.3 A3 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 075 437 743 DATE DUE mrf7 ~6 ■ GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.S.A The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924075437743 In compliance with current copyright law, Cornell University Library produced this replacement volume on paper that meets the ANSI Standard Z39.48-1984 to replace the irreparably deteriorated original. 1995 KOSSUTH NEW ENGLAND: A FULL ACCOUNT OF THE HUNGARIAN GOVERNOR'S VISIT TO MASSACHUSETTS; HIS SPEECHES, THE ADDRESSES THAT WERE MADE TO HIM, CAREFULLY REVISED AND CORRECTED. WITH AN APPENDIX. BOSTON: JOHN P. JEWETT & CO. CLEVELAND, OHIO: JEWETT, PROCTOR, AND WORTHINGTON. 1852. — vnrr~B^ ' / \ to Act 01 CohgressAin UBe y€ Entered according to Act oi CongressAin Une year 1852, by JOHN P. JEWETT & CO., la the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts. STEREOTTPED BF nOBART & ROBBINS, KEW ENGLAND TYFE ASD STEHEOIYPE FOUNDERT, BOBTON. EDITOR'S PREFACE. In making this collection of Kossuth's speeches in New England, I have thought it advisable to combine with it a descriptive account of hi^ visit, with full details of the incidents of his reception in the various cities and towns. These are taken almost wholly from the local newspapers, and from the daily reports in the Boston and New York journals. I have used freely, the reports of Mr. Coggshall, in the Tribune ; and still more freely those of Mr. List, in the Commonwealth. To the latter, in fact, I am indebted for most of the descriptive part, and for. nearly all the copies I have used of Kossuth's speeches. In general, the reports of the visits are taken with as little alteration as possible, and a good deal has been admitted that my own taste would have led me to reject. But, as the record of a most interesting event in the history pf Massachusetts, it seemed to me that the book ought to contain, as nearly as possible, the impression that Kossuth's visit made upon eye- witnesses, trained to observe and to communicate their observations, and the account of it that was read from day to day by the people, whose guest he was. The addresses made to Kossuth form an important part of the book. In almost every case, they have been revised, at my request, by the speakers themselves. On the whole, they well sustain the reputation of Massachusetts for eloquence ; and it may be doubted whether any other state which Kossuth visited can offer an equally respectable array of addresses to him. IV PEEFACE. For revised copies of these addresses, and for reports of Kossuth's reception in various parts of the state, I am indebted to the editors of the Springfield Eepublican, the Worcester Spy, the Plymouth Eock, and the Lynn Bay State. Also, to the Hon. A. N. Skinner, Mayor of New Haven ; ^o Hon. Henry Wilson, President of the Senate ; to Hon. N. P. Banks, Jr., Speaker of the House ; to Hon. Anson Burlingame ; to Hon. S. 0. Phillips, Hon. W. B. Calhoun, Hon. C. W. Upham, Hon. Foster Hooper ; to Eichard Frothingham, Jr., Esq., Mayor of Charlestown; and to Messrs. Erastus Hopkins, Wm. B. Greene, George Allen, Jr., Ealph Waldo Emerson, and Charles M. Ellis. To Mr. A. J. Marsh, of Holden, I am indebted for a phonographic report of the Kossuth meeting, in the City HaU, at Worcester, from vrhich I have copied the speeches of Messrs. KeUogg and Burlingame, of which no report has heretofore been given. There has been considerable con- troversy about the speech of Mr. Burlingame, which I have therefore given in full, from Mr. Marsh's report, the accuracy of which I can testify to, from my own distinct recollection of the speech. By the liberality of the publisher, the profits of the sale of this book will be given to Kossuth. It remains only to add, that the official' documents in the Appendix have been obtained from authentic sources, and that the uncommon interest of Kossuth's last speech or lecture in New York has induced me to give it insertion at the end of the volume. Cambridge, Mass., July 10, 1852. TABLE OE CONTENTS. PAGG Invitation to Massachusetts, 1 Mr. Hopkins' Address at Pittsburg, 6 Kossuth's Keply, 9 Address of Hon. Anson Burlingame, 10 Address of the Mayor of New Haven 11 Kossuth's Speech at New Haven, 13 Visit to Wlutneyville, 18 Address of the Germans of New Haven, 19 Arrival at Hartford. Captain Casement, 20 KOSSUTH IN SPKINGFIELD, 23 Address of Hon. William B. Calhoun 26 Kossuth's Speech in Springfield, .27 Visit to the U. S. Armory, 33 Kossuth at Northampton 34 Kossuth's Speech at Northampton 85 Reception by the Staj^ Committee, 37 Address of Hon. Henry Wilson, , 37 Kossuth's Reply, 39 The Brookfield Letter, 41 Remarks of Rev. William B. Greene, 43 Kossuth in Worcester, ' 46 Address of the Mayor of Worcester 48 Kossuth's First Speech at Worcester, 49 Great Meeting in the City Hall 55 Address of Hon. Henry Chapin, 56 Kossuth's Second Speech at Worcester 58 Address of the Germans of Worcester, 01 Kossuth's Reply 62 Mr. Burlingame's Speech, . . . ■ 62 Speech of Hon. E. H. Kellogg, 65 KOSSUTH'S ENTRY INTO BOSTON, 67 Governor Boutwell's Address of Welcome, 71 Kossuth's Reply, 72 Kossuth at the State House, 74 Kossuth in the Council Chamber, 74 Kossuth in the Senate, 76 Address of Hon. Henry Wilson, 75 Kossuth's Speech in the Senate, 76 Kossuth in the House of Representatives, 77 Address of the Speaker, 78 Kossuth's Speech to the House 79 1* VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Kossnin in FAXEtJii. Hall 82 Governor Boutwell's Speech, 84 Kossuth's First Speech in Faneuil Hall, 87 The Legislative Banquet, 97 Address of Hon. Henry 'Wilson, 98 Governor Boutwell's Remarks, 100 Speech of the Mayor of Boston, 101 Speech of Hon. Josiah Quincy, 102 Kossuth's Speech at the Banquet, 103 Mr. Pulszky's Speech, 119 Speech of Judge Hoar, 1 24 KOSSUTH AT BUNKER HILL, 125 Meeting of the Citizens of Charlestown, 125 Address of the Mayor of Charlestown, 130 Kossuth's Speech on Bunker Hill, 131 Kossuth ik the Geaxt) Lodge of Fkee Masoks, 136 Address of the Grand Master, 136 Kossuth's Reply, 142 Kossuth is Cambkidge, •..-.... 145 KOSSUTH IN LOWELL, 148 Address of the Mayor of Lowell, 149 Kossuth's Speech in Lowell, 150 KOSSUTH IN LYNN AND SALEM, 159 Address of the Mayor of Lynn, 161 Kossuth's Speech at Lynn, 162 Address of the Mayor of Salem, 168 Kossuth's Reply, 170 The Dauvers Address, 171 Kossuth's Reply 173 Address of Hon. S. C. PhiUips, 174 Kossuth's Speech at Salem, 177 Mr. Burlingame's Speech, 188 Kossuth's Visit to the Public Schools, 189 Gerjiaji Kossuth Meeting in Boston 193 Kossuth's Speech to the Germans, 194 Kossuth in Roxbuet, 202 Address of Mr. EUis, 203 Kossuth's Speech in Roxbury, 204 KOSSUTH IN LEXINGTON AND CONCORD, 213 Address of Rev. Thomas Hill, 213 Kossuth's Speech at West Cambridge, 215 Address of Hon. Charles Hudson, 217 Kossuth's Speech at Lexington, 218 Address of Ralph Waldo Emerson, 222 Kossuth's Speech at Concord, 224 KOSSUTH m PLYMOUTH, 232 Address of Rev. Dr. Kendall, 233 Kossuth's Speech at Plymouth, 236 The Plymouth Banquet, 241 KOSSUTH AT FALL RIVER 248 Address of Mr. Sisson, of Pawtucket, 249 TABLE OF CONTENTS. VII FAGB Address of Hon. Foster Hooper, 250 Kossuth's Speech at Fall Eiver, 255 KOSSUTH'S LAST SPEECH IN FANEUIL HALL, 260 The Kossuth Committee 282 Kossuth's Departuee feom Massaohdsetts, 285 APPENDIX. Mr. Hazewell's Eeport on Intervention, 287 Massachusetts Resolutions 306 Resolutions of a Dem. Dist. Convention, 307 Resolutions of Vermont, 308 Resolutions of Rhode Island ^ 309 Speech of Or. AndreTvs, of Maine, 310 Kossuth's Lecture at the Tabernacle 325 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND, INVITATION TO MASSACHUSETTS. The Legislature of Massaclmsetts came togelier on Wednesday, January 7, 1852. On that day, on motion of the Honorable Charles Theodore Russell, of Boston, a senator from the county of Suffolk, the Senate ordered that "a committee, 'with such of the House as may join, be appointed to consider the expediency of inviting Louis Kossuth to visit the capital of the state, and tender him the hospital- ities of the commonwealth." Messrs. Russell of Suffolk, Burlingame of Middlesex, and Griawold of Franklin, were appointed as the committee on the part of the Senate. On the same day, the House of Representatives, by unanimous vote, concurred in the order from the Senate. On motion, however, of Mr. Erastus Hopkins of Northampton, the vote was reconsidered ; and, on the next day, January 8, Mr. Hopkins asked leave to introduce the following resolution : " Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor be authorized and empowered, in the name and in behalf of the people of this common- wealth, to invite Louis Kossuth to visit this capital during the present session of the Legislature." Mr. Hopkins said he did not move the reconsideration of the vote of yesterday, concurring in the order of the Senate, because opposed to the measure, but because, on inspecting it, he saw that it provided for a committee to consider the earpediency of inviting Kossuth. He was well aware that this was parliamentary phraseology ; but he thought the present occasion justified a departure from the more rigid (and ordinarily more safe) parliamentary forms. There was not a man in that House, — nor was he willing to suppose that there was one in any of the branches of the government, — who really wished to con- 1 2 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. sider the expediency of inviting Louis Kossuth. Hospitality is not a matter of expediency. He would break away from tlie forms, wbich, thougli parliamentary, were on this occasion so awkward and cumber- some ; and therefore he asked leave to introduce directly a resolve extending at once the invitation, in which he presumed that all were ready to join. A leading reason for action in this matter was the shortness of time. How soon Kossuth might by events be recalled to Europe precipitately, we could not divine. At any rate, he was already laying his plans with reference to the vast west, and no time should be lost in extending to him the invitation to visit Massachusetts. He did not think the ordinary caution of a diplomatic body was required of us. As a state government we had no diplomatic character, and were not, therefore, called upon to weigh our words and actions, and to adjust all our looks and courtesies, as though they were to affect diplomatic circles. We were simply representatives of the pop- ular will. We well know what that mil is, — that if Kossuth should come into our borders, every hamlet and fireside would be almost deserted, that the people might look upon and press the hand of this great man, whose person and whose cause find such a warm response in every heart. We were merely to express that feeling. It was genuine, all-pervading, gushing; and, in the 7iame flf that people, we empower the governor at once to extend to him the proposed -invitation. .In form, it was simple; in language, entii-ely unexceptionable. Mr. Hopkins said there was a fear in some quarters that sudh action would lead and commit us to some ulterior acts of an objection- able character. He had no such fear. The way to control a popular sentiment, when it was so natural and generous as this is, is to give it a full and hearty expression. Those who, though conservative, would repress it, were really the ones who provoked it to excessive and unruly action. He was, there- fore, for passing the resolve at once, and giving full expression, so far forth, to the generous feeling which pervaded aU who heard him, as well as the entire people of the state. Mr. Hayden of Boston asked the gentleman from Northampton what he would gain by having leave granted to introduce the resolve as then, under the rules, it must go to a committee. Mr. Hopkins replied that he intended, of course, to move a suspen- sion of the rules, and to claim, what he felt sure he must receive the KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 3 unanimous consent of the House, Trho ivere all anxious to extend the hospitalities of the commonwealth as indicated in the resolve. Messrs. Kellogg of Pittsfield, Schouler of Boston, and Earle of Worcester, supported the resolution. Leave was granted nnanimouslj for its introduction ; the rules were suspended, the resolution read three times, and passed to be engrossed by a unanimous vote, and without debate. In the Senate, on the same day, the resolution was passed, with only one vote in the negative, — that of Charles H. Warren, a senator from the county of Suffolk. This resolution received the approval of Governor Boutwell. who, in his annual message to the Legislature, delivered January 15, referred to it thus : ■ -)^ "Tou have, gentlemen, authorized the executive to invite Louis Kossuth to this commonwealth. This trust will be cheerfully and faithfully executed. Your action will be regarded as an expression of the sympathy of Massachusetts for the distinguished exile, and for the cause of European liberty, which he so truly represents. The common sentiment of America is on the side of ' constitutional governments. Nor will this sentiment be satisfied with ah individual, unofScial expression. It will also demand, through the diplomatic agents of the country, a distinct declaration, on the part of Austria and Russia, as to their future purposes. If these governments shall assert the right of interference in the domestic affairs of European nations, or shall decline to make a distinct declaration upon this point, it would seem proper for our government to give them notice that we assert, on our part, an equal right to interfere in favor of republican or con- stitutional governments, reserving to ourselves, of course, the power to judge the circumstances and the necessity of interference, as events transpire. "If, however, contrary to our expectations, Austria and Russia should assent to the doctrine of non-intervention, our object will have been gained. We cannot, in any view of the subject, quietly submit to the absorption of the smaller states of Europe by the larger, and the final subjection of all to two or three allied despotisms. Such a movement will not only be fatal to our commerce, but to the general industry and free principles of America." Governor Boutwell appointed Mr. Hopkins to be the bearer of the invitation of Massachusetts to Kossuth. The subjoined corre- spondence contains the official documents connected with the mission of Mr. Hopkins : 4 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. Council Chamber, Boston, Mass., ^ January 16, 1852. S Sir : I have the honor to introduce to you Mr. Erastus Hopkins, a representative in the Legislature of this State, who is authorized to present to you a resolution adopted by the government of Massa- chusetts. Be pleased, sir, to receive my assurances of the high personal regard ■which my fellow-citizens entertain for you, and their devotion to the principles of liberty and national sovereignty, of which you are an honored representative and defender. Mr. Hopkins will make known to you the universal desire of the Le^slature to welcome you to the capital of Massachusetts. I am, with high personal respect, your obedient servant, Geokge S. Bour\vELL. To GovBENOE Kossuth, of Hungary. PUtsburg, Jan. 26, 1852. Excellency : The Honorable Erastus Hopkins has delivered me your, kind letter, . and the resolution adopted by the government of ijassachusetts, inviting me, in the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth, to visit Boston during the present session of the iegislature. . Be pleased, Excellency, to receive and to express to the Legislature my most hearty thanks for the honor the commonwealth of Massa- chusetts — which I have always admired for her steadfast adherence to the principles of civil and religious liberty, and for her successful endeavors to extend the benefits of education to all her citizens — has conferred upon me. I have the firm intention to avail myself of this generous invitation before I leave the United States. Allow me, also, to express my high regards which I entertain for your Excellency, and my gratitude for the sentiments of justice and of enlightened statesmanship expounded by your Excellency's message, ever dear to the heart of my nation. , Those principles which you advocate, adopted by the difierent states of the Union, will give the weight to the United States in the councils of nations which is due to their power, and would free my country and the old continent. I am, with high personal regard, Excellency, your obedient servant, L. Kossuth. To His Excellency, Geo. S Boutwell. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 5 To His Excellency, Geo. S. Boutwell, Governor, &c. . Sir : I proceeded on the ITtli nit. to present to GoTCmor Kossuth a package, intrusted by your Excellency to my care, covering the resolve of the Legislature, inviting him to visit this capital ; and covering, also, a communication from your Excellency, in pursuance of said resolve. After an unusual detention, on account of the recent storms, I found Governor Kossuth at Pittsburg, on the 2Tth ult. A very unexpected and favorable opportunity was courteously granted by the citizens of Pittsburg, to present the invitation of Massachusetts in the presence of a large assembly convened to hear the chief address of the illustrious guest to the 'citizens of western Pennsylvania. I promptly accepted the courtesy thus tendered to the State of Massachusetts.' ' I enclose a copy of the remarks 1 made on the occasion, and also of the Governor's reply, as the same are contained in the N. IT. Times of the 20 th nit. ; hoping that all I have said and done will meet the approbation of your Excellency, and the people of the commonwealth. The cordial greeting which I received, as a messengei: from Massa- chusetts, from the citizens of that important section of our couiitry, was a prominent and gratifying incident of my mission, which" I can- not fail to notice, both as a testimony of respect to this commonwealth,' and as a token of the strong fraternal bonds which unite the various parts of the Union. I am, very respectfully, yours, &c., Erastus Hopkins. Boston, Feb. 3, 1852. The " unexpected and favoratte opportunity," to .which Mr. Hopkins alludes in his letter to Governor Boutwell, was the occasion of the magnificent festival given to Kossuth, in Masonic Hall, Pittsburg, Pa., on the 26th of January, 1852. At the close of Kossuth's long and eloquent speech, the Hon. W. W. Irwin, of Pitts- burg, rose, and, addressing the president of the meeting, said : " Mr. President, I have the honor to inform you, and this large meeting, that there is now in this hall an ambassador from the land of the Pilgrim Fathers [cheers], — a messenger from the Stat^'of Massachusetts, charged with the pleasing duty of inviting Governor Louis Kossuth to visit that venerable and honored commonwealth. [Tremendous applause.] With your permission, Mr. Chairman, if it 1* 6 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. be in order, I Trould desire that the citizens of Alleghany county should now have an opportunity of hearing the credentials of that ambassador, the Hon. Erastus Hopkins, read. [Applause.] " Mr. Hopkins, rising amidst the cheers of the audience, said : " Mr. President, after the soul-stirring proceedings of this after- noon, I dare hardly venture to obtrude upon your attention. It was, indeed, very far from my expectation, -when I came a pilgrim on a toilsome journey at this inclement season of the year, that I would be enabled to mingle the congratulations of the citizens of the ' Old Bay State ' to Governor Kossuth vrith those of the people of Alleghany county. [Applause.] But, sir, my message, although not addressed to this meeting, is addressed to one v^hom we, in common -with you, love, and whom we all delight to honor. [Tremendous applause.] " Turning to Kossuth, Mr. Hopkins then addressed him as follows : " Governor Kossuth : I am directed by his Excellency the Gov- ernor of Massachusetts to present to you the accompanying resolve of the Legislature, inviting you to visit their capital during the present session. The resolve is, in fact, no less than in its terms, ' in the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth.' " Having with this announcement delivered to you the documents intrusted to my charge, I must be considered as having exhausted my official functions. " Yet, sir, having had the honor of introducing the resolve to the Legislature of Massachusetts [cheers], and witnessing with pleasure the nnanimous and instant concurrence of her four hundred Representa- tives [renewed applause], I will venture to add a few words beyond the record, — only such words, however, as cannot fail to be consonant with the sentiments and hearts of her people. [Cheers.] " The people of Massachusetts would have you accept this act of her constituted authorities as no unmeaning compliineat. Never, in her history as an independent state, with one single and illustrious exception, has Massachusetts tendered such a mark of respect to any other than the chief magistrates of these United States. And even in the present instance, much as she admires your patriotism, your eloqnence, your untiring devotedness and zeal, — deeply as she is moved by your plaintive appeals and supplications in behalf of your native and oppressed land, — greatly as she is amazed at the irre- pressible elasticity with which you rise from under the heel of oppres- sion, with fortitude increased under sufferings, and with assurance growing stronger as the darkness grows deeper [cheers], still, it is not KOSSnTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 7 one or all of these qualities combined that can lead her to swerve from her dignity as an independent state to the mere worship of man. [Applause.] No. But it is because she views you as the advocate and providential representative of certain great principles which con- stitute her own vitality as a state; — because she views you as the representative of human rights and freedom in another and far distant land, — it is because she views you as the rightful but exiled governor of a people whose past history and whose recent deeds show them to be worthy of some better future than that of Russian tyranny and Austrian oppression, — that she seeks to welcome you to her borders ;; that she seeks to attest to a gazing world that to the cause of freedoiffi she is not insensible, and that to the oppression of t3n:ants she is not indifferent. [Great applause.] " It is well, sir, that your feet have not yet pressed the soil of Mas- sachusetts. It is well that you landed elsewhere ; that you have sur- veyed the most prosperous portions of the Atlantic coast ; that yoa have surmounted the formidable Alleghanies, and planted your feet in the confines of this great valley. It is well that you should compre- hend its vast extent ; that you should float down these mighty streams, and survey these mighty valleys ; that, when your soul has become expanded by these scenes, and gratified by the free institutions which- adorn and bless them, then, and not till then, should you turn your footsteps on a holy pilgrimage to the spot where American liberty hoi its birth. [Applause.] Its embryo slumbered in the souls of tho§& illustrious and highly accomphshed Puritan exiles, when, with religion for their handmaid, they set foot on the rock of Plymouth, and encountered the stern rigors of a New England winter. [Applause.]; Their first-bom child was popular Education. [Applause.] Their second was popular Freedom. [Great applause.] In what words can the history of any commonwealth be so gloriously emblazoned, as in those three words, and in the order in which I name them, — Religion, Education, Freedom? [Applause.] Here, sir, is a tri- color for the world. [Applause.] " Such,, preeminently such, is the record of Massachusetts. One word only need be added to bring her history to the present hour, and that is but a corollary of the former, — I mean. Prosperity. As the- man of piety surveys her borders, numbers her people, counts their wealth, he finds a new fact added to the proof of ages, — ' Never have I seen the righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging bread.' " I have said, sir, that Massachusetts is the birth-place of Ameri- can liberty. When, then, you have seen the fuH stature with which 8 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. she fills these vast valleys and sti-etches herself over these mighty mountains, come to our little nursery, so retired from the turmoils and corruptions of the Old World, and we will shovr you the cradle where she was rocked to notes of eloquence which, while they soothed her fears, awakened a mighty continent to her nurture and defence. Come, sir, and we will show you the holy spot where the first baptis- mal blood of the Revolution was sprinkled upon her consecrated head, the camp-ground where Washington first unsheathed his sword in her defence [applause], and the fortifications which he first erected for her intrenchment. From the windows and balconies of the legislative haUs whence this invitation to you has emanated these spots can be seen. [Applause.] " Come, then, and stand amid these hallowed scenes ; gaze upon them, listen to their silent eloquence, till it steals through every fibre, and breaks up every fountain of your soul. Drink with us of these first, well-springs of American liberty, and you will find them still gushing and pure ! [Applause.] Ah, sir, is it not fitting that your last pilgrimage on this continent should be to such a place, — that, as you embark for. the Old World, your parting act should be to drink at the most hallowed fountains of the New? [Great applause.] Sir, Massa- chusetts will welcome you. She is the descendant of illustrious exiles, who, fleeing from oppression in the Old World, sought freedom in the New. Her past history, her filial piety, bids you welcome as an exile. [Applause.] Herself the first in legal resistance to illegal acts, in constitutional resistance to unconstitutional oppression, how can she do otherwise than welcome those who follow in her footsteps? [Cheers.] Prospered almost without a parallel as she has been under the smiles of a kind Providence, she can give but a poor account of her steward- ship, unless her institutions of Religion, of Education, of Philanthropy, of Freedom, can aflbrd most valuable information to all Avho seek to found new states, or, like yourself, to regenerate and revive those that are old. [Applause.] " I speak of her institutions of freedom. I mean her distinct municipalities. There is no centralization there. Distributed into three hundred and twenty-two cities and townships, it is in these, by her literally democratic assemblages, that her government is chiefly carried on. No central government established and patronizes our four thousand public schools. No central government levies our taxes to fill her coflers and feed her parasites. Each town provides for itself, levies its own taxes, sustains its own schools, establishes its own municipal regulations, and in each and all of these acts is inde- KOSSUTH IN NE^y ENGLAND. 9 pendent of every other. The cause of Education and of Freedom is thus reposed in the hands and hearts of the people. Reposed, did I say ? No, sir ! it is because of those hearts and hands that Freedom and Education have no repose, but are pushed into the most active, vigorous and advancing life ! " The aggregate receipts and disbursements of our little democratic organizations are some four or five times larger than those of our state treasury. It is true, therefore, that we have no centralization. Through the system I have described, the people are the government, and the government is the people. The ' seat of government' is a fiction in^ Massachusetts, save as it signifies the hearts of the people. " I have thus detailed somewhat of the history and of the present condition of the state that seeks to welcome you as her guest. Come, then, to her borders; witness the truth of all and of more than I have uttered, as you shall find it attested by our institutions, by the pleni- tude of our hospitality, and by the acclamations of one million souls '. [Loud and long-continued applause.]" To this address Grovernor Kossuth replied, in the following words : " SiE : I consider it a providential indication, that the public opin- - ion of the people is developing itself in the constitutional way which your happy institutions — uniting the independence of self-government with the power of union — have founded as a rock of your present greatness, happiness and freedom, and for your future glory. I feel happy that the Legislature of Massachusetts — of that commonwealth which can proudly point out those glorious reminiscences of past his- tory — was among the first of the state legislatures to bid me welcome, after I had told openly the people of the United States who I was, and what was my wish. After this avowal, your welcome was more than hospitality. I have the assurance of it in the official act and pronunciation of principles of the chief magistrate of your common- wealth. " Sir, I thank you for the benefit which you have bestowed upon my country's cause, by moving these resolutions which I am now happy and proud to hold in my hands. I thank you for the travels you have undertaken, in bringing over to me this solace ; and I thank you for the manner in which you have been pleased to deliver it to me. [Applause.] By your words I have abeady foretasted the soul-inspir- ing, the heart-elevating flood of that glorious well which you pointed 10 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. out in your eloquent speech, and out of -which, before I leave the United States of America, I will carry home that inspiration which is wanted to meet adversities and danger, and to hope success, such as that was which accompanied in such a glorious manner those struggles the cradle of Avhich is your city-state. Sir, I will come to Massa- chusetts. I entreat your kindness to be pleased to charge yourself with a written answer to these resolutions, which I feel it is my duty, with gratitude and with reverence, to give." Early in April, a telegraphic despatch from Mobile, Alabama, announced that Kossuth was on his way to Massachusetts, and expected to reach Boston in the course of a week or two. In compliafice with a resolve of the Legislature, a legislative committee of reception was appointed on the 12th of April. It consisted of General Henry Wil- son, President of the Senate, as chairman ; of Senators Burlingame, Eussell, Knowlton, Keyes, Griswold, Bassett and Hazewell, and of Messrs. Hopkins of Northampton, Davis of Worcester, Kellogg of Pittsfield, Kimball of Boston, Ward of Middleboro', Mansur of Fitchburg, Newell of Lawrence, Smith of Chelsea, Cowdry of Stone- ham, Nettleton of Chicopee, Hendee of Roxbury, Humphrey of Wey- mouth, Barney of Nantucket, Morse of Lowell, and Stebbins of Deer- field, members of the House of Representatives. A sub-committee, consisting of ,Hon. Anson Burlingame of Cam- bridge, General Eliab Ward of Middleboro', and Chas. S. Newell, Esq., of Lawrence, were sent to meet Kossuth at New York, where they arrived on Thursday, April 22. On Friday they were introduced to Kossuth, who had just arrived from Newark, N. J. Mr. Burlingame addressed him briefly and happily : " Governor Kossuth : We have come to conduct you to Massa- chusetts in such manner as shall be most agreeable to yourself Feel- ing that you must be weary with hea.ring speeches, we refrain from the expression of those emotions awakened by the story of your heroic life. We desire that our intercourse may be as informal as may com- port with your dignity and pleasure." Kossuth took Mr. Burlingame by the hand, and expressed himself highly gratified to place himself under the charge of a committee of the Legislature of Massachusetts. He had longed to visit New England, and was glad the occasion for doing so had arrived. In company with the legislative sub-committee and a committee KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 11 from New Haven, Kossuth and his suite left New York by the eight o'clock morning train for New Haven. He was accompanied by Madame Kossuth, by M. and Madame Pulszky, Major Hajnik, Captains Gre- schenek and Kalapszka, and by Mr. W. S. Coggshall, a reporter for the New York Tribune, who has attended him during his whole tour in the United States. A special car was appropriated to the party. Though the time of his departure from New York was not generally known, he was greeted with cheers. At Stamford and Bridgeport, where the train stopped, Kossuth was warmly cheered by large crowds who had gathered about the stations. ' ■' ' The train reached New Haven about eleven o'clock. A large crowd was gathered at the railroad station, awaiting its arrival. Kossuth was received by Hon. Aaron N. Skinner, the mayor of the city, and by the committee of arrangements. He and his attendants entered carriages and were conveyed to the state-house, amid the ringing of bells, the firing of cannon, and the shouts of the people. An immense multitude of both sexes had assembled at the State- house, at the south porch of which Kossuth alighted, and was form- ally welcomed by the mayor, in the following speech: ' MAYOR skinner's ADDRESS. ' [ '■] "Governor Kossuth : In the name of the Common Council, here present, and in the name of the citizens represented here by their com- mittee, and by this vast assembly, I welcome you and your distin- guished compatriots to the city of New Haven, and to the soil of New England. " On the very spot where we now stand, a little more than two cen- turies ago, was a savage wilderness ; and just two hundred and fourteen years ago, the very week past, a vessel sailed into the harbor, with a company of b.-ave and Christian men, who, as their very first act, on a peaceful Sabbath morning, of which the last Sabbath was the anni- versary, met under the spreading branches of a large oak, a short cUstance from this spot, in the pubUc worship of God. You behold before you here, as you will elsewhere in New England, the descend- ants of that race of men who preferred civil and religious liberty to all else which men commonly hold dear ; who forsook home and country, the hearths, the altars and the graves of their fathers, for the great idea, as one of our poets expresses it, for ' freedom to worship God.' " Those men, nurtured in the school of liberty, and imbued with 12 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. the spirit of tte oracles of God, knew no other foundation for human liberty than that laid in the common education of the people, and the pure and enlightening teachings of the Christian religion. They accordingly established schools and churches, as the first step towards a free and durable republic. One of our orators has said, ' The village church and the village school-house are the monuments which the American people have erected to their freedom.' If you cast your eyes on either side, you will see that the example of our fathers has not been altogether lost upon us their children. On your left hand you behold the temples of God ; on your right, the institutions of learning. You will see the same everywhere in New England; the church and the school-house stand side by side, among the first and most interest- ing features of the natural and moral landscape. In these institutions our people have been trained, fi-om the beginning, in a love of liberty, a respect for law, and in the reverence and the fear of God. " It is precisely because we love liberty, because we respect law, because we reverence the Christian religion, that we are deeply inter- ested in your father-land. We know that your own Hungary has been the great battle-field of nations ; we know that Hungary has been the bulwaark of Christendom against the Moslem and the Turk ; we know that a brave and chivalric race has, for ages, defended your native soil. We have read the story of that young and heroic queen, who, sur- rounded by the armies of the three great powers of Europe, and over- whelmed by calamity and misfortune, fled, in the darkest days of her adversity, for protection, to the brave and gallant people of your native land. She asked for help from your nobles, and she received it. When ' the pale and pensive, but imperial queen,' stood before them, in deep mourning, the crown of her ancestors upon her brow, her right hand leaning on the hilt of the sword of the Austrian kings, and lead- ing by her left hand her little daughter, and ' committed herself and her children to their protection,' the youth, the beauty, the calamities of the heroic queen, roused to the utmost intensity the chivalric devotion of these warlike magnates; and, grasping their swords, and waving them over their heads, they shouted, simultaneously, ' Moriamur pro rege nostro Maria Theresa.' They made good their words ; they did fight and die for their queen, — drove back her enemies with glory, and restored her to her rights and to her throne. " Such has ever been the spirit of Hungary, in all the ages of her history, — brave gallant and noble, in the defence of the right and the truth. Such has she conspicuously been in her late contest for KOSSUTH IK NEW ENGLAND. 13 national existence and constitutional liberty. We watclied with almost breathless interest the various fortune's in the tide and ehb of battle ; we rejoiced in your success, we triumphed in your triumphs, and our hearts swelled with joy and hope when you drove back your van- quished oppressors from your soil. And, finally, what a pang of deep and bitter sorrow and despair smote our hearts, when we found that all your valor, your sacrifices, your heroic devotion to your country, had been in vain ; and that brave, chivalric. noble Hungary, had fallen in disastrous but not inglorious battle ! " We deeply sympathized with you and your illustrious compatriots in that glorious struggle. We honor your country as a country which deserves a better fate ; we honor all those brave spirits who partook of that bloody and Unequal contest ; we honor those who poured out their patriotic blood on the field of battle; we honor those who, for the defence of liberty at home, now wander in exile in foreign lands. And we especially honor him who was the master-spirit in that fearful con- test, — whose eloquence and patriotism inspired his countrymen to put aside all selfish considerations, to ^ve up ancient privileges, and to grant to the whole people the equal rights of freemen. "We bid you again welcome to our city and to our country; we freely offer you its privileges and its protection ; and, if any of your number choose to remain with ns, we with one accord offer you a home and a country, to share equally with ourselves in all its privileges and blessings. But, if you ever return to your native land, we hope it may be to a land of liberty and peace. And we devoutly pray that the great and just God, who holds the destinies of nations in his hand, may yet make your country a free country, as happy, as enlightened, and great, as it has been brave and heroic. "Fellow-citizens, I now introduce to you the illustrious Kossuth." kossdth's speech at new haven. Kossuth replied in an extemporaneous speech, of which the reporters could not hear the opening, owing to the distance from them at which he stood. It was, in substance, that he was embarrassed because he was greatly fatigued, and it was difficult for him to speak in the open air. The following is an imperfect report of the remainder of his remarks : * * * * " I -vras very anxious to see New England. I was very anxious to behold the men who have been reared under her institutions, — institutions of freedom and religion, upon which the highest happiness of all nations must be founded. I wished to visit 2 14 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. your state, for I knew it had always been conspicuous for having furnished an asylum for all that were oppressed when Europe was not free. I knew that New England had always furnished protection and an asylum for those who have been persecuted by the enemies of free- dom in Old England. * * * * "Public instruction here yields its everlasting fruit. Tou are instructed in the principles of the divine revelation, and therefore you are a free people ; you are an intelligent people ; you are a Chris- tian, a religious people ; a people able in the best manner to govern yourselves. From such men I am not surprised to meet with sympathy in New Haven. " Gentlemen, I am soon about to leave the United States. The first impressions of which I partook when I came to New Haven's shores will go with me across the water. Freemen are generous in their affections, and always hopeful. They have a place in their hearts for the misfortunes of others. It was not without anxiety that I have met them, lest sympathy for an exile should withdraw their minds from the subject to which he is alone desirous their attention should be called. It is not honors and glory which I hope for myself, but a desire to benefit the millions of my down-trodden countrymen, which brought me to your shores. The expectant millions of Europe intrusted to me the duty of laying my hand on the great heart of the people of the United States ; and I wish to carry back the tidings that there is not only a feeling of sympathy for the oppressed, but also a bold and generous spirit, upon which we can rely, so far as your own institutions and circumstances will permit, if we raise the banner of Liberty, — the banner of civil and religious freedom. [Cheers.] " Now, gentlemen, being about to leave the United States, tlie mil- lions which encouraged me by their expressions will soon ask me for your answer, and my last impressions will be the answer a\ liich I shall give them. Now, I have seen a considerable portion of your country's territory, and have met a people everywhere great, generous and good. No part of the United States will feel offended when I say that I am glad that from New England I shall receive my last impression of my visit to the United States ; and the answer which I shall carry back will express the sympathy of the people of New England impressed as God's perfections on my heart [Cheers.] "The ehief magistrate of your city, who has been so kind as to address me in the name of the citizens of New Haven, has been pleased to assure me that you have felt deep sorrow in hearing the tidings of KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 15 poor Hungary's misfortunes. Let me say, gentlemen, tliat I believe ihere was indeed full occasion for that sorrow. Despotism found in ■Hungary a victim, and violated those principles upon which your own freedom and happiness rest, and upon which your forefathers built. I know that there is one God in heaven, the father of all humanity, and heaven is therefore one. I know that there is one sun in the sky, which gives light to all the world. As there is unity in God, and unity in the light, so is there unity in the principles of freedom. Where- ever it is broken, wherever a shadow is cast upon the sunny rays of the sun qf liberty, there is always danger for free principles everywhere in the world. [Great applause.] " The chief magistrate of your city has been pleased to bestow a word of approbation upon that portion of the people of Hungary who, to make their country free, jeopardized their own freedom. They con- sented to make the people partake an equal share in their liberty. Why did they do this, gentlemen ? They did it because they had occasion to see and know that liberty was nothing, unless it was pos- sessed by many, by all. They had learned that this only could give security, and confer greatness. Each country is interested in the free- dom of other nations. Hungary is crushed ; upon the ruins of Hun- gary the principle of oppression, of civil and rehgious oppression, goes on. From Hungary it spreads over Europe. After having crushed liberty in all the European nations, after having succeeded in consoli-, dating this . power, there is danger that it will go on until it reaches even to you. The Czar of Russia, in violence to the eternal law of nature and nature's God, interfered in our struggle, and declared in his proclamations his intention not only to crush my people, but the spirit of liberty throughout the world, because he considered it incon- sistent with his rights, which he was not ashamed to call divine. Hun- gary was crushed because our example was considered dangerous to despotism. I ask you if they, even in their boldest imaginations, can possibly conceive of an example more dangerous than that of the United States, with its freedom, prosperity and power. "I believe it is a most dangerous example to absolutism. So long as it exists, there is no security for despots, none for tyranny in the earth. Therefore, I say, if my countrymen were right in their strug- gles with Austria, if it was a struggle for civil, religious and political liberty, the United States were interested in the result. If we do not succeed in stopping the progress of despotism in Europe, you see the danger is brought home to you. I do not disclaim that I would have 16 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. the people of the United States not fear to meet the danger. To meet it may require great sacrifices and great suffering. It is always more prudent to prevent danger than to meet it. It is more -wise to prevent that our house should be fired, than to ivait and attempt to quench the fire. Upon this have I rested the expectations upon -which I came. I assure you I go back to Europe only for the purpose of meeting the danger that threatens the freedom of the world. Hungary, by the peculiar operations of Divine Providence, may now be the turning point of the world's liberty, as it was formerly a barrier and stronghold against Islamism. "If Hungary is not protected, how is the world to be redeemed? If Hungary does not succeed in maintaining its independence and free- dom, soon there will be no freedom left throughout all Europe. Eree- dom and independence have there been driven back by absolutism, and crushed for the time, while struggling for the ascendency under the high instruction -which your glorious example imparts to Europe. If the triumph of republicanism shall finally be secured, I hope in God that Europe will not imitate those who have established a dangerous centralism, but follow your own example, which is more congenial to the freedom and happiness of mankind. This being my conviction, I thank God that I have been so happy as to have seen you and the workings of your free institutions ; the inspirations of my heart are still stronger, and the resolutions of my mind still more bent upon restoring my own dear country to its natural rights of freedom and independence. When I have seen what a people may become by pos- sessing liberty, it is impossible not to long for it. I give you my word, in the name of my people, that we consider no sacrifices too great for establishing freedom and independence, when we see what glorious fruits these yield in the United States. [Enthusiastic cheers.] "When I go from the United States, it is not the poor exile whom I would have you to remember. He is not worthy of any attention at all ; he even declares to you that he does not wish to receive any per- sonal attentions ; for I feel, when I meet with your personal kindness, that my own country may be forgotten, and it is towards her that I would direct your generous sympathies, and all the ideas of your minds. I beheve the time draws near when my country will need them all. "The United States are making wonderful progress. Your republic will, it is estimated, soon contain one hundred millions of people. When such a republic exists, there will be no place for oppression on the earth. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 17 For such a natioa Tvill look to foreign policies ; such a nation will be connected by a thousand ties with the struggles which are about to be made by those who will fight with all the resolution of men loving freedom, and trusting that God will give success to their efforts, though suffering them now to experience trials, for their ultimate good. " When we take the banner of freedom once more in Europe, when the turning point in the fate of Europe arrives, we shall look for active support from the United States, — for such support as we have a right to claim. We hope the United States may be pleased to recognize those principles which are the common property of all humanity, and, by being common property, are your own, — the principle that every nation has a right to stand by itself, frame and establish its own insti-' tutions and government, and that no foreign power has a right to inter-' fere. That is the principle for which we contend, and on which we claim the people of the United States should insist. "We are approaching a great crisis, and stout hearts will fight our battles. We claim a great influence from your country, an influence which no other power on earth can exert. IJiHi should exert it on a scale corresponding with the extent, resources, power and influence, of your great country. [Cheers.] " I believe I shall not be able to speak to you longer, and that you- must be satisfied with these few remarks. It requires so much exer- tion to speak in the open air, and the citizens of New Jersey and New Tork yesterday made such demands on me, that I did the work of five' or six days in one single day, and I am therefore tired out. But I know for and to whom I speak. I know that your generous hearts will remain true and faithful, and warmly attached to these principles which make your glory and happiness, and for which we have been struggling, and for which we will once more struggle ; and we look with confidence for the generous sympathy of the most free and pow- erful people on earth. God bless you forever, and God bless the people of the United States ! [Great applause.] " I have been told that the city of New Haven is one of the brightest and most beautiful spots in the United States. Indeed, I find it to be go, and there is a beauty and a joy in being here to-day. There have been stormy days recently ; but here we are met upon a fair day, phys- ically as well as morally. It is the second spring I have enjoyed in the United States. I know that spring is the mother of and necessary for fruits. Let me hope that your hearts will always be warmed by spring weather for those who struggle for liberty ; because then I know 2* 18 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. that summer lyill come, when out of this spring the generous fruits of humanity and liberty -will arise. Such is my hope and my confidence. [Loud and long-continued cheering.]" At the conclusion of his speech, Kossuth was introduced to a num- ber of ladies and gentlemen, and then visited Yale College, where he spent a few minutes in the Trumbull Gallery, which was shown to him hy Professor Silliman. Accompanied by the mayor and corpora- tion, he and his suite next proceeded in a train of carriages to Whit- ney ville, two miles distant from the city, where there is a manufactory of rifles for the United States government, owned by Mr. Eli Whitney, son of the inventor of the cotton-gin. On arriving there, Kossuth was conducted through the establishment by Mr. Whitney, and intro- duced to his wife and other ladies. On a narrow wooden bridge between the two wings of the factory, and connecting them together, twenty stand of rifles were piled, surmounted hy a banner bearing the inscription, " Material Aid for Hungary." These rifles are of beauti- ftil workmanship, of east-steel barrels, and worth fifteen dollars each. Over this bridge the workmen all passed, one by one, and by Mr. Whitney were introduced by name to Kossuth. Mr. Whitney then addressed Kossuth, and said : " Governor Kossuth : I address you in behalf of these friends, who cooperate with me in the manufacture of arms. They admire your virtues and patriotism, and, sympathizing in your noble cause, present to you these rifles. We feel assured, sir, that the present acquired reputation of this rifle will not suffer in the hands of your brave countrymen, when they shall use them in defence of their fire- sides and laws. We trust, sir, that the termination of the approach- ing struggle for liberty in Europe will find your country a constitu- tional republic, your people united and free." Kossuth said, in reply : " I most truly thank you for this valuable gift to the cause of Hun- gary. Be pleased to express to these men my most cordial thanks. I can give utterance to no higher approbation than when I say that with these rifles I will arm the twenty men who will he by my side in battle when the danger is greatest; and I hope your arms will lose nothing in their hands. There is a historical recollection about the name of Whitney, connected with the development of one of the chief elements KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 19 of human happiness and prosperity on this continent. It is curious that, while on one side the name of Whitney is associated with the cotton-gin, the name of the second Whitney is connected with the instruments to defend 'this source of wealth and material prosperity, and the still greater blessing of liberty. Accept my thanks, then, and tell those gentlemen who are collaborateiirs with you, that, in placing these arms in the hands of those nearest to me in the struggle for Hun- gary, it will furnish them with an additional motive for valor, that, they may not prove unworthy of such arms, made and bestowed by free and generous men. Accept my thanks, and God bless you ! " The workmen then cheered loudly, and Kossuth and suite and party returned to the New Haven Hotel, where he partook of a private collation. Before leaving the hotel, he was waited upon by a deputa- tion from a German society, and presented with a purse containing twenty-five dollars. The chairman of the deputation, Mr. Leopold Waterman, in presenting the purse, addressed Kossuth in German, of which this is a translation-: " GovERNOE Kossuth: The German Lodge No. 14, 0. S. D. F., whose aim it is to inspire the heart of each of its members with the sense and the principles of true freedom, has taken the most lively interest in the last struggle of your father-land for independence. "Tour victories have gladdened, your defeats have grieved, our souls ; and with deep and painful sorrow we have seen how all efibrts and sacrifices of your heroic people could not obtain the desired lib- erty. " You, Governor Kossuth, are the star which illuminates and cheers the night of oppressed humanity ; and, as long as we yet find such men on the side of right and justice, remains our faith in the wisdom of an etomal Providence unshaken, and our hope for a final victory unchangeable. " Begging of you kindly to accept our small donation, and to dispose of it to the best of your own judgment, we pray the Almighty Ruler of destiny to grant you a long and happy life, as a blessing for all mankind." KOSSUTH'S KEPLY. " Gentlemen : I thank you most cordially for your sympathy and your aid to a just cause. You are right not to despair ; and, as long as there is a kind Providence, so long there is hope for the oppressed 20 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. nations. It was perhaps for tlie best that the last revolution was not successful, as a victory thus early obtained might not have the desired favorable results. I wish you would take occasion to read the report of my remarks before the German society at New York, in which I expressed my opinion with regard to the afiairs of Europe. " Many good and brave men fell in the late struggle; and I regret that still more blood must be shed, before liberty in Europe will tri- umph. As for my part, please tell your brethren that, as long as the Almighty spares my life, I shall not cease to work also for the freedom of your old father-land, for the liberty of Hungary is intimately con- nected with the hberty of Germany, and of all Europe. " Farewell ! Gentlemen, I again thank you most heartily." Just before leaving New Haven, Mr. Charles Ruckholdt, in behalf of the German Democratic Association, presented Kossuth with thirty dollars, accompanying it with a few remarks, to which Kossuth made an appropriate reply, thanking them for this token of regard. The gentlemen who had charge of the Kossuth fund also gave him one hundred and thirty-six dollars, the proceeds of several lectures which had been delivered in New Haven for the benefit of the Hun- garian cause. Kossuth left New Haven at three p. M., on his way to Springfield, Mass. His progress through Connecticut was one continual triumph. At every railroad station the people were gathered in multitudes to cheer him, as he passed along. At Meriden he addressed them briefly, and was presented with a small sum of money. At Hartford there was a very large and enthusiastic assemblage, to whom Kossuth made a short speech, which was answered by many cheers. A strange and interesting adventure befell Kossuth at Hartford. To make it intelligible, it will be necessary first to relate an event which occurred two or three years ago. When Kossuth and companions in exile were at Widdin, Bulgaria, in September, 1849, a Turkish oflScer of rank was sent to them by the Grand Vizier, from Constantinople, to inform them that a majority of the Divan had decided to surrender the refugees, and that the only means for them to preserve their lives was to renounce Christianity and embrace Moslemism. Kossuth's heroic answer is well known ; but, feeling that it was the duty of the patriot to make every honorable effort to preserve his life, he determined to write to Lord Palmerston a KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 21 letter, explaining to him the dangers by which himself and associates were surrounded. Capt. Henningsen, of the English army, who had left England to aid in the Hungarian struggle, had joined Kossuth at Widdin. With him Kossuth consulted as to the manner of sending the important let- ter to Palmerston. He said he was too poor to hire a courier, and the letter must reach England in ten days. In Kossuth's room, during this consultation, an Enghshman had been sitting, who had come to Widdin to see the Hungarian refugees, He was grave-looking and silent. He sat for hours with his umbrella under his arm, biting his finger-nails, without speaking, and seldom paying any attention whatever to what was passing around him. When Kossuth asked Henningsen how he should despatch the letter to Palmerston, after a moment's reflection, Henningsen said, "This man will take it," pointing to his silent countryman. " No," answered Kossuth, " I have no claims on him." " But I have, as an Englishman," returned Henningsen; and, step- ping up to. his countryman, he tapped him on the shoulder. The traveller looked up deUberately, and said, "Well, sir?" Henningsen informed him of Kossuth's wish to send an important letter to England; and when he understood the nature of its contents, he inquired, abruptly, "Where is the letter?" Henningsen handed it to him. He rose from his seat, said laconic- ally " Good-by, sir," and was gone. The first day's journey of the Englishman from Widdin brought him back to the very spot from whence he started ! He then saw that he was suspected, and that there was treachery in the drivers. He at once demanded, in the name of the English government, and as an English officer, proper protection and uninterrupted passage. He then started again; and, after various romantic incidents, was enabled to deliver the letter in person to Palmerston within the specified time of ten days from the hour that he received it. Palmerston' s I'eply was that the Sultan should be supported by the entire British fleet, if necessary, in case he gave unconditional protection to Kossuth and his compatriots, — a declaration which undoubtedly had great weight in inducing the Sultan to persist in his refusal to deliver up the fugitives. The name of this prompt and generous Englishman was Boger Casement. He was formerly an officer in the British army, and for 22 KOSSUTH IN NEAV ENGLAND. several years was stationed in the East Indies. But the monotony of the regular service did not suit his active temperament, and he resigned his commission and returned to London. The Hungarian revolution was then at its height, and the sympathy of Mr. Casement enlisted in behalf of those struggling for liberty. He repaired to join the Hun- garian army as a volunteer. At this time a large public meeting was held in London, at -which Lord Dudley Stuart presided. An address of sympathy -vvith Kossuth and his army was voted, and promises were made of valuable aid. Mr. Casement volunteered to dehver to Kossuth in person a copy of the address and the assurance of aid, which were tendered by the meeting and from other quarters. After many thrilling incidents and narrow escapes, he succeeded in getting into Hungary, but not until treachery had done its work, and the army of Hungary was broken up and its heroic leader was in exile. Mi-. Casement followed Kossuth to the frontier ; and at Widdin, in Bulgaria, he presented the address to the Hungarian governor. Kossuth and his companions were much cheered by these expressions of sympathy from London, though unfor- tunately it was too late for the promised aid. It was thus that Mr. Casement happened to be at Widdin at a juncture so important for Kossuth. Kossuth neither saw nor heard anything farther of Mr. Casement, until he reached Hartford, on his way to Springfield. But, just as he was leaving that city, after addressing the people at the raiboad station, a man stepped up to the window of the car in which he sat, and handed him a book. In the hurry and confusion of departure, Kossuth was unable to take much notice of either the book or its giver. But when the train was in motion he examined the book, which proved to be a copy of Brace's Hungary in 1851. It contained the following brief note: " This is from the person who carried your letter from Widdin to Palmerston in ten days. Casement." Kossuth was much affected at finding this note, and expressed deep regret that he had not at least shaken the man's hand and thanked him. He said he was highly indebted to him, and hoped to meet him again, that he might personally express his gratitude. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 23 JiOSSUTH IN SPRINGFIELD. Kossuth's reception at Springfield was a very cordial one. Soon after his arrival in America, the selectmen of the town sent him the following letter of welcome and invitation : Toivn Officers' Office, Town Hall, Springfield, Mass., Dec. 10, 1851. To Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary. Sir: The inhabitants of Springfield unite with their countrymen universally in welcoming you to America. They recognize in you an apostle, and, in some, a highly honorable sense, a martyr of liberty. They desire through you to evince their sympathy in the great cause of civil and religious fireedom, throughout the world. Li their behalf, and acting officially for them, we invite you to visit Springfield, and to partake of hospitalities which will be extended to you with most free and enthusiastic hearts. We have witnessed with deep emotions the recent struggles for lib- erty in Europe, and especially the matchless energy with which Hungary, by her glorious efibrts, haa attracted to herself the gaze and admiration of the world. We watched the progress of yourself and your noble band of co-patriots, in successive and successful battles for freedom, with an animated hope that Hungary was in very deed about to place herself, an independent republic, amongst the nations of Europe ; and we deplored, as we still deplore, the interference of that power which crushed her efforts, and quenched, for a time, the lights of liberty, of honor, and of right. The past we regard as but the first scene of the drama. It cannot be that the people of Europe will not continue to claim, as rightfully theirs, freedom and free institutions. The progress of intelligence, of the means of education, and of religion, renders it certain that the result is not far distant, and that all bondage is destined soon to cease. We rejoice in this hope, this belief, this blessed assurance. And hence we desire personally to sympathize with all who are animated with the same impulses. We desire to see amongst us one who has shared so largely as your- self in the opening scenes of the glorious future. We desire to behold in you the symbol of European liberty. 24 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. Come, then, amongst us, and see -ffhat liberty has here accomplished, that you may yet more earnestly impress the lesson, -what well-regu- lated liberty may and Tvill accomplish everywhere. Accept this invitation, and receive the greetings of a people who will rejoice to welcome you, and to bid you and your noble Hungarians God speed in the march of liberty. With the highest respect, your obedient servants, William B. Calhoun, t Selectmen Eliphalet Tkask, > of Theodore Stbbbins, j Springfield. To this letter Kossuth returned the following reply : Newark, N. J., April 21, 1852. William B. Calhoun, Esq., Eliphalet Trask, Esq., Theodore Stebbins, Esq. Gentlemen : It was immediately after my arrival in the United States that I was honored by an invitation of the citizens of Spring- field to your hospitable city. I was very sorry that, at the time, I was unable to accept the invitation; but now, on my way to the capital of Massachusetts, I will be happy to return my heartfelt thanks to the inhabitants of the city which was the first to urge upon the govern- ment to invite me to the hospitable shores of America. You were among the first bidding me the welcome which has lately been extended to me by your Legislature ; it is therefore doubly agreeable to me that the arrangements of the Massachusetts committee, on whose hands I am, allow me to remain for a short time amongst the people of Springfield. I start Friday, at eight o'clock, from New York, and arrive in the evening at Springfield, where I remain till Saturday noon. With sincere respect, gentlemen. Your obedient servant, L. Kossuth. The announcement that he was to arrive in the afternoon train from New Haven began, an hour before the arrival of the train, to attract a crowd of men and women, which gradually swelled, until one side of the immense new depot was literally crammed with eager expectants. Outside the depot, the crowd extended to the Massasoit House on aU sides, and the house itself was full. All the windows and balconies of the buildings around were filled with ladies. Never did KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 25 Springfield witness so large a crowd, or so excited a one, on any simi- lar occasion. There could not have been less than five thousand persons on the ground. At a quarter before six the train arrived. When Kossuth made his appearance, such a shout arose as such a crowd could only make. Cheer followed cheer, as a posse of constables cleared the way for him among the crowd. Thie progress was slow, and the path was fairly fought to the door of the Massasoit, and even through the halls into the pai-lor. Once inside, the crowd he there met started the cheers again; and, politely bowing to either side, he won his way to a private room. By this time the crowd outside began to grow wild with excitement, and, as it was understood that he would show himself, and make a brief address, from the north-eastern balcony of the Massasoit House, the multitude shifted ground into Main-street, and, with upturned faces and boisterous voices, called upon the Magyar to come forth. In the mean time, the crowd was swelling, and every available place becoming occupied. At last, Kossuth made his way to the balcony, and, on showing himself, was received with tumultuous and persistent cheers, that would not relent until he had proceeded several sentences in a brief and pleasant speech. It was a well-worded, hearty greeting to the multitude that had gathered to meet him, and was received with much applause. He made a happy allusion to the National Armory at Springfield, spoke of the encouragement which the sympathy of the people gave him, and said that, although the atmosphere was harsh and cold, the hearts before him were warm. He added, with a naivete that brought out hearty cheers, that he had recently been in a part of the country where the atmosphere was warm, but where the hearts were not quite so warm. He concluded with the invocation of a blessing upon the assembly, and retired. On retiring to his room, several individuals were introduced, and among them a venerable Revolutionary soldier, Mr. Edwards. It was widely understood that Kossuth would deliver an address to the citizens in the North Church, at eight o'clock in the evening. In fact, a notice was posted to that effect in the streets. His fatigue was such, however, that he felt unable to perform the task, and the arrangements were overruled. In the evening, the selectmen had a meeting, and a conference with the committee of Dr. Osgood's church, when it was determined that the formal reception of Kossuth, in 3 26 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. behalf of the city, should take place at that church, at nine o'clock, on Saturday morning, April 24. . During the evening, Kossuth received several visiters from this and adjoining towns. Among them were George Merriam, of Springfield, and his family, from three of -whom he received a check for fifty dol- lars each, as a contribution to the fund of " material aid." On handing the Massasoit House Register to Kossuth, for his autograph, he -wrote " L. Kossuth and Lady," and then, for a moment considering what place he should write as his residence, said, " I have no home," and accordingly wrote " Nowhere." The mem- bers of his suite then wrote their names, as follows : P. Hajnik, Home- less ; Captain George Grechenek, do. ; Captain Kalapsza, do. ; Therese Pulszky, do. ; Francis Pulszky, do. ; and Stewart W. T. Coggshall. An hour before nine o'clock, on Saturday morning, the tide of human feeling and human footsteps began to set in the direction of the church, in anticipation of the reception which was there to be given to Kossuth, in behalf of the citizens of Springfield. For a half-hour or more the crowd was kept at bay, ladies only being admitted ; but, at last, the force stationed at the door was overcome by the pressure, and the edifice was carried by storm. Every seat and standing-place in the church was occupied, and for full three-quarters of an hour the multitude waited for the advent of the subject of their interest. The delay was caused by the fact that Kossuth had not been informed that he was to speak at so early an hour, and when he was called for he was unprepared. He entered the church at a quai-ter before ten, accompanied by the selectmen and members of the state committee, and was received with such demonstration of applause as became the house that received him. On reaching the table, in front of the desk, Hon. William B. Calhoun welcomed him to the city, with a brief, cordial and eloquent speech : JfR. CALHOUN'S SPEECH. " GovERNOE Kossuth : You will not doubt, from the scene which you witnessed yesterday on your arrival, and from the one which you witness this morning, that the hearts of our citizens are with you. As their organ, I bid you welcome to this valley of the Connecticut. " We greet you, sir : we recognize in you a man, entering with an earnest and animated spirit into all those great purposes by which sympathy with humanity is exhibited. We recognize in you a dis- KOSSDTII IN NEAV ENGLAND. 27 tingnished man ; for history is already recording the brilliant deeds wrought by you, and connected -with your name in Europe. We recognize in you, more than all, a representative of the great prin- ciple of liberty. This endears you peculiai'ly to us. We have long been in the enjoyment of this priceless blessing. And we greet with gladness of heart one who is seeking for himself, and to impart to others, the same rich blessing. " You are now, sir, for the first time in your life, on the soil of New England, — the soil of Massachusetts, — Old Massachusetts, a soil from the beginning consecrated to freedom, and from which free- dom can never be eradicated. We have no desire to be the monop- olists of this vast boon. And we rejoice to have you among us, that you may see with your own eyes what liberty hai* done for us. We wish you to see the operation of it here, and in the various other municipalities through which you will have occasion to pass. We wish you to see it in our various religious, educational, civil, philan- thropic, and social institutions. Everywhere around us we wish you to behold it. Our institutions all stand upon the basis of freedom ; and our wonder is, how the institutions of any people can stand on any other basis. We have a perfect faith that the time is approach- ing when they will stand on no other hasis. " But, sir, it is no part of my province to speculate or to offer an opinion concerning the existing condition or prospects of liberty in the Old World. I will not stand between the sound of your voice and the expectant ears of the throng before me. We all wish to hear, from your own lips, something of the state of Europe, and of the cause to which you are devoted. We have come up here to render a respectful homage to that cause, and to you, its advocate. Again I bid you welcome, now and at all times, to our homes and our hearts." The hearty cheers which followed this welcome showed that the speaker had touched a sympathetic chord. As Kossuth essayed to reply, loud cries arose from all parts of the house, — " To the pulpit! " " the pulpit ! " " the pulpit ! " Kossuth bowed, with a pleasant smile, and ascended the steps. After alluding to the embarrassment which he felt on finding himself in a place consecrated to religion, he pro- ceeded to speak, in substance, as follows : KOSSUTH'S SPEECH IN SPRINGFIELD. "Gentlemen: Here I am, at last, in Massachusetts, — that old commonwealth, bright with the glory of former days, as well as with 28 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. present prosperity, — and let me add, briglit with the glory of refut- ing the sad, but oft-times true, reproach of humanity, that prosperity hardens the heart of men, and makes them less susceptible to foreign distress. " I thank you for your noble and spontaneous sympathy. There is a character of true Christian brotherly love in this your sympathy, and there is also political importance in it. Honor to all to whom honor is due, and happy the land where many can claim the right of competition to be among the first in patriotism. But no portion of this great repubhc can feel offended when, taking the platform of impartial history, I ask where is the man entitled to bear a prouder brow than the Massachusetts man, when the freedom and glory of the United States are spbken of? And therefore, I say, there is a politi- cal importance in the bright ray of sympathy you cast upon me. Massachusetts must have its weight in the policy of the United States; and it is the public spirit of the citizens of Massachusetts, and not any accidental favors of nature's whims, which makes Massachusetts what it is. " But, as Divine Providence may call me yet to benefit my down- trodden country, not only with my sword, but also with the gleanings of my experience, I thank you particularly for the joyful instruction, which New England is about to impart to me, that national pros- perity does not harden a nation's heart, if that prosperity be founded upon institutions and intellect connected with morality. To know a people's character, we must see it at its homes, and look chiefly to the humbler abodes, where that portion of the people dwells which makes the broad basis of the national prosperity. One of my companions stopped here in New England, in the house of a working-man, who labors here at the wages of two dollars a day ; and he found in the modest, but neat and comfortable house, besides the Bible and news- papers, a translation of some Roman classics, Bentham's writings, and a History of the United States. " Now, gentlemen, where the working-men draw spiritual life from divine revelation by private judgment, and converse daily with Roman classics, those ever-fresh sources of generous sentiments, and are familiar with Bentham's analysis of deep philosophical utihtarian- ism, and draw daily inspiration of patriotism out of their country's history, there I easily can understand how the heart of men remains generous in common national prosperity, and wraps itself not up in the selfishness of undeserved happiness. KOSSOTH IN NKW ENGLAND. 29 "With you, citizens of Massachusetts, the love of liberty is more than affection, — it is a, principle rooted in the very soil -with the recol- lections of a glorious history, but with recollections not lulling in idle reliance upon the past, but warming your heart with the aspirations of proving it to be true, that it is no smaller virtue to develop and to conserve than to get, and not less meritorious to secure freedom by proving worthy of being free, than to acquire freedoin. " Let me hail you with cordial congratulation, brave and intelligent people of Massachusetts, on the very frontier of your prosperous and memorable commonwealth. Let me praise my good luck that the sympathy of the New England States will be the final impression upon my heart, which I take with me when I leave America, to act the part which Divine Providence calls me to act. That impression wiU strengthen my noble resolution in oppressed Europe, because you, citizens of New England, give me one mighty security more that the people of the United States will not blindly rely upon authorities, but judge by its own enlightened intellect, and then, letting pass the thoughts of its conviction through the warm tide of its heart, wiU assert with the energy of love what it considerately conceives. " It was a beautiful word of a distinguished son of Massachusetts [Mr. Webster], which I like to repeat, that every nation has prerasely the same interest in international law that a private individual has in the laws of his country ; and your enlightened intellect is aware that if the United States remain silently looking on when the despotic powers arbitrarily alter, modify and interpolate, those international laws, then the United States have ceased to hold the position of a power on earth ; because, the common law of all the great family of nations being thus decided without your vote, you are either not taken to be a lawfully independent nation, or you'are considered so weak and powerless as not to dare yet to claim the position of being of . lawful age. " And, indeed, there are many incidents out of which it is very evident that either you acknowledge yourself not to be entitled to the position of a power on earth daring to assert its principles anywhere, or that the absolutistical powers are only too much inclined not to con- sider you a power on earth. Look at the instructions of your navy, in the Mediterranean Sea, recently published, forbidding American officers even to speak, in conversation, of politics in Europe. Look at the correspondences of your commanders and consuls, frightened to their very soul that an exile on board an American ship is cheered 3* 30 KOSSUTH IN" NEW ENGLAND. by the people of Italy and France, and charging him, for the immense crime of having met sympathy, that he is possessed of a devil, and compromises the flag of America. Look at the often-expressed astonishment of European writers and European statesmen, even of such as Lord Brougham, that Americans, ■when in Europe, seldom dare be repubhcans. Look how French Napoleonish papers frown indignantly at the idea that the Congress of the United States dared to honor my humble self, declaring these honors to be not only offens- ive to Austria, but to all the European powers. Look how they dared sneeringly declare it to be a presumptuous arrogance, — nay, almost an insult, — that an American minister, true to his OTvn and to his country's fundamental principles, dared to pronounce his judgment about the pernicious policy which some European powers pursue. Look how even such a small power as Greece, so highly indebted to the people of America, but depending upon Russia, and turning obe- dient, moon-like, around the Czar, — look how even Greece treats your consul, as no consul was yet treated the government of whom is con- sidered a power on earth. " I know very well that there are men who, about the weightless position of America in Europe, feign to be consoled by the idea that there is a European and there is also an American field of policy ; and if America has no weight in Europe, Europe has no weight in America. But that is entirely false. Has Russia no territory on the American continent 1 Are the Canadas not British 1 Has France — has Spain — no possessions ; and are they all not only claiming, but also exert- ing power and influence beyond their possessions in America? And, besides, the truth is not to be mistaken, that, connected, as you are, by a thousand moral, social and commercial ties, with Europe, it is just as absurd to believe thai it may be defined by degrees of latitude and longitude where European policy terminates and American begins, as it would be to define geographically the limits of your commercial and social interests. "I take it for an axiom, that there exist interests common to every nation, comprised within the boundaries of the same civilization. I take it equally for certain, that among these common interests none is of higher importance than the principles of international law. "I say that, if the absolutistical powers are permitted to dispense with that law arbitrarily, they encroach upon your own most vital interests. " And, to look indifferently at these encroachments is so much as a KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 31 spontaneous abdication of the position of a poTver on earth. And that position abandoned, is independence abandoned. " The principle of neutrality does not involve the principle of indif- ferentism to the violation of the laws of nations, ivhich are a common property to all nations. Indifference to these violations is rather con- trary to the principle of neutrahty ; as, indeed, it is a fallacy to believe that you are neutral. If we once more raise the republican banner of resistance agamst the oppression by the Austrian dynasty, that perjurious dynasty may arm vessels in your country, and embark volunteers upon them. Perhaps even they may find some foreign diplomatic influence has grown too strong in republican America ; for Russian 'divine right' has not only advocates, but votaries,, in republican America. They may find men who would fight for them by profession, having found men who are lying for them by profession, which, in any case, is less honorable, even in the service of despotism, than to fight. Yes, the Emperor of Austria, as of Russia, or even the inglorious usurper of France, may arm here vessels, enlist volunteers, and carry on commerce in arms and ammunition, to murder nations with, and they will be protected by all the maritime power of the United States ; but, if I would arm here vessels and enlist volunteers for the deliverance of my people from oppression, your laws would send me to prison for ten years ; and if I buy your arms in Spring- field, and buy ammunition, your fleet in the Mediterranean will not protect this my commerce. Is that neutrality ? No ! Indifference for the principles of international law has led you logically into the necessity of granting protection to the oppressors, and refusing even the right of commercial intercourse to the oppressed. And, were it not so, neutrality, as a constant rule, is impossible to a great power. Neutrality, as a lasting principle, is an evidence of weakness, and is rather dictated by the rivalry of othei: powers, — as in Belgium and Switzerland, — than by own choice ; and neutrality, as a permanent principle, is as much as the abandonment of the position to be a power on earth. Neutrality, to a great power, is always a matter of policy resulting from the nature of a particular cause ; but to take neutrality for a lasting principle is as much as to declare that we claim not the position of an independent power on earth ; because, to permit other powers to regulate^ the condition of the outward world, is as much as to grant a charter to those powers to regulate the foreign affairs of the indifferent power arbitrarily. I believe, gentlemen, that, with citizens of Massachusetts, there can be no difference of opinion about these 32 KOSSDTH IN NEW ENGLAND. views ; and thus the success or the failure of my humble endeavors is reduced to the question, 'Are the measures which I respectfully ask contrary to the principles and interests of the United States, or not?'" From this point Kossuth proceeded to argue this question. He spoke of his wishes, of the position of Hungary, upon the neutrality laws ; and declared his position was what the democratic pai-ty had adopted before he came to America, what Mr. Cass had proposed to Congress, what Mr. Fillmore declared in his message, and what Mr. Webster defended. He explained his position in reference to material aid. He asked means now, only that the Hungarians might get control of the resources of their country. He did not ask it to revolutionize Europe. Revolutions could not be made by force, — they must spring firom necessity; and when there was necessity, and the spirit of liberty, the revolution must happen. He argued that the people of Europe were much better prepared for revolution now than in 1848, and the despots were not so well prepared. If Louis Napoleon held his place, and a foreign war were made by France, it must be a Euro- pean war, and then the friends of liberty might have a good chance. If Louis Napoleon did not maintain himself, there would again be a chance for the oppressed. He spoke agsdnst the docti-ine that the people of Europe were not prepared for repubhcan government. In the revolution of 1848 they failed, because they sought after some- thing besides a repubhc. They supported centralization, and central- ization was fatal to liberty. Centralization was only not dangerous in the hands of men like Washington ; and Washingtons were not so thickly strewn, now-a-days. In conclusion, Kossuth said he had been told that the people of Massachusetts were cold. God grant that he might always be among such cold people as he had found in Massachusetts ! The people were too wise, too prudent, too intelligent, to act upon sudden excitement. They liked to consider. Then how happy must he be to meet in Massachusetts such warm hearts, because it was from calm reflection, because the people of New England had always been known for their attachment to principle. Sudden excitement passed away ; the tear of passion dried up ; but principles were eternal. Some people might forget him, but he knew the people of Massachusetts would never forget his cause. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 33 While Kossuth was speaking he was frequently applauded ■ffith enthusiasm ; and when he concluded, six cheers were given. Kossuth's visit to the armory. At the conclusion of the speech, Kossutli descended from the pulpit, and, while the audience paused, passed out of the house, amid hearty cheers, in company with his entertainers and members of the state committee, and took a carriage to visit the United States Armory, on the hill. The National Horse Guards acted as escort. The streets were filled with people who had not been able to get into the church, and, when joined by tbe immense concourse that poured out of the edifice, presented a splendid spectacle of popular enthusiasm. Through this crowd, and partly accompanied by it, the Magyar and his cortege moved off for the place they were to visit. The Guards led the way up State-street, turned the comer at the extreme of the Armory grounds, and stopped at the shop where the musket-stocks are manufactured. Here Kossuth met, and by Mr. Calhoun was introduced to. Col. Eipley, the Superintendent of the Armory, who took his arm, and conducted him through the whole establishment, pointing out to him the entire process of manufacture. Kossuth was particularly delighted with the machinery for the manu- fiicture of stocks, and witnessed the manufacture of a stock from the rough block to the finished article. To the workmen he addressed frequent questions, and always thanked them, and gave them a cordial shake of the hand, in return for their answers. Kossuth apprehended the principles of the machinery exhibited to him with great facility, and was greatly interested in all he saw. From the shops the company proceeded to the Arsenal, and went through that immense building, viewing the arms there stored, to the extent of hundreds of thousands. "While looking at them, Kossuth exclaimed, "If I only had these arms in Hungary, and the enthusi- asm of the people of Springfield to back them, I should have no fears for Hungarian independence." Kossuth was then conducted to the top of the tower, and shown the city of Springfield. . Afterwards, he examined a model, manufactured at the Armory, exhibiting the principle of Foucault's discovery, demonstrating the rotation of the earth upon its axis. In this he was much interested, and received its explanation with many thanks. A large number of ladies were congregated at the Arsenal, and 34 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. waved their handkercliie& and flags with much enthusiasm. The guest and his friends at last reentered their carriages, and proceeded down State street and up Main, to the Massasoit House, from which, after a hasty lunch, and the reception of several visiters, Kossuth and suite proceeded to the Northampton cars, and soon left Sprmgfield behind hiin. The Springfield Republican, a whig paper, not over partial to Kos- suth, says of his visit : " Never, probably, has Kossuth received, in la city of this size, an ovation so cordial, so hearty, and at the same 4ime so spontaneous, as that which he received here on Saturday. The impression he has left upon our citizens is a good one, and he certainly cannot be insensible to tie honor Springfield has shown iim." KOSSTJTH AT NORTHAMPTON. On Saturday afternoon, April 24, Kossuth was met at Springfield by Erastus Hopkins, of the Massachusetts state committee, and with his suite and the members of the sub-committee was conducted in a tipecial car to the beautiful town of Northampton. The train m which Kossuth left Springfield was a special one, and performed the passage through, without stops, in thirty-eight minutes. On the arrival of the train at Chicopee, a large crowd had -assembled, who greeted the flying cars with hearty cheers; and another drowd and another shower of cheers hailed them at Holyoke. Kossuth reached Northampton at three o'clock, and before leaving the cars was introduced to the selectmen by Mr. Hopkins. He was addressed in a few words of welcome by John W. Wilson, Esq., chairman of the selectmen, in which he took occasion to remark that in Kossuth they recognized the embodiment of the principle of liberty, and the great leader of the oppressed in the cause of freedom. Kossuth replied briefly, thanking him for his kind welcome, and saying, if there was anything embodied in him, it was misfortune ; and ■the sympathy of his fellow-men was therefore deeply grateful to him. • Kossuth was then conducted to the front of the depot, where the 'Northampton Artillery and the Amherst Artillery, under the com- 'mancl of Colonel Haws, and the Torrent Engine 'Company, No. 1, were drawn up to receive him, the mihtary presenting arms. On his appearance, the Magyar was greeted by the shouts of at least three KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 35 thousand people, yihose hurras were mingled with the sound of martial music, and the tiiunder of artillery from the heights ahove the town. Kossuth and his suite and the committees then entered carriages, and, escorted by the military and firemen, the procession moved to the residence of Erastus Hopkins, on King-street, where Kossuth remained a few moments, in order to gain a little repose ; after which the procession was again formed, and proceeded to the First Congre- gational Church, on Main-street, which was reached at half-past three o'clock. Here a dense audience was assembled, comprising many ladies, who received the illustrious Magyar with shouts of welcome. Kossuth gracefully bowed a response, and took a seat in front of the pulpit. The audience was composed in great part of Hungarian bondholders. The following extract from the call for the meeting e^lains the terms on which they were admitted : " The Hungarian leader and the world-renowned orator will visit Northampton on Saturday evening, April 24th, and will address the Hungarian bondholders and citizens at the First Church, at eight o'clock, p. M. Doors open for the admission of bondholders at two o'clock, and for the public generally after the entrance of Governor Kossuth. Ail those who sympathize with the oppressed, and hope for the day when liberty shall triumph and Hungary be fiee, are invited to invest in this glorious fund." Among the purchasers of Hungarian bonds were Otto and Jenny Lind Goldschmidt, Judge Dewey, and many of the Professors of Amherst CoUege. Upon the platform were Hon. Lewis Strong and Judge Dewey. The meeting was opened by a brief address from Mr. Hopkins, in which he introduced Kossuth to the Hon. Chauncey Clark, chairman of the committee of arrangements. Mr. Clark then wel- comed the Magyar in behalf of his fellow-citizens to Northampton, in a speech of marked abiUty, strongly sympathizing with the great leader in his efforts to liberate his father-land. Kossuth, iuTeply, spoke about half an hour. He commenced nfith allusions to the ^historical associations of the town, to its natural beauty, and to its -political importance, as once theTCsidence of Joseph Hawley, a leader in iihe Massachusetts Legislature before the Eeyolu- tion, and as the burial-'^afie of three senators in CoUgress,— ;Eli ,iP. Ashmun, E. H. Mills, L :C. iBates, — and as the town from Trhich were selected two of the Chief-justices of Massachusetts. He spoke 36 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. also of Jonathan Edwards, and hoped that for liberty he might be able to make such an impression in the political world as this great divine had made in the religious world. Speaking of that eminent Governor of Massachusetts, Caleb Strong, who had been a citiz^ of Northampton, Kossuth said that he had just had the honor of an introduction to one of his descendants. Suiting the action to the word, he stepped forward to where the Hon. Lewis Strong was sitting, and shook him cordially by the hand. The japplause which followed was tremendous. He proceeded to speak of the position and condition of Hungary ; of its history and its institutions, and the character of its people ; and then briefly explained the objects of his mission, and the hopes he had in coming to the United States. The republicans of America, he thought, were a proud people, and not without cause. But if, through this feeling of proud self-reliance, they look with indifference on the condition of Europe, the absolutisti- cal powers of Europe wfll not only crush liberty there, but, because of the fear and hatred engendered towards the United States in conse- quence of their wonderful growth and power, the tyrants will do everything in their power to check that marvellous prosperity ; because, if America continues to grow as she has for the last seventy-five years, the despots of Europe will never feel safe. If it were possible for him to imagine that he was the Czar of Russia, he should feel a necessity in his heart, looking to the future support of his absolute power, to do everything to crush the republican principles of America. The hope of the down-trodden nations of Europe, he said, had been awakened by tKe sending of an American national vessel to receive him and his fellow-exiles ; and they believed that America would be to them a guardian genius, and would cause the principle of freedom to triumph throughout the world. He would implore the American people to authorize him to carry back with him to Europe the assur- ance that the oppressed nations there should not look in vain to America for assistance in acquiring freedom. If she failed to do this, darkness will spread over the cause of liberty. The cause is worthy of her support, and does not conflict with her true interests. He then drew an interesting and affecting picture of the sufferings of Hungary under the iron rule of Austria, painting in vivid colors the' distress of the people. The taxes, he said, have been increased, within a few years, from four and a half millions to sixty-five millions, and many proprietors of large estates have desired to relinquish them KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 37 to government, because the taxes on them amounted to more than the revenue derived from them. He concluded by commending the cause of Hungary, as a just and righteous one ; and entreated his hearers to keep a kind little place in their hearts for the poor exile ; but, if they forgot him, not to forget dear Hungary. Kossuth was repeatedly interrupted by the heartiest applause. At the conclusion of his speech, he was reescorted to the residence of Mr. Hopkins, where he spent the Sabbath. KOSSUTH'S RECEPTION BY THE STATE COMMITTEE. At half past eleven o'clock, Monday, April 26, Kossuth and his suite, together with the state sub-committee and Mr. Hopkins, arrived at the railroad depot in Springfield, where, upon a platform which had been erected for the occasion, he was met by the state committee, consisting of twenty-one Senators and Eepresentatives, who had arrived in a special train from Boston, but a few minutes before. Mr. Burlingame introduced the Magyar to General Wilson, the chair- man of the committee, who addressed him in the following elociuent and appropriate terms : GENERAL WILSON'S ADDEESS. " GovERNOK Kossuth : In the name and in behalf of the govern- ment, I bid you welcome to the commonwealth of Massachusetts ; to the hospitalities of the authorities, and the sincere and enthusiastic greetings of the people. I welcome you, sir, to a commonwealth which recognizes the unity of mankind, the brotherhood of men and of nations ; a commonwealth where the equality of all men, before the law, is fully established ; where ' personal freedom is secured in its completest individuality, and common consent recognized as the only just origin of fundamental laws.' "Welcome, sir, to the soil consecrated by the tears and prayers of the Pilgrim exiles, and by the first blood of the Revolution ! Wel- come to the halls of council where Otis, and Hancock, and the Adamses, breathed into the nation the breath of hfe ; to the fields of battle where Warren and his comrades fell fighting for freedom and the rights of man ; and where the peerless chieftain, to whose tomb you have just made a pilgrimage, first marshalled the armies of the republic ! Welcome to the native state of Franklin, who pleaded the 4 38 KOSSUTH IK NEW ENGLAND. cause of his country, to -mlling and unmlling ears, in the Old World, as you are pleading the cause of your country in the New World ! Welcome to the acquaintance of a people who cherish your cause in their hearts, and who pronounce your name with aiFection and admira- tion ! Welcome to their free institutions, — institutions of religion, and of learning, and of charity, reared by the free choice of the people for the culture of all, and the relief of all, — institutions which are the fruits of freedom such as you strove to give to your father-land, for which crime you are this day a homeless and per- secuted exile ! " To-day you are the guest of Massachusetts. Sir, the people of Massachusetts are not man- worshippers. They will pay you no immeaning comphments, no empty honors. But they know your history by heart. Your early consecration to freedom ; your years of persecution and imprisonment; your subhme devotion to the nationality and elevation of your country; the matchless eloquence and untiring energy with ■which at home you combated the Austrian despotism, with which in exile you have pleaded the cause of Hun- garian liberty, the cause of universal democratic freedom and of national right ; the lofty steadiness of your purpose, and the stainless purily of your life, — these have won their sympathy, and command their profoundest admiration. Descendants of Pilgrim exiles, we greet you warmly. Sons of Revolutionary patriots, we hail you as the exiled leader of a noble struggle for ancient rights and national independence. We receive you as the representative of Hungary, as the champion of republicanism in Europe. We welcome you, as we would welcome your gallant people into the sisterhood of republics, into the family of nations. " The people of this commonwealth, sir, watched the noble struggle of your nation with admiration and with hope. They felt that die armies you organized and sent into the field were fighting the battles, not of Hungary alone, but of the world ; because they were fought for freedom and for progress. Your victories were our victories. And when, by the treachery of Gorgey, Hungary fell before the armed intervention of Russia, they felt, and still feel, that the Czar had not only violated the rights of Hungaryj but had outraged the law of nations, and the sentiment of the civilized world. On this subject the ■message of his Excellency the Governor, and the resolutions pending before the Legislature, utter the sentiments of the people of Massar- chusetts. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 39 " The wave of reaction has swept over Europe. The high hopes excited by the revolutions of 1848 are buried in the graves and dungeons of the martyrs of freedom, are quenched in the blood of the subjugated people. The iron heel of absolutism presses the beating hearts of the nations. The voice of freedom is heard only in the threatening murmurs of the down-trodden masses, or in the sad accents of their exiled leaders. But all is not lost. God lives and reigns. The purest, the noblest, the most powerful impulses of the great heart of humanity, are for right and hberty. Glorious actions and noble aims are never wholly lost. The 'seed of generous sacrifice. Though seeming on the desert oast. Shall rise Tfith flower and fruit at last.' " When you quit the shores of the republic, you wUl carry with you the prayers of Massachusetts, that the days of your exile may be few, and the subjugation of your people brief; that your country may speedily assume her proper high position among the nations; and that you may give to her councils in the future, as you have in thfe past, the weight of your character and the power of your intellect, to guide her onward in the career of progress and of democratic freedom. " Again, sir, in the name of the government and people of Massa-, chusetts, I welcome you to our hearts and to our homes. I welcome you to such a reception as it becomes a free and democratic people to give to the most illustrious living leader and champion of freedom and democracy." " Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Gommittbb : I feel not a little emotion in recalling to memory the deep meaning of aU those eloquent words you have spoken, assuring me that the people of Massachusetts trust in God ; and that, upon such reliance, success is sure ; and that, therefore, Hungary must soon be free from oppression. May the assurances you give me be realized ! I hope much of the generous character of Massachusetts. I know her weight in the national councils. I beg leave to return my sincere and hearty tl^nks for the kind and obliging manner in which you have .been pleased to welcome me; and I must express thanks for the high honor I have, to see myself the guest of Massachusetts. I should feel some- what embarrassed, in accepting these honors, if they were intended for 40 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. myself alone ; but I know the people and government bestow these honors as a manifestation of the interest they take, and the general concern they have, in my country, its unrighteous fall and unmitigated sufferings ; and to be also a manifestation of your sympathy in our cause, because its issue is not indifferent to the Christian world. Gentlemen, I have hastened from the southern border of this great country, on the wings of the great democratic steam-engine, in order that I may have the high honor of meeting the Legislature of Massachusetts. I. feel proud in being in charge of the gentlemen of this committee ; and will be happy to cross with them the glorious old Bay State, to the stiU more glorious Cradle of American Liberty." Colonels Chapman, Williams and Needham, of the governor's staff, were then introduced, by Mr. Hopkins of Northampton ; and Colonel Wilhams, in behalf of the staff, addressed Kossuth as follows : " GovEKNOK Kossuth : By order of his Excellency the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, it is made our pleasant duty, as a portion of his mihtary staff, to meet you here, and conduct you to the capital of the state, if it be your pleasure. " Upon your arrival in Boston, you will be met by a division of the volunteer militia of the state, to escort you to the state-house, where you will be officially received by his Excellency the Governor. That you may become better acquainted with our military system and dis- cipline, his Excellency the Governor requests us to invite you and your staff to review the troops composing the division, on Boston Common, to-morrow afternoon. " Without troubling you with a speech, permit us to offer you our warmest sympathies, and most hearty congratulations." Kossuth thanked the colonel personally for the kind message he had been pleased to bear from his Excellency, and begged him to be pleased to convey his gi-atitude to Governor Boutwell, not only for the atten- tion he had been pleased to bestOTV on the cause he advocated, but in an especial manner because he had taken the lead in the matter. He would be glad to meet the militia of Massachusetts, which, by its very character, renowned in days of old, proved that the best defenders of a free country were the people themselves. Kossuth again thanked the colonel, and through him the governor. Kossuth then proceeded to the Massasoit House, under the conduct of the governor's staff and the general committee. The crowd in the KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 41 depot at the time -was immense ; and, as the Hungarian passed to the hotel, repeated calls were made for a speech. In one instance, Kos- suth stopped, and remarked, "We are old friends, — you and I have met before." This pleased the crowd, and they fell back, and Kossuth passed into the hotel. Soon after entering the hotel, Kossuth was introduced to each mem- ber of the legislative committee. Immediately afterwards, and while the committee were yet in the reception-room. General Wilson intro- duced to Kossuth the Rev. William B. Greene, of Brookfield, who presented him with a purse of one hundred dollars, the subscription of certain inhabitants of Brookfield to the Hungarian fund, and then addressed him as follows : "Sir: Knowing your high regard for municipal institutions, and your dislike to all centralization, the selectmen of Brookfield, local officers chosen by the people of that town, have taken the liberty to send you the following letter, which they request me to read to you. As it is advertised in the newspapers that you will stop ten minutes at the West Brookfield station, the selectmen have instructed me to request you — if it suits your convenience — to defer any remarks you may be pleased to make, in reply to their letter, until they have the honor to meet you at that place. They send their letter to Spring- field, in order that no moment may be lost, and that you may have the whole time at your own disposal, when you arrive at Brookfield ; for it is natural to suppose that the people would prefer to hear you speak, rather than to hear their own letter read." "Brookfield, April 25th. "To Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary dejure: " Money is strong, iron is strong, calumny is strong ; but truthful thought, which appeals to the conscience, — that mightiest element of man's nature, — and human speech, which is the vehicle of thought, are stronger than these. Human thought and human speech are the levers upon which God lays his hand, when he wills to upheave the nations. Your words recall to the mind of this people the days of its first love. Amid the glare of material interests, we were in danger of forgetting, for a time, the high destiny to which we have been called by Divine Providence; we were in danger of forgetting that we stood at the head of the advance guard of liberated nations ; but liberty, which is the righteousness of states, is, like all righteousness, revealed from faith to faith ; and the spirit of the American Eevolution, re- 4* • 42 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. fleeted back again from the revolutions of Europe, comes to conscious- ness of itself, and can never again forget itself. Yet our hearts became glad, notwithstanding all this, -when we heard of your saying, in New Jersey, that you should make not many more speeches, because the time for action was drawing nigh ; we rejoice to think that even your voice, powerful as it is, may soon give place to an equally authentic voice, that shall speak in the thunder of Hungarian artillery. For we believe (because you have said it) that the day of Hungary's resur- rection is even now at hand ; though we knew well, before you said it, that God would not suffer your down-trodden country to remain always in her living tomb. " We are all peace men here ; we are all waiting for the descent of the New Jerusalem from God out of Heaven. But we know that the world is wicked, and that despotism, which lives by violence, must perish by violence ; we know that our Lord came, not to bring peace to those who profit by iniquity, but a sword ; we know that he said, ' I am come to kindle a fire in the world, and what would I that it were already kindled!' So long as the Austro-Russian despotism shall bear sway in the world, punishing women by the scourge, impris- oning, torturing and slaughtering men, corrupting the moral sentiment of the leaders of opinion, — yea, even in republican America, — the kingdom of the God of peace cannot be established on the earth ; for it is written, ' There is no peace, saith my God, for the wicked.' "No man can isolate himself from other men ; no nation can isolate itself from other nations. The nation that wraps itself in its own selfishness begins to suffer moral death. That which interests the welfare of the human race interests every particular man. "We are not of the number who say. What is Hungary to us, or we to Hungary? for we recognize that whatever relates to man, and especially to man aspiring after freedom, relates to us also. We honor ourselves in our own hearts, we rise in our own estimation, because we are conscious of being able to commune with you, and with the spirit of Hungary, in sympathy, if not in action. : " Certain individuals in Brookfield have subscribed small sums to the Hungarian fund. We have to request, if it would suit your pleasure, that you would be so good as to touch with your hand the notes they will receive in exchange for their subscriptions. So shall our children, when they touch those notes, touch that which you also have touched; and thus will they be able to establish a certain solidarity between themselves and you, and, through you, a certain solidarity with the KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 43 Hungarian people. Who knows but what some magnetic influence may thus be transmitted to them, which shall strengthen their aspira- tions for freedom, and thus increase the love of liberty in the world ? " Francis Howe, ^ Selectmen " Perley Stevens, > of " L. McFarlane, ; Brookfield." Kossuth, in reply to Mr. Greene, addressed him personally, as a clergyman, in some very impressive remarks on the subject of peace, which, unfortunately, were not reported at the time, as they were entirely extemporaneous and unexpected. He promised to reply to the letter of the selectmen when he should arrive at North Brookfield. To Kossuth's remarks upon peace, Mr. Greene rephed substantially as follows : "Sir: The sentimentalism which passes under the name of ' peace doctrine ' is evidently unscriptural ; and you have shown it to be irra- tional. It is true our Lord said, ' £«sist not evil ; ' and also, ' If a man smite thee on the right cheek, turn unto him the left; ' but these commands have no absolute appUcation ; for, if they were of absolute application, they would not have been subsequently repealed. It is written, ' Jesus said unto his disciples. When I sent you without purse, and scrip, and shoes, lacked ye anything % And they said, Nothing. Then said he unto them. But now, he that hath a purse, let him take it, and likewise his scrip ; and he that hath no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one.' Thus it appears that when our Lord was illegally arrested by the self-constituted force to whom he was betrayed by Judas Iscariot, Simon Peter was armed, in accordance with the express command of his Master ; for the words here quoted were uttered in reference to that occasion. We read, a few verses further on, ' And they said,-|Lord, behold, here are two swords. And he said unto them, It is enough.' Enough for what? Not enough to insure success in a contest with the creatures of the high-priest, and of the rulers; but enough to vindicate the principle that, when kings, emperors, high-priests, judges, — like those of Russia and Austria, for example, — assume tyrannical powers, their illegal usurpations may be lawfully resisted by the sword, and this whether the occasion presents itself in Judea or in Hungary. Our Lord did not suffer his servants to pro- ceed in their resistance : and he explains his conduct by saying that he proposed to establish his kingdom, not visibly, at first, but rather in the hearts and consciences of men ; but he remarks that his servants 44 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. would have fought, if it had been his object to establish a visible king- dom in the world. Now, I take it that the republic of Hungary pro- poses to exist actually and visibly on the face of the earth ; and that it is, therefore, a political organization, for which the servants of Christ may lawfully fight. It is your duty, sir, to serve God in your heart, and to do all in your power to hasten the triumph of the Prince of Peace ; but you have duties toward Csesar, as well as duties toward God ; that is, duties in this existing world of political relations, as Avell as duties in that kingdom which exists now spiritually, but which shall hereafter exist politically also. It is written, ' There were great voices in heaven, saying, The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ ; and he shall reign for ever and ever.' Tout present duty towards C^sar — that is, your duty, as a Christian man, in your relations with the political powers which are soon to dis- appear and make way for Christ's kingdom — appears to me, sir, to be this, — to attack the Austro-Kussian despotism, as soon as occasion offers, with the sword. Any person who reads the Scriptures without prejudices must, I think, see that the so called 'peace doctrines 'are not taught there. "The religion of the New Testament is opposed to everything which tends to isolate man from man, and nation from nation. Wars are of two kinds : wars of tyrants against the nations, for the purpose of creating division, scission, enmity, between nation and nation, between town and town, between man and man ; such wars are con- demned by the gospel : and wars of the people against the tyrants, — wars which have for their object to establish harmony, peace and brotherhood, between nation and nation, town and town, man and man : such wars are holy. It is written, mystically, that, to further the purposes of a holy war of the people against their tyrants, the waters of the great rivers shall be dried up, to prepare a way for the kings of the east ; and that the tyrants and their creatures shall be gathered together in a place called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon, there to undergo a final defeat at the hands of God, and of the Lamb, and of the children of the heavenly kingdom. All the prophets and apostles foretell this holy war, which is predetennined in the immutaf ble counsel of God. It is for us to take care that, when the bride- groom comes, we may not be found sleeping. "Isolation reigned under all the old religions; but solidarity, which is the opposite of isolation, will reign in the world when the religion of Christ triumphs. The Jews contradistinguished them- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 45 selves from the Gentiles, the Greeks from the Barbarians ; and the Romans conceived themselves to be, by mere right of bii'th, supreme over all other men. But how does the apostle characterize the New Dispensation 1 He says, ' There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither male nor female ; for ye are all one in Christ Jesus. There is neither circumcision nor uncircumcision, Barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free ; for Christ is all, and in all. Through Christ, we have access by one spirit unto the Father. Now, therefore, ye are no more strangers and foreigners, but fellow-citizens with the saints, and of the household of God.' The apostle speaks of a ' mystery ' that had been kept secret in the counsels of God from the foundation of the world ; a mystery that angels had desired to look into, but had not been able until after it was revealed in the operation of the consi^^tion of the church. What is the mystery which was revealed, ' to the intent that unto principalities and powers in heavenly places might be made known the manifold wisdom of God "I It is this : ' that in the dis- pensation of the fulness of times, God might gather together in one all things in Christ, both things which are in heaven and things which are on earth.' So the bond of solidarity takes hold of heavenly as well as of earthly things, — as, indeed, Wesley sings, in the hymn commencing, 'The saints above and saints below in one communion join.' Thus the principles of the gospel are identified in express terms with the principle of solidarity, that fundamental principle of all genuine democracy. Thus democracy, when received in its truth, is shown to be identical with religion. "The doctrine of the apostle does not diflFer from that of his Master. Our Lord said, in the most solemn moment, perhaps, of his life, when he instituted the communion service (that sacrament of solidarity), and just before he was destroyed, ' I pray. Father, that they all may be ONE ; as thou. Father, art in me, and I in thee, that they may be ONE in us.' And, in the same connection, he intimates that the solidarity of his disciples is to be the evidence to the world of the reahty of his mission. ' I in them, and thou in me, that they may be made perfect in one ; that the world may know that thou hast sent me.' A Christianity that forgets the doctrine and the practice of sol- idarity is no Christianity ; for it fails to present the requisite char- acteristics : it is something against which the gates of hell continually prevail." At two o'clock, Kossuth and his suite dined at the Maasasoit House, with the state committee and a few invited guests. Immediately after 46 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. dinner, the committee, mth. Kossutt and his companions, left Spring- field in a special train. At Palmer, some hundreds of people were collected. Kossuth stepped to the platform of the car he was in, and after he had been introduced to the people by Mr. S. T. Wallace, he spoke to them a few minutes. He said, in substance, that, as they were acquainted with the condition of Hungary, he need not argue its claims ; that he was happy to be the guest of Massachusetts, and recommended the cause of Hungary to their persevering sympathy. He was very warmly applauded. At North Brookfield a large crowd had collected on the further side of the depot. Kossuth left the cars to reply to the letter of the select- men, which, he said, was one of the most gratifying addresses he had received sinoe his arrival in America. " I am told," said he, " that you are an agricultural people. I love agriculture. 0, that it might be given me to have the tranquillity of a country life in my own dear land, during my few remaining years ! You say you are men of peace. I am a man of peace. God knows how I love peace. But I hope I shall never be such a coward as to mistake oppression for peace. So long as there is oppression, there must be strife ; and so long as my country is oppressed, I must be a man of strife. But you hear the democratic locomotive. That waits for no man, and I must bid you fiuewelL" At Worcester an immense multitude of people had poured in from the surrounding country to do honor to Kossuth, and witness his welcome to the " heart of the commonwealth." At half-past four, the approach of the special train from Springfield was announced by the discharge of cannon and the ringing of bells. At five, the train reached the railroad station, around which thousands of men were gathered in a dense mass, all eager to catch a glimpse of Kossuth. Here Kossuth was introduced to the mayor, with whom he entered a can-iage, accompanied by Colonel Williams, of the governor's staff. A smile of satisfaction and pleasure gleamed upon the f^ce of the Magyar, as he looked around upon the enthusiastic multitude, who rent the air with cheers ; and, with head uncovered, he rose, bowed, and waved his hand. A procession was formed immediately, composed of a long icavalcade, two companies of the military, and a long series of car- riages, containing the Hungarians, the legislative committee, and municipal officers and other gentlemen of Worcester, which proceeded, amid the thunder of artillery and the clangor of all the city bells, KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 47 through Summer-Street to Lincoln-square, and thence through Main and Front to Park street, in the following order : Two Assistant Marshals. Cavalcade. Chief Marshal. Music. Military. Mayor and Kossuth. Chairman of State and City Committees. Kossuth's Suite. Executive Conunittee of the City. State Committee. Committee of Arrangements. German Committee. Members of the City Gtovernment. Citizens. As the procession moved through Main-street to the Common, flags suspended at intervals from either side, and bearing mottoes appro- priate to the occasion, floated upon the breeze, which bore upward this strains of martial music, and the shouts of the thronging multitude. At the corner of Central-street, the stars and stripes, thus sus- pended, bore the following : " Welcome to Gov. Kossuth." A little further on, the Worcester Museum was finely decorated with American and Hungarian flags. Next was an American flag, with the motto " In Peace pkepaee FOK Wak." Proceeding onward to the American House, another splendid flag was seen, with the motto, " Hungary and Liberty." From the flag-pole of the Worcester House the stars and stripes waved in i;he breeze. Approaching the corner of Maine and Front streets, another mag- nificent banner floated above the procession, upon which were thfe words, " Terror to Tyrants and Liberty to the World." Turning the comer upon Front-street, was still another, with thfe ■following: " Welcome to Kossuth, and Patriots of BVERlr Nation." Upon the Cdnimon the Amencan and Hungarian standards. were floating from the city liberty-pole, while beneath were gathered the 48 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. enthusiastic multitudes, who had assembled to welcome the great advocate of human rights. The escort having halted opposite the Park-street Church at a few minutes before six o'clock, Kossuth, accompanied by the mayor of the city, ascended the speaker's stand, erected on the south side of the common, and was followed by his suite and the remainder of the party. Here he was greeted with the greatest enthusiasm by the immense multitude that filled the surrounding area. When the shouting had somewhat subsided, the Hon. Peter C. Bacon, Mayor of Worcester, took the platform, and said : " Governor Kossuth : It has fallen to my lot to perfonn the dehghtful duty, upon this most joyous occasion, in the presence of both branches of the city government, and this immense concourse of spec- tators, to express to you their profound sentiments of sympathy and welcome. Your presence has awakened unusual joy throughout our city ; and, in the name and in behalf of the city council of Worcester, and of this great gathering of citizens, I bid you a cordial and most Ijearty welcome. And permit me to assure you, in behalf of the city government and people, that we entertain the deepest sympathy for you, and the noble cause to which you have devoted, and are now devoting, your life. We recognize in you the honest representative of popular liberty and human progress upon the continent from which you came. And we earnestly hope that you will feel at home among us. " Tou are surrounded to-day by the moral atmosphere that inspired the souls of Hancock, and Warren, and Adams, and Otis, and which nerved the hearts of those who made Lexington, Concord and Bunker Hill, immortal names. The love of liberty is indigenous to our soil. Here, where our forefathers fled from the tyranny of the Old World, they laid the foundations of free institutions, deep and strong, upon the rock of principle. Here they caused to rise together the church and the free school-house, together with a free press, for a free people, and an open Bible ; and these have made us what we are. Our cold climate and our sterile soil have proved to us a blessing ; and, unener- vated by luxury, strengthened by manly labor from day to day, and from year to year, we, their descendants, have kept the fires of liberty burning to the present hour. They were imported in the Mayflower, and were at last embodied in the Declaration of Independence, that great charter of our liberties. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 49 " Among the clicrished principles that we have inherited from our fathers, is the right of every nation to manage its oma domestic affairs in its o-nn way. [Cheers.] Holding these principles, and seeing their beneficial operation in the history of our ovm. and other nations, what language of ours can expi-ess our feelings of execration against the monster wrong of the despots of Europe, who combined their energies of oppression to crush the nationality of your native land, and compelled you to stand here to-day an exile ? " But all is not lost. There remains in the heai-ts of men, in every clime and nation, a deep and growing sentiment in favor of liberty. There remains the unconquerable and iron will to serve her cause ; and there is, too, a just God, who rules the affairs of nations; and, though clouds have gathered and obscured the sun of Hungarian independence for the present, the time will yet come when Hungary shall enjoy a glori- ous freedom. " Once more I bid you welcome, thrice welcome, to our city, to the heart of the commonwealth, and to the hearts of its people." KOSSUTH'S FIEST SPEECH AT WOECESTEK. " Let me not speak, gentlemen. It is not possible for any eloquence to equal the rising majesty of the people's spirit. Well, now that is an ocean before me. Sometimes God stirs the waves ; then no man can dominate over them. But when God stretches his hand in peace over the waves, then the slightest breeze may be heard. [Cheers.] See how the waves move now ! " Gentlemen, like as the Holy Scriptures are the revelations of religious truth, teaching men how to attain eternal Uiss, so history is the revelation of eternal wisdom, instructing nations how to be happy and immortal on earth. The rising and decline, the standing and the fall, of nations, are equally instructive to the contemplating mind. . Unaccountable changes may alter, on a sudden, the condition of indi- viduals, but in the life of nations there is always a logical concatena- tion of cause and effect ; therefore history is the book of life. "I like to look into the book of life; to me it is an enchanted mirror, wherein the past assumes the shape of future events. The history of old Massachusetts is full of instruction to those who know how to read unwritten philosophy in written facts. Besides, to me it is of deep interest, because, from the very time that the colonial system was adopted by Great Britain, to secure the monopoly of tlie 5 50 KOSSUTH IX" NEW EXGLAXD. American trade, and to prevent the rising of the colonists to strengthen independence, down to "Washington's misfortunes and final victories, — from James Otis, pleading with words of flame the rights of America before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, breathing into the nation the breath of life, out of which American Independence w^as born, do-\yn to the Declai-ation of Independence, first moved by a son of Massachusetts, — there are such striking resemblances between your country's history and that of mine, that, in reflecting upon them, I often beheve I read Hungary when I read Massachusetts. [Cheers.] But, then, when the kind cheers of your generous-hearted people rouse me out of my contemplative reveries, and, looking around me, I see your prosperity, a sadness of nameless w^oe comes over my mind, because that very prosperity reminds me that I am not at home. The home of my fathers, the home of my heart, the home of my affec- tions and of my cares, is in the most striking contrast Avith the pros- perity I see here. And -whence this striking contrast in the results, when there exists such a striking identity in the antecedents'? Whence this afflicting departure from the logical necessity in history, — whereas the resemblance in proceedings goes so ' far, that I act pre- cisely that part in the United States which Massachusetts' immortal son, Franklin, acted in France ; — acted, it is true, supported by infinite personal merit, whereas I have none, but, I dare say, acted not with more devotion than I myself. [Cheers.] "Well, the cause which accounts for the mighty difierence in the results is, that your struggle for independence met the good luck of monarchical France stipulating to aid with its full force America struggling for independence, whereas repubhcan America delayed even a speedy recognition of Hungary's achieved independence. However, the equality of results may yet come. History will not prove false to poor Hungary, while it proves true to all the world. I certainly -will never meet the reputation of Franklin ; but I may yet meet his good luck in a patriotic mission. [Cheers.] It is not yet too late. [Cheers.] My people, hke the damsel in the Scriptures, is but sleeping, and not dead. [Cheei-s.] Sleep is silent, but restores to strength. [Cries of ' Good, good.'] There is apparent silence also in nature before the storm ; only the stormy petrel sweeps along, scenting instinctively the approaching storm. I am somewhat of a storm-bird ; only I do not scent the storm instinctively, but know it consciously. [Cheers.] Then why should I despond to see yet Iristory true to its logic 1 Why should I despair to meet in my mission the good luck of Franklin yet? KOSSUTH IN NEW EXGLAND. 51 We are down-trodden, it is true ; but was Washington not in a dreary retreat, with his few brave men, scarcely to be called an army, when Franklin drew nigh to success in his mission ? " My retreat is somewhat longer, to be sure; but then our struggle went on, from the first moment, on a more gigantic scale ; and, again, the success of Franklin was aided by the hatred of France against England ; so I am told, and it is true ; but I have for me the love of America for liberty and for right ; and God knows my people's cause is the cause of liberty. [Cheers.] I trust that the love of hberty in republican America will prove such a source of generous inspiration, as hatred of Great Britain did prove in monarchical France. And, should it be the doom of humanity that even republics like yours could be more mightily moved by hatred than by love, I may be per- mitted to ask, is there less reason for republican America to hate the overwhelming progress of absolutism than there was reason for France to hate England's prosperity? The United States, torn from the dominion of England, did not injure her prosperity; rather it has increased it in ultimate results ; but the predominance of absolutism, absorbing Europe, would injure your prosperity, because you are no China, no Japan ; you cannot confine yourself within your own bound- aries. Having entered the family of nations, national intercourse has become a life-artery to you ; and, that being the case, the condition of the outward world, with which you have, and must continue to have, a national intercourse, cannot be indifierent to you. The effects of intercourse are reciprocal; and when principles are brought to a clashing strife, there is community in the results. " Principles and their influence are not to be confined by geogra- phical lines. America cannot remain unaffected by the condition of Europe, with which you have a thousand-fold intercourse. A passing accident in Liverpool, a fire in Manchester, cannot fail to be felt in America ; — how could, then, the fire of despotic oppression, which threatens to consume all Europe, freedom, civilization and property, fail to aflfect, in its results, America? How can it be indifferent to you, if Europe be fl-ee or enslaved ? How can it be indifierent to you, if there easts a thing styled ' Law of Nations,' or if no such thing more exists, being replaced by the arbitrary whims of an arro- gant mortal, wio is called ' Czar ' ? [A voice, — ' Three groans for the Czar.' The groans were given with right good-will.] Well, that is good ; but I hope the time draws near when we will give him some- thing more hard than groans. [Cheers.] No ! either all the instruc- 52 KOSSUTH IN SEVf ENaLAND. tion of Listory is vanity, and it? warnings but the pastime of a mock- ing-bird, or this indifference is -impossible ; therefore I may yet meet with Frankhn's good luck. [Cheers.] " Franklin wrote to his friend, Charles Thompson, after having concluded the treaty of peace, ' If we ever become ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us, our reputation, and all the strength it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and new dangers ensue. " Perhaps I could say, poor Hungary has well served Christendom, has weU served the cause of humanity ; but, indeed, we are not so happy as to have served your country in particular. But you are generous enough, that our unmerited misfortunes may as much recom- mend us to your affections as a good service might recommend us. It is beautiful to repay a received benefit, but to bestow a benefit is divine. [Loud and repeated cheers.] It is your good fortune to be able to do good to humanity ; let it your glory be, that you are willing to do it. [Cheers.] " Such and similar have been the thoughts which came to my mind while I passed over the classical soil of Massachusetts. There was consolation in that progress, and there was hope and encouragement in it. And now here I stand, in the heart of this glorious commonwealth. [Cheers.] ! let me lay my hand upon that heart, and mark the pulsation of it ; the pulsation of my own heart much depends upon how the heart of your commonwealth throbs. [Cheers.] " Yes, gentlemen ; anxious hope and expectations of millions have accompanied me to your shores. "The grave Turk wept when I left his shores. 'Allah izmar- ladek ' was his parting word ; and the dervish chief poured water upon my road, and raised his hands to the Eternal to bless my ways. The Itahan sparkled with the recollection of ancient greatness, and with the hope of a better future, in meeting me. The Frenchman raised the hymn of freedom, and a flash Uke the lightning passed over his brow when he chanted ' Tremble, te Tyrants ! ' and he looked like a prophet when he sang of ' HIM the perfidious ! the oppro- brium OF OUR nation.' At Marseilles a republican swam over the cold waves of the sea, to touch the hand of the exile, whom the star- spangled banner had restored to activity. England's gallant soldiera watchmg on the rock of Gibraltar, thundered their hurras to heaven, when, in answer to their greeting, I di-ank them the toast, ' England and America : May their banners unite in the prosecution of the rights of humanity [tremendous cheers], and their swords be drawn in com- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 53 mon for liberty and right' [cheers]; and when I stopped at Lisbon, that beautiful jewel on earth, the glowing Portuguese flamed with inspiration in welcoming me, and sobbed with emotion in bidding me farewell. "And the people of England, — 0! I cannot describe, — there was a revelation of the people's majesty in what I met there, as seldom yet was seen in history; and when the people came to me, hailing America, and speahing the praise of your Washington, and charged me to bring its brotherly greetings to the younger brother, so happy and so free [cheers], and to tell Brother Jonathan that the spirit of liberty is alive in old brother John -Bull ! [Tremendous cheering, and waving of hats.] Then England's people looked, indeed, like the embodiment of those words which Ejng George the Third spoke to your John Adams, the first of independent American ambassadors to England, ' Let the family ties of language, religion and blood, have their full and natural effect.' [Cheers.] "Yes, gentlemen, such were the manifestations with which I have embarked for America. I, in embarking, saw the tricolor flag of Hungary hoisted above my head to the top of an Enghsh mast, and heard it saluted from Southampton's batteries with a royal salute of farewell ; and, on my arrival at New York, I heard it reechoed with a full republican salute from the batteries of the United States, welcom- ing with the honors of the Union the tricolor flag of Hungary, floating; over my head from an American mast ; and every manifestation was az ray of hope more, and every cannon-shot an expectation more, roused! in the hearts of Europe's millions. Pour months have since passed ; during those four months, my breast was a foaming bed of a continual ebb and tide of hope. Now my task is nearly,done ; some few days yet, and, in recrossing the Atlantic, I shall sit like the laborer on his plough, wiping off the sweat of my brow, and musing about the strange episode, never yet seen in mankind's history, that a stranger, the unas- suming offspring of an Asiatic race transplanted to Europe, being a poor exile, had been borne on in triumph by popular sympathy, for his misfortunes' sake, as no crowned conqueror will be borne on for his successes' sake, in republican America ; and, summing up the present and future results of these unprecedented popular manifestations, and combining them with the vital power of true principles, I will record the answer I shall have to tell, on the part of the people of America, to the expectations and hopes of Europe's millions ; and, as I approach the east, I will look anxiously back towards the west, to mark if the galaxy 5* 54 KOSSUTH IN KEW ENGLAND. of American stars be rising from tlie new capital •with tlie lustre of a new sun, and if tte young eagle of America be towering on his gigan- tic wings, to watch from on high the arrogant movements of the bear of violence against bleeding maniind, sheltering itself beneath the laws of nature and nature's God. " Shall I see that eagle towering? Shall I see the glowing galaxy of American stars rising over the gloomy horizon of liberty ? Therv what will be the tidings I shall have to bear, in answer to the expecta- tions with which I was charged 1 Let me hope the answer will be fit to be reanswered by a mighty hallelujah, at the shout of which the thrones of tyrants will quake ; and when they are fallen, and buried beneath the fallen pillars of tyranny, all the Christian world will unite in the song of praise, ' Glory to God in heaven, and peace to good- willing men on earth, and honor to America, the first-born son of Liberty ; for no nation has God done so much as her, for she proved to be well deserving of it, because she was obedient to his divine law. She has loved her neighbor as herself; and did unto others as she desired, in the hour of her need, others to do unto herself "Gentlemen, I inow what weight is due Massachusetts in the councils of the nation ; the history, the character, the intelligence, the consistent energy, and the considerate perseverance, of your country, give me the security that, when the people of Massachusetts raises its voice and pronounces its will, that it is not like a girl's sigh that melts in the breeze, — it will carry its aim. " I have seen this people's will in the manifestation of him whom the people's well-deserved confidence has raised to the helm of its executive government ; I have seen it in the sanction of its senators ; I have seen it in the mighty outburst of popular sentiments, and in the generous testimonials of its sympathy, as I progressed on this hal- lowed soil. I hope soon to see it in the legislative hall of your representatives, and in the Cradle of American Liberty. "I hope to see it so, as I see it now, here, throbbing with warm, smcere, generous and powerful pulsation, in the very heart of your commonwealth. I know that, where the heart is sound, the whole body is sound, the blood is sound throughout all the veins. [Cheers.] The •warmth of the heart of Massachusetts spreads with magnetic influence over my own sad heart ; and, thanking God that all these manifesta- tions of Massachusetts have been reserved to me for tlie later hours of my task, when the flush of excitement has passed, and calm reflec- tion holds the ground,— I thank God for it, because upon such a man- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 55 ifestation we can rely. There are principles in it like those of old, by which your fathers were inspired, when they took the lead in the strug- gle for freedom, never faltering, though many others despaired. The answer which I will bear to Europe is pointed out to me by the man- ifestations of Massachusetts. Accept my heartfelt thanks, in the name of my people, for it. "Being the heart of Massachusetts, 0, let me entreat you to be warm like the heart. Never beUeve to be right those who, bearing but a piece of metal in their chests, would persuade you that to be cold is to be wise. [Cheers.] Warmth is the vivifying influence of the universe, and the heart is the source of noble deeds. To consider calmly what you have to do is well. You have done it ; you have done more, — you have let the thoughts of your mind pass through the warm tide of your heart, and that organ has nobly done its work, as the present day shows ; but let me hope that the heart of" Massa- chusetts -will continue to throb warmly for the cause of liberty, till that which you judge to be right is done, with that persistent energy which, inherited from the Puritan Pilgrims of the Mayflower, is a principle with the people of Massachusetts. [Cheers.] Remember the afflicted, — farewell ! " Tremendous cheering, continued for several minutes after the con- clusion of this speech, testified the strong impression which it made upon the hearers. It was, in fact, delivered throughout with the most admirable grace and animation. Kossuth was well aware of the high character and intelligence of the people of Worcester county, of their steadfast devotion to the principles of freedom ; and, feeling sure of his audience, could put forth without restraint his utmost powers of ora- tory. The efiect was in some instances very striking. On the plat- form near him there were some veteran politicians, who, though opposed to his doctrines, could not refrain from tears at certain pas- sages of his speech. From the platform on the Common, Kossuth was escorted to his quarters at the American House, followed by a dense crowd, who repeatedly cheered him as he passed along. He reached the hotel a few minutes before seven o'clock, where he supped and gained a little repose. At about eight o'clock he was waited upon to the City Hall, where a dense and most enthusiastic audience assembled to listen to another address from him. 6b KOSSUTU I^^ KEW KXGLAND. Up to eiglit o'clock, admission to tlie hall ivas limited to those ivlio presented a Hungarian bond at the door, by Tvbich means a large num- ber ivere disposed of. At eight o'clock, the state committee, the city government, and the committee of arrangements, entered the ball -syith Kossuth, ivho ■\vas received ivith loud and prolonged cheers, waving of ladies' hand- kercliiefs and gentlemen's hats, and other demonstrations of the most hearty and enthusiastic sympathy. The cro-\vds that had been iraiting outside for his arrival came rushing into the hall, until the great area and galleries presented one unbroken sea of eager, intelligent and sym- pathetic faces. General Day called the meeting to order, and introduced Hon. Henry Chapin, ex-mayor of the city, who came forward, amid the loud cheering of the people, and said : " Fellow-citizens -. "We come to-night as freemen to pay our trib- ute of respect to the great advocate of popular liberty. The sons and daughters of the Pilgrims hasten to honor the man who has dared to vindicate in a foreign land the principles which the Pilgrims fled to establish here. Educated in the spirit of the Declaration of Independ- ence, honoring with our whole souls the men who pledged their 'lives,' their 'fortunes,' and their 'sacred honor,' for liberty, we but speak out the gushing sentiments of our hearts ivhen we pay our homage to those who have sacrificed everything but honor for the freedom of their race. "We watched the progress of the Hungarian revolution with deep and thrilling interest. We saw that brave and patriotic people, ani- mated by a common enthusiasm, struggling against the combined pow- ers of Russia and Austria, performing prodigies of valor, and driving the despots back, until treason did its shameful work, and Hungary was in the dust. We have seen those friends of freedom cither in chains and slavery at home, or driven into lonely exile away from their country and their firesides ; and while we have sat under the tree of Liberty which our fathers planted in blood and in tears, our hearts have swollen with emotions of sympathy for our brethren across the wide Atlantic, who, engaged in a contest as pure and noble as our own Revolution, have as yet found a destiny so difierent from ours. "In that great struggle for liberty in Hungary, one man stood forth preeminent. In the appeals to the Hungarian people, there was heard the voice of one man rousing the masses of his countrymen with the KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 57 magic of a mysterious eloquence. In exile, captivity and sorrow, the form of one man has been surrounded by a lialo of glory ; one ■whom oveu the Turkish monarch has dared to protect, against the indignant • protests of tyranny; one over whom the stars and stripes of our coun- try have been proud to wave in triumph, and to whom the gathering thousands and tens of thousands of the American people rejoice to show the reverence which is due to the great and good. That man is Louis Kossuth ; that man is the gu-est of this evening ! '" Honored Sir : A committee raised at a large and enthusiastic meeting of our citizens, we bid you an earnest and a heartfelt welcome. We welcome you to New England, the land of free schools, free thought, free speech, and free men. We welcome you to Massachu- setts, the home of Warren, and Adams, and Hancock, and Otis. We welcome you to the state which boasts of Concord, and Lexington, and Eunker Hill. Especially -we -welcome you to this Heart of the Com- monwealth, this home of well-paid labor, this paradise of mechan- ics, where the songs of freedom and the hum of cheerful industry mingle sweetly together, and where thousands of the hardy sovereigns of the country pay their glad homage to your glorious name ! Here, at least, you stand in the midst of friends. Strong arms and warm hearts are around you. Party, sect and creed, vanish for the moment, like the baseless fabric of a dream. The old and the j'oung, the rich and the poor, the learned and the ignorant, all catch the inspiration of the hour, and hail you with a patriotic welcome. In the humblest dwelhng amongst us your name and history are as famihar as household words. From every Christian fireside prayers have ascended for you and j'our unhappy country ; and I feel that I express the real sentiments of our people, in the wish that the hour may soon come when your father-land shall break the yoke of the oppressor, and you be restored to the posi- tion which the advocates of freedom and progress and popular liberty, the world over, have unanimously awarded to you. "I will detain this waiting assembly no longer by remarks of mine, but will introduce to them Louis Kossuth, the rightful Governor of Hungary." Mr. Chapin sat down amidst thunders of applause. Kossuth then rose, when Gen. Day, waving his baton over his head, cried, " Fellow- citizens, nine cheers for Kossuth and Hungary!" These were given ■svith a will and power that made the hall tremble. They were caught up by the people who filled the streets outside, the sound of whose 58 KOSSUTH I^f XEW EXGLAXD. shouting again called fortli the cheers of those within. When silence was restored, Kossuth said, turning to Mr. Chapin : "I would have been very glad, sir, if you had been pleased, not, as you have said, to detain your fellow-citizens, but if you had been pleased to continue to express the warm, gushing, generous sympathies of their hearts, with your eloquent hps. You are a son of Massachusetts ; you understand the feelings of your brethren, now assembled to wel- come me, a poor exile, to your city ; and to me nothing can be more grateful than to listen to the expression of that generous and sponta- neous sympathy. I am a stranger to their feelings, speaking in a for- eign tongue ; and therefore I cannot address them in a manner that will gratify and interest them. " I hope the gentlemen will excuse me, if, from my fatigue, and hum- ble abilities, I am not able to address them as I could wish. I have, however, the sense of duty strong in my breast ; and I will never shrink, nor be too tired to attempt what duty calls upon me to per- form.- [Loud cheers.] " ! would that I could speak to you in my own native tongue ! Then would I speak to you as I used to speak to my people. There is so much to remind me of my old home in all I now see and hear around me ! There I was wont to meet such a people as you. I never was conscious of deserving a reputation for eloquence ; I never felt that to me belonged the magic powers of oratory ; but, with such a peo- ple cheering me, I may have sometimes received the inspiration of elo- quence : for there is always eloquence in a noble people's sympathy. " You have been pleased to say, sir, that in the sti-uggle of Hungary with the leagued despots of Austria and Russia one man stood preem- inent. But I must be just to myself and to my countrymen ; and just- ice compels me to declare that in that struggle there was no preemi- nence. In sacrifices for the cause of Hungary, and in the devotion to the principles of freedom, there was no preeminence amongst individ- ual men. In the whole course of that glorious but fatal contest, the people stood preeminent. 0, had you seen the demigods of Hungary, as they died with the smiles upon their lips for the father-land, then you would have said there was no preeminence, but a common devotion in yielding up all for liberty ! "There was a time, in the history 6f mankind, when, by being in its childhood or infancy, a nation's progi-ess and prosperity depended upon men ; when the events of history were controlled by the wishes and KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 59 acts of persons ; when the wliole of humanity was absorbed in indi- vidualities ; but, thank God, that time will never come again ! The progress of civilization has rendered impossible such fatal dependencies. The general diffusion of ideas and principles has rescued humanity from such precarious dependencies. Nations are now dependent upon prin- ciples, not upon men. It has been said to me, by one of your eloquent fellow-citizens, that the people of Massachusetts never pay any tribute to men, but to principles ; and thus it is that I, a humble exile, meet with such a welcome as I have met to-day. [Cheers.] ' ' You have been pleased to say, sir, that I am among friends. Thank God for that word ! for to me, a homeless exile, there is noAV no conso- lation equal to that of friendship. But you, are not friends for my sake, but for my country's cause ; and 0, let me assure you that my coun- trymen are worthy of your friendship. [Loud cheers.] " Gentlemen, in coming to your city, this heart of your good old com- monwealth, I have observed that on your hills, and in your valleys, there still remains a little snow. Well, it is curious to observe what a sympathy exists between the physical and moral worlds. In warm cli- mates, you will notice that vegetation is always in activity, and plants spring up with rapidity ; but, if a little chill comes, their dehcate leaves are nipped, and they wither away. So, in those climates, men act from warm impulses, that soon pass away with the circumstance that excited them ; whereas, where snow exists, — for snow, you know, is not the emblem of coldness, but is necessary to conserve and invigor- ate the soil for a good harvest, — it not only vivifies the seed, but ripens it. That snow in the moral world conserves the warmth of the heart ; and such a warmth you have shown me in your snowy cUmate as I never wish to see exceeded. I have seen so much considerate wannth here as will enable me to say to my poor, suffering countrymen, that I have seen a people representing the principle of repubhcan liberty in opposition to the principle of despotism, represented by Czars, ti-ampling on freedom, and absorbing nationalities. " If you look to history, you will see that at no period of time have the two conditions of nationality — those of republicanism and despot- ism — been brought to such a Crisis as now ; and a short time is to decide which must prevail. You cannot remain indifferent to the strug- gle which is now trembling to an issue, in Europe, between those two conditions. Your position and ftiterest, as one of the great nationali- ties of the world, -will force you to participate in this struggle. " You will be constrained either to forsake the position of a power on 60 KOSSCTII IN: XEW EXGLAXD. earth, or to conserve the law of nations, ■v\-hich is the common property of nations. Vi'hen I ask you to proclaim the principles of international law, I do not ask you to adopt a new principle or a new line of policy ; I only ask you to reiterate the principles and policy expressed hy John Quincy Adams, in reference to the Argentine Republics, when the holy alliance of despots had made preparations to crush those infant nationahties. "He said that the United States must take counsel of her duties and interests in relation to the acts of the despots towards those states. Did that hold course entangle j^ou in foreign alliances and war 1 No ! it rather prevented war. The bold declaration of a true principle is never so likely to entangle you in war as the passive abnegation of your position as a power on earth. I have never, in the brightest moments of my expectations and hopes, wanted the United States to do any- thing against her interests. All I have wanted is the declaration of a principle which is embodied in her history, and in her very existence as a nation and a power on earth. Every American with whom I Lave conversed in his private capacity has declared that he is convinced that every nation has a right to choose its own government, and no foreign nation has a right to interfere with the fullest freedom of that choice ; and all I ask of the United States, which is only the aggregation of indindualities, is to express this conviction to the world. [Cheers.] We do not want America to fight our battles. We will fight our own battles. [Loud ckeers.] We have hearts and hands of our own, to defend our rights, and beat back our enemies. [Loud cheers.] What we want is to be assured that, as certain as there is a God in heaven who watches the destinies of the universe, so is there a mighty nation on earth which watches the laws of nations and of Nature's God. [Loud cheers.] "Gentlemen, I have seen in your streets to-day two flags; one bearing the superscription ' Terror to Tyrants, Liberty to the World.' Let me entreat you, gentlemen, to make that superscription not only a sentiment, but a fact. [Enthusiastic cheers.] I have the instinctive consciousness that the destiny of that American flag is ' Death to Tyr- anny, Liberty to the World.' [Renewed cheering.] The second flag, which I saw on the common, was the flag of America, waving proudly 9ver the poor httle flag of Hungary. Make the philosophy of those flags — the prophecy of them, also — a'fact ! Let the flag of your coun- try wave protectingly over my nation's cause ! [Cheers.] I thank yc'j, gentlemen, from the very heart of my heart, for the welcome you KOSSIITH IN NEW ENGLAND. 61 have given mc this day ; and I hope that, ere long, Europe >vill prove to you that your sympathy has not been bestowed umvorthily, and will prove, also, that the voice of the people is sometimes the thunders of the Almighty." [Prolonged cheering.] At the conclusion of Kossuth's remarks, Mr. J. L. Myers, in behalf of the German citizens, delivered the following address in that lan- guage : " Governor Kossuth : "We are hardly able to express our joy that circumstances permit us to welcome you, the true apostle of liberty and human rights, in behalf of the German residents of this city. We need not say with what sympathy and anxiety we looked to the far East, where you and yoiir heroic people fought, not only for the liberty of Hungary, but for the liberties of the whole human race ; where you alone appeared as the defender of liberty and law, against the per- jurious Hapsburgs and the cunning Northern Bear, who united their efforts to crush the God-given rights of man. " No body of men has more cause to sympathize with the cause of Hun- gary than the Germans. No body of men has more cause to mourn for the fall of Hungary. But we do not despair. While Kossuth lives, wo feel that the cause of Hungary is not lost. While Kossuth lives, there lives in him, and with him, the inspiring hope that the down-trodden rights of the European people shall see a glorious resurrection, and will find a true defender. "It now seems as if the cause of liberty had been lost, through treachery and misfortune. But the people will again rise, with reno- vated strength, for a new trial ; and they will again try to throw off the yoke of despotism ; and, with the help of God, and you to lead them, they shall succeed ! " Continue, Mr. Governor, to teach the people the true principles of self-government, instruct them in the sacred principles of liberty, and you will find strong anns and valiant hearts, in every quarter of the world, to assist you in the great work you now so nobly prose- cute, that of raismg up the down-trodden human race. " Mr. Governor, accept this token of our regard for your cause. It was collected from the few Germans residing in this city. The sum is small, but you will receive it as an earnest of our will, which we heart- ily wish was equalled by our ability. But we will not trouble you more with words. We will only say, ' Long hve Kossuth ! ' May you 6 G2 EOSSUTH IS NEW EXGLAND. enjoy the fruits of your eventful life, under the mstitutions of repub- lican freedom, in your otto land ; and may you also enjoy the quiet of domestic life in the bosom of your own family, all reiinited and pro- tected by law ! " The purse presented to Kossuth by the speaker contained the sum of thirty-five dollars, in gold. When ]\Ii-. Myers had finished his address, and presented the purse, Kossuth said, in reply, in the German language the substance of which we translate, — "My friend, I am worn out and heavy from travelling and speak- ing, and cannot therefore reply to you with my lips what my heart dictates. But, before we part, I only want to express to you two things. First, I am not the great man which you suppose me to be. Every man is called upon to perform certain duties, and he ought to fulfil them ; and, if he performs them well, he only does his duty. I have only tried to fulfil my mission to the best of my ability ; and there- fore I do not deserve the reverence which you have been pleased to accord me. Secondly, I have received great sympathy from Americans, during my progress in this country ; and I have found, to my great joy and consolation, that the Germans have never been behind them in heartfelt generosity and sympathy for my country, — for her cause was theirs. Again I thank you, in the name, of my country." A young Hungarian, who came to America with Kossuth, and is now working in one of the machine-shops of Worcester, presented his chief with an ingeniously made sword-cane. Kossuth kindly stroked the young man's cheeks, shook him cordially by the hand, and spoke words of encouragement to him in his native tongue. He said he was glad to see his countrymen exercising their skill here. But, as to that instrument, it was not such as he would employ in the coming strug- gle, because that was made for wounding foes in the back, and he liked to meet his, face to face. The audience now called for Mr. Hopkins, who niade a few remarks, which were warmly received. Mr. BurUngame was then called up, and spoke as follows. MR. BURLINGAME'S SPEECH. "Fellow-citizens: Ihavenowords with which to express those emotions of sympathy with which oui- breasts are now swelling ; and if I should give them voice, I fear, with my friend who has just now KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 63 taken his seat, that I should not know when or where to end. It is charged by some that we proiDOse to change the policy which, they say, was established by the great and good Washington. It is not true. If what they claim as that policy be indeed the policy of Washington, then do we desire to change it. If it be one which is to silence us for- ever in the councils of the nations, and seal our lips before the world, then I care not by whom it was initiated, or when or how long it has stood, or by what persons it is now maintained, — it is a policy unworthy of a great and free people. [Applause.] But it is not as they claim ; — that policy was for the exigency of those early times. Why, a nation can have no such thing as a fixed policy. It must have fixed jirindjiles. The eloquent speaker haa told us that policy is one thing, and principle quite another thing. One takes its hue and form from the passing hour ; the other is eternal, and may not be departed from with safety. It is because statesmen have failed to make this distinc- tion that they have gone down under their ertors/ They have raised that which was ephemeral into the dignity of a principle, and clung to it long after it had become obsolete. Let us not wrong our fathers by believing they intendg^ to chain this nation to the cradle of its infancy. Washington himself has told us that his was a temporary pol- icy, suited to the requirements of the time, but not intended to stand as our guide through all eternity. And, standing in the midst of that stormy present, and having in memory the bleeding past, and looking into the gloom of what seemed a sinister future, he fixed the time when he thought that policy would expire. Yes, with no foreknowl- edge of what would be the immense and rapid strides of this mighty people, he thought, and said, that in twenty years it might have the full command of its own fortunes. "And 0, the difference between then and now! The nation was scarred with war, poor, an hundred millions in debt, — not so rich as is our own Massachusetts to-day, — scarcely more populous than is now the Empire State, — with the whole west about to blaze with battle- fires, — party spirit aroused, society unformed, the government untried, friendless on sea and on land, — a wilderness everywhere, the states but just chmbing with feeble step the Atlantic slope, so that from Maine to Georgia the wolfs long howl was answered back by the Atlan- tic's roar. [Applause.] In such a state of things the policy of neutral- ity found its suiEeient justification. But now, when the republic has expanded from sea to sea, when its flag is advancing to the north and the south, when the beautiful white wings of its commerce are flutter- 64 KOSSUTH IX new englaxd. ing in every quarter of tlie globe, and bringing home wealtli and victory ^vith all tlic uinds of lieaveu [applause], sliall ve so Tyrong tlie memory of the bi-ave men ivlio cleared the way for these glories, — Washington, ■who sought peace through war, Franklin, ivho subdued thunder and tyranny, and John Adams, out of whose head came the Revolution, — so Avrong these men, I say, as to believe that, if they could once more visit the land their valor freed, that they would tell us to trail our ban- ners over the sea and over the land, and let them no longer stream along the shores of the Baltic and the Mediterranean, symbols of unconquered liberty in the western world ? K"o. no ! they gave their breasts to the battle, they struggled through nameless woes, for a place on earth, and that their sons might have ' power on earth' to be wielded for liberty on whatever doubtful field it might strive. [Applause.] And would they not indignantly ask who gave instnictions to Commodore Morgan, of the Mediterranean squadron, under which he should dare to issue those orders by which our gallant officers and seamen are not permitted, not only not to talk politics with the Neapohtans, or the people in whose waters they may chance to be, but are not allowed to discuss th'fem with each other on the shore, or on an American deck 1 Who gave hitn authority over the religious or political sentiments of an American officer or sailor ? Is it not enough for him that he does his duty under the laws 1 Why, if we cannot maintain our relations with those people without subjecting our glorious sailors to such tyranny, I would not let our vessels cast their anchors in their waters ; no, not though a hurricane blew, save to batter down the walls of their tyran- nical cities ! [Applause.] "Who did not feel his cheek crimson vdth indignation as he learned to what position our brave officers of the Mississippi were constrained by these orders 1 And more, when he learned of the conduct of the American consul at Marseilles 7 Where, I ask, did he get his right to wound the feehngs of the nation's guest on an American deck 1 AVlio placed that official under the direction of a miserable French prefect, himself the tool of a man who, at that very time, had perjury on his lips and treason in his heart? [Applause.] The gi-eat exile should have found kindness under our flag. It was not his fault, but his glory, that Lis presence awakened the republican heart of France ; our flag, had it been a true symbol of the principles we profess, would have done the same. It is a gi-ievous, burning shame, that Kossuth, when the songs of hberty were rising around him, and the peaceful shouts of the people, should have been commanded to retire from what his noble presence inspired. What American, proud of his country's honor, would not KOSSuXn IX XEW ENGLAND. 65 have proferrecl that the IMississippi, ivith the hanner of our hopes float- ing aloft, should have gone down by her anchors, fighting some great battle of liberty, her scuppers running blood, rather than that the nation's guest — guest for such a cause — should not have found the fullest protection under a flag ivhich once waved over Perry, and McDonough, and Lawrence, and Hull, and Decatur?" [Great ap- plause.] Mr.'Burlingame was warmly applauded throughout; and, when he sat down, Hon. E. H. Kellogg, of Pittsfield, w'as called for, and spoke as follows : " I pray you, Mr. Chairman, and I pray you, this immense meeting of my fellow-citizens, not to expect from me, called up here as I am, one-half so full and so satisfactory an expression of the feehng that prevails in our hearts here, as we have already had. I rejoice, sir, that, under the force of the example of our illustrious guest, and under the force of your own teachings, that here, to-night, sect and creed and party are all submerged and drowned in the mighty flood of feehng and of sympathy extended to the man who is the representative of a well- deserving country, — that country whose liberties, before all our eyes, have been cloven down against the law of nations. Fellow-citizens,'! could not, to-day, help rejoicing, when I heard our illustrious friend here depicting to these great multitudes the wrongs of his country, and bespeaking here the sympathies of his fellow-men, — I say, I could not but rejoice that there was still upon the face of this earth a great orator devoted to liberty ; that he, the martyr of his cause, bruised and torn in all but his undying love of liberty, can march with triumphant step from one ocean to the other, hailed as the friend of liberty by a whole nation. Sir, if we cannot go with our arms to Hungary, and fight the Russians, we may, at least, thank God ! extend our sympathy to the cause of liberty ; and we trust that you bless God that you have this expanded field on his earth where you can preach its cause. Let me assure you, sir, that your life is not in vain. If God should see fit to take you to-day from your family, from your own dear father-land, from the world, and leave the Hungarians weeping, hke the children of Israel by the waters of Babylon, for seventy years, you would not, even then, have lived in vain. No, sir ; you have taught us a lesson in this part of the world, you have taught the whole world a lesson, that will not be soon forgotten ; and whenever any other nation in the •world shall assert the principle so beloved by you, and by the whole 6* QQ KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. American heart, — tlie very same principle to -svliicli Hungary is devoted, — I say, -wlien such a nation shall arise again in its might, and achieve its freedom, that before another Eussian Czar can inter- fere -^'ith its liberties, you will hear the voice of America in a way that will be emphatic [applause], — in a way that will be useful, efficient. May God grant it ! "Fellow-citizens of Worcester, of the heart of the old Bay State, there is cause for tins mighty outpom-ing, this fiery impulse of sympathy, that pervades all our breasts. ! fellow-men, suppose our own George Washington — our own Revolutionary Kossuth — had not been suc- cessful in our struggle, — suppose he had been beaten down by treach- ery that lived with us, or by the intervention of a power more tyranni- cal even than England, — and suppose he had been hunted in order to put a halter round his neck, where in the wide world,- — 0, where, seventy-five years ago, could Washington have gone, and been received and protected by a whole nation ? Yes, and sent home to oppose his country's enemies again, followed by the sympathy, the warm hopes, and the bright anticipations, of twenty millions of freemen ? I congrat- ulate our illustrious friend and guest that he lives in a different hour of the world. I have no doubt he is thankful to God for it. I believe that the feeling he is awakening in this country, although it may not take that direction he has pointed out to an extreme or unsafe distance, — to a returnless distance, — yet I believe, fellow-citizens, that it will work good, not only for his own country, but for the other struggling countries of Europe. I have great faith in the mighty power, the thun- der, as he well terms it, of American public opinion. Notwithstanding many tell us our protestations will be like the idle wind, unheeded, who, fellow-citizens, who knows better than Governor Kossuth that the Emperor Nicholas watches as closely as any eye in the world (except God's) the movements that follow in the train of his progress — the movements of pubhc opinion that follow him in this country and elsewhere 1 He knows that it is a mighty agent. He knows that our illustrious guest is fighting and winning a mightier battle, by gaining millions of devotees to his cause, than any that was fought and won during the Hungarian war. He is, through the press, spreading an intelligent spirit through the oppressed millions of Europe. He is informing the bayonets of the common soldiery ; and you will see them •when the crisis comes, breaking through the trammels of those dynas- ties of Europe, and arraying themselves in defence of the liberties of the people." [Cheers.] After a few words by Mr. Keyes, the meeting closed, at ten o'clock. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 67 KOSSUTH'S ENTRY INTO BOSTON. Kossuth and his suite, with tlie Legislative Committee, left Worcester in a special train, at half-past nine o'cloct, on Tuesday morning, April 27. It Tvas a coincidence not overlooked or unfelt by many of those Tvith him, and assuredly not by himself, that the day fixed upon for his triumphal entry into the jproud and famous metropolis of New England was his birth-day, — the day on which he completed his fiftieth year. He was greeted with many cheers, as he left Worcester. The car in which he sat was thickly festooned with American, English and Hungarian flags. Previous to leaving, he received a purse of fifty dollars from Hon. Alexander De Witt. At Westboro' the cars stopped, the bells were rung, a great con- course collected, and Rev. Mr. Gage, in behalf of the townsmen, presented Kossuth with forty dollars. He replied briefly, and was loudly cheered. At Framingham another stop was made, and a large crowd assem- bled. Hon. Joseph Fuller welcomed Kossuth to the county of Mid- dlesex, which contained Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. Kos- suth expressed his thanks in a few words. At Natick the train stopped, and Kossuth was presented with a purse containing sixty-two dollars, by Mr. Ham, the chairman of the selectmen of the town. At the Brookhne crossing Kossuth was received by the Light Dragoons, who had been detailed as his escort through Brookline and Roxbury. Carriages being in readiness, a procession was formed, under the direction of Benj. Stevens, Sergeant at Arms of the Legis- lature, and the route of march for Boston, through Brookline and Roxbury, was immediately taken up. Kossuth, accompanied by M. Pulszky, Hon. N. P. Banks, Hon. Anson Burlingame, and Austin Williams, Esq., governor's aid, occupied the first carriage. In the second carriage were the ladies of Kossuth's suite, his wife, and Madame Pulszky, accompanied by liie wife of Hon. E. L. Keyes, and by the Sergeant at Arms. In the carriages that followed were the other members of Kossuth's suite, the Legislative 68 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. Committee, some members of the city goTcrnment of Worcester, and others. A short distance from the crossing the procession passed under an arch bearing the words, " Welcome, Kossuth." The road was choked up with foot-people, horsemen and carriages, of all descriptions, each and all anxious to get a sight of the Magyar. At Brookline a large crowd was collected; and, when the carriage con- taining Kossuth arrived, lusty cheers were given, which were acknowl- edged gracefully. On the whole route to Roxbury line, the windows were full of ladies, who waved their welcome with their handkerchiefs, and the streets were literally crammed with people. The cortege did not stop in Eoxbury, but proceeded on until it had reached the military, who were drawn up on the Neck, to the number of thu-ty-four companies. Having passed the military, the procession halted, when the troops wheeled into line, and escorted the procession through the city. The procession passed through Washington, Boylston, Charles and Beacon streets, to the state-house. The crowd in these streets was very great. The windows were all full of women and children, and Kossuth was frequently called to his feet, to acknowledge the plaudits of the ladies. The mihtary marched in the following order : Fifth Regiment of Artillery, under command of Col. Cowdin. Company C — Washington Artillery, Captain Bulloch. Company A — Boston Artillery, Captain T. H. Evans. Company D — Eoxbury Artillery, Captain Webber. Company B — Columbian Artillery, Captain Thompson. First Regiment of Light Infantry, under command of Colonel C. L. Solhrook. Company D — Boston Light Guard, Captain Clark, Jr. Company C — Pulaski Guards, Captain Wright. Company L — National Guards, Captain Moorei Company B — New England Guards, Captain Henshaw. Company F — Independent Boston Fusileers, Captain MitchelL Company M — Warren Light Lifanty, Lieut. Hall. Company H — Wmthrop Light Guards, Lieut. Moore. Company G — Washington Light Guards, Captain Savory. Company E — City Guards, Captain French. Company A — Boston Light Infantry, Captain Ashley. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 69 Fifth Regiment of Infantry, under command of Col. Watson. Company C — Lowell Mechanic Phalanx, Captain Palmer. Company C — "Worcester City Guards, Captain Goodhue, Eighth Regiment. Company B — Fitchburg Fusileers, Captain Wood, Fourth Regi- ment. Company G — Woburn Phalanx, Captain Grummer, Fourth Regi- ment. Company C — Cambridge City Guards, Captain Meacham. Fourth Regiment. Company© — National Blues (Lowell), Captain Lesure, Fifth Regiment. Company H — Wamesit Light Guard, Captain Sargent, Fifth Reg- iment. Company E — Davis Guard (Acton), Capt. Jones, Fifth Regiment. Company D — Charlestown City Guards, Captain Sawyer, Fourth Regiment. Company B — Worcester Light Lifantry, Captain Lamb, Eighth Regiment. Ninth Regiment of Infantry, under command of Col. CoJbum. Company D — Westminster Guards, Captain Whitman, Seventh Regiment. Company A — Halifax Light Infantry, Captain Thompson, Third Regiment. Company A — Winchester Guards, Captain Prince, Seventh Regi- ment. Company D — Richardson Light Guards, Captain Wiley, Seventh Regiment. Company C — Marblehead Light Lifantry, Captain Gregory, Sixth Regiment. Company I — Lawrence Light Lifantry, Captain WilMns, Seventh Regiment. > Company C — Stoneham Light Lifantry, Captain Dike, Seventh Regiment. Company E — Oakdale Light Infantiy, Captain Hosmer, Eighth Regiment. Company B — Salem Mechanic Light Lifantry, Captain White, Sixth Regiment. INIechanic Riflemen, Captain Adams. 70 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. The tokens of gladness and Ayelcome along the route -were frequent, and spoke a sincere feeling. From many a -window peeped out the words, "Welcome, Kossuth." Flags were flying at many places, and ever and anon the Hungarian tricolor waved its welcome to him whose patriotic soul and powerful mind sent it to so many victories. Among the buildings decorated were the Albion hotel, which was dressed in beautiful taste, with a triumphal arch between the two portions of the hotel, bearing the inscription, " Columbia, the Land of Liberty." The Eevere House had floating over it the three flags of Hungary, Turkey and the United States. The state-house was superbly decorated with banners, arches and mottoes, in such profusion as almost to hide it from sight. The entrance gate was surmounted by an arch, bearing on its front the following inscription: "Washington and Kossuth, — the Occident and THE Orient." On the reverse : " Washington, the Fkiend of LiBEKTT ; Kossuth, the Foe of Despotism." On the steps leading to the state-house were placed two arches, and between them the platform on which the reception speeches were made. The first of these arches bore the following motto on its front : "Religion, Education, Freedom: a Tkicolok for the World." On the reverse: "Massachusetts, the Spirit of 1776, — Lex- ington, Concord, Bunker Hill." The second arch was exceedingly beautiful; the pillars being entwined with the tricolor, white, red and blue. Underneath were suspended three magnificent wreaths, the whole tastefully entwined with evergreen. This arch bore the following : " Remember there IS A Community in the Destiny of Humanity." On the key-stone was a beautiful display of flags of all nations, furled. The columns of the upper piazza were wreathed with tricolor, and the state motto stretched across : " Ense Petit Placid am Sub Lib- ERTATB QUIETEM." In the portico fronting the Representatives' hall was an equestrian figure on a pedestal, underneath which were the words : " Washing- ton, the Father of his Country." Over the portico in large capitals were the following : " Governor Kossuth, Welcome to the Capitol of Massachusetts." From the cupola flags and streamers waved in the breeze, and from KOSSOTH IN NEW ENGLAKD. 71 tlie corners of the state-house to the corners of the grounds iu front flags of diflfercnt nations were suspended. The arrangement of these flags -was as folloTvs : From the state-house to Mount Vernon-street, — American, Eng- lish, Greek, Egyptian. Outer line to Beacon-street, — American, English, French, Turkish, Brazilian, Neajpolitan, Portuguese, Peruvian. Inner line to Beacon-street, — American, Columbian, Austrian, Montevidean, Neapolitan, Spanish, Mexican, Turkish. State-house to Hancock avenue, — American, English, Austrian, Brazilian. State-house to outer comer of the avenue, on Beacon-street, — American, English, Turkish, Neapolitan, Dutch, Buenos Ayrean, Columbian, Portuguese. Inner line, same line, — American, English, Tunisian, Papal, Mex- ican, Greek, Buenos Ayrean. On the right of the gateway, — American, Swedish, Danish, Chi- lian, Peruvian. Lefib of gate, — American, St. George's Cross, Dutch, Chinese, Sardinian. Beacon to Park street, — New Grenada, Naples, Chilian, Peruvian, Greek, Rayah. Beacon to Common, — Spanish, Montevidean, miscellaneous. Uni- corn, Spanish broad pennant. At half past one o'clock, after a progress of two hours and a half, through six miles of shouting multitudes, Kossuth was conducted by Gen. Wilson, chairman of the Legislative Committee, up the steps of the state-house to the platform, where he met Governor Boutwell and the members of the Council. Governor Boutwell welcomed him to the state in the following speech : GOVEENOK BOUTWELL'S SPEECH. " GovEENOK Kossuth : As the voice of the Legislature and people of Massachusetts, I welcome you to this capitol to-day. " Your presence brings before us our own past, bitter in its experi- ence, but glorious in its history. We once had apostles of liberty on whose heads a price was set, who were hunted by tyranny from their homes, and threatened with expulsion from civilized life. That day of oppression and anxiety with us is ended. It introduced a contest for 72 K0S3CTU IN KEW EXGLAND. human riglits, ivhose results on this continent you have seen, in the extent, character and power, of the American repuhhc. " The people of ]\Iassachusetts, insjDired by their early history, and animated by the impulses of their hearts, gi'eet you as one -who has nobly served and suffered in the cause of individual freedom and the rights of states. Nor will their admiration be hmited by any consid- eration arising from the fate of your country, or the failure of the patriotic hopes with which it was inspired. Liberty can never die. The generations of men appear and pass away, but the principles and aspirations of their nature are immortal. " Despotism is of time. It contains within itself the elements and the necessity of decay and death. Fifty years of your eventful life are past ; but take courage, sir, in the belief that, in the providence of God, the moment is near when the light of freedom shall penetrate the darkness of European despotism. Then shall your own Hungary welcome you to her fields and mountains, to her homes and heart ; and we will welcome Hungary to the family of republican, constitutional, sovereign states. " In the name of the people, I tender to you the hospitahties of a commonwealth founded by Exiles and Pilgrims." To this cordial welcome to the capitol of Massachusetts, Kossuth replied as follows : " I feel deeply sensible of the immense benefit which a happy and prosperous people has conferred upon an unfortunate people. Moments like the present can only be felt, not spoken. I feel a deep emotion, sir. I am not ashamed of it. Allow me only to say that, in taking that hand, the hand of the people of Massachusetts, and having listened in your voice to the sentiments and feelings of the people of Massachu- setts, I indeed cannot forbear to believe that humanity has arrived to a great turning point in its destinies, because such a sight was never yet seen on earth. "Conquerors, triumphant and proud of success, confer honors and glory on a poor exile, having nothmg to speak for him but his mis- fortunes. " Sir, the spirit of liberty is lasting ; liberty cannot die, because it has become the common sentiment of all humanity. The spirit of liberty takes itself wings, — you are happy to be the first-born son of that spirit ; but we accept our condition just to be one of its martyrs ; KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 73 and I look ■witli hope, I look Tvitli confidence, into the future, because that spirit which prepared for the poor exile the present day will be recorded in the records of history, and will mark the destiny of coming centuries. I cannot speak further. I am proud to have your hands in mine. " And be sure, sir, and let your generous people be sure of it, that, whatever be our future destiny, we shall never, in our struggles and misfortunes and adversities, we shall never forget the generous Gov- ernor of Massachusetts, and the generous people of Massachusetts, and they shall never have reason to regret that we have been honored in this immense nation. God Almighty bless you, sir, and bless ypu all ! "I take these honors proudly, 'because I take them not for myself, but in the name of my people, in whose name I express my most humble,' my eternal thanks." After this speech, Kossuth was introduced to several official persons, and llien the procession was re-formed, and marching through Park, Tremont, Court, State, Commercial, South Market streets, to Mer- chants-row, Ann, Blackstone, Hanover and Court streets, reached the Revere House about half-past two o'clock. Here a collation was in readiness for the party. '^_ . : In the afternoon Kossuth reviewed the troops on the Common. The lines were drawn as usual at the foot of the Common, and the surround- ' ing hiUs were covered with the assembled thousands, like vast swarms of human bees. The members of the Legislature and Council moved in procession from the state-house, sind took a position on the side hill within the lines, in front of the military. .After the troops had been drawn up in line on three sides of the field, Kossuth, mounted oh a fine Arabian chai-ger, and accompanied by Governor Boutwell on an elegant cream- colored steed, appeared on the field, and was , greeted by the thunders of the artillery. Attended by! General Edmands and staff, they rode leisurely in front of the line ; and then, passing around in the rear, took position in the centre, when the great Hungarian received the salute of the companies, as they marched by. ';' • (j The review was a very imposing pageant, and was witnessed by. fifty thousand spectat6re. ■< Including the Light Dragoons, some one. thou- sand six hundred, of the volunteer mihtia were in the field. The -vari- ety of the glittering uniforms, the brilliant glancing to and fro of the several staffs, the cortege of the governor and foreign guest, together 7 74 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. with the multitudes tyIio lined tlie hills and streets around the field, presented altogether a spectacle not often surpassed in this country. The ceremonies on tlie Common lasted until sunset. On their con- clusion, Kossuth was escorted back to the Kevere House by the Light Dragoons, and the governor by the Cadets to the state-house. The day was remarkably pleasant, and many strangers were in town to witness the proceedings. Notwithstanding the crowded state of the streets, but few accidents occurred. > In the evening Kossuth dined at the E-evere House, as the guest of the Legislative Committee. The entertainment was private, and there was no report of the proceedings. , At night there was quite a display of fireworks in front of the Kevere House, and a large number of persons were collected in Bow- doin-square. In answer to their cheers, Kossuth appeared at his parlor window, and acknowledged the compliment by bowing, but did not speak. KOSSUTH AT THE STATE-HOUSE. At eleven o'clock, Wednesday morning, April 28th, Kossuth left the Revere House, and, escorted by the Independent Cadets, proceeded through streets thronged with a dense and excited multitude, to the State-house. He first visited the Council-chamber, to pay his respects to the Governor of Massachusetts. The meeting was not witnessed by any reporters, and only a sketch of what occurred can be given. Governor Boutwell addressed Kossuth briefly, but an important thought was embodied in these brief remarks. He welcomed Kossuth to the Council-chamber of the executive government of Massachusetts, not only as a representative of freedom in Europe and an advocate of republicanism for her people, but as a man whose, efibrts were import- ant to America — whose mission had been the means of imparting important instruction to the people of the United States. , ■ Kossuth, in response, said these remarks from his Excellency, in the . place where he made them, added a new and very important benefit to the -many he had received in the United States as an advocate for national independence. He would be ashamed to claim that, pleading his (jountry's wrongs and asserting her rights, his efibrts had instructed the people of America upon the natm-e and greatness of their own institutions, or the great blessings of their freedom ; but, if the princi- KOSSTjm IN NEW ENGLAND. 75 pies he advocated had been extended by means of the press in the United States, which had everyTvhere reported his speeches, and any instruction for liberty had been derived from them, it was only because there was community in liberty ; and it was a necessity for the agita- tion of liberty in one part of the world to benefit all other parts where the rights of man were respected. He proceeded to speak of the great necessity of the agitation of liberal principles, that the people of the world might learn practically to hate despotism ; and then he thanked the Governor aud Council for the high honor conferred upon him in the name of hberty. At the conclusion of his reply, he was introduced to the members of the Council. Immediately afterward, the door of the Council-cham- ber leading into the ante-room was opened, and a large number of ladies and gentlemen, who had been admitted there on tickets, passed "in review" before Kossuth, and were presented to him. During the introduction Governor Boutwell stood on his left, the Secretary of State on his left, and before him stood the members of his suite, — Pulszky, Hajnik, and Captains Kalapsza and Grechenek, — in full uniform. At twelve o'clock precisely, Kossuth, accompanied by his suite and a portion of the State Committee, was conducted from the Council- chamber to the Senate-chamber, the floor and lobbies and galleries of which were crowded with spectatoi's, most of whom were ladies. He was introduced by Hon. Whiting Griswold to General Wilson, the President of the Senate, who addressed him thus : " GovERNOK KossTTH : The Senate of this ancient commonwealth receives this visit with emotions of the liveliest gratification. I am sure I utter the voice of the whole Senate, in bidding you welcome to this branch of the Legislature. " The Senate of this commonwealth entertains the most profound sympathy with your country in her misfortunes, and for you, her exiled leader and champion. The Senate of Massachusetts receives you to-day as the representative of Hungary, and the champion of her freedom. The voice of the Senate in regard to your father-land, to the conduct of the house of Hapsburg, the intervention of the Czar of Russia, your own position as the acknowledged head of your nation, and the duty of the republic as one of the nations, has been expressed and placed upon the records of the government. Those resolutions 76 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. may be read bj all men, tlovt and in tKe future ; for tliey utter the sentiments of the people of Massachusetts. "Your gallant nation lias failed in its noble struggle for national indej)endence. Hungary lies at the feet of the perfidious house of Hapsburg. But she Trill rise again. ' Truth naked is stronger than falsehood in mail ; The wrong cannot prosper, the right cannot faiL' " You have laid your hand on the heart of Massachusetts. I trust, sir, that heart beats strong and true to freedom and humanity. " The Senate of Massachusetts indulges the hope that j-our nation may soon call you from exile, that you may give her your counsels in estabhshing her nationality and freedom. Hanng established the free- dom of your country, like our Washington, may you retire to the quiet scenes of private life, surrounded by your grateful countrymen, in the bosom of your family, in the companionship of your Tvife, Tvhose devotion has cheered your heart, amid the cares of public life, in impris- onment and exile, and iron the sympathy of every manly heart. "When life's labors are done, its duties all performed, may you be cheered by the assurance that you have been true to your native land ! May your eye, as it looks for the last time on the scenes of earth, see your banner — the flag of Hungary — floating in peace and freedom ! May your ear drink in the sweet music of the approving voice of your j)eople ; and may your soul be cheered by the consolation, that when your heart ceases forever to beat, it Tvill mingle Tvith the dust of your father-land!" Kossuth's speech in the senate. "Mr. Pkesident and Senators : To be thus received by the official representatives of the people of the noble State of Massachu- setts, is an honor of which any man may justly feel proud. Such a moment is worth a hfetime ; and it is from the deepest emotions of my heart that I appreciate it and thank you for it. But, Mr. President and Senators, I have nothing to say here, but to bow with deep respect to the representatives of the majesty of the people. " I thank them for their generous welcome, and acknowledge, with profound gratitude, the resolutions of this eminent Senate, to which you, ISIr. President, have referred. Your resolutions are revelations of your own brave nation's destiny. They contain, they embody, the jDrinciples of your fathers, of hatred to oppression, and sympathy with KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 77 ■(vliomsoever resists it. I recognize in them the indomitable sjiirit Tfliich led your glorious ancestors to quit all rather than submit ; and, after a century and a half more, to fight to the last, rather than sur- render to tyranny. "I recognize in them that energy, unequalled and unparalleled, Tvhich comijelled victory in an unequal contest, and has steadily since raised your great country to a like unparalleled height in moral majesty and national jDrosperity, in freedom, and the demonstration of capacity in the people for self-government. I recognize that prudent sagacity •ffhich taught to avoid the commission of error, — that philan- thropy of a generous, open heart, -which induces pity and sympathy for the victim of wrong and cruelty, and eager approval of self-absolu- tion. " Nq-w I have laid my hand on the hearts of the people of free Amer- ica ; and I ask them to take the part of my own oppressed and bleeding country. And you know and I know that our cause must succeed. Whatever may be the fate of single individual men, the cause of liberty must triumph. " Tou, Mr. President, have been kind enough to wish for me, an humble laborer in her behalf, a high position in my country, when she is disenthralled. My aspiration is not so high. It is my jwayer, through the generous sympathy of free America, to have the happi- ness to see my country free, and to enjoy a quiet life in the midst of my people, my family, and my friends. And that is all for me that I can wish. " And now I know that my coming back to Europe will not be with the sign of despondency and despair, but will give hope and confidence to millions of hearts that now beat in Hungary with anxiety for sym- pathy from the people of this great and free and happy land. I have the hope to bring over to my sufiering fellow-men the assurance of your aid and your regard ; and be assured their gratitude and admira- tion will be imperishable. " Mr. President and Senators, once again I thank you for your cordial and warm-hearted reception." At the conclusion of Kossuth's remarks, on motion of Mr. Haze- well, the Senate adjourned. At half-past twelve o'clock the State Committee was announced to the House, and Governor Kossuth made his appearance, in company with Mr. Hopkins, of Northampton, chaii-man of the committee. 7* 78 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. ]\Ir. Hopkins said: "Sir. Speaker, I have tlie honor to introduce to you, sii-, and tkrougli you to the House of Kepresentatives, the guest of the commomvealth, Governor Kossuth, of Hungary." The members of the House rose during the introduction ; and, on their resuming their seats, Mr. Banks, the speaker, addressed him as follows : THE speaker's address. " In the name of the Representatives of the people of Massachusetts, sir, I hid you a cordial welcome to their haU of legislation. "It is at rai-e intervals only that individual virtue and capacity so distinguish men as to make them proper recipients of public honors. " Your devotion to the cause of liberty and your country ; the per- sonal sacrifices you have been called upon to make in her behalf; the energy and skill with which, in the flush of success, you marshalled her Hmited resources in unequal contests ; that unshrinking courage and confidence with which, amid betrayal of high public trusts, and the pangs of overwhelming defeat, you still upheld her honor and her flag ; the constancy, eloquence and wisdom, with which, in exile, you have ■\'indicated her rights, challenge our highest admiration. " To you,. in person, the people have spoken their appreciation and approval, in language that requires from us no interpretation, with an earnestness and warmth that exclude possibility of dissimulation or distrust. " The people of Massachusetts, sir, appreciate and love the liberty they enjoy. They desire the extension of their privileges to their brethren of less favored nations. They have full confidence in the ultimate triumph of liberty throughout the world. It is with them a feeUng universal, rather than local. It is confined to no temporary division. It is limited to no period of their history. " However they may difier as to methods of averting public evil or the attainment of a general good, there is, as to this great end, but one hope, but one prayer. It is for liberty ! Whether it come from one who, with an easy confidence, trusts to the dispensation of Providence and the power of truth for the establishment of the principles you this day represent, — toleration among governments, equahty and justice among men, — or from another, who, with a larger and stronger faith in human agencies, looks for a day not far distant, when England shall lead the column of republican states in the Old World ; when every race in Europe shall attain that nationality wliich is its bu-thright, and for KOSSUTH IN NEW EKGLAND. 79 which it yearns ; when every kingdom, like the family in domestic life, shall perpetuate an existence of birth, rather than of conquest or des- potic favor ; its nilers, like its flag, the choice of the people, and both symbols of their peace, prosperity, and freedom, — that aspiration, that prayer, is still everywhere and always for liberty ! " We cannot but look with anxiety, with alarm, upon the aggrega- tion and consolidation of adverse interests and powers, in other quar- ters of the globe. Still less, sir, were we worthy of that noble heritage we have received from God and our fathers, could we receive without sympathy and without honors one whose life has been devoted to the establishment in such quarters of the principles of government, coeval with our existence as a republic, which constitute our national strength, and which make individual life sweeter at its close for the freedom that has blessed it, — absolute rights of states, unqualified ' liberties of the people. " Accept, sir, for yourself and your companions in exile, our sym- pathy for your misfortunes, and our warmest wishes for your personal welfare ; our prayers, and, within the limits of our laws, our individ- ual cooperation, for the immediate restoration of the independence of Hungary. " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : I present to you the distinguished statesman of Hungary ; the chosen governor of its people ; the assertor of its rights ; the defender of its liberties ; its last, but still reliable hope, — Governor Kossuth, — the illustrious guest of the commonwealth ! " KOSSUTH'S SPEECH TO THE HOUSE. "In the echo of every step I make on this hallowed ground, in every object which meets my eye, in my being received thus as I am, and in my standing here thus as I stand, there is such an awful and majestic revelation of the most wonderful operation of that Providence which rules the destinies of humanity, that my very voice shrinks back from facing from my lips, and I feel as if the spirit of coming events was whispering into my ears. ' Eow in adoration before the finger of God, and follow silently his wink, — man has to be silent when history speaks.' And it is history which speaks. "Who would have thought that the modest vessel which, two hun- dred and thirty years ago, landed the handful of Pilgrims on Plymouth Rock, was fraught with the palladium of the world's history ? Op- 80 KOSSDTU IN NEW ENGLAND. pression drove them from their ancient European home to the -wilder- ness of an unknown wrld. The Mayfloiver developed into a tree of freedom. Where the -wilderness stood, there now a mighty Christian nation stands, unequalled in liberty, unequalled in general intelhgence and general prosperity,' — a glorious evidence of mankind's sovereign capacity for self-government. " Oppression drove me from my native land, the battle-field -where the destinies of Christendom have been decided in former times, and the destinies of Christian civihzation are to be decided again. Op- pression drove me from that hallowed, martyred land ; and I come an exile to the asylum of the oppressed, developed into a home of hberty. But I come not to ask an asylum, not to seek a new home. I come to claim from the happy sons of the Pilgrim Fathers a brother's hand for the oppressed of the Old World, that the old house where hun- dreds of millions dwell may not be doomed to become a jail to all those millions. And, humble as I am, the cause I plead is great. It is the cause of the community in mankind's destinies ; and, because I plead that cause, because in my very misfortune there is a principle dear to your hearts, you honor the poor exile as no triumpher -was hon- ored yet. You honor the misfortune of my people as no success was ever honored. I feel that it is almost presumptuous to say the words, ' I thank you.' It has something personal in it ; it looks as if I had the arrogance to think that I have personally a share in the honors I meet ; and — God knows my heart — that is not the case ! "Massachusetts thus welcoming unfortunate Hungary as it does, is a revelation of mankind's nobility ; it is a revelation of the commu- nity in mankind's destiny ; it is the spirit of liberty opening the book of the mysteries of the future, that it may be known to the world what it is Hungary has to do, and Avhat it is America will do. Our part is the danger and the suffering. We know it ; y,-e accept it with firm resolution and self-resignation. My land is the emblem of resistance. An humble shrub, we stood our place through centuries, and not only resisted the hurricane threatening to blast Christianity, but checked its course. We will resist the hurricane of despotism, Areatening to blast the freedom and civilization of the Christian world ; and, God and America helping, we will check its course. We bear a double cross in our arms, — we bear it in our history. The mountains of Hungary, upon which that emblem of martyrdom, was planted, are a Golgotha ; but Golgotha is not the hill of death, — it is the hill of res- un-ection and eternal life, triumphant over the doors of hell. When KOSSUTH IN XEW ENGLAND. »1 ■we had to bcai- the first cross, a long night of one hundred and eighty years lay gloomily over our Golgotha ; and still the day of resurrection came. "Now we have to bear the second cross, the night of death -will not be so long. The stars of America are bright like a sun. It is from this place here that they have risen fii-st ; it is from that place here that they shone fii-st, a sun of consolation and of hope to oppressed human- ity ; and this place here is so high in moral majesty as that its glorious light cannot but spread over the horizon of the Christian Tvorld. It is not yet three years that Hungary is nailed to the second emblematical cross. The number three is ominous in mankind's history. This is our part, — danger, and sufferings, and resurrection. The part you will act is glorious. Oppression drove your Pilgrim Fathers from Europe. The sons of the Pilgrims wiU send back, in requital — LIB- ERTY! There is justice in divine decrees, and there is logic in his- tory. The stone which the builders rejected has become the headstone of the comer. Hallowed be the name of the mighty God ! " Sir, ' Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem' is the motto of Massachusetts. Algernon Sydney wrote these words; he wrote them with that hand which he styled to be hostile to tyrants. Alas, poor Sydney ! thy motto led thee to the scaffold, to find the mild tran- quillity of freedom only in the cold grave. But thy martyr blood was not spilt in vain. Thy motto, deadly to thee, mortal man, became successful reality as an immortal nation. The motto must go around the world, and it will. I have a right to say it is mine. There is no living man on earth who has more right to say, ' Manus hmc inimica tyj'annis.' I have a right to say the motto is my people's. There is no people on earth which has more right to say that it is determined to search with the sword freedom's mild tranquillity ; and it will find it. Sydney has died on the scaffold, and Warren on the battle-field. They were mortal men. and I am an exile. I may die on the scaffold, or on the battle-field. I am a mortal man ; but liberty has triumphed on Bunker's Hill, and it will triumph around Buda's Hill. The former was the first battle ; the latter will be the last. Out of the martyr blood spilt on Bunker Hill the tree of Freedom arose, spread- ing its mighty branches over a republic of more than twenty millions. That tree is overshadowed gloomily by the tree of Russian despotism, stretching its branches far beyond its own field. There is no place for these two trees on the earth. One must wither, that the other may live. The spirit of this necessity moves through the air of free Amer- 82 KOSSUTH IN KEW EXGLAND. ica. The instinct of the people and your far enlightened sagacity are aware of it. The ■welcome you honor me ivith is a manifestation of a principle. I cannot better express my gratitude for it than by pledging my people's word that, Massachusetts may rely upon it, Hungary will do her duty for the spreading of the triumph of those principles which inspired your approbation and your encouragement to the people of Hungary, in honoring its cause in its exiled chief" This speech, delivered as it was witb consummate grace and energy, was listened to with the utmost attention, and made a profound and most favorable impression on the House. At its conclusion, on motion of Mr. Hopkins, of Northampton, the House took a recess of half an hour, and were conducted by divisions to the room whither Kossuth had retired, and were there introduced to him. After the presentation ceremonies were finished, the House, on motion of Mr. Warren, of Boston, adjourned to the next day. Next day, on motion of Mr. Nettleton, of Chicopee, the House, by unani- mous vote, ordered the address of the Speaker and the reply of Kos- suth to be entered on the journal. KOSSUTH IN FANETJIL HALL. It had been announced that Kossuth would speak in Faneuil Hall on Thursday evening, April 29, and that no one should be admitted to the hall who could not exhibit a Hungarian bond to the doorkeep- ers. The hour assigned for the opening of tbe meeting was eight o'clock. But, as there was no means of knowing the number of Hun- garian bonds in possession of the people of Boston and its vicinity, great solicitude was felt by many who were supplied with bonds lest they should fail of getting in. Hours before the opening, the crowd began to assemble ; and, when the doors were opened at six o'clock, it had become so densely packed in the street before the ball that there was no moving through it, and some ladies fainted before the pressure was relieved by admission. By seven o'clock the hall had become filled, and the pressure at the centre was uncomfortably severe. Few larger audiences ever gathered in Faneuil Hall, and probably none so remarkable for intelligence and character. There was an unusual proportion of ladies, who not only occupied' a large part of the galle- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 83 ries, but much of the space beneath the galleries, and to some extent mingled uith the cioyfd in the centre. The time was whiled away good-humoredly, by appropriate cheers and exclamations; and by calling on various speakers — generally in vain. Senator Mj'ron Lawrence, however, responded to a loud call, and handsomely excused himself from a speech, with a high compliment to the speaker who was expected. At a later period he stepped for- ward again on the platform, and said that he had some sins to confess on this occasion. He had been guilty of thinking of late, with some others, that the person who was to address us was what is called a humbug. But he had seen him, and he now thought differently. He now beheved him to be a true advocate of his country's cause, and of human liberty. He had seen the honest tear stand in his eye. He had seen the modest, truthful bearing of the man, — that he had no tricks of the orator, but spoke straight-forward, — and now he gave it up. He now believed him to be sincere in his professions, and honest in his sentiments ; and he prayed Almighty God to grant him a glorious suc- cess. This frank and manly acknowledgment, so honorable to Mr. Laivrence, was received with unanimous and hearty applause, and put the meeting in the best possible humor. At a few minutes before eight o' clock. Senator Alden, of the Legis- lative Committee, announced the officers selected for the meeting as follows : President — Hjs Excellency, Governor George S. Boutwell. Vice-presidents — His Honor, Lieutenant-governor Hem-y W. Cushman ; Col. William Schouler, of Boston; Hon. Stephen C. Phil- lips, of Salem ; Abner Curtis, of East Abington ; Charles G. Greene, of Boston : Hon. E. H. Kellogg, of Pittsfield ; Hon. Moses Wood, of Fitchburg ; Hon. Myron Lawrence, of Belchertown ; Hon. Charles C. Hazewell, of Concord ; and Samuel May, of Boston. Secretaries — John Milton Earle, of Worcester ; Henry L. Dawes, of Adams; George Roberts, of Boston; and John J. Baker, of Beverly. At eight o'clock Kossuth arrived. With considerable difficulty a passage was opened for him, and for the officers and committee, who. escorting the distinguished guest through the crowd, now came forward, and took their seats. The moment Kossuth reached the stacre, there was a prolonged tempest of applause, with waving of hats and kerchiefs like a whirlwind. When silence was restored, Governor Boutwell took the platform, and addi'essed the audience. 84 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. GOVERNOR BOUTWELL'S SPEECH. " Gentlemen : We have come from tlie exciting and majestic scenes of the reception -ffhicli the peojole of Massachusetts have given to the «xiled son of an oppressed and distant land, that, on this holy spot, associated in our minds -with the eloquence, the patriotism, the virtue of the Revolution, ire may listen to liis sad story of the past, and con- template his plans and hopes for the future. And shall these associa- tions Tvhich belong to us, and this sad story -which belongs to human- ity, fail to inspire our souls and instnict our minds in the cause of freedom 1 Europe is not like a distant ocean, whose agitations and storms give no impulse to the wave that gently touches our shore. The introduction of steam power and the development of commercial energy are blending and assimilating our civilities and institutions. Europe is nearer to us in time than the extreme parts of this country are to each other. As all of us are interested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among our fellow-men, so as a nation are we inter- ested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among the nations and states of Europe. " Never before was the American mind so intelligently directed to European afiairs. We have not sought, nor shall we seek, the con- trol of those affairs. But we may scan and judge their character, and prepare ourselves for the exigencies of national existence to which we may be called. I do not hesitate to pronounce the opinion that the policy of Europe will have a visible effect upon the character, power and destiny, of the American republic. That policy, as indicated by Russia and Austria, is the work of centralization, consolidation and absolutism. American policy is the antagonist of this. "We are pledged to liberty and the sovereignty of states. Shall a contest between our own principles and those of our enemies awaken no emotion in us ? " We believe that government should exist for the advantage of the individual members of the body pohtic, and not for the use of those who, by birth; foi-tune, or personal energy, may have risen to positions of power. " We recognize the right of each nation to establish its own institu- tions, and regulate its own affairs. " Our Revolution rests upon this right, and otherwise is entirely inde- fensible. KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 85 " The policy of this nation, as well foreign as domestic, should be con- trolled by American principles, that the world may know ive have faith in the government we have established. " While we cannot adopt the cause of any other people, or make the quarrels of European nations our own, it is our duty to guard the principles peculiar to America, as well as those entertained by us in common with the civilized world. " One principle, which should be universal in states, as among indi- vidual men, is, that each should use his own in such a way as not to injure that ivhich belongs to another. " Russia violated this principle when she inteifered in the affairs of Hungary, and thus weakened the obligations of other states to respect the sovereignty of the Russian empife. "The independent existence of the continental states of Europe is of two-fold importance to America. Important politically, important commercially. " As independent states, they deprive Russia, the central and absorb- ing power of Europe, of the opportunity on the Mediterranean to inter- fere in the politics and civilities of this continent. Russia and the United States are as unlike as any two nations which ever existed. If Russia obtains control of Europe by the power of arms, and the United States shall retain this continent by the power of its principles, war will be inevitable ; as inevitable as it was in former days that war should arise between Carthage and Rome, — Carthage, which sought to extend her power by commerce, and Rome, which sought to govern, the world by the SAVord. The independence of the states of Europe is, then, the best security for the peace of the world. If these states exist, it must be upon one condition only — that each state is permit- ted to regulate its own affairs. If the voice of the United States and Great Britain is silent, will Russia allow these states to exist upon this principle 1 Has she not already partitioned Poland, menaced Tur- key, divided with the Sultan the sovereignty of Wallachia, infused new energy into the despotic councils of Austria, and finally aided her in an unholy crusade against the liberties of Hungary ? Have we not, then, an interest in the affairs of Europe ? And, if we have an inter- est, ought we not to use the rights of an independent state for its pro- tection 1 " The second consideration is commercial. " Centralization, absolutism, destroy commerce. The policy of Rus- sia diminishes production, and limits markets. Whenever she adds a 86 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. state to her dominions, the commerce of the vrorld is diminished. Great Britain and the United States, which possess three-fourths of the com- mercial marine of the globe, are interested to prevent it. Our com- merce at this moment with despotic states is of very little importance, and history shows that in every age commerce has flourished in pro- portion to the freedom of the people. " These, gentlemen, are poor -words and barren thoughts upon the great European question of the time, — a question which America in her own name, and for hereelf, must meet at some future day, if now she shall fail to meet it firmly, upon well-settled principles of national law, for the protection and assistance of other states. " I have done. The exiled patriot shall speat for himself Not for himself only, nor for the land and people of Hungary he loves so well, but for Europe and America even, he speaks. Before you he pleads your own cause. It is to a just tribunal I present a noble advocate. And to him it shall be a bright spot, in the dreary waste of the exile's life, that to-night he pleads the cause of Hungary and humanity where once Otis, and Adams, and Hancock, and Quincy, pleaded the cause of America and liberty. "Gentlemen, I present to you Governor Kossuth, of Hungary." Kossuth came forward upon the platform, and was received with nine thundering cheers. He was dressed in his fine Hungarian cos- tume, with a sword ; and spoke from notes, in so distinct a voice that the first syllable he uttered was heard in the remotest corner of that Tast hall. Notwithstanding the disadvantage of the notes, and of speaking in a tongue foreign to him, he held the attention of the crowded and physically suffering assembly most perfectly till the last ■word, which all seemed to feel had come too soon. The Common- wealth says : " We can only account for the quiet and interested attention of a Faneuil Hall audience to a read speech, in a foreign accent, by the exquisite, and, we might say, aromatic deliciousness of the style, and the triumphant force of the thought. It swayed the mind like inspiration." KOSSUTH'S SPEECH IN FANEUIL HALL. "Ladies anp Gentlemen : Do me the justice to beheve that I rise not.with any pretension to eloquence, within the Cradle of Amer- ican Liberty. If I were standing upon the ruins of Prytancum, and KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 87 had to speak whence Demosthenes spoke, my tongue would refuse to obey, my words would die away upon my lips, and I would listen to the winds, fraught with the dreadful realization of his unheeded proph- ecies. " Spirit of American eloquence, frown not at my boldness, that I dare abuse Shakspeare's language in Faneuil Hall ! It is a strange fate, and not my choice. " My tongue is fraught with a down-trodden nation's wrongs. The justice of my cause is my eloquence; but misfortune may approach the altar whence the flame arose which roused your fathers from deg- radation to independence. I claim my people's share in the benefit of the laws of nature, and of nature's God. I will nothing add to the historical reputation of these walls ; but I dare hope not to sully them, by appealing to those maxims of truth, the promulgation of which made often tremble these walls, from the thundering cheers of free- men, roused by the clarion sound of inspired oratory. " ' Cradle of American Liberty ! ' — it is a great name : but there is something in it . which saddens my heart. You should not say, ' Ainerican Liberty? You should say, ' Liberty in America.^ Lib- erty should not be either American or European, — it should be just ' Liberty.^ God is God. He is neither America's God nor Europe's God ; he is God. So should liberty be. ' American Liberty ' has much the sound as if you would say, ' American privilege.' And there is the rub. Look to history, and, when your heart saddens at the fact that liberty never yet was lasting in any corner of the world, and in any age, you will find the key of it in the gloomy truth, that all who yet were free regarded liberty as their privilege, instead of regarding it as a principle. The nature of every privilege is esclu- siveness ; that of a principle is communicative. Liberty is a principle, — its community is its security, — exclusiveness is its doom. "What is aristocracy? It is exclusi^ liberty; it is privilege; and aristocracy is doomed, because it is contrary to the destiny and welfare of man. Aristocracy should vanish, not in the nations, but also from amongst the nations. So long as that is not done, liberty will nowhere be lasting on earth. It is equally fatal to individuals as to nations, to believe themselves beyond the reach of vicissitudes. To this proud reliance, and the isolation resulting, therefrom, more victims have fallen than to oppression by immediate adversities. You have prodigiously grown by your freedom of seventy-fiv^Krears ; but what is seventy-five year's to take for a charter of imm'ortality ? No, no ! 05 KOSSUTH IX NEW EXGLAXD. my humble tongue tells the records of eternal truth. A privilege never can be lasting. Liberty restricted to one nation never can be sure. You may say, ' We are the prophets of God ; ' but you shall not say, ' God is only our God.' The Jews have said so, and the pride of Jerusalem lies in the dust. Our Saviour taught all humanity to say, ' Our Father in heaven ; ' and his Jerusalem is lasting to the end of days. " ' There is a community in mankind's destiny.' That was the greeting which I read on the arch of welcome on the Capitol Hill of Massachusetts. I pray to God the republic of America would weigh the eternal truth of those words, and act accordingly. Liberty in America would then be sure to the end of time. But if you say ' American Liberty,' and take that grammar for your policy, I dare say the time will yet come when humanity will have to mourn over a new proof of the ancient truth, that without community national fi-eedom is never sure. You should change ' Ainerican Liberty ' into ' Lib- erty,' — then liberty would be forever sure in America, and that which found a cradle in Faneuil Hall never would find a coffin through all coming days. I like not the word cradle connected with the word liberty, — it has a scent of mortahty. But these are vain words, I know ; though in the life of nations the spirits of future be marching in present events, visible to every reflecting mind, still those who fore- tell them are charged with arrogantly claiming the title of prophets, and prophecies are never beheved. However, the cradle of American liberty is not only famous from the reputation of having been, always the hsts of the most powerful eloquence ; it is still more conspicuous for having seen that eloquence attended by practical success. To understand the mystery of this rare circumstance, a man must see the people of New England, and especially the people of Massachusetts. " Li what I have seen of New England, there are two things the evidence of which strikes the observer at every step, — prosperity and intelhgence. I have seen thousands assembled, following the noble impulses of generous hearts ; almost the entire population of every city, of every town, of every village, where I passed, gathered around me, thi-owing the flowers of consolation in my thorny way. I can say I have seen the people here, and I have looked at it with a keen eye, sharpened in the school of a toilsome life. Well, I have seen not a sin- gle man bearing mark of that poverty upon himself which in old Europe strikes people of America, have decided to answer that necessity. I have laid my hand upon your people's heart, and I have watched the logic in the progress of exigencies ; and I dare say, with firm confidence, the fore- told instruction of that monument's majestic eldtiuence is felt by the people's instinct, and is fully comprehended by the intelligence of Massachusetts. And the new exigencies of new times will be answered by Massachusetts with that energy with which it has answered the exigencies of all former times. The Pilgrim Fathers founded a com- munity ; — the battle of Bunker Hill founded a nation ; — the ap- proaching struggle for liberty in Europe will see this nation a mighty power on earth ! That is what we wish, and that is what I hope ; and that hope will not, cannot fail ! « " Gentlemen, a great crisis is approaching in the condition of the ■world ; but the world is prepared for that crisis. There is a great change in the spirit of time, now-a-days ; and I myself am an humble evidence of it. Principles weigh more than success ; and, therefore, principles will meet success. " I remember well, when your forefathers were about to fight the battle of Bunker Hill, there was a periodical paper at Boston, — Tory Massachusettensis was its name, — which dared to say, that ' the annals of the world have not yet been deformed with a single instance of so unnatural, causeless, wanton and wicked a rebellion.' So it styled, the KOSSUTH I-\ NEW ENGLAND. 135 sacred cause -which the Adamses, the Hancocks, advised, Washington led, and for which Warren bled ! " And now that cause fills the brightest page in the annals of humanity. But it was success, and its unparalleled results, which cast the lustre of that glory around it. Unsuccessful, its memory might have been blasted with the name of an ill-advised rebellion. " Now-a-days, it is not success which makes the merit of a cause, but its prmciple. The results of the day of Bunker Hill have changed the basis of future history, because it gave birth to a mighty nation, whose very existence is the embodiment of a principle, true like truth itself, and lasting like eternity. " It would be strange, indeed, should that principle forsake itself. No, it will not, it cannot, do it. Great is the destiny of your nation. You approach it not in vain, with so successful, gigantic steps. Op- portunity will do the rest. Upon this, humanity may with confidence rely, and opportunity will come. Its forecast shadow is already seen. " I could wish, for my poor country's sake, that you should be pleased to make that opportunity, having the power to do so. But I know great bodies move slowly, and feel consoled with the assurance that it will move when opportunity will come. In the mean time, your private generosity, tendered to our unmerited misfortunes, is planning the way ; and should we not feel strong enough to create opportunity, supported by your benevolence, we will not be unprepared to catch it when it comes. " It wiU be gratifying to your noble hearts to hear the fact that the reception America has honored me with, the sympathy which you manifest, came like a healing balm over my country's bleeding wounds, and, warming my people's heart like as the May sun warms the soil, added the cheerfiilness of confidence to the resolution of patriotism. I know my people well; I know what it did, what it was ready to do, when it was but duty it felt. I know what it can do, now that it hopes. " I thank you for it, not only in my people's name, but I am ex- pressly charged to tell the people of America that it has not spent its sympathy on a corpse. Hungary will answer the expectations of America. "And here let me cut short my words. In the place here, where the revelation of Providence is told by the eloquence of yonder monu- ment, reasoning would be a profanation on my part. At this moment, my very mind is concentrated in my heart. There stands the power- 136 KOSSUTH IN XEW EXGLAKD. ful orator. [Pointing to the monument.] Let his words find ;villing ears and susceptible hearts. I leave jou to the influence of his elo- quence. To me, his silent speech ivas the harmony of an angel's song. I leave this hallowed spot with consolation, joj, and confidence. The memory of my having stood here, honored by your attention, and encouraged by your sympathy, will strengthen my patience to endure, and my resolution to act ; and though the happiness of Washington may not- be my lot, the devotion of AVan-en will dwell in my breast. " With this resolution, I once more thank you, and bid you cor- dially farewell." Soon after the conclusion of his speech, Kossuth ascended the monument, to gaze upon the splendid views from the openings near the top. On descending, he, with his companions, was escorted to the residence of the mayor, where a number of the principal citizens of Charlestown were introduced to Kossuth. After a sumptuous repast, the Hungarians returned to Boston, and reached the Revere House at two o'clock, p. M. KOSSUTH IN THE GRAND LODGE. Kossuth being a Free Mason, the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts invited him to visit the Masonic Temple, on Monday evening, May 3. A very large number of the brethren assembled on the occasion. Rev. Mr. Randall, the Most Worshipful Grand Mastei-, presided; and, after the preliminaries were gone through with, he arose and addressed his illustrious brother as follows : "It affords me very great pleasure to meet you, my honored brother, within the walls of this temple, and, in the name of the fra- ternity^ over which I have the honor to preside, to bid j'ou a hearty welcome to the Grand Lodge of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the oldest Grand Lodge on this continent, and the parent of Free Masonry in this hemisphere. " It has been the ofBce of others, and in other places, to hail you as the eloquent advocate of the principles of popular liberty, and the champion of the freedom of your own dear but oppressed Hungary ; but it is our peculiar privilege to greet you under the endearing appel- lation of Brother, — to extend to you that hand which lies as near the KOSSUTU IN NEW ENGLAND. 137 heart \Yhen it is given to the virtuous and patriotic exile, ivho flies from the oppressions of tyranny, as when it i^, raised to cheer the good and the great, in the hour of triumphant success. " As men, -sve cannot be unmindful of the wants and the wrongs of our fellovi--men. As American men, we have a strong sympathy — and as long as we are worthy of that noble name, we always must have a strong and an abiding sympathy— for those nations of the earth who are struggling for what the Almighty has decreed to be the birthright of all who have been created in his own image. While the principles of our institution forbid the introduction of questions of religion and poli- tics, on which its members are necessarily divided, — while we guard our doors with a jealous vigilance against what does not belong to our institution, and which would compromise its chai-acter, and ruin its influence, by separating brethren, breaking the golden chain of fra- ternal unity, and thus hinder the great work of sacred charity which constitutes the bond and the purpose of our society — yet, as Masons, we may cherish and express a deep interest in those marvellous move- ments of the age which involve the happiness and the progress of the nations of the earth. " Be assured, my brother, we have not been indifferent spectators of the struggles in which you have been called, by the providence of God, to act so conspicuous a part. We sympathized with you and with your country when the sound of your name and the report of your cause first reached our shores ; nor need I say that that sympathy has been in no wise diminished, since to the respect which we owe to the virtu- ous, and the honor we pay to the patriotic, has been added the feehng of fraternal regard. " Allow me, my distinguished brother, to congratulate you on your introduction within the pale of the oldest and largest society of human origin ; a society which, while it is so memorable for its antiquity, is so honorable in its associations, elevating in its aims, and so beneficial in the results of its labors ; a society whose members are found in all lands, of every faith in religion, and of every party in politics. Of this ancient and honorable family you have now become a member, and to its benefits and its enjoyments we bid you a sincere welcome. " Providence saw fit to allow you to receive tuition from a very severe schoolmaster, and within the walls of a very contracted school- room, in the fortress of Buda, that you might learn that language which was to be the medium for the transmission of your -eloquent appeals to the Anglo-Saxon race ; but, beneath the smiling skies of the 12* 138 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. New World, witli kind brethi-en for your teachers, you have learned another language, Tvhich is hmited to no one nation or quarter of the globe ; ivhich constitutes a passport that no act of tyranny can destroy; a language which, while it addresses the eye or the ear, goes straight to the heart, and opens the fountain of love, and wakes up the con- science, if it be found asleep, and calls and secures a friend when a friend is needed. " I congratulate you on your union with a society, •which teaches Morality, Brotherly Love, Relief and Truth, as its first principles ; which is ever inculcating faith in God, hope in immortality, and char- ity to all mankind ; whose lessons of morality are drawn from God's eternal Word ; whose work is to relieve the distressed, and comfort the afflicted ; whose precepts are the lessons of love and loyalty, — duty to God, to ourselves, to our country, and to our fellow-men ; a society that throws its arms around the friendless stranger, and makes him feel that he has found a home in a land of strangers ; a society which takes the orphan by the hand, and protects the widow in her desolation, and proves itself a friend to whom they may look for coun- sel and for relief! " Although this society does not recognize any one form of religious faith, nor permit the discussion of religious differences in its assem- bUes, yet it rests upon principles that constitute the foundation of all true religion ; and, though it suffers no note of pohtical strife to mar the harmony of its labors, yet the influence of its instructions, and its practices, is to foster a spirit of enlightened liberty, by teaching the natural equality of all mankind, their common duties, and their com- mon destinies. It has always flourished best where the light of gen- eral intelligence has been most diffused, and the sun of civil liberty shone brightest. '■' Nowhere has this institution flourished more than in England and in the United States ; and nowhere are the principles of civil and religious liberty better understood and more fully enjoyed, nowhere are the people more intelligent or more happy. On the other hand, no- where has Free Masonry been more violently denounced, and its mem- bers more bitterly persecuted, than in those nations of the earth where the iron heel of desijotism is placed upon the necks of a degraded peo- ple. In proportion to the intelligence of a nation, the purity of its reli- gion, and liberality of its government, has this fraternity, as a general rule, flourished. This is not because it inculcates definite poUtical principles, or teaches any specific form of rehgious faith j but it has KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 139 incorporated into its very constitution that which is the life of all lib- erty, and the fountain of all religion. Its great light is God's Eternal Word. This lies always open upon its altar. This is the charter of all true liberty, the source and the support of all true elevation. It is a light which leads the people that follow it to that glorious height of intelligent independence, from which no hand of the oppressor can strike them down. Hence all despots, who rely for their power upon the ignorance or the superstition of the people, are the natural enemies of this institution, and always will be. They are afraid of it. Not altogether because it is secret, — for they know, or they may know, that it is open to all who are worthy and well qualified, even to their own courtiers, who may see that nothing is plotted against the safety of the state, — no, it is not secrecy that they fear. They dare not encourage or countenance a society which inculcates human equality, and takes the Word of God as its supreme rule. These despots are not so afraid of the darkness of treason as they are of the daylight of intelligence ; they do not dread the cabalistic signs of Free Masons, so much as they do the elevation of their subjects. ' They are in great fear, where no fear is.' " Thus it is that for ages Free Masonry has been outlawed in many of the nations of Europe. " In Portugal, in the last century, the bull of the Pope declared Free Masonry to be hei-esy ; and the horrors of the Inquisition were held up as a terror to all who should presume to declare themselves members of this fraternity. " In Spain, Pope Clement the Twelfth issued a decree in 1737, pro- nouncing the punishment of death against all who should be found guilty of practising the rites of our order. In 1740, Philip the Fifth declared the galleys for life, or punishment of death, the award for Free Masons, a large number of whom he had arrested and sentenced, after undergoing a long confinement in the prisons of the Inquisition. In 1751, Ferdinand the Sixth declared Free Masonry high treason, punishable with death. When the troops of France took possession of Spain, in 1807, Masonry was relieved from the power of the oppress- or, — lodges again assembled, under the protection of Joseph Bona- parte, who had been Grand Master in France. The Grand Lodge of Spain met in the very hall previously occupied by their enemies of tlie Inquisition! On the fall of Bonaparte and the restoration of Fer- dinand the Seventh, came the return of the Jesuits, the reorganization of the Inquisition, and the exterminating process against Free Masonry. 140 K0S3UTII IX NEir EXGLAND. As late as 1824. a law was passed requiring IMasons to deliver up all their papers and documents, or to be decreed traitors. It is said that in 1827 seven members of a lodge in Grenada were executed. The order is at present pursuing its objects without molestation. " In Austria. Free Masonry is scarcely known. '• In Russia, lodges were founded at St. Petersburg and INIoscow in 1786, and during the reign of Alexander, who was himself initiated in 1803, the institution was in some degree prosperous ; but, on the acces- sion of Nicholas to the throne, the light of Masonry was extinguished, and the institution is scarcely known throughout the wide dominions of this proud oppressor. '■ In 1785, there were several lodges in Hungary. "What may be the condition of the fraternity in that land, which has been the scene of struggles on which the world has been looking with the profoundest interest, I am not able to say. " But it is grateful to turn away from this darker part of the pic- ture, and to glance for a moment at our institution in its relations where liberty is the people's happy inheritance. It has been objected, even here, that its principles were inconsistent with the rights and prejudicial to the liberties of the people. What better answer can be made to that objection than the mention of the fact that, under Prov- idence, the master-spirits of the Revolution which secured our inde- pendence were Master Masons 1 What stronger proof need we have, in refutation of this objection, than is found in the fact that the pen which drew up that ever-memorable document, the Declaration of Independence, — that exponent of the natural rights of man, which has become'the pole-star of human liberty all the world over, — was held by a hand whose fidelity had been pledged to this institution ; and fifty-two, out of fifty-six, who signed that declaration, were also members of this fraternity ; while every major-general of that patriot army, who bravely defended these principles, belonged to this institu- tion '? We may surely ask, with great confidence, who understood the principles of civil liberty better, or loved them more, than this band of patriots, who pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honors, in defence of them ? This they did, not, indeed, because they were Masons, — since others were equally brave on the other side, who were also members of this fraternity, but who were equally loyal to their own government; thus showing that patriotism and loyalty to government, and devotion to the rights of man, were perfectly consist- ent with a strong attachment to an institution, where men — even KOSSUin IN NEW ENGLAND. 141 brethren — may be entirely divided in their views of political policy and civil duties. " When I turn my eye to that golden casket [pointing to a golden urn containing a lock of the hair of General Washington, presented to the Grand Lodge by Mrs. Washington], -which has been intrusted to my keeping as Grand Master of this Grand Lodge, I am reminded of him Avho, though ' first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of bis countrymen,' and whom all men must be content to approach proxivio longo iutervallo, and whom American men delight to call the ' Father of his Country,' yet wore that emblem of innocence and badge of a Mason, more ancient as well as more honorable than the golden fleece or Roman eagle ; who, when the American army was encamped in a neighboring town, at the very commencement of the Eevolntionary struggle, sat as a private member of a lodge with an orderly sergeant for his master, — and that, too, at a time when he was as much the dic- tator of his country as Caesar was of Rome. When I turn from this precious relic to that speaking picture [a portrait of General Warren], I behold the memorial of him who for five years held the ofiBce of Grand Master of this Grand Lodge, — the beloved and lamented Warren, who, on the 17th day of June, 1775, went forth to yonder height, at his country's call, to spill his martyr-blood in defence of the cause of American liberty. With such soldiers in the field, and such wisdom in the council, as distinguished him, who ' Eripuit coelo falmen, sceptrumque tyrannis,' our liberties were secured, under the smiles of that Providence which never forsakes a righteous cause. When these men, and such as these, were found firm friends of Masonry, as they were firm fi-iends of their country, it is not strange that we proudly claim this fact as a demonstration of the truth, that Masonry and liberty may go, and do go, hand in hand. " From the boastings that we have heard, of late years, one would imagine that the sentiment, ^Liberty, Equality, Fraternity' has been just discovered, and the French nation were entitled to the honor of this discovery. But this sentiment is an old principle in this ancient ■ institution. While that nation is amusing the world, and cursing itself, by alternately writing it upon its banners and its monuments, and then erasing it, as if principles had changed or could change, we have written it upon the pillars of our order, with the diamond of] 142 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. truth, in such characters that no red and reeking hand of Jacobin infi- delity can ever blot it out. " In this country I am happy to say that our order is in a highly flourishing condition. Yet even here, in this land of liberty, it has not always and altogether been free from the trials to -which, as you very well know, every good cause is exposed. The firos of persecu- tion have been lighted up here, even here, under the very eaves of Faneuil Hall, and within sight of Bunker Hill ! But they have burnt out. They lasted as long as there were any wood, hay and stubble, to be found in or about the temple ; and have, in the end, done our insti- tution a purifying service. The only inconvenience that we have suffered from it is, that, in consequence of the flame and smoke, our good old State of Massachusetts received a slight mesmeric shock, and became for a short time a little bewildered. And, while in this condition, she unfortunately mistook one of her best friends for an enemy, and, in yielding to her temporary caprice, we gave up our charter : and, though she has long ago recovered from this delusion, she has forgotten to return it. "I will not longer detain my brethren from the feast which they came to enjoy. Again, my honored brother, I bid you a hearty and a Masonic welcome to the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts ! "Brethren! I introduce to you our distinguished brother from Hungary." At the conclusion of this address, Kossuth arose and replied sub- stantially as follows : " M. W. Grand Master : I cannot express my thanks and heart- felt feelings to you and the fraternity, for your kind invitation to visit you, and the welcome manner with which I have been received. "From early youth I was predisposed, by my sentiments and religious inclinations, to search out truth ; and, when found and seen to follow it with faith all the rest of my hfe. I felt myself under engagements to the Almighty to pursue this course, and commit myself to his guidance. From the benevolent sentiments and interest which the fraternity took in my welfiure, opportunity was offered me to enter an institution ennobled by the highest principles of humanity, and great names in history. Blessed idea ! deserving to be engraved for- ever on the memory. For the principles of our institution are not contrary to the principles of freedom and humanity ; but, in my opin- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 143 ion, they tend to promote and strengthen the -welfare of the commu- nity, as you have this evening taught us in your eloquent address. Still, M. W. Grand Master, I must confess that I shall leave this hall ■with new treasures in my heart and in my mind, which your wisdom has imparted, sacred with many historic recollections of Bohemia, where, I must confess, Free Masonry has continued still to find a field worthy of its character ; yet, I am sorry to say, it suffers degradation and oppression in other provinces. Wherever founded and fostered, so as once to take root, whatever may be the opposition to its prevalence, it has still kept its root. As to my own country, the members of the house of Austria have ruled my native land, by our own free choice, for three centuries ; and only Joseph 11. had the reputation of being a Mason, and promoting the Masonic fraternity. Pree Masonry then flourished in Hungary; but it has since been put down. One principle you have alluded to, M. W., — brotherly love ; it was forgotten by Our oppressors. All has vanished like a dream, and taken no deep root in the soil of my nation. It was torn up by the hand of violence. Few, very few, lodges exist in Hungary; so far as I know, scarcely three. When called, a short time since, to be governor, I know the times were then too full of danger for Masonry to prosper ; for they were sharp times to us all, full of danger, full of trials, and were not such as to enable men to patronize our institution. " M. W. Grand Master, I am no stranger to the fact that politics can never enter these walls. Brotherly love, relief and truth, are the fundamental principles of the fraternity; yet the fate of my poor down-trodden country deserves consideration in every heart. For, if man had a right to oppress his fellow-man. Free Masonry would cease to exist. Our entire nature requires to be independent ; and, though our institution embraces mysteries, I would say mysteries only blind the intellect of those who do not understand them ; — and, since I have joined the fraternity, I feel more strengthened in my resolution to serve my country faithfully, and will endeavor always to act with a good heart and hand, strengthened by new pledges and sacred ties, — ties which give more power and ability to execute the great principles of brotherly love and truth. Patriotism cannot be contented with performing merely the duties of a Mason ; for not only as men, but as true Masons, many of the great men of your Revolution struggled for liberty. Not as Masons only, but as patriots, they went into the bat- tle-field to die for their country. One whose portrait is now before me, who once filled the chair of the Grand Lodge, and who shed his 144 KOSSDTII IN IsEW EXGLAXD. blood in tlic first battle of your independence, thus rose to immortality: and so did many brethren among your chieftains and distinguished men, in that successful struggle. " JNI. W., I regard it as an honor that I am a member of your fra- ternity. I thank you cordially that you have this evening given me such valuable instruction on the nature of this noble institution, and its intimate connection ivith pure freedom and the just rights of man. They are convincing proofs that I pursued my duty -when I became one of the brotherhood. Masonry has never flourished where a coun- try is ruled by despotism. History — the book of life — thus far shows that the foundation of civil libertj'- must lie at the bottom of an institution so well calculated to improve the social relations and dignify man. It withers away under the hand of absolutism. They cannot live together. Excuse me, therefore, when I raise the sign of desola- tion for my unfortunate father-land, which now suffers deeply. I go in her behalf, like a humble beggar, and cry to God and to man to do something for her, and to promote that great principle without which even Masonry cannot exist. " My life has been full of vicissitudes. Great adversities elevate and dignify the mind of man. I feel for my country. To relieve her calamities is the grand object of my life. To enlist the sympathy of the world in her behalf, I bow with humility to every man who has a human feeling in his heart, and especially to that brother who, being a Mason, knows the value of freedom, and can feel for down-trodden Hungary. Be assured, whatever Masonry may be in other parts of continental Europe, from Russia no sun will ever rise. I appeal to all classes. I appeal to young men of noble inclinations, in these times, in this land, to feel for my unhappy country, where the oppressor has tried to extinguish all laws and the shadow of laws. There is sky, and air, and water there ; but, to find the sunlight where it most spreads and lightens the path of freedom, we must come to America. In continental Europe the light goes so far, and no further. Stars we know are made round, and not square. Their motion is circular and uniform, yet they elude our notice when clouds fill the sky. It is so with liberty in Europe, where darkness gathers round it. All who now suffer from oppression in the east look with hope to the free institutions of this western world : for it should be remembered that although this country is west of Europe, it is east of Asia ; and fi-om this east light may again dawn on that benighted region. " But I must close. I am one of the humblest of the brethren KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 145 among you, — an exile from a distant land ; but your kindness, and the generous hospitalities and great attention bestowed on me by the citizens of your magnificent country, I attribute to no merits of my own, but to a generous sympathy in the sufferings of my people. M. W. Grand Master and brethren, I thank you again for these distin- guished marks of your kindness. Rest assured it will be the great aim and effort of my life to walk worthy of the character of a Mason, and to fulfil the duties which devolve, according to his ability and rank, on every member of our noble institution." During the delivery of the speech, he was frequently applauded. At the conclusion, he was introduced to each individual member. The meeting was a very agreeable one, and will long be remembered by those who had the good fortune to be present. KOSSUTH IN CAMBRIDGE. On Tuesday, May 4, Kossuth and suite, accompanied by Governor Boutwell, Mr. Speaker Banks and Senator Burlingame, paid a visit to Cambridge and Harvard University. The party started from the Revere House at one o'clock; and, upon invitation of Mr. Bur- lingame, proceeded immediately to the residence of his father-in-law, Hon. Isaac Livermore, in Cambridge, where they made a short stay, and then visited Harvard College, to attend the spring exhibition of students in the chapel of University Hall. It was near two o'clock when Kossuth reached the hall. Quite a number of persons were assembled in front and upon the steps of the building, each anxious to get the first look at the illustrious visiter. When Kossuth alighted from the carriage, one of the bystanders proposed " Three cheers for the Governor of Hungary ! " and they were given in right good ear- nest. Kossuth ascended the steps, and, removing his hat from his •head, bowed gracefully to the crowd, and was again greeted with cheers. He was welcomed by Professors Longfellow and Felton, who immediately conducted him into the hall of exhibition, which was densely packed with ladies and gentlemen. The audience arose as Kossuth entered, and greeted him with three times three cheers, and with the waving of handkerchiefs by the ladies. Kossuth ascended the platform, and. bowing his thanks, took a seat among the audience. 13 146 KOSSUTH IS XBW ENGLAND. TLe last of the exercises iras then proceeded with, -which was an English oration on "Unsuccessful Great Men," by Addison Brown, of Bradford, Mass. The sentiments of the oration were exceedingly appropriate to the occasion of Kossuth's visit. At the conclusion, President Sparks descended from the desk, and, removing his three-cornered cap fi'om his head, took Kossuth cordially by the hand, and bade him welcome to the University. This cere- mony called forth three cheers more from the enthusiastic audience. At the request of President Sparks, Kossuth stepped forwai-d upon the platform, and was again cheered by the students. Quiet being restored, the president said : " Young gentlemen of the university, and ladies and gentlemen who have honored the occasion with their presence, I introduce to you Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary." [Cheers.] Kossuth said : " Sir : I did not expect to be called upon to add the concluding words to the exercises of this occasion. I am confident the young gentlemen whose minds you, sir, conduct in the paths of learning, will prove, through their future life, true to freedom. The welfare, security and happiness, of a country, has no stronger guarantee than the intelligence of its citizens. Education is the greatest benefit a country is able to bestow. The only gi-atitude that humanity and their country will ask of these young men is, that they will ever con- serve a warm sentiment of liberty, and will never employ their efforts in any other direction than will promote their country's welfare and the rights of humanity. I will ever preserve a pleasant recollection that, during my short stay in this vicinity, I have seen the place where the minds of young men receive that stamp of intelligence which is the particular mark of the people throughout Massachusetts." [Tre- mendous cheering.] At the conclusion of his remarks, Kossuth stepped down from the platform, and was introduced by President Sparks and Governor Bout- well to ex-President Everett, Professor Agassiz, Professor Felton, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, General Gushing, Rev. Dr. Parkman, and several members of the Board of Overseers. From the colleges, Kossuth proceeded to the residence of the Rev. Dr. Charles Lowell, the father of the poet Lowell, and of Mrs. Put- nam, whose articles in the Christian Examiner rendered such essen- tial service to the cause of Hungary, by refuting the fallacies and mis- ■ KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 147 representations of the North American Review. The interview of the Hungarian chieftain and the eminent and venerable divine was extremely affecting. Dr. Lowell was in very feeble health, but his strong sym- pathy with the cause of Hungary and of freedom called forth all his wonted energy of mind and body. He welcomed Kossuth in the warmest manner ; expressed the highest admiration for his character and conduct; and, finally, placing his hands upon the head of the exiled patriot, prayed that God would bless him and his noble cause. Kos- suth, in reply, spoke of his gratitude to Mrs. Putnam, for the zeal, learning and ability, with which she had vindicated his country ; and regretted that her absence from the country prevented him from "paying his respects to her in person. Kossuth also called upon President Sparks and upon Charles Russell Lowell, Esq., Dr. Lowell's eldest son, at whose house a large company of ladies and gentlemen had assembled in order to see him. Here he wa^ presented with one hundred dollars " material aid," by William A. White, on behalf of a lady of Cambridge, who did not wish her name to be known. At five p. M. he returned to Boston. KOSSUTH IN LOWELL. On Wednesday, May 5, at half-past twelve o'clock, Kossutli and suite, accompanied by Messrs. Hopkins and Kimball of the State Com- mittee, Mr. Beard of the Senate, Mr. Brown of the House, Messrs. Abbott and Chesley of Lowell, and several other gentlemen, left Bos- ton in an extra ttain, at half-past twelve, for the city of Lowell. The car in which they were seated was decorated with Hungarian flags. In about three-quarters of an hour the train reached Lowell, and Kossuth was introduced to a reception committee on a platform near the depot by Mayor Huntington, amid the roar of cannon, and the plaudits of as many thousands of spectator as could find room on the neighboring streets, clifis, and roofs. No speeches were made, and in a few moments Kossuth was escorted to his carriage; and, as he stepped in and imcovered his head, enthusiastic cheers acknowledged the hearty welcome with which the people of Lowell greeted him. An immense crowd surrounded the depot in all directions, blocking up the streets and passage-ways, and rendering the utmost exertions of the police and military force necessary to preserve the lines. The procession commenced moving under the direction of Colonel Watson, chief marshal. First, came a graiid cavalcade of citizens. Next, the military, consisting of the National Blues, the Wameset Light Guard, the Mechanic Phalanx ; — these last composed the guard of honor to Kossuth's carriage, which was drawn by four beauti- ful white horses, each bearing the flags of the United States and Hungary. -Li this carriage rode Kossuth, his Honor the Mayor, Mr. Hopkins, and John Nesmith, Esq. Other carriages contained Kossuth's suite, the committee of ai-rangements and their guests. The entire route of the procession was lined with spectators, who heartily cheered the distinguished visiter as he proceeded. Ladies filled the windows on all sides, and made up a large proportion of the crowds in the streets. Many of the stores and houses were very handsomely decorated. The day was quite warm, and was one of the most beautiful of the season. At twenty minutes past three the procession halted at the Merrimack House, having travelled the route previously announced in the ofiScial programme. Kossuth then dined with the committee of arrange- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 149 ments; after which, in company with Erastus Hopkins and lady, of Northampton, Mayor Huntington, Wm. Livingston, J. G. Abbott, Colonels Watson and Butler, ho visited the new canal, the Merrimack mills, and one of the corporation boarding-houses, expressing himself highly delighted at what he saw. On returning to the Merrimack House, Kossuth was waited upon by a number of persons, among whom was Eliza C. Poore, president of the Ladies Hungarian Association, who, in behalf of the associa- tion, presented him with sixty dollars and a neat address. William Livingston, Esq., also presented to Kossuth one hundred dollars, say- ing, " Accept this for the Hungarian cause." In the evening a meeting was held in St. Paul's Church. At an early hour a strong current began to set in that direction ; and before eight o'clock arrived, at which time the public ceremonies were to com- mence, the house was completely full, although a dollar was demanded for admission. At eight o'clock, the deafening cheers from the im- •mense crowd outside, amidst which, at intervals, could be heard a band of music, announced the approach of Kossuth. As he entered, the vast congregation arose and saluted him with the most hearty and pro- longed cheers. Some of the ladies — a very large number of whom were present — seemed to be entirely carried away with the prevailing enthusiasm. White handkerchiefs waved and fluttered in the hands of the feir owners in every part of the house. Kossuth acknowledged the honor by low and graceful bows. When the applause had sub- sided, the "Marseilles Hymn" was sung by the High-street choir, and the band played Washington's March and Hail Columbia. Hon. Elisha Huntington, mayor of the city, then arose and addressed Kossuth in the following words, frequently interrupted by applause : "GoTEKNOii Kossuth: I am conscious I can do but imperfect justice to the feelings of this people, in the welcome I extend in their behalf to the rightful Governor of Hungary. " Other cities may have received you with more pomp and louder acclamations ; none with feelings of more sincere regard, more pro- found admiration. " Since your landing upon our shores, you have visited spots hal- lowed by great, glorious and tender associations. You have looked upon proud old Bunker Hill ; you have surveyed our battle-fields; you have wept at the tomb of Washington. Our infant city can boast of none of these attractions. Lidustry, enterprise and wealth, within 13* 150 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. a brief term of years, have caused a city to rise on this spot as if by enchantment ; and the success of our industrial pursuits "will but illus- trate to you the blessings of prudence, good government, and -whole- some laws. ' ' But, though our pursuits are peaceful and industrious, our hearts can go forth for the oppressed and down-trodden everywhere. Many a lowly heart among us beats high at the name of Kossuth ; and Hungary and her heroes are as familiar to our children as household . words. " You, sir, occupy a position before the world vouchsafed to no other living man ; and to you, most emphatically, the eyes and hearts of all freemen are directed. You, under Providence, have been mainly instrumental in planting the seed of the tree of liberty oh the plains of your native Hungary. That tree, we believe, has already taken root, and its roots have been watered with the blood of Hun- gary's noblest sons. You, we trust, will still live to see its gigantic branches overshadow all continental Europe, — to see it bud and blossom- and bear fruit, the fair tree of liberty, whose leaves are for the healing of the nations. "But, sir, I will not detain you from this anxious, expectant audience. Once more allow me to renew to you a cordial welcome to our city; and believe me, sir, this is no heartless, unmeaning ceremony, — it is the spontaneous outpouring of warm, sincere, and sympathizing hearts. We pray for your life, your health, and for a triumphant and glorious future. We have an unwavering faith in the all-control- ling providence of a righteous God over the affairs of men. He will raise your prostrate, bleeding Hungary, from the dust, and place it high among the free nations of the earth ; and this, we believe, he will do through you, his chosen, honored instrument." At the conclusion of the mayor's address, and when Kossuth rose to reply, three more cheers were given, and presently the silence of death reigned throughout the entire house, every one listening to catch the fii'st sound which should issue from his hps. Kossuth's speech in lowell. " Sir : I am penetrated with sincere gratitude for all the kindness welcome and sympathy, you have tendered me, and to which this ^tinguished assembly has answered with their spontaneous cheers. KOSSTJTK IN NE-«r ENGLAND. 151 Excuse me for daring to object to a single word in all that you have said ; and that is, that this assembly, before -which I have the honor to bow, has some expectation to hear from me something worthy of atten- tion. I must begin by claiming their indulgence. Just as I feel sor- rowful that whatever personal kindness should draw attention from my cause, so must I feel anxious not to do or say anything that may injure that cause to which I have devoted my life. It is not out of false mod- esty, but truth makes me say it, that the more opportunity I have to address the people, the lower I must fall in their estimation. It is not possible else. I have no claim to be a great orator. Cicero was a great orator ; and in all his life he made, perhaps, thirty or forty speeches. Demosthenes has a name renowned, that will be immortal ; and in his whole life, he made, I don't think more than twenty speeches. But, since I am in the United States, I have made five hundred speeches; and it is scarcely possible that four hundred and ninety-nine ofTihem are worthy of attention. " It is not easy to speak in a foreign tongue. I have some little written, but had not time to finish, and I must trust to inspiration. When I came here, I heard a hymn to God; and I am in the sanctuary consecrated to religion, and I plead for liberty. Perhaps out of these circumstances I may derive some little inspiration. " Ladies and gentlemen, when the laborer gathers in the crops with wliich the mercy of God has rewarded his toils, and, to wipe off the sweat of his brow, he sits down with the heart-gladdening feeUng of having done the task, and escaped all the whims of time, and, in the sweet moment of security, a flash of lightning strikes his stack and burns it down, a woe of sadness thrills through his heart, and he looks up to heaven with tearful eye. But one glance to the mother earth cures him from despair. A winter hard to get through knocks at his door ; but the winter, however hard, will pass, and the spring will come, and his more fortunate neighbors will aid him in his toils, and his fields will again teem with nature's gifts, and a harvest doubly rich will compensate the deluded hopes of the past year. " Truth, the truth of freedom, is like the mother earth. Violence may crush it, but its future it cannot destroy. ' The eternal years of God are hers.' "I and my nation, we are like that laborer. Bravely was fought the battle of justice and liberty, and victory has crowned its toils, and the blood of martyrs has with devoted profusion flown, like the sweat 152 KOSSTJTII IN NEW ENGLAND. of the laborer's brow, but it has not flown in defeat ; the ray of victory has gilded the last smile upon the lips of self-immolating patriots ; rich ■was the harvest of the field watered with the blood of the best ; it was the independence of a country loved by millions more than life, it was the liberty of a people worthy to be free. "And, as we sat down to wipe off the sweat of toil, and the halle- lujah of thanksgivings rose from the lips of delighted millions, not the lightning of heaven, but a flame of hell, unholy like crime, and cursed as tyranny, consumed the beautiful stack ! " A mournful despair thrilled through the nation's heart ; and all the woes of that mourning concentrated upon this poor heart ; the tears rushed to the people's eye, and all the flame of those tears burnt in my eyes ; but I looked up to God, and the eternal destiny of truth came over my mind, and my people looked to me ; and we bear the harsh- ness of the winter with unfaltering patience, and look to the spring with unabated hope. [Applause.] God will move good neighbors in our aid ; and, thus hoping, we are ready to till the field once more in the sweat of our brow ; ready to water it once more with our heart's blood, and trust to God that a new harvest wUl come, richer than that which we lost ; and the day will come, when, sitting in the lap of a blessed future, we shall look with the smile of serenity into the mirror of past sufferings. [Applause.] " I felt never more intensely that trust in the sure coming of lib- erty's new spring, than when I stood upon the battle-field where the first battle of America's liberty was fought, to which you have alluded, sir. It was a defeat, and turned out into a most glorious victory. [Applause.] Had it been victorious, perhaps a negotiation would have been its result, and Massachusetts would be a colony yet, as Canada is. Being such as it was, on one side it satisfied the country's noble pride, revealed the vital power of the patriots to themselves, and gave them the consciousness of their strength. On the other side, it roused the indignation of all the land, and, by rendering compromise impossible, made freedom and independence sure. "It is therefore that I like to linger on those fields where the future destiny of republican America was baptized by the blood of your first martyrs. They are like a mirror of revealed mysteries to me, where the foreboding shadows of future events rise like a vision of magnetic dreams. I approach them with awe, and leave them with inspiration and with hope. [Applause.] " But, if the view of Bunker Hill be inspiring, gladdening is the KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLASD. luo view of Lowell. [Applause.] At Bunker Hill the magic rod was found with which the great enchantress ' Liberty ' made LoNvell rise out of the very earth, like the palace of fairies, — an overnio-ht work of mystic spirits. [Applause.] " Industry is a great word. It is science made subservient to the practical welfare of humanity. [Applause.] Agriculture is the nurs- ery of nature's restless life. Multiplication is its task ; commerce is the great vehicle of products. Communication is its task ; it is man- kind's storehouse ; it dresses the dinner-table for humanity. Industry is a creating power. It makes new things ; it is the spark of heaven, represented in the touching tale of Prometheus ; it is the word by which the Almighty thus spoke to man, ' Thou art of Divine origin ; I will give thee a share of my own spirit. Nature's hidden elements are the chaos, the confused raw material, of a new creation. I give thee science, that thou may'st find out those elements, and analyze their hidden qualities ; and, that thou makest a new creation out of the chaotic material, give thee my fairest gift, " Industry." ' [Applause.] " To me, a place like Lowell is of a touching interest. It awakens recollections dear to my heart. It reminds me of what I did for, my country's industry ; collecting the modest sparks of individual knowl- edge, by the mighty lever of 'association,' into a blazing torch, spread- ing light, and courage, and energy, throughout the land ; I see myself carried on the wings of memory back to those days when, seated amidst the mechanics of my country, I spoke to them of Arkwright, of Blanehard, of Whitney, and James Watt, and of the wonderful results falHng upon mankind, like the morning dew, from the ever-flowing well of their genius ; and I see how their eyes sparkled, and how the hidden flames of their soul burst forth, and how the gloom of their work-shops passed away before the lustre of self-conscious dignity ; I see myself seated amidst the boys, gathering in my association's even- ing schools, when the task of the day was done, solving with glaring eyes and open lips the spirit of science and of art, superintended by their grave masters, wondering to hear what their boys are taught ; I feel delighted to recollect the pressing crowds of men and women, of girls and boys, gathering into oiy halls to see the disclosed wonders of industrial chemistry, the perfection of well-adapted tools, the manner of using them best, explained by the everlasting rules of mathematics, in their practical application to technics and mechanics. [Applause.] I see new inventions of the newly-roused genius pouring in, and myself presiding, the Areopagus of practical workmen, in judging 154 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. them ; I see the happy, cheerful Hfe in the factories vhich I made rise, and the noise of the water-wheel, and the puffing of the steam, where a month before the silence of idleness rested ; and I see the exhibitions I arranged, the joy of my recollections and the pride of my memory ; I remember yet the excitement with which I arranged the first, anxious to shelter its poverty beneath the lustre of future days ; and I remember yet the joy I felt when I had to watch the an-ange- ments of the third exhibition, the rich treasurer of a new life, filling a long row of majestic halls, and the nation pilgriming in thousands from distant parts to see the people's glory and the country's pride [applause] ; and the modest workmen looking first astonished at them- selves, if it be, indeed, they who wrought all those things ; then, look- ing with dignity around, conscious of their worth, and receiving proudly the medals of reward from my hands, more proud of them than arrogant aristocrats of their dusty parchments. [Applause.] I remember my joy when, at the banquet-tables of industrial solemni- ties, I first saw the distinction of classes give way to human dignity, and the pretensions of old aristocracy to the conscious merit of rising democracy [applause], social equality planning the way to political equality. [Applause.] " All this, and a thousand recollections else, come to my mind. I see the stout workmen closing the work-shops, and flying to arms, and fighting like heroes, and dyuig with a smile for their father-land ; and the older and Aveaker, working day and night to provide for the wants of those who fought [applause], and — but away with recollections! All this has past ; ' the beauty of Israel fell.' The halls are empty, and the schools are shut ; the fields lie waste, and the hearth of the work-shop is cold, and the flowers of the new creation are trampled down ! But the spirit is awake, — no violence can murder it ! My voice raised in time will rouse it from its gloom, and the clarion of resurrection will resound from valley to valley, and from hill to hill • and after the battle is fought, the enchanting rod ' Liberty ' will once more call forth the hidden treasures of industry. [Applause.] " Ladies and gentlemen, the history of your country's struggles for independence, as well as the rapid development of your prosperity, has been a favorite study to me from my early youth. The ardent love of liberty, melted together with my veiy heart, stimulated my mind to look around for instruction, not so much at ruins, the mournful monu- ments of the fragility of human things, but rather at a living, free nation, capable h^ its very life to teach the great art of life. [Ap- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 155 plause.] I like to contemplate toiv freedom is to be gained, and how- to be used ; what are its generating powers, and what is the influence of institutions upon national character. It is natural that your coun- try's wonderful progress in power and prosperity attracted my atten- tion. Your country was not unknown to me, though my country had to fall, and I had to eat the bitter bread of exile, to see what I had but known by reading. And Lowell is too preeminent amongst the living wonders of America, that I had not studied its very existence with high interest. [Applause.] " Let me, therefore, tell you what it was which I felt particularly delighted in learning, from what I had read about Lowell. " It was, that the character of the manufacturing industry of Lowell, in its influence upon the social condition of the operatives, appeared to me entirely difierent from what I have elsewhere seen ; worthy of imi- tation, as it is full of instruction. Agriculture, manufacture and com- meirce, must, of course, give profit to the capital employed therein, else capital would not take that direction ; and it is necessary that it should take that direction, else neither agriculture nor manufacture nor com- merce could flourish, or even exist. If labor is the one great lever of prosperity, capital is the other. Out of the reciprocal combination of both results the welfare of a nation. They must, therefore, by the practical philosopher, be considered in their mutual combination. [Applause.] " And still, in many countries, that false intuition prevailed, at the first establishment of manufacturing industry, that it is only capital the security and profit of which laws and institutions must protect. Hence, we have seen, in countries standing high in industrial skill, an extended manufacture connected with the most miserable condition of the operative masses, — princely fortunes of the few, hand in hand with the distress of millions. Capital, being elected to the unlimited mastership over labor, has lost all civic virtue in its activity. And, as it is a natural necessity that action creates reaction, excess of action leads to excess of reaction ; and in some countries the neglected inter- ests of labor revolted, with passionate hostility, against capital. Hence the fatal movement known by the name of Socialism, threatening with unnatural convulsion the social order of the respective countries. It is a mistake that that unfortunate movement can be crushed either by declamations or by violence. It is but a symptom of a deep, latent disease. Physicians know that a disease is not cured by beating do^vn the symptoms ; the cause of evil must be removed. [Applause.] 156 ICOSSUTU IN NEW EXGLAND. " Capital must have its profit ; but the benefit of a nation's industry cannot be considered as to how it shall profit the few, but how it shall act for the many. The greatest possible good to the greatest possible number, as an end to society, is laid down as a principle by Bentham. Indeed, power and despotism may contradict it; but, if society does not exist for the benefit of the members composing the society, I don't know on what principle it does exist. [Applause.] " Large factories, as the great field for the enterprise of capitil. are highly beneficial. When numerous, they afford much opportunity for the exercise of labor, and opportunity for more to live ; but, when not so numerous, the hidden powers of nature are developed to help men work out a benefit to themselves. But, out of those considerations to which I have alluded, I see a large number of facts connected with the sorrowful view of a degi-aded condition of the masses. Here, whatever else may be said, so much I know, and that is delightful, that the character of labor is such, its influence tends to quite different results from those in some other countries. [Applause.] You wisely avoid their faults, and escape their bad results, and put in activity, which makes industry most powerful and your country most happy. " I am informed of three things in reference to Lowell : " 1. That while in some countries the laborer has no other prospect but only to go on from day to day in hard toil, with no hope of an independent position, here it is the particular character of industry that, to a large number of operatives who labor in the factory, it is but an apprenticeship to an independent existence. " 2. While in some other countries the crowded cities are places of moral degradation, Lowell is a temple of intelligence, and a sanctuary of morality. [Applause.] If that is the fact, praise to the man who made intelligence and morality the corner-stones upon which the industry of Lowell rests, and praise to the people who value this sys- tem as a beloved inheritance, which they are proud to transmit unsul- lied from generation to generation. "The third peculiarity of which I heard about Lowell is, that the greatest part of those employed here are of the fair, — and I say it not to flatter, I flatter nobody, not even the ladies,*but out of conviction I say it, — the greatest part are of the better sex. [Applause.] If that be true that this labor here is but an apprenticeship to future position, developing intelligence among the young ladies working in the facto- ries, what immense treasure of family virtues and home happiness are spreading from Lowell over all the world ! Self-acquired independence. KOSSCTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 157 the means of a substantial position, intelligence, morality, industry, — these form the dowries which the ladies of Lowell will carry with them to their future homes, beautifying the future homes of those they will bless with their hands and hearts [applause], and spreading the com- fort of intelligent cares over their household ; all their virtues and all their noble qualities will go over from generation to generation, mould- ing the child's heart into that form which holds together a people's character. [Applause.] " To-day, not out of books, but out of my own experience in Lowell, when I found all that has been told me true, I found a fourth quality amongst the other virtues, — that the people of Lowell also sympathize with the principle of liberty. That is another part of the dowry these ladies will take to their future homes, and another part of the moral inheritance they will transmit. [Applause.] If prosperous industry be the daughter of victorious liberty, it is well done not to forget the principle of liberty, when happily showing the fruits of it in pros- perity. It is but the benefit, if I may call it benefit, which the son gives the father and the daughter the mother, such industry gives to liberty and humanity. " Indeed, ladies and gentlemen, there is solidarity in the destinies of mankind. That is the word which those whom the people of Massachu- setts have intrusted to represent them in their legislative halls greeted me with when I entered the flourishing metropolis of free and intelligent Massachusetts. It is a true word, and I am highly gratified to see the intelligence of Massachusetts convinced of it ; that intelligence has not made the heart cold, but has a warmth from which springs a con- viction like that which made Massachusetts first in the Revolution to maintain the principle of liberty, which is never secure if isolated. Community is its security, as I have said on a former occasion. " Sir, you have been pleased to welcome me as the rightful Governor of Hungary. [Applause.] I accept it, not to have a high title (it is a high title bestowed upon me by the confidence of my people), but because there is a principle in it, a principle that a nation has a right to dispose of its own concerns. " When I accepted this office, the highest my people could bestow, I raised my hands in the house of God, and swore an oath to do all in my power to maintain the freedom and independence of my country [applause] ; and let what adversities may come, I will be faithful to that oath so long as my aim is not fulfilled, and my people is not in the condition to declare its own will ! [Applause.] 14 158 " KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. " My people is my sovereign. God in heaven, my people on earth, I have no other master ! [Applause.] " Whatever diplomacy may do, it -would be sorrowful if there is not so much sentiment of liberty and justice on earth as to acknowledge a people's rights because it is just now crushed by foreign violence. Neither truth nor justice depend from the triumph of despotism. [Applause.] "I am happy to know, even from what I have seen in New Eng- land, that the people of the United States will acknowledge the prin- ciple that no other power is lawful but from the people's will ; and so fiir as duty to home interest permits, the United States will not fail to take the position of a power on earth, by which they will contribute to that end, that the principle of liberty shall not be exclusive, but a -common benefit to all humanity. [Applause.] " My success may be greater or smaller ; but so much I can say to the millions of oppressed in Europe, to whom I must take an answer, — that the people of the United States, true to their own interests, and considering the exigencies of time and circumstances, will not consent not to weigh their weight in the scale in which the future destinies of mankind are to be weighed. Farewell, ladies and gentle- men ! " This speech was many times interrupted by the most hearty applause. It occupied nearly an hour in the delivery. Three cheers for Kossuth, and three more for Hungary, were given with a will, when the choir Sling " My Native Land," and the band struck up Yankee Doodle. The mayor then announced that, contrary to general expectation, Kossuth would be obliged to return to Boston that night. After his departure, the vast assemblage slowly and quietly dispersed ; and thus ended, says the Lowell American, a day long to be remembered in the annals of Lowell. Kossuth returned to Boston by the ten o'clock train. KOSSUTH IN LYNN AND SALEM. A JIEETING of the citizens of Salem vfas called at Lyceum Hall, on Thursday, April 29, to take measures to invite Kossuth to visit that city, and to prepare for his reception. Notwithstanding the short notice, there ■was a very respectable assemblage of men of all parties. Judge Mack called the meeting to order, when Hon. Stephen C. Phillips was appointed chairman, and Stephen Osborne secretary. Upon taking the chair, Mr. Phillips made an eloquent speech for the space of a half-hour or more. William D. Northend, from a committee, then offered a series of resolutions, which he advocated with energy and ability. After an expression of sympa- thy for the Hungarian cause, &c., the series concludes as follows : "Resolved, That the citizens of Salem, a city distinguished in the annals of the Revolution as having offered the first armed resistance -to the illegal and tyrannical demands of the British authorities ; and hav- ing, at the North Bridge, on the 26th of February, 1775, set the first example of the spirit which exhibited itself a short time after in the battles of Lexington and Concord ; bearing in mind the principles and events of that era, and desirous of honoring in Goveknoe Kossuth the devotion and patriotism we reverence in our ancestors, hereby appoint a committee of twenty-four to make arrangements to have him invited to meet the citizens of Salem and vicinity in the largest public hall in the city, admission to be obtained by the purchase of a Hunga- rian bond, and the entire proceeds to be placed at his disposal." A committee of arrangements, without distinction of party, was then nominated, and a committee of invitation to wait upon Kossuth. The latter committee discharged their duty on Friday, April 30, and had a very agreeable interview with the Magyar, at the Revere House. Mr. Phillips, their chairman, delivered the invitation speech, which, says the Mail, was, m point of eloquence and cordiahty, one of the very best that Kossuth has yet heard. It is to be regretted that it could not have been reported for the press. Kossu"^ replied in an impromptu and very feehng address of some fifteen minutes, with which the committee were greatly delighted. He accej^^ the invita- tion, and Thursday, May 6, was fixed upon as the day i^fc visit. 160 KOSSUTU K NEW ENGLAKD. At Lynn, also, on Saturday evening, May 1, a meeting was licld for the purpose of inviting Kossuth to visit that city. Hon. George Hood, the ma3'or, was called to the chair. Hon. D. C. Baker, Edwaid S. Davis, Ebenezer Brown, and John C. Vennard, Esqs., were appointed vice-presidents ; and William H. Barry, J. F. Kimball and Lewis Josselyn, Esqs., secretaries. After addresses by the mayor, ]\Iessrs. Chamberlain, Harris, and others, the following resolutions were unan- imously adopted, and a large committee appointed. "Resolved, That we regard with admiration the exertions and sacri- fices made by Governor Louis Kossuth in the cause of his country ; that -we recognize in him an exponent of the great principle of civil liberty ; that we hold it right that the friends of freedom throughout the world should combine their sympathies in the common cause of humanity ; and that we cordially extend to him the hospitalities of our citizens. "Resolved, That we sympathize with the people of Hungary, and with the oppressed of all nations; and look forward Avith anxiety and hope to the time when all people Tvill enjoy that rational and enlight- ened liberty which is the right of all. "Resolved, That we extend to Governor Kossuth a cordial invita- tion to visit our city, and address us on the subject of his mission ; and that a committee be appointed to communicate to him this invita- tion, and to make all suitable arrangements for his reception." At about half-past twelve Kossuth and suite, in company -with Messrs. Burlingame and Ward, of the State Committee, left the Bos- ton Eastern E^ilroad station, on their way to Lynn and Salem. They were accompanied by Messrs. E. S. Davis, B. F. Mudge, J. B. Alley, Thomas Baddin and Alonzo Lewis, the committee of invitation of Lynn, and Messrs. Baker, Porter, Pearson, Barry and Vennard, of the com- mittee of arrangements. At a few minutes before one o'clock, a dis- charge of cannon and the ringing of bells announced the arrival of the Magyar at the West Lynn station. Here a large concourse of citizens had assembled, and a carriage drawn by six beautiful cream-colored horses -was in waiting. Kossuth entered this carriage in company with his Honor the Mayor, and the members of the State Committee. Other carriages were filled with Kossuth's suite, the committee of arrange- ments and members of the city government ; and a procession was formed, which proceeded, under escort of the "Kossuth Guards," Capt. Gale, to the Common. Arrived here, shouts of welcome from the assembled multitude KOSSUTH IN KEW ENGLAND. 161 greeted Kossuth, which he repeatedly and gracefully acknowledged. Upon the Common ivere marshalled the children of the pubhc schools, with their teachers, in two long lines, four companies of firemen acting as a kind of body-guard. The procession came in at the western gate, and passed through these lines, — Kossuth bowing and smiling to the children, who waved tiny Hungarian flags, and cheered him as he passed. On reaching the eastern gate, the procession, consisting of the mili- tary and the firemen, with several appropriate banners, and a cavalcade of citizens, proceeded direct to Lyceum Hall, where five or six hundred bondholders were assembled to listen to the eloquent Hungarian. A short delay occurred, in order to give Kossuth a moment to rest him- self after leaving the carriage, as he was quite ill and exhausted from his late excessive and constant exertions ; and when he entered the hall, which he did amid cheers that made the house tremble, he looked pale and feeble, and seemed hardly able to stand. After ascending the platform and acknowledging the greetings of the assembly, he sank back upon the sofa quite exhausted. At the back of the hall, fronting the platform, a motto was inscribed, — "Lynn honors Kossuth," and underneath it gracefully drooped the American flag. After the cheers of the multitude had subsided, his Honor the Mayor rose and addressed the audience, stating that, owing to the illness of his Excellency the Governor of Hungary, he would not be able to address them, and that he should not inflict a speech upon him or them ; then, turning to the illustrious guest, he said : MAYOR OF liYNN'S ADDRESS. " Governor Kossuth : In behalf of the City Council and of the people of Lynn, in accordance with their unanimous voice, I bid you a cordial and earnest welcome to our city. '• Sir, you have the hearts of this people, because they love liberty; and they recognize in you a true representative and an able exponent of their principles. They regard with admiration the patriotic exer- tions and heroic sacrifices you have made in the cause of your country, and the unsurpassed eloquence and power with which you have pleaded that just cause before the people of England and America. The count- less wrongs, and crushing oppressions, inflicted upon your noble nation, have met with the indignant condemnation of the American people. You have appealed to the government and to the people of the United 14* 162 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. States ' to maintain the laws of nations against foreign interference,' and the principles you have enunciated have received a fitting response from the friends of freedom. " Sir, we approved of the action of our government, when you and your hrave companions in exile were invited to our shores, and a national vessel sent to receive you. We rejoiced when we heard that you were safe from Austrian tyranny, under the protection of the flag of our Union. When you stepped on the deck of the Mississippi, and our gallant tars greeted you with cheers that made the sea tremhle, their echoes were borne across the ocean, and met with an enthusiastic response in the hearts of millions of freemen. " We think you were right in being confident that the people of the United States would not feel in any way compromised, on learning that the citizens of Marseilles did, in a graceful manner, cheer the United States and yourself " The Legislature of Massachusetts has rightly expressed the will of the people, by inviting you, and receiving you as the guest of the commonwealth. "Accept, sir, our sympathy for your misfortunes, our heartfelt wishes for the success of your patriotic mission for the redemption of Hungary, and our prayers for your future welfare. " Fellow-citizens, I present to you Governor Kossuth, the friend of liberty and the rights of mankind." As he closed, Kossuth, whose feeble state compelled him to remain sitting, rose slowly and stepped forward, bowing gracefully, as cheer after cheer, from a thousand voices, greeted him. He was dressed in a close-fitting velvet coat or sack, embroidered upon the front and sleeves, and trimmed with jet buttons. His countenance exliibited marks of great bodily weakness ; but his eye flashed with an intensity which denoted that, though the body was weak and exhausted, the spirit still retained its energy and fire. The sympathy which greeted him seemed to have given him new life; and, much to the astonishment and satisfaction of the assembly, he spoke extemporaneously for three- quarters of an hour. " Ladies and Gentlemen : Out of my heart I humbly thank you, and thank also the corporate authorities of your city, for this wel- come, and for all the kind sympathy you have shown me to-day. You sir, have been pleased to say that the people of Lynn have a love of KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 163 •liberty in their hearts, and that is ivhy they love my cause. That is an explanation of the wonderful things I have met with in the United ■ States, almost unparalleled in history. When Lafayette came to Amer- ica, you received him with distinguished honors; but he was a man who had done some good to America ; and it was a glorious thing for that man, who had seen liberty baptized in blood, coming back after many years, to see prosperity and power springing out of that very cause to which he had devoted his mind. As to myself, I have in no manner had an opportunity to do good to the United States, and, it may be, never can have ; and yet, you honor me in such a manner, which I take to be an evidence that you are not indifferent to coming events, which must mark the era when the solidarity of nations will be estabhshed. [Applause.] " Here, if I am not mistaken, in Lynn, it is the character of the people that they are agriculturists, mechanics, and fishermen. In ■ every one of these I have hope for my cause, and I may trust to meet sympathy. Agricultiirists, from a continued intercourse with the inexhaustible beauties of nature, must have generous hearts. As to mechanics, every character of industry connected with intelligence is fevorable to the development of generous hopes for humanity. It is an ancient truth that, among mechanics of comparatively small busi-' ness, who are their own masters and have an independent position, circumstances are not only favorable to the love of, but to aspirations for, the ' crime ' of liberty. You know, when freedom was crushed nearly on the continent of Europe, it was only conserved in those cities where the population was composed of mechanics who had obtained a substantial position by industry. [Applause.] Por this reason, I am not surprised that the Hungarian exile is here received as a brother. [Applause.] As to that part of the population called fishermen, I can say they must be bold sailors ; and, as it is not pos- sible just now to bridge the Atlantic, at whatever part of Hungary I may one day land, bold sailors, at the first step, wUl be indeed neces- sary. " Some people have taken the heart to be subordinate to the head. It is not true. Always the heart of a people takes whatever course is right. Individuals in affection may be mistaken, but the great heart of a people is never wrong. [Applause.] And so much as the instinct of a people's heart is always right, I am glad to see, after calm con- sideration by the intellect, in which for months the people of Massa- chusetts have been engaged, still that heart beat on as it did years 164 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. ago, wlien the liberties of your otto country were threatened. [Ap- plause.] "Gentlemen, look back into history, and you see that either one principle has ruled the world, or two principles have contended for sway. Now, in the future of mankind, it is only possible that the more the principle of liberty gains ground, the more will the impres- sion prevail that it is not one nation that should rule, but that it can be the glorious destiny of one nation to be first among the equal nations. In eyery case the United States can only be the first among the equal nations, or must rule the destinies of mankind. If it must go on, that one nation must preponderatCj all humanity can but wish that to be the United States ; because, founded on the principle of fireedom to the benefit of all humanity [applause], and if the world has to be ruled by somebody, all the nations pray it may be by the United States. [Applause.] But rather, as I believe, on the other side, if it is not to claim to sway other nations, but to maintain its independent position on earth as a power, then it must be the wish of all humanity that it shall remain the first-born son of liberty. " Now, on the other side, if the principle of ahsolutism takes sway of the destinies of humanity, Kussia must rule; or, if not, must be first among the equal, not in liberty, but despotism. It is impossible that the people of the United States cannot see that these principles must come in contact sooner or later, — but, if not in contact, one, at least, must encroach upon the other ; and remember, gentlemen, it is taught in history that those nations have met the greatest danger which have let antagonistic powers take advantage of circumstances ; — and every nation relying too much on its own strength has perished, while every nation wise enough not to abandon its destiny, but to take advantage of circumstances, and even make opportunities, has become a power on earth. I will be just even toward my enemies, and there- fore I will say, no nation understands the difficult art of using cir- cumstances better than Russia. It is indeed skilful, — but not for liberty, only to rule a world of serfs and slaves. " Gentlemen, in public as often as in private life, it happens we see -not dangers afar off; but yet, from a distant point, matters may afiect -materially the interest of nations at home. Indeed, it is my opinion 'that Hungary is the field where must be decided which principle should in future rule the destinies of mankind ; and then that is a field worthy the highest sympathy and the closest attention of every man. and any power on earth loving liberty ; and now, therefore, every man and KOSSUTH IN KEff ENGLAND. 165 every power on earth loving liberty cannot but be affected by the struggle now engaged on the field of Hungary, — yes, engaged. " You know we fought our battles bravely, but we were crushed ; yet we are not made insensible to oppression, because we have now to endure it. The struggle is not over. There is now only a momentary stop in the battle. Both armies are recruiting, as it were ; the victo- rious to take advantage of that victory, and the defeated party — not defeated by want of bravery, but because not recognized — healing past wounds, and preparing again to resist this oppression at a new Kapolna, which is the Bunker Hill of Hungary. [Applause.] " Gentlemen and ladies, it has been my intention in these remarks to show that the heart of the people is right. I am very well satisfied with the result of my visit to the United States, in that respect that I know, whenever the standard of freedom is again raised in Europe, — and that time indeed draws nigh, — no power on earth will make the people to look indifferently upon the struggle that wiU ensue. [Pro- longed applause.] I know the sentiment of the people of the United States. I have met them in the greatest portion of the country; and now in Massachusetts, where intelligence is spread to a greater degree than I have seen it anywhere in the world besides, — in Massachusetts, always first to feel the exigencies of the times,' and possessing the energy to meet them [applause], — the Legislature has pronounced in fiivor of the law of nations, and the Governor has sustained that word ; and you, sir, tell me that the Legislature and the Governor represent the will of the people. [Applause.] So it was, indeed, also, it is my duty to mention with gratitude, in another state, the young state of Ohio, with a population of two millions, — just, indeed, so old as I am, bom in the very year, — it has taken the same ground, declaring it is not only the duty, but the interest, of the United States, to go for the principle of liberty as far as the league of despots dare go against it ; and even from these circumstances I cannot doubt that, when the opportunity may come, the people of the United States will not look indifferently to the struggle between liberty and absolutism. " But, gentlemen, a poor exile like me, who loves his country, may be a little egotistical, and may he excused for it ; and, therefore, I may say I take the United States to be powerful enough not to wait an opportunity, but also to make an opportunity, — because, as I have said on another occasion, it is better to be the master of coming times, than let them rush on, increasing in danger as they rush. But I take human nature as it is, and do not ask the United States to take the 166 KOSSUTH IN KEW ENGLAND. position to make opportunity, as I could otherwise wish, to avert dan- ger from humanity, seeing the league of despots gain ground, and not desiring it should become predominant, but rather prevented from so becoming. " However, we are not much inclined to believe that the lightning in the far-ofif cloud may come down and strike our house ; therefore, I would not ask the United States to make opportunity. But I may say, whatever may be the difference of opinion as to policy, every man of sound judgment must say, that when such an unnatural state of things exists that the death of Louis Napoleon may. make a revolu- tion, an opportunity must come, — which, indeed, I well know, from cir- cumstances I cannot disclose — which might be safe among friends, but might also reach other quarters, — if this opportunity must come, then I only claim here now the consideration that for ourselves it is our interest to prepare for that struggle which will follow. " J£ we are not prepared when the time of action comes, then in preparation we may consume time of -which every moment teems -with the destinies of mankind. For this preparation I appeal to private sympathy. Gentlemen, if tidings should come to-morrow that cir- cumstances called me to Europe to begin the struggle, it.would.be quite different if I have the means in hand, or if I had no money, no arms, no friends, but must prepare everything. Just as the merchant, who might he called from your city on important business. It would be quite different, if he had his horses and his carriage ready, or if he had to go into the country and buy his horses, before he could make the journey. [Applause.] " I know there are two parties in the United States. One party has so much as adopted the principle that it is the interest of the United States to maintain the law of nations ; but the other party, out of policy, opposes the ground that the United States should become a power on earth. It appears now to me of great interest, fcr those who are opposed to action by the United States, just to put the leaders of the coming struggle in a position where they may perhaps prevent the necessity that the United States should take a national part to maintain the kw of nations. This may be considered another motive to do all, consistent with individual interest, privately, to prevent the United States from acting out of necessity. " There may be differences of opinion as to policy, here and there • but if those millions who will struggle in Europe to throw off oppres- sion had so much aid as might here be given without sacrifice, the prin- KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 167 ciple of liberty %vould indeed be sure. One dollar only from every person, — twenty million dollars, — 0, my God ! Arhat things could be done ! [Applause.] And, indeed, there is not in any village so many poor, that, out of twenty, one man could not bestow, by one day's labor, a poor alms to liberty of one dollar. " The people of the United States are conservative enough. Their own Revolution was a conservative revolution, because they conserved their rights ; therefore that is the word, — they are conservative enough not to go too far. Of that I am not afraid. "Gentlemen, I am so sick I did not think it possible I could speak so long. You will excuse me if I have not answered your expecta- tions. I do not love money for myself; but if somebody would open a gold mine for me, I could take out from it gold on my shoulders for my country till the physical man gave way, — but when the body failed, I must sit down to rest. The gold mine of your sympathy is before me ; and I am told, to get the treasure, I must attend meetings and speak to you ; but when the body is outworn, I must rest. " I have not been interesting; but men like you, who love liberty, need not be moved by eloquence to think right and act right. Therefore there is nothing necessary but for me to thank you again, and hope that, though you forget the poor exile, you will conserve a small place in your hearts for his cause ; and if Lynn does not hereafter honor Kossuth, Lynn will honor Hungary." At the conclusion of this speech, the audience pressed to the plat- form to shake hands Avith Kossuth ; but the state of his health would not permit him to be introduced to them, and he was immediately conducted from the hall to his carriage. The procession was re-formed, and proceeded down Market-street, up Union to Exchange-street, thence through Broad and Silsbee to Union-street, to the central station, where a special train was wait- ing to convey him to Salem. After shaking hands with the chief marshal and his aids, and a few others then in company with the mayor and the committee, Kossuth stepped into the car, and the train moved on amid the cheers of the people. On arriving at Salem, he was greeted with the shouts of a dense multitude, which lined his way from the railroad station to the City Hall. He was received at the depot by a committee, and was conveyed to the City Hall in an elegant barouche, drawn by a magnificent team of six black horses, followed by carriages containing his suite, several 168 KOSSUTU IN NEW ENGLAND. members of the State and Lynn committees, and others. In the Common Council chamber, which contained as many spectators (in- cluding a large circle of ladies) as could be admitted, the formal introduction to the city authorities took place. Hon. Chai-les Wentworth Upham, the mayor, -welcomed him thus : MATOK upham' S ADDRESS. " In the name of my associates in its municipal government, I bid you welcome to the city of Salem. " The shortness of the time you are to be with us, and all the cir- cumstances of -the occasion, require me to condense the sentiments your presence awakens, into the briefest possible expression. "A world-wide commerce has made the people of this place, from the first, conversant with the idea of humanity in its broadest accept- ation, and our history connects us particularly with some of the most memorable incidents in the progress of modern liberty. For these reasons, you are sure of a special welcome here. " I shall, in passing through some of our streets, point out to you the spot where the first delegates were elected to the Continental Con- gress, and where a Colonial House of Assembly, in 1774, under the guns of royal troops, and in defiance of a royal governor, transformed themselves, by vote, into an independent legislature, thus creating the civil government that carried Massachusetts through the war of Inde- pendence, and has continued, without interruption, from that day to this. We shall cross our North Bridge, where the first open resist- ance was effectually made to the power of Great Britain, in arms, more than six weeks before the battle of Lexington. I hope to have time to carry you into the confines of a neighboring town, that you may behold the monument erected by grateful affection and patriotic pride over the remains of the gallant young men of Danvers who rushing to the field from the most distant point,' and falling in the thickest of the fight, contributed the blood of Essex among the largest proportions to the first great sacrifice, on the 19th of April, 1775. " You meet everywhere diversity of opinion in reference to the policy which liberal governments ought to adopt. That, sir, is a question of time, and cannot be a question in any other sense. A great conflict must come, sooner or later. This truth was discerned a quar- ter of a century ago, by the cabinet at Washington, and proclaimed to the world by President Monroe. It was simultaneously discerned by the cabinet at London, and proclaimed by Mr. Canning, when KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 109 having espoused the cause of the South American republics, he uttered the proud but most significant boast, that he had ' called the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old.' At that time, this statesman, who, more than any other that ever stood at the British helm, comprehended the inevitable tendencies of society, predicted a fearful and final ' war of opinion,' as he expressed it, throughout the civilized world; and he further declared that in the war the United States of America and Great Britain would be on the same side, — ' the daughter and the mother,' to use his own words, ' standing together against the world.' A common language, a common commercial enter- prise, and a common enjoyment of self-regulated liberty, must compel these two nations to fall into the same line, in the impending world- crisis; and you, sir, more than any other man, have had such evidence of the spirit of their people as to make it sure that, in the great, day of trial, they will sufier no other banner to wave over them, on either side of the Atlantic, than the banner of the free. " The result of the conflict is as certain as its occurrence is inevi- table. And, when the smoke of the battle clears away, the light of an unclouded sky will everywhere be reflected from independent nations. In that day, — God grant, indeed, that it may be even sooner ! — your owij dear and glorious father-land will stand forth in her radiant beauty, and be hailed again as the rampart of Christendom, — her martyrs avenged, her exiles restored, and her freedom established forever. " Sir, your devout and reverential recognition of the great ideas of religion, on all occasions, adds to the other powers of eloquence its highest and most potent charm. The elemental laws controlling the destinies of nations, and working out the advancement of the race, you acknowledge and adore as the hand of Providence. The temporary interests of states, the policies of cabinets, the power of thrones or of parties, cannot withstand the operations of that Hand. In your toils and sorrows, faith in the overruling Power that has the welfare of humanity in its sure keeping will be your steadfast reliance. "We had hoped to receive you, as we rejoice to receive all the victims of oppression, to an American home ; but, in the conviction you entertain that the great crisis is near at hand, you hear the voice of duty summoning you back to the Old World. May the blessing of Heaven, in answer to the prayers of freemen, attend you ! " 15 170 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. KOSSUTH'S KEPLY. "I thank you, sir, and through you the authorities of the city of Salem. I thank you for that sympathy you have expressed with the principle of liberty. You have been pleased to speak of eloquence in respect to me. If there be anything in my stammering words to attract attention, it is not because of my eloquence, but because of the truth of the principle of liberty which I claim. For this principle the heart of the people of America feels warmly. So far it goes as even to show me personal kindness and affection. I was aware of that cir- cumstance before I came, that Canning's proud words proved true; — but he was a little arrogant to say he had called a new world into existence. It was God who did it; but not only to redress the balance of power, but the wrongs of humanity, — for I have yet to learn that the people of the United States will not go as far to maintain the law of nations as the finger of God may point out. It may be that Hun- gary will act the part of danger in the coming struggle; but she seeks not to be glorious, for patriotism is only a duty. So much I know of the United States, — the world will see her banner waving yet, with that of Great Britain, to protect the rights of humanity. What are all the petty differences of parties, in comparison with such prin- ciples as affect the destinies of mankind ? " I am happy to meet here, in the United States, a harmony with public authorities and the people's will ; and I am indeed happy to meet here that harmony in the Council-chamber of Salem in respect to the cause of all humanity. I thank the gentlemen of the Council for what they have added to the warm sentiment of the people." While the mayor was addressing him, Kossuth manifested the deepest emotion, and very frequently took him by the hand, pressing it with kindly acknowledgment. His reply was much more full and expressive than the sketch as reported. After he had concluded he was introduced personally to many of those present ; among others to the venerable John Punchard, now in his ninety-first year the oldest male inhabitant of Salem, and a Revolutionary soldier. It was affecting to witness the tender earnestness and evident mutual satisfac- tion which characterized the interview between the exiled patriot and the venerable judge. After the ceremonies at the City Hall, the party were re-conducted KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 171 to the carriages, and proceeded through several of the streets. Every- where Kossuth Avas greeted with the most enthusiastic cheers. When he passed through Washington-square, around the northern mall of •which were arrayed ahout two thousand of the pupils of the public schools, the entire common appeared to be covered with the people, presenting a most lively and delightful spectacle. The procession of carriages advanced, at a moderate pace, towards Danvers, where, around the monument to the Lexington martyrs, which was gayly decorated, the people had assembled, with the school- children, to welcome the Hungarian. Here Kossuth alighted, for a few moments, and stepped upon a platform erected for the purpose, where he was addressed by John W. Proctor, Esq. MK. PROCTOE'S address AT DANVERS. "Governor Kossuth: The citizens of Danvers, sympathizing with oppressed humanity wherever it may be found, have heard of the wrongs done to the land of your birth with the liveliest emotions. The earliest recollections of their infancy have been aroused by the narrative of the sufferings of your countrymen. They have heard of the noble deeds and sacrifices of yourself and your associates, in de- fence of liberty. They know that the motto adopted by our feithers, Jn their struggle for independence, ' Liberty or Death,' is your motto. They rejoice in the opportunity to greet you, as the representative of liberty in the Old World; and to bid you a hearty welcome to this asylum for the oppressed, in the New. "Though the strong arm of arbitrary power, and the treacherous wiles of the artful and unprincipled, may hitherto have thwarted your hopes, still, as sure as there is a God in heaven, — and that there is ' all nature proclaims aloud through all her works,' — justice will be done, and th^ oppressed shall go firee. " By the kind attention of our friends of Salem, we now enjoy the privilege of meeting you for a moment. We feel that we have no right to trespass upon that time which is theirs to command. We are most happy, sir, to meet you on this spot, sacred to the memory of those whose blood was poured out on the 19th of April, 1775, a first oblation to freedom in America. We need only remind you of the simple nar-rative of their adventure. " On the morning of April 19th, 1775, at the first sound of alarm that ' the British troops had started for Concord,' the troops of Salem 172 kossdth" in new England. and vicinity assembled, under Colonel Pickering, their commander, afterwards eminently known as the friend and confidant of Washing- ton. The militia and minute-men of Danvers, to the number of one hundred, with the consent of the colonel, under Captains Eppes and Foster, had started in advance. With such ardor did they move, that they travelled, on foot, sixteen miles in four hours, and met the enemy, on their return from Concord, at West Cambridge, near Lex- ington. Here a conflict ensued, in which seven of their number, all in the prime and vigor of manhood, were slain. To their memory was this monument erected, by voluntary contributions of the citizens, on the sixtieth anniversary of the battle ; the corner-stone of which waa laid by their commander. Gen. Gideon Foster, who lived to the ad- vanced age of ninety-six years, highly esteemed, for his valor and virtues, by all who knew him. Such, sir, was the part taken by the citizens of Danvers, at the beginning of our struggle for independence ; and so did they continue to aid the cause of freedom, as opportunity offered, to the end. We would not boast of what our fathers did, because we know their noble spirits would disdain to be praised fgr doing their duty ; but simply notice it, as an act of justice to their memory. Few, if any, towns in the country, engaged with more ardor and efficiency, in the contest for their liberties, than Danvers. Early oppressed, as they felt, by the special interposition of the tool of the croAvn, in the restriction of their rights to choose their own repre- sentatives, they were prompt to embrace the opportunity to vindicate them. " After seven years of toil and suffering, their efforts were crowned with success. Not so with the patriots of your father-land. The treachery of Austria, and the despotism of Russia, when combined, were found too powerful to be controlled by any human agency. A just God, in his own due time, will relieve the down-trodden and deliver the oppressed. " We rejoice, sir, that the executive of this nation, and the execu- tive of the good commonwealth of Massachusetts, have both fearlessly extended to you the right hand of fellowshij}, with a cordial grasp. A sympathy thus uttered will not fail to be echoed through every land where the spirit of freedom has an abode. "If, sir, there shall be left on your mind, by anything you have this day seen or heard, in the humble village of Danvers, a single impression that shall encourage your hopes and strengthen your arm in defence of freedom and suffering humanity, we shall look upon the KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 173 day we were privileged to take you by the hand, on our own soil, as one of the happiest we have known. We bid you God speed in the noble cause of universal freedom ; and commend to your notice the appropriate inscription on this monument, to the memory of our fellow- citizens : ' Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.' " Kossuth's reply. " I feel highly delighted to stand on ground hallowed by the recol- lections of devoted patriotism, and sanctified to the memory of all humanity, by most pleasing remembrances ; for never yet had martyr blood been spilled for freedom so fructuous as the blood spilled at Lex- ington. You are free, independent and powerful ; and, if it is true that spirits of the better world are permitted to know something of the affairs of this world, how the spirit of those whose great deeds this monument commemorates must rejoice to see the spirit of liberty spreading, and even be glad to witness the sympathy you show for poor, down-trodden Hungary. I know the circumstance that it was a minister of this vicinity [Mr. Barnard], — I do not know how inti- mately, but I assume it as a fact that you were more or less connected with your neighbors, — I know, I say, the circumstance that it was a minister of this vicinity who prevented Salem from becoming the Lexington of the Revolution ; and I know what the people did when Colonel Leslie would have come into their town over the North Bridge. Now suppose, gentlemen, when Colonel LesHe came to that bridge, and he was told he could not pass, somebody had stept out and said, ' This will not do; we must not oppose; he must pass, or we shall have a war.' [Applause.] They did oppose, and what was the conse- quence ? Colonel Leslie thought better of it, and marched his troops back again. " Now, gentlemen, let the people of the United States look only to the Czar as the people of 1775 did to Colonel Leslie, and, indeed, I think there would not be much danger of war. I am quite sure he i would do as Colonel Leslie did." [Applause.] This little speech was received with rapturous cheers ; but here, again, the report fails to give his remarks in all their expressiveness and beauty. Weary and worn as he was, his great abilities as an orator could be plainly discerned. Returning to the city, Kossuth proceeded to the Essex House, where 15* 174 KOSSUTH IN NETT ENGLAND. opportunity was allowed for rest and refreshment. After dinner, Mr. Pulszky and several of the strangers were conducted to the East India Museum, which they examined with great interest. The meeting at Mechanic Hall, in the evening, was a very large one. Hon. S. C. Phillips presided, and there was a long list of vice-presi- dents, &c. Lieut. Gov. Cushman, several of the Executive Council, members of the State Committee, and other distinguished strangers, were present, and music added its attractions. When Kossuth entered the hall, the entire audience arose and greeted him with a storm of cheers, the ladies enthusiastically joining in the welcome, and the band adding its inspiring notes. We have rarely, if ever, witnessed such an outburst of welcoming plaudits. Frequently afterwards, during the evening, a similar tempest of applause broke forth, and at the close the cheering was enthusiastic and long-continued. The hall was neatly embellished with flags and mottoes for the occa- sion. An arch, covered with banners, was thrown across the stage, and on it was inscribed, "Feanklin and Kossuth." At the opposite end of the haU was a scroll bearing the inscription, " WASHiNGTOiir and Lafayette." Around the galleries was displayed, in large letters, the motto from a speech of Kossuth: "We eely on our God, the Justness of oue Cause, Ikon Wills, Honest Heaets, AND Good Swoeds." address of HON. STEPHEN C. PHILLIPS. " Ladies and Gentlemen : This occasion must be regarded and remembered as one of peculiar interest. To many, and probably to most of you, it affords an opportunity for the first, and also for the last time, of beholding the countenance and of listening to the voice of the patriot and orator whom you have earnestly desired to see and to hear and are now permitted. It likewise affords an opportunity of express- ing your sympathy for the country which such a patriot has served, and for the cause of which he is the advocate ; that country, than which there is none more deserving to be free, and that cause, eternal as truth, and universal as humanity, which concerns alike all nations that have achie-sed or are struggling for their freedom. " In favoring us with this visit to our ancient city, — comparatively ancient in our young repubhc,— Governor Kossuth finds himself where we may be justly proud to meet him, on hallowed ground. As he treads the soil of the second landing-place of the Pilgrims, it is not KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 175 necessary to inform him that its original population -was the ' choice grain' which ' God sifted a whole nation that he might bring into this •wilderness.' It is not necessary to rehearse before him the services and sacrifices of that goodly company of saints and martyrs, wliich, with Governor Winthrop at their head, brought hither in the Arbella the first sufiScient charter of a local government in America. Their works have followed them ; the results of their policy, civil and' eccle- siastical, are still visibly inscribed upon the character of Massachu- setts ; and the distinction which they conferred upon Salem may be learned from the fact that it contains the sites upon which they reared the first church in America, and the first free school in the world. Our distinguished visiter, in his hasty tour through a portion of the city and its environs, has witnessed one memorial, and has passed one spot, which attests that here, as elsewhere in Massachusetts, the people were prepared, and amongst the first that were prepared, for the out- break of the American Revolution. In crossing the North Bridge, he has seen where, in advance of the battle of Lexington, the British troops met and yielded to an armed resistance ; and the inscription upon the monument in Danvers has told him what a contribution was made from this quarter to the first sacrifice of life in battle for the country's independence. As earned upon all its principal battle-fields amidst promiscuous successes and disasters, Salem was not without its share in the varied glory of the Revolution ; and it also bore a corre- sponding share of the burdens and privations which the service of the country then required. " In peace, however, rather than in war, and chiefly by the prose- cution of a foreign commerce, ' Divitis Indise Usque ad ultimum sinuni,' has Salem acquired the reputation which properly belongs to her. Of the tendencies and distinguishing characteristics of the commercial interest, of its relations to other interests, of the reciprocal influence exerted by commerce and liberal institutions, of the commercial benefit to every nation already free, of an increase of the number of free nations, of the true commercial policy of promoting by all practicable means the dififusion of freedom, I deem it unnecessary in the presence of our guest to attempt to speak. In his first speech in Faneuil Hall, by a clear conception of the contrast as it should present itself, he has shown in efiect what the mercantile class under a despotism is and 176 KOSSUTH IN KEW ENGLAND. must be, and T\hat the merchants of a republic may and should become; and, in the appeal ivhich he has made to intelligent merchants, not to mistake, not to abandon, not to seek to overthrow, but, on the contrary, to understand, to sustain and to help forward, his cause, he deserves to be met, as I trust that here and elsewhere amongst merchants he will be met, at least with candor, with a willingness to be convinced by unanswerable argument, and to receive the testimony of incontroverti- ble facts. "I now beg leave, sir, to introduce you to the company assembled upon this occasion. It is composed of citizens of Salem, and of the neighboring towns of Danvers, Beverly and Marblehead. It is com- posed, as you see, according to our Massachusetts custom, of ladies and gentlemen, parents and children ; of the young, the middle-aged and the elderly ; of representatives of all classes and conditions in the community. " In introducing you to such an assembly, I present you to your friends ; to friends of your cause, friends of your country, friends to whom you are well known, although a stranger, and by whom you will he remembered, if they should never see you again. " I present you, sir, in that character which you do not shrink from assuming, as a martyr of freedom, and the indomitable champion of the rights of your betrayed, oppressed, down-trodden father-land. We are sure that it is not of yourself that you desire to speak ; that it is not for yourself that you invoke our sympathy ; and we join you in regard- ing as beyond all personal interests the claims of a cause like that of your country. We recognize the similarity, in many important respects, of the condition of Hungary to that of the United States, when they struggled to be free. We notice, more particularly, some striking resemblances, in character and municipal institutions, between the people of Hungary and the people of Massachusetts. We trust, sir, that you see something in Massachusetts that reminds you of Hungary. We are sure, at least, that you cannot fail to discover that Massachu- setts hearts instinctively respond to Hungarian appeals. " This is, of necessity, an occasion of mingled joy and sadness, since it requires us at once to bid you welcome and farewell. Welcome, as you come amongst us to enkindle in our hearts a renewed love of lib- erty, to extend and strengthen the tie of human brotherhood. Fare- well, as you go bound in the spirit to Europe, not knowing the things which slmll befall ijoii there. That there are before you appalling responsibilities, which you must incur, — severer trials, -KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 177 heavier cares, more formidable obstacles, than you have yet encoun- tered, — who can doubt? Your intellectual efforts and physical exer- tions can scarcely be more arduous than they are already here ; and in this respect I almost apprehend that you may experience some rehef in escaping from your friends in America, even to meet your enemies in Hungary. Still the path upon which you are to reenter must be, throughout its extent, a path of danger ; and how far at first, and how far till the last, you will be aided, according to your need of aid, in avoiding and resisting danger, it is impossible to foresee. " But your stout heart and iron will have not forsaken you. The uneer-tainty of the prospect does not dishearten you. It may be in your power to command resources and to create opportunities as yet unexpected. You can bear to be disappointed. ' Again, ever again,' you vfill be prepared to renew the struggle, and you will persevere Tinto the end. You can trust your countrymen. When you resume your station at their head, they will surround and foUow^ you, and render you invincible. You can trust your friends in America for sympathy, and more than sympathy, — for ' material aid,' for remon- strance against your oppressors, for a cooperation, if it be practica- ble, with Great Britain, that shall make such remonstrance effectual, — and, it may be, if need be, for more direct and potential interposi- tion. "Above all, sir, as you have often reverently declared, — and that declaration completes our confidence in your character and cause, — your trust is in God. Our fathers trusted in Him, and he deliv- ered them ; they trusted in Him, and were not confounded. All our fathers were under tlie cloud, and aU passed through the sea; and, with hearts trustful as your own, we will hope and pray that, under the same divine protection, your passage through the mighty deep of your future may be so guided and guarded, that, once at home in Hungary, the 'happiness of Washington' shall be yours !" Kossuth rose and delivered the following reply : KOSSUTH'S SPEECH AT SALEM. " Sir : I am told that I am amongst friends. Friendship, in every condition of life, is a fair gift of God ; hut it is necessary to be an exile, homeless, a wanderer without a single place to rest upon, to feel the full consolation embraced in the word friend. " You have been so kind, sir, as to remark that you know it is not 178 KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. of myself I desire to speak. Indeed, it is true I have no motives of a personal nature ; and ttis is no merit of my own. Our Saviour taught us to love ourselves less than our neighbors, or to love our neighbors as ourselves. The personal interest I have in my labor is no quality against which the most rigid judge could object. The part which I act is a necessity of my nature ; my whole life is a necessity of it. "If I had any occasion to perceive a change in my nature, — and my God ! among friends would it not be easy to say, give me an asylum where I may repose ? — would you deny the request ? 0, no ! and would it not be a fair place to rest my weary head 1 " I am about to meet dangers for my country's sake. After what you have said of your sympathy for my cause, it is almost unnecessary for me to speak; stiU, I have to do it, and I rely upon your kind indulgence while I speak. If I had time, I should have made prep- aration ; but for short speeches much time is required. Therefore, if 1 tire you to-night in my address, be pleased to speak, and I will stop. "Ladies and Gentlemen: When, four yeai-s ago, the tidings of our gigantic struggle made the scarcely before known name of Hun- gary familiar to you, it was the instinct of sympathy for a nobly- defended noble cause which moved your hearts to rejoice at our victo- ries, to feel anxiety about our dangers, and to mourn our unmerited fall. And yet, so long as our struggle was but a domestic contest, a resistance against oppression by a perjurious king, you had no reason to think that the sympathy you felt for us, being a generous manifest- ation of the affections of free men, is in the same time an instinctive presentiment of a policy which you, in your national capacity, will ever be called upon by circumstances not only to consider, but, as I firmly believe, also to adopt. " You were far from anticipating that the issue of our stru