charge of her as captain. Proceeding southward m her to " Savannah he engaged in the carrying trade between that place andLiverpool, and continued it almost without interruption some seven years, until 1822. At this time, finding himself in pos- session of a moderate competency, he returned home, and en- gaged in the business of his farm and mills, which he had pur- chased many years before, and spent here the rest of his life. He died at his home surrounded by his family in the midst of one of the most furious snow storms ever known in this re- gion ; and the roads were so obstructed that only a few persons were able to be present at his funeral. Indeed it was said that many of his neighbors did not even hear of his death until after the funeral. Mr. Drummond's character as a man and a Christian gentle- man was one of rare excellence ; and he is probably better re- membered in the place than any other man of that day. With an impressive person, and ready address, he would grasp the hand of a friend, on an accidental meeting, with a heartiness that could be inspired only by a kiud and generous nature ; and the people of the place, after he came to reside permanently with them, showed their appreciation of him by frequent elections to the various offices of the town as selectman, treasurer, overseer of the poor, etc. He was always ready to engage in any judicious enterprise for the improvement of the place, contributing freely of his time and money. For many years he was a member of the board of trustees of Lincoln Academy at Newcastle. His regard for justice and right was a feeling ever present with him ; and amid the dreadful sufferings of his last sickness, when near his end, he remembered a small debt which he owed a poor neighbor, and specially charged his son who stood by his bed- side, to attend to it. In the division of political parties of the day he was an earnest and outspoken whig, and, as such, was several times elected a member of the state senate, in which he served with credit to him- self, and advantage of his constituents. lie held to his politi- cal opinions with the same earnestness that he manifested in everything else, but he indulged in no mere partizan bitterness towards his opponents. He was long an active and influential HisTOKT OP Bristol and Bremen. 437 member of the Congregational church, and contributed liberally towards its support, and that of the various benevolent enter- prises connected with it ; but was always ready to appreciate true christian character under any other name. His education obtained at school was limited, but by sub- sequent reading and study, and a large intercourse with the world, he had stored his mind well with useful knowledge, and attained a high degree of mental culture. His views on any subject were always remarkably definite and clear; and when occasion required, in a deliberative assembly, presented with much force and vigor; though, while a member of the senate, he never chose to make any special display of his talents.' He was three times married, and at his death left a widow and several children. Three sons graduated at Bowdoin College, Thomas, in 1830, now Judge of the United States circuit court in Illinois, James jr., in 1836, and Joseph P., in 1843. James jr. studied for the ministry, and was many years pastor of a Con- gregational church in Maine, but subsequently removed to Springfield, Mass., where he died greatly lamented, in 1861, aged 47. Joseph P. also became a clergyman, and died in 1857, aged 33. In the early part of the year 1836, the United States treasury was found to be so plethoric that some extra mode of depletion was needed, and June 23d, it was decided to distribute the surplus among the several states, according to their popula- tion, the states binding themselves to make return whenever the money should be called for by the general government. The legislature of Maine decided to accept the money thus falling to the state; and passed a law to distribute it among the several towns of the state, according to the population, on condition that it should be returned, if called for, on sixty days' notice. An agent was appointed to act in behalfof the town in receiving the money and giving a receipt for the same. It was at first in- tended that the money thus received should be loaned on proper security, and the interest applied for the benefit of the schools ; but eventually it was distributed per capita among the people of the town, in accordance with a resolution of the legislature. ' The author remembers well a copy of Rees's Cyclopedia in his library, which used to command his admiration, as the only large work of the kind he had ever seen. LeMer from, Hon, TJios. Drummond. 438 History of Bristol and Bremen. The " Aroostook war," which occurred in the latter part of the year 1838, and beginning of 1839, though fortunately not at- tended with bloodshed, was the occasion of no small excitement in all this region. The troubles began two years earlier, by the unjustifiable interference of the New Brunswick authorities with the agents of this state who were in the discharge of their du- ties on a portion of the disputed Aroostook territory. First the New Brunswick authorities arrested the agent of Maine who was engaged in taking a census of the population ; and the mat- ter was scarcely settled, when it was discovered that trespassers from New Brunswick were actively engaged in cutting and re- moving valuable lumber from a part of the territory in dispute. The people of Maine naturally thought this a little too cool; — and measures were at once taken to assert the rights of the state. When the facts came to the knowledge of the governor of the state, Hon. John Fairfield, he addressed a communication to the legislature then in session ; and means were taken to arrest the trespassers without delay. This provoked opposition from the other party and several arrests were made on both sides, many hard words were spoken by the otficials representing the two governments, and real war seemed likely to ensue. The legislature of the state passed a resolution for the better protec- tion of the public lands, and appropriated $800,000 to carry out its provisions; at the same time a general order was issued for drafting 10,000 of the militia of the state to be held in readiness for a forced march at any moment. The draft was made here, Feb. 27th, and was attended with much excitement. It called for every ninth man of the whole militia of the state. The following names were drafted from the Harrington company, viz : Asa Thompson, John Thorp, Eliph- alet Thorp, George McFarland, Austin Jones, Benj. Gammage, "Wm. Martin jr., John Blunt, Hiram Sproul, Zacheus Norwood, Franklin Bailey, Robert Davis, John Curtis, Morton Johnston Isaac P. Fosset, Solomon D. Yates, Samuel Lord, Michael Thompson, Wm. J. Russell. Afterwards, Enos Jones was sub- stituted for John Curtis. ' In Augusta, the capital of the state, a volunteer company was hastily formed, and actually began their march to the seat of ' Orderly Book of tlie Harrington company. The old orderly book of the Wal- pole company has no record on the subject, and no information has been obtained of what was done in Bremen. History of Bristol and Bremen. 439 expected war, followed by some companies of militia ; but those drafted from this region were never called out. After several weeksof suspense the whole force was discharged, thedifficultyin regard to the Aroostookterritoryhavingbeentemporarilyadjust- ed by the proper authorities. The whole matter in dispute was afterwards settled by the Webster-Ashburton treaty between England and the United States in 1842.' Rev. Euoa Baxter died, Sept. 8th, 1853, aged 74 years, a local preacher of the Methodist E. church. Mr. Baxter, was born in Methuen, Massachusetts, near the present site of the city of Lowell, May 2d, 1774, but came to this town when about 20 or 21 years of age, and after- wards resided here. His father and elder brother died in the army during the revolutionary war, and his mother very soon afterwards. The children, of whom there were five or six, were left very destitute ; and Enos, the subject of our notice, was indentured to a farmer in the neighborhood, who wishing to make as much as possible out of his ward, treated him with much severity and even cruelty, allowing him only three weeks to attend school, all the years of his service, and this at a time when he was nearly disabled by an accident and almost blind from an injury to one of his eyes. Feeling himself thus deeply wronged, when about 20 years old he took the responsibility of leaving hie master, and proceeded to Salem where he embarked on board a coasting vessel bound for Bristol, commanded by Capt. John Elliot. Finding employment here he remained in the place, and in 1796 was married to Jane Elliot, daughter of Capt. Simon Elliot, and soon afterwards purchased a farm near Bound Fond, on which his family continued to reside the rest of his life. Very probably he would have been little known but for the deep religious character he afterwards developed, and his zeal- ous labors continued through life in behalf of the cause he had espoused. . On the introduction of Methodism into the place, just at the close of the century, he was one of the earliest converts, and very soon connected himself with the church and entered upon a religious life with a fervor and earnestness altogether becom- ing a follower of Wesley. He took an active part in every thing pertaining to the interests of the church, and as early as- 1 North's History of Augusta, p. 593, 440 History of Bristol and Bremen. 1802 was licensed to preach.' This office he ever afterwards held, dischargiDg the duties it required conscientiously and tho- roughly without fee or reward from man, though to do so often required no little sacrifice. He preached almost constantly on the sahbath in some schoolhouse or other convenient place in the vicinity, and his consistent Christian life gave him no little influence. He had his farm to manage, and from it by incessant toil obtained the means to support his family, but was ever ready to attend to funerals even for families who had no claims upon him whatever, and this without expectation of re- ward iu any form. It was known to his neighbors that in some instances he did this when he felt obliged to hire a man to take his place in the field, or himself subsequently spend in the field hours that ought to be devoted to sleep and rest. Once, in the latter part of his life, having attended a funeral in the family of a friend a few miles distant, he was astonished a few days af- afterwards by receiving a bushel of wheat. The fact that it was remarked indicates the singularity of the incident. His first license as a local preacher, was given him, as we have seen, as early as 1802; and he was ordained deacon by' Bishop Asbury at the Monmouth conference in 1809, and elder by Bishop George in 1820. Working industriously on his farm six days in the week, we should do him great injustice to expect him to excel in his pul- pit perfomauces on the sabbath. His sermons — perhaps more properly his exhortations — were, however, delivered with such earnestness, and more than all, were supported by such a trans- parent Christian life, known and read of all men, that they fre- quently produced very considerable effect upon the minds and hearts of his hearers. With much native shrewdness, and a de- termined will, he went forward in the discharge of what he con- sidered his duty in total disregard of any popular clamor or idle talk of the world. When the first temperance society in the town was formed, he was present, and made the opening pjrayer, though for some reason, not now remembered, his name does not appear on the list of those who that day signed the pledge. Occasionally his conscientious adherence to duty, as he under- stood it, worked a little to his disadvantage. At a time when hay was scarce, and the price high, he sold ' Jiini.s'B Second Free Gift, i>. 33. History op Bristol and Bremen. 441 a considerable surplus he had on hand at ten dollars a ton, which he said he always considered a fair price for the article, and he would take no more because of the present scarcity. If afterwards, in a time of hay-famine, he had been a buyer of the article very probably he would have discovered the falsity of his theory of the true relation of buyer and seller. He was too in du strious to be particularly social ; but was esteem- ed as a good citizen, and a kind and obliging friend and neighbor. Habitually serious and earnest as he was, " rude fellows of the baser sort" did not often attempt to annoy him, but if some- times an individual ventured to do so, he was likely to get the worst of it. James Gwin, a neighbor of Baxter, manifested little regard for any kind of religion, but professed to believe in the doctrine of transmigration of souls; — meeting Baxter one day on the road, as he was driving a team with rather a heavy load, he thought to have a little sport, and, as he approached the team, began to pray in a loud voice " Good Lord, when thoQ callest the spirit of thy humble servant to pass to some other animal let it not be an ox, to be driven by Enos Baxter." Bax- ter instantly replied, " Amen, I always hated a lazy ox." Gwin was noted for his laziness and inefficiency, to say nothing of his love of strong drink. Mr. B. was three times married, and left several children, one of whom, John E. Baxter, is well known in the western part of the state as a man of business and a local preacher of the Methodist E. church. Many years ago he represented his native town of Bristol in the legislature, several years succes- sively. ' Reverend Moses McFarland, of Monville, died in the early part of the year of 1866, at the age of 84. He was born in Bristol in 1782, and belonged to the family of this name be- fore mentioned, (pp. 329, 331.) In the religious revival under the Freewill Baptists, at the close of the last century, he became interested in religious things and connected himself with the Freewill Baptist church, organized about that time. He at once began to take an active part in the religious meetings, and in 1805, was duly authorized, according to the forms of that church, to preach the gospel. 1 Rev. S. H. Beal, Zions Herald, Oct. 18, 1848. Letter of Kev. John E. Baxter. Personal recollection of writer. Wm. McClintock. Horatio N. Fossett. 56 442 History of Bristol and Bremen. About this time, or perhaps a little earlier, he made his way northward, far into the woods, and began the clearing of a farm, within the limits of the present town of Montville, which however was not then incorporated. Having provided himself with a log-house, he married a lady of his native place, Pa- tience Curtis (Oct. 20, 1805), to whom he had been previonsly engaged, and began life in earnest. Subsequently he removed a short distance to a place on the direct road from Belfast to the Kennebec, where in time] a small village grew up and is now known as McFarland's corner. Here he spent the rest of his days, carefully cultivating his farm during the week, and preaching the gospel freely on the sabbath, to such as werepleas- ed to hear him. .His education was poor, but he had some abil- ity as an extemporaneous speaker, and became in time very familiar with the simple text of the English Bible, so that his discoui'ees or exhortations were often interesting and etiective. Having lived some twenty years or more in communion with the Freewill Baptist chui'ch, about 1826, a considerable change took place in his religious views, and he became a XJniversalist. This change being recognized, a year or two afterwards, he be- came formally connected with the convention of this denomina- tion, and continued his labors on the sabbath as before, his par- ish extending from the Kennebec on the west to the Penobscot on the east. His services were alwaj's performed without stipu- lation as to payment; but he gratefully accepted the free otfer- ings of the people. Always and everywhere he maintained the same elevated Christian character; and was greatly respected and beloved even by those who were not of his own party or creed. He died at his home, his last hours being solaced by the presence and attention of children and grandchildren, and more than all, of his aged companion, with whom he had lived more than sixty years. ^ John Fossett, son of Alexander Fossett, was born March 4th, 1778, in the Long Cove district, and in early life followed the sea ; and having acted as captain of several vessels at different times, he was usually designated by this title. His education was only moderate, but. being distinguished for his practical common sense, he was often called to fill important offices in the town. Ho was a member of the convention to form the constitution of the state in 1819, and 12 or 13 years a member of the board of 1 Rev. Wm, A. Drc.w in tlie C4ospel Banner. Personal Eecollections. CAPT. JOHN FOSSETT, FROM A PAINTING AT THE AGE OF 20, ( 1798.) History of Bristol and Bremen. 443 selectmen, and three times a member of the legiahiture of the state. He also often tilled other important trusts. He was married to Polly Hanly, March 20th, 1800, and died March 20th, 1848, leaving several children and grandchildren. Ho was a grandson of the Scotchman, Alexander Fossett, pre- viously mentioned, {ante. p. 330). Henry Fossett, son of the first Alexander, and uncle of Capt. John, was a man of considerable distinction in his day. He was several years one of the selectmen of the town, and often filled other offices of trust. He died, Aug. 24th, 1823, aged 74 years. His place of residence was at the " Meadows." ^ Israel Cox was for many years a prominent man in the aflairs of the town. He was a descendant, probably in the fifth gene- ration, from Wm. Cox, one of the witnesses to the Indian deed to John Brown, in 1625. He was accustomed to say that Wm. Cox, witness to the Indian deed, was his great grandfather's father. He was born in this town in 1755, but the family re- moved to Beverly, Mass., when he was an infant, on account of the Indian troubles. They returned to Bristol, in 1767, and he spent the rest of his life here. He early followed the sea, and having attained the rank of captain, was afterwards always honored by the title. He married Jane Given, daughter of Ro- bert Given, about 1787, (published May 28, 1787,) and took up his residence at Brown's Cove, in the Long Cove school Dis- trict. Though inclined to be skeptical in his religious views, he was a man of very equable temperament, and honest and upright in his intercourse with the world. He was well read in the his- tory of Maine and New England generally, and indeed of the whole country, especially considering the scarcity of books, and the little interest taken in such subjects among his neighbors. He was first elected on the board of selectmen of the town in 1802, but was many times re-elected, the last time in 1825. He died April 3d, 1850, at the age of 94 years and 6 months. Wm. Chamberlain died Dec. 18th of this year, 1851, at the age of 86. He was born in Charlestowu, Mass., near the spot where the Bunker Hill monument now stands. He was nearly eleven years old when the Lexington fight took place, and well remembered many incidents in connection with it, which came under his own observation. His father and one or two bro- ' Formerly the name was soraetiinos written Fassett. 444 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. tbers were under arms the whole day. After the battle the British forces retreated into Charlestown,much to the terror of the families occupying the few houses then standing on the peninsula. As they came in, a shot was occasionally fired with- out any apparent object and without being noticed by the officers. His mother thought it best to seek some safer place for herself and the children she had with her, and all of them embraced an opportunity that offered to cross over to Maiden. As they were passing to the boat a little boy was shot dead near him on the shore, and, further off', an old man. He came to Bristol near the close of the last century as clerk to Thomas McClure, but subsequently purchased the farm in Bound Pond, now occupied by his son David. He was a man of sound mind, and the strictest integrity; and having received a good business education, he was often elected to office by his fellow citizens. From 1806 to 1824, in- clusive, he served as town clerk, and for an equal or longer period, as treasurer of the town. Once or twice he represented the town in the state legislature. He had a ready ear for music, and learned many of the tunes played by the bands of the British army in Boston, at the time of the revolution ; and during a few of the last years of his life would occasionally be heard humming some one of them that he had not probably thought of before for half a century. He married Sarah, daughter of Henry Hunter, who died sev- eral years before him, leaving a large family of children to per- petuate the name. Patrick and Roger Hanly, came to Bristol before the revolu- tionary war, and became permanent citizens of the place. They were brothers, born in Tipperary Co., Ireland, and engaged eariy in the fishing business on the coasts of ISTewfoundiaud, sailing out of Waterford. From Newfoundland they came to the Kennebec in the service of Gen. Lithgow, and thence to Bristol. They were honorable and useful citizens in their day, and left a numer- ous posterity. Patrick, probably the older of the two, was born Nov. 29, 1742, married Agnes Erskiue May 1, 1777, and died Sept. 9, 1812. They had a family of twelve children. His widow died Sept. 7, 1845, aged 88 years. Dr. Joseph Washburn was born in Bridgewater, Mass., and began the practice of medicine in Bristol about 1812 — 14. He History op Bristol and Bremen. 445 married in 1816 Mrs. Jane (Drummoud) Dockendorf, sister of Hon. James Drummond before mentioned. He was esteemed as a good physician, and for many years had a large practice. He died — Robert Paul, ancestor (probably) of all that name living in this region, was a native of Ireland, but came to Boston before 1747, for in this year he came to Bristol in the employ of Shem Drowne, to assist in surveying the lands claimed by the Pema- quid proprietors. John North was the surveyor, and had for assistants Lieut. (Patrick ?) Rogers,^ George Caldwell, Alexander Erskine, Nathaniel Bull jr., Robert Paul and John Forbush. Robert Paul (as also Caldwell and Erskine), settled on the east bank of the Damariscotta, all of them probably receiving grants of land from Drowne. Paul left two sons, Hugh and James, the latter of whom removed to Camden many years ago, and is represented there by a numerous posterity. Hugh left three sons, one of whom still occupies the old homestead. The legislature in 1841 caused two questions to be submit- ted to the people of the state, viz : I. "Whether the constitution of the state should be so amend- ed that the legislature, and also the governor and other state officers, should be chosen only once in two years ; and, II. Whether it should be amended so as to limit the whole number of representatives to 151, instead of more than 200, as then authorized by that instrument. These questions were submitted to the citizens here, Septem- ber 14th, and the first received 24 affirmative votes and 145 neg- ative. On the second question there were 144 votes in the affirmative, and none in the negative. The present town of Damariscotta was incorporated by the legislature, July 23, 1847, being composed of territory formerly belonging partly to Bristol and partly to Nobleboro. The movement was begun the year before, but was earnestly oppos- ed by a great majority of the people of Bristol. The commission- ' Patrick Rogers, in a deposition given in 1773, mentions " seventeen hundred and tliirty-six or seven" as the time when John North was employed by Urowne in making a sMvey of this claim. North may have been employed in this ser- vice at both the dates mentioned, (1707 and 1737,) but if not then the latter is the true date. (Lin. Report, 1811, p. 59-63.) 446 History of Bristol and Bremen. ers appointed to fix the boundaries of the new town, were Ed- win Smith, A. G. Dole, and B. C. Bailey, Esqs.— they had a meeting and attended to the duty assigned them May 15th, 1848. The "temperance reformation," which, begun here in 1828, though only a few comparatively joined heartily in it at first, lu a very few years, produced gratifying results plainly visible to all; and the good cause was much strengthened by the Wash- ingtouiau movement of 1840. The prohibitory liquor law, afterwards enacted, under the leadership of Hon. ISTeal Dow, of Portland, was favorably re- ceived in the town, but we may not claim that it was universally obeyed. In 1858, at a town meeting, June 7, it was voted by a decided majority that no licenses for the sale of liquors should be granted. "What the occasion was for the action at this parti- cular time does not appear. Samuel T. Hinds, was a grandson of Commodore Tucker, with whom he was brought up. He was born September 27th, 1798, and died in 1870. He was aman of good abilities and excellent character, and early secured the public confidence which he afterwards retained. In the militia, when compara- tively young, he had attained the rank of colonel, and was af- terwards very generally known by this title, as his grandfather was by that of commodore. Living a part of his life in Bre- men, and a part in Bristol, various public burdens were laid upon him in both towns, the latter of which he several times represented in the legislature. He married JSTaucy Mckels, daughter of Thomas Mckels, and grandaughter of Capt. Alexander jSTickels, who commanded the company of "scouters" in the Indian war. Mr. Hinds left a family of several children, one of whom, Benjamin Hammond Hinds, graduated at TuiFt's College in 1860. The name of James Yates has been mentioned (p. 290) as one who joined the Louisbourg expedition from this place. Prob- ably he was an Englishman from Yorkshire, but came to this country when very young. In Boston he became acquainted with Jane or Jeannet M'J^Tay whom he married. Their first child, Elizabeth, was born Jan. 10, 1739, and in 1742 they removed to this place, selecting for their residence a place on the north shore of Round Pond. Some of his descendants have claimed ^^^ V ^ History of Bristol and Bremen. 447 that he planted on his farm the first Indian corn ever raised in the town of Bristol. ' They had a family of nine children, seven daughters and two sous, and from the latter have sprung all of the name in the place. In time of special. danger from the Indians, the family was accustomed to flee by boat to New Harbor, and walk across to the fort. Once in her husband's absence Mrs. Yates, with four of her children, the eldest only ten years old, made the passage to New Harbor unaided, though the south wind blew so fresh as to make the task severe and difficult. Mrs. Ruth Barnaby was born in Marblehead in 1664, but when only a few months' old the family moved to New Harbor, where they hved until the first Indian war in 1676. When a hundred years old, Sept. 6, 1764, she gave a deposition in Boston concerning affairs here in her childhood, having person- ally known John Brown sen. and jr. and the Pierces, Stilsons and others, then residing in the place. When driven oft' by the In- dian war the family returned to Boston, where she was living in 1764, as just stated. She died Feb. 12th, 1765. She prac- ticed midwifery in Boston some forty years ; and was remark- able to the last for her strong physical constitution and reten- tive memory. Once when the small pox prevailed in her neigh- borhood she removed from town, but on its occurring again in the spring of 1764, being then in her 100th year, she determined to be innoculated and remain at her home. The precaution of innoculation was not taken, and the disease visited the family where she lived — but she escaped, to die of old age a few months afterwards. ^ ' Mr. Monroe who married a daughter of Solomon Dockendorf. This of course supposes tliat this grain -was not cultivated by the early inhabitants before the Indian wars began. ' I/in. Be2). ,lSll,\x 120. Drake's Eitt. Boston,]]. G88. Probably her maiden name was Sergeant or perhaps Berry. (See p. 233). 448 History of Bristol and Bremen, CHAPTER XXXIV. Bristol in the Civil War. From 1860 to 1872. Offensive interference of slavery in tlie politics of the country — War not expected when the Presidential election was held in 1860 — The attack upon Fort Sum- ter aroused and united all parties — Response to the President's first proclama- tion — Eiiect of the President's proclamation after the failure before Richmond — The" enrollment act" of 1863 very unpoi^ular — Liberal bounties offered by the town for men enlisting in the army — Result of the first di-aft — The commuta- tion fee allowed by government — Price jiaid for substitutes — More men called for, and liberal bounties offered for men to enlist in the service — Names of those who entered the army and navy from the town during the war — Whole number of men supplied by the town — Hospital and other stores forwarded from Bristol Dr. A. S. Clark ^ Revival of business after the war — Wm. M'Clintock. — Wm. Hunter. The great slave power of the country first began to manifest itself ofiensively in the politics of the country about the time' the state of Maine was admitted into the union, and never af- terwards abated anything of its pretensions until utterly over- thrown. Though territorially far removed from the slave states, yet connected with them by such close political ties, the citizens of Maine could not but watch with deep interest the progress of the great slavery discussion, protracted as it was through the first forty years of their existence as a separate state. Whatever phase the discussion might take at anytime the great practical C[ue8tion underlying the whole subject was, as to the extent to which concession should be made to the demands of the slave power. The moral aspect of the subject of course was never forgotten ; but while all believed slavery to be an evil and a wrong, it had been tolerated — yea, established — by the fathers, and it is not strange that good and wise men should difter in opinion as to the practical treatment the questions should receive, which were constantly coming up in connection with the great subject. In this town, as in other parts of the state, the slavery ques- tion seems not to have aflected the great political parties until History of Bristol and Bremen. 449 after the passage of the fugitive slave law in 1850. Very many considered the passage of such a law by far too great a conces- sion to the slave power ; and very soon it became an important element in fixing the dividing lines between the parties of the day. Probably few here or elsewhere, when voting for the repub- hcan electors in Nov., 1860, really believed that the success of the ticket would result in a civil war. In times past, means of settling all difficulties without bloodshed had ever before been found, so they were confident it would be in the present case, though, at the same time, almost any one knew well that the difficulties connected with the great slavery question, were of a more formidable character than any the country had ever before been called to face. However reluctant any may have been to beUeve at the time- of casting their votes, that there really was danger of civil war, the course of the people at the south, and es- pecially the people of South Carolina, soon dissipated all doubts. That war must inevitably result was clearly seen ; but even now few, if any, were able to fully estimate the gigantic proportions it was destined to assume. Political parties 'in this town, as everywhere else, were at this time well defined ; but when the war was once begun by the firing upon Sumter in April, 1861, all differences were, for a time, laid aside, and the universal feeling was that the govern- ment must be sustained. The first call for men was by the pre- sident's proclamation of April 15th, and was for 75,000 to serve for three months, only one regiment being required from the whole state of Maine. April 22d the legislature convened by proclamation of the governor, and immediately authorized him to call out 10,000 volunteers, to serve for three years, and appro- priated $1,000,000 to pay the necessary expenses. A proper response to this was made by this town May 11th, by a vote authorizing the selectmen to make provision for the families of men who should enlist in the army, and appropriated $4000 for the purpose ; but for some unexplained reason the resolu- tion was rescinded the next year, March 24th. The calls for soldiers by the government the first year of the war were simply for volunteers; and though a definite number was assigned to each state, yet in this state an apportionment among the towns was not considered necessary. The listhereaf- 57 450 History of Bristol and Bremen. ter to be given will show the number who enlisted this year (1861) from this town. After the failure of the loyal army in front of Richmond, July Ist, 1862, President Lincoln, by proclamation, called upon the country for 300,000 more men to be raised by voluntary en- listment, if possible, but if this method failed, a draft was to be made from the militia. The quota assigned to the state of Maine was 7000 ; and these being distributed among the towns by the state authorities, Bristol was called upon for 33 men. A bounty of $27 was offered at this time by the general gov- ernment to which the state added $30, but it was soon found that this would not be sufficient to insure the required enlist- ments, aud the cities and towns, to avoid the necessity of a draft were under the necessity of offering additional induce- ments. August 2d, the citizens of Bristol were called together in town-meeting to consider the subject ; and after considerable discussion a vote was passed authorizing the selectmen to offer a further bounty of $100 to each man enlisting in the service, and to borrow the money needed for the purpose, not to exceed $3,300. Before the quota of this town was full another call was made for 300,000 more men to be drafted from the militia for nine mouths' service unless sooner discharged ; and at a town- meeting, Aug. 27th, it was voted to continue the same bounty of $100 to each volunteer enlisting in the service. Dec. 15th the same year the citizens voted to raise a fund of $1,000 to be appro- priated in aid of the families of soldiers in the army, that were in need. But the worst had not yet been reached. The war still con- tinued to develop its gigantic proportions; and more men must be supplied. Therefore in March, 1863, congress passed the "enrollment act," which provided for the enrollment of all the able-bodied male citizens of the country between the ages of 21 and 45, with certain exceptions, and from those thus en- rolled all drafts were thereafter to be made for the supply of the service. It was provided in the law that a drafted man might furnish a substitute, or by paying $300, he could be discharged from further liability under that draft. Such an enactment could not fail to excite a deep interest in all parts of the country, and with a considerable part of the com- munity it was decidedly unpopular. The enrollment was soon commenced, aud some anxiety was felt as it gradually progressed. HisTOEY OF Bristol and Bremen. 451 The men i-equired must be forthcoming ; — this was the univer- sal feeling in this town, as everywhere in this region ; but there was considerable difference of opinion as to the duty of the town in the premises. The country wanted men rather than money ; and yet it was felt to be a great hardship that a man should be seized and marched off" to the war for want of |300 to pay his commutation fee. A rich man could pay the money at once and purchase his exemption, but not so the man without means, with perhaps a family dependent upon him. At a town meet- ing, July 9, 1863, it was voted to pay every drafted man $300, and the selectmen were authorized to borrow the money needed for the purpose. Whatever the motive for such a course may have been, to very many this seemed too much like an attempt to thwart the government in its effbrts to obtain the men needed for the army ; and at a subsequent meeting (Aug. 17th), the vote was rescinded. The enrollment being completed for this congressional dis- trict, of which Bristol, and Muscongus and Monhegan islands constituted the twenty-sixth sub-district, the order for the draft was given, and the drawing took place in Augusta, where head- quarters had been established. This, the third congressional district, was called upon for 2409 men, and this, the twenty-sixth sub-district, for 86. The result here, as in other places over the whole country, was to put considerable money in the treasury, but not to supply men for the army. October 13th, therefore another call was made for 300,000 men, but it was for volunteers, with the proviso attached, that if the quota of any district was not filled in due time, a draft should be made to supply the deficiency, January 4th, 1864. The commutation fee (|300), previously fixed by the enroll- ment act, naturally fixed also the price to be paid for substi- tutes, which down to this time had prevailed ; but now it was evident that to induce men to volunteer for the service, much higher rewards would be required. The regiments mustered into the service in the preceding autumn, were to serve only nine months, and many of them were returning to their homes. To such the government now offered a greatly increased bounty, to which the various cities and towns were glad to make liberal additions, rejoicing that even by this expensive method their' duty to the country could be fulfilled, and of course a way of 452 History of Bristol and Bremen. escape found from the embarrassing condition in which all were placed. December 15, 1863, the citizens being again called together, in view of the situation of affairs, it was voted to authorize the selectmen to raise $12,000 on the credit of the town and to pay each man enlisting in the service |300 in addition to the bonuses of the general and state governments. A committee of three was appointed to solicit enlistments, who were authorized to pay an additional ten dollars to each man who should enlist pre- vious to the 20th of the month. January 11th, 1864, at another town meeting it was voted to payto each man enlistingfrom the town a further bonus of $150; and an appropriation of $1000, was made for the families of sol- diers already in the service. Another call for troops being made, late in the season (July 18th), and a draft ordered in September, at a town meeting, August 27th, the selectmen were authorized to borrow $30,000, on the credit of the town for the purpose of procuring enlistments to be credited on the quota of the town, which was 50 men. Bristol now consti- tuted a separate sub-district, as did alsoMuscongus and Marsh Island. Monhegan is not named in the repoi't, but the reason of the omission is not known. The draft in Bristol was to take place, Sept. 2l8t, but when the time arrived it was found that the number of men required had been secured by means of the enormous bounties offered. By a law passed this year (1864), men enlisting in the navy received the same bonus as those enlisting in the army ; — and, it was also provided, that in filling the quotas of the sev- eral districts, all sailors should be allowed who were actually serving in the navy at the time. This just and fair provision operated greatly in favor of this town and others lying on the coast. Only one more call for men was made during the war, and this was in Dec, 1864, and for 300,000 men. It was also pro- vided that if any districts failed to raise the quota required, by Feb. 15th, 1865, all deficiencies should be supplied by draft on that day. Whatever may have been the reason the draft did not take place on the day named. March 4th, 1865, the people of Bristol authorized the selectmen to borrow $20,000 for raising men to History of Bristol and Bremen. 453 supply their quota for the present draft, and to supply any defi- ciencies that might remain in their quota in any previous drafts. It is presumed that the same bounties were paid, as at the last preceding draft. The war was brought to a close very soon after this by the capture of Richmond, and the surrender of Jef- ferson Davis and the rebel army he commanded. The following list is intended to contain tlie names of all from the town of Bristol who served in the army during the war, with the regi- ment and company to which they severally belonged, and also of those who served in the navy. It has been prepared almost entirely from the various reports of the adjutant general of the state. Much time has been spent upon it ; and if it should be found that omisions have occurred, it is because of the extreme difficulty of collecting the names from the many thousands contained in the reports. The same abbreviations are used as in the reports. 1861. Edwin D. Bailey, Private, Co. K., 1st Cavalry. Taken prisoner January 9, 62, and afterwards exchanged. Harvey Bearce, Corp. Co. E., 4th Inf Disoh.Feb. 5, 62. David Bryant jr., Sergt. Co. K. 1st Cavalry. Killed at Middleborough, Va., June 19th, 62. Linsdale Burnham, Private, Co. P. 1st Cavalry. Discharged for disa- bility, June 30, 62. Albert S. Clark, Surgeon 11th Inf Resigned Nov. 4, 1861. J. S. Clark, Private, Co. E., 4th Inf Prom. Hospital Steward. Orvill H. Clark, Corpc-al, Co. K., 1st Cavalry. Discharged for disability, Sept. 16, 62. John T. Dyer, Private, Co. B. 8th ,Inf Discharged for disability July 4, 62. Arnold B. Erskine, Corp. Co. C, 2d Inf Not accounted for by Adj. Report. James H. Erskine, Private, Co. G., 20th Inf Transferred from Co. C. 2d Regiment, but in the record of that Co. is credited to " Eddington." James D. Erskine, 1st. Lieut. Co. E. 4th Inf, promoted Capt. of same, resigned on account of ill health, Nov. 29, 62, died at home, Jan. 1863. Charles W. Ford, 2d Lieut. Co. K. 1st Cavalry, promoted 1st Lieut, of same. Must, out Nov. 25, 63. Eugene H. Ford, Private, Co. G. 15th Inf, f dropped from the rolls," Aug. 1, 62. Ambrose A. Foster, Private Go. C. 10th Inf Transf to Co. H. Isaac W. Fountain, Private, Co. E. 4th Inf Must, out with Regt. July 19, 64. 454 History of Bristol and Bremen. Louis S. Gallup, Private, 2d Battery Mounted Artillery. Disch. March 20, 62. Timothy F. Goudy, Private, 2d Battallion, Mount. Artillery, discharged for disability Jan. 30, 63. Henry G. Goudy, Private, 2d Bat. Mounted Artillery, Disch. April 9, 62. Donald M. Hastings, Private, Co. E. 4th Inf. Procured a substitute and left the army July 17. Phillips Hatch, Private, Co. K., IstBattal. Cavalry; discharged for disa- bility, Mar. 3, 63. Wm. M. Herbert, Sergeant, Co. K., 1st Battal. Cavalry mustered out Nov. 25, 63. George W. Hysom jr.. Private, 1st Battery Mounted Artillery. Eeinlisted Dec. 5, 63. Cyrus P. Jones, Private, Co. K., 1st Cavalry; deserted, Feb. 16, 62. Samuel Jones, Private, Co. E., 4th Inf. ; deserted Jany. 5, 62. Solomon Lain, Private, Co. C, 10th Inf. Transf. to Co. H. Died at Harp. Ferry Oct. 31, 62. Thadeus Little, Adjutant Co. K., 1st Cavalry ; entered the service as a Private but was subsequently promoted, 1st, as Serg. then 2d Lieut, then Adjutant. Frank H. Lailer, Private, Co. E., 4th Inf. ; promoted Sergeant and then Corp. Oct. 1, 63. Edward D. McClure, Private, Co. E., 4th Inf Prom. Sergeant. Died July 11, 62. Parker Mears, Private, Co. K., 1st Cav. ; disch. Oct 29, 62. Joseph E. Mears, Private, Co. E., 4th Inf. ; disch. for disability, Februa- ry 4, 63. Benj. Quinby, Private, Co. B., 11th Inf Transf. to Co. K. ; disc, for dis- ability March 31, 62. Bedfield Sproul, Private, 2d Battery Mounted Artillery ; discharged for disability. Charles E. Sproul, Private, Co. B., 1st Cav. ; disch. for disability, August 5, 62. Charles M. Thomson, Private, Co. E., 4th Inf, ; deserted, Dec. 15, 62. Licius B. Varney, private, Co. E., 4th Inf ; sometime connected with amb. corps., must, out with Reg. July 19, 64. Nathaniel Wentworth, Private, Co. F., 1st cavalry. ; disch. for disability April 4, 63. 1862. Nathaniel P. Baker, Private, Co. I, 21st Inft. ; must, out with Reg. Aug. 5, 63. Arad Barker, Corp., Co. E.. 20th Inft. ; discharged Dec. 12, 62. History of Bristol and Bremen. 455 Briggs G. Besse, Private, Co. G., 15th Inf. j reenlisted as a private in 7th Battery Mounted Artillery, Dec. 30, 63.' John M. Bryant, Corp. Co. I, 21st Inf. ; promoted Sergeant; must, out Aug. 25, 62. Francis A. Bracket, Private, Co., E., 20th Infantry. Trf to Inv. corps Sept. 1, 63. Josiah J. Brown, Chaplain 15th Inf. ; resigned May 30th, 63. Elribdge R. Bryant, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf. prom. Sergeant., disch. by order 94. Timothy F. Brown, Private Co. E., 20th Inf. ; trans, to navy. Orin Carter, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf ; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25th, 63. George B. Caswell, Priv&te, Co. E., 30th Inf ; disch. by order 94. Levi Cudworth, Private, Co. E , 20th Inf. ; wounded ; disch. Dec. 31, 64. Austin Curtis, Private, Co. E. 20th Inf ; died Jany. 31, 62. Alvin Cutler, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf ; taken prisoner July 10, 63. Andrew J. Erskine, Capt. Co. I, 21st Inf. ; mustered out August 25, 63. Lemuel Erskine, Private, Co. G., 15th Infantry ; died at Pensacola, Nov. 27th, 62. George P. Emerson, Private, Co. G., 15th Inf. ; reenlisted. John H. Erskine, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf.; died Jany. 21, 63. Wilson T. Erskine, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf. ; deserted, never left the state. John Ervine, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf Joseph B. Fitch, 1st Lieut., Co. E., 20th Inf ; promoted Capt. of Co. D. same regiment, March 26th, 63. Atwood Fitch, Corp., Co. K., 16th Infantry ; promoted Sergeant and 2d Lieut, and subsequently 1st Lieut. Co. D. ; mustered out January 5, 65. Samuel H. Fitch, Corp. Co. E., 20th Inf , died April 27th, 63. Aug. H. Ford, Sergeant, Co. E., 20th Infantry ; transf to invalid corps. Sept. 7, 63. John H. Ford, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf ; disch. for disability, Feb. 4, 63. Thomas H. Fossett, Co. I., 21st Inf : wounded in action. May 27, 63. Samuel L. Foster, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf ; discharged, March 30, 63. Thomas A. Foster, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf ; discharged, for disability, Feb. 4, 63. Thomas Foster, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf ; died Jan. 18, 63. Orrin I. Gaul, Musician, Co. I., 15th Inf; reenlisted Corp.; died Feb. 3, 66. John Goudy, Private, Co. 21st Inf. ; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25, 63. Albert Hatch, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf . discharged, Dec. 30, 62. Enoch Hatch, Private, Co , E., 20th Inf ; Robert Hanly, 2d, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf ; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25,63.. 1 In the Adjutant's Report of 1863, he is said to have " deserted Feb. 37, '62." 456 History of Bristol and Bremen. Lyman Hanna, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf. ; must, out with Eeg. August 25, 63. Robert Henry, Private, Co. I. 21st Inf. ; died Feb. 1, 63. Albert H. Herbert, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf. ; died, Nov. 29, 62. Nathan Hodgdon, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf. ; mustered out with Reg. Aug. 25,63. Randall E. Humphrey, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf. ; promoted Corporal. Edward A. Humphrey, Private, Co. E. 20th Inf. ; disch. for disability, March 2, 68. Abel C. Huston, Sergt., Co. I, 21st Inf. ; mustered out with his Regi- ment, Aug. 25, 63. Elbridge R. Huston, Private, Co. B. 21st, Inf. ; discharged, March 30, 62. Elbridge Huston, Private, Co. E. 21st Inf ; discharged Feb. 7, 63. Henry C. Huston, Private, Co. E. 21st Inf, ; discharged, Feb. 28, 63. David Hysom, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf, ; reenlisted, 7th Bat. Light Artil- lery. Robert S. Hysom, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf.; reenlisted, 7th Bat. M. Ar- tillery. Zebard F. Hysom, Private, Co. K. 1st Cavalry, On detached service at last Rep. John E. Johnston, Private, Co. K. 1st Inf. ; disch. May 11, 64. Wm. I. Kelsey, Private, Co I, 15th Inf. ; promoted corporal. Alonzo Lawton, Private, Co. G., 15th Inf. ; reenlisted and discharged July 9, 66, Daniel W. Little, Private, Co. E. 20th Inf. ; died, Jan. 21, 63. Thomas C. Little, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf.; wounded July 3, 63. Patrick Mann, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf. ; promoted Corporal. Reen- listed Jany. 25th, 64. John J. Mclntyre, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf.; transf. to invalid corps. Reuben R. McFarland, private, Co. I, 15th Inf. ; reenlisted, 1864 and prom. Corp. and Serg. Joseph Mclntyre, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf.; disch. by order 94. Wm. H. Mclntyre, Private, Co. I., 21gt Inf.; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25th, 63. Wm. D. McKim, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf.; wounded Nov. 7, 62; disch. Joseph N. Myers, Private, Co. I, 21st Inf ; died, March 8, 68. Wm. Nash, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25, 63. James E. Nichols, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf. ; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25, 63. Joseph Odlam, Private, Co. G., 15th Inf. ; died at Brasos Isl. Nov. 2. George Palmer, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf.; discharged for disability Feb. 18,64. Stephen Palmer, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf. ; discharged by order 96. History ot Bristol and Bremen. 457 Freeman Peasley, Corporal, Co. I., 15th Inf. ; reenlisted Corp. January 25, 64. John Pool jr., Private, Co. E., 20th Inf. ; disch. by order 77. Julian B. Perkins, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf. ; must, out with Reg. August 25th, 63. Geo. W. Prentice, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf. ; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25,63. Enoch 0. Richards, Private, Co. I., 15th Inf. ; died in Texas, Jany. 64. Montgomery Richards, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf. ; must, out with Reg. Aug. 25, 63. Calvin C. Robbins, Serg. Co. E., 20th Inf. ; discharged, Nov. 28, 63. Marion Simmons, Private, Co. I. 21st Inf. ; must, out with Reg. August 25, 63. Ephraim Stevens, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf.; must, out with Reg. August 25, 63. David P. Sproul, Private, Co. I. 21st Inf.; must, out with Reg. August 25, 63. Aug. M. Sproul, Corp. Co. I., 21st Inf. ; must, out with Reg. August 25, 63. Simeon Tarr, Private, Co. E. 20th Inf.; died, Nov. 6, 62. Bradford Thompson, Private, Co. E., 20th Inf. ; disch. for disability, Feb. 4, 63. Samuel F. Tarr, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf. ; wounded in action, May 27. Everett A. Wentworth, Private Co. I., 21st Inf. ; reenlisted Corp. 7th Battery Mounted Art, Dec. 30, 63. Wilson J. Yates, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf.; died, Feb. 8, 63. Enoch Wentworth, Private, Co. I., 20th Inf. ; discharged for disability May 23, 63. 1863. Stanley C. Alley, Private, 7th Battery Light Artillery. Henry H. Goudy, Private, 7th Battery Light Artillery. John Goudy Private, 7th Battery Light Artillery. Charles G. Kinny, Private, 7th Battery Light Artillery. Henry H. Webber, Private, 7th Battery Light Artillery. 1864. George H. M. Barrett, Private, 1st Dist. Col. Cavalry. Franklin H. BeLl, Private, 1st Dist. Col. Cavalry. Wesley K. Bell, Private, 1st Dist. Col. Cavalry. Patrick Burns, Private, 1st Dist. Col. Cavalry. John Conner, Private, 2d, IJ. S. Sharpshooters. Henry B. Richards, Private, 1st. Dist. Col. Cavalry. Charles H. Robinson, Private, 1st Dist. Col. Cavalry. 58 458 HiSTOKT OF Bristol and Bremen. Wesley Scott, Private, 1st Dist. Col., transf. Co. A. 1st Cav. Died in rebel prison Jany. 1st, 65. Kichard H. Short, Private, 1st Battery Heavy Artillery. Franklin B. Tarr, Private, 2d Battery Heavy Artillery. John Taylor, Private, 2d U. S. Sharpshooters. John Welch, Private, 2d U. S. Sharpshooters. 1865. Ambrose Foster,' Private, Co. A. 15th Inf. John M. Gamage,' Private, Co. 15th Inf. ; mustered out June 26, 65. Joseph Hanscomb,' Private, Co. 15th Inf. John McManus,' Private, Co. A. mustered out March 29, 65. Freeman Peasley,-* Corporal, Co. I., 15th Inf. Albert L. Wiles,' Private, Co. G. 14th Inf Edwin W. Merrill, 2d Bat. Mounted Artillery, (year of enlistment un- known. Enlistments in the United States Navy during the war of the rebellion not including those transferred from the army. Gilbert P. Brown, James Burns, Liman Curtis, Abdon Davis, Van B. Fountain, Marcus A.Hannah, Gilbert Hammond, Geo. W. Hastings, Geo. W. Huston, killed at N. John A. Johnson,'- Charles Johnson'^ Richard Keyes, Thomas King, Lavoir Mansen.'' Wm. B Perley, Leander M. Reeve, James Rice,' Alonzo Richards, Willot Russell, Joseph W.Sproul, Wm. E. Thompson. Thomas Wentworth, Joseph Willet, According to the adjutant general's Beport for 1864 — 5 (vol. 1. 24,) Bristol, in reply to the several calls of government, sent inio the field 337 men, being a larger number than supplied by any other town in the county, except Waldoboro, which, under the same calls, turned out 457. Whole number supplied by Lincoln Co. 2,973; by the state of Maine 72,945. I The war having closed, they never joined the regiment to which they were as- signed. = Substitute for J. N. Fossett. ' Subs, for Charles P. Tibhets. ■" Subs, for "■ Subs, for Aurnaus M. Miller. History op Bristol and Bremen. 459 IsTatives of Bristol who are known to have served in regi- ments of other states. Wm. Davis, 32d Mass Inf. Jacob Day, 32d Mass, Inf. James Erskine, 103d N. York Inf Charles E. Poster, 32d Mass. Inf. Joshua Gammage, 32d Mass. Inf, James Gray, 14th Mass. Inf. Charles Hanly, 103d N. Y. Inf, Wm. Lane 2d, 32d Mass. Inf. John L. Martin, 32d Mass. Inf, Augustus MoClain, 14th Mass. Inf Llewellyn MoClain, 32d, Mass. Inf, Elliot Pierce, 32d Mass. Inf Charles Swaiu, 7th N. H. Inf "We have heretofore seen that appropriations from the treasury of the town were several times made for the support of the fami- lies of soldiers who were in the field ; but besides this the towns were authorized to draw upon the state treasury for the same ob- ject. For this purpose, at the close of the year 1864, there had been drawn from the state $1,960,801,99, of which Lincoln county had received 54,003,84, and the town of Bristol, $3,214,80. "Whole number of families aided in the town 64, whole number of persons in these families, 202. This wise bestowal of the pub- lic bounty greatly favored the enlistments. It is well known that hospital and-other stores, to an immense amount, were forwarded by voluntary associations to the vari- ious armies during the war, but only partial returns were ever made of their value. In the adjutant's Beport for 1864-5, we find that Bristol is credited with having sent during the war in goods and money to the Sanitary Commission, $350 ; Chris- tian Commission, $800; soldiers in camp, $175; to general hospital $200 ; to regimental hospitals, $315; to hospitals at ISTew York, Boston and Philadelphia, $175 ; making in all $1,515. Dr. Albert S. Clark enlisted as surgeon of the 11th reg- iment' the first year of the war, but soon resigned on account of ill health. He was born in Tinmouth, Vt., and established himself as a regular physician here about 1823, having then just completed his medical education. He soon established a good reputation as a physician and secured a good practice ; but was too decided in his political opinions, and too much of a partizan to be universally popular. He was prompt to enlist in the country's service early in the war ; but his declining health obliged him to resign before his regiment went into ' In the adj utant general's report he is credited to Augusta. 460 History oe Bristol and Bremen. active service. Subsequently he removed to Waldoboro, where he died, June 6, 1854. The situation of the town of Bristol directly on the sea coast, and having plenty of good harbors, at once determines the chief employments of the citizens, as being connected with the navi- gation and fishing interests. In the early times it supplied large quantities of lumber for domestic and foreign markets, and at a later period much timber for ship-building, but the supply long since ceased. But the woods still afford some logs to be manufactured into building material for home use. Some busi- ness has also been done in the manufacture of tubs and casks. A special branch of the fishing business has of late been un- dertaken quite largely here, as at other places on the New Eng- land coast, called the " porgey fishery." The fish are taken in seines, usually several miles from the coast, and are used for the oil they produce, and for manure. These fish, the common manhaden ' of the coast, have been caught for use as bait in the cod fishery from the earliest times ; and at first the new branch of industry, in which such immense quantities are consumed, was viewed by the old fishermen with no little suspicion, as likely to interfere with the important and older branch of the fishing business by depriving them of bait. Some riots were at least threatened, and one oil factory was act- ually destroyed, as was believed, by the old fishermen, or at their instigation ; but the opposition has ceased, and the general opinion seems to be that it is best to foster such an extensive branch of business, giving profitable employment for a part of the season as this does to so many men, even though it may be attended by some disadvantages, which in the end may prove to be more imaginary than real. A "Field Meeting" of the Maine Historical Society, held on the site of old Fort Frederic, Thursday, August 26th, 1869, was an occasion which will long be remembered by the citizens of the place and others who were present. A committee of the citizens had made preparation for the meeting by removing the earth from some of the ruins so as to expose them better to the view, and erecting a stand for the speakers. A large delegation from the society, many of them with their wives, arrived the evening previous and were quar- ' These fish, under the name oi 'white fiah, were formeriy taken in Long Island sound, and sold for manure, but they are now applied to the same purpose as above. HiSTOBT OF Bristol ;ind Bremen. 461 tered among the inhabitanta. They had spent the previous af- ternoon in examining the oyster shell deposits and other ruins at Damariscotta, and were thus the better prepared to study and appreciate those in this place. Early in the morning the people began to assemble from every direction, some coming in boats but more on foot and by carriages, and lastly by two carts drawn by oxen, in the manner often practiced at agricultural fairs. About 9 o'clock a bell summoned all to the stand, where were seated the delegation of the Historical Society, the committee of arrangements and others to listen to the expected addresses, Hon. Arnold Blaney having been appointed as presiding officer. After prayer by Rev. Mr. Bean, and a short address of wel- come, with a brief outline of some of the principal events in the history of the place by Prof John Johnston, a native of the place, a beautiful poem entitled " Ancient Jamestown" was read by Mrs M. W. Hackelton, much to the gratification of the large audience. ' Interesting addresses were then made by Rev. Dr. Ballard, and Rev. Dr Leonard Woods of Brunswick, Hon. J. W. Bradbury of Augusta, Pres. Harris and Prof Packard of Bowdoin College, A. G. Tenney, Esq. of the Brunswick Tele- egraph, E. H. Elwell, Esq. of the Portland Transcript, John A. Poor, Esq., of Portland, and R. K. Sewell,Esq., of Wiscasaett. A strong north west wind prevailed at the time, and of necessity prevented many of the vast audience from hearing the speak- ers distinctly, but the novel occasion was well enjoyed in spite of all disadvantages. The exercises atthe stand being closed the invited guests, with many of the citizens took boats across the harbor, and partook of an excellent dinner at the house of Mr. Charles P. Tibbets, and were prepared for a further exploration of the interesting ruins in Mr. Lewis's held, on the west side, half a mile or more above the old fort.^ ' The Poem was afterwards published and widely distributed. ^ These ruins and those at the site of Fort Frederic, have been described as fully as the limits prescribed to our book will allow, beginning at page 215. The committee of the citizens whose escellant arangements contributed so much to the interest of the occasion, were Wm, Hackelton, Esq., Hon. D. Cham- berlain, Cyrus Fossett, James Nichols, Leander Morton, Hon. A. Blaney, Chas. P. Tibbets, Chandler Bearce, and Alexander Yates. 462 History of Bristol and Bremen. Two years later in August, 1871, a similar field meeting was held here by a delegation of the Maine Historical Society, which excited great interest. At the same time occasion was taken to form an association for the erection of a proper monument on the site of the old fort to mark the locality of so many and important events in the early history of the place and of New England. A charter of incorporation was afterwards obtained which, with the constitution of the association, it is purposed to insert in an appendix to this volume. The rapid recovery of the country from the desolating effects of the civil war has been everywhere a common theme of remark ; and it is gratifying to know that the people of this town have also shared in the general prosperity. A good evidence of this was furnished by the "Farmer's Club," organized in 1870. Their first exhibition was held at the Mills village in the month of Oc- tober, and was attended with a gratifj'ing success, even surpas- sing their own expectations. The account published in the Rockland Gazette of ISTov. 25th of that year, would do credit to a place of larger population and superior natural resources. Agri- cultural products, consisting of field crops, fruits, etc., were brought forward in great variety, and articles of household man- ufacture useful and ornamental, as well as others of mere curi- riosity, some of them from distant lands. At the close of the exhibition Grovernor Joshua L. Chamber- lain, who graced the occasion with his presence, gave bis address on the surrender of Lee at Appomattox Court House for the benefit of the society. On the whole, the exhibition was con- sidered one of the best ever given in the county, and reflected no little credit on the people who had taken the trouble to bring together the articles on exhibition, and the officers of the club to whom belonged the management of the whole affair. They were Thomas Herbert, President, Dennis R. Hanly, Secretary, and Stinson Weeks, Genl. Agent. This annual exhibition, it is understood is to be a permanent institution of the place. Hon. Wm. McClintock still lives at the age nearly of 95 ; having been born Sept. 29, 1778. His father was a native of Ireland, but was brought to Massachusetts when only an infant. He married Margaret FuUerton of Boothbay, and died in his 49th year, June 3, 1779. His widow subsequently, October 5, 1786, married Deacon Wm. Burns, and the sou, Wm. was History of Bristol and Bremen. 463 afterwards brought up in bis family. He worked more or less on the farm, and a part of the time was employed as a seaman. When he attained the age of 21 he was absent on his second voyage as captain of a small schooner. He was formerly much employed as surveyor of land, and has served the town in various important offices, as selectman and repre- sentative in the legislature. He was also a member of the con- vention which framed the constitution of the state of Maine in 1819. Wm. Hunter, son of Henry, still living, is in his 96th year, is now the oldest man in the town. CHAPTER XXXV. Land Titles in Bristol and Bremen. History of the Prin- cipal Claims. The foundation early laid for two adverse claims — Title to Pemaqnid patent traced to heirs of Nicholas Davison — Pemaquid company organized — Settlement of boundary between Kennebec and Pemaquid companies' claims — Indian deed to John Brown recorded — Brown himself attached little importance to the deed — Descent of title to Brown's heirs — Irregular sales by those heirs — The Board- man claim — Journey of Wm. Fraser on horseback from the Hudson river to Waldoboro — The Tappan claim — The Vaughan claim. As we have seen in the first part of this work, the foundation was early laid for two adverse sets of claims to the lands here, by the purchase of John Brown, from the Indians, July 25th, 1625 {ante, p. 54), and the grant of the Plymouth company to Aldsworth and Elbridge (p. 69), February 29th, 163i. The two covered nearly, but not precisely, the same territory. The grant to Aldsworth^ and Elbridge was for 12,000 acres, with 100 acres additional for every person they should transport to the place, provided he, or she, remained here three years ; but we do not now know, how many, if, indeed any, were thus brought here. It is, therefore, impossible now to know how many acres they might rightly claim ; but when possession was > This name is written indifferently, Aldaioorth or Aldio The plan of this survey, on which Uio lots were all numbered, and by which the partition of the property among the several claimants was made, has not been found It would be au interesting document, if it could be brought to light. 468 HisTOKY OP Bristol and Bkemen. company, brought articles of ejectment against James Cargill, James Given, Joshua Maddocks and Caleb Maddocks; and the committee having the matter in charge was instructed to assume their defense before the court. It does not appear what dispo- sition was made of the suits, but it is believed they were never brought to trial. Again, in 1767 and 1768, Thomas Bodkin brought actions against James Yates, John Eandall, James Bailey, and Simon Elliot, for lands at Eound Pond, which had been purchased of them ; and the agents were authorized to defend the suits before the court at Powualboro. What the result was is not known, but probably the trial never took place. A single point in reference to this claim remains to be noticed here; — the settlement of the boundary line between the pro- prietors of this claim and those of the Kennebec purchase, so called, which was effected April 13th, 1763. The original grant which served as the foundation of this last mentioned claim, was made by Plymouth Company of (Old England,) in 1629; and the territory conveyed was described as " all that tract of land, or part of ISTew England, in America, which lyeth within, or between, and extendeth itself from the utmost limits of Co- bisecontee, alias Commazecontee, which adjoineth the river Keubec, alias Kenebekike, toward the Western Ocean, and place called JSTequamkike, in America; and fifteen miles on each side of the river commonly called Kenebec River:" ^ The boundaries of this tract, as thus defined, were not cer- tainly very definite except as to one point; — it was to extend 15 miles on each side of Kennebec river; — but by direction of the company, Capt. North, in 1751, undertook to establish the lines intended. In making his survey. Judge North, the accom- plished author of the History of Augusta (page 35) suggests that North with his party probably ascended the river to the northern limit of the claim, and then measured east, 15 miles to a point which he marked, as the extreme northeast corner of the tract claimed. From this point he run a line southerly, parallel with the river, and struck the coast at Pumpkin Cove, which is a slight indentation in the coast of Pemaquid point, near the present light-house. This coast line he found to be just 31 miles in length. Thus the Kennebec claim was made ' Sal. rngt. Maine, IIG. Hist. OolL, i, 299. History op Bristol, and Bremen. 469 seriously to interfere with that of the Pemaquid proprietors ; and for several years both parties insisted with equal pertinacity for its exclusive claim, but at length, at the date just given, a compromise was effected substantially as follows, viz : 1. The Pemaquid company, in substance, acknowledged the right of their opponents to all that part of the Pemaquid terri- tory lying west of the Pemaquid river and ponds. 2. The Kennebec company immediately reconveyed to the Pem- aquid eompany all that part of the present town of Bristol lying west of Pemaquid river, and south of a line which is thus de- scribed ; " to begin on the east side of Damariscotta river where a hne running E. 15° S. from the Northerly part of a point of land which forms Pleasant Cove, on the W. side of said Dama- riscotta river will strike ; — from thence to run E. 15° S., with- out variation of compass to Pemaquid river aforesaid." 3. The Kennebec company also conveyed to their opponents 2000 acres immediately north of the line just described, to be laid out in a single tract between the two rivers, and having its northern boundary parallel to said line. A single reservation was made oat of the tract first mentioned of 100 acres, " to be bounded easterly on land of Kobert McKowu." It would be difiicult now to show why the Pemaquid company should agree to such a settlement, as byittheyrehnquisheda con- siderable part of their original claim; but in order to contend successfully with the settlers, it was important that the proprie- tors should be at peace among themselves, and besides this there was probably concealed in the plan of settlement a de- sign to aid the Kennebec proprietors in establishing their claims to lands lying further north. The eastern boundary of this great Kennebec claim being established on the Pemaquid river by mutual agreement, the owners of it might expect less diffi- culty in extending it northward in the territory beyond the bounds of the Pemaquid company. Only a few years later (1768-9), by a decision of the Superior Court of Mass., the south boundary of the Kennebec claim was determined to be a line running due east and west coi'respond- ing, east of the river, very nearly with the present northern bound- ary line of the town of Woolwich. This line, extended east- ward, would strike the Damariscotta river some two miles south of the present village at the bridge, thus giving to the Kenne- 470 History of Bristol and Bremen. bee proprietors only a small part of the territory previously in dispute between them and the Peraaquid proprietors. But as late as December 10th, 1812, they pretended to convey by deed to Samuel Flaggjr., what remained of their claim to thePem- aquid territory north of the 2000 acres previously mentioned. The Brown claim, because of the many conveyances, and re- conveyances of " undivided" parts by the supposed heirs, and others holding under them, became so exceedingly complicated before the final settlement, early in the present century, that it would be vain now to undertake to unravel it. Only a bare out- line can be here given. The Indian deed to Brown, though dated in 1625, was not put on record until Dec. 26th, 1720, when it was entered in a " Book of Records of Eastern Claims of Lauds" in Charlestown, at the instance of James Stilson and his sister, Mrs. Margaret Hilton, great grand children of Brown. This " book of records," it is believed, was destroyed in the fire which consumed the Court House in Boston in 1747 ; but fortunately an attested copy of Brown's deed had previously been obtained, probably by some one for the heirs of Brown. * That John Brown attached little importance to this purchase (so called) of the Indians, is plainly indicated by the circum- stances already related, and also by the fact that in 1641 (Jan. 9th), he witnessed another deed given by some Indians to his son-in-law, Richard Peirce, of a portion of the same land con- veyed to himself by his Indian deed of 1625. If deeds pretend- ing to convey portions of the soil from one to another, were of no consequence, it was mere children's play to give them, and they might be multiplied at pleasure. And many of the heirs of Brown, in subsequeut years appeared to act on this principle. They supposed themselves to have some "color of right" to portions of territory ; and if men were found ready to purchase such questionable titles, why should not the holders dispose of them for a consideration ? And if the very foundation of the supposed titles was questionable, why should the parties be particular as to metes and bounds, or to any questions in regard to the right of others to the territory supposed to be conveyed? Besides this, the parties were far away from the territory in question, very many of the papers and records pertaining to previous transactions had been irrecoverably lost in the wars; ' Lin. Bep., 1811, pp. 100, 108. ■ ' History of Bristol and Bremen. 471 and accurate information very difficult, if not impossible to be obtained. Both parties to these sales therefore considered the transactions much in the nature of a lottery business, in which each acted on his own responsibility, and each took his own risk. It is proper that we should keep these considerations in mind, as we proceed to detail some of the transactions of the heirs of Brown, and others claiming under them. It is not easy now to determine the boundaries of the tract intended to be conveyed by the Indian deed to Peirce, of Jan. 6th, 1641, just alluded to, so imperfectly is it described, but, probably it was a tract lying immediately south of the 8 miles square tract next to be described, and of course having the noted pine tree in its northern boundary, though this is not mentioned in the deed. In fact, except at the north, it corres- ponded very nearly with the territory of the present town of Bremen. In 1660, Aug. 8th, Brown conveyed by deed of gift to his son-in-law, Alexander Gould and wife, the " 8 mile square tract," which became celebrated in later times. It is described as " a certain tract or parcel of land, lying in Broad Bay, be- ginning at a pine tree marked in the westernmost branch of the bay ; from thence north north east by Muscongus river eight miles; from thence eight miles north west and by west,' from thence south, south west eight miles, from thence south, east and by east eight miles to the tree where it first began." This deed, if good, of course conveyed all right to this part of Brown's original purchase to Gould and wife and their heirs to the exclusion of his other children and their heirs. Gould and wife (as we have seen), had three daughters, Mar- garet, Mary and Elizabeth, the first of whom married 1st, James Stilson, and 2d, Thomas Pitman. Next, Mrs. Pitman" and husband (Dec. 20th, 1720), conveyed this tract, including also Muscongus island, to her children, James Stilson jr., and his sister, Mrs. Wm. Hilton ; no mention being made of any other heirs of Sander and Margaret Gould. 1 Some copies read north, nortli weM hy imst. The reader will get a good idea of tliia tract by thinking of it as a square lot, 8 miles on eacli side, and having its southeastern corner at a pine tree on the shore at Broad Com, a little distance north of the present creek bridge, and having tlie Waldoboro bay and river lor its eastern boundary. = Files Maine Historical Society. 472 History of Bristol and Bremen. The month following, Jan. 5th, 172T, said brother and sister jointly sold to Thomas Amory of Boston, 1,000 acres of the tract, to be taken " adjoining to and on the north east side of land of Capt. Jonathan Pitman." Amory afterwards sold the same tract to Job Lewis, also of Boston, who in 1750, visited the place, and claimed that the lot of 1,000 acres was situated on the west side of the Medomac (Waldoboro) Falls, and so up the river ou the same side. The next year, he caused a house to be built on the lot, but never occupied it.' What afterwards became of the claim is not known. March 27th, 1733, the said James Stilson, sold to Samuel Waldo, for £200, one undivided half of this 8 mile square tract, making no reservation as to the 1,000 acres previously sold to Amory; and also 700 acres on Broad Bay adjoining the first tract; but what title he had to the latter, does not appear. Waldo was then chief owner of the Lincoln or Muscongus Patent for a tract 10 leagues square lying between the Penob- scot and Muscongus rivers; but he was willing, if possible, to stretch his claim a little further westward, and there- fore made this purchase of Stilson. He was thus prepared, if his title under the old charter should fail, to fall back upon the deed of Stilson. When, subsequently, he introduced his Ger- man colony here, he did not hesitate to locate them on the west as well as on the east side. He insisted that the lands at Muscongus Harbor and Round Pond, came within bis claim, and actually sold a lot at the former place to Wm. Burns, and another at the latter place to James Yeates. Mary Gould, daughter of Alexander and Margaret (Brown) Gould, married John Coate, and had by him an only child, Prinscnt Coats; and the latter sold his interest in the Brown claim, whatever it might be, to Wm. JSToble, mentioning par- ticularly the " 8 mile square tract " of which he claimed one- third rightfully, as it would seem.^ Noble left this by will to some of bis relations, whose representatives were particularly active in bringing ou the crisis that resulted in the settlement of the whole matter, as will hereafter be stated in detail. Let us now attend to the doings of other heirs of John Brown, Ist. ' Piles, Secretary's office, Boston. ^ Our autliority for these statements are not quite clear, and it is possible all'the points may not be exactly as stated. History of Bristol and Bremen. 473 John Brown, 2d, left only a single heir, John Brown, 3d, " of Saco, alias Biddeford ;" and Dec. 7th, 1720, the former conveyed to the latter all the interest and title, whatever it might be, which he had in the claim of his father (John Brown, Ist), at Pemaqnid and vicinity. Then (Sept. 10th, 1734), the latter re- linquished to the heirs of Richard Peirce, all right or title which he might have in the tract purchased of the Indians, Jan. 6th, 1641; and a little more than a year later, gave a deed to Wrn. Vaughan, of all the land purchased of the Indians by his grand- father, making no reservation as to the part previously conveyed to Gould and wife, or to the claims of Richard Peirce, or other heirs of John Brown sr. The descendants of Emma (Mary) Brown, who married !N"icholas Denning were of course co-heirs to the estate of John Brown, Ist, but we hear little of them except the bare mention of their names. Mrs. Elizabeth (Brown) Peirce, as we have seen, had some child- ren, several of whom, or their descendants, in later times, made their appearance as claimants in the Brown territory at Pema- quid. Among those were Nathaniel and Mary (Peirce), Hamb- lin (the latter styling herself granddaughter of Richard Peirce, and great granddaughter of John Brown) and Wm. and Mind- well (Peirce) Huxley, and Eleazer and Sarah (Peirce) Stock- well, — the two ladies being granddaughters of said Richard Peirce, and great granddaughters of John Brown. These, late in the year 1732, by several deeds conveyed to Timothy and Joshua Boardman and others of Wethersfield, Ct., all their right, title and interest in the Brown purchase, — including also, as a matter of course, whatever interest they might have in the 8 mile square tract. A daughter of Timothy Boardman married Alexander Fra- zier, — and from this circumstance came the Frazier c\aim. A few years after this (in 1735) one of the Boardmans, prob- ably Timothy, made a visit to the place ; — and tradition among his descendants now living is Connecticut, informs us that he was not very kindly received. ^ In his return journey he called on Tutor Flint of Harvard College, Oct. 15th, who made a note of the fact in his diary. 1 It is possible tliat tliis tradition may liave reference to some other one of the Boardman family, who visited the jjlace at a late date ; as one or more of them are known to have done. 60 474 History of Bristol and Bremen. "Wm. Frazer, (so he was accustomed to spell his name) son of Alexander, near the close of the last century, undertook to re- vive the Boardman claim, and for several years prosecuted the work with much zeal. A meeting of the claimants under this title was held at Canaan, at which it was determined to prose- cute the claim jointly, and means taken to provide the necessary funds. Wm. Frazer was appointed their agent, and authorized to proceed according to his own discretion. After much con- sultation he determined to " visit the ground," as he was accus- tomed to express it, calling at Boston, and Alfred to examine the records in those places. This journey was performed on horse-back in the summer of 1796 ; and a full account of it, carefully written after his return, is still preserved. He left " Loonenburg," a place on the Hud- son river in New York state, nearly opposite the present city of Hudson, for Masaschusetts early in June, and returned the first of August, having, as he says, quite worn out his horse. At Boston and at Alfred he made careful search of the records, as he claims, and at all places made it a point to inquire coucern- ingthe titles to lands in Maine. From Damariscotta he passed directly to McGuire's tavern in Waldoboro, which was some two miles below the present village, on the west side of the bay. Having made all the incjuiry he could as to the property in question, he returned as he came. . The next year the visit was repeated ; but we liave no circumstantial account of it. ' After this movement of Frazier, the representatives of this branch of the Brown or Peirce claim appear to have made little further effort to maintain it ; but only a few years ago a son of Wm. Frazier, then living in Rockland Co., IST. Y., intimated an intention to bring the subject again before the legislature of Maine by petition. Two other claims to lauds here require to be noticed, called the TapjMH and the Vaughan claims. First the Tappan claim. Mention has heretofore been made of Walter Phillips, who, at the beginning of the first Indian war, resided with his family at Damariscotta, on the west side near the point where the bridge is located. February 15th, 1661 he ' A receipt from Salmon Cliase of Portland for advice concerning these lands dated July 10, 1797, sliowa that he was there at this date. Salmon Chase was a lawyer of Portland, and father of the late chief justice of the United States. The sum charoed for advice, $15, would appear decidedly modest in these times.' See also N. B. Hist. Gen. Meg., xxv, 341. History oe Bristol and Bremen. 475 purchased of several Indian chiefs a tract of land on the west side of the river, which is thus described : " Beginning at the lower end of the Salt Pond at Damarisootta, so tending right over Cauesises river, due west norwest, so tending right up in the country 3 leges from the mouth of the Fresh Falls, all the up- land and marsh or marshes there belonging thereunto within the compass of 3 leges above mentioned." Again, Jan. 19th, 1662, he purchased of some other chiefs the tract described below: " Beginning at Penootsgowake, the one half upwards to the lower end of the Salt Pond to the end of the land throughout to the indraft that comes out of the Salt Pond, so likewise from Pedoocgowake down to the noke (nook) below the house of the said Walter Phillips, which the natives use to carry their canoes, over to Cauesix river, so likewise on the other side of said meadoes that lies west north west from Pedcocegowake 200 poles in length norwest, all marshes fresh and salt, within the limits above mentioned." December 28th, 1674, still another deed from certain of the Indians was given to Phillips, of 500 acres west of Damariscotta ponds, the boundaries being better defined than in the preced- ing ; but it is not necessary here to repeat the language. These deeds were supposed to convey to Phillips a large tract on the Damariscotta river and pond, extending downward into Bristol; but the limits never were (or could be) determined. This whole tract, conveyed by these three deeds ^ to Phillips, was sold by him ISTov. 10th, 1702, to Eev. Dr. Christopher Tap- pan (or Toppan) of N"ewbury, who, about 1720, sent down sev- eral settlers who took possession of some lots pertaining to the claim, put up some kind of houses, and made some other im- provements. The object was simply to strengthen the title by performing acts of ownership. Those representing this claim were very active near the close of the last century, in their efforts to induce the settlers on the disputed territory to purchase of them. The Vaughmi claim originated with Wm. Vaughan, before mentioned, (p. 289). He came to the place about the same time as Dunbar, and probably, under his patronage, though it does not appear that he received any grant of land from him.^ He established himself at Damariscotta mills, and for a time carried 'The originals of these deeds, with the scrawls of the Indians for signatures, are still preserved in the Secretary's Office in Boston. ^Lin. Bep., 1811, \>. 145. Ante, p. 201. 476 History of Bristol and Bremen. on a large lumber business. It is believed, he first erected mills there. Vaughan died in 1755, leaving all his possessions by will to several brothers and sisters, who, when the time of final settle- ment came, were represented by Eliot G. Vaughan, a nephew (it is believed) of William. He was very active in behalf of the claim, and gained for himself not a little notoriety among the people of the place. This claim, as finally presented, included substantially all the territory of the present towns of Bristol, Bremen, Damariscotta, and ISTobleboro, most of Newcastle, and parts of Jefferson and Waldoboro. lu support of it about a dozen different deeds were brought forward, all of them in the name of Wm. Vaughan, and obtained by him in the years 1732-1740. The details in regard to these cannot be given here, but a few facts will be of interest. It will be recollected that at the time of the first Indian war there lived on the Damariscotta four families, those of Walter Phillips and John Taylor on the west 'side, near the present bridge, and John Brown, and Eobert Scott on the east side. Phillips, as we have seen, had acquired such a title to a large and indefinite tract, including the lot he lived upon, as several Indian chiefs could give ; but the others were only squatters (as they would now be called), having no title to the lands occupied by them but such as possession would give. Phillips, had already conveyed to Tappan all his title to lands in the region ; but Vaughan sought out the other three set- tlers here, or rather some of their heirs, and obtained from them such titles as they could give to the lauds formerly occu- pied by the several famihes, care being taken in each case to include in the deed a generous allowance of territory. John Brown, 3d, for instance, ventured to include in his deed to Vaughan, a lot 1^ miles wide and 2 miles long, extending downward on the east side from "near the head of the falls" (the place of the present bridge). This deed of Brown is dated Oct. 30th, 1734; but the next year, Dec. 8th, he made a further venture, and sold to Vaughan the whole John Brown tract, without qualification or limitation, as regards the tract just mentioned, or the " eight mile square tract," or the rights of any other heirs of his grandfather, John Brown, Ist.i ' Files Maiuo Historical Society. History of Bristol and Bremen. 477 Perhaps it was ODly the proportional part that might be found to belong to him, as an heir of his grandfather, that he intended to convey, the same in fact as conveyed to him by his father, John Brown, 2d, by his deed, Dec. 7th, 1720, previously mentioned, (p. 457). The other deeds do not require further mention. As to this Vaughan claim, it is proper here to say, that seve- ral years after Vaughan had established himself here, and had made considerable improvements, especially at the "fresh water falls "(Dam. Mills), Tappan brought against him, and those acting under him, an action of ejectment; but judgment was given in favor of the defendant. This was in 1741. The case was carried by appeal the next year to the Superior Court of York Co., when the previous decision was confirmed. This action had reference only to 50 acres of land at the falls, where Vaughan had made his chief improvements in the erection of mills and other buildings.^ CHAPTER XXXVI. Land Titles in Bristol and Bremen, Continued. Settlement OP the Controversy. Prosperity of this part of the country at the beginning of the century — Heirs of John Brown — The time at hand for the settlement of claims to land here — Ac- tion begun against John Hall — A supposed proprietor by the name of North, visits Pemaquid — Law of March 6th, 1810 — Nohle vs. Hall — A survey of the Brown claim to be made — Vaughan m. Thompson — James Malcomb's return as Surveyor — Law passed for calling out the militia — Petitions from the people — Board of Commissioners appointed — Meeting of Committee at Myrick's — At Pemaquid — E. W. Kipley appointed Secretary of the Commissioners — The Commissioners received very kindly by the people, and make a favorable re- port — A second Board of Commissioners appointed, and settlement effected — Basis of the decision. At the beginning of the present century, the country at large had very considerably recovered from the disastrous etiects of the revolutionary and other previous Indian wars; and this part of the country especially enjoyed a degree of prosperity ' Lin. Rep., 1811, p. 105. 478 HiSTOKY OP Bristol and Bremen. before unknown. The lumber business, in particular, was very- active, as the region had not then been entirely despoiled of its immense forests ; there was much ship building carried on at various points on the coast, and many vessels employed in transporting lumber to domestic and foreign ports, bringing back in return West India goods, for which there was a great demand, and manufactured articles mostly from Europe. This, of course, occasioned considerable immigration to this region, and a rapid increase of population, and a corresponding increase in the value of land ; a circumstance naturally exciting the attention of the proprietors of the soil, whether resident or nonresident. More than this, and especially important, the time was fast approaching when many of the earliest settlers, if left undisturbed, would hold the places they occupied by right of possession, the period then required for this purpose in Massachusetts, being 60 years. The " proprietors," as all the nonresident claimants to own- ership of the soil were called, had become a numerous body, mostly living in Massachusetts, but some of them residents in other states. Occasionally, one or more would visit the place, in order to assert his right, or to convince the settlers of the justness of his (the proprietor's) title, and the necessity they were under to purchase of him. There being two or three claimants to almost every portion of the territory, the efforts of the agent for one claim often very effectually neutralized those of another ; so that little progress was made by any. A very few of the settlers were occasionally persuaded to pay a trifling consideration for a title under some one claim, but too often to make such a purchase by au}^ one, served only as a signal for the agents of other claimants also to fall upon him. Occasionally, at an early period, suits were brought against some of the old settlers, but the object of the claimant bringing the suit generally was not to determine the validity of his title, and therefore his right to sell, but to compel the settlers to buy of him, rather than any others of the so called proprietors. Thus James Teates was sued about 1762 by one Henshaw for his farm at Round Pond, though he (Yeates) had previously procured a deed from Waldo. Yeates finally recovered in the action, though in order to do so he was obliged to purchase the same farm of Drowne' Burns, father of Deacon Wm. Burns, purchased his ' Lin. Rep., 1811, p. 1C3. History of Bristol anb Bremen. 479 farm at Muscongus of Waldo, and afterwards felt compelled to repurchase of Drowne, though there were several other " propri- etors" who claimed to own the same laud, and still threatened him with lawsuits. Other cases of the same character will be found recorded in the important report, just referred to at the bottom of the page. The facts already given show very conclusively the uncer- tainty of all land titles at this time in all this region ; and if a settler was ever so desirous to pay the full value of the farm he lived on, it was impossible to determine who, among the many claimants (if any), could give him a legal title. Even if he could satisfy himself as to the comparative validity of the original claims, — as the Brown, the Drowne, or the Vaughan claim, — still this was not sutiicient. There were often other claims that did not come really and fully under any one of these heads. Some of the heirs of the original claimants at an early period, sold their undeiined title and right, whatever that might be, to a particular claim, their proportional part or parts, supposing the claim valid, depending of course upon the number of heirs, and also the relation they might hold to the person from whom they inherited ; but who, after the lapse of three-fourths of a century would undertake legally to determine the question what pro- portional part the said grantor may have been entitled to ! This will be best illustrated by referring to a single case. Oct. 13th, 1732, Eleazer Stockwell and Sarah (Pearse) Stock- well, the latter claiming to be a granddaughter of Richard Pearse, formerly of Muscongus, and great grand-daughter of John Brown of Peraaquid, sold to Timothy and Joshua Board- man, of Wethersfield, Ct., all the right, title and interest which she was of right entitled to in the Brown purchase of 1625; — consideration £400. But who could tell at the beginning of the present century, what proportional part of the Brown tract Mrs. Sarah (Pearse) Stockwell might rightfully have claimed in 1782. Mrs. Stockwell and several other grandchildren of Richard Pearse, then lived on the Housatonic river, somewhere in the western part of Connecticut or Massachusetts; and the trouble and expense to a person in Maine, who at the beginning of this century should have attempted to settle such a question, would not have been small. ' ' Hinman's First Puritan Settlers of the Colony of Connecticut, 271. Original Deeds and Letters in the possession of the writer. 480 History op Bristol and Bremen. Some of the supposed heirs, in giving deeds, mentioned the proportional part to which they supposed themselves entitled, but considered their share much larger than that reallj' falling to them, thus increasing the confusion. As early as 1754, com- plaint was made of this by some of the supposed heirs; thus Isaac Little, Nov. 4th, of the year mentioned, writing from Pembroke to Hon. Mr. Wells of Hartford, says that "some of the heirs, of old Eichard have sold three times as much as their parts." ^ These details may seem tedious; but unless they are brought somewhat prominently before us the unfortunate condition of the people residing here at the beginning of this century, as to their titles to the lands they occupied, can hardly be appreciated. A very few families had been here about three-fourths of a cen- tury, and could legally hold their farms by possession, as it is termed, some had been put in possession (or their fathers) by Dunbar, and others — constituting much the larger number — had purchased in good faith from former occupants; little be- ing thought of these old claims which had lain dormant so long as in the popular estimation to have become obsolete. There then were so many claimants to the same laud it was plain that some of the titles, if not all, must lack of the essential quality, legality. The time being now plainly at hand when the questions per- taining to these claims must be legally settled, the citizens here watched with some anxiety the beginning of the expected storm. Occasional threats of actions of ejectment from ditFerent pro- prietors had been long heard by the settlers ; but some suits were now actually commenced, and a long series of these seemed probable, such as is not often known. In 1810, several actions of the kind were pending, two against John Hall of Nobleborough, for the same tract, one of them by a Mr. Follansbee, a claimant under the Tappan claim, and the other by James Noble under the Brown title through Wm. Vaughan. Samuel Jackson lived on a farm in Jetierson which he purchased, in 1778, of a man who had been in posses- sion several years. In 1803, an action of ejectment was brought against him by some one claiming under the Tappan right, but after three or four years of litigation the defense was successful, 1 Files Maine Historical Society. Mr. Wells liad purcliased au interest in tlie Peirce cltiini and probably bad solicited information of Mr. Little. History of Bristol and Bremen. 481 though at a ruiuons cost. He theu purchased the farm a second time of another chiiraant under another title, but was agaiu sued by the heirs of Vaughau, and in the year mentioned (1810) the action was still pending. Still other casee of the same kind there were, but they cannot here be particularly described. The great majority still remained in peaceful possession of their lands, bat nearly all living on the disputed territory might expect prosecutions to be brought against them at any time. Is it strange, that the people of Bristol, and other towns named became alarmed, and began anxiously to inquire what they could do to protect themselves? Much indignation was everywhere felt against the hated proprietors ; and, in several instances, strangers coming into the town, whose business was unknown, were treated with rudeness. It was about this time (1810) or a year or two earlier, a man by the name of Nortli made Ins appearance in the town, and pretended to be employed in purchasing cattle, did actually purchase one yoke of oxen, at least, of Joseph Young, who lived on the neck below the falls, 'but the people for some reason be- came suspicious that he was an agent for some of the proprietors, and did not hesitate to make known the feelings they enter- tained. They pressed him closely by their questions, which were not answered satisfactorily, and considerable excitement began to manifest itself in the crowd that had collected together. Some even proposed the application of Lynch law to him; but better counsels prevailed, chiefly through the influence of Capt. John Fossett, who happened to be present. He persuaded the people to commit the stranger to his care, for the present, while they, if they pleased, might appoint a guard to accompany him out of the town. Capt. Fossett then took him to his house, and gave him some refreshments; and the two then started to- gether for Daraariscotta bridge, followed at a little distance by the guard that had been appointed, all being on horseback. Arrived at the bridge the crowd waited to see him on the other side, and then quietly dispersed, but not without advising the stranger not to appear in the town agaiu. Several years afterwards, Capt. F. met the same man at St. John's, E"ew Brunswick. He (Capt. F.) was in command of a schooner which was lying at the wharf, when Mr. North came 61 482 HiSTOET OP Bristol and Bkbmbn. on board and introduced himself, reminding him of their former and very peculiar acquaintance, and thanking him heartily for his kindness, lie gave no explanation as to the object of his visit to Bristol.^ A circumstance that added not a little to the excitement of the time, was the singular law passed March 6th, of this year (]810), as its title expressed it, " for the more speedy and effect- ual suppression of tumults in the commonwealth." Though gen- eral in its terms it was intended evidently for the Kennebec region and this particular locality. This law authorized any judge of the Supreme Court, in certain circumstances, when the regular administration of the laws should be obstructed, to call out, at his own discretion, a sufficient force from the militia in the neighborhood to suppress the riot or tumult, and restore order. Among the landsuits against individual settlers at this time, there was one entitled James IsTobleiw. John Hallof J^obleboro; it was founded upon the Brown claim, and was brought to eject the defendant from the farm, on which he lived. The case had been some time on the docket, and to prosecute it further, it became necessary for the plaintiff to have a survey made of the land he claimed, of which the farm of the defendant formed a part. Such a 'survey was therefore ordered at the session of the Supreme Judicial Court, held in Wiseasset iii June of this year; and by consent of parties (Noble and Hall) James Malcomb of Cushing was appointed surveyor. He was instructed by the court to appoint such aids, as chain-men, etc., that he might need, and "to run all such lines, and make such monuments as either party might desire," and to " make a plan uf the land in dis- pute," and make return to the court. The " land in dispute" between these parties could only be the farm of the defendant, though Noble's claim included the whole eight mile square tract, to which allusion has been so often made ; and this large area he undertook to survey under this order of the court. Another similar case before the court at this time was that of Eliot G. Vaughan vs. Nathaniel Thompson, also of Nobleboro ; and was brought to eject him from the farm he occupied. This ' jlr. Jolm Fossett jr. (July, IfSCO), wljo was witli his father at St. John's, when the meeting took place. W^as this man a connection of the family of this name previously noted? Hi>n. James W. North, the accomplished historian of Augusta, is very certain he was n(.it a member of their family. History of Bristol and Bremen. 483 actiou was based ou the original Brown deed of 1625, and had no connection with the eight mile tract jost mentioned. Pro- bably the two actions were intended to test the two titles ; if the Brown deed of 1625 was valid, so probably was the other title to the eight miles square, but if the latter title should fail still the other might be held valid. Though the plaintiffs were different, there was plainly a close sympathy between them, as the facts will show. Malcomb accepted the appointment and was duly sworn (Aug. 25th) faithfully to discharge the duties assigned him, having previously given notice to the parties to meet him at the house of Joshua Hilton, in Bristol (Broad Cove) on Monday the 27th. To this place he accordingly repaired at the time appointed ; and the result of his visit will be seen by his own return made to the court, dated, Aug. 28th. After reciting the order of court, he says, " in pursuance of the forego- ing order, I, the said James Malooimb, having given notice to the par- ties in said action to meet at the dwelling house of Joshua Hilton in Bris- tol, on Monday the 27th of Aug., inst., when and where 1 accordingly at- tended with, the agent of said Noble and others, to perform the services above required, and to begin at the pine tree there as corner bound of Brown's deed to Gould, furnished me by said Noble; but finding the door of said house shut and no person there, we went to the neighboring house of Greorge Rhoades, where we were met by the above named .John Hall and others to the amount of forty or fifty men, who assembled in parties, and seemed to be headed by a Capt. Samuel Tucker and others. The said Tucker stating that he was one of a committee unanimously cho- sen by the Town of Bristol to oppose the running of any lines in said Town, and demiiaded by what authority we oame to run lines. I pre- sented them the said order of court, which they opposed, saying it was a forgery, and that the Supreme Court had no authority to grant an order to run lines without notice to every person whose lands were touched thereby. And they also stated that there were a number of men likewise assembled in Nobleboro and other towns, keeping a strict watch to obstruct the running of any lines by proprietors; and threatened to take my in- struments from me if I persisted. I, therefore, apprehending danger from the appearance of their conduct, and the aaid Hall also telling me that he had no lines to run, I thought it imprudent and unsafe to proccood in said business, and left the same without running any lines. " .IA^^BS Maloomi!." ' ' Files S. .J Court, Boston, and also in Secretary's Office, in tlie State House. Of coarse Hall had " no linos to run" in that ncigliborhood. 484 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Beemen. " The agent of Noble," referred to in the above, was Elliot G. Vanghaii, the plaintiff in the action against Thompson, pre- viously mentioned; and his account of the same transaction, being more full than that of the surveyor, will be interesting to the reader. After stating the facts, the same as Malcomb, that they first went to the house of Joshua Hilton, and finding no one there, they went to the bouse of George Rhoades, where the people soon began to collect, he mentions the names of several of them, Samuel Tucker, Thos. and^Wm. Burns, Capt. Samuel Reed, Phillips Hatch and Thomas Dockeudorf. Capt. Eeed inquired their business, which they candidly stated, and also made known their authority by reading aloud their ofiicial documents. Some one of them formally introduced them to Capt. Tucker, who proceeded to, " Inform us that he was one of a committee unanimously chosen by the town of Bristol to oppose us, and prevent our running lines in said town; he then wished to know what autliority we had. Esq. Malcomb showed him the order of the Supreme J. Court, which he had read aloud to the whole company, and afterwards pronounced the same a forgery, and said there was no suob entry on the Supreme Court docket, and that they would prevent us from running any lines in Bristol. Mr. Malcomb requested of him to know by what means they meant to oppose us ; he said they must and did forbid vis running, and if we persisted they would take away his instruments, for if Noble and myself had not proof enough to support our claim we should not run any lines in order to strengthen it. Mr. Tucker said that we might next want his land, and he had had it in possession thirty-eight years, ' and before he would give it up he would spill his blood on the soil to manuio it. Capt. Phillips Hatch ap- plauded that very much, and made many similar expressions, stating [that] we should run no lines in that town. Capt. Tucker stated his age to be sixty odd years, but swore he could wield a sword or pull a trigger yet, and stated that he was unanimously chosen by the town, and their orders were to prevent running any lines in that town at all events, and the town would support them. There were two men there by the names of Wm. and Thos. Burns who swore, if aoy men attempted to run a line through their land they would shoot them, let them have authority from what Court they would. And Capt. Tucker and others of the company said all we wanted was to get a survey and then make a plan, and the Court would give us the land, but they swore we should not run any lines and said many disrespectful things concerning the Judges of the S. 'Coiiimndiiro Tiickrv luirflKwedliis i.lnro df Daniel McCordy in 1792, only 18 years previously, Imt Ik; jueaiit to inclii(l(; also tin', time it liad been in the posses- sion of McCordy. History of Bristol and Bremen. 485 J. Court. The number of men at Mr. Rhode's, was about sixty, and they seemed to doubt whether we should not return and attempt to run the lines in the night. Esq. Blalcomb informed them that we should not do that, and that no person had requested him to do it. Capt. Tucker swore there was no danger of that for the lines were all well guarded and would be, and that let us have what force we would they would have a larger one. We then informed them, if we could not run the lines without such difficulty we would return, they then informed us they should send a guard with us to escort us out of Bristol. Esq. Malcomb told them, there was no need of that, and stated that we came without any and should not want any to go back with us ; we then started to come away, finding no argu- ment would prevail on them to let us run any lines, and thera .were several men followed us and kept with us until we were out of the town of Bristol, part of their names were Capt. Samuel Tucker, Wm. and Thos. Burns, Thos. Dockendorf, and Wm. Martin jr. Mr. Martin stated that he came that day from Damariscotta Mills, and between there and Noble- borough, he had seen one hundred men in parties, and said he inquired of them what they were doing, they said they were watching for propri- etors. (Sworn to, in Court.) " Elliot G. VAtranAN." A note is added, saying tbat this, and also evidence of other more aggravating transactions, was brouglit before the grand jury, but they took no action on the subject. Being thus politely conducted out of town by the good citi- zens of Broad Cove, Vaughau next made his entrance into the town on the Walpole side. Below, is his own account of the excursion, contained in a letter to Hon. Thos. Cutts, of Saco, dated Phillipaburg, Oct. 30, 1810. To save space certain unimportant parts are omitted, as indicated by the asterisks. He says : " Wednesday, 29th Aug., I went over in the town of Bristol, in com- pany with an old man by the name of Benj. Jones, of Newcastle, he hav- ing-some business there, and being acquainted with the inhabitants. We first called at the house of Col. Wm. Jones, who is now upward of 86 years of age, and had lived there nearly all his days. After introducing myself, we began on the subject of non-resident proprietor's lands. The Col. said there was no proprietor owned any land, and that the govern- ment was corrupt in allowing any title, and instanced amongst many other things the injustice of the government in confirming and establishing the Waldo patent ; and said that he made it appear to the Gen. Court, that the patent did not cover an inch of land, and added that the people only want some good able man to take the lead and conduct them, but said there was a difficulty as there was not confidence enough between luan and man, for if such a man could be found they would betray him, and 486 History of Bristol and Bremen. said that Shays and the party that were with him were the only party that was right in the government, and said that no proprietors had any right, for God gave the earth to the sons of men, and that no man had a right to more land than lie could improve, and named 200 acres. I then asked him what could be done considering the situation we were now in ? His answer was that God Almighty had it in his power to settle it in two ways ; one was to serve all the proprietors as he did the firstborn of Egypt (cut them off in one night) the other was to raise up some man like Cyrus who would purge the land.** We then proceeded further down in Bristol, to the store of Mr. Blaney who, 1 had been informed, had been very active in preventing the lines being run." His friend, Jones, did not introduce him to Mr. Blaney, and when Jones had finished his business, tliey started on their return. The narrative proceeds, "■ When we got as far as the house of Robert Huston, Esq., he came out to the road and spoke to Mr. Jones, and lie immediately asked him who I was, and I told him my name. He inquired if I was one of the Vaughans who had been trying to run their lines? I told him I was. He then stated that they were ready for us any way. I told him we were not ready in any but a lawful way.* * He said he was safe enough concerning his land as it had been possessed and improved seventy years. I stated to him that I was knowing to that fact as my ancestors had left [to] his father 100 acres of land in his will, which, from the best information I could get, was the same land he lived on. I asked him what harm it could do him to run the lines. He said, they did not want them run, &,o.,&a." A crowd now began to collect, and much loud talk ensued, and the travellers resumed their journey towards " the bridge." " In riding 50 or 60 rods we met a number of men on horseback running their horses, and heard considerable noise behind us which proved to be a number of men on horseback with cowbells following us, who kept with us until we got to the toll-bridge near Damariscotta river. They then halted and gave three cheers," and with many oaths desired them " never to show their faces in Bristol again." " In the evening the house of David Myrick, near said bridge was surrounded, and he ordered to turn me out of doors or they would pull his house down. He went out and conversed with them and received some abuse, &c., &o. * * They kept round the house until 1 or 2 o'clock, storming the house and makin"- al- most every noise that can be conceived of. Mr. Stephen Coffin was present during this (to me) disagreeable night." i The remainder of the letter gives an account of a recent visit of his to AVarren to confer witli the surveyor, Malcomb, and Col. ' Files, Secretary's Ollice, Buston. History of Bristol and Bremen. 487 Thacher, who, it was expected, would command the regiment of militia, soon to be called out to enforce the order of the court. Malcomb, having made return to the court, in accordance with the facts above related, it only remained for the court to call out a sufficient force, from the militia of the neighboring towns, to protect the surveyor in the discharge of the duty as- signed him. And this was done, as it appears to us now, with a very unbecoming haste, considering the position of afiairs, and the grave complications that were likely to ensue. A force of 500 men, mostly from Boothbay and vicinity were ordered to be drafted under their proper officers, and held in readiness to march at short notice. In the action of JSToble vs. Thompson, previously referred to, the same order was made, and Malcomb appointed surveyor ; but in this case it was said that Thompson admitted that the land in question was included within the claim of Noble, and therefore a survey was not absolutely needed. The aspect of affairs now became alarming ; and both the civil and military officers, upon whom responsible, duties would de- volve in executing the order of Court began to look into the matter with concern. The people of Bristol and ISTobleboro, fully persuaded of the intrinsic justice of their cause, showed no disposition to make any concessions whatever, but, on the Other hand, unanimously took measures to organize an effective defen- sive force, which, however irregular in its origin, could not be despised. The law authorizing a judge of the court to call out the mili- tia in aid of a surveyor, when there was danger of opposition, passed in January, 1810, throughout the country was consi- dei-ed very extraordinary in its character; and now that it was to be put in actual operation with unnecessary haste, even its friends began to feel uneasy. Though the draft had been made on paper, the men had not been called out ; and it began to be seen that the authorities were proceeding in their coercive measures too hastily. Much correspondence ensued between G-ov. Gerry, Judge Thacher and others, and the wise conclusion was arrived at to postpone further coercive measures until the next spring, especially as the legislature was to hold a session during the winter season. One of tlie first acts of the legislature at its next session, was to repeal the obnoxious law. 488 History op Bristol and Bremen. Previous to this time feeble petitions and memorials concern- ing the condition of atfairs here, and praying for Belief, had been sent by individuals to the legislature, but they were met by the opposition of the proprietors, so as to prevent any action, or they were passed by as not of suiBcient importance to de- mand attention. Indeed all the acts of the legislature previous to this time seemed to be in the interest of the proprietors, and in disregard of the opposing claims and the many hardships of the inhabitants living on the lands in dispute. But it must be admitted that the latter had not until this time united systematically in such a determined effort to bring the whole subject before the legislature, as its importance demanded. ISTow, however, they determined to do so ; and the towns of Bristol, Nobleboro, ISTewcastle and Edgecomb appointed delegates to meet in convention, and make preparation to bring the subject by memorial and petition before the legislature, in a manner that would command attention. ^ It has been said that agents from Bristol went to Boothbay and took occasion to pay their respects to many of the drafted men, who gave them to understand if they should really be called into the field to fight in such a cause, they " should choose ivhich side to fight on." [Gapt. John Sproul, 1860.) The memorial and petition, agreed to by the convention (see note at foot of the page), was presented to the legislature at the beginning of its session in January, 1811, and received very prompt attention, the way for it having been partially prepared by an allusion to the subject by Grovernor Gerry in his message, dated January 23. "It is with deep regret, gentlemen, that I communicate any unpleasant information, respecting any important section of the Commonwealth. On the 12th of October last I received from the Hon. Judge Thacher, informa- tion that he had required Brigadier General Payson, to call out five hundred of the militia, to aid in the legal survey of certain lands, in the town of Bristol, in the county of Lincoln. Soon after I received two petitions from a number of the inhabitants of that town and neighborhood, stating griev- ances, and praying for a suspension of the survey until the decision of the legislature could be had on the subject. On the 24:th of October, I received another letter from " Printed copy of Memorial and PeUtion, pp. 32. Boston, printed by J. Beclier, loll. History of Bristol and Bremen. 489 Judge Thacher, and immediately communicated it, witli otlior doenments in my possession, to the council then in session. On the 26th of Oct., I had an interview with two respectable charac- ters of high standing in that community ; and obtaining the best intelligence they could give, imparted it to the council, who passed upon the subject, and closed their session. On the day following, considering the threatening aspect of affairs, and the deplorable consequences of a conflict in that quarter; I took mea- sures to obtain from the surveyor, James Maleomb, Esq., an explicit declaration whether he intended to proceed in the sur- vey forthwith, and if not, to what period he proposed to suspend it." After stating further particulars of his correspondence with Judge Thacher, he proceeds to say that Maleomb de- clined to proceed in the survey which had been ordered by the Court, and it was therefore suspended for the present. ^ On a report of a committee of the legislature it was, "Ordered, — That His Excellency, the governor, be, and he hereby is, authorized and requested to appoint three commis- sioners to take into consideration his message to the two branches of the legislature, relative to disturbances in the county of Lincoln, with the documents accompanying the same; and also to take into consideration the memorial from the inhabitants of Bristol, Edgecomb, iTobleboro, Newcastle, and Boothbay; and the memorial signed by Samuel Tucker ^ and others ; all of which are now pending before the General Court. And that the said commissioners be, and they are hereby authorized and directed to go into said county of Lincoln, investigate thorough- ly, the nature and causes of the ditEculties stated in said mes- sage and documents ; and also the nature, causes, and state of the difficulties and grievances complained of in said memorials. That said commissioners have power to send for such persons and papers as may appear to them necessary, in order to ena- ble them to determine fully on the subject of their commission. That they give notice of the time and place of their first meeting to the selectmen of the towns mentioned ; and also to said ' Mass Resolves, xviii, \}. 68. ^ This, it is believed, was a memorial in regard to tlie doings of Judge Thacher and a petition for his removal to some other judicial district. A similar petition was forwarded from citizens of some of the adjoining towns ; but as the law of March 6th, 1810, emi)owering the judge to call out the militia was repealed early in the session, (Feb. 27th), the petitions were withdrawn. 62 490 HisTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. Tucker, and such other persons as they deem it expedient to have notified.— And that they report, as soon as may be, to the next General Court a state of facts on the subject referred to in said message, documents and memorials; and recommend such measures as it may be expedient in their opinion to be adopted by the legislature thereupon, in order to restore tran- quility to that section of the country, and redress grievances, if any are found to exist. And that the said commissioners be, and are hereby authorized, if they see fit, to appoint a clerk to attend them in the execution of their said commission." The governor immediately appointed on this commission Hon. Perez Morton, then a distinguished lawyer and politician of Boston, Jonathan Smith jr. and Thomas B. Adams, ' who at once prepared to enter upon the duties assigned to them. They appointed their first meeting at the Court House in Wiscassett, Wednesday, May Ist, giving previously the necessary notices. On Monday, April 29th, the selectmen and committee of Bris- tol, Kobleboro, Newcastle, and Boothbay, met at Myrick's in Newcastle and appointed a committee to represent them before the commissioners. The selectmen of Bristol present, were Eobert Huston, Sul- livan Hardy, and Wm. McClintock. Committee to act in con- cert with the selectmen, Aaron Blaney, Wm. Chamberlain, and James Drummond jr. Selectman of Nobleboro present, Ebenezer Flint. Committee, Milton Goodenow. Selectmen of jSTewcastle, Luther Webb, and Samuel Leighton. Selectman of Boothbay, John McFarlaud. Committee, Wm. McCobb, and I'auiel Rose. These appointed a sub-committee of six, Daniel Rose, Milton Goodenow, Aaron Blaney, James Drummond jr., Daniel Waters, and Samuel Parsons, to conduct the case for them, and instructed them to meet the commissioners at Wiscasset, and invite them while conducting their inquiries to make their ' Tliese men spent more than three weeks on the case, in taking testimony and preparing their report, making a journey in the mean time from Boston to the town of Bristol, Me. ; and tlie compensation they received would in this day seem rather small. By resolve of the legislature, June 24th, Perez Morton received ^144, Jonathan Smith, $180, and Thomas B. Adams, $162. E. W. Ripley, their clerk, received $130. Only $1,200 was appropriated for the whole expense of the commissioners. Per- haps their expenses were paid in addition to the above. History of Bristol and Bremen. 491 priucipal stand at Doct. Myrick's in l^ewcastle. The sub-com- mittee were also instructed to invite the commissioners to Bristol, and especially to Pemaquid to view the ruins there, and to other places as might be agreed upon. Accordingly, the first of May, the Commissioners having ap- pointed Eleazer W. Eipley their clerk, met in Wiscasset, but immediately adjourned to Doct. Myrick's in Newcastle, where their meetings were subsequently held. They were continued several days and excited ranch interest, being attended as they were by agents of the claimants under the so-called Browne, Brown, Tappan, and Vaughan rights, with their several attorneys, presenting no meagre array of the legal taleut of this region at that time. They examined carefully all the documentary evi- dence brought before them, and examined many witnesses from among the elderly citizens of the place, some of whom were able to testily to transactions nearly as fixr back as the time of Dunbar. During their stay, the commissioners visited the site of the old Pemaquid fort and other places, beiug everywhere received with the utmost cordiality. Their candid manner, and the pa- tient, respectful attention they gave to all the evidence brought before them, greatly pleased the people of the place, who, when the evidence was all in, and before they knew what the report would be, felt that they had already achieved a triumph. Having finished their work here, the commissioners adjourned to Portland, where they made up their report, which is dated May 20th. It was printed as a legislative document, with much of the evidence upon which it was based, but is now sel- dom met with, though of the utmost importance to the early history of this part of the country. In fiict, we are indebted to it for much of the information contained in these pages. To insert it entire would be simply to repeat much that has already been said, but an extract from it near the close must be given. "It further appeared in evidence, corroborated also by the general ap- pearance of the country, that the settlements on and about Damariscotta river, were at least a century old. The inhabitants seem to be quiet, enterprising and industrious, attached to the institutions under which they live, and totally free from any disorganizing or disloyal spirit. They ask for reasonable protection under the laws of their country, and not an abolition of them. As a mark of their attention to social order and the means of information, we bog leave to state, that meeting-houses are 492 History of Bristol and Bremen. erected in every town mentioned in the memorial, that clergymen are reg- ularly settled in most of them, and have been for a long time past; and that in the town of Bristol alone, there are twenty-one sohool houses, and that town raises annually for the support of free schools, the sum of two thousand dollars. It further appeared in evidence, that none of the inhabitants entered upon these lands with an intention of disseizing or trespassing on any proprietor; but that, nearly to a man, they hold their estates under deeds of settlement from some one or more of the claimants, or from prior settlers. No improper motives, on their parts, appear to have actuated them, but the variety of interfering grants derived from different sources, added to the vague principles upon which all new countries are settled, have been the real causes of the existing dilEcuIties, and have placed the people of those towns in a state of real insecurity, and have excited in them just cause of alarm. The commissioners therefore, after fully hearing the complaints of the memorialists, are of opinion, that, as well from their loyalty, merits and services, as from the peculiar circumstances of their situation, they are justly entitled to the particular interposition of the fostering aid of the legislature, so far as that aid can be extended to them consistently ■with the rights of other individuals. They are sensible, that among the rights of the respective claimants is unquestionably that of having the justice and legality of their several claims separately decided by trial at law; but it will be readily seen, that the exercise of these rights must, as it already has done, operate very oppressively on those people; and, in- deed, the claimants themselves, who, it is believed, never before had an opportunity of seeing and examining the extent and evidence of the claims of each other, seem to be sensible of this truth, and it is pleasing to remark, manifested a disposition to bring the existing difficulties to a close. Under this impression, the commissioners did not hesitate to sug- gest their wishes to this jjffect, which resulted in the proposition to the legislature, accompanying this report, under the hands and seals of the different claimants. By this instrument (he claimants propose to release and surrender all their title under their respective claims to the common- wealth, and to submit to a new Board of Commissioners, whether they, or either of them, arc now entitled to all, or any part of the lands, described toithin their respective claims, and what part; consenting, that the rights of the settlers and those of the commonwealth, shall be ojjposed to them in the hearing; and if they, or either of them, be found entitled to any part of such lands, the scmie to be estimated as in a state of nature, with' ut ref- erence to any improvement, and to receive compensation for the same in the unlocated lands in the district of Maine, belongins to the common- wealth ; which will leave the commonwealth the sole proprietors of any interest which ur.iy be found to belong to all, or any of the present claim- History of Bristol and Bremen. 493 ants ; and to this proposition the agents of the memorialists readily gave their concurrence, under a conviction, that nothing will be required of them by the commonwealth, but, what reason and justice will demand. The commissioners, therefore, cannot but earnestly recommend to the legislature to meet this proposition of the claimants to extinguish their conflicting claims, as a measure dictated by that wise policy, which in the government of a free country, always seeks the preservation of its honor and dignity and will at all times make the tranquility and happiness of all its citizens the primary object of its pursuit. They believe, also, that it would be good policy, in a local as well as national view, to encourage by all just means the speedy settlement of the district of Maine, so important a frontier of the Union, and they are persuaded that the present length of limitation in bar of the writ of right, operates powerfully to the dis- couragement of this object. The neighboring British Colonies of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, as well as some of the large States of the Union, to encourage their increase of population, have bound the writ of right after twenty-one years; and the commissioners recommend that period for its limitation in this commonwealth ; or, if it should be objected to as unnecessary in Massachusetts proper, where the title to lands are more firmly settled, they see no objection to the government's legislating for the district of Maine, separately in this respect, as numerous precedents to that effect are to be found in our own statutes, under the late Pro- vinces. The commissioners have been thus particular in describing the titles of the claimants, and the merits and complaints of the memorialists, that the legislature may at one view discern the nature and causes of the ex- isting difficulties, and be able to judge of the propriety of applying the remedies recommended, or such others as their wisdom and discretion may dictate. All which they have the honor respectfully to submit for that purpose." This report to the legislature was accompanied by a written agreement signed by the attorneys of the several claimants, to submit their several claims in the manner proposed. The sub- stance of it was, the proprietors agreed to submit the merits of their respective claims to the commissioners to be appointed by the governor or by the legislature, as might be determined, with the consent of proprietors, which commissioners should have authority to determine, both in law and equity, whether they or any of them, were entitled to the lands or any part of the lands within their respective claims, in opposition to the rights of other parties, whether settlers on the territory or 494 History of Bristol and Bremen. others, and also in opposition to the rights and claims of the state. Before the commissioners should take any action they (the claimants), were to make over by deeds of release to the commonwealth of Massachusetts, all their right and title to the lands in dispute, on the condition that the commonwealth should award to them, or any of them, such compensation as they might be found entitled to by the said commissioners, the said compensation or equivalent to be made in grants of unoc- cupied laud still belonging to the state in the district of Maine. A proviso was inserted that if the action of the legislature should be delayed beyond the next session, the proprietors should be at liberty to prosecute their claims in the court just as if nothing of this kind had been attempted. It was in this form the aifair came again before the legisla- ture ; and was very soon understood by that body as it never before had been. The governor in his message, June 10th, 1811, made a favor- able allusion to the report, and recommended its suggestions to their careful consideration. Accordingly, immediate action was taken on the subject; the governor was authorized to appoint a new board of copimissioners to re-exmine the whole question, make an authoritative decision as to the real ownership of the lauds in dispute, and award to the successful claimants such compensation or equivalent in the wild lands of Maine, as might seem to them reasonable and proper. The commissioners selected by the governor for this respon- sible duty, were Hon. Jeremiah Smith, of Exeter, IST. H., Wm. H. Woodward, of Hanover, E". H., and Hon. David Howell, of Providence, R. I. Their appointment was not made until late in the summer or autumn ; and they very soon entered upon the discharge of their duty. In the mean time most or all of the claimants, more than one hundred in number, besides the ■ Plymouth or Kennebec company, executed deeds of release to the state of all their right aud title to the lands in question, ac- cording to the letter of the agreement. But so much time was spent in making a thorough examination of all the evidence in the case that they were not prepared to report until January 26th, 1813.1 Before giving their decision they state the principles upon which they based their action. They say, " in considering the ^ Mass. liesulees, xviii, 181. History op Bristol and Bremen. 495 grants and conveyances under which the parties claimed, and the manner of deducing their titles, we have not been disposed to require the most perfect regularity, nor to expect the same exactness as in the case of modern grants. Wherever a Court of Chancery could supply defects or give relief, we have over- looked such defects, and have considered ourselves as vested with the power to give the same relief, and we have allowed the claimants the full benefit of their possession. We are de- sirous that the legislature should be apprised of the construction we have put on the resolution, which is the foundation of our authority. It has been our intention to go as far in favor of titles as a Court of Chancery could go in the rightful exercise of their peculiar powers. But we have not considered the words 'power and authority to determine, both in law and equity, whether a claimant under his claim, is entitled to any lands within the boundaries of his claim &c.,' as vesting in us any authority to award in favor of a claimant whose title could neither prevail at law nor avail the party with all the aid a Court of Equity could give ; though such party might have merits which would entitle him to the favorable notice of the legislature." They then proceed to make their formal award and decision, with all the legal verbiage required by the importance of the subject before them, declaring the claims of the Plymouth or Kennebec company, well founded, and awarding to them, under certain conditions, a full township of laud, to be selected from the wild lands in the district of Maine. To the claimants under the Drowne claim, they awarded a half township of land under the same conditions of introducing within a limited period a certain number of settlers, and reserving some lots for schools and a lot for the first settled minister. They conclude their report as follows, viz. "And we do further award, order and determine, that as to all the other parties to the annexed submission * * * that ueither they uor auy of them, nor the person or persons, they or either of them represent, had at the time of said submission, or at any time since have had, either in law or equity, any title to any lands under their respective claims, and within the boundaries thereof, and situate within the towns aforesaid, or auy of them." By this decision, it will be seen the Brown, Tappan and Vaughan claims were utterly extinguished as never having had 496 History of Bristol and Bremen. any foundation either in law or equity. These claims all had their origin in Indian deeds, which were thus declared invalid ; but the two claims having their origin in European grants, were estabhshed. The reader will not fail to observe that the claims of the plaiutiiis in the two suits at law mentioned above, as being im- mediately connected with the Bristol troubles, were among those declared to be without foundation. The Vaughan claims were rejected by the commissioners for' the reason that they had no legal support, resting as they did upon Indian deeds, or documents purporting to be such ; but Vaughan had, in his day, done much for the improvement of the country, and they thought his labors and toils worthy of con- sideration. They therefore recommended that the modern representatives of these claims should receive a half township of wild lands of the state, the same as they had awarded to the Pemaquid proprietors. This award was afterward formally made by the legislature. The claims of the late "proprietors" being thus extin- guished, or rather the title to the soil about which there had been so much strife, being now vested in the state, it remained only for the old settlers to receive deeds from the state, to be- come the undisputed owners in fee simple of the lands they had long occupied, and formerly supposed to be their own. Deeds of this kind were subsequently given by authority of the govern- ment at a charge of a few cents per acre, except to those who had actually paid for their land to some one of the claimants — those received their deeds gratuitously. History of Bristol and Bremen. 497 CHAPTER XXXVII. Bremen, ^fter its Separation from Bristol. Bremen incorporated — Scliool Districts — Robert Miller — Thomas Joliuston jr.— Wm. H. Little — Sullivan Hardy — Bremen in tlie civil war — List of Soldiers — Furnislied for the army and navy — Samuel T. Keene — Dr. McEuer — Rev. Joshua Soule — Dr. Tobey — Arunah Weston. The town of Bremen, was incorporated by act of the state legislature February 19th, 1828. Many attempts had been made to effect a division of the large territory included in Bristol, by vote of the citizens, but without effect. All felt that a di- vision into two or more towns was greatly to be desired, and many plans were proposed, but when submitted to vote in town- meeting they were always rejected. At length the people of Broad Cove determined to address their application directly to the legislature of the state, and succeeded in obtaining their charter as above stated. It is not known who suggested the name of Bremen ; but, being comparatively short and easily pronounced, it was at once accepted. The territory of this town formerly constituted the northeast part of Bristol, lying between Broad bay, on the east, and Bis- cay and Pemaquid ponds on the west. On the south it is sepa- rated from Bristol by a line running from Muscongus harbor to the south part of Biscay pond. The present nearly straight line is not the one described in the act of incorporation, but a com- promise line agreed upon by committees of the two towns the year after the separation. The first line, as described in the charter was found to be impracticable. It was pirovided in the act of incorporation that all the pro- perty belonging to the former town of Bristol should be divided between the two towns in the proportion of their respective valuations at the last preceding assessment ; and that they should be held to pay in the same proportion whatever previous in- debtedness there might be against the old town. 63 498 History of Bristol and Bremen. The town as thus established contained then four school dis- tricts, to wliich two have since been added, and had a population of about 800. It was provided that the two towns should con- stitute one representative district. The first town meeting was held at the school house of Dist. ISTo. 3, (near the late Daniel Weston's) and organized by electing Eobert Miller, moderator and Sullivan Hardy, town clerk. A board of selectmen and other officers were also chosen. The next meeting, held April 12th, was considered the first annual meeting for the year, but the officers previously chosen were continued. The separation from the old town was unanimously approved by the people of the new town, except a few living near the southern line who subsequently petitioned to be again set otF from Bremen, and restored to Bristol; but the effort failed. The two great political parties of the country, east, west, north and south, were generallj' very sharply divided in the presi- dential campaign of 1828, when Andrew Jackson was elected, and more than the usual amount of bitter feeling was manifested, but it was not permitted to disturb the political quiet of Bremen. At the election only 18 voters made their appearance, who cast their votes unanimously for the Adams ticket. The next year the town cast 66 votes for governor. Eobert Miller, who presided as moderator of the first town meeting, died by suicide late in the autumn of 1828. He was a Scotchman from the vicinity of Edinburgh, but had long re- sided in the place. He was, by trade, a carpenter, and lived at a place on the " western branch " of Broad Cove, as marked on the map of Lincoln countj', and it is believed owned the saw and grist mills that formerly stood there. They were what are called tide mills, which depend upon the water flowing in at high tide through the gates iu the dam, and of course can be used only at low tide. Mr. Miller had been several months in poor health, and at times much depressed in spirit, but no one supposed that he meditated self-destruction. Some time in the autumn he de- posited several hundred dollars in money with a neighbor for safe keeping, taking no receipt ; and the transaction was known only to the parties themselves. He was a bachelor and lived by himself, but at length, as he had not been seen for several days, search was made for him, and his body found iu a retired %//L>^zaJ ^^i^'Jz'j^jn^ History of Bkistol and BaBMEN. 499 place ill a pasture a mile or more from his house. He had cat bis own throat with a pen kuife, and fallen forward on his face with the kiufe still grasped in his hand. . The old meeting house erected in the Broad Gove parish, at the place then called Greenland (see map), ceased to be used as a place of worship about the beginning of the present century and iu 1824 was taken down, and the materials usediu the con- struction of the present Bremen Church. UNION CHUliCII, BEBIIEN. The grave yard, a distance south of the present meeting house, had been thus occupied from an early period, by permission of the owner of the land, but in 1832 the lot was purchased for the general use of the inhabitants. According to tradition when the meeting house question was so earnestl}- discussed, as heretofore described (p. 341), many desired that the one for the Broad Cove parish should be located here rather than at Green- land Cove. Thomas Johnston, who was elected as the first treasurer of the town, and afterwards to the same office several years suc- cessively, was a son of the Scotchman by the same name previ- ously mentioned (p. 389). He followed the sea when a young man, but subsequently purchased a farm near the old home- stead, where he ever afterwards lived. He d. in 1852 at the age of 84, the accompanying lithograph being a very good repre- sentation as he appeared in his old age. ^■ c/ i^;^ This is a fac-similc of the autograph of Thomas Johnston sr., as traced from a signature attached to a public docnment iu 1775. 500 HiSTOEY OF Bristol and Bremen. The superintendent of the coast survey a few years ago in the progress of his work had occasieu to establish a sub station near the home of the old Scotchman, and gave it the name of "Johnston." — Coast Survey Hep., 1867. We have seen that when Bremen was incorporated, it was united with Bristol to form with it a single representation dis- trict, but three or four years aftervvards a change was made and Bremen, Friendship and Cashing were associated together as one district. Subsequently (in 1845), the arrangement was again changed, and Bremen and ISTobleboro were associated together. In 1883, a new school district was formed on the neck, and subsequently a district school house erected. The public road from the main road east to the shore on the neck near Job Tolmau's, on the line between Wm. Johnston and Mary Johnston was laid out by the county commissioners 1836. The matter had been discussed some time, but was now authoritatively decided. The owners, or some of them, of the land taken for the road, having made a demand for payment, the matter was referred to a committee to make inquiry, and re- port. In due time the committee reported that it was a case in which the owners were entitled to payment for their land thus taken for the public use. This town, like all the other towns in the state, voted to receive its share of the money distributed from the general treasury in 1837, on the terms proposed (p. 437) and Wait W. Keen, Esq., was appointed agent of the town to receive it from the state treasurer. It was at first decided to authorize the selectmen to loan the money to individuals on good secu- rity, but subsequently the whole fund was distributed among the inhabitants of the town in the same manner as was done in Bristol. Wm. H. Little sr., died Feb. 26th, 1841, long a prominent and much respected citizen of the place. He was a descendant of Thomas and Ann (Warren) Little of Plymouth, Mass., who lived first at Plymouth, but removed to Marshfield, in 1650. Mr. L. was among the earliest emigrants to Plymouth and his wife was a daughter of Richard Warren, a passenger bv the May Flower. f t, j _ Wm. PL Little, the subject of our notice, was probably of the sixth (perhaps the seventh) generation from Thomas who was History of Bristol and Bremen. 501 the first of the name in America. He was born Dec. 2l8t, 1761, and came to this place when quite young. He married Rhoda Trouant and settled on a farm near the north line of the town ; and besides carrying on his farm engaged also in ship-building, timber for the purpose being then abundant in this region. Be- fore the war of 1812, he had built several small vessels ; but after the war, beginning in 1816, in connection first with some of his neighbors, and afterwards with his sons, he built a vessel of a hundred or more tons every year for twenty years.' He was a man of strict integrity in his intercourse with others, and enjoyed, in an eminent degree, the esteem and respect of the community, but never sought public office. He had several sous, by whom the name is still perpetuated, and several daughters. Sullivan Hardy, long a resident of this town, died Feb. 28th, 1848, aged upwards of 68 years. He came here when quite a young man ; and during his life filled some important public ofiices. He bad received a good education, and often in winter was employed in teaching a district school in his neighborhood. He was first elected on the board of selectmen of the town (Bristol) in 1809, and was subsequently several times reelected. It was while he was a member of this board that the difficulties between the citizens of the place and the non-resident proprietors came to a crisis, and means were adopted which finallj' led to their settlement, as heretofore described. He was early ap- pointed to the office of justice of peace, which he held for many years, performing the duties required to the general satisfaction. When the town of Bremen was incorporated, in 1828, he was elected first town-clerk. At a town-meeting, May 4th, 1850, a movement was made for building a town house, to be used for the public meetings of the citizens; and a committee appointed to determine the proper location, and secure a proper site. This committee subsequently reported that the whole distance from the southern boundary of the town to the line of Waldoboro is 7 miles, less 14 rods ; and that the middle point is 6 rods north of the school house of district No. 3 ; and that a suitable lot of laud for a school house could be obtained of Wm. Johnston, a third of a mile north of the centre ; but nothing further was done. One effect of the Crimean war in Europe, was to create a 'Fmnily Kfcord, Olis Little, Esq. 502 History op Bristol and Bremen. great demand for vessels ; and an immense impulse was given to the ship-building interest in this region, but it was not of long continuance. JSTo vessels of importance were built in this town, but the business was active at VValdoboro, Round Pond, ISTew Harbor, and at Damariscotta, where many men from this place were constantly employed. As a matter of course business of all kinds was active for several years. July 15th, 1855, there occurred in this town one of those dis- tressing cases of suicide, which, however common they may be, never lose their sadness, and against which no human law or foresight can protect us. Thomas Child, a farmer in com- fortable circumstances, as was supposed, destroyed his own life by taking poison. It was afterwards discovered that the desperate act was occasioned by eml)arrassment in which he had become involved by the failure of a Damariscotta firm of ship builders, to whom he had made a considerable loan of money held by him in trust. The " war of the rebellion" found the people of this region in the same spirit as prevailed elsewhere. The " coming events " had foryears been " casting their shadows before," and the public mind was in some degree prepared for the call that was to be made upon their patriotism and their valor. In all the various calls of the government for men the town of Bremen never failed to meet the full demands made upon her, and by means essentially the same as practiced in other towns. Eai'ly in the war small, but afterwards, large, bounties offered for volunteers by the town in addition to those ofi'ered by the general and state governments did not fail to secure the large number of men called for as they were needed. The attempt to secure men for the army by the ancient mode of drafting produced the same result here as elsewhere. Though theoretically just and equal it is directly opposed to the universal feeling in favor of the sacred freedom of the in- dividual, and probably will be no more attempted by our government except in very extraordinary cases or sudden and unforseen emergencies. It is true that men must be had to carry on a war, but they can always be obtained by the otter of a sufficient pecuniary consideration, and the burden then becomes one of the purse only, and is equally diffused among the people of the state, and the liberty of the individual is not viuluted. History of Bristol and Bremen. 503 The followiug list coutains the names of all from this town who served in the army or navy during the war, so far as can be ascertained. It has been compared with some care with the returns contained in the reports of the adjutant general. Pos- sibly there may be some omissions, especially as regards those serving in the navy. The list was prepared by Thomas Little, Esq., whose name will be found in it. 1861. Samuel Davis, i Private, Co. B., 2ncl Eeg. of Inf. ; wounded near Williams- burgh, Va., and subsequently discharged. Joseph Fogler, Private, Co. — 2nd Keg. ; wounded and taken prisoner at Bull Run, and subsequently discharged. Frank G. Haynes, - Corp., Co. B., 1st Cavalry ; taken prisoner, and after- wards exchanged and rejoined his company. Emery J. Hilton, Private, Co. E., 4th Reg. Inf ; wounded in hand at Bull Run and discharged. Charles T. Hilton, Private, Co. B., 8th Reg. Inf. ; reenlisted at close of time, and discharged with his company at the close of the war. Thomas P. Keen, Sergt., Co. E., 4th Reg.; discharged, Feb. 17, 62 for disability. Frank A, Lawler, Corporal, Co. E., 4th Reg. ; served his full term of 3 years, and was mustered out with his company ; reenlisted in Han- cock's Corps, 1863. Wm. McLain, Private, Co. B. 8th Reg. ; wounded near Fort Darling, 1864. Edward Palmer, Private, Co. E., 4th Reg. Inf ; killed in action. May 23, 1864. Francis W. Rhoades, Private, Co. E,, 4th Reg. Inf ; wounded by an axe and discharged, Nov. 6. Reenlisted, Sergeant of Co. I., 19th Reg. ; and was killed in battle of Gcttysburgh. James G. Roades, Private Co. E. 4th Reg. Inf ; wounded, and died in hospital in Washington, Sept. 13, 62. David W. Roades, " Private, Co. H., 1st Reg. Cavalry ; died Jan. 24th, 1864, in Virginia. Charles C. Turner, Private, Co. E., 4th Reg. Inf ; taken prisoner at Gettysburg, and died in Andersonville prison. 1 Believed to be the same as Samuel W. Davis who entered the army from Orono, May 28th, 18Ct. — Adjutant General's Report, 18G3, p. 106. 2 This name is not found in its proper place in some copies of tlie adjutant general's report. ' Entered the army from the town of Harmony, according to report of adju- tant general. 504 History of Bristol and Bremen. Thomas F. Turner, Private, Co. E., 4tli Eeg. Inf. ; discharged for disa- bility, Dec, 11, 62. 1862. Joseph W. Bryant, Private, Co. J., 21st Eeg. Inf. ; regularly discharged at expiration of time of service. Green Burns, Private, Co. I., 21st Keg. Inf. ; same as last. Joseph Burns, Private, Co. I., 21st Reg. Inf. ; do. Eoscoe D. Creamer, Private, Co. I., 19th Reg. Inf. ; transferred to inva- lid corps. Asa F. Flye, Private, Co. I., 21st Reg. Inf ; discharged at expiration of time of service. Wm. J. Genthner, Co. — , 14th Mass. Inf. ; subsequently transferred to the navy. Seth Hall, Private, in same Co. and Eeg. ; discharged for disability. John E. Johnston, Private, Co. K., 1st Eeg. Cavalry ; discharged on ac- count of disability, April 13, 1863. Daniel W. Keen, Corporal, Co. K., 20th Eeg. Inf; and Lieutenant of 128th Eeg. of colored troops ; was wounded at Fredericksburg, and died, Aug. 19th, 1865. Weston H. Keen, 1st Lieut., Co. K., 20th Eeg. Inf ; and subsequently Capt. Co. A. ; killed in action Sept. 30, 1864, near Petersburg, Va. Thomas Little, Private, Co. I., 19th Reg. Inf. ; wounded at Gettysburg and subsequently discharged. Otis H. Little, Private, Do., 19th Reg. Inf. ; killed at Petersburg, June 24, 1864. Wm. H. Little jr.. Corporal, 19th Reg. Inf ; wounded in action, May 18th, 1864. Joel H. Little, Serg. Co. I., 21st Reg. Inf. ; discharged for disability, Dec. 16, 1862. Timothy Ozier, served in a Massachusetts Eeg., probably the 14th. Ogilvie Eichards, Private, Co. I., 21st Inf.; wounded in action, May 27, 1862, and subsequently taken prisoner July 30, 1864 ; released on parole, 1865. Lincoln Ehoades, Private, died in Louisiana. James W. Taylor, Private, Go. I., 21st Eeg. Inf ; died, Feb. 21, 62. Vincent E. Taylor, do. do., discharged, time ex- pired. George W. Trouant, Private, Co. I., 21st. Eeg. Inf ; died of fever in New York, Jany. 21st, 1863. George S. Turner, Private, Co. I., 19th Eeg. Inf. ; wounded in action at Gettysburg, Pa., July 2d, and died. July 19, 62. Wm. E. Webber, Private, Co. I. 21st Eeg. Inf ; served the full term for which he enlisted, and was honorably discharged. Joseph S. Woodbury, Corp., Go. I. 21st Inf. History op Bristol and Bremen. 505 1863. Lucius H. Bond, Private, Co. L., 2d Cavalry ; Monhegan. Wm. J. Brown, Private, Co. E., 2d Reg. Cavalry ; transferred to navy. James McLoon, Private, 7tli Battery of Mounted Artillery, served until close of war, and honorably discharged. John W. Webster, Wagoner, Co. I., 21st Reg. Inf. ; served full term of enlistment and honorably discharged. John S. Woodbury, Corporal, Co. I., 21st Reg. Inf.; served full term of enlistment and honorably discharged. 1864. Burton A. Beal, Private, 1st D. C. Cavalry; disoh. May 11, 65. Henry E. Challis, Private, 1st Reg. D. C. Cavy. ; disch. by order No. 77. J. Emerson Hilton, Private, Co. — , 32d Reg. Inf.; killed in action at Petersburg, Va., April 2d, 1865. 1865. Wm. Burke, Private, Co. B., 1st Battalion of Inf. John Clark, , 13th Reg. Inf. ; discharged for disability. Austin Lawler, , 13th Reg. Inf ; discharged for disability. John Mullen, Private, Co. B., 1st Battalion Inf. John H. Pray, Private, Co. D., 1st Battalion Inf. Byron Richards, i 13th Reg. Inf. Charles D. Shillings, Private, Co. E., 1st Battalion of Infantry. Charles F. Walker, , 1 D. Col Cav. The following are known to have served in the navy, but with one or two exceptions the ships to which they were at- tached has not been ascertained : 1862. Abdon Davis, ship Constellation ; discharged for disability. Alonzo Richards, ship Constellation served three years and was honorably discharged. 1863. Charles W. Little, ship unknown ; honorably discharged. John McLain, 1864. Frederic Creamer, " " James Donnells, " Wm. W.Hardy, •' " " Samuel Heavener, " " George Smith, " > This name has not been found on any list of this regiment in the adjutant's report, but Mr. Little includes it in his list. 64 506 HiSTOKY OP Bristol and Bremen. Joseph W. Welman, ship unknown; honorably discharged. John H. Bond, Monhegan. The names of several others who served in the army during the rebellion, require to be mentioned here. Samuel T. Keene, who entered the army from Eoekland, was a native of this town where he was born in 1833. He was at one time a member of Waterville College, but graduated at Union College, Schenectady, JST. Y., in the class of 1856. After graduating, he had charge of the academy in Cherryfield, for a time, and subsequently studied law, and opened an office in Rockland. When the 20th regiment was organized in the summer of 1802 he was appointed 1st lieutenant of company I, but was afterwards transferred to company F. as captain. In this ca- pacity he served with so much distinction, that he was further promoted as major of the regiment, but he died before his com- mission reached him. He was shot through the head by a rebel sharp-shooter in front of Petersburg, Va., June 22d, 1864. Fall- ing into the arms of a brother otBcer, he said, " write to my wife, it is all well, I die for my country." He then quietly passed away. He was a man of excellent character and worth, and a very superior officer. He had greatly endeared himself to his associates, and his loss was deeply lamented. His remains were brought to Thomaston, and interred with military honors.^ Dr. Daniel McKuer, of Bangor, who joined the army as sur- geon to the Second Regiment of Infantry, is a Scotchman, but came to this counti'y abont fifty years ago, and several years practiced his profession in Bremen and at Damariscotta, before going to Bangor. BetVu'e reaching Washington, he was ap- pointed Brigade Surgeon, and during the winter while the army was encamped in front of Washington, by appointment by Gen. MeLellan, he made an examination of the field hospi- tals, the chief object being to advise with the surgeons in regard to their general arrangement, ventilation, cleanliness, etc., so as best to promote the general health and improvement of the patients. Subsequently he was appointed chief surge.m of Gains's hospital, where by aid of his assistants, many important surgical operations were performed; and then as chief surgeon on the hospital ship, Louisiana, which was employed in trans- porting sick and wounded soldiers from the James river to the hospitals in Washington. 'Rep. A. 450. '' New American Cycloyedia, 508 HisTOEY OF Bristol and Bremen. By the general couference of 1816, he was elected book ageut, and in consequence he removed to New York city. Elected bishop in 1820, he declined to accept the office, but being reelected in 1824, he accepted, and afterwards acceptably performed the duties of the office until the separation of the southern conferences in 1844. He greatly deplored the un- fortunate separation of the southern conference that year, but his sympathies were with the separating ministers ; and after the organization of the Methodist Episcopal church, south, in 1846, he was acknowledged by them as senior bishop of that church. This office he held until his death. During the latter part of his life his i-esidence was at K"ash- ville, Tenn., or the immediate vicinity. Though so thoroughly identified with the south he never favored the secession movement. In person Mr. S. was tall, stately and dignified, his voice sonorous and strong. His sermons were usually very long and elaborate and often "overwhelmingly impressive," though "entirely destitute of imagination and figurative illustration." He was faithful and warm towards his intimate friends, but to strangers cold and reserved. At his first election to the office of bishop he was but 38 years old, the youngest man ever elected to this office in the Methodist Episcopal church, except the present bishop, E. S. James, who at his election was only 37.' A distinguished native of this town, Samuel-Boyd Tobey, M.D., died suddenly of apoplexy June 23, 1867, in Providence, R. I., where he had resided from his early youth. His father, Samuel Tobey, came to Bristol about the close of the last cen- tury ; and having married Caroline Martin, daughter of Jacob Martin, of Broad Cove, the newly married couple settled on a farm in the same vicinity. They had two sons, Wm. H. and Samuel B., the latter of whom was born Nov. 12th, 1805, and the father died while he was quite young. Both the father and mother were members of the society of Friends; and their children were educated in the same faith. Samuel was an unusually bright, rosy cheeked, boy ; and when he was about ten or a dozen years old had the good fortune to attract the attention of a rich Quaker lady of Providence, E. I., who came on a visit to the 'Memorials ol' Motlicjdisiu by liov. A. Stevens, JSfow Amerimn Cyclopedia. History op Bristol and Bremen. 509 Bristol and other societies of Friends in this state. By her ad- vice and the consent of his mother, he left his home soon after- wards, and took up his abode in Providence, where he ever attervi^ards resided.' After his removal from his native place he attended the academy m Plainfield, Conn., and subsequently the school of barauel Gummere, at Burlington, K J., from which place he returned as a teacher to the Plaintield Academy, in 1822 when he was only sixteen years old. Subsequently he was employed as teacher in the Friend's boarding school in Providence, but left It to engage m the study of medicine. He attended the medical lectures in one of the schools of Philadelphia, and re- ceived his degree of M.D. in March, 1828. Returning to Providence, after his graduation, he immediately entered upon the practice of his profession, in which he labored with great industry and distinguished success until 1846, when he retired from active practice, partly because of a partial failure of his health, but more especially because of his appointment as executor of the will of a rich friend who had recently died. But it was not only as a successful physician that Dr. Tobey was known ; he was deeply interested in many of the public and benevolent institutions of his adopted city and state. In 1835, he was elected a member of the board of trustees of Brown Uni- versity, and subsequently, in 1854, became chancellor of the same, holding the office until the time of his death. He was one of the founders of the Rhode Island hospital, and a mem- ber of its board of trustees, a trustee of the Butler Hospital for the Insane, and vice president of the Providence Dispensary. To these and other public and benevolent institutions he o-ave much of his time, and contributed liberally from his purse. Few men in any country have enjoyed more fully the public confidence. Dr. Tobey by birth and education was a member of the so- ciety of Friends, to which he was strongly attached. For many years he was an approved and active minister of the society, and clerk of the yearly meeting for New England. He was twice married, and left a family of several children.^ ' It has always been understood by the people of the place where Dr. T. was born that he was adopted as her own by the lady alluded to, and educated at her expense ; but this is said to be a mistake by members of his family still living in Providence. ^ Letter of John P. Tobey, Esq., Rep. of Trustees of the E. I. Hospital, Nov., 1857. 510 History of Bristol and Bremen. Daniel and Eliphaz Weston, distinguished citizens ofBremen, were sons of Aruuah Weston, who, some time before the revohi- tiouary war, removed from Duxbury, Mass., to this place, and settled on a farm of 320 acres at Greenland, then" recently purchased by a brother of his, named Daniel, who was lost by shipwreck only a few months after making the purchase. He (Arunah) was some times employed in ship building, and died in 1831. Daniel, his son, was born July 12, 1783, and died only a few years ago. He was three times married, and left a large family, several of whom have occupied, or now occupy, important posi- tions before the public. Rev. Sullivan H. Weston, D.D., has long been one of the ministers of St. John's (Episcopal) church in New York city. He graduated in the scientitic course in the Wesleyan University in 1841. He has once, certainly, and per- haps oftener been elected to the office of bishop, but has declined. Hon. Wait K. Weston, some time judge of one of the courts of California, died only a year or two ago in San Francisco. Another son, Henry, is a successful printer and publisher in California. Eliphaz Weston, son of Arunah, was born in 1785, and died September 22, 1872. He spent his whole life in his native town ofBremen. Rev. James P. Weston, D.D., a son of his, gradu- ated at Bowdoin College in 1840, and was many years president of Lombard University at Galesburg, 111., and now is the popular principal of Dean Academy in Franklin, Mass. Samuel M., another son, graduated at Bowdoin College in 1844, and has many years been principal of the High School at Boston High- lands. Still a third sou, Jefferson B., graduated at Union Col- lege in 1856, and is settled as a lawyer in Nebraska. There were also several daughters. APPENDIX. Post Offices in Bristol and Bremen. The first post office in Bristol was established in Walpole in the autumn of the year 1800, and Thos. McClure appointed postmaster, who held the office until May, 1806. Aaron Blaney succeeded McClure in the office, and held it until May, 1818. Aaron Blaney jr., now received the appointment, and held the office until his death in 1834; and was succeeded by his son, Arnold Blaney, who held the place until 1843, when the location was changed to the Mills, and Peaslee M. Wells ap- pointed postmaster. In 1849, he was superseded by Henry Chamberlain, the present occupant of the office. The Bristol Mills office was established in 1828, with James Varney as postmaster, but the office was discontinued in 1843, or rather the Bristol Mills office at this time took the name of Bristol, the original Bristol office being discontiuued. The Pemaquid office was established at the Falls, in 1835, and John Fossett, appointed postmaster, which office he held until his death in 1848. He was succeeded by Francis Wheeler, who in 1851, was superseded by Oakman Ford. Wm. P. Ford, was appointed to the office in 1865, and is the present incum- bent. The Round Pond office at Pound Pond, was established in 1850, and Parker Mears, appointed postmaster, who was fol- lowed in 1857, by Alexander B. Munroe. The present incum- bent, Alexander Yates, succeeded Munroe in 1861. The south Bristol office was established on Eutherford's island in 1863, and the present incumbent, James Otis 2d, ap- pointed postmaster. The post office in Bremen has had a varied history. It was first established in 1830, with Francis Cook as postmaster, but was discontinued in 1834. In 1838, it was reestablished and 512 History op Bristol and Bremen. Wait W. Keen, appointed postmaster, who was succeeded first in 1849, by James P. Hilton, and then in 1854, by Daniel Keene ; but in 1856, the office was again discontinued. Again reestablished in 1857, with Wm. M. Keen, as postmaster, it was finally discontinued in 1858. — (Communication of Hon. J. "W". Marshall, First Asst. P. M. General, 1872). Population of Bristol at different ^^eriods. Date. Poptdation. Date. Population. 1764 1790 1800 1810 1820 200* 896 996 1,240 1830 2,450 2,945 2,913 3,ol9 2,924 1840 1850 I860 1870 * Estimated. Population of Bremen. Date. Population. Date. Population. 1830 1840 1850 770 837 819 1860 1870 908 797 Persons who have graduated at different Colleges from the towns of Bristol and Bremen. Christopher Martinboro Nickels, Brown University, 1830 Thomas Drummond, Bowdoin College 1830 Kichard Thomas Austin {Bremen'), Bowdoin College, 1831 Joseph Tyler Huston, Bowdoin College, 1831 John Johnston, Bowdoin College, 1832 James Drummond, Bowdoin College, 1836 James Partelow Weston (^Bremen), Bowdoin College, 1840 Sullivan Hardy Weston (iJremett) Wesleyan University, 1841 Joseph Payson Drummond, Bowdoin College, 1843 James Hervey Haokelton, Bowdoin College, 1844 Samuel Martin Weston {Bremen), Bowdoin College, 1844 Jefferson Burns Weston {Bremen'), Union College, 1856 Samuel Trouant Keene {Bremen), Union College, 1856 Benj. Hammond Hinds, Tufft's College, I860 Ambros Blunt, Wesleyan University, 1863 Joseph Wadsworth Keene {Bremen), Bowdoin College, 1870 Maroellus Coggan, Bowdoin College, 1871 Jahiel Richards {Bremen), Bowdoin College, 1871 HiSTOKY OF Bristol and Bremen. 513 PEMAQUID MONUMENT ASSOCIATION. ACT OF INCORPORATION. AN AVT to Incorporate the Pemaquid Monument Association. Section 1. William Haekelton, David Chamberlain, Owea St. Clare O'Brien, J, H. Haekelton, Samuel W. Johnson, E. Wilder Farley, George W Ellis, James Erskiue, Henry Huston, C. C. Robbins, Dennis R. Hanly, Arnold Blaney, J. W. Partridge, Alfred Cushman, G. R. Yosset, J. H. Goudy and Rufus K. Sewall, their associates and successors are hereby created a body corporate and politic, by the name of the Pemaquid Monu- ment Association, for the purpose of erecting and maintaining in the town of Bristol, upon, or near the site of the ruins of Fort William Henry, at Pemaquid Harbor, an appropriate monument, commemorative of the early European settlement, or settlements, in that locality; and may sue and. be sued, plead and be impleaded, have a common seal, which it may alter at pleasure, and shall have all the privileges and powers and be sub- ject to all the liabilities of the laws of this state relating to similar cor- porations. Section 2. Said Association may choose such officers as it may think proper, and may make and ordain by-laws, for its government, not repug- nant to the laws of the State, and may hold and possess real and personal estate, necessary for the erection and maintenance of such a monument, with right to purchase and hold a public right of way to the same. Any person may become a member of such association, on the payment of not less than one dollar to the treasurer thereof, and shall have the right in person, or by proxy, to one vote, in any meeting of said Association. Section 3. When such a monument has been completed, with a suitable roadway leading to it, and all expenses incurred in its erection, inclusive of its site and such roadway, have been paid, it shall, with its appurten- ances, be exempt from taxation, attachment and execution, and no subse- quent conveyance of the same shall be valid, so long as said monument shall be maintained. The right of the public at all times to visit said monument, shall be free and unrestricted; and whoever shall willfully destroy, or injure the same, or any fence, or railing, or other thing be- longing to, or appertaining to said monument, or the roadway leading to it, shall be punished by imprisonment, not more than one year, or by fine, not exceeding one thousand dollars. Section 4. Any three of the persons named in this Act, may call the first meeting of this association, at some place in the town of Bristol, at such time and for such purposes as they may deem necessary, by posting up notices thereof, in three or more public places in said town, seven days at least prior to said meeting. Section 5. This Act shall take effect when approved. Approved Jan. 19th, 1872. 65 514 History of Bristol and Bremen. By-laws op the Pemaquid Monument Association. Article I. The objects of this Association are, as stated in its charter, for the purpose of erecting and maintaining in the town of Bristol, upon, or near the site of the ruins of Fort William Henry, at Pemaquid Harbor, an appropriate monument, commemorative of the early European settle- ment, or settlements in that locality. Article II. Any person may become a member of this association, on the payment of not less than one dollar to its treasurer, or to any agent, duly authorized by its board of directors, and shall have the right in per- son, or by proxy, to one vote, in any meeting thereof. The title of Hon- orary membership may be conferred by the association, or the written recommendation of its board of directors. Article III. There shall be an annual meeting of the association at Bristol Mills, in the town of Bristol, on the second Tuesday in January of each year, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, for the choice of officers and the transaction of other business. Special meetings shall be called by the Secretary, on the written request of the Directors at such time and place, and for such purposes as they may consider necessary, to promote its in- terests. The number of members requisite to constitute a quorum, for the transaction of business at any meeting of the association, shall be nine, but a less number may adjourn from time to time. Article IV. The officers of the association, shall consist of a President; a Secretary ; three Vice Presidents ; a Treasurer ; and a Board of five Di- rectors, of which the President, shall be ex officio, one, and three of its number shall be residents of the town of Bristol. All of said officers shall be elected at an annual meeting of the association, by ballot, and by a major vote, except those chosen to fill vacancies, who shall be elected at a special meeting. The duration of the term of said officers, shall be for one year; but those who may be elected on the fifteenth day of February, eighteen hundred and seventy-two, shall hold only until the first annual meetmg. Article V. The President shall be the presiding officer of the associa- tion, the meetings of which shall be governed by the rules usu-illy ob- served in similar bodies. In his absence, one of the Vice Presidents shall preside, 'i'he Secretary shall be duly sworn to a faithful discharge of the duties of his office, he shall give suitable public notices of the time, place and objects of the annual and special meetings of the association, seven days at least, prior to the time for which they are called, and make a re- cord of their proceedings. He shall keep in a suitable book, a list of the names of all the members of the association, alphabetically arranged, to- gether with their residence, and as nearly as practicable, the time of their becoming members. Each member shall be entitled to a certificate of membership, which shall be numbered from one upwards, as they may be History of Bristol and Bremen. 515 issued by tlie Secretary. The Treasurer shall have oharee of the financial concerns of the association ; keep an exact account of all its receipts and expenditures and report the same to its annual meeting. He shall give a bond for the faithful discharge of the duties of his ofiice, in such penal sum and with such securities, as shall in the judgment of the Directors, protect the association against loss. He shall pay out no money, except on the written order, or approval of the Directors, and in case any funds should accumulate in his hands, prior to their being required for the ob- jects of the association, he shall advise with the Directors, as to the safest manner of investing them. Upon the Directors, a majority of whom shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of their business, shall devolve the duties of the general management and superintendence of all the con- cerns of the association. They shall hold meetings whenever necessary, and keep a book, in which their doings shall be recorded, and make a re- port of the same to the annual meeting, and when in doubt, as to what their action should be in conducting its affairs, they shall cause a special meeting of the association to be called. No salary or compensation shall be paid to any officer, except by vote of the association at its annual meet- ing and upon the written recommendation of the Directors, as to the amount earned, based upon the services performed. Article VI. The Directors shall in no case, make any contract, involving an expenditure, beyond the available means of the association. Article VII. The By-Laws of this Association shall not be amended, or repealed, except by the votes of two thirds of its members present at an annual meeting. LIST OF OEFICEES. President — E. W. Farley. Secretary— O^&n St. C. O'Brien, (P. 0. Address, Pemaquid, Me.) Vice Presidents— AxnoU Blaney, J. H. Hackelton, Kufus K. Sewall. Treasurer — David Chamberlain. INDEX. Abbot, John, story of, 132. Abenakis, 1-t, Abercrombit}, Gen., 314. Acadia, 19, (30, 89, 108, 159, 109, 311, 351, 356, 301, 304. Acoomenticus, 75. Adams, Thos. B., 490. Agents of Massachusetts before tbe Privy Council, 177. Ao-ricultui-e at Pemaquid, 85. Aix-la-Chapolle, treaty of, 396, 300. Aldswortli, R., 31, 57," 70, 86. Aldswortli, Thos., 31. Alexander, Sir Wm., 09, 86. Allen, John, 110. Allen, Robt., 54. AUerton, Isaac, 64, 08, 87. Alewives, 4. Amoret, Indian, 26. Anienquin, Indian, 38. Amherst, General, at Louisbourg-, 313. Ammunition scarce among the Indians, 133. Anasagunticooks, 15, 397. Andrews, Samuel, 108. Andros, Gov. E., 139 ; written justifica- tion of his administration, 144 ; su persedes Dongau, 157 ; imprisoned 163 ; eastern tour, 100 ; proclama- tion against the Indians, 161. Angel Gabriel, ship, 79, 81. Angell, John, 33. Anne, Queen, 357 ; war of, closed, 355. Antiquarian Society, American, 51, 70, 74. Archdale, John, 103. Argall, Capt., 19. Aroostook war, 438. Arrowsic, Indian conference at, 358. Arsenic, 8. Artillery company organized, 408. Bagaduce, Biguyduce, 03. Bafmall, Wm., killed, 65. Bafley, James, 377, 468. Ballard, Rev. Dr., 3. Bank, Land, of Massachussetts, 385. Baptists, Freewill, 394, 437; Calvinistic, 394. Barbican, 199, 317. Barges at New Harljor, etc, 410. Barnaby, Mrs. Ruth, 447. Basalt, dyke of, 5. Bashaba, the, 14; 43,^ Baxter, Rev. Enos, 396, 439. Bears, 10. Beatli, John, deposition of, 371. Beaucliamp, John, 334. Beavers, 13. Beef for army, 350, S53. Belden, Rev. J., 393. Belcher, Governor, 383. Belvidera, 273. Bellamont,Gov.Weems''s petition to, 179. Berrv (Sargeaut), Ruth, 233. Beryl, 8: Bigot, Fathers V. and J., 196. Biguyduce, see Baa;aduce, 63. Bills of credit, 187,''390. Blaney, Aaron sr. and jr., 388, 389, 486, 490, 511. Blaney, Arnold 389, 511. Block houses, 308. Blockade of coast, 409. Boats built at Monhegan, 39. Boardman, T. and J., 473. Board of trade, affau's at, 27. Bodkin, Thos , 468. Boggs, S., anecdote of, 337. Bog iron, 8. Bomaseen, Indian. 195, 197. Bounties for wild animals, 13 ; for In- dians, 119. Boston, proposed attack on, 310. BoAvditch, William, 140, Boxer captured, 406. Brackett, Thos., 346, 384. Bradbury, Capt. Jabez, 396. Bradford, Governor at Monhegan, 58. Bradford, Joshua, killed, 318. Bread, scarcity of, 384. Bremen, incorporated, 497 ; Uuiou Church at, 499. Brick, manufacture of, 7. Bristol, incorporated, 337; geology of, 14; town government, 338 ; petition of. to provincial congress, 347; map of, 385 ; in the civil war, 448. Brockhols, Capt. A-, 141, 145. Brown, John, 50, 51, 53, 54, 56, 330 ; pe- digree of, 56, 338, 341. Brown, John, 3d, 338. Brown, .John, 3d, 339, 240. Bull, Dixy, 65. Biimboats on tlie coast, 143, 380. Burns, Wm., 377, 433. 478, 484. Burns, Thos., 390, 484. Butler, John, 433. By-Laws, Monument Association, 514. 518 Index. Cabot, Jolm, 17. Cabot, Sebastian, 17. Cam, Tlios.,34. Camden hills, 32. Campbell, Rev. Mr., 435. Canal at falls, 67, 336. Canoes, Indian, 205. Cape Ann, named, 40. Cape Cod, 21. Captives, Englisb, 133; restored, 143. Capture of fisliing vessels, 139. Capture of Pemaquid, 173. Cargill, Capt. James, 309, 319. Cartier, J., 18, 19. Carver, Governor, 53. Cary, M., 345. Casco, attack on, 134 ; treaty of, 259. Case, Wm., 353, 234. Castine, Baron, 159, 206. Celebration, July 5, 1834, 429. Cemetery, ancient, 219. Census of the Colonies, 326 . Chamles, M., 235. Chamberlain, D., 513, 535. Chamberlain, H., 511. Chamberlain, Wm., 443, 490. Champlain, 19. Chandler, John, 467. Chaplain at Fort Frederic, 386. Chapman, Rev. N., 426. Charles II, restored, 103 ; appoints com- missioners to New England, 103. Charter of William and Mary, 98 ; char- ter June 9, 1641, controversy con- cerning, 51. Charter purchased of R. Peirce, 53. Cheever, E., 267. Child, Thos., 502. Chubb, Pasco, 199, 207, 208, 209. Church, Major, 210. Church, Freewill Baptist, organized, 394 ; Congregational, 2d, 434 ; Pres- byterian, 381, 434 ; Calvinist Bap- tist, 294 ; Methodist Episcopal, 394, 433. Church edifices : Walpole, 343; Harring- ton, 343 ; Broad Cove, 343 ; Congre- gational, Bristol Mills, 433, 435 ; Methodist Episcopal, Bristol Mills, 435 ; R. Pond, 435 ; Falls, 433 ; Union, Round Pond, 433 ; Bremen, 499. Claims, land, 333, 244; at Pemacjuid, 264; eastern, 340. Clapboard Island, 100, 108. Clark, Geo., 330. Clark, Jonas, 467. Clark, Matthew, Rev., 331. Clark, Samuel, 467. Clark, Dr. A. S., 459. Clark and Lake, 135. Chary, Clary, M., murder of, 374. Clothing for army, 350. Coats, John and Prinsent, 473. Cobbett, Rev. T. (preacli-man), 131. Cobbett, T., ir., story of, 131. Coffin, Stephen, 486. Cogswell, John, passenger on Angel Gabriel, 80. Coleman. John, 332. Collins, S., drowned, 346. Commissioners in Wiscasset, 491 ; on boundaries of Massachusetts, 100 ; royal, at Boston, 103 ; royal, names of persons making subject to, 104 ; royal, at Pemaquid, 106. Commissioners sent to York by Massa- chusetts, 107 ; sent to Pemaquid, 109. Committee of Council report in favor of rebuilding fort, 253 ; of inspection appointed, 345 ; of correspond- ence and inspection, 348, 353. Company of New France, 86 ; of Lon- don, 30 ; of Plymouth, 31, 45. Conferences, Indian, 358 ; at Pemaquid, 193, 199 ; eastward, 131 ; at Fal- mouth, 260, 263 ; at Cocheco, 133 ; at Pemaquid, 193; at Teconnet, 132, 127. Congregational church at Mills, 433. Converse, Major, takes the field, 193. Cook, Francis, 511. Coole, Thomas, 233. Cooper, Boyce, 280. Cordwood and timber, 379. Corbin's sound, 137. Cornwall, county of, 105, 156. Council of Plymouth, 69 ; of New Eng- land, 51 ; of Virginia, 30. Cows, price of, at Pemaquid, 84. Cox, William, 55, 343. Cos, Israel, 443. Cos's cove, 318, 242. Craddock, George, 467. Crooker, Elijah, 317. Crown, p)rivateer, captured, 401 ; Point, 306, 315 ; right of, to territory, 266. Currency of New England, 300 ; of New York, etc., 300. Cnshman, Alfred, 513. Cushman, Rev. Mr., 435. Damariscotta, town incorporated, 446 ; mills at, 391 ; residents at, 1650, 56. Damariscove island, fugitives at, 136. Darling, C, 333. D'Aulney, present to, by Massachusetts, 93. Davis, S., estimate of population, 1630, 97 ; at fort of Clark and Lake, 125, 134. Davison, N., will of, 77. DeCallieres, M., 186. Deer, 10. De Monts, 18, 33. Denning, N., 473. Index. 519 Demutla, Mr. taken captive, 825. Depredations of the Indians., 113. Dermer, Capt., on coast of Massachusetts, 43 ; killed in war, 44 ; cliaracter of, 45. Devonshire county, organized. 111 ; events in, 114. D'Iberville, 305. Disasters to tlie English arms, 310. Dockeudorf, Thos., 483. Dollen, John, 333. Dongan, Gov., at New Tork, 146 ; super- seded, 157. Drowne, Shem, autograph, 4CG. Dudley, Gov., urges i ebuilding fort, 253 ; visits Pemaquid, 353. Dummer, Gov., at Falmoutli, 260. Dunbar, D. Gov,, rebuilds fort, 215, 266 opposition to, 3 V''3 ; appointed sur veyor of the king's woods, 374 arrested in England, 375 ; widow of, 375. Du Quesne fort captured, 313. Drumuiond, James sr., 353 ; Hon. James, 445, 490 ; Thos., 437 ; Rev. James, 437 ; Joseph P., 437. Eastern claims, 340, 371 ; book of, 470, Eastport captured, 412. Earthy, John, 119, 130, 136. Eaton, Jacob, taken prisoner, 368. Edmunds, R , 113. Edwards, Wm., 113. Egeremet, killed at Pemaquid, 301. Elbridge, Gyles, 57, 70, 75, 85, 96 ; John, 76, 77, 465 ; TIios., 58, 96, 113, 465. Elliot Simon, .333. Ellis, G. W., 515. Elwell, Sarah, 240. England and France, rival efforts for supremacy in America, 303. Enterprise and Boxer, 406. Erskine, Alex, and Ninon, 437 ; Hon. James; 437, 513. Etechemins, 14, 17. Evangeline, Longfellow's, 308. Factory, satinet, 419. Fair, Agricultural, 463. Fairchild, Rev. R., 434. Falmouth, Fort at, 189 ; Indian confe- rence at, 360, 363, 367; attacked by the Indians, 118. Paneuil Hall, vane of, 466. Farley, Hon. E. W., 513, 515. Farmers' Club Fair, 463. Farrell, H., 335. Fast proclaimed in Massachusetts, 144. Feldspar, 8. Fieldmeeting of Historical Society, 460. Fisheries, 20, 44, 85. Fishing schooners seized, 300. Fishermen, instructions to, 149. Fishing vessels and the New York government, 140. Fitch, Jonas, 396. Fitch, Joseph, 467. Fleet, French, sent against Now Eng- land, 310. Follansbee, Mr., 480. Ford, Oakman, 511. Ford, Wm. P., 511. Forts at Pemac[uid, 64. Fort Charles at Pemaquid, 141. Fort of Clark and Lake surprised, 135. Fort Du Quesne, 304. Fort Frederic, 367, 374, 326 ; Gov. Shir- ley at, 286 ; recruits for, 387 ; at- tacks on, 393, 395 ; Loyal, 189 ; Wil- liam Henry, at Pemaquid, 188, 305. Fort James, 157 ; at Pemaquid, rebuild- ing of, 350 : on Damariscove island, 352. Fortification at New Harbor, 237; at Pemaquid, 140. Fortune, ship, 48. Fossett, Alexander, 11, 330, 443. Fossett, G. R., 513. Fossett, John, 443, 481. Fossett, Wra., killed by Indians, 324. Foster, John, 222. France retains St. Peter and Miquelon islands, 326. Frazier, A., 473. Frazier, Wm., 474. French neutrals, 307 ; bold schemes of, 303 ; lose confidence of the Indians, 192. Friends or Quakers, 394, 438. Fars at Pemaquid, 85. Fryebnrg, fight at, 360. Fryer, Capt., story of, 138. Gardiner, Dr. S., 467. Gedney, Col., sent against the Indians, 10. General Assembly refuse to rebuild Pem- acjuid fort, 353 Gerry, Gov., 487. Georges (St. Georges) Island, 3 ; Island harbor, 33 ; river, 30. Ghent, treaty of, 416. Gift of God, ship, 35. Gilbert, Captain, 37, 38. Given, Robert, 385. Godard, Gyles, representative to legisla- ture of New York, 147. Goodenow, Milton, 490. Gorges, Sir F., 44. Gorges, Robert, 46. Gosnold, Capt. B., 30, 32. Goudy. Sheriff A„ 378. Goudy, J. H., 513. (:}ouia, Alex., 337, 243, 344, 471. Gould, Rev. L. L., 433. 520 Index. Graduates, list of, 512. Graham, James, 154, 158, 213. Grants by Council of Plymoutli, 69, 70. Griffith. AdDiiral, proclamation, 414. Gristmills, 07. Gun powder, scarcity of, 132. Gyles, James, 115, 126, 184. Gyles, Thomas sr., and family, 180, 327. Gj'les, Thomas jr., 180, 237. Gyles, John, 181, 185. Hackelton, James, 394. Hackelton, J. H., 513, 518. Hackelton, Wm., 394, 513. Haddock, 13. Hakhiyt,31. Hall, E,, on Metinicus island, 306. Hall, John, 480, 483. Hamhliu, Mary, 473. Hamhlin, N., 473. Hammond, R., killed by Indians, 124, 120. Hanam, Capt , 30. Hancock, Gov. John, 363. Hanly, P. and R., 444. Hanly.D. R.,513. Hardy, Sullivan, 590, 498. Harlow, Capt. E., 41. Harrington, 267. Hatch, "Ca]>t. P., 484. Hay ward, F. and M., 236, Henderson, Tlios., 277, 303. ■ Haylyn, 3. Higiman, Grace, 175. Hilton, Margaret, 55, 470. Hilton family, 246. Hilton, Wm.", 336, 246, 348, 250. Hilton, James P., 513. Hilton, Joshua, 483. Hinds, Saml. T., 446. Hobby, C. and William, 233. Hochelega, 18. Hornblende, 8. Horses, wild, 397. Hoskins, (or Haskins), 333. How, Dr. M., 419. Howeil, David, 494. Hunter, David, 316. Hauter, Henry, 316. Huston, James, 382. Huston, John, 384. Huston, Henry, 513. Huston, Robert, 480. Hutchinson, Thos., 333. Immigration to "N"ew England checked 84. Indian conference at Arrowsic. 355 ; at Cocheco, 1 33 ; at Falmouth, 300, 303 , 331; at Pemaijuid, 193, 109; at Teconnet, 132-137. Indian, afliiirs at Pemacjuid, 1734, 283 ; dB]"irfdations, 100 ; Indian, continued. mission at Penobscot, 169 ; prisoners liberated, 101 ; war, Philiii's or first war, 125-136 ; second war, 311 ; third war, or Queen Anne's, 355 ; fourth war, 358 ; fifth war, 293 ; sixth, or French and Indian war, 304. Indians, Eastern, 59 ; Kennebec, 15, 16, 41 ; Mickmack, 94 ; Norridgewock 357; Pemaquid, 38 ; Penobscot, 397 Saco, 15 ; Sheepscott, 16 ; St. Fran- cis, 16, 398 ; arms denied to, 139 attempt to disarm, 116 ; attack Fort Frederick, 393 ; at Walpole, 295 bounties oflfered for, 119 ; conciliated by presents, 360 ; conciliating policy towards, 255 ; cannot be bound by treaties. 308 ; Canadian, efforts to disalFect the Penobscots, 358 ; devo- tion to Roman Catholic church, 255 ; difficulties with, incapable of adjust- ment, 358 ; expedition against, 144 ; enrolled as soldiers, 358 ; flotilla of, at Ruth island, 199 ; glad to make peace, 335 ; greatly troubled by the encroachments of English, 304 ; kidnapped, 36, 39, 108 ; lose confi- dence in the French, 192 ; means employed to pacify, 285 ; Penobscot memorial to Mass , 355 ; Penobscots peaceful in revolutionary war, 355 ; Penobscots supplied with goods,355; pestilence among, 43 ; promise to abandon the French, 194 ; reply to Gov. Stoughton, 303 ; seized at Pem- aquid though under flag of truce, 197; sold for slaves, 119-131; threat- en Kennebec settlements, 357; war declared against, 887. Instruction to fishermen, 149. Iron ore, 8. Iron pyrites, 8. Isle of" Shoals, 48. Jackson, Dr. C. F., 5. James, II, 157 ; ship, 73 ; Fort, 157. Jamestown, 331 ; prosperity of, 339 ; Virginia, 55. Jeff'rey, Gov., 335. John's island, round tower on, 352 ; bay and river, 3. Johnson, Sir Wm,, 306, Johnson, F., 334. Johnson, Dr. S. W., 513. Johnston, Thomas sr., 313, 389, 499. Johnston, Thomas jr., 435, 499. Johnston, John, 393. Jones, Benj. Col. W., 379. Jones's Mills, 383, • Joscelyn, Henry, 314, 335. , it. Keen, Wait W,, 500, 513, Keeue, Samuel T., 500. Index. 521 Kelland, Thos., 233. Kendrick, Rev. D., 433. Kennebec, claim surveyed, 468. Ketches restored, 143. Kill Devil, 90. King Phillip's war, 115. King, Gen. Wm., 414. King William's war, 211. Knox, Wen. H., 70, 303, 334, 350. Laconia patent, 90. Lake, Mr., killed, 135 ; body found, 135. Land, bank proposed, 385 ; claims, com- missioners report on, 491; claims re- corded, 333 : titles, uncertainty of, 279 ; titles, history of, 403. Lawyers, action concerning, 363. La Tour and D'Aulney, 80-95. Leases bv Palmer and West, 153. Lee, Rev. Jesse. 393, 434. Leighton, S., 490. Letter of Lieut. Weems, 1 03-167. Leverett, J. and T., 334. Leverett. Gov., 130. Levett, Capt. C, 13, 46, 63. Little, James, killed at Pemaquid, 330. Little, Isaac, 480. Little, Wm. H., 500. London company, 31, 35. Long Cove, 6. Long Island sound navigated, 45. Lords of trade, recommendation of, 353. Loron, Indian, 301, 203. Louisbourg, captured, 388 ; restored to France, 301 ; again captured, 311. Lovelace, Gov., letter to Pemaquid, 137. Lovewell's Pond, fight at, 300. Macomber, Rev. Job, 394. Madockawando, Indian, 133, 195, 303. Maine, Massachusetts resumes jurisdic- tion of, 30-5 ; purchased by Usher, for Massachusetts, 135 ; separation of from Massachusetts, 418. Malecites, 17. Malcomb, James, 483, 480. Manning, N. sub-collector, 155. Manedo, Indian, 26. Manhattan, wrested from the Dutch, 186. Map Fort Frederic, 316. Map by John North, 338. Maple stones, 7. Marsh, Major, at Damariscotta, 211 ; de- fense of, 198 ; at Pemaquid, 191, Mari, 8. Marshall, Hon. J. W., 513. Martha's Vineyard, 31, 43. Marytown, 342. Mary and John, ship, 55. Massachusetts, C(jnciliatory policy to- V7 rds the Indians, 138 ; extends jui-isdiction eastward, 103 ; northern boundary of, 100 ; resumes jurisdic- tion of Sagadahock, 304. 66 Mast and timber lands, 267. Mavooshen, 14. May Flower, ship, 48, 04. McCobb, S., deposition of, 268. McCobb, Wm., 8, 490. McClintock, Wm., 433, 463, 490. McClure, Thos., 388, 511. McFarland, G. and W., 396. McFarland, John, 490. McFarland, Rev. Moses, 441. McFarland, Solomon, 330, 333. McFarland, Walter, released from cap- tivity, 322. McFarland, Mrs., wounded, 293. McG aire's tavern, 476. Mclntyre, Wm., 430. McKeen, John, 29. McKown, John and Robert, 380. McLean, Rev. A.. 330, 343, 363, 307. McLean, Jenny, death of, 371. McRuer, Dr. D., 506. Meeting-houses, to bo built, 338 ; loca- tion of, 339 ; dissensions concerning, 340, 343. Meeting-liouse, at Broad Cove, 343 : Harrington, 343 ; Walpole, 344. Merrill, Rev. E. A., 435. Methodist Episcopal church at Round Pond, 433 ; at Bristol Mills, 435 ; at Falls, 433. Methodism introduced, 394, 433. Metamorphic rocks, 217. Metiuicus Island, Indiana murdered at, 603. Militia, company organized, 396 : of Maine, organized, 238 {drafted, 487. Miller, Robert, 498. Mills for grinding, 67. •Monhegan 3, 39, 85 ; purchased by Sliurte, 58 ; mortgaged by Elb- ridge, 78. Monkton, Gen., 307. Monument, Pemaquid Association, 513. Morgridge, ReV. C, 434. Moore, Wm., deposition of, 370. Moose, 9. Morton, James, 317 Morton, Perez, 490.. Moxa, M. and child killed, 409. ' Moxus, Indian chief, 319. Mugg, Indian, 139, 130. Muujoy, G., surveys north line of Mas- sachusetts, 108. Murren, R., 333, 334. Muster rolls Capt. Nickels at Pemaquid fort, 1758-9, 313. Myrick, David, 486, 490. Nahanada, Tahanedo, etc., 14, 30, 30,38 01. Neale, Arthur, 333. Neale, Walter, 75, 464. Nelson, John, 193. 522 Index. Nequassett, J. Brown at, 337. Nesmond, Marquis of, 310. Newburj', J., 333. New England, name of, 40. New Harbor, inhabitants of, petition to Governor and Council, 1,53. Newman, M., witness to Bristol deed, 55. Newport, sliip, captured, 305. New tenor, 385. Newtown, 154, 331. Niagara, fort at, reduced, 307; expedition against, 307. Nickels, A. sr., 313. Nicl!:els,A. jr., 313, 378. Nicolls, Gov. K. of New York, 137. Noble, Wm., 473. Nobleboro, town of, 1, North, John, 378, 338. North, Gen. Wm., 361. Nouvelle France, 18. Nova Scotia ceded to Prance, 106. O'Brien, O. St. Clare, 513. Old tenor, 385. Oldtown, 331. Oliver, R., 110, 119. Olivine, 8. O'Neil, trial of, 376. Openangos, 16. Oswego, fort at, 303. Otis, James 3d, 513. Otters, 13. Oyster river, village destroyed, 196. Palmer, John, 153, 313. Palmer, N . , tory and pirate, 353. Paper mouej% decline of, 385. Paragon, ship, 51. Parrott, T.,467. Parsons, Rev. J. M , 435. Parsons, Samuel, 490. Partridge, J. W., 513. Passamaquoddy, Quoddy, Indians, 17. Patent, Muscongus or Lincoln, 473. Patishall, R., 335. Paul, Robert, 445. Payson, Gen., 488. Peace negotiations with Indians, 360. Pearce, R., 49, 50 ; family of, 341, 343 ; Mrs. R., 53. Pearse, R., 334, 335. Pearson, Rev. S. W.,435. Peat, 8. Peirce, John, 48. Pemacjuid annexed to Massachuse.tts, 108. Pemaquid and Kennebec companies, boundary lj(;tween, 469.; church at, 187; detached from New York, 157; Indians, 38; light- house at, 468 ; falls, Indian murders at, 333 ; modes of spelling name, 3 ; Pemaquid, continued. outrages at, 330; population of, 1764, 337 ; justices of peace at, 145 ; ruins at. 315, 335 ; settlers at, remove, 384; state of aiEiirs at, 368, 371; news of cajrture of Quebec at, 315 ; taxes assessed at, 114 ; visited by Gov. Andros, 185 ; rules of trade at, 143 ; taken possession of by the duke's government, 140 ; vessels sent to and from New York, 139 ; Indian skirmishes at, 133. Pemaquid fort, an annoyance to the Indians, 304 ; attacked by Indians, 173, 305 ; condition of, 1689, 170 ; decision of British government, 354 ; description of, 189 ; expedition against, 170 ; fight at, 300 ; Gov. Phips at, 303 ; Gov. Shirley at, 386 ; garrison removes from, 316 ; dis- mantled, 384; persons killed at, 189 ; repaired, 103 ; rebuilding of, urged, 353, 3.54 ; rebuilt of stone, 188 . Pemaquid patent, 70, 74, 77 ; passes to N. Davison, 77. Pe tecost Harbor, 35, 33, 36. Petition of Pemac(uid to Governor of Massachusetts, 109. Phillip's, King, war, 115. Phillips, Anderson, 476. Phillips, John, 476. Phillips, Walter, 474, 476. Phillips, William, 335. Pliips, Sir Wm., account of, 314. Phips, Gov., censured, 191 ; letter to, from Penobscot Indians, 305 ; re- builds Pemactuid fort, 188. Pike, Rev. J , chaplain at Pemaquid, 191 ; defense of Capt. March, 198. Pike, Rev. R., 393. Pitt, Sir William, 313. Pittman, Capt. J., 473. Pittman, Thomas and Margaret, 343 471. Pittsburg named, 313. Plynrouth Company secures a new charter, 45 ; company, 31, 35. Popham, Capt., 36.- Popham, Sir Francis, 47 ; expedition of, 1,14. Population in 1630, 97 ; in 1676, 137, 338 ; at several periods, 513. Porgey fisheries, 460. Postotfices and postmasters, 511. Post, C. Turner, to ride, 346. Port Royal captured, 354. Presbyterian church, 343, 349. Prince Charles names places in New England, 40. Pring, Capt. (Prin,Pryn, Prynn), 33,37. Prices, high, for clothing, 350. Privateering In revolutionary war, 360. Proclamation annexing a part of Maine to New Brunswick, 414. Index. 523 Project to expel tlie French, 197. Public entertaiumeut, liouses of, 113. Pumpkin Cove, 468. Puritans of Massachvxsetts, 99, 101. Pyrites, iron, 8. Quakers or Friends, 394, 428. Quebec, attacked, 187; captured, 315. Queen Aoine, 351. Quit rents, wlio to receive, 153. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 20. Randolph, E., imprisoned, 1G2 ; letter of, 158. Rasle, father, 257. Recruits for Fort Frederic, 287. Reed, Samuel, 484. Refugees not to return, 3C2'. Relation of (_irace Higiman, 175. Remobscus, 2, 234. Remonstrance, etc., to Gov. Dongan,14. Representative to legislature, 107. Residences of early settlers, 230. Restriction of trade, etc., 67. Revenue from the colonies, 338. Revolution in England, effects of, 169. Rhoades, George, 483. Rhum, alias Idll-devil, 60. Richmond, fort, 356, 360. Riddel, Rev. Wm., 387. Ripley, C. W., 491. River of WejTnouth, 29-35. Robbins, C. C, 513. Roberval, 19. Rocroft, Ed., 44. Rodgers, P., 312, 338, 343. Roniar, Romer, Col., map by, 253. Rose, frigate, 159. Rose, Dr. Daniel, 490. Rosier, 23, 33. Roimd tower on Johns Island, 253. Rum, Indian's advice, 263, 298. Russell, Rev. H. E., 435. Rutherford, Rev. Robert, 1, 286, 393. Ryswick, treaty of, 211, 251. Sagadahoc territory, 136, 169 ; Massachu- setts resumes jurisdiction of, 264. Sailors, list of, 458. Salmon, 13. Samoset, 13, 46, 52, 54, 60, 337. Sassafras, search of, 33. Sassacomoit ( Saffacomoit), 26. Sanders, S., 427. Savage, Habijah, 467. Scalps, rewards for, 119, 287, 309. Scarlatina in New England, 284. Scouting parties, 388, 396, 312. Seremobscus, 3. Sergeant, Epes, 337 ,240. Settlers at Pemaquid, 1751, 328. Sewall, R. K., 513, 675. Seymour, Rev., Mr., 36. Shad, 4, 13. Sharp, Ensign K., 145, Sherbroke, Sir John, proclamation of, 413. Sheepscott, John, Indian, 195, 199 ; In- diana, 16. Shibles, John, 281. Sliipwreclt: at Pemaquid, 8. Shirley, Gov., at Pemaquid, 386. Shurte, Abraham, 55. ; deposition of, 57 ; character of, 59. Skid wares, Sicowaros, 14, 26, 36, 39. Slavery in Bristol, 373. Slaves at Pemaquid, 120. Small Pox, 43 ; anaoug the Penobscots, 311. ^mith, Jeremiah, 494. Smith, Jonathan, 490. Smitli, Capt. John, 13, 38, Smith's map, 3. Smuggling in war of 1813, 415. Snell, G., 335. Soldiers from Bremen, 503 ; from Bris- tol, 453. Soule, Rev. Joshua, 9, 3.52. Souriqufiis, 17. Spanish war, 385. Spaulding, Rev. W. S., 435. Sproul, James, 276, 321, 328, 334. Sproul, John, 376, 338. Sproul, R., 338, 333. Sproul, William, 338, 330, 336. Squadook, Indian, 398. Squanto, Indian, 40, 61. Starkey, John, 333. Starrett, Wm., 381. St. Croix, settlement of, 19. St. Francis Indians, 398. St. Germain, treaty of, 66, 68, 86. St. John Town, 3. Stilson, J., 336, 245. Stilson, M., 336. Stinchfield, Rev. E., 394. Stocks, 392. Stockwell, E. and S., 473, 479. Storm of 1635, 79. Strachey, 1, 36. Sweetser, Sarah, 467. Swett, Capt., sent against Indians, 144 Tamiscot, 3. Tappan, Rev. C, 256, 475. TarratineT 17, 41,108. Taxes at Pema(iuid, 114. Taxous, Toxus, Indian, 300. Tax payers, petition of, 149. Taylor, John, 476. Taylor, Rev. Josliua, 434 Temperance Society, 430. Teuxbury, H., 343, 347. Thacher, Col., 487. 524 Index. Thacher, Judge, 487-489. Thacher's island, 83. Thomson, N., 483. Thurry, father, 169, 196, 301. Tide, iiiffh, at Pemaquid, ie35, 79. Tilden, A. and C, 407. Tisquantum, Indian, 40, 61. Tobey, Dr. Samuel B., 508. Tolman, Job, 500. Tourmaline, 8. Toivnsend, 307. Town meetings called in name of Mas- sachusetts, 349. Trade and business monopolized by the government, 143. Trading house at Bagaduce, 63, 66, 83. Trade, board of, report, 373. Trap dyke at Pemaquid, 5. Treaty, Indian, formed at Pemaquid, 193, 190. Truce, flag of, violated, 197, 300. Truck house at Fort Halifax, 300. Truck houses, 303 ; masters, 303. Tucker, Commodore Samuel, 304, 307, 401, 483. Turner, Caleb, to ride post, 340. Union of the colonies suggested, 303. Unongoit, Indian, 54, 60, 63, 337. Usher, John, purchases Maine, 135. Utrecht, treaty of, 354, 366, 373. Variation of needle, 38. Varney, James, 511. Vaughan, Wm., 340, 371, 391, 473, 475. Vaughan, Eliirt tf., 476, 483. Verazzani, 18, 33. Vessel saved at Penobscot, 155 ; built at Pemaquid, 1695, 330. Villebon, Governor of Acadia, 305. Vinton, Rev. A., 433. Virginia, Council of, 30 ; North, 31 ■ South, 30. Waldo, Samuel, 473. Waggon, doubleJjottomed, 416. Walpole, named, 367; fortifications at, 335 ; m(}eting house at, 344. Waunerton, Thos., 90, 95. War, first Indian, 115, 116 ; second In- dian, 311; third Indian, 355 ; fourth Indian, 358 ; fifth Indian, 393 ; War, continued. sixth Indian, 304 ; Aroostook, 438 ; of 1813, declared, 398 ; of 1813, inci- dents of, 391-410 ; between England and France, 387; of revolution, num- ber of men of Bristol who perished in, 303 ; of revolution, burden of, severely felt, 349 ; civil, Bristol in, 448. Warden, Thos. and M., 333, 338. Warren, Richard, 500. Warwick, Earl of, 49, 74, 334. Washburn, Dr. Joseph, 444. Washington, letters to Indians, 357. Washing-tonian temperance societies, 431. Water course, ancient, 07, 336. Waters, D., 490. Waweuocks, 15, 17, 37, 397. Waymouth, Weymouth, Capt., 14, 30 ; he entraps Indians, 10. Waymouth's river, 33. Wayman, Capt., 30. Webb, Luther, 490. Weems, Lieut., 103-179. Welles, Samuel, 49-51. Wentworth, Governor, at Falmouth, 301. West, John, 153, 313. Weston, Aninali, family of, 510. Wheeler, Francis, 511. White mountains, 39, 31. Wild animals, 9. Williams, Capt. J. F., 30. Will, pretended, of McCleary, 377. Wine seized at IPenobscot, 155, Winthrop, A. & J. Winslow, Joshua, 407. Winthrop, Adam, 407. Winter, severe, of 1040-1, 85. Wiscasset, aftray at, 397. Witheredge, Mr., 46. Wiwurna, speech of, 359. Wolves, 10. Woodward, William II., 494. Writs of election issued, 147. Yates, Alexander, 511. Yates, James, 390, 440, 478. Yellow lever, 43. York and Sagadahoc granted to Duke of York, 137. Young, Moses, 370, 338, 339. Young, Capt. James, 390. Young, Joseph, 481.