Old Provencal .£a>^- W3 fmyMi mh M.% ;#r«,ii I if I' 'PC Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924073540605 lbeatb'0 fiDobcrn XauGuaoe Scries AN OUTLINE PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY OLD PROVENCAL BY C. H. GRANDGENT Professor of Romance Languages in Harvard University BOSTON, U. S. A. D. C. HEATH & CO., PUBLISHERS i9°S Copyright, 1905, By D. C. Heath & Co. PREFACE. 'J' HIS book, which is intended as a guide to students of Romance Philology, represents the result of desultory labors extending through a period of twenty years. My first introduction to the scientific pursuit of Provengal linguistics was a course given by Paul Meyer at the ficole des Chartes in the winter of 1884-85. Since then I have been collecting material both from my own examination of texts and from the works of those philologists who have dealt with the sub- ject. Besides the large Grammars of the Romance Lan- guages by Diez and by Meyer-Liibke, I have utilized H. Suchier's Die franzosische und provemalische Sprache (in Grober's Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, I, 561), the Introduzione grammaticale in V. Crescini's Manualetto pro- venzale, the Abriss der Formenlehre in C. Appel's Provenza- Usche Chrestomatkie, and many special treatises to which reference will be made in the appropriate places. Conscious of many imperfections in my work, I shall be grateful for corrections. I have confined myself to the old literary language, believ- ing that to be of the greatest importance to a student of Romance Philology or of Comparative Literature, and fearing lest an enumeration of modern forms, in addition to the ancient, might prove too bewildering. I should add that neither my own knowledge nor the material at my disposal is adequate to a satisfactory presentation of the living idioms iv Preface. of southern France. These dialects have, however, been investigated for the light they throw on the geographical distribution of phonetic variations; my chief source of in- formation has been F. Mistral's monumental Dictionnaire proven(al-fran(ais. Catalan and Franco-Provengal have been considered only incidentally. I have not dealt with word- formation, because one of my students is preparing a treatise on that subject. Readers desiring a brief description of Provengal literature are referred to H. Suchier and A. Birch-Hirschfeld, Geschichte der franzosischen Literatur, pp. 56-96; A. Stimming, in Grober's Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, II, ii, pp. 1-69; and A. Restori, Letteratura provenzale. For a more extended account of the poets they should consult Die Poesie der Troubadours and the Leben und Werke der Troubadours by F. Diez; and The Troubadours at Home by J. H. Smith. The poetic ideals are discussed by G. Paris in Romania, XII, pp. 516-34; and with great fulness by L. F. Mott in The System of Courtly Love. The beginnings of the literature are treated by A. Jeanroy in his Origines de la poesie lyrique en France au moyen age, reviewed by G. Paris in a series of im- portant articles in the Journal des Savants (November and December, 1891, and March and July, 1892) reprinted sepa- rately in 1892 under the same title as Jeanroy's book. Con- tributions by A. Restori to several volumes of the Rivista musicale italiana deal with Provengal music; some tunes in modern notation are to be found in J. H. Smith's Trouba- dours at Home, and in the Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen, CX (New Series X), no (E. Bohn). Aside from the editions of individual poets, the best collections of verses are those of C. Appel, Provenzalische Chrestomathie; V. Crescini, Manualetto provenzale; and K. Bartsch, Chresto- Preface. v mathie provenfale. Earlier and larger anthologies are M. Raynouard's Choix des poesies originales des troubadours, and C. A. F. Mahn's Werke der Troubadours and Gedichte der Troubadours. The only dictionary of importance for the old language is the Lexique roman (six volumes) of M. Ray- nouard, augmented by the Supplement- Worterbuch of E. Levy (now appearing in instalments). The poetic language of the present day can be studied to advantage in E. Koschwitz's Grammaire historique de la langue des Filibres. C. H. GRANDGENT. Cambridge, Mass., November, 1904. ABBREVIATIONS AND TECHNICAL TERMS. Abl. : ablative. Ace. : accusative. Cl.L. : Classic Latin. Cond. : conditional. Cons. : consonant. Einf . : W. Meyer-LUbke, Einfuh- rung in das Studium der roma- nischen Sprachwissenschaft, 1901. F. : feminine. Fr. : French. Free (of vowels) : not in position. Fut. : future. Gram. : W. Meyer-Liibke, Gram- inaire des langues romanes, 3 vols., 1890-1900. Grundriss: G. Grober, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, 2 vols., 1888-1902. Imp. : imperfect. Imper. : imperative. Intertonic (of vowels) : following the secondary and preceding the primary accent. Intervocalic (of consonants) : stand- ing between two vowels. It. : Italian. Korting: G. Korting, Lateinisch- romanisches Worterbuch, 2d ed., 1901. Lat. : Latin. Levy: E. Levy, Provenzalisches Supplement- Worterbuch, 1894 — . Ltblt. : Literaturblatt fur germa- nische und romanische Philologie, monthly, Leipzig. M. : masculine. Nom. : nominative. Obj.: objective (case). Part. : participle. Perf. : perfect. Pers. : person. Phon. : P. Marchot, Petite phoniti- que dufranfais prilittlraire, 1 901 . PI.: plural. Pr.: Provenjal. Pres.: present. Pret. : preterit. Raynouard: M. Raynouard, Lexi- que roman, 6 vols., 1836-44. Rom. : Romania, quarterly, Paris. Sg. : singular. V.L. : Vulgar Latin. Voc. : H. Schuchardt, Vocalismus des Vulgar lateins, 3 vols., 1866-68. Voiced (of consonants) : sonant, pronounced with vibration of the glottis. Voiceless (of consonants) : surd, pronounced without glottal vi- bration. Vow. : vowel. Zs. : Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, 4 to 6 nos. a year, Halle. SIGNS AND PHONETIC SYMBOLS. N. B. — Phonetic characters not entered in this list are to be pronounced as in Italian. Whenever it is essential to distinguish spelling from pronunciation, italic type is used for the former, Roman for the latter. ' (after a consonant) : palatal pro- nunciation, [found. * (before a word) : conjectural, not > (between words or letters) : de- rivation, the source standing at the open end. + : followed by. • (under a vowel) : close quality. J (under a vowel) : open quality. - (over a vowel) : long quantity. " (over a vowel) : short quantity. , (under a letter) : semivowel, not syllabic. ' (over a letter) : stress. a: French d iupdie. n'; palatal n, as in Italian ogni. r- French a va.paUe. q: English ng in sing. |8: 1 bilabial v, as in Spanish. o: German o, as in sohn. c: see k. o: German S, as in sonne. c': palatal k, as in English key. r'; palatal r. 3: English th in this. s: English sh in ship. e: French i in thl. \>-- English th in thin. r- French I iafite. u: German ii, as in gut. g: English g in go. u; German ii, as in butter. g': palatal g, as in English geese. ii: French « iapur. h: English k in hat. w: English IV in looo. i: French i in si. X : German ch in ach. i = English i in pit. y: English y in ye. k: English k in maker. z: English z in crazy. k': see c'. z: French/ Ya.jour. 1': palatal /, as in Italian y^//^. o s s 1 d ex i D A -^ ,...../ ■i'^s^ 25 ' ! ..-.. ./ '• ■■■ I - ^ — \ ;s \ •■" > < <■■■■)< 3 O ,/ o i /s '^ ■■■■■■' ° ( J 1 '-^^<^^ '' .■■•• ^,,.^ r ^ , / ■! ..■•':■ T—^ > <-.-^2£i^^..^ V — m i' ? J TABLE OF CONTENTS. Pages Introduction 1-9 Phonology 10-84 Accent 11-13 Vowels 13-36 Quantity 13-14 Accented Vowels 14-24 a 14-15 e 15-17 g 17-ZO i 20 O 20-21 9 21-23 u 23-24 au 24 Unaccented Vowels 24-36 Initial Syllable 25-27 Intertonic Syllable 27-29 Penult 29-32 Final Syllable 32-36 Consonants 37-84 Latin Consonants 37-40 Germanic Consonants 40-41 Greek Consonants 41-42 Initial Consonants 42-44 Single 43-44 Groups 44 Medial Consonants 45-78 Single 47-55 ix X Table of Contents. Pages Groups 55- 78 Double Consonants 5°" 57 Groups Ending in L 57- 5^ Groups Ending in R 5^- 61 Groups Ending in W 61- 62 Groups Ending in Y 63- 69 Groups Beginning with L, M, N, R, or S 69- 74 Miscellaneous Groups 74- 78 Final Consonants 78- 81 Single 78-81 Groups 81 Sporadic Change 81- 84 Insertion 81- 82 Metathesis 82- 83 Dissimilation 83- 84 Morphology 85-146 Declension 85-113 Nouns 85- 94 First Declension 90 Second Declension 90- 91 Third Declension 91- 94 Adjectives 95— 99 Comparison 96- 97 Numerals 98- 99 Pronouns and Pronominal Adjectives 99-113 Articles loo-ioi Personal Pronouns 101-105 Possessives 105-107 Demonstratives 107-109 Interrogatives and Relatives 109-110 Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives 110-113 Conjugation 114-146 The Four Conjugations 1 14-1 j ^ Fundamental Changes in Inflection: 116-118 Infinitive, Present Participle, and Gerund 1 18-1 19 Past Participle . . 119-121 Future and New Conditional 121-12^ Future Endings 122-12^ Table of Contents, xi Fagbs Conditional Endings 123 Present 123-132 Double Stems 125-126 Peculiar Forms 127-130 Personal Endings 130-132 Imperfect Indicative , . . , y . 132-133 Preterit, Old Conditional, and Imperfect Subfunctive , , 133-146 Preterit 133-144 Weak 135-138 Strong 138-144 Old Conditional 144-145 Imperfect Subjunctive 145-146 Index 147-159 AN OUTLINE OF THE PHONOLOGY AND MOR- PHOLOGY OF OLD PROVENgAL. I. INTRODUCTION. 1. The language here studied is, in the main, that used by the poets of Southern France during the 12 th and 13th cen- turies. The few works that we have earlier than the 12 th century must, of course, be utilized for such information as they afford concerning the process of linguistic change; and lacking words or forms must occasionally be sought in writ- ings later than the 13th. Prose literature, moreover, should not be neglected, as it greatly enlarges our vocabulary and throws much light on local divergences. The modern dia- lects need be cited only to determine the geographical dis- tribution of variations. 2. The extent of the Provencal territory is sufficiently indicated by the map on p. viii. The upper black line sepa- rates Provengal on the northwest and north from French, on the northeast from Franco-Provengal ; on the east are the Gallo-Italic dialects. The lower black line divides Provengal on the southwest from Basque, on the south from Spanish, on the southeast from Catalan. The boundary line between French and Provencal must be determined somewhat arbi- trarily, as there is no distinct natural division; the several linguistic characteristics of each idiom do not end at the 2 Introduction. [§ 4 same point, and thus one language gradually shades into the other. The line shown on the map is based on the develop- ment of free accented Latin a, which remains a in Provengal, but is changed to e in French. The limits of other phonetic phenomena may be found in Suchier's maps at the back of Vol. I of Grober's Grundriss. There may be seen also a large map showing the place of Provengal among the Ro- mance languages. Consult, furthermore, P. Meyer in Ro- mania, XXIV, 529. 3. The Spanish and Gallo-Italic frontiers are more clearly defined, and Basque is entirely distinct. Franco-Provengal and Catalan, on the other hand, are closely related to Pro- vengal and not always easy to divide from it. Catalan, in fact, is often classed as a Provengal dialect; but it is suffi- ciently different to be studied separately. Franco-Provengal, rated by some philologists as an independent language, has certain characteristics of Proven9al and certain features of French, but more of the latter; in some respects it is at variance with both. The Gascon, or southwest, dialects of Provengal differ in many ways from any of the others and present not a few similarities to Spanish^; they will, however, be included in our study. 4. The Provengal domain embraces, then, the following old provinces: Provence, Languedoc, Foix, part of Beam, Gascony, Guyenne, Limousin, most of Marche, Auvergne, the southwestern half of Lyonnais and the southern half of Dauphind. The native speech in this region varies con- siderably from place to place, and the local dialects are, for convenience, roughly grouped under the names of the prov- inces; it should be remembered, however, that the political * See E. Bourciez, les Mots espagnols compares aux mots gascons. § 7] Introduction. 3 and the linguistic boundaries rarely coincide. For some of the principal dialect differences, see §§ 8 and 10-13. 5. The old poets frequently called their language lemosi; and, in fact, the foundation of their literary idiom is the speech of the province of Limousin and the adjacent territory on the north, west, and southwest.^ The supremacy of this dialect group is apparently due to the fact that it was gen- erally used for composition earlier than any of the others: popular song, in all probability, had its home in the border- land of Marche^; religious literature in the vulgar tongue developed in the monasteries of this region; the artistic lyric was cultivated, we know, at the court of Ventidour, and it must have found favor at others. Furthermore, many of the leading troubadours belonged by birth or residence to the Limousin district. 6. The troubadours' verses, as we have them, seldom represent any one dialect in its purity. The poet himself was doubtless influenced both by literary tradition and by his particular local usage, as well as by considerations of rhyme and metre. Moreover, his work, before reaching us, passed through the hands of various intermediaries, who left upon it traces of their own pronunciation. It should be said, also, that the Limousin was not a single dialect, but a group of more or less divergent types of speech. For these reasons we must not expect to find in Provengal a uniform linguistic standard. 7. Neither was there a generally accepted system of or- thography. When the vulgar tongue was first written, the ■ See C. Chabaneau, la Langue et la litUrature du Limousin, in the Revue des langues romanes, XXXV, 379. * See G. Paris, Origines de la pohie lyrique en France au moyen dge. 4 Introduction. [§ 8 Roman letters were used with approximately the same values that they had in Latin, as it was then pronounced. As the Provengal sounds changed, there was a conflict between the spellings first established and new notations based on con- temporary speech. Furthermore, many Proven9al vowels and consonants had no equivalents in Latin; for these we find a great variety of representations. The signs are very often ambiguous: for instance, c before e or i (as in cen, cine) generally stands in the first texts for ts, in the more recent ones for s, the pronunciation having changed; z between vowels in early times usually means dz (^plazer), but later z (roza) ; t between vowels (maidr) indicates either y or dz (English/), according to the dialect; a^may signify "hard" g {gerra), dz ("soft"^: ges), or ts (English ch: mieg). It is probable that for a couple of centuries diphthongs were oftenest written as simple vowels. 8. Some features of the mediaeval pronunciation are still obscure. The close 9 was transformed, either during or soon after the literary epoch, into u (the sound of French ou); hence, when we meet in a late text such a word as Jlor, we cannot be certain whether it is to be sounded fl9r or flur. We do not know at what time Latin u in southern France took the sound ii (French u): some suppose that it was dur- ing or shortly before the literary period; if this be true, the letter u (as in tu, mur) may represent in some texts u, in others ii. In diphthongs and triphthongs whose first element is written u {cuer, fuolha, nueu, buou), this letter came to be pronounced in most of the dialects like French u in huit, while in others it retained the sound of French ou in oui; we cannot tell exactly when or where, in ancient times, this de- velopment occurred. In the diphthongs ue, uo {luec, fuoc), opinions disagree as to which vowel originally bore the § 9] Introduction. 5 stress; subsequent changes seem to indicate that in the 12th and 13th centuries the practice varied in the different dialects. Old Provencal must have had in some words a peculiar type of r, which was sufficiently palatal in its articu- lation to call for an i-glide before it {esdairar) ; we do not know precisely how it was formed ; in most regions it probably was assimilated to the more usual r as early as the 12 th cen- tury. The s and z (palatal s and z) apparently ranged, in the several dialects, between the sounds of French cH. and / on the one hand, and those of German ch (in icK) and 7 (in ja) on the other; the former types were largely assimilated, doubtless by the 13th century, to s and z (jpois, maisd), the latter were not (Jioih, maid). 9. The following table comprises the Old Proven9al sounds with their usual spellings, the latter being arranged, as nearly as may be, in the order of their frequency. Diphthongs and triphthongs are included in the vowel list, compound conso- nants in the consonant table. For an explanation of the phonetic symbols, see p. vii. The variant pronunciations are discussed in § 8. VOWELS. SOUND. SPELLINGS. EXAMPLES. a a pan- a a car ai ai, ay paire, cays au au autre e e pena e e eel ?i ei, ey vei, Tjeyre ei ei, ey seis, teysser eu eu beure eu eu breu i i,y amic, ydola Introduction. [§9 SOUND. SPELLINGS. EXAMPLES. ie te,e quier, velh iei iei, iey, ei ieis, lieys, hit ieu ieu, eu mieu, deus iu iu estiu 9 (or v) 0, u corre, sun g cors oi oi, oy conoisser, oyre 9i oi, oy pois,foyssin ou ou dous 9u ou mou u: see o, u ii (or u ?) u mut ue, ue ue, 0? cuec, olh ? uei, uei uei, uey, oi? cueissa, fueyssas, oit? ueu, iieu ueu, ou? nueu, bou ? Ui ui, uy cuit, duy uo, uo uo, u gruoc,folha uoi, 1191 uoi, oi puoi, noit uou, ugn uou, ou fluou, ou CONSONANTS. SOUND. SPELLINGS. EXAMPLES. b d b,bb d bel, abbat don dz Z,C plazer, dicen dz d d ioc,gen,paratge,viagge, coratie, loigiar, puihar veder f f,th fer, phizica S h (Gascon) k 1 g,S» h,f? c,qu,k,g 1, 11 gras, guan, guerra ham,fe?'^ cais, quar, quer, ki, longs^ leu, belleza ■ This h (coming from f ) is peculiar to Gascon ; the other dialects have no h. ^ G,b,d are sounded k, p, t only at the end of a word or before a final s. 10] Introduction. m n n' I) P s t ts ts V y SOUND. SPELLINGS. Ih, ill, ilh, II, I, il.yl, yll, li 7,1, mm n, nn nh,gn, ink, ign, ing, innk, ingn, ngn, nn, «, in, ng,ynh, ni, ny, nyh n p,PP,b rr S, SS, c.', f, X ss, s, sk, h, hs t,tt,d c, :i,tZ,(,gZ, CZ, a ch,g,ich, ig, h,gz u (printed v) hy S, 4,( s, z, i EXAMPLES. fuelha, meillor, failha, vellar, viel, voil, fiyl, fayllentia,filia mes, commanda nas, annat cenher, plagner, poinh, seignor, soing, poinnher, fraingner, ongnimen, vinna,franen, soin, sengor, poynh, lenia, senyoria, senyhor lone prop, apparer, obs^ rire cuer terra^ sap,fassa, cenat, (a, locx faissa, cais, pueysh, Foih,faihs tot, attenir, nud^ cel,faz, parlatz, (O, fagz, czo, fayllen- tia^ chan,plag, ueich,faig, lah,gaugz^ , ven gabia, preyar pausa, roza, ri(ia « ridebai) raso, poizo, maio 10. The Gascon group presents certain striking diver- gences from the other dialects: (i) it shows a b correspond- ing to Provengal v, as in be^ve<, venit, abetz = avetz < ha- betis; (2) it substitutes r for 1 between vowels, as in bera = bela chan can, longa >• Ionia longa. (2) Latin ct and gd became it and id in most of the north and in the southwest^, ts and dz in most of the south and in the northwest^: factum > fait fach, frig{i)da>freida freia. Net became int, nt, n', nts in different regions: sanctum^ saint sant sank sanch. Cs C Latin x) had various local de- velopments — is, its, ts — somewhat similar to those of ct: exirC^ eissir eichir ichir. (3) Latin d between vowels disappeared in some spots in the north and northeast^, and became z nearly everywhere else : audlre > auir auzir. (4) Latin 11 became 1' in some parts of the south ^, and usually 1 in other regions : bella > belha beta. (5) Provencal final ns remains in the southeast and east, and is elsewhere generally reduced to s: bdnus>bons bos. Provengal final n also falls in a large region, but its history is more intricate; the poets use indifferently forms with and without «: bene~^benbe. 12. Several Latin consonants, when combined with a fol- lowing e or i, give results that are widely different in various localities, but the geographical distribution of the respective forms is complicated and not always clear: podium'^-puech poi\ basiare'^-baisar basar baiiar baiar; bassiare'^baissar baichar bachar; potionem >poizon pozon poio. The same thing • Cf. French. '^ Cf. Spanish. § 13] Introduction. 9 may be said of intervocalic y (Latin/) : major "imager maier. Also of intervocalic c, sc, g, qg, followed by e or i: placere> plazer plaizer plager, nascefe > naisser nasser naicher nacher, legem > lei leg, ungere > onher onger. 13. In the development of unstressed vowels there are very numerous local variations, which will be discussed later. Even among accented vowels there are some divergences: — (i) Provengal a, e, o before nasals become a, e, 9 in some dialects, especially in those belonging to or bordering on the Limousin group: canem> c^rx can, venifp-ven ven, bdnum':> bon b9n. The poets nearly always use the forms with close vowels. (2) The breaking of e, o, under certain conditions, into diphthongs is not common to the whole territory, and the resulting forms show local differences: meum'^va&Vi mieu, focum > foe f uoc fuec f iic. Breaking is least common in the southwest. II. PHONOLOGY. 14. Inasmuch as Provengal, like the other Romance lan- guages, grew out of the Latin commonly spoken under the Roman Empire, we must take this latter language as our starting-point. The transformation was so gradual and con- tinuous that we cannot assign any date at which speech ceases to be Latin and begins to be Proven5al; since, how- ever, the various Latin dialects — destined to become later the various Romance languages — began to diverge widely in the 6th and 7th centuries, we may, for the sake of con- venience, say that the Latin period ends at about this time. Before this, certain changes (which affected all the Romance tongues) had occurred in the popular language, differentiat- ing it considerably from the classic Latin of the Augustan writers. Although the most important of these alterations have to do with inflections rather than with pronunciation, the sound-changes in Vulgar Latin are by no means insig- nificant. 15. It is essential at the outset to distinguish "popular'' from "learned" words. The former, having always been a part of the spoken vocabulary, have been subject to the operation of all the phonetic laws that have governed the development of the language. The latter class, consisting of words borrowed by clerks, at various periods, from Latin books and from the Latin of the Church, is naturally exempt from sound-changes that occurred in the vulgar tongue before § i6] Provenqal Phonology. ii the time of their adoption. The form of learned words depends, in the first place, on the clerical pronunciation of Latin at the date of their borrowing; then, if they came into general use, their form was subject to the influence of any phonetic laws that were subsequently in force. The fate of borrowed terms differs, therefore, according to the time of their introduction and the degree of popularity which they afterwards attained. 1. ACCENT. l6. The place of the primary accent, which in Classic Latin was determined by quantity, remained unchanged in Vulgar Latin even after quantitative distinctions were lost. A short vowel before a mute followed by a liquid may, in Classic Latin, be stressed or unstressed; in Vulgar Latin it is usually stressed: cathedra, tenebrce} There are some exceptions to the rule of the persistence of the accent in Vulgar Latin: — I. An accented e or i immediately followed by the vowel of the penult transfers the stress to this latter vowel, and is itself changed to y : fiUSlus'^filySlus, mulilrem'^mulyere. This shift is perhaps due to a, tendency to stress the more sonorous of two contiguous vowels. i. An accented u immediately followed by the vowel of the penult transfers the stress to the preceding syllable, and is itself changed to w : kabuerunf^ dbwerunt, tenueram'^ tinwera. This shift cannot be ex- plained on the same principle as the foregoing one ; it is perhaps due in every case to analogy — hdbuit, tenui, for instance, being responsible for the change in habiierunt, tenueram. 3. Verbs compounded with a prefix, if their constituent parts were fully recognized, were usually replaced in Vulgar Latin by a formation in which the vowel and the accent of the simple verb were preserved : deficit > disfdcit, reddidi > reddedi, rinego >• renigo, riqufrit >• requcerit. In ' For some exceptions see Rom., XXXII, 591 ; P. Marchot, Phon., p. 9. 12 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ '8 ricipit > recipit the accent but not the vowel was restored, speakers having ceased to associate this verb with capio. In colltgo, erigo, exeo, inflo thfe composite nature of the word was apparently not recognized. 4. The adverbs Ulac, ttlic accented their last syllable, by the analogy of hie, hic. 17. In Provengal the primary accent falls on the same syllable as in Vulgar Latin: bonitdtem>Y. L. boniidte>Vx. bontdt, computum > V. L. computu > Pr. cdnte\ cathedra > V. L. catidra > Pr. cadeira^ filiolus > V. L. filyolus > Pr. filhols, tenuerain>N. L. tenwera'^'Pr. tc'ngra, requirif^^-N . L. requcBrit > Pr. requir, illac'^Y. L. illdc'>YT. lai. 1. Some learned words have an irregular accentuation, apparently due to a mispronunciation of the Latin: cdndidum~;> quandi, grammdtua'^ gramatica, Idchrymo >■ lagrim, splritum > esprit (perhaps from the formula spirihd sancto). Others were adopted with the correct stress, but shifted it later: fdbrtca'^fdbrega'^fabrega (and fdrga), femina'^flmena'^fe- mina (and femnd), Idchryma"^ Idgrema"^ lagrema, siminaf^ simetia'^ semlna (and simnd), virginem'^v^rgena'^vergina (and virge). 2. Dimircres <^die Mercuri has evidently been influenced by divlnres <^dle Veneris. 3. Some irregularities due to inflection will be discussed under Mor- phology. 18. The secondary accent, in Vulgar Latin, seems not to have followed the Classic Latin quantitative rule, but to have fallen regularly on the second syllable from the primary stress : cogito, cupidttatem. If this secondary accent followed the tonic, its vowel probably developed as an unstressed post-tonic vowel; if it preceded, its vowel was apparently treated as a stressed vowel. This treatment was doubtless continued in Proven9al until the intertonic vowel dropped out: cdgitd cdgitdni^ cug ciiian (cf. canto cdntanf^ can cdntan), cupidttatem'^ cupiBitdte'^ cubiStdf^- cobeitdt. As maybe seen from this last example, after the fall of the intertonic vowel, § 2i] PROVENgAL Phonology. 13 the secondary stress, being brought next to the primary, disappeared, and its vowel was henceforth unaccented. Cf. § 45. I- 19. Short, unemphatic words had no accent in Vulgar Latin, and were attached as particles to the beginning or the end of another word: te videt, dma me. Such words, if they were not monosyllabic, tended to become so; a dissyllabic proclitic beginning with a vowel regularly, in Vulgar Latin, lost its first syllable : ilium video > V. L. lu veyo > Pr. lo vet. A word which was used sometimes independently, sometimes as a particle, naturally developed double forms. 2. VOWELS. QUANTITY. 20. Latin had the following vowels, which might be long or short : a, e, i, o, u. The diphthongs, ae, oe, au, eu, ui, were always long: se and oe, however, were simplified into monoph- thongs, mainly in the Republican epoch, ce being sounded e, as probably e; au retained (save in some popular dialects) its old pronunciation; eu did not occur in any word that sur- vived; ui, in cui, illui, in Vulgar Latin, was accented M (as in /«?)• T'^^ simple vowels, except a, were, doubtless from early times, slightly different in quality according to their quantity, the long vowels being sounded close, the short open: e, i, 6, u; e, 1, o, u. 21, Between the ist and the 7th century of our era, the Classic Latin quantity died out: it had apparently disap- peared from unstressed vowels as early as the 4th century, from stressed by the 6th. It left its traces, however, as we have seen, upon accentuation (§ 16), and also upon vowel 14 Provenqal Phonology. [§ 23 quality, the originally long and short remaining differentiated in sound, if they were accented. Of the unaccented vowels, only i shows sure signs of such a differentiation, and even for i the distinction is evident only in a final syllable: vent venit > veni venit. ACCENTED VOWELS. 22. The vowels of Vulgar Latin are a, e, e, i, i, 9, p, u, u, with the diphthongs 4u and lii; the old se and ce had become identical in sound with e and e. As early as the 3d century of our era, i was changed, in nearly all the Empire, to e, and thus became identical with the vowel coming from original e. A little later, perhaps, u, in the greater part of the Empire, became o, thus coinciding with the vowel that was originally 6. Ypsilon, in words taken from the Greek, was identified, in early borrowings, with Latin u; in later ones,, with Latin i: ^vpa-a > Pr. borsa, yu/oos > Pr. girs. Omicron, which appar- ently had the close sound in Greek, generally (but not always) retained it in recently borrowed words in Vulgar Latin : ropvos > tprnus (cf. Pr. torn), but Koha.^a%'> colaphus = co\z.-^m.% or colapus (cf. Pr. colp). The development of the Vulgar Latin vowels in Provencal will now be examined in detail: — 23. CI. L. a, a>V. L. a>Pr. a: drbdrem> a.rhre, gratum > grat, mare > mar. I. The ending -arius shows an irregular development in French and Proven9al, the Proven9al forms being mainly such as would come from -erius; as in far Her, parleira. In the earliest stage we find apparently -er' and -er'a; then -er' and -eir'a; next -er, -ier and -eira, -ieira-; finally, with a reciprocal influence of the two genders, -er, -ier, -eir, and -gra, -iera, -eira, -ieira: caballarium'^ c(!i)avaler -ier, -eir, *man{u)aria § 25] Provenqal Phonology. 15 ^ manera -iera -eira -ieira. The peculiar treatment of this suffix has not. been satisfactorily explained. See E. R. Zimmermann, Die Ge- schichte des lateinischen Suffixes -arius in den romanischen Sprachen, 1895 ; E. Staaff, Le suffixe -arius dans les langues romanes, Upsala, 1S96, re- viewed by Marchot in Zs., XXI, 296, by Korting in Zeitschrift fur franzo- sische Sprache, XXII, 55; Meyer-Liibke, Gram., I, 222, § 237; Zimmer- mann in Zs., XXVI, 591 ; Thomas in Rom., XXXI, 481. The most promising theory is that of Thomas : that -arius was associated with the Germanic ending -ari and participated in the umlaut which affected the latter; cf. also P. Marchot, Phon., pp. 34-36. 2. In Gascony and Languedoc ei is used for ai < habeo. The ei per- haps developed first as a future ending (amar -ei) by analogy of the pret- erit ending -«■ (amei): see Morphology, §§ 152, i, 162, (4), 175, (4), where this latter ending is discussed also. For a. different explanation, see Meyer-Liibke, Gram., I, 222, § 237. 3. A few apparent irregularies are to be traced to the vocabulary of Vulgar Latin. For instance, Pr. sereisa represents, not CI. L. cSrdsus, but V. L. ceresea: see Meyer-Liibke, Einf., § 103. Uebre is from *ilperit, or aperit modified by * cSperit ^= coperit. Voig is from *vdcitum = vacuum: Einf., § 114. 4. Such forms as fontaina ^=-fontana ■•Cfontdna, etc., and tres ^ tras < trans, etc., are French or belong to the borderland between French and Proven9al. 24. In some dialects, particularly in Rouergue, Limousin, Auvergne, and Dauphin^, a became a before a nasal, and at the end of a monosyllable or an oxytone : cdnem > can, gran- dem > grant, cadit> ca, staf>- esta. I. The conditions differ somewhat in the various dialects, according as the nasal consonant falls or remains, and is followed by another con- sonant or not. In Limousin the sound is a before an n that cannot fall : see § II, (s). In Rouergue and in Dauphine, a appears before all nasals. The poets generally follow the Limousin usage. See F. Pfiitzner, Ueber die Aussprache des prmenzalischen A, Halle, 1884. e 25. CI. L. e, i, ce> V. L. e>Pr. e: habere >a.vQr, me>me, 1 6 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 25 mensem > mes, plenum > plen, regem > rei, vendere > vendre ;• inter';> tntxe, ftdem> i&, malUia^maX&za,, minus "> -mens, mit- tere > metre, siccum > sec, vlridem > vert ; pxna > pena. 1. Some words have e instead of e: — (a) The ending -His in the present indicative becomes -etz through the analogy of etz ■< estis. (S) Camel (also e), candela (also e), cruzel, fizel (also e), maissela have e thrpugh the analogy of the suffix -e\<^-ellus. In camel the substitu- tion probably goes back to Vulgar Latin. (; ; verin = venenum is an example of substitution of suffix. 3. Arnei, fei, met = me, palafrei, perguei, sei = se are French or border- land forms. Mercey, rey = re, used by Marcabru, seem to be due either to an imitation of such forms as the preceding or to the analogy of crei ere - ^\z., via^ via. 27. When there was in the next syllable a final i, V. L. e was changed in Provengal to i : ecc'tlll'^ cilh, ecc^istt';> cist, _/«•«> fis, */r(?jf > pris, *!'(?«««> vine, vigzntt * vznH';:> vint. 1. In the nominative plural of masculine nouns and adjectives this change was regularly prevented by the analogy of the singular and the accusative plural: missi'^mes, plem'^plen. We find, however, cabilV. L. e>Pr. e: infemum'>e.Vii^rr\.,fer- rum > fer, pedem > pe, trhnulat"^ trembla ; ccelum > eel, qumrit > quer. 1. Such forms as glisia, lire, pire, pis, profit are French. Profich may be a cross between profieg and profit, or it may be due to the analogy of dich. 2. Cossint, mint, sint, used by Arnaut Daniel, are perhaps faulty rhymes. 3. Auzil -Cavicelli, in the Boeci, may be due to the analogy of such plural forms as cabil<. capilli, iK^illl, etc. Briu, sometimes used for 1 8 Provenqal Phonology. [§ 30 breu •< brSvem, is evidently connected with abrivar, ' hasten,' the origin of which is uncertain. .Elig shows the influence either of eligir (beside elegir) or of dig. Ginh ^ genh <^ingenmm evidently follows ginhos <^in^ geniosus and its derivatives. Isme (esme) is a post-verbal noun from *umar (cf. azismameti), a dialect form of esmar -Ccestimare. Quis<^ * quasi, tinc<^tenui are due to the analogy oi pris ■<^* presi, vinc<^*venui. 4. Beside neula < nebula, we find nebla, neble, presumably from the same source, and also nible, ni6l, nidla, niiil, nitila, nivdl. According to 'HigrSi, Archivio glottologico italiano, XV, 494, nUbes'^niibllus'p-^nibiilus (and ^nibulus'i), whence might be derived *niillus *nitilus, which would account for niol-a, niiU-a, and perhaps for a * nivol'^ nivSl. Nible might be regarded as a cross between neble and niul. 5. In es < est the e probably comes from such combinations as me's, que's, understood as m'es, qu'es. Espelh < speculum shows the influence of cosselh, solelh. Estela presupposes a Latin * stela or *stella for Stella: cf; the Fr. and It. 6. Plais, ' hedge ' seems to be a cross between plexus and paxillus, 'fence.' Vianda (tCvivendat) is probably French. 7. Volon •< volentem shows the influence of the ending —Andus. 8. Greuga < con-gregar has been influenced by greu < *grevem =gra- vem influenced by levem. Cf. grey <^gregem. 29. Before a nasal, in most of the dialects of Limousin, Languedoc, and Gascony, e became e: ^if«f>ben, dicentem> dizen, tempus > tems, te9iet> ten, veniatn > venha, ventum > vent. 30. Early in the history of Provengal, before u, i, or one of the palatal consonants 1', r', s', z', y, ts, dz, an e broke into ie, except in a few dialects of the west and north : deus > dieus, meum > mieu ; amavi > * amai > amei amiei, *feria > fieira, *ec{c)lesia'i (Cf. Zs., XXV, 344) > glieiza, ledum >\i&it, pejus > pieis ; vetulum veclum > vielh, ministerium > mestier, *ec(c)lesia}>- glieza., media '> mieisi, lectum^Meg. There seems to be also, at least in some dialects, a tendency to break the e before a g or a k: legunt >\iegorx; *sequif> s&c § 3°] PROVENgAL Phonology. ig siec, subjunctive siegas (sega),but infinitive segre ■<,* seguere.^ The breaking was probably due to a premature lifting of the tongue under the influence of a following high vowel or a palatal (or velar) consonant.^ Before u it^occurred every- where except in the extreme west; before palatals the e ap- parently remained intact both in the extreme west and in Quercy, Rouergue, Auvergne, and Dauphind. At first, no doubt, the diphthong was less marked than it became in the 1 2 th and 13th centuries. It is not indicated in our oldest text, the £oed {breu, deu, eu, met, meler, veiy, and it fre- quently remains unexpressed even in the writings of- the literary period. It is to be noted that e does not break before u bels > beus, petra > * pedra > peira, ^^^r«»? > * Ped're > Peire, ri?ifn)>*re^re>reire*. The break- ing must, therefore, have occurred before these developments of 1 and d, both of which apparently antedate the Boeci: cf. euz = els, V. 139; eu = el, v. 155; Teiric <,* Tedric <, Theodo- rlcum, V. 44, etc. On the other hand, there is no diphthong before ts, dz, s, z coming from Latin c', cy, pty, tty, ty: decern ">■ delz, Jtettia (or /i?«a) > pessa, w^^/'a > nessa, *pretiat > preza, pretium > pretz^ The breaking, therefore, took ' There is no diphthong in the preterit ending -ec ; cazec, etc. ' This view is a modification of the theory developed by C. Voretzsch in his ad- mirable treatise, Zur Geschichte der Diphthongierung im Altfrovenzalischen, Halle, 1900. That e is not affected by an i in the foUovring syllable is shown by such words as emperi, evangeli, salteri, which must have been adopted fairly early. The same thmg is true of : apostoli, oli, etc. ' The diphthong of o occurs, however, in this text, v. 203, in uel<^dculi. ''Derrier (derer, dereer), beside dereire, is manifestly due to the influence of frimier. To the influence of the same ending -ier, as in carr(i)eira, is to be ascribed the diphthong in cad{i)eira •< cathedra. ' The things just said of e are true of : there is no breaking before u <; 1 (tout = tolt) nor before ts, dz, s, z (nicet > notz, * niptias > nossas). 20 PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY. [§ 33 place after these consonants had ceased to be palatal. We may ascribe it with some confidence to the period between the seventh and tenth centuries. 1. A number of cases of ie before r are doubtless to be explained by analogy. Heri'^ er ; autre + er"^ autrer, which, through the influence of adjectives in -er -ier, became autrier: hence the form ier. Ferio, mereo >tier, mier; hence, by analogy, the first person forms profier, quier, then the third person forms fier, mier, profier, quifr, sifrf (but servon, serva), and the subjunctives ofigira, sofi§(i)ra. 2. lesc ( =: exed), iescon, iesca receive their diphthong either f ronl earlier forms with s' or from ieis < ^xit. i 31. CI. L. i>V. L. i: amicum'>- amic, /inem';>t in, trtstem >trist. I. Freg, freit are from V. L. *frigdum ^frigidum, the i being perhaps due to the analogy of rlgidum, 32. In the 13th century or earlier the group iu, in most dialects, became ieu: captivum 'y- czJi^xa. caitieu, cesttvum'^ estiu estieu, revlvere > reviure revieure, si vos > sius sieus. 33. CI. L. o, ti>V. L. o>Pr. 9, which developed into u probably during the literary period : dolorem > dolor, sponsa > esposa, Jldrem > flor ; bucca > bpca, gula > gola. I. An irregular o, which is found in some words, goes back to Vulgar Latin : C9bra = re-cHperat, costa (also o) ^ constat, nora =^ niira, ou =: ovum, ploia =:^/22wM, redobla = *r^rf«//o/, %o\iX2i ^s&ferat, snefre^sH/- fero. V. L. *cSperat may be regarded as a fusion of cUperat and *cSperit (§ 40, r; cf. Rom. XXXI, 9); *cSstat is unexplained; *nSra shows the in- fluence of sSror and sScira; the S of *lkium has been explained as due to differentiation from the following v; *plSia is to be connected with the popular plSvh-e (cf. Meyer-Liibke, Einf., § 142); *sSperat follows the analogy of *c6perat; *sSffero evidently follows Sffero. Redobla (also o) § 36] PROVENgAL Phonology. 21 is not accounted for. If troba has anything to do with ttirbat, it was per- haps influenced hy prdbat (cf. Zs., XXVIII, 50). 2. Some words have u: iiis (also iq^ estiiia, fugii > fiig, refugium > refiig; jungere > iiinher, ungere > iinher, pugnum > piinh ; diii, sum > so + i > sui. The u before ts, dz apparently occurs everywhere except in Dauphin^; before n' it is to be found in nearly all the dialects of the north and west; before final i it seems to be limited to Bordeaux, Auvergne, and a part of Languedoc. o 35. CI. L. 6 > V. L. o > Pr. o: £or> cor, corpus > cars, mortem > mprt, opera > obra, rota > roda. I. For dempra (also o) <*demorat, see Meyer-LUkbe, Gram., I, 204j § 220. For proa (also pr9a, prviev3) f 9nt, pontem > pont. Cf. E. Levy in Milanges de philologie romane didies a Carl Wahlund, i8g6, p. 207. I. If the nasal was n', the vowel remained open in mo^t or all of these dialects : cdgntta > coinda cuenda cuenhda, ISnge > lonh luenh, sSmnium > sonh suenh. 37. Early in the history of Proven9al, before u, a labial consonant, a g or a k, an i, or one of the palatal consonants r, n', r', s', z', y, ts, dz, an o broke, in most dialects, into a diphthong -which developed into ue, iio, tie, or ii': bovem^ bou biiou biieu, * ovum > ou iiou iieu, novus > nous niious niieus ; * copero > cobri ciiebre ^, nova > nova niieva, opus > ops iiops, probata proa priieva, * tropo ? > trop triieb ; coquus >cocs ciiocs ciiex, focum'^ioc fiioc fiiec fiic, crocus "^-grocs griiocs griiecs, jocum > ioc iiioc iiiec iiic, locus > Iocs liiocs lUecs, /tJiTfl/ > liioga, potui ->■ -gn&c, soc(^e)rum> (spzer) sogre siiegre (fem. sUegra); * «!gr(7j««/ > engroissa engriieissa, *an- gostia > engpissa engiieissa, noctem > noit niioit niieit, octo > oit licit, postea > ppissas piieissas, proximus > proymes priie- ymes ; folia > f plha f iiolha f iielha f iilha, oculus oclus > plhs iiolhs tielhs iilhs, Idnge^XoToh liienh, sdmnium> sorib. siienh, corium > cor ciier, postea > piies, proximum > prosme priiesme, *pldia > plpia pliieia pliiia, * inodiat > enpia eniieia eniiia, *pddiat'>-po\.d,, piieia piiia, noctem >rmoch niiech niih, dcto'> iieg. The breaking was probably due to a premature lifting of the tongue under the influence of a following high vowel or a palatal or velar consonant, or to a premature partial closure ^ The conditions are not quite the same as for e : an e does not break before a labial (neps) nor before n' (venha). Breaking before g and k seems more general for o than for e. " So the second person forms cueires, mires, uefres, and the third person forms cuebre, uebre, ttefre ; cf . cobron, obri, etc. § 38] Provenqal Phonology. 23 of the lips in anticipation of a following labial. Before i or a palatal the diphthong was at the start presumably iio; before u or a labial or velar consonant, uo: from these two types, the first of which influenced the second, came the later devel- opments, ij is a reduction of iio or ue ; it apparently does not occur before u. The dialect conditions are mixed, the development in each region depending somewhat on the following sound. In the southwest, p and ue seem to prevail; in the northwest, ii; in the west, in Limousin, and in Auvergne, iie; in Languedoc, iio; in the east and south, iie, iio, o. The date of breaking is discussed in § 30. 1. In some words where a diphthong would be expected, none is found, although it may have existed : mou < mSvet, nou < nSvem, plou < *pliSvit ; trop V. L. u>Pr. ii: * habutus> a.\\itz, justum> iiist, murum>mm, mutus> mutz, nuiius^ nutz, plus>-pVis. The date of the change of u into ii is not known ; there is no ii in Catalan, and there may have been none in early Gascon. It seems likely that the Celts, when they adopted Latin, pronounced u a little further forward in the mouth than did the Romans; that their u continued to advance gradually toward the front of the mouth until it became ii; and that this ii spread to the parts of France that were not 24 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 40 originally Celtic.^ In the literary period the sound was prob- ably ii in the Provengal region, with the possible exception of Gascony. . 1. Pr. onze represents a V. L. *undecim, which in Gaul- and Spain re- placed undecim. Loita liicha, trocha triicha probably go back to Latin double forms, * liccta lucta, * tructa tructa. Engoissa < V. L. *angSstia z=. angustia (cf. Italian angoscid). 2. N9ssas <* MiS^^Mj- =: ««;)<2aj, by analogy of *«ot'/kj', 'bridegroom,' from noviis. 39. CI. L. au>V. L. au>Pr. au: aurum>?MX, gaudium> gaug, paucum > pauc, thesaurus'>-X&^2MXi. 1. Bloi<^blaupr,ioi, iota, ioios, lotia <^* laubja, noiza, onia -^ haunipa, or, sor, tesor, etc., are French. lai, ' joy,' seems to be a fusion of iai and Pr. iai-^gai. 2. A Kta<^Aaun!pa is unexplained. UHACCENTED VOWELS. 40. (i) The fate of an unaccented vowel depended largely upon the syllable in which it stood: in general, unstressed vowels in the initial syllable remained intact, while all vowels, except a, fell (at different dates) in the other syllables. The fall of unaccented vowels resulted in many new consonant groups : collocdre > colcir, hdminem > dmne, sdbbatum >■ sapte. (2) The vowels e and i, instead of falling or remaining unchanged, became y in Vulgar Latin, early in our era: alea > alya, diurnus > dyurnus, medium > medyu. Similarly u became w : placui> placwi, tenuis > tenwis. I . Apparently, however, ee, ie > e ; 06, u6 > o : prehendere '^prendere ; ab{etem'^*abetem, faciebat'^*facebat, parietem "^ paretem, quietus"^ ^ For a discussion of tlie date, see K. Nyrop, Grammaire historique de la langue fran^aise (Copenhagen, 1899-1903), I, § 187. § 42] Provenqal Phonology. 25 quetus; cShSrtem'^cdrtem, cSSpSrW^ copMt *cSpSrit; diigdScim';>*dddl- cim. The short e and o in prlndlre and *cSperit are not accounted for. In muliSrem i > Pr. molher the i remained long enough (perhaps under the influence of the nominative mUlier) to palatalize the 1. Initial Syllable. 41. Usually, in the literary language, Latin a> Pr. a; Latin se, ce, and e, i (without regard to quantity) > Pr. e; Latin o, u (long or short) >Pr. o; Lat. au>Pr. au, unless the next syllable contained an li, in which case the au was reduced (in the Vulgar Latin time) to a. Ex. : amtcum > amic, caballus >cavals; cequdlem>egd\, */««z7i?r^ > penedre, debere>A&vtT, meliorem > melh9r, dilectum > deleit, dlvinum > devin, dimdere > devire, fmire > f enir, minorem > menor ; plordre > plorar, so Idiium '^ solatz, cdldrem'> color, *vdlere'>vo\sx, mustelay- mostela, subtnde > soven ; aucellum > auzel, audire > auzir, augustum > aost, * augurium > aiir. 1. An initial vowel is occasionally lost, either through elision with the article (*«c/i?«3>*egleisa, la egleisa>-la gleisa) or through the drop- ping of a prefix {ingenium > engenh genh) : episcSpus > bisbes, alauda > lauzeta., occasionem ^ ocaiso caiso. 2. In a few words the vowel of the initial syllable disappeared, for some unknown reason, in Vulgar Latin: * cSrrStiilare'^* crStHldre'^ crollar, directus > drectus ^ > dreitz, quiritare > * critdre >■ cridar. 3. Domne, used familiarly as a proclitic (§ 19), lost its first syllable, and, before a vowel, was reduced to n. The combinations de n, que n (followed by a proper name) were understood as d''en, qu'en; hence the title en, 'Sir.' See Schultz-Gora in Zs., XXVI, 588; Elise Richter in Zs., XXVII, 193. 4. The proclitic o probably comes from a V. L. ot, not from aut. ^2i The vowel of the initial syllable, especially in verbs, * For the accent, see § i6, i. ' Spelled drictus : see Schuchardt, Vacalismus des Vulgdrlateins, II, 422. 26 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 44 was extremely subject to the influence of analogy: ciilhir (o) through ciilh {o)<,cdlltgit, Aiz^n <.dtcentem through dire< dtcere, diirar through diir < durum and diira < dilrat, finir through fmv60uXXov and olifan orifan < ele- phantem are French. 43. Sometimes the initial syllable was altered by a change of prefix or a false idea of etymology: aucire < (7c«/j&» (cf. the Italian and Rumanian forms), diman (e) <(/i? mi«« and dimenge scurum (cf. es- ieu: piucela pieucela. 3. Many dialects of the north and west change ei and e to i: deis- sendre dissendre, eissam issam, eissi issi, eissilh issilh, leisso lisso, meitat mitat; degerir (t), denhar (i), disnar, en in, enfern {t), entrar («'), envers (i), escien icient, proclitic est ist, estar (z), estiers( i), Felip («'), gelos («), genhos (i), genolh (2), gequir («), guereiar (i), guerensa (z), i{n)vern, isnel irnel, peior pigor, proclitic per pir, premier (i), semblar (i), serven (i), serventes (i), sevals (2), trebalhar (2), tremblar (2). In disnar, ivern, isnel only i is found. In some dialects there is an alternation of e and i, e being used when there is an 1 in the next syllable, i when there is none : fenit, sirvin. In vezi da vds'^ddvas; hence daus, under the influence of deus >• de ves. Intertonic Syllable. 45. The term intertonic is applied to the syllable that fol- lows the secondary (§18) and precedes the primary accent. In this position all vowels, except a, regularly disappeared in popular words, probably between the 5th and the 8th cen- tury^; a apparently remained: * du/iUdre >hoia.T (boUegar), * The period of the fall of the intertonic vowel covers, in part, the period of the voicing of intervocalic surds (§ 65) ; sometimes the vowel fell too soon for the surd 28 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§46 bonitatem > bontat, * carricdre > carcar cargar, caballicare > cavalcar cavalgar, cerebellum > cervel, clvitdtetn > ciutat, ^^//i?- crar«>colcar colgar, delicdtum'p- A.i^czX delgat, excommunicdre * excomminzcdre >escomem3iT, verecundta^ vergonha.; calamel- lum > calamel, invadere *invadlre > envazir, margafita > margarida, mlrabtlia > miravilha, parav(^e)redus > palafres. 1. The vowel is preserved in a number of words in which it originally bore the secondary accent (§18): abbrividre~^ abreuiar, cupiditdtem'^ co- heitat, * ericionem'^ erisso; on the other hand, * cominitidre (through *co- min'tidre) > comensar, partitiSnem (through *pdrti6nem) '^parso. Cf. Zs., XXVII, 576, 684, 693, 698, 701, 704. When kept, the vowel is sometimes altered: *caronea * cardnedta'^ caraunhada, * cupiditSstis'^ cobeitos cobitos, papilionem "^pabalho. 2. The prefix minus- was reduced to mis- (or mes^ in Gaul, perhaps at the close of the Vulgar Latin period: *minus-pritiat'^mespreza. Cf. P. Marchot, Phon., pp. 43, 44. 3. Mostier is from * monisterium, altered, by the influence of ministe- rium, from monastirium. Camprar is from V. L. comperare. Calmelh calmelha (cf. calamel above) are Provencal formations from calm. Ca- resma or caresme, from quadragestma, is probably French. Anedier* nlttus, pds{i')tus, putidus'>-* puttus. (2) The classic Latin —cuius comprises an original -clus (^sceclurn) and an original —cuius {auricula). In popular Latin both were -clus {*macla, oclus, etc.), to which was as- similated —tulus in current words {vetulus^ veclus, etc.). (3) Many popular words which in Vulgar Latin had very generally lost the vowel were for some reason introduced into southern Gaul in their classical forms, and not a few were adopted both in the uncontracted and in the syncopated state : />-a^/^»2 > fragel (cf. Yx. fraile. It. f rale), juvenem> ipve (cf. Fr. iuevne); clencum '> clergne cler'cum > clerc, debi- tum > deute deb' turn > depte, fleblletn > ixQvoXflebUem > freble, mal'habttum > malaute mal'hab'tum > malapte, nitidum > nede *ni(fum'>- net, hdmtnem> ora& Mm'nem > omne, popu- lum > pobol pop'lum > poble. I. CSgnitum seems to have become *c6nhede, whence coinde ciiende conge. Cf. § 79, Gnd, Gnt. ' Domnus may be the older form. 30 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 49 48. The unaccented penult vowels that had not already fallen dissappeared, in most cases, in the transition from Latin to Provencal: * carrtcat> cz.tc2., cdUdcaf> coXc'a., currere >corre, spatMla> espsitla., *essere (= «j^)>estre, t{n)sula isla., pessimum > -pesme, ponere > p9nre, * ridere ';>nie, tabula'> taula, tdllere>to\r&. 1. A apparently was more tenacious than other vowels, and frequently remained as an indistinct e : andtem > anet, which, being associated with the diminutive ending -A, became anet (cf. modern Pr. anido); canndUm > canebe (learned ?) ; cSldfhum > * c61ebe > colbe, but cisrphum > colp ; Stephanum |> Esteve ; lampdda > lampeza ; Srganum > orguene (later or- guene) orgue ; Srphdnum ]> 9rf e ; raphdnum >■ raf e ; RhSddnum >■ Rozer ; *secdle ( ^ j/^a/^) >■ seguel (but cf. modern segle selho). Cf. A. Thomas in ihe Journal des savants, June, 1901, p. 370. See also P. Marchot, Phon., pp. 90-94. Cf. § 45, footnote. It is noteworthy that *c61ebe ultimately lost its penult, while the other words lost the final syllable or none. 49. Under certain conditions, however, a vowel which had not fallen in the Latin of southern Gaul was often kept in Provengal. It was then probably indistinct in sound, and was written usually e, but occasionally 0. (i) After c', g', or y the vowel was apparently retained in some dialects and lost in others. When the c', g', or y was intervocalic, forms with and without the vowel are about equally common; when the c', g', or y was preceded by a consonant, forms with the vowel predominate, and after cons. + c' the vowel was apparently never lost. After intervocalic c': cocere (^— coquere)> coixQ cozer, dtcerey^due di'zer, ducere >duire *diizer (condiicir dediizir), y(j;(r/r^>faire *fazer (fa- zedpr, etc.), gracilem > graile, *nocere (= nocere) > noire nozer, // plach, socerum'^- soz&r (sogre is from sO' crum), * vocitum (= vacuum')':^ vuech. After intervocalic g' or y: <5fl;jbailes,/w^7^»z>frigel, imaginem>\va.kg&, legere >leire legfr (through *leger?), rtgidum> r&id& rege, rigida> § 49] PROVENgAL Phonology. 31 regQzz.,* tragere (= trahere)>Xr2.ire. tragfr (through *trAger?). After cons. + c': career > ckrc&r, crescere^ cx&iss&r, nascere> naisser, pascere > pdisser, parcere > pircer, *tdrcere (= tor- quere) > torzer. After cons. + g' or y: angelum > angel (learned?), *coll'gere (=.edlltgere, through coUtgo etc.)> colre cuelher colhi'r, *de-er'gere (=: erigere) >■ derdre derzer, */«/- gerem (irom /u/ger=/uigur)>io\izei, jungere>ionher, mar- ginem > marge, plangere > planher, vtrginem > vergena verge. (2) After ks, s, ss, and sy the vowel was apparently re- tained in some dialects and lost in others: dtxerunit> diion disseron (through *dfsseron)^, duxerunt>- duystrent diiisseron (*duisseron),/ra^i'««»2>fraisne fraisse, traxerunt>tr2L\sseron (*traisseron), ioxicum^ta&isstc; astnum'^ asne ase, mtserum > miser (learned), *pre(n)serunf'>- pieson prezeron (*preze- ron), rema(^n)serunt>x&Tsia.str&nt remaseron (*rem4seron); *essere (— ^irj^) > estre esser (used in Rouergue, Limousin, Marche, and Dauphind), * misserunf (=zmiserun^)>- mestrunt (mesdren) meseron (*messeron), /aj-j^>'if»?> passer; *cd(n)- siere (= consuere) > coser (cozir is from V. L. *costre). (3) Between a labial and a dental the vowel was ap- parently kept: cuptdum -;>■ cohe, y««z«a > f emena feme (but /em' na '^-iemna,), j'uvenem'^- iove, * lumtnem'^Xwme (^liimen'^ liim), hdminem~:> 6vae.Vi. 6me. (but hdm''nem>ovsva&), tepidum> tebe, ierminum > terme. Cf. § 48, i. (4) Between a dental and a guttural the vowel remained long enough for the guttural to become y (§ 52; § 65, G): »«i?//?V«»2 > * medegu > * medeye > medze (=mege). If the first consonant was a liquid or a nasal, the vowel apparently allowed the guttural to become y in some dialects, but not in ' The change of accent, m this verb and others, was due to the analogy of the first and fourth conjugations (canteron, sentfron) and to the influence of the second person plural (dissetz). 32 Provencal Phonology. [§ S' others: * carricaf> c'axxi. carga, cleHcum> oS^-ns. clergue, mo- ndchum > monie mongue. CaballUat > cavalga, collocat > colca colga show an earlier fall. In clet'cum > clerc the fall goes back to Latin times. 50. Some learned proparoxytones kept for a while both post-tonic vowels (usually written e'), but most of them ulti- mately either shifted their accent to the penult (§ 17, i) or dropped their final syllable: domes^zcum > domestegae, la- crima '^■la.gTema, merz(um> merite, Mrrida >■ oreza,, regimerf^ rdgeme; ftsiula^iestdlz,, /ragtkm>iTagi\, merttum>ra&rit, terminum > termf ni ; diaconum > diague, flebtlem > f revol ( cf. fleb'lem>ixQh\e), niiidum> nede (cf. *nittum'> n&t), ordinem >6rde, pdpulunf>- ^obol (ci. pqp'lum>pohle), princtpem^ princep prince, Cf. § 47, (3). Final Syllable. 51. As early as the 8th century, in popular words, the vowels of final syllables fell, the fall occuring first, perhaps, after liquids: hert-^-^x, male>raa.l; bonus>-hos, colaphum'p- colp, co^to > ciig, panem > pan, pretium > pretz. (i) Latin a, however, remained, being generally pro- nounced a: audidtn'> ■i.vxa., ^(J«a>bona,y«/«ff.f>filhas.^ (2) Latin final i probably remained in all dialects later than the 8th century, and in some until the beginning of the literary period : hdbul> agui > aguf. Before it fell, it changed an accented e in the preceding syllable to i: see § 27. (3) Latin i and u remained if they were immediately ' In most of the modern dialects (but not in Gascony and lower Languedoc) this a has become : rosa > roso. But in the Limousin dialects and some others -as > -a : rosas >• rosa. § S2] Provknqal Phonology. 33 preceded by an accented vowel :/M?>fui, »««>mei, sm> soi; cavum *caum >cha,u, deus> deus, ego *eo *eu>&i, rivum rlum < riu. In such cases the two vowels formed a diphthong. (4) Before final nt Latin e, u remained as e, o: cantent> canten, vendunf> vendon. 1. In Aude, Tarn, Aveyron, Corrfeze, and a part of Haute-Garonne, final i was preserved as late as the I2th century: pagadi, salvi, soli. See Rom., XIV, 291-2. Such forms occur also in Vaud and Dauphine. Cf. Gram., II, p. 82. 2. In the extreme east there are traces of final -os: aquestos, ellos, tantos. 3. Grau ioT gra <^gradum, niu for ni -aj' a.nd /ors-<. fUris. Nemes beside nems •< nimis, senes beside sens conois. 52. When the fall of the vowel would have resulted in an undesirable consonant group at the end of a word, the vowel was retained as an indistinct e: dubito> doT^te, lucrum>\qgxt. The principal groups that call for a supporting vowel are: 34 Provenqal Phonology. [§ s^ (i) a consonant and a liquid; (2) a labial and a dental; (3) in proparoxy tones, a consonant and a c' or c originally- separated by the vowel of the penult; (4) in proparoxytones, a consonant and an m or n originally separated by the vowel of the penult. Ex.: inter Centre; «/^»»z>apte; *dddeciin'> d9tze, judico > iiitge ; *Jac6mus > lacmes, astnum > asne. If the word was a paroxytone, and the first consonant was a palatal and the second an r, the supporting vowel stood between the two: major'^-mzSe.x, me/ior'^ laelher, mulier"^ mplher, pejor'> peier, senior":?- senher. Otherwise the support- ing vowel followed the consonant group. The four classes of groups (aside from the palatal + r just mentioned) will now be examined in detail: — (i) Examples: «//^r> autre, Caw&j- > Carles, duplus^ dobles, * essere > estre, fabrum > f abre, * ■mer(^ u)lum > merle, «(Jj/'^r> nostre, /fflz^^>paubre, /(^( «)/««« >ppble, pdnere~;:> P9nre, recipere'P'-xe.c^hre., riimpere '^lompie, iol/ere '^tohe, vol- z'ft^^ > volvre ; tnasciilum'^ muscle, etc.; yfi3(z)/if»2 >freble, etc. Under this head is included r-r (eurrere'> corre, fute- rere> qnerre), but not 11 and rr (de//um'>-he\, /errum';>iei). In Provengal the first element was often changed, later than the 8th century, into a vowel, original b and v becoming u, and d, t, c, g, and y being turned to i: bidere >-heure, scri- bere > escriure, *mdvere > moure, plovere > ploure, vivere > viure; /t?/'r(7>laire, matrem ';> make, radere'^- raire, *ridere'>- rire, vitrum~;^ve\xe; desidero> desire, etc.; a»zfl/or>amaire, servttor> sevvixe, etc.; dlcere"^ dire, ducere^dmre, facere^- iz.ire, gracilem> gra.i\e, * tacere > t2iire ; frigere>irire, weigdro gaire, /§-i?r^>leire; bajulum>h2d\e. Apparent exceptions to the rule are intervocalic cl, gl, which were probably reduced to single consonants before the 8th century: dc{u)lum>o\\ vtg{t)lo'>\e\h. § 52] Provencal Phonology. 35 I. The rare ioxias frair, pair, beside reguXax fraire, paire, are perhaps due to the alternative forms air aire, vair vaire (§51, 4). There may be a similar explanation iorfaur ^faure ^CJaber, and for the learned albir = albire<^arbitritim. Sor, beside sorredepte deute, § 47, (3); ^(?te««w > domne ; ^J«<5z7i3 > dppte ; hospitem > pste ; sabbdtum > sapte. I. Azaut seems to be post-verbal from azautar -tCadaptSre. Escrit iiitge^; pollicem > pouze; quinde- cm>quinze; ja/zir^»2 > sauze ; sedecim'^ s&diz&; — candnicum'> canonge canorgue,'^ § 49, (4); clericum> cl&rge clergue (§ 48, 2); meditcum'^raetg&; mdndchum'>- mong^ mongue morgue,^ § 49, (4); vindico'^Ysmt; vtaiicum '> via.tge, etc. 1. The forms poutz, sautz, beside pouze, sauze, would seem to indicate that Ic' did not require a supporting vowel in all dialects. 2. *Ficotum (=zjecur), a fusion of avKwrbv ('fig-fattened') and /ffetge. See G. Paris in Miscellanea linguistica in onore di G. Ascoli, 1 901, p. 41 ; H. Schuchardt in Zs., XXV, 615, and XXVIII, 435; L. Cledat in Revue de philologie fran^aise et de litUrature, XV, 235. Pege, for peich -Cpectus, seems to be due to the analogy of fetge. ( 4 ) Examples : eesttmo > esme ; dectm Hm> desme ; fraxi- tium >ira.isne; incudinem > cnclutge (cf. §80, Dn) ; *met- ipsimum > medesme ; pesstmum > pesme ; proximus^ prosmes. 1. ¥a.ixarqtgQ, caml>w> camie, somnium > songe suenh, apium > ache api, Arvernium > Al- vernhe; ratge {.= rabiem) is probably French. Original Im, rm, sm required a supporting vowel in some dialects but not in others: helm>e\me elm, ulmum> o\rci& oha, palmum> palm ; * ermum (eprjfwv) > erm, finnum > ferm, germen > ger- me; spasmum > esTpzsme. (6) Many verbs regularly have an -e in the first person singular of the present indicative: desire, dopte, iiitge, etc. By the analogy of these, -e often appears in the first person singular of verbs which need no supporting vowel: remtro> remir remire. By the analogy of the preterit (agui, fiii, etc.), -i is very often substituted for this -e: azor azori, cant canti, pretz prezi, etc. 53. Many late words preserve the final vowel as -e: be- nigne, hishe <.eptscopum, digne (cf. denhar), mixte (cf. mest), regne (cf. reing), signe (cf. senh). Cf. § 50; (for colbe) § 48, i; and (for cpinde, etc.) § 47, i. Learned formations from nouns in -turn usually end in -?, simply dropping the -um: capitoli, edifici, emperi, iiizfzi, martiri (martire), ne- goci, ofici, periiiri, remezi, servizi, vici. Similar forms in -i were sometimes taken from the accusative of nouns and ad- jectives in -ius: 'Bo^ci<.Boethium, propri (propre) oc, kdmo>dmo), and, although an attempt was made to restore it in polite speech, it left no trace in the Romance languages: cf. Rom., XI, 399. Double consonants were pronounced dis- tinctly longer than single ones: annus, tile, ossum, terra. 55. Latin b, c, g, m, n, qu, r, s, v, w, x, y show the follow- ing developments in popular Latin speech : — B between vowels became, through failure to close the lips tightly, j8 (bilabial v), from the ist to the 3d century of our era: habere> z.peTS. The same change took place, to a cer- tain extent, when the b was not intervocalic, but we have few, if any, traces of it in Provencal. Between vowels, even in learned words, the clerical pronunciation was probably /3 or V until the 7th century. Cf. V. C before a front vowel (e, i), as early as the 3d century, doubtless had, in nearly all the Empire, a front or palatal articulation; that is, it was formed as close as possible to the following voweP : centumy>c' e^ntw, ducere>6Mc'^xQ. The next step was the introduction of an audible glide, a brief y, between the c' and the vowel ^: c'yentu, duc'yere. By the * Compare, in English, tlie c of coo and the k of key. ' Compare the old-fashioned pronunciation of words like card, kind. 38 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ S5 5th century this c'y had developed into a kind of ty, the c' having been drawn still further forward: t'yentu dut'yere. Through a modification of the y-glide, the group then be- came, in the 6th or 7 th century, ts or ts: tsentu tsentu. See H. Schuchardt, Foe, I, 151, and Ziilt, XIV, 360; P. E. Guarnerio, in Supplementi all' Archivio glottologico italiano, IV (1897), pp. 21-51 (cf. Rom., XXX, 617); G. Paris, in the Journal des savants, igoo, 359, in the Annuaire de PEcole pratique des Hautes-Etudes, 1893, 7, in the Comptes rendus des seances de PAcadimie des Inscriptions, 1893, 81, and in Rom., XXXIII,322;W. Meyer-Liibke, Einf., pp. 1 2 3- 1 2 6 ; F. G. Mohl, Zs., XXVI, 595; P. Marchot, Phon., pp. 51-53; P. Meyer, Die Aussprache des c und t im klassischen Latein, 1902. Cf. G and X.1 G between vowels, before the accent, disappeared in some words in at least a part of the Empire: le{g)dlis, li{g)amen, re{g)dlis, {^realis is attested for the 8th century) ; ego, gener- ally used as a proclitic, everywhere lost its g; on the other hand, g was kept in castigdre, fatigdre, ligdre, negdre, pagdnus. G before a front vowel (e, i), by the ist or 2d century, was pronounced g' ( cf . C ) : gentem > g'ente, fragilis > f ragllis. As early as the 4th century this g', through failure to form a close articulation, opened into y'^: yente, frayilis. Before an ac- cented e or i an intervocalic y disappeared, in the greater part of the Empire, being fused with the vowel: magister> mayister > maester, */a^if«w>payesis>paesis, regina'^xe.- yina > reina.^ M and n, when final, were weak and indistinct from the earliest times, except in monosyllables; by the 3d or 4th cen- ' For final -«', -gi in plurals, see § 92, (2). ^ Before this, frigidus had become frigdus in Italy and GauL § 55] PROVENgAL Phonology. 39 tury they had probably disappeared altogether from the end of polysyllables : damnu, npme ; but jam, non. N before spirants (f, j, s, v), except in the prefixes con- and in-, became silent during the Republican period, the preced- ing vowel, if it was short, being lengthened by compensa- tion^: me{n)sis, pe{n)sare. If the syllable con- or in- was not recognized as a prefix, the n fell: co{n)sul, co{n)ventum, i{n)fas. In learned and newly constructed words the n was pronounced. Cf. M. Qu, gu before o or u were reduced to c, g in the ist or 2d century: see W. R before s, in a number of words, became s in the Repub- lican period: deorsum-^ debssam, dorsum > dbssara, siirsum~;^ sussum ; so, in a part of the Empire, persica > pessica, versus (preposition) >vessus. Early in our era ss after a long vowel was reduced to s: deosu, susu. S was probably always voiceless, or surd, in classic Latin, but became voiced between vowels, in Gaul, at the end of the Vulgar Latin period: casa. To initial s + consonant an i or e was prefixed, at first, no doubt, after a word ending in a consonant: in schdla>'va. iscola; this process began in the 2d century and had become general by the 4th. V, originally pronounced w, became p probably in the ist century: mvere'>- ^ifieie. Before u, v regularly disappeared, but it was restored by analogy in many words : flavus > flaus, ovum > oum, rivus > rius ; but also ovum, rivus, by the anal- ogy of ova, rivi. In the greater part of the Empire v appar- ently fell also before an accented o : pavonem > paone, pavo- rem > paore. Cf. W. When a j8, representing either b or v, ' It is natural to suppose that the n, in falling, nasalized the vowel ; but no trace of this nasality remains. 40 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 5^ became contiguous to a following consonant, it changed to u: *awV<3!>aj8ica>auca, ^aiJa/a > ga^Sata > gauta, *flavttat>?a.- /Sitat > flautat. In several words rv became rb in Latin: ver- iiecem>- heihece berbice, corvus > corbus, curvus> c&rhus. W coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from u (§ 40) differed from Latin v, then pronounced /3, but was probably identical with Germanic w: de6ut> dehm, //fff«J> placwi sapuif> sapwit, ^i?««w > tenwis. W fell between a consonant and o or u : antiquus > anticus, battuo > batto, carduus > cardus, coquus > cpcus, distinguo > distingo, mortuus > mortus ; so eccu''hoc'>'Sx. aco. Cf. Qu. X (=:ks) was reduced to s, in the 2d or 3d century, before a consonant or at the end of a word of more than one syl- . lable : sestus, senes ; but sex. So the prefix ex— > es- before any consonant but s: * exgaudere'^Vx. esiauzir, *exlucere-C Pr. esluzir, *exmtttere>7r. esmetre. Ex — \- s apparently became either ex- or ess-: * exsanguindtum'^Yx. eissancnat, *^a:j-^rar«> Pr. eissarrar esserrar, * exsaritare^Vx. eissartar, * exsequere'>-'Pr. essQgxe, * exsurgere^Vx. essprger, * exsucare > Pr. eissiigar essiigar. Y coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from e or i, (§ 40) coincided with Latin/: ^a^^fflw > abya, fa»2«j>yamus, teneat >tenyat; audio >a.udyo, _/■«/?« >filya, ■veniai'^- vexiyat. As early as the 4th century the groups dy, gy were reduced to y; and ly, ny probably became 1', n': »2ifi(//«j- > medyus > mej^s, corrigia > corrigya > correya ; melior > melyor > mel'or, teneo > tenyo > ten'o. 56. Germanic b, d, h, k, p, w call for special mention: — B did not participate in the change of Latin intervocalic b to j8: roubdn>'Px. raubar. The words containing it were evi- dently adopted after this phonetic law had ceased to operate. § 57] PROVENgAL Phonology. 41 d, }) were pronounced by the Latins as d, t: *waidanian> *wadanyare>Pr. gazanhar (It. guadagnare), J)rw * tres- care>Pr. trescar. H, at the beginning of a word, was lost in the greater part of the Empire, including southern Gaul : hapja > * apya > Pr. apcha. H between vowels was lost in some words and re- placed by kk in others: spehon^'Pr. espiar, _/^/%« > Pr. feu-, _/^%a«>*yekkire>Pr. gequir. Ht was regularly replaced by tt : slahta > * sclatta > Pr. esclata ; but wahta, perhaps bor- rowed later, became Pr. gaita. K, in southern Gaul, did not take the palatal pronunciation before front vowels: skemon'^'Pr. esquernir, skina';>Vr. es- quina, skiuhan > Pr. esquivar, * rik-ttia > Pr. riqueza ; only the derivatives of Franko (doubtless Latinized early) show palatalization, as * Franda > Pr. Fransa. G, however, seems to have been palatalized: ^ga'^Px. giga, geisla^Vr. giscle. Before a, in words introduced early, k and g were treated like Latin c and g: kausjan^Vr. cauzir chauzir, gdhi-^Vr. gai iai; see § 11, (i). W was vigorously pronounced, and, through reinforcement of its velar element, came to be sounded gw: warjan'^ *warire gwarire > Pr. garir, we'rra > * werra gwerra > Pr. guerra. 57. Greek t,, 0, k, , x did not exactly correspond to any Latin consonants: — Z, whatever may have been its original pronunciation, re- ceived in Vulgar Latin the value dy, which then, like any other dy, became y: *zeldsus (from ^^\os) = dyel9sus yel9sus > Pr. gelps. The infinitive ending -i?eiv, introduced in such words as pairrit,w> baptizdre = ha.TpXi{A.)ya,xe, became very common in the form -idyare -iyare, and was used to make 42 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 59 new verbs: werra + ifav > *werridy are gwerriyare> Pr. guer- reiar. 6, in the popular speech of Rome, was replaced by t: similarly y^ was replaced by c : (nra6r\ > spatha — spata ; x°P^ >■ chorda = corda. K was apparently intermediate in sound between Latin c and g ; it was generally replaced by the former, but sometimes by the latter: Kwra^cata, KvPepvav> gubernare. , in Greek, was in early times (perhaps until the 4th cen- tury of our era) a strongly explosive p; it then developed into f. In words borrowed by the Romans in the early peri- od it was replaced by p ; in later words it was sounded f : k6- Axi^os > coldphus = colapus, ^ao-toA.os ~;;>phasedlus faseolus. 58. The fate of all these consonants in Provengal de- pended largely on their position in the word: we must there- fore distinguish initial, medial, and final consonants. In a general way, the first tended to remain unchanged, the second to weaken, the third to disappear. Furthermore we must separate single consonants from consonant groups : the latter resisted change better than the former; but a group consist- ing of dissimilar elements tended to assimilate them. miTUL CONSONANTS. 59. A consonant preceded by a prefix was treated as an initial consonant as long as the character of this preceding syllable was recognized : de-cadere > decazer, de-pingere > depenher, prce-parare > preparar, re-corddre > recordar, re- patridre > repairar, re-pausdre > repausar, se-dHcere > sediiire. If, however, the initial syllable ceased to be recognized as a prefix, the following consonant was treated as a medial con- § 6i] Provencal Phonology. 43 sonant : prcepositum > prebost, retorta > redorta ; so, perhaps, profundum > prepn. The rare rebpnre (beside reppnre) < re-ponere has the special sense 'to bury'. Single Initial Consonants. 60. B, d, 1, m, n, p, r, s, t underwent no change : ben, don, loc, me, nau, pauc, rius, si, tii. I. For cremetar colpr, ciira > ciira ; gula > gpla, gutta > gpta. Before a they changed only in the north and northeast, where they became (perhaps from the 7th to the 9th century) respectively ts and dz: campus > camps champs ; gaudere > gauzir iauzir. C > ts, which just before and during the literary period was reduced to s : caelum > eel sel, civitatem > ciutat ciptat siptat. Eor g', see Y. Y, comprising Latin dy, g', gy, j, and z, became dz (except in B^arn, where it remained y): diumdlem > ioinal (yornal), ded{r)sum > ips ; gelus > gels, gentllem > gentil (yentil), gyrdre y-girax; Jam > id,, jdcum> ioc (yqc),juvenem^iove; zelosus > gelps. F remained unchanged, except in Bdarn and a part of Gascony, where it became h : famem > f am ham, ftdem > fe he, focum > foe hiic, folia > fuelha huelha. j8>v (the dentilabial spirant), except in Bdarn, Gascony, and parts of Languedoc, where it became b: venif>-vtn be, ventum > vent bent, versus (§55, R)> ves bes, vos >vos bos. 44 Provencal Phonology. [§62 I. In a few words ft owing to Germanic influence, was replaced by w > gw : vadum + watan "^gua, vastare + wdst "^guastar. So vagina > guaina, VascSnia > Gasconha. Cf. gw below. Initial Groups. 62. There are three classes of groups: those ending in 1 or r, those ending in w, and those beginning with s: — (i) Bl, br, cl, cr, dr, gl, gr, pi, pr, tr underwent no change : blasphemdre > blasmar, brevem > breu, clat~us > clars, crucem > crotz, drappus > draps, glaciem > glatz, gradum > gra, plenum > plen, precdre > pregar, trans > tras. Gras is from grassus, a fusion of crassus and grossus. For grocs < KpoKtK see § 57, K. (2) Gw (Germanic w) and kw (Latin qu) were reduced, perhaps in the 10th century, to g and k, except in the west, where the w was retained : wahta > gaita guaita, war/an > garir guarir, werra > gerra guerra, wlsa > gisa guisa ; quando > can quan, quare > car quar. It should be noted that the u was commonly kept in the spelling (especially before e and i) after it had ceased to be pronounced, gu and qu being re- garded merely as symbols for "hard" g and c. For cinc< qulnque, see § 87, kw. Sw remained in suavem'p- suau. (3) To groups beginning with s a vowel had been prefixed in Vulgar Latin (§ 55, S); this vowel appears in Provengal as e. Sc' apparently did not occur in any popular word; si early became scl; the other groups (sc, scl, scr, sp, st, str) remained unchanged, except that in the north and northeast sc>sts before a: jfa/«>escala eschala, scholar escolz., slahta > * sclatta > esclata, scrlbere > escriure, spina > espina, stare > estar, stringere > estrenher. § 63] Provencal Phonology. 45 MEDIAL COnSONAHTS. 63. (i) It is well to note at the outset that when, through the fall of an unaccented vowel (§ 51), an early Provengal b, d, dz, dz, g, z, or z was made final or contiguous to a final s, it became voiceless: (^«j > obus > obs ops, drbum>oxhvL > orb prp : datum > dadu > dad dat, viridem virdem > verde >verd vert ; /r^ft'««« > predzu > predz prets (written pretz), »o^^wz > vpdze > vpdz vpts (written votz); medium "^ meyu medzu > medz mets (written meg or mech); amicus y- asaigas > amigs amies, largum > largu > larg larc ; risum > rizu > riz ris; ^a«««? > bazu >baiz bais (bais). The combination tzs, however, loses either its second or its third element: *gaudios > gautss > gauts or gauts (both of them often ymXX.&-a. gaugz); so «(?(r/fj > nuetss > nuets or nuets (nuegz). For apud'^ab ap am an, see § 65, P, 2. (2) Under the same conditions, y became i: video^ veyo > vey vei, pejus > peyus > peys pieis. (3) Under the same conditions, 8, coming from inter- vocalic d, fell when final, but became t before s : audit> Wi8\ >au^ au; cru^us > cruds criits. So crudum>cm, ftdem > f e, fraudem > f rau, gradum > gra, nldum > ni, nodum > no, /I&/W > pe, sapidum'p-sahe, tepidum'p-X^e.\ grados^ grats, nddus>Vi.o\s,, Kudus'^- niits, pedes > -pets. The two sets of forms influenced each other: hence degras, fes^ nis, pes, etc. ; crut, grat, not, nut^ etc. (4) Under the same conditions, ^, coming from v or from intervocalic b, became u if preceded by a vowel, but fell if preceded by a consonant: i>ibif>- hepi>he^ beu, vivifp- j8i/3i>)8i^ viu, c/awj > cla;8es > clajSs claus, vtvus> jUpus^ • Fes, nut, which quite supplanted the regular forms, perhaps show the influence of res, mut. 46 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 63 j8i;8s vius; sa!veC;> sal, salvum> sa.1, servit>sier, nervosa ners, salvus>- saXs, servus> seis. Sometimes, however, final j8 preceded by a consonant, instead of falling, became f: sa/vef> sa.\i, salvunf>- sdli, servii>si&ri, vdlvit>vq\i; it may be that these are the only regular forms for cons. + /8 when final, and that sal, sier are due to the analogy of sals, siers. ( 5 ) Under the same conditions, final n, if preceded by a vowel, was kept in the extreme west, parts of the north, and all the southeast and east, but fell everywhere else; n before s was generally kept only in the southeast and east: bene'> be ben, canem^ca. can, sonum'^ so son^; bonus^hos bons, mansiones > maisps maisons. If the n was preceded by a con- sonant (r), the fall seems to have been even commoner: comu > cor corn, /(^ir^i? > tor torn ; diurnus';:> \ors iofos,. Provencal n coming from nn never falls: annus '^a.ns. (6) Under the same conditions, g, representing original c or g, became c after o or u, and after other vowels either became c or was changed to i (which fused with a preceding i): focum^toc, locus'^ Iocs, J>aucum '^ -paMc, ITugo'^XJc; Au- reliacum > Aurelhac, dlco > die di, Henncum > Enric Enri, *trago>t-tz.c trai. The forms with c are the commoner; they have been most persistent in the west. (7) The vocalization of 1 before s («2a/«j>maus) is a dif- ferent phenomenon from the foregoing, and will be treated by itself: § 65, L. (8) An m or an n that becomes contiguous to final s often develops into mp or nt, but oftener (judging from the spel- lings) does not: nimis>nems nemps, remos>remps; annos> ans anz, genus "^-ges gens genz. * By analogy of such double forms, n is sometimes added to a few words ending in a vowel: fuW^ fo fon^ pro^ pro pron. § 65] PROvENgAL Phonology. 47 (9) Between a liquid or a nasal and a final s, a b or a p generally fell, unless supported by the analogy of a form in which the b or p was final: ambos-^- ants ambs, corpus "> cors, tempus'^- terns temps; cf. balbs (^balb), orbs {^orb). I. The d, n, t of the proclitics ad, quid, in, aut, et will be treated under Final Consonants. 64. Final ts from any source, in Provence, Limousin, and a part of Languedoc and Gascony, was reduced, during the literary period, to s: fl!waAj>amatz amas, habetis^ 2,w&tz aves, dtcit> ditz dis, grandest gx2irxz grans, latus>\z,tz las, pretium'> -pr&tz pres. On the other hand, in a part of Li- mousin (especially in Limoges), and also in Dauphine', -ts, in the second person plural of verbs, became t: habetis> avet. Single Medial Consonants. 65. The single medial consonants will now be considered separately, in alphabetical order: — P, coming from b or v, became v ; except in the west and a part of the centre, where, if it remained intervocalic, it changed to b : habetis > avetz abetz, debere > dever deber, faba > f ava f aba ; avdrum > avar, cestiva > estiva, brevem > breu,^ clavem > AzMi, die 7ovts> diions, leva f;> leva., novella >novela nabera (Gascon), vtvus>v'\as,. When the preced- ing or following vowel was o or u, a /? before the accent fell in most dialects, being fused with the vowel: abicndare';^ aondar abondar, ^«i5i?m«r^ > goernar governar, proclitic ubi >o, prdbare>T^xodi.r, subinde"^ soen soven soben, ttibiitum^ treiit; Ludovtcus y>-'Lozoics, Frovtncia> Vroensa Provensa, novellum>no&\ novel, novembrem'^ noerahre novembre, pavo- nem > papn, pavdrem^-^aqr (cf. § 5 Si ^)- 'Cf.§63, (4). 48 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 65 1. The perfect endings -mii etc., -ivi etc. had lost their v in Latin. For avia, etc., see § 87, /3. 2. Abans, beside avanz, avan rauca, * traucare( ? < * trabucare) > traucar. Cf. § 65, P, 3. 2. In purely learned words, c remained unchanged: vocal. Alucar aluchar, aluc seem to be learned formations patterned after antelucdnus and Low Latin lucanus. C, when it became contiguous to a consonant, through the fall of the unaccented vowel of the penult, was reduced to i: * cddre'>- COVC&, ^2«r^>diire dire, dlcitis>Aitz,facere'>i2Jix&, /acimu(^s)>iaim, facitis > iaitz, /eceram "^ ieiia, /ecerunt> feiron, gracilem.> gxdjle. When it remained intervocalic, it was assibilated during the transition period (§ 55, C); in most of the Provengal territory it became dz, which during the literary period was simplified to z ; but in some dialects of the south and the northwest it resulted in idz (later iz), an i-glide having developed before the consonant while it was still palatal: auceNum^ a.uzel, Jacere^iaz&r, licere>\&ztr, § 6s] Provenqal Phonology. 49 lucere> liizer liizir liiisir, placere^ Tp\a.zer plaizer; crucem> crpz crpiz crms (see §§ 63, 64), dicere>A.{ztx, dtcit>6SX.z dis, -i2Xz fas, jacet->\zXz ias idLys, pacem> patz pas pais, placet> platz plas plais, verdcem > verais, vocem >votz vpiz. 1. Aucel, beside aaai?/, perhaps belongs to a dialect in which c' was not voiced after au: cf. C, i. See § 80, Be'. 2. lasser, beside iazer, seems to be due to ias ■ ts : addum > aci. D, in a part of the west, remained unchanged; elsewhere, during the Vulgar Latin period, it opened into 8, which fell in the nth century and earlier in parts of the north and east, and in the rest of the Provengal territory became z as early as the first part of the 12th century: audire'p-zxizvc auir audir,^ a«d?iV>au,^ <:«(/«/> ca, crudelem;^ crnzel cruel crudel, _/«&/> fia, *gaudo'>gaM, horrtda> or&ZA, hdrrtdum'>- oiq, laudo^ldM, a/aa//a > lauzeta laudeta, ridat^xia., tradere> trazir trair tradir, videre^vezex ver veder, vldef>vQ. When d became contiguous to a following consonant (except final s), it changed to i: cupiditdtem^ cdb&itsX, divtdere> AWirt,'^ traditorem > traidor.* 1. Crey, heside ere <^ credo, follows deihanum> Esteve, co{n)fortdrei > * co/3ortar > * coortar > conortar (through the common use of the double forms, con-, co-), gryphum> grin, raphdnum'>x2.v& rafe, * ri?/Mj«r,? > rehusar refusar, *prefundum (— pro-) >Tpr eon. Nevertheless, cofin copMnum, defors < de /oris, grif o, profieg amiga amiia amia, ^«ira»z>diga dia, »zfcfl>miga miia mia,^ /a^rari? > pagar paiar, precare> pregar preiar ; castigare > castigar castiar, legdlem > leial leyal lial, ligdmen > Ham, ligdtum > legat liat, plaga > plaga plaia, regdlem > reial, ruga > riia. (2) Before o and u (ii), g was preserved, except in a few words which (doubtless in Vulgar Latin times) lost it either in all or in many dialects : acutum > agiit, secundum > segon, securus > segiirs ; * a{u)gurium > agiir aiir, a(u)gustum > ' Intervocalic c and g have been studied by H. Sabersky, Zicr provenzalischen LauilehrCy 1888, pp. 8-19. ^ Mica fnicha are from *micca = mica -|- clccutn. 6s] Provencal Phon-qlogy. SI agost^ ahost, proclitic e^o>en, */agotium> ta,got, figura> figiira, Hugonem > Uga For a g that becomes final or con- tiguous to final s, see § 63, (6): amlcus> 2.m\cs, amis, Auri- dcum>AuTia.c, cocum {=cdquum)>coc, jocus^loc^, Ludo- vicum ■;>L,ozoic Lozoi, /ri?iro > prec ; casitgo> cha.stic chasti. (3) Between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, g, early in the Provengal period, became y, which developed into dz before the literary epoch; cf. § 49, (4): clertcum^ clerge, * (oraiicum > coT3.tge, dominicum >dimenge, tnanica'> mania, medtcum'^ meg&, niondchum>raoage, * paraticum^ paratge, viaticum>v\.z.\\&. In some dialects, however, the vowel of the penult, after liquids and nasals, fell too early for the g to become y: clergue,^ dimergue, mongue. 1. Amiu, chastiu belong to the dialect of Forez; so perhaps _^:« ■ paganor. G' became y during the Vulgar Latin period (§ 55, G). See Y. I. In purely learned words the letter^ was retained, but it was doubt- less pronounced dz : astrologia. L remained: coldrem';^- color, ma/e '>■ mal, *volere (=velle) > voler. Before final s, 1 became u in most dialects, in some as early as the loth century: ma/os'^maMS, (a/is >ta.us; I was written, however, long after 1 had been vocalized. Under the influence of forms in which -ls>-us, final 1 became u in the southwest and in some other regions : Aprtlem > abriu. Cf. § 74, (2). ^ For the reduction of au to a see § 41. * Clerc is from * clercum, which must have existed contemporaneously with clertcutn. 52 PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY. [§65 1. For Gascon l>»r, see § 10. 2. Orifan, beside oUfan<^elephantem, is probably French. L' will be considered, as ly, under Groups, § 73, Ly. M remained : amare > amar, homo > om, timorem > temor. I. Occasionally final -am rhymes with -an (afan : fam, portam : avati) ; this would seem to indicate an indistinct pronunciation of the final nasal in some dialects. Cf. aven=iavem-bonas, i/<7«fl/if>donar, /««a>liina. For n final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (5):_/'J«M>fis fins, panem > pa pan. I . In canorgue, dimergue, morgue, beside canonge, dimenge, monge, the r may be explained by the analogy of clergue. 1. Menhs meins, beside regular mens<^miCiius, show the influence of the alternative forms genAs geins and gens from ingenium (see'§ 73, Ny). 3. lassey {= iasse, the latter part of which may be from exin = exinde), tey {=Ltecabel, ry>i2>riba, * sapere (= sapere)'^ saher, trepalium >trebalh; capita cil^ (§ 63), sapis>sv^s. 1. In some borderland dialects p>v, as in French: saver. Evescat, evesque, beside bisbat, bisbe, are French. 2. Apud, used as a proclitic, became for some reason in Vulgar Latin *apu, which developed regularly into *abu and, after the fall of intertonic vowels, ab. This ab assimilated its b more or less to a following conso- nant, becoming ap before voiceless consonants, am before nasals; am, used before dentals, became an : hence we have four forms, ab, ap, am, an. Amb seems to be a fusion of am and ab; when used before a consonant with which mb did not readily combine, it expanded into ambe. See Elise Richter, Zs., XXVI, 532. § 65] PROVENgAL Phonology. 53 3. In some dialects, apparently, p was not voiced after au : sapuerunt *sapwerunt * sauperunf^ saubron saupron. Cf. § 65, C, 1. 4. In purely learned words, p remains: epifania. R remained: awzara > amara, diirar, eraf;>era. Final rs was reduced to s, in most dialects, during and after the literary period : priores > priors prips ( Girarf) ; the reduc- tion apparently began in Limousin as early as the 12th cen- tury (Bertran de Born rhymes i9s and flors). 1. Final r began to fall in many dialects in the 14th century. At present it has disappeared all through the south and west : amorem. > amou, florem '^flou. 2. In some dialects (especially those of Gard and Herault) intervocalic r and z were confused, probably during the literary period : gyrdre > girar gisar ; conversely audtre >• auzir aurir. Cf . Revue des langues ro- manes, XL, 49, 121. S was voiced to z, probably from the 4th to the 6th century : /a«jiz > pausa, ^MfJCTZ/^^z > presen ; ruum"^ ris (§ 63). 1. An s that became contiguous to n was changed, in a few dialects, to r : almosna almorna, disnar dirnar. In modern Limousin and some of the dialects of Dauphine, Languedoc, and Gascony, s has disappeared before nasals : asne ane, caresma carema^ disnar dinar (so blasmar blamar, desma dema) ; the fall began during the literary period. S before a con- sonant in many of the modern dialects, and final s in some, has become i : asne aine, caresma careima (so perhaps desma deima, pruesme prueime) ; some traces of this change occur in texts of the literary period. Cf. Zs., XXIII, 413. Isla, in Limousin, became ilha (perhaps through iyld) : cf. Zs., XXIII, 414. Cf. § 78. 2. In some southeastern dialects intervocalic z after au has changed to V : causa cauva (so auzir auvir) ; possibly the auvent of the Boeci, v. 23, is to be connected with this. T, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to d: amata> amada, natalis > nadals, servitorem > servidor ; habetis > avetz aves avet (§§ 63, 64), latus>\z.tz las, natum >n.a.t. For a t which became contiguous to r (a»2a/^r>amaire), see § 52, (i), and§ 70, Tr. 54 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 65 1. In some dialects of the south and southeast, final t fell shortly after the literary period : amatum > amat ama. 2. Totus, in Gaul, became tottus as early as the 4th century : hence Pr. tota Mas. For meteis <^met-ipse see § 131, (2). 3. Espaza (beside espadd) < spatha, was perhaps influenced in its pro- nunciation by the spelling of the Latin word. Ez, coming from et before a vowel, shows the influence of az (•ayuddre>^3i.y'didir'^ aidar, medietdtem > meitat ; cogitdre > ciiidar, frigere > f rire, legere > leyre, propaginem > probaina, rtgida > reida, * tragere > traire ; bajiclus > bailes. (2) When it remained intervocalic, it became dz in most of the territory, but in the northeast and parts of the north it was not changed: ««^z'a»? > aula, in-odiare'>-eno\2ir, invidia >enveia, invididsus'>&nM€\o& enveyos, *^/i7i/«a>glaya, me- dtdnum '^■memn, *J>odidre;> poiar, radidre>Taia.i, sordldior> sordeier, videafp- veia ; fragilem > fragel ; *exagidre > assatiar essaiar essayar, corrigia> corr&\2. correya, /a^^«>faia faya, regionem >x&io; die Jovis > AiioMS, mq/or> ma.ier, pejor> Tpieier,pe/drem>Tp&ior,irq/a>tToia,; iqpiizdre>ha.teia.T. For § 66] PROVENgAL Phonology. 55 a dz or a y that became final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (i), (2): fl«i/?o>auch, in odio> enueg (plural enuetz enueg) enpi, gaudium > gauch, gladium > glai, medium > meg mei, hddie>o\, podium '^■pvitg poi, radiu?n'>Yz.i; fagif^-ing iiii, gregem> grey, legem>leg (pi. leitz) lei, legit>\ieg, magis mais,* regem'^xdi, * tragit^ trsA; exagium ^-essa-i; pejus > pieis. (3) Before accented e or i, y disappeared (doubtless in Vulgar Latin: § 55, G), except in some western dialects, where it became dz: vagina >gaa.ina,, * legire (= legere')'> legir,^ magisier^ maestre maiestre magestre, *page{n)sis> paes pages, regina > reina, sagitta > saeta saieta sageta. 1. Detz ditz-Cdigitus are irregular and unexplained. The word is ir- regular in some other Romance languages, notably in Italian; Cf. Gro- ber's Grundriss, I, p. 507. 2. Glavi, beside glai (and learned glazi)<^gladium, is supposed by some to show the influence of Celtic clidibo. Cf. Korting; also H. Schuchardt, Zs., XXV, 345. 3. Messir seems to be a contraction (due to proclitic use) of *messeyer ■^mes, ' ray ', -\- * seyerl ■<^* sey or ^ senior (cf. A. Lindstrbm, L'analogie dans la declinaison des substantifs latins en Gaule, 1897-8, pp. 292-3). 4. In purely learned words, di, g, gi, z axe retained, the g being pro- nounced presumably as dz, the « as z: odi,fragil, regio, canonizar. Medial Groups. 66. Medial groups may be conveniently classified as fol- lows: — A. Double Consonants (i); B. Groups of Dissimilar Consonants : groups ending in 1 (2), groups ending in r (3), groups ending in w (4), groups ending in y (5), groups beginning with 1, m, n, r, or s and not ending in 1, r, w, or y • Magis was probably reduced to mats in Vulgar Latin. 'Legir may have been reconstructed on the basis of leg<^llgit. 56 Provencal Phonology. [§ 67 (6), all other groups (7). They will be treated in the order indicated.' I. It should be noted that the prefixes ad-, sub- regularly assimilate their d or b to the following consonant: *ad-npdre>arribar, sub-venire >■ sovenir. Sosrire, sosterrar, sostraire show a substitution of prefix, due, no doubt, to the analogy of sospirar, sostener. I. Double Consonants. 67. In general, the double consonants became single, in the gth or loth century (perhaps earlier before the accent), but underwent no other change save those described in §§ 63, 64: abbdtem> ahdit, stccum> sec, reddo> r&t, afftbuldre> afiblar, aggregdre >a.grGg2ir, flamm a ^Aa.mz., /?'«««> pena, ^a//« > capa, /«jjz pas,^ muttum> mot, adventre *avve- nlre > avenir. (i) Cc before a, in the east and northeast, became ts; else- where, c; bucca>\>ozz. bocha, vacca> vz.cz. vacha. (2) LI, in some southern dialects, became 1'; elsewhere, 1: capUlum > cabel cabelh, gryllutn > gril grilh, mantellum > mantel mantelh, villdnus>vi\z.s vilhas. It is possible, how- ever, that -Hi regularly became 1' in Linjousin, while 11 before other vowels was not palatalized: caballum>czva\, caballt> cavalh; z7/J>ilh, Ulds> els; this would account in part for the frequent occurrence of Ih in the poems. For final Is and 1, see § 65, L: tllos-^&ls eus, vallem>vz\ vau. For Gascon l>r, see § 10: appellat> z^q\z apera. (3) Rr, when intervocalic, seems generally to have been distinguished from r during the literary period and later: cur- 1 For the groups ending in y, cf. L. J. Juroszek, Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der jotazierten Konsonanten in Frankreich, in Zs., XXVII, 550 ff. The groups ending in y and those containing c or g have been studied by H. Sat>ersky, Zur fro- venzalischen Lauilehre, 1888. 2 S is generally written jj between vowels, to distinguish it from s = z. § 68] Provenqal Phonology. 57 rere> coire, *corrupHare> corrossAr, errdre>Qxxa.r, terra> terra. Occasionally, however, rr is found in rhyme with r. 2. Groups Ending in L. 68. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alpha- betical order. It will be seen that bl, rl, si remained un- changed; ml developed a glide consonant between its two members; pi, tl, ^1 and yl respectively voiced, assimilated, and vocalized their first element; while cl, gl were fused into r. For an explanation of this last phenomenon, see § 79. BI>bl: nebula>neb\di, * oblttare>oh\\.6i3.x, sabuldnem> sablpn.^ ;81>ul: fabula */afila>ianla., sibilare * «/3/«r^ > siular, tabula */a;8/a> taula. CI>r: geniiculunf^ gen.o\h, oculufif^olh, sttula *sicla^'> selha, vetula veda^'^veVa.s,. In learned words we find gl, cl: * e(c)desia '^■gleiza., joculdrem>'\o^izx, saculum^ se^e secle. Cl > il : gracilem > graile. Dl>dl, which during the literary period became 11 and then 1 : modulum > * modle molle. Gl>r: vig(l)laf>-velhA. Tenia, K.iegu la is irregular: cf. Archivio glottologico italiano, XIII, 439, 459. Ml>mbl: stmtldre>s&VDh\!Lr, tremulat^trembhi,. In sem- brar we find an r < 1 due perhaps to the analogy of membrar < memordre. Pl>bl: cdpula> co\i\2l, duplum>&qh\e. Learned words have pi: duplicar. Rl > rl : Carolus > Carles, horologium > orloi, * paraulare > parlar. ' Most of the words in this category are semi-learned: lA. fabla ^i\A faula. See § 55> B. ^ See §47, (2). S8 PROVENgAL Phonologx- [§ 70 Sl>sl: i(n)su/a> iala.. For ilM, see § 65, S, i. Tl > tl, which during the literary period became 11 and then 1: rdtulum> rot\& rolle, spathula> e-s^pditlz. espalla espala. In really popular words tl had become cl in Vulgar Latin.^ Yl>il: bajulus>h3.i\&s. Cf. § 65, Y, (i). 69. A group of three consonants remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: ambuldre> amblar, /»z//i?r^>emplir, avunculus ';:>2i.vonc\&s, circulus'^ cercles, masculus'^xaa.scSs.s,, *afJlammdre>aA?ira2Lr, mjidre> enflar, iingula'^- onglz., emp/asfrum "^-empla-stre. I. Selde, beside cercle, seems to show an assimilation of the r to the 1 of the next syllable. Empastre, beside emplastre, has been influenced by pasta. Emblar is probably from V. L. *imbolare := involare. 3. Groups Ending in R. 70. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alpha- betical order. It will be seen that br, gr, Ir, nr generally remained unchanged; mr, sr, zr (and sometimes Ir, nr) de- veloped a glide consonant; cr, pr voiced, and/3r, c'r, dr, tr, yr vocalized their first element. Br > br : fabrum > f abre, febrem > f ebre, lib {F)runf> libra. ;8r>ur: bibere'^h&vxe.,. d^ber' habeo > de/3'r-ayo > deurdi, faber'p- faure ;^ *mdvere (= movere) > moure, //wi?r^> ploure. Cr>gr: airi?!^ > agre, /a^m'wa > lagrema, lucrum >\ogre, macrufn '^ mzgre, sacrdre> sa.grz.r, socrum '> sogre.^ In late learned words we find cr: secref. C'r>ir: cocere'> coire, dtcere > diie, ducere>A\ar&, facere> faire. Cf. § 49, (i). Dr > (J'r > ir : divldere > devire, quadrum > caire, vf der' hd- 1 See § 47, (2). ^ We find also /««;-: cf. § 52, (i), 1. ' Sozer is from sScirum : cf . § 49, (i). § 7°] PROVENgAL Phonology. 59 beo > ve^'r-ayo > veirAi. After au, apparently, d simply dis- appeared: c/audere> clsMxe. Late learned words have dr: quadrupedi. Gr, in popular words, was reduced to r in Vulgar Latin in parts of the Empire : /ra (^) rar^>* frarar *flarar flazar, inte{g)- rum';> enter entier, nz(g)rufn'>neT nier,^ pere(g)nnum>Tpe- leri, pi{g)ritia>-pexez2L\ these forms occur in Gascony, Rouergue, and Limousin, but forms with gr are found in the same region. Elsewhere, in these same words, and every- where, in more bookish words, gr remained in Vulgar Latin ; this gr was kept in most of the Provengal territory, but was changed to ir in Dauphin^, Auvergne, and'Languedoc: *de- grddum ';> degra, /ragrdre ^Q.a.ha.r, mfegrdre > enteirzT, integ- rum > entegre enteir,^ ntgrescere > negrezir, nigrum > negre neir,^ peregrinum > pelegri, ptgritia > pigreza. Purely learned words have gr everywhere : agricultura. G'r: see Yr. Lr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became Idr^: valer' habeo > valrai valdrai, *v(51er' habeo>volrai voldrai. Mr>mbr: ^awzmz > cambra, m.emordre'^va.exi&ifSiX, nume- rum > n9mbre. Nr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ndr*: cznerem^ cenie cendre, dte Veneris >■ divenies divendres, in-generdre > engenrar, Henricum > Enric, exponere > esppnre espondre, *generem {= genus') > genre, generum > genre gendre, • For the vowel of ner nier, see § 25, i, («). a Enteir, neir seem to have lost final e under the influence of numerous ad- jectives in -er -ier -ieir <; -arium. ' In the modem dialects the d is probably commoner than it was in the old literary language ; it occurs in Bordeaux, Languedoc, and Provence. 6o PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 71 honordre > onrar ondrar, prendere > penre, tener' habeo > tenrai tendrai, venir' habeo "^-wenrdti vendrai. Pr>br: (r«/ra > cabra, cuperdre> cohr3.r, eripere->exehr&, ^mz>obra, /(j!«/^r>paubre, */z^i?ra/a > pebrada, rectpere> recebre, ja sobrar, ja;/^;'> spbre. Purely learned words have pr: caprin. It is uncertain whether /a«/ri? (beside the usual paubre) is a Latinism or represents some dialect in which au prevented voicing. Sr>str: * essere (= i?>j^)>estre. For esser, see § 49, (2). Tr>dr>(3'r>ir: amdtor'^a.TOS.iTejfratrem-^hsdre, latro> laire, mater> razhs, uterem'^ oxxe., /ij/ra > peira, Petrus'^ Peires, petronem > peirp, petrosus > peir9s, pre{s')byterum {Einf., § i4o)>preveire, servtior'^- seivire, vtfrum> veiie. Learned words have dr and tr: *poenttere'^penedre {penedir), impetrdre > impetrar. Yr > ir : frlgere > f rire, legere > leyre. Zr>zdr: mtserunt -¥* misserunt^* ts\&zxom mesdron. I. Redebre (beside rezemlr) ^^redimere has apparently been influenced by recebre. The Burgundian sor for sobre conies from the prefix sHr— {sHr—ridere, etc.). Perri ■^* petrlnum is probably French. 71. A group of three consonants nearly always remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: umbra > ombra, arborem > arbre, sepulcrum > sepulcre, * can- c{e)rdsus > cancrps, * addlredum > adreit, fimdere > f ondre, ardere > ardre, * offerire > offrir, * Hungaria >• Ongria, rumpere > rpmpre, appressum > apres, asprum > aspre, ultra > oltra, intrdre^ &n\xzx, mo{n)strdre>m.os,\xi.T, mtttere> m&X.r&. Lj8r and rg'r, however, regularly became Idr and rdr, and Ur became Idr to the same extent as Ir (q. v.): absdlvere> absoldre (^absolvre is probably a Latinism), /«/z;«r^»2>poldre; *(/i?-^r'^/r^>derdre; i'^//i?re>tolre toldre. Rmr became rbr § 72] PROVENgAL Phonology. 6i in marmor> msiThie (also marme). Prendre often became penre (perhaps to distinguish it from pendre ww. I. G. Korting (Zs., XXII, 258) would explain through the analogy of the perfects in -cui all other perfect forms which in Provengal have g and c corresponding to Latin -ui etc. /8w>ww>gw>g: /^fl^w/jj-^w? > agues, debuit'p- dec (§63); *co{g)ndvuit (cf. Meyer-Liibke, Gram., II, p. 3S7)>con9c, *^/-«z'«z'i'/f>creguist, * movuissefp-xao^es, *plovuit>'p\oc. We seem to have the same combination in Germanic treuwa"^ tregua trega (treva is probably French). I. The diphthong of aii: = habui is probably not a phonetic develop- ment. The first and third persons of the preterit, aic and ac {gw>g: * seduif^-s&c. I. Vezoa <^v{dua must be an early learned word: z'^az'a is doubtless French. 62 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§72 Kw>gw>g: anti^ua> antiga., equa^tg^, aqudlem^ egz]. (^engal has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix en- or e-<,in-), nocuit^T^oc, /'laculsti'P' -plzgaist, *sequere (^=z sequi) > segie, * sequfre ";> seguir, iacuzssem'^tagaes. 1. Several words show a different development: cf. Ltblt., XXIV, 335; Zs., XXVIII, 381. In aqua (or acgua) and aquila (or *acquiia) the first consonant became, for some reason, a. spirant, which later changed to i : a;iwa>aiwa>-aigua aiga, ajcwila > aiwila >■ aigwila > aigla. So aig- lentina. These same words show irregularities in other languages. Per- haps the dialect form eigal (Auvergne, Aries) for egal is to be explained in the same way ; but the ei here may be analogical. 2. In several words kw was reduced to c (or c") in Vulgar Latin: coquere (+cllcus)'^cdcere'^cozer, tiSr quire *tilrquere (-\-*tSrco *tdrcunt) >*/(!!?-«?■«>- tjrser. Cf. § 55, W. Lw>lgw>lg: calc, *tolutsti'^ toXgixist, valuissem > valgues, voluerunt ( § 16, 2 ) > volgron. Nw, ngw, nkw>ngw>ng: ienuti'^ tenc, *venutssef^vtT\- gues; sanguem"^ s&Tic; cinque (=^«/;z^«^) > cine. 1. 'Y&\i.-a.%<^tenuis is probably a learned word; the transposition of u and n may have been due originally to a misreading of the letters. la- nuer, manual, etc. are learned. Maneira is apparently from a Vulgar Latin *nian{u)aria from manuarius. For enquerre •<^inqtciErerey see § 59. 2. Exstinguere (+ *exsttngo * exstingunt)'^* esttngere"^ estenher. Pw > upw > up > ub : sapulsset > saubes, recipuit > receup. I. Saupes apparently belongs to a dialect in which au prevented voic- ing. Cf. §65, P, 3. Rw > rgw > rg : meruit~> mere. Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in consuetiidtnem * costumen "^-costiim (costiima). Cdnsuo apparently became *cdsio, whence an infinitive *cdsere or * cosire (Pr. cozer, cosir). Tw > dw > gw > g : potuit > poc. 1. Ba{t)tuo, qua(t)tuor yi/ere reduced to batio, *quaitor in Vulgar Latin: Pr. bat, quatre. § 73] PROVENgAL Phonology. 63 5. Groups Ending in Y. 73 • This class contains: ist, combinations of consonant + y y (§ 55, G), the g' having been in some cases always contiguous to the pre- ceding consonant, in others originally separated from it by a vowel; 3d, consonant + g>y, the g representing an original c or g between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, cf. § 65, G, (3). It does not include dy and gy, which early became y: see § 65, Y. The groups will be considered in alphabetical order: — Bry> bry in ebridcum >thri2ic {iure is probably French). /3y was early reduced to y in habeo habeam etc. and debeo debeam etc., partly, no doubt, through the proclitic use of these words, partly under the influence of audio>*auyo audiam > * auya and video > * veyo videam > * veya ; this y, like any other medial y (§ 65, Y), became dz or remained y: ai (for some reason there seems to have been no form *ach), aia; dei dech, deia. Aside from these words, ^y>udz and uy apparently in the north; elsewhere uy, by, vy — uy pre- vailing in the west, by and vy in the south and east. When the y became final, it changed to i, which, after a consonant, was syllabic. Ex.: abbreviat y-zhreaiz., * aggrevtai >a.gre\iia., *alleviat'> aXeaia., aviolum'> a.vio\ aiol, cavea"^ gahia, cauia, /(23«a > lavia-s, * leviarius>\e\ig\&rs, *rabiam {=.rabiem)'^ rabia rauia,'' *rabidre'>xz}a\zx, rabidsus '^ ra.hios raui9s, rti- beum > rog roi,* * sabium > savi sabi, atavia > tavia, vidu— vium > vezpig bed9i.'' In purely learned words, Latin bi, vi, etc., are kept: abiurament, fluvial. Cc'y: see C'y. ^Ratie is perhaps French. 2 Aftsr 0, the u disappears. 64 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 73 Cly > 1': coclearium > cuilhier. Cty>is: yizrf?^«^»z>faisso, Uciionem >-leisso, susjiectidnem > sospeisso. In purely learned words we find the spellings cti, cci, which doubtless indicate ktsy or ksy: electio, accio. Cf. Ssy. C'y, cc'y, kwy>ts; this ts, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: bracchia brassa, bracchium>'bra.tz bras (§ 64), fadam>idiZ2i fassa, facienf^iaXz fas, glaciem'p- ^aXz glas^ laquedre>-\z.ssa.r, la- gueunf^-hitz las, */i?«« > pessa, //ac(?a»z > plassa. Learned words have zi and ci, doubtless pronounced at first dzi, tsi, later zi, si (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545; XXV, 736): iuzizi iudici, edifici, Grecia. Cf. Pty. D-g > dz : jiidico > iiitge, medicum > mege, * sedicum > seie". Dy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y. Gdy: see § 80, Gd. Gy:see§ 55, Y and § 65, Y. Kwy: see Cy. Lc'y > Its > uts > us : calcedre '> ca.ussa.r. Cf. Lty. See § 74, Lg' apparently became Idz udz uz in *fulgerem {=fulgur) > f 9uzer. Ll-g'> r in cdlltgit> cuelh. Cf. Ly. Lly: see Ly. Lny > n' : balneum > banh. Lty>lts>uts>us: *«/A«r^>au9araussar. Cf. Lc'y. See § 74, (2). 1 Glai is due perhaps to the analogy of ney (§ 65, |3, 3), perhaps to such double forms as fatz fai = facit. * Sett (pronounced with two syllables) seems to be an improperly constructed post-verbal noun from asseiiar. § 73] Provenqal Phonology. 65 Lvy>lby>uby in j-a/wa > saubia (Gascon). Ly, lly>r: conszltum '>■ cosselh, ftlium'^Wa., /Uia'>- &lha., «w//f+ vowel >nulh. Learned words have /i: /amtliarmens. Lili liri lire < lilium are doubtless learned ; lis is French. Mby > mby, mdz, and ndz ; mdz being the usual form in the literary language: cambiarC;^ cz.mvi.\ caniar cambiar. Mniy>my, mdz, and ndz: commedtus'> zovxxzXz coniatz. Mny > n' in Limousin and in the extreme east and south- west, elsewhere ndz : somnidre > sonhar soniar, Somni, beside suenh songe, is learned. Mply > mply in amplidre > ampliar, probably learned. My>my and n': jm?a>simia, wWi?»2«a > vendemia ven- danha. Nc'y>nts>ns: *J^ra««ffl> Fransa. Cf. Nty. Nd-g>ndz: *pendtcaf>-p&m.3i, vindtco>veme. Similarly ■mandiccdre'^* mandugare manduyare mandyare '^Taa.nia.T^ Ndy>n': * £urgundia';> Borgonha., verecHndia'^ vergonha. Cf. Ny. N— g > ndz : * excomminico (= excommunico)'> escomenie^, mondchum > monie. Ng'>n' and ndz: jungerC^-iorHaex ipnger, ungere^ovih&c 9nger, //a«^i?r^>phanher planger, pungere>-^ovAiex ppnger. Angel is probably learned. Ng'y > ndz : spongia > esponia. Nty > nts > ns : cantionetn > cans9, comin ( i) tidre > comen- sar, jr/^ra«//a > esperansa. Purely learned words have nti: essentia. Cf. Nc'y. Ny>n': extraneum'^ esttzxHa, teneo> ttnh, veniat> vtnha. Before or during the literary period final n' or n's lost its 1 Apparently maniar, escomeniar developed in the region where g became y before a: cf. § 65, G, (i). 66 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 73 palatal quality in many dialects: ingenium> gtv\\\ gen. If estraniar comes from extranedre (and not from * extranicdre), it must be a word of later adoption; so estrangier. In sotran kja> coia.. Pry probably became regularly bry: capredlum>* cahr'nA cabirol (cabrpl seems to be a new formation from cabra). Coyre < ? citpreum is unexplained. Pty > ts, which, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: * captidre"^ ci.%%zx, * corruptidre> coxrossTLX, neptia> ntssz., *ndptias (§ 38, 2)> npssas. Cf. C'y. Py remained py in the west and a part of the south, and elsewhere became pts, later ts: apium> 2ich.& api, * appropiat (aprppcha aprocha aprppia, j«//awz > sapcha sacha sapia, sapientem > sachent sapient, sepia > sepia. If asabentar, 'instruct', comes from sapientem, it has been influenced by saber, saben. Piion <.pipidnem is French. Learned words have^/: copia; but manctpium'^ mancip massip. Rc'y>rts (>rs?): urceolum (Zs., XXVI, 668)>orzpl. Rdy > rdi in hordeum > prdi. R-g > rdz : clericus > clerics. Rg'>rdz and rdz (>rz): argenium '^ a.rgen, *burge(n)sis >borges borzes (also borgues, under the influence of bore), de-erigif;> deis, * de-er{i)gere> Aerzex (also derdre : §71), sHr- gere '>sorger sprzer, s iirgit > sortz. Rny > rn' : Arvemium > Alvernhe. Rr-g > rdz : * carticat'^ caria. Rry?>rdz in * horrearium'i'^orgi^r (cf. Korting). Rt-g>rdz and rts (>rs): * excdriicat> escoria. escorsa. § 73] Provenqal Phonology. 67 Rty>rts>rs: *fortidre'::>iox%2S, tertium>\.erz ters. Con- vercio is learned. Rvy > rvy rby : * cervia > cervia cerbia. Ry > r', which developed into ir when it remained medial, but became r at the end of a word*: * exdariare> &%z\2Jaz.x, * donaiona^ dona.doiTa., */eria>ieiTa. fieira,/m«/>feira, ma- teria > rasLdeua., * tnoriaC^ mona, J>rimarta '^Tpiemeiia pre- mieira(§ 23, i), */«««V^ir?a>punidoira, varia^ vaira., varidre >vairar; *a{u')gurium'>a.\ix, cdrium>caer, * donatdrium~:> donad9r, imperium '>■ empier, mtmsterium '^ xaestieT, *mdrio'> mpr muer, monasienum '^ mostiei (§ 45, 3), /r/OTff««j > pre- miers, */a««V^««j > punidprs. If the ry is preceded by au, it apparently remains unchanged: Auriacum "> A-a.ria.c {Zs., XXVII, 559). Learned words have rt: bori'> eboreum, con- trari. 1. Adjectives in -er (-ier) and -or, coming from -ari-um and -orium, regularly have feminines in —eira (—uira) and —oira. By the analogy of the masculine, there is a feminine in -era in parts of the west ; by the analogy of the feminine, there is a masculine in -eir in Auvergne. The i of vair probably comes from the feminine vaira and from the verb vairar. The nouny^zVa sometimes becomes ^«?-a like a feminine adjective. Sc'y: see Ssy. Ssy, sc'y, sty>s', which in most of the territory became is, but in the west and the extreme east developed into i(t)s and (t)s: * ^aj-«(?^if > baissar baichar bachar, *i3:«^j«j/«a>engoissa, *?«^w'«a/>engrueissa, fascia'^iaSssa, *^aj'«a^(? > graissar, postea > pueissas pueih piich, ustium > iiis. Sty: see Ssy. Sy>z', which in most of the territory became iz, but in parts of the northeast, north, and west developed into i(d)z and (d)z, and in some scattered dialects gave y and z: ba- ^ The r remained palatal long enough to cause breaking : cf. §§ 30, yj. 68 Provenqal Phonology. [§ 73 «■«»«> bais bai (§ 63), ^ajzari? > baisar baiiar baiar bayar basar, ^uasi + vowel > ca.is quaish, camisia (cf. Archiv fiir lateinische Lexikographie, XII, 265)>camiza, ceresea {Einf., § io3)>cireiza cirieiia cerieya cerieza, ma{n)sidnem>ma.i- son maiipn maipn mayo, occasidnem> ochzxzo, pre(^hen)sidnem >preis9 (cf. enpreyraa, 'imprisons'), f w?"^ j^ + vowel > queis, Ger. sazJan-;> szisix, to{n)sidnem'>toi&q. T-g>dz: *corattcum> cordage, *parattcum>^2sz.ge, viati- cum'^ viatic. Try apparently became ir: atrium'i > ?Xrt., arbttrium> albire. Tty > ts > s : *plattea > plassa. Ty > apparently t' > d' > generally d'zV which in most of the west and north became dz, but in the south and east developed into idz; dz and idz, when they remained medial, were reduced, before and during the literary period, to z and iz: *a//'z7/a>alteza, * ^^//z7za > beleza, ma/itia >iaa.leza,, pi- gritia > pereza, *preiiat> preza, * rikitia > riqueza ; palatium > palatz palaitz palais ( § 6^),piiteum > potz ^vis, pretium^ pr?tz pres, solatium"^ sol&tz solas; potidnem>-pozoti poizpn, *pretidre >prezar, rationem '^rz.zo raizon, s(^t)atidnem'p- sdiZO saizon. The forms without i prevail in the literary language, and in words in which the dz comes after the accent (especially in the ending -eza) they seem to have encroached largely upon the ground of the others.*^ According to some philologists, the development of ty differed according to its position before or after the accent: for a brief bibliography of the discussion, ' These sounds lost their palatal quality too early to cause breaking : cf . §§ 30, 37. Cf. Einf., § 133. 2 Palaitz, however, is used by Marcabru, A. Daniel, and P. Vidal. Poizon occurs in Flamenca and in modern Limousin (beside /O0o?j), raizo is found in the Boeci and other texts. § 74] PROvENgAL Phonology. 69 see Zs., XXVII, 689. In learned words we find zi, ei, (i, ti: estimatio, iustizia —icia —ecia —efia, naiio nacio, negoci, servizi -ici (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545, XXV, 736). I. Palai (beside palatz -aitz -ais) may have been made from palais (used by Bertran de Born and in Flamenco) by dropping the s which was regarded as an inflectional ending. It was perhaps influenced by such words as bais bai: cf. Sy. A clerical Latin *palasium, however, would ac- count, not only iox palai palais, but also for French /a/aw and for Italian pala^o. i. Modem poijon (Alps) and rajo (Limousin) have perhaps followed the analogy of such words as maison maijon majon: cf. Sy. 3. Escoisson-^excutiunt seems to follow * escois *C^exciitio. It was perhaps influenced by conoisson < co(g)noscunt. 4. Some of the modem western dialects have d in radon, sadon, etc. = razo, sazo, etc. 6. Groups Beginning with L, M, N, R, or S. y4. (i) Of tjie groups beginning with |1 (and not ending in 1, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c before a became ts in the north and northwest). — lb, Ic (and lie), Ig (llg), Im, Ip, Iv: alda^ alha.; calcdre-p- C2i\c2ir, collocare * colcare'^?- colcar (-char) ; collocare * coHogare * colgare >colgar; helm'P' Ava., ulmumy- olra; coldphum *£dlpum> co\^ (K()X7ros>g9lfe is unexplained); calvum'^calv (=calf?), sal- vdre> salvar. Ld, Is (lis). It (lit) were regularly unchanged except for the vocalization of the 1: see below. Lc' (lie') be- came Its, and then the 1 was vocalized: see below. Lc'p became Ip in t:aUe /« jari? > calpisar. Lg', llg', have been treated in § 73. Lvs, Ivt became Is, It, and then the 1 was vocalized: see below. (2) L became u before the dental consonants d, s, t in most of the dialects. The vocalization seems to have begun in the 8th century and to have progressed through the literary 70 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 75 period and later. It is difficult to trace it, as / long con- tinued to be written for u. In modern Provencal, Is remains in Languedoc, It in Rouergue. Au^a occurs in the Boeci. The 1 was probably first retracted, to differentiate it from the following dental; and then this velar 1 was opened into u. Ex.: ca/(«)(/a«a> caudiera, cal{J)dum> C9m.\., sdl{i')dum'^ solt sout; /a/sum^izls faus, malos^ razXs maus, valles> vaXs vans; *faUita'^izxi\z., multum'> molt m9ut, * tollttum > to\t tout ; dulcem > dolz d9utz dous, polltcem > poutz, salicem > sautz; f(z/z'«j->*cals caus, * w/z/27a > volta vouta. So * altiat >au9a aussa, * (Tfl/c^ari? > caugar caussar : cf. § 73, Lc'y, Lty. In dps (=d9us) and mot (=:mout) the 9 seems to have ab- sorbed the u. Cf. § 65, L. 1. The final t of molt seems to have been lost sometimes before a con- sonant : hence mul, which before d became mon. 2. Altretal (also autretal) became atretal by dissimilation ; hence we have also atressi for altressi (autressi). Aital, aitan seem to be made up of tal, tan with the first syllable of aissi (■< ac sic), regarded as a prefix meaning 'just'. 3. Pallidus'^ palUs (through * fddillus T). 4. Fouzer is iiorafUlger or ^fUlgeretn ^fiilgur. 75. Of the groups beginning with m (and not ending in 1, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged — mb, md, mf, mp, ms, mt: ^a»z^a>gamba (if bobansa is from /8ojti)8os, it is irregular); * setnitarium * semidarium ^semdier; tnumJ>Mre >triomia.-r; lampas * /aw/a > lampa ; * camistle'>.> camsil (dialectically cansil; so Samson, Sanso); comitem^ comte (dialectically conte). Mbd shows four different de- velopments in ambo duos > ambedos abdps amdos andos. Mbt apparently became nt in * cambttos + -dnem >cdinton (French?). Mn in the literary language generally remained unchanged (often spelled mpn), but in some dialects it was § 76] PROvENgAL Phonology. 71 assimilated into nn, which was locally simplified into n: domina domna > dompna domna donna dona, damndre > dampnar damnar dannar danar, femina *femna > femna fenna {feme is ixoxa. femena<. femina)^ hominem * komnem'^ omne {ante is from *dmene<. hominem)?- Mnc'>ndz nz in * domnicella > donzela. Mpt > mt, dialectically nt : computdre > comtar contar, temptdre > temptar tentar. 76. (i) Of the groups beginning with n (and not ending in 1, t, w, or y), the following generally remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became ts, dz in the north and northeast) — nc, nd, ng, nm, nt: hanka'^z.vica., blank-^ blanc (-ca — cha), franko'>ir2iTic (-ca -cha); manddre^ mandar, w«(/a>9nda; longum'^lonc (-ga -ia), plango> plane, nng>x&VLC\ amma '^anma. (also, by dissimilation, arma); j^«/zr^ > sentir. Y ox final rA, nt, see (2) below. Nc'>nts ns: */rance(n)sis'>ixa.nces, manetpium '>■ xaa.xisvp (also massip: cf. ns below), vincere ;;> vencex venser. Net became in different dialects n' int nt nts: junc^um >ionh ioint iont ipnch, ««rf«m > onchiira, */z'«rf«m > peintiira pen- chiira, //a«rf«»« > planh planch, sanctum '^sa.xih saint sant. Ndc' became, in different dialects, ndz (later nz), nts, ndz: qutndecim> qamze quintze quinge. Nf remained in some dialects, while in others it became ff, then f: confundif> conf on cofon, infantem > enfant effant efant, infernum > en- fern efern. Ng>ng: mondchum * mon'gW^ xnoxigu.e (mant- <:«/«> margue by dissimilation). Ns, in learned words and new formations (see § 55, N), remained in most dialects, while in others (especially those of the centre) it became ss, then s: consilium >coxyst\h. cosselh, in simu I ^exisem essem, * insigndre 'p- ensenhsiX essenhar, //?«jari? > pensar pessar, sen- 'Cf. §49. (3)- 72 Provencal PhDnology. [§ 77 ««>sens; iox final ns, see § 63, (5). Ntc'>nts ns 'va.pan- ticem > pansa. Nv remained in some dialects, while in others it became vv, then v: convenire -^covive.mx covenir. Ndc, ndg, n-g, ng' have been treated under § 73. ( 2 ) Final nd remained as nt in the eastern and central part of the territory, became n in the west and a part of Limou- sin, and disappeared altogether in a part of Languedoc and Gascony: amando'^-i.vasM, descendif^ deissen, grandem'^ gTa.nt gran gra, mundum > mont mon, vendif^ vent ben, profundum > prepn, quando > quant quan. Final nt remained in most of the territory, but in a part of Languedoc and Gascony became n or disappeared: fontem'^-iorA fon fo, montem'^ mont mon, quantum > quant quan, ventum > vent bent be. 77. Of the groups beginning with r (and not ending in 1, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became ts, dz in the north and northeast) — rb, re, rd, rf, rg, rm, rn, rp, rs, rt, rv: ^«ri5a>barba, cdrbumy- corp, herba > erba, orbum > orp ; barca > barca, circdre > cer- car, cKricum * clercum ';^ clerc, /urea '^ forcB, fOTcha, mercdtum >mercat; ardentem~^zxdAVi.,*perdutum'^^t.rAxiX, vir{i')dem'^ vert; orphdnum'^ oxi&\ * carricdre * carrigdre * cafgdre '^ca.rgdLi cariar, largum '^■la.rc (-ga -ia), sen(a * ser'ga'^ serga.; eremum >erm, /^r^za > forma ; hibemum.y-\v&rx\., taberna '^ta.veTna., torndre'^torna.x; werpan'^ guenpir; arsutw^axs, cursum'^coxs (for versus 'P'ves, see § 55, R); artem "^ 3ixt, /drtem '^ toxt, mortem >xaoxt; Arvemia'^^Axvexxiha, (also, by dissimilation, A1-), servire'^- sexvix. Fox final rn, rs, see § 63, (5) ; § 65, R. Re' > rts rs : parcere > parcer, parcit"^ partz, * torcere > torser. Rde' became, in different dialects, rdz (later rz), rts, rdz: qua- tuordecim *quattdrdecim'>o;paXoxzt. quat9rtze quatprge. Rdg before a > rg, rdz : vtridicantem * virdigantem > verguan verian. § 78] Provencal Phonology. 73 Rps>rs: *escarpsus (= excer^^s) '> escars. Rtm>rtm or rm: forit menU^ioTtmen formen. Rg' has been treated under § 73. 78. Of the groups beginning with s (and not ending in 1, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged through the literary period (except that c before a became ts in the north and northeast) — sc, sm (ssm), sn, sp, st: *buscum {}=zbuxum)l'^ hose, * luscum';^ lose, pascha '^pa.sca, pascha, persica pesslca *pesca '^■pesca, ptscaior"^ pescaire, piscarium > pesquier peschier, prescan * trescdre > trescar ; ex-mittere *esmittere (§55, X)>esmetre, //?>ji>««^j>pesmes; eleemosyna > almosna, asinum > asne ; exponere * esponere > esppnre, ga- spildjan ? > guespilhar ; prceposttum > prebost, tristem > trist. For final scs, sts, see 2 below. Sc' became, in most of the territory, is; in parts of the north and northeast, s; in the west and the extreme east, i(t)s and (t)s (cf. § 73, Ssy): co(^g)ndscere'>Q.ojv eissernir, *ex—cerebelldre *^j'— >esservelar, fascem";^ fais, nascere'^ naisser nasser naicher nacher, piscem '> -peis peich pech. Scb became sb in eptscopus *ebis<:olius'p- hishes. Spm became sm in blaspAemdre ';:>hlasmar. Stg became sg and sdz in domesticdre *-^ar«>domesgar domesiar. Stm became sm in asthma > asma. For the later history of the s in all these groups, see § 65, S, i. 1. Presbyter became regularly prestre: § 71, i. But \>e.%\Asi frhbyter there existed in Vulgar Latin prebUer (Einf., § 140), the syllable pres- being replaced by the Latin prefix prce- o'c pre-, through the analogy of such words as prcebttor, prcepositus. From the accusative prebiferum we have regularly preveire. Preire (used in Flamenco) seems to be a cross between prestre and preveire. 2. Final sts, in nearly all the territory, was reduced to ts : finistis > finitz, hSstis > oz (accusative 9St), tristes > tritz (sg. trist) ; but sts was kept in estz < tsios and in its derivative aquestz. Similarly final scs was 74 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 80 generally reduced to cs : * iHscus P '^ (h^scs) hi^cs (accusative b^sc), ^aii- ^uis > quecs. 3. Conois eXc.(*pc), pts (before a): *^(2>w^(z')(ra/>repropcha. Brg > rg in fabrica *fabrtga > f arga. Bs > bs in the learned words absens, absensa. Bsc > sc : obscurus > esctirs. § 8o] Provenqal Phonology. 75 Bst>st: suistaf^ sqsta.. Bt > bt, t : subttlem > sobtil sotil. See also ^t below. Bts > ts : subtus > sotz. ;8c > uc : * avica * a^ca > auca. )3c'>udz or uts, later uz, us: avicellum * a^cellw^- auzel aucel. Cf. § 65, C, i. /8d>ud, in the west bd: debitum *de^idu *de^du >deude, marhabttutn *mala^idu *maia^du ■i^imdaude; civitatem * ali- dade *cipdad-> cibdat. Cf. ^t below. )8t>ut, in the west pt: debitum * de^fu >■ deute depte, diibzio * du^to"^ douts dppte, mal'habitum *malaptu-^iaa.h.vite ma- lapte; civitatem * a^tate>ciutat (later cieutat: § 44, 2) ciptat, * movita * mofita > mputa, * removitum ? > rempute {Girart). Depte, malapte are not confined to the west (mod- ern Limousin dete, Dauphin^ malate); they come also from Latin dib'tum, mal'hab'tum: cf. § 47, (3). Cc'>its>is; in the west- and the extreme east its or ts: ecc' hie "^-eici eissi eichi achi. Cm>cm, m: */dcomus';>- la.cra.es lames (also, perhaps bor- rowed, laumes). C'm>im or sm: decimum'>dehae desme, _/««'>««<( j) >faim. Cf. § 52, (4)- Ct>ts in most of the territory; but in the north and north- east, and in the southwest, it became, as in French, it: coctdre > cochar coitar, dictum > dig dit, factum > fag fait, lacte > lag lait, /ectum ';> lieg leit, /«^^a > liicha, nactem ';> nueg nueit, pactum-a > pacha, pectus > pieg peitz, octo > ueich"^ ueit. The ct of (^-^/lerfar^^getar does not show popular treatment; the word is similarly irregular in most of the other languages. Ct seems to give the same results as ct, namely ts and it: dicitis "^dxtz, *exp/icitdre '^es'plecha.i espleitar, facitis 'p> iaitz, * The i in aeick seems to be merely graphic 76 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 80 pladtum>^\z.ch plait, {h&nce plaieiamen, plaideiar),* vocitum (= vacuum) > vuech voig^ voh (hence voiar\ voidar would appear to presuppose a form *voit). Dc, dg: see § 73, D-g. Dc', in the greater part of the territory, became dz, later z ; but in Auvergne and some western dialects it became ts, and in parts of the southeast and southwest it gave dz: duodecim * dddecim'> diOz& d9tze d9ge, y«^zV^»2 > iiitge, radicina>zz.- zina, jifi/lirm > seze setze setge. liitge may have been in- fluenced by iiitiar. Dn developed peculiarly in consuetudinem * costiimen'^ costum, incudinem */«f/«^-?>enclutge. Gd>dz and id, corresponding to the ts and it from ct: *frigdum {^frigdum)>ix^g freit (fem. freia freida). The irregularity in amygddla> ■A.va.'A,r\Aa\3. goes back to Vulgar Latin. Frezir freizir is perhaps from *fre{i)zar (cf. Italian frizzare) < *frigdiare. G'd: see Yd. Gm > m : pigmentum > pimen. Fragment is learned. Greek ■yfi became um : phlegma > fieuma, sagma > sauma. Gn>n': «^«i?//«»2 > anhel, /«^«»2 > ponh. According to the rhymes, final n' would seem to have become n in many dialects. Stagnum^ esta,nc, regnum^ renc (also reing) show an early metathesis. When gnosco lost its g, cognosco became * conosco in popular Latin. Gnd>n'd, later, in different dialects, ind, n'd, nd, ndz: fi^zVaw *cwz7(fe>*conhede *conhde, then coinde, cuende, conge. Cf. Gnt below. See § 47, i. Gnt > n't, later, in different dialects, int, n't, nt : cognitum > * (r(7«'z7« > * conhete (the t being due to clerical influence) > ' The i in voig seems to be merely graphic. § So] PROVENgAL Phonology. 77 cointe conte; dignitatem * ^zV/fl/^ > denhtat. Cf. Gnd above. Ks>is, in most of the territory; in Auvergne and in the extreme east it became its or ts: a^«V>aissi, exdmen';;?- &\%- sam eicham echam, ^xz7w/« >• eissilh, ^a;2^^ >■ eissir eichir ichir, *ifxc7rMr«>eissorbar, /«a:ff/>- laissa, uxorem'^ oxsor, ^&t;zV«»z>-tueissec. In essaiar, essemple, essilh, the prefix became es- through the analogy of ex- before consonants : cf. § 55, X. Ksc>-sc; before a, in the north and northeast, sts: * laxi- cdre > laschar, toxicdre > toscar. Ksm>s'm, later sm: proxtmum '^ -piosme pruesme. For the later history of the s (prueime), see § 65, S, i. Kss>is: *exser(r)dre (jEin/., § i42)>eissarrar, *exsii- rar^ > eissiigar {essugar presupposes a Vulgar Latin es-: see § 55. X). Pf>f: sapphtrum'^&'iSix. Ppc>-(*pc), pts (before a): *clopchar. Ps, in some dialects, remained unaltered; but in most of the territory it changed (through ;cs: § 79) to is, is, s, s, and us; is and s belonging especially to the west, us to the east: capsa > capsa caissa caisha casha, ipse > eps eis, ipsa mente > epsament eissamen ichamens, met-tpse'^ laedeis mezeish me- des mezeus, «^-z^j'«>neeps neis neus. The ps forms seem to have been crowded out by the others, especially by those with is. Pt>pt, later t (except in parts of Languedoc and Gas- cony); in a few words, ut, it: *accaptdre (or * accapitdre'i)'> acaptar achatar, aptumy-n^tt, adaptdre '^ a.za.utai (hence azaui) through *a5a;cta,re (§ 79), baptizdre >ha.Tptegz.x (g= dz) bateiar, ca^?V«/i? > captal catal chatal, eaptwufrf^ caTptin catiu and more commonly caitiu chaitiu (through *ca;cti^u: 78 Provenqal Phonology. [§ 82 § 79), rupta'^xotz., sepiimdna'^ septmana. setmana, septeirf^ set. Escrich escrit (= scriptum) are probably formed on the model of dich dit. Td>t (through V. L. tt): nitidum'^n&t, /w/ii/«»2 > piit. Cf. § 47, (O- Tn: if renha, 'rein', is connected with rettne (see Korting), it must have been influenced by renhar<, regndre. Ts: et sic, under the influence of ac sic, became * ec step- eissi eichi ichi. Yd>dz and id: co^to * coyido >■ cug ciiit, cogitdre *cdyidare >-cuiar ciiidar, rigidum * rryidu '^ leide (§ 50, i). J?ede is perhaps a cross between reide and rege: § 49, (i). FfflAL CONSONAHTS. 81. The only single consonants that occur in Latin at the end of a word are b, c, d, I, m, n, r, s, t. The only groups (in words preserved) are ks, nt, st. Single Final Consonants. 82. D, n, r, t at the end of proclitics (ad, in, per, et) are really medial consonants, and must be distinguished from final n, r, t in independent words {nomen, f rater, amat); final d occurs only in proclitics. The consonants will be treated in alphabetical order: — B appears as b in lacob, p in Ipp, both learned. C apparently fell after all vowels in some dialects ; in others it remained after back vowels, and became i after a and front vowels: eccu'hoc (§ 55, W)>aco (§ 43, 2), ecce >^(?f>aisso 50 so, hoc'^q oc (in the literary language these two forms were differentiated in use, o meaning 'it', oc meaning 'yes');/atf >fai, iliac (§16, 4)>lai la, ecce ^a^>sai sa; diC^dS., ecce § 82] PROVENgAL Phonology. 79 ^zi:>eici, J2f>si. Diii-i^ due may perhaps be explained as due to the analogy of diiire and oifai. Cf. § 63, (6). D in apudiell early: see § 65, P, 2. In the proclitics ad, quid, the d disappeared before a consonant, and before a vowel became in most dialects 8>z (cf. § 65, D): a, que; a.d az, quei? quez. L fell in in «"»?«/> essem. It remained in the learned Abel, tribunal. It is believed by some that sivah, 'at least', comes from si vel. M fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): credam creda^ cr&zi., donum ddnu~^ AoYi., fortem fdrte-p-ioxt\ Adam is learned. At the end of an independent monosyllable, it fell in some dialects and in others became n (cf. § 65, N): janfp-'xz., rem'^re ren (Mar- cabru uses rey for the rhyme), sum (verb) > so spn. At the end of proclitics, m was probably kept at first before vowels and labials, while it became n before dentals, q before gut- turals, and disappeared before spirants; but the n forms (helped by the analogy of en, non) and those without a final consonant replaced m before vowels and partly before labiais, and probably took the place of r) before gutturals; we find, then, sometimes m before labials, but either no consonant or n before all other sounds: guem ^qne, sum (verb) > so spn, sum (=suum)> so S9n spm, *ium (=iuum)'^ to tpn tom. N fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): nomen name ">■ nova.. At the end of proclitics we generally find n before a vowel, a form without n before spirants, both forms before other consonants, but often m before a labial: ?«>en (^en amar, en cant), e (^ Fransa, e Is), em (^em breu); «J«>non (non es, non ges), no {nofalh, no tol), nom {nom plagues). 8o Provencal Phonology. [§ 82 R remained: amdior > amaive, cor> cor, marmor>raa.T:hK {marme shows dissimilation), fi?wr>sorre (j(7/- through pro- clitic use). So in proclitics :/^r> per, i'«/^r> spbre. I. A Provenjal final r began to fall in the west and south in the 14th century: cf. § 65, R, i. S remained: amicus "^ amies, £orJ>us^ cots, /adas'^- ta,sszs, fortes '^^loxX.z, ojieras > ohras, subtus^ sotz. Between a pa- latal, or an n that did not fall, and an s, a t developed in some dialects: annos>anz, fUtos>fi\z; cf. § 63, (i), (8). 1. Final s began to fall or to become i in many dialects as early as the 14th century: cf. § 65, S, i. In mat, beside mats, the fall was earlier. 2. Final ts > t, in the second person plural of verbs, in parts of Li- mousin and Dauphine: habetis'^ a.-vet. Cf. § 64. In all first person plural forms (except esmes) final s fell very early: amamus amamu"^ amam. Cf. § 167. 3. Through the influence of such common adverbs as entz ama, ca«/S^a/> cantava, dar" *hat> dara, ddnet> don, staf> esta., partibaf^ ^ax^xa, placet^ ^aXz, tener" + -e{l>)at>tenna, vem/>ven; dofidvii> donet done, vendidit * vendedif> vendet vende, partlvit parttt> parti partit, placuit>'^\ac, vldif> vi. In the proclitics et and *ot (= aui), the t fell before consonants; before vowels it became d. § 8s] PROVENgAL Phonology. 8i which, under the influence of ad and quid, developed like an original d : ef> e, e(? ez ; * ot^ o, od oz ; later, e and o came to be used often before vowels also. Final Groups. 83. Ks remained in Vulgar Latin at the end of monosyl- lables only (§ 55, X); there it became, in Provencal, is: rex > reis, sex > seis. Grecx, nicx are Latinisms. Nt was generally reduced to n ; but in the extreme north and some parts of the south the t was retained in -ant: amant >aman, Aa6e(l>)ant> a.via.n aviant; ean fen f>- canten; vendunt >vendon. In some dialects the n fell after o, u (vendo, au); -on and -0 were used concurrently by the poets. St>s in est>es. Cf. § 28, 5. SPORADIC CHANGE. 84. For certain consonant changes no laws have been established.^ Some of them doubtless originate in the lan- guage of children, which is governed by principles different from those which regulate the speech of adults. Others are due to vague associations of sound or sense. Borrowed and learned words are especially exposed to such whimsical al- teration. Insertion. 85. The insertion (or addition) of a consonant, in such cases as those mentioned below, is probably always due to some false association or wrong etymology, but the specific ' The phenomena of dissimilation have been well classified by M. Grammont in La dissimilation consonantique dans les langues indo-europeennes et dans les langues romanss, 1895. For metathesis, see Zs., XXVIII, i. 82 PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY. [§ 86 cause often cannot be ascertained; the added consonant seems to be generally a liquid or a nasal: — alhondre -s < areri) : analogy (A f erven, serven, or of espaven, espavensa ? ■^emAtSDXc <^pectindre: analogy oi penckeire, penchura} perdm ^perditz j8h (vH ) : habebam > * a^ea > avia, * vivd- ciarium > viacier, vivdcius > viatz. Vianda, whatever its ulti- mate origin may be, was probably borrowed from French. kw -H kw > k -1- kw : quinque > cinque > cine. l4-l calamel caramel, * umbi/iciilum "^ emhorigol, ^ebi/em ';> Qehle freble feble, iilu- /(?r^>ulular udolar. Perhaps pus = pliis n + m: memordre > membrar nembrar (renem- bransa). m-i-n>m+r: •* eominicdre > comenegar comergar, * indo- mtnicdtum > endomeniat endomergat, maneipium > mansip massip marsip, mantcum > margue, mondchum > mongue morgue. 84 PROVENgAL Phonology. [§ 87 n + m>r + m: antma '^■a.nma. arma, * mintmdre '>meiraa.T. n + n>a + r, r + n; ?d + n: canonlcum > candnegue ca- norgue, venerium '^ v&r\.-a.\ nee unum '^ negun degiin? (cf. Andalusian and Asturian dengun, Catalan dingu, apparently from nee iinum + ningulum). r + r>rH , i-r, 1 + r: * Bemhardum'>'Berm,xt Ber- nat, marmor-;;> vazxhrs marme, prdpriunf^-pro-pri propi; die Mircurl (influenced by die Veneris') > dimercres dimecres, grandem rem '> gianre ganre, J>r(eA)endere'>-prenre penre, /r«-5j'/^;->prestre pestre; arMirium '> alhire, Arvemium^ A\vQxnhe,peregrinus>J)ele(^g)rinus> pelens, purjiura> pplpra. S + S> hs: * spasmdre >■ (es^pzsme) pasmar (cf. French pamer), perhaps through confusion of the initial es- with the prefix ex-. t + t?> ht: stationeml > ^z.zo (cf. French saison, Span- ish sazon. y + y>yH : * disjejundre > * disieundre > * disy'ndre > dis'nar disnar. III. MORPHOLOGY. 88. The most important morphological developments are common to all, or nearly all, the Romance languages. They may therefore be ascribed, in their early stages, to Vulgar Latin, although direct evidence of their beginnings is scanty. 1. DECLENSION. NOUWS. 89. (i) During the late Vulgar Latin and early Romance period neuter nouns gradually became masculine ; this change was doubtless due in part to phonetic developments which obliterated distinctive endings: ddnum'^don, m. ; ndmen> n9m, m. Mare, however, became almost always feminine in Gaul : la mar. Some neuter plurals in -a, used mainly in a collective sense, were preserved and eventually became feminine singu- lars : folium folia > f olha, f . sg. ; lignum Itgna > lenha, f . sg. ; so luogua, ppma, prada, beside loc, p9m, prat (and, by anal- ogy, grasa, beside gras <,gradus) ; similarly labia > lavias, f.pl. ( 2 ) Masculine and feminine nouns usually kept their original gender. Abstract nouns in -or, however, regularly became feminine in Gaul, other abstract nouns being mostly feminine in Latin : honorem > on9r, f . ; saporem > sabor, f . With the exception of manus, which generally retained its gender, femi- nine nouns of the second and fourth declensions, unless they 85 86 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§ 91 passed into the first declension (J>irus'> pera.), became mascu- line, to conform to the usual —us type: /raxinus'^ha.isnes, m. ; pinus > pins, m. Attracted by such words as these, arbor became masculine. There were some other less important shifts. I . Juventus, passing into the second declension, became masculine ifoven) ; but we find also ioventut, f. Latis became masculine in Pro- venjal ; fin, on the other hand, is always feminine. Meriila >■ merle, m. Correitz, link, both m., occur beside correia<^corrigia, linha<^lTnea. Other similar changes might be noted. Pr. dia (also di), like Latin dies, is usu- ally masculine. 90. Some nouns passed from the fourth to the second declension in the classic Latin period (^domus, ficus) ; the rest doubtless followed in Vulgar Latin {friictus^ gradus, manus). Fifth declension nouns in —ies went over, for the most part, to the first declension:^ dia, /««« > f assa, ^/ia;«M>glassa, rabies"^ xdJo'ia.; but we find also di, fatz, glatz (ratge is probably French), following the third declension type. Fifth declension nouns which did not shift to the first came to be declined after the model of the third {fides, res, spes). The five declensions were therefore reduced to three, presumably in Vulgar Latin times. Among these there were some exchanges: polvera, vergena; cf. § 89, (i), (2), i. 91. The use of cases became more and more restricted in Vulgar Latin, prepositional constructions taking the place of pure case distinction. At the beginning of the Romance period, nouns probably had, in unstudied speech, only two cases in constant use: a nominative and an accusative or ac- cusative-ablative. These two cases were generally retained ^ Cato uses/rMc^/. * The process began in classic Latin : materies materia, etc. § gi] PROvENgAL Morphology. 87 in Provengal, for the second and third declensions, until the literary period: we may call them nominative and objective. (i) The locative, which had almost vanished in classic Latin, lingered in Vulgar Latin only in names of places. It has left no sure traces in Provengal. (2) The vocative, in classic Latin, was like the nomina- tive for most words ; in Vulgar Latin it probably disappeared, except in Church phrases, such as mt domine. In Provengal we find the nominative regularly used in address (chanz9s, companh, emperaire, ioglars, Papiols), although the objective occasionally occurs in its stead (barpns pi., ioglar malastruc, trachw). (3) The genitive, in the popular language, was little by little replaced by other constructions — commonly by the ab- lative with de or by the dative; the beginnings of this substi- tution may be observed as early as Plautus. Among Pro- vengal nouns — aside from such learned forms as ancianor, christianor, companh9r, paianpr, parentor — we find remnants of the genitive only in a few compound words, as diic)us< dtejovis, and in the standing phrase es mestier < est ministerii. (4) The dative, which in most words had the same ending as the ablative, came to be replaced, in the greater part of the Empire, by the accusative with ad-^ this construction, too, goes back as far as Plautus. Provengal nouns retain no traces of the dative. (5) The ablative, after the fall of final m (§ 55, M) and the loss of quantitive distinctions in unstressed syllables (§ 21), differed little or not at all from the accusative in the singular of nearly all nouns: causam causa, donicm ddnd,patrem fatre, frUctum fructH, diem. die. Furthermore, some preposi- tions (especially m) were used both with the accusative and 88 PROvENgAL Morphology. [§ 92 with the ablative. It was inevitable, then, that the two cases should be confounded in the singular, and we have evidence of such confusion as early as the first century of our era; this led gradually to a substitution of the accusative for the abla- tive in the plural, the accusative plural being somewhat com- moner and frequently simpler than the ablative. We may, therefore, take the accusative as the basis of the Provengal iobjective, remembering, however, that this accusative has been more or less blended with the ablative. (6) The two-case declension remained theoretically in use in l^ovengal literature through the 14th century; but in texts Jarter than the 12 th, cases are often confused. From the spoken language the declension disappeared, in the west (as in Catalan), before the literary period; in the centre and east, probably in the 12th century; in the north, in the 13th. The case preserved was usually the objective, but sometimes the nominative. Some nouns in —aire —ador kept both forms, with a differentiation of meaning. 92. In the discussion of declensions some phonetic pecu- liarities must not be overlooked: — (i) In the nom. pi. of the 2d declension, a stressed e, fol- lowed in the next syllable by final — i, would regularly give i (cf. § 27, i); but the e is preserved by the analogy of the nom. and obj. sg. and the obj. pi. : capiUl'^ cabel, missl'p- mes, queti';^ quet, sert'^ ser. We do, however, find cabil, and (perhaps by analogy) auzil < aucelli. (2) In the nom. pi. of the 2d declension, a c or g before the final —i would regularly be palatalized (cf. § 55, C, G) ; but it is preserved from palatalization by the analogy of the other three forms: aOTz«>-amic, longi'^Yo'sxc. § 94] PROVENgAL Morphology. 89 (3) For the development of a t between a palatal or an n and a final s, see § 82, S: a«« anz, /f/zW > filz. (4) For the simplification of final scs, sts to cs, ts, see § 78, 2 : * buscus ? >■ boos, tristes > tritz. (5) For the history of —anus and — tonus, see § 23, i and § 73. Ry. I- 93. (i) Nouns whose objective singular ended in s were invariable in the earlier part of the literary period; bracchium >bratz, corpus > cats, imperafrtcem '>■ evaperaintz, fascem'^ fais, latus >■ latz, lucem > liitz, mtssum > mes, nasum > nas, opus > ops, ursum > ors, piscem > pels, pectus > peitz, pretium > pretz, tempus > tems, versum > vers, visum >• vis, vocem >■ vptz. Later, however, a plural (originally obj. pi.) was made for such words by adding -es, generally at a time when final ts had been reduced to s (§ 64): brasses, corses, messes, peisses, verses; examples occur as early as the end of the 12th century. (2) Other invariable nouns are midons, sidons, and often laus and res; the last two sometimes have an objective lau, re. Midons comes from the Church Latin ml domine, which was popularized by the substitution of the Provengal don for domine and the addition of the nom. — s; the term was trans- ferred from religious to feudal, and thence to amatory use, and came to mean 'my lady.' Sidons is formed on the model of midons. (3) For nouns in ts, see § 63, (i): * disductum'>- ^&sAug, /riictum'^iTach, gaudium > gaug, noctem > nuech. Such words were very often written in the plural with -gz, which was pro- nounced either ts or ts. The pronunciation ts is attested by such rhymes as malfagz: alumenatz. 94. Infinitives used substantively conformed to the 2d de- go pROVENQAL Morphology. [§ 96 clension type: lauzars lauzar (like foes foe), rire-s rire (like fabre-s fabre) : see § 96. The same thing is true of mascu- line post-verbal nouns: (getar) getz get, (guidar) guitz guit, (lansar) lans (invariable). First Declension. 95. This declension came to include a part of the fiftl^ and also some neuter plurals of the second and third. With the exception of dia (nearly always masculine) and of a few learned words, it contained only feminine nouns. As the nominative, accusative, and ablative singular early became identical, leaving only one form in the singular, -the plural forms were reduced to one, the accusative crowding out the nominative; this substitution, which must have been begun before the Proven9al period, was doubtless helped by the identity of nominative and accusative plural in feminine nouns of the third declension. Causa will serve as a model : — causa ]> causa causa * causas"^ caMsas causam > causa causas ]>• causas I. Dia sometimes has a nom. sg. dias, following the example of other masculine nouns. i. Many feminine proper names, in Gaul and elsewhere, developed a Low Latin declension —a —dne(m) or -a —ene{m), as Anna Anndne. Pro- venjal has few traces of this inflection. The word putana dons faber > faure fabre fabres ; fdcum'^ioc donum >■ don _/a3r«»2 ^ f alflre / fSct >foc i/OTJa *i/ff«r>d9n fabri >■ fabre ( fScos >-focs dona * d^nos '^ dons fabros >• fabres For the c oi foci, see § 92, (2). For *ddnus, etc., see § 89 (i). Nom. fabre is due to the analogy of the other three cases; the s of fabres is borrowed from the prevailing foes type. 1. Neuters which long preserved their gender often have no -j in the nom. sg. : segle or segles. Nouns in —age from —aticum commonly have no —s: corage, damnage, message, senhorage; but forms with —s occur also. Learned nouns in —i from -turn regularly have no —s: breviari, emperi, iuzizi, testimoni. Post-verbal nouns, on the other hand, usually take the nom. — s : aliires, blasme—s, consires, desires (cf . § 94). By the analogy of i^& fabre-s, segle-s, blasme-s types, many masculines in -e sometimes drop the -s: clergue-s, diable—s, morgues, oncle—s, poble—s. Maestre, prestre regularly have no -s. 2. Most proper names are declined like common nouns: Arnautz Ar?iaut, Boecis Boeci, Mnrics Enric, Lozoics Lozoic, Peire—s Peire. Many proper names, however, developed in Gaul and elsewhere, from the 9th century on, a Low Latin declension -us -dne(^), as Petrus Petronis (cf. § 95, 2) : hence Carles CarU, Peires Petri, etc. ; so Bergonhs Ber- gonho, etc. 3. Mas, being usually feminine, has a nom. pi. mas.- 4. Yor pagadi, salvi, soli, etc., see § 51, i. Third Declension. 97. This declension absorbed a part of the fifth: cf. § 90. 98. Nouns whose stem was different in the nominative and the accusative singular, reconstructed the nominative to cor- respond to the accusative, the new form being similar to the original genitive: paptlio papilionem'^ papilionis papilionem, pes pedem >pedis pedem. The change began in the Vulgar Latin period. Exceptions to the rule are names of persons, 92 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§ loi unless they ended in -ans or -ens : nepos nepotem > neps ne- bot ; but amans amantem >■ * amantis amantem >• amans aman. 1 . Carnis for caro is used by classic writers. Griiis for grus occurs in the Appendix Probi III, belonging perhaps to the 3d century. Papi- lionis, pedis, travis = trabs, and some others are found in the 8th century Glossary of Reichenau. 99. Masculine nouns of the third declension, early in the Proven gal period, made their nominative plural conform to the second declension type, thus distinguishing it from the objective plural: pater patrem patres patres>-pa.\x& paire paire paires (cf. Old French and Italian). Feminines, on the other hand, kept the nominative plural in -s: mater matrem matres matres > maire maire maires maires. 100. A few neuter nouns, becoming masculine in Vulgar Latin, developed distinctively masculine forms in the singu- lar : genus genus > * generis *generem > genres genre ; so ful- g^*" {>f^^S^^) > */ulgerem > fouzer. Most neuters, however, kept in the singular their original stem: semen '^sem, tempus > tems. But those in —men regularly, and those in -r some- times, took an-s in the nominative singular: flumen Jlumen'^ fliims fliim, marmor marmor "> ma.rme-s marme; cor, in the literary language, usually has no nominative -s. In the plural most neuters brought their forms into harmony with the masculine type, but those in —us kept the -s throughout: (caput>) capus * capum capita capita '^ ca,ps cap cap caps, cor cor corda corda > cor cor cor cors, nomen nomen nomtna nomina > n9ms nom n9m npms ; but corpus corpus corpora corpora > cors cors cors cors. Mare, becoming feminine, was declined thus: mars mar mars mars. 1. G/kmj- also became^^j, which was used as an adverb. 101. The third declension comprises three principal types: (i) nouns which in Latin had no difference of stem or of § loi] PROVENgAL Morphology. 93 accent between the nominative and the accusative singular; (2) those which had a difference of stem but not of accent; (3) those which had a difference of accent. (i) Nouns with no, difference of stem or of accent: — canis >■ cas canem > ca canes >ca canes >cas MASCULINE pater >■ paire-s pair em >paire patres >■ paire patres >- paires sol >• S9I-S solem >sol soles > sol soles > sols FEMININE /l«wl>-fis mater >-maire fides >fes flnem >■ fi matrem > maire fidem > f e fines >fis matres >maires fides >-fes fines >-fis matres >-maires fides >-fes 1. Masculine nouns of this type which etymologically had no -s in the nom. sg., often took one, even in the earliest times. 2. Laus and res were often invariable, but were sometimes declined like sols andy^j. (2) Nouns with a difference of stem but not of accent: — MASCULINE pons *pilntis > ponz pSniem ^ pon pSntes >■ pon pUntes > ponz cdmes >■ coms cUmitem > comte cdmites > comte comites >■ comtes FEMININE pars * partis > partz partem >• part partes >• partz partes |> partz NEUTER lUmen >liim-s lUmen ^lum lUmina >■ liim lamina >• liims NAMES OF PERSONS hSmo >• om hiSminem > ome omne^ hSmines > ome omne hSmines >■ omes omnes 1. For other neuter types, see § 100. 2. Om later developed an inflection oms om om oms. 3. Lex, rex became lets lei his leis, reis rei rei reis. 'See §89, I. » See §47, (3). 94 PROvENgAL Morphology. (3) Nouns with a difference of accent: — MASCULINE s^rmo* sermonis > sermos sermoneri |> sermo sermones ^ sermo sermones > sermps FEMININE ratio *rationis > razos rationem >■ razo rationes ]> razos rationes >• razos NAMES OF PERSONS IN -ANS, -ENS amans * amantis > amans parens * parentis > parens amantem > aman parentem >■ paren amantes > aman (/. amans) parentes > par^n (/; parens) amantes >• amans parentes >• parens NAMES OF PERSONS NOT IN -ANS, -ENS amdtor > amaire amatorem >• araador amatores > amador amatdres >■ amadors senior >• sgnher seniorem ]> senhor seniores >■ senhor seniores > senhprs miilier ^ mplher mulierem 1 >■ molher mulieres >• molhers muliires >• molhers servitor > servire ^«r(7 > bar sSror > S9rre S9r^ servitdrem > servidor baronem >■ baro sororem > soror servitores > servidor barones >■ baro sorores >• sorors servitores > servidors barones >• baros sorores >- sorors I. After the same pattern as senher, we have pastor pastorem "^pastre pastor, etc.; after the ^ar pattern, *companio (Einf., § 43) * companionem "^companh companhd, *fnio (Korting) *filldnem'>.'^ fel fel6, glUtto i=gliito) gluttonem~^ glot glotS, latro latronem"^ laire laird, leo (treated like the name of a person) leonem >■ leu led, etc. On the model of amaire, servire, we find trobaire trobadSr, etc., iauzire iauzidor, etc.; and, for the second and third conjugations, teneire tenedSr, etc., beveire bevedSr, etc. The in- flection of such words became much confused, and some of them eventu- ally developed double declensions : bars bar bar bars, bards bar 6 bar 6 bar 6s ; emperaires emperaire emperaire emperaires, emperaddrs emperadSr empera- dSr emperaddrs. Some proper names follow the bar model : Bret Bretd, Folc-s (Folques) Folcd (later Folcds Folcd), Case Cased, Uc Ugd, (later Ucs Uc) ; cf. § 96, 2. iSee§ 16, I. See § 52, (i), 1. § 103] PROvENgAL Morphology. 95 ADJECTIVES. 102. What has been said concerning the inflection of nouns applies also to adjectives: see §§ 91— loi. For pronominal adjectives see §§ 114 ff. 1. The operation of phonetic laws sometimes results in a difference in stem between the m. and the f. : bos bona, lares larga, nutz nuda, preon preonda; mut tnuda, prezat prezada. 'Foi pauc pauca, rauc rauca, see § 65, C, I. For —arius -aria, -torins —toria, see § 23, i ; § 73, Ry, i. 2. Adjectives in-s or -s are undeclinable in the m. sg.: glorias, perfieg. Those in -s originally had no inflectional ending in the m. pi., but later they sometimes added -es : divers diverses, frances franceses. For the pi. of those in s, see § 93, (3). 103. We must recognize two classes of adjectives: (i) those which in Latin distinguish the feminine from the masculine; (2) those which do not. I. Adjectives like acer, which, though inflected after the 3d declension type, could distinguish the m. from the f. in the nom. sg., fell into one or the other — usually the first — of the following classes {agre agra, alegre alegra; terrestre terrestre), (i) Masculine and feminine different: — FEMININE bella ]> b§la bUlam > bela bella * bellas > belas bellas >■ belas pauper > paubre-s paupera >• paubra pauperum >• paubre pauplram > paubra pauperi >■ paubre paupera— * as >• paubras pauperos > paubres paupSras >■ paubras (2) Masculine and feminine alike: — MASCULINE FEMININE fidelis >-fezels fidelis >-fezels fidelem >• f ezel fidelem > f ezel fidiles > f ezel fideles >- f ezels Jideles >-f ezels fideles >-f ezels MASCULINE bellus >bels bellum >bel belli >bel bellos >bels g6 Provenqal Morphology. [§ 107 I. Some adjectives of the second class were attracted into the first either in Vulgar Latin or in Proven9al; this happened to all adjectives in -h, -able, - ible, and also to comun, dous, fol, freble, graiU, len, mol, noble, paubre (early), rude, trist: cortes cortesa, durable durabla; comuna, doussa, etc. Some kept both inflections : dolens, dolens or dolenta ; grans, grans or granda, etc. So gens, gens or genta. 104. In impersonal constructions we frequently find a nominative singular without -s, which is apparently a survival of the Latin neuter: nCes bel {greu, parven, semblan, etc.) que . . . But the form with -s sometimes occurs in the same con- structions : m'es greus que . . . I. For es mestier, see § 91, (3). 105. Most adverbs of manner were formed by adding -men (-ment, -mens, or -menz) to the feminine singular of the ad- jective: belamen. These adverbs were originally ablative phrases: serena mente, etc. In Provengal the specific mean- ing of the -men was forgotten, but the two parts might still be separated by an intervening word : epsa . . . ment. When two adverbs in -men were used together, the ending was generally affixed to only one, oftener the first. Bona and mala could be used as adverbs without the suffix. I. For the adverbial ending -s, see § 82, S, 3. Comparison. 106. Adjectives and adverbs regularly formed their com- parative by prefixing pliis to the positive, and their superla- tive by prefixing the definite article to the comparative : cara, pliis cara, la pliis cara. This method of comparison goes back to Vulgar Latin times. I. 'Than' is expressed by que and de. 107. Some adjectives preserved their old comparative in log] PROVENgAL Morphology. 97 -ior. These comparatives had an inflection similar to that of senher: cf. § loi, (3) and § loi, (3), i. p OSITIVE -bellus: gravis : aut COMPARATIVE bellaire bellazer-s genser-s greuger grugysser laiger bellazpr gensor genltus : *greuis z= grUssus: laiS: largus: levis: gen greu gros lai' larc Igu lone (gran) (bon) (pauc) largor leuger ISngus: {grandis) {bSnus) : (Jiaucus) : nugdlis : (ma/us) : (miiltus) : sSrdidus : lonhor mai9r melhor menor niialhpr peior pliisorl sordeior maier melher menre-s (mal) (molt) sorde peier sordeier 108. The following neuter comparatives were used as ad- verbs: genseis genses gensetz (ejus; sordeis < sordldius ; viatz < vivacius. Mais, melhs, mens, peitz were used also as neuter pronouns. Viatz lost its comparative sense. 109. A few adjectives, most or all of them learned, pre- served the old superlative form with an intensive sense: altisme, carisme, pesme, prosme, santisme. I Perhaps from a fusion oiplUs a,nA fluridres =Jiliires, Cf. Fr. 98 Provencal Morphology. Numerals. 10. The cardinal numerals are: — iin onze vint e iin dozent dos dgtze vint e dos tresent tres tretze trenta quatre cen quatre quatorze quaranta cine cens (de) cine quinze cinquanta mil seis setze, sedze sessanta dos milia set detz e set setanta tres melia "?g detz e ueg quatre vint quatre mila nou detz e nou nonanta cine milliers (de) detz vint, vin cent, can cent miria 111. The first two numbers were inflected as follows: — u(n)s iina diii doi doas dos ii(n) iina dps (diii) doas dos Dili doi are from Vulgar Latin Mt = duo ; d9s is from duos, 6l03.s from duas. Tres has a form trei (originally nom. m.), patterned after diii, and a form treis, which seems to be a cross between tres and trei. For the dialect forms of pnze- setze, see §76, (i), Ndc', and §80, Dc'. Cen, multiplied by another number, took a plural form when used substantively ; when used adjectively, it generally did not, but we find dozen- tas with a feminine noun. Mil had four plurals, milia miria melia mila; milliers is a noun. 1. As an example of a longer compound numeral, we have cen e quatre vint e ueg. 2. From ambo we have the obj. forms, m. and f., ams, umbos. Ambo combined with diii (dHos diias), and perhaps influenced by Pr. ab (§ 65, P, 2), had this inflection: a?ndui andui abdui ambedui amdoas amdos andos abdos ambedos amdoas 112. The ordinal numerals had separate forms for the two genders; the masculine forms followed the second declension § ii6] PROvENgAL Morphology. 99 type, the feminine forms, the first declension. After 5 th, they were made by adding to the cardinal numeral the originally distributive ending —enus -ena. primier, primiera seize(n), seizena' onze(n), onzena seg9n(t),seg9nda sete(n), setena doze(n), dozena terz, terza oche(n), ochena vinte(n), vintena quart, quarta nove(n), novena cente(n),centena quint, quinta deze(n), dezena mile(n), milena 113. Beside primier we find premier priimier premier (§ 44, I, 3), and also prim and primeiran; for the developments of the ending -ier, see § 23, i and § 73, Ry, i. Terz, terza regularly became ters, tersa (§ 83, Rty). Such forms as se- conda, tercia, sexta, octava, n9na, decima are learned. 1. As an example of a compound ordinal numeral, we have vintena tersa. PRONOUNS. 114. Under this head will be treated not only pronouns and pronominal adjectives, but also articles. 115. In popular Latin the personal, possessive, and demon- strative pronouns and adjectives had two sets of forms, ac- cording as they were accented or unaccented (§ 19). Ille, when stressed and used pronominally, became a disjunctive personal pronoun of the third person; when unstressed and used pronominally, it furnished the conjunctive forms of the third person; when unstressed and used adjectively, it de- veloped into a definite article. Ipse had similar uses. These differentiations must have begun in Vulgar Latin times. 116. The declension of tile was considerably altered in Vulgar Latin. The neuter illud disappeared, being replaced by ilium. Through the influence of qui cuius cm, *Ull illu- loo Provencal Morphology. [§ ii8 jus^ illui^ came to be used beside ille illius till. The femi- nine had, beside illtus tilt, a genitive and dative zV/«; through the analogy of illujus illul, Ulce was expanded into illajus^ illcei} Illius then went out of use. In the plural, illorum (which in some regions, by the analogy of illujus illul, had a form *illuruvi) crowded out illdrum; this illorum came to be used also as a dative. Ipse and iste followed in the main the same course as tile. Articles. 117. The indefinite article comes from unus, which seems to have been occasionally so used even in classic Latin : — u(n)s iina u(n) iina Ii8. (i) The definite article comes from unaccented ille, which, being used as a proclitic, regularly lost its first syllable (§ 19). Ille {*tlll), ilium, till, tllos, ilia, illas became re- spectively le (li), lo, li or Ihi," los, la, las. Le, lo, li, Ihi, la frequently elided their vowel before another vowel (I'an, I'arma), becoming 1 or Ih. Furthermore, le, lo, li, Ihi, los, in the intertonic position after a vowel (y€ lo paire), regularly lost their vowel (vel paire)'; and, by analogy, la and las were sometimes reduced to 1 and Is. We have, then, beside the full forms, the proclitics 1, Ih, and the enclitics 1, Ih, Is. Inasmuch as 1 might be vocalized before a dental,* the enclitics 1 and Is sometimes became u and us (au, porter, euz dias antix). (2) The particles e and que, with the enclitic 1, formed * These forms existed as early as the ist century of our era. See Zs,, XXVI, 600, 619. Ejus, ei may have had some influence. 2 See §67, (2). '§45- ^§74,(2)- § i2o] PROVENgAL Morphology. ioi combinations el and quel. Quel, being understood as qu^el, gave rise to a form el. (3) In the f. nom. sg. there is a form li or Ihi, which is hard to explain. The most likely theory is that when the masculine qui took the place of the feminine quce (see § 133 ), the masculine *illi came to be used beside illa^ for the femi- nine. The Proven9al feminine li (Ihi) which resulted was strongly supported by the analogy of a feminine possessive mi, beside ma (see § 127).^ (4) The regular forms are, therefore, the following; — MASCULINE FEMININE le li 1 el la li Ihi 1 lo 1 u el la 1 li Ihi 1 Ih las los Is us ' las Is nom. : le li 1 el la li Ihi 1 Ih obj. PI 5 """'• = •' \ obj. : lo In many texts the objective forms lo, los. Is are used in the nominative. 1. The m. obj. sg. le, obj. pi. les, which occur in a few texts, are doubt- less French. So is the enclitic form s for Is or us : de s, entre s, e s. 2. The enclitic forms combine as follows with the prepositions a, con, de, en, entre, iosta,per, sus, and with the conjunctions e, ni, o, que, si: al au als aus, col, del deu dels deus (des), enl el els eus, entrels, iostal, pel pels, sul suls ; eil (^ e Ihi) el (= e lo), nils, oill (= o Ihi), quel, sil. They combine freely with other words: eral (=era le),fals {:=fa los), etc, 119. In some southwestern and some southeastern dialects we find forms 39, sos, sa, sas, coming from ipse. Personal Pronouns.' 120. In Vulgar Latin ego lost its ^ (§ fs, G). The dative, iCf. Meyer-Liibke, Gram., II, p. 104. * See Suchier in Grundriss, I, p. 627. 8 Cf. A. von Eisner, Ueber Form und Verwendung des Personalpronomens im Altprovenzalischen, 1886. 102 Provenqal Morphology. [§123 mihi, was preserved only in its contracted form, mi. After the pattern of mi, *tt and *st were created for the other per- sons. 121. Provengal has no nominative forms that are regularly unaccented. In the conjunctive forms of the third person (not reflexive), the direct object is distinguished from the in- direct; elsewhere there is no such distinction. Conjunctive Forms. 122. Latin me^-me, »zJ>mi, «M>nos; ie^te, *^J>ti, wj>v9s; j(f>se, *«>si. Me mi, te ti, se si, used as pro- clitics before a vowel, or as enclitics after a vowel, were re- duced to m, t, s : m'ama, t'apela, s'es ; om, be^t, cosi's. Nos and vos, used as enclitics after a vowel, became respectively ns and us; quens, nolis; si wj>sius, later sieus (§ 32). The forms (all objective) for the first and second persons and for the third person reflexive are, then : — FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON (rEFLEXIVE) S^.: me mi m te ti t se si s I'l. : nos ns vos us se si s I. The pronouns of the first and second persons could, of course, be used reflexively. 123. The conjunctive forms of the third person (not re- flexive) come in the main from the proclitic z/Ie: illi, ilium, illorum (^ illUrum), illos, ilia, illas became respectively li or Ihi, lo, \ox (liir), I9S, la, las. When used proclitically or en- clitically, under the conditions described in § n8, (i), li (Ihi), lo, los were reduced to 1 (Ih), 1, Is; and 1 was some- times vocalized. Qx^hoc was employed also, meaning 'it' The adverb inde became ent en n (and, through the analogy of me m, te t, se s, also ne), which was often used as a pro- § 124] PROvENgAL Morphology. 103 noun with the sense 'of it', 'of them', sometimes 'of him',, 'of her'; nos en>n9n, V9S en>v9n. The adverb hlc became i, meaning 'here' or 'there,' which served also as a dative pro- noun, 'to it,' 'to them'; it was then always an enclitic, form- ing a diphthong with a preceding vowel; it regularly took the place of li in the constructions \o\ = lo li, lai = la li. The forms are : — MASCULINE FEMININE NEUTER It en n ne ent en n ne ent en n Ihi 1 Ih i li ihi I Ih i i . 1 u la lo 1 ( gen. -. ent en n < dat. : lor liir ( ace. : los Is ent en n ne PI. ■{ dat. : lor liir lor liir las 1. Les for los is doubtless French. Los, Is were occasionally used for m. lor; lors, which occurs rarely for lor, looks like a cross between lor and los. 2. The following combinations illustrate the use of the enclitic forms : aura i, be i, e I, laissa n, no i, qui II, si Is. Disjunctive Forms. 124. Vulgar Latin *eo or *eu>&x ieu (§ 30), which before an enclitic became e ie (e"l, ie"n). The other forms explain themselves. The nominative tii, from the beginning of the 13th century, was sometimes used for te after prepositions; this use may have been suggested by the existence of lii = 'him'; § 125, (i). Nos -H en > non, v9s + en>von. THIRD person (reflexive) FIRST PERSON SECOND PERS( Sg. ■ nom. obj. : : eu ifu e- ie- me mi tii te (ti?) tii PI. - nom. : obj. : : nos nos vos vps 104 PROVENgAL MORPHOLbGY. [§ 125 I. We find, besides, the French or borderland forms ie iou iu yo for eu (gi and iey have been noted also), met tei sei for me te se. 125. The disjunctive pronouns of the third person (not re- flexive) come from accented ille, with the exception of o from hoc. Illui, illdrum, illcBJus, illcei lost their first syllable, per- haps through elision after a vowel ; illujus disappeared. Ille, *Uli gave el elh, il ilh; el sometimes vocalized its 1. Illui became liii, in some dialects reduced to lii. Ilium became el elh. Illdrum (* illurum) gave lor (liir). Illos became els (often eus) elhs. Ilia, Ulam both gave ela elha. Illcejus be- came leis lieis (ift some dialects reduced to lies).^ IllcBt ga.v& lei (dialectically le) liei. Illas became elas elhas. (2) In the feminine singular nominative there is, beside ela elha, a form ilh il. This is probably to be explained, like the feminine article Ihi li, as coming from the masculine nominative *illi introduced into the feminine, and supported by the feminine possessive mi: see §118, (3). (3) Some dialects preserve the final -i of eli (m. pi. nom.) and ilhi ili (f. sg. nom.): see §51, i. (4) Occasionally the conjunctive li (f. sg. obj.) and lo (neuter sg. nom.) were used as disjunctive forms. And some- times the masculine liii lii was used for the feminine. (5) The forms are, therefore, the following: — MASCULINE FEMININE NEUTER Snom. -. el eu elh il ilh ela elha ilh il ilhi ili el lo o/>j. : liii lii el elh leis lieis lies lei liei le ela li liii lii o inom. -. il ilh el elh eli elas elhas odj. : Ipr liir els eus elhs lor liir elas elhas In many texts the objective forms els elhs, leis lei are used ^Cf. Thomas in Som., XII, 334; Meyer-Lubke in Gram., II, page 104. For a different explanation, see Ascoli in Archivio glottologico italiano, XV, 314, 396. § 127] PROVENgAL Morphology. 105 in the nominative. We then find occasionally a new objective, elses. POSSESSIVES. 126. Beside meus mea, tuus tua, suus sua, there existed in popular Latin the shorter forms *mes'i *ma, *tus *ta, siis sa. Of the two forms vester and vaster, only the latter was used. To supply the lack of a third person possessive denoting a plural possessor, illorum came to be employed as a possessive. Singular Possessive. 127. ( I ) The primarily atonic possessives come from the shorter Latin forms. The original masculine singular forms of the first person were displaced by mos mo, made on the analogy of tos to, sos so, which come regularly from *tus * turn, sus, sum; so in the objective plural we find mps, corre- sponding to tps < * tos, S9S < SOS. Met, tm, sui gave mei, toi tiii, soi siii (§34), which, however, were often replaced by the objective forms. *Ma *mam *mas, *ta *tam *tas, sa sam sas became ma mas, ta tas, sa sas; ma, ta, sa often elided their a before a vowel. The formation of midons has been ex- plained, in §91, (2); §93, (2); §118, (3): from it came a feminine singular possessive mi, and, by analogy, ti and si. (2) The forms are: — ss.{ FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON nom. : mos ma mi tos ta ti sos sa si obj. : mo mon ma mi to ton ta ti so son sa si ( nom. : mei mos mas toi tiii tos tas soi siii sos sas pj 1 ... • • • ■ { obj. : mos mas tos tas sos sas They are generally used only adjectively, and without the definite article. In some early texts, however, t9s and S9S, preceded by the article, are used substantively. io6 Provenqal Morphology. [§ 129 128. (i) The primarily tonic possessives come from the longer Latin forms. Mens meum met /«wj'>meus meu mei meus, which regularly became mieus etc. (§30) ; an analogical form mieu is found beside miei. In the feminine of the first person we have, instead of *mea, mieua and mia: the first of these two forms is evidently made up from the masculine ; the second may be due partly to the analogy of mi, partly to a proclitic use of the word (§44, 4).^ In the second and third persons the masculine forms are mainly, and the feminine forms partially, replaced by analogical formations based on the possessive of the first person ; tui, sui, tua, sua, however, give regularly t9i tiii, 391 siii, t9a tua, S9a sua (§8). (2) The forms follow, those of the third person (which correspond exactly to those of the second) being omitted: — Sg. PI. FIRST PERSON nom. : meus mieus mia mieua o6j. : meu mieu mia mieua nom. : mei miei mieu mias mieuas oif. : meus mieus mias mieuas Sg. PI. SECOND PERSON !nom. : teus tieus toa tua tieua tia 06/. : teu tieu toa tua tieua tia Itiom. : toi tiii tei tiei tieu toas tuas tieuas tias odj. : teus tieus toas tuas tieuas tias They may be used adjectively or substantively, with or without the definite article. 1. We occasionally find a neuter sg. nom. form without final ^r: la mieu. Plural Possessor. 129. Nosier, vaster developed regularly after the pauper ' For a different explanation of mia, see Gram., I, pp. 246-248 ; also Homing in Zs., XXV, 341. § 13'] PROVENgAL Morphology. 107 model: §103, (i). The masculine singular nominative often took an -s: cf. §96; §101, (i). Some southeastern dialects preserved the -i of nostri: cf. §51, i. Beside vostra we occa- sionally meet vostri, due to the analogy of feminine mi, ti, si. FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON „ ( nom. : nostre-s n9stra'' vpstre-s vgstra vgstri lor lur Ipr lur ( odj. : nostre nostra vgstre V9stra vostri , lor liir lor liir ( nom. ; nostre nostri nostras vostre vostras lor liir lor liir I oij. : nostres nostras vgstres vgstras Ipr lUr lor liir These forms are used adjectively or substantively, with or without the definite article. 1. In later times lor came to be inflected like a one-gender adjective: § 103, (2). Demonstratives. 130. Latin idem went out of use. Latin zs was preserved only in the phrase td ipsum i^ad id ipsum'^z.At.s), and in the combination eccum, in which it ceased to be recognized, so that eccu' was regarded as a synonym of ecce. 131. (i) The demonstrative particles ecce and eccu' were often prefixed to pronouns in Vulgar Latin. Being thus pro- clitically used, they frequently lost their first syllable (§19); sometimes, however, under the influence of ac (as in ac stC^ aissi), they preserved it, assuming the vowel of ac: ecce illa'^ aicela, eccu' zj^a > aquesta ; cf. §43, (2). ( 2 ) The suffix -met was used in Vulgar Latin as an inten- sive prefix. Its change of place was probably due to such phrases as semet ipsum, understood as se metipsum. The -t, before a vowel, regularly gives -d- {met-ipsum~:>va&A^?,') ; but we find, besides, -z- ( mezeis) ; and also io8 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§ 132 -t- (o\ ecce hdc> aigp aisso, and 50 so; eccu' hdc> aquo aco. All of these are invariable. (2) Ipse appears as eps epsa, eus eussa, eis eissa (with a m. pi. eisses and a neuter eis) ; the last forms are the com- monest; for the development of the /j-, see §79 and §80, Ps. Mei-ipse gives (medips) medes, (meteish) meteis, and, more commonly, mezeis (f. mezeissa, neuter mezeis); see §131, (2). * Met-ipsimus becomes medesme-s, mesesme-s, meesme-s (§65, D), with feminine forms in -a. Unaccented tpsum is prob- ably one source of the neuter so: cf. § 132, (i). For the article (so, sa), see §iig. (3) Jlle, uncombined, developed into an article (§ 118) and a personal pronoun (§§ 123, 125), but went out of use as a demonstrative. Combined with ecce and eccu' it gave : aicel aissel, eel, sel; aquel. Echel (pronounced ekel?) seems to come from eccu' ille with its original initial vowel preserved. Ipse Ule perhaps gave rise also to a sel, which ultimately coin- cided with the form coming from ecce ille. There is a neu- ter aicelo, perhaps aicel + o. Cel will illustrate the inflection of all these words ; the forms are to be explained like those of the disjunctive personal pronoun (§ 125): — MASCULINE FEMININE _ {.nom.-. eel ceu celh cels^ cellUi cela celha cil cilh cilha^ ( obj. : eel ceu celh celliii cela celha celei celeis celieis cilh • Cels shows the influence of masculine nouns and adjectives. ^ Aquel has also aquilli. Cilha is evidently a combination of cilh and celha. § 133] Provencal Morphology. 109 PI. MASCULINE FEMININE nom. : cil cilh celh eels* celas celhas obj. : eels celhs^ celas celhas (4) Iste gave est, estz, esta, estas. Ecce tste became aicest (not common) and cest sest; eccu' iste became aquest echest, and chest. Aquest will illustrate the inflection ; the forms are to be explained like those of eel: — MASCULINE FEMININE nom. : aquest aquesta aquist aquisti obj. : aquest aquesta nom. : aquist aquisti aquestas obj. : aquestz aquetz aquestas sg. PI. Interrogatives and Relatives. 133. The interrogative and relative pronouns were confused and combined in Vulgar Latin, qui taking the place of quts, and quid gradually encroaching on quod. Furthermore, the masculine forms were used instead of the feminine, which dis- appeared. We have in Provencal no evidence of the survival of any other cases than the nominative, dative, and accusa- tive singular and the nominative plural : — masculine and FEMININE NEUTER C nom.. : qui > qui quid"^ que, {before vowel) quez Sg. ■< dat. : cm > ciii ciii > ciii ( ace. -. quem > que quid'^ que, (before vowel) quez PI., itom. : qm >• qui qtue > que The distinction between que<^«i?«2, que quez<^z finir, finisc. The Latin -esc- type, combining with -Ire {dis-pigrescere > despereissir, evanescere > envanezir^), produced an ending -eissir -ezir — zir, which was used in forming some new verbs: enfolezir^■ irkissei, co{g')ndscere> conpisser.' 139. New verbs were formed, in late Vulgar Latin and in Provengal, only in the first and fourth conjugations. The commonest suffixes were -are, -tare, -icdre, idiare (< IZfw. §57, Z), -Ire: * odMare > oh\ida.T, *a/iiare ^aussar, *carricdre> cargar, *'werrididre'>^&cx&\zx, *abbelltre'>-ah€\.\.i. Germanic verbs generally went into the first conjugation, except those in -Jan, most of which entered the fourth: roubon'^ ranhar (also raubir), W27a« > guidar ; furbjan'^ iorhir, raustjan> raustir. ^Bsvanuir seems to come from the perfect, evanui. » Enfolhetir shows the influence of follet. ^See K. Sittl in Archiv fur lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik, I, 465. ii6 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§ 141 FUNDAMENTAL CHANGES IN INFLECTION. 140. The Latin perfect passive took the sense of a present; amatus est, for instance, under the influence of such phrases as cams est, came to mean 'he is loved'. This led to the es- tablishment of an entire passive inflection made up of the perfect participle and the parts of the verb esse; and the old passive forms were gradually abandoned, leaving no trace (save the perfect participle and possibly the gerundive) in the Romance languages. So the passive is constructed in Provengal as in French: es amatz, era amatz, fo amatz, ser4 amatz, etc. ; the participle regularly agrees with the subject in gender and number. Latin deponent verbs became active: mdri^ rcioxir, i'i?^««> seguir. 141. (i) Such phrases as id habeo factum shifted their meaning from 'I have it done', etc., to 'I have done it', etc. The Latin perfect came to be restricted to its aorist sense, and the perfect was expressed by compounds of habere with the perfect participle. In the Romance languages all com- pound tenses were eventually formed in this way: ai cantat, avia cantat, aurai cantat, etc. In Provencal the auxiliary is sometimes esser, instead of aver, if the main verb is reflexive, passive, or neuter; esser is particularly common with neuter verbs of motion: spi vengiitz.^ A participle used with aver may agree in gender and number with the direct object, if there is one : ai cantat or cantada la cansa (2) The Latin perfect indicative continued to be used as an aorist, and is the source of the preterit in Provengal, as in 'For a» ejtei we sometimes find JOT agutz. The confusion arises perhaps from the use of both es and a in the sense of * there is ' : hence es estat = a agut ; and by a mixture of the two, es agut. Cf. L. Gauchat, Sono avuio^ in Scriiti vari di jilologia (dedicated to E. Monaci), 1901, p. 61. § 142] PROVENgAL Morphology. 117 the other Romance languages: W(/J> vi, 'I saw'- The pluper- fect indicative survived in some regions; in Proven9al it is used with the sense of a conditional: fuerat^iorz,, 'he would be'- The future perfect indicative and the perfect subjunc- tive did not remain in Provengal : amavero = aurai amat, amaverim = aia amat. The pluperfect subjunctive assumed the functions of the imperfect, which disappeared from nearly every part of the Romance territory: audlssem (iox audirem) > auzis. The perfect infinitive left no trace : audisse = aver auzit. 142. The Latin future, which was not uniform in the four conjugations, and, in the third and fourth, was liable to con- fusion with the present subjunctive, was gradually replaced by various periphrastic constructions : instead of faciam people said facturus sum, debeo facere, volo facere, habeo {ad) facere, etc. The construction that prevailed in the greater part of the Empire was facere habeo, a. combination of the infinitive with the present indicative of habere. The verb esse was the only one that ultimately retained the old future beside the new : Pr. er, ers, er, beside serai seras sera ; in the plural, only serem, seretz, seran. The new composite future was occa- sionally used by Tertullian, St. Jerome, and St. Augustine, and became common in Italy by the 6th century. "^ (2) As an imperfect of the future, there was evolved a combination of the infinitive and the imperfect or perfect in- dicative. To correspond to dicit quod venire habet, was con- structed dixit quod venire habebat (or habuif) ; to match si possum, venire habeo, was made si potuissem, venire habebam (or habul). In Gaul, as in most of the Empire, only the im- perfect of habere was used for this purpose. Traces of such ' Cf. p. Thielmann, Archtv fiir lateiniscke Lexikografhie und Grammatik, II, 48 and 157. ii8 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§ 144 a construction are found as early as the 3d century. This form is generally called the conditional, and it existed in Provencal side by side with the conditional described in §141, (2): seri'a, serfas, seri'a, etc., beside fpra, fpras, ioxz., etc. The Romance languages developed also a perfect conditional: auria agiit = ' I should have had'. 143. ( I ) The present participle remained in use as an z.6.- jective : /Ilias ^/acenies ^filhas plazens; cf. § loi, (3). In its verbal function it was replaced by the ablative of the gerund: venit accurrens^venit accurrendo'^v&a. acorren. In most Proven gal dialects, however, the present participle and the gerund coincided in form {^amantem and amando both> aman), the gerund being distinguished from the participle only by its lack of inflection: see § 76, (2). (2) The gerund retained only the ablative case, the use of which was considerably extended: see above. In its other cases it was replaced by the infinitive: artem dtcendt'p- artem dtcere > art de dire. The supine, too, was replaced by the in- finitive: visum venit nos'>- venif nos vtdere>v&n n9S (a) vezer. mFUflTIVE, PRESENT PARTICIPLE, AOT) GERUHD. 144. The infinitive endings -are, -ere, -tre regularly became -ar, -er, -ir; -ere became -re or -er: see § 48, (i) and § 52, ( I ) . Ex. : amare > amar, vtdere > vezer, audlre > auzir ; tollere >tplre, «aj(r/?;r^ > naisser, dicere'^dire dizer. For shifts of conjugation, see § 137. I. The fourth conjugation verbs enantir, gauzir, grazir, murir, servir sometimes took a final e by the analogy of devire « dividlre), dire, rire. On the other hand, dire occasionally lost its -e by the analogy of the fourth conjugation. Lire for leire (« doubtless comes from *fare :=facere : see § 137, (i). Trar beside iraire {vez6n (or vez^nt), credentem credendo > cr&z€n (or crezdnt) ; sapientem sapiendo>* sapentem * sapendo^ sa.h6n (or S2ih6nt), partientem partiendo > *partentem *partendo > partdn (or part^nt). Fourth conjugation verbs which adopted the inchoative -sc- (§ 138), generally introduced it into the present participle and the gerund: florir, florissen. Cf. § 155. For the declen- sion of the present participle, see § loi, (3). PAST PARTICIPLE. 146. The Provencal past participle comes from the Latin perfect participle. It is to be noted that verbs which origin- ally had no perfect participle were obliged to create one in order to form their compound tenses: see § 141, (i). Past participles in Provengal, when inflected, were declined like bel: §§ 102; 102, i; 103, (i). See § 141, (i). 147. In the first and fourth conjugations the endings were -dtum and -ttum, which regularly became -at and -it : can- tdtum > cantat, finltum > fenft. The first conjugation verbs which had a form in -itum discarded it for -atum : crepdre crepttum — crebar crebit. On the other hand, aperlre and 120 Provencal Morphology. [§ 148 operlre preserved their participle in -ertum: cubrir {<.coope- rlre), cubert (also cubn't) ; ubrfr {<.aj>ertre + cooperire), ubert. By the analogy of these, sufrir (< sufferre) and ufrir {<.offerre) have sufert (also sufri't), ufert. Tener tenir keeps its Proven- gal second conjugation ending, tengUt (see § 148) ; and venir, following the analogy of tenir, has vengiit. 148. (i) Most Latin verbs of the second and third conju- gations had no accented ending, but a few had an ending -utum, which corresponded very well to the —dtum and -itum of the first and fourth: arguere, argutum; consuere, consutum; sequi, secutum ; solvere, solutum ; volvere, volutum. This end- ing was considerably extended in Vulgar Latin, especially to verbs having a perfect in —m: habere, habui, habitum * habii- tum. In Provencal it spread still further: cazer, cazec, caze- giit. Inasmuch as it was closely associated with the perfect, it came to be attached, more and more frequently, to the stem of that tense. (2) Of the Provengal verbs of the second and third conju- gations, about half adopted the ending -iit. In some the -iit is added to the stem of the infinitive : creziit, def endiit, escon- diit, moliit, perdiit, resemiit, respondiit, rompiit, vendiit, veziit veiit. Most of the verbs, however, attach the -iit to the stem of the preterit; nasc, nasciit; pasc, pasciit; tems, temsiit; tesc, tesciit; venc, venciit (from venser) ; vise, visciit. A few have both forms: agiit aviit; cazegiit caziit; vengiit veniit. It is to be noted, in the case of verbs that add -iit to the pret- erit, that if the third person singular of the preterit ends in a voiceless consonant preceded by a vowel or 1 or n, that con- sonant is voiced in the participle: ac, agiit; bee, begiit; cazec, cazegiit; conpc, conogiit; crec, cregiit; dec, degiit; elec, ele- giit ; moc, mogiit ; noc, nogiit ; plac, plagiit ; ploc, plogiit ; poc, pogut; remas, remaziit; saup, saubiit; sec, segiit; tenc, ten- § 149] Provencal Morphology. 121 giit; tolc, tolgut; vale, valgtit; venc, vengiit (from venir) ; vole, volgiit. Exeeptions are eeupiit, saupiit (beside saubiit), and veneiit (from venser) : for eeupiit, saupiit, of. § 65, P, 3 ; in veneiit the e was perhaps kept to distinguish the word from vengiit (venir). (3) The other half of the seeond and third conjugation verbs generally preserved the old partieiple with no aeeented ending: ars, eeing, claus, dich, diiit, estreit, faeh, ipinch, mes, pnh, post, pres, trach, ete. Some of these have also forms in -lit: defes defendiit, elig esleit elegiit, esc9s escondiit, mout moliit, nat naseiit, remas remaziit, rpt rompiit, vis veziit. A few verbs made up new forms without a stressed ending: eon- querre, eonques eonquis; redemer rezemer, redems (rezemiit); sprger, sprs; tolre, tolt tout; vezer, vist (vis veziit veiit) ; volvre, vout. Mlttere probably had beside missum a form *mlsum (ef. misi) ; henee metre, mes mis. By the analogy of this, prendre has beside pres a form pris. Estre borrowed estat from estar < j/ar,?. Escriut, from eseriure, is probably influeneed by the infinitive; escrich follows dich. So, prob- ably, does elig = esleit, from elegir eslire eslir. I. For soi agutz (^ai estat), which is found not only in some Pro- ven9al dialects, but also in southeastern France, French Svfitzerland, and parts of northern Italy, see § 141, (i), footnote i. FUTURE AHD NEW CONDITIONAL. 149. For the formation of these parts, see § 142, (i), (2). Ex.: amarai, ereisserai, florirai. Verbs of the seeond conju- gation regularly, and verbs of the fourth very often, syncopate the e or i of the infinitive: remanrai, volras; partrai, venrfa. Third conjugation infinitives with final e drop this e before the ending ; those in -er keep the e : vendre, vendrai ; niisser, naisserii. First conjugation infinitives regularly keep the a 122 Provencal Morphology. [§152 (§ 45), but in a few texts (especially the Girart and the Rasos de trobar) the a is changed to e: cantarai, sonarfa, trobarem; blasmerin, comteri. I. Esser keeps the old future forms er, ers, er, beside serdi, serds, serd {serSm, seritz, serdri). 150. For the phonetic changes exemplified in a«ria, de«rai, mowrd; pla/rfa; cazra, vez'rdi; val(/rai; reman^rdm, ten^/ria; poz'ria, see § 70, ;8r, C'r, Dr, Lr, Nr, Tr. Anar {a.\. (§ 73, /8y) ; for the 2d and 3d pers. sg. and the 3d pers. pi., the forms *has'>a.s, *hat>z. (§ 82, T), *hant *^«««/>an aun (§ 83, Nt): see § 137, (1). In the 1st and 2d pers. pi., habemu' (§ 82, S, 2), habetis naturally gave avem, avetz (§ 64) ; but inasmuch as the other four ter- minations were monosyllabic, the av- was dropped when avem, avetz came to be understood merely as future endings. The future is, therefore, inflected as follows: — § iss] PROVENgAL Morphology. 123 cantar-Ai cantar-em cantar-as cantar-etz, — es, -et cantar-a cantar-an, -ant, -dun, -au I. In Gascony and Languedoc we find -ei for-ai: see §§23, 2; 162, (4). In Gascon and in the modern dialects of some other regions -am is used for em. In some dialects of Beam, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphine, -em becomes -en: cf. § 65, M, i ; also § 167, z. Conditional Endings. 153. .S«3f3aw>a)8ej8a> (probably through dissimilation: § 87, p) a)8ea>avia (§26); so avias, avi'a, aviam, aviatz, avian. But inasmuch as the conditional was formed in imi- tation of the future, and none of the future forms retained the av-, the conditional endings were reduced to -la, -ias, -la, -iam, -iatz, -ian. Some dialects, which substituted -on for —an, introduced —ion into the conditional: § 169. The con- ditional is, therefore, inflected as follows: — cantar- ia cantar-iam cantar-ias cantar-iatz, -ids, -iat cantar-ia cantar-ian, -ion, -io I. In verse these endings are sometimes counted as monosyllabic: poiria!. Guiraut Riquier uses -latz for -iatz. In some dialects of Beam, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphine, -iam becomes -ian: cf. § 65, M, i ; also § 167, 2. PRESENT. 154. The personal endings will be discussed separately in §§ 164-169. 155' The Provengal present indicative and subjunctive come, in the main, directly from the corresponding parts of the Latin verb: — amo > am amdmu' > amam faciam > f assa facidmu' >■ f assam amas >■ amas amdtis >■ amatz facias > fassas facidtis >• f assatz amat >■ ama amant > aman faciat > fassa faciant >• fassan 124 PROVENgAL MORPHOLOGY. [§ 156 In the 4th conjugation, however, most verbs have adopted the originally inchoative -sc- (§ 138) and incorporated it into the inflection of the present, except in the ist and 2d pers. pi. of the indicative: — florlsco >florisc , floremu' >floreml floriscis >• floris florisses floretis > florgtzi floriscit >■ floris flonscunt > floriscon floriscam >- florisca floriscamu' >• floriscam floriscas > floriscas floriscdtis > floriscatz floriscat >• florisca fiorlscant >• flon'scan We occasionally find such forms as florissem, florissetz, and floram, fioratz. 1 . The s coming from so' was of course originally palatal ; it is some- times written sh. The sc of the ist pers. sg., the 3d pers. pi., and the whole pres. subjunctive was replaced, in some dialects, by s or sh: floris florish, florisson florishon, florissa florisha. 156. Of the Latin imperative forms, only the present active, 2d pers. sg. and pi., remained in use. The Pro- vengal verb kept the sg., but substituted for the pi. the 2d pers. pi. of the present indicative: — ama > ama tene > ten crede > ere amate amdtis > amatz tenete tenetis > tenetz credite *creiii(is^'^ crezetz parti > part fimsce > finis partite partitis >• partetz ^ finite finitis >• finetz ^ In negative commands the present subjunctive is generally used instead of the plural imperative, and sometimes the in- finitive is employed instead of sg. or pi. The verbs auzir, aver, dire, esser, saber, vezer, voler regularly took their im- perative forms from the present subjunctive: aulas, digitz, veiatz, etc. 'For the accented vowels in these forms, see §§ 167, 168. ^ See § 168. § i6o] PROVENgAL Morphology. 125 I Fait -C^acite (beside faitz) seems to come directly from the Latin form. 2. Before vos the pi. drops final -tz (or -t ?) : departe vos, vene vos. Ve vos becomes veus ; a fusion of ve vos and ec < eccum results in vecvos. Double Stems. 157- Differences in accentuation and in the environment of vowels or consonants regularly developed different stems in different parts of some verbs. For instance, ddjutare'> aidar (§ 45), while adjutat'>2x\xA.z.. 158. Sometimes, as above, an intertonic vowel disappeared: ■manducare^vaaM^zx, mandiico >*ma.nduc maniic; *paraboldre *pdrauldre'>-'pz.T:hir, *j!arabdlat *paraulat'>T^2LX2iM\a.. In such cases the shortened stem usually prevailed: mania, parla. But in adjutare the longer one was preferred: aiiidar. 159. (i) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may be unstressed, and therefore remain unbroken, in another part: /wMr^ > proar, /r(?^a/> prueva,' *j seguir, * se- quif> siec* In such cases the phonetic development is gen- erally undisturbed. (2) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may, with different environment, remain unbroken even in another part in which it is stressed : * volere > voler, * voleo > vuelh, * volet >vol. If the breaking occurs in the 1st pers. sg., the pho- netic development is regularly undisturbed ; if it occurs in the 2d and 3d pers. sg., it is generally carried into the other forms in which the vowel is stressed: r(?7/z^V>cuelh, hence cuelh = colligo; exifp-\€\s, hence iesc, iescon, iesca. 160. A consonant may be followed by e or i, and so pala- 3See§37. * See §30. 126 Provenqal Morphology. [§ i6i talized, in one part of the verb, and not in another: *cadeo> chai, * cademu' > cha.z&m; debeo> Aech. dei (§ 73, ^y),debet> deu ; faciat > f assa, facere > f aire ; fugio > f iii, fugere > f ugir ; jaceairfp-'vassz., jacere'^-ia.zeT^; //acedmu' >■ -plsLSsim, placemu^ >plazem; j-a/«fl»z > sapcha, ja/2V>sap; /i?«^tf>tenh, tenef^ ten; w«/^o>valh, w«/^j>vals; veniat>-v&nh2i, venire >■ venir ■ videam>- veia., videiis> vezetz; * w/ vuelh, *vdlef>vo\. Verbs in -eo generally keep this distinction; but we find mova, somdna, tema = moveam, submoneam, timeam. Most verbs in -io, on the other hand, dropped the i in Vulgar Latin : partio *parto > part, partiunt *partunt> parton, par- tiam *partam > parta ; sen, senton, senta ; sierf, siervon, sierva ; etc. A few verbs show forms both with and without the e or i: a«^/i7>auch (fl!«^2az«>auia), * audo'^^ZM; credo>cxt, *credeo'> cr&i^; video>v€\^, *vtdo>ve. 161. Verbs in -ng- naturally developed a palatal conso- nant before e or i (§ 73, Ng'), but not before other vowels: cingere > cenher, ctngo > cenc, ctngit > cenh, ctngam > cenga ; so fenher, 9nher, planher, ppnher, etc. The palatal was car- ried by analogy into the parts that were originally without it: hence the double forms cenc cenh, cengon cenhon, cenga cenha, etc. These double forms led tener, venir to adopt tenc, venc, tenga, venga, beside the regular tenh, venh, tenha, venha. Such forms as these, supported by derc < de—erigo, dicpie-a. prenc, remaneo ';> Tema.nh. remanc, etc. ^ Also, by analogy, iasser. ' Raimon Vidal says that crei, vei are the proper forms for the 1st pers. sg. of the pres. Indicative. § 1 62] PROVENgAL Morphology. 127 Peculiar Forms. 162. The following verbs have individual peculiarities that call for special mention: — (i) Anar {<.anndre), 'to go', takes most of its present from vadere: indicative, vau vauc (analogy of estau esiauc), vas, va vai (analogy of fai), andm, andtz, van vaun (analogy of esian estaun) ; subjunctive, an or vaza « vadani) vaia (analogy of "uai and of traid), vaga (analogy of traga), etc. ; imperative, vai (analogy oifai), andtz. (2) Aucire (■ es-t-u >■ est-tii, supported by the analogy of the preterit ending of the 2d sg. (vos vendgtz, tii vendest or vendiest, so, to match vos gtz, a form tii est or iest) ; est became es, probably through such combinations as que's (understood as qu'es) ; simu', which existed in Latin beside sUmus (Rom., XXI, 347), gave sem, while from estis there was constructed an */jzK«j'>esmes (rare), and from etz a form em (very common); estis ~^estz etz (§ 78, 2); sUnf^sOD. so (§ 83, Nt). Pres. sub- junctive: Sim, sis, etc., were replaced in V. L. by *siam, *sias, etc. (on the analogy of fiam,faciam., etc.), which gave sia sias sia siam siatz, sian sion ; we find also seia, etc., formed apparently on deia, veia. Imperative bor- rowed from subjunctive. (i6) Estar (-doTpte, suffero'^ su&iq, tremiilem'p- tremble. Through the analogy of ai, crei, dei, spi, vei, and the ist pers. sg. of the preterit, this — e was in the indicative generally changed at an early date to -i: * copero> c<^r& cobri, * opero >obre obri; so tmpleo *imp/o'>ovapli. This -i (occasionally — e) was then taken as a distinctive ending of the ist pers. sg., and was added to many verbs that needed no supporting vowel: auzir, au auze; azorar, azOT azori; cantar, can canti; cprre, cor cprri; metre, met meti; prezar, pretz prezi; remirar, remir remire remiri; respondre, respon respondi; sentir, sen senti; vendre, ven vendi. In the subjunctive, when a final vowel was required, — e was usually kept; it was also extended to some verbs that did not need it: acabe, dpne, mire, plore. Very rarely an unneces- sary -i was added instead of -e : laissar, lais laissi. (2) The ending -am regularly gave -a: au^tam^ axiia.. 1 Vokntus occurs repeatedly in 7th century Latin. 2 Cf. O. Schmidt, Ueber die Endungen des Prasens im Altfrovenzalischen, 1887. § 167] PROVENgAL Morphology. 131 165. In the second person singular final -as regularly re- mained, and -es and ts became -s (or, when a supporting vowel was required, -es): amas >z.ma.s\ vales>v3.\s, sapts> saps, /fflr/2j->partz; dubites> do^tts. Cf. § 82, S. Some- times, especially in late texts, -s is expanded into -es: canz cantes, partz partes, saps sabes, vals vales ; so floris florisses, etc. Final -a remained, and -I and -z fell: a»z«>ama, tene> ten, crede > cie, parit>Tp&Tt. 166. In the third person singular final -af became -a, -e( and -li fell (but remained as -e when a supporting vowel was needed): «»?«/> ama, amet^am, tenet> ten te, venii>wen ve; ^^^wz«/^/'> tremble. Cf. § 82, T. 167. In the first person plural the final -s disappeared early, s being perhaps regarded as a distinctively second person ending^. The rare form esmes = sumus is the only one that retains the s: cf. § 162, (15). Then -dmu', —emu' gave regularly -am, -em: cantamus> cantam, habemus^ av&ca. Likewise —imu', through the anal- ogy of —dmu', —emu', came to take the accent on its penult, and then regularly developed into —em: credimus * credtmu' '> crezem. This -em of the second and third conjugations pass- ed into the fourth, and entirely displaced the -im that would have been the regular representative of -imu': parttmus'^ *partfm partem. 1. In /aim -eC^factmu' the old accentuation apparently survives: cf. § 52, (4), I. 2. In some dialects of B^arn, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphine, -m apparently becomes — « : devln, havin, volin ; so auridn, trobarln, segridn (cf. § 152,1; § 153,1). Cf. §65, M, I. 1 The loss of -s is not confined to the Provengal territory ; it occurs aiso in west- em France, Catalonia, and the Engadine. 132 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§170 168. In the second person plural -dtis regularly gave-atz: amdtis>a.raaXz, audidtis>ama.tz. The regular form from -etis is -etz, which we find kept in the future (veiretz) and in the present subjunctive (cantetz); in the present indicative it was replaced by -etz, probably through the analogy of etz <,estis: habetis'>2L.vttz avetz, */tf/if//j>podetz podetz, so sezetz, valetz, etc.; the rare avetz and podetz are the only forms that preserve e. The ending -ttis, taking the accent on its penult (cf. § 167), became *-etz, then -etz: creditisy- crezetz. This -etz also displaced the -itz that would have been regular in the fourth conjugation : partitis > partetz. The final -tz was reduced, in some of the principal dialects, to -s (§64): cantas, sezes, partes. In other dialects it was replaced very early by -t (§ 64): auiit, avet, passat, podetj so partiret, etc. 1. \a faitz - valen, (Z/«^«/> amen; vendunf^ vendon vendo. In Languedoc -an was replaced by -on or -o in the 13th century; in other regions, later: amon, chanto Is, comdnso 1. The Boeci has -en for —an: amen, monten. In Gascony and some of the Limousin territory -en partially displaced -on (florfssen, parten, venden), elsewhere -on or — o displaced -en (valon). IMPERFECT IHDICATIVE. 170. In the first conjugation —abam regularly gave —ava. In the second, through the analogy of a^ia < habebam (§ 153), -ebam came to be replaced, in southern Gaul, by —ea, which regularly changed to -ia (§ 26). In the third, -iebam regu- § 172] Provenqal Morphology. 133 larly became -ebam ( § 40, i ) ; and this and original -ebam were replaced by the -ea > -ia of the second conjugation. In the fourth, -ibam, which had in the accented syllable the char- acteristic vowel of the conjugation, crowded out —iebam ; -tbam then lost its ^8 through the analogy of the second and third conjugations. We have, then, in Provengal, only two sets of endings: -dva, etc., in the first conjugation; -ia, etc., in the second, third, and fourth. amava vezia fazfa partia amavas vezias fazias partias amava vezia fazia partia amavam veziam faziam partiam amavatz veziatz faziatz partiatz amavan vezian fazian partian 1. In poetry ia is sometimes counted as one syllable: avian, deviah. 2. For some subsequent developments of western dialects, see Meyer- Liibke, Gram., II, p. 326. 3. For the personal endings, see §§ 164-169. 4. Esser has : era, eras, era, eram, eratz eras, eran eron ero. PRETERIT, OLD CONDITIONAL, AND IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE. 171. These parts are all formed from the same stem, that of the Latin perfect: cf. § 141, (2). Ex.: cantei, cantera, cantes; vendei, vendera, vendes; parti, partira, partis; vi, vira, vis; dec, degra, degues. Preterit. 172. Preterits which stress the ending throughout are called weak ; those which do not stress the ending throughout are called strong: part/, partw/, part/, part/wz, part/fe, part/w« is weak; saup, saub/j/, saup, saub/»z, saub/fe, skuhron is strong. Verbs of the first and fourth conjugations regularly 134 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§ 173 have weak preterits (amei, finf). Verbs of the second and third, with very few exceptions, originally had strong pret- erits {placut> plac, feci'> fis) : many of them, however, de- veloped weak preterits either in Vulgar Latin or in Provengal . (irasquei, nasquei, tessei tesquei, visquei); some assumed a weak form in -1 in the ist pers. sg. (dis dissf, pris prengui, remas remangui, trais traguf: cf. §§ 173, 177); querre, on the other hand, substituted a strong preterit (quis, etc.) for a weak one. 173' (i) Final -t, in the first pers. sg., doubtless remained through the earlier stages of Provengal (^habm>kgvi\, dixl^ dfssi): cf. § 51, (2). Before it fell, it changed an accented e in the preceding syllable to i {veni*venm>*v&nga\ vine): cf. § 27; occasionally, however, the e was kept, through the analogy of the other persons (pris pres). Sometimes, instead of falling, the -i took the accent (following the analogy of the fourth conjugation) and remained: agui>ac or aguf, dfssi > dis or dissf (cf. § 177). When the -i was immediately preceded by an accented vowel, it regularly formed a diphthong with that vowel, and did not fall (/wz>fui): cf. § 51, (3); but -li was simplified to -i (^partivt partu'^-'pdLXti). Before enclitic 1, -ei -iei were often reduced to -e — ie: cantie 1. (2) In the 2d pers. sg., -j'/f became -st, a preceding e being changed to i ( § 27): partlstl > partf st, debuisti > deguf st ; sometimes, through the analogy of the 2d pers. pi., e remains (venguest: cf. § 27, 2). Occasionally the final -t disappears: aniest anies, fezfst fezfs. (3) The -/ of the 3d pers. sg. was lost in strong preterits: J>lacuit> Tplzc, vtdit>v\. In weak preterits, it was retained § 174] PROVENgAL MORPHOLOGY. 1 35 by most dialects after 6, and by many after i : donet done, vendet vende; partf partit. Cf. § 82, T. (4) In the ist pers. pL, -mus -mu' (see § 167 ) was re- duced to -m : vtdimu' > vim. (5) The -stis of the 2d pers. pi. regularly became -tz (§ 78, 2), later in many dialects -s (§ 64) : debuistis> AtgM&tz degues. (6) The -runt of the 3d pers. pi. regularly gave -ron or -ro (§ 83, Nt): ^ariirunC^ psLTtiron partiro, vtderunt>v\xorL viro. In some dialects -en is substituted for -on: fueruni> foron fgren (cf. § 169). The e before -runt, which in classic Latin was usually long, was always short in Vulgar Latin when it was preserved at all; amaverunf^ amdrunt, fecerunt. Weak Preterits. 174. (i) In the first and fourth conjugations we find in Latin the following endings : — —dvt —at —avlmus —ivi —n —wlmus —dv^siT—dsii —dvistis —dstis -tvistt —tsti —ivTsiis —tstis —avit —aut —dvire —averunt —drunt —ivit —Ut —it —ivire —iverunt —Irunt The popular speech preferred in every case the shortened form, and generally reduced -dvimus, -tvtmus to -dtnus, -imus (in southern Gaul -dmu\ -itpu': § 167), on the anal- ogy of the 2d pers. sg. and pi. (2) In the second conjugation a few verbs (^delere, flere, nere, olere, —plere, viere) had similar endings {delevz, etc.), which were doubtless contracted in like fashion in so far as these words were in common use. Most verbs of this conju- gation, however, had strong preterits (Jacere, tacm; videre, vidt; etc.). 136 Provencal Morphology. [§ 175 (3) The third conjugation had in classic Latin no weak endings corresponding to those of the first, second, and fourth; but the vulgar speech developed a set in the follow- ing manner. Compounds of dare formed their perfect in —dtdt {J>erdidi) ; this -didi, in accordance with the principle set forth in § 16, 3, came to be pronounced -d^di {condedi); and -dedi, probably through dissimilation \ was shortened to -dei {*cred£). With this form as a starting-point, a weak preterit was created on the analogy of those of the other con- jugations, the endings being something like -ei, esti, -et, -emus -emu', -estis, -erunt. This inflection was probably extended to some verbs outside the -dere class {^ battel, etc.?). 175. (i) In Provengal the weak inflection disappeared from the second conjugation, delere and —flere passing into the fourth, and the other weak verbs going out of use. (2) Verbs of the fourth conjugation (except venir) all took the weak endings -f, -1st, -f, -fm, -ftz, -fron: partf, partfst, parti, pairtim, partitz, partiron. Irregular verbs either disap- peared or became regular (j-^««z=senti), with the exception of vemre'> wexixx (vinc).^ (3) The new weak endings of the third conjugation de- veloped into — ei, —est, -et, —dm, — etz, — eron : vendei, vendest, vendet, venddm, vendetz, venderon. In the ist pers. sg. the e often broke (vendiei), and the diphthong was sometimes carried into the 2d pers. sg. (vendiest). These endings were considerably extended in Provencal (cazet, etc.), and were occasionally attached to a strong preterit stem (nasquet, tes- quet, venquet, visquet). Most verbs, however, kept their ' Cf. the reduction of habebam to a^ea : § 153. ^ Tetter tenir really belongs to the second conjugation. § 177] PROVENgAL Morphology. 137 strong preterit (mis, conoc). The -ivl perfect disappeared from the third conjugation: qu(eswit>* qucBsif> o^^s. (4) The first conjugation discarded its own weak endings, and substituted those of the third : cantei cantiei, cantest can- tiest, cantet, cant^m, cantetz, canteron. This strange phe- nomenon seems to have originated as follows: dare, dedl'p- dar, dei; from dar the ending -ei was readily extended to estar (estei) ; and from these two very common verbs it spread to the whole first conjugation. Irregular verbs (except dare, stare) either disappeared or became regular. 1. According to Meyer-Liibke, Gram., II, p. 304, Latin -ai became by phonetic process -gi in Vulgar Latin, and -§i or -iei in Proven9al. There seems to be no evidence to support this theory. Cf. § 23, 2. 2. In the dialects of Beam and Catalonia the original a remains in some parts of the preterit. 176. A final -c, which developed in the strong -ui pret- erits (§ 184 ), often became attached to the 3d pers. sg. of weak preterits of the fourth conjugation: floric, fugic, iauzfc, partic.^ It was sometimes extended to other weak preterits : chantec, entendec, nasquec,^ parec." We find also a 3d pers. pL cazegron, etc., and even a ist pers. sg. amegui, etc. In some western dialects the final -c was adopted by the whole first conjugation: donee, portec, etc. 177. Some strong preterits occasionally assumed weak endings : — (i) In the ist pers. sg. several verbs in -s sometimes either added an -f or shifted the stress to an originally unaccented * According to Raimon Vidal, this is the regular ending of the 3d pers. sg. of the fourth conjugation. ^ In nasquec the ui ending occurs twice. 8 Beside parec, coming perhaps from a V. L. *parevit *farevuU. 138 Provenqal Morphology. [§ 178 final -i (cf. §§ 172, 173): dis dissf, pris presf, quis quesf, re- spos respozl. A few verbs in -c did the same: aic aigui, bee begui, conoc conoguf, saup saubf, vine vengm, vole volgui. An ending -guf being thus established, this syllable was sometimes added to preterits not of the -c class: eostrenguf, destrengui, prenguf, remanguf, restrenguf, traguf. (2) In the 3d pers. sg. weak endings are rare: ac aguet, venc venguet. (3) In the 3d pers. pi. the weak ending is not uncommon in -s preterits: diron disseron, diiistrent diiisseron, mesdren mezeron, preson preseron, remastrent remazeron, traisseron. We probably have to deal here, as in (i), with a shift of accent — ^««i?>-i^«/>* disseron > disseron, etc.: see § 49, (2). The same thing may be true of such a form as agueron, be- side agron, from *dfiwerunf= habuerunt; such a form as vis- queron, on the other hand, is doubtless imitative. Strong Preterits. 178. (i) The reduplicative perfects were discarded in Vulgar Latin, with the exception of dedi (and its compounds) and steti, whose reduplicative character was no longer appar- ent. Cecidl became * cadui or *cadii; the rest either disap- peared or passed into the -si class: cucurn>* ciirst, momordt >*mdrst, pependi>*pe{n)st, pupugi>*J>unsl, tetendl> * te{n')st, tetegi> * taxi * tanxt. (2) The -i perfects were greatly reduced in number in Vulgar Latin. Some disappeared {egi), some became weak {fi(gt>*fugii>ivigi); others passed into the -si or the -ut class: prekendt'>*pre{n)st'>--pns; bibifp-* Mbuit>\>&Q., vinit> *» venc. In Proven§al only three -« verbs remained: /fis,/«2>fiii, vtdt>vi. § 179] PROVENgAL Morphology. 139 (3) Of the -si class (including -ssi and -xt) over twenty verbs were preserved in Vulgar Latin (dtxT, excussl, mm, iraxt, etc.), and about the same number passed into this class from others {absco{n)si, *fraxi* sursi, etc.): cf. (i) and (2) above. In Proven9al nearly half the verbs of the second and third conjugations have -« preterits: rema{n)st> rerms, *re- sj>d(^n)si> respos\ (4) The -ui class held its own very well in Vulgar Latin (J>lacui, etc.) and received some additions {natus sum> *nacut, sustull'^* tolul, vent>*venui, vtci>*vincm, mxi> *vtscut, etc.)^ To this class belonged, in Vulgar Latin (and, according to Meyer-Liibke^in classic Latin also), all perfects in -vt, this ending being pronounced -wtti, later -wwi or -ySwi: cogndvt>* conovut''^ conoc, crevit> * crevuit> crec, mo- vi>*nidvui>-sa.oc. Cf. § 148. In Provengal not far from half the verbs of the second and third conjugations have -ul preterits. For a combination af a -c < —ui stem with a weak ending, see § 175, (3). For the extension of -c<.-m to other conjugations, see § 176. 179. In the ist pers. pi. the accent was shifted to the ending, to make this form correspond to the 2d pers. sg. and pi. : fectmus > *feamu' > fezem ( cf. fecistt> fezist, fecistis > fezetz), */>re(n)szmus';>*^restmu' '^prezem, debutmus>de- ^wimu' >■ deguem. Exceptions are /mmus'^iom, vidimus > ^ All verbs in -^dere took the perfect in -st : ascos, aucis^ pris, respos^ etc. Legtre took * lexl > Ids through the analogy of the p. p. tectum. So fingire took ^flxi^feis through fictum f frangere^ pingere^ iangere did likewise {frais^ peis^ tais) ; and in Provencal cinher <; cingere, estenher <; exsiinguere,fldnher <^plan- gere followed the example of these (««, esteis, plais) : hence all verbs in -nher have the preterit in -s. ^SeeZj., XXVIII, 97. s Gram., II, p. 357. 140 Provenqal Morphology. [§ i8i vim; in these verbs the ad pers. forms also are monosyllabic (fiist, fotz; vist, vitz). 1 80. We find in some verbs an irregular 3d pers. pi. without -r-, made by adding -on or -en to the 3d pers. sg., the final consonant of which is voiced in all verbs in which it is voiced in the other persons of the plural: (aucire) aucis, aucfson; (planher) plais, plaisson; (prenre) pres, preson; (remanre) remas, remison; (venir) venc, venguen; (voler) vole, volgon. I. Prenre has preiron (beside preson preseron), probably through the analogy of feiron &.s, feci f> fes; */rpris, */^pres; tenui * /if««2^ > tine, tenuit * tenuit~^Xexic\ vent * venut^ ';;> vine, venit * venuif^ venc. Metre, also, has mis, mes, which may come from *missi *missit (cf. mtssum) =: mist, mtsit; or perhaps mis comes from mist and mes is analogical. Through the analogy of such forms, querre has quis, ques. In the preterit of poder, both potui and potuit would regularly have given poc puoc puec (§37), but poc was kept for the 3d person, and puoc puec was used for the ist. The preterit of voler differentiates the two persons similarly — vuelc, vole; here the diphthong (per- haps under the influence of puec) is borrowed from the pres- ent, where we have *z'(57i?^>vuelh, *vdlet> vol (§ 37). Aver, likewise, borrows a distinction from the present: aic, ac reproduce the vowels of ai, a ; aic + agui > aiguf . ^ Temil and vent influenced each other. § i82] PROVENgAL Morphology. 141 (2) For -i as a characteristic of the first person, see § 177. (i)- (3) For -c as a distinctive mark of the third person, see § 176. 182. The three -i perfects developed in Provengal as fol- lows: — (i) jFacere>ia.he {*fare>ia.r) has: feet > fis, fezi fecimus *fecimu' > fezem fedsti'^ fezi'st fezis fecistis >■ fezetz fezes fecit >■ fetz fes fecerunt >• feiron feiro I. We do not find, in the ist pers. sg., as we should expect (§ 65, C), fitz beside yfj; doubtless the form came early under the influence of mis, pris, guis, etc. Vor fezi, see § 177, (i). There is also a form/, due, per- haps, to the analogy of vi<^vidi; corresponding to fi are 3d pers. sg.fe, and pi. fern, fes, fe/ on. A laiefgui is evidently made on the model of ai^i, etc. In the 3d pers. sg. we find alsofei, which seems to be patterned aiter feiron or after the present fai. (2) JEsse (>*essere "cesser estre) had originally a long u in the perfect. In literary Latin the u was shortened, but the popular speech seems to have kept u beside u. The Provengal I St and 2d pers. sg. apparently come hoxa/m, */usti =/utsfi (although Pr. fiii might be taken from /ui), while the other forms presuppose u: fai > fiii fMmus *filmu' > f om fuilsti*fiisti'^ fust fiis fiHstis *fiistis >■ fotz fos fait >• f o, f on, fonc fUerunt *fiirunt > f oi'on foro, foren I. A rare fo in the ist pers. sg. seems to be simply borrowed from the 3d. In the 3d pers. sg.,fon beside yi> is due to the analogy of -on -0 in the 3d pers. pi., and, in general, of such double forms as bon bo, mon mo, son so, ton to: cf. § 63, (5). Fonc shows the influence of tenc, venc. ( 3 ) Videre > vezer has : mdi >*vi3^i *y\8 vi, vie vidimus * vidimu' >> * vi^mu * viim vim vidisti > vist vis vidistis > vitz vis vidit > * y'\S vi, vit, vie vidSrunt > * viiJrun viron viro 142 Provenqal Morphology. [§ 183 I. The 1st pers. sg. vie is patterned upon aic <,habm, cri(<.crevi, etc. The 2d pers. forms are irregular, as we should expect *vezist, *veiietz: evi- dently the 2d pers. followed the analogy of the ist and 3d. In the 3d pers. sg., vit and vie follow the model of partit, partic, etc.: see § 173, (3), and § 176. 183. In the -si perfect the 3d pers. pi. presented difficulties. If the -e- of the penult fell, an s or z and an r were brought together. Most dialects apparently preserved the -e-, and shifted the accent to it (aucizeron, condiiisseron, disseron, prezeron, remazeron, traisseron), or else borrowed outright the weak ending (responderon): cf. § 49, (2), and § 177, (3). Dialects which lost the -e- too early to follow this method, generally suppressed the sibilant (auciron, diron, meron from metre, remdron), or omitted the -r- and formed the 3d pers. pi. directly from the 3d pers. sg. (aucizon, plaisson, prezon, remazon: § 180), or else imitated a preterit of another class ( mairon from maner, preiron from prenre, doubtless patterned after ieiron ■ dis, dissi dlximus * dtximu"^ dissem dixisti > dissist dtxistis > dissetz disses dixit >-dis fl?f^/>-a«i >■ disseron, diron diro (2) *pre{n)st > pris,pres,presi *pre(n)sj:mus*prestmu''^piessm * pre{n)sisii'^ presist *pre(n)sistis >• presetz preses *pre{n)sit >• pres *pre(n)seruni "^piesexon, preson, [preiron (3) Escriure <.scridere has, beside escris < jac\ crevit *crec^; nocxiit >noc'; sedit * sed\iit> sec, J>otutf>-Tpoc; valnif> va.lc\ te- nuif*tinuii>tenc^, meruif>-merc; japu«V>saup°: the note- worthy features are the change of u to -c (through w, gw, g), the absorption of the preceding consonant unless it be a liquid, a nasal, or a/, the preservation of the liquid or nasal, and the metathesis of the/. hsex <,habere, ^oA&c <* potere posse, vo\e\<,*volere velle, saber ac, agui, aic, aigui habuimus *a^wtmu' >- aguem habursti > aguist habufstis > aguetz agues habuit > ac habuSrunt > agron agro, agueron I. For ajw/ {begui, conogui), see § 177, (i). For aic, aigui, (eric), see § 181, (i). For agueron (pisquerori), see § 177, (3). (2) pStui > poc puoc puec potuimus *potw\mu' > poguem potuisti > poguist potuistis ]> poguetz pogues pStuit > poc, P9t potuerunt > pogron pogro 1. ¥ or puoc, see § 181, (i). Pot is apparently due to the combined in- fluence of weak preterits and the parts of poder in which the dental is preserved. 1 So bibuit >■ bee, debuit >■ dec. 2 So cognovit > conoc, movit ]> Tnoc. 3 So * cdcuit ]> coc,jacuit >■ iac, * nascuii >■ nasc, *pa{s)cuii "^ pac, placuit >■ ptac, tacuit >• tac, * tescuit >■ tesc, * vincuit >• venc, * vlscuit >■ vise. * So caluit > calc, * iSluii >• tolc, vdluii >• vole. ^ So * venuii >■ vene. * So eripuit > ereup, recipuii > receup. 144 Provencal Morphology. [§187 (3) vSlm >■ vole, vuflc, volgui voluimus *volwtmu^ > volguem voluistT > volguist voluistis >• volguetz volgues vSluit >■ vole voluerunt >■ volgron volgro I. For vuelc {tine, vine), see § 181, (i) ; for volgui (vengut), § 177, (i). (4) safiui >• saup, saubi sapuimus *sapwtmu! > saubem sapuistt > saubist sapuistis > saubetz saubes sapuit >saup ja^«/r»«<>saubronsaubro,saupron I. For saubi, see § 177, (i). For sdupron {sdupra, saupis, sauput), see §65, P, 3; cf.§i48,(2). Old Conditional. 185. The old conditional came from the Latin pluperfect indicative, which had been supplanted in its pluperfect sense by a compound form, and was gradually restricted in its use to the functions of a preterit, a perfect conditional, and a simple conditional: see § 141, (2). In Provengal it had only the conditional meaning; and as the new conditional rendered it superfluous, it fell into disuse (with the exception of agra and fora) in the 13th and 14th centuries: see § 142, (2). 186. In the fourth conjugation the old conditional comes from the contracted form of the pluperfect (^audtram <,audi- veram). Weak verbs of the third conjugation constructed a similar form (^venderam). First conjugation verbs started with the contracted pluperfect (^amdram <_amdveram), but in Provencal substituted e for a, as in the preterit: § 175, (4). The Proven§al types of the old conditional of weak verbs are, therefore, represented by: amera, vendera, auzfra. The in- flection is as follows: — amera ameram auzira auziram ameras amerdtz auziras auzira tz amera ameran auzira auziran 187. Strong verbs of the -i and the -ul classes regularly fora foram foras foratz foras fora foran § 190] PROVENgAL Morphology. 145 took their old conditional directly from the Latin pluperfect : feceram'>-it\xz.,fueram>ioxa., videram '^w\r2L\ habueram *d^- weram (§16, 2 ) > dgra, /«J'/«fmw2 > pogra, vdlueram>vo\gt3., sapuemm>skuhrs. sdupra (§ 65, P, 3). Of course the Latin pluperfect, and therefore the Proven9al conditional, followed the shift of the perfect if it changed from one class to an- other: vem>*venut, hence * venueram '>■ vengra. The inflec- tion is as follows: — agra agram agras agratz agras igra. igran 1. Juiire \asfira {ci.fsron) besidey%>a. 2. For sdupra, cf. §148, (2), and § 184, (4), i, and § 192. 3. Devir has beside dlgra a form diura, evidently influenced by the new conditional, deuria. 4. Pdisser, plazer have beside pigra, plagra the forms paisslra, plazlra. 188. Strong verbs of the —si class regularly form their old conditional on the same plan as the 3d pers. pi. of the preterit (§ 183): (^dtxeram) dira, cf. diron; (*preseram) preira, cf. preiron; (arseram) arsera, cf. arseron. 189. It will be noted that in all verbs, weak and strong, the old conditional may be constructed from the 3d pers. pi. of the preterit by changing -on to -a. Imperfect Subjunctive. 190. The Provengal imperfect subjunctive came from the Latin pluperfect subjunctive, which in Vulgar Latin assumed the functions of the imperfect and generally displaced it, its own place having been taken by a compound form: see § 141, (2). 146 PROVENgAL Morphology. [§ 193 191. For weak verbs the basis was the contracted form of the first and fourth conjugations {^amdssem fezes, fuissem "^fussetrf^ios, vidissem"^ vtzes, ventssem *venuissem >vengues; dixtssem'> ^\ssts, */re(n)stssem'^ -prezes; habuis- sem > agues, potutssetn > pogues, voluissem > volgues, saputs- j-^»2>saubes saupes (§ 65, P, 3). The inflection is: — fos fossem agues aguessem, acsem fosses fossetz -es aguesses aguessetz -es, acsetz -es fos fossen -on -o agues aguessen -on -o 1. The syncopated forms in the ist and 2d pers. pi. are common to the — «f class : decsim, iacsim, pocsim, saupslm. 2. In the 3d pers. pi. -an sometimes takes the place of -en or -on: mezhsan, saubissan. This ending is doubtless borrowed from the present subjunctive and the old conditional. 3. Vezer has vis beside vezis. From faire we find in the 3d pers. pi. fesson. 4. .^1?;?-^ has mezls, due, no doubt, to the analogy of mes and oi prezls. 193. Some dialects have an ending -a, -as, -a, -4m, -dtz, an, borrowed from the present subjunctive and the old con- ditional, but added to the stem of the imperfect subjunctive : chantessa, vendessa, florfssa: fossa. INDEX N. B.— The references are to paragraphs. a : 23-24. — a : 24. — Unaccented a : 40, (i) ; 45 ■ 48, I ; S». (O- —a —anem : 95, 2. ab : 65, P, 2. abans : 65, |3, 2. Abbreviations : p. VI. abet: 65, /3, 2. Ablative: 91, (5). abora : 65, /3, 2. ajS^o : 87, /3. «c (Lat.) : 43, 2. Accent: — Primary: 16-17. — Sec- ondary: 18; 45, I. Accented Vowels : see Vowels. Accusative : 91, (5). ad: see az, ad-: 66, I. ades: 25, I, («). Adjectives 102-109. — Comparison: 106-109. — Declension: 102-104; 107. — Neuter: 104; 108; 128, i. — Numeral: 110-113. — Pronom- inal : see Pronouns. adoutz : 33, 4. Adverbial -s : 82, S, 3. Adverbs : 82, S, 3 : 105 ; I08. ae : 22. — Unaccented ae : 41. -a^e : see -aUcum. ai-Chabeo: 73, /Sy. aigla: 72, Kw, I. aiglentina: 72, Kw, I. aigua: 72, Kw, i. aire : 51,4. -aire-ador; 91, (6); 101,(3); i°i> (3), I. aital: 74,2; 136,(6). aitan: 74, 2; 136, (7). albire : 87, r. alcun: 136, (i). Alphabet : — Phonetic : p. VII. — Proven9al: 7; 9. alquant: 136, (2). alques: 136, (3). a/f: 136, (4). aA>-e: 136, (5). altretal: 136, (6). altretan : 136, (7). a/»c : 65, C, 2. Alvernhe : 87, r. amdui: III, 2. amiu: 51, 3; 65, G, i. (Z/nj-: III, 2. Analogy : — Initial Syllable : 42. — Intertonic Syllable : 46. anar: 137,(1); 15°; 162,(1). anedier : 45, 3. 147 148 Index. anet: 48, i. anta : 39, 2. apud : see ab. aquestos: 51, 2. «;-, ara : 33, 3. -arius: 23, l; 73, Ry, i. arma : 87, n + m. arnei: 25, 3. Articles 116-H9. — Definite: 116; 118-119. — Indefinite: 117. asabentar: 73, Py. -aticum : 49, (4) ; £2, (3) ! 65, G, 3 ; 73. Tg. atressi: 74, 2. atretal: 74, 2; 136, (6). atretan: 74, 2; 136, (7), au : — Accented : 39. — Unac- cented: 41. auca : 65, C, I ; 80, jSc. aucel : 65, C, i ; 80, ^c'. aucire: 43; 162,(2). aurir : 65, D, footnote ; 65, R, 2. auvent: 65, S, 2. auvir : 65, D, footnote ; 65, S, 2. Auxiliary Verbs : 140-141. auzil: 28. auzir: 160; 162, (3); 164, (1); 168; 169; 186; 191. aver: 73, ;3y; 87,^; 137, (l) ; 148, (i). (2). i; 150; 152; 162. (4); 167; 168; 170; 173,(1); 177. (i), (2), (3); 181, (1); 184, (I); 187; 192. avia : 87, j8. avinen: 46, I. (jz: 82, D. azaut: 52, (2), I. b>^: 55, B. bat: 72, Tw, i. berbitz : 25, 2, (a). Bemat: 87, r. bisbes; 41, I. borgues : 73, Rg*. ^^-O-: 65, ft 3. ^«» : 28, 3. *r(;(r: 37, i. c palatalized : 55 ; 6l ; 62, (3) ; 65, G; 67,(1); 70. C'r; 73. C'y, Dg, Lc'y, Nc'y, Ndg, Ng, Rc'y, Rg, Rrg, Rtg, Tg; 74; 76; 77; 78; 80, Ksc, Ppc ; 92, (2). cabil: 27, I. cabirol: 86. cada: 136, (8). caire : see cazer. caitiu : So, Ft. calacom : 136, (9). calmelh : 45, 3. cal que: 136, (10). camisa : 25, 2, {a). can: 136, (11). canorgue : 65, N, I ; 87, n + n. cap : 100. caramel : 87, 1. caresma : 45, 3. cascun : 136, (12). Case: 91. cazer: 137, (i); 148,(2); 150; 162, (5); 176; 178,(1). ch (Greek) : 57, B. chastiu: 51, 3; 65, G, I. cibdat: 80, j8d. cieutat: 44, 2. cilh : 25, 2, (*). ««c : 72, Nw ; 87, kw. «>&<: 80, ^t. Index. 149 eiri: 25, 2, {c). ciutat: 80, ;8t. clerc : 47, (3). clerge : 52, (3). eler^e : 47, (3) ; 52, (3). cobra: 33, I. cointe : 47, i ; 80, Gnt. fo/*^: 48, I. colp : 22 ; 48, I. coma ; 51, 5. comensar: 45, I. comergar : 87, m + n. Comparative: 106-108. Comparison: 106-109. comprar ; 45, 3. Conditional: — New: 142, (2); 149 -151. Endings : 1 53. — Old: 141, (2); 185-189. Strong: 187-188. Weak: 186. conge : 47, I ; 80, Gnd. Conjugation: 137-193. — Auxiliary Verbs: 140-141. — Change of Conj.: 137. — Compound Tenses : 141. — Conditional: see Condi- tional. — Deponent Verbs: 140. — Future: 142, (i) ; 149-152. Endings: 152. — Gerund: 143; 145. — Imperative : 156. — Im- perfect Indicative : 1 70. — Im- perfect Subjunctive: 141, (2); 190-193. Strong: 192. Weak: 191. — Inchoative: 138; 145. — Infinitive : 144. Used as noun : 94; 144,4. — New verbs: 139. — Passive : 140. — Participle : see Participle. — Perfect Tenses : 1 41 . — Pluperfect: 141. — Present: see Present. — Preterit : see Pret- erit. conois := conosc : 78, 3. conoisser: 78, 3; 80, Gn; 148,(2); 162, (6); 175.(3); 177,(1); 178, (4). const: 85. Consonants : — Dissimilation : 87. — Final: 81-83. Groups: 83. Single: 82. — Germanic: 56. — Greik: 57. — Initial: 59-62. Groups: 62. Single: 60-61. — Insertion: 85. — Latin: 54-55. — Medial : 63-80. Contiguous to -s in Pr. : 63-64 ; 65, L, R ; 78, 2. Final in Pr.: 63-64; 65, L; 65, M, i; 65, R, I; 76, (2). Groups : 66-80 : Cons. + 1, 68- 69 ; Cons. + r, 70-71 ; Cons + w, 72; Cons. + y, 73; Ct, gd, gn, ks, 79-80 ; Double Cons., 67 ; L -f- cons., 74; M -I- cons., 75; Miscellaneous, 79-80 ; N + cons., 76 ; Ps, pt, 79-80 ; R -+- cons., 77 ; S -I- cons., 78. Single : 65. — Metathesis : 86. — Sporadic Change: 84-87. contranher: 25,' 4. cor: 100. * cars: lOO. cossint: 28, 2. casta: 33, i. costum : 72, Sw ; 80, Dn. covinen : 46, I. coyre : 73, Pry. cozer -e: 40, i. ei = ai: 23, 2; 152, i; 162, (4); 175. (4)- -ei in pret. -. 174, (3) ; 175, (3), (4). eigal: 72, Kw, 1. ~eire -edor: loi, (3), i. eis: 80, Ps; 132, (2). eisH-^ecce hic: 80, Cc'; 82, C. eissie: 40, i. ier; 30, 1. — »Vr : see —arius, ieu : 32 ; 44, 2. «7/4a : 65, S, i. iliac: 16, 4. j7/?: 115; 116, 118; 132, (3). illic : 16, 4. Imperative: 156; 165; 168. Imperfect Indicative : 170. Imperfect Subjunctive : 141, (2) ; 190-193. — Strong: 192. — Weak: igi. Impersonal Construction : 104. Inchoative: 138; 145. Indefinite Article : 117. Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives: 136. Indicative ; see Conjugation. Inflection : see Conjugation and Declension. Initial Consonants : see Conso- nants. ins : 25, 2, (d). Insertion of Consonant : 85. Interrogatives : 133-135. Intervocalic Consonants : see Con- sonants, Medial, Single. Invariable Nouns : 93. invern : 85, ioi: 39, I. tSve: 47.(3); 49.(3)- ioven : 89, I. ipse: 132, (2). -ire-idor: loi, (3), i. -isc-: 138; 145; 155! IS6. isme : 28, 3. isnel: 44, 3. issarnit: 46, i. issir: 44, 3; see eissir. iste: 132,(4). iu: 32. iure : 25, 2, (c). ius : 33, 2. ivem : 44, 3. -liav: 57,2; 139. j : see y. k : 57, K ; 62, (i). l>u: 65, L; 67, (2); 73, Lc'y, Lty ; 74, (2). Latin : 14 ; see Consonants and Vowels. laus: 89, I ; 93, (2) ; loi, (i), (2). lauzeta : 41, i. Learned Words: 15. — Cf. also: 17, I ; 25, I,(lh: 67,(2). Locative: 91, (i). luenk : 36, I ; 37. lunk : 86, I. lur: 33, 2. maint: 136, (14). mais: 65, Y, (2), footnote; 82, S, 1,4. malapte : 47, (3) ; 80, /3t. malaude : 47, (3) ; 80, jSd. malaut: 52, (2), i. malaute : 47, (3) ; 80, jSt. man : 96 ; 96, 3. maneira : 72, Nw, i. maniar: 73, Ndg. mar\ 100. marhre: 71. margue : 52, (3) ; 87, m + n. marme : 87, r ; 100. marsip : 87, m + n. massis : 65, /3, 4. Medial Consonants : see Conso- nants. meesmes : 65, T, 3. mege : 49, (4) ; 73, Dg. melhura : 33, 2. —men : 105. menhs: 65, N, 2. meravilha : 25, 2, (i). mercey : 65, D, 1 , mermar: 87, n + m. OT«j- : 45, 2. messer: 65, Y, 3. mestier: gi, (3). «»^;-: 131, (2). Metathesis : 86. w^/re: 148, (3); 181, (i); 183; 192, 2,4. mezeis : 65, T, 3. mezesmes : 65, T, 3. mica : 65, G, footnote. midons: 91, (2); 93, (2). mier: 30, I. mint: 28, 2. /«o//: 136, (15) ; see »«««, /b^"/, «»«/. mon^molt: 74, i. monge: 52, (3). mongue : 52, (3). Mood: see Conjugation. morgue: 52, (3); 65, N, 1: 87, m + n. morir: 137, (l). mostier: 25, r, («) ; 45, 3. mot =. molt: 74, (2). otok: 37, I. m.oure : see mover, mover: 137, (2); 150; 159, (l); l6o- 162,(19); 178,(4). mul-=molt: 74, I. mulierem : 16, i ; 40, i. —mus'^—mu'- 167. natiz : 65, /3, 4. nebla : 28, 4. »«o: 40, I. orzol: 73, Rc'y. ou : 33, I. oz : 82, T. p between m and s : 63, (8) ; 75. pair: 52, (i), 1. pais: 25, 2, (<:). palafrei: 25, 3. palai: 73, Ty, I. Palatalization: 55, C, G, Yj 67, (2); 73- palle : 74, 3. Participle: — Past (= Perfect) : 140; 141, (i); 146-148. — Present: '43. (i) ; I4S- Particles: 19; see Enclitics, Pro- clitics. partir: 145; 160; 162, (20); 165; 167; 168; 169; 170; 171; 172; 173. (2), (3)5 i7S>(2); 176. parven : 85. pasmar: 87, s. Passive: 140. Past Participle : see Participle. pauc: 136, (19). paziment: 65, j3, 5. pege : 52, (3), 2. Peire: 96, 2. peiztra : 33, z. peleri: 87, r. penchenar: 85. penre: 71; 87, r; see prendre. perdre: 162, (2l); iy4, (3). perdris: 85. Perfect: 141; see Preterit. Perfect Participle : see Participle. perilh : 25, 2, (i). perquei: 25, 3. perri: 70, I. Personal Endings: — Conditional: New, 153; Old, 186-187. — Fu- ture: 152. — Imperfect: Indica- tive, 164-169; Subjunctive, 191- 193. — Present: 164-169. — Pret- erit: 173. iS6 Index. Personal Pronouns: ii6; 120-125. ph ! 57, . Phonetic Alphabet : p. VII. piion : 73, Py. piucela : 42, i ; 44, 2. plach : 80, C't. plaire : see plazer. plais : 28, 6. //a«if: 80, C't. plazer: 144,4; 148,(2); 150; 160; 162,(22); 173,(3); 187,(4). ploia : 33, I. plau: 37, I. Pluperfect: 1 41. Plural: 93. potier: 137, (i) ; 148, (2); 150; 162, (23); 168 ; 181, (i); 184, (2); 184, (2), i; 187; 192, I. polpra : 87, r. Popular Words : 1 5. Possessives: 126-129. Post-verbal Nouns: 96, i. poutz: 52, (3), I. pouzer: 85. Prefix, Change of : 43. preire : 78, 1. prendre: 71; 87, r; 148, (3); 161 ; 162, (24); 172; 173.(1); 177,(1), (3); 179; 180; 180, i; 181, (i); 183; 183, (i); 188; 192. preon : 43 ; 44, 4. Preposition + Article; Ii8, 2. Present: 154-169. — Double Stems, 1 55-161: -c, 161; Diphthong, 159; -nc-nh, 161 ; Palatal, 160- 161; -SC-. 155-156. — Peculiar Forms : 162. — Personal Endings : 164-169. presseguier: 86. prestre: 71, I ; 87, r. Preterit: 141, (2); 171-184. — Personal Endings: 173. — Strong: 178-184. Accent in ist pers. pi.; 179. Stem vowel change in ist pers. sg. : 181, (i). Third pers. pi. without r: 180. Types: -4, 178, (2) and 182; reduplicative, 178, (i); -si, 178, (3) and 183; -ui, 178, (4) and 184. — Strong and Weak: 172-177. Strong stems with weak endings, 177. — Weak: 174-177. Conjugations: 1st, 174, (i) and 175, (4); 2d, i74, (2) and 175, (1) ; 3^, 174, (3) and I7S, (3); 4th, 174, (i) and 175, (2). Ending -c: 176. preu: 65, G, i. preveire : 78, 1. prever: 71, I. froa: 35, I. Proclitics: 19; 118, (i) ; 122; 123. profich : 28, I. pron : 63, (5), footnote. Pronominal Adjectives: see Pro- nouns. Pronouns: 1 14-136. — Demonstra- tive: 130-132. — Indefinite: 136. — Interrogative: 133-135. — Perso- nal: 116, 120-125. — Conjunc- tive: 122-123. Disjunctive: 124 -125. — Possessive: 126-129. Plural possessor : 129. Singular possessor : 127-128. — Relative : 133-135- Pronunciation: 8^. propi: 87, I. Proven9al : — Language : Dialects, 3-8, 10-13 ; Extent, p. VIII, 2-4; Index. IS7 Sounds, 8-9 i Spelling, 7 and 9. —Literature: i. puosc : 37, 2. pus : 87, 1. put: 47, (1); 80, Td. putana : 95, 2. qu: 55, W; 62, (2); 72, Kw, Nw. qual que: 136,(10). quart: 136, (ll). Quantity : 20-21. quaire: 72, Tw, I. quecx 136, (21). que que: 136, (20). quesacom : 136, (22). yw«;: 25, I, ((/); 40, I. ?K»: 133- quier: 30, I. qui que: 136, (23). }■»« (Lat.) : 133. quis (from querre) : 28, 3; 181, (l). rancura : 33, 2. randola ; 46, I. ra^e: 52,(5). « (r^», res): 82, M; 93, (2); lOI, (I), 2. >-^i/s: Latin, 55, R; Proven9al, 65, R. s + nasal : 65, S, i. -s in adverbs : 82, S, 3. saber: 65, P, 3 ; 137, (l), (2) ; 145; 148, (2); 150; 160; 162, (26); 165; 172; 177, (i); 184; 184, (4); 187; 192; 192, I, 2. sauma : 80, Gm. sautz: 52, (3), I. saver : 65, P, I ; see saber. sazo : 87, t. seguir: 137, (i), (2); 148, (2); 159, (I); 167,(2). selcle : 69, i. sembrar: 68, Ml. senes: 51, 4. senestre: 25, i, (e). sereisa : 23, 3. seror: 43, I. set: 52, (2), l; 80, Pt. seti; 73, Dg, footnote. seze: 25, 1, if); 80, Dc'. sierf: 30, I. sint: 28, 2. sobra: 33, I. sogre : 70, Or. soi agutz : 141, (1), footnote ; 148, i. somni: 73, Mny. son<,suni: 82, M; 162,(15). son (i). (3)- trap : 65, ^, :i. tres = tras: 23,4; 43, 3. /r^z/fl : 72, jSw. ^>-«*a : 33, I ! 86. tronar: 86. ^TO/ : 37, I. truoill: 86. -tulus: 47, (2). ii: 34, 38, 41. — From p: 34. — From u : 38. — Unaccented : 41 ; see Vowels. u < 1 : see 1 > u. \} : 40, (2) i SS. W J 72. ue: 37. uebre : 23, 3. Ugo : loi, (3), I. uis : 33, 2. umplir: 44, I. un; 117; 136, {29). Unaccented Vowels : see Vowels. uo<9: 37. u6>o: 40, l; 55, W. «/« : 33. 2- — aj —onem ; 96, 2. -ut in Past Participle : 148. uu>u: 55, W. v>^; 5S. V. vair: 73, Ry, 1. vaire: 51, 4. fa^: 42, I. vans : 42, I. vecvos : 1 56, 2. !'«': 160. vendanha : 25, 2, («). Verbs : see Conjugation. verin : 25, 2, (^) ; 87, n H- n, veus: 156, 2. veuva : 72, Dw, r. z/«e?-: I45J 148, (2), (3); 150; 156, Index. IS9 2; 160; 162,(30); 170; 171, 173, (3). (4); 179; 182, (3); 182, (3), i; 187; 192; 192,3. vezoa : 72, Dw, 1. vianda : 28, 6 ; 87, j3. viatz : 87, |3 ; 108. vint; 27. Vocative: 91, (2). ■"oig: 23, 3; 49, (l); 80, C't. volentiers: 46, i. voler; 137, (i) ; 148, (2); 159, (2); 160; 162, (31). 167, 2; 177, (l); 180; 181, (l); 184, (3) J 187; 192. volon: 28, 7. Vowels : — Accented : 23-39 > see a, e, e, i, o, o, u. — Greek : 22. — Latin : 20-22. — Prefixed to s + cons.: 62, (3). — Provenpal: 8-9. — Unaccented: 40-53. Final Syl- lable: 51-53; learned words, 53; supporting vowel, 52. Initial Syllable : 41-44 ; analogy, 42 ; dialect, 44 ; false etymology, 43. Intertonic Syllable : 45-46 ; anal- ogy, 46. Penult: 47-50; learned words, 50 ; Provenfal, 48 ; vowel kept, 49 ; Vulgar Latin, 47. vuech : 23, 3 ; 49, (l) ; 80, C't. vuelc: 37, 2; 181, (l). Vulgar Latin : 14. w: 55, W; 56, W; 62, (2) ; 72, /3w ; see u. x: 55, X. y