I DE 5" CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028214702 DICTIONARY GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. LONDON : PBINTKD BY BPOTXISWOODH AND CO.,- NBW-8TEBET BQCAIta AND PARLIAMENT STREET A DICTIONARY GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. BY VARIOUS WRITERS. EDITED BY WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D. ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD. LONDON : JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMARLE STEEET. 1882. 7^ -A-A-M- c/w\ LIST OF WEITEES. NAMES. Alexander Allen, Ph.D. William Fishburn Donkin, M.A. Fellow of University College, Oxford. William Alexander Greenhill, M.D. Trinity College, Oxford. Benjamin Jowett, M.A. Fellow of Baliol College, Oxford. Charles Rann Kennedy, M.A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Thomas Hewitt Key, M.A. Professor of Comparative Grammar) in University Col lege, London. Henry George Liddell, M.A. Head Master of Westminster School. George Long, M.A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Charles Peter Mason, B.A. Fellow of University College, London. John Smith Mansfield, M.A. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. William Ramsay, M.A. Professor of Humanity in the University of Glasgow. Anthony Rich, Jun. B.A. Late of Cains College, Cambridge. Leonhard Schmitz, Ph.D., F.R.S.E. Rector of the High School of Edinburgh. Philip Smith, B.A. Of the University of London. Robert Whiston, M.A. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Ralph Nicholson Wornum, Esq. James Yates, M.A., F.R.S. The Articles which have no initials attached to them are written by the Editor, INITIALS. A. A. W. F . D. W ".A . G. B.J. C. R. K. T. H. K. H, G. L. G. L. C. P. M. J. s. : M. W . R. A. R. L. S. P. s. R. w. R. N. W. J. r. PREFACE THE SECOND EDITION; It was inevitable that many defects should be found in the first Edition of a work like the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, embracing a great variety of subjects, written by different persons, and published periodically. Of these no one was more fully aware than the Editor; and accordingly, when the sale of a very large impression rendered the preparation of a second Edition necessary, he resolved to spare no pains and exertions to render the work still more worthy of the approbation with which it had been already received. The following will be found to be the principal improvements in the present Edition. 1. Many of the most important articles are rewritten. This is especially the case in the earlier portion of the work, since it was originally intended to complete it in a much smaller compass than was afterwards found advisable ; and accordingly many subjects in the earlier letters of the alphabet were treated in the first Edition with a brevity which prevented the writers from giving a full and satisfactory explanation of several important points. 2. Many subjects which were entirely omitted in the first Edition are here supplied. Any one who has had experience in the arrangement of a work in alphabetical order will not be surprised that there should be many omissions in the first Edition of such a work. Some idea may be formed of the exten- sive additions made to the work, when it is stated that, including the articles which have been rewritten, the present Edition contains upwards of three hundred pages of entirely new matter. 3. Those articles which have not been rewritten have been carefully revised, and in many of them errors have been corrected, extraneous matter omitted, and much additional information given. In this part of his labours the Editor has received the most valuable assistance from Mr. George Long, Dr. Schmitz, and Mr. Philip Smith. 4. Additional illustrations have been given by means of new woodcuts, wherever the subjects appeared to require them. Many of these new wood- Vlll PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. cuts are of considerable importance, as the reader may see by referring to the articles Amphitheatrum, Aquaeductus, Columna, Templum, and many others. 5. An alteration has been made in the arrangement of the work, which will tend to facilitate its use. In the former Edition there was some inconsistency in the use of Greek, Latin, and English words for the names of articles. In the present Edition the Latin language has been always employed for the heading of the articles, except in those subjects connected with Greek Anti- quities where no corresponding words existed in Latin ; as, for instance, in legal terms, and in the names of magistrates. In these cases the Greek language has been necessarily employed ; but, in compliance with a wish expressed by many persons, the Greek words are given in Latin letters, with the Greek characters subjoined. In conclusion, the Editor has to express his regret that he is unable in any way to make the additions and alterations in the present Edition available to the purchasers of the former one. He had at one time thought of publishing them in a separate form; but he found, as the work proceeded, that this was quite impossible, on account of their great number and length. In fact, the present Edition must be regarded, to a considerable extent, as a new work. WILLIAM SMITH. London, August 1st, 18n8. PREFACE THE FIRST EDITION, The study of Greek and Roman Antiquities has, in common with all other philological studies, made great progress in Europe within the last fifty years. The earlier writers on the subject, whose works are contained in the collections of Gronovius and Grsevius, display little historical criticism, and give no com- prehensive view or living idea of the public and private life of the ancients. They were contented, for the most part, with merely collecting facts, and arrang- ing them in some systematic form, and seemed not to have felt the want of any thing more : they wrote about antiquity as if the people had never existed ; they did not attempt to realise to their own minds, or to represent to those of others, the living spirit of Greek and Roman civilisation. But by the labours of modern scholars life has been breathed into the study : men are no longer satisfied with isolated facts on separate departments of the subject, but endea- vour to form some conception of antiquity as an organic whole, and to trace the relation of one part to another. There is scarcely a single subject included under the general name of Greek and Roman Antiquities, which has not received elucidation from the writings of the modern scholars of Germany. The history and political relations of the nations of antiquity have been placed in an entirely different light since the publication of Niebuhr's Roman History, which gave a new impulse to the study, and has been succeeded by the works of BSckh, K. 0. Miiller, Wachs- muth, K. F. Hermann, and other distinguished scholars. The study of the Roman law, which has been unaccountably neglected in this country, has been prosecuted with extraordinary success by the great jurists of Germany, among whom Savigny stands preeminent, and claims our profoundest admiration. The subject of Attic law, though in a scientific point of view one of much less interest and importance than the Roman law, but without a competent knowledge of which it is impossible to understand the Greek orators, has also received much elucidation from the writings of Meier, Schomann, Bunsen, Platner, Hudtwalcker, and others. Nor has the private life of the ancients been neglected. The discovery of Herculaneum and Pompeii has supplied X PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. us with important information on the subject, which has also been dis- cussed with ability by several modern writers, among whom "W. A. Becker, of Leipzig, deserves to be particularly mentioned. The study of ancient art like- wise, to which our scholars have paid little attention, has been diligently cul- tivated in Germany from the time of Winckelmann and Lessing, who founded the modern school of criticism, in art, to which we are indebted for so many valuable works. While, however, so much lias been done in every department of the subject, no attempt has hitherto been made, either in Germany or in this country, to make the results of modern researches available for the purposes of instruction, by giving them in a single work, adapted for the use of students. At present, correct information on many matters of antiquity can only be obtained by consulting a large number of costly works, which few students can have access to. It was therefore thought that a work on Greek and Koman Antiquities, which should be founded on a careful examination of the original sources, with such aids as could be derived from the best modern writers, and which should bring up the subject, so to speak, to the present state of philological learning, would form a useful acquisition to all persons engaged in the study of antiquity. It was supposed that this work might fall into the hands of two different classes of readers, and it was therefore considered proper to provide for the probable wants of each, as far as was possible. It has been intended not only for schools, but also for the use of students at universities, and of other persons, who may wish to obtain more extensive information on the subject than an elementary work can supply. Accordingly numerous references have been given, not only to the classical authors, but also to the best modern writers, which will point out the sources of information on each subject, and enable the reader to extend his inquiries further if he wishes. At the same time it must be observed, that it has been impossible to give at the end of each article the whole of the literature which belongs to it. Such a list of works as a full account of the literature would require, would have swelled the work much beyond the limits of a single volume, and it has therefore only been possible to refer to the principal modern authorities. This has been more particularly the case with such articles as treat of the Roman constitution and law, on which the modern writers are almost innumerable. A work like the present might have been arranged either in a systematic or an alphabetical form. Each plan has its advantages and disadvantages, but many reasons induced the Editor to adopt the latter. Besides the obvious advantage of an alphabetical arrangement in a work of reference like the present, it enabled the Editor to avail himself of the assistance of several scholars who had made certain departments of antiquity their particular study. It is quite im- possible that a work which comprehends all the subjects included under Greek and Roman Antiquities can be written satisfactorily by any one individual. As it was therefore absolutely necessary to divide the labour, no other arrangement offered so many facilities for the purpose as that which has been adopted ; in addition to which, the form of a Dictionary has the additional advantage of enabling the writer to give a complete account of a subject under one head, which cannot so well be dme in a systematic work. An example will illustrate what is meant. A history of the patrician and plebeiaD orders at Rome can PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. xi only be gained from a systematic work by putting together the statements con- tained in many different parts of the work, while, in a Dictionary, a connected view of their history is given from the earliest to the latest times under the. respective words. The same remark will apply to numerous other subjects. Some subjects have been included in the present work which have not usually been treated of in works on Greek and Roman Antiquities. These subjects have been inserted on account of the important influence which they exercised upon the public and private life of the ancients. Thus, considerable space has been given to the articles on Painting and Statuary, and also to those on the different departments of the Drama. There may seem to be some inconsistency and apparent capriciousness in the admission and rejection of subjects, but it is very difficult to determine at what point to stop in a work of this kind. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, if understood in its most extensive signification, would comprehend an account of every thing relating to antiquity. In its narrower sense, however, the term is confined to an account of the public and private life of the Greeks and Romans, and it is convenient to adhere tc this signification of the word, however arbitrary it may be. For this reason several articles have been inserted in the work which some persons may regard as out of place, and others have been omitted which have sometimes been im- properly included in writings on Greek and Roman Antiquities. Neither the names of persons and divinities, nor those of places, have been inserted in the present work, as the former will be treated of in the " Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology," and the latter in the " Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography." The subjects of the woodcuts have been chosen by the writers of the articles which they illustrate, and the drawings have been made under their superinten- dence. * Many of these have been taken from originals in the British Museum, and others from the different works which contain representations of works of ancient art, as the Museo Borbonico, Museo Capitolino, Millin's Peintures de Vases Antiques, Tischbein's and D'Hancarville's engravings from Sir William Hamilton's "Vases, and other similar works. Hitherto little use has been made in this country of existing works of art, for the purpose of illustrating antiquity. In many cases, however, the representation of an object gives a far better idea of the purposes for which it was intended, and the way in which it was used, than any explanation in words only can convey. Besides which, some acquaintance with the remains of ancient art is almost essential to a proper perception of the spirit of antiquity, and would tend to refine and elevate the taste, and lead to a just appreciation of works of art in general. Mr. George Long, who has contributed to this work the articles relating to Roman Law, has sent the Editor the following remarks, which he wishes to make respecting the articles he has written, and which are accordingly subjoined in his own words. " The writer of the articles marked with the letters G. L. considers some " apology necessary in respect of what he has contributed to this work. He has " never had the advantage of attending a course of lectures on Roman Law, and " he has written these articles in the midst of numerous engagements, which left • The woodcuts have been executed by Mr. John Jackson. Xll PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. " little time for other labour. The want of proper materials also was cften felt, " and it would have been sufficient to prevent the writer from venturing on " such an undertaking, if he had not been able to avail himself of the library " of his friend, Mr. William Wright, of Lincoln's Inn. These circumstances " will, perhaps, be some excuse for the errors and imperfections which will be "apparent enough to those who are competent judges. It is only those who " have formed an adequate conception of the extent and variety of the matter " of law in general, and of the Roman Law in particular, who can estimate the " difficulty of writing on such a subject in England, and they will allow to him " who has attempted it a just measure of indulgence. The writer claims such "indulgence from those living writers of whose labours he has availed himself,, " if any of these articles should ever fall in their way. It will be apparent " that these articles have been written mainly with the view of illustrating " the classical writers ; and that a consideration of the persons for whose use " they are intended, and the present state of knowledge of the Roman Law in " this country, have been sufficient reasons for the omission of many important " matters which would have been useless to most readers and sometimes unin- " telligible. " Though few modern writers have been used, compared with the whole " number who might have been used, they are not absolutely few, and many of " them to Englishmen are new. Many of them also are the best, and among " the best, of the kind. The difficulty of writing these articles was increased by " the want of books in the English language ; for, though we have many writers " on various departments of the Roman Law, of whom two or three have been " referred to, they have been seldom used, and with very little profit." It would be improper to close these remarks without stating the obligations this work is under to Mr. Long. It was chiefly through his advice and en- couragement that the Editor was induced to undertake it, and during its progress he has always been ready to give his counsel whenever it was needed. It is therefore as much a matter of duty as it is of pleasure, to make this public acknowledgment to him. WILLIAM SMITH. London, April 2nd,. 1842. DICTIONAEY GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. ABACUS. AB'ACUS (Kga|) denoted primarily a square tablet of any material ; and was hence applied in the following significations : — 1. In Architecture it denoted the flat square stone, which constituted the highest member of a column, being placed immediately under the archi- trave. The annexed figure is drawn from that in the British Museum, which was taken from the Parthenon at Athens, and is a perfect specimen of the capital of a Doric column. In the more ornamented orders of architecture, such as the Corinthian, the sides of the abacus were curved inwards, and a rose or some other decoration was frequently placed in the middle of each side ; but the name Abacus was given to the stone thus diversified and enriched, as well as in its original form. (Vitruv. iii. 3, iv. 1. § 7.) 2. A painted panel, coffer, or square compart- ment in the wall or ceiling of a chamber. (Plin. H. N. ynriii. 56, xxxv. 1, 13 ; Vitruv. vii. 3. § 10 ; Letronne, Peinfur. mur. p. 476.) 3. A wooden tray, used for a variety of pur- poses in domestic economy. It was, for instance, the name given to the mactra (jidtcrpa), or tray for kneading dough. (Cratin. Frag. p. 27, ed. Runkel ; Pollux, vi. 90, x. 105 ; Cato, R. R. 10 ; Hesych. s. v. fidtcrpa ; Schol. in Theocr. iv. 61.) 4. A board, covered with sand or dust, used by mathematicians for drawing diagrams (Eustath. in Od. i. 107), and by arithmeticians for the purposes of calculation. (Pers. Sat. i 131.) For the latter purpose perpendicular lines or channels seem to have been drawn in the sand upon the board ; but sometimes the board had perpendicular wooden di- visions, the space on the right hand being intended for units, the next space for tens, the next for hundreds, and so on. Thus was constructed the ABACUS. aSdiaoy, e\/>' ov ijirioi, calculi). (Comp. Pol. v. 26.) The figure following represents the probable form and appear- ance of such an abacus. The reader will observe, that stone after stone might be put into the right- hand partition until they amounted to 10, when it would be necessary to take them all out as repre- sented in the figure, and instead of them to put one stone into the next partition. The stones in this division might in like manner amount to 10, thus representing 10 x 10 = 100, when it would be necessary to take out the 10, and instead of them to put one stone into the third partition, and so on. On this principle the stones in the abacus, as de- lineated in the figure, would be equivalent to 359,310. I 5. A board adapted for playing with dice or counters, resembling a draught-board or back- gammon-board. (Caryst. op. Ath. x. p. 435, d ; Suet. Ner. 22 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 5.) The Greeks had a tradition ascribing this contrivance to Palamedes, hence they called it " the abacus of Palamedes.'" (Tb VlaXafj.'fjSeiou agdiciov, Eustath. in Od. i. 107.) [Latrunculi.] 6. A table or sideboard, chiefly used for the display (exponere) of gold and silver cups. The tops of such tables were sometimes made of silver, but more usually of marble, and appear in some cases to have had numerous cells or partitions be- neath, in which the plate was likewise placed. The use of abaci was first introduced at Rome from Asia Minor after the victories of Cn. Manlius Vulso, b. c. 187, and their introduction was regarded as one of the marks of the growing luxury of the age, 2 ABORTIO. (Cic. Verr. iv. 16, Tusc. v. 21 ; Lit. xxxix. 6; Plin. i/.AT. xxxvii. 6 ; Petron. 73 ; Sid. ApoIL xvii. 7, 8.) These abaci are sometimes called mensae Delphicae. (Cic. Verr. iv. 59 ; Mart. xii. 67 ; Becker, Gallus, vol. i. p. 140.) 7. A part of the theatre on or near the stage. 8. The diminutive Abaculus (aSaxlo-Kos) de- noted a tile of marble, glass, or any other substance used for making ornamental pavements. They were of various colours. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 67 ; Mos- chion, ap. Ath. v. 207, d.) [J. Y.J ABACTUS VENTER. [Abortio.] ABALIENA'TIO. [Manoipium.] ABDICA'TIO. [Magistrate.] ABOLLA, the Latin form of a/igSWa, i. e. aragoW), a loose woollen cloak. Nonius quotes a passage of Varro to show that it was a garment worn by soldiers (vestis miliiaris), and thus op- posed to the toga. Its form and the mode of wearing it are seen in the figures annexed, taken from the bas-reliefs on the triumphal arch of Sep- timius Severus at Rome. It was, however, not confined to military occa- sions, but was also worn in the city. (Suet. Cal. 35.) It was especially used by the Stoic philoso- phers at Rome as the pallium philosophicum, just as the Greek philosophers were accustomed to dis- tinguish themselves by a particular dress. (Juv. iv. 75; Mart. iv. 53, viii. 48.) Hence the expres- sion of Juvenal (iv. 75) /acinus majoris abollae merely signifies, " a crime committed by a very deep philosopher." (Heinrich, ad Juv. I. c. ■ Becker, Gallus,, vol. ii. p. 99.) ABO'RTIO. This word and the cognate word abortivus, abortus, were applied to a child pre- maturely born, whence it appears that they were also applied to signify a premature birth brought about designedly. The phrase abactus venter in Paulus (Sent. Recep. iv. 9) simply means a pre- mature birth. That abortion in the secondary sense of. the word was practised among the Romans, appears from various passages and from there being an enactment against it. (Dig. 48. tit. 19. s. 38.) It is not stated at what time a penalty against pro- curing abortion was established. It is maintained by some modern writers that the practice of abor- tion became so common among the Romans, that j combined with celibacy and other causes it mate- ACCEPTILATIO. rially diminished the population of Rome. But this general assertion is not sufficiently proved. _ The practice of abortion appears not to have been viewed in the same light by the Greeks and Romans as by the Christian nations of modern times. Aris- totle in his Politik (vii. 14), recommends it on the condition that the child has not yet got sensation and life, as he expresses it. In Plato's Republic (v. p. 25), it is also permitted. At Athens, a per- son who had caused the abortion of a child by means of a potion (afig\a>6pi8tov), was liable to an action (an§\iitreas ypa^), but we do not know what was the penalty in case of conviction : it was certainly not death. There was a speech of Lysiai on this subject, which is lost. (Frag. p. 8. ed. Reiske.) [G. L.] ABROGA'TIO. [Lex.] ABSOLU'TIO. [Judex.] ABSTINENDI BENEFI'CIUM. [Heres.] ABU'SUS. [Usus Fructus.] ACAENA ('Axalvri, &Kaiva, or in later Greek S/cevOjin one place aKatvoy) is a very ancient Greek word, for it is said to have been derived from the Thessalians or from the Pelasgians. It seems ori- ginally to have meant a pointed stick : thus it was applied both to a goad and to a shepherd's staff. Afterwards it came (like our pole and perch, and the German stange) to mean a measuring rod of the length of ten Greek feet, or, according to Hesychius, 9f T ^X e ' s ) which is the same thing. It was used in measuring land, and thus it resembles the Ro- man decempeda. It is doubtful whether there was a corresponding square measure. (Schol. in Apoll. Rhod.m. 1326 ; Suid. s.v. ; Hesych. ». v.; Schow, Hesych. RestU. p. 648 ; Olympiodor. ad Aristot. Meteorolog. p. 25 ; Heron, ap. Salmas. ad. Solin. p. 481 ; Wurm, de Pond. p. 93.) Compare ACNA. [P. S.] ACA'TIUM. [Navis.] ACCENSI. I. Public officers who attended on several of the Roman magistrates. They sum- moned the people to the assemblies, and those who had lawsuits to court ; they preserved order in the assemblies and the courts, and proclaimed the time of the day when it was the third hour, the sixth hour, and the ninth hour. An accensus anciently preceded the consul who had not the fasces, and lictors without fasces walked behind him, which custom after being disused was restored by Julius Caesar in his first consulship. (Varr. L. L. vii. 58, ed. Miiller ; Plin. H. N. vii. 60 ; Suet. Jul. 20 ; Liv. iii. 33.) Accensi also attended on the governors of provinces (Cic. ad Fratr. i. 1. § 4), and were commonly freedmen of the magistrate on whom they attended. 2. A body of reserve troops, who followed the Roman army without having any military duties to perform, and who were taken one by one to supply any vacancies that might occur in the legions. They were according to the census of Servius Tullius taken from the fifth class of citizens. They were placed in battle in the rear of the army, be- hind the triarii, and seem to have acted sometimes as orderlies to the officers. They were also called Adscriptieii and in later times Supemumerarii. (Fest. s. v. Accensi, Adscriptieii; Liv. i. 43, viii. 8, 10 j Veget. ii. 19 j Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. vol.i. p. 449, &c.) ACCEPTILA'TIO is defined to be a release by mutual interrogation between debtor and creditor, by which each party is exonerated from the same ACCESSIO. contract. In other words acceptilatio is the form of words by which a creditor releases his debtor from a debt or obligation, and acknowledges he has received that which in fact he has not received (veluti imaginaria solutio). This release of debt by acceptilatio applies only to such debts as have been contracted by stipnlatio, conformably to a rule of Roman law, that only contracts made by words can be put an end to by words. But the astuteness of the Roman lawyers found a mode of complying with the rule, and at the same time extending the acceptilatio to all kinds and to any number of con- tracts. This was the invention of Gallus Aquilius, who devised a formula for reducing all and every kind of contracts to the stipulatio. This being done, the acceptilatio would immediately apply, inasmuch as the matter was by such formula brought within the general rule of law above men- tioned. The acceptilatio must be absolute andnot conditional A part of a debt or obligation might be released as well as the whole, provided the thing was in its nature capable of division. A pupHlus could not release a debt by acceptilatio, without the auctoritas of his tutor, but he could be released from a debt. A woman also could not release a debt by stipulatio without the auctoritas of a tutor. The phrase by which a creditor is said to release his debtor by acceptilatio is, debUori ac~ ceptum, or accepto facere or ferre, or acceptum ha- bere. When anything which was done on the behalf Df or for the state, such as a building for instance, was approved by the competent authorities, it was said, in acceptum ferri, or referri. (Dig. 46. tit. 4 ; 48. tit. 11. s. 7 ; Gaius, ii. 84, &c. iii. 169, &c.) [G.L.] ACCE'SSIO is a legal term which signifies that two things are united in such wise that one is considered to become a component part of the other ; one thing is considered the principal, and the other is considered to be an accession or addition to it. Sometimes it may be doubtful which is to be con- sidered the principal thing and which the accession. But the owner of the principal thing, whichever it is, became the owner of the accession also. The most undisputed kind of accessio is that which arises from the union of a thing with the ground ; and when the union between the ground and the thing is complete, the thing belongs to him who is the owner of the ground. Thus if a man builds on the ground of another man, the building belongs to the owner of the ground, unless it is a building of a moveable nature, as a tent ; for the rule of law is "superficies solo cedit." A tree belonging to one man, if planted in the ground of another man, belongs to the owner of the ground as soon as it has taken root. The same rule applies to seeds and plants. If one man wrote on the papyrus (chartulae) or parchment (membranae) of another, the material was considered the principal, and of course the writing belonged to the owner of the paper or parch- ment. If a man painted a picture on another man's wood (tabula) or whatever the materials might be, the painting was considered to be thf principal (tabula picturae cedit). The principle vvhich de- termined the .acquisition of a new property by ac- cessio was this — the intimate and inseparable union of the accessory with the principal. Accordingly, there might be accessio by pure accident without the intervention of any rational agent. If a piece of land was torn away by a stream from one man's ACERRA. 3 laud and attached to the land of another, it became the property of the man to whose land it was at- tached after it was firmly attached to it, but not before. This must not be confounded with the case of Anuvio. The person who lost his property by accessio had as a general rule a right to be indemnified for his loss by the person who acquired the new property. The exceptions were cases of mala fides. The term accessio is also applied to things which are the products of other things, and not added to them externally as in the case just mentioned. Every accessio of this kind belongs to the owner of the principal thing : the produce of a beast, the produce of a field, and of a tree belongs to the owner. In some cases one man may have a right to the produce (fructus) of a thing, though the thing belongs to another. [Usus prdctus.] The term accessiones was also applied to those who were sureties or boundfor others, as fidejussores. (Big. 45. tit. 1. s. 91. ; Puchta, Cursus der Institu- tionen, ii. p. 661 ; Dig. 41. tit. 1 ; Gaius, ii. 73, &c. Confusio.) [G. L.] ACCLAMA'TIO was the public expression of approbation or disapprobation, pleasure or dis- pleasure, &c. by loud acclamations. On many oc- casions, there appear to have been certain forms of acclamations always used by the Romans ; as, for instance, at marriages, lo Hymen, Hymenaee, or Talassio (explained by Liv. i. 9.) ; at triumphs, lo iriwmphe, lo triumpliej at the conclusion of plays the last actor called out Plaudite to the spectators ; orators were usually praised by such expressions as Bene et praeclare, Belle et festive, Non potest melius, &c. (Cic. De Orat. iii. 26.) Under the empire the name of acclamationes was given to the praises and flatteries which the senate bestowed upon the emperor and his family. These acclamationes, which are frequently quoted by the Scriptores His- toriae Augustae, were often of considerable length, and seem to have been chanted by the whole body of senators. There were regular acclamationes shouted by the people, of which one of the most common was Dii te servent. (Capitol. Maxim, duo, 16, 26, Gordian. ires, 11 ; Lamprid. Alex. Sever. 6—12 ; Vopisc. Tac. 4, 5, 7, Prob. 11.) Other instances of acclamationes are given by Ferrarius, De VeUrumAcclamationibusetPlausu, inGraevius, Tliesaur. Rom. Antiq. vol. vi. ACCUBA'TIO, the act of reclining at meals. [Coena.] •ACCU'BITA, the name of couches which were used in the time of the Roman emperors, instead of the triclinium, for reclining upon at meals. The mattresses and feather-beds were softer and higher, and the supports (fulcra) of them lower in pro- portion, than in the triclinium. The clothes and pillows spread over them were called accubitalia. (Lamprid. Heliog. 19, 25 ; Schol. ad Juv. Sat. v. 17.) [J.Y.] ACCUSA'TIO. [Judex.] ACERRA (MSavarpis), the incense box used in sacrifices. (Hor. Carm. iii. 8. 2 ; Virg. Aen. v. 745.) The incense was taken out of the acerra and let fall upon the burning altar : hence, we have the expression de acerra libare. (Ov. ex Pont. iv. 8. 39 ; Pers. ii. 5.) [Turibulum.] The acerra represented below is taken from a bas-relief in the museum of the Capitol. The acerra was also, according to Feetus (s. v.\ a small altar, placed before the dead, on whicli u 2 ACHAICUM FOEDUS. perfumes were burnt. There was a law in the Twelve Tables, which restricted the use of acerrae at funerals. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 24.) [J. Y.] ACETA'BULUM {b\is, 6£iga

. It was one-fourth of the hemina ; and therefore one-eighth of the sextarius. It contained the weight in water of fifteen Attic drachmae. (Plin. H. N. xxi. 34. s. 109.) [P. S.] ACHAICUM FOEDUS, the Achaean league. In treating of the Achaean league we must dis- tinguish between two periods, the earlier and the later ; the character of the former was pre-eminently religious, and that of the latter pre-eminently po- litical. I. The earlier period. — When the Heracleidae took possession of Peloponnesus, which had until then been chiefly inhabited by Achaeans, a portion of the latter, under Tisamenus, turned northwards and occupied the north coast of Peloponnesus, which was called alytaKbs, and from which the Ionians, its former inhabitants, were expelled and sought refuge in Attica. The country which was thus occupied by the Achaeans and derived from them its name of Achaia, contained twelve confederate towns, which were governed by the descendants of ACHAICUM FOEDUS. Tisamenus, till at length they abolished the king] j rule after the death of Ogyges, and established a democracy. In the time of Herodotus (i. 145 ; comp. Strab. viii. p. 383, &c) the twelve towns of which the league consisted were : Pellene, Aegeira, Aegae, Bura, Helice, Aegium, Rhypes (Rhypae), Patreis (ae), Phareis (ae), Olenus, Dyme, and Tritaeeis CTritaea). After the time of Herodotus, Rhypes and Aegae disappear from the number of the confederated towns, as they had become de- serted (Paus. vii. 23. 25 ; Strab. viii. p. 387), and Ceryneia and Leontium stepped into their place, (Polyb. ii. 41 ; comp. Paus. vii. 6.) The common place of meeting was Helice, which town, together with Bura, was swallowed up by the sea during an earthquake in b. c. 373, whereupon Aegium was chosen as the place of meeting for the confederates. (Strab. viii. p. 384 ; Diod. xv. 48 ; Paus. vii. 24.) The bond which united the towns of the league was not so much a political as a religious one, as is shown by the common sacrifice offered at Helice to Poseidon. This solemn sacrifice was' perfectly analogous to that offered by the Ionians at the Panionia, and it is even intimated by Herodotus that it was an imitation of the Ionian solemnity. After the destruction of Helice, and when Aegium had become the central point of the league, the com- mon sacrifice was offered up to the principal divini- ties of the latter town ; that is, to Zeus, surnamed Homagyrius, and to Demeter Panachaea. (Paus. vii. 24.) In a political point of view the connec- tion between the several towns appears to have been very loose, for we find that some of them acted quite independently of the rest. (Thnc. ii. 9.) The confederation exercised no great influence in the affairs of Greece down to the time when it was broken up by the Macedonians. The Achaeans kept aloof from the restless commotions in the other parts of Greece, and their honesty and sincerity were recognised by the circumstance of their being appointed, after the battle of Leuctra, to arbitrate between the Thebans and Lacedaemonians. (Po- lyb. ii. 39.) Demetrius, Cassander and Antigonus Gonatas placed garrisons in some of their towns, and in others tyrants rose supported by Macedonian influence. The towns were thus torn from one another, and the whole confederacy destroyed. 2. The later period. — When Antigonus in E. c. 281 made the unsuccessful attempt to deprive Ptolemaeus Ceraunus of the Macedonian throne, the Achaeans availed themselves of the opportunity of shaking off the Macedonian yoke, and renewing their ancient confederation. The grand object how- ever now was no longer a common worship, but a real political union among the confederates. The towns which first shook off the yoke of the op- pressors, were Dyme and Patrae, and the alliance concluded between them was speedily joined by the towns of Tritaea and Pharae. (Polyb. ii. 41.) One town after another now expelled the Macedonian garrisons and tyrants ; and when, in B. c. 277, Aegium, the head of the earlier league, followed the example of the other towns, the foundation of the new confederacy was laid, and the main prin- ciples of its constitution were settled, though after- wards many changes and modifications were intro- duced. The fundamental laws were, that hence- forth the confederacy should form one inseparable state, that each town, which should join it, should have equal rights with the others, and that all members, in regard to foreign countries, should to ACHAICUM FOEDUS. regarded as dependent, and bound to obey in every respect the federal government, and those officers who were entrusted with the executive. (Polyb. ii. 37, &c.) No town therefore was allowed to treat with any foreign power without the sanction of the others. Aegium, for religious reasons, was at first appointed the central point of the league, and retained this distinction until the time of Phi- lopoemen, who carried a decree that the meetings might be held in any of the towns of the con- federacy. (Liv. xxxviii. 30.) Aegium therefore was the seat of the government, and it was there that the citizens of the various towns met at regular and stated times, to deliberate upon the common affairs of the league, and if it was thought neces- sary, upon those of separate towns, and even upon individuals, and to elect the officers of the league. After having thus established a firm union among themselves, they zealously exerted themselves in delivering other towns also from their tyrants and oppressors. The league, however, acquired its great strength in B. c. 251, when Aratus united Sicyon, his native place, with it, and some years later gained Corinth also for it. Megara, Troezene, and Epidaurus soon followed their example. After- wards Aratus persuaded all the more important towns of Peloponnesus to join the confederacy, and thus Megalopolis, Argos, Hermione, Phlius, and others were added to it. In a short period the league reached the height of its power, for it em- braced Athens, Megara, Aegina, Salamis, and the whole of Peloponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Elis, Tegea, Orchomenos, and Mantineia. Greece seemed to revive, and promised to become stronger and more united than ever, but it soon was clear that its fresh power was only employed in self-destruction and annihilation. But it would be foreign to the object of this work to enter fur- ther into the history of the confederacy : we must confine ourselves to an outline of its constitution, as it existed at the time of its highest prosperity. Polybius (ii. 38) remarks that there was no other constitution in the world, in which all the members of the community had such a perfect equality of rights, and so much liberty, and, in short, which was so perfectly democratical and so free from all selfish and exclusive regulations, as the Achaean league ; for all members had equal rights, whether they had belonged to it for many years, or whether they had only just joined it, and whether they were large or small towns. The common affairs of the confederate towns were regu- lated at general meetings attended by the citizens of all the towns, and held regularly twice every year, in the spring and in the autumn. These meetings which lasted three days, were held in a grove of Zeus Homagyrius in the neighbourhood of Aegium, andnear a sanctuary of Demeter Panachaea. (Polyb. ii. 54, iv. 37, v. 1, xxix. 9; Liv. xxxii. 22, xxxviii. 32 ; Strab. viii. p. 385 ; Paus. vii. 24.) In cases of urgent necessity, however, extraordinary meetings might be convened, either at Aegium or in any other of the confederate places. (Liv. xxxi. 25 ; Polyb. xxv. 1, xxix. 8 ; Plut. Arat. 41.) Every citizen, both rich and poor, who had at- tained the age of thirty, might attend the assem- blies, speak and propose any measure, to which they were invited by a public herald. (Polyb. xxix. 9 ; Liv. xxxii. 20.) Under these circum- stances the assemblies were sometimes of the most tumultuous kind, and a wise and experienced man ACHAICUM FOEDUS. 6 might find it difficult to gain a hearing among the crowds of ignorant and foolish people. (Polyb. xxxviii. 4.) It is, however, natural to suppose that the ordinary meetings, unless matters of special importance were to be discussed, were attended chiefly by the wealthier classes, who had the means of paying the expenses of their journey, for great numbers lived at a considerable distance from the place of meeting. The subjects which were to be brought before the assembly were prepared by a council (fiov\ii), which seems to have been permanent. (Polyb. xxiii. 7, xxviii. 3, xxix. 9 ; Plut. Arat. 53.) The principal subjects on which the great assembly had to decide were — peace and war (Polyb. iv. 15, &c) ; the reception of new towns into the con- federacy (Polyb. xxv. 1) ; the election of the ma- gistrates of the confederacy (Polyb. iv. 37. 82 ; Plut. Arat. 41) ; the punishment of crimes com- mitted by these magistrates, though sometimes special judges were appointed for that purpose, as well as the honours or distinctions to be conferred upon them. (Polyb. iv. 14, viii. 14, xl. 5. 8 ; Paus. vii. 9.) The ambassadors of foreign nations bad to appear before the assembly, and to deliver the messages of their states, which were then discussed by the assembled Achaeans. (Polyb. iv. 7, xxiii. 7, &c, xxviii. 7 ; Liv. xxxii. 9.) The assembly likewise had it in its power to decree, as to whe ther negotiations were to be carried on with any foreign power or not, and no single town was al- lowed to send embassies to a foreign power on its own responsibility even on matters of merely local importance, although otherwise every separate town managed its own internal affairs at its own dis- cretion, so long as it did not interfere with the interests of the league. No town further was al- lowed to accept presents from a foreign power. (Polyb. xxiii. 8 ; Paus. vii. 9.) The votes in the assembly were given according to towns, each hav- ing one vote, whether the town was large or small. (Liv. xxxii. 22, &c.) The principal officers of the confederacy were . 1. at first two strategi (o-Tpimryoi), but after the year b. c. 255, there was only one (Strab. viii. p. 385), who in conjunction with an hipparchus (Imrapxosy or commander of the cavalry (Polyb. v. 95, xxviii. 6) and an under-strategus (tnroarpu- TTjy6s, Polyb. iv. 59) commanded the army fur- nished by the confederacy, and was entrusted with the whole conduct of war ; 2. a public secretary (ypa/i/iaTeis), and 3. ten demiurgi (Sn/iLovpyoi, Strab. I. c. ; Liv. xxxii. 22, xxxviii. 30 ; Polyb. v. 1, xxiii. 10, who calls the demiurgi &pxovres). These officers seem to have presided in the great assembly, where they probably formed the body of men which Polybius (xxxviii. 5) calls the yepovvia; the demiurgi or the strategus might convene the assembly, though the latter only when the people were convened in arms and for military purposes. (Polyb. iv. 7 ; Liv. xxxv. 25,) All the officers of the league were elected in the assembly held in the spring, at the rising of the Pleiades (Polyb. ii. 43, iv. 6. 37, v. 1), and legally they were invested with their several offices only for one year, though it frequently happened that men of great merit and distinction were re-elected for several successive years. (Plut. Arat. 24. 30, Cleom. 15.) If one of the officers died during the period of his office, his place was filled by his predecessor, until the time for the new elections arrived. (Polyb. xl. 2.) The 8 3 6 ACINACES. close union existing among the confederate towns was, according to Polybius (ii. 37), strengthened by their adopting common weights, measures, and coins. But the perpetual discord of the members of the league, the hostility of Sparta, the intrigues of the Romans, and the folly and rashness of the later ttrategi, brought about not only the destruction and dissolution of the confederacy, but of the freedom of all Greece, which with the fall of Corinth, in B. c. 146, became a Roman province under the name of Achaia. (Comp. Schorn, Gesch. Grieclien- lands van der Entstehung das Aetol. u. Ach'disch. Bundes, especially pp. 49, &c. 60, &c; A. Matthiae, Vermischte Schriften, p. 239, &c. ; Drumann, Idem zur Gesch. des Verfatts der Griech. Stouten, p. 447 ; Tittmann, Griech, Staatsverfhss. p. 673, &c. ; K. F. Hermann, Griech, StaatscUterth. § 185.) [L. S.] ACHANE ('Ax&ti), a Persian and Boeotian measure, equivalent to 45 Attic medimni. (Aris- tot. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Acharn. 108, 109 ; Suid. i. v.) According to Hesychius a Boeotian axivn was equal to one Attic medimnus. [P. S.] A'CIES. [Exercitus.] ACI'NACES (aiuv&icns), a Persian sword, whence Horace (Cam. i. 27. 5) speaks of the Medus acinaces. It was a short and straight wea- pon, and thus differed from the Roman sica, which was curved. (Pollux, L 1 38 ; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx. 7. § 10. [Sica.] It was worn on the right side of the body (insijpis acinace dextro, VaL Flacc. Argon, vi. 701), whereas the Greeks and Romans usually had their swords suspended on the left side. The form of the acinaces, with the method of using it, is illustrated by the following Persepolitan figures. In all the bas-reliefs found at Persepolis, the acinaces is invariably straight, and is com- monly suspended over the right thigh, never over the left, but sometimes in front of the body. The form of the acinaces is also seen in the statues of the god Mithras, one of which is figured in the cut on the title-page of this work. A golden acinaces was frequently worn by the Persian nobility, and it was often given to indi- viduals by the kings of Persia as a mark of honour. (Herod, viii. 120 ; Xen. Anab. i 2. § 27, 8. § 29.) The acinaces was also used by the Caspii (Herod, vii. 67.) It was an object of religious worship among the Scythians and many of the northern nations of Europe. (Herod, iv. 62 ; Comp. Stela, ii. 1 ; Amm, Marc. xxxL 2.) [J. Y.] ACROTERIUM. ACI'SCULUS. [Ascia.] ACLIS. [Hasta.] ACNA or ACNUA (also spelt agna and agnua) was, according to Varro, the Italian name, and according to Columella, the common Baetican name of the actus quadratus. [Actus.] An old writer, quoted by Salmasius, says "agnua habet pedes xnn. cocc," i.e. 14,400 square feet The name is almost certainly connected with the Greek ixaiva, though the measure is different. (Varro, R.R, i. 10. § 2 ; Colum. R. R. v. 2. § 5 ; Schneider, Comment, ad It. cc. ; Salmasius, ad Solin. p. 481.) [P. S.] ACO'NTION (aKoVnoy). [Hasta.] ACRATISMA (hcpiTuriui). [Cobna.] ACROA'MA (aKpia/ia), any thing heard, and especially any thing heard with pleasure, signified a play or musical piece ; hence a concert of players on different musical instruments, and also an inter- lude, called embolia by Cicero (pro Sext. 54), which was performed during the exhibition of the public games. The word is also applied to the actors and musicians who were employed to amuse guests during an entertainment (Cic Verr. iv. 22 ; pro Arch. 9 ; Suet. Octav. 74 ; Macrob. Sat. ii. 4) ; and it is sometimes used to designate the atiagnostae. [Anagnostae.] ACROLITHI (&.Kp6\i8oi), statues, of which the extremities (face, feet, and hands, or toes and fingers) only were of marble, and the remaining part of the body of wood either gilt, or, what seems to have been more usual, covered with drapery. The word occurs only in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. vol. iii p. 155, No. 20 ; Anth. Pal. xii 40), and in Vitruvius (ii. 8. § 11) ; but statues of the kind are frequently mentioned by Pausanias (ii. 4. § 1, vi. 25. § 4, vii 21. §§ 4 or .10, vii 23. § 5, viii 25. § 4 or 6, viii. 31. § 1 or 2, and § 3 or 6, ix. 4. § 1.) It is a mistake to suppose that all the statues of this kind belonged to an earlier period. They continued to be made at least down to the time of Praxiteles. (Comp. Jacobs, Com- ment, in Anth. Grace., vol. iii. Pt 1. p. 298 ; and Winckelmann, Geschichte der Kunst, B. i. c. 2. §13.) [P.S.] ACRO'POLIS (&KpoVoMs). In almost all Greek cities, which were usually built upon a hill, rock, or some natural elevation, there was a kind of tower, a castle, or a citadel, built upon the highest part of the rock or hill, to which the name of acropolis was given. Thus we read of an acropolis at Athens, Corinth, Argos, Messene, and many other places. The Capitolium at Rome answered the same purpose as the Acropolis in the Greek cities ; and of the same kind were the tower of Agathocles at Utica (App. Pun. 14), and that of Antonia at Jerusalem. (Joseph. B. J. v. § 8, Act. Apostol. xxi. 34.) At Athens, the Acropolis served as the treasury, and as the names of all public debtors were registered there, the expression of " registered upon the Acropolis " (iyyeypap- 11-ivosiv'fi.KpoitiKei) always means a public debtor (iv anpoir6Aei yeypaii.fi.epoi, Dem. c. Tlteocr. p. 1337. 24 ; Bockh. Publ. Econ. of Athens, p. 388, 2nd edit.). ACROSTO'LIUM (aKpoo-rSMov). [Navis.] ACROTE'RIUM (iucpwrfipiov) signifies an ex- tremity of any thing. It is generally used in the plural. 1. In Architecture it seems to have been used originally in the same sense as the Latin fasHgivm, ACTA. namely, for the sloping roof of a building, and more particularly for the ornamental front or gable of such a roof, that is, the pediment. (Plut Caes. 63, com- pared with Cic. Philipp. ii. 43, and Suet. Caes. 81.) The usual meaning of acroteria, however, is the pedestals placed on the summit of a pediment to receive statues or other ornamental figures. There were three acroteria, one above each angle of the pediment Vitruvius says that those over the outer angles (acrot. angularia) should be as high as the apex of the tympanum, and the one over the high- est angle one-eighth part higher. (Vitruv. iii. 3, or iii. 5. § 12, ed. Schneider.) Some writers in- clude the statues themselves as well as the bases under the name ; but the only authority for this seems to be an error of Salmasius. (In AeL Spart. Pescen. Nig. 12.) 2. The extremities of the prow of a vessel, which were usually taken from a con- quered vessel as a mark of victory : the act of doing so was called 8ucpaiTnpt&(eu'. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 8, vi. 2. § 36 ; Herod, iii. 59, viii. 121.) 3. The ex- tremities of a statue, wings, feet, hands, &c. (Dem. c.Timaer. p. 738 ; Athen. v. p. 199, c.) [P. S.] ACTA. 1. Signified the public acts and orders of. a Roman magistrate, which after the expiration of his office were submitted to the senate for ap- proval or rejection. (Suet Caes. 19, 23 ; Cic. Phil. i. 7, &c.) After the death of Julius Caesar the triumvirs swore, and compelled all the other magistrates to swear, to observe and maintain all his acta (in acta jura/re, comp. Tac. Ann. i. 72 ; Suet Tib. 67) ; and hence it became the custom on the accession of each emperor for the new monarch to swear to observe and respect all the acta of his predecessors from Julius Caesar downwards, with the exception of those who had been branded with infamy after death, such as Nero and Domitian. Every year all the magistrates upon entering upon their office on the 1st of January swore approval of the acts of the reigning emperor : this oath was ori- ginally taken by one magistrate in each department on behalf of his colleagues, but subsequently it was the usual practice for each magistrate to lake the oath personally. (Dion Cass, xlvii. 18, liii. 28 ; Tac. Ann. xvi. 22, with the Excursus of Lipsius ; Dion Cass. Iviii. 17, be. 25.) 2. Acta Forensia were of two kinds : first, those relating to the government, as leges, ple- biscite, edicts, the names of all the magistrates, &c, which formed part of the tabulae publicae; and secondly, those connected with the courts of law. The acta of the latter kind contained an account of the different suits, with the arguments of the advocates and the decisions of the court. In the time of the republic the names of those who were acquitted and condemned were entered on the records of the court (in tabulas absohdum non rettulit, Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8. §. 3), and it appears from the quotations of Asconius from these Acta, that they must have contained abstracts of the speeches of the advocates as early as the time of Cicero. (In Scaurian. p. 19, in Milonian. pp. 32, 44, 47, ed. Orelli.) Under the empire the pro- ceedings of the higher courts seem to have been al- ways preserved, and they are frequently referred to in the Digest They are sometimes called Gesta ; and they commenced with the names of the consuls for the year, and the day of the month. (Amm. Marc. xxii. 3 ; August. Ada c. Fortun. Manich. Retract, i. 16 ; Cod. Theod. 2. tit. 29. s. 3.) Spe- cimens of these Acta are given by Brissonius. (fie ACTA 7 Formulis, v. § 113.) They were taken by clerks (ab actis fori), whose titles and duties occur in Lydus (de Magistr. ii. 20, &c.) and the Notitia Dignitatum. 3. Acta Militaria, contained an account of the duties, numbers, and expences of each legion (Veget ii. 19), and were probably preserved in the military treasury founded by Augustus (Suet Aug. 49 ; Tac Ann. i. 78 ; Dion Cass. lv. 25.) The soldiers, who drew up these acta, are fre- quently mentioned in inscriptions and ancient wri- ters under various titles, as, librarius legionis ; ae- tuarius or actarius legionis; talmlarius castrensis, &c 4. Acta Sbnatus, called also Commentarii Senatus (Tac. Ann. xv. 74) and Acta Patrum (Ann. v. 4), contained an account of the various matters brought before the senate, the opinions of the chief speakers, and the decision of the house. It has been usually inferred from a passage of Suetonius (" Inito honore primus omnium instituit, ut tarn senatus quam populi diurna acta conficeren- tur et publicarentur," Caes. 20), that the pro- ceedings of the senate were not published till the first consulship of Julius Caesar, b. c. 59 ; but this was not strictly the case ; for not only had the de- crees of the senate been written down and pub- lished long previously, but the debates on the Catilinarian conspiracy had been widely circulated by Cicero (p. Sail. 14, 15.) All that Suetonius means to say is, that the proceedings of the senate, which had been only occasionally published before and by private individuals, were for the first time, by the command of Caesar, published regularly every day (senatus acta diurna) under the authority of government as part of the daily gazette. Augustus forbade the publication of the proceedings of the senate, but they still continued to be preserved, and one of the most distinguished senators, who re- ceived the title ab actis senatus, was chosen by the emperor to compile the account. (Tac. Ann. v. 4 ; Spart. Hadr. 3; Orelli, Inscr. No. 2274, 3186.) The persons entrusted with this office must not be confounded with the various clerks (actuarii, servi publici, scribae, censuales), who were present in the senate to take notes of its proceedings, and who were only excluded when the senate passed a senatusconsuUum taciturn, that is, when they de- liberated on a subject of the greatest importance, respecting which secresy was necessary or advisa- ble. (Capit Qord. 12.) It was doubtless from notes and papers of these clerks that the Acta were compiled by the senator, who was entrusted with this office. The Acta were deposited in some of the record offices in particular departments of the public libraries, to which access could only be ob- tained by the express permission of the praefectus urbi. They were consulted and are frequently re- ferred to by the later historians (Vopisc. Prob. 2 ; Lamprid. Sever. 56; Capitol. Opil. Macr. 6), and many extracts from them were published in the Acta Diurna. Tacitus and Suetonius never refei to the Acta Senatus as authorities, but only to the Acta Diurna. 5. Acta Diurna, a gazette published daily at Rome by the authority of the government during the later times of the republic, and under the em- pire, corresponding in some measure to our news- papers. (Tac. Ann. iii. 3, xiii. 31, xvi. 22.) In addition to the title Acta Diurna, we find them referred to under the names of Diurna, Acta Pub- B 4 8 ACTA. lica, Ada Vrbana, Acta Rerum Urbanarum, Acta Populi, and they are frequently called simply Acta. The Greek writers on Roman history call them "■& uTro/iy^juaTa, t& SfjuScia uTrofivfiuara, ra S7jfi6 quanti ea res erit tantam pecuniamjudex Numerium Negidium Aulo Agerio condemnato : si non paret, absohito. The nature of the formula, however, will be better understood from the following analysis of it by Gaius : — It consisted of four parts, the demon- stratio, intentio, adjudicatio, condemnatio. The demonstratio is that part of the formula which explains what the subject-matter of the action is. For instance, if the subject-matter be a slave sold, the demonstratio would run thus: — Quod Aldus Agerius Numerio Negidio hominem vendidit. The intentio contains the claim or demand of the plaintiff : — Si paret hominem ex jure Quiritium A uli Agerii esse. The adjudicatio is that part of the formula which gives the judex authority to adju- dicate the thing which is the subject of dispute to one or other of the litigant parties. If the action be among partners for dividing that which belongs to them all, the adjudication would run thus : — Quantum adjudicari oportct judex Titio adjudicato. The condemnatio is that part of the formula which gives the judex authority to condemn the de- fendant in a sum of money, or to acquit him: for example, Judex Numerium Negidium Aido Agerio sestertium milia condemna: si non paret, absolve. Sometimes the intentio alone was requisite, as in the formulae called praejudiciales (which some modern writers make a class of actions), in which the matter for inquiry was, whether a certain person was a freedman, what was the amount of &dos, and other similar questions, when a fact solely was the thing to be ascertained. Whenever the formula contained the condem. natio, it was framed with the view to pecuniary damages ; and accordingly, even when the plaintiff claimed a particular thing, the judex did not adjudge the defendant to give the thing, as was the ancient practice at Rome, but condemned him in a sum of money equivalent to the value of the thing. The formula might either name a fixed sum, or leave the estimation of the value of the thing to the judex, who in all cases, however, was bound to name a definite sum in the condemnation. The formula then contained the pleadings, or the statements and counter-statements, of the plaintiff and the defendant ; for the intentio, as we have seen, was the plaintiffs declaration ; and if this was met by a plea, it was necessary that this also Bhould be inserted in the formula. The formula also contained the directions for the judex, and gave him the power to act. The English and Roman procedure are severally stated in Mr. ACTOR. Spence's work on the Equitable Jurisdiction of tlie Court of Chancery, pp. 206 — 235. The Roman forms of procedure underwent various changes in the course of time, which it is not very easy to describe ; but it has been remarked by Hollweg (Handbuck des Civilprozesses, p. 19) that the system of procedure maintained itself in all essential par- ticulars unaltered for many centuries, and what we learn from Cicero (b. c. 70) is almost the same as what we learn from Gaius (a. d. 1 60). Modern writers, however, differ on various points ; and the subject requires a complete examination from one who is fully acquainted with the Roman law, and practically versed in the nature of legal proceedings generally. The following are the principal actions which we read of in the Roman writers, and which are briefly described under their several heads: — Actio — Aquae pluviae arcendae ; Bonorum vi raptorum ; Certi et Incerti ; Commodati; Com- muni dividundo ; Confessoria ; Damni injuria dati ; Dejecti vel effusi ; Depensi ; Depositi ; De dolo malo ; Emti et venditi ; Exercitoria ; Ad Exhi- bendum ; Familiae erciscundae ; Fiduciaria ; Fi- nium regundorum ; Furti ; Hypothecaria ; Injuria- rum ; Institoria ; Judicati ; Quod jussu ; Legis Aquiliae ; Locati et conduct! ; Mandati ; Mutui ; Negativa ; Negotiorum gestorum ; Noxalis ; De pauperie ; De peculio ; Pignoraticia, or Pignora- titia ; Publiciana ; Quanti minoris ; Rationibus distrahendis ; De recepto ; Redhibitoria ; Rei uxoriae, or Dotis ; Restitutoria and ReBcissoria ; Rutiliana ; Serviana ; Pro socio ; Tributoria ; Tutelae. [G. L.] • ACTOR signified generally a plaintiff. In a civil or private action, the plaintiff was often called petitor; in a public action (causa publica), he was called accmator. (Cic. ad Att. i. 16.) The de- fendant was called rem, both in private and public causes : this term, however, according to Cicero (De Orat. ii. 43), might signify either party, as in- deed we might conclude from the word itself. In a private action, the defendant was often called adversarius, but either party might be called ad- versarius with respect to the other. Originally, no person who was not sui juris could maintain an action ; a fdius familias, therefore, and a slave, could not maintain an action ; but in course of time certain actions were allowed to a, fdius familias in the absence of his parent or his procurator, and also in case the parent was incompetent to act from madness or other like cause. (Dig. 47. tit, 10. s. 17.) Wards (pupilli) brought their actions by their tutor (tutor) ; and in case they wished to bring an action against their tutor, the praetor named a tutor for the purpose. (Gaius, i. 184.) Peregrini, or aliens, originally brought their action through their patronus ; but afterwards in then- own name, by a Action of law, that they were Roman citizens. A Roman citizen might also generally bring his action by means of a cognitor or procurator. [Actio.] A universitas or cor- porate body, sued and was sued by their actor or syndicus. (Dig. 3. tit. 4.) Actor has also the sense of an agent or manager of another's business generally. The actor publicus was an officer who had the superintendence or care of slaves belonging to the state. Lipsius says that the actor publicus was a slave or freedman. A slave could acquire property for others, though not for himsel£ In the case mentioned by Pliny (Ep. vii ACUS. 13 18), the actor publicus was the representative of the community (respublicd) of Comum. (Tacit. Ann. ii. 30, iii. 67; Lips. Esecurs. ad Tacit. Ann. ii 30.) [G. L.] ACTUA'RIAE NAVES. [Navis.] ACTUA'RII, or ACTA'RII, clerks who com- piled the Acta Publica. [Acta, p. 8, b.] The name is also sometimes given to the Notarii, or short-hand writers, who took down the speeches in the senate and the courts (Suet, Jul. 55 ; Sen. Ep. 33) ; respecting whom and the use of short- hand among the Romans, see Notarii. 2. Military officers whose duty it was to keep the accounts of the army, to see that the con- tractors supplied the soldiers with provisions ac- cording to agreement, &c. (Amm. Marc. xx. 5 ; Cod. 12. tit. 37. s. 5. 16 ; 12. tit. 49.) 3. The title of certain physicians at the court of Constantinople. [Medicus.] ACTUS, a Roman measure of land, which formed the basis of the whole system of land measurement. In that system the name actus (from ago), which originally meant a way between fields for beasts of burthen to pass (or, as some say, the length of a furrow), was given to such a way when of a definite width and length, and also to a square piece of land of the same length. The former was called actus minimus or simplex, and was 120 feet (Roman) long by 4 feet wide. (Varro. L. L. iv. 4, or v. 34, Muller ; Colum. v. 1. § 5, ed. Schneider ; Festus, 5. v. iter inter vicinos IF, pedum latum). The actus quadratus, which was the square unit in the system of Roman land- measurement, was of the same length as the actus minimus, and of a width equal to its length: it was thus 120 feet square, and «ontoined 14,400 square feet. It was the half of a juger. (Colum. 1. c. ; Varro, I. c, and R. R. i. ] 0. § 2, ed. Schneider). The following are the etymological explanations of the word : Actus vocabatur, in quo boves agerentur cum aratro, uno impetu justo (Plin. xviii. 3) ; Ut ager quo agi poterat, sic qua agi actus. (Varro, L. L. I. c.) The actus furnishes an example of the use of the number twelve among the Romans, its length being twelve times the standard decempeda. Columella (I. c. § 6) says that the Gauls called the actus quadratus, aripennis ; but this could only be an approximate identification, for the actus qua- dratus is somewhat smaller than the great French arpent and much larger than the small arpent. (Compare Acna ; Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. Appendix I.) [P. S.] ACTUS. [Servitutes.] ACUS (j8eAoV?7, &e\ovis, fra JEseh. Prom. 1004; caelo supinas ferre manus, Hor. Carm. iii. 23. 1.) The adoration paid to the Roman emperors was borrowed from the eastern mode of adoration, and consisted in prostration on the ground, and kissing the feet and knees of the emperor. ADROGA'TIO. [Adoptio (Roman).] ADSCRIPTI'VI. [Accensi.] ADSERTOR. [Assertor.] ADSESSOR. [Assessor.] ADSIGNA'TIO. [Agrariae Leges and Ager.] ADSTIPULA'TIO. [Obligationes.] ADSTIPULA'TOR. [Intercessio.] ADULTUS. [Infans.] ADULTER'IUM, adultery. 1. Greek. Among the Athenians, if a man caught another man in the act of criminal intercourse (jxolx&o) with his wife, he might kill him with impunity ; and the law was also the same with respect to a concubine (iraAAaK^). He might also inflict other punishment on the offender. It appears that among the Athenians there was no adultery, unless a married woman was concerned. (Lysias, 'Tfarep rov 'EpctTocrflepot'S 4>oVoy.) But it was no adultery for a man to have connection with a married woman who prostituted herself, or who was engaged in selling any thing in the agora. (Demosth. Kara Neafpas, c. 18.) The Roman law appears to have been pretty nearly the same. (Paulus, Sent. Recept. vi. tit. 26.) The husband might, if he pleased, take a sum of money from the adulterer by way of compensation, and detain him till he found sureties for the payment. If the alleged adulterer had been unjustly detained, he might bring an action against the husband ; and, if he gained his cause, he and his sureties were released. If he failed, the law required the sureties to deliver up the adulterer to the husband before the court, to do what he pleased with him, except that he was not to use a knife or dagger. (Demosth. KaT& Neaip. 18.) The husband might also prosecute the adulterer in the action called fxotx^ias ypatp-f]. If the act of adultery was proved, the husband could no longer cohabit with his wife tinder pain of losing his privileges of a citizen (jkri}iia). The adulteress was excluded even from those temples which foreign women and slaves were allowed to enter ; and if she was seen there, any one might treat her as he pleased, provided he did not kill her or mutilate her. (Dem. Kara Neccfp, c. 22; Aeschuv Karti Tiwpx. c. 36.) ADULTERIUM. 2. Roman. Adulterium properly signifies, in the Roman law, the offence committed by a man, married or unmarried, having sexual intercourse with another man's wife. Stuprum (called by the Greeks QBopa) signifies the commerce with a widow or a virgin. It was the condition of the female which determined the legal character of adultery ; there was no adultery unless the female was married. It is stated, however (Dig. 48. tit. 5. s. 13), that a woman might commit adultery whether she was " justa uxor sive injusta," the meaning of which is not quite certain ; but pro- bably it means whether she was living in a mar- riage recognised as a marriage by the Roman law or merely by the jus gentium. The male who committed adultery was adulter, the female was adultera. The Latin writers were puzzled about the etymology of the word adulterium ; but if we look to its various significations besides that of illegal sexual commerce, we may safely refer it to the same root as that which appears in adultus. The notion is that of "growing to," "fixing," or " fastening to," one thing on another and extra- neous thing: hence, among other meanings, the Romans used adulterium and adulteratio as we use the word "adulteration," to express the cor- rupting of a thing by mixing something with it of less value. In the time of Augustus a lex was enacted (probably B. c. 17), intitled Lex Julia de Adul- teriis coercendis, the first chapter of which repealed some prior enactments on the same subject, with the provisions of which prior enactments we are, however, unacquainted. Horace (Carm. iv. 5. 21) alludes to the Julian law. In this law, the terms adulterium and stuprum are used indifferently ; but, strictly speaking, these two terms differed as above stated. The chief provisions of this law may be collected from the Digest (48. tit. 5), from Paulus (Sentent. Recept. ii tit. 26. ed. Schulting), and Bris- sonius (Ad Legem JuliamDeAdulteriis, Lib. Sing.). It seems not unlikely that the enactments re- pealed by the Julian law contained special penal provisions against adultery; and it is also not improbable that, by the old law or custom, if the adulterer was caught in the fact, he was at the mercy of the injured husband, and that the hus- band might punish with death his adulterous wife. (Dionys. ii. 25 ; Suet. Tib. 35.) It seems, also, that originally the act of adultery might be pro- secuted by any person, as being a public offence ; but under the emperors the right of prosecution was limited to the husband, father, brother, pa- truus, and avunculus of the adulteress. By the Julian law, if a husband kept his wife after an act of adultery was known to him, and let the adulterer off, he was guilty of the offence of lenocinium. The husband or father in whose power the adulteress was, had sixty days allowed for commencing proceedings against the wife, after which time any other person might prosecute. (Tacit. Ann, ii. 85.) A woman convicted of adultery was mulcted in half of her dos and the third part of her property (bona), and banished (relegata) to some miserable island, such as Seri- phos, for instance. The adulterer was mulcted in half his property, and banished in like manner, but not to the same island as the woman. The adulterer and adulteress were subjected also to civil incapacities ; but this law did not inflict the punishment of death on either party ; and in those ADVOCATUS. U instances under the emperors in which death was inflicted, it must be considered as an extraordinary punishment, and beyond the provisions of the Julian law. (Tacit. Ann. ii. 50, iii. 24 ; J. Lips. Bxcurs. ad Tacit. Ann. iv. 42 ; Noodt, Op. Omn. i. 286, &c.) But by a constitution of Constantine (Cod. ix. 30, if it is genuine), the offence in the adulterer was made capital. By the legislation of Justinian (Nov. 134. c. 10), the law of Con- stantine was probably only confirmed; but the adulteress was put into a convent, after being first whipped. If her husband did not take her out in two years, she was compelled to assume the habit, and to spend the rest of her life in the convent. The Julian law permitted the father (both adoptive and natural) to kill the adulterer and adulteress in certain cases, as to which there were several nice distinctions established by the law. If the father killed only one of the parties, he brought himself within the penalties of the Cor- nelian law De Sicariis. The husband might kill persons of a certain class, described in the law, whom he caught in the act of adultery with his wife ; but he could not kill his wife. The hus- band, by the fifth chapter of the Julian law, could detain for twenty hours the adulterer whom he had caught in the fact, for the purpose of calling in witnesses to prove the adultery. If the wife was divorced for adultery, the husband was in- titled to retain part of the dos. (Ulpian, Fr. vi. 12.) The authorities for the Lex Julia de Adul- teriis, both ancient and modern, are collected by Rein, Das Criminalrecht der Homer, 1844. [G. L.] ADVERSA'RIA, note-book, memorandum- book, posting-book, in which the Romans entered memoranda of any importance, especially of money received and expended, which were afterwards transcribed, usually every month, into a kind ol ledger. (Tabulae justae, codex accepti et expensi.) They were probably called Adversaria, because they lay always open before the eyes. (Cicp. Hose. Com. 3 ; Prop, iii 23. 20.) ADVERSA'RIUS. [Actor.] ADU'NATI (aSvvaTot), persons supported by the Athenian state, who, on account of infirmity or bodily defects, were unable to obtain a livelihood. The sum which they received from the state ap- pears to have varied at different times. In the time of Lysias and Aristotle, one obolus a day was given ; but it appears to have been afterwards increased to two oboli. The bounty was restricted to persons whose property was under three minae. It was awarded by a decree of the people ; but the examination of the individuals belonged to the senate of the Five Hundred : the payments were made by prytaneias. Peisistratus is said to have been the first to introduce a law for the mainte- nance of those persons who had been mutilated in war ; but, according to others, this provision de- rived its origin from a law of Solon. (Plut. Solon. 31 ; Schol. ad Aesck. vol. iii. p. 738, ed. Reiske ; Aesch. c. Tim. p. 123 ; Harpocrat. Suid. Hesych. s. v. ; Lysias, 'Tirep rod 'ASvvdrou, a speech written for an individual in order to prove that he was intitled to be supported by the state ; Bdckh, Public Earn, of Athens, p. 242, &c. 2nd edit.) ADVOCA'TUS seems originally to have signi- fied any person who gave another his aid in any affair or business, as a witness for instance (Varr. De Re Rust. ii. c. 5) ; or for the purpose of aiding and protecting him in taking possession of a piece c 18 AEDILES. of property. (Cic pro Caecin. c. 8.) It was also used to express a person who gave Ms advice and aid to another in the management of a cause, as a juris-consultus did ; hut the word did not signify the orator or patronus who made the speech (Cic. de Oral. ii. 74) in the time of Cicero. Under the emperors, it signified a person who in any way assisted in the conduct of a cause (Dig. 50. tit. 13. s. 1), and was sometimes equivalent to orator. (Tacit. Ann. x. 6.) The advocate had then a fee, which was called honorarium. [Orator, Pa- tronus, Lex Cincia.] The advocates is defined hy Ulpian (Dig. 50, tit. 13) to be any person who aids another in the conduct of a suit or action ; but under the empire the jurisconsulti no longer acted as advocates, in the old sense of that term. They had attained a higher position than that which they held under the republic The advocatus fisci was an important officer established by Hadrianus. (Spart. Hadrian. 60.) It was his business to look after the interests of the fiscus or the imperial treasury, and, among other things, to maintain its title to bona caduca. The various meanings of advocatus in the Middle Ages are given by Du Cange, Gloss. (Dig. 28. tit. 4. s. 3 ; Hollweg, Handbueh des Cwilproxesses, p. 196.) [G.L.] A'DYTUM. [Templum.] AEACEIA (aW/ceio), a festival of the Aegi- netans in honour of Aeacus, the details of which are not known. The victor in the games which were solemnised on the occasion, consecrated his chaplet in the magnificent temple of Aeacus. (Schol. ad Find. 01. vii. 156, xiii. 155 ; Miiller, Aeginetica, p. 140.) [L. S.j AEDES. [Domus; Templum.] AEDES VITIO'SAE, RUINO'SAE. [Dam- num Infectum.] AEDI'CULAE, signifies in the singular, a room, but in the plural, a small house. It is, however, more frequently used in the sense of a shrine, at- tached to the walls of temples or houses, in which the statue of a deity was placed. The aediculae attached to houses, sometimes contained the pe- nates of the house, but more frequently the guardian gods of the street in which they were placed. (Liv. xxxv. 41 ; Petron. 29.) AEDI'LES (&.yopav6{wi). The name of these functionaries is said to be derived from their having the care of the temple (pedes) of Ceres. The aediles were originally two in number, and called aediles plebeii ; they were elected from the plebes, and the institution of the office dates from the same time as that of the tribuni plebis, b. c. 494. Their duties at first seem to have been merely ministerial ; they were the assistants of the tribunes in such matters as the tribunes en- trusted to them, among which are enumerated the hearing of causes of smaller importance. At an early period after their institution (b. c. 446), we find them appointed the keepers of the senatus consulta, which the consuls had hitherto arbitrarily siippressed or altered. (Liv. iii. 55.) They were also the keepers of the plebiscita. Other functions were gradually entrusted to them, and it is not always easy to distinguish their duties from some of those which belong to the censors ; nor to dis- tinguish all the duties of the plebeian and curule aediles, after the establishment of the curule aedileship. They had the general superintendence AedilSs. of buildings, both sacred and private : under this power they provided for the support and repair of temples, curias, &c, and took care that private buildings which were in a ruinous state (aedes vitiosae, ruinosae) were repaired by the owners, or pulled down. The superintendence over the supply and distribution of water at Rome was, at an early period, a matter of public administration. Ac cording to Frontinus, this was the duty of the censors ; but when there were no censors, it was within the province of the aediles. The care of each particular source or supply was farmed to un- dertakers (redemptores), and all that they did was subject to the approbation of the censors or the aediles. (De Aquaeduct. Rom. lib. ii.) The care of the streets and pavements, with the cleansing and draining of the city, belonged to the aediles, and the care of the cloacae. They had the office of distributing corn among the plebes, which was sometimes given gratuitously, sometimes sold at a cheap rate ; hut this distribution of corn at Rome must not be confounded with the duty of purchasing or procuring it from foreign parts, which was per- formed by the consuls, quaestors, and praetors, and sometimes by an extraordinary magistrate, as the praefectus annonae. The aediles had to see that the public lands were not improperly used, and that the pasture-grounds of the state were not trespassed on ; and they had power to punish by fine any unlawful act in this respect. The fines were employed in paving roads, and in other public purposes. They had a general superin- tendence over buying and selling, and, as a con- sequence, the supervision of the markets, of things exposed to sale, such as slaves, and of weights and measures : from this part of their duty is derived the name under which the aediles are mentioned by the Greek writers (hyopavSfwi). It was their business to see that no new deities or religious rites were introduced into the city, to look after the observance of religious ceremonies, and the celebrations of the ancient feasts and festivals. The general superintendence of police compre- hended the duty of preserving order, decency, and the inspection of the baths, and houses of enter- tainment, of brothels, and of prostitutes. The aediles had various officers under them, as prae- cones, scribae, and viatores. The Aediles Curules, who were also two in number, were originally chosen only from the pa- tricians, afterwards alternately from the patricians and the plebes, and at last indifferently from both. (Liv. vii. 1.) The office of curule aediles was instituted b. c. 365, and, according to Livy on the occasion of the plebeian aediles refusing to consent to celebrate the ludi maximi for the space of four days instead of three ; upon which a senatus consultum was passed, by which two aediles were to be chosen from the patricians. From this time four aediles, two plebeian and two curule, were annually elected. (Liv. vi. 42.) The distinctive honours of the aediles curules were, the sella curulis, from whence their title is derived, the toga praetexta, precedence in speaking in the senate, and the jus imaginum. (Cic. Verr. v. 14.) Only the aediles curules had the jus edicendi, or the power of promulgating edicta (Gaius, i. 6) ; but the rules comprised in their edicta served for the guidance of all the aediles. The edicta of the curule aediles were founded on their authority as superintendents of the markcta, AfiDILES. and of buying and selling in general. Accordingly, their edicts had mainly, or perhaps solely, reference to the rules as to buying and selling, and contracts for bargain and sale. They were the foundation of the actiones aediliciae, among which are included the actio redhibitoria, and quanti minoris. (Dig. 21. tit. 1. DeAedilieio Edieto ; Gell. iv. 2.) A great part of the provisions of the aediles' edict relate' to the buying and selling of slaves. The persons both of the plebeian and curule aediles were sa- crosancti. (Liv. iii. 55.) It seems that after the appointment of the curule aediles, the functions formerly exercised by the plebeian aediles were exercised, with some few exceptions, by all the aediles indifferently. Within five days after being elected or entering on office, they were required to determine by lot, or by agreement among themselves, what parts of the city each should take under his superintend- ence ; and each aedile alone had the care of looking after the paving and cleansing of the streets, and other matters, it may be presumed, of the same local character within his district. (Tabid. Heracl. ed. Mazoch.) In the superintendence of the public festivals and solemnities, there was a further distinction between the two sets of aediles. Many of these festivals, such as those of Flora (Cic. Verr. v. 14 ; Ovid. Fast. v. 278, &c.) and Ceres, were superin- tended by either set of aediles indifferently ; but the plebeian games (plebeii ludi) were under the superintendence of the plebeian aediles (Liv. xxxi. 50.), who had an allowance of money for that purpose ; and the fines levied on the pecuarii, and others, seem to have been appropriated to these among other public purposes. (Liv. x. 23 ; xxvii. 6 ; Ovid. Fast. v. 278, &c) The celebra- tion of the Ludi magni or Romani, of the Ludi scenici, and the Ludi Megalesii or Megalenses, belonged specially to the curule aediles (Liv. xxxi. 50 ; and the Didascaliae to the plays of Terence), and it was on such occasions that they often incurred a prodigious expense, with the view of pleasing the people and securing their rotes in future elections. This extravagant expenditure of the aediles arose after the close of the second Punic war, and increased with the opportunities which individuals had of enriching themselves after the Roman arms were carried into Greece, Africa, and Spain. Even the prodigality of the em- perors hardly surpassed that of individual curule aediles under the republic ; such as C. Julius Caesar (Plut. Caesar, 5) afterwards the dictator, P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther ; and, above all, M. Aemilius Scaurus, whose expenditure was not limited to bare show, but comprehended objects of public utility, as the reparation of walls, dock- yards, ports, and aquaeducts. (Cic. de Off. ii. 17 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3, xxxvi. 15.) An instance is mentioned by Dion Cassius (xliii. 48) of the Ludi Megalesii being superintended by the plebeian aediles ; but it was done pursuant to a senatus consultum, and thus the particular exception con- firms the general rule. In B. c. 45, Julius Caesar caused two curule aediles and four plebeian aediles to be elected ; and thenceforward, at least so long as the office of aedile was of any importance, six aediles were annually elected. The two new plebeian aediles were 'called Cereales, and their duty was to look after the supolv of corn. Though their office may AEDILES. 19 not have been of any great importance after the institution of a praefectus annonae by Augustus there is no doubt that it existed for several cen- turies, and at least as late as the time of Gordian. The aediles belonged to the class of the minores magistrates. Dionysius states that the aediles were originally chosen at the comitia curiata (ix. 43) ; but this is not probable. The plebeian aediles were originally chosen at the comitia centuriata, but afterwards at the comitia tributa (Dionys. vi. 90. ix. 43. 49 ; Liv. ii. 56, 57), in which comitia the curule aediles also were chosen, at the same time (Plut. Marius, 5); but it appears that there was a separate voting for the curule and the plebeian aediles, and that the curule aediles were elected first. It appears that until the lex annalis was passed, a Roman citizen might be a candidate for any office after completing his twenty-seventh year. This lex annalis, which was passed at the instance of the tribune L. Villius Tappulus, B. c. 180, fixed the age at which each office might be enjoyed. (Liv. xl. 44.) The passage of Livy does not mention what were the ages fixed by this law ; but it is collected from various passages of Roman writers, that the age fixed for the aedileship was thirty-six. This, at least, was the age at which a man could be a candidate for the curule aedileship, and it does not appear that there was a different rule for the plebeian aedileship. In Cicero's time, the aediles were elected some time in July, the usual place of election was the Field of Mars (Campus Martius), and the presiding magistrate was a consul. The aediles existed under the emperors ; but their powers were gradually diminished, and their functions exercised by new officers created by the emperors. After the battle of Actium, Augustus appointed a praefectus urbi, who exercised the general police, which had formerly been one of the duties of the aediles. Augustus also took from the aediles, or exercised himself, the office of superintending the religious rites, and the banish- ing from the city of all foreign ceremonials ; he also assumed the superintendence of the temples, and thus may be said to have destroyed the aedile- ship by depriving it of its old and original func- tion. This will serve to explain the fact men- tioned by Dion Cassius (lv. 24), that no one was willing to hold so contemptible an office, and Augustus was therefore reduced to the necessity of compelling persons to take it : persons were ac- cordingly chosen by lot, out of those who had served the office of quaestor and tribune ; and this was done more than once. The last recorded in- stance of the splendours of the aedileship is the administration of Agrippa, who volunteered to take the office, and repaired all the public buildings and all the roads at his own expense, without drawing anything from the treasury. (Dion Cass. xlix. 43 ; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 15.) The aedileship had, however, lost its true character before this time. Agrippa had already been consul before he accepted the office of aedile, and his munificent expenditure in this nominal office was the close of the splendour of the aedileship. Augustus appointed the curule aediles specially to the office of putting out fires, and placed a body of 600 slaves at their command; but the praefecti vigilum afterwards performed this duty. In like manner the curatores viarum were appointed by him to superintend the roads near the city, and the quatuorviri to superintend those o 2 20 AEGINETARUfcfc FERlAE. within Rome. The curatores operum publicorum and the curatores alvei Tiberis, also appointed by Augustus, stripped the aediles of the remaining few duties that might be called honourable. They lost also the superintendence of wells, or springs, and of the aquaeducts. (Frontinus ii. De Aquae- ductibus.) They retained, under the early em- perors, a kind of police, for the purpose of repress- ing open licentiousness and disorder : thus the baths, eating-houses, and brothels were still sub- ject to their inspection, and the registration of prostitutes was still within their duties. (Tacit. Annul, ii. 85.) We read of the aediles under Augustus making search after libellous books, in order that they might be burnt ; and also under Tiberius (Tacit. Ann. iv. 35.) The coloniae, and the municipia of the later period, had also their aediles, whose numbers and functions varied in different places. They seem, however, as to their powers and duties, to have re- sembled the aediles of Rome. They were chosen annually. {De Aedil. Col, &c. Otto. Lips. 1732.) The history, powers, and duties of the aediles are stated with great minuteness by Schubert, De Romanorum Aedilibus, lib. iv. Regimontii, 1828. See also Wunder, De Romanorum Comitiis Aedi- lium Curulium, in his edition of Cicero's Oration Pro Cn. Plancio, Leipzig, 1830. [G. L.] AEDI'TUI, AEDI'TUMI, AEDI'TIMI {vtunopoi, foKopot), persons who took care of the temples, and attended to the cleaning of them. Notwithstanding this menial service, they partook of the priestly character, and are sometimes even called priests by the Greek grammarians. (Suid. Hesych. Etym. M. s.v. (dxopos ; Pollux, i. 14.) In many cases they were women, as Timo in Herodotus (vi. 134), who also speaks of her as {mo(dxopos, from which it is clear that in some places several of these priests must have been at- tached to one and the same temple, and that they differed among themselves in rank. Subsequently the menial services connected with the office of the Neocori were left to slaves, and the latter became a title given to priestly officers of high rank, of whom an account is given in a separate article. [Neocori.] The aeditui lived in the temples, or near them, and acted as ciceroni to those persons who wished to see them. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4. § 10 ; Cic. Verr. iv. 44; Liv. xxx. 17; Schol. ad Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 230.) In ancient times the aeditui were citizens, but under the emperors freedmen. (Serv. ad Virg. Aen. ix. 648.) AEGINETA'RUM FE'RIAE {klywnrmv ioprii), a festival in honour of Poseidon, which lasted sixteen days, during which time every family took its meals quietly and alone, no slave being allowed to wait, and no stranger invited to partake of them. From the circumstance of each family being closely confined to itself, those who solemnised this festival were called /wvoipdyoi. Plutarch {Quaest. Gfraec. 44) traces its origin to the Trojan war, and says that, as many of the Aeginetans had lost their lives, partly in the siege of Troy and partly on their return home, those who reached their native island were received indeed with joy by their kinsmen ; but in order to avoid hurting the feelings of those families who had to lament the loss of their friends, they thought it proper neither to show their joy nor to offer any sacrifices in public. Every family, therefore, entertained privately their friends who had returned, and AEGIS, acted themselves as attendants, though not with- out rejoicings. [L. S.] AEGIS (alyls), the shield of Zeus, signifies literally a goat-skin, and is formed on the same analogy with vtSpis, a fawn-skin. (Herod, iv. 1 89.) According to ancient mythology, the aegis worn by Zeus was the hide of the goat Amaltheia, which had suckled him in his infancy. Hyginus relates (Astron. Poet. 13), that, when he was preparing to resist the Titans, he was directed, if he wished to conquer, to wear a goat-skin with the head of the Gorgon. To this particular goat-skin the term aegis was afterwards confined. Homer always re- presents it as part of the armour of Zeus, whom on this account he distinguishes by the epithet aegis- bearing (aiyloxos). He, however, asserts, that it was borrowed on different occasions both by Apollo {II. xv. 229, 307—318, 360, xxiv. 20), and by Athena {II. ii. 447—449, xviii. 204, xri. 400). The skins of various quadrupeds having been used by the most ancient inhabitants of Greece for clothing and defence, we cannot wonder that the goat-skin was employed in the same manner. It must also be borne in mind that the heavy shields of the ancient Greeks were in part sup- ported by a belt or strap {-rehaiuiv, balteus) passing over the right shoulder, and, when not elevated with the shield, descending transversely to the left hip. In order that a goat-skin might serve this purpose, two of its legs would probably be tied over the right shoulder of the wearer, the other extremity being fastened to the inside of the shield. In combat the left arm would be passed under the hide, and would raise it together with the shield, as is shown in a marble statue of Athena, pre- served in the museum at Naples, which, from its style of art, may be reckoned among the most an- cient in existence. Other statues of Athena represent her in a state of repose, and with the goat-skin falling obliquely from its loose fastening over her right shoulder, so as to pass round the body under the left arm. The annexed figure is taken from a colossal statue of Athena at Dresden. AEGIS. AEGIS. 21 Another mode of wearing this garment, also of peaceful expression, is seen in a statue of Athena at Dresden, of still higher antiquity than that last referred to, and in the very ancient image of the same goddess from the temple of Zeus at Aegina. In both of these the aegis covers the right as well as the left shoulder, the breast, and the back, fall- ing behind so as almost to reach the feet. Schorn (in Bottiger's AmdUhea^ ii. 215) considers this as the original form of the aegis. By a figure of speech, Homer uses the term aegis to denote not only the goat-skin, which it properly signified, but together with it the shield to which it belonged. By thus understanding the word, it is easy to comprehend both why Athena is said to throw her father's aegis around her shoulders (II. v. 738, xviii. 204), and why on one occasion Apollo is said to hold it in his hand and to shake it so as to terrify and confound the Greeks (B. xv. 229. 307—321), and on another occasion to cover with it the dead body of Hector in order to protect it from insult (xxiv. 20). In these passages we must suppose the aegis to mean the shield, together with the large expanded skin or belt by which it was suspended from the right shoulder. As the Greeks prided themselves greatly on the rich and splendid ornaments of their shields, they supposed the aegis to be adorned in a style cor- responding to the might and majesty of the father of the gods. In the middle of it was fixed the appalling Gorgon's head (II. v.' 741), and its border was surrounded with golden tassels (frfoavoi), each of which was worth a hecatomb (ii. 446—449). In the figures above exhibited, the serpents of the Gorgon's head are transferred to the border of the skin. By the later poets and artists, the original con- ception of the aegis appears to have been for- gotten or disregarded. They represent it as a breast-plate covered with metal in the form of scales, not used to support the shield, but extend- ing equally on both sides from shoulder to shoulder ; as in the annexed figure, taken from a statue at Florence. With this appearance the descriptions of the aegis by the Latin poets generally correspond. (Virg. Am. viii. 435—438 ; Val. Flacc. vi. 174 ; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 15 ; Sil. Ital. ix. 442.) It is remarkable that, although the aegis pro. perly belonged to Zeus, yet we seldom find it as an attribute of Zeus in works of art. There is, however, in the museum at Leyden, a marble statue of Zeus, found at Utica, in which the aegis hangs over his left shoulder. The annexed figure is taken from an ancient cameo. Zeus is here represented with the aegis wrapt round the fore part of his left arm. The shield is placed underneath it, at his feet. The Roman emperors also assumed the aegis, intending thereby to exhibit themselves in the character of Jupiter. Of this the armed statue of Hadrian in the British Museum presents an ex- ample. In these cases the more recent Roman conception of the aegis is of course followed, co- inciding with the remark of Servius (Aen. viii. 435), that this breast-armour was called aegis when worn by a god ; lorica, when worn by a man. (Comp. Mart. vii. 1.) [J. Y.] c 3 22 AENUM. AEINAUTAE (aewaurai), magistrates at Miletus, consisting of the chief men in the state, who obtained the supreme power on the deposition of the tyrants, Thoas and Damasenor. Whenever they wished to deliberate on important matters, they embarked on board ship (hence their name), put out at a distance from land, and did not return to shore till they had transacted their business. (Plut. Qmest. Graec. 32.) AEIPHU'GIA (aeupvyia). [Exsimum.] AEISITI (ae(ffiToi). [Prytaneium.] AENEATO'RES (ahenatores, Amm. Marc. xxiv. 4), were those who blew upon wind instru- ments in the Roman army, namely, the buc- cwiatores, cornicines, and tubicines, and they were so called because all these instruments were made of aes or bronze. (Suet Caes. 32.) Aeneatores were also employed in the public games. (Sen. JEp. 84.) A collegium aeneatorum is mentioned in in- scriptions. (Orelli, Inser. No. 4059.) AENIGMA (aiviypd), a riddle. It appears to have been a very ancient custom among the Greeks, especially at their symposia, to amuse themselves by proposing riddles to be solved. Their partiality for this sort of amusement is at- tested by the fact that some persons, such as Theodectes of Phaselis and Aristonymus, acquired considerable reputation as inventors and writers of riddles. (Athen. x. pp.451, 452, xii. p. 538.) Those who were successful in solving the riddle proposed to them received a prize, which had been pre- viously agreed upon by the company, and usually consisted of wreaths, taeniae, cakes, and other sweetmeats, or kisses, whereas a person unable to solve a riddle was condemned to drink in one breath a certain quantity of wine, sometimes mixed with salt water. (Athen. x. p. 457 ; Pollux, vi.107 ; Hesych. s. v. ypTtpos.) Those riddles which have come down to us are mostly in hexameter verse, and the tragic as well as comic writers not unfre- quently introduced them into their plays. Pollux (I. c.) distinguishes two kinds of riddles, the alviyim and yp7. 125. n. 6. p. 131. n. 3 ; Grater, p. 1027, n. 4.) These praefects had jurisdiction ; and before their court in the temple of Saturn, all informations were laid respecting property due to the aerarium and fiscus. (Plin. Paneg. 36 ; Dig. 49. tit. 14. ss. 13, 15.) The aerarium militare was under the care of distinct praefects, who were first appointed by lot from among those who had filled the office of praetor, but were afterwards nominated by the emperor. (Dion. Cass. lv. 25 ; comp. Tac. Ann. v. 8.) They frequently occur in inscriptions under the title of praefecti aerarii mUHaris. (Walter, GescMchte des Romischen Rechts, pp. 201, &c, 397, &c. 2d edition ; Lipsius, ad Tac. Ann. xiii. 29.) AES (%oXk6s). These words signify both pure copper and a composition of metals, in which copper is the predominant ingredient. In the latter sense they should not be translated brass, but rather bronze. Brass is a combination of copper and zinc, while all the specimens of ancient objects formed of the compound material called aes, are found upon analysis to contain no zinc ; but, with very limited exceptions, to be composed entirely of copper and tin, which mixture is properly called bronze. Our chief information about the copper and bronze of the ancients is derived from Pliny (H. N. xxxiv.). Copper, being one of the most abundant and generally distributed of the metals, was naturally used at a very early period by the Greeks and Romans. Pliny (EC. iV. xxxiv. 1) mentions three of its ores (lapides aerosi), namely, cadmia, chalciUs, and aurichalcum or oridialcum, into the exact nature of which this is not the place to inquire. In the most ancient times we can ascend to, the chief supply came from Cyprus, whence the modern name of copper is said to be derived. (Comp. Horn. Odys. i. 184, and Nitzsch's Note ; Plin. H. N. vii. 56. s. 57) ; but according to an old tradition it was first found in Euboea, and the town of Chalcis took its name from a copper-mine. (Plin. H. N. iv. 12. s. 21.) It was also found in Asia and the south of Italy, in Gaul, in the mountains of Spain (comp. Paus. vi. 19. § 2), and in the Alps. The art of smelting the ore was perfectly familiar to the Greeks of Homer's time. (Comp. Hesiod. Theog. 861—866.) The abundance of copper sufficiently accounts for its general use among the ancients ; money, vases, and utensils of all sorts, whether for domestic or sacrificial purposes, ornaments, arms offensive and defensive, furniture, tablets for inscriptions, musical instruments, and indeed every object to which it could be applied, being made of it. (Hesiod, Op. etDi. 150, 151 ; Lucret. v. 1286.) We have a remarkable result of this fact in the use of x&^K 6 ^* and xakKtfeiv, where working in iron is meant (Horn. Od. ix. 391 ; Aristot Poet. 25.) For all these purposes the pure metal would be com- paratively useless, some alloy being necessary both to harden it and to make it more fusible. Ac- cordingly, the origin of the art of mixing copper and tin is lost in the mythological period, being ascribed to the Idaean Dactyli The proportions in which the component parts were mixed seemed to have been much studied, and it is remarkable how nearly they agree in all the specimens that have been analysed. Some bronze nails from the ruins of the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae ; AES. 25 some ancient coins of Corinth ; a very ancient Greek helmet, on which is a boustrophedon in- scription, now in the British Museum ; portions of the breastplates of a piece of armour called the Bronzes of Siris, also preserved in our national col- lection ; and an antique sword found in Franc produced in 100 parts, 87-43 and 88 copper 12-53 and 12 tin 99-96 100 At a later period than that to which some of the above works may be referred, the addition of a variety of metals seems to have been made to the original combination of copper and tin. The writers on art make particular mention of certain of these bronzes which, notwithstanding the changes they underwent by the introduction of novel elements, were still described by the words xaA.KofU>ypda€b'ov6p.oi (from the staff they carried as an emblem of authority), /Spageij, fZpaGevrai. AGORA (ayopd), properly means an assembly of any nature, and is usually employed by Homer for the general assembly of the people. The agora seems to have been considered an essential part in the constitution of the early Grecian states, since the barbarity and uncivilised condition of the Cy- clops is characterised by their wanting such an assembly. (Horn. Od. ix. 112.) The agora, though usually convoked by the king, appears to have been also summoned at times by some distinguished chieftain, as for example, by Achilles before Troy. AGORA (Horn. H l 54.) The king occupied the most important seat in these assemblies, and near hira sat the nobles, while the people sat in a circle around them. The power and rights of the people in these assemblies have been the subject of mucl dispute. Platner, Tittman, and more recently Nitzsch in his commentary on the Odyssey, main- tain that the people was allowed to speak and vote j while Miiller (Dor. iii. 1. § 3), who is followed by Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 91), maintains that the nobles were the only persons who proposed measures, deliberated, and voted, and that the people was only present to hear the debate, and to express its feeling as a body ; which expression might then be noticed by a prince of a mild dis- position. The latter view of the question is con- firmed by the fact, that in no passage in the Odyssey is any of the people represented as taking part in the discussion ; while, in the Iliad, Ulysses inflicts personal chastisement upon Thersites, for presuming to attack the nobles in the agora. (H. ii. 211 — 277.) The people appear to have been only called together to hear what had been already agreed upon in the council of the nobles, which is called fiovK^i (II. ii. 53, vi. 114, yepovra fiovXevrai), and &owkos (Od. ii. 26), and some- times even ayopd (Od. ix. 112 ; ayopal jSoutoj- pos rvpSs), for oil (to&Xcuov\ for perfumes and unguents (t& jutipa), for frankincense {6 KiSavtarSs), for spices (ret apdtfjLara), for couches (at K\wai), for new and old clothes {ayopb, tuart6irta\ts 9 or OTreipoVajAis, Poll. vii. 78), for books (j3t§?uo0V'O, and for slaves (to civSpdirotia, Poll. x. 19). Lastly, a part of the market was devoted to the money-changers (Tpatre^irai). [Argentarii.] Mention is some- times made of the women's market, yvvaticeia ayood t a terra which has given rise to much doubt. AGORA. 35 (Theophr. Char. 2 ; Poll. x. 18.) The common explanation is, that it was the part of the market to which women resorted to purchase what they wanted for household uses. But it appears clearly that purchases were seldom made in the market by women, and never by free women. The only plausible explanation is, either that a distinct part of the market was assigned to those commodities, the sellers of which were women, such as the apToir(a\t^es, \eKLQoTT\to€s, lo~xa8o7r(t)Mfies, .oi) were publio functionaries in most of the Grecian states, whose duties corresponded in many respects to those of the Roman aediles ; whence Greek writers on Roman affairs call the aediles by this name. Under the Roman empire, the agoranomi were called \oyto-rai (Schol. ad Aristoph. Aeharn. 688): they enjoyed in later times great honour and respect, and their office seems to have been regarded as one of the most honourable in the Greek states. We frequently read in inscriptions of their being rewarded with crowns, of which many instances are given by Muller. (Aeginetica, p. 138) They were called by the Romans curatores reipublicae. (Cod. 1. tit. 54. s. 3.) Agoranomi existed both at Sparta and Athens. Our knowledge of the Spartan agoranomi is very limited, and derived almost entirely from inscrip- tions. They stepped into the place of the ancient Empelori (i/j.ir4\apoi) in the time of the Romans. They formed a collegium (avvap%\.a) with one at their head, called irpeaSvs (Bockh, Corp. Inser. vol. i. p. 610 ; and Sauppe in RheiniscJies Museum, vol. iv. p. 159, New Series.) The Athenian ago- ranomi were regular magistrates during the flourish- ing times of the republic. They were ten in number, five for the city and five for the Peiraeeus, and were chosen by lot, one from each tribe. (Dem. c. Timocr. p. 735 ; Aristoph. Aeharn. 689.) The reading in Harpocration (s. v. ayopaviiwi), which mentions twenty agoranomi, fifteen for the city, and five for the Peiraeeus, is false. (Bockh, Corp. Inscr. vol. i. p. 337.) The principal duty of the agoranomi was, as their name imports, to inspect the market, and to see that all the laws respecting its regulation were properly observed. They had the inspection of all things which were sold in the market, with the exception of corn, which was subject to the juris- diction of the (TlTOou fierd?iKov ypcup-f}) was an action brought before the thesmothetae at Athens, against an in- dividual, who worked a mine without having pre- viously registered it. The state required that all mines should be registered, because the twenty- fourth part of their produce was payable to the public treasury. (Bb'ckh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, p. 664, 2nd ed. ; Meier, Att. Process, p. 354.) AGRA'RIAE LEGES. " It is not exactly true that the agrarian law of Cassius was the earliest that was so called: every law by which the commonwealth disposed of its public land, bore that name ; as, for instance, that by which the domain of the kings was parcelled out among the commonalty, and those by which colonies were planted. Even in the narrower sense of a law whereby the state exercised its ownership in re- moving the old possessors from a part of its domain, and making over its right of property therein, such a law existed among those of Servius Turnus." (Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. vol. ii. p. 129. transl.) The complete history of the enactments called agrarian laws, either in the larger and more cor- rect sense, or in the narrower sense of the term, as explained in this extract, would be out of place here. The particular objects of each agrarian law must be ascertained from its provisions. But all these numerous enactments had reference to the public land ; and many of them were passed for the purpose of settling Roman colonies in con- quered districts, and assigning to the soldiers, who formed a large part of such colonists, their shares m such lands. The true meaning of all or any of these enactments can only be understood when we have formed a correct notion of property in land, as recognised by Roman law. It is not necessary, in order to obtain this correct notion, to ascend to the origin of the Roman state, though if a com- plete history of Rome could be written, our con- ception of the real character of property in land, as recognised by Roman law, would be more en- larged and more precise. But the system of Roman law, as it existed under the emperors, contained both the terms and the notions which belonged to those early ages, of which they are the most faithful historical monuments. In an AGRARIAE LEGES. 37 inquiry of the present kind, we may begin at any point in the historical series which is definite, and we may ascend from known and intelligible no- tions which belong to a later age, towards their historical origin, though we may never be able to reach it. Gaius (ii. 2, &c), who probably wrote under the Antonines, made two chief divisions of Roman land ; that which was divini juris, and that which was liumani juris. Land which was divini juris was either sacer or religiosus. (Compare Frontinus, De Re Agraria, xiii. or p. 42. ed. Goes.) Land which was sacer was consecrated to the Dii Su- peri ; land which was religiosus belonged to the Dii Manes. Land was made sacer by a lex or senatus consultum ; and, as the context shows, such land was land which had belonged to the state (populus Romanus). An individual could make a portion of his own land religiosus by the interment in it of one of his family : but it was the better opinion that land in the provinces could not thus be made religiosus ; and the reason given is this, that the ownership or property in provincial lands is either in the state (pop. Rom.) or in the Caesar, and that individuals have only the posses- sion and enjoyment of it (possessio et usus frvc- tus). Provincial lands were either stipendiaria or tributaria : the stipendiaria were in those provinces which were considered to belong to the Roman state ; the tributaria were in those provinces which were considered as the property of the Caesar. Land which was humani juris, was divided into public and private : public land belonged to the state ; private land, to individuals. It would seem to follow from the legal form ob- served in making land sacer, that it thereby ceased to be publicus ; for if it still continued publicus, it had not changed its essential quality. Niebuhr (Appendix I. vol. ii.) has stated that " all Roman land was either the property of the state (common land, domain), or private property, — aut publicus aut privatus ; " and he adds that " the landed property of the state was either consecrated to the gods (sacer), or allotted to men to reap its fruits (profanus, liumani juris)." Niebuhr then refers to the view of Gaius, who makes the division into divini juris and humani juris, the primary divi- sion ; but he relies on the authority of Frontinus, supported by Livy (viii. 14), as evidence of the correctness of his own division.* Though the origin of that kind of property * It is obvious, on comparing two passages in Frontinus (De Re Agraria xi. xiii.), that Niebuhr has mistaken the meaning of the writer, who clearly intends it to be inferred that the sacred land was not public land. Besides, if the meaning of Frontinus was what Niebuhr has supposed it to be, his authority is not equal to that of Gaius on a matter which specially belongs to the province of the jurist, and is foreign to that of the agrimensor. The passage of Livy does not prove Niebuhr's assertion. Livy merely states that the temple and grove of Sospita Juno should be common to the Lanuvini municipes and the Roman people ; and in what other terms could he express the fact that the temple should be used by both people ? That does not prove that a temple was considered the same kind of public property as a tract of unconsecrated land H'as. The form of dedition in Livy (i. 38) may easily be explained. d 3 3« AGRARIAE LEGES. called public land must be referred to the earliest J ages of the Roman state, it appears from Gains that under the emperors there was still land within the limits of the empire, the ownership of which was not in the individuals who possessed and enjoyed it, but in the populus Romanus, or the Caesar. This possession and enjoyment are distinguished by him from ownership {dominium). The term possessio frequently occurs in those jurists from whom the Digest was compiled ; but in these writers, as they are known to us, it applies only to private land, and the Ager Publicus is hardly, if at all, ever noticed by them. Now this term Possessio, as used in the Digest, means the possession of private land by one who has no kind of right to it ; and this possessio was protected by the praetor's interdict, even when it was without bona fides or justa causa: but the term Possessio in the Roman historians, Livy for instance, signifies the occupa- tion (occupatio) and enjoyment of public land ; and the true notion of this, the original Possessio, con- tains the whole solution of the question of the Agrarian Laws. For this solution we are mainly indebted to Niebuhr and Savigny. This latter kind of Possessio, that which has private land for its object, is demonstrated by Savigny (the term here used can hardly be said to be too strong) to have arisen from the first kind of possessio : and thus it might readily be supposed that the Roman doctrine of possessio, as applied to the occupation of ^private land, would throw some light on the nature of that original possessio out of which it grew. In the imperial period, public land had almost ceased to exist in the Italian peninsula, but the subject of possession in private lands had become a well understood branch of Roman law. The remarks in the three following paragraphs are from Savigny's valuable work, Das Recht dcs Besitzcs (5th ed. p. 172) : — 1. There were two kinds of land in the Roman state, ager publicus and ager privatus : in the latter alone private property existed. But con- formably to the old constitution, the greater part of the ager publicus was occupied and enjoyed by private persons, and apparently by the patricians only, or at least by them chiefly till the enact- ment of the Licinian Rogations ; yet the state could iesume the land at pleasure. Now we find no mention of any legal form for the protection of the occupier, or Possessor as he was called, of such public land against any other individual, though it cannot be doubted that such a form actually existed. But if we assume that the interdict which protected the possession of an individual in private land, was the form which protected the possessor of the public land, two problems are solved at the same time, — an historical origin is discovered for possession in private land, and a legal form for the protection of possession in public land. An hypothesis, which so clearly connects into one consistent whole, facts otherwise incapable of such connection, must be considered rather as evolving a latent fact, by placing other known facts in their true relative position, than as in- volving an independent assumption. But there is historical evidence in support of the hypo- thetic 2. The words possessio, possessor, and possidere are the technical terms used by writers of very different ages, to express the occupation and the AGRARIAE LEGES. enjoyment of the public lands ; that is, the notion of occupying and enjoying public land was in the early ages of the republic distinguished from the right of property in it. Nothing was so natural as to apply this notion, when once fixed, to the pos- session of private land as distinct from the owner- ship ; and accordingly the same technical terms were applied to the possession of private land. Various applications of the word possessio, with reference to private land, appear in the Roman law, in the bonorum possessio of the praetorian heres and others. But all the uses of the word possessio, as applied to ager privatus, however they may differ in other respects, agreed in this : — . they denoted an actual possession and enjoyment of a thing, without the strict Roman (Quiritarian) ownership. 3. The word possessio, which originally signified the right of the possessor, was in time used to signify the object of the right. Thus ager signified a piece of land, viewed as an object of Quiritarian ownership ; possessio, a piece of land, in which a man had only a bonitarian or beneficial interest, as, for instance, Italic land not transferred by mancipatio, or land which from its nature could not be the subject of Quiritarian ownership, as provincial lands and the old ager publicus. Pos- sessio accordingly implies usus ; ager implies pro- prietor or ownership. This explanation of the terms ager and possessio is from a jurist of the imperial times, quoted by Savigny (Javolenus, Dig. 50. tit. 16. s. 115) ; but its value for the purpose of the present inquiry is not on that ac- count the less. The ager publicus, and all the old notions attached to it, as already observed, hardly occur in the extant Roman jurists ; but the name possessio, as applied to private land, and the legal notions attached to it, are of frequent occurrence. The form of the interdict, — uti possidetis, — as it appears in the Digest, is this : — Uti eas aedes...^os- sidetis...vim fieri veto. But the original form of the interdict was : Uti nunc possidetis evmjmdum, &c. (Festus in Possessio) ; the word fundus, for which aedes was afterwards substituted, appears to indicate an original connection between the inter- dict and the ager publicus. "We know nothing of the origin of the Roman public land, except that it was acquired by con- quest, and when so acquired it belonged to the state, that is, to the populus, as the name publicus (populicus) imports ; and the original populus was the patricians only. We may suppose that in the early periods of the Roman state, the conquered lands being the property of the populus, might he enjoyed by the members of that body, in any way that the body might determine. But it is not quite clear bow these conquered lands were originally oc- cupied. The following passage from Appian (Civil Wars, i. 7) appears to give a probable account of the matter, and one which is not inconsistent with such facts as are otherwise known: — " The Ro- mans," he says, " when they conquered any part of Italy, seized a portion of the lands, and either built cities in them, or sent Roman colonists to settle in the cities which already existed. Such cities they designed to be garrison places. As to the land thus acquired from time to time, they either divided the cultivated part among the colonists, or sold it, or let it to farm. As to the land which had fallen out of cultivation in conse- quence of war, and which, indeed, was the larger AGRARIAE LEGES. part, having no time to allot it, they gave puhlic notice that any one who chose might in the mean- time cultivate this land, on payment of part of the yearly produce, namely, a tenth of the produce of arable land, and a fifth of the produce of olive- yards and vineyards. A rate was also fixed to be paid by those who pastured cattle (on this undi- vided land) both for the larger and smaller ani- mals. And this they did with a view to increase the numbers of the Italian people, whom they con- sidered to be most enduring of labour, in order that they might have domestic allies. But it turned out just the contrary of their expectations. For the rich occupied the greater part of this un- divided land, and at length, feeling confident that they should never be deprived of "it, and getting hold of such portions as bordered on their lands, and also of the smaller portions in the possession of the poor, some by purchase and others by force, they became the cultivators of extensive districts instead of farms. And in order that their culti- vators and shepherds might be free from military service, they employed slaves instead of freemen ; and they derived great profit from their rapid in- crease, which was favoured by the immunity of the slaves from military service. In this way the great became very rich, and slaves were numerous all through the country. But this system reduced the number of the Italians, who were ground down by poverty, taxes, and military service ; and when- ever they had a respite from these evils, they had nothing to do, the land being occupied by the rich, who also employed slaves instead of free- men." This passage, though it appears to contain much historical truth, does not distinctly explain the original mode of occupation ; for we can scarcely suppose that there were not some rules prescribed as to the occupation of this undivided land. Livy also gives no clear account of the mode in which these possessions were acquired ; though he states in some passages that the con- quered lands were occupied by the nobles, and occupation (occupatio) in its proper sense signifies the taking possession of vacant land. As the number of these nobles was not very great, we may easily conceive that in the earlier periods of the republic, they might regulate among themselves . the mode of occupation. The complaint against the nobles (patres) shortly before the enactment of the Licinian Rogations was, that they were not content with keeping the land which they ille- gally possessed (possesso per injuriam agro), but that they refused to distribute among the plebs the vacant land (vacuum agrmn) which had then re- cently been taken from the enemy. (Liv. iv. 51, vi. 5. 37 ; Occupatio). It probably sometimes happened that public land was occupied, or squatted on (to use a North American phrase), by any ad- venturers.* * It is stated in the American Almanac for 1839, that though the new territory of Iowa con- tains above 20,000 inhabitants, " none of the land has been purchased, the people being all what are termed squatters." The land alluded to is all public land. The squatter often makes consider- able improvements on the land which he has oc- cupied, and even sells his interest in it, before any purchase is made of the land. The privilege of pre-emption which is allowed to the squatter, or to the person who has purchased his interest, is AGRARIAE LEGES. 3H But whatever was the mode in which these lands were occupied, the possessor, when once in posses- sion, was, as we have seen, protected by the praetor's interdict. The patron who permitted his client to occupy any part of his possession as tenant at will (precario), could eject him at pleasure by the in- terdictum de precario ; for the client did not obtain a possession by such permission of his patron. The patron would, of course, have the same remedy against a trespasser. But any individual, how- ever humble, who had a possession, was also pro- tected in it against the aggression of the rich ; and it was " one of the grievances bitterly complained of by the Gracchi, and all the patriots of their age, that while a soldier was serving against the enemy, his powerful neighbour, who coveted his small estate, ejected his wife and children." (Nieb.) The state could not only grant the occupation or possession of its public land, but could sell it, and thus convert public into private land. A remark- able passage in Orosius (Savigny, p. 176, note), shows that public lands, which had been given to certain Religious corporations to possess, were sold in order to raise money for the exigencies of the Btate. The selling of that land which was possessed, and the circumstance of the possession having been a grant or public act, are both con- tained in this passage. The public lands which were occupied by pos- sessors, were sometimes called, with reference to such possession, occupatorii ; and, with respect to the state, concessi. Public land which became pri- vate by sale was called quaestorius ; that which is often spoken of as assigned (assignatus), was marked out and divided (limitatus) among the plebeians in equal lots, and given to them in absolute owner- ship, or it was assigned to the persons who were sent out as a colony. Whether the land so granted to the colony should become Roman or not, de- pended on the nature of the colony. The name ager publicus was given to the public lands which were acquired even after the plebs had become one of the estates in the Roman constitution, though the name publicus, in its original sense, could no longer be applicable to such public lands. After the establishment of the plebs as an estate, the possession of public land was still claimed as the peculiar privilege of the patricians, as before the establishment of the plebs it seems to have been the only way in which public lands were enjoyed by the populus : the assignment, that is the grant by the state of the ownership of public land in fixed shares, was the privilege of the plebs. In the early ages, when the populus was the state, it does not appear that there was any assignment of public lands among the populus, though it may be assumed that public lands would occasionally be sold ; the mode of enjoyment of public land was that of possessio, subject to an annual payment to the state. It may be conjectured that this ancient possessio, which we cannot consider as having its origin in anything else than the consent of the state, was a good title to the use of the land so long as the annual payments were made. At an} r rate, the plebs had no claim upon such ancient posses- sions. But with the introduction of the plebs as a separate estate, and the acquisition of new lands the only security which either the squatter or the person who purchases from him, has for the im- provements made on the land. ■to AGRARIAE LEGES. by conquest, it would seem that the plebs had as good a title to a share of the newly conquered lands, as the patricians to the exclusive enjoyment of those lands which had been acquired by conquest before the plebs had become an estate ; and ac- cording to Livy (iv. 49), the plebs founded then- claim to the captured lands on their services in the war. The determination of what part of newly conquered lands (arable and vineyards) should re- main public, and what part should be assigned to the plebs, which, Niebuhr says, " it need scarcely be observed was done after the completion of every conquest," ought to have been an effectual way of settling all disputes between the patricians and plebs as to the possessions of the former ; for such an appropriation, if it were actually made, could have no other meaning than that the patricians were to have as good title to possess their share as the plebs to the ownership of their assigned portions. The plebs at least could never fairly claim an assignment of public land, appropriated to remain such, at the time when they received the share of the conquered lands to which they were intitled. But the fact is, that we have no evidence at all as to such division between lands appropriated to remain public and lands assigned in ownership, as Niebuhr assumes. All that we know is, that the patricians possessed large tracts of public land, and that the plebs from time to time claimed and enforced a division of part of them. In such a condition of affairs, many diffi- sult questions might arise ; and it is quite as pos- sible to conceive that the claims of the plebs might in some cases be as ill founded as the conduct of the patricians was alleged to be rapacious in ex- tending their possessions. In the course of time, owing to sales of possessions, family settlements, permanent improvements made on the land, the claims on the land of creditors who had lent money on the security of it, and other causes, the equitable adjustment of rights under an agrarian law was impossible ; and this is a difficulty which Appian (i. 10. 18) particularly mentions as resulting from ihe law of Tib. Gracchus. Public pasture lands, it appears, were not the subject of assignment. The property (pvblicum) of the Roman people consisted of many things besides land. The con- quest of a territory, unless special terms were granted to the conquered, seems to have implied the acquisition by the Roman state of the conquered territory and all that it contained. Thus not only would land be acquired, which was available for corn, vineyards, and pasture ; but mines, roads, rivers, harbours, and, as a consequence, tolls and duties. If a Roman colony was sent out to occupy a conquered territory or town, a part of the con- quered lands was assigned to the colonists in com- plete ownership. [Colonia.] The remainder, it appears, was left or restored to the inhabitants. Not that we are to understand that they had the property in the land as they had before ; but it appears that they were subject to a payment, the produce of which belonged to the Roman people. In the case of the colony sent to Antium, Dionysius (ix. 60) states, " that all the Antiates who had houses and lands remained in the country, and cultivated both the portions that were set aside for them and the portions appropriated to the colonists, on the condition of paying to them a fixed portion of the produce ; " in which case, if the historian's AGRARIAE LEGES, statement is true, all the sums paid by the original landholders were appropriated to the colonists. Niebuhr seems to suppose, that the Roman state might at any time resume such restored lands ; and, no doubt, the notion of a possibility of re- sumption under some circumstances at least was involved in the tenure by which these lands were held ; but it may be doubted if the resumption of such lands was ever resorted to except in extraor- dinary cases, and except as to conquered lands which were the public lands of the conquered state. Private persons, who were permitted to retain their lands subject to the payment of a tax, were not the possessors to whom the agrarian laws applied. In many cases large tracts of land were absolutely seized, their owners having perished in battle or been driven away, and extensive districts, either not cultivated at all or very imperfectly cul- tivated, became the property of the state. Such lands as were unoccupied could become the subject of possessio ; and the possessor would, in all cases, and in whatever manner he obtained the land, be liable to a payment to the state, as above-men- tioned in the extract from Appian. This possessio was a real interest, for it was the subject of sale : it was the use (usws) of the land ; but it was not the ager or property. The possessio strictly could not pass by the testament of the possessor, at least not by the mancipatio. (Gaius, ii. 102.) It is not easy, therefore, to imagine any mode hy which the possession of the heres was protected, unless there was a legal form, such as Savigny has assumed to exist for the general pro- tection of possessiones in the public lands. The possessor of public land never acquired the owner- ship by virtue of his possession ; it was not subject to usucapion. The ownership of the land which belonged to the state, could only be acquired by the grant of the ownership, or by purchase from the state. The state could at any time, according to strict right, sell that land which was only pos- sessed, or assign it to another than the possessor. The possession was, in fact, with respect to the state, precarium ; and we may suppose that the lands so held would at first receive few permanent improve- ments. In course of time, and particularly when the possessors had been undisturbed for many years, possession would appear, in an equitable point of view, to have become equivalent to owner- ship ; and the hardship of removing the possessors by an agrarian law would appear the greater, after the state had long acquiesced in their use and oc- cupation of the public land. In order to form a correct judgment of these en- actments which are specially cited as agrarian laws, it must be borne in mind that the possessors of public lands owed a yearly tenth, or fifth, as the case might be, to the state. These annual pay- ments were, it seems, often withheld by the pos- sessors, and thus the state was deprived of a fund for the expenses of war and otherigeneral purposes. The first mention by Livy of conquered land being distributed among the plebs belongs to the reign of Servius Tullius (i. 46, 47). The object of the agrarian law of Sp. Cassius (Liv. ii. 41; Dionys. viii. 70), B. c. 484, is supposed by Niebuhr to have been " that the portion of the populus in the public lands should be set apart, that the rest should be divided among the plebeians, that the tithe should again be levied and applied to paying the army." The agrarian law of C. Licinius Stolo (Liv. vi. 36 ; AGRARIAE LEGES. \ppian, B. C. i. 8) b. c. 365, limited each indi- vidual's possession of public land to 500 jugera, and imposed some other restrictions ; but the pos- sessor had no better title to the 500 jugera which the law left him, than he formerly had to what the law took from him. [Leges Liciniae.] The surplus land was to be divided among the plebeians, as we may assume from this being an agrarian law. The Licinian law not effecting its object, Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, b. c. 133, re- vived the measure for limiting the possession of public land to 500 jugera. The arguments of the possessors against this measure, as they are stated by Appian (B. C. i. 1 0), are such as might reason- ably be urged ; but he adds that Gracchus pro- posed to give to each possessor, by way of com- pensation for improvements made on the public land, the full ownership of 500 jugera, and half that quantity to each of his sons if he had any. Under the law of Tiberius Gracchus three commis- sioners (triumviri) were to be chosen annually by the thirty-five tribes, who were to decide all ques- tions that might arise as to the claims of the state upon lands in the occupation of possessors. The law provided that the land which was to be re- sumed should be distributed in small allotments among the poorer citizens, and they were not to have the power of alienating their allotments. Gracchus also proposed that the ready money which Attalus III., King of Pergamus, had with all his other property bequeathed to the Roman state, should be divided among the persons who received allotments, in order to enable them to stock their land. Tiberius Gracchus lost his life in a riot B. c. 133 ; but the senate allowed the commissioners to continue their labours. After the death of Tiberius Gracchus, a tragical event happened at Rome. P. Cornelius Scipio, who had maintained the cause of the possessors, both Roman and Italian, against the measure of Gracchus, was found dead in his bed. Suspicion was strong against the party of Caius Gracchus, the younger brother of Tiberius, whose sister Sempronia was the wife of Scipio, but no inquiry was made into the cause of Scipio's death. Caius Gracchus became a tri- bune of the plebs, b. c. 123, and he put the law of his brother again in force, for it had virtually been suspended by the senate, b. c. 129, by their with- drawing the powers from the three commissioners, of whom Gracchus was one, and giving them to the consul, C. Sempronius Tuditanus, who, being en- gaged in the Illyrian war, could not attend to the business. Caius Gracchus proposed the establish- ment of various colonies under the provisions of the law. To check his power, the senate called in the aid of another tribune, M. Livius Drusus, who outbid Caius in his popular measures. The law of Gracchus proposed that those who received allotments of land should pay the state a small sura in respect of each. Drusus released them from this payment. Caius proposed to found two colo- nies : Drusus proposed to found twelve, each con- sisting of three thousand men. Cains Gracchus lost his life in a civil commotion b. c. 121. Shortly after his death, that clause of the Sempronian law which forbade the alienation of the allotments, was repealed ; and they forthwith began to fall into the hands of the 'rich by purchase, or by alleged purchases as Appian obscurely states (B. O. i. 27). A tribune, Spurius Bonus (Borius is the aame in tbe MSS. of Appian), carried a law to AGRARIAE LEGES. 41 prevent future divisions of the public land, with a provision that the sums payable in respect of this land to the state, should be formed into a fund for the relief of the poor. But another tribune, Spu- rius Thorius, b. c. Ill, repealed this law as to the tax from the public lands, and thus tbe plebs lost everything for the future, both lands and poors' money. [Lex Thoria.] Other agrarian laws followed. In the sixth con- sulship of Marius, b. c. 100, agrarian laws were carried by the tribune L. Appuleius Satuminus and his party, the object of which was chiefly to provide for the veteran soldiers of Marius. These measures were carried by violence, but they were subsequently declared null. The tribune, M. Livius Drusus the younger, b. c. 91, proposed the division of all the public land in Italy and the establishment of the colonies which had been pro- jected : he was for giving away everything that the state had (Florus, iii. 16). This Drusus was also a tool of the senate, whose object was to humble the equestrian order by means of the plebs and the Italian Socii. But the Socii were also in- terested in opposing the measures of Drusus, as they possessed large parts of the public land in Italy. To gain their consent, Drusus promised to give them the full Roman citizenship. But he and the senate could not agree on all these mea- sures, Drusus was murdered, and the Socii, seeing their hopes of the citizenship balked, broke out in open war (b. c. 90). The measures of Drusus were declared null, and there was no investigation as to his death. The Social or Marsic war, after threatening Rome with ruin, was ended by the Romans conceding what the allies demanded. [Lex Julia.] The land to which all the agrarian laws, prior to the Thoria Lex, applied, was the public land in Italy, south of the Macra and the Rubico, the southern boundaries of Gallia Cisalpina on the west and east coasts respectively. The Thoria Lex applied to all the public land within these limits, except what had been disposed of by assignation prior to the year b. c. 133, in which Tiberius Gracchus was tribune, and except the Ager Cam- panus. It applied also to public land in the pro- vince of Africa, and in the territory of Corinth. [Thoria Lex.] The object of the agrarian law of P. Servilius Rullus, proposed in the consul- ship of Cicero b. c. 63, was to sell all the public land both in and out of Italy, and to buy lands in Italy on which the poor were to be settled. Ten commissioners, with extraordinary powers, were to carry the law into effect, and a host of surveyors, clerks, and other officers, were to find employment in this agrarian job. The job was defeated by Cicero, whose three extant orations against Rullus contain most instructive matter on the condition of the Roman state at that time. The tribune Flavius, b. c. 60, at the instigation of Cn. Pompeius, brought forward a measure for providing the sol- diers of Pompeius with lands. Cicero was not al- together opposed to this measure, for he wished to please Pompeius. One clause of the law provided that lands should be bought for distribution with the money that should arise in the next five years from the new revenues that had been created by the Asiatic conquests of Pompeius. The law was dropped, but it was reproduced in a somewhat altered shape by C. Julius Caesar in his consul- ship, b. c. 59, and it included the Stellatis Agcx VI AORARIAE LEGES. and the Campanus Ager, which all previous agra- rian laws had left untouched. The fertile tract of Capua (Campanus Ager) was distributed among 20,000 persons, who had the qualification that the law required, of three or more children. After this distribution of the Campanian land, and the abolition of the port duties and tolls (portoria), Cicero observes (ad Att. ii. 16), "there was no revenue to be raised from Italy, except the five per cent, (yicesima) " from the sale and manu- mission of slaves. The lands which the Roman people had acquired in the Italian peninsula by conquest were greatly reduced in amount by the laws of Gracchus and by sale. Confiscations in the civil wars, and conquests abroad, were, indeed, continually increasing the public lands ; but these lands were allotted to the soldiers and the numerous colonists to whom the state was continually giving lands. The system of colonisation which prevailed during the republic, was continued under the emperors, and considerable tracts of Italian land were disposed of in this man- ner by Augustus and his successors. Vespasian as- signed lands in Samnium to his soldiers, and grants of Italian lands are mentioned by subsequent em- perors, though we may infer that at the close of the second century of our aera, there was little public land left in the peninsula. Vespasian sold part of the public lands called subseciva. Domitian gave the remainder of such lands all through Italy to the possessors (Aggenus). The conquests be • yond the limits of Italy furnished the emperors with the means of rewarding the veterans by grants of land, and in this way the institutions of Rome were planted on a foreign soil. But, according to Gaius, property in the land was not acquired by such grant ; the ownership was still in the state, and the provincial landholder had only the pos- sessio. If this be true, as against the Roman people or the Caesar, his interest in the land was one that might be resumed at any time, according to the strict rules of law, though it is easily con- ceived that such foreign possessions would daily acquire strength, and could not safely be dealt with as possessions had been in Italy by the various agrarian laws which had convulsed the Roman state. This assertion of the right of the populus Romanus and of the emperors, might be no wrong " inflicted on provincial landowners by the Roman jurisprudence,"* as Niebuhr affirms. The tax paid by the holders of ager privatus in the provinces was the only thing which dis- tinguished the beneficial interest in such land from Italic land, and might be, in legal effect, a recog- nition of the ownership according to Roman law. And this was Savigny's earlier opinion with re- spect to the tax paid by provincial lands ; he con- sidered such tax due to the Roman people as the sovereign or ultimate owner of the lands. His later opinion, as expressed in the Zeitschrift fur AliKAiUAJi iiJSUJliS. * Niebuhr observes that Frontinus speaks of the " arva publico, in the provinces, in contradis- tinction to the agri privati there ; " but this he certainly does not. This contradistinction is made by his commentator Aggenus who, as he himself says, only conjectures the meaning of Frontinus ; and, perhaps, he has not discovered it. (Bei Agr. Script, pp. 38. 46, 47.) Savigny's explanation of this passage is contained in the Zeitschrift fur Gesch. Iieclitsw. vol. xi. p. 24. Gesdiichtliche Reclitswissenscha.fi (vol. v. p. 254), is, that under the Caesars a uniform system of direct taxation was established in the provinces, to which all provincial land was subject ; but land in Italy was free from this tax, and a provincial town could only acquire the like freedom by receiving the privilege expressed by the term Jus Italicum. The complete solution of the question here under dis- cussion could only be effected by ascertaining the origin and real nature of this provincial land-tax ; and as it may be difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain such facts, we must endeavour to give a probable solution. Now it is consistent with Roman notions that all conquered land should he considered as the property of the Roman state*; and it is certain that such land, though assigned to individuals, did not by that circumstance alone become invested with all the characters of that Roman land which was private property. It had not the privilege of the Jus Italicum, and consequently could not be the object of Quiritarian ownership, with its incidents of mancipatio, &c. All land in the provinces, including even that of the liberae civitates, and the ager publicus properly so called, could only become an object of Quiritarian owner- ship by having conferred upon it the privilege of Italic land, by which it was also released from the payment of the tax. It is clear that there might be and was ager privatus, or private property, in provincial land ; but this land had not the privileges of Italic land, unless such privilege was expressly given to it, and accordingly it paid a tax. As the notions of landed property in all countries seem to suppose a complete ownership residing in some person, and as the provincial landowner, whose lands had not the privilege of the Jus Italicum, had not that kind of ownership which, according to the notions of Roman law, was com- plete ownership, it is difficidt to conceive that the ultimate ownership of provincial lands (with the exception of those of the liberae civitates) could reside any where else than in the populus Romanus, and, after the establishment of the imperial power, in the populus Romanus or the Caesar. This question is, however, one of some difficulty, and well deserves further examination. It may he doubted, however, if Gaius means to say that there could be no Quiritarian ownership of private land in the provinces ; at least this would not he the case in those districts to which the Jus Italicum was extended. The case of the Recentoric lands, which is quoted by Niebuhr (Cic. c. Rullum, i. 4), may be explained. The land here spoken of was land in Sicily. One object of the measure of Rullus was to exact certain extraordinary pay- ments (vectigal) from the public lands, that is, from the possessors of them ; but he excepted the Recentoric lands from the operation of his measure. If this is private land, Cicero argues, the exception is unnecessary. The argument, of course, assumes that there was or might be private land in Sicily ; that is, there was or might be land which would not be affected by this part of the measure of Rullus. Now the opposition of public and private land in this passage certainly proves, what call easily be proved without it, that individuals in the provinces owned land as individuals did in Italy s and such land might with propriety be called privatus, as contrasted with that called publicus in the provinces : in fact, it would not be easy to have found another name for it. But we know AGRARIAE LEGES. that ager privatus in the provinces, unless it had received the Jus Italicum, was not the same thing as ager privatus in Italy, though both were private property. Such a passage then as that just re- ferred to in Cicero, leads to no necessary conclusion that the ultimate ownership or dominion of this private land was not in the Roman people. It only remains briefly to notice the condition of the public land with respect to the fructus, or vec- tigal which belonged to the state. This, as al- ready observed, was generally a tenth, and hence the ager publicus was sometimes called decumanus ; it was also sometimes called ager vectigalis. The tithes were generally farmed by the publicani, who paid their rent mostly in money, but sometimes in grain. The letting was managed by the censors, and the lease was for five years. The form, how- ever, of leasing the tenths was that of a sale, mancipation In course of time the word locatio was applied to these leases. The phrase used by the Roman writers was originally fructus locatio, which was the proper expression ; but we find the phrase, agrum fruendum locare, also used in the same sense, an expression wluch might appear somewhat ambiguous ; and even agrum locare, which might mean the leasing of the public lands, and not of the tenths due from the possessors of them. Strabo (p. 622), when speaking of the port duties of Cume in Aeolis, says they were sold, by which he no doubt means that they were fanned on certain terms. It is, however, made clear by Niebuhr, that in some instances at least the phrase agrum locare, does mean the leasing of the tenths ; whether this was always the meaning of the phrase, it is not possible to affirm. Though the term ager vectigalis originally ex- pressed the public land, of which the tithe was leased, it afterwards came to signify lands which were leased by the state, or by different corpora- tions. This latter description would comprehend even the ager publicus ; but this kind of public property was gradually reduced to a small amount, and we find the term ager vectigalis, in the later period, applied to the lands of towns which were so leased that the lessee, or those who derived their tithe from him, could not be ejected so long as they paid the vectigal. This is the ager vectigalis of the Digest (vi. tit. 3), on the model of which was formed the emphyteusis, or ager emphyteuticarius. [Emphyteusis.] The rights of the lessee of the ager vectigalis were different from those of a pos- sessor of the old ager publicus, though the ager vectigalis was derived from, and was only a new form of the ager publicus. Though he had only a jus in re 9 and though he is distinguished from the owner (dominus), yet he was considered as having the possession of the land. He had, also, a right of action against the town', if he was ejected from his land, provided he had always paid his vectigal. The nature of these agrarian laws, of which the first was the proposed law of Spurius Cassius, and the last, the law of C. Julius Caesar, B.C. 59, is easily understood. The plebs began by claiming a share in those conquered lands of which the patricians claimed the exclusive enjoyment, sub- ject to a fixed payment to the state. It was one object of the Rogations of Licinius to check the power of the nobles, and to limit their wealth ; and as they had at that time little landed property, this end would be accomplished by limiting their enjoyment of the public land. But a more im- AGRARIAE LEGES. 43 portant object was to provide for the poorer citizens. In a country where there is little trade, and no manufacturing industry, the land is the only source to which the poorer classes can look for subsist- ence. Accordingly, at Rome there was a continual demand for allotments, and these allotments were made from time to time. These allotments were just large enough to maintain a man and his family, and the encouragement of population was one of the objects contemplated by these grants of land. (Liv. v. 30.) Rome required a constant supply of soldiers, and the system was well adapted to give the supply. But this system of small holdings did not produce all the results that were anticipated. Poverty and mismanagement often compelled the small owners to sell their lands to their richer neighbours, and one clause of the law of Tib. Gracchus forbade persons selling their allotments. This clause was afterwards repealed, not, as some would suppose, to favour the rich, but simply because the repeal of so absurd an enactment would be beneficial to all parties. In the later republic agrarian laws were con- sidered as one means of draining the city of the scum of the population, which is only another proof of the impolicy of these measures, for the worthless populace of a large city will never make a good agricultural population. (Cic. ad Att. l. 19.) They were also used as means of settling veteran soldiers, who must either be maintained as soldiers, or provided for in some way. Probably from about the close of the second Punic war, when the Romans had large standing armies, it became the practice to pro- vide for those who had served their period by giving them a grant of land (Liv. xxxi. 4) ; and this practice became common under the later republic and the empire. The Roman soldier al- ways looked forward to a release from service after a certain time, but it was not possible to send him away empty-handed. At the present day none of the powers of Europe which maintain very large armies could safely disband them, for they could not provide for the soldiers, and the soldiers would certainly provide for themselves at the ex- pense of others. It was perhaps not so much a sys- tem of policy with the Romans as necessity, which led them from time to time to grant lands in small allotments to the various classes of citizens who have been enumerated. The effects of this system must be considered from several points of view — as a means of silenc- ing the clamours of the poor, and one of the modes of relieving their poverty, under which aspect they may be classed with the Leges Frumentariae ; of diffusing Roman settlers over Italy, and thus extending the Roman power ; as a means of pro- viding for soldiers ; and as one of the ways in which popular leaders sought to extend their in- fluence. The effects on agriculture could hardly be beneficial, if we consider that the fact of the settlers often wanting capital is admitted by an- cient authorities, that they were liable to be called from their lands for military service, and that persons to whom the land was given were often unacquainted with agriculture, and unaccustomed to field labour. The evil that appears in course of time in all states is the poverty of a large number of the people, for which different countries attempt to provide different remedies. The Roman system of giving land failed to remedy this evil ; but it 4* JiunnjujuiuiiA. was a system that developed itself of necessity in a state constituted like Rome. Those who may choose to investigate the sub- ject of the agrarian laws, will find the following references sufficient for the purpose : — Liv. i. 46, 47 ; ii. 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 52, 61, 63, iii. 1, 9, iv. 12, 36, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, SI, 52, 58, v. 24. 30, vi. 5, 6, 16, 21, 35, vii. 16, x. 13, 47, xxxiii. 42, xxxiv. 40 ; Dionys. ii. 15, viii. 70, &c, ix. 51, &c, x. 36 ; Plut. Camillas, c. 39, T. Grac- chus, V. Gracchus ; Appian, B. C. i. 7, &c ; Cic. c. Rullum; ad Att. i. 19, ii. 16 ; Dion Cass, xxxviii. 1, &c. xlv. 9, &c. xlvii. 14, xlviii. 2 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 2, 6, 44 ; Floras^ iii. 13, &c. ; Zeitselirift fur Geschic/itliche Rechtswissenschaft, Das Ackergesetz von Spurius Thorius, vol. x. by Rudorff ; Niebuhr, Roman History, vol. ii. p. 129, &c. ; Savigny, DasRechtdes Besitzes, 5th ed. ; Classical Museum, Parts V. VI. VII., articles by the author of this article, and an article by Professor Puchta, of Berlin ; Political Dictionary, art. Agrarian Law, by the author of this article. [G. L.] AGRAU'LIA (aypavAla) was a festival cele- brated by the Athenians in honour of Agraulos, the daughter of Cecrops. (Diet, of Biogr. s. v.) We possess no particulars respecting the time or mode of its celebration ; but it was, perhaps, con- nected with the solemn oath, which all Athenians, when they arrived at manhood (c(pr]Soi), were obliged to take in the temple of Agraulos, that they would fight for their country, and always observe its laws. (Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 189 ; Dem. de Lcgat. p. 438 ; Plut. Alcib. 15 ; Stobaeus, Serm. xli. 141 ; Schb'mann, De Comitiis, p. 332 ; Wachsmuth, Hel- len. Alterth. vol. i. p. 476, 2nd ed.) Agraulos was also honoured with a festival in Cyprus, iu the month Aphrodisius, at which human victims were offered. (Porphyr. Dc Abstin. ab Anim. i. 2.) AGRICULTU'RA, agriculture. Authorities. — When we remember that agricul- ture, in the most extended acceptation of the term, was for many centuries the chief, we may say, almost the sole peaceful occupation followed by any large portion of the free population in those European nations which first became highly civilised, we shall not be surprised to find that the contemporaries of Cicero were able to enumerate upwards of fifty Greek writers who had contributed to this science. But although the Homeric poems are filled with a series of the most charming pictures derived from the business of a country life, although Hesiod supplies abundance of wise saws and pithy apho- risms, the traditional wisdom accumulated during many successive generations, although Xenophon has bequeathed to us a most graceful essay on the moral beauty of rustic pursuits interspersed with not a few instructive details, and although much that belongs to the Natural History of the subject will be found treasured up in the vast storehouses of Aristotle and Theophrastus, yet nothing which can be regarded in the light of a formal treatise upon the art as exhibited in the pastures and corn- fields of Hellas, has descended to us, except a volume, divided into twenty books, commonly known as the Geoponica (TeayiroviKii), whose his- tory is somewhat obscure, but which, according to the account commonly received, was drawn up at the desire of Constantine VI. (a. d. 780—802) by a certain Cassianus Bassus, and consists of ex- tracts from numerous writers, chiefly Greek, many Auaiuuui una. of whom flourished in the second, third, and fourth centuries. This collection is systematically ar- ranged and comprehends all the chief branches; but it has never been considered of much value, except in so far as it tends to confirm or illustrate the statements found elsewhere. The information conveyed by it is, upon many points, extremely meagre, the materials were worked up at a late period by an editor with whose history and qualifications for his task we are altogether unacquainted, while the most important quotations are taken from authors of whom we know little or nothing, so that we can- not tell whether their precepts apply to the same or to different climates, whether they give us the fruit of their own experience, or, as we have great reason to .suspect in many instances, were them- selves mere compilers. The Romans, during the brightest periods of their history, were devotedly attached to the only lucrative profession in which any citizen could embark with honour, and from the first dawn until the decline of their literature, rural economy formed a favourite theme for composition both hi prose and verse. The works of the Sasernae, father and son, those of Scrofa Tremellius, oi Julius Hyginus, of Cornelius Celsus, of Julius Atticus, and of Julius Graecinus have perished ; hut we still possess, in addition to Virgil, four " Scriptores de Re Rustica, 11 two, at least, of whom were practical men. We have, in the first place, 162 chapters from the pen of the elder Cato (b. c. 234 — 149), a strange medley, containing many valuable hints for the management of the farm, the olive garden, and the vineyard, thrown together without order or method, and mixed up with medical prescriptions, charms for dislocated and broken bones, culinary receipts, and sacred litanies, the whole forming a remarkable compound of simplicity and shrewdness, quaint wisdom and blind superstition, bearing, moreover, a strong im- press of the national character; in the second place, we have the three hooks of Varro (b. c. 116 — 28), drawn up at the age of eighty, by one who was not only the most profound scholar of his age, but likewise a soldier, a politician, an enthusiastic and successful farmer ; in the third place, the thirteen books of Columella (a. d. 40 [?]), more minute than the preceding, especially in all that relates to the vine, the olive, gardening, and fruit trees, but evidently proceeding from one much less familiar with his subject ; and, lastly, the fourteen books of Palladius (a writer of uncertain date who closely copies Columella), of which twelve form a Farmer's calendar, the different operations being ranged according to the months in which they ought to be performed. Besides the above, a whole book of Pliny and many detached chapters are devoted to matters' connected with the labours of the husbandman ; but in this, as in the other portions of that remarkable encyclopaedia, the assertions must be received with caution, since they cannot be regarded as exhibiting the results of original investigation, nor even a very correct repre- sentation of the opinions of others. We ought not here to pass over unnoticed the great work of Mago the Carthaginian, who, as a native of one of the most fertile and carefully cul- tivated districts of the ancient world, must have bad ample opportunities for acquiring knowledge. This production, extending to twenty-eight books, had attained such high lame that, after the de- AGRICULTURA. struction of Carthage, it was translated into Latin by orders of the senate ; a Greek version, with ad- ditions and probably omissions, was executed by Pionysius of Utica, and published in twenty books during the century before the commencement of our era ; and this, again, was a few years after- wards condensed into six books by Diophanes of Nicaea, and presented to King Deiotarus. In what follows, Cato, Varro, and Columella will be our chief supports, although references will be made to and illustrations drawn from the other sources indicated above. (Varr. R. R. i. 1 ; Col. R. R. i. 1 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 3 ; Proleg. ad Geopon. in ed. Niclas.) Division oftlte Subject. Rural Economy may be treated of under two distinct heads — A. Agriculture proper {Agricultura), or the art of tilling the soil. B. The management of stock (Pastio). A. AGRICULTURA. Agriculture proper teaches the art of raising the various crops necessary for the sustenance and com- fort of man and of the domestic animals, in such a manner that the productive energies of the soil may be fally developed but not exhausted nor enfeebled, and teaches, farther, how this may be accomplished with the least possible expenditure of capital. The crops to which the Greeks and Romans chiefly directed their attention were — I. Different kinds of grain, such as wheat and barley ; leguminous vegetables cultivated for their seeds, such as beans, peas, and lupines ; herbs cut green for forage, such as grass, tares, and lucerne ; and plants which furnished the raw material for the textile fabrics, such as hemp and flax. 2. Fruit trees, especially the vine, the olive, and the fig. 3. Garden stuffs. — For the second of these divi- sions we refer to the articles Oletum and Vinea ; and we shall not touch at all upon gardening, since the minute details connected with this topic are of little or no service in illustrating the classics generally. Agriculture in its restricted sense comprehends a knowledge I. Of the subject of our operations, that is, the farm{fundus,praedium), which mustbe considered. a. with reference to its situation and soil {quo loco et qualis), and 6. with reference to the dwell- ing-house and steading {villa et stahuld). II. Of the instruments {instrumenta) required to perform the various operations {quae in /undo opus sint ac debeant esse culturae causa), these in- struments being twofold, a. men {homines) ; and b. the assistants of men (adminicula hominum), viz. domestic animals {boves, equi, canes, &c.) together with tools {instrummta), properly so called, such as ploughs and harrows. III. Of the operations themselves, such as ploughing, harrowing, and sowing {quae in fwndo colendi causa sint facienda), and of the time when they are to be performed {quo quidquid tempore fieri conveniat). IV. Of the object of these operations, viz. the different plants considered with reference to their species, varieties, and habits. Under this head we may also conveniently include what is termed the rotation of crops, that is, the order in which they ought to succeed each other upon the same ground. AGRICULTURA. I. a. Cognitio Fundi 45 {Knowledge of the Farm). In selecting a farm, the two points which first demanded attention were, 1. The healthiness of the situation (salu- britas), a matter of the greatest anxiety in Italy, where the ravages of malaria appear to have been not less fatal in ancient than they have proved in modern times ; and, 2. The genera] fertility of the soil. It was essential to be fully satisfied upon both of these particulars; for tc settle in a pestilential spot was to gamble with the lives and property of all concerned {non aliud est atque alea domini vitae et rei familiaris), and no man in his senses would undertake to till land which was not likely to yield a fair return for his outlay of money and labour {frucius pro impensa ac Lahore). The next object of solicitude was a good aspect. The property was, if possible t to have a southerly exposure, to be sheltered by a wooded hill from the sweep of boisterous and cut- ting winds, and not to be liable to sudden mis- fortunes {ne calamitosum siet), such as inundationa or violent hail storms. It was highly important that it should be in the vicinity of a populous town {oppidum validum), or if not, that it should be readily accessible either by sea, or by a navigable stream {amnis qua naves ambulant), or by a good well frequented road {via bona celebrisque) ; that there should be an abundant supply of water {bo- num aquarium) ; that it should be so situated that the proprietor, if he did not live upon the estate, might be able to give active and constant personal superintendence ; and, finally, that it should be moderate in size, so that every portion might be brought into full cultivation {laudato ingentia rura — Exiguum colito). These preliminary matters being ascertained, the soil might be considered in reference a. to its general external features {forma), 0. to its internal qualities {qualis sit terra). . a. In so far as its external features were con- cerned it might be flat {solum campestre), or upland rolling ground {collinum), or high lying {monta- num), or might comprise within its limits all three, which was most desirable, or any two of them. These variations would necessarily exer- cise important influence on the climate, on the description of crops which might be cultivated with advantage, and on the time chosen for per- forming the various operations, the general rule being that as we ascend the temperature falls, that corn and sown crops in general {segetes) succeed best on plains, vineyards {vineae) on gentle slopes, and timber trees {sibvae) upon elevated sites, and that the different labours of the rustic may be commenced earlier upon low than upon high ground. When flat it was better that it should incline gently and uniformly in one direction (aequabiliter in unam partem vergens) than be a dead level {ad Izbellam aequum), for in the latter case the drainage being necessarily imperfect, it would have a tendency to become Bwampy ; bu' the worst form was when there were converging slopes, for there the water collected into pools {lacunas). j8. In so far as its internal qualities were con- cerned, soil might be classed under six heads form- ing three antagonistic pairs. : — 1. The deep and fat (pingue), 2. The shallow and lean (macrwm, jejunum), 3. The loose {solu- 46 AGRICULTURA. Sam), 4. The dense (spissum), 5. The wet (humi- d-urn, aquosum, uliginosum), 6. The dry (shewn), while the endless gradations and combinations of which the elementary qualities were susceptible produced all the existing varieties. These are named sometimes from their most obvious consti- tuents, the stony (lapidosum), the gravelly (glareo- sum), the sandy (arenosum), the mortary (sabulo- sum), the chalky (cretosum), the clayey (argillo- swm) ; sometimes from their colour, the black (nigrum), the Aaik(pullum), the grey (subolbum), the red (rubicundum), the white (album) ; some- times from their consistency, the crumbling (putre, friabile, cineritium), as opposed to the tenacious (densum, crassum, spissum) ; sometimes from their natural products, the grassy (graminosum, herbo- sum), the weedy (spurcum) ; sometimes from their taste, the salt (salsum), the bitter (aimarum) ; rubrica seems to have been a sort of red chalky clay, but what the epithets rudecta and materina applied to earth (terra) by Cato may indicate, it is hard to determine (Cato 34 ; comp. Plin. H. N. xviii. 17). The great object of the cultivator being to separate the particles as finely as possible (neque enim aliud est colere quam resolvere et fermentare terram), high value was attached to those soils which were not only rich, but naturally pulveru- lent. Hence the first place was held by solum pingue et putre, the second by pinguiter densum, while the worst was that which was at once dry, tenacious, and poor (skcum pariter et densum et macrum). The ancients were in the habit of form- ing an estimate of untried ground, not only from the qualities which could be detected by sight and touch, but also from the character of the trees, shrubs, and herbage growing upon it spontaneously, a test of more practical value than any of the others enumerated in the second Georgic (177 — 258.) When an estate was purchased, the land might be either in a state of culture (culia novalid), or in a state of nature (rudis ager). The comparative value of land under cultivation estimated by the crops which it was capable of bearing, is fixed by Cato (1), according to the fol- lowing descending scale : — 1. Vineyards (vinea), provided they yielded good wine in abundance. 2. Garden ground well supplied with water (Itortus irriguus). 3. Osier beds (salictum). 4. Olive plantations (oletum). 5. Meadows (pratum). 6. Corn land (campus frumentarms). 7. Groves which might be cut for timber or fire-wood (silva caedua). 8. Arbustum. This name was given to fields planted with trees in regular rows. Upon these vines were trained, and the open ground cultivated for corn or legu- minous crops in the ordinary manner, an arrange- ment extensively adopted in Campania, and many other parts of Italy in modern times, but by no means conducive to good husbandry. 9. Groves yielding acorns, beech-mast, and chestnuts (glam.- daria silva). The fact that in the above scale, corn land is placed below meadows may perhaps be re- garded as an indication that, even in the time of Cato, agriculture was upon the decline among the Romans. When waste land was to be reclaimed, the or- dinary procedure was to root out the trees and brushwood (Jhiteta), by which it might be encum- bered, to remove the rocks and stones which would impede the labours of men and oxen, to destroy by AGRICULTURA. fire or otherwise troublesome weeds, such as ferns and reeds (filices, junei), to drain off the super. fluous moisture, to measure out the ground into fields of a convenient size, and to enclose these with suitable fences. The three last-mentioned processes alone require any particular notice, and we therefore subjoin a few words upon Drains, Land-Measures, Fences. Drains (fossae, sulci alveati,inbilia) were of two kinds: — 1. Open (patentes). 2. Covered (caecae). 1. Fossae patentes, open ditches, alone were formed in dense and chalky soil. They were wide at top, and gradually narrowed in wedge fashion (imbricibus supinis similes) as they descended. 2. Fossae caecae, covered drains, or sivers aa they are termed in Scotland, were employed where the soil was loose, and emptied themselves into the fossae patentes. They were usually sunk from three to four feet, were three feet wide at top and eighteen inches at bottom ; one half of the depth was filled up with small stones or sharp gravel (nud-a glarea), and the earth which had been dug out, was thrown in above until the surface was level. Where stones or gravel could not readily be procured, green willow poles were introduced, crossing each other in all directions (quoquoversus), or a sort of rope was constructed of twigs twisted together so as to fit exactly into the bottom of the drain ; above this the leaves of some of the pine tribe were trodden down, and the whole covered up with earth. To prevent the apertures being choked by the falling down of the soil, the mouths were supported by two stones placed upright, and one across (utilissimwm est. . . . ova earum Unit utrimque lapidibus statuminari et alio superintegi). To carry off the surface-water from land undei crop, open furrows (sulci aquarii, elices) were left at intervals, which discharged themselves into cross furrows (coUiquiae) at the extremities of the fields, and these again poured their streams into thfl ditches. (Cat. 43. 155 ; Col. ii. 2. 8 ; xi. 2 ; Pallad vi. 3 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 6. 19. 26 ; Virg. Georg. i. 113.) Measures of Land. — The measure employed for land in Latium -was the jugerum, which was a double actus quadratus, the actus quadratus, an- ciently called acna, or acnua, or ognua, being a square, whose side was 120 Roman feet. The subdivisions of the as were applied to the jugerum, the lowest in use being the scripulum, a square whose side was ten feet. 200 jugera formed a centuria, a term which is said to have arisen from the allotments of land made by Romulus to the citizens, for these being at the rate of 2 jugera to each man, 200 jugera would be assigned to every hundred men. LaBtly, four centuiiae made a saltus. We thus have the following table : — 1 scripulum = 100 square feet, Roman measure. 144 scripula = 1 actus = 14,400 square feet 2 actus = 1 jugerum = 28,800 square feet. 200 jugera = 1 centuria, 4 centuriae = 1 saltus. Now, since three actus quadrati contained 4800 square yards, and since the English imperial acre contains 4840 square yards, and since the Roman foot was about g of an inch less than the im- perial foot, it follows that the Roman juger was less than | of an imperial acre by about 500 square yards. la Campania the measure for land was tbn AGRICULTURA. versus quadrates, a square whose side was 100 feet, the words actus and versus marking the or- dinary length of furrow in the two regions. (Varr. R. R. i. 10, L. L. iv. 4 ; Col. v. 1 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 3.) Fences (sepes, sepimenta) were of four kinds : — 1. Sepimentum naturale, the quickset hedge (viva sepes). 2. Sepimentum agreste, a wooden paling made with upright stakes (pali) interlaced with brush- wood (virgultis implicatis), or having two or more cross-spars (amites, longuria) passed through holes drilled in the stakes, after the manner of what are now tenneAfiakes (palis latis perforatis et per ea foramina trqjectis longuriis fere binis out ternis). 3. Sepimentum militare, consisting of a ditch (fossa) with the earth dug out and thrown up in- side so as to form an embankment (agger), a fence used chiefly along the sides of public roads or on the banks of rivers. 4. Sepimentum fabrile, a wall which might be formed either of stones (maceria),&s in the vicinity of Tusculum, or of baked bricks as in the north of Italy, or of unbaked bricks as in Sabinum, or of masses of earth and stone pressed in between upright boards (in formis), and hence termed formaeii. These last were common in Spain, in Africa, and near Tarentum, and were said to last for centuries uninjured by the weather. (Varr. i. 14 ; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 14 ; comp. Col. v. 10, s. 3; Pallad. i. 34 ; vi. 3.) Finally, after the land had been drained, di- vided, and fenced, the banks which served as boundaries, and the road-sides were planted with trees, the elm and the poplar being preferred, in order to secure a supply of leaves for the stock and timber for domestic use. (Cat. 6.) I. b. Villa Rustica. In erecting a house and offices, great importance was attached to the choice of a favourable position. The site selected was to be elevated rather than low, in order to secure good ventilation and to avoid all danger of exhalations from running or stagnant water ; under the brow of a hill, for the sake of shelter ; facing the east so as to enjoy sunshine in winter and shade in summer ; near, but not too near to a stream, and with plenty of wood and pasture in the neighbourhood. The structures were to be strictly in proportion to the extent of the farm ; for if too large, the original cost is heavy, and they must be kept in repair at a great expense ; if too small, the various products would run the risk of being injured by the want of proper receptacles (ita edifices ne villa fundum quaerat neve fundus villam, Cat. R. R. 3). The buildings were usually arranged round two courts, with a tank in the centre of each, and divided into three parts, named according to the purposes for which they were destined. 1. (Pars) Urbana. 2. (Pars) Rustica. 3. (Pars) Fructuaria. 1. Urbana. This comprehended that part of the building occupied by the master and his family, consisting of eating rooms (coenationes) and sleep- ing apartments (cubzcula), with different aspects for summer and winter, baths (balnearia), and porticoes or promenades (ambulationes). Columella recommends that this portion of the mansion should te made as commodious as the means of the pro- prietor will permit, in order that he himself may be tempted to spend more time there, and that the AGRICULTURA. 47 lady of the family (matrona) may be more willing to bear her husband company. 2. Rustica. This comprehended that part of the building occupied by the servants, consisting of a large and lofty kitchen (culina), to which they might at all times resort, baths (baheae) for then- use on holidays, sleeping closets (celiac) for the servi soluti, a gaol (ergastulum) under ground for the servi vincti. In this division were included also the stables, byres, sheds, folds, courts, and enclosures of every description (stabula, bubilia, septa, ovilia, cortes) for the working oxen (domiti boves), and other stock kept at home, together with a magazine or storehouse (horreum) where all the implements of agriculture (omne rusticum instru- mentum) were deposited, and within this, a lock-up room for the reception of the iron tools (ferra- menta). In so far as the distribution of rooms was concerned, the overseer (villicus) was to have his chamber beside the main entrance (Janua), in order that he might observe all who came in or went out, the book-keeper (procurator) was to be placed over the gate, that he might watch the villicus as well as the others, while the shepherds (opiliones), oxmen (bubulci), and such persons were to be lodged in the immediate vicinity of the ani- mals under their charge. 3. Fructuaria. This comprehended that part of the building where the produce of the farm was preserved, consisting of the oil cellar (ceUa olearia), the press-house (cella torcularia), the vault for wines in the cask (ceUa vinaria), the boiling-room for inspissating must (defrutaria), all of which were on the ground floor, or a little depressed be- low the level of the soil. Above were hay-lofts (foenilia), repositories for chaff, straw, leaves, and other fodder (palearia), granaries (horrea, gra- naria), a drying-room for newly cut wood (fuma- rium) in connection with the rustic bath flues, and store-rooms (apoihecae) for wine in the am- phora, some of which communicated with the fwmarium, while others received the jars whose contents had been sufficiently mellowed by the influence of heat. In addition to the conveniences enumerated above, a mill and bake house (pistrinum et fur- num) were attached to every establishment ; at least two open tanks (piscinae, locus sub dio), one for the cattle and geese, the other for steeping lupines, osiers, and objects requiring maceration ; and, where there was no river or spring available, covered reservoirs (cisternae sub tectis) into which rain water was conveyed for drinking and culinary purposes. (Cat. 3, 4, 14 ; Varr. i. 11—14 ; Col. i. 6 ; Geopon. ii. 3.) II. Instrumenta. The instrumenta employed to cultivate the ground were two-fold : a. Persons (Jiomines) ; b. Aids to human toil (adminicula hominum), namely, oxen and other animals employed in work ; together with tools (instrumenta), in the restricted sense of the word. II. a. Homines. The men employed to cultivate a farm might be either, 1. free labourers (operarii), or 2. slaves (servi). 1. Free labourers. Cato considers the facility of procuring persons of this description, whom in one place he calls mercenarii politores, as one of the 48 AUKlUUliTUKA. circumstances that ought to weigh with a purchaser hi making choice of a farm ; for although a large proportion of the work upon great estates was, during the later ages at least of the Roman re- public, always performed by slaves, it was con- sidered advantageous to employ hirelings for those operations where a number of hands were re- quired for a limited period, as in hay-making, the corn harvest, and the vintage, or, according to the cold-blooded recommendation of Varro, in unhealthy situations where slaves would have died off fast, entailing a heavy loss on their owner. Operarii consisted either of poor men with their families, who were hired directly by the farmer, or of gangs (conduetitiae liberorum operae) who entered into an engagement with a contractor (mercenarius), who in his turn bargained with the farmer for some piece of work in the slump, or lastly, of persons who had incurred debt which they paid off in work to their creditors. This, which was an ordinary practice in the earlier ages of the Roman republic, seems in later times to have been confined to foreign countries, being com- mon especially in Asia and Illyria. Free labourers worked under the inspection of an overseer (prae- fectus), whose zeal was stimulated by rewards of different kinds. 2. Slaves (servi). Rustic slaves were divided into two great classes, those who were placed under no direct personal restraint {servi soluti), and those who worked in fetters (servi vincti) when abroad, and when at home were confined in a kind of prison (ergastulum), where they were guarded and their wants supplied by a gaoler (er- gastularius). Slaves, moreover, in large establish- ments, were ranked in bodies according to the duties which they were appointed to perform, it being a matter of obvious expediency that the same individuals should be regularly employed in the same tasks. Hence there were the ox-drivers (bubulci), who for the most part acted as plough- men also (aratores), the stable-men (jugarii), who harnessed the domestic animals and tended them in their stalls, the vine-dressers (vinitores), the leaf-strippers (frondatores), the ordinary labourers (mediasiini), and many other classified bodies. These, according to their respective occupations worked either singly, or in small gangs placed under the charge of inspectors (magistri operwm). When the owner (dominus) did not reside upon the property and in person superintend the various operations in progress, the whole farming esta- blishment was under the control of a general overseer (villicus, actor), himself a slave orfreedman, who regulated the work, distributed food and clothing to the labourers, inspected the tools, kept a regular account of the stock, performed the stated sacrifices, bought what was necessary for the use of the household, and sold the produce of the farm, for which he accounted to the proprietor, except on very extensive estates where there was usually a book-keeper (procurator) who managed the pecuniary transactions, and held the villicus in check. With the villicus was associated a female companion (contvbernalis muiier) called villica, who took charge of the female slaves, and the in- door details of the family. The duties and quali- fications of a villicus will be found enumerated in Cat. c. 5, and Colum. i. 8 ; comp. Geopon. ii. 44, 45. The food of the slaves composing the household AUJUU u iix u aa.. (familia) was classed under three heads, 1. (Ma- ria. 2. Vinum. 3. Pulmentarium. 1. Cibaria. The servi compediti, being kept con- stantly in confinement, received their food in the shape of bread at the rate of 4 pounds (Roman pound=HJoz. avoirdupois) per diem in winter, and 5 pounds in summer, until the figs came in, when they went back to 4 pounds. The servi soluH received their food in the shape of com, at the rate of 4 modii (pecks) of wheat per month in winter, and 4J in summer. Those persons, such as the villicus, the villica, and the shepherd (ojm- lio), who had no hard manual labour to perform, were allowed about one fourth less. 2. Vinum. The quantity of wine allowed varied much according to the season of the year, and the severity of the toil imposed, but a servus solutus received about 8 amphorae (nearly 48 imperial gallons) a year, and a sei-vus compeditus about 10 amphorae, besides lora [see Vinum] at discretion for three months after the vintage. 3. Pulmentarium. As pulmentaria they received olives which had fallen from the trees (oleae ea- ducae), then those ripe olives (oleae tempestiw£)< from which the least amount of oil could be ex. pressed, and, after the olives were all eaten up, salt fish (halec), and vinegar (acetwm). In addi- tion to the above, each individual was allowed a sextarius (very nearly an imperial pint) of oil pel month, and a modius of salt per annum. The clothing (vestimenta) of the rustic la- bourers was of the most coarse description, but such as to protect them effectually from cold and wet, enabling them to pursue their avocations in all weathers. It consisted of thick woollen blanket shirts (twnieae), skin coats with long sleeves (peUea manicatae), cloaks with hoods (saga cucuUaia, cu~ culiones), patch-work wrappers (centones) made out of the old and ragged garments, together with strong sabots or wooden shoes (sculponeae). A tunic was given every year, a scutum and a pair of sculponeae every other year. The number of hands required to cultivate a farm, depended almost entirely on the nature of the crops. An arable farm of 200 jugers where the ordi- nary crops of corn and leguminous vegetables were raised required two pairs of oxen, two bubulci and six ordinary labourers, if free from trees, but if laid out as an arbustum, three additional hands. An olive garden of 240 jugers required three pairs of oxen, three asses for carrying manure (asini ornati clitellarii), one ass for turning the mill, five score of sheep, a villicus, a villica, five ordinary labourers, three bubulci, one ass-driver (asinarius), one shepherd (opilio), one swineherd (subuhus) ; in all twelve men and one woman. A vineyard of 100 jugers required one pair of oxen, one pair of draught asses (asini plostrarii), one mill ass (asinus molaris), a villicus, a villica, one bubulcus, one asinarius, one man to look after the plantations of willows used for withes (salic- tarius), one subulcus, ten ordinary labourers; in all fifteen men and one woman. (Cat. 5, 56 — 59, 10, 11 ; Varr. i. 19 ; Colum. i. 7, 8, ii. 12.) In what has been said above, we have assumed that the proprietor was also the farmer, but it was by no means uncommon to let (loeare) land to a tenant (politer, partiarius, Cat. ; colonus, Varr. Colum.), who paid his rent either in money (pen- sio ; ad pecuniam mvmeratam conduwit), as seems to AGRICULTURA. have been the practice when Columella wrote, or by making over to the landlord a fixed proportion of the produce (more nummo sed partibus locare), ac- cording to the system descrihed by Cato, and al- luded to by the younger Pliny. These cohni some- times tilled the same farm from father to son for generations (coloni indigenae), and such were con- sidered the most desirable occupants, since they had a sort of hereditary interest in the soil, while on the other hand frequent changes could scarcely fail to prove injurious. The worst tenants were those who did not cultivate in person, but, living in towns (wrbanus colonics), employed gangs of slaves. Upon the whole Columella recommends the owner of an estate to keep it in his own hands, except when it is very barren, the climate un- healthy, or the distance from his usual place of abode so great that he can seldom be upon the spot. Cato gives a table of the proportion which the partiarius ought to pay, according to the nature of the crop, and the fertility of the region ; but as he says nothing with regard to the manner in which the cost of cultivation was divided between the parties, his statement gives us no practical insight into the nature of these leases (Cat. 136, 137 ; Colum. i. 7, Plin. Epp. ix. 37, comp. iii. 19.) II. b. Adminicula Hominum. The domestic animals employed in labour, and their treatment will be considered under the se- cond great division of our subject, Pastio, or the management of stock. The tools (instrumenta) chiefly used by the farmer were the plough (aratrum), the grubber (irpew), harrows (crates,crates dentatae), the rake (rostrum), the spade (ligo, paid), the hoe (sarculum, bidens, marra [?]),the spud or weeding-hook (runco), the scythe and sickle (fake), the thrashing-machine ( plostellum Poenicum, tribulum), the cart (plo- strum), the axe (securis, dolabra). These will be described as we go along in so far as may be necessary to render our observations intelligible, but for full information the reader must consult the separate articles devoted to each of the above words. III. The Operations of Agriculture. The most important operations performed by the husbandman were : — 1 . Ploughing (aratio). 2. Ma- nuring (stercoratio). 3. Sowing (satio). 4. Harrow- ing (pecatio). 5. Hoeing (sarritio). 6. Weeding (■runcatzo). 7. Reaping (messio). 8. Thrashing (tritura). 9. Winnowing (yentilatio). 10. Storing up (conditio). The Flamen who offered sacrifice on the Cerealia to Ceres and Tellus, invoked twelve celestial patrons of these labours by the names Vervactor ; Repa- rotor; Imporcitor ; Insitor ; Obarator ; Occator ; Sarritor j Subruncator ; Messor ; Convecior j Con- ditor ; Promitor ; significant appellations which will be clearly understood from what follows. The functions of the last deity alone do not fall within our limits ; but we shall add another to the list in the person of Stercutius. (Serv, ad Virg. Georg. i. 21; Plin. H. N. xvii. 9 ; Lactant. i. 20 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 7 ; Prudent. PeristepJi. iii. 449 ; Augustin. de C. Dei. xviii. IS.) 1. Ploughing (aratio). The number of times that land was ploughed, Varying from two to nine, as well as the season at AGRICULTURA. 49 which the work was performed, depended upon the nature of the soil and the crop for which it was prepared. The object of ploughing being to keep down weeds, to pulverise the earth as finely as possible (Virg. Georg. ii. 204), and to expose every portion of it in turn to the action of the atmosphere, the operation was repeated again and again (Virg. Georg. i. 47), until these objects were fully at- tained. When stiff low-lying soil (campus tdigi- nosus) was broken up for wheat, it was usual to plough it four times, first (proscindere) as early in spring as the weather would permit (Virg. Georg. i. 63), after which the land was termed vervactum, and hence the god Vervactor ; for the second time (offringere, iterare, vervacta subigere), about the summer solstice, under the patronage of the god Reparator, and on this occasion the field was cross- ploughed (Virg. Georg. i. 97) ; for the third time (tertiare), about the beginning of September ; and for the fourth time, shortly before the equinox, when it was ribbed (lirare) for the reception of the seed, the ribbing being executed under favour of the god Imporcitor, by adding two mouldboards to the plough (aratrum auritum), one on each side of the share. (Varr. i. 29 ; Pallad. i. 43.) Rich soil on sloping ground was ploughed three times only, the ploughing in spring or at the beginning of September being omitted ; light (exilis) moist soil also three times, at the end of August, early in September, and about the equinox ; whilst the poorest hill soil was ploughed twice in rapid suc- cession, early in September, so that the moisture might not be dried up by the summer heat. (Virg. Georg. i. 70.) The greatest care was taken not to plough ground that had been rendered miry by rain, nor that which after a long drought had been wetted by showers which had not penetrated beyond the surface (Col. ii. 4 ; Pallad. ii. 3) ; but whether this last is really the terra cariosa of Cato, as Columella seems to think, is by no means clear. (Cat. v. 34 ; comp. Plin. //. N. xvii. 5.) With regard to the depth to which the share was to be driven, we have no very precise direc- tions; but Columella recommends generally deep ploughing (ii. 2. § 23 ; comp. Plin. II. JV. xviii. 16) in preference to mere scratching (scarificatio) with light shares (exiguis vomeribus et dentalibus). The plough was almost invariably drawn by oxen, although Homer (II. x. 351 ; Od. viii. 124) prefers mules, yoked close together in such a manner as to pull by their necks and not by the horns, guided and stimulated chiefly by the voice. The lash was used very sparingly, and the young steer was never pricked by the goad (stimulus), since it was apt to render him restive and un- manageable. The animals were allowed to rest at the end of each furrow, but not to stop in the middle of it : when unharnessed, they were care fully rubbed down, allowed to cool, and watered, before they were tied up in the stall, their mouths having been previously washed with wine. (Col. ii. 2.) The ploughman (bubulcus) was required to make perfectly straight and uniform furrows (sulco vario ne ares), so close to each other as altogether to ob- literate the mark of the share, and was particularly cautioned against missing over any portion of the ground, and thus leaving scamna, that is, masses of hard unstirred earth (necubi crudum solum et immoium relinquat, quod agricolae scamnum vo- 60 AGRICULTUBA. cant). The normal length of a furrow was 120 feet, and this is the original import of the word actus. A distinction is drawn between versus and versura, the former being properly ike furrow, the latter the extremity of the furrow, or the turning point ; but this is far from being strictly observed. (Col. ii. 5. §§ 27, 28.) Four days were allowed for the four ploughings of a juger of rich low-lying land (jugerum talis agri quatuor opens expeditur). The first ploughing (proscissio) occupied two days, the second (iteratio) one day, the third (tertiatio [?]) three fourths of a day, and ribbing for the seed one fourth of a day (in liram satum redigitur quadrante operae). The same time is allowed for the three ploughings of rich upland soil (colles pinguis soli) as for the four ploughings of the uliginosus campus, the fatigue being much greater, although the difficulties pre- sented by the acclivity were in some measure re- lieved by ploughing hills in a slanting direction, instead of straight up and down. (Cat 61 ; Varr. i. 27. 29 ; Col. ii. 2, 4 ; Pirn. H. N. xviii. 19, 20. 26 ; Pallad. i. 6, ii. 3, viii. 1, x. 1 ; Geopon. ii. 23 ; and comp. Horn. H. xiii. 704 ; xviii. 370. 540 ; Od. v. 127.) Manure (fimus, sterols). The manure chiefly employed was the dung of birds and of the or- dinary domestic animals (stercus cohtmbinum, bubu- lum, ovillum, caprinum, suillum, equinum, asininum, &c). This differed considerably in quality, ac- cording to the source from which it was procured ; and hence those who raised different kinds of crops are enjoined to keep the different sorts of dung separate, in order that each might be applied in the most advantageous manner. That derived from pigeon-houses (colwmbariis), from aviaries where thrushes were fattened (ex aviariis turdorum et merularum), and from birds in general, except water-fowl, was considered as the hottest and most powerful, and always placed apart, being sown by the hand exactly as we deal with guano at the present moment. The ancient writers very em- phatically point out the necessity of procuring large supplies of manure, which the Romans regarded as under the especial patronage of a god named Ster- cutius, and fanners were urged to collect straw, weeds, leaves of all sorts, hedge clippings, and tender twigs, which were first used to litter the stock, and then, when mixed with ashes, sweep- ings of the house, road-scrapings, and filth of every description, served to swell the dunghills (sterqui- linia). These were at least two in number, one being intended for immediate Hse, the other for the reception of fresh materials, which were allowed to remain for a year ; dung, when old and well rotted, being accounted best for all purposes, ex- cept for top-dressing of meadows, when it was used as fresh as possible. The dunghills were formed on ground that had been hollowed out and beaten down or paved, so that the moisture might not escape through the soil, and they were covered over with brushwood or hurdles to prevent evapo- ration. In this way the whole mass was kept con- stantly moist, and fermentation was still further promoted by turning it over very frequently and incorporating the different parts. The particular crops to which manure was chiefly applied will be noticed hereafter ; but in so far as regards the time of application it was laid down in AGRICULTURA. September or October, on the ground that was to be autumn sown ; and in the course of January or Fe- bruary, on the ground that was to be spring sown. A full manuring (stercoratio) for a juger of land on an upland slope (quod spissius stercoratur) was 24 loads (vehes), each load being 80 modii or pecks ; while for low-lying land (quod rarius stercoratur) 1 8 loads were considered sufficient. The dung was thrown down in small heaps of the bulk of five modii, it was then broken small, was spread out equally and ploughed in instantly that it might not be dried up by the rays of the sun, great care being taken to perform these operations when the moon was waning, and if possible with a west wind. Ac- cording to the calculations of Columella, the live- stock necessary for a farm of two Jmndred jugers ought to yield 1440 loads per year ; that is, enough for manuring 60 jugers at the rate of 24 loads to the juger. In what proportions this was distributed is nowhere very clearly defined, and must neces- sarily have varied according to circumstances. If we take two statements of Cato in connection with each other, we shall be led to conclude that he ad- vises one half of the whole manure made upon a farm to be applied to the raising of green crops used as fodder (pabulum), one-fourth to the top-dressing of meadows, and the remaining fourth to the olives and fruit-trees. Columella recommends the ma- nuring of light soil (exilis terra) before the second ploughing ; but when rich lands were summer fal- lowed previous to a corn crop, no manure was con- sidered requisite. (Horn. Od. xvii. 297, Theo- phrast. n. $. A. iii. 25 ; Cat. 5, 7, 29, 36, 37, 61 ; Varr. i. 13, 38; Colum. ii. 5, 6, 9, 10, 14, 15, xi. 2 ; Pallad. i. 33, x. i ; Cic. de Senect. 15 ; Plin. H.N. xvii. 9, xviii. 19,23; Geopon. ii. 21, 22.) The system of manuring by penning and feeding sheep upon a limited space of ground was neither unknown nor neglected, as we perceive from the precepts of Cato (30), Varro (ii. 2. § 12), and Pliny (H. N. xviii. 53), all of whom recommend the practice. The ashes obtained by burning weeds, bushes, prunings, or any sort of superfluous wood, were found to have the best effect (Virg. Georg. i. 81 ; Colum. ii. 15 ; Plin. xvii. 9 ; Geopon. xii. 4), and sometimes, as we know from Virgil (Georg. i. 84), it was deemed profitable to set fire to the stubble standing in the fields. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 30.) Caustic lime was employed as a fertiliser by some of the tribes of Transalpine Gaul in the time of Pliny, but in Italy its application seems to have been very limited and to have been confined to vines, olives, and cherry-trees. (Cat. 38 ; Pallad. i. 6 ; Plin. H. N. xvii. 9, xviii. 25, 30.) Marl also (marga) of different kinds was known to the Greeks, was Cpplied by the Megarenses to wet cold lands, and was extensively employed in Gaul and Britain ; but not being found in Italy, did not enter into the agricultural arrangements of the Latins. Pliny devotes several chapters to an ela- borate discussion upon these earths, of which he describes various sorts which had been made the subject of experiment, classifying them according to their colour, their constitution, and their quali- ties ; the white (alba), the red (rufa), the dove- coloured (columbina), the clayey (argiUacea), the sandy (arenacea), the stony (tophacea), the fet (pinguis), and the caustic [?] (aspera). Some of them we recognise at once, as for example, the fat white clayey marl chiefly used in Britain, the ef- AGRICULTURA. fects of which were believed to endure for eighty years. (Plin. H. N. xvii. 5, 8 ; corap. Varro, i. 7, In Gallia Transalpina intus ad RJienum aliquot regiones access/. .. .ubi agros stercorarent Candida fossicia creta.) Somewhat analogous to the use of marl was the system strongly recommended by Theophrastus and Columella, but condemned by Pliny, of combining soils in which some quality existed in excess, with those possessing opposite characters — dry gravel with chalky clay, or heavy wet loam with sand, — the object being frequently attained to a certain extent by subsoil ploughing, which was greatly ap- proved of as a means of renovating fields exhausted by severe cropping. (Theophrast. n. $. A. iii. 25 ; Colum. ii. 15 ; Plin. H.N. xvii. 5.) When ordinary manures could not be procured in sufficient quantity, a scheme was resorted to which was at one time pursued in this country, and is still adopted with considerable success in many parts of Italy and in the sandy tracts of southern France. The field was sown about the middle of September with beans or lupines, which were ploughed into the ground the following spring, in all cases before the pod was fully formed, and at an earlier stage of their growth on light than on stiff soils. Nay, many crops, such as beans, peas, lupines, vetches, lentils (ervilia, ci- cerula), even when allowed to come to maturity, were supposed to exercise an ameliorating influence, provided their roots were immediately buried by the plough, although perhaps in this case the bene- ficial effect may have resulted from the manure applied before they were sown. On the other hand, corn in general, poppies, fenugreek, and all crops pulled up by the roots, such as cicer and flax, were supposed to exhaust (urere) the soil, which then required either repose or manure to restore its powers. (Theophrast. II. 4». A. viii. 9 ; Cat. 37 ; Varr. i. 23 ; Colum. ii. 13—15, xi. 2 ; Pallad. L 6, vi. 4, x. 9 ; Plin. H. N. xvii. 9, xviii. 10.' 14— 16.) 3. Sowing (satio) May be considered under three heads. 1. The time of sowing. 2. The manner of sowing. 3. The choice, preparation, and quantity of the seed. 1. The seed-time (sementis) /car' Qoxw, com- menced at the autumnal equinox, and ended fifteen days before the winter solstice. Few, however, began before the setting of the Pleiades (23d Oc- tober), unless on cold wet ground, or in those lo- calities where bad weather set in soon ; indeed, it was an old proverb that, while a late sowing often disappointed the hopes of the husbandman, an early one never realised them (maturam sationem saepe decipere solere, seram numquam quin mala sit) ; and the Virgilian maxim is to the same purpose. Spring sowing (trimestris satio) was practised only in very deep stiff land, which would admit of being cropped for several years in succession (restibilis ager), or where, from peculiar circumstances connected with the situation or climate, such as the great incle- mency of the winters, it was impossible for the farmer to sow in autumn ; and hence, generally speaking, was resorted to very sparingly, and for the most part from necessity rather than inclination. 2. We can infer from incidental notices in agri- cultural writers, that the seed was committed to the ground in at least three different modes. a. The seed was cast upon a flat surface finely AGrRICULTURA. 5\ pulverised by the plough and harrow, and then covered up by ribbing the land {tertio cum ararst^ jacto Semine, boves lirore dicuntur). (Varr. i. 29; comp. Colum. ii. 13.) b. The land was ribbed, the seed was then dropped upon the tops of the lirae or elevated ridges, according to our fashion for turnips, liras autem rusiici vocant easdem porcas cum sic aratum est, ut inter duos latius distantes sulcos, medius cumulus siccam sedem frumentis praebeat. (Colum. ii. 4. § 8.) This plan was followed on wet land to secure a dry bed for the seed, which would probably be covered up by hand-rakes (rastris). c. The land was ribbed as in the former case ; but the seed, instead of being dropped upon the ridge of the lira, was cast into the depression of the furrow, and might be covered up either by the har- row or by ploughing down the middle of the lira. This was practised on light, sloping, and therefore dry, land {neque in lira sed sub sulco talis ager seminandus est, Colum. ii. 4. § 11). It will be seen clearly that, whichever of thtf above modes was adopted, the seed would spring up in regular rows, as if sown by a drill, and that only one half of the land would be covered with seed. In point of fact, the quantity of seed sown on a given extent of ground was not above half of what we employ. Vetches, fenugreek, and some other crops, as will be noticed below, were frequently thrown upon land unprepared (cruda terra), and the seeds then ploughed in. The seed seems to have been cast out of a three-peck basket (trimodiam sato- riam, sc. corbem), which from superstitious motives was frequently covered over with the skin of a hyaena. Pliny points out how necessary it was that the hand of the sower should keep time with his stride, in order that he might scatter the grains with perfect uniformity. 3. The points chiefly attended to in the choice of seed corn were, that it should be perfectly fresh and free from mixture or adulteration, and of an uniform reddish colour throughout its substance. When the crop was reaped, the largest and finest ears were selected by the hand, or, where the produce was so great as to render this impossible, the heaviest grains were separated by a sieve (quidquid eocteratur capisterio ewpurgandum erit) and reserved. In addition to these precautions it was not unusual to doctor seeds of all sorts (medicare semina) by sprinkling them with an alkaline liquor (nitrum, i. e. probably carbonate of soda), or with the deposit left by newly expressed oil (amurca), or by steeping them in various prepara- tions, of which several are enumerated by Colu- mella and Pliny ; the object being twofold, in the first place to increase the quantity and quality of the produce, and in the second place to protect it from the ravages of vermin, especially the little animal called curculio, probably the same insect with our weevil. The quantity of seed sown varied according to the soil, the situation, the season, and the weather, the general rule being that less was required for rich and finely pulverised (pingue et putre), or light and sharp (gracile), or thin poor soil (macrum, ewile) than for such as was stiff and heavy (crassum, cretosum), or moderately tenacious ; less for an open field than for an arbustum, less at the begin- ning of the season than towards the close (although this is contradicted by Pliny, H. N. xviii. 24), and b 2 52 AGRICULTURA. less in rainy than in dry weather, maxims which are fully explained by the authorities quoted he- low. The average amount of seed used for the three principal species of grain — wheat, spelt and barley — was respectively, five, ten, and six modii perjuger.(Xenoph.0ecoB.17;Theophrast.ii. 6. and iii. 26 ; Cat. 34, 35 ; Varr. i. 29, 34, 40, 52 ; Co- lum. ii. 2, 3, 8, 9, 10, 13, xii. 2 ; Pallad. i. 6, 34, x. 2 ; Virg. Georg. i. 193, 219, 225 ; Plin. //. N. xiv. 21, xvi. 27, xviii. 24, 73 ; Geopon. ii. 15—20.) 4. Harrowing (occatio) Might be performed at two different periods : after the first or second ploughing, in order to powder the soil completely ; and after sowing, in order to cover up the seed. When the land was encumbered with roots and deep-seated weeds, a grubber (irpex, Cat. 10. Varr. L.L. iv. 31) formed of a strong plank set with iron spikes was em- ployed, but in ordinary cases wicker hurdles (vi- mineae crates), sometimes fitted with teeth (den- tatae), were dragged over the ground ; or the clods were broken with hand-rakes {rostra). The seed, as we have seen above, being for the most part ploughed in, and the operation for that reason placed under the patronage of a god Obarator, the second harrowing {iteratio) was omitted, except where the surface still rose in lumps (Virg. Georg. i. 104) ; but since it was the duty of a good farmer to have his fields in the best order before he began to sow, the older Roman writers considered harrowing after sowing as a proof of bad husbandry. — " Veteres Romani dixerunt male subactum agntm, qui satis frugibus occandus sit" (Colum. ii. 4, 13, xi. 2 ; Plin. H.N. xviii. 20 ; Virg. Georg. i. 94, 104.) 5. Hoeing {sarritio). The next care, after covering up the seed, was to loosen the earth round the roots of the young blades, in order that air and moisture might gain free access and enable them to send forth more numerous and more vigorous shoots and fibres (ut fruticare possint). This process was termed ffKateia, sarritio, or sarculatio, and was carried on by hand with an instrument called sarculum, the form of which is not known. Corn was usu- ally hoed twice, for the first time in winter, as soon as it fairly covered the ground (cum sata sulcos contexerint), provided there was no frost ; and for the second time in spring, before the stalk became jointed (antequam seges in articulum eat) ; great care being taken at all times not to injure the root. On the first occasion, and then only, where the ground was dry and the situation warm, the plants, in addition to a simple hoeing {plana sarritio), Were earthed up (adobriiere). Columella recommends sarritio for almost all crops, ex- cept lupines ; but authorities differed much as to the necessity or propriety of performing the opera- tion in any case, and those who advocated its ex- pediency most warmly, agreed that the periods at which it ought to be executed, and the number of times that it ought to be repeated, must depend upon the soil, climate, and a variety of special circumstances. (Cat. 37 ; Varr. i. 18, 29, 36 ; Colum. ii. 11, xi. 2 ; Plin. //. N. xviii. 21, 26 ; Geopon. ii. 24 ; comp. Plaut. Capt. iii. 5. 3 ; Virg. Georg. i. 155.) Hoeing was followed by weeding (Poravto-fuSs, AGRICULTURA. rancatio), which in the case of grain crops took place immediately before they began to blossom, or immediately after the flower had passed away. The weeds were either pulled up by the roots (evulsis imtiliius Tusrbis), or cut over with a bill- hook, which Palladius terms runco. (Cat. 37 ; Varr. i. 30 ; Colum. ii. 11, xi. 2 ; Pallad. i. sub. fin. ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 21 ; Geopon. ii. 24.) But after the farmer had laboured with unre- mitting zeal in cleaning and pulverising thesoil, in selecting and medicating the seed, in hoeing the young blades, and in extirpating the common noxious weeds (lolium, tribuli, hppae, cardvi, rvbi, avena), the safety of the crop was threatened by a vast number of assailants {turn variae iUudant pestes) ; such as worms of various kinds (vermicidi) attacking both root and ear, caterpillars (urieae\ spiders (phalangia), snails {limaces, cocldeae), mice {mures), moles (talpae), and the whole race of birds, besides which, each kind of plant was be- lieved to have its own special vegetable enemy, which, if not carefully watched, would spring up, choke, and destroy it. The most formidable of these pests are enumerated by Pliny (H. N. xviii. 17), who proposes sundry precautions and remedies, of which many are ridiculous superstitions. But the foe dreaded above all others in the vineyard and the cornfield was a peculiar blight or mildew termed robigo, which wrought such havoc in damp low-lying situations that it was regarded as a ma- nifestation of wrath on the part of a malignant spirit, whose favour the rustic sought to propitiate by the annual festival of the Robk/alia. [Robi- GALIA.] Another danger of an opposite description arose from the grain shooting up so rapidly that the stalk was likely to become immoderately long and weak. The danger in this case was averted by pastur- ing down the too luxuriant herbage with sheep (humriem segetum tenera depascit in herba), or by dragging over it an iron-toothed harrow (cratis it hoc genus dentatae stilis ferreis), by which it was said to be combed (pectinari). (Plin. H. N. xviii. 17- 21 ; Virg. Georg. i. 151.) 7. Reaping {messio). The corn was reaped as soon as it had acquired a uniform yellow tint, without waiting until it had become dead ripe, in order to avoid the loss sustained by shaking, and by the ravages of animals. The necessity of pursuing this course with regard to barley, is especially insisted upon; but is quite at variance with modern practice. (Colum. ii. 9.) Varro describes three distinct methods of reap- ing (tria genera messionis). 1. That followed in Umbria, where the stalk was shorn close to the ground with a hook (fain); each handful was laid down ; and when a num- ber of these had accumulated, the ears were cut off, thrown into baskets {corbes), and sent to the thrashing-floor, the straw {stramentum) being left upon the field, and afterwards gathered into a heap. 2. That followed in Picenum, where they used a small iron saw {serrula ferrea) fixed to the ex- tremity of a crooked wooden handle (lignevm in- curvum batUlum) ; with this they laid hold of a bundle of ears which were cut off, the straw being left standing to be mown subsequently. 3. That followed in the vicinity of Rome and AGRICULTURA. most other places, where the stalks were grasped in the left hand and cut at half their height from the ground, the whole of the portion detached being conveyed in baskets to the thrashing-floor, and the part left standing being cut afterwards. The last two methods only are particularly no- ticed by Columella, who describes the instruments employed in the second under the names of pectines and mergi [ae ?] (mvlti mere/is, alii pectinibus spicam ipsam legunt) ; and those employed in the third aafalces vericulatae (inulti fedcibus vericidatis, atque iis vel rostratis vel denticulatis medium culmum secant) ; a series of terms which have never been very satisfactorily explained. In addition to the above, Pliny and Palladius describe a reaping- machine worked by oxen, which was much used in the extensive level plains of the Gauls. Virgil (Georg. i. 316), perhaps, alludes to binding up the corn in sheafs ; but his words are not so clear upon this point as those of Homer in the charm- ing picture of a harvest-field contained in the eighteenth book of the Iliad. (Varr. i. 50 ; Colum. ii. 20 ; PliiLiy.iV". xviii. 30 ; Pallad. vii. 2 ; Geopon. ii. 25 j comp. Horn. II. xi. 67, xviii. 550.) 8. Thrashing (tritura). After the crop had been properly dried and hardened (torrefacta) by exposure to the sun, it was conveyed to the thrashing-floor (aA«s, dAco^, or aAaWj, area). This was an open space, on some elevated spot over which the wind had free course, of a circular form, slightly raised in the centre to allow moisture to run off. The earth was com- pressed by heavy rollers (gravi cylindro^ molari lapide), pounded with rammers (pavictdis), and reduced to a solid consistency with clay and chaff, so as to present an even unyielding surface ; or, better still, paved with hard stones. Here the corn was spread out and beaten with flails (baculis excu- tere 9 fiistibus cudere^perticisjlagellare) ; or more com- monly, except when the ears alone had been brought from the field, trodden out (eseterere) by the feet of a number of men or horses, who were driven backwards and forwards within the ring. To pro- duce the effect more easily and more perfectly, the cattle were frequently yoked to a machine (tribu- lum*, tribute/^ trahea, tralia), consisting of a board made rough by attaching to it stones or pieces of iron, and loaded with some heavy weight ; or, what was termed a Punic wain (plosteUum Poenicum) was employed, being- a set of toothed rollers covered with planks, on which sat the driver who guided the team. Attached to the area was a huge shed or half- enclosed barn (mtbilarium), of sufficient dimensions to contain the whole crop. Here the corn was dried in unfavourable seasons before being thrashed, and hither it was hurriedly conveyed for shelter when the harvest work was interrupted by any sudden storm. (Cat. 91, 129; Varr. i. 13, 51, 52; Colum. i. 6, ii. 19 ; Pallad. i. 36, viii. 1 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 29, 30 ; Horn. II. xiii. 588 ; xx. 495 ; xxi. 77 ; Virg. Georg. i. 178 ; Geopon. ii. 26.) 9. Winnowing (ventilatio). When the grain was mixed with chaff, it was laid down in small piles upon the area, in order that the lighter particles might be borne away by the passing breeze ; but when the wind was not sufficiently strong, it became necessary to winnow (e.ventilare) it. This was effected by a labourer AGRICULTURA. 53 (AiK/j,7]rijp, ventilator) who tossed it up from a sieve (vannus, capisterium) or shovel (irrvov, ve?di- labruni), when the heavy portion fell down in a heap, and the chaff floated off through the air. When it was intended to keep the corn for any length of time, it was common to repeat the pro- cess (repurgare, rcpolire\ that it might be tho- roughly cleaned. ( Varr. i. 52 ; Colum. ii. 9. j20 j comp. Horn. II. v. 499 ; xiii. 588.) 10. Preservation of Corn (de frumento servanda). After the corn had been thrashed out and win- nowed, or at least the ears separated from the stalk, the next care was to store up (condere) the gram in fitting repositories (granaria, horrea). The great object in view being to preserve it from becoming moiddy or rotten, and to protect it from the ravages of vermin, especially the weevil (curctdio), we find that very great diversity oT opinion existed as to the means by which those ends might best be at- tained. By some the store-houses were built with brick walls of great thickness, for the purpose, it would seem, of securing a uniform temperature, and had no window or aperture, except a hole in the roof, through which they were filled. Others, again, raised these structures aloft on wooden columns, and allowed currents of air to pass through on all sides and even from below ; while others admitted particular winds only, such, namely, as were of a drying character. Many plastered the walls with a sort of hard stucco worked up with araurca, which was believed to act as a safe- guard against vermin, while others considered the use of lime under any form as decidedly injurious. These and many different opinions, together with receipts for various preparations wherewith to sprinkle the corn, will be found detailed in the authorities cited below, among whom Pliny very sensibly observes that the principal consideration ought to be the condition of the grain itself when housed ; since, if not perfectly dry, it must of ne- cessity breed mischief. In many countries, as in Thrace, Cappadocia, Spain, and Africa, the corn was laid up in pits (scrobibus) sunk in a perfectly dry soil and well lined with chaff, a practice now extensively adopted in Tuscany. Wheat in the ear (cum spica sua) might, according to Varro, if the air was excluded, be preserved in such recep- tacles for fifty years, and millet for an hundred. (Cat. 92 ; Varr. i. 57 ; Colum. i. 6 ; Pallad. i. 19 ; Plin. II. N. xviii. 30 ; Geopon. ii. 27—31.) IV. Crops. Crops, as already remarked, may be divided into four classes : — 1 . Grain or corn crops. 2. Legu- minous crops, or pulse. 3. Cropscut green for forage. 4. Crops which supplied the raw materials for the textile fabrics. We might extend the number of classes did we purpose to treat of certain plants, such as poppies (papavera) and sesamum, raised to a small extent only, and confined to particular localities ; but our limits do not permit us to em- brace so wide a field of inquiry. In addition to the above, much attention was devoted to what may be termed secondary crops ; those, namely, which did not afford directly food or clothing for man or beast, but which were re- quired in order to facilitate the cnltrVation and collection of the primary crops. Thus, beds of willows (salicta) for baskets and withes, and of- a 3 o4 AGRICULTURA. reeds (arundinetd) for vine-props, were frequently in favourable situations very profitable, just as land in certain districts of Kent yields a large return when planted with young chestnuts for hop-poles. 1. Corn Crops {frumenta'). The word applied in a general sense to denote what we now call " the cereal grasses " was fru- menta ; hut of these wheat being by fat the most important, it is not wonderful that the term in question should be employed frequently to denote wheat specially, and occasionally in such a manner as to exclude other kinds of grain, as when Pliny remarks, " calamus altior frumento quam hordeo," meaning " in wheat the stalk is longer than in barley." The only frumenta which it will be necessary for us to consider particularly in this place are — a. Triticum and Far; b. Hordeum; c. Panicum and Milium. a. Triticum and Far. No one entertains any doubt that triticum (irvpbs in Greek, and by the later writers (tTtos) is the generic name for the grain which we denominate wheat ; but when we proceed to examine the different species or varieties, we are involved in many difficulties, for the botanical descriptions transmitted to us by the ancients are in all cases so imperfect, and in many instances so directly at variance with each other, that it becomes almost impossible to identify with certainty the objects to which they refer, with those familiar to ourselves. Columella (ii. 6 ; comp. Dioscorid. ii. 107 ; Theophr. H. P. viii. 1. 4), who attempts a systematic classification, assigns the first place among "frumenta 11 to Triticum and Semen adoreum, each of which contained several species or varieties. Among many different kinds of triticum he deems the following only deserving of particular notice : — ■ 1. Robus, possessing superior weight and bril- liancy (nitor). 2. Siligo, very white, but deficient in weight. (Colum. ii. 9, § 13 ; Plin. H.N. xviii. 8.) 3. Trimestre (Tpifirivuuos s. Tpl/xrivos), a sort of eiligo, receiving its name from lying three months only in the ground, being spring-sown. We find this kind sometimes denominated Si/^vos also, since in very warm situations it came to maturity in two months after it was sown. Among the different kinds of Semen adoreum, the following are particularly noticed : — 1. Far Clusinum, distinguished by its whiteness. 2. Far venuculum rutilum. \ Both heavier than 3. Far venuculum candidum. y the Clusinum. 4. Halicastrum or Semen trimestre, very heavy and of fine quality. Here we must remark that although robus, siligo, and trimestre are set down as particular species or varieties of the more general term triticum, which is used in contradistinction to semen adoreum, it is much more usual to find triti- cum used in a restricted sense to denote ordinary winter wheat, in opposition to both siligo and ado- reum, and hence Pliny declares that the most com- mon kinds of grain were " Far, called adoreum by the ancients, siligo, and triticum." Now, with regard to the three kinds of triticum enumerated above, we shall have little difficulty in deciding that they were not distinct species, but merely varieties of the same species ; for we are assured by Columella (ii. 9), that triticum, when sown in wet land, passed in the course of three AGRICULTURA. years into siligo, and by Pliny (xviii. 8) that siUgo, in most parts of Gaul, passed, at the end of two years, into triticum; again, Columella, in describing trimestre, admits (although contradicted by Plin. H. N. xviii. 7) that it is a variety of siligo, while modern experience teaches us that winter and spring wheats are convertible by subjecting them to pecu- liar modes of cultivation. Hence we conclude that robus and siligo were varieties of what is now termed by botanists Triticum Itybernum, and that trimestre was a variety of our Triticum aestimm, which is itself a variety of the liybernum. The question with regard to Far, Ador, Semen adoreum, Semen, Adoreum, names used indifferently by the Latin writers, does not admit of such an easy solution. But after a careful examination of the numerous, vague, perplexing, and contradic- tory statements scattered over the classics, the dis- cussion of which separately would far exceed our limits, we may with considerable confidence decide that/ar was a variety of the Greek (ea or fefo, and of the modern Triticum spelta, if not absolutely identical with one or both. Spelt, which is fully recognised by botanists as a distinct species of triti- cum, is much more hardy than common wheat, suc- ceeding well in high exposed situations where the latter would not ripen, and its chaff adheres with singular firmness to the grain, both of which cir- cumstances were prominent characteristics of far. (Colum. ii. 8 ; Plin. H.N. xviii. 7, 8, 30.) In- deed, it was found impossible to get rid of the thick double case in which it was enclosed, by the ordi- nary modes of thrashing ; therefore it was stored up with the chaff attached (convenit cum palea sua condi et stipula tantum et aristis liberatur); and when used as food it was necessary to pound it in a mortar, or rub it in a mill of a peculiar construction, in order to separate the tenacious husks — a process altogether distinct from grinding, and indicated by the words pinsere, pisiura, pistores. (Cat. 2 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 10.) The idea entertained by some com- mentators, that the distinction between triticum and far consisted in the circumstance that the latter was awned while the former was beardless, is alto- gether untenable ; for not only does Pliny say ex- pressly in one passage (xviii. 10), far sine arista est, and in another (xviii. 30), as distinctly that far had aristae, but it is perfectly clear from Varro (i. 48 ; compare Plin. //. N. xviii. 7), that ordinary triticum had a beard, and from Pliny that siligo was generally, although not uniformly, without one — a series of assertions whose contradictory nature need occasion no surprise, since it is now well known that this, like colour, is a point which does not amount to specific difference, for white, red, awned, and beardless wheats are found to change and run into each other, according to soil, climate, and mode of culture. Another fact noticed by Pliny, to which, if correct, botanists seem not to have given due attention, is, that triticum had four joints in its stalk, far six, and barley eight. All agree that triticum (we shall use the word hereafter in the restricted sense of common winter- wheat) succeeded best in dry, slightly elevated, open ground, where the full influence of the sun 1 ! rays was not impeded by trees, while siligo and far were well adapted for low damp situations and stiff clayey soils (Cato 34, 35 ; Varr. i. 9 ; Colum. ii. 6; Plin. xviii. 8). The sowing of winter wheat (satia aulumnalis) whether triticum, siligo, or adoreum, commenced for the most part, according to the AGRICULTORA. Virgilian precept, after the morning setting of the Pleiades, that is, by the Roman calendar (ix. Kal. Nov.), after the 24th of October, and was always concluded before the 9th of December, it being a maxim strictly observed among prudent husband- men to abstain from all field work for fifteen days before, and fifteen days after the winter solstice. In wet or light soils, however, and in all ex- posed situations, where it was important that the roots should have a firm hold of the ground before the rains and frosts set in, the sowing was fre- quently completed by the end of September. Spring sowing (statio trimestris) was practised only when the farmer had been prevented by ac- cidental circumstances from completing his work in autumn ; or in those localities where, from the ex- treme cold and heavy snows, it was feared that the young blades would be destroyed in winter ; or finally, where, from the depth and stiffness of the soil (crassitudine), it might be cropped repeatedly without a fallow. In every case it was considered advisable to throw the seed as soon as the weather would permit, that is, in ordinary seasons, early in March. The quantity of seed required was from four to six modii of triticum or siligo to the juger according as the soil was rich or poor ; and from nine to ten modii of far. To understand this dif- ference, we must recollect that the far was stored up and sown out in its thick husks ; and, therefore, woidd occupy almost twice as much space as when cleaned like the triticum. The various operations performed upon the above quantity of seed before it could be brought to the thrashing-floor, required ten days and a half of work. — Four for the plough- man (buiulcus) ; one for the harrower (occator) ; three for the hoer (sarritor), two days on the first occasion, and one on the second ; one for the weeder (runcator) ; one and a half for the reaper (messor). The finest Italian wheat weighed from twenty- live to twenty-six pounds the modius, which cor- responds to upwards of seventy English pounds avoirdupois to the imperial bushel, the Roman pound being very nearly 1 1*8 oz. avoird., and the modius "99119 of an imperial peck. The lightest was that brought from Gaul and from the Cherso- nese. It did not weigh more than twenty pounds the modius. Intermediate were the Sardinian, the Alexandrian, the Sicilian, the Boeotian, and the African, the two last approaching most nearly in excellence to the Italian. The proportion which the produce bore to the seed sown varied, when Cicero and Varro wrote, in the richest and most highly cultivated districts of Sicily and Italy from 8 to 10 for 1 ; 15 for 1 was regarded as an extraordinary crop obtained in a few highly favoured spots only, while in the age of Columella, when agriculture had fallen into decay, the average return was less than 4 for 1. Parts of Egypt, the region of Byzacium in Africa, the neighbourhood of Garada in Syria, and the territory of Sybaris were said to render a hundred or even a hundred and fifty fold ; but these ac- counts were in all likelihood greatly exaggerated. (Cic. in Verr. iii. 47 ; Varr. i. 44 ; Colum. iii. 3. § 4 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 21.) Far is uniformly represented as having been the first species of grain ever cultivated in Italy, and as such was employed exclusively in religious cere- monies. Hence also/cmwa became the generic term for flour or meal whether derived from far, from triticum, or from any other cereal. Thus we AGRICULTURA 65 read of tritieca farina, siliginea farina, Jiordeacea farina, even avenacea farina (Plin. H. N. xviii. 9, xx. 13, xxii. 25). In the expressions far iriticeum, far hordaceum found in Columella (viii. 5, 1 Y),far is evidently used for farina, and we shall see that even siligo is in like manner used to denote, not only the solid grain, but the flour produced by grinding it. This being premised, we may pro- ceed to examine the meaning of the terms pollen, similago s. simila, cibarium, siligo, jios, alica, amy- lum, granea, &c, several of which have never been clearly explained. Here again we can give the re- sult only of an investigation, in the course of which we are obliged to thread our way through state- ments at once obscure and irreconcilable. Regard- ing triticum and siligo as two well distinguished varieties of wheat, their products when ground were thus classed by millers : — From triticum, 1. Pollen, the finest flour dust, double dressed. 2. Simila, or Similago, the best first flour. 3. Cibarium seeundarium, second flour. 4. Furfures, bran. From siligo, 1. Siligo, the finest double- dressed flour, used exclusively for pastry and fancy bread. 2. Flos (siliginis), first flour. 3. Cibarium seeundarium, second flour. 4. Furfures, bran. It would appear that Celsus (ii. 18), consider- ing wheat generally as triticum, called the finest and purest flour siligo ; ordinary flour, simila ; the whole produce of the grain, bran, and flour mixed together, avrdirvpos. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 8, 9, 10, 11.) Alica is placed by Pliny among the different kinds of corn (xviii. 7), and is probably the same with the Halicastrwm, Alicastrum, or spring-sown far of Columella. But alica is also used to denote, not only the grain, but a particular preparation of it, most clearly described in another passage of Pliny (xviiL 11). The finest was made from Campanian zea, which was first rubbed in a wooden mortar to remove the husk, and then (excussis tunicis) the pure grain (nudata medulla) was pounded. In this manner three sorts were pro- duced and classed according to their fineness, the minimum, the seeundarium, and the coarsest or aphaerema, and each was mixed with a kind of fine white chalk, found between Naples and Puteoli, which became intimately amalgamated with it (transit in corpus, coloremque et teneritatem affert). This compound was the principle ingredient in a sort of porridge also called alica, while alicarius, signifying properly one who pounded alica, fre- quently denotes a miller in general. (Plin. H. K. xviii. 7, 11, 29, xxii. 25 ; Cat. 76 ; Cels. vi. 6 ; Mart. ii. 37, xiii. 6 ; Geopon. iii. 7.) Amylum is starch, and the modes of preparing it are described by Cato (87), and Pliny (H. N. xviii. 7). Granea was wheat, not ground, but merely divested of its husk, and made into a sort of por- ridge by boiling it in water and then adding milk. (Cat. 86.) b. Hordeum s. Ordeum (/cpiffy • icp?, Horn.). Next in importance to triticum and adoreum, was hordeum or barley, which was a more appropriate food for the lower animals than wheat, was better £ 4 56 AGRICULTURA. for man when made into polenta than wheat of an indifferent quality, and furnished excellent straw and chaff {siramentum, palea). The species most generally cultivated, termed hexasticlium or cantherinum, was, we can scarcely doubt, identical with what we now call bear or bigg, the Hordeum liexasticlion or six-rowed barley of botanists. It was sown after the vernal equinox (hence called rpipA]v% Theophr. H. P. viii. 1), upon land that had been twice ploughed, at the rate of five modii to the juger ; succeeded best in a dry, loose, rich soil ; and being an ex- hausting crop, the land from which it had been reaped was summer fallowed, or recruited by ma- nure. It was cut as soon as it was ripe ; for the stalk being brittle, was liable to be beaten down ; and the grain not being enclosed in an outer husk, was easily shaken. Another species, termed Galaticum or disti- chum, the same apparently with the modern Hor- deum vutgare, or with the Hordeum disticlium, varieties of the common two-rowed barley, was remarkable for its weight and whiteness, and an- swered well for mixing with wheaten flour in baking bread for slaves. It was sown in autumn, winter or early spring, at the rate of six modii to the juger. Five modii of seed hordeum required six days and a half of labour to bring it to the thrashing-floor ; viz. ploughing three days, harrow- ing {occatoHa opera) one, hoeing (sarritoria) one and-a-half, reaping (messoria) one. Pliny speaks of hordeum as the lightest of all fmmenta, weighing only 15 pounds to the modius (Roman pound=ir8 oz. avoird.). In mild cli- mates it might be sown early in autumn. (Theophr. H. P. viii. 1 ; Cat. 35 ; Varr. i. 34 ; Colum. ii. 9. §§ 14, 15, 16 ; Virg. Georg. i. 210 ; Plin. //. N. xviii. 7, 10 ; Geopon. ii. 14.) c. Panieum and Milium are commonly spoken of together, as if they were only varieties of the same grain. The first is in all probability the Panieum miliaceum or common millet of botanists, the %M>fiLOS or fiehtvi} of the Greeks ; the second is perhaps the Setaria Italica or Italian millet, which corresponds to the description of fceyxpos ; while the species noticed by Pliny as having been brought from India less than ten years before the period when he wrote is, we can scarcely doubt, the Sorghum vulgare, or Durra of the Arabs. Panieum and milium were sown in spring (Virg. Georg. i. 216), towards the end of March, nt the rate of four sextarii (pints) only to the juger, but they required repeated hoeing and weeding to keep them clean. They succeeded well m light loose soil, even on sand if well irrigated ; and as soon as the ears were fairly formed, they were gathered by the hand, hung up to dry in the sun, and in this state would keep for a longer period than any other grain. Milium was baked into bread or cakes, very palatable when eaten hot; and both panieum and milium made good porridge {puis). Although not much used by the population of Italy, except perhaps in Campania, they formed a most important article of food in the Gauls, in Pontus, in Sarmatia, and in Ethio- pia. (Cat. 6 ; Colum. ii. 9. § 17 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 7, 10, 26 ; Pallad. iv. 3 ; Geopon. ii. 30 ; Theophr. n. *. A. ii. 17, H. P. viii. 3 ; Dioscor. ii. 119.) Secale, rye, the Secale cereale of botanists, is not mentioned by any of the Greek writers unless it AGRICULTURA. be the 0pffa described by Galen (Be Aliment. Facult. i. 2) as cultivated in Thrace and Macedonia (but this, in all probability, was a coarse variety of spelt), nor by Cato, Varro, Columella, nor Palla- dius. Pliny alone {H. N, xviii. 40) speaks of it, and in the following terms : — " Secale Taurini sub Alpibus Asiam vocant, deterrimum, et tantum ad arcendam famem : fbecunda sed gracili stipula, nigritia triste, sed pondere praecipuum. Admis- cetur huic far ut mitiget amaritudinem ejus ; et tamen sic quoque ingratissimum ventri est. Nas- citur qualicunque solo cum centesimo grano, ip- sumque pro laetamine est." In the previous chapter he makes it identical with farrago, that is, corn sown for the purpose of being cut green as fodder. See remarks upon Farrago below. Avena, the oat (f$p6fj.os s. fipw/Aos, Theophr. H. P. viii. 4 ; Dioscorid. ii. 16), the Avena saUva of botanists, need scarcely be noticed in this place since it cannot be raised as a grain with any ad- vantage in a climate so warm as that of Greece or of Italy. Columella (ii. 10. § 9) and Pliny {H. N. xviii. 42, Avena Graeca) recommended that it should be sown for green fodder, and the latter remarks that it became a sort of corn {frumentifit instar) in Germany, where it formed a regular crop, and where oatmeal porridge was a national dish {neque alia pulte vivant, H. N. xviii. 44. § 1. comp. iv. 27, vi. 35). In another passage {II. N. xxii. 68) the same author prescribes oat- meal (avenacea farina) steeped in vinegar as a remedy for spots on the skin. The Avena con- demned as a troublesome weed by Cato (R. B. xxxvii. § 5) and Virgil (steriles av&nae, G. i. 154) is, probably, the Avena fatua of botanists, al- though Pliny (II. N. xviii. 44. § 1 ) makes no dis tinction between this and the cultivated kind. Other cereals we may dismiss very briefly. Oryza (Spvfa, upvCpv), rice, was imported from the East, and was much esteemed for making gruel (ptisana). Zea (feo, C e ' a ) 5 Olyra (6\vpa), Tiphe (rt$ri) 9 and Arinca, of which the first two are named by Homer, must be regarded as varieties of the TriiA* cum Spelta or Far (Herod, ii. 36 ; Theophr. II. P. ii. 5, viii. 9 ; Dioscorid. ii. 110 ; Galen, de Ali ment. Facult. i. 2, 13). The statements found il the eighteenth book of Pliny's Natural History in reference to these four are altogether unintelligible when compared with each other. He evidently copied, as was too often his custom, from a num ber of discordant authorities without attempting to reconcile or thinking it necessary to point out their contradictions. In one place (xviii. 20. § 4) he says distinctly that Arinca is the Olyra of Homer, and in another he seems to say (xviii. 11) that Olyra in Egypt became Far {far in JEgypto ex olyra conficitur). Now we know from Hero- dotus (ii. 36) that in his time Olyra and Zea were considered synonymous, and that these exclusively were cultivated by the Egyptians. Hence we shall be led to conclude that the wheat which has been raised recently from the seeds discovered in the mummy cases is in reality the ancient Zea or Olyra, and from its appearance we should fur- ther be induced to identify it with the TriUcitm ramosum of Pliny (H. N. xviii. 21). With regard to Irio and Horminum, of which the former seems to have been called 4pvfftp.ov by the Greeks, both enumerated by Pliny among fntmenta, although he afterwards somewhat quail* AGRICULTURA. fies this assertion, we do not hazard a conjecture. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 10. § 1—22, xxii. 75.) We may conclude this section with an enumera- tion of the technical terms employed to denote the different parts of an ear and stalk of corn. The whole ear was named spica; the beard or awn arista ; the ear, when beardless, spica mu- tica, the white solid substance of the grain, inti- mitm solidum — ■ nudata medulla — granum ; the husk which immediately envelopes the granum, gluma, with which cortex, tunica, folliculus, are used as synonymous ; the outer husk acus ; the outer husk with the short straw attached, paka ; the stem, stipula, admits, to which scapus, cavils correspond in leguminous plants ; the knots or joints in the stem, geniculi^ articuli ; the sheath- like blade in the stem from which the ear issues forth, vagina. 2. Leguminous Crops (x^potra, Legumina). The vegetables falling properly under this head, chiefly cultivated by the ancients, were : a. Faba; 6. Lupinus ; c. Lens s. Lenticula ; d. Oicer ; e. Cicercula ; f. Phaseolus ; g. Pisum ; to which, in order to avoid multiplying subdivisions, we may add Napi and Rapa, since in common with the legumina they served us food both for men and cattle. a. Faba. The ancient /aba, the icvd/j.os of the Greeks, notwithstanding all that has been urged to the contrary, was certainly one of the varieties of our common field bean, the Vicia Faba, or Faba vulgaris arvensis of botanists. It required either rich and strong, or well manured land. If sown upon moist low-lying ground that had remained long uncropped (veteretum), no previous preparation was necessary ; but the seed was scattered and at once ploughed in ; the field was then ribbed and finally harrowed (cum semen crudo solo ingesserimus, inara- bimus, iinporcatumque occabimus), the object being to bury the seed as deep as possible. But if beans were to be sown upon land from which a corn crop had been just reaped {restibilis ager), after the stubble was cleared away, manure was spread at the rate of twenty four vehes to the juger, and then the re- maining operations were the same as above. Rich land required from four to six modii to the juger, poorer soil somewhat more. A portion of the seed was committed to the ground about the middle (media sementi), the remainder at the end of the corn-sowing season (septimontialis satio). Virgil (Georg. i. 215), indeed, following the practice of his own district, directs that beans should be sown in spring ; but this was disapproved of in the rest of Italy because the stalks (caules — fabalia), the pods (sUiquae), and the husks (acus fabaginum), all of which were of great value as food for cattle, were less luxuriant in the spring-sown (trimestris faba) than in the autumnal crop. Columella recommends that beans should be hoed three times, in which case they required no weeding. When they had arrived at maturity, they were reaped close to the ground, were made up into sheaves (fasciculi), were thrashed by men who tossed the bundles with forks, trampled them under foot, and beat them with flails (baculis), and finally, were cleaned by winnowing. The harvest took place in Central Italy about the end of May, and hence the first of June was named thlmdan Fcdiariac, because on that day new beans were used in sacred rites. From four to six modii of seed required two days 1 work AGRICULTURA. 57 of the ploughman, if the land was newly broken up, but only one if it had been cropped the previous season ; harrowing occupied one day and a half, the first hoeing one day and a half, the second and third each one day, reaping one day ; in all, seven or eight days. Bean meal (lomentum, 0-fj.rjy/xa) was baked into bread or cakes (&pros Kvayuvos), especially if mixed with the flour of wheat or millet ; when made into porridge (fabacia, puis fabata), it was accounted an acceptable offering to the gods and termed Refriva, — a name properly applied to the beans brought home and set apart for holy pur- poses. (Horn. II. xiii. 589 ; Cat. 35 ; "Varr. i. 44 ; Colum. ii. 10, 12 ; Pallad. ii. 9, vii. 3 ; Plin. H. N. xvii. 5, xviii. 12, xix. 3 ; Geopon.ii. 35 ; Dioscorid. ii. 127 ; Theophr. II. F. iv. 2, vii. 3, viii, 1 ; comp. Fest. i. v. Refriva; Gell. iv. 11, x. 15; Macrob. Sat. i. 12 ; Cic. de Div. i. 30 ; Ov. Fast v. 436.) b. Lupinus, the &4p/xos of the Greeks, seems to include the Lupinus albus, the L. luteus, and the L. pilosus of botanists, the common white, yellow, and rose lupines of our gardens. The first of the above Species was that chiefly cultivated by the Romans, and is pronounced by Columella to be the most valuable of the legumina, because it de- manded very little labour, was a sure crop, and instead of exhausting, actually refreshed and ma- nured the land. Steeped in water and afterwards boiled, it formed an excellent food for oxen in winter, and might be used even for man during periods of scarcity. It could be sown as soon as thrashed, might be cast upon ground unprepared by ploughing or any other operation (crudis novali- bus), and was covered up anyhow, or not covered up at all, being- protected by its bitterness from the attacks of birds and other animals. The proper season for sowing was early in au- tumn, in order that the stalks might acquire vigour before the cold weather set in ; the quantity of seed was ten modii to the juger, and the crop was reaped after it had remained a year in the ground. It succeeded well in any dry light land, but not in wet tenacious soil. Ten modii required in all only three days' work ; one for covering up, one for harrowing, and one for reaping, and of these opera- tions, the two first might, if there was a press of work, be dispensed with. (Cat. v. 35 ; Colum. ii. 10, 16, xi. 2 ; Pallad. i. 6, ii. 9, vi. 3, vii. 3, ix. 2 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 14 ; Geopon. ii. 39 ; Virg. Georg. i. 75.) c. Lens s. Lenticula, the Tusculan villa inside of an ornithon, delighting to behold one set of birds placed upon the table ready for his repast, while others were fluttering at th« windows by which the room was lighted. Omi- thones of the second class, with which alone we an AGRICULTURA. at present concerned, were kept by poulterers (macel- larii), and others in the city, but the greater num- ber were situated in Sabinum, because thrushes were most abundant in that region. These huge cages were formed by enclosing a space of ground with high walls and covering it in with an arched roof. Water was introduced by pipes, and con- ducted in numerous narrow channels, the windows were few and small, that light might be excluded as much as possible, and that the prisoners might not pine from looking out upon the open country, where their mates were enjoying freedom. Indeed, so sensitive were thrushes, and so apt to despond when first caught, that it was the practice to shut them up for some time with other tame individuals of their own kind (veterani), who acted as decoys (allectores), in reconciling them to captivity. In the interior of this building numerous stakes (pcdi) were fixed upright, upon which the birds might alight ; long poles also (perticae) were arranged in an inclined position resting against the walls with spars nailed in rows across, and lofts were con- structed, all for the same purpose. Two smaller apartments were attached, one in which the super- intendant (curator) deposited the birds which died a natural death, in order that he might be able to square accounts with his master, the other, called the sechsorium, communicating with the great hall by a door, into which those birds wanted for the market were driven from time to time, and killed out of sight, lest the others might droop on witness- ing the fate of their companions. Millet and wild berries were given freely, but their chief food consisted of dry figs carefully peeled (diligenter pinsita) and kneaded with far or pollen into small lumps, which were chewed by per- sons hired to perform this operation. The birds usually kept in an ornithon have been mentioned above, but of these by far the most important were thrushes, which made their appearance in vast flocks about the vernal equinox, and seem to have been in great request ; for out of a single establish- ment in Sabinum, in the time of Varro, five thousand were sometimes sold in a single year at the rate of three denarii a head, thus yielding a sum of 60,000 sesterces, about five hundred pounds sterling. The manure from ornithones containing thrushes and blackbirds was not only a powerful stimulant to the soil, but was given as food to oxen and pigs, who fattened on it rapidly. Turtle doves (turtures, dim. turturiUae) belonged to the class which did not lay eggs in captivity (nee parit nee excludit), and consequently, as soon as caught, were put up to fatten (volatura ita ut eapitur farturae destinatur). They were not however confined in an ordinary ornithon but in a building similar to a dove-cote, with this dif- ference, that the interior, instead of being fitted up with columbaria, contained rows of brackets (mutu- fos), or short stakes projecting horizontally from the wall and rising tier above tier. Over each row, the lowest of which was three feet from the ground, hempen mats (tegeticulae cannabinae) were stretched, on which the birds reposed day and night, while nets were drawn tight in front to prevent them from flying about, which would have rendered them lean. They fattened readily in harvest time, de- lighting most in dry wheat, of which one-half modius per day was sufficient for 120 turtles, or in millet moistened with sweet wine. (Varr. iii. 8 ; Colum. viii. 9 ; Pallad. i. 25 ; Plin. H. N. x. 24, AGRICULTURA. 69 34, 35, 53, 58, 74 ; comp. Plaut. Moatell. 1 1. 44 ; Juv. vi. 38.) II. Vivaria. II. a. Leporaria, Leporaria anciently were small walled paddocks, planted thickly with shrubs to give shelter ; and in- tended, as the name implies, for the reception of animals of the hare kind ; viz. 1. The common grey hare (Italicum hoc nostrum, sc. genus). 2. The moun- tain or white hare from the Alps, seldom brought to Rome (toti candidi sunt). 3. Rabbits (cuniculi), believed to be natives of Spain. These, at least the first and third, bred rapidly, were caught occa- sionally, shut up in boxes, fattened and sold. In process of time, the name leporarium was changed for the more appropriate term frriptoTpotpeTov, since a variety of wild animals, such as boars (apri) y stags (cervi), and roe deer (capreae), were pro- cured from the hunter (venator), and shut up in these parks, which now embraced several acres even in Italy, while in the provinces, especially Transalpine Gaul, they frequently comprehended a circuit of many miles of hill and swamp, glade and forest. This space was, if possible, fenced by a wall of stone and lime, or of unburnt brick and clay, or, where the extent rendered even the latter too costly, by a strong paling (vacerra) formed of upright stakes (stipites) drilled with holes (per latus efforantur\ through which poles (amites) were passed horizontally, the whole of oak or cork tree timber, braced and, as it were, latticed by planks nailed diagonally (seris transwrsis clatrare), much in the fashion of wooden hurdles. Even in the largest enclosures it was necessary to support the animals in winter, and in those of moderate size they were frequently tamed to such an extent, that they would assemble at the sound of a horn to re- ceive their food. (Varr. iii. 12 ; Colum. ix. 1 ; Plin. H. N. viii. 52.) Bees (apes). The delight experienced in the management of these creatures is sufficiently proved by the space and care devoted to the subject in Virgil, and by the singularly minute instructions contained in the agricultural writers, especially in Columella, who derived his materials from the still more elaborate compilations of Hyginus and Cel- sus, the former being the author of a regular bee calendar, in which the various precepts for the guidance of the bee fancier (mellarius, apiarius ; fieAiTovpybs, meliturgus) were arranged in regular order according to the seasons and days of the year. The methods which the ancients describe differ little, even in trifling details, from those followed by ourselves, although in some respects our practice is inferior, since they never destroyed a hive for the sake of its contents, but abstracted a portion of the honey only, always leaving a sufficient supply for the support of the insects in winter ; and the same swarm, occasionally reinforced by young recruits, might thus continue for ten years, which was re- garded as the limit. Our superior knowledge of natural history has however enabled us to deter- mine that the chief of the hive is always a female, not a male (rex) as was the general belief ; to ascer- tain the respective duties performed by the queen, the working bees, and drones (fuci s. jures\ which were unknown or confounded ; and to reject the absurd fancy, to which however we are indebted for the most charming episode in the Georgica, which originated with the Greeks, and is repeated F 3 70 AGRICULTURA. with unhesitating faith hy almost every authority, that swarms might be produced by spontaneous generation from the putrescent carcase of an ox {ex bubido corpore putrefacto ; and hence they were commonly termed $ooy6vas by the poets, and by Archelaus j8oos (pQifihi)s 7r«roT7jjuei'a reicya). The early Romans placed the hives in niches, hollowed out of the walls of the farm-house itself, under the shelter of the eaves {subter subgrundas), but in later times it became more common to form a regular apiary {apiarium, alvearium, mellarium ; peKiTrorpoQeiov, /i€AiT7W7j), sometimes so exten- sive, as to yield 5000 pounds of honey in a season. This was a small enclosure in the immediate vicinity of the villa, in a warm and sheltered spot, as little subject as possible to great variations of temperature, or to disturbances of any description from the elements or from animals ; and carefully removed from the influence of foetid exhalations, such as might proceed from baths, kitchens, stables, dunghills, or the like. A supply of pure water was provided, and plantations were formed of those plants and flowers to which they weremost attached, especially the cytisus and thyme, the former as being conducive to the health of bees, the latter as affording the greatest quantity of honey {aptissimum ad inelijicium). The yew was carefully avoided, not because in itself noxious to the swarm, but be- cause the honey made from it was poisonous. {Sic mea Cyrneas fugiant examina taxos.) The hives {alvi, alvei, alvearia, nvtpeKai), if stationary, were built of brick (domicilia lateribus facta) or baked dung {ex fimo), if moveable, and these were con- sidered the most convenient, were hollowed out of a solid block, or formed of hoards, or of wicker work, or of bark, or of earthenware, the last being accounted the worst, because more easily affected by heat or cold, while those of cork were accounted best. They were perforated with two small holes for the insects to pass in and out, were covered with moveable tops to enable the mellarius to in- spect the interior, which was done three times a month, in spring and summer, for the purpose of removing any filth which might have accumulated, or any worms that might have found entrance ; and were arranged, but not in contact, in rows one above another, care being taken that there should not be more than three rows in all, and that the lowest row should rest upon a stone parapet, ele- vated three feet from the ground, and coated with smooth stucco to prevent lizards, snakes, or other noxious animals from climbing up. When the season for swarming arrived, the movements which indicated the approaching de- parture of a colony {examen) were watched un- remittingly, and when it was actually thrown off, they were deterred from a long flight by casting dust upon them, and by tinkling sounds, being at the same time tempted to alight upon some neighbouring branch by rubbing it with balm {apiastrum, pcKiffff6Tro8epaireid. He then bathed, and had the dust, sweat, and oil scraped off his body, by means of an instrument similar to the strigil of the Romans, and called 3- pos) ; the latter, to the putting on of the inner gar- ment, the tunica (x«w). In consequence of this distinction, the verbal nouns, amictus and indtUus, even without any further denomination of the drer being added, indicate respectively the outer an the inner clothing. (See TibulL i. 9. 13. ; Con Nep. Gimon, 4, Dal. 3. § 2 ; Virg. Aen. iii. 54i v. 421, compared with Apoll. Rhod. ii. 30.) Somi times, however, though rarely, amieire and induei are each used in a more general way, so as to refi to any kind of clothing. In Greek amieire is expressed by £i(uv, Aesch. I. c). , Of the duties of- this latter body nothing will give us a clearer view than the oaths taken and the decrees made by it. The oath was as follows (Aesch. De F. L. § 121) : " They would destroy no city of the Amphictyons, nor cut off their streams in war or peace ; and if any should do so, they would march against him and destroy his cities ; and should any pillage the property of the god, or be privy to or plan any thing against what was in his temple at Delphi, they would take vengeance on him with hand and foot, and voice, and all their might." There are two decrees given by Demosthenes, both commencing thus (Dem. de Cor. § 197): — "When Cleinagoras was priest (icpeiSs), at the spring meeting, it was resolved by the pylagorae and the assessors of the Amphictyons, and the general body of them," &c. The resolution in the second case was, that as the Amphissians con- tinued to cultivate " the sacred district" Philip of Macedon should be requested to help Apollo and the Amphictyons, and that he was thereby constituted absolute general of the Amphictyons. He ac- cepted the office, and soon reduced the offending city to subjection. From the oath and the decrees, we see that the main duty of the deputies was the preservation of the rights and dignity of the temple at Delphi. We know, too, that after it was burnt down (b. c. 548), they contracted with the Alcmae- onidae for the rebuilding (Herod, ii. 180, v. 62) ; and Athena eus (b. c. 160) informs us (iv. p. 173, b) that in other matters connected with the worship of the Delphian god they condescended to the regula- tion of the minutest trifles. History, moreover, teaches that if the council produced any palpable effects, it was from their interest in Delphi ; and though it kept up a standing record of what ought to have been the international law of Greece, it sometimes acquiesced in, and at other times was a party to, the most iniquitous and cruel acts. Of this the case of Crissa is an instance. This town lay on the Gulf of Corinth, near Delphi, and was much frequented by pilgrims from the West. The Crissaeans were charged by the Delphians with undue exactions from these strangers, and with other crimes. The council declared war against them, as guilty of a wrong against the god. The war lasted ten years, till, at the suggestion of Solon, the waters of the Pleistus were turned off, then poisoned, and turned again into the city. The besieged drank their fill, and Crissa was soon razed to the ground ; and thus, if it were an Am- phictyonic city, was a solemn oath doubly violated. Its territory — the rich Crissaean or Cirrhaean plain — was consecrated to the god, and curses impre- cated upon any one who should till or dwell in it. Thus ended the First Sacred War (b. c. 586), in which the Athenians and Amphictyons were the in- struments of Delphian vengeance. (Paus. x. 37. § 4 ; AMPHICTYONES. 81 Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 196 ; Aeschin. c. Ctes. § 109.) The Second, or Phocian War (b. c. 356), was the most important in which the Amphictyons were concerned (Thirl wall, Hist, of Greece, vol. v. p. 263 — 372) ; and in this the Thebans availed them- selves of the sanction of the council to take ven- geance on their enemies, the Phocians. To do this, however, it was necessary to call in Philip of Macedon, who readily proclaimed himself the champion of Apollo, as it opened a pathway to his own ambition. The Phocians were subdued (b. o. 346), and the council decreed that all their cities, except Abae, should be rased, and the inhabitants dispersed in villages not containing more than fifty inhabitants. Their two votes were given to Philip, who thereby gained a pretext for interfering with the affairs of Greece ; and also obtained the recog- nition of his subjects as Hellenes. To the causes of the Third Sacred War allusion has been made in the decrees quoted by Demosthenes. The Am- phissians tilled the devoted Cirrhaean plain, and behaved, as Strabo (ix. p. 4 1 9) says, worse than the Crissaeans of old (xeipous ^ffav irepl robs |ei/ous). Their submission to Philip was immediately fol- lowed by the battle of Chaeroneia (B. c. 338), and the extinction of the independence of Greece. Tn the following year, a congress of the Amphictyonic states was held ; in which war was declared as if by united Greece against Persia, and Philip elected commander-in-chief. On this occasion the Am- phictyons assumed the character of national repre- sentatives as of old, when they set a price upon the head of Ephialtes, for his treason to Greece at Thermopylae, and erected monuments in honour of the Greeks who fell there. Herodotus indeed (vii. 214, 228), speaking of them in reference to Ephialtes, calls them ol twv 'EWfywv TlvKaydpot. We have sufficiently shown that the Amphic- tyons themselves did not observe the oaths they took ; and that they did not much alleviate the horrors of war, or enforce what they had sworn to do, is proved by many instances. Thus, for in- stance, Mycenae was destroyed by Argos ( B. c. 4 68 ), Thespiae and Plataeae by Thebes, and Thebes her- self swept from the face of the earth by Alexander (ck fizo"ns Tys'EWdSas avrjpTrdadTi, Aeschin. c. Ctes. §133). Indeed, we may infer from Thucydides (i. 112), that a few years before the Peloponnesian war, the council was a passive spectator of what he calls o Upbs Tr6\eiws, when the Lacedaemonians made an expedition to Delphi, and put the temple into the hands of the Delphians, the Athenians, after their departure, restoring it to the Phocians ; and yet the council is not mentioned as interfering. Itwill not be profitable to pursue its history further ; it need only be remarked, that Augustus wished his new city, Nicopolis (A. n. 31), to be enrolled among its members ; and that Pausanias, in the second century of our era, mentions it as still ex- isting, but deprived of all power and influence. In fact, even Demosthenes {De Pace, p. 63), spoke of it as the shadow at Delphi (^ iv AeKtpots o-klo). In the time of Pausanias, the number of Amphic- tyonic deputies was thirty. There are two points of some interest, which still remain to be considered ; and first, the ety- mology of the word Amphictyon. We are told (Harpocrat. s. v.) that Theopompus thought it de- rived from the name of Amphictyon, a prince of Thessaly, and the supposed author of the institution. Others, as Anaximenes of Lampsacus, connected it a 82 AMPHICTYONS. with the word ctfupiKrloves, or neighbours. Very- few, if arry, modern scholars doubt that the latter view is correct ; and that Amphictyon, with Hellen, Dorus, Ion, Xuthus,Thessalus,Larissa the daughter of Pelasgus, and others, are not historical, but mythic personages — the representatives, or poetic personi- fications, of their alleged foundations, or offspring. As for Amphictyon (Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. 373), it is too marvellous a coincidence that his name should be significant of the institu- tion itself ; and, as he was the son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, it is difficult to guess of whom his council consisted. (P/iilol. Museum, vol. ii. p. 359.) Besides, though Herodotus (i. 56) and Thucydides (i. 3) had the opportunity, they yet make no men- tion of him. We may conclude therefore, that the word should be written amphictiony *, from a/upi- ktIopss, or those that dwelt around some particular locality. The next question is one of greater difficulty ; it is this : — Where did the association originate ? — were its meetings first held at Delphi, or at Thermopylae ? There seems a greater amount of evidence in favour of the latter. In proof of this, we may state the preponderance of Thessalian tribes from the neighbourhood of the Maliac bay, and the comparative insignificance of many of them ; the assigned birthplace and residence of the mythic Amphictyon, the names Pylagorae and Pylaea. Besides, we know that Thessaly was the theatre and origin of* many of the most important events of early Greek history : whereas, it was only in later times, and after the Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus, that Delphi became important enough for the meetings of such a body as the Amphictyonic ; nor if Delphi had been of old the only place of meeting, is it easy to account for what must have been a loss of its ancient dignity. But whatever was the cause, we have still the fact, that there were two places of con- gress ; to account for which, it has been supposed that there were originally two confederations, afterwards united by the growing power of Delphi, as connected with the Dorians, but still retaining the old places of meeting. We must, however, admit that it is a matter of mere conjecture whether this were the case or not, there being strong reasons in support of the opinion that the Dorians, on migrating southwards, combined the worship of the Hellenic Apollo with that of the Pelasgian Demeter, as celebrated by the Amphictyons of Thessaly. Equally doubtful is the question respecting the influence of Acrisius, king of Argos (Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. 1094 ; Callim. Epig. xli. ; Strab. ix. p. 420) ; and how far it is true that he first brought the confederacy into order, and determined other points connected with the institution. We may however remark that his alleged connection with it, is significant of a Pelasgic element in its con- formation. (Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, cc. x. xliii. ; Heeren, Polit. Hist, of Greece, c. 7 ; St. Croix, Des Anciens Gouvernemens Federatifs ; Tittmann, Veber den Bund der A mphictyonen ; Miiller, Dorians, book ii. 3. §. 5 ; Phil. Mus. vol. i. p. 324 ; Hermann, Manual of tlie Polit. Antiq. of Greece, § 11 — 14 ; Wachsmuth, Hellenisclie AUerthums- hrnde ; Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 31. transl.) [R. W.] * Thus Pindar (Nem. vi. 42), "E.v a\i.l, on hoik sides, and v. (Demosth. c. Mid. p. 544.) In other cases, the day was fixed by the magistrate who conducted the anacrisis. But either party might petition for a postponement of the trial, and the opposite party might oppose the petition by an oath that the ground on which the delay was sought for, was not valid, or un- satisfactory. (Harpocrat. 5. v. avQinrajfiotria ; Pollux, viii. 60.) Through such machinations, the deci- sion of a case might be delayed to the detriment of justice ; and the annals of the Athenian courts are not wanting in numerous instances, in which the ends of justice were thwarted in this manner for a number of years. (Demosth. c. Mid. p. 541 ; comp. Meier and Schb'mann, DerAtt. Proc. p. 622 ; C. F. Hermann, Griech. Staatsalth. § 141 ; Scho- man, Antiquit. Jur. publ. Graec. p. 279 ; Wachs- muth, Hellen. AUerthumskunde, ii. p. 262, &c. 2nd edit.) The examination which an archon un- derwent before he entered on his office, was like- wise called hv&Kpuns. [L. S.] ANALEMMA (avd\T)i*p.a), in its original meaning, is any thing raised or supported ; it is applied in the plural to walls built on strong foundations. (Hesych. Suid. 5. v.) Vitruvius uses the word to describe an instrument which, by marking the lengths of the shadows of a fixed gnomon, showed the different altitudes of the sun at the different periods of the year. (Vitruv. ix. 7, 8. s. 6, 7, Schneider.) It must not be con- founded with the modern analemma, which is much more complicated and precise than the instrument described by Vitruvius. [P. S.] ANAPIE'SMATA. [Theatrum.] ANATHE'MATA (ara%ioTa.) [Donaria.] ANATOCISMUS. [Fenus.] ANAUMACHIOU GRAPHE' (avavp,a X lov ypatyH), was an impeachment of the trierarch who had kept aloof from action while the rest of the fleet was engaged. From the personal na- ture of the offence and the punishment, it is obvious that this action could only have been di- rected against the actual commander of the ship, whether he was the sole person appointed to the office, or the active partner of the perhaps many ffupTeAeTy, or the mere contractor (o /xiffdot- ff6.p.zvos). In a cause of this kind, the strategi would be the natural and official judges. The punishment prescribed by law for this offence was a modified atimia, by which the criminal and his descendants were deprived of their political franchise ; but, as we learn from Andocides, were allowed to retain possession of their property. {De Myst. p. 10. 22, ed. Steph. ; Petit. Leg. Att. p. 667.) [J. S. M.] ANAXAGOREIA (ava^ay6pem), a day of recreation for all the youths at Lampsacus, which took place once every year, in compliance, it was said, with a wish expressed by Anaxagoras, who, after being expelled from Athens, spent the re- mainder of his life here. This continued to be ob- served even in the time of Diogenes Laertius. (Jnarag. c. 10.) [L.S.] ANGARIA. ANCHISTEIA (ayxiffreta). [Herbs,] ANCI'LE. [Salii.] ANCILLA. [Servus.] A'NCORA. [Navis.] A'NKULE (ayxiKr)). [Hasta.1 ANDABATAE. [Gladiator.] ANDREIA (ai/8peK«). [Syssitia.] A'NDRIAS (avSpias). [Statuaria.] ANDROGEO'NIA ('AvSpoyetbvia), a festival with games, held every year in the Cerameicus at Athens, in honour of the hero Androgeus, son of Minos, who had overcome all his adversaries in the festive games of the Panathenaea, and was after- wards killed by his jealous rivals. x (Paus. i. 27 § 9 ; Apollod. iii. 15. § 7 ; Hygin. Fab. 41 ; Diod, iv. 60, 61.) According to Hesychius, the hero also bore the name of Eurygyes (the possessor of ex- tensive lands), and under this title games were celebrated in his honour, 6 £ir* Ei/pvybri hy&v. (Hesych. vol. i. p. 1332 ; K. F. Hermannj Goites- dienst. Atierth. d. Grieckm, § 62, n. 22. [L. S.] ANDROLE'PSIA (avipoK-qtyia or avipo^. tyiov), a legal means by which the Athenians wero enabled to take vengeance upon a community hi which an Athenian citizen had been murdered. For when the state or city in whose territory the murder had been committed, refused to bring the murderer to trial, the law allowed the Athenians to take possession of three individuals of that state or city, and to have them imprisoned at Athens, as hostages, until satisfaction was given, or the murderer delivered up, and the property found upon the persons thus seized was confiscated. (Demosth. c. Aristocr. p. 647 ; Harpocrat. s. v. ; Pollux, viii. 40 ; Suid. and Etym. M. s. v. ; Bekker, Anecdot. p. 213.) The persons entrusted with the office of seizing upon the three hos- tages, were usually the trierarchs, and the com- manders of ships of war. (Demosth. De Coron. Trier, p. 1232.) This Athenian custom is analo- gous to the clarigatio of the Romans. (Liv. viii. 14.) [L. S.] ANDRONI'TIS. [Domus, Greek.] ANGARI'A (ayyapeta, Hdt. ayyapifiov) is a word borrowed from the Persians, signifying a system of posting, which was used among that people, and which, according to Xenophon, was established by Cyrus. Horses were provided, at certain distances, along the principal roads of the empire ; so that couriers (£770001), who also, of course, relieved one another at certain distances, could proceed without interruption, both night and day, and in all weathers. (Herod, viii. 98 ; iii. 126 ; Xen. Cyrop. viii. 6. § 1 7 ; Suid. s. v.) It may easily be supposed that, if the government arrangements failed in any point, the service of providing horses was made compulsory on individuals ; and hence the word came to mean compulsory service in for- warding royal messages ; and in this sense it was adopted by the Romans under the empire, and i» frequently found in the Roman laws. The Roman angaria, also called angariarum exhibitio or prat- statio, included the maintenance and supply, not only of horses, but of ships and messengers, in for- warding both letters and burdens ; it is defined as a personale munus ; and there was no ground of exemption from it allowed, except by the favour of the emperor. (Dig. 50. tit. 4. s. 18. §§ 4, 29 j tit. 5. s. 10, 11; 49, tit. 18. s. 4. § 1 ; CoiTheod. 8. tit. 5 ; Cod. Justin. 12. tit. 51.) According to Suidas, the Persian word was ori- aNNULUS. ginaUy applied to any bearers of burdens, and next, to compulsory service of any kind. [P. S.] ANGIPORTUS, or ANGIPORTUM, a nar- row lane between two rows of houses ; such a lane might have no issue at all, or end in a private house, so as to be what the French call a cul-de- sac, or it might terminate at both ends in some public street. The ancients derived the word from angustus and porlus, and explain it as mean- ing, originally, the narrow entrance to a port. (Fest. p. 17. ed. Miiller ; Varro, De L. L. v. 145, vi. 41 ; Ulpian, in Dig. De Signif. Verb. 59.) The number of such narrow courts, closes, or lanes seems to have been considerable in ancient Rome. (Cic. de Div. i. 32, p. Mil. 24, ad Heren. iv. 51 ; Plaut. Pseud, iv. 2. 6, ap. Non. iii. 1 ; Ter. Adelph. iv. 2. 39 ; Horat Carm. i. 25. 10 ; CatulL 58. 4.) [L. S.] ANGUSTUS CLAVUS. [Clavus.] ANNA'LES MA'XIMI. [Pontifex.] ANNO'NA is used to signify, 1. The produce of the year in corn, fruit, wine, &c, and hence, 2. Provisions in general, especially the corn which, in the latter years of the republic, was collected in the storehouses of the state, and sold to the poor at a cheap rate in times of scarcity ; and which, under the emperors, was distributed to the people gra- tuitously, or given as pay and rewards. [Con- GIARIUM ; FrUMENTATIO ; PRAEFECTUS An- NONAE.] [P. S.] A'NNULUS (Sa/crtfAios), a ring. Every free- man in Greece appears to have used a ring ; and, at least in the earliest times, not as an ornament, but as an article for use, as the ring always served as a seal. How ancient the custom of wearing rings among the Greeks was, cannot be ascertained ; though it is certain, as even Pliny (H. iV. xxxiii. 4) observes, that in the Homeric poems there are no traces of it. In works of fiction, however, and in those legends in which the customs of later ages are mixed up with those of the earliest times, we find the most ancient heroes described as wearing rings. (Paus. i. 17. § 3, x. 30. § 2 ; Eurip. IpJiig. AuL 154, Hippol. 859.) But it is highly probable that the custom of wearing rings was introduced into Greece from Asia, where it appears to have been almost universal. (Herod, i. 195 ; Plat, de Re Publ. ii. p. 359.) In the time of Solon seal- rings ((rtypaytSes), as well as the practice of coun- terfeiting them, seem to have been rather com- mon, for Diogenes Laertius (i. 57) speaks of a law of Solon which forbade the artist to keep the form of a seal ((revS6vt)\ in which the gem was set, was likewise in many cases of beautiful workmanship. The part of the ring which contained the gem was called pala. In Greece we find that some persons fond of show used to wear hollow rings, the inside of which was filled up with a less valuable sub- stance. (Artemid. I. c.) With the increasing love of luxury and show, the Romans, as well as the Greeks, covered their fingers with rings. Some persons also wore rings of immoderate size, and others used different rings for summer and winter. (Quinctil. xi. 3 ; Juv. i 28 ; Mart. xi. 59, xiv. 123.) Much superstition appears to have been con- nected with rings in ancient as well as in more modern times ; but this seems to have been the case in the East and in Greece more than at Roma Some persons made it a lucrative trade to Bell rings, which were believed to possess magic powers, and to preserve those who wore them from external dangers. Such persons are Eudamus in Aristo- phanes (Plut. 883, with the Schol.), and Phertatus in Antiphanes (ap. Athen. iii. pi 123). These rings were for the most part worn by the lower :lasses, and then not made of costly material, as may )e inferred from the price (one drachma) in the two instances above referred to. There are several lelebrated rings with magic powers, mentioned by the ancient writers, as that of Gyges which be found in a grave (Plat de Repvhl. ii. p. 359, &c ; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4), that of Chari- ;leia (Heliod. Aeth. iv. 8), and the iron ring of Eucrates (Lucian, PkUops. 17). Compare Becker, Okarikles, vol. ii. p. 398, &c. ; Kirchmann, de An- mlis, Slesvig. 1 657 ; P. Burmann, de Jure Anna- 'orum, Ultraject. 1734. [L. S.] ANNUS. [Calendarium.] ANQUISI'TIO. [Juoex.] ANSA'TAE HASTAE. [Hasta.] ANTAE (iropoordSej), were originally posts or pillars flanking a doorway. (Festus, s. «. Antes.) They were of a square form, and are, in fact, to be regarded rather as strengthened terminations of the walls than as pillars affixed to them. There is no clear case of the application of the word to detached square pillars, although Nonius explains it by quadrae columnae (1. § 124). The chief use of antae was in that form of temple, which was called, from them, in antis (vaos iv irapaffrairi), which Vitravius (iii. 1 . s. 2 § 2, Schn.) describes as having, in front, antae attached to the walls which enclosed the cella ; and in the middle, between the antae, two columns supporting the architrave. The ruins of temples, corresponding to the description of Vitravius, are found in Greece and Asia Minor ; and we here exhibit as a speci- men a restoration of the front of the temple of Artemis Propylaea, at Eleusis, together with a plan of the pronaos : A, A, the antae ; B, B. the cella, or vais. ■ Vitravius gives the following rules for a temple in antis of the Doric order : — The breadth should be half the length ; five-eighths of the length should be occupied by the ceUa, including its front walls, the remaining three-eighths by the pronaos or portico ; the antae should be of the same thickness anifiriAJi. a/ as the columns ; in the intercolumniations there should be a marble balustrade, or some other kind of railing, with gates in it ; if the breadth of the portico exceeds forty feet, there should be another pair of columns behind those between the antae, and a little thinner than they ; besides other and minor details. (Vitruv. iv. 4.) In the pure Greek architecture, the antae have no other capitals than a succession of simple mould- ings, sometimes ornamented with leaves and ara- besques, and no bases, or very simple ones ; it is only in the later (Roman) style, that they have capitals and bases resembling those of the columns between them. The antae were generally of the same thickness throughout ; the only instance of their tapering is in one of the temples of Paestum. In a Greek private house the entrance was flanked by a pair of antae with no columns be- tween them ; and the space thus enclosed was itself called irapao"n£s. (Vitruv. vi. 10. s. 7. § 1. Schn.) So also Euripides uses the term to denote either the- pronaos of a temple (Iph. in Taur. 1126), or the vestibule of a palace. {Plwen. 415.) The following are the chief of the other passages in which antae or irapcurrdSes are mentioned : — Eurip. Androm. 1121, where irapaoraSos upefiaffTa signifies the arras suspended from one of the antae of the temple ; Cratin. Dwnys. Fr. 9, ap. Polluc. vii. 1 22, x. 25, Meineke, Fr. Com. Graec. vol. ii. p. 42 ; Xen. Hier. xi. 2 : Hero, Autom. p. 269 ; Inscript. ap. Gruter. p. 207. See also Stieglitz, Arch'dologie der Bauhunst, vol. i. pp. 236 — 242. [Templdm.] [P. S.] ANTEAMBULO'NES, were slaves who were accustomed to go before their masters, in order to make way for them through the crowd. (Suet. Vesp. 2.) They usually called out date locum domino meo ; and if this were not sufficient to clear the way, they used their hands and elbows for that purpose. Pliny relates an amusing tale of an individual who was roughly handled by a Roman knight, because his slave had presumed to touch the latter, in order to make way for his master. {F!p. iii. 14.) The term anteambulones was also given to the clients, who were accustomed to walk before their patroni when the latter ap- peared in public. (Martial, ii. 18, iii. 7, x. 74.) ANTECESSO'RES, called also ANTECUR- SO'RES, were horse-soldiers, who were accustomed to precede an army on the march, in order to choose a suitable place for the camp, and to make the necessary provisions for the army. They were not merely scouts, like the speculatores. (Hirt. Bell. Afr. 12, who speaks of speculatores et antecessores equites; Suet. Vitett. 17; Caes. B. G. v. 47.) This name was also given to the teachers of the Roman law. (Cod. 1. tit. 17. s. 2. § 9. 11.) ANTECOENA [Cobna.] ANTEFIXA, terra-cottas, which exhibited va- rious ornamental designs, and were used in archi- tecture, to cover the frieze (zophorus) or cornice of the entablature. (Festus, s.v.) These terra- cottas do not appear to have been used among the Greeks, but were probably Etrurian in their origin, and were thence taken for the decoration of Roman buildings. The name antefixa is evidently derived from the circumstance that they were fixed before the buildings which they adorned ; and in many in- stances they have been found fastened to the fneze with leaden nails. They were formed in H 9fe ANTEFIXA. moulds, and then baked by fire ; so that the num- ber of them might be increased to any extent. Of the great variety and exquisite beauty of the workmanship, the reader may best form an idea by inspecting the collection of them in the British Museum. The two imperfect antefixa, here represented, are among those found at Velletri, and described by Carloni. (Roma, 1785.) The first of them must have formed part of the upper border of the frieze, or rather of the cornice. It contains a panther's head, designed to serve as a spout for the rain-water to pass through in de- scending from the roof. Similar antefixa, but with comic masks instead of animals' heads, adorned the temple of Isis at Pompeii. The second of the above specimens represents two men who have a dispute, and who come before the sceptre-bearing kings, or judges, to have their cause decided. The style of this bas-relief indicates its high antiquity, and, at the same time, proves that the Volsci had attained to considerable taste in their architecture. Their antefixa are remarkable for being painted : the ground of that here represented is blue j the hair of the six men is black, or brown ; their flesh red ; their garments white, yellow, and red : the chairs are white. The two holes may be observed, by which this slab was fixed upon the building. Cato the Censor complained that the Romans of his time began to despise ornaments of this de- scription, and to prefer the marble friezes of Athens and Corinth. (Liv. xxxiv. 4.) The rising taste which Cato deplored may account for the su- Antidosis. perior beauty of the antefixa preserved in the Bri. tish Museum, which were discovered at Rome. A specimen of them is given at the foot of the pre- ceding column It represents Athena superintend- ing the construction of the ship Argo. The man with the hammer and chisel is Argus, who built the vessel under her direction. The pilot Tiphys is assisted by her in attaching the sail to the yard. Another specimen of the antenxa is given under the article Antyx. ANTENNA. [Navis.] ANTEPAGMENTA, doorposts, the jambs of a door. Vitruvius (iv. 6.) gives minute instruc- tions respecting the form and proportions of the antepagmenta in the doors of temples ; and these are found in general to correspond with the ex- amples preserved among the remains of Grecian architecture. (See Hirt, Bauhmst nadi den Grund- siitzen der AUen, xvi.) [Janua.] [J. Y.] ANTEPILA'NI. [Exercitus.] ANTESIGNA'NI. [Exercitds.] ANTESTA'RI. [Actio.] ANTHESPHO'RIA (iv6e(r°0, if any, were fixed upon it, and against clandestine removal of the other effects, by sealing up the chambers that contained them, and, if he pleased, by putting bailiffs in the mansion. (Dem. c. Phaenipp. pp. 1040, 1041.) His opponent was, at the same time, informed, that he was at liberty to deal in like manner with the estate of the challenger, and received notice to attend the proper tribunal on a fixed day, to take the usual oath. The entries here described seem, in contemplation of law, to have been a complete effectuation of the exchange. (Dem. c. Mid. p. 540, c. Pluaenipp. p. 1041. 25), and it does not appear that primarily there was any legal necessity for a further ratifi- cation by the dicasts ; but, in practice, this must always have been required by the conflict of interests between the parties. The next pro- ceeding was the oath, which was taken by both parties, and purported that they would faithfully discover all their property, except shares held in the silver mines at Laurion ; for these were not rated to leiturgise or property-taxes, nor conse- quently liable to the exchange. In pursuance of this agreement, the law enjoined that they should exchange correct accounts of their respective assets (birotpiffeis) within three days ; but in practice the time might be extended by the consent of the challenger. After this, if the matter were still uncompromised, it would assume the shape and follow the course of an ordinary lawsuit [Dice'], under the conduct of the magistrate within whose jurisdiction it had originally come. The verdict of the dicasts, when adverse to the challenged, seems merely to have rendered imperative the first de- mand of his antagonist, viz. that he should submit to the exchange or undertake the charge in ques- tion ; and as the alternative was open to the former, and a compromise might be acceded to by the lat- ter, at any stage of the proceedings, we may infer that the exchange was rarely, if ever, finally ac- complished. The irksomeness, however, of the se- questration, during which the litigant was pre- cluded from the use of his own property, and dis- abled from bringing actions for embezzlement and the like against others (for his prospective reim- bursement was reckoned a part of the seques- trated estate, Dem. a. Aphoh. ii. p. 841, c. Mid. p. 540), would invariably cause a speedy, perhaps, In most cases, a fair adjustment of the burdens incident to the condition of a wealthy Athenian. (Bockh, Pttil. Earn, of Athens, pp. 580—583, 2nd ed.) [J. S. M.] ANTIGONEIA (avrtyimta), sacrifices insti- tuted by Aratus and celebrated at Sicyon with paeans, processions, and contests, in honour of Antigonns Doson, with whom Aratus formed an ANTIGRAPHE. 99 alliance for the purpose of thwarting the plans of Cleomenes. (Plut. Ckom. 16, Arat., 45 ; Polyb. xxviii. 16, xxx. 20.) [L. S.] ANTIGRAPHE' (avriypaiph), originally sig- nified the writing put in by the defendant, in all causes, whether public or private, in answer to the indictment or bill of the prosecutor. From this signification, it was applied by an easy transition to the substance as well as the form of the reply, both of which are also indicated by avrufwaia, which means, primarily, the oath corroborating the statement of the accused. Harpocration has re- marked that antigraphy might denote, as antomosia does in its more extended application, the bill and affidavit of either party ; and this remark seems to be justified by a passage of Plato. (Apolog. Soc. p. 27. c.) Schb'mann, however, maintains {Att. Process, p. 465) that antigraphy was only used in this signification in the case of persons who laid claim to an unassigned inheritance. Here, neither the first nor any other claimant could appear in the character of a prosecutor ; that is, no Sikij or eyKKriim could be strictly said to be directed by one competitor against another, when all came forward voluntarily to the tribunal to defend their several titles. This circumstance Schbmann has suggested as a reason why the documents of each claimant were denoted by the term in question. Perhaps the word " plea," though by no means a coincident term, may be allowed to be a tolerably proximate rendering of antigraphy Of pleas there can be only two kinds, the dilatory, and those to the action. The former, in Attic law, comprehends all such allegations as, by asserting the incom- petency of the court, the disability of the plaintiff, or privilege of the defendant, and the like, would have a tendency to show that the cause in its present state could not be brought into court {p$\ eiffayt/jyiiiov iivai r^v Blicr]!') ; the latter, every- thing that could be adduced by way of denial, ex- cuse, justification, and defence generally. It must be, at the same time, kept in mind, that the process called " special pleading," was at Athens supplied by the magistrate holding the anacrisis, at which both parties produced their allegations, with the evidence to substantiate them ; and that the object of this part of the proceedings was, under the directions, and with the assistance of the magistrate, to prepare and enucleate the question for the dicasts. The following is an instance of the simplest form of indictment and plea : — " Apollodorus, the son of Pasion of Acharnae, against Stephanus, son of Menecles of Acharnae, for perjury. The penalty rated, a talent. Ste- phanus bore false witness against me, when he gave in evidence the matters in the tablets. Ste- phanus, son of Menecles of Acharnae. I witnessed truly, when I gave in evidence the things in the tablet." (Dem. in Steph. i. p. 1115.) The plead- ings might be altered during the anacrisis ; but once consigned to the echinus, they, as well as all the other accompanying documents, were pro- tected by the official seal from any change by the litigants. On the day of trial, and in the presence of the dicasts, the echinus was opened, and the plea was then read by the clerk of the court, toge- ther with its antagonist bill. Whether it was preserved afterwards as a public record, which we know to have been the case with respect to the yptupi] in some causes, we are not informed. h 2 100 ANTLIA. From what has been already stated, it will have been observed, that questions requiring a pre- vious decision, would frequently arise upon the al- legations of the plea ; and that the plea to the ac- tion in particular would often contain matter that would tend essentially to alter, and, in some cases, to reverse the relative positions of the parties. In the first case, a trial before the dicasts would be granted by the magistrate whenever he was loth to incur the responsibility of decision ; in the se- cond, a cross-action might be instituted, and car- ried on separately, though, perhaps, simultaneously with the original suit. Cases would also some- times occur in which the defendant, from consider- ing the indictment as an unwarrantable aggres-' sion, or, perhaps, one best repelled by attack, would be tempted to retaliate upon some delinquency of his opponent, utterly unconnected with the cause in hand, and to this he would be, in most cases, able to resort. An instance of each kind will be briefly given, by citing the common paragraphs, as a cause arising upon a dilatory plea ; a cross-action for assault (out(aj) upon a primary action for the same (Dem. in Ev. et Mnesib. p. 1153) ; and a SoKifiairia, or "judicial examination of the life or morals " of an orator upon an impeachment for misconduct in an embassy (trapajrpetrSeia). (Aesch. in Timarch.) All causes of this secondary nature (and there was hardly one of any kind cognisable by the Attic courts, that might not occasionally rank among them) were, when viewed in their relation with the primary action, comprehended by the enlarged signification of antigraphy, or, in other words, this term, inexpressive of form or substance, is indicative of a repellent or retaliative quality, that might be incidental to a great variety of causes. The distinction, however, that is im- plied by antigraphy, was not merely verbal and unsubstantial ; for we are told, in order to prevent frivolous suits on the one hand, and unfair elusion upon the other, the loser in & paragraphs, or cross- action upon a private suit, was condemned by a special law to pay the ^rugeAia, rateable upon the valuation of the main cause, if he failed to obtain the votes of one-fifth of the jury, and certain court fees (irpuTarera) not originally incident to the suit. That there was a similar provision in public causes, we may presume from analogy, though we have no authority to determine the matter. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 625.) - [J. S. M.] ANTIGRAPHEIS (avTiypcupels). [Gram- MATEUS.] ANTINOEIA (oj/Ticdeio), annual festivals and quinquennial games, which the Roman emperor Hadrian instituted in honour of his favourite, Antinous, after he was drowned in the Nile, or, according to others, had sacrificed himself for his sovereign, in a fit of religious fanaticism. The festivals were celebrated in Bithynia, and at Man- tineia, in which places he was worshipped as a god. (Spartian. Hadrian, c 14 ; Dion Cass. Ixix. 10 ; Paus. viii. 9. § 4.) [L. S.] ANTIPHERNA (avrtyepva). [Dos.] ANTIQUA'RII. [Librarii.] A'NTLIA (apThia), any machine for raising water ; a pump. The annexed figure shows a machine which is still used on the river Eissach in the Tyrol, the ancient Atagis. As the current puts the wheel in motion, the jars on its margin are successively immersed and filled with water. When they reach the top, the water is sent into ANTLIA. a trough, from which it is conveyed to a distance, and chiefly used for irrigation. Lucretius (v. 517) mentions a machine con. tructed on this principle : — " Ut fluvios veisare rotas atque haustra videmug." In situations where the water was at rest, as in a pond or a well, or where the current was too slow and feeble to put the machine in motion, it was constructed so as to be wrought by animal force, and slaves or criminals were commonly em- ployed for the purpose (ets avrKlav (foT«5i«o- aBTJva.i, Artemid. Oneiroc. i. 50 ; in antliam con- demnare, Suet. Tib. 51.) Five such machines are described by Vitruvius, in addition to that which has been already explained, and which, as he obserra, was turned sine operarum calcatura, ipsiusjkmmii imptdsu. These five were, 1. the tympanum ; a tread- wheel, wrought hominibus cahmiSm : % a wheel resembling that in the preceding figure ; but having, instead of pots, wooden boxes or buckets (modioli quadrati), so arranged as to form steps for those who trod the wheel: 3. the chain-pump • 4. the cochlea, or Archimedes' screw : and 6. tie ctesibica machina, or forcing-pump. (Vitruv. *• 4 — 7; Drieberg, Pnewm. Erfindungen der Griecim, p. 44—50.) On the other hand, the antlia with which Mar- tial (ix. 19) watered his garden, was probably the pole and bucket universally employed in Italy, Greece, and Egypt. The pole is curved, as shown in the annexed figure ; because it is the stem of a =---_r:^~- APATURIA. fir, or some other tapering tree. The bucket, being attached to the top of the tree, bends it by its weight ; and the thickness of the other extremity serves as a counterpoise. The great antiquity of this method of raising water is proved by repre- sentations of it in Egyptian paintings. (Wilkin- son, Manners and Gust, of Anc. Egypt, ii. 1 — 4 ; see also Pitt. d'Ercolano, vol. i. p. 257.) [J. Y.] ANTOMO'SIA (avTapioala). [Anakrisis, p. 92, a ; Paragraphs.] ANTYX (Sjtu{, probably allied etymologically to a/t7ru{), the rim or border of any thing, espe- cially of a shield, or chariot The rim of the large round shield of the ancient Greeks was thinner than the part which it enclosed. Thus the orna- mental border of the shield of Achilles, fabricated by Hephaestus, was only threefold, the shield itself being sevenfold. (It. xviii. 479 ; comp. xx. 275.) See examples of the antyx of a shield in woodcuts to Antefixa, Arma, Clipeus. On the other hand, the antyx of a chariot must have been thicker than the body to which it was attached, and to which it gave both form and strength. For the same reason, it was often made double, as in the chariot of Hera. (Aoml Si irepi- ipopjtt Avrvyes elffi, 11. v. 728.) It rose in front of a chariot in a curved form, on which the reins might be hung. (11. v. 262, 322.) A simple form of it is exhibited in the annexed woodcut from the APATURIA. 101 work of Carloni. Sometimes antyx is used to signify the chariot itself. [J. Y.] APA'GELI (SmdyeKoi). [Agela.] APAGO'GE (cmayaryfi). [Endeixis.] APATU'RIA (amiToiipia), was a political festi- val, which the Athenians had in common with all the Greeks of the Ionian name (Herod, i. 147), with the exception of those of Colophon and Ephesus. It was celebrated in the month of Pyanepsion, and lasted for three days. The ori- gin of this festival is related in the following man- ner : — About the year 1100 B. c, the Athenians were carrying on a war against the Boeotians, con- cerning the district of Cilaenae, or, according to others, respecting the little town of Oenoe. The Boeotian Xanthius, or Xanthus, challenged Thymoetes, king of Attica, to single combat ; and when he refused, Melanthus, a Messenian exile of the house of the Nelids, offered himself to fight for Thymoetes, on condition that, if vic- torious, he should be the successor to Thymoetes. The offer was accepted ; and when Xanthius and Melanthus began the engagement, there appeared behind Xanthius a man in the 1-00777, the skin of a black she-goat. Melanthus reminded his adversary that he was violating the laws of single combat by having a companion, and while Xanthius looked around, Melanthus slew the deceived Xanthius. From that time, the Athenians celebrated two fes- tivals, the Apaturia, and that of Dionysus Melan- aegis, who was believed to have been the man who appeared behind Xanthius. This is the story related by the Scholiast on Aristophanes. (A churn, 146.) This tradition has given rise to a false ety- mology of the name atrarovpia, which was formerly considered to be derived from aira-roV, to deceive. All modern critics, however (Miiller, Dorians, i. 5. 4 ; Welcker, Aeschyl. Tril. p. 288), agree that the name is composed of 0= S^io, and iroTdpio, which is perfectly consistent with what Xenophon (Hellen. i. 7. § 8) says of the festival : 'Ei/ ots (airarovpiois) dt re irarcpes Kal 01 ffvyyeveis tyvtiffi fftyiffiv avro7s. According to this derivation, it is the festival at which the phratriae met, to discuss and settle their own affairs. But, as every citizen was a member of a phratria, the festival extended over the whole nation, who assembled according to phratriae. Welcker (Anltang z. Trilog. p. 200), on account of the prominent part which Dionysus takes in the legend respecting the origin of the Attic Apaturia, conceives that it arose from the circumstance that families belonging to the Dio- nysian tribe of the Aegicores had been registered among the citizens. The first day of the festival, which probably fell on the eleventh of the month of Pyanepsion, was called Sopiria, or SiipTreio (Athen. iv. p. 1 7 1 ; Hesych. and Suid. s. v.) j on which every citizen went in the evening to the phratrium, or to the house of some wealthy member of his own phratria, and there enjoyed the supper prepared for him. (Aris- toph. Acham. 146.) That the cup-bearers (olvd- jrrai) were not idle on this occasion, may be seen from Photius (Lexic. s. v. Aopiria). The second day was called ivdfpvtns (avap". pitiv) from the sacrifice offered on this day to Zeus, surnamed $pdrpios, and to Athena, and sometimes to DionysuB Melanaegis. This was a state sacrifice, in which all citizens took part. The day was chiefly devoted to the gods, and to it must, perhaps, be confined what Harpocration (s. v. Aa/xwds) mentions, from the Atthis of Istrus, that the Athenians at the apaturia used to dress splendidly, kindle torches on the altar of Hephae- stus, and sacrifice and sing in honour of him. Proclus on Plato (Tim. p. 21. 6.), in opposition to all other authorities, calls the first day of the Apa- turia a.vdp'p'vffis, and the second fiopnla, which is, perhaps, nothing more than a slip of his pen. On the third day, called KoupewTts (Kovpos), children born in that year, in the families of the phratriae, or such as were not yet registered, were taken by their fathers, or in their absence by their representatives (ictpioi), before the assembled members of the phratria. For every child a sheep or goat was sacrificed. The victim was called p-ribc, and he who sacrificed it ii€iayuy6s (/xeiayuyeiv). It is said that the victim was not allowed to be below (Harpocrat. Suid. Phot s. v. Mc7o>'), or, according to Pollux (iii. 52), above, a certain weight Whenever any one thought he had reason to oppose the reception of the child into the phratria, he stated the case, and, at the same time, led away the victim from the altar. (Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1054.) If the mem- bers of the phratria found the objections to the reception of the child to be sufficient the vie- H 3 102 APEX. tim was removed ; when no objections were raised, the father, or he who supplied his place, was obliged to establish by oath that the child was the offspring of free-born parents, and citizens of Athens. (Isaeus, De Haered. Ciron. p. 100. §19 ; Demosth. c. Eubul. p. 1315.) After the victim was sacrificed, the phratores gave their votes, which they took from the altar of Jupiter Phra- trius. When the majority voted against the re- ception, the cause might be tried before one of the courts of Athens ; and if the claims of the child were found unobjectionable, its name, as well as that of the father, was entered in the register of the phratria, and those who had wished to effect the exclusion of the child were liable to be punished. (Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1078.) Then followed the distribution of wine, and of the victim, of which every phrator received his share ; and poems were recited by the elder boys, and a prize was given to him who acquitted himself the best on the occasion. (Plat. Tim. p. 21, 6.) On this day, also, illegitimate children on whom the privileges of Athenian citizens were to be bestowed, as well as children adopted by citizens, and newly created citizens were introduced ; but the last, it appears, could only be received into a phratria when they nad previously been adopted by a citizen; and their children, when born by a mother who was a citizen, had a legitimate claim to be inscribed in the phratria of their grandfather, on their mother's side. (Platner, Beitr'dge, p. 168.) In later times, however, the difficulties of being admitted into a phratria seem to have been greatly diminished. Some writers have added a fourth day to this festival, under the name of eiriSSa (Hesych. s. v. 'A-TraToiipLa : and Simplicius on Aristot. Phys. iv. p. 167. a.); but this is no particular day of the festival, for eiriSSa signifies nothing else but a day subsequent to any festival. (See Rhunken, Ad Tim. Lex. Plat. p. 119.) [L. S.] APAU'LIA. [Matrimonii™.] APELEU'THERI (ime\eieepoi). [Liberti.] APERTA NAVIS. [Navis.] APEX, a cap worn by the flamines and salii at Rome. The essential part of the apex, to which alone the name properly belonged, was a pointed piece of olive-wood, the base of which was sur- rounded with a lock of wooL This was worn on the top of the head, and was held there either by fillets only, or, as was more commonly the case, by the aid of a cap, which fitted the head, and was also fastened by means of two strings or bands, which were called apiada (Festus, s. v.), or of- fendices (Festus, s. v.), though the latter word is also interpreted to mean a kind of button, by which the strings were fastened under the chin. (Comp. Serv. ad Virg. Aen. ii. 683, viii. 664, x. 270.) The flamines were forbidden by law to go into public, or even into the open air without the apex (Gell. x. 15), and hence we find the expression of alicui apicem dialem imponere used as equivalent to the appointment of a fiamen dialis. (Liv. vi. 41.) Sulpicius was deprived of the priesthood, only be- cause the apex fell from his head whilst he was sacrificing. (Val. Max. i. 1. § 4.) Dionysius (ii. 70 ) describes the cap as being of a conical form. On ancient monuments we see it round as well as conical. From its various forms, as shown on bas-reliefs and on coins of the Roman emperors, who as priests were entitled to wear it, APHRODISIA. we have selected six for the annexed woodcut The middle figure is from a bas-relief, showing one of the salii with a rod in his right hand. The Albogalerus, or albus galerus was a white cap worn by the fiamen dialis, made of the skin of a white victim sacrificed to Jupiter, and had the apex fastened to it by means of an olive-twig. (Festus, s. v. albogalerus; Gell. x. 15.) From apex was formed the epithet apicatut, applied to the fiamen dialis by Ovid (Fast. iii. 197). APHLASTON (tyKaxrrov). [Navis.] APHORMES DIKE' (cwpop/ujs Sf/ny), was th« action brought against a banker or money-lender (Tpa7re£iTijs), to recover funds advanced for the purpose of being employed as banking capital Though such moneys were also styled irapanaTallii- kch, or deposits, to distinguish them from the pri- vate capital of the banker (iS(o hipopnij), there is an essential difference between the actions Supop/x^s and irapaKaraeiiKTis, as the latter implied that the defendant had refused to return a deposit intrusted to him, not upon the condition of his paying a stated interest for its use, as in the former case, but merely that it might be safe in his keeping till the affairs of the plaintiff should enable him to resume its possession in security. [Paracata- thece'.] The former action was of the class vpis nva, and came under the jurisdiction of the thesmo- thetae. The speech of Demosthenes in behalf of Phormio was made in a irapaypafyh against an action of this kind. [J. S. M.] APHRACTUS. [Navis.] APHRODI'SIA ('Av, in the second the claimant, would appear in the character of a plaintiff. In a case like that of Nicostratus above cited, the claimant would be obliged to deposit a certain sum, which he forfeited if he lost his cause (napaKaraSoK'ti) ; in all, he would probably be obliged to pay the costs or court fees (vpvraviia) upon the same con- tingency. A private citizen, who prosecuted an indivi- dual by means of airoypatpJi, forfeited a thousand drachmae, if he failed to obtain the votes of one- fifth of the dicasts, and reimbursed the defendant his prytaneia upon acquittal. In the former case, too, he would probably incur a modified atimia, i. e. a restriction from bringing such actions for the future. [J. S. M.] APOKERUXIS (awoicfipvlis), implies the method by which a father could at Athens dissolve the legal connection between himself and his sod ; but as it is not mentioned by any of the orators or the older writers, it could rarely have taken a 4 104 APOPHORA. place. According to the author of the declama- tion on the subject (Airoicripvrr6fi€vos), which has generally been attributed to Lucian, substantial reasons were required to insure the ratification of such extraordinary severity. Those suggested in the treatise referred to are, deficiency in filial attention, riotous living, and profligacy generally. A subsequent act of pardon might annul this solemn rejection ; but if it were not so avoided, the son was denied by his father while alive, and disinherited afterwards. It does not, however, appear that his privileges as to his tribe or the state underwent any alteration. The court of the archon must have been that in which causes of this kind were brought forward, and the rejection would be completed and declared by the voice of the herald (diroirijoulai). It is probable that an adoptive father also might resort to this remedy against the ingratitude of a son. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 432, &c.) [J. S. M.] APOLEIPSIS (o7T(S\en|/is). [Divortium.] APOLLINA'RES LUDI. [Ludi.] APOLLO'NIA ('Airo^Advia) is the name of a propitiatory festival solemnized at Sicyon, in honour of Apollo and Artemis, of which Pausanias (ii. 7. § 7) gives the following account : — Apollo and Artemis, after the destruction of the Python, had wished to be purified at Sicyon (Aegialea) ; but being driven away by a phantom (whence in after- times a certain spot in the town was called $o'6os), they proceeded to Carmanos in Crete. Upon this the inhabitants of Sicyon were attacked by a pesti- lence, and the seers ordered them to appease the deities. Seven boys and the same number of girls were ordered to go to the river Sythas, and bathe in its waters ; then to carry the statues of the two deities into the temple of Peitho, and from thence back to that of Apollo. Similar rites, says Pausa- nias, still continue to be observed ; for at the fes- tival of Apollo, the boys go to the river Sythas, and carry the two deities into the temple of Peitho, and thence back to that of Apollo. Although festivals under the name of Apollonia, in honour of Apollo, are mentioned in no other place, still it is not improbable that they existed un- der the same name in other towns of Greece. [L. S.] APOPEMPSIS (cra-oVe^is). [Divortium.] APOPHANSIS, or APOPHASIS (Sm6tpai>- ais or forewarns), was the proclamation of the de- cision which the majority of the judges came to at the end of a trial, and was thus also used to signify the day on which the trial took place. (Dem. c. Emrget. p. 1153 ; Lex Rhetor, p. 210.) The word was also employed to indicate the account of a person's property, which was obliged to be given when an antidosis was demanded. [Antidosis.] APO'PHORA (airoipopd), which properlymeans " produce or profit " of any kind, was used at Athens to signify the profit which accrued to mas- ters from their slaves. It thus signified the sum which slaves paid to their masters when they la- boured on their own account, and the sum which masters received when they let out their slaves on hire either for the mines or any other kind of labour, and also the money which was paid by the state for the use of the slaves who served in the fleet. (Dem. c. Aphob. i. p. 819, c. Nicostr. p. 1253 ; Andoc. DeMyster. p. 19 ; Xen. Rep. Ath. i. 11 ; Bockh, Publ. Earn, of Athens, p. 72, 2nd ed.) The term apophora was also applied to the money which was paid by the allied states to Sparta, for APOSTOLEIS. the purpose of carrying on the war against the Persians. When Athens acquired the supremacy, these moneys were called (p6poi. (Bockh, Ibid, p. 396.) APOPHORE'TA (imo(p6piiTa), presents which were given to friends at the end of an entertain- ment, to take home with them. These presents were usually given on festival days, especially during the Saturnalia. Martial gives the title of Apophoreta to the fourteenth book of his Epigrams, which contains a number of epigrams on the things usually given away as apophoreta, (Suet. Vesp, 19 ; Col. 55 ; Octai). 75.) APOPHRADES HEMERAI (farotppltes r)ii4pai), unlucky or unfortunate days (dies nefasti), on which no public business, nor any important affairs of any kind, were transacted at Athens, Such were the last three days but one of every month, and the twenty-fifth day of the month Thargelion, on which the Plynteria were cele- brated. (Etym. Mag. p. 131 ; Plut. Alcib. 34 ; Lucian, Pseudohg. 13 ; Schomann, De Comitm, p. 50.) APORRHE'TA (amfpnTa), literally "things forbidden," has two peculiar, but widely different, acceptations in the Attic dialect. In one of these it implies contraband goods, an enumeration of which at the different periods of Athenian history, is given by Bockh (PM. Earn, of Athens, p. 53, 2nd ed.) ; in the other, it denotes certain contu- melious epithets, from the application of which both the living and the dead were protected by special laws. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 482.) Among these, avSp6e Diaetet. p. 1 50). [ J.S.M.] APOSTA'SIOU DIKE' (tmooTaalov SIkt)). This is the only private suit which came, as far as we know, under the exclusive jurisdiction of the polemarch. (Aristot. De Ath. Rep. quoted by Harpocrat.) It could be brought against none but a freedman (&ire\ei}0€pos), and the only pro- secutor permitted to appear was the citizen to whom he had been indebted for his liberty, unless this privilege was transmitted to the sons of such former master. The tenor of the accusation was, that there had been a default in duty to the pro- secutor ; but what attentions might be claimed from the freedman, we are not informed. It is said, however, that the greatest delict of this kind was the selection of a patron (irpoaTiri\s) other than the former master. If convicted, the defend- ant was publicly sold ; but if acquitted, the un- prosperous connection ceased for ever, and the freedman was at liberty to select any citizen for his patron. The patron could also summarily punish the above-mentioned delinquencies of his freedman by private incarceration without any legal award. (Petit, leg. Attic, p. 261.) [J. S.M.] APOSTOLEIS (&7roo"ro\eis),ten public officers at Athens, whose duty it was to see that the ships were properly equipped and provided by those who were bound to discharge the trierarchy. APOTHEOSIS. They had the power, in certain cases, of imprison- ing the trierarchs who neglected to furnish the Bhips properly (Dem. pro Cor. p. 262) ; and they constituted a board, in conjunction with the in- spectors of the docks (ol tw veupttav imfAeKrjTai), tor the prosecution of all matters relating to the equipment of the ships. (Dem. o. Euerg. p. 1147 ; Meier, Ait. Process, p. 112 ; Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, p. 543.) APOTHE'CA (airoe^K7}) t a place in the upper part of the house, in which the Romans frequently placed the earthen amphorae in which their wines were deposited. This place, which was quite different from the cella vinaria, was above the fumarium ; since it was thought that the passage of the smoke through the room tended greatly to increase the flavour of the wine. (Colum. i. 6. § 20 ; Hor. Carm. iii. 8. 11, Sat ii. 5. 7, and Heindorf's note.) The position of the apotheca explains the expression in Horace (Carm. iii. 21. 7), Descende, testa. (Comp. Becker, Gattus, vol. ii. p. 169.) APOTHEO'SIS (forofleWu), the enrolment of a mortal among the gods. The mythology of Greece contains numerous instances of the deifica- tion of mortals ; but in the republican times of Greece we find few examples of such deification. The inhabitants of .fynphipolis, however, offered sacrifices to Brasidas after his death (Thuc. v. 11) ; and the people of Egeste built an heroum to Philippus, and also offered sacrifices to him on ac- count of his personal beauty. (Herod, v. 47.) In the Greek kingdoms, which arose in the East on the dismemberment of the empire of Alexander, it does not appear to have been uncommon for the suc- cessor to the throne to have offered divine honours to the former sovereign. Such an apotheosis of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, is described by Theo- critus in his 17th Idyl. (See Casaubon's note on Suet. Jul. Goes. 88.) The term apotheosis, among the Romans, pro- perly signified the elevation of a deceased emperor to divine honours. This practice, which was com- mon upon the death of almost all the emperors, appears to have arisen from the opinion, which was generally entertained among the Romans, that the souls or manes of their ancestors became deities ; and as it was common for children to worship the manes of their fathers, so it was natural for divine honours to be publicly paid to a deceased emperor, who was regarded as the parent of his country. This apotheosis of an emperor was usually called consecratio ; , and the emperor who received the honour of an apotheosis, was said in deorum nzt- merum referri, or consecrari. In the earliest times Romulus is said to have been admitted to divine honours under the name of Quirinus (Plut. Rom. 27,28 ; Liv. i. 16 ; Cic. deRep. ii. 10) ; but none of the other Roman kings appears to have received this honour, and in the republican times we also read of no instance of an apotheosis. Julius Caesar was deified after his death, and games were insti- tuted to his honour by Augustus (Suet. Jul. Caes. 88) ; and the example thus set was followed in the case of the other emperors. The ceremonies observed on the occasion of an apotheosis have been minutely described by Herodian (iv. 2) in the following passage : — " It is the custom of the Romans to deify those of their emperors who die, leaving successors ; and this rite they call apotheosis. On this APOTHEOSIS. 106 occasion a semblance of mourning, combined with festival and religious observances, is visible throughout the city. The body of the dead they honour after human fashion, with a splendid funeral ; and making a waxen image in all respects resembling him, they expose it to view in the vestibule of the palace, on a lofty ivory couch of great size, spread with cloth of gold. The figure is made pallid, like a sick man. During most of the day senators sit round the bed on the left side, clothed in black ; and noble women on the right, clothed in plain white garments, like mourners, wearing no gold or necklaces. These ceremonies continue for seven days ; and the physicians seve- rally approach the couch, and looking on the sick man, say that he grows worse and worse. And when they have made believe that he is dead, the noblest of the equestrian and chosen youths of the senatorial orders take up the couch, and bear it along the Via Sacra, and expose it in the old forum. Platforms like steps are built upon each side ; on one of which stands a chorus of noble youths, and on the opposite, a chorus of women of high rank, who sing hymns and songs of praise to the deceased, modulated in a solemn and mourn- ful strain. Afterwards they bear the couch through the city to the Campus Martius, in the broadest part of which a square pile is constructed entirely of logs of timber of the largest size, in the shape of a chamber, filled with faggots, and on the outside adorned with hangings interwoven with gold and ivory images and pictures. Upon this, a similar but smaller chamber is built, with open doors and windows, and above it, a third and fourth, still diminishing to the top, so that one might compare it to the light-houses which are called Phari. In the second story they place a bed, and collect all sorts of aromatics and incense, and every sort of fragrant fruit or herb or juice ; for all cities, and nations, and persons of eminence emulate each other in contributing these last gifts in honour of the emperor. And when a vast heap of aromatics is collected, there is a procession of horsemen and of chariots around the pile, with the drivers clothed in robes of office, and wearing masks made to resemble the most distinguished Roman generals and emperors. When all this is done, the others set fire to it on every side, which easily catches hold of the faggots and aromatics ; and from the highest and smallest story, as from a pinnacle, an eagle is let loose to mount into the sky as the fire ascends, which is believed by the Romans to carry the soul of the emperor from earth to heaven ; and from that time he is wor- shipped with the other gods." In conformity with this account, it is common to see on medals struck in honour of an apotheosis an altar with fire on it, and an eagle, the bird of Jupiter, taking flight into the air. The number of medals of this description is very numerous. We can from these medals alone trace the names of sixty individuals, who received the honours of an apotheosis, from the time of Julius Caesar to that of Constantine the Great. On most of them the word Consecratio occurs, and on some Greek coins the word A$IEPflCl2. The following wood- cut is taken from an agate, which is supposed to represent the apotheosis of Germanicus. (Mont- faucon, Ant. Expl. Suppl. vol. v. p. 137.) In his left hand he holds the cornucopia, and Victory is placing a laurel crown upon him. 106 APPELLATIO. A very similar representation to the above is found on the triumphal arch of Titus, on which Titus is represented as being carried up to the skies on an eagle. There is a beautiful represen- tation of the apotheosis of Augustus on an onyx- stone in the royal museum of Paris. Many other monuments have come down to us, which represent an apotheosis. Of these the most celebrated is the bas-relief in the Townley gallery in the British Museum, which represents the apotheosis of Homer. It is clearly of Roman work- manship, and is supposed to have been executed in the time of the Emperor Claudius. The wives, and other female relations of the emperors, sometimes received the honour of an apotheosis. This was the case with Livia Augusta, with Poppaea the wife of Nero, and with Faustina the wife of Antoninus. (Suet. Claud. 11 ; Dion Cass. xl. 5 ; Tac. Ann. xvi. 21 ; Capitolin. Anton. PhUos. 26.) APPARITO'RES, the general name for the public servants of the magistrates at Rome, namely, the Accensi, Carnifex, Coactores, Inter- pretes,Lictores,Praecones,Scribab,Stator, Strator, Viatores, of whom an account is given in separate articles. They were called apparitores because they were at hand to execute the com- mands of the magistrates (quod iis apparebamt el praesto erant ad obsequium, Serv. Ad Virg. Aen. xii. 850; Cic. pro Cluent. 53; Li v. i. 8). Then- service or attendance was- called apparitio. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 54, ad Qu. Fr. i. 1. § 4.) The servants of the military tribunes were also called apparitores. We read that the Emperor Severus forbade the military tribunes to retain the appari- tores, whom they were accustomed to have. (Lamprid. Sever. 52.) Under the emperors, the apparitores were di- vided into numerous classes, and enjoyed peculiar privileges, of which an account is given in Just. Cod. 12. tit. 52— 59. APPELLA'TIO. 1. Greek (tyeeis, or aro- ZtKia). Owing to the constitution of the Athenian tribunals, each of which was generally appropriated to its particular subjects of cognisance, and therefore could not be considered as homogeneous with or subordinate to any other, there was little oppor- tunity for bringing appeals properly so called. It is to be observed also, that in general a cause was finally and irrevocably decided by the verdict of the dicasts (S'mt) auToreAfc). There were, how- ever, some exceptions, in which appeals and new trials might be resorted to. A new trial to annul the previous award might APPELLATIO. be obtained, if the loser could prove that it was not owing to his negligence that judgment had gone by default, or that the dicasts had been de- ceived by false witnesses. And upon the expul- sion of the thirty tyrants, a special law annulled all the judgments that had been given during the usurpation. (Dem. o. Timocr. p. 718.) The peculiar title of the above-mentioned causes was av6StKoi Si'kcu, which was also applied to all causes of which the subject-matter was by any means again submitted to the decision of a court. An appeal from a verdict of the heliasts wag allowed only when one of the parties was a citizen of a foreign state, between which and Athena an agreement existed as to the method of settling disputes between individuals .of the re- spective countries (5/(cai imb av)>£6\wv). If such a foreigner lost his cause at Athens, he was per- mitted to appeal to the proper court in another state, which (eK/cX)]Toy it&\is) Bb'ckh, Schomann, and Hudtwalcker suppose to have been the native country of the litigant. Platner, on the other hand, arguing from the intention of the regulation, viz. to protect both parties from the partiality of each other's fellow-citizens, contends that some disinterested state would probably be selected for this purpose. The technical words employed upon this occasion are e/CKaAe7v,. iiaca\ei(rdai 9 and ^ %kk\t\tos, the last used as a substantive, probably by the later writers only, for ifyttris. (Harpocr. Hudtw. De Diaet. p. 125.) This as well as the other cases of appeal are noticed by Pollux (viii. 62, 63) in the following words: — ""E^arts is when one transfers a cause from the arbitrators (Biamrraf), or archons, or men of the township (Si^oVat) to the dicasts, or from the senate to the assembly of the people, or from the assembly to a court (Si/cao-T^pioy), or from the dicasts to a foreign tribunal ; and the cause was then termed 4l*6s, in6s properly signifies any elevation, and hence we find in Homer Upbs Pa>n6s, but it afterwards came to be applied to an elevation used for the worship of the gods, and hence an altar. 'Eerxa was used in ARA. the limited sense of an altar for burnt-offerings, In Latin ara and altare are often used without any distinction, but properly ara was lower than altare : the latter was erected in honour of the superior gods, the former in honour of the inferior, heroes and demigods. Thus we read in Virgil (Ed. v. 65): — " En quattuor aras : Ecce duas tibi, Daphni ; duas, altaria, Phoebo." On the other hand, sacrifices were offered to the infernal gods, not upon altars, but in cavities (scrobes, scrobiculi, jSo'flpoi, Aa/c/cot) dug in the ground. (Festus, s. v. Altaria.) As among the ancients almost every religious act was accompanied by sacrifice, it was often necessary to provide altars on the spur of the oc- casion, and they were then constructed of earth, sods, or stones, collected on the spot. When the occasion was not sudden, they were built with regular courses of masonry or brickwork, as ig clearly shown in several examples on the column of Trajan at Rome. See the left-hand figure in the woodcut annexed. The first deviation from this absolute simplicity of form consisted in the addition of a base, and of a corresponding projec- tion at the top, the latter being intended to hold the fire and the objects offered in sacrifice. These two parts are so common as to be almost uniform types of the form of an altar, and will be found in all the figures inserted underneath. Altars were either square or round. The latter form, which was the less common of the two, ii exemplified in the following figures. In later times altars were ornamented with fes- toons and garlands of flowers ; and the altar repre- sented in the next cut shows the manner in which these festoons were suspended. They were also adorned with sculpture ; and some were covered with the works of the most celebrated artists of antiquity. The first cut above exhibits a specimen of the elaborate style, the outline of an Etruscan altar, in contrast with the unadorned altar. If an altar was erected before a statue of a god, it wa> always to be lower than the statue before which it AKATEIA. ARATRUM. 117 was placed (Vitruv. iv. 9). Of this we have an example in a medallion on the Arch of Constantine at Rome, representing an altar erected before a statue of Apollo. See the annexed cut. It was necessary that an altar should be built in the open air, in order that the steam of the sacrifice might be wafted up to heaven, and it might be built in any place, as on the side of a mountain, on the shore of the sea, or in a sacred grove. But as the worship of the gods was in later times chiefly connected with temples, altars became an indispensable part of the latter, and though there could be altars without temples, there could hardly be temples without altars. The altars of burnt-offerings, at which animal sacrifices were presented, were erected before the temples (#0^*0! irpov&m, Aesch. Suppl. 497), as shown in the wood- cut in the article Antae ; but there were also altars, on which incense was burnt and bloodless sacrifices offered, within the temple, and principally before the statue of the divinity to whom they were dedicated. All altars were places of refuge. The supplicants were considered as placing themselves under the protection of the deities to whom the altars were consecrated ; and violence to the unfor- tunate, even to slaves and criminals, in such cir- cumstances, was regarded as violence towards the deities themselves. It was also the practice among the Greeks to take solemn oaths at altars, either taking hold of the altar or of the statue of the god. Cicero (pro Bali. 5) expressly mentions this as a Greek practice. (Comp. K. F. Hermann, Gottes- dienst. Alterth. d. Griechen, § 17, and § 22. n. 9.) ARAEOSTYLOS. [Temp-lum.] ARATEIA (apdreta), two sacrifices offered every year at Sicyon in honour of Aratus, the general of the Achaeans, who after his death was honouredby his countrymen as a hero, in consequence of the command of an oracle. (Paus. ii. 9. § 4.) The full account of the two festive days is pre- served in Plutarch's Life of Aratus (c. 53). The Sicyoniane, says he, offer to Aratus two sacrifices every year: the one on the day on which he delivered his native town from tyranny, which is the fifth of the month of Daisius, the same which the Athenians call Anthesterion ; and this sacrifice they call / ; apxiTpUXtvos, apx l€1r " rK07ros 5 & c *) there is not one that has any reference to " the prince." 2. We find the title applied to physicians who lived at Edessa, Alexandria, &c, where no king was at that time reigning. 3. Galen (de Titer, ad Pis. c. I , voL xiv. p. 21 1, ed. KUhn) speaks of Andromachus ARCHIATER. 119 being appointed "to rule over" the physicians (apx^tv), i. e., in fact, to be " archiater." 4. Au- gustine (De Civil. Dei, iii. 17) applies the word to Aesculapius, and St. Jerome (metaphorically of course) to our Saviour (xiii. Homil. in S. Lite.), in both which cases it evidently means " the chief physician." 5. It is apparently synonymous with protoniedicus, supra medicos, domimis medicorum. and supeipositus medieorum, all which expressions occur in inscriptions, &c, and also with the title Mais ''ala H-atebba, among the Arabians. 6. We find the names of several persons who were phy- sicians to the emperor, mentioned without the ad- dition of the title archiater. 7. The archiatri were divided into Archiatri sancti pulaiii, who attended on the emperor, and Archiatri populares, who at- tended on the people ; so that it is certain that all those who bore this title were not " physicians to the prince." The chief argument in favour of the contrary opinion seems to arise from the fact, that of all those who are known to have held the office of Archiatri the greater part certainly were also physicians to the emperor ; but this is only what might a, priori be expected, viz. that those who had attained the highest rank in their profession would be chosen to attend upon the prince. * The first person whom we find bearing this title is Andromachus, physician to Nero, and inventor of the Theriaca (Galen. I. c. ; Erotian. Lex. Voc. Hippocr. Praef.) : but it is not known whether he had at the same time any sort of authority over the rest of the profession. In fact, the history of the title is as obscure as its meaning, and it is chiefly by means of the laws respecting the medical pro- fession that we learn the rank and duties attached to it. In after times (as was stated above) the order appears to have been divided, and we find two distinct classes of archiatri, viz. those of the palace and those of the people. (Cod. Theodos. xiii. tit. 3 ; De Mcdicis ct Prqfessoribus.) The archiatri sancti palatii were persons of high rank, who not only exercised their profession, but were judges on occasion of any disputes that might occur among the physicians of the place. They had certain privileges granted to them, e. g. they were exempted from all taxes, as were also their wives and children ; they were not obliged to lodge soldiers or others in the provinces ; they could not be put in prison, &c. ; for though these privileges seem at first to have been common to all physicians (Cod. Just. x. tit. 52. s. 6. Medicos et maxime Archiatros), yet afterwards they were confined to the archiatri of the palace, and to those of Rome v When they obtained their dismissal from attend- ance on the emperor, either from old age or any other cause, they retained the title ex-archialri, or ex-archiatris. (Cod. x. tit. 52. leg. 6.) The archiatri populares were established for the relief of the poor, and each city was to be provided with five, seven, or ten, according to its size. (Dig. 27. tit. 1. s. 6.) Rome had fourteen, besides one for the vestal virgins, and one for the gymnasia. (Cod. Theodos. 1. c.) They were paid by the go- vernment, and were therefore obliged to attend their poor patients gratis ; but were allowed to re- ceive fees from the rich. (Cod. Theodos. I. c.) The archiatri populares were not appointed by the * Just as in England the President of the Col- lege of Physicians is (or used to be) ex-officio phy sician to the sovereign. I 4 120 ARCHITECTURA. governors of the provinces, but were elected by the people themselves. (Dig. SO. tit 9. s. 1.) The office appears to have been more lucrative than that of archiatri sancti palatii, though less honourable. In later times, we find in Cassiodorus (see Meibom. Comment, in Cass. Formul. Archiatr. Helmst. 1668) the title " comes archiatrorum," " countof the arch- iatri," together with an account of his duties, by which it appears that he was the arbiter and judge of all disputes and difficulties, and ranked among the officers of the empire as a vicarius or duo:. (See Le Clerc, and Sprengel, Hist, de la Med. Further information on the subject may be found in several works referred to in the Oxford edition of Theophilus De Corp. Hum. Fair. p. 275 ; and in Goldhorn, De Archiatris Romanis et eorum Ori- gine risque ad finem imperii Romani Occidentalism Lips. 1841.) [W.A.G.] ARCHIMI'MUS. [Mimus.] ARCHITECTU'RA (apxtreKTOvta, ctpx' T ™- Tovurij), in its widest sense, signifies all that we understand by architecture, and by civil and mili- tary engineering : in its more restricted meaning, it is the science of building according to the laws of proportion and the principles of beauty. In the former sense, it has its foundation in necessity : in the latter, upon art taking occasion from necessity. The hut of a savage is not, properly speaking, a work of architecture; neither, on the other hand, is a building in which different and incongruous styles are exhibited side by side. An architectural construction, in the artistic sense, must possess not only utility, but beauty, and also unity : it must be suggestive of some idea, and referable to some model. The architecture of every people is not only a most interesting branch of its antiquities, but also a most important feature in its history ; as it forms one of the most durable and most intelligible evi- dences of advancement in civilization. If the Greek and Roman literature and history had been a blank, what ideas of their knowledge, and power, ind social condition would their monuments have still suggested to us ! What a store of such ideas is even now being developed from the monuments of Asia, Egypt, and America ! The object of the present article is to give a very compendious account of the history and principles of the art, as practised by the Greeks and Romans. The details of the subject will be, for the most part, referred to their separate and proper heads. The lives of the architects will be found in the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Mythology and Biography. It is well observed by Stieglitz that architecture has its origin in nature and religion. The neces- sity for a habitation, and the attempt to adorn those habitations which were intended for the gods, are the two causes from which the art derives its ex- istence. In early times we have no reason to sup- pose that much attention was paid to domestic architecture, but we have much evidence to the contrary. The resources of the art were lavished upon the temples of the gods ; and hence the greater part of the history of Grecian architecture is inseparably connected with that of the temple, and bos its proper place under Templum, and the subordinate headings, such as Columna, under which heads also the different orders are described. But, though the first rise of architecture, as a line art, is connected with the temple, yet, viewed ARCHITECTURA. as the science of construction, it must have been employed, even earlier, for other purposes, such as the erection of fortifications, palaces, treasuries, and other works of utility. Accordingly, it is the general opinion of antiquaries, that the very earliest edifices, of which we have any remains, are the so- called Cyclopean works, in which we see huge unsquared blocks of stone built together in the best way that their shapes would allow ; although it can be proved, in some instances, that the rudenesB of this sort of work is no sufficient proof of its very early date, for that it was adopted, not from want of skill, but on account of the object of the work, and the nature of the materials employed. (Biui- bury, On Cyclopean Remains in Central Italy, in the Classical M useum, vol. ii.) [Murus.] The account of the early palaces cannot well be separated from that of domestic architecture in general, and is therefore given under Domus ; that of erections in- tended, or supposed to be intended, for treasuries, will be found under Thesaurus. In addition to these, however, there are other purposes, for which architecture, still using the term in its lower sense, would be required in a very early stage of political society ; such as the general arrangement of cities, the provision of a place for the transaction of public business, with the necessary edifices appertaining to it [Agora, Forum], and the whole class of works which we embrace under the head of civil en- gineering, such as those for drainage [Cloaca, Emissarius], for communication [Via, Pons], and for the supply of water [Aquaeductus]. The nature of these several works among the Greeks and Romans, and the periods of their development, are described under the several articles. Almost equally necessary are places devoted to public ex- ercise, health, and amusement, Gymnasium, Sta- dium, Hippodromus, Circus, Balneum, Thea- trum, Amphitheatrum. Lastly, the skill of the architect has been from the earliest times em- ployed to preserve the memory of departed men and past events ; and hence we have the various works of monumental and triumphal architecture, which are described under the heads Funus, Arcus, Columna. The materials employed by the architect were marble or stone, wood, and various kinds of earth, possessing the property of being plastic while moist and hardening in drying, with cement and metal clamps for fastenings : the various metals were also extensively used in the way of ornament. The de- tails of this branch of the subject are given in the descriptions of the several kinds of building. The principles of architectural science are utility, proportion, and the imitation of nature. The first requisite is that every detail of a building should be subordinate to its general purpose. Next, the form of the whole and of its parts must be derived from simple geometrical figures ; namely, the straight line, the plane surface, and regular or symmetrical rectilinear figures, as the equilateral or isosceles triangle, the square or rectangle, and the regular polygons ; symmetrical curves, as the circle and ellipse ; and the solids arising out of these various figures, such as the cube, the pyramid, the cylinder, the cone, the hemisphere, &c. Lastly, the orna- ments, by which these forms are relieved and beautified, must all be founded either on geo- metrical forms or on the imitation of nature. To this outline of the purposes and principles ol ARCHITECTURE the art, it only remains to subjoin a brief sketch of its history, which Hirt and Muller divide into five periods : the first, which is chiefly mythical, comes down to the time of Cypselus, 01. 30, b. c. 660 (Muller brings this period down to the 50th Olym- piad, b. c. 580) : the second period comes down to the termination of the Persian war, 01. 75. 2, b. c. 478 (Muller brings it down to 01. 80, b. c. 460) : the third is the brilliant period from the end of the Persian war to the death of Alexander the Great, 01. 114, B.C. 323 (Muller closes this period with the death of Philip, 01. 1 11, b. c. 336) : the fourth period is brought down by Hirt to the battle of Actium, b. c. 31, but by Muller only to the Roman conquest of Greece, b. c. 146; the latter division has the convenience of marking the tran- sition from Greek to Roman architecture : Hirt's fifth period is that of the Roman empire, down to the dedication of Constantinople, a. d. 330 ; while Miiller's fifth period embraces the whole history of Roman architecture, from the time when it began to imitate the Greek, down to the middle ages, when it became mingled witli the Gothic : Hirt's division requires us to draw a more definite line of demarcation than is possible, between the Roman and Byzantine styles, and also places that line too early. The characteristics of these several periods will be developed under the articles which describe the • several classes of buildings: they are therefore noticed in this place with the utmost possible brevity. Our information respecting the first period is derived from the Homeric poems, the tradi- tions preserved by other writers, and the most ancient monuments of Greece, Central Italy, and the coast of Asia Minor. Strongly fortified cities, palaces, and treasuries, are the chief works of the earlier part of this period ; and to it may be referred most of the so-called Cyclopean remains ; while the era of the Dorian invasion marks, in all probability, the commencement of the Dorian style of temple architecture. The principal names of artists belonging to this period are Daedalus, Euryalus, Hyperbius, Docius, and some others. In the second period the art made rapid advances under the powerful patronage of the aristocracies in some cities, as at Sparta, and of the tyrants in others, ias Cypselus at Corinth, Theagnes at Megara, Cleisthenes at Sicyon, the Peisistratids at Athens, and Polycrates at Samos. Architecture now as- sumed decidedly the character of a fine art, and became associated with the sister arts of sculpture and painting, which are essential to its develop- ment. The temples of particular deities were en- riched and adorned by presents, such as those which Croesus sent to the Pythian Apollo. Mag- nificent temples sprung up in all the principal Greek cities ; and while the Doric order was brought almost, if not quite, to perfection, in Greece Proper, in the Doric colonies of Asia Minor, and in Central Italy and Sicily, the Ionic order ap- peared, already perfect at its first invention, in the great temple of Artemis at Ephesus. The ruins still existing at Paestum, Syracuse, Agrigentum, Selinus, Aegina, and other places, are imperishable monuments of this period. Nor were works of utility neglected, as we see in the fountain of the Peisistratids at Athens, the aqueduct at Samos [Aquaeductus], the sewers {uirdvofioi) and baths {ieoKvfi€-i]dpa) at Agrigentum. To this period also belong the great works of the Roman kings. The ARCHON. 121 commencement of the third and most brilliant period of the art was signalized by the rebuilding of Athens, the establishment of regular principles for the laying out of cities by Hippodamus of Mile- tus, and the great works of the age of Pericles, by the contemporaries of Pheidias, at Athens, Eleusis, and Olympia ; during its course every city of Greece and her colonies was adorned with splendid edifices of every description ; and its termination is marked by the magnificent works of Deinocrates and his contemporaries at Alexandria, Antioch, and other cities. The first part of the fourth pe- riod saw the extension of the Greek architecture over the countries conquered by Alexander, and, in the "West, the commencement of the new style, which arose from the imitation, with some alter- ations, of the Greek forms by Roman architects, to which the conquest of Greece gave, of course, a new impulse. By the time of Augustus, Rom* was adorned with every kind of public and pri vate edifice, surrounded by villas, and furnisheo with roads and aqueducts ; and these various erections were adorned by the forms of Grecian art ; but already Vitruvius begins to complain that the purity of that art is corrupted by the intermix- ture of heterogeneous forms. This process of dete- rioration went on rapidly during the fifth period, though combined at first with increasing mag- nificence in the scale and number of the buildings erected. The early part of this period is made illus- trious by the numerous works of Augustus, and his successors, especially the Flavii, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, at Rome and in the provinces ; but from the time of the Antonines the decline of the art was rapid and decided. In one department, a new impulse was given to architec- ture by the rise of Christian churches, which were generally built on the model of the Roman Basilica. One of the most splendid specimens of Christian architecture is the church of S. Sophia at Constan- tinople, built in the reign of Justinian, a. d. 537, and restored, after its partial destruction by an earthquake, in 554. But, long before this time, the Greco-Roman style had become thoroughly corrupted, and that new style, which is called the Byzantine, had arisen out of the mixture of Roman architecture with ideas derived from the Northern nations. It is beyond our limits to pursue the history of this and later styles of the art. Of the ancient writers, from whom our knowledge of the subject is derived, the most important is, of course, Vitruvius. The following are the principal modern works on the general subject : — Winckel- mann, Anmerhungen uber die Bauhmst der Alien, 1762; Stieglitz, Arch'dologie der Bauhtnst, 1801, and Gesclriclite der Baulcunst,1827 ; Hirt, Bauhunst nock den Grunds'dtzen der Alien, 1809, and Ges- chicJite der Bauhmst bei den Alien, 1821; Muller, Handbuch der Arcli'dohgie der Kunst, 1825 ; the various works of travels, topography, and anti- quities, such as those of Stuart, Chandler, Clarke, Dodwell, &c, all the most important of which will be found cited by the authorities referred to ; and, for Central Italy, Miiller's Etrusker, and Abeken's Mittelitalien vor der Romiscclten Ilerr- schaft. [P. S.J ARCHITHEO'RUS. [Delia.] ARCHON 0.px<»v). The government of Athens appears to have gone through the cycle of changes, which ancient history records as the lot of many other states. It began with monarchy ; and 122 ARCHON. after passing through a dynasty * and aristocracy, ended in democracy. Of the kings of Athens, con- sidered as the capital of Attica, Theseus may be said to have been the first ; for to him whether as a real individual or a representative of a certain period, is attributed the union of the different and independent states of Attica under one head. (Thuc. ii. 15.) The last was Codrus ; in acknowledgment of whose patriotism in meeting death for his country, the Athenians are said to have determined that no one should succeed him with the title of fSaffi\ebs, or king. It seems, however, equally probable, that it was the nobles who availed themselves of this oppor- tunity to serve their own interests, by abolish- ing the kingly power for another, the possessors of which they called &pxovres, or rulers. These for some time continued to be, like the kings of the house of Codrus, appointed for life : still an impor- tant point was gained by the nobles, the office being made uTreiidvvos, or accountable (Paus. iv. 5. § 4 ; Dem. c. Neaer. p. 1370 ; Aristot. Polit. ii. 9 ; Bockh, Pub. Earn, of Atliens, vol. ii. p. 27. 1st ed.), which of course implies that the nobility had some control over it ; and perhaps, like the barons of the feudal ages, they exercised the power of deposition. This state of things lasted for twelve reigns of archons. The next step was to limit the continu- ance of the office to ten years, still confining it to the Medontidae, or house of Codrus, so as to esta- blish what the Greeks called a dynasty, till the archonship of Eryxias, the last archon of that family elected as such, and the seventh decennial archon. (Clinton, F. H., vol. i. p. 182.) At the end of his ten years (b. c. 684), a much greater change took place : the archonship was made annual, and its various duties divided among a college of nine, chosen by suffrage (x^poTovta) from the Eupa- tridae, or Patricians, and no longer elected from the Medontidae exclusively. This arrangement con- tinued till the timocracy established by Solon, who made the qualification for office depend not on birth, but property, still retaining the election by suffrage, and, according to Plutarch, so far im- pairing the authority of the archons and other magistrates, as to legalise an appeal from them to the courts of justice instituted by himself. ( w Oo"a Tats apx&?s era^e Kplveiv, dfioius iwX ivepl eneivuv els to dtKaffriiploy ev, by way of pre-eminence ; and sometime) ARCHON. b iwaovvfios #px w,/ ^' om * ne y ear heing distinguished by and registered in his name. The second was styled 6 /SatnAeiis, or the king archon ; the third, 6 TroXcfiapxos, or commander-in-chief ; the remain- ing six, oi i&efffiodeTai, or legislators. As regards the duties of the archons, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish what belonged to them individually and what collectively. It seems, however, that a considerable portion of the judicial functions of the ancient kings devolved upon the Archon Epo- nymus, who was also constituted a sort of state protector of those who were unable to defend them- selves. (Dem. c. Maear, N6fios, p. 1076 ; Pollux, viii. 89.) Thus he had to superintend orphans and their estates, heiresses, families losing their representatives (oIkoi ol e^pTf/iovfievot), widows left pregnant, and to see that they were not wronged in any way. Should any one do so, he was empowered to inflict a fine of a certain amount, or to bring the parties to trial. Heiresses, indeed, seem to have been under his peculiar care; for we read (Dem. c. Macar. p. 1069), that he could compel the next of kin either to marry a poor heiress himself even though she were of a lower class, or to portion her in marriage to another. Again we find (Id. p. 1055 ; Pollux, viii. 62) that, when a person claimed an inhe- ritance or heiress adjudged to others, he sum- moned the party in possession before the archon eponymus ('EinStKatrfa) who brought the case into court, and made arrangements for trying the suit. We must, however, bear in mind that this autho- rity was only exercised in cases where the parties were citizens, the polemarch having corresponding duties when the heiress was an alien. It must also be understood that, except in very few cases, the archons did not decide themselves, but merely brought the causes into court, and cast lots for the dicasts who were to try the issue. (Dem. c. Steph. ii. p. 1136.) Another duty of the archons was to receive elffaryyeXiai (Harpocr. s. v.), or in- formations against individuals who had wronged heiresses, children who had maltreated their parents, guardians who had neglected or defrauded their wards. (Kdnoxris £iriK\'hpov i yoveajy, bpcpav&v. Dem. e. Macar. p. 1069 ; Schomann, p. 181.) In- formations of another kind, the %v8ei£ts and (pdo-ts, were also laid before the eponymus, though De- mosthenes (c. Timocr. p. 707) assigned the former to the thesmothetae. (Endeixis.) The last office of the archon which we shall mention was of a sacred character ; we allude to his superintendence of the greater Dionysia and the Thargelia, the latter celebrated in honour of Apollo and Artemis. (Pollux, viii. 89.) The functions of the &aopiat, and had to offer up sacrifices and prayers in the Eleusinium, both at Athens and Eleusis. Moreover, indictments for impiety, and controversies about the priesthood, were laid before him ; and, in cases of murder, he brought the trial into the court of the Areiopagus, and voted with its members. His wife, also, who was called patri- Kurffa or fiaffiKivva, had to offer certain sacrifices, and therefore it was required that she should be a ARCHON. 123 citizen of pure blood, without stain or blemish. His court was held in what was called 7] tov &a. 203) at the end of the Via Sacra, in honour of that emperor and his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, on account of his victories over the Parthians and Arabians. 4. ^Areus Gal- lieni, erected to the honour of Gallienus by a pri- vate individual, M. Aurelius Victor. 5. Arms Constantmi, which is larger and .more profusely ornamented than the Arch of Titus. It was erected by the senate in honour of Constantine, after his victory over Maxentms. It consists of three arches, with columns against each front, and statues on the entablatures over them, which, with the other sculptured ornaments, originally de- corated the arch of Trajan. [P. S.] ARCUS (J3i) to th« 128 ARETOPAGUS. demus. The report or information was called air6(f>acrts. This was a duty which they sometimes undertook on their own responsibility, and in the exercise of an old-established right, and sometimes on the order of the demus. (Deinarch. c. Dem. p.97; Schomann, De Comitiis, p. 217, transl.) Nay, to such an extent did they carry this power, that on one occasion they apprehended an individual (Antiphon) who had been acquitted by the general assembly, and again brought him to a trial, which ended in his condemnation and death. (Dem. De Cor. pp. 271, 272 ; Deinarch. c. Dem. p. 98.) Again, we find them revoking an appoint- ment of the people whereby Aeschines was made the advocate of Athens before the Amphictionic council, and substituting Hyperides in his room. In these two cases also, they were most probably supported by public opinion, or by a strong party in the state. (Dem. I. c.) They also had duties connected with religion, one of which was to superintend the sacred olives growing about Athens, and try those who were charged with destroying them. (Lysias, Ilepl toO StjkoS, p. 110.) We read, too, that in the dis- charge of their duty as religious censors, they on one occasion examined whether the wife of the king archon was, as required by law, an Athenian ; and finding she was not, imposed a fine npon her husband. (Dem. c. Neaer. p. 1372.) We learn from the same passage, that it was their office generally to punish the impious and irreligious. Again we are told, though rather in a rhetorical way, that they relieved the needy from the re- sources of the rich, controlled the studies and education of the young, and interfered with and punished public characters as such. (Isocr. Areiop. p. 151.) Independent, then, of its jurisdiction as a criminal court in cases of wilful murder, which Solon continued to the Areiopagus, its influence must have been sufficiently great to have been a considerable obstacle to the aggrandisement of the democracy at the expense of the other parties in the state. In fact, Plutarch (Solon, c. 18), ex- pressly states that Solon had this object in view in its reconstruction ; and accordingly, we find that Pericles, who never was an archon or Areio- pagite, and who was opposed to the aristocracy for many reasons, resolved to diminish its power and circumscribe its sphere of action. His coadjutor in this work was Ephialtes, a statesman of inflexible integrity, and also a military commander. (Plut. Cim.7,Peric. 10, 13.) They experienced much op- position in their attempts, not only in the assembly, but also on the stage, where Aeschylus produced his tragedy of the Eumenides, the object of which was to impress upon the Athenians the dignity, the sacredness, and constitutional worth of the insti- tution which Pericles and Ephialtes wished to re- form. He reminds the Athenians that it was a tribunal instituted by their patron goddess Athena, and puts into her mouth a popular harangue full of warnings against innovations, and admonishing them to leave the Areiopagus in possession of its old and well grounded rights, that under its watch- ful guardianship they might sleep in security. (Miiller, Bum. § 35.) Still the opposition failed : a decree was carried, about B. c. 458, by which, as Aristotle says, the Areiopagus was " mutilated," and many of its hereditary rights abolished. (Arist. Pol. ii 9 ; Cic. De Nat. Dear. ii. 29, De Rep. i. 27.) AREIOPAGUS. Cicero, who in one place speaks of the council as governing Athens, observes in another that from that time all authority was vested in the ecclesia, and the state robbed of its ornament and honour. Plu- tarch (Cimon, 15) tells us that the people deprived the Areiopagus of nearly all its judicial authority (rh,s Kpitreis irKty o\iywv atraaas), establishing an unmixed democracy, and making themselves supreme in the courts of justice, as if there had formerly been a superior tribunal. But we infer from another passage, that the council lost con- siderable authority in matters of state ; for we learn that Athens then entered upon a career of conquest and aggrandisement to which she had previously been a stranger ; that, " like a rampant horse, she would not obey the reins, but snapped at Euboea, and leaped upon the neighbouring islands." These accounts in themselves, and as compared with others, are sufficiently vague and inconsistent to perplex and embarrass ; accord- ingly, there has been much discussion as to the precise nature of the alterations which Pericles effected ; some, amongst whom we may mention Miiller (Bum. § 37), are of opinion that he de- prived the Areiopagus of their old jurisdiction in cases of wilful murder, and one of his chief argu- ments is that it was evidently the design of Aes- chylus to support them in this prerogative, which therefore must have been assailed. For a suffi- cient answer to this, we would refer our readers to Bishop Thirlwall's remarks (Hist, of Greene, vol. iii. p. 24), merely stating in addition, that Demosthenes (c. Aristocr. p. 641) * expressly affirms, that neither tyrant nor democracy had ever dared to take away from them this jurisdic- tion. In addition to which it may be remarked, that the consequences ascribed to the innovation do not indicate that the Areiopagus lost its au- thority as a criminal tribunal, but rather that it was shorn of its power as superintending the morals and conduct of the citizens, both in civil and religious matters, and as exercising some control over their decisions. Now an authority of the former kind seems far removed from any political influence, and the popular belief as to its origin would have made it a dangerous object of attack, to say nothing of the general satisfaction the verdicts had always given. We may observe, too, that one of the chief features of a democracy is to make all the officers of the state responsible j and that it is not improbable that one of the changes introduced by Ephialtes was, to make the Areiopagus, like other functionaries, accountable to the demus for their administration, as, indeed, we know they afterwards were. (Aesch. c. Ctes. p. 56 ; Bockh, vol. i. p. 353.) This simple re- gulation would evidently have made them subser- vient, as they seem to have been, to public opinion; whereas no such subserviency is recorded in criminal matters, their tribunal, on the contrary, being always spoken of as most just and holy ; so much so, that Demosthenes says (c. Arist. pp. 641, 642) that not even the condemned whispered an insinuation against the righteousness of their verdicts. Indeed, the proceedings before the Areiopagus, in cases of murder, were by their solemnity and fairness well calculated to insure * For an able vindication of this statement of Demosthenes, the reader is referred to Hermann, Opusc. vol. iv. p. 299. AREIOPAGUS. just decisions. The process was as follows : — The king archon (Pollux, viii. 90) brought the case into court, and sat as one of the judges, who were assembled in the open air, probably to guard against any contamination from the criminal. (An- tiphon, De Caede Herod, p. 1 30 ; Dem. c. Arist. I. c. ; Pollux, viii. 33.) The accuser, who was said «s "Apctov ndyov iiritrKiiiTTeLV, first came for- ward to make a solemn oath (SiwfMoala) that his accusation was true, standing over the slaughtered victims, and imprecating extirpation upon himself and his whole family, were it not so. The accused then denied the charge with the same solemnity and form of oath. Each party then stated his case with all possible plainness, keeping strictly to the subject, and not being allowed to appeal in any way to the feelings or passions of the judges {irpooifiid^eaBai ovk Qr\v ovSe olicrlfecrOaL. Aristot. Rlust. i. 1 ; Pollux, viii. 117.) After the first speech (uet& tov Trp6-repov \6yov), a criminal accused of murder might remove from Athens, and thus avoid the capital punishment fixed by Draco's ©etr^tof, which on this point were still in force. Except in cases of parricide, neither the accuser nor the court had power to prevent this ; but the party who thus evaded the extreme punish- ment was not allowed to return home (t/>ei$yei aeupvyiav), and when any decree was passed at Athens to legalise the return of exiles, an exception was always made against those who had thus left their country (oi ^£ 'Apefov irdyov (ptvyoi/res). See Plato, Leges, ix. 11. The reputation of the Areiopagus as a criminal court was of long continuance, as we may learn from an anecdote of Aulus Gellius, who tells us (xii. 7) that C. Dolabella, proconsul of the Ro- man province of Asia, referred a case which per- plexed himself and his council to the Areiopagus (ut ad judices graviores exercitatioresque) ; they ingeniously settled the matter by ordering the parties to appear that day 100 years (ceniesimo anno adesse). They existed in name, indeed, till a very late period. Thus we find Cicero mentions the council in his letters (Ad Fam. xiii. 1 ; Ad Ait. i. 14, v. 11) ; and under the emperors Gratian and Theodosius (a. d. 380), 'Poixptos Dittos is called proconsul of Greece, and an Areiopagite. (Meursius, Areiop.) Of the respectability and moral worth of the council, and the respect that was paid to it, we have abundant proof in the writings of the Athe- nian orators, where, indeed, it would be difficult to find it mentioned except in terms of praise. Thus Lysias speaks of it as most righteous and venerable (c. Andoc. p. 104 ; compare Aesch. c. Timar. 12 ; Isocr. Areiop. 148) ; and so great was the respect paid to its members, that it was con- sidered rude in the demus laughing in their pre- sence, while one of them was making an address to the assembly on a subject they had been de- puted to investigate. This respect might, of course, facilitate the resumption of some of their lost power, more especially as they were sometimes intrusted with inquiries on behalf of the state, as on the occasion to which we have just alluded, when they were made a sort of commissioners, to inquire into the state of the buildings about the Pnyx, and decide upon the adoption or rejection of some proposed alterations. Isocrates, indeed, even in his time, when the previous inquiry or luiaiiaa'-i. had fallen into disuse, speaks well of ARGEI. 129 their moral influence ; but shortly after the age of Demetrius Phalereus, a change had taken place ; they had lost much of their respectability, and were but ill fitted to enforce a concjtict in others which they did not observe themselves. (Athen. iv. p. 167.) The case of St. Paul (Act. xvii. 22.) is generally quoted as an instance of their authority in religious matters ; but the words of the sacred historian do not necessarily imply that he was brought before the council. It may, however, be remarked, that they certainly took cognizance of the introduction of new and unauthorized forms of religious worship, called enldera lepti, in contradistinction to the ir&rpia or older rites of the state. (Harpocrat. s. w. 'Eirifleroi c EopTa£ ; Schomann, De Comiliis, p. 286. transl.) There was also a tradition that Plato was deterred from mentioning the name of Moses as a teacher of the unity of the Godhead, by his fear of the Areiopagus. (Justin Martyr, Gohor. ad Graec. p. 22.) With respect to the number of the Areiopagus in its original form, a point of no great moment, there are various accounts ; but it is plain that there could have been no fixed number when the archons became members of this body at the ex- piration of their year of office. Lysias, indeed, speaks of them (Ilepl toC Svkov, pp. 110, HI ; see Argum. Orat. c. Androt.) as forming a part of the Areiopagus even during that time ; a statement which can only be reconciled with the general opinion on the subject, by supposing that they formed a part of the council during their year of office, but were not permanent members till the end of that time, and after passing a satisfactory examination. [R. W.] ARE'NA. [Amphitheatrum.] ARETA'LOGI, a class of persons whose con- versation formed one of the entertainments of the Roman dinner-tables. (Suet. Octav. 74.) The word literally signifies persons who discourse about virtue ; and the class of persons intended seem to have been poor philosophers, chiefly of the Cynic and Stoic sects, who, unable to gain a living by their public lectures, obtained a maintenance at the tables of the rich by their philosophical con- versation. Such a life would naturally degenerate into that of the parasite and buffoon ; and accord- ingly we find these persons spoken of contemp- tuously by Juvenal, who uses the phrase mendaso aretalogus : they became a sort of scurrae. (Juv. Sat. xv. IS, 16 ; comp. Casaubon. ad Suet. 1. c. ; and Ruperti and Heinrich, ad Juv. I. c.) [P. S.] A'RGEI. We learn from Livy (i. 22) that Numa consecrated places for the celebration of religious services, which were called by the ponti- fices " argei." Varro calls them the chapels of the argei, and says they were twenty-seven in num- ber, distributed in the different districts of the city. We know but little of the particular uses to which they were applied, and that little is un- important. Thus we are told that they were solemnly visited on the Liberalia, or festival of Bacchus ; and also, that whenever the flamen dialis went (ivit) to them, he was to adhere to certain observances. They seem also to have been the depositaries of topographical records. Thus we read in Varro, — In sacreis Argeorum scriptum est sic: Oppius mom princeps, &c, which is fol- lowed by a description of the neighbourhood. There was a tradition that these argei were named from the chieftains who came with Hercules, the Argive, list) ARGENTARII. to Rome, and occupied the Capitoline, or, as it was anciently called, Saturnian hill. It is impossible to say what is the historical value or meaning of this legend ; we faay, however, notice its conformity with the statement that Rome was founded by the Pelasgians, with whom the name of Argos was connected. (Varr. L. L. v. 45, ed. Miiller ; Ov. Fast. iii. 791 ; Gell. x. 15 ; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 214.) The name argei was also given to certain figures thrown into the Tiber from the Sublician bridge, on the Ides of May in every year. This was done by the pontifices, the vestals, the praetors, and other citizens, after the performance of the customary sacrifices. The images were thirty in number, made of bulrushes, and in the form of men (eVSwAa avtip€lKe\a,priscorum simulacra viro- rum). Ovid makes various suppositions to account for the origin of this rite ; we can only conjecture that it was a symbolical offering to propitiate the gods, and that the number was a representative either of the thirty patrician curiae at Rome, or perhaps of the thirty Latin townships. Dionysius of Halicarnassus states (i. 19, 38) that the custom continued to his times, and was instituted by Her- cules to satisfy the scruples of the natives when he abolished the human sacrifices formerly made to Saturn. (Varr. L. L. vii. 44 ; Ov. Fast. v. 621 ; Plut. Quaest. Rom. p. 102, Reiske; Arnold, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 67 ; Bunsen and Platner, Beschrei- bung Roms, vol. i. p. 688—702.) [R. W.] ARGENTA'RII (Tpam&Tat), bankers or money changers. 1. Greek. The bankers at Athens were called T»t«re0Tai from their tables (rpdir^ai) at which they sat, while carrying on their business. Public or state banks seem to have been a thing unknown in antiquity, though the state must have exentised some kind of super- intendence, since without it it is scarcely possible to conceive how persons could have placed such unlimited confidence in the bankers, as they are known to have done at Athens. They had their stands or tables in the market place (Plat. Apol. p. 17, Hipp. Min. p. 368), and although the bank- ing and money changing business was mostly carried on by fierotKoi, or resident aliens and freed- men, still these persons do not seem to have been looked upon with any disrespect, and the business itself was not disreputable. Their principal occu- pation was that of changing money at an agio (Isocrat. Trapez. 21 ; Dem. De fals. Leg. p. 376, e.Polyd. p. 1218 ; Pollux, iii. 84, vii. 170) ; but they frequently took money, at a moderate pre- mium, from persons who did not like to occupy themselves with the management of their own affairs. Thus the father of Demosthenes, e. g., kept a part of his capital in the hands of bankers. (Dem. c. Apkob. i. p. 816.) These persons then lent the money with profit to others, and thus, to a certain degree, obtained possession of a monopoly. The greater part of the capital with which they did business in this way, belonged to others (Dem. p. Pltorm. p. 948), but sometimes they also em- ployed capital of their own. Although their sole object was pecuniary gain (Dem. p. Pliorm. p. 953), and not by any means to connect themselves with wealthy or illustrious families, yet they acquired great credit at Athens, and formed business con- nections in all the principal towns of Greece, whereby their business was effectually supported. (Dem. p. Pliorm. p. 9 58, c. Pobjal. p. 1 224.) They ARGENTARII. even maintained so great a reputation that not only were they considered as secure merely by virtue of their calling, but such confidence was placed in them, that sometimes business was transacted with them without witnesses (Isocr. Trapez. 2), and that money and contracts of debt were deposited with them, and agreements were concluded or can- celled in their presence. (Dem. c. Callip. p. 1243, c. Dionysod. p. 1287.) The great importance of their business is clear from the immense wealth of Pasion, whose bank produced a net annual profit of 100 minae. (Dem. p. Pliorm. p. 946.) There are, however, instances of bankers losing every- thing they possessed, and becoming utterly bank- rupt. (Dem. p. Pliorm. p. 959, c. Steph. i. p. 1120.) That these bankers took a high interest when they lent out money, scarcely needs any proof, their loans on the deposits of goods are sufficient evi- dence. (Dem. c. Nicostr. p. 1249.) Their usual interest was 36 per cent., an interest that scarcely occurs any where except in cases of money lent on bottomry. The only instance of a bank recognized and conducted on behalf of the state occurs at Byzantium, where at one time it was let by the republic to capitalists to farm. (Arist. Oecon. ii. p. 283 ; comp. Bockh, Publ. Ecanom. of Athens, p. 126, &c. 2d edit.) 2. Roman. The Argentarii at Rome were also called argenteae mensae exercitores, argenti dis- traetores and negotiatores stipis argentariae. (Orelli, Inseript. n. 4060.) They must be distinguished from the mensarii or public bankers, though even the ancients confound the terms, as the menatmi sometimes did the same kind of business as the argentarii, and they must also be distinguished from »the nummularis [Mensarii ; Nummu- larii.] The argentarii were private persons, who carried on business on their own responsibility, and were not in the service of the republic j but the shops or tobernoe which they occupied and in which they transacted their business about the forum, were state property. (Dig. 18. tit 1» s. 32 ; Liv. xl. 51.) As their chief business was that of changing money, the argentarii probably existed at Rome from very early times, as the in- tercourse of the Romans with other Italian nations could not well exist without them ; the first men- tion, however, of their existing at Rome and having their shops or stalls around the forum, oc- curs about b. c. 350, in the wars against the Sam- nites. (Liv. vii. 21.) The business of the argen- tarii, with which that of the mensarii coincided in many points, was very varied, and comprised almost every thing connected with money or mer- cantile transactions, but it may be divided into the following branches. 1. Permutotio, or tie exchange of foreign coin for Roman coin, in which case a small agio (collybus) was paid to them. (Cic. in Verr. iii. 78.) In later times when the Romans became acquainted with the Greek custom of using bills of exchange, the Roman argentarii, e. g., received sums of money which had to be paid at Athens, and then drew a bill payable at Athens by some banker in that city. This mode of transacting busmesi is likewise called permutatio (Cic. ad Att. xii. 24, 27, xv. 15 ; comp. v. 15, xi. 1, 24, ad Fam. ii. 17, iii. 5, ad Quint. Frat. i. 3, p. Bfr Mr. 14), and rendered it necessary for the argen- tarii to be acquainted with the current value of the same coin in different nlaces and at different ARGENTARII. times. (See the comment, on Cic. pro Quincf. 4.) 2. The keeping of sums of money for other per- sons. Such money might be deposited by the owner merely to save himself the trouble of keep- ing it and making payments, and in this case it was called deposition ; the argentarius then paid no interest, and the money was called vacua pe- cunia. When a payment was to be made, the owner either told the argentarius personally or he drew a cheque. (Plaut. Curcul. ii. 3. 66, &c, iii. 66, iv. 3. 3, &c.) Or the money was deposited on condition of the argentarius paying interest ; in this case the money was called creditum, and the argentarius might of course employ the money himself in any lucrative manner. (Suet. Aug. 39.) The argentarius thus did almost the same sort of business as a modern banker. Many persons en- trusted all their capital to them (Cic. p. Caec. 6), and instances in which the argentarii made pay- ments in the name of those whose money they had in hand, are mentioned very frequently. A pay- ment made through a banker was called per men- sam 9 de mensa, or per mensae scripturam, while a payment made by the debtor in person was a pay- ment ex area or de domo. (Plaut. Curcul. v. 3. 7, &c, 43, Captiv. ii. 3. 89 ; Cic. ad Att. i. 9, Top. 3 ; Schol. ad Horat. Sat. ii. 3. 69 ; Senec. Epist. 26 ; Gaius, iii. 131.) An argentarius never paid away any person's money without being either authorised by him in person or re- ceiving a cheque which was called perscriptio, and the payment was then made either in cash, or, if the person who was to receive it, kept an account with the same banker, he had it added in the banker's book to his own deposit. This was likewise called/aerscn&ere or simply scribere. (Plaut. Asin. ii. 4. 30, &c, Curcul. v. 2. 20 ; Donat. ad Terent. Plmrm. v. 7. 28, &c, ad Adelph. ii. 4. 13 ; Cic. ad Att. iv. 18, ix. 12, xii. 51, Philip, v. 4, in Verr. v. 19 ; Horat. Sat. ii. 3. 76.) It also oc- curs that argentarii made payments for persons who had not deposited any money with them ; this was equivalent to lending money, which in fact they often did for a certain per centage of interest. (Plaut. Cure. iv. 1. 19, 2. 22, True, i 1. 61, &c, Epid. i. 2. 40 ; Tac. Ann. vi. 17.) Of all this business, of the receipts as well as of the expen- diture, the argentarii kept accurate accounts in books called codices, tabulae or rationes (Plin. H. N. ii. 7), and there is every reason for believing that they were acquainted with what is called in book- keeping double entry. When an argentarius set- tled his accounts with persons with whom he did business, it was done either in writing or orally, both parties meeting for the purpose (Big. 2. tit. 14. s. 47. § 1, 14. tit. 3. s. 20 ; Plaut. Au- lul. iii. 5. 53, &c), and the party found to be in debt paid what he owed, and then had his name effaced (nomen etspedire or expungere) from the banker's books. (Plaut. Cist. i. 3. 41 ; Cic. ad Att. xvi. 6.) As the books of the argentarii were generally kept with great accuracy, and particu- larly in regard to dates, they were looked upon as documents of high authority, and were appealed to in the courts of justice as unexceptionable evi- dence. (Cic. p. Caec. 6 ; Gellius, xiv. 2.) Hence the argentarii were often concerned in civil cases, as money transactions were rarely concluded with- out their influence or co-operation. Their codices or tabulae could not be withheld from a person who in court referred to them for the purpose of ARGENTARII. 131 maintaining his cause, and to produce them was called&fo-e (Dig. 2. tit. 13. s. 1. § 1), or prqferre codicem (2. tit. 13. s. 6. §§ 7, 8). 3. Their con- nection with commerce and public auctions. This branch of their business seems to have been one of the most ancient. In private sales and purchases, they sometimes acted as agents for either party (interpretes, Plaut. Cure. iii. 1. 61), and sometimes they undertook to sell the whole estate of a person, as an inheritance. (Dig. 5. tit. 3. s. 18, 46. tit. 3. s. 88.) At public auctions they were almost invariably present, registering the articles sold, their prices, and purchasers, and receiving the pay- ment from the purchasers. (Cic. p. Caec. 4, 6 ; Quinctil. xi. 2 ; Suet. Ner. 5 ; Gaius, iv. 126 ; Capitolin. Anton. 9.) At auctions, however, the argentarii might transact business through their clerks or servants, who were called coactores from their collecting the money. 4. The testing of the genuineness of coins (probatio nummorum). The frequent cases of forgery, as well as the frequent occurrence of foreign coins, rendered it necessary to have persons to decide upon their value, and the argentarii, from the nature of their occupation, were best qualified to act as probatores ; hence they were present in this capacity at all payments of any large amount. This, however, seems originally to have been a part of the duty of public officers, the mensarii or nummularii, until in the course of time the opinion of an argentarius also came to be looked upon as decisive ; and this custom was sanctioned by a law of Marius Gratidianus. (Plin. H. N. xxiii. 9 ; comp. Cic. ad Att. xii. 5 ; Dig. 46. tit. 3. s. 39.) 5. The solidorum venditio, that is, the obligation of purchasing from the mint the newly coined money, and circulating it among the people. This branch of their functions occurs only under the empire. (Symmach. Epist. ix. 49 ; Procop. Anecd. 25 ; comp. Salmasius, De Usur. c. 17. p. 504.) Although the argentarii were not in the service of the state, they existed only in a limited number, and formed a collegium, which was divided into societates or corporations, which alone had the right to admit new members of their guild. (Orelli, Inscript. n. 913, 995.) It appears that no one but free men could become members of such a cor- poration, and whenever slaves are mentioned as argentarii, they must be conceived as acting only as servants, and in the name of their masters, who remained the responsible parties even if slaves had transacted business with their own peculium. (Dig. 2. tit. 13. s. 4. § 3, 14. tit. 3. s. 19.) With regard to the legal relation among the members of the corporations, there existed various regulations ; one member (socius), for example, was responsible for the other. (Auct. ad Herenn. ii. 13; Dig. 2. tit. 14. ss. 9, 25, 27.) They also enjoyed several privileges in the time of the empire, and Justinian, a particular patron of the argentarii, greatly in- creased these privileges (Justin. Nov. 136) ; but dishonest argentarii were always severely punished (Suet. Galb. 10 ; Auson. Epigr. 15), and in the time of the emperors, they were under the super- intendence of the praefectus urbi. (Dig. 1. tit. 12. s. 1. § 9.) As regards the respectability of the argentarii, the passages of the ancients seem to contradict one another, for some writers speak of their occupation as respectable and honourable (Cic. p. Caec. 4 ; Aurel. Vict. 72; Suet. Vesp. 1 ; Acron. ad Horat. K 2 132 ARGENTUM. Sat. i. 6. 86), while others speak of them with contempt (Plant. Cure. iv. 2. 20, Casin. Prol. 25, &c. ; Trucul. i. 1. 47) ; but this contradiction may- be easily reconciled by distinguishing between a lower and a higher class of argentarii. A wealthy argentarius who carried on business on a large scale, was undoubtedly as much a person of re- spectability as a banker in modern times ; but others who did business only on a small scale, or degraded their calling by acting as usurers, can- not have been held in any esteem. It has already been observed that the argentarii had their shops round the forum (Liv. ix. 40, xxvi. 1 1, 27 ; Plaut. True. i. 1. 51 ; Terent. Plvorm. v. 8. 28, Adelph. ii. 4. 1 3) ; hence to become bankrupt, was expressed by faro cedere, or abire, or foro mergi. (Plaut. Epid. i. 2. 16 ; Dig. 16. tit. 3. s. 7. § 2.) The shops or booths were public property, and built by the censors, who sold the use of them to the argen- tarii (Liv. xxxix. 44, xl. 51, xli. 27, xliv. 16; comp. J. G. Sieber, Dissertat. de Argentariis, Lip- siae, 1737 ; H. Hubert, Disput. juridicae III. de Argentaria veterum, Traject. 1739; W. T. Kraut, De Argentariis et Nummulariis, Gottingen, 1826.) [L. S.] ARGENTUM (ipyvpos), silver, one of the two metals which, on account of their beauty, their du- rability, their density, and their rarity, have been esteemed in all civilised countries, and in all ages, as precious, and which have, on account of the above qualities and the facility of working them, been used for money. The ancients were acquainted with silver from the earliest known periods. (Pliny ascribes its discovery to Erichthonius or to Aeacus, H. N. vii. 56. s. 57.) It is constantly mentioned in Homer ; but in a manner which proves that it was com- paratively scarce. It was much more abundant in Asia than in Greece Proper, where there were not many silver mines. The accounts we have of the revenues of the early Lydian and Persian kings, and of the presents of some of them, such as Gyges and Croesus, to Pytho and other shrines, prove the great abundance of both the precious metals in Western Asia. Of this wealth, however, a very large proportion was laid up in the royal and sacred treasuries, both in Asia and in Greece. But in time, and chiefly by the effects of wars, these accumulations were dispersed, and the precious metals became commoner and cheaper throughout Greece. Thus, the spoils of the Asiatics in the Persian wars, and the payment of Greek merce- naries by the Persian kings, the expenditure of Pericles on war and works of art, the plunder of the temple of Delphi by the Phocians, the military expenses and wholesale bribery of Philip, and, above all, the conquests of Alexander, caused a vast increase in the amount of silver and gold in actual circulation. The accounts we have of the treasures possessed by the successors of Alexander would be almost incredible if they were not per- fectly well attested. It was about this time also that the riches of the East began to be familiar to the Romans, among whom the precious metals were, in early times, extremely rare. Very little of them was found in Italy ; and though Cisalpine Gaul fur- nished some gold, which was carried down by the Alpine torrents, it contained but a very small pro- portion of silver. The silver mines of Spain had been wrought by the Carthaginians at a very early period ; and from this source, as well as ARGENTUM. from the East, the Romans no doubt obtained most of their silver as an article of commerce. But when first Spain and then Greece, Asia Minor, and Syria, were brought beneath the Roman power, they obtained that abundant supply both of silver and gold which formed the instrument of the extravagance and luxury of the later republic and the empire. " The value of the precious metals did not, however, fall in proportion to their increase, as large quantities, wrought for works of art, were taken out of circulation." (Bockh.) The relative value of gold and silver differed considerably at different periods in Greek and Roman history. Herodotus mentions it (iii. 95) as 13 to 1 ; Plato (Hipp. c. 6. p. 231), as 12 to 1 ; Menander (op. PoUue. ix. 76), as 10 to .1 ; and Livy (xxxviii. 11), as 10 to 1, about B.C. 189. According to Suetonius {Jul. Caes. 54), Julius Caesar, on one occasion, exchanged silver for gold in the proportion of 9 to 1 ; but the most UBual proportion under the early Roman emperors was about 12 to 1 ; and from Constantine to Justinian about 14 to 1, or 15 to 1. The proportion in mo- dern times, since the discovery of the American mines, has varied between 17 to 1 and 14 to 1. Silver Mines and Ores. — In the earliest times the Greeks obtained their silver chiefly as an article of commerce from the Phocaeans and the Samians ; but they soon began to work the rich mines of their own country and its islands. The chief mines were in Siphnos, Thessaly, and Attica. In the last-named country, the silver mines of Laurion furnished a most abundant supply, and were gene- rally regarded as the chief source of the wealth of Athens. We learn from Xenophon (Vedig.iv. 2), that these mines had been worked in remote antiquity ; and Xenophon speaks of them as if he considered them inexhaustible. In the time of Demosthenes, however, the profit arising from them had greatly diminished ; and in the second century of the Christian era they were no longer worked. (Paus. i. 1. § 1.) The Romans obtained most of their silver from the very rich mines of Spain, which had been previously worked by the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, and which, though abandoned for those of Mexico, are still not ex- hausted. The ore from which the silver was ob- tained was called silver earth (Sipyvpcris 7% or simply apyvptrLs, Xen. Vectig. i. 5, iv. 2). The same term (terra) was also applied to the ore by the Romans. A full account of all that is known respecting the ores of silver known to the ancients, their mining operations, and their processes for the re- duction of the ores, is given by Bockh. (Disserta- tion on the Silver Mines of Laurion, §§ 3, 4, 5.) Uses of Silver. — ■ By far the most important use of silver among the Greeks was for money. It was originally the universal currency in Greece. Mr. Knight, however, maintains (Prol. Horn.) that gold was coined first because it was the more readily found, and the more easily worked ; but there are sufficient reasons for believing that, un- til some time after the end of the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians had no gold currency. [Ad- kum.] It may be remarked here that all the words connected with money are derived from apyvpos, and not from xP v(T ^ s t &$ narapyvpoa, "to bribe with money ;" apyvpafioiS6s, "a money- ■ changer," &c. ; and &pyvpos is itself not unfre- quently used to signify money in general (Soph, ARGIAS GRAPHE. Airfy. 295), as aes is in Latin. At Rome, on the contrary, silver was not coined till b. c. 269, before which period Greek silver was in circulation at Rome ; and the principal silver coin of the Ro- mans, the denarius, was borrowed from the Greek drachma. For further details respecting silver money, see Nummus, Denarius, Drachma. From a very early period, silver was used also in works of art. Its employment for ornamenting arms, so often referred to by Homer, belongs to this head. The use of it for mere purposes of luxury and ostentation, as in plate, seems to have become generally prevalent about the close of the Peloponnesian wars (Athen. vi. p. 229, f.), but much more so from the time of Alexander, after which it becomes so common as hardly to need any proof or illustration, — more common indeed than with us. (Cic. in Verr. iv. 21.) The Ro- mans distinguished between plain and chased silver vessels by calling the former pura or levia (Plin. Ep.w.i; Juv. ix. 141, xiv. 62 ; Mart. iv. 38), and the latter caelata, aspera, or toreumata. [Cae- LATURA; TOREUTICE.] The chief ancient authorities respecting silver, as well as gold, are the 3d, 4th, and 5th books of Strabo, the 5th of Diodorus, especially cc. 27 and 36, and the 33d of Pliny, from c. 6. s. 31 ; of mo- dern works the most important are Bdckh's Public Economy of Athens, Bk. i. cc. 1 — 3, with the sup- plementary Dissertation on the Silver Mines of Laurion, and Jacob's History of the Precious Me- tals. [P. S.] A'RGIAS GRAPHE' (apylas ypafii), that is, an action for idleness. Vagrants and idlers were not tolerated at Athens from very early times, and every person was obliged to be able to state by what means he supported himself. (Herod, ii. 177 ; Diod. i. 77.) According to some (Plut Sol. 37, Pollux, viii. 42), even Draco had enacted laws against idleness, while, according to others, Solon, in his legislation, borrowed these laws from the Egyptians, and others again state that Peisis- tratus was the first who introduced them at Athens. (Plut. Sol. 31.) In accordance with this law, which is called apyias v6p.os, all poor people were obliged to signify that they were carrying on some honourable business by which they gained their livelihood (Dem. c. Eubul. p. 1308 ; Isocrat. A reo- pag. 17 ; Dionys. xx. 2) ; and if a person by his idleness injured his family, an action might be brought against him before the archon eponymus not only by a member of his family, but by any one who chose to do so. (Louie. Seguer. p. 310.) At the time when the Areiopagus was still in the full possession of its powers, the archon seems to have laid the charge before the court of the Areio- pagus. If the action was brought against a person for the first time, a fine might be inflicted on him, and if he was found guilty a second or third time, he might be punished with ari/ila. (Pollux, viii. 42.) Draco had ordained atimia as the penalty even for the first conviction of idleness. (Plut., Poll. U. cc.) This law was modified by Solon, who inflicted atimia only when a person was con- victed a third time, and it is doubtful as to whe- ther in later times the atimia was inflicted at all for idleness. As the Areiopagus was entrusted with the general superintendence of the moral con- duct of citizens, it is probable that it might inter- fere in cases of apyia, even when no one came for- ward to bring an action against a person guilty of ARIES. 133 it. (Val. Max. ii. 6 ; Platner, Process, ii. p. 150, &c. ; Meier und Schoemann, Att. Proc. pp. 193, 298, &c. ; Bockh, Publ. Econ. p. 475, 2d edit.) According to Aelian (V.H. iv. 1), a similar law existed also at Sardes. [L. S.] ARGU'RIOU DIKE' (apyvplov 8(mj)> a civil suit of the class irp6s riva, and within the juris- diction of the thesmothetae, to compel the defend- ant to pay monies in his possession, or for which he was liable, to the plaintiff. This action is casually alluded to in two speeches of Demos- thenes (in Boeot. p. 1002, in Olympiodor. p. 1179), and is treated of at large in the speech against Callippus. [J. S. M.] ARGYRA'SPIDES (apyvpdffmSes), a division of the Macedonian army of Alexander the Great, who were so called because they carried shields covered with silver plates. They were picked men, and were commanded by Nicanor, the son ot Parmenion, and were held in high honour by Alexander. After the death of Alexander they followed Eumenes, but afterwards they deserted to Antigonus, and delivered Eumenes up to him. Antigonus, however, soon broke up the corps, find- ing it too turbulent to manage. (Diod. xvii. 57, 58, 59, xviii. 63, xix. 12, 41, 43, 48 ; Justin, xii. 7 ; Curtius, iv. 13, § 27 ; Plutarch, Eumen. 13,&c. ; Droysen, Nachfolg. Alex, passim.) The Greekkmgs of Syria seem to have had a corps of the same name in their army: Livy mentions them as the royal cohort in the army of Antiochus the Great. (Liv. xxxvii. 40 ; Polyb. v. 79.) The Emperor Alex- ander Severus, among other things in which he imitated Alexander the Great, had in his army bodies of men who were called argyroaspides and ehrysoaspides. (Lamprid. Alex. See. 50.) [P. S.] ARGYROCOPEION (apyvpommeiov), the place where money was coined, the mint, at Athens. It appears to have been in or adjoining to the chapel (ripyov) of a hero named Stephanephorus, in which were kept the standard weights for the coins, just as at Rome in the sanctuary of Juno Moneta. [Moneta.] (Pollux, vii. 103; Har- pocrat. ; Suid. ; Bockh, Corp.Inscr. vol. i. p. 164, and the explanation of that inscription in his Public Economy of Alliens, p. 144, 2nd ed.; comp. Talentum.) [P. S.] ARIADNEIA (apidSveia), festivals solemnized in the island of Naxos in honour of Ariadne, who, according to one tradition, had died here a natural death, and was honoured with sacrifices, accom- panied by rejoicing and merriment. (Plut. Thes. 20.) Another festival of the same name was celebrated in honour of Ariadne in Cyprus, which was said to have been instituted by Theseus in commemoration of her death in the month of Gor- piaeus^ The Amathusians called the grove in which the grave of Ariadne was shown, that of Aphrodite-Ariadne. This is the account given by Plutarch (Thes. 20) from Paeon, an Amathusian writer. (Comp. C. F. Hermann, Lehrb. des Gottes- dienstl. Alterthumer, § 65. n. 12.) [L. S.] A'RIES (xpi6s), the battering-ram, was used to shake, perforate, and batter down the walls of be- sieged cities. It consisted of a large beam, made of the trunk of a tree, especially of a fir or an ash. To one end was fastened a mass of bronze or iron (K&paK-ti, ip-SoXi], irpoTopA\), which resembled in its form the head of a ram. The upper figure in the annexed woodcut is taken from the bas-reliefs on the column of Trajan at Rome. It shows the K 3 1;J4 ARISTOCRATIA. aries in its simplest state, and as it was "borne and impelled by human hands, without other assistance. In an improved form, the ram was surrounded with iron bands, to which rings were attached for the purpose of suspending it by ropes or chains from a beam fixed transversely over it. See the lower figure in the woodcut. By this contrivance the soldiers were relieved from the necessity of sup- porting the weight of the ram, and they could with ease give it a rapid and forcible motion backwards and forwards. The use of thiB machine was further aided by placing the frame in which it was suspended upon wheels, and also by constructing over it a wooden roof, so as to form a " testudo " (jceKd>vii Kpiocp6pos, Appian, Bell. Mith. 73 ; testudo arietaria, Vitruv. x. 1 9), which protected the besieging party from the defensive assaults of the besieged. Josephus, who gives a description of the machine {B. J. iii. 7. § 19), adds, that there was no tower so strong, no wall so thick, as to resist the force of this machine, if its blows were continued long enough. The beam of the aries was often of great length, e. g. 80, 100, or even 120 feet. The design of this was both to act across an intervening ditch, and to enable those who worked the machine to remain in a position of comparative security. A hundred men, or even a greater number, were sometimes employed to strike with the beam. The aries first became an important military engine in the hands of the Macedonians, at the time of Philip and Alexander the Great, though it was known at a much earlier period. (Comp. Thuc. ii. 76.) Vitruvius speaks (I. c.) of Polydus, a Thessalian, in the time of Philip, who greatly improved the machine, and his improvements were carried out still further by Diades and Chaereas, who served in the campaigns of Alexander the Great. The Romans learnt from the Greeks the art of building these machines, and appear to have employed them for the first time to any considerable extent in the siege of Syracuse in the second Punic war. [Helepolis.] ARISTOCRA'TIA (apio-TOKparia), a term in common use among Greek writers on politics, though rarely employed by historians, or otherwise than in connection with political theories. It sig- nifies literally " the government of the best men," and as used by Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, &c, it meant (in reference to a state where political power was not shared by the bulk of the commu- nity, but was in the hands of a privilegerLclass. ARISTOCRATIA. existing along with a class personally free, and possessed of civil rights, but excluded from the exercise of the highest political functions) the go- vernment of a class whose supremacy was founded not on wealth merely, but on personal distinction (8Vou fi.^1 fiivov ir\ouTi'c8i)C oWi Kal apia-rlvhtv alpovvrai rhs apxds, Aristot. Pol. iv. S. p. 127, ed. Gottl. 'H apiaroicparia jSoiiAerai tV fmtpo^t airoveftew rols apiffrois to>v iroAnw, Ibid. p. 128). That there should be an aristocracy, more- over, it was essential that the administration of affairs should be conducted with a view to the promotion of the general interests, not for the ex- clusive or predominant advantage of the privileged class. (Aristot. Pol. iii. 5, p. 83, ed. Gottl. ; Plat. Polit. p. 301, a.) As soon as the government ceased to be thus conducted, or whenever the only title to political power in the dominant class was the possession of superior wealth, the constitution was termed an oligarchy (bAiyapx'ia), which, in the technical use of the term, was always looked upon as a corruption (irapett^atris, Aristot. Pol. iii. 5. p. 84, ed. Gottl.) of an aristocracy. (Comp. Plat. I. c. ; Arist. Pol. iv. 3. pp. 1 1 7, 1 1 8, ed. Gottl. iv. 6, apiffTOKparias yap '6pos aper^, oMyapx^as Be irAou- Toy.) In the practical application of the term aris- tocracy, however, the personal excellence which was held to be a necessary element was not of a higher kind than what, according to the deeply-seated ideas of the Greeks, was commonly hereditary is families of noble birth (Plat. Menex. p. 237, a., Cratyl. p. 394, a, ; Aristot. Pol. iv. 6, tj yap cv. yeveid eanv apxaios ir\ovros Kal aper'i). v. 1, evyeveis yap eivat hoKovaiv oh inrdpxGt npoyivuv aper^j Kal ttKovtos), and in early times would be the ordinary accompaniments of noble rank, namely, wealth, military skill, and superior edu- cation and intelligence (comp. Aristot. Pol. iv. 6, eliidao-i Ka\tw .... apiaroKparlas Sta to (uiu«» a.KoKovOe'iv iraib'eiav Kal evyepetav ro7s eu7rop»Tf- pois). It is to be noted that the word apian- Kparia is never, like the English term aristocracy, the name of a class, but only of a particular political constitution. On tracing the historical development of aris- tocratical government, we meet with a condition of things which may almost be called by that name in the state of society depicted in the Homeric poems, where we already see the power of the kings limited by that of a body of princes or nobles, such as would naturally arise in the in- fancy of society, especially among tribes in which, from the frequency of wars, martial Bkill would be a sure and speedy method of acquiring supe- riority. When the kingly families died out, or were stripped of their peculiar privileges, the su- preme power naturally passed into the hands oi these princes or chieftains, who formed a body of nobles, whose descendants would of course for the most part inherit those natural, and be also alone in a position to secure those acquired advantages, espe- cially warlike skill, which would form their title to political superiority. Some aristocracies thus arose from the natural progress of society : others arose from conquest. The changes consequent on the rise of the Hellenes, and the Thessalian, Boeotian and Dorian conquests in Greece, esta- blished pretty generally a state of things in which we find the political power in the hands of a body of nobles consisting chiefly or entirely of the con- n-.ip. rnra bener.th. whom is a_free population not ARMA. possessed of political rights, consisting of the older inhabitants of the land, together with, in most instances, a body of serfs attached to the domains of the nobles. These last are described under various names, as EuirarpfSai in Attica, or VafiSpot as in Syracuse and several of the Doric states. From the superior efficiency of the cavalry in early times, we also find the nobles as a class bearing the name *ImroVtSiai), a bracelet or armlet, worn both by men and women. It was a favourite ornament of the Medes and Persians (Herod, viii. 113, ix. 80; Xen. Anab. i. 2. § 27) ; and in Europe was also worn by the Gauls and Sabines. (Gell. ix. 13 ; Liv. i. 11.) Bracelets do not appear to have been worn among the Greeks by the male sex, but Greek ladies had bracelets of various materials, shapes, and styles of ornament. The bracelet was some- times called (T6pta or ififatpSpta) is attributed to different deities. The first form is derived from S/J£ijtce, and thus would indicate a festival at which mysterious things were carried about. The other name would point to Erse or Herse, a daughter of Cecrops, and whose worship was intimately connected with that of Athena. And there is, indeed, sufficient ground for believ- ing that the festival was solemnized, in a higher sense, in honour of Athena. {EtymoL Mag, s. v. y Aj}f>7)6poi.) It was held at Athens, in the month of Skirophorion. Four girls, of between seven and eleven years (ajlfatySpoi, ^pff^6poi, £j$fa6pos : Paus. i. 27. § 4) ; and when the festival commenced, the priestess of the goddess placed vessels upon their heads, the con- tents of which were neither known to them nor to the priestess. With these they descended to a natural grotto within the district of Aphrodite in the gardens. Here they deposited the sacred ves- sels, and carried back something else, which was, covered and likewise unknown to them. After this the girls were dismissed, and others were chosen to supply their place in the acropolis. The girls wore white robes adorned with gold, which were left for the goddess ; and a peculiar kind of cakes was baked for them. To cover the expenses of the festival, a peculiar liturgy was established, called afiftfltyopia. All other details concerning this fes- tival are unknown. (Comp. C. F. Hermann, Lehrb. der gottesdienstl. Alterth. § 61. n. 9.) [L. S.] ARROGA'TIO. [Adoptio.] A'RTABA (cLpTd€r)\ a Persian measure of capacity, principally used as a corn-measure, which contained, according to Herodotus (i. 192), 1 me- dimnus and 3 choenices (Attic), i.e. 51 choenices =102 Roman sextarii=12? gallons nearly ; but, according to Suidas, Hesychius, Polyaenus (Strat. iv. 3, 32), and Epiphanius (Pond. 24) only 1 Attic medimnus =96 sextarii = 12 gallons nearly: the latter is, however, only an approximate value. 138 ARVALES FRATRES. There was an Egyptian measure of the same name, of which there were two sorts, the old an d the new artaha. (Didymus, c. 19.) The old artaba con- tained 4^ Roman modii = 72 sextarii = 9 gallons nearly, according to most writers ; hut Galen (c. 5) makes it exactly 5 modii. It was about equal to the Attic metretes ; and it was half of the Ptolemaic medimnus, which was to the Attic medimnus as 3 : 2. The later and more common Egyptian arbata contained 3^ modii = 53J sex- tarii=&g- gallons about, which is so nearly the half of the Persian, that we may fairly suppose that in reality it was the half. It was equal to the Olympic cubic foot. (Rhemn. Fann. Carmen de Pond, et Mens. v. 89, 90 ; Hieron. Ad Ezech. 5 ; Btickh, MetroUtg. Untersuch. pp. 242, &c., 285 ; Publ. Econ. o/Ath. p. 93, 2nd ed.; Wurm, De Pond., &c. p. 133.) [P. S.] ARTEMI'SIA (apTE^ido), one of the great fes- tivals celebrated in honour of Artemis in various parts of Greece, in the spring of the year. We find it mentioned at Syracuse in honour of Artemis Po- tamia and Soteria. (Pind. Pytli. ii. 12.) It lasted three days, which were principally spent in feasting and amusements. (Liv. xxv. 23 ; Plut. Marcell. 18.) Bread was offered to her under the name of Aoxfa (Hesych. s. i>.) But these festivals occur in many other places in Greece, as at Delphi, where, according to Hegesander (Athen. vii. p. 325), they offered to the goddess a mullet on this occasion ; because it appeared to hunt and kill the sea-hare, and thus bore some resemblance to Artemis, the goddess of hunting. The same name was given to the festivals of Artemis in Cyrene and Ephesus, though in the latter place the goddess was not the Grecian Artemis, but a deity of Eastern origin. (Dionys. iv. 25 ; Achill. Tat. vi. 4, vii. 12, viii. 17 ; Xenoph. Epkes. i. 2.) [L. S.] ARU'RA (fipouoa), a Greek measure of surface, which would appear, from its name, to have been originally the chief land-measure. It was, accord- ing to Suidas, the fourth part of the irXiBpov. The ir\40pov, as a measure of length, contained 100 Greek feet; its square therefore =10,000 feet, and therefore the arura =2500 Greek square feet, or the square of 50 feet. Herodotus (ii. 168) mentions a measure of the same name, but apparently of a different size. He says that it is a hundred Egyptian cubits in every direction. Now the Egyptian cubit contained nearly 17} inches (Hussey, Ancient Weights, &c. p. 237) ; therefore the square of 100 x 17} inches, i.e. nearly 148 feet, gives approximately the num- ber of square feet (English) in the arura, viz. 21,904. (Wurm, De Pond. &c. p. 94.) [P. S.j ARUSPEX. [Hardspex.] ARVA'LES FRATRES. The fratres arvales formed a college or company of twelve in number, and were so called, according to Varro {De Ling. Lot. v. 85, Miiller), from offering public sacri- fices for the fertility of the fields. That they were of extreme antiquity is proved by the legend which refers their institution to Romulus, of whom it is said, that when his nurse Acca Laurentialost one of her twelve sons, he allowed himself to be adopted by her in his place, and called himself and the remaining eleven " Fratres Arvales." (Gell. vi. 7.) We also find a college called the Sodales Titii, and as the latter were confessedly of Sabine origin, and instituted for the purpose of keeping up the Sabine religious rites (Tac. Ann. i. 53), there is some ARVALES FRATRES. reason for the supposition of Niebuhr {Horn. Hut. vol. i. p. 303), that these colleges corresponded one to the other — the Fratres Arvales being connected with the Latin, and the Sodales Titii with the Sabine, element of the Roman state, just as there were two colleges of the Luperci, namely, the FabS and the Quinctilii, the former of whom seem to have belonged to the Sabines. The office of the fratres arvales was for life, and was not taken away even from an exile ot captive. They wore, as a badge of office, a chaplet of ears of corn (spicea corona) fastened on their heads with a white band. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 2.) The number given by inscriptions varies, but it is never more than nine ; though, according to the legend and general belief, it amounted to twelve, One of their annual duties was to celebrate a three days' festival in honour of Dea Dia, supposed to be Ceres, sometimes held on the xvi., xiv., and xm, sometimes on the vi., iv., and in. Kal. Jun., i. e. on the 17th, 19th, and 20th, or the 27th, 29th, and 30th of May. Of this the master of the college, appointed annually, gave public notice (indicebai) from the temple of Concord on the capitol. On the first and last of these days, the college met at the house of their president, to make offerings to the Dea Dia ; on the second they as- sembled in the grove of the same goddess, about five miles south of Rome, and there offered sacri- fices for the fertility of the earth. An account of the different ceremonies of this festival is preserved in an inscription, which was written in the first year of the Emperor Elagabalus (a. d. 218), who was elected a member of the college under the name of M. Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix. The same inscription contains a hymn, which appears to have been sung at the festival from the most ancient times. (Marini, Atti e Monumenti degli Arvali, tab. xli. ; Orelli, Corp. Inscrip. nr. 2270 j Klausen, De Carmine Fratrum Arvaliim.) Besides this festival of the Dea Dia, the fratres arvales were required on various occasions, under the emperors, to make vows and offer up thanks- givings, an enumeration of which is given in For- cellini. {Lex. s. v.) Strabo, indeed (v. 3), informs us that, in the reign of Tiberius, these priests {Upofu/iinovts) performed sacrifices called the Am- barvalia at various places on the borders of the ager Romanus, or original territory of Rome j and amongst others, at Festi, a place betweea five and six miles from the city, in the direction of Alba. There is no boldness in supposing that this was a custom handed down from time immemorial, and, moreover, that it was a duty of this priesthood to invoke a blessing on the whole territory of Rome. Tt is proved by inscriptions that this college ex- isted till the reign of the Emperor Gordian, or A. D. 325, and it is probable that it was not abolished till a. d. 400, together with the other colleges of the Pagan priesthoods. The private ambarvalia were certainly of a different nature from those mentioned by Strabo, and were so called from the victim {hostia ambar- valis) that was slain on the occasion being led three times round the cornfields, before the sickle was put to the corn. This victim was accompanied by a crowd of merry-makers {chorus et socii), the reapers and farm-servants dancing and singing, as they marched along, the praises of Ceres, and praying for her favour and presence, while they offered her the libations of milk, honey, and wine. AS. (, Virg. Georg. i. 338.) This ceremony was also called a lustraUo (Virg. Eel. v. 83), or purification ; and for a beautiful description of the holiday, and the prayers and vows made on the occasion, the reader is referred to Tibullus (ii. 1). It is, perhaps, worth while to remark that Polybius (iv. 21. § 9) uses language almost applicable to the Roman am- barvalia in speaking of the Mantineans, who, he says (specifying the occasion), made a purification, and carried victims round the city, and all the country. There is, however, a still greater resemblance to the rites we have been describing, in the cere- monies of the rogation or gang week of the Latin church. These consisted of processions through the fields, accompanied with prayers (rogationes) for a blessing on the fruits of the earth, and were continued during three days in Whitsun-week. The custom was abolished at the Reformation in consequence of its abuse, and the perambulation of the parish boundaries substituted in its place. (Hooker, Eccl. Pol. v. 61. 2 ; Wheatley, Com. Pray. v. 20.) [R. W.] ARX (&Kpa), signified a height within the walls of a city, but which was never closed by a wall against the city in earlier times, and very seldom in later times. The same city may have had several arees, as was the case at Rome ; and hence Virgil says with great propriety (Georg. ii. £35) : — " Septemque una sibimuro circumdedit arces." As, however, there was generally one principal height in the city, the word arx came to be used as equivalent to acropolis [Acropolis], (Niebuhr, Hist of Borne, vol. iii. note 411.) At Rome, one of the summits of the Capitoline hill was specially called Arse, but which of them was so called has been a subject of great dispute among Roman topo- graphers. The opinion of the best modern writers is, that the Capitolium was on the northern summit, and the Arx on the southern. The Arx was the regular place at Rome for taking the auspices, and was hence likewise called a-uguraculwn, according to Paulus Diaconus, though it is more probable that the Auguraculum was a place in the Arx. (Liv. i. 18, x. 7; Paul. Diac. s.v. Auguraculum ; Becker, Romisch. AUerth. vol. i. p. 386, &c, vol. ii. part i. p. 313.) AS, or Libra, a pound, the unit of weight among the Romans. [Libra.] AS, the earliest denomination of money, and the constant unit of value, in the Roman and old Italian coinages, was made of the mixed metal called Aes. Like other denominations of money, it no doubt originally signified a pound weight of copper uncoined : this is expressly stated by Ti- roaeus, who ascribes the first coinage of aes to Servius Tullius. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3. s. 13, xviii. 3 ; Varro, De Re Rust. ii. 1 j Ovid. Fast. v. 281.) According to some accounts, it was coined from the commencement of the city (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 1), or from the time of Numa (Epiph. Mens, et Pond.; Isidor. Etym. xvi. 18) ; and ac- cording to others, the first coinage was attributed to Janus or Saturn. (Macrob. Saturn, i. 7.) This mythical statement in fact signifies, what we know also on historical evidence, that the old states of Etruria, and of Central Italy, possessed a bronze or copper coinage from the earliest times. On the other hand, those of Southern Italy, and the coast, as far as Campania, made use of silver money The Roman monetary system was pro- AS. .89 bably derived from Etruria. (Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 457, 3d ed. ; Abeken, Mittel- Italien, pp. 284, 326.) The earliest copper coins were not struck,but cast in a mould. [Forma.] In the collection of coins at the British Museum there are four ases joined to- gether, as they were taken from the mould in which many were cast at once. In most ases the edge shows where they were severed from each other. Under the Roman empire, the right of coining silver and gold belonged only to the emperors ; but the copper coinage was left to the aerarium, which was under the jurisdiction of the senate. [Comp. Nummus ; Moneta.] The as was originally of the weight of a pound of twelve ounces, whence it was called as libralis in contradistinction to the reduced ases which have now to be spoken of, and which give rise to one of the most perplexing questions in the whole range of archaeology. Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 3. s. 13) informs us that in the time of the first Punic war (b. c. 264 — 241), in order to meet the expenses of the state, the full weight of a pound was diminished, and ases were struck of the same weight as the sextans (that is, two ounces, or one sixth of the ancient weight) ; and that thus the republic paid off its debts, gaining five parts in six : that afterwards, in the second Punic war, in the dictatorship of Q. Fabius Maxi- mus (about B. c. 217), ases of one ounce were made, and the denarius was decreed to be equal to sixteen ases, the republic thus gaming one half ; but that in military pay the denarius was always given for ten ases : and that soon after, by the Papirian law (about B. c. 191), ases of half an ounce were made. Festus also (s. v. Sextantarii Asses) mentions the reduction of the as to two ounces at the time of the first Punic war. There seem to have been other reductions besides those mentioned by Pliny, for there exist ases, and parts of ases, which show that this coin was made of every number of ounces from twelve down to one, besides intermediate fractions ; and there are cop- per coins of the Terentian family which show that it was depressed to -jg and even jfl, of its original weight. Though some of these standards may be rejected as accidental, yet on the whole they clearly prove, as Niebuhr observes (Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 461), that there must have been several re- ductions before the first which Pliny mentions. Niebuhr maintains further, that these various standards prove that Pliny's account of the reduc- tions of the coin is entirely incorrect, and that these reductions took place gradually from a very early period, and were caused by a rise in the value of copper in comparison with silver, so that the denarius was in the first Punic war really equal in value to only twenty ounces of copper, and in the second Punic war to sixteen ounces, in- stead of 120, which was its nominal value. He admits, however, that the times when these reduc- tions were resolved upon were chiefly those when the state was desirous of relieving the debtors • and thinks that we might assign, with tolerable accuracy, the periods when these reductions took place. On the other hand, Bb'ckh argues that there is no proof of any such increase in the value of copper, and on this and many other grounds his conclusion is, that all the reductions of the weight of the as, from a pound down to two ounces, took place during the first Punic war, and that they 140 AS. were accompanied by a real and corresponding dimi- nution in the value of the as. (Metrologische Un- tersuchungen, § 28.) It is impossible to give here even a summary of the arguments on both sides : the remarks of Niebuhr and Bockh must them- selves be studied. It is by no means improbable that there was some increase in the value of copper during the period before the first Punic war, and also that the fixing of the sextantal standard arose partly out of the relation of value between copper and the silver coinage which had been very lately introduced. On the other hand, it is impossible entirely to reject Pliny's statement that the im- mediate object of the reductions he mentions was the public gain. Mr. Grote, who sides with Bockh, remarks, that " such a proceeding has been so nearly universal with governments, both ancient and modern, that the contrary may be looked upon as a remarkable exception." (Classical Museum, vol. i. p. 32.) These variations make it impossible to fix any value for the as, except with reference to some more specific standard ; and this we find in the denarius. Taking the value of this coin at about 8£ pence [Denarius], the as, at the time of the first coinage of the denarius (b. c. 269), was one- tenth of this value, that is, about -85 of a penny or 3*4 farthings ; and in the time of the second Punic war, when 16 ases went to the denarius, the as was worth about 2J farthings. When the silver coinage got thoroughly established, the reckoning was no longer by ases, but by sestertii. [Sestertius.] Also, during the period or periods of reduction, the term aes grave, which originally signified the old heavy coins, as opposed to the reduced ases, came to mean any quantity of copper coins, of whatever weight or coinage, reckoned not by tale, but by the old standard of a pound weight to the as ; and this standard was actually maintained in certain payments, such as military pay, fines, &c. (Liv. iv. 41, 60, v. 2, xxxii. 26 ; Plin. 1. c. ; Sen. ad Helv. 12 ; Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. pp. 466, 467). This mode of reckoning also supplied a common measure for the money of Rome, and the other states of Italy, which had ases of very various weights, most of them heavier than the Roman. The name of aes grave was also applied to the uncoined metal. (Servius, ad Virg. Aen. vi. 862 ; Massa, aes rude, tnetalhcm infectum, Isidor. xvi 18. 13.) The oldest form of the as is that which bears the figure of an animal (a bull, ram, boar, or sow) ; whence the ancient writers derived the word for money, peeunia, from pecus, an etymology on which no opinion need be pronounced ; but whether this impress was intended to represent property by that form of it which was then most common, or had some mythological meaning, is doubtful. Niebuhr denies the antiquity of this type, but his sole ob- jection is satisfactorily answered by Bockh. The type seems however to have been much less used in the Roman than in some other old Italian coin- ages ; and most of the pieces which bear it are of a rude oblong shape. The next form, and the common one in the oldest Roman ases, is round, and is that described by Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 3. s. 13), as having the two-faced head of Janus on one side, and the prow of a ship on the other (whence the expression used by Roman boys in tossing up, capita aut navim, Macro!). Sat. i. 7). The annexed specimen, from the British Museum* AS. weighs 4000 grains : the length of the diameter in this and the two following cuts 13 half that of the original coins. The as was divided into parts, which were named according to the number of ounces they contained. They were the deunx, dextans, dodrans, bes, septunx, semis, quincunx, triens, quadrans or teruncius, sextans, sescunx or sescuncia, and uneia, consisting respectively of 11, 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1J, and 1 ounces. Of these divisions the following were represented by coins ; namely, the semis, quincunx, triens, quadrans, sextans, and uncia. There is a solitary instance of the existence of the dodrans, in a coin of the Cassian family, bearing an S and three balls. We have no precise inform- ation as to the time when these divisions were first introduced, but it was probably nearly aa early as the first coinage of copper money. The semis, semissis, or semi-as, half the as, or six ounces, is always marked with an S to represent itB value, and very commonly with heads of Jupi- ter, Juno, and Pallas, accompanied by strigik The quincunx, or piece of five ounces, is very rare. There is no specimen of it in the British Museum. It is distinguished by five small balls to represent its value. The triens, the third part of the as, or piece of four ounces, is marked with four balls. In the annexed specimen, from the British Mu- seum, the balls appear on both sides, with a thunderbolt on one side, and a dolphin with a strigil above it on the other. Its weight is 1571 grains. AS. The quadrans or terwncius, the fourth part of the as, or piece of three ounces, has three halls to denote its Value. An open hand, a strigil, a dol- phin, grains of corn, a star, heads of Hercules, Ceres, &c, are common devices on this coin. Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 3. s. 13) says that both the triens and quadrans bore the image of a ship. The sextans, the sixth part of the as, or piece of two ounces, bears two balls. In the annexed specimen, from the British Museum, there is a caduceus and strigil on one side, and a cockle-shell on the other. Its weight is 779 grains. ASCOLIASMUS. 141 Roma, 1839, 4to. ; and in Lepsius's review of it appended to his treatise Ueber die Tyrrhene? -Pdas- 9*->) [P.S.J ASCAULES. [Tibia.] ASCIA (a-Kfwapvov., Horn. Od. v. 235), an adze, Muratori {In** Vet. 77tes. i. 534 — 536) has pub- lished numerous representations of the adze, as it is exhibited on ancient monuments. We select the three following, two of which show the instrument itself, with a slight variety of form, while the third represents a ship-builder holding it in his right hand, and using it to shape the rib of a vessel. The uncia, one ounce piece, or twelfth of the as, is marked by a single ball. There appear on this coin heads of Pallas, of Roma, and of Diana, ships, frogs, and ears of barley. (For other devices, see Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet.) After the reduction in the weight of the as, coins were struck of the value of 2, 3, 4, and even 10 ases, which were called respectively dussis or dupondius, tressis, quadrussis, and decussis. Other multiples of the as were denoted by words of similar formation, up to centussis, 100 ases ; but most of them do not exist as coins. It is a very remarkable fact that, while the duodecimal division of the as prevailed among the nations of Italy south of the Apennines, the deci- mal division was in use to the north of that chain ; so that, of the former nations no quincunx has been discovered, of the latter no semis. In Sicily the two systems were mixed. [Pondera.] For further details respecting the coinage of the other Italian states, see Bockh, Metrol. Untersuch. § 27 ; Abeken, Mittel-Italien, and Lepsius, Ueber die Verbreitung des Italiscken Munzsystems von Etrurien aits. In certain forms of expression, in which aes is used for money without specifying the denomina- tion, we must understand the as. Thus dent aeris, miUe aeris, decies aeris, mean respectively 10, 1000, 1,000,000 ases. The word as was used also for any whole which was to be divided into twelve equal parts ; and those parts were called unciae. Thus the nomen- clature of the duodecimal division of the as was ap- lied not only to weight and money, but to measures of length, surface, and capacity, to inheritances, interest, houses, farms, and many other things. Hence, for example, the phrases Imeres ex asse, the heir to a whole estate ; haeres ex dodrante, the heir to three-fourths, &c (Cic. Pro Caecin, 6 ; Corn. Nep. Attic. 5.) Pliny even uses the phrases semis- sem Africae {H. N. xviii. 6. s. 7), and dodrantes et semiuncias horarum (H. N. ii. 14. s, 11). The as was also called, in ancient times, assarius (ac. nummus), and in Greek to ao-vdpiov. Accord- ing to Polybius (ii. 15) the assarius was equal to half the obolus. On the coins of Chios we find ao'o'dptou, ao~o~aplou fyyLt&v, affffdpta Bva, affcapia Tpia. (In addition to the works referred to in this article, and those of Hussey and Wurm, much valuable information will be found in the work entitled, Aes Grave del Museo Kirclieriano, &c. We also give another instrument in the above cut taken from a coin of the Valerian family, and ailed acisculus. It was chiefly used by masons, whence, in the ancient glossaries, Aciscvlarius is translated \ar6/j.os, a stone-cutter. As to the reason why Ascia is represented on sepulchral monuments, see Forcellini, Lexicon, s.v. [J.Y.] ASCLEPIEIA (a\i&£ovTes ; Krause, Gymnastih unci Agonistik d. Ifellenen, p. 399, who gives a representation of it from an ancient gem, which is copied in the above cut.) ASEBEIAS GRAPHE (atreedas ypcujyfi), was one of the many forms prescribed by the Attic laws for the impeachment of impiety. From the various tenor of the accusations still extant, it may be gathered that this crime was as ill-defined at Athens, and therefore as liable to be made the pretext for persecution, as it has been in all other countries in which the civil power has attempted to reach offences so much beyond the natural limits of its jurisdiction. The occasions, however, upon which the Athenian accuser professed to come for- ward may be classed as, first, breaches of the cere- monial law of public worship ; and, secondly, indications of that, which in analogous cases of modern times would be called heterodoxy, or heresy. The former comprehended encroachment upon consecrated grounds, the plunder, or other injury of temples, the violation of asylums, the in- terruption of sacrifices and festivals, the mutilation of statues of the gods, the introduction of deities not acknowledged by the state, and various other transgressions peculiarly defined by the laws of the Attic sacra, such as a private celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries and their divulgation to the uninitiated, injury to the sacred olive trees, or placing a suppliant bough (iKtTTjpia) on a particular altar at an improper time. (Andoc. DeMyst. p. 110.) The heretical delinquencies may be exemplified by the expulsion of Protagoras (Diog. Laert. ix. 51, 52) for writing " that he could not learn whether the gods existed or not," in the persecu- tion of Anaxagoras (Diog. Laert. ii. 12), like that of Galileo in after times, for impugning the received opinions about the sun, and the condemnation of Socrates for not holding the objects of the public worship to be gods. (Xen. Apol. Soc.) The va- riety of these examples will have shown that it is impossible to enumerate all the cases to which this sweeping accusation might be extended ; and, as it is not upon record that religious Athens {Xen. Rep. Ath. iii. 8) was scandalised at the pro- fane jests of Aristophanes, or that it forced Epicu- rus to deny that the gods were indifferent to hu- man actions, it is difficult to ascertain the limit at which jests and scepticism ended, and penal im- piety began. With respect to the trial, any citizen that pleased b Pov\6fiivos — which, however, in this as in all other public actions, must be understood of those only who did not labour under an incapacitating disfranchisement (aTi/xia) — • seems to have been a competent accuser ; but as the nine archons, and the areiopagites, were the proper guardians of the sacred olives (poplai, o"t]Ko{, Lysias, Tlepl tov Srjfcoi/, p. 282), it is not impossible that they had also a power of official prosecution upon casually discovering any injury done to their charge. The cases of Socrates, Aspasia, and Protagoras, may be adduced to show that citizens, resident aliens, and strangers, were equally liable to this ASILLA. accusation. And if a minor, as represented in the declamation of Antiphon, could be prosecuted foi murder (oVou), a crime considered by the early Greeks more in reference to its ceremonial pol- lution than in respect of the injury inflicted upon society, it can hardly be concluded that per- sons under age were incapable of committing, or suffering, for this offence. (Antiph. Tetral, ii, p. 674.) The magistrate, who conducted the previous ex- amination (av6.Kpil j while their art was known as aarpoKoyia, ju- TtwpoXoyta, yeve6\ia\oyla, aTroTeKeo-fiaTUcfj, Ars Chaldaeorum, Matltesis, or, from the tables they consulted, ttivukikti. Their calculations were termed Babylonii nwmeri, XaKSalaip fi46o^oi, Xa\- haiwv i|/7j(piSes, Rationes C/ialdaicae ; their re- sponses when consulted Chaldaeorum moniia, Chaldaeorum natalicia praedicta, Astrokgorwn praedicta. The stars and constellations to which attention was chiefly directed were the planets and the signs of the zodiac, some of which were supposed to exert uniformly a benign influence (ayoBmoull oo-Tepej), such as Venus, Jupiter, Luna, Virgo, Libra, Taurus ; others to be uniformly malign (Kaicoiroiol aoTcpes), such as Saturnus, Mars, Scorpio, Capricornus ; others to be doubtful (fal- koivoi aorepes), such as Mercurius. By the com- bination and conjunction (ffvySpofi'fj, constellafio) or opposition, however, of those benign with those malign, the power of the latter might be neu- tralised or even reversed, and a most happy horoscope be produced, as in the case of Augustus who was born under Capricornus (Suet. Aug. 94), and hence that figure frequently appears on his medals. For the sake of expediting calculations, the risings, settings, movements, and relative posi- tions (ortus, occasus, motus, viae, discessioMs, coetus, conventus, concursiones, circuitus, transitu!, habitus, forma, positura, positus siderum et spatio) were carefully registered in tables (nivaKes, ^prj/iepfBes). In so far as the planets were con- cerned, it was of especial importance to note through what sign of the zodiac they happened to be passing, since each planet had a peculiar sign, called the domus or house of the planet, during its sojourn in which it possessed superior power. Thus Libra, Capricornus, and Scorpio were re- spectively the houses of Venus, Saturn, and Mars. The exact period of birth (hora genitalis) being the critical moment, the computations founded upon it were styled ysvtffis (genitura), ctywoTcdVos (horoscopus), or simply &e/ia, and the star or stars in the ascendant sidus natalitium, sidera na- talitia. Astrologers seem to have found their way to Italy even before a free communication was opened up with the East by the Roman conquests in Greece and Asia, since they are mentioned con- temptuously by Ennius. (ap. Cic. De Div. i. 58.) About a century later the government seem to have become sensible of the inconvenience and danger likely to arise from the presence of such impostors> for in b. c. 139 an edict was promulgated by C Cornelius Hispallus, at that time praetor, by which the Chaldaeans were banished from the city, and ASTRONOMIA. ordered to quit Italy within ten days (Val. Max. i. 3. § 2), and they were again banished from the city in b. c. 33, by M. Agrippa, who was then aedile. (Dion Cass, xlix. 1.) Another severe ordinance was levelled by Augustus against this class (Dion Cass, lxv. 1, lxvi. 25), but the frequent occurrence of Biich phrases as " expulit et mathematicos " (Suet Tib. 36), "pulsis Italia mathematicis " (Tac. Hist. ii. 62), in the historians of the empire prove how firm a hold these pretenders must have obtained over the public mind, and how profitable the oc- cupation must have been which could induce them to brave disgrace, and sometimes a cruel death (Tac. Ann. ii. 32). Notwithstanding the number and stringent character of the penal enactments by which they were denounced, they appear to have kept their ground, and although from time to time crushed or terrified into silence, to have re- vived with fresh vigour in seasons of confusion and anarchy, when all classes of the community hanging in suspense between hope and fear, were predisposed to yield to every superstitious im- pulse. It must be remembered also, that the most austere princes did not disdain, when agitated by doubts or excited by ambitious longings, to ac- quire the principles of the art and to consult its professors, as we may perceive, not to multiply examples, from the well-known story of Tiberius and Thrasyllus (Tac. Ann. vi. 20, 21). Hence Tacitus, after recounting the high promises by which the " mathematici " stimulated Otho to assume the purple, adds in a tone of sorrowful resignation, " genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et veta- bitur semper et retinebitur." (See Cic. Div. ii. 42, &c. ; Gell. xiv. 1 ; Hor. Carm. ii. 17. 17 ; Pers. v. 46 ; Juv. iii. 43, vii. 194, xiv. 248, vi. 553 —581 ; Tac. Ann. ii. 27, 32, iii. 22, iv. 58, vi. 20, xii. 22, 52, 68, xvi. 14, Hist. i. 22, ii. 62; Suet. Tib. 14, 36, Vitell. 14, Nero, 40 ; Gell. i 9 ; Dion Cass. xlix. 43, lvi. 25, lvii. 15, lxv. 1 ; Zonar. ii. p. 142 ; Lips. Excurs. vii. ad Tac. Ann. ii. ; Jani, Excurs. ad Hor. Carm. ii. 17. 17 ; Ru- perti, Not. ad Tac. Ann. ii. 27. For the penal enactments, see Rein, Das Criminalrecht der Romer, p. 901, &c, Leipzig, 1844. Those who would acquire a knowledge of the technical de- tails of astrology, as practised by the ancients, must peruse the works of Manilius, Julius Fir- micus, and Ptolemy.) [W. R.] ASTRONO'MIA, astronomy. It is not pro- posed in the present article to give a technical his- tory of the rise and progress of astronomy among the ancients, but to confine ourselves to what may be regarded as the popular portion of the science, the observations, namely, upon the relative position and apparent movements of the celestial bodies, especially the fixed stars, which from the earliest epoch engaged the attention of those classes of men who as shepherds or mariners were wont to pass their nights in the open air. We shall consider : — 1. The different names by which the constella- tions were distinguished among the Greeks and Romans, and the legends attached to each ; but we shall not attempt to investigate at length the origin of these names nor the times and places when and where they were first bestowed. The materials for this first section have been carefully collected by Ideler in his essay entitled Unter- suchungen uber den Ursprung und die Bedentung der Sternamen (Berlin, 1809), a work which we now ASTRONOMIA. 145 mention specially once for all to avoid the necessity of constant references ; in the Historische Uhter- suchungen uber die astronomisclien Beobachtungen der Alien, by the same author (Berlin, 1806) ; in a paper by Buttmann Uber die Entstehung der Stern- bilder aufder griechisclien Sf'dre, contained in the Transactions of the Berlin Academy for 1826; and in the Gesehichte der Astronomie of Schaubach. 2. The risings and settings of the fixed stars considered with reference to the position of the sun in the ecliptic, • — a series of phenomena which re- curring regularly every tropical year, served in the most remote ages as the sole guides for the operations of the husbandman, and which, being in later times frequently appealed to by the poets, are sometimes designated the " Poetical Risings and Settings of the Stars." Here we chiefly de- pend upon the compilations and dissertations, ancient and modern, brought together in the Uranologion of Petavius ; upon the disquisition by J. F. Piaff entitled Commentatio de Ortibus et Oc- casibus Siderum apud auctores classieos commemora- tes (Gotting. 1786) ; upon a paper by Ideler, Ueber den astronomiscken TJieil der Fasti des Ovid, in the Transactions of the Berlin Academy for 1822 — 1823, and on the Handbuch der Ckronologie by the same author. 3. The division of the year into two, three, or more seasons, according to the risings and settings of particular stars or clusters of stars. The Hand- buck der Ckronologie contains a full examination oi all the most important passages from the Greek and Roman authors which bear upon these points. The determination of the length of the year and the distribution of time into months, days, hours, and other periods, which in some degree belong to the same subject, are treated of separately under the heads of Calendabium and Dies, and con- fining our attention for the present to the fixed stars (errones, stellae erraticae, see Gell. xiv. 1), we shall make a few remarks on the bodies of the solar system under Planetae. I. The History and Names op the Con- stellations. To begin with the two earliest among profane writers, Homer and Hesiod, the former notices the Bear or Waggon ; Bootes ; Orion ; the Dog of Orion ; the Pleiades, and the Hyades : the latter, Orion ; Sirius ; the Pleiades ; the Hyades ; and Arcturus. We are not entitled to conclude from this that they were not acquainted with the names or forms of any other constellations, but it seems certain that neither the Little Bear nor the Dragon were known to Homer, for although these remain always above the horizon in the latitude of Greece and Asia Minor, he speaks of the (Great) Bear as the only constellation which never plunges into Ocean's baths ; and we are elsewhere, as will be seen below, distinctly told that the Little Bear was introduced into Greece from the East by Thales. Pliny (H.N. ii. 6) attributes the invention of the signs of the zodiac to Cleostratus of Tenedos (fl. B. c. 500), and asserts that Aries and Sagittarius were marked out before the rest. The first distinct in- formation, however, with regard to the Grecian heavens was contained in the "Evoirrpov and the ^aiv6fj.epa of Eudoxus of Cnidus, who died B. c. 352. Both of these works are, it is true, lost with the ex- ception of a few fragments, but their contents are known to us from the poem of Aratus (fl. b. c. 260), L 146 ASTRONOMIA. which, as we are assured in the commentary which bears the name of Hipparchns, does little more than represent in verse, with very few variations, the matter contained in the two treatises named above, especially in the latter. The great popularity en- joyed by the production of Aratus {Cum sole el Ivma semper Aratus erit) must have depended upon the attractions presented by his theme, and cer- tainly not upon the spirit or grace with which that theme was handled. We know the names of thirty-five Greeks who composed commentaries upon it, and we are acquainted with no less than three translations into Latin verse — one by Cicero, of which fragments only remain ; another by Caesar Germanicus, of which a considerable portion has been preserved ; and a third by Rufus Festus Avienus, which is entire. Virgil borrowed largely from this source in those portions of his Georgics which contain references to the heavenly bodies, and particularly in that section which is devoted to prognostics of the weather. There are also valuable Greek scholia ascribed to the younger Theon, but manifestly compounded of materials derived from many different quarters. The work itself is divided into three parts : 1. A description of the constellations, extending to line 454. 2. A short account of the Planets, of the Milky Way, of the Tropical Circles, and of the Equator, followed from v. 559 by a full detail of the stars which rise and set as each sign of the zodiac ap- pears in succession (v 'Apdrov Kal EJS the swallow appeared in Greece as the herald of Spring. The legends connected with this constellation (Eratosth. 58 ; Hygin. P. A. ii. 30. 41) bear re- ference to a Syrian divinity, termed by the Greeks sometimes A targatis) a Semitic word signifying The 14 i52 ASTRONOMIA. Great Fish), sometimes Derceto, sometimes Deree. This power they confounded with another Syrian goddess Astarte, whom again they identified with their own Aphrodite. The story ran that when fleeing in terror from the violence of Typhon, she plunged into the Euphrates, and was transformed into a fish. (Manil. ii. 33, iv. S80.) Avienus terms these fishes Bombycii, for which Grotius has rightly proposed to substitute Bambycii^ for Atar- gatis was specially worshipped at Bambyce or Hierapolis in Cyrrhestica. (Strab. xvi. p. 517; Plin. H. N. v. 23 ; Selden, de Diis Syriis, ii. 3.) The bright star (a) which is supposed to form the knot of the two bands which connects the fishes by their tails, is by Aratus (245) named ^vvSevfios virovpaios, by his scholiast Secfxbs ov- paios, by Geminus and Germanicus simply SwSetr- fios, terms variously translated Nodus (Cic), Nodus Piscium (Vitruv.), Nodus coelestis (Avien.), Commissura piscium (Plin. xviii. 31). The bands themselves are called in one passage of Aratus (362 ) Aeo'fj.ol ovpaioi, more commonly Alvoi or AtVa, the Vincla of Cicero and Germanicus, the Alligamentum linteum of the scholiast on the latter. From Vitruvius (ix. 4) it appears that the sprinkling of indistinct stars between the Fishes and the Whale, was called by the Greeks 'Ep/xr}- 80V77, a word explained by Hesychius to mean rwv afivBpajv atrr^pwv x^ ffLS - Southern Signs. l. The Whale, Ktjtos (Arat. 353), 'Op(p6s (Jul. Firm. Astron. viii. 17), Ceius (Vitruv. ix. 4 ; Manil. i. 440), Pristis (German. 644 ; Manil. i. 363), Nereia Pistris (German. 714), Neptunia Pistria; (Cic, comp. German. 709). The last three designations are different forms of the Greek Hp7J(TTts, which Suidas interprets to signify eToos k-^tovs &a\aff(riov. This was the sea-monster, ac- cording to Aratus, sent to devour Andromeda. 2. Orion, ''SXpiuv (Arat. 322), 'Zlaplw (Pind. Callim.), Orion (Cic. German. Vitruv. Manil. i. 399), Oarion (Catull. lxv. sub fin.), Proles Hyriea (Ov. Fast. vi. 719, comp. v. 495). Argionm Julius Firmicus (viii. 9), is probably a corrupt form of Oarion. This is one of the oldest constellations, being noticed in Homer (xviii, 486) and Plesiod {Erg. 598, 615, 619), both of whom employ the expres- sion a8evos 'flplwvos. The figure was supposed to represent an armed warrior (£i\oybs Kiv7\(rtp. Homer twice (II. v. 5, xxii. 25) alludes to this star with- out naming it, in one passage with the epithet 6tr), but to these Geminus and Ptolemy give the specific name of ^T€avos v6tiqs. In consequence of no legend being attached to the group, Germanicus (388) de- scribes it as sine lionore Corona Ante Sagittiferi multum pernicia crura. (Comp. Hygin. P. A. ii. 28. Manilius takes no notice of it.) Geminus has preserved two other names, ObpavicKos and KrfpvK^oif ; the former Martianus Capella renders by Coelulum, the latter, used by Hipparchus, denotes a herald's wand of peace. Others, according to the scholiast on Ara- tus, regarded it as Ixion's wheel ('IlioVos Tpo%oV). 15. The Southern Fish, 'Ix^s v6tios (Arat. 387), Piscis Notius (Manil. i. 445 ; Hygin. P. A. iii. 40), Piscis Australis (Cic), Piscis Austrinus (Vitruv. ix. 4 ; Columell. xi. 2). It appears from Eratosthenes (38), and the scholiast on Germanicus, that it was styled also 'IX^ys fi4yas, Piscis magnus. 154 ASTRONOMIA. Before quitting this part of our subject, we must add a few words on Coma Berenices; Berenices Critics. Milvus. 1. The Hair op Berenice, XlA6tca.fj.os s. B6pa Sverai. (2.) This must be the apparent morning setting which took place at Rome on 24th of August for the Julian epoch. (3.) The true evening setting, calculated for Alexandria at the same epoch, took place on 23d of January, the very day named by Ovid. (4.) This is the heliacal setting, which, for Lucida Lyrae, took place at Rome on 28th of January. (5.) These notices seem to be borrowed from old Greek calendars. Eudoxus, as quoted by Ge- minus, assigns the evening (aKpdvvxps) setting of Lyra to the 11th degree of Aquarius, that is, the 4th of February according to the Julian calendar. It will be seen that the three last paragraphs (3.), (4.), (5.), without any change of expression, spread the setting of Lyra over a space extending from 23d of January to 4th February, the ap- parent and true settings for Rome being on the 28th January and 9th February respectively. (6.) The apparent evening rising, which seems clearly pointed out by the words of Columella, took place at Rome for the Julian era on 14th of April, at Alexandria on 26th of April : the true ASTRONOMIA. 157 evening rising at Rome on 22d April, and to this, therefore, the statement of Columella, from what- ever source derived, must, if accurate, apply. Pliny has here fallen into a palpable blunder, and has written mane for vesperi. In fact he has copied, perhaps at second hand, the observation of Eudoxus with regard to the Lyre and Dog (see Parapeg, of Gem.), except that he has inserted the word mane where the Greek astronomer simply says Xi'pa, iiureWei. (7.) This will agree tolerably well with the true evening rising at Alexandria for the Julian era, but is twenty-one days too late for the appa* rent evening setting at Rome, and thirteen days too late for the true evening setting. (8.) Here all is error. We must manifestly substitute vespere for mane in both passages of Columella ; but even thus the observation will not give anything like a close approximation to any rising of Lyra either at Rome or Alexandria in the Julian age. (9.) Copied verbatim along with the accom- panying prognostic of the weather, from the Para- pegma of Geminus, where it is ascribed to Euc- temon. The day, however, corresponds closely with the Jieliacal rising, which took place at Rome on 5th of November. (10.) Copied along with the prognostic " hie- mat " (/cai 6 dfyp %€£^.€pios ylverat &s inl rh iroAAa) from the same compilation where it is as- cribed to Democritus, who fixed upon this day for the true morning rising (Atfpa £iri§d?&zt afia y\l(p dvia-xovTi). At Rome this rising fell upon 23d of October. (11.) Copied again from the same source, where it is ascribed to Eudoxus. Here the observation can in no way be stretched so as to apply to Rome. (12.) This, like the last, can in no way be made applicable to Rome ; but the heliacal setting at Alexandria took place, for that epoch, about four days later, on the 9th or 10th of January. Having now pointed out the difficulties which the student must expect to encounter in prosecuting his inquiries in this department, we proceed briefly to examine the most remarkable passages in the classical writers, where particular periods of the year are defined by referring to the risings and settings of the stars. We begin with the most important, — the Pleiades, Arcturus, and Sirius, which we shall discuss fully, and then add a few words upon others of less note. The Pleiades. Hesiod. — Hesiod indicates the period ot hios dcrrfy) is supposed to denote the sun, has been already noticed. See above p. 152,b. ASTRONOMIA. Varro, Columella, Pliny. — Morning Rising — (1.) Varro, following the calendar of Caesar, reckons an interval of twenty-four days from the summer solstice to the rising of Sirius (ad Caniculae signum) which, according to this calculation, would fall on the 17th or 18th of July (R. R. i. 28.) (2.) Columella (xi. 2. § 53) fixes upon the 26th of July ( VII. Kal. Aug. Canicula apparet), and in another passage (ix. 15. § 5) makes the interval between the solstice and the rising of Sirius about thirty days (peracto solstitio usque ad ortum Cani- culae, qui fere dies triginta sunt), that is, on the 24th of July. (3.) Pliny (xviii. 38. § 2), says, that the epoch " quod canis ortum vocamus " corresponded with the entrance of the sun into Leo, that is, according to the Julian calendar, which he professes to follow, the 24th of July. (4.) In the very next clause he says, that it fell twenty-three days after the solstice, that is, on the 17th of July. (5.) Ana a little farther on (§ 4), he refers the same event specifically to the 17th of July (XVI. Kal. Aug.). (6.) Finally, in a different part of his work (xi. 14), he places the rising of Sirius thirty days after the solstice : ipso Sirio explendescente post solstitium diebus tricenis fere, a passage in which it will ha seen upon referring to the original, that he must have been consulting Greek authorities, and in which the words necessarily imply a visible rising of the star. The whole of the above "statements may be re- duced to two. In (1), (4), (5), the rising of Siriui is placed on the 17th or 18th of July, twenty -three days after the solstice, in (2), (3), (6), about thirty days after the solstice ; that is, 24th — 26th of July. Now the true morning rising of Sirius for Rome at the Julian era fell upon the 19th of July, the apparent morning or heliacal rising on the 2d of August, thirty-eight or thirty-nine days after the solstice. Hence (1), (4), (5), are close approximations to the truth, while (2), (3), (6) are inapplicable to Rome, and borrowed from computations adapted to the horizon of Southern Greece. Some words in Pliny deserve particular notice : " XVI. Kal. Aug. Assyriae Procyon exoritur ; dein postridie fere ubique, confessum inter omnes sidus indicans, quod canis ortum vocamus, sole partem primam Leonis ingresso. Hoc fit post solstitium XXIII. die. Sentiunt id maria, et terrae, multae vero et ferae, ut suis locis diximus. Neque est minor ei veneratio quam descriptis in deos stelhs." Although the expressions employed here are far from being distinct, they lead us to infer that certain remarkable periods in the year were from habit and superstition so indissolubly connected in the public mind with certain astronomical phe- nomena, that even after the periods in question had ceased to correspond with the phenomena, no change was introduced into the established phra- seology. Thus the period of most intense heat, which at one time coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius, would continue to be distinguished in the language of the people, and in almanacs intended for general use, as the Canis Exortus, long ate the two epochs were removed to a distance from each other, just as among ourselves the term dog- days having once obtained a firm footing, is used and probably will continue to be used for centuries ASTRONOMIA. without the slightest regard to the actual position of the constellation at the time in question. An example still more striking, because it involves an anomaly universally recognised by scientific men, is the practice of denominating the position of the sun at the vernal equinox, as the first point of Aries, although two thousand years have elapsed since the intersection of the ecliptic with the equator corresponded with the commencement of the con- stellation Aries. A necessity has thus arisen of drawing a distinction, which proves most em- barrassing to the unlearned, between the signs of the zodiac and the constellations of the zodiac, and thus the sun is said to be in the sign Aries while he is actually traversing the constellation of Pisces, and enters the sign Taurus long before he quits the constellation Aries. Now something of this sort may to a certain extent explain some of the anomalies which recur so perpetually in the calendar of Columella or Pliny. Certain remark- able appearances fixed upon at a very early period to mark the approach of summer and winter, such as the rising and setting of the Pleiades, may have by custom or tradition become so com- pletely identified in the minds of the people with particular days, that the compilers of calendars in- tended for general use, while they desired to re- gister accurate observations, were compelled at the same time to include those which, belonging to remote ages and foreign lands, had nevertheless acquired a prescriptive claim to attention. We may thus account for inconsistencies so numerous and glaring, that they could scarcely have been al- together overlooked by the writers in whose works they occur, although it is impossible to forgive their carelessness in withholding the necessary ex- planations, or the gross ignorance which they so often manifest. Evening Setting. Columella places the evening setting of the Dog on the 30th of April (Prid. Kal. Mai. Canis se Vespere celat), xi. 2. § 37. Pliny on the 28th {IV. Kal. Mai. Canis occidit, tidus et per se velierwns et cui praeoccidere Canicu- lam necesse sit), xviii. 69. The heliacal setting at Rome for the Julian era was on the 1st of May, which proves the above statements to be nearly correct. The expression cui praeoccidere Canicidam ?iecesse sit has been already commented on. See above, p. IS 3, a. Morning Setting. Evening Rising. — (I). VII. Kal. Dec. (25 Nov.) CanicuUi occidit solis ortu. Col. xi. 2. § 89. (2.) ///. Kal. Jan. (30 Dec.) Canicida vespere occidit. Ibid. § 94. (3.) III. Kal. Jan. (30 Doc.) Matutino canis occidens. Plin. xviii. 64. (1) is accurate for the apparent morning setting at Rome, B. c. 44. (2) and (3) are directly at variance with each other, and are both blunders. The apparent even- ing rising took place at Rome on the 30th of De- cember, not the evening setting as Columella would have it, nor the morning setting as Pliny has re- corded. Virgil. — - Virgil instructs the farmer to sow beans, lucerne, and millet : — Candidus auratis aperit cum cornibus annum Taurus et adverso cedens Canis occidit astro. Georg. i. 217. The sun entered Taurus, according to the Julian ASTRONOMIA. 161 calendar, on the 24th of April : the heliacal setting of Sirius was on the 1st of May, six days after- wards. Many interpretations have been proposed for the words "adverso cedens Canis occidit astro;" of these the most plausible is that which explains them with reference to the form and attitude under which the constellation of the Dog was depicted, which made him set backwards facing the signs which follow. Again, in Georg. iv. 425, we find Jam rapidus torrens sitientes Sirius Tndos Ardebat coelo et medium sol igneus orbem Hauserat, words which are intended to indicate the hottest portion of the day in the hottest season of the year. Here the separate mention of " Sol " is quite sufficient to confute those who would con- sider Sirius as equivalent in this passage to the sun. See above, p. 152, b. Comp. Lucaa Phar. x. 209. Ovid. — In th« fourth book of the Fasti (x. 901) the rising of Sirius is assigned to the 25th of April, is made coincident with the disappearance of Aries, and marks the epoch of mid-spring : — Sex ubi quae restant luces Aprilis habebit In medio cursu tempora Veris erunt ; Et frustra pecudem quaeres Athamantidos Helles Signaque dant imbres exoriturque Canis. A notorious blunder has been here committed by the poet. No rising of Sirius, either real or ap- parent, in the morning or in the evening, cor- responds to this season. But this is the very day fixed by Euctemon (ap. Gemin. Parapeg.) for the heliacal setting {kvuv KpimT^rai) of the Dog, which fell at Rome for the Julian era on the 1st of May. Again, in Fast. v. 723, we read — Nocte sequente diem Canis Erigoneius exit, that is, on the 22d of May. Now, it is clear from a former passage (iv. 939) that by Canis Erigoneius he means the Great Dog ; but the true rising of Sirius took place for Rome at this period on the 1 9th of July, the apparent on the 2d of August. Not much will be gamed by supposing that Procyon is here alluded to ; for the risings of that star precede those of Sirius by about eight days only. Here, again, therefore, we have a gross mistake. Pall adius. — Palladius (vii. 9) : " In ortu Caniculae,quiapud RomanosXIV. Kal. Aug. (19th July) die tenetur, explorant (sc. Aegypti) quae semina exortum sidus exurat, quae illaesa custo- dial" Now this is the exact period of the heliacal rising in Egypt for the Julian epoch ; hence the words " apud Romanos " must refer to a notice in some Roman Calendar, and not to the real period of the phenomenon. Orion. It must be borne in mind that, from the great size of this constellation, its risings and settings are spread over a considerable space ; while the brilliant stars which it contains are so numerous that no one can be fixed upon as a representative of the whole, as in the case of Bootes, where the different appearances are usually referred to Arc- turus alone. Hence those writers who aim at precision use such phrases as " Orion incipit oriri," 162 ASTRONOMlA. "Orion totus oritur," "Orion incipit occidere;" and wherever such qualifications are omitted the statements are necessarily vague. Hesiod. — Hesiod {Erg. 598) orders the corn to be thrashed eoV &v irpwra (pavrj a&tvos 'tipiwvos. Jor that age and country the apparent morning or heliacal rising of Orion would be completed about the 9th of July. The setting of Orion was one of the tokens which gave notice to the farmer that the season for ploughing had arrived, and to the mariner that he must no longer brave the perils of the deep. (Erg. 615.) The apparent morning setting ex- tended over the whole month of November. The culmination of Orion, which coincided with the vintage (Erg. 609) took place about the 14th of September. Aristotle. — Aristotle (Meteorolog. ii. 5, Problem, xiv. 26) places the rising of Orion at the commencement of Opora, and the setting at the be- ginning of winter, or rather in the transition from summer to winter (ev fieTa€o\rj rod &4povs Ka\ Xeipavos). Now the two limits which included the be- ginning and end of the apparent morning or heliacal rising, which alone can be here indicated, were, for the age and country of the writer, 17th of June — 14th July ; those which embraced the apparent morning setting were, 8th of November — 8th of December ; while the true morning setting continued from 27th of October — 20th of No- vember. Upon examining the passages in question a very curious contradiction will be perceived, which has long exercised the ingenuity of the commentators. Aristotle distinctly asserts in one place that the rising of Orion is characterised by unsteady stormy weather, and offers an explanation of the fact : in another place he as distinctly avers that the rising of Orion is characterised by the absence of wind (jrepl *D.pla>vos avaroX-iiv pjxXiffra yivtrai vrivepttt). Pliny. — (1) VIII. Idm (Mart.) Aquilonii piscis exortu, et postero die Orionis. xviii. 65. § 1. (2) Nonis (Apr.) Aegypto Orion et gladius ejus incipiwit ahscondi. xviii. 66. § 1. (1) The first date, 8th of March, is so far re- moved from the rising of Orion, whether in the morning or the evening, that Ideler is probably correct when he supposes that either the text is corrupt or that Pliny himself inserted Orion by mistake instead of the name of some other constel- lation. (2) Here also the date, 5th of April, is wide of the truth. The apparent evening setting of the middle star in the belt fell at Alexandria on the 26th of April, seven days later than at Rome, the true evening setting about the 9th or 10th of May. Virgil, Horace. — Both Virgil and Horace frequently allude to the tempests which accom- panied the winter setting of Orion (Saems vbi Orion hibernis conditur undis, Virg. Am. vii. 719 ; see also iv. 52 ; Hor. Carm. i. 28. 21, iii. 27. 17, Epod. x. 9, xv. 7), just as Hesiod (Erg. 617) eight hundred years before had warned the mariner that when the Pleiades, fleeing from the might of Orion, plunge into the dark main : A)] t6t€ iravTolav dv4fj.uv Svovffiv a^rai. The apparent morning setting of Orion, which in the time of Hesiod commenced early in No- ASTRONOMIA. vember, soon after the morning setting of the Pleiades, thus became connected in traditional lore with the first gales of the rainy season, and the association continued for centuries, although the phenomenon itself became gradually further and further removed from the beginning of the stormy period. In the Parapegma of Oeminus we find notices by three different astronomers, in which the setting of the Pleiades and of Orion are men- tioned as attended by tempests, although each of the three fixes upon a different day. For Rome, at the Julian era, the apparent morning setting commenced about the 12th or 13th of November. In Pliny (xviii. 74) we find, " V. Idus Novembr. (8 Novemb.) gladius Orionis occidere incipit," which is the true morning setting for Alexandria at that epoch. Ovid. — Ovid refers twice in his Fasti to the setting of Orion. In one passage (iv. 387) he places it on the day before the termination of the Megalesia, that is, on the 10th of April ; in another (v. 493), where the complete disappearance of the figure is expressly noted, on the 11th of May. Now the apparent evening setting of Rigel, the bright star which marks the left foot, took place for Rome in the age of the poet on 11th April, while the smaller star, now known as k, set on the previous day, the true evening setting of Betelgeux, which marks the right shoulder, fell on the 11th of May. Hence it is clear that Ovid derived his in- formation from two very accurate calendars, one of which gave the date of the commencement of the apparent evening setting ; the other, the date of the termination of the true evening setting. He refers twice to the rising of Orion also — in the sixth book of the Fasti (717), on the 16th of June : At pater Heliadum radios ubi tinxerit undis, Et cinget geminos Stella serena polos, Toilet humo validos proles Hyriea Iacertos, and on the festival of Fortuna Fortis, on the 24th of June : Zona latet tua nunc, et eras fortasse latebit, Dehinc erit, Orion, adspicienda mihi, that is, on the 26th of June. With regard to the first, the date is nearly cor- rect for the true morning {not evening, as the words denote) rising of the two stars (o o) at the extremity of the left hand ; with regard to the second, the true morning rising of the middle star in the belt fell on the 21st of June, the apparent on the 13th of July. There is a mistake, there- fore, here of five days, as far as Rome is con- cerned. Hyades. In Hesiod (Erg. 615), the setting of the Plei- ades, of the Hyades, and of mighty Orion, warn the husbandman that the season has arrived for ploughing the earth, and the mariner, that naviga- tion must cease. The apparent morning setting of the Hyades took place, according to the cal- culation of Ideler, for the age and country of Hesiod, on the 7th of the Julian November, four days after that of the Pleiades, and eight before that of Orion. Virgil (Aen. i. 744, iii. 516) terms this cluster " pluvias Hyadas," and Horace (Carm. i. 3. 14) ASTRONOMIA. "' tristes Hyadas," in reference to their morning setting at the most rainy and stormy season of the year. The true morning setting for Rome at the Julian era happened on the 3d of November, the apparent on the 14th of November. The ap- parent evening rising, which fell upon the 25th of October, would likewise suit these epithets. Ovid, in his Fasti (iv. 677), places the evening setting of the Hyades on the 17th of April, the day fixed in the Calendar of Caesar (Plin. xviii. 66. § 1), while Columella names the 18th (R. R. xi. 2. § 36). These statements are nearly accurate, since the apparent evening, or heliacal setting, took place for Rome at that epoch on the 20th of April. In the same poem, the morning rising is alluded to five times. (1.) It is said (v. 163) to take place on the 2nd of May, which was the day fixed in the Calendar of Caesar (Plin. xviii. 66. § 1), and adopted by Columella (xi. 2. § 39), whose words, Sucula cum sole oritur, indicate the true morning rising. (2.) On the 14th of May (v. 603), while Co- lumella (Ibid. § 43) has, XII. Kal. Jun. (21st May) Suculae exoriuntur. (3.) On the 27th of May (v. &c). (4.) On the second of June (vi. 197). (5.) On the 15th of June (vi. 711). Now the true morning rising of the Hyades for Rome at that epoch was on the 16th of May, the apparent or heliacal rising on the 9th of June, the true evening setting on the 3d of May. Hence it is clear that Ovid, Columella, and Pliny, copying in (1) a blunder which had found its way into the Calendar of Caesar, assigned the morning rising to the 2nd of May instead of the true evening setting. The true evening rising lay between the days named in (2). The heliacal rising was thirteen days after (3), seven days after (4), six days before (5). The Cretan Crown. We have seen above that Virgil (Georg. i. 222), instructs the fanner not to commence sowing wheat until after the Pleiades have set in the morning : Gnosiaque ardentis decedat stella Coronae, words which must signify the setting of the Cretan Crovm. The apparent evening (or heliacal) setting of this constellation fell at Rome for this epoch upon the 9th of November, the very day after the apparent morning setting of the Pleiades. Ovid (Fast. iii. 459), after having spoken of the rising of Pegasus on the night of March 7th, adds, Protenus adspicies venienti nocte Coronam = Gnosida, words which denote the evening rising ; and, in reality, the apparent evening rising took place on the tenth of March, only two days later than the date here fixed. The Kids. Virgil (Georg. i. 205) when inculcating the utility of observing the stars, declares that it is no less necessary for the husbandman than for the mariner to watch Arcturus and the glistening Snake, and the days of the Kids (haedorumque dies ser- vandi). Elsewhere (Aen. ix. 658) he compares a dense flight of arrows and javelins rattling against Bhields and helmets to the torrents of rain proceed- ing from the west under the influence of the watery ASTRONOMIA. 163 kids (pluvialibus haedis). Horace (Carm. iii. 1. 27) dwells on the terrors of setting Arcturus and the rising Kid, while Ovid (Trist. i. 1. 13) and Theocritus (f . 53. See SchoL) speak in the same strain. In Columella's Calendar (xi. 2. § 66) we find V. Kal. Octob. (27th Sept.) Haedi exoriuntur, and a little farther on (§ 73) Pridie Non. Octob. (4th Nov.) Haedi oriuntur vespere. The former date marks the precise day of the true evening rising of the foremost kid at Rome for the Julian era ; and hence the apparent evening rising, which would fall some days earlier, would indicate the approach of those storms which commonly attend upon the autumnal equinox. III. Division of the Year into Seasons. As early as the age of Hesiod the commence- ment of different seasons was marked by the risings and settings of certain stars ; but before proceeding to determine these limits it will be necessary to ascertain into how many compartments the year was portioned out by the earlier Greeks. Homer clearly defines three: — 1. Spring (lap), at whose return the nightingale trills her notes among the greenwood brakes (Od. xix. 519). 2. Winter (%^l^>v, X^M"); »t whose approach, ac- companied by deluges of rain (d.64pii, and also xii. 76, xiv. 384) where the word imipa seems to be distinguished from Sepos, and is in consequence generally translated autumn. Ideler, however, has proved in a satisfactory manner (Handbuch der Chron. i. p. 243) that the term originally indicated not a season separate from and following after summer, but the hottest part of summer itself; and hence Sirius, whose heliacal rising took place in the age of Homer about the middle of July, is designated as aoTfyj d-nwpivbs (II. v. 5 ; see Schol. and Eustath. ad loc. ; compare also II. xxii. 26), while Aristotle in one passage (Meteorolog. ii. 5) makes the heliacal rising of Sirius, which he notes as coinciding with the en- trance of the sun into Leo, i. e. 24th July of the Julian calendar, the sign of the commencement of oiriipa ; and in another passage (Problem, xxv. 26, xxvi. 14) places the rising of Orion at the begin- ning of oir&pa, and the setting of the same con- stellation at the beginning of winter — iv fj.eraSoAij tou Sepovs Kal x € V™>"» — an expression which clearly indicates that onc&pa was included within the more general &4pos. Hesiod notices lap (Erg. 462), Srepos (I. a), X^a (450), and in his poem we find the trace of a fourfold division, for he employs the adjective fM€Tonwpiy6s (Erg. 415) in reference to the period of the first rains, when the excessive heat had in some degree abated. These rains he elsewhere calls the bmcpwhs SfiSpos, and notices them in con- nection with the vintage, when he enjoins the mariner to hasten home to port before the serene weather has passed away — jur/Se p.4vsw oivov tc viov Kal fmwpivov ip.€pov. Moreover, by making Staphs proper end fifty days after the solstice (Erg. 663) he leaves a vacant space from the middle of August to the end of October, which he must have intended to fill by a fourth season, which he no- where specifically names. As late, however, as M 2 164 ASTRONOMIA Aeschylus {Pram. 453) and Aristophanes (Av. 710) the seasons are spoken of as three, x^'M™") tap, depos by the former ; x e '/"^' / > «ty>, oniipa by the latter. Nor can we avoid attaching some weight to the fact that the most ancient poets and artists recognised the "Clpai as three only, bearing, according to the Theogony (901) the symbolical appellation of Order {Evpo/iia), Justice (AUri), and blooming Peace (EipVl). Indeed Pausanias has preserved a record of a time when the "Hpai were known as two goddesses only — ■ Kapiri, the patroness of fruits, and ®a\A&, the guardian of blossoms (ix. 35. § 2). We may hence safely conclude that the Greeks for many ages discrimi- nated three seasons only, Winter, Spring, and Summer, that the general name for the whole of summer being Sepos, the hottest portion was dis- tinguished as dirdpa, and that the latter term was gradually separated from the former, so that &4pos was commonly employed for early summer, and bir&pa. for late summer. The first direct mention of autumn is contained in the treatise De Diaeta (lib. iii. &c), commonly ascribed to Hippocrates (b. c. 420), where we are lold that the year is usually divided into four parts, Winter (xtiiilbv), Spring (eap), Summer (Sepos), Autumn (tydivoirupov) ; and this word with its synonym per&Traipov occurs regularly from this time forward, proving that those by whom they were framed considered mdpa, not as autumn, but as the ASTRONOMIA period which immediately preceded autumn and merged in it. We discover also in the Greek medical writers traces of a sevenfold division, although there is no evidence to prove that it was ever generally adopted. According to this distribution, summer is divided into two parts, and winter into three, and we have, 1. Spring (eap). 2. Early summer (&epos). 3. Late summer (cnrtapa). 4. Autumn (tpBiv6irtapov s. f*.er6n(0pov). 5. The ploughing or sowing season (aporos s. oTroprrros). 6. Winter proper (x^^v). 7. The planting season (v) - planting season (tH iaT i f l%»v, the contrary which he had in view can only have been the case of a public debtor. On the whole, it appears to have bee» ATIMIA. foreign to Athenian notions of justice to confiscate the property of a person who had incurred per- sonal atimia by some illegal act. (Dem. c. Lept. p. 504.) The crimes for which total and perpetual ati- mia was inflicted on a person were as follow : — The giving and accepting of tribes, the embezzle- ment of public money, manifest proofs of cowardice in the defence of his country, false witness, false accusation, and bad conduct towards parents (An- docid. I. c.) : moreover, if a person either. by deed or by word injured or insulted a magistrate while he was performing the duties of his office (Dem. c. Mid. p. 524, Pro Megalop. p. 200) ; if as a judge he had been guilty of partiality (c. Mid. p. 543) ; if he squandered away his paternal inheritance, or was guilty of prostitution (Diog. Laert. i. 2. 7), &c. We have above called this atimia perpetual ; for if a person had once incurred it, he could scarcely ever hope to be lawfully released from it. A law, mentioned by Demosthenes (c. Timocrat. p. 715), ordained that the releasing of any kind of atimoi should never be proposed in the public assembly, unless an assembly consisting of at least 6000 citizens had previously, in secret deliberation, agreed that such might be done. And even then the matter could only be discussed in so far as the senate and people thought proper. It was only in times when the republic was threatened by great danger that an atimos might hope to recover his lost rights, and in such circumstances the atimoi were sometimes restored en masse to their former rights. (Xen. Hellm. ii. 2. § 11 ; Andocid. I. c.) A second kind of atimia, which though in its extent a total one, lasted only until the person subject to it fulfilled those duties for the neglect of which it had been inflicted, was not so much a punishment for any particular crime as a means of compelling a man to submit to the laws. This was the atimia of public debtors. Any citizen of Athens who owed money to the public treasury, whether his debt arose from a fine to which he had been condemned, or from a part he had taken hi any branch of the administration, or from his having pledged himself to the republic for another person, was in a state of total atimia if he refused to pay or could not pay the sum which was due. His chil- dren during his lifetime were not included in his atimia ; they remained iirlTtfioi. (Dem. c. TJieocrin. p. 1322.) If he persevered in his refusal to pay beyond the time of the ninth prytany, his debt was doubled, and his property was taken and sold. (Andocid. I. c.j Dem. c. Nicostrat. p. 1255, c. Neaer. p. 1347.) If the sum obtained by the sale was sufficient to pay the debt, the atimia appears to have ceased ; but if not, the atimia not only continued to the death of the public debtor, but was inherited by his heirs, and lasted until the debt was paid off. (Dem. c. Androt. p. 603, com- pare Bockh, Pvhl. Econ. of Athens, p. 391, 2d edit. ; and Heres.) This atimia for public debt was sometimes accompanied by imprisonment, as in the case of Alcibiades and Cimon ; but whether in such a case, on the death of the prisoner, his children were likewise imprisoned, is uncertain. If a person living in atimia for public debt peti- tioned to be released from his debt or his atimia, he became subject to evfeil-ts : and if another per- son made the attempt for him, he thereby forfeited his own property ; if the proedros even ventured to put the question to the vote, he himself became ATIMIA. 169 atimos. The only but almost impracticable mode of obtaining release was that mentioned above in connection with the total and perpetual atimia. A third and only partial kind of atimia deprived the person on whom it was inflicted only of a por- tion of his rights as a citizen. (Andocid. de Myst. p. 17 and 36.) It was called the arista Karh irp6.i\av of the Greeks. (Dem. de Cor. p. 313.) There were, however, three principal kinds of atramentum, one called librarium, or scriptorium (in Greek, ypcuputhv /U\mr), another called sutorium, the third tectorium. Atramentum librarium was what we call writing- ink. (Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 236 ; Petron. 102 ; Cic. ad, Qu. Fr. ii. 15.) Atramentum sutorium was used by shoemakers for dyeing leather. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 12. s. 32.) This atramentum sutorium con- tained some poisonous ingredient, such as oil of vitriol ; whence a person is said to die of atramen- tum sutorium, that is, of poison, as in Cicero (ad Fam. vs.. 21.) Atramentum tectorium, or pictorium, was used by painters for some purposes, apparently as a sort of varnish. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 28, &c.) The Scholiast on Aristophanes (Plut. 277) says that the courts of justice, or SocooT^pia, in Athens were called each after some letter of the ' alphabet : one alpha, another beta, a third gamma, and, so on, and that against the doors of each Sucuffriipiov, the letter which belonged to it was written 7rufS/5i}> fidfi/iari, in " red ink." This " red ink," or " red dye," could not of course be called atramentum. Of the ink of the Greeks, however, nothing certain is known, except what may be gathered from the passage of Demosthenes abore referred to, which will be noticed again below. The rnk of the Egyptians was evidently of a very superior kind, since its colour and brightness re- main to this day in some specimens of papyri. The initial characters of the pages are often written in red ink. Ink among the Romans is first found mentioned in the passages of Cicero and Plautus above referred to. Pliny informs us how it was made. He says, " It was made of soot in various ways, with burnt resin or pitch : and for this pur- pose," he adds, " they have built furnaces, which do not allow the smoke to escape. ' The kind most commended is made in this way from pine-wood: — It is mixed with soot from the furnaces or baths (that is, the hypocausts of the baths) ; and this they use ad volumina scribenda. Some also make a kind of ink by boiling and straining the lees of wine," &c. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 25.) With this account the statements of Vitruvius (vii. 10. p. 197, ed. Schneider) in the main agree. The black matter emitted by the cuttle-fish (sepia), and hence itself called sepia, was also used for atramentum. (Cic. de Nat. Dear. ii. 50 ; Persius, Sat. iii. 12, 13 ; Ausonius, iv. 76.) Aristotle, how- ever, in treating of the cuttle-fish, does not refer to the use of the matter (doAos) which it emits, as ink. iv. ii. 36) ; while their office lasted, they were in possession of them (Jiabebant or erant eorum auspicia, Gell. xiii. 15) ; and at the expiration of their office, they laid them down (ponebant or de- ponebant auspicia^ Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 3). In case, however, there was no patrician magistrate, the auspices became vested in the whole body of the patricians, which was expressed by the words auspicia ad patres redeunt. (Cic. Brut. 5.) This happened in the kingly period on the demise of a king, and the patricians then chose an interrex, who was therefore invested by them with the right of taking the auspices, and was thus enabled to mediate between the gods and the state in the election of a new king. In like manner in the republican period, when it was believed that there had been something faulty (viiium) in the auspices in the election of the consuls, and they were obliged in consequence to resign their office, the auspices returned to the whole body of the pa- tricians, who had recourse to an interregnum for the renewal of the auspices, and for handing them over in a perfect state to the new magistrates : hence we find the expressions repetere de integro auspicia and renovare per interregnum auspicia. (Liv. v. 17, 31, vi. 1.) It will be seen from what has been said that the Roman state was a species of theocracy, that the gods were its rulers, and that it was by means of the auspices that they intimated their will to the representatives of the people, that is, the magis- trates. It follows from this, as has been already remarked, that no public act could be performed without consulting the auspices, no election could be held, no law passed, no war waged ; for a ne- glect of the auspices would have been equivalent to a declaration that the gods had ceased to rule the Roman state. There still remain three points in connection with the auspices which require notice:- — 1. The rela- tion of the magistrates to the augurs in taking the auspices. 2. The manner in which the magistrates received the auspices. 3. The relation of the dif- ferent magistrates to one another with respect to the auspices. We can only make a few brief re- marks upon each of these important matters, and must refer our readers for fuller information to the masterly discussion of Rubino (R'6m. Verfassung, p. 48, &c), to whom we are indebted for a great part of the present article. AUGUR, 177 1. The distinction between the duties of the magistrates and the augurs in taking the auspices is one of the most difficult points connected with this subject, but perhaps a satisfactory solution of these difficulties may be found by taking an his- torical view of the question. "We are told not only that the kings were in possession of the auspices, but that they themselves were acquainted with the art and practised it. Romulus is represented to have been the best of augurs, and from him ali succeeding augurs received the chief mark of their office, the lituus, with which that king exercised his calling. (Cic. deDiv. i. 2, ii. 17 ; Liv. i. 10.) He is further stated to have appointed three augurs, but only as his assistants in taking the auspices, a fact which is important to bear in mind. (Cic. de Rep. ii. 9.) Their dignity gradually increased in consequence of their being employed at the inauguration of the kings, and also in consequence of their becoming the preservers and depositaries of the science of augury. Formed into a collegium, they handed down to their successors the various rules of the science, while the kings, and subse- quently the magistrates of the republic, were liable to change. Their duties thus became twofold, to assist the magistrates in taking the auspices, and to preserve a scientific knowledge of the art. They were not in possession of the auspices themselves, though they understood them better than the ma- gistrates ; the lightning and the birds were not sent to them but to the magistrates ; they dis- charged no independent functions either political or ecclesiastical, and are therefore described by Cicero as privati. {De Divin. i. 40.) As the augurs were therefore merely the assistants of the magistrates, they could not take the auspices without the latter, though the magistrates on the contrary could dispense with their assistance, as must frequently have happened in the appointment of a dictator by the consul on military expeditions at a distance from the city. At the same time it must be borne in mind, that as the augurs ivere the interpreters of the science, they possessed the right of declaring whether the auspices were valid or invalid, and that too whether they were. present or not at the time of taking them ; and whoever questioned their decision was liable to severe punishment. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 8.) They thus pos- sessed in reality a veto upon every important public transaction. It was this power which made the office an object of ambition to the most distin- guished men at Rome, and which led Cicero, him- self an augur, to describe it as the highest dignity in the state {de Leg. ii. 12). The augurs frequently employed this power as a political engine to vitiate the election of such parties as were unfavourable to the exclusive privileges of the patricians. (Liv. vi. 27, viii. 23.) But although the augurs could declare that there was some fault in the auspices, yet, on the other hand, they could not, in favour of their office, de- clare that any unfavourable sign had appeared to them, since it waa not to them that the auspices were sent. Thus we are told that the augurs did not possess the spectio, that is, the right of taking the state-auspices. This spectio, of which we have already briefly spoken, was of two kinds, one more extensive and the other more limited. In the one case the person, who exercised it, could put a stop to the proceedings of any other magis- trate by his obnuntiatio : this was called specHo H N 178 AUGUR. nuntiatio (perhaps also spectio cum nuntiatione), and belonged only to the highest magistrates, the con- suls, dictators, interreges, and, with some modifica- tions, to the praetors. In the other case, the person who took the causes only exercised the spectio in reference to the duties of his own office, and could not interfere with any other magistrate : this was called spectio sine nuntiatione, and belonged to the other magistrates, the censors, aediles, and quaes- tors. Now as the augurs did not possess the auspices, they consequently could not possess the spectio {habere spectionem) ; hut as the augurs were constantly employed by the magistrates to take the auspices, they exercised the spectio, though they did not possess it in virtue of their office. When they were employed by the magistrates in taking the auspices, they possessed the right of the nun- tiatio, and thus had the power, by the declaration of unfavourable signs (pbnuntiatio), to put a stop to all important public transactions (Cic. de Leg. ii. 12). In this way we are able to understand the assertion of Cicero (Philipp. ii. 32), that the augurs possessed the nuntiatio, the consuls and the other (higher) magistrates both the spectio and nu7itiatio ; though it must, at the same time, be borne in mind that this right of nuntiatio only be- longed to them in consequence of their being em- ployed by the magistrates. (Respecting the passage of Festus, s. v. spectio, which seems to teach a dif- ferent doctrine, see Rubino, p. 58.) 2. As to the manner in which the magistrates received the auspices, there is no reason to suppose, as many modern writers have done, that they were conferred upon them in any special manner. It was the act of their election which made them the recipients of the auspices, since the comitia, in which they were appointed to their office, were held auspicato, and consequently their appointment was regarded as ratified by the gods. The auspices, therefore, passed immediately into their hands upon the abdication of their predecessors in office. There are two circumstances which have given rise to the opinion that the magistrates received the auspices by some special act. The first is, that the new magistrate, immediately after the midnight on which his office began, was accustomed to observe the heavens in order to obtain a happy sign for the commencement of his duties (Dionys. ii. 6). But he did not do this in order to obtain the auspices ; he already possessed them, and it was in virtue of his possession of them, that he was able to observe the heavens. The second circumstance to which we have been alluding, was the inaugu- ratio of the kings on the Arx after their election in the comitia (Liv. i. 18). But this inauguration had reference simply to the priestly office of the king, and, therefore, did not take place in the case of the republican magistrates, though it continued in use in the appointment of the rex sacrorum and the other priests. 3. The auspices belonging to the different magis- trates were divided into two classes, called auspicia maxima or majora and minora. The former, which belonged originally to the kings, passed over to the consuls on the institution of the republic, and like- wise to the extraordinary magistrates, the dictators, interreges, and consular tribunes. When the con- suls were deprived in course of time of part of their duties, and separate magistrates were created to discharge them, they naturally received the auspi- cia majora also : this was the case with the cen- AUGUR sors and praetors. The quaestors and the curale aediles, on the contrary, had only the auspicia minora, because they received them from the con- suls and praetors of the year, and their auspices, were derived from the majora of the higher ma- gistrates. (Messalla, ap. Gell. xiii. IS.) It remains to trace the history of the college of augurs. We have already seen that it was a com- mon opinion in antiquity that the augurship owed its origin to the first king of Rome, and it is ac- cordingly stated, that a college of three augurs was appointed by Romulus, answering to the number of the early tribes, the Ramnes, Tities, and Lu- cerenses. This is the account of Cicero (de Rep. ii. 9), who supposed Numa to have added two more (ii. 14), without, however, stating in what way these latter corresponded to the tribes. On the other side stand different statements of Livy, first, one (iv. 4) which is probably an error, in which the first institution of augurs is attributed to Numa, seemingly on the theory that all the Roman religion was derived from the second king: secondly, a statement of far more importance (x. 6), that at the passing of the Ogulnian law the augurs were but four in number, which Livy himself, who recognised the principle of the number of augurs corresponding to that of the tribes, supposes to have been accidental. This is improbable, as Niebuhr has shown (Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. p. 352), who thinks the third tribe was excluded from the college of augurs, and that the four, therefore, represented the Ramnes and Tities only. It is hard to suppose, however, that this supe- riority of the Ramnes and Tities over the third tribe could have continued down to the time of the Ogulnian law (b. c. 300) : moreover, as two augurs apiece were appointed from each of the two first tribes, and the remaining five from the plebs, it does not appear how the Luceres could ever have obtained the privilege. A different mode of re- conciling the contradictory numbers four and three is sought for in another statement of Cicero (de Div. i. 40), that the kings were augurs, so that after their expulsion another augur may have been added instead of them to the original number which represented the tribes. Probably this is one of the many cases in early Roman history in which the only conclusion we can come to is, that the theory of what ought to have been according to antiquarians of a later age differed from what actually was according to the earliest accounts to which Livy had recourse. The Ogulnian law (b.c. 300), which increased the number of pontiffs to eight, by the addition of four plebeians, and that of the augurs to nine by the addition of five plebeians, may be considered a sort of aeia in Roman history. The religious dis- tinction between the two orders which had been so often insisted upon was now at an end, and it was no longer possible to use the auspices as a political instrument against the plebeians. The number of nine augurs which this law fixed, lasted down t» the dictatorship of Sylla, who increased them to fifteen, a multiple of the original three, probably with a reference to the early tribes. (Liv. Spit 89.) A sixteenth number was added by Julias Caesar after his return from Egypt (Dion Cass, xlii. 5J.) ^ The members of the college of augurs possessed self-election (cooptati). At first they were ap- pointed by the king, but as the king himself was At/6 UK. an augur, their appointment by him was not con- sidered contrary to this principle. {Romulus eoop- tavit augures, de Rep. ii. 9.) They retained the right of co-optation until B.C. 103, the year of the Domitian law. By this law it was enacted that vacancies in the priestly colleges should he filled up by the votes of a minority of the tribes, i. e. seventeen out of thirty-five chosen by lot. (Cic de Leg. Aqr. ii. 7 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 12 ; Suet. Ner. 2.) The Domitian law was repealed by Sulla B.C. 81 (Pseudo-Ascon. in Cic. Div. p. 102, ed. Orelli), but again restored b. c. 63, during the consulship of Cicero, by the tribune T. Annius Labienus, with the support of Caesar (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 37). It was a second time abrogated by Antony B. c. 44 (Dion Cass. xliv. S3) ; whether again restored by Hirtius and Pansa in their general annulment of the acts of Antony, seems uncertain. The emperors possessed the right of electing augurs at pleasure. The augurs were elected for life, and even if capitally convicted, never lost their sacred charac- ter. (Plin. Ep. iv. 8.) When a vacancy occurred, the candidate was nominated by two of the elder members of the college (Cic. Phil. ii. 2), the electors were sworn, and the new member was then so- lemnly inaugurated. (Cic. Brut. 1.) On such occasion there was always a splendid banquet given, at which all the augurs were expected to be present. (Cic. ad Fam. vii. 26, ad Att. xii. 13, 14, 15.) The only distinction in the college was one of age ; an elder augur always voted before a younger, even if the latter filled one of the higher offices in the state. (Cic. de Sen. 18.) The head of the college was called magister collegii. It was expected that all the augurs should live on friendly terms with one another, and it was a rule that no one was to be elected to the office, who was known to be an enemy to any of the college. (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 10.) ,. The augur, who had inaugurated a younger member, was always to be regarded by the latter in the light of a parent (in parentis eum loco colere, Cic. Brut. 1). As insignia of their office the augurs wore the (room, or public dress (Serv. ad Aen. vii. 612), and carried in their hand the lituus or curved wand. [Lituus.] On the coins of the Romans, who filled the office of augur, we constantly find the lituus, and along with it, not unfrequently, the capis, an earthen vessel which was used by them in sacrifices. (Liv. x. 7 ; Varr. L.L. v. 121, ed. Muller.) Both of these instruments are seen in the annexed coin of Lentulus. AUGUSTALES. 173 The science of the augurs was called jus augurum and jus augurium, and was preserved in books Qibri augurales), which are frequently mentioned in the ancient writers. The expression for con- sulting the augurs was referre ad augures, and their answers were called decreta or responsa augu- rum. The science of augury had greatly declined in the time of Cicero ; and although he frequently deplores its neglect in his De Divinatione, yet neither he nor any of the educated classes appears to have had any faith in it. What a farce it had become a few years later is evident from the statement of Dionysius (ii. 6), who informs us that a new magistrate, who took the auspices upon the first day of his office, was accustomed to have an augui on his side, who told him that lightning had ap- peared on his left, which was regarded as a good omen, and although nothing of the kind had happened, this declaration was considered suffi- cient. (Mascov, De Jure Auspicii apud Jiomanos, Lips. 1721 ; Werther, De Auguriis Romanis, Lemgo, 1835 ; Creuzer, Symbolih, vol. ii. p. 935, &c. ; Muller, Etruslcer, vol. ii. p. 110, &c. ; Har- tung, Die Religion der Romer, vol. i. p. 98, &c. ; Gottling, Geschichte der Rom. Slaatsverf. p. 1 98, &c. ; Becker, Rom. Alterth. vol. ii. part i. p. 304 ; but above all Rubino, Rom. Verfassung, p. 34, &c.) AUGURA'CULUM. [Augur, p. 176, a.] AUGURA'LE. [Augur, p. 176, a.] AUGUSTA'LES (sc. ludi, also called Augus- talia, sc. certamina, ludicra, and by the Greek writers and in Greek inscriptions, %4Saffra, 2e- gatn/ia, Avyove?ov (Varro, De Ling. Lot. ix. 68, ed. Miiller), signifies, in its primary sense, a bath or bathing-vessel, such as most persons of any consequence amongst the Ro- mans possessed in their own houses (Cic. Ad Att. ii. 3), and hence the chamber which contained the bath (Cic. Ad Fam. xiv. 20), which is also th« proper translation of the word balnearium. Th« diminutive balneolum is adopted by Seneca (Ep. 86) to designate the bath-room of Scipio, in the villa at Liternum, and is expressly used to cha- racterise the modesty of republican manners as compared with the luxury of his own times. But when the baths of private individuals became more sumptuous, and comprised many rooms, instead of the one small chamber described by Seneca, the plural balnea or balinea was adopted, which still, in correct language, had reference only to the baths of private persons. Thus Cicero terms the baths at the villa of his brother Quintus (Ad Q. Frat. iii. 1. § 1) balnearia. Balneae and balineae, which according to Varro (De Ling. Lot. viii. 25, ix. 41, ed. Miiller) have no singular number *, were the public baths. Thus Cicero (Pro Gael, lb) speaks of balneas Semas, balneas publicas, and m vestibula * Balnea is, however, used in the singular to de- signate a private bath in an inscription quoted by Reinesius. (Inscr. xi. 115.) 184 BALNEAE. halnearum (lb. 26), and Aulus Gellius (iii. 1, x. 3) of balneas Sitias. But this accuracy of diction is neglected by many of the subsequent writers, and particularly by the poets, amongst whom balnea is not uncommonly used in the plural number to sig- nify the public baths, since the word balneae could not be introduced in an hexameter verse. Pliny also, in the same sentence, makes use of the neuter plural balnea for public, and of balneum for a private bath. (Ep. ii. 17.) Thermae (3-e'o/wH, hot springs) meant properly warm springs, or baths of warm water ; but came to be applied to those magnificent edifices which grew up under the empire, in place of the simple balneae of the republic, and which comprised within their range of buildings all the appurtenances belonging to the Greek gymnasia, as well as a regular establishment appropriated for bathing. (Juv. Sat. vii. 233). Writers, however, use these terms without distinction. Thus the baths erected by Claudius Etruscus, the freedman of the Emperor Claudian, are styled by Statius (Sylv. i. 5. 13) balnea, and by Martial (vi. 42) Etrusci thermulae. In an epigram by Martial (ix. 76) — subice balneum thermis — the terms are not applied to the whole building, but to two different chambers in the same edifice. Greek Baths. — Bathing was a practice familiar to the Greeks of both sexes from the earliest times, both in fresh water and salt, and in the natural warm springs, as well as vessels artificially heated. Thus Nausicaa, daughter of Alcinous, king of Phaeacia, goes out with her attendants to wash her clothes ; and after the task is done, she bathes herself in the river. (Od. vi. 58, 65.) Ulysses, who is conducted to the same spot, strips and takes a bath, whilst Nausicaa and her servants stand aside. (Od. vi. 210 — 224.) Europa also bathes in the river Anaurus (Mosch. Id. ii. 31), and Helen and her companions in the Eurotas. (Theocr. Id. vii. 22.) Warm springs were also resorted to for the purpose of bathing. The 'HpdicKeia. \ovrpa. shown by Hephaestus or Athena to Hercules are celebrated by the poets. Pindar speaks of the hot baths of the nymphs — ftep/ta Nv/tciSj' \ovrpa (Olymp. xii. 27), and Homer (H. xxii. 149) cele- brates one of the streams of the Scamander for its warm temperature. The artificial warm bath was taken in a vessel called aaifuvBos by Homer, and fygao-is by Athenaeus (i. p. 26). It would ap- pear from the description of the bath administered to Ulysses in the palace of Circe, that this vessel did not contain water itself, but was only used for the bather to sit in while the warm water was poured over him, which was heated in a large caldron or tripod, under which the fire was placed, and when sufficiently warmed, was taken out in other vessels and poured over the head and shoulders of the person who sat in the av. Eros is represented hovering over the bathing vessel. Besides the Kovrrjpes and AouWjpia there were also the vessels for bathing, large enough for per- sons to sit in, which, as stated above, are called aaxafuvSoi by Homer and vieXoi by the later Greeks (Schol. ad Aristoph. Equit. 1055 ; Hesych. s. v. Il0a\os ; Pollux, vii. 166, 168). In the baths there was also a kind of sudorific or vapour bath called iivpla or irvpiaTfywv, which is men- tioned as early as the time of Herodotus (iv. 75). (Compare Pollux, vii. 168 ; Athen. v. p. 207, f., xii. p. 519, e. ; Plut. Cim. 1.) The persons who bathed probably brought with them strigils, oil, and towels. The strigil, which was called by the Greeks orAeyyfr or £iWpa, was usually made of iron, but sometimes also of other materials. (Plut. Inst. Lac. 32 ; Aelian, xii. 29.) One of the figures in the preceding woodcut is represented with a strigil in his hand j several strigils are figured below. The Greeks also used different materials for cleansing or wash- ing themselves in the bath, to which the general name of fiipim was given, and which were sup- plied by the fiaXaveis. (Aristoph. Lysislr. 377.) This pvfifia usually consisted of a lye made of lime or wood-ashes (Kovia), of nitrum, and of fuller's earth (717 Ki/xuMa, Aristoph. Ran. 710 and Schol. ; Plat. Rep. iv. p. 430). The bath was generally taken shortly before the SeiTrvoy or principal meal of the day. It was the practice to take first a warm or vapour, and after- wards a cold bath (Plut. de prima frig. 10 ; Paus. ii. 34. § 2), though in the time of Homer the cold bath appears to have been taken first and the warm afterwards. The cold water was usually poured on the back or shoulders of the bathers by the Pa\ayeis or his assistants, who are called irapox*- rai. (Plat. Rep. i. p. 344 ; Lucian, Demosth. En- com. 16. vol. iii. p. 503 ; Plut. de Invid. 6, Apophth. Lac. 49.) The vessel, from which the water was poured, was called fyvrcuva. (Aristoph. Equit. 1087 ; Theophr. Char. 9.) In the first of the pre- ceding woodcuts a irapaxfrrris is represented with an apirrawa in his hands. Among the Greeks a person was always bathed at birth, marriage, and after death [Funus] ; whence it is said of the Dardanians, an Illy- rian people, that they bathe only thrice in their lives, at birth, marriage, and after death. (Nicol. Damasc. ap. Stob. v. 51. p. 152, Gaisf.) The water in which the bride was bathed (Aourpoi' vu/j-tyiKuv, Aristoph. Lysistr. 378) at Athens, was taken from the fountain of Kallirrhoe, which was called from the time of Peisistratus 'Evvedicpovvos. (Thucyd. ii. 15.) Compare Pollux, iii. 43 ; Har- pocrat. s. v. AourpotptJpos, who says that the water was fetched by a boy, who was the nearest rela- tion, and that this boy was called Kovrpoe Ling. Lot. ix. 68), as will be seen to have been the case at the baths of Pompeii. Aulus Gellius (x. 3) relates a story of a consul's wife who took a whim to bathe at Teanum (Teano), a small provincial town of Campania in the men's baths (balneis viriffinis) ; probably, because in a small town, the female de- partment, like that at Pompeii, was more confined and less convenient than that assigned to the men ; and an order was consequently given to the Quaes- tor, M. Marius, to turn the men out. But whether the men and women were allowed to use each other's chambers indiscriminately, or that Borne of the public establishments had only one common set of baths for both, the custom prevailed under the Empire of men and women bathing indiscrimi- nately together. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 12. s. 54.) This custom was forbidden by Hadrian (Spart. Hadr. c. 1), and by M. Aurelius Antoninus (Capi- tolin. Anton, c. 23) ; and Alexander Severus pro- hibited any baths, common to both sexes (balnea BALNEAE. mixta), from being opened in Borne. (Lamprid, Alex. Sev. c. 42.) When the public baths (balneae) were first in- stituted, they were only for the lower orders, who alone bathed in public ; the people of wealth, as well as those who formed the equestrian and seni- torian orders, used private baths in their own houses. But as early even as the time of Julias Caesar we find no less a personage than the mother of Augustus making use of the public establish- ments (Suet. Aug. 94) j and in process of time even the emperors themselves bathed iu public with the meanest of the people. (Spart. Hair. c. 17 ; Trebell. Pollio, De Gallien. duob. c. 17.) The baths were opened at sunrise, and closed at sunset ; but in the time of Alexander Severus, it would appear that they were kept open nearly all night. (Lamp. A lex. Sev. I. c.) The allusion in Juvenal (balnea node subit, Sat. vi. 419) pro- bably refers to private baths. The price of a bath was a quadrans, the smallest piece of coined money, from the age of Cicero down- wards (Cic. Pro Cad. 26; Hor. Sat. i. 3. 137; Juv. Sat. vi. 447), which was paid to the keeper of the bath (bahieator) ; and hence it is termed by Cicero, in the oration just cited, quadrawtaria per- mutatio, and by Seneca (Ep. 86) res quadramtaria. Children below a certain age were admitted free. (Juv. Sat. ii. 152.) Strangers, also, and foreigners were admitted to some of the baths, if not to all, without payment, as we learn from an inscription found at Rome, and quoted by Pitiscus. (Lex Antiq.) L. OCTAVIO. L. P. CAM. RUFO. TKIB. MIL QUI LAVATIONEM GRATUITAM MUNICIPIBOB, INCOLIS HOSPITIBUS ET ADVENTORIBUS. The baths were closed when any misfortune happened to the republic (Fabr. Descr. Urb. Rom. c. 1 8) ; and Suetonius says that the Emperor Caligula made it a capital offence to indulge in the luxury of bathing upon any religious holiday, (lb.) They were originally placed under the superintendence of the aediles, whose business it was to keep them in repair, and to see that they were kept clean and of a proper temperature. (lb.; Sen. Ep. 86.) In the provinces the same duty seems to have devolved upon the quaestor, as may be inferred from the passage already quoted from Aulus Gellius (x. 3). The time usually assigned by the Romans for taking the bath was the eighth hour, or shortly afterwards. (Mart. Ep. x. 48, xi. 52.) Before that time none but invalids were allowed to bathe in public. (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 24.) Vitruvius reckons the hours best adapted for bathing to be from mid-day until about sunset (v. 10). Pliny took his bath at the ninth hour in summer, and at the eighth in winter (Ep. iii. 1, 8) ; and Martial speaks of taking a bath when fatigued and weary, at the tenth hour, and even later. (Epig. iii. 36, x.70.) When the water was ready, and the baths pre- pared, notice was given by the sound of a bell — aes tiiermarum. (Mart. Ep. xiv. 163.) One of these bells, with the inscription Firmi Balnia- toris, was found in the thermae Diocletianae, in the year 1548, and came into the possession of the learned Fulvius Ursinus. (Append, ad Ciaccon. deTriclin.) Whilst the bath was used for health merely or cleanliness, a single one was considered sufficient BALNEAE. at a time, and that only when requisite. But the luxuries of the empire knew no such bounds, and the daily bath was sometimes repeated as many as seven and eight times in succession — the number which the Emperor Commodus indulged himself with. (Lamprid. Com. c. 2.) Gordian bathed seven times a day in summer, and twice in winter. The Emperor Gallienus six or seven times in summer, and twice or thrice in winter. (Capitolin. Gall. c. 17.) Commodus also took his meals in the bath (Lamprid. I. c.) j a custom which was not confined to a dissolute Emperor alone. (Comp. Martial, Epig. xii. 19.) It was the usual and constant habit of the Ro- mans to take the bath after exercise, and pre- viously to their principal meal (coena) ; but the debauchees of the empire bathed after eating as well as before, in order to promote digestion, so as to acquire a new appetite for fresh delicacies. Nero is related to have indulged in this practice. (Suet. Nero, 27 ; comp. Juv. Sat. i. 142.) Upon quitting the bath it was usual for the Romans as well as the Greeks to be anointed with oil ; but a particular habit of body, or tendency to certain complaints, sometimes required this order to be reversed ; for which reason Augustus, who suffered from nervous disorders, was accustomed to anoint himself before bathing (Suet. Aug. 82) ; and a similar practice was adopted by Alexander Severus. (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. I. c.) The most usual practice, however, seems to have been to take some gentle exercise (exercitafio), in the first instance, and then, after bathing, to be anointed BALNEAE. 187 either in the sun, or in the tepid or thermal cham- ber, and finally to take their food. The Romans did not content themselves with a single bath of hot or cold water ; but they went through a course of baths in succession, in which the agency of air as well as water was applied. It is difficult to ascertain the precise order in which the course was usually taken, if indeed there was any general practice beyond the whim of the individual. Under medical treatment, the succession would, of course, be regulated by the nature of the disease for which a cure was sought, and would vary also according to the different practice of different physicians. It is certain, however, that it was a general practice to close the pores, and brace the body after the excessive perspiration of the vapour bath, either by pouring cold water over the head, or by plunging at once into the piscina, or into a river. (Auson. MoseU. 341.) Musa, the physician of Augustus, is said tc have introduced this practice (Plin. H. N. xxv. 7 s. 38), which became quite the fashion, in con- sequence of the benefit which the emperor derived from it, though Dion (liii. p. 517) accuses Musa of having artfully caused the death of Marcellus by an improper application of the same treatment. In other cases it was considered conducive to health to pour warm water over the head before the vapour bath, and cold water immediately after i- (Plin. H. N. xxviii. 4. s. 14 ; Cels. De Med. i. 3) ; and at other times, a succession of warm, tepid, and cold water was resorted to. The two physicians Galen and Celsus differ in some respects as to the order in which the baths should be taken ; the former recommending first the hot air of the Laconicum (oepi deppip), next the bath of warm water (SSa>p Stcpfihv and \ovrpov*), afterwards the cold, and finally to be well rubbed * kovrpov. In this passage it is plain that the word \ovTpov is used for a warm bath, in which sense it also occurs in the same author. Vitruvius (v. 11), on the contrary, says that the Greeks used the same word to signify a cold bath (frigida, lavatio, quam Graeci Kovrpov vocitant). The con- tradiction between the two authors is here pointed out, for the purpose of showing the impossibility, as well as impropriety, of attempting to affix one precise meaning to each of the different terms (Gaiea,DeMe(kodoMedendi, x. 10. p. 708, 709, ed. Kiihn) ; whilst the latter recommends his patients first to sweat for a short time in the tepid chamber (tepidariwm), without undressing ; then to proceed into the thermal chamber {calidarium), and after having gone through a regular course of perspir- ation there, not to descend into the warm bath {solium), but to pour a quantity of warm water over the head, then tepid, and finally cold ; after- wards to be scraped with the strigil (perfrieari),, and finally rubbed, dry and anointed. (Cels. De Med. i. 4.) Such, in all probability, was the usual habit of the Romans when the bath was resorted made use of by the ancient writers in reference to their bathing establishments. 188 BALNEAE. to as a daily source of pleasure, and not for any particular medical treatment ; the more so, as it resembles in many respects the system of bathing still in practice amongst the Orientals, who, as Sir W. Gell remarks, " succeeded by conquest to the luxuries of the enervated Greeks and Romans." (Gell's Pompeii, vol. i. p. 86, ed. 1832.) Having thus detailed from classical authorities the general habits of the Romans in connection with their system of bathing, it now remains to examine and explain the internal arrangements of the structures which contained their baths ; which will serve as a practical commentary upon all that has been said. Indeed there are more ample and better materials for acquiring a thorough insight into Roman manners in this one particular, than for any other of the usages connected with their domestic habits. The principal ancient au- thorities are Vitruvius (v. 10), Lucian ('Imrlas tj $a\ivewv, a detailed description of a set of baths erected by an architect named Hippias), Pliny the Younger, in the two letters describing his villas (ii. 17, v. 6), Statius (Balneum Etrusci, Silv. i. 5), Martial (vi. 42, and other epigrams), Sidonius BALNEAE. Apollinaris (Epist. ii. 2), and Seneca (Epiri. 51 56, 86). ' But it would be almost hopeless to attempt to arrange the information obtained from these writers, were it not for the help afforded us by the extensive ruins of ancient baths, such as the Thermae of Titus, Caracalla, and Diocletian, but above all the public baths (balneae) at Pompeii, which were excavated in 1824 — 25, and were found to be a complete set, constructed in all their important parts upon rules very similar to those laid down by Vitruvius, and in such good preserv- ation that many of the chambers were complete, even to the ceilings. In order to render the subjoined remarks more easily intelligible, the woodcut on the preceding page is inserted, which is taken from a fresco painting upon the walls of the thermae of Titus at Rome. The annexed woodcut represents the ground plan of the baths of Pompeii, which are nearly surrounded on three sides by houses and shops, thus forming what the Romans termed an insula. The whole building, which comprises a double set of baths, has six different entrances from the street, one of which A, gives admission to the smaller set only, which are supposed to have been appropriated to the women, and 'five others to the male department ; of which two, B and C, com- municate directly with the furnaces, and the other three D, E, F, with the bathing apartments, of which F, the nearest to the forum, was the prin- cipal one ; the other two, D and E, being on dif- ferent sides of the building, served for the conve- nience of those who lived on the north and east sides of the city. To have a variety of entrances (voTpo secrated to some god. Thus Nero put his up in a Y gold box, set with pearls, and dedicated it to Jupi- \. ter Capitolinus. (Suet. Ner. 12.) .,. With the emperor Hadrian the beard began to £ revive (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 15). Plutarch says that the emperor wore it to hide some scars on his face. l,.' t The practice afterwards became common, and till ^ the time of Constantine the Great, the emperors % a ppear in busts and coins with beards. The Ro- y-. mans let their beards grow in time of mourning ; '■% so Augustus did (Suet. Aug. 23) for the death of '%_ Julius Caesar, and the time when he had it shaved &f. off he made a season of festivity. (Dion Cass. t\ xlviii. 34 ; comp. Cic. in Verr. ii. 12.) The $' Greeks, on the other hand, on such occasions M shaved the beard close. Tacitus (Germ. c. 3) says 5&' that the Catti let their hair and beard grow, and fiJ \ would not have them cut till they had slain an i^ enemy (Compare Becker, ChariHes, vol. ii. J# p.387,&c) a& Barbers. The Greek name for a barber was *). *' Koupeiis, and the Latin tonsor. The term em- its #' ployed in modern European languages is derived 4$. from the low Latin barbatorius, which is found in $fi Petronius. The barber of the ancients was a far \$s' more important personage than his modern repre- BARBA. 197 sentative. Men had not often the necessary im- plements for the various operations of the toilet ; combs, mirrors, perfumes, and tools for clipping, cutting, shaving, &c. Accordingly the whole pro- cess had to be performed at the barber's, and hence the great concourse of people who daily gossipped at the tonstrina^ or barber's shop. Besides the duties of a barber and hairdresser, strictly so called, the ancient tonsor discharged other offices. He was also a nail-parer. He was, in fact, much what the English barber was when he extracted teeth, as well as cut and dressed hair. People who kept the necessary instruments for all the different operations, generally had also slaves ex- pressly for the purpose of performing them. The business of the barber was threefold. First there was the cutting of hair : hence the barber's ques- tion, ttws /j.6\ivot>, involucre in Plautus, Copt. ii. 2. 17) laid on his shoulders, as now, to keep the hairs off his dress, &c. The second part of the business was shaving (radere, rasitare, %vpetv). This was done with a £vp6i/, a novacula (Lamprid. Heliog. c. 31), a razor (as we, retaining the Latin root, call it), which he kept in a case, &i\Kt), %upoB4)K-q, £vpo86K7}s, " a razor- case" (Aristoph. Thesm. 220 ; Pollux, ii. 32 ; Petron. 94). Some who would not submit to the operation of the razor used instead some powerful depilatory ointments, or plasters, as psihthron. (Plin. xxxii. 10. 47 ; acida Greta, Martial, vi. 93. 9 ; Venetum lutum, iii. 74 ; dropaw, iii. 74 ; x. 65.) Stray hairs which escaped the razor were pulled out with small pincers or tweezers (volseUae, Tptxo\d§iou). The third part of the barber's work was to pare the nails of the hands, an operation which the Greeks expressed by the words ovvxtfav and airovvx^ 11 ' (Aristoph. Eq. 706 ; and Scltol. ; Theophrast Charact. c. 26 ; Pollux, ii. 146). The instru- ments used for this purpose were called ovvx^r^pia, se. fxaxaipta. (Pollux, x. 140.) This practice of employing a man expressly to pare the nails ex- plains Plautus 's humorous description of the miserly Euclio (Aulul. ii. 4. 34) : — ** Quin ipsi quidem tonsor ungues dempserat, Collegit, omnia abstulit praesegmina." Even to the miser it did not occur to pare his nails himself, and save the money he would have to pay ; but only to collect the parings in hope of making o 3 198 BASILICA. wmethinghythem. So Martial, in rallying a fop, who had tried to dispense with the barber's ser- vices, by using different kinds of plasters, &c, asks him (Epig. iii. 74), Quid /orient ungues 1 What will your nails do ? How will you get your nails pared? So Tibullus says (i. 8. 11), quid (prodest) unc/ues artijicis docta subsecuisse manu ; from which it appears that the person addressed "was in the habit of employing one of the more fashionable tonsors. The instruments used are referred to by Martial. {Epig. xiv. 36, Instru- menta tonsoria.) [A. A.] BA'RBITOS, or BA'RBITON. [Lyra.] BASANOS (&d. 876, the Greek emperor Basilius, the Macedonian, commenced this work, which was completed by his son Leo, the philosopher, who reigned from A. D. 886 to 911. Before the reign of Basilius, there had been several Greek translations of the Pandect, the Code, and the Institutes ; but there was no autho- rised Greek version of them. The numerous Con- stitutions of Justinian's successors, and the contra- dictory interpretations of the jurists, were a further reason for publishing a revised Greek text under the imperial authority. This great work was tailed ' Avanddaptris twv ttoXo.iS>v v6\jjhv, to e|7j- KovraQiGKLov, & j8a(T(Ai/c(Js (vSpos) and to @am\uc%taTa fiighwa, ii. 37) were a part of the required and characteristic dress of • the Egyptian priests. We may presume that he intended his words to include not only sandals made, strictly speaking, of papyrus, but those also in which the leaves of the date-palm were an in- gredient, and of which Appuleius makes distinct mention, when he describes a young priest covered with a linen sheet and wearing sandals of palm (linteis amicvlis intectum, pedesque pajmeis baxeis indutum, Met. ii). The accompanying woodcut shows two sandals exactly answering to this de- scription, from the collection in the British Museum. The upper one was worn on the right foot It has a loop on the right side for fastening the band which went across the instep. This band, together with the ligature connected with it, which was in- serted between the great and the second toe, is made of the stem of the papyrus, undivided and unwrought. The lower figure shows a sandal in BENDIDEIA. which the portions of the palm-leaf are interlaced with great neatness and regularity, the sewing and binding being effected by fibres of papyrus. The three holes may be observed for the passage of the band and ligature already mentioned. [J. Y.J BENEFICIUM. 201 BEBAIO'SEOS DIKE' (&e8ai<&s BIktj), an action to compel the vendor to make a good title, was had recourse to when the right or pos- session of the purchaser was impugned or disturbed by a third person. A claimant under these cir- cumstances, unless the present owner were inclined to fight the battle himself (avrofxax^), "was re- ferred to the vendor as the proper defendant in the cause (els irparrjpa avdyetv). If the vendor were then unwilling to appear, the action in question was the legal remedy against him, and might be resorted to by the purchaser even when the earnest only had been paid. (Harpocrat. s. v. AuTo j uaxet*', Beialoxrts.) From the passages in the oration of Demosthenes against Pantaenetus that bear upon the subject, it is concluded by Heraldus (Animad. in Scdm. iv. 3. 6) that the liability to be so called upon was inherent in the character of a vendor, and therefore not the subject of specific warranty or covenants for title. The same critic also con- cludes, from the glosses of Hesychius and Suidas, that this action might in like manner be brought against a fraudulent mortgager. (Animad. in Scdm. iv. 3. in fin.) If the claimant had established his right, and been by the decision of the dicasts put in legal possession of the property, whether movable or otherwise, as appears from the case in the speech against Pantaenetus, the ejected purchaser was entitled to sue for reimbursement from the vendor by the action in question. (Pollux, viii. 6.) The cause is classed by Meier (AU. Process. p. 526) among the Siicai irp6s Tiva 9 or civil actions that fell within the cognizance of the thesmo- thetae. [J. S. M. j BEMA (fiypa), the platform from which the orators spoke in the Athenian 4iac\r)v\aK£S ; but the inscriptions given by Bockh show that the bidiaei and vofj.opot (inhabitants of the same iwipa, or district) living around it. Of these greater states, with dependent territories, there seem to have been in former times fourteen, — a number which frequently occurs in Boeotian le- gends. (Paus. ix. 3. § 4.) The names are dif- ferently given by different writers on the subject ■ we know, however, for certain that they formed a confederacy called the Boeotian league, with Thebes at its head, the dependencies of which city formed about a third part of the whole of Boeotia. These dependent towns, or districts, were not immedi- ately connected with the national confederacy, but with the neighbouring chief city, as Cynoscephalae was with Thebes. In fact, they were obliged to furnish troops and money, to make up the con- tingent furnished by the state to which they he- longed, to the general confederacy. (Arnold, ad Thuc. iv. 76.) Of the independent states Thu- cydides (iv. 93) mentions seven by name ; and gives us reasons for concluding that, in the time of the Peloponnesian war they were ten or twelve in number, Thebes being the chief. Plataea had withdrawn from them, and placed itself under the protection of Athens as early as B.C. 519 ; and in b. c. 374, Thespiae, another member of the league, was destroyed by the Thebans. (Clinton, P. H. vol. ii. p. 396 ; Thuc. iii. 55.) Each of the principal towns of Boeotia seems to have had its fiovXii and 8%os. (Xen. Hell. v. 2. § 29.) The jSouA^ was presided over by an archpn, who probably had succeeded to the priestly func- tions of the old kings ; but possessed little, if any, executive authority. The polemarchs, who, in treaties and agreements are mentioned next to the archon, had some executive authority, but did not command forces ; e. g. they could imprison (Xen, Hell. I. c), and they directed the levies of troops But besides the archon of each separate state, there was an archon of the confederacy — &px uv ^ Kowif Boiwrac, most probably always a Theban. ( Bockh, Inscr. 1593.) His name was affixed to all alliances and compacts which concerned the whole confederacy, and he was president of what Thucy- dides (v. 38) calls the four councils, who directed the affairs of the league (airav to Kvpos exouffi). On important questions they seem to have been united ; for the same author speaks of them as v f}ov\4i, and informs us that the determinations of the . Boeotarchs required the ratification of this body before they were valid. The Boeotarchs themselves were properly the military heads of the confederacy, chosen by the different states ; but we also find them discharging the functions of an ex- ecutive in various matters. In fact, they are re- presented by Thucydides (v. 38) as forming an alliance with foreign states ; as receiving ambassa- dors on their return home ; as negotiating with envoys from other countries ; and acting as the representatives of the whole league, though the /3ouA^ refused to sanction the measures they had resolved on in the particular case to which we are now alluding. Another instance in which the Boeotarchs appear as executive is their interference with Agesilaus, on his embarking rrom Aulis for Asia (b. c. 396), when they prevented him of- fering sacrifice as he wished. (Plut. Ages. 6 ; Xen. Hell. iii. 4. § 4.) Still the principal duty of the Boeotarchs was of a military nature : thus they led into the field the troops of their respective states ; BONA. and when at home, they took whatever measures were requisite to forward the military operations of the league, or of their own state : for example, we read of one of the Theban Boeotarchs ordering the Thebans to come in arms to the ecclesia for the purpose of being ready to attack Plataea. (Paus. ix. 1. § 3.) Each state of the confederacy elected one Boeotarch, the Thebans two (Thuc. ii. 2, iv. 91, vii. 30 ; Diod. xv. 51) ; although on one occa- sion, i. e. after the return of the exiles with Pelo- pidas (b. c. 379), we read of there being three at Thebes. (Plut. Pehp. 13). The total number from the whole confederacy varied with the number of the independent states. Mention is made of the Boeotarchs by Thucydides (iv. 91), in connection with the battle of Delium (b. c. 424). There is, however, a difference of opinion with respect to his meaning : some understand him to speak of eleven, some of twelve, and others of thirteen Boeotarchs. Dr. Arnold is disposed to adopt the last number; and we think the context is in favour of the opinion that there were then thirteen Boeotarchs, so that the number of free states was twelve. At the time of the battle of Leuctra (b. c. 371), we find seven Boeotarchs mentioned (Diod. xv. 52, 53 ; Paus. ix. 13. §3); on another occasion, when Greece was invaded by the Gauls (b. c. 279), we read of four. Livy (xlii. 43) states that there were twelve, but before the time (b. c. 171) to which his statement refers, Plataea had been reunited to the league. Still the number mentioned in any case is no test of the actual number, inasmuch as we are not sure that all the Boeotarchs were sent out by their re- spective states on every expedition or to every battle. The Boeotarchs, when engaged in military ser- vice, formed a council of war, the decisions of which were determined by a majority of votes, the pre- sident being one of the two Theban Boeotarchs who commanded alternately. (Thuc. iv. 91 ; Diod. xv. 51.) Their period of service was a year, be- ginning about the winter solstice ; and whoever continued in office longer than his time, was punish- able with death both at Thebes and in other cities (Plut. Pelop. 24 ; Paus. ix. 14. § 3.) Epameinondas aDd Pelopidas did so on their invasion of Laconia (b. c. 369), but their eminent services saved them ; in fact the judges did not even come to a vote re- specting the former. At the expiration of the year a Boeotarch was eligible to office a second time, and Pelopidas was repeatedly chosen. From the case of Epameinondas and Pelopidas, who were brought before Theban judges (StKaffrai), for transgression of the law which limited the time of office, we may conclude that each Boeotarch was responsible to his own state alone, and not to the general body of the four councils. Mention is made of an election of Boeotarchs hy Livy (xxxiii. 27, xlii. 44). He further informs us that the league (concilium) was broken up by the Romans s. c. 171. (Compare Polyb. xxviii. 2. § 10 — to Boimtw idvot KaTeXiSfj.) Still it must have been partially revived, as we are told of a second breaking up by the Romans after the de- struction of Corinth b. c. 146. (Paus. vii 16. § 6.) [R. W.] BOMBYCINUM. [Sekicum.] BONA. The word bona is sometimes used to express the whole of a man's property (Paulus, Recept. Sentent. v. 6, 16; Dig. 37. tit. 1. s. 3 ; 50. tit. 16. s. 49) ; and in the phrases bonorum BONA. 205 emtio, cessio, possessio, ususfructus, the word " bona " is equivalent to property. It expresses all that a man has, whether as owner or merely as possessor ; and every thing to which he has any right. But it is said (Dig. 50. tit. 16. s. 83): " Proprie bona dici non possunt quae plus incom- modi quam commodi habent." However, the use of the word in the case of universal succession comprehended both the commodum and incommo- dum of that which passed to the universal suc- cessor. But the word bona is simply the property as an object ; it does not express the nature of the relation between it and the person who has the ownership or the enjoyment of it, any more than the words "all that I have," "all that I am worth," " all my property," in English show the legal relation of a man to that which he thus de- scribes. The legal expression in bonis, as opposed to dominium, or Quiritarian ownership, and the nature of the distinction will be easily apprehended by any person who is slightly conversant with English law. " There is," says Gaius (ii. 4 0), " among foreigners (peregrini) only one kind of ownership {dominium), so that a man is either the owner of a thing or he is not. And this was formerly the case among the Roman people ; for a man was either owner ex jure Quiritium, or he was not. But afterwards the ownership was split, so that now one man may be the owner (dominus) of a thing ex jure Quiritium, and yet another may have it in bonis. For instance, if, in the case of a res mancipi, I do not transfer it to you by mancipatio, nor by the form in jure cessio, but merely deliver it to you, the thing in- deed becomes your thing (in bonis), but it will re- main mine ex jure Quiritium, until by possession you have it by usucapion. For when the usuca- pion is once complete, from that time it begins to be yours absolutely (plena jure), that is, it is yours both in bonis and also yours ex jure Quiritium, just as if it had been mancipated to you, or trans- ferred to you by the in jure cessio." In this pas- sage Gaius refers to the three modes of acquiring property which were the peculiar rights of Roman citizens, mancipatio, in jure cessio, and usucapion, which are also particularly enumerated by him in another passage (ii. 65). From this passage it appears that the ownership of certain kinds of things among the Romans, called res mancipi [Mancipium], could only be transferred from one person to another with certain formalities, or acquired by usucapion. But if it was clearly the intention of the owner to transfer the ownership, and the necessary forms only were' wanting, the purchaser had the thing in bonis, and he had the enjoyment of it, though the original owner was legally the owner until the usucapion was completed,notwithstanding he had parted with the thing. It thus appears that Quiritarian ownership of res mancipi originally and properly signified that ownership of a thing which the Roman law re- cognised as such ; it did not express a compound but a simple notion, which was that of absolute ownership. But when it was once established that one man might have the Quiritarian owner- ship, and another the enjoyment, and the sole right to the enjoyment of the same thing, the com- plete notion of Quiritarian ownership became a notion compounded of the strict legal notion of ownership, and that of the right to enjoy, as united 20o fcONA. in. the game person. And as a man might have both the Quiritarian ownership and the right to the enjoyment of a thing, so one might have the Quiri- tarian ownership only, and another might have the enjoyment of it only. This bare ownership was sometimes expressed by the same terms {ex jure Quiritium) as that ownership which was complete, but sometimes it was appropriately called nudum jus Quiritium (Gaius, iii. 100), and yet the person who had such bare right was still called dominus, and by this term he is contrasted with the usu- fructuarius and the bonae fidei possessor. The historical origin of this notion, of the sepa- ration of the ownership from the right to enjoy a thing, is not known ; but it may be easily conjec- tured. When nothing was wanting to the transfer of ownership but a compliance with the strict legal form, we can easily conceive that the Roman jurists would soon get over this difficulty. The strictness of the old legal institutions of Rome was gradually relaxed to meet the wants of the people, and in the instance already mentioned, the jurisdiction of the praetor supplied the defects of the law. Thus, that interest which a man had acquired in a thing, and which only wanted certain forms to make it Quiritarian ownership, was pro- tected by the praetor. The praetor could not give Quiritarian ownership, but he could protect a man in the enjoyment of a thing — he could maintain his possession : and this is precisely what the praetor did with respect to those who were pos- sessors of public land ; they had no ownership, but only a possession, in which they were protected by the praetor's interdict. [Agrariae Leges, p. 38.] That which was in bonis, then, was that kind of interest or ownership which was protected by the praetor, which interest may be called bonitarian or beneficial ownership, as opposed to Quiritarian or bare legal ownership. It does not appear that the word dominium is ever applied to such bonitarian ownership except it may be in one passage of Gaius (i. 54), the explanation of which is not free from difficulty. That interest called in bonis, which arose from a bare tradition of a res mancipi, was protected by the exceptio, and the actio utilis in rem. (Dig. 41. tit. 1. s. 52.) Possessio is the general name of the interest which was thus protected. The person who had a thing in bonis and ex justa causa was also entitled to the actio Publiciana, in case he lost the possession of the thing before he had gained the ownership by usucapion. (Gaius, iv. 36.) The phrases bonorum possessio, bonorum posses- sor, might then apply to him who has had a res mancipi transferred to him by tradition only ; but the phrase applies also to other cases in which the praetor by the help of fictions gave to persons the beneficial interest to whom he could not give the ownership. When the praetor gave the goods of the debtor to the creditor, the creditor was said in possessionem rerum, or bonorum debitoris mini. (Dig. 42. tit. 5. s. 14, &c.) [Bonorum Emtio ; Bonorum Possessio.] As to things nee mancipi, the ownership might be transferred by bare tradition or delivery, and such ownership was Quiritarian, inasmuch as the Roman law required no special form to be ob- served in the transfer of the ownership of res nee mancipi. Such transfer was made according to BONA CADUCA. the jus gentium (in the Roman sense of that term). (Gaius, ii. 26, 41, 20 ; Ulp. Frag. i. 16.) (Zimmern, Ueberdas Wesen dessogenannten boni- tarischen Eigenilmms, Rlizinisch. Mus.fur Jurispr. iii. 3.) [G. L.] BONACADU'CA. Caducum literally signifies that which falls : thus, glans caduca, according to Gaius (Dig. 50. tit 16. b. 30), is the mast which falls from a tree. Caducum, in its genera] sense, might be any thing without an owner, or what the person entitled to neglected to take (Cic. De Or. iii. 31, Phil. x. 5) ; but the strict legal sense of ca- ducum and bona caduca, is that stated by Ulpian {Frag. xvii. De Caducis), which is as follows : — If a thing is left by testament to a person, so that he can take it by the jus civile, but from some cause has not taken it, that thing is called cadu- cum, as if it h&& fallen from him ; for instance, if a legacy was left to an unmarried person, or a Latinus Junianus ; and the unmarried person did not within a hundred days obey the law, or if within the same time the Latinus did not obtain the Jus Quiritium, or had become a peregrinus (see Cujacius, ad Dlpiani Titulos XXIX. vol. i. ed. Neapol. 1758), the legacy was caducum. Or if a neres ex parte, or a legatee, died before the opening of the will, the thing was caducum. The thing which failed to come to a person in consequence of something happening in the life of the testator was said to be in causa caduci; that which failed of taking effect between the death of the testator and the opening of the will, was simply called caducum. (Comp. Dig. 28. tit. 5. s. 62, and Dig. 31. s. 51 ; Code Civil, Art. 1039, &c.) The law above alluded to is the Lex Julia et Papia Poppaea, which is sometimes simply called Julia, or Papia Poppaea. This law, which was passed in the time of Augustus (a. d. 9), had the double object of encouraging marriages and enrich- ing the treasury — aerariwm (Tacit. Ann. iii. 25), and contained, with reference to these two objects, a great number of provisions. Martial (v. Ep. 75) alludes to a person who married in order to comply with the law. That which was caducum came, in the first place, to thoBe among the heredes who had chil- dren ; and if the heredes had no children, it came among those of the legatees who had children. The law gave the jus accrescendi, that is, the right to the caducum as far as the third degree of con- sanguinity, both ascending and descending (Ulp. Frag. 18), to those who were made heredes by the will. Under the provisions of the law, the cadu- cum, in case there was no prior claimant, belmged to the aerarium ; or, as Ulpian (xxviii. 7) expresses it, if no one was entitled to the bonorum possessio, or if a person was entitled, but did not assert his right, the bona became public property (popub deferuntur), according to the Lex Julia caducaria; but by a constitution of the Emperor Antoninus Caracalla it was appropriated to the fiscus: the jus accrescendi above mentioned was, however, still retained. The lawyers, however (viri prudtviis- simi), by various devices, such as substitutions, often succeeded in making th^ law of no effect. A case is mentioned in the Digest (28. tit. 4. s. 3), in which bona caduca were claimed by the fiscus in the time of Marcus Antoninus, and another in which the fiscus is mentioned even under Hadrian, where one would expect to find the term aerarium used. (Savigny, System, &c. ii. 273, note qq.) BONA FIDES. He who took the portion of a heres, which became caducum, took it by universal succession: in the case of a legacy, the caducum was a singular succession. But he who took an hereditas caduca, took it with the bequests of freedom, of legacies, and fidei commissa with which it was burthened : if the legata and fidei commissa became caduca, all charges with which they were burthened became caduca also. In the time of Constantine, both the caelebs, and the orbus, or childless person (who was under a limited incapacity), obtained the full legal capacity of taking the inheritance. {Cod. viii. 58.) Justinian {Cod. vi. 51) put an end to the caducum, with all its legal consequences. In this last-men- tioned title {De Cadztcis toUendis) it is stated both that the name and the thing {nomen et materia caducorum) had their origin in the civil wars, that many provisions of the law were evaded, and many had become obsolete. (Juv. Sat. ix. 88 ; Gaius, i. 150, ii. 207, in. 144, 286 ; Lipsius, Excurs. ad Tacit. Ann. iii. 25 ; Marezoll, Lelirbuch der lnstitut. des Rom. Rechts.) As to the Dos Caduca, see Dos. [G. L.] BONA FIDES. This term frequently occurs in the Latin writers, and particularly in the Roman jurists. It can only be defined with reference to things opposed to it, namely, mala fides, and dolus malus, both of which terms, and especially the latter, are frequently used in a technical sense. [Dolus Malus.] Generally speaking, bona fides implies the ab- sence of all fraud and unfair dealing or acting. In this sense, bona fides, that is, the absence of all fraud, whether the fraud consists in simulation or dissimulation, is a necessary ingredient in all con- tracts. Bona fide possidere applies to him who has ac- quired the possession of a thing under a good title, as he supposes. He who possessed a thing bona fide, had a capacity of acquiring the ownership by usucapion, and had the protection of the actio* Publiciana. Thus a person who received a thing either mancipi, or nee mancipi, not from the owner, but from a person whom he believed to be the owner, could acquire the ownership by usucapion. (Gaius, ii. 43 ; Ulp. Frag. xix. 8.) A thing which vtasjurtiva or vi possessa, or the res mancipi of a female who was in the tutela of her agnati, unless it was delivered by her under the auctoritas of her tutor, was not subject to usucapion, and therefore in these cases the presence or absence of bona fides was immaterial. (Gaius, i. 192, ii. 45, &c. ; Cic. Ad Ait. i. 5, Pro Flacco, c. 34.) A person who bought from a pupillus without the auctoritas of his tutor, or with the auctoritas of a person whom he knew not to be the tutor, did not purchase bona fide ; that is, he was guilty of a legal fraud. A sole tutor could not purchase a thing bona fide from his pupillus ; and if he purchased it from another to whom a non bona fide sale had been made, the transaction was null. (Dig. 26. tit. 8. s.5.) In various actions arising out of mutual dealings, such as buying and selling, lending and hiring, partnership, and others, bona fides is equivalent to aequum and justum ; and such actions were some- times called bonae fidei actiones. The formula of the praetor, which was the authority of the judex, empowered him in such cases to inquire and deter- niine ex bona fide, that is according to the real merits of the case : sometimes aequius melius was BONORUM CESSIO. 207 used instead of ex bona fide. (Gaius, iv. 62 ; Cic, Of. iii. 17, Topic, c. 17; Brissonius, De Formulis, Sec. lib. v.) BONA RAPTA. [Furtum.] BONA VACA'NTIA were originally the pro- perty which a person left at his death without having disposed of it by will, and without leaving any lieres. Such property was open to occupancy, and so long as the strict laws of inheritance ex- isted, such an event must not have been uncom- mon. A remedy was, however, found for this by the bonorum possessio of the praetor. It does not appear that the state originally claimed the property of a person who died intes- tate and without Jieredes legitimi. The claim of the state to such property seems to have been first established by the Lex Julia et Papia Poppaea. [Bona Caduca.] The state, that is, in the earlier periods the aerarium, and afterwards the fiscus, did not take such property as heres, but it took it per universitatem. In the later periods of the empire, in the case of a soldier dying without heredes, the legion to which he belonged had a claim before the fiscus ; and various corporate bodies had a like preference in the case of a mem- ber of the corporation dying without heredes. (Marezoll, Lelirbuch der Instit. des Rom. Rechts ; Savigny, System, &c. vol. ii. p. 300.) [G. L.] BONO'RUM CE'SSIO. There were two kinds of bonorum cessio, injure and extra jus. The In jure cessio is treated under its proper head. The bonorum cessio extra jus was introduced by a Julian law, passed either in the time of Julius Caesar or Augustus, which allowed an insolvent debtor to give up his property to his creditors. The debtor might declare his willingness to give up his property by letter or by a verbal message. The debtor thus avoided the infamia consequent on the bonorum emtio, which was involuntary, and he was free from all personal execution. He was also allowed to retain a small portion of his property for his support. An old gloss describes the bonorum cessio thus : Cedere bonis est ab uni~ versitaie rerum suarum recedere. The property thus given up was sold, and the proceeds distributed among the creditors. The purchaser did not obtain the Quiritarian ownership of the property by the act of purchase. If the debtor subsequently acquired property this also was liable to the payment of his old debts, with some limitations, if they were not already fully satisfied. A constitution of Alexander Severus (Cod. 7. tit. 71. s. 1) declares that those who made a bonorum cessio were not released, unless the creditors were fully paid ; but they had the privi- lege of not being imprisoned, if judgment was given against them in an action by one of their old cre- ditors. The benefit of the lex Julia was extended by imperial constitutions to the provinces. The history of the bonorum cessio does not seem quite clear. The Julian law, however, was not the oldest enactment which relieved the person of the debtor from being taken in execution. The lex Poetelia Papiria (b. c. 327) exempted the per- son of the debtor {nisi qui noocam meruisset), and only made his property {bona) liable for his debts. It does not appear from the passage in Livy (viii. 28) whether this was a bonorum cessio in the sense of the bonorum cessio of the Julian law, or only a bonorum emtio with the privilege of freedom 208 BONORUM EMTIO. from arrest. The Tablet of Heraclea (Mazocchi, p. 423) speaks of those qui in jure bonam copiam jurabant ; a phrase which appears to he equivalent to the bonorum cessio, and was a declaration on oath in jure, that is, before the praetor, by the debtor that his property was sufficient to pay his debts. But this was still accompanied with in- famia. So far as we can learn from Livy, no such declaration of solvency was required from the debtor by the Poetelia lex. The Julian law ren- dered the process of the cessio bonorum more simple, by making it a procedure extra jus, and giving further privileges to the insolvent. Like several other Julian laws, it appears to have con- solidated and extended the provisions of previous enactments. The term bonorum cessio is used in the Scotch law, and the early practice was derived from the Roman system. (Gaius, iii. 28 ; Dig. 42. tit. 3 ; Cod. vii. tit. 71.) [G. L-] BONO'RUM COLLA'TIO. By the strict rules of the civil law an emancipated son had no right to the inheritance of his father, whether he died testate or intestate. But, in course of time, the praetor granted to emancipated children the privilege of equal succession with those who re- mained in the power of the father at the time of his death ; and this grant might be either contra tabulas or ab intestato. But this favour was granted to emancipated children only on condition that they should bring into one common stock with their father's property, and for the purpose of an equal division among all the father's children, what- ever property they had at the time of the father's, death, and which would have been acquired for the father in case they had still remained in his power. This was called bonorum collatio. It re- sembles the old English hotchpot, upon the prin- ciple of which is framed the provision in the statute 22 and 23 Charles II. c. 10. s. 5, as to the distri- bution of an intestate's estate. (Dig. 37. tit. 6 ; Cod. vi. tit. 20 ; Thibaut, System des Pandekten RecMs, § 901, &c, 9th ed., where the rules appli- cable to the bonorum collatio are more particularly stated.) [G. L.] BONO'RUM E'MTIO ET EMTOR. The expression bonorum emtio applies to a sale of the property either of a living or of a dead person. It was in effect, as to a living debtor, an execution. In the case of a living person, his goods were liable to be sold if he concealed himself for the purpose of defrauding his creditors, and was not defended in his absence ; or if he made a bonorum cessio according to the Julian law ; or if he did not pay any sum of money which he was by judicial sentence ordered to pay, within the time fixed by the laws of the Twelve Tables (Aul. Gell. xv. 13, xx. 1) or by the praetor's edict. In the case of a dead person, his property was sold when it was ascertained that there was neither heres nor bono- rum possessor, nor any other person entitled to succeed to it. In this case the property belonged to the state after the passing of the Lex Julia et Papia Poppaea. If a person died in debt, the prae- tor ordered a sale of his property on the application of the creditors. (Gaius, ii. 154, 167.) In the case of the property of a living person being sold, the praetor, on the application of the creditors, or- dered it to be possessed (jwssideri) by the creditors for thirty successive days, and notice to be given of the sale. This explains the expression in Livy (it 24) : " ne quis militis, donee in castris esset, BONORUM POSSESSIO. bona possideret aut venderet." The creditors were said in possessionem rerum debitoris mitd: some- times a single creditor obtained the posseBsio. When several creditors obtained the possessio, it was usual to entrust the management of the busi- ness to one of them, who was chosen by a majority of the creditors. The creditors then met and chose a magister, that is, a person to sell the property (Cic. Ad Att. i. 9, vi. 1 ; Pro P. Quintio, c. 15), or a curator bonorum if no immediate sale was intended. The purchaser, emtor, obtained by the sale only the bonorum possessio : the property was his In bonis, until he acquired the Quiritarian ownership by usucapion. The foundation of this rule seems to be, that the consent of the owner wag considered necessary in order to transfer the owner- ship. Both the bonorum possessores and the em- tores had no legal rights (directae actiones) against the debtors of the person whose property was pos- sessed or purchased, nor could they be legally sued by them ; but the praetor allowed utiles ae- tiones both in their favour and against them. (Gaius, iii. 77; iv. 35, 65 and 111; Dig. 42. tit 4, 5 ; Savigny, Das Recht des Besitzes, p. 410, 5th ed.) [G. L.] BONO'RUM POSSE'SSIO is defined by Ulpian (Dig. 37. tit. 1. s. 3) to be " the right of suing for or retaining a patrimony or thing which belonged to another at the time of his death." The strict laws of the Twelve Tables as to inheritance were gradually relaxed by the praetor's edict, and a new kind of succession was introduced, by which a person might have a bonorum possessio who could have no hereditas or legal inheritance. The bonorum possessio was given by the edict both contra tabulas, secundum tabulas, and inles- tati. An emancipated son had no legal claim on the inheritance of his father ; but if he was omitted in his father's will, or not expressly exheredated, the praetor's edict gave him the bonorum possessio contra tabulas, on condition that he would bring into hotchpot (bonorum collatio) with his brethren who continued in the parent's power, whatever property he had at the time of the parent's death, The bonorum possessio was given both to children of the blood (naturales) and to adopted children, provided the former were not adopted into any other family, and the latter were in the adoptive parent's power at the time of his death. If a freedman made a will without leaving his patron as much as one half of his property, the patron obtained the bonorum possessio of one half, unless the freedman appointed a son of his own blood as his successor. The bonorum possessio secundum tabulas was that possession which the praetor gave, conform- ably to the words of the will, to those named in it as heredes, when there was no person intitled to make a claim against the will, or none who chose to make such a claim. It was also given secundum tabulas in cases where all the requisite legal form- alities had not been observed, provided there were seven proper witnesses to the will. (Gaius, u. 147, " si modo defunctus," &c.) In the case of intestacy (intestati) there were seven degrees of persons who might claim the bonorum possessio, each in his order, upon there- being no claim of a prior degree. The three first class were children, legitimi keredes and prommi cognati. Emancipated children could claim as well BOONAE. as those who were not emancipated, and adoptive as well as children of the blood ; but not children who had been adopted into another family. If a freedman died intestate, leaving only a wife (in maim) or an adoptive son, the patron was entitled to the bonorum possessio of one half of his property. The bonorum possessio was given either cum re or sine re. It was given cum re, when the person to whom it was given thereby obtained the pro- perty or inheritance. It was given sine re, when another person could assert his claim to the in- heritance by the jus civile : as if a man died intes- tate leaving a suus heres, the grant of the bonorum possessio would have no effect ; for the heres could maintain his legal right to the inheritance. Or if a person who was named heres in a valid will was satisfied with his title according to the jus civile, and did not choose to ask for the bonorum possessio (which he was entitled to if he chose to have it), those who would have been heredes in case of an in- testacy might claim the bonorum possessio, which, however, would be unavailing against the legal title of the testamentary heres, and therefore sine re. Parents and children might claim the bonorum possessio within a year from the time of their being able to make the claim ; others were required to make the claim within a hundred days. On the failure of such party to make his claim within the proper time, the right to claim the bonorum pos- sessio devolved on those next in order, through the seven degrees of succession. He who received the bonorum possessio was not thereby made Jteres, but he was placed Jieredis loco; for the praetor could not make a heres. The pro- perty of which the possession was thus given was only In bonis, until by usucapion the possession was converted into Quiritarian ownership (domi- nium). All the claims and obligations of the de- ceased person were transferred with the bonorum possessio to the possessor or praetorian heres ; and he was protected in his possession by the in- terdictum Quorum bonorum. The benefit of this interdict was limited to cases of bonorum possessio, and this was the reason why a person who could claim the inheritance in case of intestacy by the civil law sometimes chose to ask for the bonorum possessio also. The praetorian heres could only &ue and be sued in respect of the property by a legal fiction. He was not able to sustain a directa actio ; but in order to give him this capacity, he was by a fiction of law supposed to be what he was not, heres ; and he was said ficto se Iterede agere, or intendere. The actions which he could sustain or defend were actiones utiles. (Cic. Ad Fam. vii. 21 ; Gaius, iii. 25—38, iv. 34 ; Ulp. Fray. tit. 28, 29 ; Dig. 37. tit. 4. s. 19 ; tit. 11 ; Big. 38. tit. 6 j a good general view of the bonorum possessio is given by Marezoll, Lehrbuch der In- stitiUionen des Kim. Rechts, § 174 ; Thibaut, Sys- tem des Pcmdektm Rechts, § 843, 9th ed.) [G. L.] BONO'RUM POSSESSIO. [Interdictum.] BONO'RUM RAPTO'RUM ACTIO. |Fur- TDM.] BOO'NAE (jSowcai), persons in Athens who purchased oxen for the public sacrifices and feasts. They are spoken of by Demosthenes (c. Mid. p. 570) in conjunction with the iepo7roioi and those who presided over the mysteries, and are ranked by Libanius (Declam. viii.) with the sitonae, gene- rals, and ambassadors. Their office is spoken of as honourable by Harpocration (». ».) j but Pollux BOULE. 209 (viii. 114) Includes them among the inferior offices or offices of service (tmi\peo-iai, Bockh, Publ. Econ, of Athens, p. 216, 2d ed.) BOREASMI or BOREASMUS (Popeaff/iol or Popeaurpa. as it was sometimes called, the people possessed and exercised the power of coming to a decision completely different from the will of the senate, as expressed in the Trpoiotikev/ja. Thus U) matters relating to peace and war, and confederacies, it was the duty of the senators to watch over the interests of the state, and they could initiate what- ever measures, and come to whatever resolution! they might think necessary j but on a discussion before the people it was competent for any in- dividual to move a different or even contrary pro- position. To take an example : — In the Eutwean war (b. c. 350), in which the Thebans were opposed to the Athenians, the senate voted that all the cavalry in the city should be sent out to assist lis forces then besieged at Tamynae j a vpaSette** BOULK to this effect was proposed to the people, but they decided that the cavalry were not wanted, and the expedition was not undertaken. Other instances of this kind occur in Xenophon. (Hell. i. 7. § 9, vii. 1 § 2.) In addition to the bills which it was the duty of the senate to propose of their own accord, there were others of a different character, viz., such as any private individual might wish to have submitted to the people. To accomplish this it was first neces- sary for the party to obtain, by petition, the privi- lege of access to the senate (irpSffoSov ypatyaffdat), and leave to propose his motion ; and if the mea- sure met with their approbation, he could then submit it to the assembly. (Dem. e. Timocr. p. 715.) Proposals of this kind, which had the sanction of the senate, were also called ■jrpoSovAeii- /iOTa, and frequently related to the conferring of some particular honour or privilege upon an indi- vidual. Thus the proposal of Ctesiphon for crown- ing Demosthenes is so styled, as also that of Aris- tocrates for conferring extraordinary privileges on Charidemus, an Athenian commander in Thrace. Any measure of this sort, which was thus approved of by the senate, was then submitted to the people, and by them simply adopted or rejected ; and " it is in' these and similar cases, that the statement of the grammarians is true, that no law or measure could be presented for ratification by the people without the previous approbation of the senate, by which it assumed the form of a decree passed by that body." (Schomann, De Comitiis, p. 103, transl.) In the assembly the bill of the senate was first read, perhaps by the crier, after the introductory ceremonies were over ; and then the proedri put the question to the people, whether they approved of it, or wished to give the subject further delibera- tion. (Aristoph.Z7«s.290.) The people declared their will by a show of hands (irpox^porovia). Some- times, however, the bill was not proposed and ex- plained by one of the proedri, but by a private in- dividual — either the original applicant for leave to bring forward the measure, or a senator distin- guished for oratorical power. Examples of this are given by Schomann (De Com. p. 106, transl.). If the Trpo§o^\evfia of the senate were rejected by the people, it was of course null and void. If it hap- i pened that it was neither confirmed nor rejected, ; it was irirwev, that is, only remained in force : during the year the senate was in office. (Dem. ! o. Aris. p. 651.) If it was confirmed it became a j lf^MT/ux, or decree of the people, binding upon all i classes. The form for drawing up such decrees t varied in different ages. Before the archonship of ,: Eucleides (b. c. 403), they were generally headed j by the formula — y EBo|e rrj fSov\fi /cal t S^uy. The reader is referred to Demosthenes, De Corona y for examples. After b. c. 325, another form was used, which continued unaltered till the latest times. (Schomann, p. 136, transl.) Mention has just been made of the ypafipareus, whose name was affixed to the ijb^wV/Aara, as in the example given above. He was a clerk chosen by lot by the senate, in every prytany, for the pur- pose of keeping the records, and resolutions passed during that period ; he was called the clerk ac- cording to the prytany (6 Kara irpvTaveia.v) i and the name of the clerk of the first prytany was sometimes used to designate the year. (Pollux, viii. 98; Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, p. 186, 2nded.) With respect to the power of the senate, it must be clearly understood that, except in cases of small importance, they had only the right of originating, not of finally deciding on public questions. Since, however, the senators were convened by the pry- tanes every day, except on festivals or iuperoi 7]/j,4pat (Pollux, viii. 95), it is obvious that they would be fit recipients of any intelligence affect- ing the interests of the state, and it is admitted that they had the right of proposing any measure to meet the emergency ; for example, we find that Demosthenes gives them an account of the conduct of Aeschines and himself, when sent out as ambas- sadors to Philip, in consequence of which they pro- pose a bill to the people. Again, when Philip seized on Elateia (b. c. 338), the senate was immediately called together by the prytanes to determine what was best to be done. (Dem. De Fed. Leg. p, 346, De Cor. p. 284.) But, besides possessing the initiatory power of which we have spoken, the senate was sometimes delegated by the people to determine absolutely about particular matters, with- out reference to the assembly. Thus we are told (Dem. De Fed. Leg. p. 389) that the people gave the senate power to decide about sending ambas- sadors to Philip ; and Andocides (Ilepi Mvotit- piW) informs us that the senate was invested with absolute authority ($v ykp avTOfcpdrctp), to investigate the outrages committed upon the statues of Hermes, previously to the sailing of the Sicilian expedition. Sometimes also the senate was empowered to act in conjunction with the nomothetae (avvvo- (AoOerew), as on the revision of the laws after the expulsion of the Thirty by Thrasybulus and his party, b. c. 403. (Andoc. De Myst. p. 12 ; Dem. c. Timocr. p. 708.) Moreover, it was the province of the senate to receive elffayyehlcu, or informations of extraordinary crimes committed against the state, and for which there was no spe- cial law provided. The senate in such cases either decided themselves, or referred the case to one of the courts of the heliaea, especially if they thought it required a higher penalty than it was competent for them to impose, viz., 500 drachmae. It was also their duty to decide on the qualification of magistrates, and the character of members of then- own body. But besides the duties we have enu- merated, the senate discharged important functions in cases of finance. All legislative authority, in- deed, in such matters rested with the people, the amount of expenditure and the sources of revenue being determined by the decrees which they passed ; but the administration was entrusted to the senate, as the executive power of the state, p 2 212 BOULE. and responsible (jmeiBvvos) to the people. Thus Xenophon (JDe Rep. Ath. iii. 2) tells us that the senate was occupied with providing money, with receiving the tribute, and with the management of naval affairs and the temples ; and Lysias (c. Nicom. p. 185) makes the following remark: — " When the senate has sufficient money for the administration of affairs, it does nothing wrong ; but when it is in want of funds, it receives in- formations, and confiscates the property of the citizens." The letting of the duties (reXavai) was also under its superintendence, and those who were in possession of any sacred or public moneys ('/epo kcu Stria) were bound to pay them into the senate-house ; and in default of payment, the senate had the power of enforcing it, in conformity with the laws for the farming of the duties (oi Te\aiviKol vdfioi). The accounts of the moneys that had been received, and of those still re- maining due, were delivered to the senate by the apodectae, or public treasurers. [Apodectae.] " The senate arranged also the application of the public money, even in trifling matters, such as the salary of the poets j the superintendence of the cavalry maintained by the state, and the ex- amination of the infirm (&5tWroi) supported by the state, are particularly mentioned among its duties ; the public debts were also paid under its direction. From this enumeration we are justified in inferring that all questions of finance were confided to its supreme regulation." (Bb'ckh, Publ. Boon. of Athens, p. 154, 2nd ed.) Another very im- portant duty of the senators was to take care that a certain number of triremes was built every year, for which purpose they were supplied with money by the state ; in default of so doing, they were not allowed to claim the honour of wearing a crown, or chaplet (ore'cparos), at the expiration of their year of office. (Arg. Oral. c. Androt.) It has been already stated that there were two classes or sets of proedri in the senate, one of which, amounting to ten in number, belonged to the presiding tribe ; the other consisted of nine, chosen by lot by the chairman of the presiding proedri from the nine non-presiding tribes, one from each, as often as either the senate or the peo- ple were convened. It must be remembered that they were not elected as the other proedri, for seven days, but only for as many hours as the session of the senate, or meeting of the people, lasted. Now it has been a question what were the respective duties of these two classes : but it appears clear to us that it was the proedri of the presiding tribe who proposed to the people in assembly, the subjects for discussion ; recited, or caused to be recited, the previous bill (upoSoi- \evfj.a) of the senate ; officiated as presidents in conjunction with their i-Kiffrdr-qs, or chairman, and discharged, in fact, all the functions implied by the words XP 7 lf JLttT L& lJ/ ^P^ 5 T ^ v Bj)/xop. For ample arguments in support of this opinion the reader is referred to Schb'mann. (De Com. p. 83. transl.) It does indeed appear from decrees furnished by inscriptions, and other authorities, that in later time the proedri of the nine tribes exercised some of those functions which the orations of Demos- thenes, and his contemporaries, justify us in assign- ing to the proedri of the presiding tribe. It must, however, be remarked that all such decrees were passed after B. c. 308, when there were twelve tribes ; and that we cannot, from the practice of BOULE. those days, arrive at any conclusions relative to the customs of former ages. If it is asked what, then, were the duties of these proedri in earlier times, the answer must be in a great measure conjectural ; but the opinion of Schb'mann on this point seems very plausible. He observes that the prytanes had extensive and im- portant duties entrusted to them ; that they were all of one tribe, and therefore closely connected • that they officiated for 35 days as presidents of the representatives of the other tribes ; and that they had ample opportunities of combining for the bene- fit of their own tribe at the expense of the commu- nity. To prevent this, and watch their conduct whenever any business was brought before the senate and assembly, may have been the reason for appointing, by lot, nine other quasi-presidents, re- presentatives of the non-presiding tribes, who would protest and interfere, or approve and sanction as they might think fit. Supposing this to have been the object of their appointment in the first instance, it is easy to see how they might at last have been united with the proper proedri, in the performance of duties originally appropriated to the latter. In connection with the proedri we meet with the expression y Trpoedpe6ov(ra tpv\4i. Our in- formation on this subject is derived from the speech of Aeschines against Timarchus, who informs u«, that in consequence of the unseemly conduct of Timarchus, on one occasion, before the asBemhly, a new law was passed, in virtue of which, a tribe was chosen by lot to keep order, and sit as presi- dents under the i87j/ia, or platform on which the orators stood. No remark is made on the subject to warrant us in supposing that senators only were elected to this office ; it seems more probable that a certain number of persons was chosen from the tribe on which the lot had fallen, and commissioned to sit along with the prytanes and the proedri, and that they assisted in keeping order. We may here remark that if any of the speakers (piropts) misconducted themselves either in the senate or the assembly, or were guilty of any act of violence to the eTno-Tc&T7;s, after the breaking up of either, the proedri had the power to inflict a summary fine, or bring the matter before the senate and assembly at the next meeting, if they thought the case required it. The meetings of the senate were, as we learn from various passages of the Attic orators, open to strangers ; thus Demosthenes (De FdL Leg. p. 346) says that the senate-house was, on a particular oc- casion, full of strangers (jxetnov fy ibturav) : in Aeschines (c. Ctes. p. 71. 20) we read of a motion " that strangers do withdraw " (fieTuaripiy&w roils ISidras, Dobree, Advers. vol. i. p. 542). Nay* private individuals were sometimes, by a special decree, authorised to come forward and give advice to the senate. The senate-house was called t! PovAevriipiop, and contained two chapels, one of Zetis pov\aios, another of 'AStivS, j3ov\ei«] in which it was customary for the senators to offer up certain prayers before proceeding to buBine&B. (Antiph. De Chor. p. 787.) The prytanes also had a building to hold thai meetings in, where they were entertained at the public expense during their prytany. This was called the Trpvravziov, and was used for a variety of purposes. [Pkytaneion.J Thucydidet (n 15), indeed, tells us that before the time of The- seus every city of Attica had its fSovteiriipiw •"" BRACAE. rpvTavetov : a statement which gives additional support to the opinion that Solon did not originate the senate at Athens. The numher of tribes at Athens was not always ten ; an alteration took place in B. c. 306, when Demetrius Poliorcetes had liberated the city from the usurpation of Cassander. Two were then added, and called Demetrias, and Antigonis, in honour of Demetrius and his father. It is evident that this change, and the consequent addition of 100 members to the senate, must have varied the order and length of the prytanes. The tribes just mentioned were afterwards called Ptolemais and Attalis ; and in the time of Hadrian, who beau- tified and improved Athens (Paus. i. 18. § 6), a thirteenth was added, called from him Hadrianis. An edict of this emperor has heen preserved, which proves that even in his time the Athenians kept up the show of their former institutions. (Hermann, Griech. StaatsaJterth. § 125, &c. ; Schomann, De Comitiis Atheniensium.) [R. W.] BOULEU'SEOS GRAPHS (jSoi/^crews ypaff), an impeachment for conspiracy. BouAeu- o-ecus, being in this case the abbreviated form of imSovXeitrecos, is the name of two widely different actions at Attic law. The first was the accusation of conspiracy against life, and might be instituted by the person thereby attacked, if competent to bring an action ; if otherwise, hy his or her legal patron (icvptos). In case of the plot having suc- ceeded, the deceased might be represented in the prosecution by near kinsmen (oi evrbs avetyiSTyros), or, if they were incompetent, by the K^ptos, as above mentioned. (Meier, Att.Proc. p. 164.) The criminality of the accused was independent of the result of the conspiracy (Harpocrat.), and the penalty, upon conviction, was the same as that incurred by the actual murderers. (Andoc. De Myst. p. 46. 5.) The presidency of the court upon a trial of this kind, as in most Bitcat ovucal 9 be- longed to the king archon (Meier, Att. Proc. p. 312), and the court itself was composed of the ephetae, sitting at the Palladium, according to Isaeus and Aristotle, as cited by Harpocration, who, however, also mentions that the areiopagus is stated by Deinarchus to have been the proper tribunal. The other action, jSouAeucrews, was available upon a person finding himself wrongfully inscribed as a state debtor in the registers, or rolls, which were kept by the different financial officers. Meier {Att. Proc. p. 339), however, suggests that a ma- gistrate that had so offended, would probably be proceeded against at the tldfoeu, or iirtxetpoToviai, the two occasions upon which the public conduct of magistrates was examined ; so that generally the defendant in this action would be a private citizen that had directed such an insertion at his own peril. From the passage in Demosthenes, it seems doubtful whether the disenfranchisenient (arifita) of the plaintiff as a state-debtor was in abeyance while this action was pending. Demosthenes at first asserts (c. Aristog. i. p. 778. 19), but after- wards (p. 792. 1) argues that it was not. (See, however, Meier, Att. Proc. p. 340, and Bockh's note.) The distinction between this action and the similar one tyevdeyypatyiis, is explained under the latter title. [J. S. M.] BOULEUTE'RION. [Boule, p. 212, &.] BRACAE or BRACCAE (av4vpi$es\ trow- sers, pantaloons. These, as well as various other BRASIDEIA. 213 articles of armour and of dress [Acinaces, Arcus, Armilla], were common to all the nations which encircled the Greek and Roman population, ex- tending from the Indian to the Atlantic ocean. Hence Aristagoras, king of Miletus, in his inter- view with Cleomenes, king of Sparta, described the attire of a large portion of them in these terms : — " They carry bows and a short spear, and go to battle in trowsers and with hats upon their heads." (Herod, v. 49.) Hence also the phrase Braccati militis arcus, signifying that those whc wore trowsers were in general armed with the bow. (Propert. iii. 3. 17.) In particular, we are informed of the use of trowsers or pantaloons among the following nations: — the Medes and Persians ; the Parthians ; the Phrygians ; the Sacae ; the Sarmatae ; the Dacians and Getae ; the Teutones ; the Belgae ; the Britons ; and the Gauls. The Latin word braccae is the same as the Scottish " breeks " and the English " breeches. 1 ' Corresponding terms are used in all the northern languages. Also the Cossack and Persian trowsers of the present day differ in no material respect from those which were anciently worn in the same countries. In ancient monuments we find the above-mentioned people constantly exhibited in trowsers, thus clearly distinguishing them from Greeks and Romans. An example is seen in the annexed group of Sarmatians, taken from the co lumn of Trajan. Trowsers were principally woollen ; but Agathias states (Hist. ii. 5) that in Europe they were also made of linen and of leather ; probably the Asiatics made them of cotton and of silk. Sometimes they were striped (virgatae, Propert. iv. 11. 43), and ornamented with a woof of various colours (voiKi\at 9 Xen. Anab. i. 5. § 8). The Greeks seem never to have worn them. They were also unknown at Rome during the republican period ; and in a. d. 69 Caecina gave great offence on his march into Italy, because he wore braccae, which were re- garded as tegmen barbarum. (Tac Hist. ii. 20.) In the next century, however, they gradually came into use at Rome ; hut they would appear never to have been generally worn. It is recorded of Alexander Severus that he wore white braccae, and not crimson ones (coccineae\ as had been the custom with preceding emperors. The use of them in the citv was forbidden by Honorius. (Lamprid. Alex. Sever. 40.) [J.Y.] BRASIDEIA (fyatrfStia), a festival celebrated r 3 214 BRAURONIA. at Sparta in honour of their great general Brasidas, who, after his death, in B. c. 422, received the honours of a hero. (Paus. iii. 14. § 1 ; Aristot. Eth. Nic. v. 7.) It was held every year with orations and contests, in which none but Spartans were allowed to partake. Brasideia were also celebrated at Amphipolis, which, though a colony of Athens, transferred the honour of KrlffTris from Hagnon to Brasidas, who was buried there, and paid him heroic honours by an annual festival with sacrifices and contests. (Thucyd. v. 11.) [L. S.] BRAURO'NIA (Ppavp^via), a festival cele- brated in honour of Artemis Brauronia, in the Attic town of Brauron (Herod, vi. 138), where, according to Pausanias (i. 23. § 9, 33. § 1, iii. 16. § 6, viii. 46. § 2), Orestes and Iphigeneia, on their return from Tauris, were supposed by the Athenians to have landed, and left the statue of the Taurian goddess. (See Muller, Dor. i. 9. § 5 and 6.) It was held every fifth year, under the superintend- ence often UpoTroiol (Pollux, viii. 9, 31) ; and the chief solemnity consisted in the circumstance that the Attic girls between the ages of five and ten years, dressed in crocus-coloured garments, went in solemn procession to the sanctuary (Suidas, s. v. "ApKTOs ; Schol. on ArisiopU. Lysistr. 646), where they were consecrated to the goddess. During this act the iepowoiot sacrificed a goat and the girls performed a propitiatory rite in which they imitated bears. This rite may have arisen simply from the circumstance that the bear was sacred to Artemis, especially in Arcadia (Muller, Dor. ii. 9. § 3); but a tradition preserved in Suidas (s. v. "A.pKTos) relates its origin as follows : — In the Attic town of Phanidae a bear was kept, which was so tame that it was allowed to go about quite freely, and received its food from and among men. One day a girl ventured to play with it, and, on treating the animal rather harshly, it turned round and tore her to pieces. Her brothers, enraged at this, went out and killed the bear. The Athenians now were visited by a plague ; and, when they consulted the oracle, the answer was given that they would get rid of the evil which had befallen them if they would compel some of their citizens to make their daughters propitiate Artemis by a rite called apKreieu/, for the crime committed against the animal sacred to the goddess. The command was more than obeyed ; for the Athenians decreed that from thenceforth all women, before they could marry, should have taken part once in this festival, and have been consecrated to the goddess. Hence the girls themselves were called Rp/CToi, the consecration ap/crda, the act of con- secrating apKretieLV, and to celebrate the festival &pKTe6effdai. (Hesych. and Harpocrat. s. v. ; Schol. on Aristoph. I. c.) But as the girls when they celebrated this festival were nearly ten years old, the verb SeftaTEiieic was sometimes used in- stead of apKTiietv. (Comp. C. F. Hermann, Handb. der gottesdienstl. Atterth. § 62. note 9.) There was also a quinquennial festival called Brauronia, which was celebrated by men and dis- solute women, at Brauron, in honour of Dionysus. (Aristoph. Pane, 870, with the note of the Scho- liast ; and Suidas s. v. Bpavpiiv.) Whether its celebration took place at the same time as that of Artemis Brauronia (as has been supposed by Muller, Dor. ii. 9. § 5, in a note, which has, how- ever, been omitted in the English translation), must BREVIARIUM. remain uncertain, although the very different cha- racters of the two festivals incline us rather to believe that they were not celebrated at the same time. According to Hesychius, whose statement, however, is not supported by any ancient authority, the Iliad was recited at the Brauronian festival of Dionysus by rhapsodists. (Comp. Hemsterh. ad PoUucem, ix. 74 ; Welcker, Der Epische Cydu>, p. 391.) [L.S.] BREVIA'RIUM, or BREVIA'RIUM ALA- RICIA'NUM. Alaric the Second, king of the Visigoths, who reigned from A. d. 484 to A. d. 507, in the twenty -second year of his reign (a. d. 506) commissioned a body of jurists, probably Romans, to make a selection from the Roman laws and the Roman law writers, which should form a code for the use of his Roman subjects. The code, when made, was confirmed by the bishops and nobility at Aduris (Aire in Gascony) ; and a copy, signed hy Anianus, the referendarius of Alaric, was sent to each comes, with an order to use no other law or legal form in his court (ut inforo two nulla alia la neque juris formula proferri vel recipi praesmnatar). The signature of Anianus was for the purpose of giving authenticity to the official copies of the code ; a circumstance which has been so far misunderstood that he has sometimes been considered as the com- piler of the code, and it has been called Breviarium Aniani. This code has no peculiar name, so far as we know : it was called Lex Romana Visi- gothorum, and at a later period, frequently Lex Theodosii, from the title of the first and most import- ant part of its contents. The name Breviarium, or Breviarium Alaricianum, does not appear before the sixteenth century. The following are the contents of the Breviarimn, with their order in the code: — 1. Codex Theo- dosianus, xvi books. 2. Novellae of Theodosras ii, Valentinian iii, Marcian, Majorian, Severus. 3. The Institutions of Gaius, ii books. 4. Panli Receptae Sententiae, v books. 5. Codex Grego- rianus, v books. 6. Codex Hermogenianus, i book. 7. Papinianus, lib. i. Responsorum. The code was thus composed of two kinds of materials, imperial constitutions, which, both in the code itself and the commonitorium or notice pre- fixed to it, are called Leges ; and the writings of Roman jurists, which are called Jus. Both the Codex Gregorianus and Hermogenianus, being compilations made without any legal authority, are included under the head of Jus. The selec- tions are extracts, which are accompanied with an interpretation, except in the case of the In- stitutions of Gaius ; as a general rule, the text, 80 far as it was adopted, was not altered. The Insti- tutions of Gaius, however, are abridged or epito- mised, and such alterations as were considered necessary for the time are introduced into the text : this part of the work required no interpre- tation, and accordingly it has none. There are passages in the epitome which are not taken from Gaius. (Gaius, iii. 127, ed. Goeschen.) This code is of considerable value for the history of Roman law, as it contains several sources of the Roman law which are otherwise unknown, especi- ally Paulus and the five first books of the Thec- dosian code. Since the discovery of the Institu- tions of Gaius, that part of this code is of less value. The author of the Epitome of Gaius in the Breviarium paid little attention to retaining the BUCCINA. words of the original, and a comparison of the Epitome and the MS. of Gaius is therefore of little advantage in this point of view. The Epitome is, however, still useful in showing what subjects were discussed in Gaius, and thus filling up (so far as the material contents are concerned) some of the lacunae of the Verona MS. A complete edition of this code was published by Sichard, in his Codex Theodosianus, Basileae, 1528, small folio. (Schulting, Jurisprudentia Vetus Ante-Justinianea, Lugd. Bat. 1717 ; Jus Civile Aniejustinianeum, Berlin, 1815 ; Julii Paulli Re- cept. Sentent. Lib. v. ed. Arndts, Bonn, 1833 ; Savigny, Geschichte des Rom. Rechts im MitteUdter. ii. c. 8 ; Booking, Institutionen, i. 90, &c. ; Gaius, Praefatio Primae Editioni Praemissa.) [G. L.] BRUTTIA'NI, slaves whose duty it was to wait upon the Roman magistrates. They are said to have been originally taken from among the Bruttians, because this people continued from first to last faithful to Hannibal (Festus, s. v. Bruttiani; Gell. x. 3) ; but Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. note 944) is disposed to think that these servants bore this name long before, since both Strabo (vi. p. 255) and Diodorus (xvi. 15) state that this word signified revolted slaves. BU'CCINA (/SuKai/jj), a kind of horn-trumpet, anciently made out of a shell. It is thus happily described by Ovid (Met. i. 335): — " Cava buccina sumitur illi Tortilis, in latum quae turbine crescit ab imo: Buccina, quae in medio concepit ut ae'ra ponto, Littora voce replet sub utroque jacentia Phoebo." The musical instrument buccina nearly resembled in shape the shell buccinum, and, like it, might almost be described from the above lines (in the language of conchologists), as spiral and gibbous. The two drawings in the annexed woodcut agree with this account. In the first, taken from a frieze (Burney's History of Music, vol. i. pi. 6), the buccina is curved for the convenience of the per- former, with a very wide mouth, to diffuse and increase the sound. In the next, a copy of an ancient sculpture taken from Blanchini's work (De Musieis Inslrum. Veterum, p. 15. pi. 2, 18), it still retains the original form of the shell. BULLA. 2i5 The inscriptions quoted by Bartholini (De Tibiis, p. 226) seem to prove that the buccina was distinct from the cornuj but it is often (as in Aen. vii. 519) confounded with it. The buccina seems to have been chiefly distinguished by the twisted form of the shell, from which it was originally made. In later times it was carved from horn, and perhaps from wood or metal, so as to imitate the shell. The buccina was chiefly used to pro- claim the watches of the day (Senec. Thyest. 798) and of the night, hence called buccina prima, se- cunda, Sec. (Polyb. xiv. 3; Liv. xxvi. 15; Sil. Ital. vii. 154 ; Propert. iv. 4. 63 ; Cic. Pro Mur. 9.) It was also blown at funerals, and at festive entertainments both before sitting down to table and after. (Tacit. Ann. xv. 30.) Macrobius (i. 8) tells us that tritons holding buccinae were fixed on the roof of the temple of Saturn. The musician who played the buccina was called buccinator. [B. J.] BULLA, a circular plate or boss of metal, so called from its resemblance in form to a bubble floating upon water. Bright studs of this descrip- tion were used to adorn the sword-belt (aurea buJlis cingula, Virg. Aen. ix.. 359 ; bullis asper batteus, Sid. Apoll. Carm. 2). Another use of them was in doors, the parts of which were fas- tened together by brass-headed, or even by gold- headed nails. (Plaut. Asin. ii. 4, 20 ; Cic. Verr. iv. 56.) The magnificent bronze doors of the Pantheon at Rome are enriched with highly orna- mented bosses, some of which are here shown. We most frequently read, however, of bullae as ornaments worn by children suspended from the neck, and especially by the sons of the noble and wealthy. Such a one is called heres butlatus by Juvenal (Sat. xiv. 4). His bulla was made of thin plates of gold. Its usual form is shown in the annexed woodcut, which represents a fine bulla preserved in the British Museum, and is of the size of the original. The use of the bulla, like that of the praetexta, was derived from the Etruscans, whence it is called by Juvenal (v. 164) aurum Etruscum. It was originally worn only by the children of the patricians, but subsequently by all of free birth (Cic p 4 216 BYSSUS. Verr. i. 58) ; while children of the libertini were only permitted to wear an ornament of the same kind made of leather {nodus tantum et signum de ■paupere loro, Juv. v. 165 ; tibertmis scortea, Ascon. ad Oic. I. c). The bulla was laid aside, together with the praetexta, and was consecrated on this occasion to the Lares. (Pers. v. 31.) Examples of boys represented with the bulla are not unfre- quent in statues, on tombs, and in other works of art. (Spon, Misc. p. 2.99 ; Middleton, Ant. Mon. tab. 3.) [J. Y.] BURIS. [Abatrum.] BUSTUA'RII. [Funus.] BUSTUM. [Funus.] BUXUM (iru|os), properly means the wood of the box tree, but was given as a name to many things made of this wood. The tablets used for writing on, and covered with wax {tabulae ceratae), were usually made of this wood. Hence we read in Propertius (iii. 22. 8), " Vulgari buxo sordida cera fait." These tabellae were sometimes called eerata buwa. In the same way the Greek trv^ioy, formed from irii|os, " box-wood," came to be ap- plied to any tablets, whether they were made of this wood or any other substance ; in which sense the word occurs in the Septuagint (tcc irv£la ra Mflico, Exod. xxiv. 12 ; compare Is. xxx. 8 ; Hah. ii. 2). Tops were made of box-wood {volubih lutmm, Virg. Aen. vii. 382 ; Pers. iii. 51) ; and also all wind instruments, especially the flute, as is the case in the present day (Ov. Ex Pont. i. 1. 45, Met. xii. 158, Fast. vi. 697 ; Virg. Aen. ix. 619). Combs also were made of the same wood ; whence Juvenal (xiv. 194) speaks of caput intactum buxo. BYSSUS (/3tWos). It has been a subject of some dispute whether the byssus of the ancients was cotton or linen. Herodotus (ii. 86) says that the mummies were wrapped up in byssine sindon {ffivo&vos fSvffalvrts TeAa^wtri), which Rosellini and many modern writers maintain to be cotton. The only decisive test, however, as to the material of mummy cloth is the microscope ; and from the numerous examinations which have been made, it is quite certain that the mummy cloth was made of flax and not of cotton, and therefore whenever the ancient writers apply the term byssus to the mummy cloth, we must understand it to mean linen. The word byssus appears to come from the Hebrew butz, and the Greeks probably got it through the Phoenicians. (See Gesenius's Tlte- taurus.) Pausanias (vi. 26. § 4) says that the district of Elis was well adapted for growing byssus, and remarks that all the people, whose land is adapted for it, sow hemp, flax, and byssus. In another passage (v. 5. § 2) he says that Elis is the only place in Greece in which byssus grows, and remarks that the byssus of Elis is not inferior to that of the Hebrews in fineness, but not so vel- low {tpvei]). The women in Patrae gained their living by making head-dresses (/ceKpiiipaAoi), and weaving cloth from the byssus grown in Elis. (Paus. vii. 21. § 7.) Among later writers, the word byssus may per- haps be used to indicate either cotton or linen cloth. Bb'ttiger {Salina, vol. ii. p 105) supposes that the byssus was a kind of muslin, which was employed in making the celebrated Coan garments. It is mentioned in the Gospel of St. Luke (xvi. 9) as part of the dress of a rich man. (Compare Rev. CACABUS. xviii. 12.) It was sometimes dyed of a purple oi crimson colour {fiiaaivov iroptpvpovv, Hesych.), Pliny (xix. 4) speaks of it as a species of flax (finum), and says that it served mulierum maxims deliciis. (Yates, Textrinum AnHquorum, p. 267 &c.) C.K. CABEI'RIA(Kaeclpia),mysteries, festivals, and orgies solemnised in all places in which the Pela- gian Cabeiri, the most mysterious and perplexing deities of Grecian mythology, were worshipped, but especially in Samothrace, Imbros, Lemnoi, Thebes, Anthedon, Pergamus, and Berytos. (Pans. ix.25. §5, iv. 1. §5, ix. 22. § 5, i. 4. § 6 ; Euseh. Praep. Evang. p. 31.) Little is known respecting the rites observed in these mysteries, as no one was allowed to divulge them. (Strabo, x. p. 470, &cj Apollon. Rhod. i. 917 ; Orph. Argon. 469;Valer. Flacc. ii. 435.) Diagoras is said to have provoked the highest indignation of the Athenians by his having made these and other mysteries public. (Athenag. Leg. ii 5.) The most celebrated were those of the island of Samothrace, which, if we may judge from those of Lemnos, were solemnised every year, and lasted for nine days. The admis- sion was not confined to men, for we find instances of women and boys being initiated. (Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 7 ; Plut. Alex. 2 ; Donatus ad Temt. Phorm. i. 15.) Persons on their admission seem to have undergone a sort of examination respect- ing the life they had led hitherto (Plut. Laced. Apophth. Antalcid. p. 141. ed. Tauchnitz), and were then purified of all their crimes, even if they had committed murder. (Livy. xlv. 5 ; Schol. ad Tlieocrit. ii. 12 ; Hesych. s. v. Ko£rjs.) The priest who undertook the purification of murderers bore the name of Koi-ns. The persons who were ini- tiated received a purple ribbon, which was worn around their bodies as an amulet to preserve them against all dangers and storms of the sea. (SchoL ad Apollon. 1. o. ; Diodor. v. 49.) Respecting the Lemnian Cabeiria we know that their annual celebration took place at night (Cic De Nat. Deor. i. 42), and lasted for nine days, during which all fires of the island, which were thought to be impure, were extinguished, sacrifices were offered to the dead, and a sacred vessel was sent out to fetch new fire from Delos. During these sacrifices the Cabeiri were thought to be absent with the sacred vessel ; after the return of which, the pure fire was distributed, and a new life began, probably with banquets. (Schol. ad Apollon. Mod. i. 608.) The great celebrity of the Samothracian mys- teries seem to have obscured and thrown into oh- livion those of Lemnos, from which Pythagoras is said to have derived a part of his wisdom. (lam- Mich. Vit. Pytli. c. 151 ; compare Muller's Prokgo mena,-p. 150.) Concerning the celebration of the Cabeiria in other places nothing is known, and they seem to have fallen into decay at a very early period. (Comp. Guthberlet, De Mysteriis Deorm Cabirorum, Franequerae, 1704, 4to. ; Welcker,/* Aeschyl. Tril. p. 160, &c. ; E. G. Haupt, De M- gione Cabiriaca, 1 834, 4to. ; Lobeck, AglaophaTfiit, p. 1 28 1 , &c. ; Kenrick, T/m Egypt of Herod, p. 264, &c.) [L.S.] CACABUS. [Authepsa.] fcAKOSIS. KAKEGOTtlAS DIKE' (Kaiaipoylas Uktj), was an action for abusive language in the Attic courts. This action is likewise called Katcrjyoplov Sf/tTj (Dem. c. Mid. p. 544), Aottiopias Sitcy (ht&Kwv Koitioptas, Aristoph. Vesp. 1207), and naKoXoytas 5iK7j. This action could be brought against an individual who applied to another certain abusive epithets, such as avHp6$ovo$ i warpaKoias, &c, which were included under the general name of hac6pfara. [Aporrheta.] It was no justifica- tion that these words were spoken in anger. (Lys. c. Wieomn. pp. 372, 373.) By a law of Solon it was also forbidden to speak evil of the dead ; and if a person did so, he was liable to, this action, which could be brought against him by the nearest rela- tion of the deceased. (Dem. c. LepUn. p. 488, c. Boeot. p. 1022 ; Plut. Sol c. 21.) If an individual abused any one who was engaged in any public office, the offender not only suffered the ordinary punishment, but incurred the loss of his rights as a citizen (ciTi/ifa), since the state was considered to have been insulted. (Dem. c. Mid. p. 524.) If the defendant was convicted, he had to pay a fine of 500 drachmae to the plaintiff. (Isoc. c. Loch. p. 396 ; Lys. c. Theomn. p. 354.) Plutarch, however, mentions that, according to one of Solon's laws, whoever spoke evil of a person in the temples, courts of justice, public offices, or in public festi- vals, had to pay five drachmae ; but as Plainer (Process bei den Attikem, vol. ii. p. 192) has ob- served, the law of Solon was probably changed, and the heavier fine of 500 drachmae substituted in the place of the smaller sum. Demosthenes, in his oration against Meidias (p. 543) speaks of a fine of 1000 drachmae ; but this is probably to be explained by supposing that Demosthenes brought two actions Kcutriyopias • one on his own account, and the other on account of the insults which Meidias had committed against his mother and sister. This action was probably brought before the thesmothetae (Dem. c. Mid. p. 544), to whom the related 8€pews ypatyl] belonged. The two speeches of Lysias against Theomnestus were spoken in an action of this kind. KAKOLO'GIAS DIKE'. [Kakegorias Dike.] KAKO'SIS (fcdtcwtris), in the language of the Attic law, does not signify every kind of ill-treat- ment, but 1. The ill-treatment of parents by their children (kAkuo-is yoviav). 2. Of women by their hus- bands (k&kwo'is ywcuKwv). 3. Of heiresses («o- Kcao-ts ra>v iirtKAJiptov). 4. Of orphans and widows by their guardians or any other persons (fcdfcwo'ts r&v 6pv 6pv X"1P® V kcu tuv 6pi/, Ulpian. ad Demosth. c. Timocr.) The speech of Isaeus on the Inheritance of Hagnias, is a defence against an eio-ayyeAta KaKtibceas of this kind. All these cases of KaKcoais belonged to the jurisdiction of the chief archon (&px a>l/ ^^vvp.os). If a person wronged in any way orphans, heiresses, or widows, the archon could inflict a fine upon them himself ; or if he considered the person deserving of greater punishment, could 'bring him before the heliaea. (Dem. c. Macart. p. 1076. Lex.) Any private individual could also accuse parties guilty of KaKoxris by means of laying an information (elcayyeKta) before the chief archon, though some- times the accuser proceeded by means of a regular indictment (ypafpT}), with an av&Kpiffis before the archon. (Dem. c. Pantaenet. p. 980.) Those who accused persons guilty of fcdtcao-is incurred no danger, as was usually the case, if the defendant was acquitted, and they did not obtain the fifth part of the votes of the dicasts. (Harpocr. s. v. EiVayyeAia.) The punishment does not appear to have been fixed for the different cases of /ca/cwtris, but it was generally severe. Those found guilty of k&kwo~is yopicav lost their civil rights (arista), but were al- lowed to retain their property (qvtoi txrifioi §crav ra crd/xaTa, tqj 5e x.P^f iaTa 6 *X 0V s Andoc. De Myst. 36 ; Xen. Mem. ii. 2. § 13) : but if the KaKoxris consisted in beating their parents, the hands of the offenders might even be cut off. (Meursius, T7iem. Attic, i 2.) t KAKOTECHNION DIKE (Ka K 0T€ X viS>v 5i/oj), corresponds in some degree with an action for subornation of perjury. It might be instituted against a party to a previous suit, whose witnesses had already been convicted of falsehood in an action tyevdopaprvpLwv. (Harpocr. s. v. ; Dem. c. Ev. and Mnes. p. 1139. 11.) It has been also sur- mised that this proceeding was available against the same party, when persons had subscribed them- selves falsely as summoners in the declaration or indictment in a previous suit (Meier, Att. Proc. p. 385) ; and if Plato's authority with respect to the terms of Attic law can be considered conclu- sive, other cases of conspiracy and contrivance may have borne this title. (Plat. Leg. xi. p. 936, e.) With respect to the court into which these causes 218 CADUS. were "brought, and the advantages obtained by the successful party, we have no information. (Meier, Att. Proc. pp. 45, 386.) [J. S. M. CADA'VER. [Funds.] CADISCI ((CaSilTKOl). [Psephus.] CADU'CEUS (Kripiiceioi>, K-qpiKiov, Thucyd. 53 ; Kripvicfi'iov, Herod, ix. 100) was the staff or mace carried by heralds and ambassadors in time of war. ( Pollux, viii. 138.) This name is also given to the staff with which Hermes or Mercury is usually represented, as is shown in the following figure of Hermes, taken from an ancient vase, which is given in Millin's Peintures de Vases An- tiques, vol. i. pi. 70. The caduceus was originally only an olive branch with the CT4fj.fw.Ta which were afterward formed into snakes. (Miiller, Arckaohgie der Kunst, p. 504.) Later mythologists invented tales about these snakes. Hyginus tells us that Mercury once found two snakes fighting, and divided them with his wand ; from which circumstance they were used as an emblem of peace. (Compare Plin. H. N. xxix. 3.) From caduceus was formed the word Caduceator i which signified a person sent to treat of peace. (Liv. xxxii. 32 ; Nep. Hannib. 1 1 ; Amm. Marc. xx. 7 ; Gell. x. 27.) The persons of the Caduceatores were considered sacred. (Cato, ap. Fest. s. v. ; Cic. De Orai. ii. 46.) The Caduceus was not used by the Romans They used instead verbena and sagmina, which were carried by the FetialeB. (Dig. i. tit. 8. s. 8.) [Fetiales.] CADU'CUM. [Bona Caduca.] CADUS {xdSos, /caSSos), a large vessel usually made of earthen-ware, which was used for several purposes among the ancients. Wine was fre- quently kept in it ; and we learn from an author quoted by Pollux that the amphora was also called cadus (Pollux, x. 70, 71 ; Suidas, s. v. KdSos). The vessel used in drawing water from wells was called cadus (Aristoph. Eccles. 1003 ; Pollux, x. 31), or yav\6s. (Suidas, 3. v. Vau\6s.) The name of cadus was sometimes given to the vessel or urn in which the counters or pebbles of the dicasts were put, when they gave their vote on a trial, but the CAELATURA. diminutive koS'ktkos was more commonly used in this signification. [Psephus.] CAELATU'RA (ropeim/c^), a branch of the fine arts, under which all sorts of ornamental work in metal, except actual statues, appear to be included. The principal processes, which these words were used to designate, seem to have been of three kinds : hammering metal plates into moulds or dies, so as to bring out a raised pat- tern ; engraving the surface of metals with a sharp tool ; and working a pattern of one metal upon or into a surface of another: in short, the various processes which we describe by the words chasing, damascening, &c. Millingen, who is one of the best authorities on such subjects, says "The art of working the precious metals either separately, or uniting them with other substances, was called toreutice. It was known at a very early epoch, as may be inferred from the shield of Achilles, the ark of Cypselus, and other productions of the kind." There is, however, some doubt whether, in their original meaning, the words TopevriKf) and caelaiura described the first or the second of the above processes : but both etymology and usage are in favour of the latter view. The word Topeito means originally to bore, to pierce by cutting, and the cognate substantives Topeis and topis are ap- plied to any pointed instrument, such as the tool of the engraver (ropevrris : see Seiler u. Jacobitz, Handworterbuch d. Griech. Sprache, s, to.). So in Latin, caelo (to chase), and caelum (the chasing tool), are undoubtedly connected with caedo (to cut). It may also be observed that for working metals by hammering other words are used, i\mi- vetv, ) 8. Anthesterion ('AvBscrTepidv) 9. Elaphebolion ('E\aipTiSoMciv) 10. Munychion (Movvvx^v) 11. Thargelion (BapynMciv) 12. Scirophorion (^Kipofopuov) At the time when the Julian Calendar was adopted by the Athenians, probably about the time of the Emperor Hadrian, the lunar year ap- pears to have been changed into the solar year ; and it has further been conjectured, that the beginning 1. Herasius ('Hpdfnos), 2. Apellaeus (A7r£AAaios) 3. Diosthyus (AioVfluos) 4. Unknown. 5. Eleusinius ("Etevvlvios) 6. Gerastius (Tepdo-Tios) 7. Artemisius ('Aprc/uVioy) 8. Delphinius (&.e\ our October. 2. Dalius (Adteos) — — November. 3. Unknown. 4. Agrianius (^Aypidvios) — — January. 5. Unknown. 6. Theudasius (Qevo'do'Los) — — March. 7. Artamitius QAprafurios) — — April. 8. Unknown. 9. Badromius (BaSpSfUos) — — . June. 10. Hyacinthins ('YatclvBios) — — July. 11. Carneius (Kapveios) — — August. 12. Panamus (Tldva.fj.os) — — September. We further know the names of several isolated months of other Greek states ; but as it is as yet impossible to determine what place they occupied in the calendar, and with which of our months they correspond, their enumeration here would be of little or no use. We shall therefore confine ourselves to giving some account of the Macedonian months, and of some of the Asiatic cities and islands, which are better known. On the whole it appears that the Macedonian .year agreed with that of the Greeks, and that ac- cordingly it was a lunar year of twelve month!, since we find that Macedonian months are described as coincident with those of the Athenians, (See a letter of King Philip in Demosth. De Coroo. p. 280 ; Plut. CamU. 19, Alex. 3, 16.) All cbio- nologers agree as to the order and succession of the Macedonian months ; but we are altogether ignorant as to the name and place of the intercalary month, which must have existed in the Macedonian year as well as in that of the Greek states. The order is as follows : — 1. Dius (A«»), 2. Apellaeus CALENDARIUM. ('AireXAaios), 3. Audynaeus (AvSmtuos), 4. Peri- tius (IlepfTtos), 5. Dystrus (AiWpos), 6. Xan- thicus (BarBiitis), 7. Artemisius ('Apre/ifo-ios), 8. Daesius (AoiVios), 9. Panemua (ndicTijiios), 10. Lous (ASos), 11. Gorpiaeus (rop7rioK>s), 12. Hyperberetaeus ("rmpgepeTaios). The difficulty is to identify the Macedonian months with those of the Athenians. From Plutarch (Ccmil. 19, comp. with Alex. 16) we learn that the Macedonian Daesius was identical with the Athenian Tharge- lion j but while, according to Philip, the Mace- donian Lous was the same as the Athenian Boedromion, Plutarch {Alex. 3) identifies the Lous with the Attic Hecatombaeon. This dis- crepancy has given rise to various conjectures, some supposing that between the time of Philip and Plutarch a transposition of the names of the months had taken place, and others that Plutarch made a CALENDARIUM. 225 mistake in identifying the Lous with the Heca- tombaeon. But no satisfactory solution of the difficulty has yet been offered. We know that the Macedonian year began with the month of Dius, commencing with the autumnal equinox. When Alexander conquered Asia, the Macedonian calendar was spread over many parts of Asia, though it underwent various modifications in the different countries in which it was adopted. When subsequently the Asiatics adopted the Julian Ca- lendar, those modifications also exercised their in- fluence and produced differences in the names of the months, although, generally speaking, the solar year of the Asiatics began with the autumnal equinox. During the time of the Roman emperors, the following calendars occur in the province of Asia : — Caesarius (Ktuffdptos) Tiberius (Tigepios) Apaturius ('Airoroiipioj) Posidaon (Tloffifiatbv) Lenaeus (A^yaios) Hierosebastus ('IepotreSooTos) Artemisius ('Aprc/iiinos) Evangelius (EuayyeAios) Stratonicus (Stpot-oVikoj) Hecatombaeus ('EKHTif/tSaios) Anteus ( v Ajreos) Laodicius (AooSIkios) Among the Ephesians we find the following months : 1 — 4. Unknown. 5. Apatureon ('Airaroupeifo'), nearly answers to our November. had 30 days , and began on the 24th of September. 31 — — 24th of October. 31 — — 24th of November 30 — — 25th of December. 29 — — 24th of January. 30 — ■ — 22d of February. 31 — — 24th of March. 30 — — 24th of April. 31 — — 24th of May. 31 — — 24th of June. 31 — — 25th of July. 30 — — 25th of August 6. Poseideon (ILHreioedSv) 7. Lenaeon (ki\vaid>v) 8. Unknown. 9. Artemision QApTep.uridiv) 10. Calamaeon (KakapMubv) 11—12. Unknown. December. January. March. April. At a later time the Ephesians adopted the same l with the month of Dius on the 24th of Sep names es the Macedonians, and began their year | tember. The following is a list of the Bithynian months : — 1. Heraeus ('HpuTos), 2. Hermaeus ("Epfwios) 3. Metrous (Miprppoj) 4. Dionysins (Aioviarws) 5. Heracleius ('HpdVXejos) 6. Dius (Aioj) 7. Bendidaeus (BepSiBoibs) 8. Strateius (SrpdVeios) 9. Periepius (nepie7rios) 10. Areius ("Apeios) 11. Aphrodisius ('A(ppo6*f gruerent. We quote the text ; because editors, in support of a theory, have taken the liberty of alter- ing it by the insertion of the word quarto, forget- ting too that the words quarto et vicensimo aim signify, not every twenty-fourth year, which their theory requires, but every twenty-third, according to that peculiar view of the Romans which led them to count both the extremes in defining the interval from one point to another ; and which stll survives in the medical phrases tertian an&qwriffl ague, as well as in the French expressions W jours for a week, and quinze jours for afortmgU. Accordingly, it is not doing violence to words, but giving the strict and necessary meaning to then), when, in our own translation of the passage ra Livy, we express vicensimo anno by every iwnWW year. Now 19 years, it is well known, constitute a most convenient cycle for the conjunction of a lunar ana solar year. A mean lunation, or synodic month, »>• CALENDARIUM. cording to modern astronomy, is 29d. I2h. 44' 3", and a mean tropical year 365d. 5h. 48' 48''. Hence it will be found, that 235 lunations amount to 6939d. 16h. 31' 45", while 19 tropical years give 6939d. 14h." 27' 12", so that the difference is only 2h. 4' 33". Although it was only in the second century B. c. that Hipparchus gave to astronomical observations a nicety which could pretend to deal with seconds*; yet even in the regal period of Rome, the Greek towns in the south of Italy must already have possessed astronomers, from whom the inhabitants of Latium could have borrowed such a rough practical knowledge of both the moon and sun's period, as was sufficient to show that at the end of 19 solar years the moon's age would be nearly what it was at the commencement ; and it should be recollected that the name of Numa is often connected by tradition with the learning of Magna Graecia. At any rate a cycle of 19 years was introduced by Meton at Athens, in the year 432 B.C.; and the knowledge of it among the learned may probably have preceded by a long period its introduction into popular use, the more so as xeligious festivals are generally connected with the various divisions of time, and superstition therefore would be most certainly opposed to in- novations of the almanack. How the Romans may have intercalated in their 1 9 lunar years the seven additional months which are requisite to make up the whole number of 235 (=12x19 + 7) lunations, is a subject upon which it would be useless to speculate. From a union of these various consider- ations, it must be deemed highly probable that the Romans at one period possessed a division of time dependent upon the moon's course. Year of tlie Decemviri (so called by Ideler). — The motives which induced the Romans to abandon the lunar year are no where recorded ; nor indeed the date of the change. "We have seen, however, that even in the year 448 b. c, the year was still regulated by the moon's course. To this must be added that, according to Tuditanus and Cassius Hemina, a bill on the subject of intercalation was brought before the people by those decemviri, who added the two new tables to the preceding Ten (Macrob. i. 13), that is in the year 450 b. c. That the attention of these decemviri was called to the calendar is also proved by the contents of the Eleventh Table, wherein it is decreed that " the festivals shall be set down in the calendars." We have the authority of Varro indeed, that a system of intercalation already existed at an earlier date ; for he says that there was a very ancient law en- graved on a bronze pillar by L. Pinarius and Furius in their consulate cui mentio intercalaris ascribitur. We add the last words in Latin from the text of Macrobius (c.^13), because their import is doubtful. If we are right in interpreting them thus — "the date upon which is expressed by a month called intercalary? all that is meant may be one of the intercalary lunations, which must have existed even in the old lunar year. At the period of the decemviral legislation there was probably instituted that form of the year of 354 days, which was cor- rected by the short intercalary month, called Mer- cedonius, or Mercidinus ; but so corrected as to deprive the year and months of all connection with the moon's course. The length of the several or- CALENDARIUM. 229 dinary months was probably that which Censorinus has erroneously allotted to the months of Numa's lunar year, viz.: — Martius Aprilis Mains 31 Junius 29 Quinctilis31 Sextilis 29 31 days. 29 „ September 29 days. October 31 „ November 29 „ December 29 M Januarius 29 „ Februarius 28 „ * His valuation of the synodic month was 29d. 12h. 44' 3J". (Ptolem. Almag. iv. 2.) Such, at any rate, was the number of days in each month immediately prior to the Julian correc- tion ; for both Censorinus and Macrobius say that Caesar added two days to Januarius, Sextilis, and December, and one to Aprilis, Junius, September, and November. Hence Niebubr appears to have made an error when he asserts (vol. ii. note 1 1 79) that July acquired two more days at the reform- ation of the calendar, and founds thereon a charge of carelessness against Livy. Moreover that No- vember had but 29 days prior to the correction, in other words, that the XVII. Kal. Dec. immediately followed the Idus Nov., appears from a comparison of Cicero's letters to Tiro (Ad Fam. xvl 7. 9) ; for he reaches Corcyra a. d. V. Id. Nov., and on the XV. Kal. Dec. complains — Septwmum jam diem tenebamur. The seven days in question would be IV. Id., III. Id., Prid. Id., Id. Nov., XVII. Kal. Dec, XVI. KaL Dec, XV. Kal. Dec. That the place of the nones and ides was in each month the same before the Julian correction as afterwards, is asserted by Macrobius. The main difficulty is with regard to the mode of intercalation. Plutarch, we have already ob- served, speaks of an intercalation, by him referred to Numa, of 22 days in alternate years in the month of February. Censorinus, with more* pre- cision, says that the number of days in each inter- calation was either 22 or 23, and Macrobius agrees with him in substance. Of the point at which the supernumerary month was inserted, the accounts are these : — Varro (De Ling. Lot. vi. 55) says, the twelfth month was February ; and when intercala- tions take place, the five last days of this month are removed. Censorinus agrees herewith, when he places the intercalation generally (potissimum) in the month of February, between the Terminalia and the Regifugium, that is immediately after the day called by the Romans a. d. VI. Kal. Mart, or by us the 24th of February. This, again, is con- firmed by Macrobius. The setting aside of the last five days agrees with the practice which Herodotus ascribes to the Egyptians of considering the five days over the 360 as scarcely belonging to the year, and not placing them in any month. So completely were these five days considered by the Romans to be something extraneous, that the soldier appears to have received pay only for 360 days. For in the time of Augustus the soldier re- ceived deni asses per day, i. e. jg of a denarius ; but Domitian (Suet. Dom. 7) addidit quartum sti- pendium aureos ternos. Thus, as 25 denarii made an aureus, the annual pay prior to Domitian was (360x10) -5- 16 denarii = (360x10)^(16x25) aurei = 9 aurei ; and thus the addition of three aurei was precisely a fourth more. Lastly, the fes- tival Terminalia, as its name implies, marked the end of the year, and this by the way again provea that March was originally the first month. The intercalary month was called Mep/aSii/os, oi MepKT)S6vios, (Plutarch, Numa, 19 ; Caes. 69.) us 230 CALENDARIUM. We give it in Greek characters, because it happens somewhat strangely that no Latin author has men- tioned the name, the term mensis interkalaris or interkalaxius supplying its place. Thus, in the year of intercalation, the day after the ides of February was called, not as usual a. d. XVI. Kalendas Martias, but a. d. XI. Kalendas interkalares. So also there were the Nonae interkalares, and Idus interkalares, and after this last came either a. d. XV. or XVI. Kal. Mart., according as the month had 22 or 23 days, or rather, if we add the five remaining days struck off from February, 27 or 28 days. In either case the Regifugium retained its ordinary designation a. d. VI. Kal. Mart. (See Asconius, Ad Orat. pro Milone, and. the Fasti Tri- umphales, 493, A. u. c.) When Cicero writes to Atticus (vi. 1), Accept tuas liUeras a.d. V. Terminalia (i. e. Feb. 19) ; he uses this strange mode of de- fining a date, because, being then in Cilicia, he was not aware whether any intercalation had been in- serted that year. Indeed, he says, in another part of the same letter, Ea sic observabo, quasi interka- latum non sit. Besides the intercalary month, mention is occa- sionally made of an intercalary day. The object of this was solely to prevent the first day of the year, and perhaps also the nones, from coinciding with the nundinae, of which mention has been al- ready made. (Macrob. i. 13.) Hence in Livy (xlv. 44), Intercalatum eo anno ; postridie Terminalia interealares fuerunt. . This would not have been said had the day of intercalation been invariably the same ; and again Livy (xliii. 11), Hoc anno intercalatum est. Tertio die post Terminalia Calen- doe interealares fuere, i. e. two days after the Ter- minalia, so that the dies intercalaris was on this occasion inserted, as well as the month so called. Nay, even after the reformation of the calendar, the same superstitious practice remained. Thus, in the year 40 b. c, a day was inserted for this purpose, and afterwards an omission of a day took place, that the calendar might not be disturbed. (Dion Cass, xlviii. 33.) The system of intercalating in alternate years 22 or 23 days, that is ninety days in eight years, was borrowed, we are told by Macrobius, from the Greeks; and the assertion is probable enough, first, because from the Greeks the Romans generally de- rived all scientific assistance ; and secondly, because the decemviral legislation was avowedly drawn from that quarter. Moreover, at the very period in question, a cycle of eight years appears to have been in use at Athens, for the Metonic period of 19 years was not adopted before 432 B. c. The Romans, however, seem to have been guilty of some clumsiness in applying the science they de- rived from Greece. The addition of ninety days in a cycle of eight years to a lunar year of 354 days, would, in substance, have amounted to the addition of l\j ( = 90-r8) days to each year, so that the Romans would virtually have possessed the Julian calendar. As it was, they added the intercalation to a year of 355 days ; and conse- quently, on an average, every year exceeded its proper length by a day, if we neglect the inaccu- racies of the Julian calendar. Accordingly we find that the civil and solar years were greatly at vari- ance in the year 564 a. u. o. On the 11th of Quinctilis, in that year, a remarkable eclipse of the sun occurred. (Liv. xxxvii. 4.) This eclipse, says Ideler, can have been no other than the ""» whirfi CALENDARIUM. occurred on the 14th of March, 190 b. c. of the Julian calendar, and which at Rome was nearly total. Again, the same historian (xliv. 37) men- tions an eclipse of the moon which occurred in the night between the 3rd and 4th of September, in the year of the city 586. This must have been the total eclipse in the night between the 21st and 22nd of June, 168 B.C. That attempts at legislation for the purpose of correcting so serious an error were actually made, appears from Macrobius, who, aware himself of the cause of the error, says that, byway of correction, in every third octoennial period, instead of 90 inter- calary days, only 66 were inserted. Again it ap- pears that M\ Acilius Glabrio, in his consulship 169 B. c, that is, the very year before that in which the above-mentioned lunar eclipse occurred, introduced some legislative measure upon the sub- ject of intercalation. (Macrob. i. 13.) Accord^ ing to the above statement of Macrobius, a cycle of 24 years was adopted, and it is this very passage which has induced the editors of Livy to insert the word quarto in the text already quoted. As the festivals of the Romans were for the most part dependent upon the calendar, the regulation of the latter was intrusted to the college of ponti- fices, who in early times were chosen exclusively from the body of patricians. It was therefore in the power of the college to add to their other means of oppressing the plebeians, by keeping to them- selves the knowledge of the days on which justice could be administered, and assemblies of the people could be held. In the year 304 b. c, one Cn. Flavius, a secretary (scriha) of Appius Claudius, is said fraudulently to have made the Fasti public. (Liv. xi. 46; Cic. Pro Mure'na, c. 11 ; Plk. H. N. xxxiii. 1 ; Val. Max. ii. 5 ; A. Gellius, vi. 9; Macrob. i. 15 ; Pomponius, De Origins Juris in the Digest 1. tit. 2 ; and Cicero, Ad Att. vi. 1.) It ap- 5 ears however from the last passage that Atticus oubted the truth of the story. In either case, the other privilege of regulating the year by the inser- tion of the intercalary month gave them great political power, which they were not backward to employ. Every thing connected with the matter of intercalation was left, says Censorinus (c. 20), to the unrestrained pleasure of the pontifices ; and tie majority of these, on personal grounds, added to or took from the year by capricious intercalations, so as to lengthen or shorten the period during which a magistrate remained in office, and seriously to benefit or injure the farmer of the public revenue. Similar to this is the language employed by Ma- crobius (i. 4), Ammianus (xxvi. 1), Solinus (c.i.), Plutarch (Coes. c. 59), and their assertions are con- firmed by the letters of Cicero, written during his proconsulate in Cilicia, the constant burthen of which is a request that the pontifices will not add to his year of government by intercalation. In consequence of this licence, says Suetonius {Caes. 40), neither the festivals of the harvest coincided with the summer, nor those of the vis* tage with the autumn. But we cannot desire a better proof of the confusion than a comparison of three short passages in the third book of Caesars Bell. Civ. (c. 6), Pridie nonas Januarias nam soWj — (c. S)jamque kiemsadpropinqmbat — (c. 25) malti jam menses transierant et hiemsjam praecipitaverat. Year of Julius Caesar. — ■ In the year 46 B. c Caesar, now master of the Roman world crowned CALENDARIUM. his other great services to his country by employ- ing his authority, as pontifex maximus, in the cor- rection of this serious evil. For this purpose he availed himself of the services of SoBigenes, the peripatetic, and a scriba named M. Flavius, tfiough he himself too, we are told, was well acquainted with astronomy, and indeed was the author of a work of some merit upon the subject, which was still extant in the time of Pliny. The chief autho- rities upon the subject of the Julian reformation are Plutarch (Caes. c 59), Dion Cassius (xliii. 26), Appian (De BeU. Civ. ii. ad extr.), Ovid (Fasti, iii. 155), Suetonius (Caes. c. 40), Pliny (H. N. xviii. 57), Censorinus (c. 20), Macrobius (Sat. i. 14), Ammianus Marcellinus (xxvi. 1), Solimis (i. 45). Of these Censorinus is the most precise : — " The confusion was at last," says he, " carried so far that C. Caesar, the pontifex maxi- mus, in his third consulate, with Lepidus for his colleague, inserted between November and Decem- ber two intercalary months of 67 days, the month of February having already received an intercala- tion of 23 days, and thus made the whole year to consist of 445 days. At the same time he pro- vided against a repetition of similar errors by cast- ing aside the intercalary month, and adapting the year to the sun's course. Accordingly, to the 355 days of the previously existing year, he added ten days, which he so distributed between the seven months having 29 days, that January, Sextilis, and December received two each, the others but one ; and these additional days he placed at the end of the several months, no doubt with the wish not to remove the various festivals from those positions in the several months which they had so long occu- pied. Hence in the present calendar, although there are seven months of 31 days, yet the four months, which from the first possessed that num- ber, are still distinguishable by having their nones on the seventh, the rest having them on the fifth of the month. Xastly, in consideration of the quarter of a day, which he considered as com- pleting the true year, he established the rule that, at the end of every four years, a single day should be intercalated, where the month had been hitherto inserted, that is, immediately after the Terminalia ; which day is now called the Bissextum." This year of 445 days is commonly called by chronologists the year of confusion ; but by Macro- bius, more fitly, the last year of confusion. The kalends of January, of the year 708 a. u. c, fell on the 13th of October, 47 b. c. of the Julian calen- dar ; the kalends of March, 708 a. u. c, on the 1st of January, 46 B. c. ; and lastly, the kalends of January, 709 a. it. c, on the 1st of January, 45 b. c. Of the second of the two intercalary months inserted in this year after November, mention is made in Cicero's letters (Ad Fam. vL 14). It was probably the original intention of Caesar to commence the year with the shortest day. The winter solstice at Rome, in the year 46 b. c, occur- red on the 24th of December of the Julian calendar. His motive for delaying the commencement for seven days longer, instead of taking the following day, was probably the desire to gratify the superstition of the Romans, by causing the first year of the reformed calendar to fall on the day of the new moon. Accord- ingly, it is found that the mean new moon occurred at Rome on the 1st of January, 45 b. c, at 6h. 16' p.m. In this way alone can be explained the phrase used by Macrobius : Annum civilem Caesar, habitis CALENDARIUM. 231 ad lunam dimensionibus constitutum, edicto palani proposito publicavit. This edict is also mentioned by Plutarch where he gives the anecdote of Cicero, who, on being told by some one that the constel- lation Lyra would rise the next morning, observed, " Yes, no doubt, in obedience to the edict." The mode of denoting the days of the month will cause no difficulty, if it be recollected, that the kalends always denote the first of the month, thai the nones occur on the seventh of the four months March, May, Quinctilis or July, and October, and on the fifth of the other months ; that the ides always fall eight days later than the nones ; and lastly, that the intermediate days are in all cases reckoned backwards upon the Roman principle already explained of counting both extremes. For the month of January the notation will be as follows : — 1 Kal. Jan. 17 a. d. XVI. Kal. Feb. 2 a. d. IV. Non. Jan. 18 a. A XV. Kal. Feb. 3 a. d. III. Non. Jan. 19 a. d. XIV. Kal. Feb. 4 Prid. Non. Jan. 20 a. d. XIII. Kal. Feb. 5 Non. Jan. 21 a. d. XII. Kal. Feb. 6 a. d. VIII. Id. Jan. 22 a. d. XI. Kal. Feb. 7 a. a. VII. Id. Jan. 23 a. d. X. Kal. Feb. 8 a. d. VI. Id. Jan. 24 a. d. IX. Kal. Feb. 9 a. d. V. Id. Jan. 25 a. d. VIII. Kal. Feb. 10 a. d. IV. Id. Jan. 26 a. d. VII. Kal. Feb. 11a. d. III. Id. Jan. 27 a. d. VI. Kal. Feb. 12 Prid. Id. Jan. 28 a. d. V. Kal. Feb. 13 Id. Jan. 29 a. d. IV. Kal. Feb. 14 a. d. XIX. Kal. Feb. 30 a. d. III. Kal. Feb. 15a.d.XVIII.Kal.Feb. 31 Prid. Kal. Feb. 1 6 a. d. XVII. Kal. Feb. The letters a d are often, through error, written together, and so confounded with the preposition ad, which would have a different meaning, for ad Jcalendas would signify by, i. e. on or before the kalends. The letters are in fact an abridgement of ante diem, and the full phrase for " on the second of January " would be ante diem guartum nonas Januarias. The word ante in this expression seems really to belong in sense to nonas, and to be the cause why nonas is an accusative. Hence occur such phrases as (Cic. Phil. iii. 8), in ante diem guar- tum Kal. Decembris distulit, " he put it off to the fourth day before the kalends of December," (Caes. Bell. Gall. i. 6) Is dies erat ante diem V. Kal. Apr., and (Caes. BeU. Civ. i. 11) ante quern diem iturus sit, for quo die. The same confusion exists in the phrase postpaucos dies, which means " a few days after," and is equivalent to paucis post diebus. Whether the phrase Kalendae Januarii was ever used by the best writers is doubtful. The words are commonly abbreviated ; and those passages where Aprilis, Decembris, &c. occur, are of no avail, as they are probably accusatives. The ante may be omitted, in which case the phrase will be die guarto nonarum. In the leap year (to use a modern phrase), the last days of February were called — Feb. 23. = a. d. VII. Kal. Mart. Feb. 24. = a. d. VI. Kal. Mart, posteriorem Feb. 25. = a. d. VI. Kal. Mart, priorem. Feb. 26. = a. d. V. Kal. Mart. Feb. 27. = a. d. IV. Kal. Mart. Feb. 28. = a. d. III. Kal. Mart. Feb. '20. = Prid Kal. Mart. In which the words prior and posterior are used in VI. « 25. VIII. o **" VIII. 14 VII. £ V. ^ 26. VII. VII. VI. curring among the Eleans in honour of Athena. The fairest man received as prize a suit of armour which he dedicated to Athena, and was adorned by his friends with ribbons and a myrtle wreath and accompanied to the temple. From the words of Athenaeus (xiii. p. 610), who, in speaking of these contests of beauty, mentions Tenedos along with Lesbos, we must infer that in the former island also Callisteia were celebrated. [L. S.] CALO'NES, the servants of the Roman sol- diers, said to have been so called from carrying wood (xa\a) for their use. (Festus, s. v. ; Sen. ad Virg. Aen. vi. 1.) They are generally supposed to have been slaves, and they almost formed a part of the army, as we may learn from many passages in Caesar : in fact, we are told by Josephus that, from always living with the soldiers and being present at their exercises, they were inferior to them alone in skill and valour. The word cab, however, was not confined to this signification, but was also applied to farm-servants, instances of which usage are found in Horace (Epist. i. 14. 42 j Sat. i. 6. 103). In Caesar this term is generally found by itself | in Tacitus it is coupled and made almost identi- cal with lixa. Still the calones and lixae were not the same : the latter, in fact, were freemen, who merely followed the camp for the purposes of gain and merchandise, and were so far from being in- dispensable to an army, that they were sometimes forbidden to follow it (ne lixae sequerentur exer- citum, Sail. Bell. Jug. 45). Thus again we read of the lixae mercaioresque, qui plaustris jnercespor- tabant (Hirtius, De Bell. Afr. 75), words which plainly show that the lixae were traders and dealers. Livy also ( v. 8) speaks of them as carrying on business. The term itself is supposed to be connected with lixa, an old word signifying water, inasmuch as the lixae supplied this article to the soldiers : since, however, they probably furnished ready-cooked provisions (ellxos cibos), it seems not unlikely that their appellation may have some allusion to this circumstance. (See Sail. I. c.) [R. W.] CALU'MNIA. Calumniari is defined by Marcian (Dig. 48. tit. 16. s. 1), Falsa crimina in- tendere ; a definition which, as there given, was only intended to apply to criminal matters. The definition of Paulus (Sentent. Recept. i. tit. 5) ap- plies to matters both criminal and civil : Cafamni- osus est qui sciens prudensque per fraudem negoiiuM alicui comparat. Cicero (de Off. i. 10) speaks of " calumnia," and of the nimis caliida et malitim juris interpretatio, as things related. Gaius says, Calumnia in adfectu est, sicutfurii crimen; the criminality was to be determined by the intention. When an accuser failed in his proof, and the reus was acquitted, there might be an inquiry into the conduct and motives of the accuser. If the per- son who made this judicial inquiry (qui cognovit), found that the accuser had merely acted from error of judgment, he acquitted him in the form mm pro- basti ; if he convicted him of evil intention, he de- clared his sentence in the words calumniatus #i which sentence was followed by the legal punish- ment. According to Marcian, the punishment forca- lumnia was fixed by the lex Remraia, or, as it « sometimes, perhapB incorrectly, named, th* k* Memmia. (Val. Max. iii. 7. § 9.) But it is not CAMARA. known when this lex was passed, nor what were its penalties. It appears from Cicero (Pro Seat. Rose. Amerino, c. 20), that the false accuser might be branded on the forehead with the letter K, the initial of Kalumnia ; and it has been conjectured, though it is a mere conjecture, that this punish- ment was inflicted by the lex Remmia, The punishment for calumnia was also exsilium, re'egatio in insulam, or loss of rank (ordinis amis- sio) ; but probably only in criminal cases, or in matters relating to a man's civil condition. (Paulus, Sentent. Reeept. v. 1. 5, v. 4. 11.) In the case of actiones, the calumnia of the actor was checked by the calumniae judicium, the judi- cium contrarium, the jusjurandum calumniae, and the restipulatio ; which are particularly described by Gaius (iv. 174 — 181). The defendant might in all cases avail himself of the calumniae judicium, by which the plaintiff, if he was found to be guilty of calumnia, was mulcted to the defendant in the tenth part of the value of the object-matter of the suit. But the actor was not mulcted in this action, unless it was shown that he brought his suit with- out foundation, knowingly and designedly. In the contrarium judicium, of which the defendant could only avail himself in certain cases, the rectitude of the plaintiff's purpose did not save him from the penalty. Instead of adopting either of these modes of proceeding, the defendant might require the plaintiff to take the oath of calumnia, which was to the effect, Se non calumniae causa agere. In some cases the defendant also was required by the praetor to swear that he did not dispute the plaintiff's claim, calumniae causa. Generally speak- ing, if the plaintiff put the defendant to his oath {jusjurandum ei deferebat), the defendant might put the plaintiff to his oath of calumny. (Dig. 12. tit. 2. s. 37.) In some actions, the oath of ca- lumny on the part of the plaintiff was a necessary preliminary to the action. In all judicia publica, it seems that the oath of calumnia was required from the accuser. If the restipulationis poena was required from the actor, the defendant could not have the benefit of thecalumniae judicium, or of the oath of calumny ; and the judicium contrarium was not applicable to such cases. The edict De Calumniatoribns (Dig. 3. tit. 6.) applied generally to those who received money, calumniae causa, for doing an act or abstaining from doing an act. The edict applied as well to publica crimina as to pecuniariae causae ; for in- stance in the matter of repetundae the edict ap- plied to him who for calumnia received money on the terms of prosecuting or not prosecuting a person. This edict provided for some cases, as threats of procedure against a man to extort money, which were not within the cases provided for by the edict, Quod metus causa (Dig. 4. tit. 2.) [G. L.] CA'MARA (xa/Mlpa), or CAMERA, properly signifies any arched or vaulted covering, and any thing with such a covering : Herodotus, for in- stance, calls a covered carriage na/iapa (i. 199). It is chiefly used in the two following senses : — 1. An arched or vaulted ceiling formed by semi- circular bands or beams of wood, over the intervals of which a coating of lath and plaster was spread, resembling in construction the hooped awnings in use amongst us. (Vitruv. vii. 3 ; Sail. Cat. 58 ; Cic ad Q. Fr. ill. 1. § 1 ; comp. Plin. H. N. CANATHRON 235 xvi. 36. s. 64.) Under the emperors camarae were formed with plates of glass (Plin. H. 2V. xxxvi. 25. s. 64) ; sometimes also the beams were gilt, and the ceiling between them was made of ivory. (Propert. iii. 2. 10.) 2. Small boats used in early times by the people who inhabited the shores of the Euxine and the Bosporus, and called Ka/j-ipai, from their having a broad arched deck. They were made with both ends alike so as to work in either direction without turning ; and were put together without iron. They continued in use until the age of Tacitus, by whom their construction and uses are described. (Strab. xi. p. 495 ; Eustath. adDlonys. Perieg. 700 ; Aul. Gell. x. 25 ; Tac. Hist. iii. 47. Respecting the other uses of the word see Seiler and Jacobitz, HandworterbucJi d. Griech. Spraclie.) [P. S.] CAMILLI, CAMILLAE, boys and girls, em- ployed in the religious rites and ceremonies of the Romans. They were required to be perfect in form, and sound in health, free born, and with both their parents alive ; or, in other words, ac- cording to the expression of the Romans, pueri seu puellae ingenui, felicissimi, patrimi matrimique. The origin of these words gave rise to various opinions among the ancients. Dionysius supposed them to correspond to the Ko.hjj.iKoi among the Curetes and Corybantes ; others connected them with Cadmilus or Casmilus, one of the Samothra- cian Cabeiri ; but we know nothing certain on the matter. Respecting the employment of the Camil- lus at Roman marriages, see Matkimonium. (Dionys. ii. 21, 22 ; Varr. L. L. vii. 34, ed. Miil- ler ; Macrob. Sat. iii. 8 ; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. xi. 543 ; Festus, s. w. Camillus, Camera, Flaminius Camillus ; Hartung, Die Religion der Rimer, vol. i. p. 157, vol. ii. p. 71.) CA'MPAGUS, a kind of shoe worn by the later Roman emperors. (Trebell. Poll. Gallien. 16, with the note of Salmasius.) CAMI'NUS. [Domus] CAMPESTRE (sc. subligar) was a kind of girdle or apron, which the Roman youths wore around their loins, when they exercised naked in the Campus Martius (Augustin. De Civ. Dei, xiv. 17). The campestre was sometimes worn in warm wea- ther in place of the tunic under the toga (campestri svh toga cinctus, Ascon. ad Cic. pro Scauro, p. 30. ed. Orell.; Hor. Ep. i. 11. 18.) CAMPIDOCTO'RES were persons who taught soldiers their exercises. (Veget. i. 13.) In the times of the republic this duty was discharged by a centurion, or veteran soldier of merit and distinc- tion. (Comp. Plin. Pan. 13.) CA'NABUS (KavaSoi), was a figure of wood in the form of a skeleton, round which the clay or plaster was laid in forming models. Figures of a similar kind, formed to display the muscles and veins, were studied by painters in order to acquire some knowledge of anatomy. (Arist. Hist. Anim. iii. 5, De Gen. Anim. ii. 6 ; Pollux, vii. 164, x. 189 ; Suid. and Hesych. s. v. ; Miiller, Arch'dol. der Kunst, § 305. n. 7.) CANA'LIS, and the diminutive Canaliculus, which signify a water-pipe or gutter, are used also in architecture for any channel, such as the flutings of a column, and the channel between the volutes of an Ionic capital (Vitruv. x. 1 4, iii. 3). [P. S.] CANATHRON (it&vaBpov), a carriage, the up- per part of which was made of basket-work, or more properly the basket itself, which was fixed in 236 CANDELABRUM. the carriage. (Xen. Ages. viii. 7; Plut. Ages. c. 19.) Homer calls this kind of basket irelpws. (II. xxiv. 190, 267; and Eustath. ad he. Compare Sturtz, Lex. Xenoph. s. v. KdvaBpoy ; Scheffer, De Re Veliic. p. 68.) CANCELLA'RIUS. [Canoelh.] CANCELLI, lattice-work, placed before a win- dow, a door-way, the tribunal of a judge, or any other place. (See e. g. Cic. pro Sest. 58 ; Varr. R. R. iii. 5 ; Ov. Am. iii. 2. 64 ; Dig. 30. tit. 41. s 10 ; 33. tit. 7. s. 10.) Hence was derived the word CameeUarius, which originally signified a porter, who stood at the latticed or grated door of the emperor's palace. The emperor Carinus gave great dissatisfaction by promoting one of his Can- cellarii to be Praefectus urbi. (Vopisc. Carin. 16.) The cancellarius also signified a legal scribe or secretary, who sat within the cancelli or lattice- work, by which the crowd was kept off from the tribunals of the judges. (Cassiod. Var. xi. 6.) The chief scribe or secretary was called Cancellarius kot' Qoxhv, and was eventually invested with judicial power at Constantinople ; but an account of his duties and the history of this office do not fall within the scope of the present work. From this word has come the modern Chancellor. CANDE'LA, a candle, made either of wax (cerea) or tallow (sebacea), was used universally by the Romans before the invention of oil lamps (lucernae). (Varr. De Ling. Jjat. v. 119, ed. Miil- ler; Martial, xiv. 43 ; Athen. xv. p. 700.) They used for a wick the pith of a kind of rush called scirpus (Plin. H. N. xvi. 70). In later times can- delae were only used by the poorer classes ; the houses of the more wealthy were always lighted by lucernae (Juv. Sat. iii. 287 ; Becker, Gattus, vol. ii. p. 201). CANDELA'BRUM, was originally a candle- stick, but was afterwards used to support lamps (\vxvodxos), in which signification it most com- monly occurs. The candelabra of this kind were usually made to stand upon the ground, and were of a considerable height. The most common kind were made of wood (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. iii. 7 ; Martial, xiv. 44 ; Petron. 95 ; Athen. xv. p. 700) ; but those which have been found in Herculaneum and Pom- peii are mostly of bronze. Sometimes they were made of the more precious metals and even of jewels, as was the one which Antiochus intended to dedicate to Jupiter Capitolinus. (Cic. Verr. iv. 28.) In the temples of the gods and palaces there were frequently large candelabra made of marble, and fastened to the ground. (Museo Pio-Clem. iv. 1. 5, v. 1. 3.) There is a great resemblance in the general plan and appearance of most of the candelabra which have been found. They usually consist of three parts: — 1. the foot (&dtrts) ; 2. the shaft or stem (nav\6s) ; 3. the plinth or tray (Sktk6s), large enough for a lamp to stand on, or with a socket to receive a wax candle. The foot usually consists of three lions' or griffins' feet, ornamented with leaves ; and the shaft, which is either plain or fluted, generally ends in a kind of capital, on which the tray rests for supporting the lamp. Sometimes we find a figure between the capital and the tray, as is seen in the candelabrum on the right hand in the annexed woodcut, which is taken from the Museo Borbonieo (iv. pi. 57), and repre- sents a candelabrum found in Pompeii. The one on the left hand is also a representation of a CANDELABRUM. candelabrum found in the same city (Mas. Boii. vi. pi. 61), and is made with a sliding shaft, bj which the light might be raised or lowered at pleasure. The best candelabra were made at Aegina and Tarentum. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 6.) There are also candelabra of various other fornn, though those which have been given above are by far the most common. They sometimes consist of CANDYS. (supporting a lamp (Mus. Borb. vii. pi. 15), or of a figure, by the side of which the shaft is placed with two branches, each of which termi- nates in a flat disc, upon which a lamp was placed. A candelabrum of the latter kind is given in the preceding woodcut (Mas. Borb. iv. pi. 59). The stem is formed of a liliaceous plant ; and at the base is a mass of bronze, on which a Silenus is seated engaged in trying to pour wine from a skin which he holds in his left hand, into a cup in his right. There was another kind of candelabrum, entirely different from those which have been described, which did not stand upon the ground, but was placed upon the table. These candelabra usually consist of pillars, from the capitals of which several lamps hang down, or of trees, from whose branches lamps also are suspended. The following wood- cut represents a very elegant candelabrum of this kind, found in Pompeii. (Mus. Borb. ii. pi. 13.) The original, including the stand, is three feet high. The pillar is not placed in the centre, but at one end of the plinth, which is the case in al- most every candelabrum of this description yet CANTHARUS. 237 found. The plinth is inlaid in imitation of a vine, the leaves of which are of silver, the stem and fruit of bright bronze. On one side is an altar with wood and fire upon it ; and on the other a Bacchus riding on a tiger. (Becker, Gallus, vol. ii. p. 206, &c.) CANDIDA'TUS. [Ambitus.] CANDYS (k&vSvs), a gown worn by the Medes and Persians over their trowsers and other gar- ments. (Xeri. Cyr. i. 3. § 2, Anab. i. 5. § 8 ; Diod. Sic. xvii. 77.) It had wide sleeves, and was made of woollen cloth, which was either purple or of some other splendid colour. In the Persepolitan sculptures, nearly all the principal personages are clothed in it. The three here shown are taken from Sir R. K. Porter's Travels (vol. i. pi. 94). [J. Y.] CANE'PHOROS (ravr^dpos). When a sacri fice was to be offered, the round cake (rpoxia Xnpwveiov. (Pollux, viii. 103 ; Wachsmuth, flefl. AUerthumsk. vol. ii. pp. 141, 201, 2d ed.) The Attic expression for imprisonment was S&. Thus in the oath of the pov\e vral, or senators, occurs the phrase ouSe Ultra 'AQuivaiwv ovSeVa. Hence we have the phrase &$eiy£, 7(77*11- /uos), a hinge, a pivot. The first figure in the an- nexed woodcut is designed to show the general form of a door, as we find it with a pivot at the top and bottom (a, 6) in ancient remains of stone, marble, wood, and bronze. The second figure re- presents a bronze hinge in the Egyptian collection of the British Museum : its pivot (0) is exactly cylindrical. Under these is drawn the threshold of a temple, or other large edifice, with the plan of tho folding doors. The pivots move in holes fitted to receive them (6, 6), each of which is in an angle fll bU — stridens in limine cardo, Virg. Oiris, 222 ; Eurip. Pkoen. 114— 116, Schol. ad foe). The Greeks and Romans also used hinges ex- actly like those now in common use. Four Roman hinges of bronze, preserved in the British Museum, are here shown. The form of the door above delineated makes it manifest why the principal line laid down in sur- veying land was called " cardo " (Festus, s. v. De- cumanus ; laid. Orig. xv. 14) ; and it further ex- plains the application of the same term to the North Pole, the supposed pivot on which the heavens revolved. (Varr. De Re Rust. i. 2 ; Ovid, Ex Ponto, ii. 10. 45.) The lower extremity of the universe was conceived to turn upon another pivot, corresponding to that at the bottom of the door (Cic. De Nat. Dear. ii. 41 ; Vitruv. vi. 1, ix. 1) ; and the conception of these two principal points in geography and astronomy led to the ap- plication of the same term to the East and West also. (Lucan. v. 71.) Hence our "four points of the compass " are called by ancient writers quatuor cardines orbis terrarum, and the four principal winds, N. S. E. and W., are the cardinales venti. (Serv. ad Aen. i. 85.) [J. Y.] CARI'NA. [Navis.] CARMENTA'LIA, an old Roman festival ce- lebrated in honour of the nymph Carmenta or Carmentis, for an account of whom see Diet, of Biog. s. v. Camenae. This festival was celebrated annually on the 11th and the 15th of January, and no other particulars of it are recorded except that Carmenta was invoked in it as Postoorta and Antevorta, epithets which had reference to her power of looking back into the past and forward into the future. The festival was chiefly observed by women. (Ov. Fast. i. 634 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 7; Gell. xvi. 16 ; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. viii. 339 ; Har- tung, Die Religion der Rimer, vol. ii. p. 1 99.) CARNEIA (Kapveia), a great national festival, celebrated by the Spartans in honour of Apollo a 242 CARNIFEX. Carneioa, which, according to Sosibius (op. Aiken. xiv. p. 635), was instituted Olymp. xxvi. ; although Apollo, under the name of Cameios, was worshipped in various places of Peloponnesus, particularly at Amyclae, at a very early period, and even before the Dorian migration. (Miiller, Dor. i. 3. § 8. and ii. 8. § 15.) Wachsmuth (HeUen. AlterthumsJc. ii. p. 582, 2d ed.), referring to the passage of Athe- naeus, above quoted, thinks that the Carneia had long before been celebrated; and that when, in Olymp. xxvi., Therpander gained the victory, musical contests were only added to the martial solemnities of the festival. But the words of Athenaeus, who is the only authority to which Wachsmuth refers, do not allow of such an inter- pretation, for no distinction is there made between earlier and later solemnities of the festival, and Athenaeus simply says, the institution of the Carneia took place Olymp. xxvi. £Ey4vero 6e 7] fbetris tuv Kapveiaiv Kara tV %ktt\v Ka\ eiKOffT^jv '0\vpmdSa, &s '2uo , igi6s , iv T$ irepl Xpivuv.) The festival began on the seventh day of the month of Cameios = Metageitnion of the Athenians, and lasted for nine days. (Athen. iv. p. 141 ; Eustath. ad II. xxiv. sub fin.; Plut. Symp. viii. 1.) It was, as far as we know, a warlike festival, similar to the Attic Boedromia. During the time of its celebration nine tents were pitched near the city, in each of which nine men lived in the manner of a military camp, obeying in every- thing the commands of a herald. Miiller also sup- poses that a boat was carried round, and upon it a statue of the Carneian Apollo £A.ir6KKwv o-re/j.- uot(os), both adorned with lustratory garlands, called SfxnAsv arennariaiov, in allusion to the passage of the Dorians from Naupactus into Pelo- ponnesus. {Dorians, i. 3. § 8. note s.) The priest conducting the sacrifices at the Carneia, was called 'Attjt^s, whence the festival was sometimes de- signated by the name 'Ayrjrdpia or 'Ay7]T6peiov (Hesych. s. v. 'Ayi}T6petov) ■ and from each of the Spartan tribes five unmarried men (KapveaTai) were chosen as his ministers, whose office lasted four years, during which period they were not al- lowed to marry. (Hesych. s. v. Kapvearai.) Some of them bore the name of %Taipv\oSp6fu)i. (Hesych. s. v. ; compare Bekker, Anecd. p. 205.) Ther- pander was the first who gained the prize in the musical contests of the Carneia, and the musicians of his school were long distinguished competitors for the prize at this festival (Miiller, Dor. iv. 6. § 3), and the last of this ' school who engaged in the contest was Pericleidas. (Plut. De Mus. 6.) When we read in Herodotus (vi. 106, vii. 206) and Thucydides (v. 54, and in other places) that the Spartans during the celebration of this festival were not allowed to take the field against an enemy, we must remember that this restriction was not peculiar to the Carneia, but common to all the great festivals of the Greeks: traces of it are found even in Homer. (Od. xxi. 258, &c.) Carneia were also celebrated at Cyrene (Calli- mach. Hymn, in ApoU. 72. seq.), in Thera (Calli- mach. I. c. ; Pindar, Pyth. v. 99. seq.), in Gythion, Messene, Sicyon, and Sybaris (Paus. iii. 21. § 7, and 24. § 5, iv. 33. §5, ii. 10. § 2; Theocrit. v. 83; compare Muller's Orckom. p. 327). [L. S-] CA'RNIFEX, the public executioner at Rome, who put slaves and foreigners to death (Plaut. Bmck. iv. 4. 37 ; Capt. v. 4. 22), but no citizens, who were punished in a manner different from CARPENTUM. slaves. It was also his business to administer the torture. This office was considered so disgraceful, that he was not allowed to reside within the city (Cic Pro Rabir. 5), but he lived without the Porta Metia or Esquilina (Plaut. Pseud, i. 3. 98), near the place destined for the punishment of slaves (Plaut Cos. ii. 6. 2; Tacit. Ann. xv. 60; Hor. Epod. v. 99), called Sesterthim under the emperors. (Plut. Oali. 20.) It is thought by some writers, from a passage in Plautus (End. iii 6. 19), that the carnifex was anciently keeper of the prison under the triumviri capitales ; but there does not appear sufficient authority for this opinion. (Lipsius, Exam, ad Tacit. Ann. ii. 32.) CARPENTUM, is one of the earliest kind of Roman carriages, of which we find mention. (Liv. i. 34.) It was the carriage in which Roman matrons were allowed to be conveyed in the public festal pro- cessions (Liv. v. 25 ; Isid. Orig. xx. 12) ; and that this was a considerable privilege is evident from the fact, that the use of carriages in the city was entirely forbidden during the whole of the republic The privilege of riding in a carpentum in the public festivals, was sometimes granted as a special pri- vilege to females of the imperial family. (Dion Cass. Ix. 22, 33; Tac. Ann. xii. 42.) The form of this carriage is seen in the following medal struck in honour of the elder Agrippina after h» death. The carpentum was also used by private persons for journeys ; and it was likewise a kind of state carriage, richly adorned and ornamented. (Prop.fr. 8. 23 ; Juv. viii. 147, ix. 132.) This carriage contained seats for two, and some- times for three persons, besides the coachman. (Liy. i. 34 ; Medals.) It was commonly drawn by a pair of mules (carpentum mulare, Lamprid. Hdiog. 4) ; but more rarely by oxen or horses, and sometimes by four horses like a quadriga. For grand occa- sions it was very richly adorned. .Agrippina's carriage, as above represented, shows painting or carving on the panels, and the head is supported by Caryatides at the four corners. When Caligula instituted games and other so- lemnities in honour of his deceased mother Agrip- pina, her carpentum went in the procession. (Suet Calig. 15.) This practice, so similar to ours of sending carriages to a funeral, is evidently alluded to in the alto-rilievo here represented, which » preserved in the British Museum. It has been taken from a sarcophagus, and exhibits a close carpentum drawn by four horses. Mercury, the conductor of ghosts to Hades, appears on the front, and Castor and Pollux with their horses on tt" side panel. Carpenta, or covered carts, were much used 1)J CARRUCA. the Britons, the Gauls, the Cimbri, the Allobroges, and other northern nations. (Floras, i. 18, iii. 2, CARYATtS 243 3, and 10.) These, together with the carts of the more common form, including baggage-waggons, appear to have been comprehended under the term carri, or carra, which is the Celtic name with a Latin termination. The Gauls and Helvetii took a great multitude of them on their military expeditions ; and, when they were encamped, ar- ranged them in close order, so as to form extensive lines of circumvallation. (Caes. Bell. Gall. i. 24, 26.) [J. Y.] CARPOU DIKE' (Kapirov Ski;), a civil action under the jurisdiction of the thesmothetae, might be instituted against a farmer for default in pay- ment of rent. (Meier, Att. Proc. p. 531.) It was also adopted to enforce a judicial award when the unsuccessful litigant refused to surrender the land to his opponent (Hudtwalcker, p. 144 ; Meier, Att. Proc. p. 750), and might be used to determine the right to land (Harpocrat. s. v., and Ovfflas A/kt?), as the judgment would determine whether the plaintiff could claim rent of the defendant. [J. S. M.] CARRA'GO, a kind of fortification, consisting of a great number of waggons placed round an army. It was employed by barbarous nations, as, for instance, the Scythians (Trebell. Poll. Gattien. 13), Gauls [Carpentum], and Goths (Amm. Marc. xxxi. 20). Compare Veget. iii. 10. Carrago also signifies sometimes the baggage of an army. (Trebell. Poll Claud. 8 ; Vopisc. Aure- lian. 11.) CARRU'CA, a carriage, the name of which only occurs under the emperors. It appears to have been a species of rheda [Rheda], whence Martial in one epigram (iii. 47) uses the words as synonymous. It had four wheels, and was used in travelling. Nero is said never to have travelled with less than 1000 carmcae. (Suet. Ner. 30.) These carriages were sometimes used in Rome by persons of distinction, like the carpenta [Car- pentum], in which case they appear to have been covered with plates of bronze, silver, and even gold, which were sometimes ornamented with embossed work. Alexander Severus allowed senators at Rome to use carrucae and rhedae plated with silver (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 43) ; and Martial (iii. 72) speaks of an aurea carruca which cost the value of a farm. We have no representations of carriages iu ancient works of art which can be safely said to be carrucae ; but we have several representations of carriages ornamented with plates of metal. (See Inghirami, Monum. Etrusch. iii. 18. 23 ; Millingen, Uned. Man. ii. 14.) Carrucae were also used for carrying women, and were then, as well, perhaps, as in other cases, drawn by mules (Dig. 34. tit. 2. s. 13) ; whence Ulpian (Dig. 21. tit. 1. s. 38. § 8) speaks oimulae carrucariae. CARRUS. [Carpentum.] CA'RYA orCARYA'TIS (napia, tcapvarls), a festival celebrated at Caryae, in Laconia, in honour of Artemis Caryatis. (Hesych. s. v. Kapvcu.) It was celebrated every year by Lacedaemonian maidens (KapwxTiSes) with national dances of a very lively kind (Paus.iii. 10. § 8 ; iv. 16. §5 ; Pol- lux, iv. 104), and with solemn hymns. [L. S.] CARYA'TIS (KopraTis), pi. CARYATIDES. From the notices and testimonies of ancient au- thors, we may gather the following account: — That Caryae was a city in Arcadia, near the Laconian border ; that its inhabitants joined the Persians after the battle of Thermopylae (Herod, viii. 26 ; Vitruv. i. 1. § 5) ; that on the defeat of the Persians the allied Greeks destroyed the town, slew the men, and led the women into captivity ; and that, as male figures representing Persians were after- wards employed with an historical reference instead of columns in architecture [Atlantes ; Persae], so Praxiteles and other Athenian artists employed female figures for the same purpose, intending them to express the garb, and to commemorate the disgrace of the Caryatides, or women of Caryae. (Vitruv. I.e.; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 45 and 11.) Figures of Caryatides are exceedmgly common in the remains of ancient architecture. The following specimen is taken from Muller's Denhm'dler der alien Kunst. After the subjugation of the Caryatae, their territory became part of Laconia. The fortress {xapiov, Steph. Byz.) had been consecrated to Artemis (Diana Caryatis, Serv. in Virg. Bel. viii. 30), whose image was in the open air, and at whose annual festival (Kapirans e'op'rij, Hesych.) the La- conian virgins continued, as before, to perform a dance of a peculiar kind, the execution of which was called Kapvarl&iv. (Paus. iii. 10. § 8 ; iv. 16. § 5 ; Lucian, De Soli.) [J. Y.] » 2 244 CASTRA. CASSIS. [Galea ; Rete.] CASTELLUM AQUAE. [Aquaeductus.] CASTRA. It is well known that Roman armies never halted for a single night without forming a regular entrenchment, termed castra, capable of receiving within its limits the whole body of fighting men, their beasts of burden, and the baggage. So essential was this operation con- sidered, that even when preparing for an immediate engagement, or when actually assailed by a hostile force, it was never omitted, but a portion of the soldiers were employed in constructing the neces- sary works, while the remainder were standing to their arms or resisting the enemy : and so com- pletely was it recognised as a part of the ordinary duties of each march, that pervenire ad locum ter- tiis . . . quartis . . . septuagesimis castris are the established phrases for expressing the number of days occupied in passing from one point to another. Whenever circumstances rendered it expedient for a force to occupy the same ground for any length of time, then the encampment was distinguished as castra stativa. (Liv. xxvii. 12 ; Caes. B. G. viii. 15, B. G. i. 42 ; Hirt. B. Af. 51, B. Al. 74.) When the protracted and distant wars in which the republic became engaged, as its sway was gradually extended first over the whole of Italy, and subsequently over Greece, Asia, and Africa, rendered it impossible for the legions to return home in winter, they usually retired during the months when active military operations were sus- pended, into some city where they could be pro- tected from the inclemency of the season, and where the comforts of the men could be readily secured ; or they were dispersed up and down in detachments among friendly villages (in hiberna concedere ; exercitvm in hiberna dimittere ; exer- citum per civitates in hiberna dividere). It is true that extraordinary emergencies, such as a protracted blockade, or the necessity of maintaining a constant watch upon the movements of a neighbouring and vigorous foe, might compel a commander to keep the field for a whole year or even longer, but to order an army, except in case of necessity, to winter under canvass (hiemare sub pellibus ; hiemem sub ientoriis exigere) was long regarded as a severe punishment, inflicted only in consequence of grievous misconduct. (Frontin. Strat. iv. 1. § 24.) As the boundaries of the empire were gradually pushed forward into wild and barbarian lands, where there were no large towns and no tribes on whose faith reliance could be placed, such arrangements became impracticable, and armies, whether of invasion or occupation, were forced to remain constantly in camps. They usually, however, occupied different ground in summer and in winter, whence arose the distinction between castra aestiva and castra hi- berna, both alike being stativa. Such posts were frequently, if situated advantageously, garrisoned permanently ; and the peaceful natives who sought to enrich themselves by trading with their con- querors, settled for security in the immediate vi- cinity. (Caes. B. G. vi. 37.) Thus in the distant provinces, these forts formed a centre round which a numerous population gradually clustered ; and many important towns, still existing in our own country, indicate their origin by the termination cJiester. But whether a camp was temporary or perma- nent, whether tenanted in summer or in winter, the main features of the work were always the CASTRA. same for the same epoch. In hiberna, huts of turf or stone would be substituted for the open tents of the aestiva (hence aedificare hiberna), and in stativa held for long periods the defences would present a more substantial and finished aspect, but the general outline and disposition of the parts were invariable : a camp was laid down, arranged and fortified according to a fixed and well-known plan, modified only by the numbers for whom it was required to provide accommodation, bnt alto- gether independent of the nature of the ground o< of the fancy of the general, so that each battalion, each company, and each individual, had a place assigned to which they could at once repair without order, question, delay, or confusion. At what period the practice of throwing np elaborate field-works for the protection of an army engaged in active service was first commenced by the Romans, it is impossible to determine ; bnt we may safely conclude that, like all other parts of their military tactics, it was matured by a slow and gradual process. Livy and Dionysius, indeed, would lead us to suppose that regular camps existed from the most remote epoch to which their annals extend ; but the language of these historians is in general so loose upon all matters of antiquarian re- search, and they are so much in the habit of trans- ferring to the earliest ages the usages of their own contemporaries, that no safe inference regarding points of this nature can be drawn from their words. Frontinus, on the other hand, declares that the idea of a fortified enclosure, calculated to contain a whole army, was first suggested to the Romans by the camp of Pyrrhus, which they captured near Beneventum ; but the statements of this author have never been deemed to possess much weight, and in this particular instance many considerations preclude us from admitting his testimony as credible. It is evident, however, from the facts detailed in the article Exekcitus that a camp, such as the earliest of those of which we possess any detailed account, could not have assumed that shape until the tactics of the phalanx were superseded by the manipular divisions ; and it may be held as certain that each of the great wars in which the Common- wealth was successively engaged for more than a century — with the Samnites, with Pyrrhus, with the Cisalpine Gauls, and with the Carthaginians, mint have led to a series of improvements. The system was probably brought to perfection in the cam- paigns against Hannibal, and underwent no ma- terial alteration until the organic changes in the constitution of the army, which took place not long before the downfal of the constitution, during the civil broils, and under the earlier emperors, rendered a corresponding change in the internal economy of the camp unavoidable. Hence, although it would be at once vain and unprofitable to attempt an in- vestigation of the various changes through which a Roman camp passed before it assumed what may be called its normal shape, it is evidently absolutely necessary for all who desire to obtain even a slight knowledge of the Roman art of war, to make them- selves acquainted with this important feature in their system during the best days of the republic and the empire. And fortunately the records of antiquity enable us to supply such information wraj considerable minuteness. Polybius, the friend and companion of the younger Scipio, has transmittal to us a description of a Roman camp, such as M must have often seen with his oivn eyes, and »«* CASTRA. tain Hyginuo, a groniatims or land surveyor, who flourished under Trajan and Hadrian, has left us a technical memoir on the art of castrametatlon as practised in his own day. To these some might feel inclined to add the remarks of Vegetius, who lived during the reign of Valentinian, but for reasons which are stated elsewhere [Exeboitus] it will be more safe to neglect him altogether. We shall proceed to describe these two camps in succession, it being understood that the leading statements with regard to the first are taken di- CASTRA. ' 245 rectly from Polybius, and those with regard to the second, from Hyginus, unless when, the contrary u distinctly indicated. But while we endeavour to explain clearly all the parts of the camps themselves, we must refer to the article Exbrcitus for every- thing that concerns the different kinds of troops, their divisions, their discipline, and their officers. I. Camp of Polybius. The camp described by Polybius is such as would be formed at the close of an ordinary day's (Fit A 1.1.) 20 Ea -KJs.fi Jal& Ol II ) Kl ) Ha HsA 35 « IS J laH* 5 Si Ds Bs D7 Hi Bi < u L [ Bl a c CI A 1 CI C 8 C 7 & z "V T SKI 1 > P 14 p' ( i_E S' T' V"V E* r 1 JXT' -V E5 Ex A S Yi & s A 7 " 3 B 3 9 A 10 3 1 1 S 2 - A Ls s n A IS s 2 (U z ■ A 17 If Ao R 4 lie CASTRA. march by a regular consular army consisting of two Roman legions with the full contingent of Socii. Each legion is calculated at 4200 infantry and 300 cavalry, the Socii furnished an equal number of infantry and twice as many cavalry, so that the whole force would amount to 16,800 foot and 1800 CJioice of the Ground. — Although, as stated ahove, the general outline, the defences, and the internal economy of a camp were altogether inde- pendent of the nature of the ground, yet great importance was attached to the choice of a fitting situation which should admit of heing readily laid out in the required form, which should afford no facilities for attack or annoyance, which should be convenient for procuring wood, water, and forage, and which the army might enter and quit without danger of surprise. Skill in the selection of such a spot (capere locum castris) was ever considered as a high quality in a general, and we find it recorded among the praises of the most renowned com- manders that they were wont in person to perform this duty {e.g. Liv. ix. 17, xxxv. 14, 28 ; Tacit. Hist. ii. 5, Agric. 20 ; comp. Quintil. /. O. xii. 3. § 5). Under ordinary circumstances, however, the task was devolved upon one of the military tribunes, and a certain number of centurions appointed from time to time for the purpose. These having gone forward in advance of the army until they reached the place near which it was intended to halt, and having taken a general survey of the ground, se- lected a spot from whence a good view of the whole proposed area might be obtained, that spot being considerably within the limits of the contemplated enclosure. Construction. — The spot answering these con- ditions and which we shall call A (fig. 1.) was marked by a small white flag. The next object was to ascertain in what direction water and fodder might be most easily and securely provided — this direction we indicate by the arrow in the sub- joined figure. Upon the position of A and the direction of the arrow depended the disposition of all the other parts of the work ; for these two pre- liminary points being decided, the business of mea- suring out the ground (metari castra) commenced, and was executed, as we learn from various sources, with graduated rods (decempedae) by persons de- nominated metatores. The different steps of the process may be most briefly and distinctly set down in the ordinary language of a geometrical construction. Through A draw a straight line A A 1 , parallel to the direction of the arrow, a straight line B H l at right angles to A Aj. These two straight lines A A 1( and B B,, served as the bases by which the position of all the different divisions of the camp were determined. Along A A set off A A 2 = 100 feet; A a A 4 = SO feet; A 4 A 5 ; A s A 8 ; A 6 A, ; A, A 8 ; A 8 A 9 ; A 9 A 10 each=100 feet ; A 10 A 41 = 50 feet; A xl A t „ ; A 1!2 A 13 ; A 13 A 14 ; A 14 A 15 ; A 15 A ]6 each=100 feet; A le A 17 =200 feet. Along A Aj set off A A 3 ; A 3 Aj 8 , each= 100 feet; A 18 A 19 =167 feet ; A 19 A 2O =200 feet. Through A 2 ; A, ; A 4 ; A 5 ; A., , ; A! 8 ; A ; A 20 drawC C, ; D D 1 ; E E, ; F F, ; G G 2 ; H 11, ; K K, ; L L x straight lines parallel to B Bj, and in like manner draw through A 8 ; A,; .... A 16 straight lines parallel to B B„ as ■marked in the figure. CASTRA. On B B, make A B 2 ; A B 3 each=100 feet. Through B 2 and B 3 draw straight lines parallel to A Aj cutting CoC, in C a and C 3 , and cutting D D 1 in D 2 and D 3 ; in this manner a square area C 2 C 3 D 3 D 2 is determined, each side of which =200 feet. Along A 5 F set off A 5 P = 25 feet ; P Q = 100 feet; QR = 50feet; RS = 50feet;ST = 100 feet; T V = 100 feet ; V W = 50 feet ■ W X = 133£ feet ; X Y= 200 feet ; Y Z = 200 feet. Along A 6 F, set off A 5 P'; P' Q' j Q'R' . . . . Y'Z', equal respectively to A, P; PQ; OR' ....YZ. Through Z Z' draw straight lines parallel to A A„ cutting G Gj in z and z', and cutting L h 1 in O and O'. The square area OO'j'j this determined was the camp. Again, through P ; Q ; R .... Y, and through P' ; Q' ; R' . . . . Y' draw straight lines parallel to A A,, cutting the parallels to B Bj in the points marked in the figure. Finally, on H H, lay off A, , H 3 and A 1 , H 4 each = 25 feet, and through H 3 ; H 4 ; draw straight lines parallel to A A„ cutting K K, in K 3 and K 4 . This construction being completed we now pro- ceed to explain the arrangement of the different parts referring to figure 2, in which the lines no longer necessary are obliterated, the spaces occu- pied by the troops or officers enclosed by dark lines, and the streets (viae) distinctly laid down. In practice the'most important points were marked by white poles, some of which bore flags of various colours, so that the different battalions on reaching the ground could at once discover the place ai- signed to them. The white flag A, which served as the starting point of the whole constraction, marked the position of the consul's tent, or praetoriwm, so called because praetor was the ancient term for any one invested with supreme command. The square area C, D s was left open extending, as we have seen, a hun- dred feet each way from the praetorhrm. That portion of the camp which lay in the direction of the arrow (jrpos t)}V euros iniipdveiav) from the line E E t (fig. 1) was termed the front or fore- part of the camp (rov Travrbs ffxftp&Tos kotA TTp6*r It IS PORTA PRAETORIA so Hi JEL* Ks JE2- T>5 C5 C6 ID' 12' 9' 31' PRIHC1PIA *"* IS, T 31 Tf " y T S RQ. P I' tt J t' S' Cj 200 50 2 100 1| &, 2 iS 60 2 >g 2 ig 2 1 5 a' 100 4* 3' 4' 50 5' *' a' *' 3' 4' ** PRINCIPJA V*w r x: 5" l»S'/t s' '200 6 6' S 6' s 6" S - 6' V1AQUINTANA VIA QUINIANA 6 5 « s 6 5 6 5 & S 4 z 4. S 4 3 4f 3 2 lg 2 *I 2 ll 2 1* 2 *« 1" 2' 1' 2' 1' a' 1' 2' i 2' a' * a' 4 3' 4 a' 4 3' 4 e - i e' s' 6' s' 6' 5 6 PORTA DECUMANA Al7 t«17 Back to back with the cavalry, and looking out upon the streets R S, R' S', the Triarii of the two legions were quartered in the areas 2 and 2'. Each area contained 5000 square feet, and was allotted to a maniple of 60 men ; hence, according to the calculation here followed, a dragoon and his horse were allowed as much space as 4 foot soldiers. In the areas marked 3 and 3' facing the Triarii were quartered the principes of the two legions ; each of these areas contained 10,000 square feet, and was allotted to a maniple of two centuries, that is, 120 men. In the areas marked 4 and 4', back to back with the principes, and looking out upon the streets V W, V W, were quartered the Hastati of the two legions, the number of men being the same as in the Principes, and an equal space being assigned to them. Facing the legionary Hastati, in the areas marked 5 and 5\ were the cavalry of the allies. The total number was 600 to each legion, but of these J or 200 were separated under the name of eastraordiriarii, and quartered in a different part of the camp. Consequently, each of the spaces 5 and 5' was calculated to accommodate 40 dragoons with their horses ; and allowing them the same space as the legionary cavalry, each of these areas must have contained somewhat more than 13,333 square feet. Back to back with the cavalry of the allies, and looking towards the rampart which enclosed the camp, the infantry of the allies were quartered in the areas marked 6 and 6'. The total number was 3000 for each legion, but of these £ or 600 were separated as GEbraordmwrii and quartered in a different part of the camp. Hence there would remain 2400, or 240 for each of the spaces 6 and 6', and these accordingly contained 20,000 square feet. The open space immediately behind the tents and baggage of the tribunes, extending to the right R 4 248 CASTRA. and left of the space allotted to the general, was as- signed on one side to a forum, and on the other, to the quaestor and his department (t£ te ra/j.lif, /col rats S/«t Tovrcp x°PWy' ai s)- These are marked 7 and 8, but we are not told on which side they re- spectively stood. Still further to the right and left of the praeto- rium in 9, 10, and 9', 10', looking respectively to- wards the forum and the quaestorium, were a body of cavalry, selected from the extraordinarii equites (oi twz' itriKeKTuy linreuv airSXenTOi), and a body of cavalry serving as volunteers out of com- pliment to the general (xat Tiues tuv £9eKovrr$bv arpaT£vo}i£vwv tt? tuv vtt&twv x

6W), a bell. Bells were used for a great variety of purposes among the Greeks and Romans, which it is unnecessary to particularize here. One use, however, of them, for the purpose of keeping watch and ward in the fortified cities of Greece, deserves mention. (Thu- cyd. iv. 135 ; Aristoph. Aves, 843, 1159 j Schol. in he.) A guard (.Kopu0aAA£(rrpiiu.) [L.S.] TITIES or TITIENSES. [Pathich.] TI'TII SODA'LES, a sodalitas or college of priests at Rome, who represented the second tribe of the Romans, or the Titles, that is, the Sabines, who after their union with the Ramnes or Latins continued to perform their own ancient Sabine sacra. To superintend and preserve these, T. Tatius is said to have instituted the Titii sodales. (Tacit. Annal. i. 51.) In another passage (Hist. ii. 95) Tacitus describes this saccrdotium in a somewhat different manner, inasmuch as he says that it was instituted by Romulus in honour of king Tatius, who after his death was worshipped as a god. But this account seems only to mean that Romulus after the death of Tatius sanctioned the institution of his late colleague and made the worship of Tatius a part of the Sabine sacra. From Varro (do Ling. Lot. v. 85, ed. Muller), who derives the name Sodales Titii from Titiae aves, which were observed by these priests in certain auguries, it appears that these priests also preserved the ancient Sabine au- guries distinct from those of the other tribes. Dur- ing the time of the republic the Titii sodales are no longer mentioned, as the worships of the three tribes became gradually united into one common religion. ( Ambrosch, Siudien u. Andeut. p. 1 92, &c.) Under the empire we again meet with a college of priests bearing the name of Sodales Titii or Titienses, or Sacerdotes Titiales Flaviales ; but they had no- thing to do with the sacra of the ancient tribe of the Tities, but were priests instituted to conduct the worship of an emperor, like the Augustales. (Gruter, Inscript. xix. 4, ccciv. 9, cccxcvi. 1 ; In- script. ap. Murat. 299. 5 : comp. Lucan. Phars. i. 602.) [Augustales.] [L. S.] TOCOS (toW). [Fenus.] TOCULLIONES. [Fenus.] TOGA (r^Seypos), a gown, the name of the principal outer garment worn by the Romans, is derived by Varro from tegere, because it covered the whole body (v. 144, ed. Muller). Gellius (vii. 12) states that at first it was worn alone, without the tunic. [Tunica.] Whatever may have been the first origin of this dress, which some refer to the Lydians, it seems to have been re- ceived by the Romans from the Etruscans, for it is seen on Etruscan works of art as the only covering of the body, and the toga praetexta is expressly said to have been derived from the Etruscans. (Liv. i. 8 ; Plin. ff. N. viii. 48. s. 74 ; Muller, Etrusleer, vol. i. p. 262.) The toga was the peculiar distinction of the Ro- mans, who were thence called ioqati or gens togata. (Virg. Am. i. 282 ; Martial, xiv. 124.) It was originally worn only in Rome itself, and the use of it was forbidden alike to exiles and to foreigners. (Plin. Epist. iv. 11 ; Suet. Gaud. 15.) Gradually, however, it went out of common use, and was sup- planted by the Pallium and lacerna, or else it was worn in public under the lacerna. (Suet Aug. 40.) [Lacerna.] But it was still used by the upper classes, whe regarded it as an honourable distinc- tion (Cic. Philip, ii. 30), in the courts of justice, by clients when they received the Sportula (Martial, xiv. 1 25), and in the theatre or at the TOGA. games, at least when the emperor was present. (Suet. Claud. 6 ; Lamprid. Commod. 16.) Under Alexander Severus guests at the emperor's table were expected to appear in the toga. (Lamprid. Sever. 1.) The form of the toga, and the manner of wear- ing it, are matters which are much disputed, and about which indeed it seems almost impossible, with our present information, to arrive at certainty. The form was, undoubtedly, in some sense round (Quintil. xi. 3. § 137 ; Isid. Orig. xix. 24), semi- circular according to Dkuvysius (iii. 61 ), who calls it irept§6\aiov 7]fiiKvK\ioK It seems, however, impossible, from the way in which it was wom, that it could have been always a semicircle. Such may perhaps have been its form as worn in the most ancient times, when it had no great fulness ; but to-account for the numerous folds in which it was afterwards worn, we must suppose it to have had a greater breadth in proportion to its length, that is, to have been a smaller segment than a semicircle. Probably the size of the segment which the toga formed (on which its fulness depended) was determined by the fashion of the time or the taste of the wearer. This appears to be the true explanation of Quintilian's words (xi. 3. § 139),' " Ipsam togam rotundam, et aptc eaesam velim," which could have no meaning if nothing more were required than to give the garment the very simple form of a simicircle. The only other point to be noticed respecting the form of the toga, is the question whether, when it came to be worn in many complicated folds, the art of the tailor may not have been employed to keep these folds in their position. This question, however, belongs more properly to the mode of wearing the toga. On this subject our principal information is de- rived from Quintilian (xi. 3. §§ 137, &c.) and Ter- tullian {de Pallio), whose statements, however, refer to the later and more complicated mode of wearing the garment, and from statues in Roman costume. Frequent reference is made to the Sinus of the toga. This was a portion of the garment, which hung down in front of the body, like a sling ; it will be more fully explained presently. We must make a clear distinction between the more ancient and simpler mode of wearing the toga, and the full form, with many complicated folds, in which it was worn at a later period. Quintilian (xi. 3. § 137) says that the ancients had no sinus, and that afterwards the sinuses were very short. The passage in Livy (xxi. 1 8, sinu ex toga facto, iterum sinu effuso) seems to refer not to tlte sinus, technically so called, but a sinus which Fabius made at the moment by gathering up some part of his toga. The ancient mode of wearing the toga is shown in the following cut, which is taken from the Augusteum, pi. 117 (Becker, Gallus, vol. ii. p. 83), and represents a statue at Dresden. Let the toga, which in this case was probably not far from an exact semicircle, be held behind the ligure, with the curved edge downwards. First, one comer is thrown over the left shoulder ; then the other part of the garment is placed on the right shoulder, thus entirely covering the back and the right side up to the neck. It is then passed over the front of the body, leaving very little of the chest uncovered, and reaching downwards nearly to the feet (in the figure, quite to one of them). The remaining end, or corner, is then thrown back over TOGA. 1135 the left shoulder, in such a manner as to cover the greater part of the ami. By this arrangement the right arm is covered by the garment, a circumstance noticed by Quintilian (§ 138) ; but it was occa- sionally released by throwing the toga off the right shoulder, and leaving it to be supported on the left alone. This arrangement is seen in many ancient statues ; an example is shown in the following cut, which represents the celebrated statue of Aulus Me- tellus (commonly called the Etruscan orator) in the Florence Gallery. (Miiller, Denhmaler, vol. i. pi. lviii. No. 289.) The portion of the toga which, in the first figure, hangs down from the chest, if it be a sinus, is certainly of the kind described by Quin- tilian as perquam brevis. The next cut represents the later mode of wear- ing the toga, and is taken from an engraving in the Museo Borbonico (vol. vi. tav. 41) of a statue found at Herculaneum. By comparing this and other statues with the description of Quintilian, we may conclude that the mode of wearing the toga was something like the following : — First, as above remarked, the form in this case was a segment less than a semicircle. As before, the curved side was the lower, and one end of the 1136 TOGA. garment waa thrown over the left shoulder, and hung down in front, but much lower than in the former case. This seems to be the part which Quintilian (§ 139) says should reach down half- way between the knee and the ankle. In our figure it reacheB to the feet, and in some statues it is even seen lying on the ground. The garment was then placed over the back, as in the older mode of wearing it, but, instead of covering the right shoulder, it was brought round under the right arm to the front of the body. This is the most difficult part of the dress to explain. Quin- tilian says (§ 140) : — " Sinus decentissimus, si aliquanto supra imam togam fuerit, nunquam certe sit inferior. Hie, qui sub humero dextro ad sinis- trum oblique ducitur velut balteus, nee strangulet nee fluat." Becker's explanation of this matter seems perfectly satisfactory. He supposes that the toga, when carried under the right arm, was then folded into two parts ; one edge (namely, the lower or round edge) was then brought almost close under the arm, and drawn, but not tightly, across the chest to the left shoulder, forming the velut balteus of Quintilian, while the other part was al- lowed to fall gracefully over the lower part of the body, forming the sinus, and then the remaining end of the garment was thrown over the left shoulder, and hung down nearly as low as the other end, which was first put on. It is to this part that Quintilian seems to refer when he says (§ 140) : — " Pars togae, quae postea imponitur, sit inferior : nam ita et sedet melius, et continetur ; " but the true application of these words is very doubtful. By the bottom of the toga (imam togam) in the above quotation, he seems to mean the end of the toga first put on. The part last thrown over the left shoulder, as well as the end first put on, co- vered the arm, as in the older mode of wearing the garment. The outer edge (extrema ora) of this part ought not, says Quintilian (§ 140), to be thrown back. He adds (§ 141), " Super quod (i. e. sinistrum brachium) ora ex toga duplex aequaliter sedeat," by which he probably means that the edge of this portion should coincide with the edge of the end which was first thrown over the left shoulder, and which is of course covered by this portion of the garment. He says (§ 141) that the shoulder and the whole of the throat ought not to be co- vered, otherwise the dress will become narrow and TOGA. that dignity which consists in width of chest will he lost. This direction appears to mean that the part brought across the chest (velut balteus) should not be drawn too tight. Tassels or balls are seen attached to the ends of the toga, which may have served to keep it in its place by their weight, or may have been merely ornaments. There is one point which still remains to be ex- plained. In the figure a mass of folds is seen in the middle of the part of the toga drawn across the chest (velut balteus). This is the umbo mentioned by Tertullian (de Pallio, 5), and used by Persius for the toga itself (Sat. v. 33). It was either a portion of the balteus itself, formed by allowing this part of the garment to hang loose (which perhaps it must have done, as it is the curved, and there- fore longer edge that is thus drawn across the chest), and then gathering it up in folds and tucking these folds in, as in the figure, or else the folds which composed it were drawn out from the sinus, and either by themselves, or with the loose folds of the balteus, formed the umbo. It seems to have been secured by passing the end of it under the girdle of the tunic ; and perhaps this is what Quintilian means by the words (§ 140), " Subducenda etiam pars aliqua tunicae, ne ad lacertum in actu redeat" The back of the figure, which is not seen in our engravings, was simply covered with the part of the garment which was drawn across it, and which, in the ancient mode of wearing it, reached down to the heels. (Quintil. § 143). Quintilian states how low it was worn in his time, but the meaning ol his words is very obscure (§ 139 : " pars ejus prior mediis cruribus optime terminatur, posterior eadem portione altius qua cinctura." See above). A garment of the supposed shape of the toga, put on according to the above description, has been found by the writer of this article to present an appearance exactly like that of the toga as seen on statues, and Becker states that he has made simi- lar experiments with equally satisfactory results. Tertullian (de Pallio, 5) contrasts the simplicity of the Pallium with the complication of the toga, and his remarks apply very well to the above de- scription. It appears by his account that the folds of the umbo were arranged before the dress was put on, and fixed in their places by pins or hooks ; but generally speaking it does not seem that the toga was held on by any fastening: indeed the contrary may be inferred from Quintilian's direc- tions to an orator for the management of his toga while speaking (§§ 144 — 149). Another mode of wearing the toga was the ductus Gabinus. It consisted in forming a part of the toga itself into a girdle, by drawing its outer edge round the body and tying it in a knot in front, and at the same time covering the head with another portion of the garment. It was worn by persons offering sacrifices (Liv. v. 46 ; Lucan. i. 596), by the consul when he declared war (Virg. Aen. vii. 612), and by devoted persons, as in the case of Decius. (Liv. v. 46.) Its origin was Etruscan, as its name implies (Servius in Virg. I. c; Miiller, Etrusier, vol. i. p. 265; Thiersch in Annal. Acad. Bavar. vol. i. p. 29, quoted by Miiller, Annol. ad Festum, p. 225). Festus (l.c.) speaks of an army about to fight being girt with the cinctus Gabinus. Persons wearing this dress were said to be procincti (or incincti) cinctu (or ritu) Gabino. The colour of the toga worn by men (toga TOGA. virilis) was generally white, that is, the natural colour of white wool. Hence it was called para or vestimentum purum, in opposition to the praetexta mentioned below. A brighter white was given to the toga of candidates for offices (candidate from their toga Candida) by rubbing it with chalk. There is an allusion to this custom in the phrase crefafa ambitio. (Pers. v. 177.) "White togas are often mentioned as worn at festivals, which does not imply that they were not worn commonly, but that new or fresh-cleaned togas were first put on at festivals. (See Lipsius, Elect, i. 13, in Oper. vol. i. pp. 256, 257.) The toga was kept white and clean by the roller [Fullo]. When this was neglected, the toga was called sordida, and those who wore such garments sordidati. This dress (with disarranged hair and other marks of dis- order about the person), was worn by accused per- sons, as in the case of Cicero. (Plut. Cic. 30, 31 ; Dion Cass, xxxviii. 16 ; Liv. vi. 20.) The toga pulla, which was of the natural colour of black wool, was worn in private mourning, and some- times also by artificers and others of the lower orders. (See the passages in Forcellini, s. w. Pullus, Pullalus.) The toga picta, which was ornamented with Phrygian embroidery, was worn by generals in triumphs [Triumphus], and under the em- perors by the consuls, and by the praetors when they celebrated the games. It was also called Capitolina. (Lamprid. Alex. Sever, c. 40.) The toga palmata was a kind of toga picta. The toga praetexta had a broad purple border. It was worn with the Bulla, by children of both sexes. It was also worn by magistrates, both those of Rome, and those of the colonies and municipia, by the sacerdotes, and by persons engaged in sacred rites or paying vows. (Liv. xxxiv. 7 ; Festus, s. v. Praetexta pvlla.) Among those who possessed the pts togae praetextae habendae, the following may be more particularly mentioned : the dictator, the consuls, the praetors (who laid aside the praetexta when about to condemn a Roman citizen to death), the augurs (who, however, are supposed by some to have worn the trabea), the decemviri sacris faciundis [Decemviri], the aediles, the triumviri epulones, the senators on festival days (Cic. Phil. ii. 43), the magistri collegii, and the magistri vicorum when celebrating games. [Magister.] In the case of the tribuni plebis, censors, and quaestors there is some doubt upon the subject. The praetexta pulla might only be worn at the celebration of a funeral. (Festus. I. c.) The toga praetexta, as has been above remarked, is said to have been derived from the Etruscans. It is said to have been first adopted, with the latus clavus [Clavus Latus], by Tnllus Hostilius as the royal robe, whence its use by the magistrates in the republic. (Plin. H. N. ix. 39. s. 63.) Ac- cording to Macrobius (Sat. i. 6) the toga intro- duced by Hostilius was not only praetexta, but also sicta. Pliny states (H. N. viii. 48. s. 74) that the toga regia undulata (that is, apparently, embroi- dered with waving lines or bands) which had been worn by Servius Tullius was preserved in the tem- ple of Fortune. The toga praetexta and the bulla rarea were first given to boys in the case of the ion of Tarquinius Priscus, who at the age of four- teen, in the Sabine war, slew an enemy with his iwn hand. (Macrob. I- c, where other particulars respecting the use of the toga praetexta may be bund.) Respecting the leaving off of the toga TORCULUM. 1137 praetexta and the assumption of the toga virilis, see Impuees, Bulla, Clavus Latus. The occasion was celebrated with great rejoicings by the friends of the youth, who attended him in a solemn pro- cession to the Forum and Capitol. (Valer. Max. v. 4. § 4.) This assumption of the toga virilis was called tirocinium fori, as being the young man's introduction to public life, and the solemnities at- tending it are called by Pliny (Epist. i. 9) officiant togae virilis, and by Tertullian (de Idolol. c. 16) solemnitates togae. The public ceremonies, con- nected with the assumption of the toga virilis by the sons of the emperors, are referred to by Sue- tonius (Oct. 26, Tib. 54, Calig. 16, Ner. 7). The toga virilis is called liberahy Ovid (Fasti, iii. 771). Girls wore the praetexta till their marriage. The trabea was a toga ornamented with purple horizontal stripes. Servius (ad Aen. vii. 612) men- tions three kinds of trabea ; one wholly of purple, which was sacred to the gods, another of purple and white, and another of purple and saffron, which belonged to augurs. The purple and white trabea was a royal robe, and is assigned to the Latin and early Roman kings, especially to Romulus. (Plin. H. N. viii. 49, ix. 39 ; Virg. Aen. vii. 1 87, xi. 334; Ovid. Fast. ii. 504.) It was worn by the consuls in public solemnities, such as opening the temple of Janus. (Virg. Aen. vii. 612 ; Claudian. in Rufin. i. 249.) The equites wore it at the transvectio and in other public solemnities. (Valer. Max. ii. 2 ; Tacit. Ann. iii. 2.) Hence the trabea is mentioned as the badge of the equestrian order. Lastly, the toga worn by the Roman emperors was wholly of purple. It appears to have been first assumed by Julius Caesar. (Cic. Philip, ii. 34.) The material of which the toga was commonly made was wool. It was sometimes thick and sometimes thin. The former was the toga densa, pinguis, or hirta. (Suet. Aug. 82 ; Quintil. xii. 10.) A new toga, with the nap neither worn off nor cut close, was called pexa, to which is opposed the trita or rasa, which was used as a summer dress. (Mar- tial, ii. 85.) On the use of silk for togas see Sericum. It only remains to speak of the general use of the toga. It was originally worn by both sexes ; but when the stola came to be worn by matrons, the toga was only worn by the meretrices and by women who had been divorced on account of adul- tery. [Stola.] Before the use of the toga be- came almost restricted to the upper classes, their toga was only distinguished from that of the lower classes by being fuller and more expensive. In war it was laid aside and replaced by the Palu- damentum and Sag um. Hence togatus is op- posed to miles. The toga was, however, sometimes used by soldiers, but not in battle, nor as their ordinary dress ; but rather as a cloak or blanket. It was chiefly worn in Rome, and hence togatus is opposed to rusticus. The toga was often used as a covering in sleeping ; and lastly, as a shroud for the corpse. (Becker, Gallus, vol. ii. pp. 78 — 88 ; Ferrarius, de Re Vesiiaria ; Rubenius, de Re Vest.) [P. S.j TONSOR. [Barba.] TOPIA'RIUS. [Hortus.] TORA'LIA. [Torus.]. TO'RCULUM or TO'RCULAR (atjxoV), a press for making wine and oil. When the grapes were ripe (crTmpuA.^), the bunches were gathered, any which remained unripe (8/i^>o|) or had become 4 b 1138 TORCULUM. dry or rotten were carefully remoTed (Geopon. vi. 11) [Forfex], and the rest carried from the vine- yard in deep baskets (quali, Virg. Georg. ii. 241 : ra\dpoL, Hes. Scut. 296 ; affixo!, Longus, ii. 1 ; koQ'lvoi, Geopon. I. c.) to be poured into a shallow vat. In this they were immediately trodden by men, who had the lower part of their bodies naked (Virg. Georg. ii. 7), except that they wore drawers [Subligaculum]. At least two persons usually trod the grapes together. To " tread the wine- press alone " indicated desolation and distress. (Is. lxiii. 3.) The Egyptian paintings (Wilkinson, Man. and Oast. vol. ii. pp. 152 — 157) exhibit as many as seven treading in the same vat, and supporting themselves by taking hold of ropes or poles placed above their heads. From the size of the Greek and Roman vats there can be no doubt that the company of treaders was often still more numerous. To prevent confusion and to animate them in their labour they moved in time or danced, as is seen in the ancient mosaics of the church of St. Constantia at Rome, sometimes also leaning upon one another. The preceding circumstances are illustrated in the following woodcut, taken from a bas-relief. (Mm. Matth. iii. tab. 45.) An antefixa in the British Museum (Combe, Anc. Terra-coUas, No. 59) shows a person by the side of the vat performing during this act on the scabellum and tibiae pares, for the purpose of aiding and regulating the movements of ipillijl \y//ff\f^A 1 ^Sl JeHst-^ -fllbS A III II 1 Iw^^jc** W«iM^Mi C © Vt # those in it. Besides this instrumental music they were cheered with a song, called p.4\os itn\ijiiiov (Athen. v. p. 199, a.) or v/wos imkfaios, specimens of which may be seen in Anacreon (fid. xvii. 1 and lii. ; and Brunck, Anal. ii. 239. See Jacobs, ad loe.; compare Theocrit. vii. 25). After the grapes had been trodden sufficiently, they were subjected to the more powerful pressure of a thick and heavy beam [Prelum] for the purpose of obtaining all the juice yet remaining in them. (Vitruv. x. 1 • Virg. Georg. ii. 242 ; Servius in he. ; Hor. Carm. i. 20. 9.) Instead of a beam acted on by wedges, a press with a screw [Cochlea] was sometimes used for the same purpose. (Vitruv. vi. 6 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 31. s. 74.) A strainer or colander [Colum] was employed to clear the must from solid particles, as it flowed from the vat. The preceding woodcut shows the apertures at the bottom of the vat, by which the must {mustum, y\evKos) was discharged, and the method of re- ceiving it, when the vat was small, in wide-mouthed jars, which when full were carried away to be emp- tied into casks (dolia, iriflol, Longus, ii. 1, 2). [Dolium.] When the vineyard was extensive TORMENTUM. and the vat large in proportion, the must flowed into another vat of corresponding size, which was sunk below the level of the ground, and therefore called \mo\iiviov (Mark, xii. 1 ; Geopon. vi.l. 11), in Latin locus. (Ovid. Fast. v. 888 j Plin. Epist. ix. 20; Colum. 'de Re Rust. xii. 18.) From \i\v6s Bacchus was called Lenaeus (An- •vatos). The festival of the Lenaea was celebrated on the spot where the first Attic wine-press was said to have been constructed. [Dionysia.] Olives as well as grapes were subjected to the prelum for the sake of their oil. [Olea, p. 826.] The building erected to contain all the vessels and other implements (torcula vasa, Varro, de Re Rust. iii. 2) for obtaining both wine and oil was called torcularium (Cato, de Re Rust. 12, 13, 18; Col. de Re Rust. xii. 18) and Xiivewv (Geopon. vi. 1). It was situated near the kitchen and the wine-cellar. (Vitruv. vL 6.) [J. Y.] TOREU'TICE. [Caelatura.] TORMENTUM (4iox ipyavov), a mili- tary engine. All the missiles used in war, except those thrown from the sling [Funda], are pro- jected either by the hand alone or with the aid of elastic substances. Of elastic instruments the bow [Arc us] is still used by many nations. But the tormentum, so called from the twisting (torquendo) of hairs, thongs and vegetable fibres (Polyb. iv. 56), has fallen into disuse through the discovery of gun- powder. The word tormentum is often used by itself to denote engines of various kinds. (Cic. ad Fam. xv. 4 j Caes. B.C. iii. 44, 45, B. AlexAQ; Liv. xx. 11 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 82 j Curt. iv. 9. 16.) Often also these engines are specified separately under the names of Balistae and Cataputiae, which names however most commonly occur together in the accounts of sieges and other military operations, because the two kinds of engines denoted by them were almost always used in conjunction. [Hele- polis.] The balista (ireTpoSdAos) was used to shoot stones (Ovid. Trist. i. 2. 48 ; Lucan, vi. 198; Non. Marc. p. 555, ed. Merceri), the catapulta (KaTan4\T7ts t KaTaireATiicfi) to project darts, espe- cially the Falarica [Hasta], and a kind of mis- sile, 4£ feet long, called trifax. (Festus, s.v.) Whilst in besieging a city the ram [Aries] was employed in destroying the lower part of the wall, the balista was used to overthrow the battlements (propugnacula, Plaut. Bacch. iv. 4. 58 — 61; eVa\- £«s), and the catapult to shoot any of the besieged who appeared between them. (Diod. xvii. 42, 45, xx. 48, 88.) The forms of these machines being adapted to the objects which they were intended to throw, the catapult was long, the balistanearly square, which explains the following humourous enumeration by Plautus (Capt. iv. 2. 16) of the three pyxaval, the application of which has just been explained. " Meus est balista pugnus, cubitus catapulta est mihi, Humerus aries." In the same armament the number of catapults was commonly much greater than the number of balistae. (Non. Marc. p. 552, ed. Merceri ; Liv. xxvi. 47.) Also these two classes of machines were both of them distinguished into the greater and the less, the number of " the less "being much more con- siderable than the number of " the greater." When Carthago Nova, which had served the Carthaginians for an arsenal, was taken by the Romans, the fol- TORMENTUM. lowing were found in it : 120 large and 281 small catapults ; 23 large and 52 small balistae. (Liv. /. ft) Three sizes of the balista are mentioned by historians, viz. that which threw stones weighing half a hundred-weight (rpiaKovrafwaiovs \l9ovs, Polyb. ix. 34), a whole hundred-weight (batista centenaria, Non. Marc. I. c. ; Ki8oG6?ws raKavriatos, Polyb. I. c. ; Diod. xx. 86), and three hundred- weight (irerpoS6\os Tpird\avTos, Diod. xx. 48). Besides these, Vitruvius (x. 11) mentions many other sizes, even down to the balista which threw a stone of only two pounds weight. In like manner catapults were denominated according to the length of the arrows emitted from them. (Vitruv. x. 10 ; Schneider, adloc.) According to Josephus, who gives some remarkable instances of the destructive force of the balista, it threw stones to the distance of a quarter of a mile. (B. J. iii. 7. § 19, 23 ; comp. Procop. Bell. Goth, i. 21,23.) Neither from the descriptions of authors nor from the figures on the column of Trajan (Bartoli, Col. Traj. tab. 45 — 47) are we able to form any exact idea of the construction of these engines. Still less are we informed on the subject of the Scorpio or Onager, which was also a tormentum. (Vitruv. x. 10; Liv. xxvi. 6, 47; Amm. Marcel], xx. 7, xxiii. 4.) Even the terms balista and catapvMa are confounded by writers subsequent to Julius Caesar, and Diodorus Siculus often uses KHT«7r€AT7js to include both ba- listae and catapults, distinguishing them by the epithets irerpoSoKoi and o|u6eAe?s (xiii. 51, xx. 48, 83, 86, xxi. 4). The various kinds of tormenta appear to have been invented shortly before the time of Alexander the Great. When horse-hair and other materials failed, the women in several instances cut off their own hair and twisted it into ropes for the engines. (Caes. B. 0. iii. 9 ; Veget. de Re Ma. iv. 9.) These machines, with those who had the manage- ment of them, and who were called balistarii and iupeTai (Polyb. iv. 56), were drawn up in the rear of an advancing army, so as to throw over the heads of the front ranks. In order to attack a maritime city, they were carried on the decks of vessels constructed for the purpose. (Diod. xx. 83 — 86 ; Tacit. Ann. ii. 6.) The meaning of tormentum as applied to the cordage of ships is explained on p. 790, a. [J.Y.] TORMENTUM (P&o-avos), torture. 1. Greek. By a decree of Scamandrius it was ordained that no free Athenian could be put to the torture (An- doc. deMyst. 22 ; compare Lys. irepl rpav/i. 177, c. Agorat. 462) ; and this appears to have been the general practice, notwithstanding the assertion of Cicero (Part. Orat. c. 34) to the contrary (de In- stitutes Atlteniensium, Rhodiorum — apudquos liberi dvesque torquentur). The only two apparent ex- ceptions to this practice are mentioned by Antiphon (de Herod, coed. 729) and Lysias (c. Simon. 153). But, in the case mentioned by Antiphon, Bbckh has shown that the torture was not applied at Athens, but in a foreign country; and in Lysias, as it is a Plataean boy that is spoken of, we have no occasion to conclude that he was an Athenian citizen, since we learn from Demosthenes (c. Neaer. 1381) that all Plataeans were not neces- sarily Athenian citizens. It must, however, be observed that the decree of Scamandrius does not appear to have interdicted the use of torture as a means of execution, since we find Demosthenes (de Cor. 271) reminding the judges that they had put TORMENTUM. 1139 Antiphon to death by the rack ((rr/jeSAc&rcu'Tes), Compare Plut. Phoc. c. 35. The evidence of slaves was, however, always taken with torture, and their testimony was not otherwise received. (Antiph. Tetral. i. p. 633.) From this circumstance their testimony appears to have been considered of more value than that of freemen. Thus Isaeus (De Ciron. Hered. 202) says, " When slaves and freemen are at hand, you do not make use of the testimony of freemen; but, putting slaves to the torture, you thus en- deavour to find out the truth of what has been done." Numerous passages of a similar nature might easily be produced from the orators. (Comp. Demosth. c. Onetor. i. p. 874 ; Antiphon, De Clmreut. 778 ; Lycurg. c. Leocr. 1 59—162.) Any person might offer his own slave to be examined by torture, or demand that of his adversary, and the offer or demand was equally called tt/kjkXtjo-ij eis flatravov. If the opponent refused to give up his slave to be thus examined, such a refusal was looked upon as a strong presumption against him. The ivp6K\i\LaK. 609), In some cases, however, we find a public slave at- tached to the court, who administered the torture (irap4(TTai tie $87; d tirifitos, Kal Papafi6op aacu Kal dvopAffai to ddoyevoi' vwb toC x°P°v, Ka ' Saripous tuavzyKiiv e/ifierpa \4- yovras. From the first clause, in connection with other authorities (Schol. in Aristoph. Aves, 1403), we learn that he introduced the cyclic chorus (a fact mythologically expressed by making him the son of Cycleus) ; i. e. the Dithyramb, instead of being sung as before his time in a wild irregular manner, was danced by a chorus of fifty men around a . blazing altar ; whence in the time of Aristophanes, a dithyrambic poet and a teacher of cyclian choruses were nearly synonymous. (Muller, p. 204.) As the alteration was made at Corinth, we may suppose that the representation of the Dithyrambic was assimilated in some respects to that of the Dorian choral odes. The clause to the effect that Arion introduced Satyrs, i. e. rpdyoi, speaking in verse {trochaic), is by some thought another expression for the invention of the " tra- gic style." A simpler interpretation is, that he introduced the Satyrs as an addition and contrast to the dance and song of the cyclic chorus of the Dithyramb, thus preserving to it its old character as a part of the worship of Bacchus. The phrase ovopA&ai (compare Herod, i. 23) alludes to the different titles given by him to his different Dithy- rambs according to their subjects, for we need not suppose that they all related directly to Bacchus. (Welcker, NacUrag. p. 233.) As he was the first cithara player of his age (Herod, i. 23), it is pro- bable that he made the lyre the principal instru- ment in the musical accompaniment. From the more solemn Dithyrambs then, as im- proved by Arion, with the company of Satyrs, who probably kept up a joking dialogue, ultimately 4 d 3 1142 TRAGOEDIA. sprang the dramatic tragedy of Athens, somewhat in the following manner. The choruses which represented them were under the direction of a leader or exarchus, who, it may be supposed, came forward separately, and whose part was sometimes taken by the poet himself. (Plato, Rep. iii. p. 394, c.) We may also conjecture that the exarchus in each case led off by singing or reciting his part in a solo, and that the chorus dancing round the altar then expressed their feelings of joy or sorrow at his story, representing the perils and sufferings of Dionysus, or some hero, as it might be. Ac- cordingly some scholars have recognized in such choral songs, or in a proximate deviation from them, what has been called a " lyrical tragedy," performed without actors distinct from the chorus, and conceived to be a transition step between the Dithyramb and the dramatic Tragedy. The title, however, does not occur in ancient writers, and therefore, if it means anything, can only refer to re- presentations of the character we have just ascribed to the Dithyrambs of Arion, modified from time to time, according to circumstances or the fancy of the writer. That the names TpayipSla and rpdyip- Soj are applied, indeed, to works and writers before the time of Thespis, and that the " tragedy " of that age was entirely choral, without any regular formal dialogue, is evident from many autho- rities. Thus Athenaeus (xiv. p. 630, c), ob- serves that the whole satyrical poetry formerly consisted of choruses, as did the " tragedy " of old times (ti tot? Tpay(pSta). Again, Diogenes Lae'r- tius (iii. 56) states that formerly the chorus alone acted (SuSpa/iaTi^ey) or performed a drama, on which Hermann (Opusc. vii. 218) observes, "after the Dithyramb was sung, some of the chorus in the guise of Satyrs came forward and impro- vised some ludicrous stories ; but in exhibitions of this sort," he adds, " we see rather drama ticae tragoediae initia, quam ullum lyrici cujusdam generis vestigium." Lyric poets also seem to have been spoken of as Tragedians ; thus according to Suidas (s. v.) Pindar wrote 17 Spd/iara rpayiicd (" but not lyrical tragedies," Hermann, I. c), and Simonides of Ceos wrote tragedies, or a tragedy, as some manuscripts have it. But whatever may be inferred from this, it only proves that Dithy- rambic poets were also called Tragedians, just as in the Scholia on Aristophanes {Pint. 290) a writer is described as Si8vpa/j.€oTrotbs fi rpaycpfiib'tLaKahos. For the arguments on both sides see Hermann, I. c. ; and Bbckh on the Orchomenian Inscriptions. {Greek Tlieatre, p. 28.) The choral Dithyrambic songs, accompanied with mimetic action (the lyrical tragedy ?), prevailed to some extent, as all choral poetry did, amongst the Dorians of the Peloponnesus (Muller, Dorians, ii. 10. § 6) ; whence their derivative, the choral ele- ment of the Attic tragedy, was always written in the Dorian dialect, thus showing its origin. The lyrical poetry was, however, especially popular at Sicyon and in Corinth. In the latter city Arion made his improvements ; in the former " tragic choruses," i. e. dithyrambs of a sad and plaintive character, were very ancient (Herod, v. 67 ; Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 235), and the Sicyonians are also said to have been the inventors of the TpaycptiLa (rpaycptilas evperai p\v 'Sikvwviqi, re- Xeffiovpyol 5h 'AttikoI irotrjTal, Themist. xxvii. p. 406, Dindorf ) ; but of course this can only mean, that the dramatic tragedy was a derivative, TRAGOEDIA. through many changes, of the old satyrical rpaytp. Sia, i. e. of the songs sung with mimetic dancing by the goatlike Satyrs, or as others would say, round the altar, on which lay the burnt sacrifice of a goat. It appears then that there is a good and in- telligible foundation for the claims which, accord- ing to Aristotle (Poet. iii. 3), were made by the Peloponnesians, and especially by the Sicyonians, to the invention of " tragedy," understanding by it ' a choral performance, such as has been described above. Now the subjects of this Dithyrambic tragedy were not always, even in ancient times, confined to Dionysus. Even Arion wrote Dithy- rambs, lelating to different heroes (Herod, i. 23), a practice in which he was followed by succeeding poets, who wrote Dithyramb-like odes (whence they were classed amongst the rpayMol iroirrrai), which they called Centaurs, Ajaces, or Memnons, as it might be. (Zenob. v. 40.) Thus, Epigenes the Sicyonian is said to have written a tragedy, i. e. a piece of dithyrambic poetry on a subject un- connected with Dionysus, which was consequently received with the cry of ovdhv irpbs rbv AtdVoow, or "this has nothing to do with Bacchus." (Apostolus, xv. 13.) If this anecdote be true, and Epigenes preceded Arion, the introduction of the Satyrs into the Dithyrambic chorus by the latter, may possibly have been meant to satisfy the wishes of the people ; but whether it waB so or not, there is scarcely any doubt that from the time of Arion, the tragic dithyramb gradually became less satyrical and sportive in its character, till the creation of the independent Satyric drama and the Attic dramatic tragedy. (Bode, p. 23.) As to the steps by which this was effected, Aristotle (Poet. iv. 14) says, " Tragedy was at the first an extemporaneous effusion (air' apxys o6to- (rxeSmo-TiK^), and was derived &iro t&v ltp,px&»- Tmv rbv Ai86pafi§oy, i. e. from the leaders or the chief singers of the Dithyramb, who probably sang or recited their parts in the trochaic metre, while the main body of the ode was written in irregular verse. It is easy to conceive how the introduction of an actor or speaker independent of the chorus might have been suggested by the exarchs or cory- phaei coming forward separately and making short offhand speeches (Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 228), whether learnt by heart beforehand, or made on the spur of the moment. [Chorus.] But it is also possible, if not probable, that it was sug- gested by the rhapsodical recitations of the epic and gnomic poets formerly prevalent in Greece: the gnomic poetry being generally written ill Iambic verse, the metre of the Attic dialogue, and which Aristotle (Poet. 4) says was used by Homer in his Margites, though its invention is commonly ascribed to Archilochus. In fact the rhapsodisto themselves are sometimes spoken of as actors (iiroicptTal) of the pieces they recited, which they are also said to act (imoicpiv&o-Bcu, Athen. xiv. p. 629, d ; Muller, Literature, &c, p. 34). But if two or more rhapsodes were called upon to go through an episode of a poem, a regulation which obtained at the Panathenaea, and attributed to Solon or Hipparchus (Wolf, Proleg. p. 97 ; Plato, Hippar. p. 228), it is clear that they would pre- sent much of a dramatic dialogue. In fact (Bode, p. 6) the principal scenes of the whole Iliad might in this way have been represented as parts of a drama. These recitations then being bo common, it was natural to combine with the re- TRAGOEDIA. presentation of the Dithyramb, itself a mixture of recitative and choral song, the additional element of the dialogue, written in Iambic verse, a measure suggested perhaps by the gnomic poetry, and used by Solon abont the time of the origin of the dia- logue (Solon, Frag. 28, Gaisford), more especially as it is the most colloquial of all Greek metres (\e«TiKoy) and that into which common conversa- tion most readily falls. It is indeed only a con- jecture that the dialogue or the Ionian element of Attic tragedy was connected with the rhapsodical recitations, but it is confirmed by the fact that Homeric rhapsodes were common at Sicyon (Herod. . v. 67), the cradle of the Dorian tragedy, and also at Brauron in Attica, where the worship of Diony- sus existed from ancient times. (Hesych. 5. v. Bpavpuviots.) This however is certain, that the union of the Iambic dialogue with the lyrical chorus took place at Athens under Peisistratus, and that it was attributed to Thespis, a native of • Icarus, one of the country demes or parishes of Attica where the worship of Dionysus had long prevailed. The introduction of this worship into Attica, with its appropriate choruses, seems to have been partly owing to the commands 01 the Dorian oracle (Dem. c. Mid. p. 531), in very early times. Thus it is stated (Plato, Minos, p. 321 ; Plut. Sol. 29), that tragedy (i. e. the old Dithyrambic and Satyrical tragedy) was very ancient in Attica, and did not originate with Thespis or his cotempora- ries. This alteration made by him, and which gave to the old tragedy ih.p%011.huv tS>v Trepl Qetririv tfSri rijv TpaytpMav Kivziv) a new and dra- matic character (making it an ignotum tragicae genus, Hor. Art. Poet. 275), was very simple but very important. He introduced an actor, as it is recorded, for the sake of giving rest to the chorus (Diog. Laert. iii. SO) and independent of it, in which capacity he probably appeared himself (Plut. Sol. 29), taking various parts in the same piece, under various disguises, which he was enabled to assume by means of the linen masks, the invention of which is attributed to him. Now as a chorus, by means of its leader, could maintain a dialogue with the actor, it is easy to see how with one actor only " a dramatic action might be introduced, continued, and concluded, by the speeches between the choral songs expressive of the joy or sorrow of the chorus at the various events of the drama." Thus Miiller observes that in the play of Pentheus, supposed to have been composed by Thespis, " a single actor might appear successively as Dionysus, Pentheus, a messenger, Agave the mother of Pen- theus, and in these characters express designs and intentions, or relate eventB which could not be re- presented, as the murder of Pentheus by his mother : by which means he would represent the substance of the fable as it appears in the Bacchae of Euripides." (Miiller, p. 29 ; Bode, p. 57.) With respect to the character of the drama of Thespis there has been much doubt : some writers, and especially Bentley (Phalar. p. 218), have maintained that his plays were all satyrical and ludicrous, i. e. the plot of them was some story of Bacchus, the chorus consisted principally of satyrs, and the argument was merry — an opinion indeed which is supported by the fact that in the early part of his time, the satyric drama had not ac- quired a distinctive character. It may also appear to be confirmed by the statement (Aristot. Poet. 4) that at first the Tragedians made use of the tro- TRAGOEDIA. 1143 chaic tetrameter, as being better suited to the satyrical and saltatorial nature of their pieces. But perhaps the truth is that in the early part of his career Thespis retained the satyrical character of the older tragedy, but afterwards inclined to more serious compositions, which would almost oblige him to discard the Satyrs from his choruses. That he did write serious dramas is intimated by the titles of the plays ascribed to him, as well as by the character of the fragments of Iambic verae quoted by Plutarch as his (Bentley, Phalar. p. 214), and which even if they are forgeries of Heraclides Ponticus, at least prove what was the opinion of a scholar of Aristotle on the subject. Besides the assertion that Sophocles (Suidas, in vit.) wrote against the chorus of Thespis seems to show that there was some similarity of character between the productions of the two poets. (Bode, p. 47.) A summary of the arguments in favour of the serious character of the tragedy of Thespis is given by Welcker (NacHrag, pp. 257 — 276). The invention of the prologus and rhesis of tragedy (an expression clearly in some measure identical with the introduction of an actor) is also ascribed to Thespis by Aristotle. (Themist. p. 382, ed. Dind.) By the former word is meant the first speech of the actor (Aristot. Poet. 12), or the prooemium with which he opened the piece ; the chorus then sang the first ode or mipoSos, after which came the prjats or dialogue between the actor and the principal choreutae. The invention of this dialogue is also alluded to in the phrase Ae£e«s 8e yevo/x4vrjs. (Id. 4.) It is evident that the introduction of the dialogue must also have caused an alteration in the arrangement of the chorus, which could not remain cyclic or circular, but must have been drawn up in a rectangular form about the thymele or altar of Bacchus in front of the actor, who was elevated on a platform or table (eA.eds), the forerunner of the stage. The statement in Pollux (iv. 123), that this was the case before Thespis seems incorrect. (Welcker, NacUrag, p. 268.) If we are right in our notion of the general character of the Thespian drama, the phrase ovSev irpos Ai6vvaov, which was cer- tainly used in his time, was first applied to his plays at Athens, as being unconnected with the fortunes of Dionysus, and as deviations from the jiinpol fivQoi KaX \ei;is yehola. of his predecessors. Plutarch however (Symp. i. 5) supposes that its first application was. later : he says " when Phryni- chus and Aeschylus continued to elevate tragedy to legends and tales of sufferings (eis ftiBovs Kal Trady irpoay6vT03v), the people missing and regret- ting the old Satyric chorus, said, " What is this to Bacchus ? " Hence the expression was used to sig- nify what was mal-a-propos, or beside the ques- tion. The reader mayiave observed that we have not noticed the lines of Horace (Ar. Poet. 276) : " Dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis, Quae canerent agerentque peruncti faecibus ora." The fact is that they are founded on a misconcep- tion of the origin of the Attic tragedy, and that the tale about the wagons of Thespis probably arose out of a confusion of the wagon of the comedian Susarion with the platform of the Thespian actor. The first representation of Thespis was in B. c. 535. His immediate successors were the Athenian Choerilus and Phrynichus, the former of whom represented 4 D 4 1144 TRAGOEDIA. plays as early as B. c. 524. He is said by Suidas to have written 150 pieces : from the title of one of them, the " Alope," its subject seems to have been a legend of Attic origin. (Paus. i. 14. § 3 ; Bode, p. 60.) That he excelled in the Satyrical drama invented by Pratinas, is indicated by the line of an unknown author, 'Hvlica nev flav is all the part between whole choral odes. The Qofios that part which has no choral ode after it. Of the choral part the irdpoSos is the first speech of the whole chorus (not broken up into parts): the stasimon is without anapaests and trochees. These two divisions were sung by all the choreutae (icotvh aTrdrrav), but the " songs on the stage " and the «i\apxos, like those of the patrician tribes. (Dionys. iv. 1 4.) He mentions them only in connec- tion with the city tribes, but there can be no doubt that each of the rustic tribes was likewise headed by a tribune. The duties of these tribunes, who were without doubt the most distinguished per- sons in their respective districts, appear to have consisted at first in keeping a register of the in- habitants in each district and of their property, for purposes of taxation and for levying the troops for the armies. When subsequently the Roman people became exempted from taxes, the main part of their business was taken from them, but they still continued to exist. Niebuhr (i. p. 421) sup- poses that the tribuni aerarii, who occur down to the end of the republic, were only the successors of the tribunes of the tribes. Varro (de Ling. Lat. vi. 86) speaks of curatores omnium tribuum, a name by which he probably means the tribunes of the tribes. When in the year 406 B.c. the custom of giving pay (stipendium) to the soldiers was in- troduced, each of the tribuni aerarii had to collect the tributum in his own tribe, and with it to pay the soldiers (Varro, de Ling. Lat. v. 181), and in case they did not fulfil this duty, the soldiers had the right of pignoris capio against them. (Cato, TRIBUNUS. 1149 op. Gell. vii. 10.) In later times their duties ap- pear to have been confined to collecting the tribu- tum, which they made over to the military quaes- tors who paid the soldiers. [Quaestor.] The lex Aurelia (70 B. c.) called the tribuni aerarii to the exercise of judicial functions, along with the senators and equites, as these tribunes represented the body of the most respectable citizens. (Orelli, Onom. Tull. iii. p. 142 ; Appian, de Bell. Civ. iii. 23.) But of this distinction they were subse- quently deprived by Julius Caesar. (Suet. Caes. 41.) 3. Tribuni plebis. The ancient tribunes of the plebeian tribes had undoubtedly the right of convoking the meetings of their tribes, and of main- taining the privileges granted to them by king Servius and subsequently by the Valerian laws. But this protection was very inadequate against the insatiable ambition and usurpations of the patricians. When the plebeians, impoverished by long wars and cruelly oppressed by the patricians, at last seceded in the year 494 b. c. to the Mons Sacer, the patricians were obliged to grant to the plebeians the right of appointing tribunes (tribuni plebis) with more efficient powers to protect their own order than those which were possessed by the heads of the tribes. The purpose for which they were appointed was only to afford protectiom against any abuse on the part of the patrician magistrates j and that they might be able to afford such protec- tion, their persons were declared sacred and invio- lable, and it was agreed that whoever acted against this inviolability should be an outlaw, and that his property should be forfeited to the temple of Ceres. (Liv. ii. 33 ; Dionys. vi. 89.) This decree seems to contain evidence that the heads of the tribes in their attempts to protect members of their own order had been subject themselves to insult and maltreatment; and that similar things occurred even after the sanctity of the tribunes was established by treaty, maybe inferred from the fact, that, some time after the tribuneship was instituted, heavy punish- ments were again enacted against those, who should venture to annoy a tribune when he was making a proposition to the assembly of the tribes. The law by which these punishments were enacted ordained that no one should oppose or interrupt a tribune while addressing the people, and that whoever should act contrary to this ordinance should give bail to the tribunes for the payment of whatever fine they should affix to his offence in arraigning him before the commonalty : if he refused to give bail, his life and property were forfeited. (Dionys. vii. 17.) It should however be observed that this law belongs to a later date than that assigned to it by Dionysius, as has been shown by Niebuhr (ii. p. 98) ; it was in all probability made only a short time before its first application in 461 B. o. in the case of Caeso Quinctius. (Liv. iii. 13.) The tri- bunes were thus enabled to afford protection to any one who appealed to the assembly of the common- alty, or required any other assistance. They were essentially the representatives and the organs of the plebeian order, and their sphere of action was the comitia tributa. With the patricians and their comitia they had nothing to do. The tribunes themselves however were not judges and could in- flict no punishments (Gellius, xiii. 12), but could only propose the imposition of a fine to the com- monalty (multam irrogare). The tribunes were thus in their origin only a protecting magistracy of 1160 TRIBUNES. the plebs, but in the course of time their power increased to such a degree that it surpassed that of all other magistrates, and the tribunes then, as Niebuhr (i. p. 614) remarks, became a ma- gistracy for the whole Roman people in opposition to the senate and the oligarchical elements in general, although they had nothing to do with the administration or the government. During the latter period of the republic they became true tyrants, and Niebuhr justly compares their college, such as it was in later times, to the national con- vention of France during the first revolution. But notwithstanding the great and numerous abuses which were made of the tribunitian power by in- dividuals, the greatest historians and statesmen confess that the greatness of Rome and its long duration is in a great measure attributable to the institution of this office. As regards the number of the tribunes of the people, all the ancient writers agree (see the pas- sages in Niebuhr, i. n. 1356), that at first they were only two, though the accounts differ as to the ^ames of the first tribunes. Soon afterwards, how- ever, the number of tribunes was increased to five, one being taken from each of the five classes. (As- con, in Cic. Corn. p. 56, ed. Orelli ; Zonar. vii. 15.) When this increase took place is quite uncertain. According to Dionysius (vi. 89) three new tribunes were added immediately after the appointment of the first two. Cicero (Fragm. Cornel, p. 451, Orelli) states, that the year after the institution of the tribunes their number was increased to ten; according to Livy (ii. 33) the first two tribunes immediately after their appointment elected them- selves three new colleagues ; according to Piso (ap. Liv. ii. 58) there were only two tribunes down to the time of the Publilian laws. It would be hope- less to attempt, to ascertain what was really the case ; thus much only is certain, that the number was not increased to ten till the year 457 B. c, and that then two were taken from each of the five classes. (Liv. iii. 30 ; Dionys. x. 30.) This number appears to have remained unaltered down to the end of the empire. The time when the tribunes were elected was, according to Dionysius (vi. 89), always on the 10th of December, although it is evident from Cicero (ad Att. i. 1) that in his time at least the election took place a. d. xvi. Kal. Sextil. (17th of July.) It is almost superfluous to state that none but ple- beians were eligible to the office of tribune ; hence when towards the end of the republic patricians wished to obtain the office, they were obliged first to renounce their own order and to become ple- beians [Patricii, p. 876] ; hence also under the empire it was thought that the princeps should not be tribune because he was a patrician. (Dion Cass. liii. 17, 32.) But the influence which be- longed to this office was too great for the emperors not to covet it. Hence Augustus received the tri- bunitia potestas for life. (Suet. Aug. 27 ; Tacit. Annal.i.2; compare Suet. 7>S6er. 9,23, Vesp. 12, Tit. 6.) During the republic, however, the old regula- tion remained in force even after the tribunes had ceased to be the protectors of the plebs alone. The only instance in which patricians were elected to the tribuneship is mentioned by Livy (iii. 65), and this was probably the consequence of an attempt to divide the tribuneship between the two orders. Although nothing appears to be more natural than that the tribunes should originally TRlBtJNUS. have been elected by that body of the Roman citi- zens which they represented, yet the subject is in- volved in considerable obscurity. Cicero (Fragm. Gomel. l.c.) states that they were elected by the comitia of the curies ; the same is implied in the accounts of Dionysius (I. c.) and Livy (ii. 55), ac- cording to whom the comitia of the tribes did not obtain this right till the Lex Publilia (472 B.C.; Liv. ii. 56 ; Dionys. x. 41). Niebuhr thinks (i. p. 618) that down to the Publilian law they were elected by the centuries, the classes of which they represented in their number, and that the curies, as Dionysius himself mentions in another place (vi. 90), had nothing to do with the election except to sanction it. The election in the comitia of the centuries however does not remove the difficulties, whence Gottling (p. 289) is inclined to think that the tribunes before the expiration of their office appointed their successors, after a previous con- sultation with the plebeians. The necessity of the sanction by the curies cannot be doubted, but it appears to have ceased even some time before the Publilian law. (Niebuhr, ii. p. 190.) After this time it is never heard of again, and the election of the tribunes was left entirely to the comitia tributa, which were convoked and held for this purpose by the old tribunes previously to the expiration of their office. (Liv. ii. 56, &c. j Dionys. ix. 43, 49.) One of the old tribunes was appointed by lot to presids at the election. (Liv. iii. 64; Appian, de Bell. do. i. 14.) As the meeting could not be prolonged after sunset, and the business was to be completed in one day, it sometimes happened that it was obliged to break up before the election was completed, and that those who were elected filled up the legitimate number of the college by cooptatio. (Liv. I. c.) But in order to prevent this irregularity the tribune L. Trebonius in 448 b. c. got an ordinance passed, according to which the college of the tribunes should never be completed by cooptatio, but the elections should be continued on the second day, if they were not completed on the first, till the number ten was made up. (Liv. iii. 64, 65, v. 10; comp. Niebuhr, ii. p. 383.) The place where the election of the tribunes was held was originally and lawfully the Forum, afterwards also the Campus Martius, and sometimes the area of the Capitol. We now proceed to trace the gradual growth of the tribunitian power. Although its original cha- racter was merely auxilium or fioiiOeia. against pa- trician magistrates, the plebeians appear early to have regarded their tribunes also as mediators or arbitrators in matters among themselves. This statement of Lydus (de M agist, i. 38, 44; Dionys. vii. 58) has been pointed out by Walter (Gesch. d.' Horn. Rechts, p. 85). The whole power possessed by the college of tribunes was designated by the name tribunida potestas, and extended at no time further than one mile beyond the gates of the city; at a greater distance than this they came under the imperium of the magistrates, like every other citizen. (Liv. iii. 20; Dionys. viii. 87.) As they were the public guardians, it was necessary that every one should have access to them and at any time ; hence the doors of their houses were open day and night for all who were in need of help and protection, which they were empowered to afford against any one, even against the highest magis- trates. For the same reason a tribune was not allowed to be absent from the city for a whole day, TRlBUNUS. except during the Feriae Latinae, when the whole people was assembled on the Alban Mount. (Ma- crob. Sat. i. 3.) In the year 456 B. c. the tribunes, in opposition to the consuls, assumed the right to convoke the senate, in order to lay before it a rogation and dis- cuss the same (Dionys. x. 31, 32) ; for until that time the consuls alone had had the right of laying plebiscita before the senate for approbation. Some years after, 452 B. c, the tribune demanded of the consuls to request the senate to make a senatus- consultuin for the appointment of persons to frame a new legislation ; and during the discussions on this subject the tribunes themselves were present In the senate. (Dionys. x. 50, 52.) The written legislation which the tribunes then wished can only have related to their own order ; but as such a legislation would only have widened the breach between the two orders, they afterwards gave way to the remonstrances of the patricians, and the new legislation was to embrace both orders. (Liv. iii. 31 ; Zonar. vii. 18.) From the second decemvi- rate the tribuneship was suspended, but was re- stored after the legislation was completed, and now assumed a different character from the change that had taken place in the tribes. [Tribus (Roman.)] The tribunes now had the right to be present at the deliberations of the senate (Liv. iii. 69, iv. 1) ; bat they did not sit among the senators themselves, but upon benches before the opened doors of the senate-house. (Val. Max. ii. 2. § 7 ; F. Hofmann, Der BSm. Senat, p. 109, &c.) The inviolability of the tribunes, which had before only rested upon a contract between the two estates, was now sanc- tioned and confirmed by a law of M. Horatius. (Liv. iii. 55.) As the tribes now also included the patricians and their clients, the tribimes might naturally be asked to interpose on behalf of any citizen, whether patrician or plebeian. Hence the patrician ex-decemvir, Appius Claudius, implored the protection of the tribunes. (Liv. iii. 56 ; comp. also viii. 33, 34 ; Niebuhr, ii. p. 374.) About this time the tribunes also acquired the right to take the auspices in the assemblies of the tribes. (Zonaras, vii. 19.) They also assumed again the right which they had exercised before the time of the decemvirate, to bring patricians who had violated the rights of the plebeians before the comitia of the tribes, as is clear from several instances. (Liv. iii. 56, &c, iv. 44, v. 11, &c.) Respecting the authority which a plebiscitum pro- posed to the tribes by a tribune received through the lex Valeria, see Plebiscitum. While the college thus gained outwardly new strength every day, a change took place in its internal organisa- tion, which to some extent paralyzed its powers. Before the year 394 b. c. every thing had been decided in the college by a majority (Liv. ii. 43, 44 ; Dionys. ix. 1, 2, 41, x. 31) ; but about this time, we do not know how, a change was intro- duced, which made the opposition (intercessio) of one tribune sufficient to render a resolution of his colleagues void. (Zonar. vii. 15.) This new re- gulation does not appear in operation till 394 and 393 b. c. (Liv. v. 25, 29) ; the old one was still applied in b. c. 421 and 415. (Liv. iv. 42, 48 ; comp. Niebuhr, ii. p. 438.) From their right of appearing in the senate, and of taking part in its discussions, and from their being the repre- sentatives of the whole peopIe,_ they gradually obtained the right of intercession against any TRlBUNUS. 1151 action which a magistrate might undertake during the time of his office, and this even without giving any reason for it. (Appian, de Bell. Civ. i. 23.) Thus we find a tribune preventing a consul con- voking the senate (Polyb. vi. 16), preventing the proposal of new laws or elections in the comitia (Liv. vi. 35, vii. 17, x. 9, xxvii. 6) ; and they interceded against the official functions of the censors (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 9 ; Liv. xliii. 16) ; and even against a command issued by the praetor. (Liv. xxxviii. 60 ; Gell. vii. 19.) In the same manner a tribune might place his veto upon an ordinance of the senate (Polyb. vi. 16 ; Dion Cass, xli. 2) ; and thus either compel the senate to sub- mit the subject in question to a fresh consideration, or to raise the session. (Caes. de Bell. Civ. i. 2 ; Appian, de Bell. Civ. i. 29.) In order to propose a measure to the senate they might themselves con- voke a meeting (Gellius, xiv. 7), or when it had been convoked by a consul they might make then- proposal even in opposition to the consul, a right which no other magistrates had in the presence of the consuls. The senate, on the other hand, had itself, in certain cases, recourse to the tribunes. Thus, in 431 B. c. it requested the tribunes to compel the consuls to appoint 'a dictator, in com- pliance with a decree of the senate, and the tri- bunes compelled the consuls, by threatening them with imprisonment, to appoint A. Postumius Tubertus dictator. (Liv. iv. 26.) From this time forward we meet with several instances in which the tribunes compelled the consuls to comply with the decrees of the senate, si mm essent in auctoritate senutus, and to execute its commands. (Liv. v. 9, xxviii. 45.) In their relation to the senate a change was introduced by the Plebiscitum Atinium, which ordained that a tribune, by virtue of his office, should he a senator. (Gellius,.xiv. 8 ; Zonar. vii. 15.) When this plebiscitum was made is un- certain ; but we know that in 170 B. c. it was not yet in operation. (Liv. xlv. 15.) It probably originated with C. Atinius, who was tribune in B. c. 132. (Liv. Epit. 59 ; Plin. H.N. vii. 45.) But as the quaestorship, at least in later times, was the office which persons held previously to the tribuneship, and as the quaestorship itself con- ferred upon a person the right of being present and expressing his opinion in the senate, the law of Atinius was in most cases superfluous. In their relation to other magistrates we may observe, that the right of intercessio was not con- fined to stopping a magistrate in his proceedings, but they might even command their viatores [Viator] to seize a consul or a censor, to im- prison him, or to throw him from the Tarpeian rock. (Liv. ii. 56, iv. 26, v. 9, ix. 34, Epit. 48, 55 9 59 ; Cic. de Leg. iii. 9, in Vatin. 9 ; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 50.) It is mentioned by Labeo and Varro (ap. GeU. xiii. 12) that the tribunes, when they brought an accusation against any one before the people, had the right of prehensio, but not the right of vocatio, that is, they might command a person to be dragged by their viatores before the comitia, but could not summon him. An attempt to account for this singularity is made by Gellius (I. a). They might, as in earlier times, propose a fine to be inflicted upon the person accused before the comitia, but in some cases they dropped this proposal and treated the case as a capital one. (Liv. viii. 33, xxv. 4, xxvi. 3.) The college of tribunes had also the power of making edicts, as 1162 TRIBUNUS. that mentioned by Cicero (in Verr. ii. 41 ; comp. Gell. iv. 14 ; Liv. xxxviii. 62). In cases in which one member of the college opposed a resolution of his colleagues nothing could be done, and the measure was dropped ; but this useful check was removed by the example of C. Tiberius Gracchus, in which a precedent was given for proposing to the people that a tribune obstinately persisting in his veto should be deprived of his office. (Appian, de Bell. Civ. i. 12 ; Plut. Tib. Gracch. 11, 12, 15 ; Cic. de Leg. iii. 10 ; Dion Cass, xxxvi. 13.) From, the time of the Hortensian law the power of the tribunes had been gradually rising to such a height that there was no other in the state to equal it, whence Velleius (ii. 2) even speaks of the im- perium of tribunes. They had acquired the right of proposing to the comitia tributa or the senate measures on nearly all the important affairs of the state, and it would be endless to enumerate the cases in which their power was manifested. Their proposals were indeed usually made ex auctoritate senatus, or had been communicated to and ap- proved by it (Liv. xlii. 21) ; but cases in which the people itself had a direct interest, such as a gene- ral legal regulation (Liv. xxi. 63, xxxiv. 1), the granting of the franchise (Liv. xxxviii. 36), the alteration of the attributes of a magistrate (Liv. xxii. 25, &c), and others, might be brought before the people, without their having previously been communicated to the senate, though there are also instances of the contrary. (Liv. xxxv. 7, xxvii. S.) Subjects belonging to the administration could not be brought before the tribes without the tribunes having previously received through the consuls the auctoritas of the senate. This how- ever was done very frequently, and hence we have mention of a number of plebiscita on matters of administration. (See a list of them in Walter, p. 132, n. 11.) It sometimes even occurs that the tribunes brought the question concerning the con- clusion of a peace before the tribes, and then com- pelled the senate to ratify the resolution as ex- pressing the wish of the whole people. (Liv. xxx. 43, xxxiii. 25.) Sulla, in his reform of the con- stitution on the early aristocratic principles, left to the tribunes only the jus auxiliandi, but de- prived them of the right of making legislative or other proposals, either to the senate or the comi- tia, without having previously obtained the sanc- tion of the senate. [Tribus (Roman).] But this arrangement did not last, for Pompey restored to them their former rights. (Zachariae, L. Corn. Sidla, als Ordner des Rom. Freistaates, ii. p. 12, &c. and p. 99, &c.) During the latter period of the republic, when the office of quaestor was in most cases held im- mediately before that of tribune, the tribunes were generally elected from among the senators, and this continued to be the same under the empire. (Appian. de Sell. Civ. i. 100.) Sometimes, how- ever, equites also obtained the office, and thereby became members of the senate (Suet. Aug. 10, 40), where they were considered of equal rank with the quaestors. (Veil. Pat. ii. 111.) Tribunes of the people continued to exist down to the fifth century of our aera, though their powers became naturally much limited, especially in the reign of Nero. (Tacit. Annal. iii. 28.) They continued however to have the right of intercession against decrees of the senate, and on behalf of injured in- dividuals. (Tacit. Annal. xvi. 26, Hist. ii. 91, TRIBtTS. iv. 9 ; Plin. JEpist. i. 23, ix. 13 ; comp. Becker, Handb. der Rom. AUerth. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 247, &c.) 4. TRIBUNI MILITCM CUM CONSULAR! POTE- state. When in 445 B. c. the tribune C. Canu- leius brought forward the rogation that the consul- ship should not be confined to either order (Liv. iv. 1 ; Dionys. xi. 52), the patricians evaded the at- tempt by a change in the constitution : the powers which had hitherto been united in the consulship were now divided between two new magistrates, viz. the Tribuni militum cumconsularipotestateanA the censors. Consequently, in 444 b. c. three mi- litary tribunes, with consular power, were appointed, and to this office the plebeians were to be equally eligible with the patricians. (Liv. iv. 7 ; Dionys. xi. 60, &c.) For the years following however, the people were to be at liberty, on the proposal of the senate, to decide whether consuls were to be elected according to the old custom, or consular tribunes. Henceforth, for many years, sometimes consuls and sometimes consular tribunes were ap- pointed, and the number of the latter varied from three to four, until in 405 B. c. it was increased to six, and as the censors were regarded as their col- leagues, we have sometimes mention of eight tri- bunes. (Liv. iv. 61, v. 1 ; Diodor. xv. 50 ; Liv. vi. 27 ; Diodor. xv. 51 ; Liv. vi. 30.) At last, however, in 367 B. c. the office of these tribunes was abolished by the Licinian law, and the consul- ship was restored. The consular tribunes were elected in the comitia of the centuries, and un- doubtedly with less solemn auspices than the con- suls. Concerning the irregularity of their number, see Niebuhr, ii. p. 325, &c, p. 389, &c. ; comp. Gb'ttling, p. 326, &c. ; Becker, Handb. der Rom. AUerth. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 136, &c. 5. Tribuni Militares. [Exercitus, pp. 503, 504.] 6. Tribunus Voluptatum, was an officer who does not occur till after the time of Diocletian, and who had the superintendence of all public amusements, especially of theatrical performances. (Cassiodor. Variar. vii. 10.) [L. S.] TRIBUS (uM). 1. Greek. In the earliest times of Greek history mention is made of people being divided into tribes and clans. Homer speaks of such divisions in terms which seem to im- ply that they were elements that entered into the composition of every community. Nestor advises Agamemnon to arrange his army Kara u- Xapxot, ffTpaTTjyoi, &c. In b. c. 307 Demetrius Poliorcetes increased the number of tribes to twelve by creating two new ones, namely Antigonias and Demeirias, which afterwards received the names of Ptolemais and Attalis ; and a thirteenth was subsequently added by Hadrian, bearing his own name. (Plut. Demetr. 10; Paus. i. 5. § 5; Pollux, viii. 110.) The preceding account is only intended as a brief sketch of the subject, since it is treated of under several other articles, which should be read in connection with this. [Civitas (Greek) ; Demus ; Phylarchi ; Phylobasileis, &c.J (See Wachsmuth, vol. i. pt. i. pp. 224 — 240 ,• Hermann, Lehrbuch d. Griecli. Stoats. §§ 24, 93, 94, 111, 175, 176 ; Schomann, Ant.jur.pub. pp. 165, 178, 200, 395 ; Thirlwall, vol. ii. pp. 1—14, 32, 73.) [C.R.K.] 2. Roman. The three ancient Romulian tribes, the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, or the Ram- nenses, Titienses, and Lucerenses, to which the patricians alone belonged, must be distinguished from the thirty plebeian tribes of Servius Tullius, which were entirely local, four for the city, and twenty-six for the country around Rome. The history and organization of the three ancient tribes is spoken of under Patricii. They continued of political importance almost down to the time of the decemviral legislation ; but after this time they no longer occur in the history of Rome, except as an obsolete institution. The institution and organization of the thirty plebeian tribes, and their subsequent reduction to 4b 2 1156 TRIBUS. twenty by the conquests of Porsenna, are spoken of under Plebes. The four city tribes were called by the same name as the regions which they occupied, viz. Suburana, Esquilina, Collina, and Palatina. (Varro, De Ling. Lot. v. 56. ; Festus, s. v. XJrbanas tribus.') The names of the sixteen country tribes which continued to belong to Rome after the conquest of Porsenna, are in their alpha- betical order as follow : Aemilia, Camilia, Cor- nelia, Fahia, Galeria, Horatia, Lemonia, Menenia, Papiria, PoUia (which Niebuhr, i. n. 977, thinks to be the same as the Poblilia, which was insti- tuted at a later time), Papiria, Pupinia, Romilia, Sergia, Yeturia, and Voltinia. (Compare Gottling, Gesch. d. Rom. Staatsv. p. 238.) As Rome gra- dually acquired possession of more of the sur- rounding territory, the number of tribes also was gradually increased. When Appius Claudius, with his numerous train of clients, emigrated to Rome, lands were assigned to them in the district where the Anio flows into the Tiber, and a new tribe, the tribus Claudia, was formed. This tribe, which Livy (ii. 1 6, if the reading is correct) calls vetus Claudia tribus, was subsequently enlarged, and was then designated by the name Crustumina or Clustumina. (Niebuhr, i. n. 1236.) This name is the first instance of a country tribe being named after a place, for the sixteen older ones all derived their names from persons or heroes who were in the same relation to them, as the Attic heroes called firc&i/ufiot were to the Attic phylae. In B. c. 387, the number of tribes was increased to twenty-five by the addition of four new ones, viz. the Stella- Una, Tvomentina, Sabatina, and Arniensis. (Liv. vi. 5 ; Niebuhr, ii. p. 575.) In 358 B. o. two more, the Pomptina and Publilia, were formed of Volscians. (Liv. vii. 15.) In B. c. 332, the Censors Q. Publilius Philo and Sp. Postumius increased the number of tribes to twenty-nine, by the addition of the Maecia and Scaptia. (Liv. viii. 17.) In B. c. 318 the Ufentina and Falerina were added. (Liv. ix. 20.) In B.C. 299 two others, the Aniensis and Tercntina were added by the censors (Liv. x. 9), and at last, in b. c. 241, the number of tribes was augmented to thirty-five, by the addition of the Quirina and Velina. This number was never afterwards increased, as none of the conquered nations were after this incorporated with the so- vereign Roman state. (Liv. Epit. 19, i. 43.) When the tribes, in their assemblies, transacted any busi- ness, a certain order (ordo tribuum) was observed, in which they were called upon to give their votes. The first in the order of succession was the Subu- rana, and the last the Arniensis. (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 29.) Any person belonging to a tribe had in important documents to add to his own name that of his tribe, in the ablative case. (Nomen, p. 802, b. Compare Becker, Handb. der Rom. Alterth. vol. ii. pt. i. p. 164, &c.) Whether the local tribes, as they were established by the constitution of Servius Tullius, contained only the plebeians, or included the patricians also, is a point on which the opinions of modern scholars are divided. Niebuhr, Walter, and others, think that the patricians were excluded, as they had al- ready a regular organization of their own; Wachs- muth, Gerlach, Rein, Becker, and others, on the contrary, maintain that the patricians also were in- corporated in the Servian tribes ; but they allow, at the same time, that by far the majority of the people in the assemblies of the tribes were plebeians, and TRIBUTUM. that hence the character of these assemblies was es- sentially plebeian ; especially as the patricians, being so few in numbers, and each of them having no more influence in them than a plebeian, seldom attended the meetings of the tribes. The passages, however, which are quoted in support of this opinion, are partly insufficient to prove the point (as Liv. ii. 56, 60 ; Dionys. ix. 41), and partly belong to a later period, when it certainly cannot be doubted that the patricians belonged to the tribes. We must therefore suppose, with Niebuhr, that down to the decemviral legislation the tribes and their assem- blies were entirely plebeian. The assemblies of the tribes (comitiatributa), as long as they were confined to the plebeians, can scarcely have had any influence upon the affairs of the state : all they had to do was to raise the tri- butum, to hold the levies for the armies, and to manage their own local and religious affairs. [Tri- bunus ; Plebes.] (Fest. s. to. Jugarius, Publico sacra, Sobrium ; Varro, de Ling. Lot. vi. 24 ; Cic. pro Dom. 28 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 4. 16.) Their meetings were held in the forum, and their sphere of action was not extended by the establishment of the republic The first great point they gained was through the lex Valeria, passed by Valerius Publicola. [Leges Valeriae.] But the time from which the increase of the power of the co- mitia of the tribes must be dated, is that in which the tribuni plebis were instituted (494 B. c). During the time of the decemviral legislation the comitia were for a short time deprived of their influence, but we have every reason to believe that immediately after, probably by this legislation it- self, the comitia tributa, instead of a merely ple- beian, became a national assembly, inasmuch as henceforth patricians and freeborn clients were in- corporated in the tribes, and thus obtained the right of taking part in their assemblies. (Liv. iv. 24, v. 30, vi. 18, xxix. 37.) This new con- stitution of the tribes also explains the otherwise unaccountable phenomena mentioned in the article Tribunus, that patricians sought the protection of the tribunes, and that on one occasion even two of the tribunes were patricians. From the latter fact it has been inferred, with great probability, thai about that time attempts were made by the patri- cians to share the tribuneship with the plebeians. But notwithstanding the incorporation of the patri- cians in the tribes, the comitia tributa remained essentially plebeian, as the same causes, which would have acted, had the patricians been included in the tribes by Servius Tullius, were still in ope- ration ; for the patricians were now even fewer in number than two centuries before. Hence the old name of plebiscitum, which means originally a re- solution of the plebes only, although in a strict sense of the word no longer applicable, was Btill retained, as a resolution of the comitia tributa was practically a resolution of the plebes, which the patricians, even if they had voted against it unani' mously, could not have prevented. Moreover, owing to this, the patricians probably attended the comitia tributa very seldom. For a more detailed account of the comitia tributa, see Comitia tri- buta. [L. S.] TRIBU'TA COMFHA [Comitia.] TRIBUTORIA A'CTIO. [Servus, p. 1037.] TRIBU'TUM is a tax which, as Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, i. p. 468) supposes, was at first paid only by the plebeians, since the name itself is used by TRIBUTUM. the ancients in connection with the Servian tribes ; for Varro {de Ling. Lat. v. 181) says " tributum dictum a tribubus," and Livy (i. 43) " tribus ap- pellatae atributo." But this seems to be only par- tially correct, as Livy (iv. 60) expressly states that the- patres also paid the same tax. It is indeed true, that the patricians had little real landed pro- perty, and that their chief possessions belonged to the ager publicus, which was not accounted in the census as real property, and of which only the tithes had to be paid, until at a late period an al- teration was attempted by the Lex Thoria. (Appian, de Bell. Civ. i. 27.) But there is no reason for supposing that the patricians did not pay the tri- . butum upon their real property, although the greater part of it naturally fell upon the plebeians. (Liv. iv. 60, v. 10.) The impost itself varied ac- cording to the exigencies of the state, and was partly applied to cover the expenses of war, and partly those of the fortifications of the city. (Liv. vi. 32.) The usual amount of the tax was one for every thousand of a man's fortune (Liv. xxiv. 15, xxxix. 7, 44), though in the time of Cato it was raised to three in a thousand. The tributum was not a property tax in the strict sense of the word, for the accounts respecting the plebeian debtors clearly imply, that the debts were not deducted in the valuation of a person's property, so that he had to pay the tributum upon property which was not his own, but which he owed, and for which he had consequently to pay the interest as well. It was a direct tax upon objects without any regard to their produce, like a land or house tax, which in- deed formed the main part of it. (Niebuhr, i. p. 581.) That which seems to have made it most oppressive, was its constant fluctuation. It was raised according to the regions or tribes instituted by Servius Tullius, and by the tribunes of these tribes subsequently called tribuni aerarii (Dionys. iv. 14, 15.) Dionysius,in another passage (iv. 19) states that it was imposed upon the centuries ac- cording to their census, but this seems to be a mis- take, as the centuries contained a number of ju- niores who were yet in their fathers' power, and consequently could not pay the tributum. It was not like the other branches of the public revenue let out to farm, but being fixed in money it was raised by the tribunes, unless (as was the case after the custom of giving pay to the soldiers was introduced) the soldiers, like the equites, de- manded it from the persons themselves who were bound to pay it. [Aes equestre and horde- arium.] When this tax was to be paid, what sum was to be raised, and what portion of every thousand asses of the census, were matters upon which the senate alone had to decide. But when it was decreed, the people might refuse to pay it when they thought it too heavy, or unfairly dis- tributed, or hoped to gain some other advantage by the refusal. (Liv. v. 12.) In later times the senate sometimes left its regulation to the censors, who often fixed it very arbitrarily. No citizen was exempt from it, but we find that the priests, augurs, and pontiffs made attempts to get rid of it, but this was only an abuse which did not last. (Liv. xxxiii. 42.) In cases of great distress, when the tributum was not raised according to the census, but to supply the momentary wants of the republic, it was designated by the name of Tributum Temerarium. (Fest. s. v. Tributorum col- latvmem.) After the war with Macedonia (a. c. TRICLINIUM. 1157 147), when the Roman treasury was filled with the revenues accruing from conquests and from the provinces, the Roman citizens became exempted from paying the tributum (Cic. de Of. ii. 22 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 17), and this state of things lasted down to the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa (43 B. c. ; Plut. Aem. Paul. 38), when the tributum was again levied on account of the exhausted state of the aerarium. (Comp. Cic. ad Fam. xii. 30, Philip, ii. 37.) After this time it was imposed according to the discretion of the emperors. Respecting the tributum paid by conquered countries and cities, see Vectigalia. Comp. Hegewisch, Versuch uber die Rom. Finanzen, Al- tona 1804; Bosse, Grundzuge des Finanzwesens im Rom. Staat, Braunschweig 1803. [L. S.] TRICLI'NIUM, the dining-room of a Roman house, the position of which, relatively to the other parts of the house, is explained in p. 428. It was of an oblong shape, and according to Vitruvius (vi. 3. § 8) ought to be twice as long as it was broad. The 6ame author (§ 10) describes triclinia, evi- dently intended to be used in summer, which were open towards the north, and had on each side a window looking into a garden. The " house of the Tragic Poet" at Pompeii, and also that of Actaeon, appear to have had summer dining-rooms opening to the viridarium. The woodcut at p. 562 shows the arrangement of the three couches (lecti, KX'tvat), from which the triclinium derived its name. They also remain in the " House of Actaeon," being built of stone. The articles Lectos, Torus and P ol vinar, con- tain accounts of the furniture used to adapt these couches for the accubatio, i. e. for the act of reclining during the meal. "When so prepared for an en- tertainment they were called triclinia strata (Caes. B. G. iii. 92 ; comp. Athen. ii. pp. 47, 48), and they were made to correspond with one another in substance, in dimensions, and in shape. (Varro, L. L. ix. 47, ed. Miiller.) As each guest leaned during a great part of the entertainment upon his left elbow, so as to leave the right arm at liberty, and as two or more lay on the same couch, the head of one man was near the breast of the man who lay behind him, and he was therefore said to lie in the bosom of the other. (Plin. Epist. iv. 22.) Among the Romans, the usual number of persons occupying each couch was three, so that the three couches of a triclinium afforded accommodation for a party of nine. It was the rule of Varro (Gellius xiii. 11), that the number of guests ought not to be less than that of the Graces, nor to exceed that of the Muses. Sometimes however, as many as four lay on each of the couches. (Hor. Sat. i. 4. 86.) Among the Greeks it was usual for only two persons to recline on each couch. [Coena, p. 305, a.] In such works of ancient art as represent a sym- posium, or drinking-party, we always observe that the couches are elevated above the level of the table. This circumstance throws some light upon Plutarch's mode of solving the problem respecting the increase of room for the guests as they pro- ceeded with their meal. (Sympos. v. 6.) Each man in order to feed himself lay flat upon his breast or nearly so, and stretched out his hand towards the table ; but afterwards, when his hunger was satis- fied, he turned upon his left side, leaning on his elbow. To this Horace alludes in describing a person sated with a particular dish, and turning 4*3 1158 TRICLINIUM. lectus m edius 09 3 1 =3 ti •" a s 3 B sum m us 6 5 4 imus 7 ■- III medius 1! 2 medius lmus 9 1 summus in order to repose upon his elbow. {Sat. ii. 4. 39.) We find the relative positions of two 'persons who lay next to one another, commonly expressed by the prepositions super or supra and infra. A passage of Livy (xxxix. 43), in which he relates the cruel conduct of the consul L. Quintius Flami- ninus, shows that infra aliquem cubare was the same as insinu alicujus cubare, and consequently that each person was considered as below him to whose breast his own head approached. On this principle we are enabled to explain the denomina- tions both of the three couches, and of the three daces on each couch. Supposing the annexed arrangement to represent the plan of a Triclinium, it is evident that, as each guest reclined on his left side, the countenances of all when in this position were directed, first, from No ] towards No 3, then from No. 4 towards No. 6, and lastly, from No 7 towards No. 9 ; that the guest No. 1 lay, in the sense explained, above No. 2, No. 3 below No. 2, and so of the rest ; and that, going in the same direction, the couch to the right hand was above the others, and the couch to the left hand below the others. Accordingly the fol- lowing fragment of Sallust (ap. Serv. in Virg. Aen. i. 698) contains the denominations of the couches as shown on the plan : " Igitur discu- buere : Sertorius (i. e. No. 6) inferior in medio ; Buper eum L. Fabius Hispaniensis senator ex pro- scriptis ( No. 5) : in summo Antonius {No. 1) ; et infra scriba Sertorii Versius {No. 2) : et alter scri- ba Maecenas (No. 8 ) in imo, medius inter Tarqui- nium {No. 7) et dominum Perpernam {No. 9)." On the same principle, No. 1 was the highest place (Locus summus) on the highest couch ; No. 3 was Locus imus in lecto summo ; No. 2 Locus medius in lecto summo j and so on. It will be found that in the following passage (Hor. va diroAuAlj/aj, and if his plea were substantiated, eSoijep iv t$ StKaaTTjplcp k. t. A. Vessels or furni- ture on which a trial of this kind had been held, were said to be SidS^SiKacrfieva. The presidency of the courts which tried matters of this sort was vested in the strategi, and some- times in the superintendents of the dockyard, in oonjunction with the airooToKus. The senate also appears to have had a judicial power in these matters: e.g. we meet in various inscriptions with the phrase o'tSe tuiv rptrjpdpxuv, S>v eoiirKuoev 77 0ouAt) ri)v tpiip-r\. Bb'ckh conjectures that the Trierarchs of whom this is said had returned their ships in such a condition, that the state might have called upon them to put them in thorough repair, or TRIPOS, to rebuild them, at a cost for an ordinary trireme of 5000 drachmae. Supposing that they were not re- leased from this liability by any decree of a court of justice, and that the rebuilding was not com- pleted, he conceives that it must have been com- petent (in a clear and flagrant case) for the senate to have inflicted upon them the penalty of twice. 5000 drachmae, the technical phrase for which was " doubling the trireme." (Urkimden, &c. p. 228.) The phrase tiSfioKoyrjoev Tpir\pi\ ttaivfy ohroddcuy, which occurs in inscriptions, does not apply to an undertaking for giving a new trireme, but merely for putting one in a complete state of repair. The phrase fyaivav ttKoIov (Dem. 0. Lacr. 941), to lay an information against a vessel, is used not of a public ship, but of a private vessel, engaged perhaps in smuggling or privateering. (Bb'ckh, Publ. Econ. o/Atlums, pp. 541—576, 2d ed.) [R. W.] TRIEROPOII (rpirippiroiol). [Navis, p. 785, a.] TRIGON. [Pila.] TRILIX. [Tela, p. 1102, b.] TRINU'NDINUM. [Nundinae.] TRIO'BOLON. [Dicastes, p. 402, b.] TRIO'BOLUS. [Drachma.] TRIPLICATIO. [Actio, p. 12, a.] TRIPOS (rpiirovt), a tripod, i. e. any utensil or article of furniture supported upon three feet. More especially I. A three-legged table. [Mensa.] The first woodcut, at p. 308, shows such a table in use. Its three supports are richly and tastefully orna- mented. Various single legs (trapexopltora, Cic. ad Fam. vii. 23), wrought in the same Btyle out of white marble, red porphyry, or other valuable materials, and consisting of a lionVhead or some similar object at the top, and a foot of the same animal at the bottom, united by intervening foliage, are preserved in the British Museum (Combe, Ancient Marbles, i. 3, i. 1 3, iii. 38) and in other collections of antiquities. The tripod used at en- tertainments to hold the Crater, had short feet, so that it was not much elevated. These tables were probably sometimes made to move upon castors. (Horn. II. xviii. 375). II. A pot or caldron, used for boiling meat, and either raised upon a three-legged stand of bronze, as is represented in the woodcut, p. 827, or made with its three feet in the same piece. Such a utensil was of great value, and was some- times offered as a prize in the public games (xxiii. 264, 702, 703). III. A bronze altar, not differing probably in its original form from the tall tripod caldron already described. In this form, but with additional or- nament, we see it in the annexed woodcut, which represents a tripod found at Frejus. (Spon, Misc. Erttd. Ant. p. 118.) That this was intended to he used in sacrifice may be inferred from the bull's- head with a fillet tied round the horns, which we see at the top of each leg. All the most ancient representations of the sacrificial tripod exhibit it of the same general shape, together with three rings at the top to serve as handles (ovara, Horn. //. xviii. 378). Since it has this form on all the coins and other ancient remains, which have any reference to the Delphic oracle, it has been with sufficient reason concluded that the tripod, from which the Pythian priestess gave responses, was of this kind. The right- hand figure in the woodcut is copied from one TRIPOS, published by K. 0. Miiller (Bb'ttigcr's Amalthea, i. p. 119), founded upon numerous ancient au- ■c&m- tborities, and designed to show the appearance of the oracular tripod at Delphi. Besides the parts already mentioned, viz. the three legs, the three handles, and the vessel or caldron, it shows a flat, round plate, called oKftos, on which the Pythia seated herself in order to give responses, and on which lay a laurel wreath at other times. This figure also shows the position of the Cortina, which, as well as the caldron, was made of very thin bronze, and was supposed to increase the prophetic sounds which came from underneath the earth. (Virg. Aen. iii. 92.) The celebrity of this tripod produced innu- merable imitations of it (Diod. xvi. 26), called "Delphic tripods." (Athen. v. p. 199.) They were made to be used in sacrifice, and still more frequently to be presented to the treasury both in that and in many other Greek temples. (Athen. vi. pp. 231, f— 232, d. ; Paus. iv. 32. § 1.) •[Donaria.] Tripods were chiefly dedicated to Apollo (Paus. iii. 18. § 5) and to Bacchus. Partly in allusion to the fable of the rape of a tripod from . Apollo by Hercules, and the recovery of it by the former (Paus. iii. 21. § 7, x. 13. § 4), the tripod was one of his usual attributes, and therefore occurs continually on coins and ancient marbles which have a relation to him. Of this we have an example in the bas-relief engraved on p. 1 1 7, which also exhibits two more of his attributes, the lyre and the serpent. In conformity with the same ideas it was given as a prize to the conquerors at the Pythian and other games, which were cele- brated in honour of Apollo. (Herod, i. 144.) On the other hand, the theatre at Athens being con- sidered sacred to Bacchus, the successful Cho- ragus received a bronze tripod as the appropriate prize. The choragic monuments of Thrasyllus and Lysicrates, the ornamental fragments of which are now in the British Museum, were erected by them to preserve and display the tripods awarded to them on 9uch occasions. We find also that a tripod was sometimes consecrated to the Muses (Hes. Op. el Dies, 658) and to Hercules. (Paus. x. 7. § 3.) A tripod, scarcely less remarkable than that from which the Pythia delivered oracles, and con- secrated to Apollo in the same temple at Delphi, was that made from the spoils of the Persian army TRIUMPHUS. 1163 after the battle of Plataeae. It consisted of a golden bowl, supported by a three-headed bronze serpent (Herod, ix. 81 ; Thucyd. i. 132 ; SchoL in he. ; Paus. x. 1 3. § 5 ; Gy llius, Tap. Canst, ii. 1 9 j Banduri, Imp. Orient, i. ii. p. 614.) The golden bowl having been removed, the bronze serpent was taken to Constantinople, and is probably the same which was seen there by Spon and Wheler in 1675. The first figure in the annexed wood-cut is copied from Wheler's engraving of it. (Journey into Greece, p. 185.) He says it was about four- teen or fifteen feet high. The use of bronze tripods as altars evidently arose in a great degree from their suitableness to be removed from place to place. We have an ex- ample of this mode of employing them in the scene which is represented in the woodcut on p. 1045. To accommodate them as much as possible to this purpose, they are sometimes made to fold together into a small compass by a contrivance, which may be understood from an inspection of the preceding woodcut. The right-hand figure represents a tripod in the British Museum. A patera, or a plain me- tallic disk, was laid on the top, when there was occasion to offer incense. Many of these movable folding tripods may be seen in Museums, proving how common they were among the Romans. Another species of tripods deserving of notice are those made of marble or hard stone. One was discovered in the villa of Hadrian, five feet high, and therefore unsuitable to be used in sacri- fice. It is very much ornamented, and was pro- bably intended merely to be displayed as a work of art. (Caylus, Secueil, ii. pi. 53.) [J. Y.] TRIPU'DIUM. [Augur, pp. 175, b., 176, a.] TRIRE'MIS. [Navis.] TRITAGONISTES. [Histrio.] TRITTYA (toittu'ci). [Sacrificium, p.1000.] TRITTYS (toittu'j). [Tribus, p. 1154.] TRIUMPHUS, a solemn procession in which a victorious general entered the city in a chariot drawn by four horses. He was preceded by the captives and spoils taken in war, was followed by his troops, and after passing in state along the Via Sacra, ascended the Capitol to offer sacrifice in the temple of Jupiter 1164 trIUMphUS. Such displays have been so universal among all warlike tribes from the earliest times, and are so immediately connected with some of the strongest passions of the human heart, that it would be as useless as it is impossible to trace their origin his- torically. It is scarcely necessary to advert to the fancies of those ancient writers, who refer their first institution to the mythic conquests of Bacchus in the East (Diodor. iv. 5 ; Plin. H. N. vii. 57), nor need we attach much importance to the connection between triumphus and SpiafiGos, according to the etymology doubtingly proposed by Varro (L. L. vi. 68, ed. M'uller). Rejoicings after a victory, ac- companied by processions of the soldiery with their plunder, must have been coeval with the existence of the Romans as a nation, and accordingly the return of Romulus with spolia opima after he had defeated the Caeninenses and Blain Aero their king, is described by Dionysius (ii. 34 ; compare Prop, iv. 1. 32) with all the attributes of a regular triumph. Plutarch (Rom. 16) admits that this event was the origin of and first step towards the triumph of after times, but censures Dionysius for the statement that Romulus made his entrance in a quadriga, which he considers disproved by the fact that all the triumphal (jpoimuHpopovs) statues of that king, as seen in his day, represented him on foot. He adds that Tarquinius Priscus, according to some, or Poplicola, according to others, first triumphed in a chariot ; and in corroboration of this we find that the first triumph recorded by Livy (i. 38 ; compare Flor. i. 5 ; Eutrop. i. 6) is that over the Sabines by Tarquinius, who according to Ver- rius (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 19) wore upon this oc- casion a robe of cloth or gold. Whatever conclusion we may form upon these points, it is certain that from the firBt dawn of authentic history down to the extinction of liberty a regular triumph (Justus triumphus) was recognized as the summit of military glory, and was the cherished object of ambition to every Roman general. A triumph might be granted for successful achievements either by land or sea, but the latter were comparatively so rare that we shall for the present defer the consideration of the naval triumph. After any decisive battle had been won, or a province subdued by a series of successful opera- tions, the Imperator forwarded to the senate a laurel-wreathed despatch (literae laureatae, Zonar. vii. 21 ; Liv. xlvi. 1 ; Plin. H. N. xv. 40) con- taining an account of his exploits. If the intelli- gence proved satisfactory the senate decreed a public thanksgiving. [Supplioatio.] This supplication was so frequently the forerunner of a triumph, that Cato thinks it necessary to remind Cicero that it was not invariably so. (Cic. ad Fam. xv. 5. ) After the war was concluded the general with hia army repaired to Rome, or ordered his army to meet him there on a given day, but did not enter the city. A meeting of the senate was held without the walls, usually in the temple of Bellona (e.g. Liv. xxvi. 21, xxxvi. 39) or Apollo (Liv. xxxix. 4), that he might have an opportunity of urging his pretensions in person, and these were then scru- tinized and discussed with the most jealous care. The following rules and restrictions were for the most part rigidly enforced, although the senate assumed the discretionary power of relaxing -them in special cases. 1. That no one could be permitted to triumph unless he had held the office of dictator, of consul, TRIUMPHUS. or of praetor. (Liv. xxviii. 38, xxxi. 20.) Hence a triumph was not allowed to P. Scipio after ha had expelled the Carthaginians from Spain, because he had commanded in that province " sine ullo magistratu." (Val. Max. ii. 8. § 5 ; Liv. I. c.) The honours granted to Pompey, who triumphed in his 24th year (b. c. 81), before he had held any of the great offices of state, and again ten years afterwards, while still a simple eques, were altogether unprecedented. (Liv. Epit. 89 ; Cic. pro Leg. Man. 21 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 30 ; Val. Max, viii. 15. § 8 ; Plut. Pomp. 12, 22 j Dion Cass. xxxvi. 8.) 2. That the magistrate should have been actually in office both when the victory was gained and when the triumph was to be celebrated. This re- gulation was insisted upon only during the earlier ages of the commonwealth. Its violation com- menced with Q. Publilius Philo, the first person to whom the senate ever granted a " prorogatio im- perii " after the termination of a magistracy (Liv. viii. 26), and thenceforward proconsuls and pro- praetors were permitted to triumph without question (Liv. xxxix. 45, xl. 25, 34), although for a consi- . derable time the event was of rare occurrence. It was long held, however, that it was necessary for the " prorogatio imperii " to follow immediately upon the termination of the magistracy, for a triumph was refused to L. Lentulus, who succeeded P. Scipio in Spain, on the ground that, although he had been formerly praetor, his imperium had not been continued uninterruptedly from the period when the command expired, but had been renewed " extra ordinem " after a lapse of some years. (Liv. xxxi. 20.) But towards the close of the republic this principle was entirely abandoned. Consuls and praetors seldom quitted the city until their term of office had ceased, and when at any subsequent period they entered upon the govern- ment of a province, either in regular rotation or " extra ordinem," they enjoyed the full status and all the privileges of proconsuls and propraetors. The position of Pompey when sent against the- pirates and afterwards against Mithridates, and of Cicero when he went to Cilicia, will be sufficient to illustrate this without multiplying examples. 3. That the war should have been prosecuted or the battle fought under the auspices and in the province and with the troops of the general seek- ing the triumph (Liv. xxxi. 48, xxxiv. 10 j Val. Max. ii. 8. § 2), and hence the triumph of the praetor Furius (Liv. xxxi. 49) was considered ir- regular and imperfect. Thus if a victory was gained by the legatus of a general who was absent from the army, the honour of it did not belong to the former, but to the latter, inasmuch as he had the auspices. 4. That at least 5000 of the enemy should have been slain in a single battle (Val. Max. ii. 8. § 1), that the advantage should have been positive and not merely a compensation for 6ome previous dis- aster (Oros. v. 4), and that the loss on the part of the Romans should have been small compared with that of their adversaries. (Liv. xxxiii. 22.) By a law of the tribunes L. Marius and M. Cato penal- ties were imposed upon all Imperatores who should be found guilty of having made false returns to the senate, and it was ordained that so soon as they returned to the city they should be required to attest the correctness of such documents upon oath before the city quaestor. (Val. Max. I. c.) It it TRIUMPHUS. clear that these provisions could never have existed during the petty contests with which Rome was fully occupied for some centuries ; and even when wars were waged upon the most extensive scale we find many instances of triumphs granted for gene- ral results, without reference to the numbers slain in any one engagement (e. g. Liv. viii. 26, xl. 38). 5. That the war should have been a legitimate contest against public foes (justis kostilibusgue beUis, Cic. pro Deiot. 5), and not a civil contest. Hence Catulus celebrated no triumph over Lepidus, nor Antonius over Catiline, nor Cinna and Marius over their antagonists of the Sullan party, nor Caesar after Pharsalia, and when he did subsequently triumph after his victory over the sons of Pompey it caused universal disgust. Hence the line in Lucan (i. 12) : " Bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos." (See Val. Max. ii. 8. § 7 ; Dion Cass, xliii. 42 ; Plut. Caes. 56.) [Ovatio.] 6. That the dominion of the state should have been extended and not merely something previously lost regained. Hence Fulvius, who won back Capua after its revolt to Hannibal, did not receive a triumph. (Val. Max. I. c. ; compare Liv. xxxi. 5, xxxvi. 1.) The absolute acquisition of territory does not appear to have been essential. (Duker, ad Liv. xxxi. 5.) 7. That the war should have been brought to a conclusion and the province reduced to a state of peace so as to permit of the army being withdrawn, the presence of the victorious soldiers being consi- dered indispensable in a triumph. In consequence of this condition not being fulfilled an ovation only was granted to Marcellus after the capture of Syra- cuse (Liv. xxvi. 21, compare xxviii. 29, xxx. 48) and to L. Manlius upon his return from Spain. (Liv. xxxix. 29.) We find an exception in Liv. xxxi. 48, 49, but this and similar cases must be regarded as examples of peculiar favour. (See also Tacit. Jinn. \. 55^ compared with ii. 41.) The senate claimed the exclusive right of delibe- rating upon all these points and giving or with- holding the honour sought (Liv. iii. 63 ; Polyb. vi. 13), and they for the most part exercised the privilege without question, except in times of great political excitement. The sovereignty of the peo- ple, however, in this matter was asserted at a very early date, and a triumph is said to have been voted by the tribes to Valerius and Horatius, the consuls of b. c. 446, in direct opposition to the re- solution of the fathers (Liv. iii. 63 ; Dionys. xi. 50), and in a similar manner to C. Marcius Rutilus the first plebeian dictator (Liv. vii. 17), while L. PoBturajus Megellus, consul B.C. 294, celebrated a triumph, although resisted by the senate and seven out of the ten tribunes. (Liv. x. 37.) Nay more, we read of a certain Appius Claudius, consul b. c. 143, who having persisted in celebrating a triumph in defiance of both the senate and people, was ac- companied by his daughter (or sister) Claudia, a vestal virgin, and by her interposition saved from being dragged from his chariot by a tribune. (Oros. v. 4 ; Cic pro. Coel. 14 ; Val. Max. v. 4. § 6 ; Suet. Tib. 2.) A disappointed general, however, seldom ventured to resort to such violent measures, but satisfied himself with going through the forms on the Alban Mount, a practice first introduced by C. Papirius Maso, and thus noticed in the Capito- Kne Fasti: C. Papirius Maso cos.de Corskis TRIUMPHUS. 1165 primus m monte Albano 111, Nonas Mart, an. DXXII. (PIin.fi". AT. xv. 38.) His example was followed by Marcellus (Liv. xxvi. 21 ; Plut. Marc. 22), by Q. Minucius (Liv. xxxiii. 23), and by many others, so that Livy (xlii. 21) after men- tioning that the senate had refused a triumph to Cicereius (praetor b. c. 173) adds, "in monte Al- bano, quod jam in morem venerat, triumphavit." (See also Liv. slv. 38.) If the senate gave their consent they at the same time voted a sum of money towards defraying the necessary expenses (Polyb. vi. 13), and one of the tribunes "ex auctoritate Benatus" applied for a plebiscitum to permit the Imperator to retain his imperium on the day when he entered the city. (Liv. xlv. 35, xxvi. 21.) This last form could not be dispensed with either in an ovation or o triumph, because the imperium conferred by the comitia curiata did not include the city itself, and when a general had once gone forth " paludatus M his military power ceased as soon as he re-entered the gates, unless the general law had been pre- viously suspended by a special enactment ; and it this manner the resolution of the senate was, as it were, ratified by the plebs. [Imperium ; Palu- damentum.) For this reason no one desiring a triumph ever entered the city until the question was decided, since by so doing he would ipso facto have forfeited all claim. We have a remarkable example of this in the case of Cicero, who after his. return from Cilicia lingered in the vicinity of Rome day after day, and dragged about his lictors from one place to another, without entering the city, in the vain hope of a triumph. Such were the preliminaries,, and it only now remains to describe the order of the procession. This in ancient days was sufficiently simple. The leaders of the enemy and the other prisoners were led along in advance of the general's chariot, the military standards were carried before the troops who followed laden with plunder, banquets were spread in front of every door, and the populace brought up the rear in a joyous band, filled with good cheer, chanting songs of victory, jeering and bantering as they went along with the pleasantries customary on such occasions. (Liv. iii. 29.) But in later times these pageants were marshalled with extraordinary pomp and splendour, and presented a most gorgeous spectacle. Minute details would necessarily be different according to circumstances, but the general arrangements were as follow. When the day appointed had arrived the whole population poured forth from their abodes in holiday attire, some stationed themselves on the steps of the pub- lic buildings in the forum and along the Via Sacra, while others mounted scaffoldings erected for the purpose of commanding a view of the show. The temples were all thrown open, garlands of flowers decorated every shrine and image, and incense smoked on every altar. (Plut. Aemil. Paul. 32 ; Dion Cass, lxxiv. 1.) Meanwhile the Imperator called an assembly of his soldiers, delivered an oration commending their valour, and concluded by distributing rewards to the most distinguished and a sum of money to each individual, the amount de- pending on the value of the Bpoils. He then as- cended his triumphal car and advanced to the Porta Triumphalis (where this gate was is a ques- tion which we cannot here discuss ; see Cic. in Pis, 23; Suet. Octav. 10.1 ; Josephus, B.J. vii. 24), where he was met by the whole body of the senate 1166 TRIUMPHUS. headed by the magistrates. The procession then defiled in the following order. 1. The Senate headed by the magistrates. (Dion Cass. li. 21 ; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. 543.) 2. A body of trumpeters. 3. A train of carriages and frames ( Josephus, B. J. vii. 24) laden with spoils, those articles which were especially remarkable either on account of their beauty or rarity being disposed in such a manner as to be seen distinctly by the crowd. (Suet. Jul. 37.) Boards were borne aloft on fercula, on which were painted in large letters the names of vanquished nations and countries. Here, too, models were exhibited in ivory or wood (Quinctil. vi. 3) of the cities and forts captured (Plin. v. 5), and pictures of the mountains, rivers, and other great natural features of the subjugated region, with appropriate inscriptions. Gold and silver in coin or bullion, arms, weapons, and horse furniture of every description, statues, pictures, vases, and other works of art, precious stones, elaborately wrought and richly embroidered stuffs, and every object which could be regarded as valu- able or curious. 4. A body of flute-players. 5. The white bulls or oxen destined for sacrifice, with gilded horns, decorated with infulae and serta, at- tended by the slaughtering priests with their im- plements, and followed by the Camilli bearing in their hands paterae and other holy vessels and in- struments. 6. Elephants or any other strange animals, natives of the conquered districts. 7. The arms and insignia of the leaders of the foe. 8. The leaders themselves, and such of their kindred as had been taken prisoners, followed by the whole band of inferior captives in fetters. 9. The coronae and other tributes of respect and gratitude be- stowed on the Imperator by allied kings and states. 10. The lictors of the Imperator in single file, their fasces wreathed with laurel. (Plin. H. N. v. 40.) 11. The Imperator himself in a circular chariot of n peculiar form (Zonar. vii. 21) drawn by four horses, which were sometimes, though rarely, white. (Plut. Camill. 7 ; Serv. 1. c. ; Dion Cass, xliii. 14.) The circular form of the chariot is seen in the pre- ceding cut, copied from a marble formerly in the possession of the Duke d'Alcala at Seville (Mont- faucon, Ant. Exp. vol. iv. pi. cv.), and also in the following cut, which represents the reverse of one of the coins of the Antonines. He was attired in a gold embroidered robe {toga pida) and flowered tunic (tunica palmata), he bore in his right hand a laurel bough ( Plut. Pavll. 32), and in his left a sceptre (Dionys. v. 47 ; Val. Max. iv. 4. § 5), his TRIUMPHUS. brows were encircled with a wreath of Delphic laurel (Plin. H. N. xv. 38, 39), in addition to which, in ancient times, his body was painted bright red. (Plin. H. N. xxiii. 36.) He was accompanied in his chariot by his children of tender years (Liv. xlv. 40 ; Tac Ann. ii. 41), and sometimes by very dear or highly honoured friends (Dion Cass. li. 1 6, lxiii. 20), while behind him stood a public slave holding over his head a golden Etrus- can crown ornamented with jewels. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4, xxviii. 7 ; Zonar. vii. 21.) The pre- sence of a slave in such a place at such a time seems to have been intended to avert " intridia " and the influence of the evil eye, and for the same purpose a fascinum, a little bell, and a scourge were attached to the vehicle. (Plin. H. N. xxviii. 7 ; Zonar. vii. 21.) Tertullian (Apol. 33) tells ub, that the slave ever and anon whispered in the ear of the Imperator the warning words "Respice post te, hominem memento te," and this statement is copied by Zonaras (I. c), but is not confirmed by any earlier writer. Isidorus (xviii. 2), misunder- standing Pliny (xxviii. 7), imagines that the slave in question was a common executioner. 12. Be- hind the chariot or on the horses which drew it (Zonar. I, c.) rode the grown-up sons of the Im- perator, together with the legati, the tribuni (Cic. in Pis. 2.5), and the equites, all on horseback. 13. The rear was brought up by the whole body of the infantry in marching order, their spears adorned with laurel (Plin. xv. 40), some shouting Io Trinmphe (Varro, L. L. v. 7, ed. Miiller ; Hor. Carm. iv. 2. 49 ; Tibull. ii. 6. 121), and singing hymns to the gods, while otherB proclaimed the praises of their leader or indulged in keen sarcasms and coarse ribaldry at his expense, for the most perfect freedom of speech was granted and exer- cised. (Liv. iv. S3, v. 49, xlv. 38, Dionys. vii. 72; Suet. Jul. 49, 51 ; Mart. i. 5. 3.) The arrangement of the procession as given above is taken, with some changes, from the treatise of Onuphrius Panvinius De Triumpho in the 9th volume of the Thesaurus of Graevius. The dif- ferent particulars are all collected from the accounts transmitted to us of the most celebrated triumphs, such as that of Pompey in Appian (Bell. Mith. 116, 117), of Aemilius Paullus in Plutarch (Pautt. 32) and in Livy (xlv. 40), of Vespasian and Titus in Josephus (B. J. vii. 5. § 4, 5, 6), and of Camil- lus in Zonaras (vii. 21), together with the remarks of Dionysius (ii. 34, v. 47), Servius (ad Virg. Aen. iv. 543), and Juvenal (Sat. x. 38—45). Just as the pomp was ascending the Capitoline hill some of the hostile chiefs were led aside into the adjoining prison and put to death, a custom so barbarous that we could scarcely believe that it existed in a civilized age were it not attested by TRIUMPHUS. the most unquestionable evidence. (Cic. in Verr. 7. 30 ; Liv. xxvi. 13 ; Joseph, vii. 24.) Pom- pey, indeed, refrained from perpetrating this atro- city in his third triumph (Appian, Bell. Mith. 117), and Aurelian on like occasion spared Zenobia, but these are quoted as exceptions to the general rule. When it was announced that these murders had been completed (Joseph I. e.) the victims were then sacrificed, an offering from the spoils was presented to Jupiter, the laurel wreath was de- posited in the lap of the god (Senec. Consol. ad Helv. 10 ; Plin. H. N. xv. 40 ; Plin. Paneg. 8 ; Stat./Syfo.iv. 1.41), the Imperatorwas entertained at a public feast along with his friends in the tem- ple, and returned home in the evening preceded by torches and pipes, and escorted by a crowd of citizens. (Flor. ii. 1.) Plutarch (Q. R. 77) and Valerius Maximus (ii. 8. § 6) say that it was the practice to invite the consuls to this banquet, and then to send a message requesting them not to come, in order, doubtless, that the Imperator might be the most distinguished person in the company. The whole of the proceedings, generally speak- ing, were brought to a close in one day, but when the quantity of plunder was very great, and the troops very numerous, a longer period was re- quired for the exhibition, and thus the triumph of Flaminius continued for three days in succession. (Liv. xxxix. 52 ; Plut. Aemil. Paull. 32.) But the glories of the Imperator did not end with the show nor even with his life. It was customary (we know not if the practice was in- variable) to provide him at the public expense with a site for a house, such mansions being styled Iriumpliales domus. (Plin. xxxvi. 24. § 6.) After death his kindred were permitted to deposit his ashes within the walls (such, at least, is the ex- planation given to the words of Plutarch, Q. R. 78), and laurel -wreathed statues standing erect in triumphal cars, displayed in the vestibulum of the family mansion, transmitted his fame to pos- terity. A Triumphus Navalis appears to have dif- fered in no respect from an ordinary triumph except that it must have been upon a smaller scale, and would be characterized by the exhibition of beaks of ships and other nautical trophies. The earliest upon record was granted to C. Duilius, who laid the foundation of the supremacy of Rome by sea in the first Punic war (Liv. Epit. xvii. ; Fast. Capit.) ; and so elated was he by his success, that during the rest of his life, whenever he re- turned home at night from supper, he caused flutes to sound and torches to be borne before him. (Flor. ii. 1 j Cic. Cat. Maj. 13.) A second naval tri- umph was celebrated by Lutatius Catulus for his victory off the Insulae Aegates, a. c. 241 (Val. Max. ii. 8. § 2 ; Fast. Capit.) ; a third by Q. Fabius Labeo, b. c. 189, over the Cretans (Liv. xxxvii. 60), and a fourth by C. Octavius over King Perseus (Liv. xlv. 42) without captives and without spoils. Triumphus Castrensis was a procession of the soldiers through the camp in honour of a tri- bunus or some officer, inferior to the general, who had performed a brilliant exploit. (Liv. vii. 36.) After the extinction of freedom the Emperor being considered as the commander-in-chief of all the armies of the Btate, every military achievement waa understood to be performed under his auspices, and hence, according to the forms of even the TRIUMVIRI. 1187 ancient constitution, he alone had a legitimate claim to a triumph. This principle was soon fully recognised and acted upon, for although Antonius had granted triumphs to his legati (Dion Cass. xlix. 42), and his example had been freely followed by Augustus (Suet. Oetav. 38 ; Dion Cass. liv. 11, 12) in the early part of his career, yet after the year B.C. 14 (Dion Cass. liv. 24), he entirely discon- tinued the practice, and from that time forward triumphs were rarely, if ever, conceded to any except members of the imperial family. But to compensate in some degree for what was then taken away, the custom was introduced of bestow- ing what were termed TriumpJtalia Ornamenia, that is, permission to receive the titles bestowed upon and to appear in public with the robes worn by the Imperatores of the commonwealth when they triumphed, and to bequeath to their descend- ants triumphal statues. These triumplialia orna> menta are said to have been first bestowed upon Agrippa (Dion Cass. I. c.) or upon Tiberius (Suet. Octav. 9), and ever after were a common mark of the favour of the prince. (Tacit. Ann. i. 72, ii. 52, iii. 72, &c, Hist. i. 79, ii. 78, &c.) The last triumph ever celebrated was that of Belisarius, who entered Constantinople in a quad- riga, according to the fashion of the olden time, after the recovery of Africa from the Vandals. The total number of triumphs upon record down to this period has been calculated as amounting to 350. Orosius (vii. 9) reckons 320 from Romulus to Vespasian, and Pitiscus (Le&ic. Antiq. 8. v. Triumphus) estimates the number from Vespasian to Belisarius at 30. [W. R.J TRIU'MVIRI or TRE'SVIRI, were either or- dinary magistrates or officers, or else extraordinary commissioners, who were frequently appointed at Rome to execute any public office. The following is a list of the most important of both classes, ar- ranged in alphabetical order. 1. Triumviri Aqro Dividundo. [Triumviri CoLONIAE DeDUOENDAE.] 2. Triumviri Capitales were regular magis- trates first appointed about b. c. 292. (Liv. Epit. 11 ; Dig. 1. tit. 2. s.2. § 30.) The institution of their office is said to have been proposed by L. Papirius, whom Festus (s. v. Sacramenlum) calls tribune of the plebs, but whom Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. pp. 407, 408) supposes to be L. Papirius Cursor, who was praetor in B. c. 292. They were elected by the people, the comitia being held by the praetor. (Festus, I. c.) They succeeded to many of the functions of the Quaestores Parri- cidii. (Varro, L. L. v. 81, ed. Miiller ; Quaestor.) It was their duty to inquire into all capital crimes, and to receive informations respecting such (Varro, I. c. ; Plaut. A sin. i. 2. 5, Aulul. iii. 2. 2 ; Cic pro Cluent. 13), and consequently they apprehended and committed to prison all criminals whom they detected. (Liv. xxxix. 17 ; Val. Max. vi. 1. § 10 ; Cic. I. c.) In conjunction with the Aediles, they had to preserve the public peace, to prevent all un- lawful assemblies, &c. (Liv. xxv. 1, xxxix. 14.) They enforced the payment of fines due to the state (Fest. I. c.) They had the care of public prisons, and carried into effect the sentence of the law upon criminals. (Liv. xxxii. 26 ; Val. Max. v. 4. § 7, viii. 4. § 2 ; Sail. Cat. 55 ; Tacit. Ann. v 9.) In these points they resembled the magistracy of the Eleven at Athens. [Hendeca.] They had the power of inflicting summary punishment upon 1168 TRIUMVIRI. slaves and persons of lower rank : their court appears to have been near the Maenian column. (Festus, I. e. ; Gell. iii. 3 ; Plaut. Amphitr. i. 1 3 ; Cic. pro Clue.nt. 13.) Niebuhr (I. c), who is followed by Arnold (Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 389), supposes that they might inflict summary punishment on all offenders against the public peace who might be taken in the fact ; but the passage of Festus, which Niebuhr quotes, does not prove this, and it is improbable that they should have had power given them of inflicting summary punishment upon a Roman citizen, especially since we have no instance recorded of their exercising such a power. (Walter, Gesch. d. Rom. RecJUs, pp. 165, 858, 1st ed. ; Gbttling, Gesck. d. Rom. Staatsv, p. 378.) 3. Triumviri Coloniae Deducendae were persons appointed to superintend the formation of a colony. They are spoken of under Colonia, p. 315, b. Since they had besides to superintend the distribution of the land to the colonists, we find them also called Triumviri Coloniae Deducendae Agroque Dividundo (Liv. viii. 16), and sometimes simply Triumviri Agro Dando (Liv. iii. 1). 4. Triumviri Epulones. [Epulones.] 5. Triumviri Equitum Turmas Recognos- cendi, or Legendis Equitum Decuriis, were magistrates first appointed by Augustus to revise the lists of the Equites, and to admit persons into the order. This was formerly part of the duties of the censors. (Suet. Aug. 37 ; Tacit. Ann. iii. 30.) 6. Triumviri Mensarii. [Mensarii.] 7. Triumviri Monetales. [Moneta.] 8. Triumviri Nocturni, were magistrates elected annually, whose chief duty it was to pre- vent fires by night ; and for this purpose they had to go round the city during the night (vigilias circumire). If they neglected their duty they were sometimes accused before the people by the tri- bunes of the plebs. (Val. Max. viii. 1. § 5, 6.) The time at which this office was instituted is un- known, but it must have been previously to the year b. c. 304. (Liv. ix. 46.) Augustus transferred their duties to the Praefectus Vigilum. (Dig. 1. tit. 15. s. 1.) [Praefectus Vigilum.] 9. Triumviri Reficiendis Aedieus, extraor- dinary officers elected in the Comitia Tributa in the time of the second Punic war, were appointed for the purpose of repairing and rebuilding certain temples. (Liv. xxv. 7.) 10. Triumviri Reipublicae Constituendae. Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. p. 43) supposes that magistrates under this title were appointed as early as the time of the Licinian Rogations, in order to restore peace to the state after the com- motions consequent upon those Rogations. (Lydus, de Mag. i. 35. ) Niebuhr also thinks that these were the magistrates intended by Varro, who men- tions among the extraordinary magistrates, that had the right of summoning the senate, Triumvirs for the regulation of the republic, along with the Decemvirs and Consular Tribunes. (Gell. xiv. 7.) We have not, however, any certain mention of officers or magistrates under this name, till to- wards the close of the republic, when the supreme power was shared between Caesar (Octavianus), Antonius, and Lepidus, who administered the affairs of the state under the title of TriumviH Reipublicae Consiiiuendae. This office was conferred upon them in B. c. 43 for five years (Liv. Epil. 120 ; TROPAEUM. Appian, B. C. iv. 2 — 12 ; Dion Cass. xlvi. 54 — 56 { Veil. Pat. ii. 65 ; Plut. Cic. 46 ) ; and on the ex- piration of the term, in b. c. 38, was conferred upon them again, in B. o. 37, for five years more. (Appian, B. C. v. 95 ; Dion Cass, xlviii. 54.) The coalition between Julius Caesar, Pompeius, and Crassus, in B. o. 60, (Veil. Pat. ii. 44 ; Liv. Epit. 103) is usually called the first triumvirate, and that between Octavianus, Antony, and Lepidus, the second ; but it must be borne in mind that the former never bore the title of triumviri, nor were invested with any office under that name, whereas the latter were recognized as regular magistrates under the above-mentioned title. 11. Triumviri Sacris Conquirendis Donis- que Persignandis, extraordinary officers elected in the Comitia Tributa in the time of the second Punic war, seem to have had to take care that all property given or consecrated to the gods was ap- plied to that purpose. (Liv. xxv. 7.) 12. Triumviri Senatus Legendi were magis- trates appointed by Augustus to admit persons into the senate. This was previously the duty of the censors. (Suet. Aug. 37.) TRO'CHILUS. [Spira.] TROCHUS (jpo X 6s), a hoop. The Greek boys used to exercise themselves like ours with trundling a hoop. It was a bronze ring, and had sometimes bells attached to it. (Mart. xi. 22. 2, xiv. 168, 169.) It was impelled by means of a hook with a wooden handle, called clavis (Propert iii. 12), and e'Aanfp. From the Greeks this custom passed to the Romans, who consequently adopted the Greek term. (Hor. Carm. iii. 24. 57.) The hoop was used at the Gymnasium (Propert. 1. c. ; Ovid. Trist. ii. 485) ; and, therefore, on one of the gems in the Stosch collection at Berlin, which is engraved in the annexed woodcut, it is accompanied by the jar of oil and the laurel branch, the Bigns of effort and of victory. On each side of this we have represented another gem from the same collection. Both of these exhibit naked youths trundling the hoop by means of the hook or key. These show the size of the hoop, which in the middle figure has also three small rings or bells on its circumference. (Winckelmann, Desc. des Pierres Gravies, pp. 452 — 455.) In a totally different manner hoops were used in the performances of tumblers and dancers. Xenophon describes a female dancer who receives twelve hoops in succession, throwing them into the air and catching them again, her motions being regulated by another female playing on the pipe. (Sympos. ii. 7, 8.) On the use of rpox6s, to denote, the pottert wheel, see Fictile. [J. Y.] TROJAE LUDUS. [Circus, p. 288, b.] TROPAEUM (rp6imiov, Att. Tpowalov, SchoL ad Aristoph. Plut. 453), a trophy, a sign and me- morial of victory, which was erected on the field TROPAEUM. of battle where the enemy had turned (rpiww, TpoVjj) to flight, and in ca9e of a victory gained at sea, on the nearest land. The expression, for raising or erecting a trophy, is rpoiraibi' o"ri)i\ (Xen. Mem. 16. § 2 ; Aelian, V. H. vii. 13 ; Diod. Sic. xi. 26.) The Athenian youths, in the earlier times, wore only the Chiton, and when it became the fashion, in the Peloponnesian war, to wear an outer garment over it, it was regarded as a mark of effeminacy. (Aristoph. Nub. 964, com- pared with 987.) Before passing on to the Roman under garment, it remains to explain a few terms which are ap- plied to the different kinds of Chiton. In later times, the Chiton worn by men was of two kinds, the a(j.t/xdfj.i$, a representation of which is given on p. 512. When the sleeves of the Chiton reached down to the hands, it seems to have been properly called XeipiSwro's (Gell. vii. 12, see woodcut, p. 329) 7 though this word seems to have been frequently used as equivalent to a/xindtfj.d(rx a ^ 0S ') A x iT ^ v tydotrTdHtos was one which was not fastened round the body with a girdle (Pollux, vii. 48 ; Phot. Lex. p. 346, Pors.) : a x tT( ^ v ffToAiSw- t6s seems to have had a kind of flounce at the bottom. (Pollux vii. 54 ; Xenoph. Cyrop. vi. 4. § 2.) On the subject of the Greek Chiton in general, see Miiller, Dorians, iv. 2. § 3, 4, Arch'dologie der Kunst, § 337, 339 ; Becker, Charikles, vol. ii. p. 309, &c. 2. Roman. The Tunica of the Romans, like the Greek Chiton, was a woollen under garment, over which the Toga was worn. It was the Indu- mentum or IndutuS) as opposed to the Amictus, the general term for the toga, pallium, or any other outer garment. [Amictus.] The Romans are said to have had no other clothing originally but the toga ; and when the Tunic was first introduced, it was merely a short garment without sleeves, and was called Cohbium. (Gell. vii. 12 ; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. ix. 616.) It was considered a mark of effe- minacy for men to wear Tunics with long sleeves (manicatae) and reaching to the feet (talares). (Cic. Cat. ii. 10.) Julius Caesar was accustomed to wear one which had sleeves, with fringes at the wrist (ad manus fimbriata^ Suet Jul. 45), and in the later times of the empire, tunics with sleeves, and reaching to the feet, became common. The Tunic was girded (cineia) with a belt or girdle around the waist, but was usually worn loose, without being girded, when a person was at home, or wished to be at*his ease. (Hor. Sat. ii. 1. 73 ; Ovid, Am. i. 9. 41.) Hence we find the terms cinc£us y praecincius, and succinctus, applied, like the Greek etf£Wos, to an active and diligent person, and discinctus to one who was idle or disso- lute. (Hor. Sat. i. 5. 6, ii. 6. 107, Epod. i. 34.) The form of the Tunic, as worn by men, is re- presented in many woodcuts in this work. In works of art it usually terminates a little above the knee ; it has short sleeves, covering only the upper part of the arm, and is girded at the waist (see cuts, pp. 90, 808): the sleeves sometimes, though less frequently, extend to the hands (cut, p. 141). Both sexes usually wore two tunics, an outer and an under, the latter of which was worn next the skin, and corresponds to our shirt and che- mise. Varro (ap. Non. xiv. 36) says, that when the Romans began to wear two tunics, they called them Subucula and Indusiwn, the former of which Bottiger (Sabina, vol. ii. p. 113) supposes to be the name of the under tunic of the men, and the latter of that of the women. But it would appear from another passage of Varro (L. L. v. 131, ed. Miiller) referred to by Becker (Gallm, vol. ii. p. 89), as if Varro had meant to give the name of Subucula to the under tunic, and that of Indusium or Intusium to the outer, though the passage is not without dif- ficulties. It appears, however, that Subucula was chiefly used to designate the under tunic of men. (Suet. Aug. 82 ; Hor. Epist. i. 1. 95.) The word interula was of later origin, and seems to have ap- plied equally to the under tunic of both sexe* 4 f 3 1174 TUNICA. (Apul. Florid, ii. p. 32 ; Metam. viii. p. 533, ed. Oud. ; Vopisc. Prob. 4.) The Supparus or Sup- parum is said by Festus (s. v.) to have been a linen vest, and to have been the same as the Subucula ; but Varro (v. 131), on the contrary, speaks of it as a kind of outer garment, and contrasts it with Subucula, which he derives from subtus, while sup- parus he derives from supra. The passage of Lucan (ii. 364) in which it is mentioned does not enable as to decide whether it was an outer or under gar- ment, but would rather lead us to suppose that it was the former. Persons sometimes wore several tunics, as a protection against cold : Augustus wore four in the winter, besides a Subucula. (Suet. Aug. 82.) As the dress of a man usually consisted of an under tunic, an outer tunic, and the toga, so that of a woman, in like manner, consisted of an under tunic {Tunica intima, Gell. x. 15), an outer tunic, and the palla. The outer tunic of the Roman matron was properly called Stola [Stola], and is represented in the woodcut on p. 1073 ; but the annexed woodcut, which represents a Roman em- press in the character of Concordia, or Abundantia, gives a better idea of its form. (Visconti, Mo- numenti Gabini, n. 34 ; Bb'ttiger, Sabina, tav. x.) Over the Tunic or Stola the Palla is thrown in many folds, but the shape of the former is still distinctly shown. The tunics of women were larger and longer than those of men, and always had sleeves ; but in ancient paintings and statues we seldom find the Bleeves covering more than the upper part of the arm. An example of the contrary is seen in the Museo Borbonico, vol. vii. tav. 3. Sometimes the tunics were adorned with golden ornaments called Leria. (Festus, s. v. ; Gr. tojpof, Hesych. Suid. s. v.) Poor people, who could not afford to purchase a toga, wore the tunic alone, whence we find the common people called Tunicati. (Cic. in RuU. ii. 34 ; Hor. Epist. i. 7. 65.) Persons at work laid fiside the toga ; thus, in the woodcut on p. 808, a man is represented ploughing in his tunic only. A person who wore only his tunic was frequently called Nodus. Respecting the Clavus Latus and the Clavus Angustus, worn on the tunics of the Senators and Equites respectively, see Clavus. TURRIS. When a triumph was celebrated, the conqueror wore, together with an embroidered toga (Toga picta), a flowered tunic (Tunica palmata), also called Tunica Jovis, because it was taken from the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. (Liv. x. 7 s Mart, vii. 1 ; Juv. x. 38.) [Triumphus, p. 1166, a.] Tunics of this kind were sent as presents to foreign kings by the senate. (Liv. xxx. 15, xxxi. 11.) TURI'BULUM (Siviuavliptov), a censei. The Greeks and Romans, when they sacrificed, com- monly took a little frankincense out of the Acerha and let it fall upon the flaming altar. [ Ara.] More rarely they used a censer, by means of which they burnt the incense in greater profusion, and which was in fact a small moveable grate or Focuxus. (Aelian, V. H. xii. 51.) The annexed woodcut, taken from an ancient painting, shows the per- formance of both of these acts at the same time. Winckelmann (Man. Itied. 177) supposes it to re- present Livia, the wife, and Octavia, the sister of Augustus, sacrificing to Mars in gratitude for his safe return from Spain. (Hor. Carm. iii. 14. 5.) The censer here represented has two handles for the purpose of carrying it from place to place, and it stands upon feet so that the air might be ad- mitted underneath, and pass upwards through the fuel. As the censer was destined for the worship of the gods, it was often made of gold or silver (Ep. ad Heb. ix. 4 ; Thucyd. vi. 46) and enriched with stones and gems. (Herod, iv. 162 ; Cic. Verr. iv. 21 — 24.) We find a silver censer in the official enumerations of the treasures presented to the Par- thenon at Athens : its bars (Stepeio-fiara) were of bronze. (Bbckh, Corp. Inscrip. vol. i. pp. 198, 235, 238.) [J.Y.] TURMA. [Exercitus, p. 497, b.] TURRIS (vipyos), a tower. The word ripats, from which comes the Latin tnrris, signified ac- cording to Dionysius (i. 26) any strong building surrounded by walls ; and it was from the fact of the Pelasgians in Italy dwelling in such places that the same writer supposes them to have been called Tyrsenians or Tyrrhenians, that is, the in- habitants of towns or castles. Turris in the old Latin language seems to have been equivalent to urbs. (Polyb. xxvi. 4 ; Gottling, Gesch. d. Rom. Staatso. p. 17.) The use of towers by the Greeks and Romans was various. I. Stationary Towers. 1. Buildings of this form are frequently mentioned by ancient authors, as forming by themselves places of residence and defence. This use of towers was very common in Africa. (Diod. Sic. iii. 49, Mn. Ant. pp. 34, 35, with Wesseling's notes.) We have examples in the tower of Hannibal on his estate between Acholla and Thapsus (Liv. xxxiii. 48), the terns TURRIS. regia of Jugurtha (Sallust. Jug. 103), the tower of a private citizen without the walls of Carthage, by the help of which Scipio took the city (Appian. Pun. 117) ; and, in Spain, the tower in which Cn. Scipio was burnt. (Appian. Hisp. 16.) Such towers were common in the frontier provinces of the Roman empire. (Ammian. Marcell. xxviii. 2.) 2. They were erected within cities, partly to form a last retreat in case the city should be taken, and partly to overawe the inhabitants. In almost all Greek cities, which were usually built upon a hill, rock, or Borne natural elevation, there was a kind of tower, a castle, or a citadel, built upon the highest part of the rook or hill, to which the name of Acropolis was given, as at Athens, Corinth, Argos, Messene, and many other places. The Capitolium at Rome answered the same purpose as the Acropolis in the Greek citieB ; and of the Bame kind were the tower of Agathocles at Utica (Appian. Pun. 14), and that of Antonia at Jeru- salem. (Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 5. §8, Act. Apostol. xxi. 31.) 3. The fortifications both of cities and camps were strengthened by towers, which were placed at intervals on the mums of the former [Murus] and the vallum of the latter ; and a similar use was made of them in the lines (circumvallatio) drawn round a besieged town. [Vallum.] They were generally used at the gates of towns and of stative camps. [Porta.] The use of temporary towers on walls to repel an attack will be noticed below. II. Moveable Towers. These were among the most important engines used in storming a fortified place. They were of two kinds. Some were made so that they could be taken to pieces and carried to the scene of operations : these were called folding towers (irOpyoi itt6ktoi or inTvyfxevot, turves plicatiles, or portable towers, 6pos. The earliest regular income of the state was in all pro- bability the rent paid for the use of the public and and pastures. This revenue was called pascua, a name which was used as late as the time of Pliny (H. N. xviii. 3), in the tables or registers of the censors for all the revenues of the state in general. The senate was the supreme authority in all matters of finance, but as the state itself did not occupy itself with collecting the taxes, duties, and tributes, the censors were entrusted with the actual business. These officers, who in this respect may not unjustly be compared to modern ministers of finance, used to let the various branches of the re- venue to the publicani for a fixed sum, and for a certain number of years. [Censor ; Publicani.] As most of the branches of the public revenues of Rome are treated of in separate articles, it is only necessary to give a list of them here, and to explain those which have not been treated of sepa- rately. 1. The tithes paid to the state by those who oc- cupied the ager pnblicus. [Decumae ; Agrariae Leges.] 2. The sums paid by those who kept their cat- tle on the public pastures. [Scriptura.] 3. The harbour duties raised upon imported and exported commodities. [Portorium.] 4. The revenue derived from the salt-works. [Salinae.] ■5. The revenues derived from the mines (metalla). This branch of the public revenue cannot have VECTIGALIA. been very productive until the Romans had be come masters of foreign countries. Until that time the mines of Italy appear to have been worked, but this was forbidden by the senate- after the conquest of foreign lands. (Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 4, xxxvii. 13.) The mines of conquered countries were treated like the salinae, that is, they were partly left to individuals, companies, or towns on condition of a certain rent being paid (Plin. H.N. xxxiv. 1 ; Cic. Philip, ii. 19), or they were worked for the direct account of the state, or were farmed by the publicani. In the last case, however, il appears always to have been fixed by the lex cen- soria how many labourers or slaves the publicani should be allowed to employ in a particular mine, as otherwise they would have been able to derive the most enormous profits. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4.) Among the most productive mines belonging to the republic we may mention the rich gold-mines near Aquileia " (Polyb. xxxiv. 10), the gold-mines of Ictimuli near Vercelli, in which 25,000 men were constantly employed (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4 ; Strab. v. p. 151), and lastly the silver-mines in Spain in the neighbourhood of Carthago Nova, which yielded every day 25,000 drachmas to the Roman aerarium. (Polyb. xxxiv. 9 ; comp. Liv. xxxiv. 21.) Macedonia, Thrace, Illyricum, Africa, Sardinia, and other places also contained very productive mines, from which Rome derived con- siderable income. 6. The hundredth part of the value of all things which were sold (centesima return venalium). This tax was not instituted at Rome until the time of the civil wars ; the persons who collected it were called coactores. (Cic. Ep. ad Brut. i. 18, pro Rab. Post. 11.) Tiberius reduced this tax to a two- hundredth (ducentesima), and Caligula abolished it for Italy altogether, whence upon several coins of this emperor we read R. c. c, that is, Remissa Ducentesima. (Tacit. Annal. i. 78, ii. 42 ; Suet. Calig. 16.) According to Dion Cassius (lviii. 16, lix- 9) Tiberius restored the centesima, which was afterwards abolished by Caligula. (Comp. Dig. 50. tit. 16. s. 17. § 1.) Respecting the tax raised upon the sale of slaves see Quinquagesima. 7. The vicesima heredi tatium et manumissionum. [Vicesima.] 8. The tribute imposed upon foreign countries was by far the most important branch of the public revenue during the time of Rome's greatness. It was sometimes raised at once, sometimes paid by instalments, and sometimes changed into a poll-tax, which was in many cases regulated according to the census. (Cic. c. Verr. ii. 53, 55, &c. j Paus. viL 16.) In regard to Cilicia and Syria we know that this tax amounted to one per cent, of a person's census, to which a tax upon houses and slaves was added. (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 8, ad Alt. v. 16 ; Appian, de Reb. Syr. 50.) In some cases the tribute was not paid according to the census, but consisted in a land-tax. (Appian, de Bell. Civil, v. 4 ; comp Walter, Gesck.. des Rom. Rechts, p. 224, &c.) 9. A tax upon bachelors. [Aes Uxorium.] 10. A door tax. [Ostiarium.] 11. The octavae. In the time of Caesar all liberti living in Italy and possessing property of 200 sestertia, and above it, had to pay a tax con- sisting of the eighth part of their property. (Dion Cass. 1. 10.) It would be interesting to ascertain the amount of income which Rome at various periods derived VEHES. from these and other sources ; but our want of in- formation renders it impossible. We have only the general statement that previously to the time of Pompey the annual revenue amounted to fifty millions of drachmas, and that it was increased by him to eighty-five millions. (Plut. Pomp. 45.) Respecting the sums contained at different times in the aerarium at Rome, see Pliny, H. N. xxxiii. 17. (Burmann, de Vectig. Pop. Romani ; Hegewisch, Versuch iiber die Rum. Finanzen ; Bosse, Grundzvge des Fincmzwesens im Rom. Stoat.; Dureau de la Malle, Eeonomie Politique des Romains, Paris, 2 vols. 8vo.) [L. S.] VEHES (oxi!"")) a load of hay, manure, or anything which was usually conveyed in a cart. [Plaustrum.] Pliny speaks of "a large load of hay" (vehem foeni large onustam, Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 15. s. 24), which shows that this term did not always denote a fixed quantity. With the Romans, however, as with us, the load was like- wise used as a measure, a load of manure being equal to eighty modii, which was about twenty bushels. (Col. de Re Rust. ii. 15, 16, xi. 2.) The trunk of a tree, when squared, was also reckoned a load, the length varying according to the kind of timber, viz. 20 feet of oak, 25 of fir, &c. (Col. I. e.) A load was also called Carpentum. [J. Y.] VELA'RIUM. [Velum.] VELA'TI was a name given to the Aecensi in the Roman army, who were only supernumerary soldiers ready to supply any vacancies in the legion. [Accensi.] They were called Velati, because they were only clothed (velati) with the saga, and were not regularly armed. (Festus, s. v. Velati 9 Adscripticii.) VE'LITES. [Exercitus, pp. 503, a, 506, b.] VELUM (auAafa, Theophrast. Char. 5 ; Athen. v. p. 196, c ; Pollux, iv. 122 ; irapawerao-fia, Plato, Polit. p. 294, ed. Bekker ; Synes. Epist. 4 ; KaTonreTao-jiia, Matt, xxvii. 51), a curtain ; (larlov), a sail. In private houses curtains were either hung as coverings over doors (Sueton. Claud. 10), or they served in the interior of the house as sub- stitutes for doors. (Sen. Epist. 81.) [Janua.] In the palace of the Roman emperor a slave, called velarius, was stationed at each of the principal doors to raise the curtain when any one passed through. (Inscript. ap. Pigruir. de Semis, p. 470.) Window-curtains were used in addition to window- shutters. (Juv. ix, 80.) Curtains sometimes formed partitions in the rooms (Plin. Epist. iv. 19), and, when drawn aside, they were kept in place by the use of large brooches (JUbulae). Iron curtain-rods have been found extending from pillar to pillar in a building at Herculaneum. (Gell, Pompeiana, vol. i. p. 160, Lon. 1832.) In temples curtains served more especially to veil the statue of the divinity. They were drawn aside occasionally so as to discover the object of worship to the devout. (Apuleius, Met. xi. p. 127, ed. Aldi.) [Pastophorus.] Antiochus presented to the temple of Jupiter at Olympia a woollen cur- tain of Assyrian manufacture,dyed with the Tyrian purple and interwoven with figures. When the statue was displayed, this curtain lay upon the ground, and it was afterwards drawn up by means of cords ; whereas in the temple of Diana at Ephesus the corresponding curtain or veil was at- tached to the ceiling, and was let down in order to conceal the statue. (Paus. v. 12. § 2.) The an- VELtfM. 1180 nexed woodcut is from a bas-relief representing two females engaged in supplication and sacrifice before the statue of a goddess. The altar is adorned for the occasion [Sertum], and the curtain is drawn aside and supported by a terminus. (Guat- tani, Mon. Ined. per 1786, Nov.T. iii.) mm *fwB8i (fO^i, % Ms fl/lf^ll 1 'WWi WfmL iff W/i k^jpj 'sffifw$ ,^s JO In the theatres there were hanging curtains to decorate the scene. (Virg. Georg. iii. 25 ; Propert. iv. 1. 15.) The Siparium was extended in a wooden frame. The velarium was an awning stretched over the whole of the cavea to protect the spectators from the sun and rain. (Juv. iv. 121 ; Sueton. Calig. 26.) These awnings were in general either woollen or linen ; cotton was used for this purpose a little before the time of Julius Caesar. (Plin. H. N. xix. 1. s. 6 ; Dion Cass, xliii. 24 ; Lucret. vi. 108.) This vast extent of canvass was supported by masts (mali, Lucret. I. e.) fixed into the outer wall. The annexed woodcut shows the form and position of the great rings, cut out of lava, which remain on the inside of the wall of the Great Theatre at Pompeii near the top, and which are placed at regular distances, and one of them above another, so that each mast was fixed into two rings. Each ring is of one piece with the stone behind it. At Rome we observe a similar contrivance in the Coliseum ; but the masts were in that instance ranged on the outside o the wall, and rested on 240 consoles, from which 4o 1186 VENABULUM. they rose so as to pass through holes cut in the cornice. The holes for the masts are also seen in the Roman theatres at Orange and other places. Velum, and much more commonly its derivative velamen, denoted the veil worn by women. (Pru- dent, c. Symm. ii. 147.) That worn by a bride was specifically called. Jlamnieum [Matrimonium, p. 743, a] : another special term was Rica. Greek women, when they went abroad, often covered their heads with the shawl [Peplum], thus mak- ing it serve the purpose of a veil. But they also used a proper head-dress, called Kakinrrpa (Apol- lod. ii. 6. § 6 ; Aelian, V. H. vii. 9), which besides serving to veil their countenances, whenever they desired it, was graceful and ornamental, and was therefore attributed to Venus (Paus. iii. 15. § 8 ; Brunck, Anal. ii. 4S9) and Pandora (HeB. Theog. 573). The veil of Ilione, the eldest, daughter of Priam, was one of the seven objects preserved at Rome as pledges of the permanency of its power. (Serv. in Virg.Aen. vii. 188.) Velum also meant a sail (trriov, Navis, p. 790, a ; Aaios, Callim. Epig. v. 4 ; Eurip. Hec. 109). Sail-cloth was commonly linen, and was obtained in great quantities from Egypt ; but it was also woven at other places, such as Tarquinii in Etruria. (Liv. xxviii. 45.) But cotton sail- cloth (cariasa) was also used, as it is still in the Mediterranean. The separate pieces (lintea) were taken as they came from the loom, and were sewed together. This is shown in ancient paintings of ships, in which the seams are represented as dis- tinct and regular. [J. Y.] VENA'BULUM, a hunting-spear. This may have been distinguished from the spears used in warfare by being barbed ; at least it is often so formed in ancient works of art representing the story of Meleager (Bartoli, Admir. 84) and other hunting scenes. It was seldom, if ever, thrown, but held so as to slant downwards and to receive ihe attacks of the wild boars and other beasts of chace. (Virg. Aen. iv. 131, ix. 553 ; Varr. L.L. viii. 53, ed. Miiller ; Apul. Met. viii. pp. 78, 83, ed. Aldi ; Plin. Ep. i. 6.) [J. Y.] VENALICIA'RII. [Servus, p. 1040, a.] VENA'TIO, hunting, was the name given imong the Romans to an exhibition of wild beasts, which fought with one another and with men. These exhibitions originally formed part of the games of the Circus. Julius Caesar first built a wooden amphitheatre for the exhibition of wild beasts, which is called by Dion Cassius (xliii. 22) dearpov KWij-yeriKoV, and the same name is given to the amphitheatre built by Statilius Taurus (Id. Ii. 23), and also to the celebrated one of Titus (Id. lxvL 24) ; but even after the erection of the latter we frequently read of Venationes in the Circus. (Spart. Hadr. 19 ; Vopisc. Prob. 19.) The per- sons who fought with the beasts were either con- demned criminals or captives, or individuals who did so for the sake of pay and were trained for the purpose. [Bbstiab.il] The Romans were as passionately fond of this entertainment as of the exhibitions of gladiators, and during the latter days of the republic and under the empire an immense variety of animals was collected from all parts of the Roman world for the gratification oi the people, and many thousands were frequently slain at one time. We do not know on what occasion a venatio was first exhibited at Rome ; but the first mention we find of any VENATIO. thing of the kind is in the year B. c. 251, when L. Metellus exhibited in the Circus 142 ele- phants, which he had brought from Sicily after his victory over the Carthaginians, and which were killed in the Circus according to Verrius, though other writers do not speak of their slaughter. (Plin. H.N. viii. 6.) But this can scarcely be regarded as an instance of a venatio, as it was un- derstood in later times, since the elephants are said to have been only killed because the Romans did not know what to do with them, and not for the amusement of the people. There was, how- ever, a venatio in the later sense of the word in b. c. 186, in the games celebrated by M. Fulvius in fulfilment of the vow which he had made in the Aetolian war ; in these games lions and panthers were exhibited. (-Liv. xxxix. 22.) It is mentioned as a proof of the growing magnificence of the age that in the Ludi Circenses, exhibited by the curuie aediles Pi Cornelius Scipio Nasica and P. Lentulus B. c. 168, there were 63 African panthers and 40 bears and elephants. (Liv. xliv. 18.) From about this time combats with wild beasts probably formed a regular part of the Ludi Circenses, and many of the curuie aediles made great efforts to obtain rare and curious animals, and put in requisition the ser- vices of their friends. (Compare Caelius's letter to Cicero, ad Fam. viii. 9.) Elephants are said to have first fought in the Circus in the curuie aedile- ship of Claudius Pulcher, b. c. 99, and twenty years afterwards, in the curuie aedileship of the two Luculli, they fought against bulls. (Plin. H.N. viii. 7.) A hundred lions were exhibited by Sulla in his praetorship, which were destroyed by javelin- men sent by king Bocchus for the purpose. This was the first time that lions were allowed to be loose in the Circus ; they were previously always tied up. (Senec. de Brev. Vit. 1 3.) The games, however, in the curuie aedileship of Scaurus B. c. 58 surpassed anything the Romans had ever seen j among other novelties he first exhibited an hippo- potamos and five crocodiles in a temporary canal or trench (euripus, Plin. H. N. viii. 40). At the venatio given by Pompey in his second consulship B. c. 55, upon the dedication of the temple of Venus Victrix, and at which Cicero was present (Cic. ad Fam. vii. 1), there was an immense num- ber of animals slaughtered, among which we find mention of 600 lions, and 1 8 or 20 elephants : the latter fought with Gaetulians, who hurled darts against them, and they attempted to break through the railings (clathm) by which they were separated from the spectators. (Senec. I. c; Plin. viii. 7. 20.) To guard against this danger Julius Caesar sur- rounded the arena of the amphitheatre with trenches (euripi). In the games exhibited by J. Caesar in his third consulship, b. c. 45, the venatio lasted for five days and was conducted with extraordinary splen- dour. Camelopards or giraffes were then for the first time seen in Italy. (Dion Cass, xliii. 23 ; Suet. Jul. 39 ; Plin. H. N. viii. 7 j Appian, B. C. ii. 102 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 56.) Julius Caesar also in- troduced bull-fights, in which Thessalian horsemen pursued the bulls round the circus, and when the latter were tired out, seized them by the horns and killed them. This seems to have been a favourite spectacle ; it was repeated by Claudius and Nero. (Plin. H. N. viii. 70 j Suet. Claud. 21 ; Dion Cass, lxi. 9.) In the games celebrated by Augustus, b. c. 29, the hippopotamos and the rhinoceros were VENATIO. first exhibited, according to Dion Cassius (li. 22), but the hippopotamos is spoken of by Pliny, as mentioned above, in the games given by Scaurus. Augustus also exhibited a snake 50 cubits in length (Suet. Aug. 43), and thirty-six crocodiles, which are seldom mentioned in the spectacles of later times. (Dion Cass. Iv. 10.) The occasions on which Venationes were ex- hibited have been incidentally mentioned above. They seem to have been first confined to the Ludi Circenses, but during the later times of the re- public, and under the empire, they were frequently exhibited on the celebration of triumphs, and on many other occasions, with the view of pleasing the people. The passion for these shows continued to increase under the empire, and the number of beasts sometimes slaughtered seems almost incre- dible. At the consecration of the great amphitheatre of Titus, 5000 wild beasts and 4000 tame animals were killed (Suet. Tit. 7 ; Dion Cass. lvi. 25), and in the games celebrated by Trajan, after his victories over the Dacians, there are said to have been as many as 11,000 animals slaughtered. (Dion Cass, lxviii. 15.) Under the emperors we read of a particular kind of Venatio, in which the beasts were not killed by bestiarii, but were given up to the people, who were allowed to rush into the area of the circus and carry away what they pleased. On such occasions a number of large trees, which had been torn up by the roots, was planted in the circus, which thus resembled a forest, and none of the more savage animals were admitted into it. A Venatio of this kind was exhibited by the elder Gordian in his aedileship, and a painting of the forest with the animals in it is described by Julius Capitolinus. {Gordian, 3.) One of the most extraordinary venationes of this kind was that given by Probus, in which there were 1000 ostriches, 1000 stags, 1000 boars, 1000 deer, and numbers of wild goats, wild sheep, and other animals of the same kind. (Vopisc. Proh. 19.) The more savage animals were slain by the bestiarii in the amphitheatre, and not in the circus. Thus, in the day succeeding the ve- natio of Probus just mentioned, there were slain in the amphitheatre 100 lions, and the same number of lionesses, 100 Libyan and 100 Syrian leopards, and 300 bears. (Vopisc. I. e.) It is un- necessary to multiply examples, as the above are VENATIO. 1187 sufficient to give an idea of the numbers and variety of animals at these spectacles ; but the list of beasts which were collected by the younger Gordian for his triumph, and were exhibited by his successor Philip at the Secular Games, de- serve mention on account of their variety and the rarity of some of them. Among these we find mention of 32 elephants, 10 elks, 10 tigers (which seem to have been very seldom exhibited), 60 tame lions, 30 tame leopards, 10 hyaenas, an hip- popotamos and rhinoceros, 10 archoleontes (it is unknown what they were), 10 camelopards, 20 onagri (wild asses, or perhaps zebras), 40 wild horses, and an immense number of similar animals. (Vopisc. Gordian, 33.) How long these spectacles continued is uncer- tain, but they were exhibited after the abolition of the shows of gladiators. There is a law of Honorius and Theodosius, providing for the safe convoy of beasts intended for the spectacles, and inflicting a penalty of five pounds of gold upon any one who injured them. (Cod. 11. tit. 44.) They were exhibited at this period at the praetorian games, as we learn from Symmachus. {Epist. ix. 70, 71, 126, &c.) Wild beasts continued to be exhibited in the games at Constantinople as late as the time of Justinian. (Procop. Hist. Arc. c. 9.) Combats of wild beasts are sometimes repre- sented on the coins of Roman families, as on the annexed coin of M. Livineius Regulus, which pro- bably refers to the venatio of Julius Caesar men- tioned above. In the bas-reliefs on the tomb of Scaurus at Pompeii, there are representations of combats with wild beasts, which are copied in the following woodcuts from Mazois {Pomp. i. pi. 32, 33). On the same tomb gladiatorial combats are repre- sented, which are figured on p. 576 of the present work. The first represents a man naked and unarmed I defenceless state had of course only their agility to between a lion and a panther. Persons in this | trust to in order to escape from the beasts. In the second cut we see a similar person against whom a wild boar is rushing, and who appears to be pre- paring for a spring to escape from the animal. In the same relief there is a wolf running at full speed, and also a stag with a rope tied to his horns who has been pulled down by two wolves or dogs. The 4o 2 1188 VENEFICIUM. VENEFICIUM. third relief is supposed by Mazois to represent the training of a bestiarius. The latter has a spear in each hand ; his left leg is protected by greaves, and he is in the act of attacking a panther, whose movements are hampered by a rope, which fastens him to the bull behind him, and which accordingly places the bestiarius in a less dangerous position, though more caution and activity are required than if the beast were fixed to a single point. Behind the bull another man stands with a spear, who seems to be urging on the animal. The fourth woodcut represents a man equipped in the same way as the matador in the Spanish bull-fights in the present day, namely, with a sword in one hand and a veil in the other. The veil was first em- ployed in the arena in the time of the emperor Claudius. (Plin. H. N. viii. 21.) VENEFI'CIUM, the crime of poisoning, is frequently mentioned in Roman history. Women were most addicted to it ; but it seems not im- probable that this charge was frequently brought -against females without sufficient evidence of their guilt, like that of witchcraft in Europe, in the middle ages. We find females condemned to death for this crime in seasons of pestilence, when the popular mind is always in an excited state and ready to attribute the calamities under which they suffer to the arts of evil-disposed persons. Thus the Athenians, when the pestilence raged in their city during the Peloponnesian war, supposed the wells to have been poisoned by the Pelopon- nesians (Thucyd. ii. 48), and similar instances occur in the history of almost all states. Still however the crime of poisoning seems to have been much more frequent in ancient than in modern times ; and this circumstance would lead persons to suspect it in cases when there was no real ground for the suspicion. Respecting the crime of poisoning at Athens, see Phabmacon Graphe. The first instance of its occurrence at Rome in any public way was in the consulship of M. Claudius Marcellus and C. Valerius, B. c. 331, when the city was visited by a pestilence. After many of the leading men of the state had died by the same kind of disease, a slave-girl gave informa- tion to the curule aediles that it was owing to poisons prepared by the Roman matrons. Follow- ing her information they Burprized about twenty matrons, among whom were Cornelia and Sergia, both belonging to Patrician families, in the act of preparing certain drugs over a fire j and being compelled by the magistrates to drink these in the forum, since they asserted that they were not poisonous, they perished by their own wickedness. Upon this further informations were laid, and as many as a hundred and seventy matrons were con. demned. (Liv. viii. 18 ; compare Val. Max. ii. 5. § 3 j August. De Civ. Dei, iii. 17.) We next read of poisoning being carried on upon an extensive scale as one of the consequences of the introduction of the worship of Bacchus. (Liv. xxxix. 8.) [DioNY8iA,p. 413.] In b. c. 184, the praetor, Q. Naevius Matho, was commanded by the senate to investigate such cases (de veneficiis quaerere) : he spent four months in the investigation, which was principally carried on in the mimicipia and conciliabula, and, according to Valerius of Antium, he condemned 2000 persons. (Liv. xxxix. 38. 41.) We again find mention of a public investigation into cases of poisoning by order of the senate, in b. c. 180, when a pestilence raged at Rome, and many of the magistrates and other persons of high rank had perished. The investigation was conducted in the city and within ten miles of it by the praetor C. Claudius, and beyond the ten miles by the praetor C. Maenius. Hostilia, the widow of the consul C. Calpurnius, who had died in that year, was accused of having poisoned her husband, and condemned on what appears to have been mere suspicion. (Liv. xl. 37.) Cases of what may be called private poisoning, in opposition to those mentioned above, frequently occurred. The speech of Cicero in behalf of Cluentius supplies us with several particulars on this subject. Under the Roman emperors it was carried on to a great ex- tent, and some females, who excelled in the art, were in great request. One of the most celebrated of these was Locusta, who poisoned Claudius at the command of Agrippina, and Britannicus at that of Nero, the latter of whom even placed persons under her to be instructed in the art. (Tacit. Annal. xii. 66, xiii. 15 ; Suet. Ner. 33 : Juv. i. 71.) The first legislative enactment especially directed against poisoning was a law of the dictator Sulla — Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficis — passed iu b. c. 82, which continued in force, with some alterations, to the latest times. It contained pro- visions against all who made, bought, sold, pos- sessed, or gave poison for the purpose of poisoning. (Cic. pro Cluent. 54 ; Marcian, Dig. 48. tit. 8. s. 3 ; Inst. 4. tit. 18. s. 5.) The punishment fixed by this law was, according to Marcian, the deportatio in insulam and the confiscation of property ; but it was more probably the interdictio aquae et ignis, since the deportatio under the emperors took the place of the interdictio, and the expression in the Digest was suited to the time of the writers or compilers. [Lex Cornelia, p. 687.] By a se- natusconsultum passed subsequently, a female, who gave drugs or poison for the purpose of producing conception even without any evil intent, was ban- ished (relegatus), if the person to whom she ad- ministered them died in consequence. By another senatusconsultum all druggists (pigmmtarii), who administered poisons carelessly " purgationis causa," were liable to the penalties of this law. In the time of Marcian (that of Alexander-Severus) this VESTALES crime was punished capitally in the case of persons of lower rank (humiliores), who were exposed to wild beasts, but persons of higher rank (altiores) were condemned to the deportatio in insulam. (Dig. l.c.) The word Veneficium was also applied to potions, incantations, &c. (Cic. Brut. 60 ; Petron. 118) ; whence we find Veneficus and Venefica used in the sense of a sorcerer and sorceress in general. VER SACRUM (£tos lepdV). It was a custom among the early Italian nations, especially among the Sabines, in times of great danger and distress, to tow to the deity the sacrifice of every thing born in the next spring, that is between the first of March and the last day of April, if the calamity under which they were labouring should be re- moved. (Fest. s. t\ Ver sacrum; Liv. xxii. 9, 10, xxxiv. 44 ; Strab. v. p. 172 ; Sisennaap. Nan. xii. 18 ; Serv. ad Am. vii. 796.) This sacrifice in the early times comprehended both men and domestic animals, and there is little doubt that in many cases the vow was really carried into effect. But in later times it was thought cruel to sacrifice so many innocent infants, and accordingly the follow- ing expedient was adopted. The children were allowed to grow up, and in the spring of their twentieth or twenty-first year they were with covered faces driven across the frontier of their native country, whereupon they went whitherso- ever fortune or the deity might lead them. Many a colony had been founded by persons driven out in this manner ; and the Mamertines in Sicily were the descendants of such devoted persons. (Fest. I. a and s. v. Mamertini; compare Dionys. i. 16 ; Plin, H. N. iii. 18 ; Justin, xxiv. 4 ; Liv. xxxiii. 44.) In the two historical instances in which the Romans vowed a ver sacrum, that is, after the battle of lake Trasimenus and at the close of the second Punic war, the vow was confined to do- mestic animals, as was expressly stated in the vow. (Liv. I. c. ; Plut. Fab. Max. 4.) [L. S.] VERBE'NA. [Sagmina.] VERBENA'RIUS. [Fetialis.] VERNA. [Servus, pp. 1038, 1040.] VERSO IN REM ACTIO. [Servus, p. 1038.] VERSU'RA. [Fenus, p. 527, a.] VERU, VERU'TUM. [Hasta. p. 588, b.] VESPAE, VESPILLO'NES. [Funus, p. 559, a.] VESTA'LES, the virgin priestesses of Vesta who ministered in her temple and watched the eternal fire. Their existence at Alba Longa is connected with the earliest Roman traditions, for Silvia the mother of Romulus was a member of the sisterhood (Liv. i. 20 ; Dionys. i. 76) ; their esta- blishment in the city, in common with almost all other matters connected with state religion, is ge- nerally ascribed to Numa (Dionys. ii. 65 ; Plut. N»m. 10), who selected four (their names are given in Plutarch), two from the Titienses and two from the Ramnes (Dionys. ii. 67 j Festus, s. v. Sex Vestae), and two more were subsequently added from the Luceres, by Tarquinius Priscus ac- cording to one authority (Plut. Num. I. a), by Servius Tullius according to another. (Dionys. iii. 67.) This number of six remained unchanged at the time when Plutarch wrote, and the idea that it was afterwards increased to seven rests upon very unsatisfactory evidence. (See Mhnoires de I'Jcademie des Inseript. voL iv. p. 167 j Ambros. VESTALES. 1189 Epist. v. 31, e. Symmacli. and the remarks of Lip- sius.) They were originally chosen (capere is the tech- nical word) by the king (Liv. i. 3. 20 ; Dionys. tt. cc.) and during the republic and empire by the Pontifex Maximus. It was necessary that the maiden should not be under six nor above ten years of age, perfect in all her limbs, in the full enjoyment of all her senses, patrima et matrima [Patrimi], the daughter of free and freeborn pa- rents who had never been in slavery, who followed no dishonourable occupation, and whose home was in Italy. (Gell. i. 12.) The lex Papia ordained that when a vacancy occurred the Pontifex Maxi- mus should name at his discretion twenty qualified damsels, one of whom was publicly (in condone) fixed upon by lot, an exemption being granted in favour of such as had a sister already a vestal and of the daughters of certain priests of a high class. (GelL I. a) The above law appears to have been enacted in consequence of the unwillingness of fathers to resign all control over a child, and this reluctance was manifested so strongly in later times that in the age of Augustus libertinae were declared eligible. (Dion Cass. Iv. 22 ; Suet. Octav. 31.) The casting of lots moreover does not seem to have been practised if any respectable person came for- ward voluntarily and offered a daughter who ful- filled the necessary conditions. As soon as the election was concluded the Pontifex Maximus took the girl by the hand and addressed her in a solemn form preserved by Aulus Gellius from Fabius Pictor. Sacerdotem. Vestalem. Quae. Sacra. Faciat. Quae. Ious. Siet. Sacerdotem. Vestalem. Facere. Pro. Populo. Romano. Quiritium. Utei. Quae. Optima. Lege. Fovit. Ita. Te. Amata. Capio. where the title Amata seems simply to signify " beloved one," and not to refer as Gellius supposes to the name of one of the ori- ginal Vestals, at least no such name is to be found in the list of Plutarch alluded to above. After these words were pronounced she was led away to the atrium of Vesta, and lived thenceforward with- in the sacred precincts under the special superin- tendence and control of the pontifical college. (Dionys. ii. 67 ; Liv. iv. 44, viii. 15 ; Plin. Ep. iv. 11 ; Suet. Octav. 31 ; Gell. i. 12.) The period of service lasted for thirty years. During the first ten the priestess was engaged in learning her mysterious duties, being termed disci- pula (Val. Max. i. 1. § 7), during the next ten in performing them, during the last ten in giving in- structions to the novices (Dionys. 1. c. ; Plut. I. c. ; Senec. de wit. beat. 29), and so long as she was thus employed she was bound by a solemn vow of chastity. But after the time specified was com- pleted she might, if she thought fit, throw off the emblems of her office (Dionys. I. a), unconsecrate herself (exaugurare, Gell. vi. 7), return to the world and even enter into the marriage state. (Plut. /. a) Few however availed themselves of these privileges ; those who did were said to have lived in sorrow and remorse (as might indeed have been expected from the habits they had formed) : hence such a proceeding was considered ominous, and the priestesses for the most part died as they had lived in the service of the goddess. (Tacit. Ann. ii. 86 ; Inscrip. quoted by Gronov. ad Tacit, Ann. iii. 64.) The senior sister was entitled Vestalis Maxima, or Virgo Maxima (Ovid. Fast. iv. 639 ; Suet. JuL i G 3 1190 VESTALES. 83, Domit. 8 ; Orel]. Inscript. n. 2233, &c ; T) irpe0-£ei5ou6$wv) is, properly speaking, every thing necessary for a person setting out on a journey, and thus comprehends money, provisions, dresses, vessels, &c. (Plant. Epid. v. 1. 9 ; Plin. Epist. vii. 12 ; Cic. de Senect. 18.) When a Roman magistrate, praetor, proconsul, or quaestor went to his province, the state provided him with all that was necessary for his journey. But as the state in this as in most other cases of expenditure preferred paying a sum at once to having any part in the actual business, the state engaged contractors (redempiores), who for a stipulated sum had to pro- vide the magistrates with the viaticum, the principal parts of which appear to have been beasts of burden and tents (muli et tabernacula). Julius Caesar in- troduced some modification of this system, by his Lex De Repetundis [R.epet(jndae] ; and Augustus once for all fixed a certain sum to be given to the proconsuls (probably to other provincial magistrates also) on setting out to their provinces, so that the redemptores had no more to do with it. (Cic. ad Fam. xii. 3 ; Suet. Aug. 36 ; Gellius, xvii. 2, 13 ; comp. Sigonius, de Antiq. Jure Provinc. iii. 11 ; Casaubon ad Theophrast. 11.) [L. S.] VIA'TOR was a servant who attended upon and executed the commands of certain Roman ma- gistrates, to whom he bore the same relation as the lictor did to other magistrates. The name viatores was derived from the circumstance of their being chiefly employed on messages either to call upon senators to attend the meeting of the senate, or to summon the people to the comitia, &c. (Cic. de Senect. 16.) In the earlier times of the republic we find viatores as ministers of such magistrates also as had their lictors : viatores of a dictator and of the consuls are mentioned by Livy (vi. 15, xxii. lise Vtcus. 11; conip. Plin. H. N. xviii. 4 ; Liv. viii. 18). In later times however viatores are only mentioned with such magistrates as had only potestas and not imperium, such as the tribunes of the people, the censors, and the aediles. They were, in short, the attendants of all magistrates who had thejuspren- dendi. (Gell. xiii. 12 ; Liv. ii. 56, xxx. 39, xxxix. 34 ; Lydus, de Magist. i. 44.) How many via- tores attended each of these magistrates is not known ; one of them is said to have had the right at the command of his magistrate to bind persons (ligare), whence he was called lictor. (Gell. xii. 3.) It is not improbable that the ancient writers some- times confound viatores and lictores. (Sigonius, de Ant. Jur. Civ. Romanorum, ii. 15 ; Becker, Handb. ier Rom. Alterth. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 379.) [L. S.] VICA'RII SERVI. [Servus, p. 1037, b.] VICA'RIUS. [Exercitus, p. 504, a.] VICE'SIMA, a tax of five per cent. Every Roman, when he manumitted a slave, had to pay to the state a tax of one-twentieth of his value, whence the tax was called vicesima manumisswnis. This tax appears to have been levied from the earliest times, and was not abolished when all other imposts were done away with in Rome and Italy. (Liv. vii. 16, xxvii. 10 ; Cic. Ad Ait.\\. 16.) Oaracalla raised this tax to a deeima, that is, ten per cent., but Macrinus again reduced it to the old standard. (Dion. Cass, lxxvii. 9, lxxviii. 12.) The persons employed in collecting it were called Vice- simarii. (Petron. Fragm. Tragur. 65 ; Orelli, In- script n. 3333, &c.) A tax called vicesima hereditatium et legatorum was introduced by Augustus (Lex Julia Vicesimaria) : it consisted of five per cent, which every Roman citizen had to pay to the aerarium militare, upon any in- heritance or legacy left to him, with the exception of such as were left to a citizen by his nearest re- latives, and such as did not amount to above a cer- tain sum. (Dion CasB. lv. 25, Ivi. 28 ; Plin. Paneg. 37, &c. ; Capitol. M. Antonin. 11.) Peregrini and Latini who had become Roman citizens had, in a legal sense, no relative, and were therefore obliged in all cases to pay the vicesima hereditatium. (Plin. Paneg. I. c.) As only citizens had to pay this tax, Caracalla, in order to make it more productive, granted the franchise to all the subjects of the em- pire, and at the same time raised it to ten per cent. (dccima), but Macrinus again reduced it to five (Dion. Cass, lxxvii. 9, lxxviii. 12), and at last it was abolished entirely. It was levied in Italy and the provinces by procurators appointed for the purpose, and who are mentioned in many inscrip- tions as PROCURATORES XX HEREDITATIUM, Or ad vectigal xx heredit. But these officers generally sold it for a round sum to the publicani, which the latter had to pay in to the praefects of the aerarium militare. (Plin. Epist. vii. 1.4, Paneg. oy \ rf c i VICOMAGISTRI. [Vicus.] VTCTIMA. [Sacrificium.] VICTORIATUS. [Denarius.] VICUS is the name of the subdivisions into which the four regions occupied by the four city tribes of Servius Tullius were divided, while the country regions, according to an institution ascribed to Numa, were subdivided into Pagi. (Dionys. ii. 76.) This division, together with that of the four regions of the four city tribes, remained down to the time of Augustus, who made the vici subdivi- sions of the fourteen regions into which he divided VILLA. the city. (Suet. Aug. 30.) In this division each vicus consisted of one main street, including several smaller by-streets ; their number was 424, and each was superintended by four officers, called vim- magktri, who had a sort of local police, and who, according to the regulation of Augustus, were every year chosen by lot from among the people who lived in the vicus. (Suet. I. c. ; Dion Cass. lv. 8.) On certain days, probably at the celebration of the compitalia, they wore the praetexta, and each of them was accompanied by two lictors. (Dion Cass. I. c. ; Ascon. ad Cic. in Pison. p. 7. ed. Orelli.) These officers, however, were not a new institution of Augustus, for they had existed during the time of the republic, and had had the same functions as a police for the vici of the Servian division of the city. (Liv. xxxiv. 7 ; Festus, s. v. Magistrare; comp. Sextus Rufus, Breviarium de Regionibus Urbis Roman ; and P. Victor, de Regio- nibus Urbis Romae.) [L. S.] VICUS. [Universitas, p. 1216, a.] VI'GILES. [Exercitus, p. 510, a.] VIGI'LIAE. [Castra, p. 250, b.] VIGINTISEXVIRI were twenty-six magis- tratus minores, among whom were included the triumviri capitales, the triumviri monetales, the quatuorviri viarum curandarum for the city, the two curatores viarum for the roads outside the city, the decemviri litibus (stlitibus) judicandis, and the four praefects who were sent into Campania for the purpose of administering justice there. Augustus reduced the number of officers of this college to twenty (vigintiviri), as the two curatores viarum for the roads outside the city and the four Campa- nian praefects were abolished. (Dion Cass. liv. 26.) Down to the time of Augustus the sons of senators had generally sought and obtained a place in the college of the vigintisexviri, it being the first step towards the higher offices of the republic ; but in A. D. 13 a senatusconsultum was passed ordaining that only equites should be eligible to the college of the vigintiviri. The consequence of this was that the vigintiviri had no seats in the senate, unless they had held some other magistracy which conferred this right upon them. (Dion Cass. I.e.) The age at which a person might become a vigin- tivir appears to have been twenty. (Compare Dion CaBS. lx. 5 j Tacit. Annul, iii. 29, with Lipsius' note ; Spart. Did. Julian. 1.) An account of the magistrates forming this college has been given in separate articles. [L. S.l VIGINTIVIRI. [Vigintisexviri.] VILLA, a farm or country-house. The Roman writers mention two kinds of villa, the villa rusiica or farm-house, and the villa urbana or pseudb- urbana, a residence in the country or in the suburbs of a town. When both of these were attached to an estate, they were generally united in the same range of buildings, but sometimes they were placed at different parts of the estate. The part of the villa rustica, in which the produce of the farm was kept, is distinguished by Columella by a separate name, villa frucluaria. 1. The villa rusiica is described by Varro (R. R. i. 11, 13), Vitruvius (vi. 9), and Columella (i. 4. § 5). The villa, which must be of size corresponding to that of the farm, is best placed at the foot of a wooded mountain, in a spot supplied with running water, and not exposed to severe winds nor to the effluvia of marshes, nor (by being close to a public VILLA. road) to a too frequent influx of visitors. The villa attached to a large farm had two courts (cohories, chories, cartes, Varro, i. 13). At the entrance to the outer court was the abode of the viUicus, that he might observe who went in and out, and over the door was the room of the procurator. (Varro, I. o. ; Colum. i. 6.) Near this, in as warm a spot as possible, was the kitchen, which, besides being used for the preparation of food, was the place where the slaves (familiae) assembled after the labours of the day, and where they performed certain in-door work. Vitruvius places near the kitchen the baths and the press (torcular) for wine and oil, but the latter, according to Columella, though it requires the warmth of the sun, should not be exposed to artificial heat. In the outer court were also the cellars for wine and oil (cellae viiiariae et oleariae), which were placed on the level ground, and the granaries, which were in the upper stories of the farm-buildings, and carefully protected from damp, heat, and insects. These store-rooms form the separate villa Jructuaria of Columella ; Varro places them in the villa rustica, but Vitruvius recommends that all produce which could be injured by fire should be stored without the villa. In both courts were the chambers (cellae) of the slaves, fronting the south ; but the ergastulum for those who were kept in chains (vincti) was under- ground, being lighted by Beveral high and narrow windows. The inner court was occupied chiefly by the horses, cattle, and other live stock, and here were the stables and stalls (bubilia, eqvilia, ovilia). A reservoir of water was made in the middle of each court, that in the outer court for soaking pulse and other vegetable produce, and that in the inner, which was supplied with fresh water by a spring, for the use of the cattle and poultry. 2. The Villa urbana or pseudo-urbana was so called because its interior arrangements corresponded for the most part to those of a town-house. [House.] Vitruvius (vi. 8) merely states that the description of the latter will apply to the former also, except that in the town the atrium is placed close to the door, but in the country the peristyle comes first, and afterwards the atrium, surrounded by paved porticoes, looking upon the palestra and ambulatio. Our chief sourceB of information on this subject are two letters of Pliny, in one of which (ii. 17) he describes his Laurentine villa, in the other (v. 6) his Tuscan, with a few allusions in one of Cicero's letters (ad Quint, iii. 1), and, as a most important illustration of these descriptions, the remains of a suburban villa at Pompeii. (Pompeii, ii. c. 1 1, Lond. 1832.) The clearest account is that given by Pliny in the first of the two letters mentioned above, from which, therefore, the following description is (or the most part taken. The villa was approached by an avenue of plane trees leading to a portico, in front of which was a xystus divided into flower-beds by borders of box. This xystus formed a terrace, from which a grassy slope, ornamented with box-trees cut into the figures of animals, and forming two lines opposite to one another, descended till it was lost in the pkin, which was covered with acanthus. (Plin. v. 6.) Next to the portico was an atrium, smaller and plainer than the corresponding apartment in a town-house. In this respect Pliny's description is VILLICUS. 1197 at variance with the rule of Vitruvius ; and the villa at Pompeii also has no atrium. It would appears from Cicero (I. c.) that both arrangements were common. Next to the atrium in Pliny's Laurentine villa was a small elliptic peristyle (porticus in O literae similitudinem circumaotae, where, however, the readings D and A are also given instead of 0). The intervals between the columns of this peristyle were closed with tale windows (specularihus, see Domus, p. 432), and the roof projected considerably, so that it formed an excellent retreat in unfavourable weather. The open space in the centre of this peristyle seems often to have been covered with moss and orna- mented with a fountain. Opposite to the middle of this peristyle was a pleasant cavaedium, and beyond it an elegant triclinium, standing out from the other buildings, with windows or glazed doors in the front and sides, which thus commanded a view of the grounds and of the surrounding country, while behind there was an uninterrupted view through the cavaedium, peristyle, atrium, and portico into the xystus and the open country beyond. Such was the principal suite of apartments in Pliny's Laurentine villa. In the villa at Pompeii the arrangement is somewhat different. The en- trance is in the street of the tombs. The portico leads through a small vestibule into a large square peristyle paved with opus signinum, and having an impluvium in the centre of its uncovered area. Beyond this is an open hall, resembling in form and position the tablinum in a town-house. Next is a long gallery extending almost across the whole width of the house, and beyond it is a large cyzi- cene oecus, corresponding to the large triclinium in Pliny's villa. This room looks out upon a spacious court, which was no doubt a xystus or garden, and which is surrounded on all sides by a colonnade composed of square pillars, the top of which forms a terrace. In the farthest side of this court is a gate leading out to the open country. As the ground slopes downward considerably from the front to the back of the villa, the terrace just spoken of is on a level with the cyzicene oecus, the windows of which opened upon it ; and beneath the oecus itself is a range of apartments on the level of the large court, which were probably used in summer, on account of their coolness. The other rooms were so arranged as to take advantage of the different seasons and of the sur- rounding scenery. Of these, however, there is only one which requires particular notice, namely, a state bed-chamber, projecting from the other build- ings in an elliptic or semicircular form, so as to admit the sun during its whole course. This apartment is mentioned by Pliny, and is also found in the Pompeian villa. In Pliny's Laurentine villa its wall was fitted up as a library. The villa contained a set of baths, the general arrangement of which was similar to that of the public baths. [Balneae.] Attached to it were a garden, ambulalio, gestatio, Itippodromus, spliaeristerium, and in short all neces- sary arrangements for enjoying different kinds of exercise. ["Hortus ; Gymnasium.] (Becker, Gallus, vol. i. p. 258 ; Schneider's notes on Columella and Varro, and Gierig's on Pliny, contain many useful remarks.) [P. S.] VI'LLICUS (iirirpoiros in Greek writers, Plut. Grass. 4), a slave who had the superintendence 1198 VINDICATIO. of the villa rustica, and of all the business of the farm, except the cattle, which were under the care of the magister pecoris. (Varro, R. R. i. 2.) The duties of the villicuB were to obey his master implicitly, and to govern the other slaves with moderation, never to leave the villa except to go to market, to have no intercourse with soothsayers, to take care of the cattle and the implements of husbandry, and to manage all the operations of the farm. (Cato, R. R. 6. 142.) His duties are de- scribed at great length by Columella (xi. 1, and i. 8), and those of his wife (vittim) by the same writer (xii. 1), and by Cato (c. 143). The word was also used to describe a person to whom the management of any business was en- trusted. (See the passage quoted in Forcellini's Lexicon.) [P- S.] VINA'LIA. There were two festivals of this name celebrated by the Romans: the Vinalia urbana or prioria, and the Vinalia rustica or altera. The vinalia urbana were celebrated on the 23rd of April (ix. Calend. Mai). This festival answered to the Geeek iri9oi.yia, as on this occasion the wine casks which had been filled the preceding autumn were opened for the first time, and the wine tasted. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 69. § 3.) But before men ac- tually tasted the new wine, a libation was offered to Jupiter (Fest. s. v. Vinalia), which was called calpar. (Fest. s. v. Calpar.) The rustic vinalia, which fell on the 19th of August (xiv. Calend. Sept.) and was celebrated by the inhabitants of all Latium, was the day on which the vintage was opened. On this occasion the flamen dialis offered lambs to Jupiter, and while the flesh of the victims lay on the altar, he broke with his own hands a bunch of grapes from a vine, and by this act he, as it were, opened the vintage (vindemiam auspicari ; Varro, de Ling. Lot. vi. 20), and no must was allowed to be conveyed into the city until this solemnity was performed. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 69. § 4.) This day was sacred to Jupiter, and Venus too appears to have had a share in it. (Varro, I. c. ; de Re Rust. i. 1 ; • Macrob. Sat. i. 4; Ovid, Fast. iv. 897, &c.) An account of the story which was believed to have given rise to the celebration of this festival is given by Festus («. v. Rustica vinalia) and Ovid (Fast. iv. 863, &c. ; compare AureL Vict, de Orig. Gent. Rom. IB). [L. S.] VINDEMIA'LIS FE'EIA. [Feriae, p. 530, a.] VINDEX. [Actio, p. 11, a; Manus In- JECTIO.] VINDICA'TIO. Actiones In Rem were called Vindicationes : Actiones in Personam, " quibus dari fieri oportere intendimus," were called Con- dictiones. (Gaius, iv. 5.) Vindicationes therefore were actions about the title to res Corporales, and to Jura in re. (Gaius, iv. 3.) The distinction between Vindicationes and Condictiones was an essential distinction which was not affected by the change in the form of procedure from the Legis Actiones to that of the Formulae. The Legis Actiones fell into disuse (Gaius, iv. 31) except in the case of Damnum Infectum and a Judicum Centumvirale, and from this time both Vindicationes and Condictiones were prosecuted by the Formulae. [Actio.] The peculiar process of the Vindicatio belonged to the period when the Legis Actiones were in force. The five modes of proceeding Lege (Gaius, iv. VINDICATIO. 12), were Sacramento ; Per judicis postulationem j Per condictionem j Per manus injectionem ; Per pignoris capionem. [Per Judicis Postula- tionem ; Per Condictionem ; Manus Injec- tio ; Per Pignoris Capionem.] A man might proceed Sacramento either in the case of an Actio in personam or an Actio in rem. The part of the process which contained the Sacra- mento contendere, or the challenge to the deposit of a sum of money originally, and afterwards to the engagement to pay a penalty, was applicable both to an action in personam and an action in rem. The condition of the penalty was in fact the existence or non-existence of the right claimed by the plaintiff, whatever the right might be ; and the process thus assumed the form of a suit for the penalty. It was the Sacramentum which gave to this form of action its peculiar character. When the parties were in judicio, they briefly stated their cases severally, which was called causae conjectio. If it was an Actio in rem, that is a Vindicatio, moveable things and moving things (mobilia et moventia) which could be brought before the Praetor (in jus), were claimed before the Praetor {in jure vindica- bantur) thus : he who claimed a thing as his pro- perty (qui mndicabat), held a rod in his hand, and laying hold of the thing, it might be a slave or other thing, he said ; " Hunc ego hominem ex jure Quiritium Meum esse aio secimdum causam sicut dixi. Ecce tibi Vindictam imposui ; " and saying this he placed the rod on the thing. The other claimant (adversarius) did and said the same. This claiming of a thing as property by laying the hand upon it, was "in jure manum conserere," a phrase as old as the XII Tables. (Gell. xx. 10.) The Praetor then said : " Mittite ambo hominem," and the claimants obeyed. Then he who had made the first vindicatio thus addressed his opponent: "Postulo anne dicas qua ex causa vindicaveris." The opponent replied : " Jus peregi sicut Vindictam imposui." Then he who had made the firBt vindi- catio proceeded to that part of the process called the Sacramentum, which was in the form of a wager as to the Right ; he said : " Quando tu injuria vin- dicavisti D Aeris sacramento te provoco." The opponent replied by giving the Similiter ; " Simi- liter ego te." The process of the Sacramentum, as already observed, was applicable to an actio in personam ; but as that was founded on an obligatio, there was of course no specific object to claim. In the case of a Vindicatio the Praetor declared the Vindiciae in favour of one of the parties, that is, in the mean- time he established one of the parties as Possessor, and compelled him to give security to his opponent for the thing in dispute and the mesne profits, or as it was technically expressed, " jubebat praedes adversario dare litis et vindiciarum." The Praetor took security from both for the amount of the Sacramentum ; for the party who failed paid the amount of the Sacramentum as a penalty (poenae nomine) which penalty belonged to the state (in publicum cedebat). The sums of money were originally deposited in sacro: the successful party took his money back, and the de- posit of the unsuccessful party was paid into the aerarium. (Varro, de L. L. 180, Midler ; Festus, s. v. Sacramentum.) The Poena of the Sacramentum was quingenaria, that is, quingenti asses, in cases when the property in dispute was of the value of a thousand asses and VINDICATIO. upwards j and in cases of smaller value it was fifty- asses. This was a provision of the XII. Tables ; but if a man's freedom (libertas) was in issue, the poena was only fifty asses. If the property claimed was a piece of land, the claimants appeared In jure and challenged each other to go on the land in the presence of witnesses (mperstites, Festus, s. v. ; Cic. pro Murena, 12), where each made his claim. In the time of the Twelve Tables says Gellius (xx. 10) the Magis- trate who presided in the court accompanied the parties to the land in order to perfect the process in jure ; but this mode of procedure, which might do in very early times and within a small territory, must have become inconvenient. Accordingly it became the practice for one of the claimants to go through the form of ejecting the other from the land, which was called the Vis Civilis. (Com-, pare Gellius, xx. 10 ; Cic. pro Caeaina, 1, 7, 32, pro Tullio, 20.) In course of time it became the practice to bring into court a clod of earth, or a bit of a column, as a sign of the thing ; and even in the case of moveable objects, a part was often brought into court to represent the whole j and the Vindicatio was made as if the whole thing was there. It seems that the process might also be begun by the parties performing the ceremony of the Deductio on the ground before they came In jus, where however they performed the fiction of going to the premises and returning. The change in the form of procedure, which change was accom- plished " contra Duodecim Tabulas, tacito consensu," led to the phrase "e# jure manum conserere*' (Gell. "xx. 10), which is explained thus: one party called the other out of court (ex jure) "ad con- serendam manum in rem de qua agebatur :"- the parties, he says, then went together to the land in dispute, and brought a clod of earth from it, " in jus in urbem ad Praetorem ;" and the clod of earth was viewed as the whole " ager." When the Legis Actiones fell into disuse, the process of the Vindicatio was altered and became that of the Sponsio. The term Sponsio is best ex- plained by giving the substance of a passage in Gaius (iv. 91, &c). In the case of an actio in rem, a man might proceed either Per formulam petito- riam, in which the Intentio of the plaintiff was, that a certain thing was his property ; or he might proceed Per sponsionem which did not contain such an Intentio. The defendant was challenged to a Sponsio in such terms as these : " Si homo quo de agitur ex jure Quiritium meus est sestertios xxv. Nummos dare spondes ? " The Intentio in the formula was that if the slave belonged to the plaintiff, the sum of money contained in the Spon- sio ought to be paid to the plaintiff (sponsionis summam oxtori dari debere). The Sponsio evi- dently took its name from the verb Spondeo. If the plaintiff proved the slave to be his property, he was intitled to a judgment. Yet the sum of mo- ney was not paid, though it was the object of the Intentio, for, says Gaius, "it is not poenalis, but praejndicialis, and the sponsio is introduced merely as a means of trying the right to the property, and this explains why the defendant has no restipula- tio." The sponsio was said to be "pro praede litis et vindiciarum," because it took the place of the praedium, which when the Legis actiones were in use, was given " pro lite et vindiciis," that is, " pro re et fructibus" by the possessor to the plain- tiff. [Pbabjudicium ; Praes.] VINDICATIO. 1199 This Sponsio Praejudicialis was merely a tech- nical mode of converting an actio in rem into an actio in personam, and we must suppose that there was some good reason for the practice. It might be conjectured that it was introduced in order to obviate the trouble and difficulties attendant on the old process of the Vindicatio. From the expression of Gaius, it appears that there was also a Sponsio Poenalis, that is both the defendant made a sponsio and the plaintiff made a restipulatio. Thus in the case of " certa pecunia credita," the defendant's sponsio was made at the risk of losing the sum, if he could not sustain his denial of the plaintiff's claim ; and the plaintiff's restipulatio was made at the like risk if he could not support his claim. The poena of the Sponsio and restipulatio belonged to the successful party. (Gaius, iv. 13.) There was also a Poenalis sponsio in the case of Interdicts (Gaius, iv. 141, 165, &c), and Pecunia ConBtituta. In the case of Certa Pecunia the sponsio was to the amount of one-third of the sum demanded, which was called legitima pars. (Cic. pro Rose. Com. 4, 5.) In the case of Constituta Pecunia the sponsio was to the amount of one-half. (Gaius, iv. 171.) These stipulationes were fixed by law j in other cases they were fixed by the Edict. These sponsiones were introduced probably partly with a view to check litigation, and partly with a view to give compensation to the party who ulti- mately obtained a verdict ; for otherwise there do not appear in the Roman law to be any direct pro- visions as to the costs of suits. Thus Gaius (iv. 174) enumerates four modes in which the Actoris calumnia is checked ; the Calumniae judicium, Contrarium judicium, Jusjurandum, and the Resti- pulatio. The Restipulatio, he says, " is allowed in certain cases ; and as in the Contrarium judicium the plaintiff has in all cases judgment against him, if he cannot sustain his case, and it matters not whether or not he knows that his claim was not good, so in all cases the plaintiff (that is if he can- not sustain his case) is condemned in the penalty of the restipulatio." As to the form of the Sponsio the passage of Gaius already referred to is an example ; and there is another in the oration of Cicero, pro P. Quin- tio (8. 27). The use of the word Si or Ni in the Sponsio would depend on the fact which was af- firmed or rather on the mode of affirmation and the party affirming. Cicero (pro Caeein. 23) al- ludes to the use of these words {she, nive). Bris- sonius (de Formulis, &c. v. 7. p. 348) has collected instances of them. The other mode of procedure in the case of Vin- dicatio, that was in use after the Legis Actiones fell into disuse was, Per Formulam Petitoriam, in which the plaintiff (actor) claimed the thing as his property (intendit rem suam esse). In this form of proceeding there was the Stipulatio called Judica- tum solvi, by which the defendant engaged to obey the decree of the Judex. (Gaius, iv. 91.) This formula was adapted also to the cases of Praetorian ownership and the Actio Publiciana. (Gaius, iv. 34, 36.) In cases which were brought before the Centumviri, it was the practice, at least in the Imperial period, to come first before the Praetor Urbanus or Peregrinus in order that the matter might be put in the old form of the Sacramentum. (Gaius, iv. 31, 95 ; Gell. xx. 10.) An hereditas was sued for like any other thing 1200 VINDICTA. eithet by the Sacramentum, bo long as it was in use, or the Sponsio, or the Petitoria Formula. (Gains, iv. 11, 31; Walter, Gescliichte des Rom. Rechts ; Puchta, Inst. ii. § 161.) [G. L.] VINDI'CIAE. [Vindioatio.] VINDICTA. [Manumissio ; Vindicatio.] VINDICTA. A class of actions in the Roman Law have reference to Vindicta as their object, which is thus expressed : ad ultionem pertinet, in sola vindicta constitutum est, Vindictam continet. (Dig. 47. tit. 12. s. 6. 10 ; 29. tit. 2. s. 20. § 5.) Some of these actions had for their object simply compensation, as the Actio doli. Others had for their object to give the complainant something more ( poena) than the amount of his injury, as in the Furti actio, and sometimes in addition to this com- pensation also as in the Vi Bonorum raptorum actio. A third class of actions had for its immediate object money or property, but this was not the ultimate object as in the cases already mentioned, but merely a means ; the real object was Vindicta. This Vindicta consists in the re-establishment of a right which has been violated in the person of the complainant, in which case the individual discharges the office which the State discharges generally in matters of Crime. Those actions of which Vindicta is the object, are distinguished from other actions by forming exceptions to the general rules as to the legal capacity of those who may institute them, such as a filiusfamilias and one who has sustained a capitis deminutio. The following are actions of this kindt — 1. Actio Injuriarum. When a filiusfamilias was injured, a wrong was done both to him and to his father. The injury done to the son is the only one that belongs to the head of Vindicta. The father generally brought the action, for he could acquire through his son all rights of action. But the son could bring an action in his own name with the permission of the Praetor, if the father was ab- sent, or was in any way prevented from bringing the action ; and in some cases, if the father refused to bring the action. The pecuniary damages which were the immediate object of the action belonged to the father, so that the son appeared in the double capacity of suing in his own name in re- spect of the Vindicta, and as the representative of his father in respect of the damages. If the son was emancipated, the right of action passed to him and was not destroyed by the capitis deminutio. 2. Actio sepulcri violati, which could be brought by the children of the deceased, even if they refused the hereditas, or by the heredes. The object was Vindicta, which waB effected by giving the plaintiff damages to the amount of the wrong (quanti oh earn rem aeqimm videbitur, S(c. Dig. 47. tit. 12. s. 3). The action was consequently in bonum et aequum concepta, and the right was not affected by a capitis deminutio. If those who had a right to bring the action neglected to do so, any person might bring the action ; but in that case the damages were limited to 100 aurei by the Edict. 3. Actio de effusis. When a free person was injured by anything being poured or thrown from a house, he had an actio in bonum et aequum con- cepta, the ultimate object of which was Vindicta. 4. An action for mischief done to a man by any dangerous animal belonging to another, when it happened through the want of proper caution on the part of the owner. (Dig. 21. tit. 1. s. 40 — 43.) C. Interdictum quod vi aut clam. This is a VINEA, plaint which could be instituted by a filiusfamilias in his own name, because the object was Vindicta. The ground of this capacity of a filiusfamilias was an injury done to him personally by a person who acted in opposition to his remonstrance. If for in- stance the son inhabited a house belonging to his father or one hired from a stranger, and was dis- turbed in his enjoyment by some act of his neigh- bour, the filiusfamilias might have an action for the amount of the damage, but the pecuniary satisfaction would belong to the father as in the case of the Actio Injuriarum. But the action was not in bonum et aequum concepta, since it had a definite object, which was either the restoration of things to their former condition, which might be immediately for the benefit of the filiusfamilias, or to ascertain the value of the wrong done {quod 6. The action against a Libertus in respect of an In Jus vocatio. [Patronus.] If the Libertus had proceeded against the son of his patron, and the father was absent, the son could institute the suit himself, as in the case of the Actio Injuriarum. 7. Querela Inoffieiosi. [Testamentum.] 8. Actiones Populares, which are actions in which the plaintiff claims a sum of money, but not as a private individual : he comes forward as a kind of representative of the State. If the act complained of be such as affects the interests of in- dividuals as such, they can bring an action in preference to any other person and the action is not purely popular : to this class belong such ac- tions as the Actio sepulcri violati. But if there are no persons who are individually interested in the matter complained of, or none such bring an action, any person ( unus ex populo) may bring the action as the Procurator of the State, and he is not bound to give the security which an ordinary procurator muBt give. A filiusfamilias can bring such action. By virtue of the Litis contestatio the action becomes the same as if it were founded on an obligatio, and this right of action as well as the money which may arise from it is acquired by the filiusfamilias for his father. These actiones being for fixed sums of money are not in bonum et aequum conceptae. With the populares actiones may be classed as belonging to the same kind, the Interdicta Publica or Popularia, and that Novi operis nuntiatio which is for the protection of Publicum Jus ; with this distinction, that the proceedings have not for their object the recovery of a sum of money. But in the general capacity of all persons to bring such actions, independent of the usual rules as to legal capacity, all these modes of proceeding agree. (Savigny, System des heut. Rom. Rechts, ii. 121.) [G. L.] VI'NEA, in its literal signification, is a bower formed of the branches of vines, and from the pro- tection which Buch a leafy roof affords, the name was applied by the Romans to a roof under which the besiegers of a town protected themselves against darts, stones, fire, and the like, which were thrown by the besieged upon the assailants. The descrip- tion which Vegetius (de Re Mil. iv. 15) gives of such a machine perfectly agrees with what we know of it from the incidental mention of other writers. The whole machine formed a roof, resting upon posts eight feet in height. The roof itself was ge- nerally sixteen feet long and seven broad. The wooden frame was in most cases light, so that it VINUM. could be carried by the soldiers ; sometimes, How- ever, when the purpose which it was to serve re- quired great strength, it was heavy and then the whole fabric probably was moved by wheels at- tached to the posts. The roof was formed of planks and wicker-work, and the uppermost layer or layers consisted of raw hides or wet cloth as a protection against fire, by which the besieged frequently de- stroyed the vineae. (Liv. ii. 17, v. 7, xxi. 61.) The sides of a vinea were likewise protected by wicker-work. Such machines were constructed in a safe place at some distance from the besieged town, and then carried or wheeled (agere) close to its walls. Here several of them were frequently joined together, so that a great number of soldiers might be employed under them. When vineae had taken their place close to the walls the sol- diers began their operatious, either by undermining the walls, and thus opening a breach, or by em- ploying the battering-ram {arks, Liv. xxi. 7, 8). In the time of Vegetius the soldiers used to call these machines caus-lae. (J. Lipsius, Poliorcet. i. dial. 7.) [L. S.] VINUM (olvos). The general term for the fermented juice of the grape. The native country of the vine was long a vex- ata quaestio among botanists, but, although many points still remain open for debate, it seems now to be generally acknowledged that it is indigenous throughout the whole of that vast tract which stretches southward from the woody mountains of Mazanderan on the Caspian to the shores of the Persian Gulf and the Indian sea, and eastward through Khorasan and Cabul to the base of the Himalaya, — the region to which history and phi- lology alike point as the cradle of the human race. Hence, when we consider the extreme facility of the process in its most simple form, we need little wonder that the art of making wine should have been discovered at a very remote epoch. In the earliest of profane writers the cultivation of the grape is represented as familiar to the Heroic Greeks, some of his most beautiful and vivid pic- tures of rural life being closely connected with the toils of the vineyard. It is worth remarking that the only wine upon whose excellence Homer dilates in a tone approaching to hyperbole is represented as having been produced on the coast of Thrace, the region from which poetry and civilization spread into Hellas, and the scene of several of the more remarkable exploits of Bacchus. Hence we might infer that the Pelasgians introduced the culture of the vine when they wandered westward across the Hellespont, and that in like manner it was con- veyed to the valley of the Po, when at a subse- quent period they made their way round the head of the Adriatic. It seems certain from the various legends that wine was both rare and costly in the earlier ages of Italian and Roman history. Thus, a tradition preserved by Varro (op. Plin. H. N. xiv. 14) told that when Mezentius agreed to aid the Rutilians he stipulated that the produce of the Latian vineyards should be his recompense. Ro- mulus is said to have used milk only in his offer- ings to the gods (Plin. 1. c.) : Numa, to check ex- travagance, prohibited the sprinkling of wine upon the funeral pyre, and, to stimulate the energies of the rustic population, he ordained that it should be held impious to offer a libation to the gods of wine which had flowed from an unpruned stock. - So scarce was it at a much later period VINUM. 1201 that Papirius the dictator, when about to join in battle with the Samnites, vowed to Jupiter a small cupful {viiii pocillum) if he should gain the victory. That wine wan racked off into amphorae and stored up in regular cellars as early as the era of the Gracchi Pliny considers proved by the existence in his own day of the Vinum Opimianum, described hereafter. But even then no specific ap- pellation was given to the produce of different lo- calities, and the jar* was marked with the name of the consul alone. For many years after this foreign wines were considered far superior to native growths, and so precious were the Greek vintages esteemed in the times of Marius and Sulla that a single draught only was offered to the guests at a ban- quet. The rapidity with which luxury spread in this matter is well illustrated by the saying of M. Varro, that Lucullus when a boy never saw an entertainment in his father's house, however splen- did, at which Greek wine was handed round moro than once, but when in manhood he returned from his Asiatic conquests he bestowed on the people a largess of more than a hundred thousand cadi. Four different kinds of wine are said to have been presented for the first time at the feast given by Julius Caesar in his third consulship (b. c. 46), these being Falernian, Chian, Lesbian, and Mamer- tine, and not until after this date were the merits of the numerous varieties, foreign and domestic, accurately known and fully appreciated. But during the reign of Augustus and his immediate successors the study of wines became a passion, and the most scrupulous care was bestowed upon every process connected with their production and pre- servation. (Plin. H. N. xiv. 28.) Pliny calculates that the number of wines in the whole world de- serving to be accounted of high quality {nobilia) amounted to eighty, of which his own country could claim two- thirds (xiv. 13) ; and in another passage (xiv. 29) he asserts that 195 distinct kinds migbt be reckoned up, and that if all the varieties of these were to be included in the computation, the sum would be almost doubled. (Plin. H. AT. xiv. 6. 29.) The process followed in wine-making was es- sentially the same among both the Greeks and the Romans. After the grapes had been gathered, they were first trodden with the feet and after- wards submitted to the action of the press. This part of the process of wine-making is described in the article Torculum. The sweet unfermented juice of the grape was termed yhevKos by the Greeks and mustum by the Romans, the latter word being properly an ad- jective signifying new or fresh. Of this there were several kinds distinguished acccording to the man- ner in which each was originally obtained and sub- sequently treated. That which flowed from the clusters, in consequence merely of their pressure upon each other before any force was applied, was known as irpSxvixa (Geopon. vi. 16) or protropum (Plin.7/. N. xiv. 11), and was reserved for manu- facturing a particular species of rich wine described by Pliny {I. c.) to which the inhabitants of Mytilene gave the name of irp68po(Aos or irpoTpoiros. (Athen. i. p. 30, b., ii. p. 45, e.) That which was obtained next, before the grapes had been fully trodden, was the mustum lixivium, and was considered best for keeping. (Geopon. vi. 16 ; Colum. xii. 41.) After the grapes had been fully trodden and pressed, the mass was taken out, the edges of the husks cut. 4 H 1202 VINUM. and the whole again subjected to the press ; the result was the mustum tortivum or circumcisiium (Cato, R. R. 23 ; Varr. i. 54 ; Colum. xii. 36), which was set apart and used for inferior purposes. A portion of the must was used at once, being drunk fresh after it had been clarified with vinegar. (Geopon. vi. 15.) When it was desired to preserve a quantity in the sweet state, an amphora was taken and coated with pitch within and without ; it was filled with mustum lixl&ium, and corked so as to be perfectly air-tight. It was then immersed in a tank of cold fresh water or buried in wet sand, and allowed to remain for six weeks or two months. The contents after this process were found to re- main unchanged for a year, and hence the name del y\evKos, i.e. semper mustum. (Geopon. vi. 16 ; Plut. Q. N. 26 ; Cato, R. R. 120 ; Colum. xii. 29 ; Plin. H.N. xiv. 11.) A considerable quantity of muBt from the best and oldest vines was inspissated by boiling, being then distinguished by the Greeks under the general names of f i|n)fia or y\v£is ( Athen. i. 31, e.), while the Latin writers have various terms according to the extent to which the evapo- ration was carried. Thus, when the must was re- duced to two- thirds of its original volume it became carenum (Pallad. Octobr. tit. xviii.), when one-half had evaporated, defiutum (Plin. H. N. xiv. 9), when two-thirds, sapa (known also by the Greek names siraeum and hepsema, Plin. I. c), but these words are frequently interchanged. (See Varr. ap. Non. c. 17, n. 14 ; Colum. xii. 19.) Similar preparations are at the present time called in Italy musto cotto and sapa, and in France sabe. The procesB was carried on in large caldrons of lead (vasa defrutaria), iron or bronze being supposed to communicate a disagreeable flavour, over a slow fire of chips, on a night when there was no moon (Plin. xviii. 74), the scum being carefully removed with leaves (Plin. 1. c. ; Virg. Georg. i. 269, iv. 296), and the liquid constantly stirred to prevent it from burning. (Plin. xxiii. 2 ; Cato, R. R. 105 ; Colum. xii. 19, 20, 21 j Pallad. xi. 18 ; Dioscorid. v. 9.) These grape-jellies, for they were nothing else, were used extensively for giving body to poor wines and mak- ing them keep, and entered as ingredients into many drinks, such as the burranica potio, so called from its red colour, which was formed by mixing sapa with milk (Festus, s. v. Burranica ; compare Ovid. Fast. iv. 782), and others described here- after. The whole of the mustum not employed for some of the above purposes was conveyed from the locus to the cetla vinaria (olvo8JKri, iridewv, Geopon. vi. 2, ] 2), an apartment on the ground-floor or a little beiow the surface, placed in such a situation as to secure a moderate and equable temperature, and at a distance from dunghills or other objects emitting a strong odour. (Varro, R.R. i. 13; Geopon. I. c.) Here were the dotia (irWoi), other- wise called seriae or cupae, long bell-mouthed vessels of earthenware (hooped tubs of wood being employed in cold climates only, Plin. xiv. 21) very carefully formed of the best clay and lined with a coating of pitch (TruTa-wdti'Ta, picata), the operation (TnW<*m, picatio) being usually performed while they were hot from the furnace. They were usually sunk {depressa, defossa, demersa) one-half or two-thirds in the ground j to the former depth if the wine to be contained was likely to prove Btrong, to the latter if weak, and attention was paid that they should repose upon a dry bed. They were VINUM. moreover sprinkled with sea- water, fumigated with aromatic plants and rubbed with their ashes, all rank smelling substances, such as rotten leather, garlic, cheese, and the like, being removed, lest they should impart a taint to the wine. (Geopon. vi. 2, 3, 4 ; Cato, R.R. 23 ; Varro, i. 13 ; Colum. xii. 18, 25 ; Dig. 33. tit. 6. s. 3.) In these dolia the process of fermentation took place. They were not filled quite full, in order that the scum only might boil over, and this was also cleared off at regular intervals by skimming, and carried to a distance. The fermentation usually lasted for about nine days, and as soon as it had subsided and the mustum had become vinum, the dolia were closely covered, the upper portion of their interior surface as well as the lids (opercula doliorum) having been pre- viously well rubbed over with a compound of de- frutum, saffron, old pitch, mastic, and fir-cones. (Geopon. vi. 12 ; Cato, R. R. 107 ; Varro, i. 65 ; Colum. xii. 25, 80.) The opercula were taken off about once every thirty-six days, and oftener in hot weather, in order to cool and give air to the contents, to add any preparation required to preserve them sound, and to remove any impurities that might be thrown up. Particular attention was paid to the peculiar light scum, the avBos ohov (flos vini), which frequently appeared on the surface after a certain time, since it was supposed to afford indi- cations by its colour and consistence of the quality of the wine. If red (iroptpvplfrov), broad, and soft, it was a sign that the wine was Bound ; if glutinous, it was a bad symptom ; if black or yellow, it de- noted want of body ; if white, it was a proof that the wine would keep well (lUnpuw). Each time that the opercula were replaced they were well rubbed with fir-cones. (Geopon. vii. 15 ; Colum. xii. 38.) [Thtksus.] The commoner sorts of wine were drunk direct from the dolium, and hence draught wine was called vinum doliare or vinum de cupa (Dig. 1 8. tit. 6. s. 1. § 4; Varr.ap.JVora. c.2. n. 1 1 3), but the finer kinds, such as were yielded by choice localities and possessed sufficient body to bear keeping, were drawn off (diffundere, furayyl^eiv) into amphorae or lagenae, many fanciful precautions being ob- served in transferring them from the larger to th6 smaller vessel. (Geopon. vii. 5, 6 ; compare Plin. xiv. 27.) These amphorae were made of earthen- ware, and in later times occasionally of glass ; they were stoppered tight by a plug of wood or cork (cortex, suber), which was rendered impervious to air by being Bmeared over with pitch, clay, or gypsum. On the outside the title of the wine was painted, the date of the vintage being marked by the names of the consuls then in office, or when the jars were of glass, little tickets (piltacia, tesserae) were sus- pended from them indicating these particulars. (Petron. 34.) The amphorae were then stored up in repositories (apothecae, Colum. i. 6 ; Plin. Ep. ii. 17 ; horrea, Senec. Ep. 115 ; tabulata, Colum. xii. 41) completely distinct from the ceUa vinaria, and usually placed in the upper story of the house (whence descende, testa, Hor. Carm. iii. 21. 7 ; deripere horreo, iii. 28. 7) for a reason explained afterwards. It is manifest that wines prepared and bottled, if we may use the phrase, in the manner described above must have contained a great quantity of dregs and sediment, and it became absolutely ne- cessary to separate these before it was drunk. This was sometimes effected by fining with yelks VINUM. of eggs, those of pigeons being considered most ap- propriate by the fastidious (Hor. Sat ii. 4. 51), or with the whites whipped up with salt (Geopon. vii. 22), but more commonly by simply straining through small cup-like utensils of silver or bronze perforated with numerous small holes, and distin- guished by the various names i3AiOT?fp, rpuyonros, flBpos, colum vinarium. (Geopon. vii. 37.) [Colum.] .Occasionally a piece of linen cloth (craKKos, saccus) was placed over the Tpbyoinos or colum (Pollux, vi. 19, x. 75) and the wine (aaKKias , saccatus) filtered through. (Martial, viii. 45.) The use of the saccus was considered objectionable for all delicate wines, since it was believed to injure (Hor. Sat. ii. 4. 51) if not entirely to destroy their flavour, and in every instance to diminish the strength of the liquor. For this reason it was employed by the dissipated in order that they might be able to Bwallow a greater quantity without becoming in- toxicated. (Plin. xiv. 22, compare xxiii. 1, 24, adx. 4. 1 9 ; Cic. ad Fam. ii. 8.) The double pur- pose of cooling and weakening was effectually ac- complished by placing ice or snow in the filter, which under such circumstances became a colum nivarium (Martial, xiv. 103) or saccus nivarius (xiv. 104). The wine procured from the mustum tortivum, which was always kept by itself, must have been thin and poor enough, but a still inferior beverage was made by pouring water upon the husks and stalks after they had been fully pressed, allowing them to soak, pressing again, and fermenting the liquor thus obtained. This, which was given to labourers in winter instead of wine, was the frd/iva or Sevrepios of the Greeks, the lora or vinum ope- rarium of the Romans, and according to Varro (op. Non. xvii. 13) was, along with sapa, defrutum, and passum, the drink of elderly women. (See Athen. x. p. 440.) The Greeks added the water in the proportion of -J of the must pre- viously drawn off, and then boiled down the mixture until J had evaporated ; the Italians added the water in the proportion of Jg of the must, and threw in the skimmings of the defru- tum and the dregs of the lacus. Another drink of the same character was the faecalum from wine- lees, and we hear also of vinum praeliganeum given to the vintagers, which appears to'have been manu- factured from inferior and half-ripe fruit gathered before the regular period. (Geopon. vi. 3 ; Cato, R. R. 23, 57, 153 ; Varro, i. 54 ; Colum. xii. 40 ; Plin. xiv. 12.) We find an analogy to the above processes in the manufacture of cider, the best being obtained from the first squeezing of the apples and the worst from the pulp and skins macerated in water. In all the best wines hitherto described the grapes are supposed to have been gathered, as soon as they were fully ripe and fermentation to have run its full course. But a great variety of sweet wines were manufactured by checking the fermen- tation, or by partially drying the grapes, or by converting them completely into raisins. The y\inos ofvos of the Geoponic writers (vii. 19) be- longs to the first class. Must obtained in the or- dinary manner was thrown into the dolia, which remained open for three days only and were then partially covered for two more ; a small aperture was left until the seventh day, when they were luted up. If the wine was wished to be still sweeter, the dolia were left open for five days and VINtTM. 1203 then at once closed. The free admission of air being necessary for brisk fermentation, and this usually continuing for nine days, it is evident that it would proceed weakly and imperfectly under the above circumstances. For the Vinum Dulce of Columella (xii. 27) the grapes were to be dried in the sun for three days after they were gathered, and trodden on the fourth during the full fervour of the mid-day heat. The mustum lixivium alone was to be used, and after the fermentation was finished an ounce of well-kneaded iris-root was added to each 50 sextarii ; the wine was racked off from the lees, and was found to be sweet, sound, and wholesome. (Colum. /. c.) For the Vinum Diachytum, more luscious still, the grapes were ex- posed to the sun for seven days upon hurdles. (Plin..fY. AT. xiv. 11.) Lastly, Passum or raisin-wine was made from grapes dried in the sun until they had lost half their weight, or they were plunged into boiling oil, which produced a similar effect, or the bunches after they were ripe were allowed to hang for some weeks upon the vine, the stalks being twisted or an inci- sion made into the pith of the bearing shoot so as to put a stop to vegetation. The stalks and stones were removed, the raisins were steeped in must or good wine, and then trodden or subjected to the gentle action of the press. The quantity of juice which flowed forth was measured, and an equal quantity of water added to the pulpy residuum, which was again pressed and the product employed for an inferior passum called secundarium, an ex- pression exactly analogous to the oevrepios mention- ed above. The passum of Crete was most prized (Mart. xiii. 106 ; Juv. xiv. 270), and next in rank were those of Cilicia, Africa, Italy, and the neigh- bouring provinces. The kinds known as Psythium and Melampsythium possessed the peculiar flavour of the grape and not that of wine, the Scybillites from Galatia and the Haluntium from Sicily in like manner tasted like must. The grapes most suitable for passum were those which ripened early, espe- cially the varieties Apiana (called by the Greeks SticJia), Scirpula and Psithia. (Geopon. vii. 18 ; Colum. xii. 39; Plin. H. N. xiv. 11 ; Virg. Georg. ii. 93.) The Greeks recognized three colours in wines: red (/ieAas), white, i. e. pale, straw-colour (Aeu/aJj), and brown or amber-coloured (ki^6s). (Athen. i. p. 32, c.) Pliny distinguishes four: albus answer- ing to A.«/Kos, fulvus to tcifyds, while fi€\o.s is sub- divided into sanguineus and niger, the former being doubtless applied to bright glowing wines like Tent and Burgundy, while the niger or aiet (Plaut. Menaech. v. 6. 17) would resemble Port. In the ordinary Greek authors the epithet ipv6p6i is as common as jue'Aas, and will represent the We have seen that wine intended for keeping was racked off from the dolia into amphorae. When it was necessary in the first instance to transport it from one place to another, or when carried by travellers on a journey, it was contained in bags made of goat-skin (doKoi, uires) well pitched over so as to make the seams perfectly tight. The cut below, from a bronze found at Herculaneum (Mus. Borbon. vol. iii. tav. 28), exhibits a Silenus astride upon one of them. When the quantity was large a number of hides were sewed together, and the leathern tun thus constructed carried from place to place in a cart, as 4h 2 1204 VINUM. shown in the illustration on page 90. Lucian, La. 6.) (Compare Among the ancients recourse was had to va- rious devices for preventing or correcting acidity, heightening the flavour, and increasing the dura- bility of the inferior kinds of wine. This subject was reduced to a regular system by the Greeks : Pliny mentions four authors who had written for- mal treatises, and the authors of the Geoponic col- lection, together with Cato, Varro, and Columella, supply a multitude of precepts upon the same topic. The object in view was accomplished some- times by merely mixing different kinds of wine together, but more frequently by throwing into the dolia or amphorae various condiments, or sea- sonings (aprvo-ets, medkamina, conditurae). When two wines were mixed together those were selected which possessed opposite good qualities and defects. (Athen. i. p. 32. 6.) The principal substances employed as condiiurae were, 1. sea-water ; 2. turpentine, either pure, or in the form of pitch (pia), tar (pix liquida), or resin [resina). 3. Lime, in the form of gypsum, burnt marble, or calcined shells. 4. Inspissated must. S. Aromatic herbs, 6pices, and gums ; and these were used either singly, or cooked up into a great variety of complicated confections. We have already Been that it was customary to line the interior of both the dolia and the amphorae with a coating of pitch ; but besides this it was common to add this substance, or resin, ill powder, to the must during the fermentation, from a con- viction that it not only rendered the wine more full-bodied, but also communicated an agreeable bouquet, together with a certain degree of raciness or piquancy. (Plin. N. H. xiv. 25 ; Plutarch, Symp. v. 3.) Wine of this sort, however, when new {novitium resinatum) was accounted unwhole- some and apt to induce headach and giddiness. From this circumstance it was denominated crapula, and was itself found to be serviceable in checking the fermentation of the must when too violent. It must be remembered, that when the vinous fermentation is not well regulated, it is apt to be VINUM. renewed, in which case a fresh chemical change takes place, and the wine is converted into vinegar (ofor, acetum), and this acid, again, if exposed to the air, loses its properties and becomes perfectly insipid, in which form it was called vappa by the Romans, who used the word figuratively for a worthless blockhead. Now the great majority of inferior wines, being thin and watery, and containing little alcohol, are constantly liable to undergo these changes, and hence the disposition to acescence was closely watched and combated as far as possible. With this view those substances were thrown into the dolia, which it was known would neutralize any acid which might be formed, such as vegetable ashes, which contain an alkali, gypsum, and pure lime, besides which we find a long list of articles, which must be regarded as preventives rather than correctives, such as the various preparations of turpentine already noticed, almonds, raisins steeped in must, parched salt, goats' milk, cedar- cones, gall-nuts, blazing pine-torches, or red-hot irons quenched in the liquid, and a multitude of others. (Geopon. vii. 12, 15, 16, &c.) But in ad- dition to these, which are all harmless, we find some traces of the use of the highly poisonous salts of lead for the same purpose (Geopon. vii. 19), a practice which produced the most fatal conse- quences in the middle ages, and was prohibited by a series of the most stringent enactments. (See Beckmann's History of Inventions, vol. i. p. 396, Trans.) Defrutum also was employed to a great extent ; but being itself liable to turn sour, it was not used until its soundness had been tested by keeping it for a year. It was then introduced, either in its simple state, in the proportion of a sextarius to the amphora, that is, of 1 to 48, or it was combined with a great variety of aromatics, according to a prescription furnished by Columella (xii. 20). In this receipt, and others of the same kind, the various herbs were intended to give additional efficacy to the nourishing powers of the defrutum, and great pains were taken to prevent them from affecting the taste of the wine. But from a very early period it was customary to flavour wines highly by a large admixture of perfumes, plants, and spices. We find a spiced drink («{ dpupdruv KCLTatrKeuatyiJLZvos) noticed under the name of rpin/m by Athenaeus and the writers of the new comedy.-(Athen. i. p. 31, e. ; Pollux, vi. 18), and for the whole class Pliny has the general term aromatites (xiv. 19. § 5). There was another and very numerous family of wines, entitled olvoi iywvoi, into which drugs were introduced to produce medicinal effects. Such were vinum marrubii (horehound) for coughs, the sciltites (squill-wine), to assist digestion, promote expectoration, and act as a general tonic, ahsinHiiUs (wine of wormwood), corresponding to the modern vermuth, and above all the myrtites (myrtle-berry- wine), which possessed innumerable virtues. (Co- lumell. 32, 39 ; Geopon. viii. 1, &c.) Pliny, under the head of vina fictilia, includes not only the olvoi dyietvol, but a vast number of others bearing a strong analogy to our British home-made wines, such as cowslip, ginger, elder- berry, and the like ; and as we manufacture Champagne out of gooseberries, so the Italians had their imitations of the costly vintages of the most favoured Asiatic isles. These vina.fidUia VINUM. were, as may be imagined, almoet countless, every Tariety of fruit, flower, vegetable, shrub, and per- fume being put in requisition: figs, cornels, medlars, roses, asparagus, parsley, radishes, laurels, junipers, cassia, cinnamon, saffron, nard, malobathrum, afford but a small sample. It must be remarked, that there was one material difference between the method followed by the Greeks and that adopted by the Romans in cooking these potions. The former included the drug, or whatever it might be, in a bag, which was suspended in a jar of wine, and allowed to remain as long as was thought necessary ; the latter mixed the flavouring in- gredient with the sweet must, and fermented them together, thus obtaining a much more powerful extract ; and this is the plan pursued for British wines, except that we are obliged to substitute sugar and water for grape-juice. (Geopon. viii. 32, 33, 34 ; Plin. H. N. xiv. 19 ; Colum. II. as. ; Cato, R. R. 114, 115.) But not only were spices, fragrant roots, leaves, and gums, steeped in wine or incorporated during fermentation, but even the precious perfumed essential' oils (unguenta) were mixed with it before it was drunk. The Greeks were exceedingly par- tial to this kind of drink. (Aelian, V. H. xii. 31.) We also learn from Aelian (I. c.) that it was named [ivfyiviTTis, which seems to be the same with the fivfylvris of Foseidippus (Athen. i. p. 32, b.), the fiv^ivTj of Hesychius, the fivpivrjs of Pollux (vi. 2), and the murrhina of Plautus (Pseudol. ii. 4. SO ; compare nardini ampltoram^ Miles Gl. iii. 2. 11 ; Festus, s. v. Murrain, potio and Murrina). The Romans were not slow to follow the example set them, valuing bitterness so highly, says Pliny (H. N. xiii. S), that they were resolved to enjoy costly perfumes with two senses, and hence the expres- sions "foliata sitis" in Martial (xiv. 110) and " perfusa mero spumant unguenta Falerno" in Juvenal (vi. 303). In a more primitive age we detect the same fondness for the admixture of something extraneous. Hecamede, when preparing a draught for Nestor, fills his cup with Pramnian wine, over which she grates goat-milk cheese and Bprinkles the whole with flour (II. xi. 638), the latter being a common addition at a much later epoch. (Athen. x. p. 432.) So also the draught administered by Circe con- sisted of wine, cheese, and honey ; and according to Theophrastus (Athen. i. p. 32, a.) the wine drunk in the prytaneum of the Thasians was ren- dered delicious by their throwing into the jar which contained it a cake of wheaten flour kneaded up with honey. (Compare Plat. Symp. i. 1. 4.) This leads us on to notice the most generally popular of all these compound beverages, the eivopeAi of the Greeks, the mulsum of the Romans. This was of two kinds ; in the one honey was mixed with wine, in the other with must. The former was said to have been invented by the legendary hero Aristaeus, the first cultivator of bees (Plin. xiv. 4), and was considered most perfect and palatable when made of some old rough (auslerum) wine, such as Massic or Falernian (although Horace objects to the latter for this purpose, Sat. ii. 4. 24), and new Attic honey. (Mart. iv. 13, xiii. 108; Dioscor. v. 16; Macrob. Sat. mi. 12.) The proportions as stated in the Geoponic collec- tion were four, by measure, of wine to one of honey, and various spices and perfumes, such as myrrh, cassia, costum, malobathrum, nard, and VINUM. 1205 pepper, might be added. The second kind, the oenomelum of Isidorus (Orig. xx. 3. § 11), accord- ing to the Greek authorities (Geopon. viii. 26), was made of must evaporated to one half of its original bulk, Attic honey being added in the proportion of one to ten. This, therefore, was merely a very rich fruit syrup in no way allied to wine. The virtues of mulsum are detailed by Pliny (H. N xxii. 4 ; compare Geopon. I. e.) ; it was considered the most appropriate draught upon an empty stomach, and was therefore swallowed immediately before the regular business of a repast began (Hor. Sat. ii. 4. 25 ; Senec. Ep. 122), and hence the whet ( gustatio) coming before the cup of mulsum was called the promulsis. (Cic. ad. Fam. ix. 16 and 20.) We infer from Plautus (Bacch. iv. 9. 149; compare Liv. xxxviii. SS) that mulsum was given at a triumph by the Imperator to his soldiers. Mulsum (sc. vinum) or olv&p.s\i is perfectly dis- tinct from mulsa (sc. aqua). The latter, or mead, being made of honey and water mixed and fer- mented, is the fieXltcpaTov or liSpiJjUeAt of the Greeks (Geopon. viii. 28 ; Dio6corid. v. 9 ; Isidor. Orig. xx. 3. § 10 ; Plin. H. N. xiv. 20), although Pollux confounds (vi. 2) ixtKlKparov with oiv6/j.e\t. Again, iSpofiri\oy (Geopon. viii. 27) or hydromelum (Isidor. Orig. xx. 3. § 11) was cider; o^vfieKt (Plin. H. N. xiv. 20) was a compound of vinegar, honey, salt, and pure water, boiled together and kept for a long time ; podofjteKi was a mere confec- tion of expressed juice of rose-leaves and honey. (Geopon. viii. 29.) The ancients considered old wine not only more grateful to the palate but also more wholesome and invigorating (Athen. i. p. 26, a. ; ii. p. 36, e.), and curiously enough, Pliny supposes that it grew more strong and fiery by age in consequence of the dissipation of the watery particles (H. N. vii. 3). Generally speaking the Greek wines do not seem to have required a long time to ripen. Nestor in the Odyssee, indeed, drinks wine ten years old (iii. 391), and wine kept for sixteen years is incidentally mentioned by Athenaeus (xiii. p. S84, b) ; but the connoisseurs under the Empire pronounced that all transmarine wines arrived at a moderate degree of maturity (ad vetustatem mediam) in six or seven. (Plin. xiv. 10.) Many of the Italian varieties, however, as we shall see below, required to be kept for twenty or twenty-five years before they were drinkable (which is now consi- dered ample for our strongest ports), and even the humble growths of Sabinum were stored up for from four to fifteen. (Hor. Carm. i. 9. 7 ; Athen. i. p. 276.) Hence it became a matter of import- ance to hasten, if possible, the natural process. This was attempted in various ways, sometimes by elaborate condiments (Geopon. vii. 24), sometimes by sinking vessels containing the must in the sea, by which an artificial mellowness was induced (praecox vetustas), and the wine in consequence termed thalassites (Plin. H. N. xiv. 10) ; but more usually by the application of heat. (Plut. Symp. v. 3.) Thus it was customary to expose the am- phorae for some years to the full fervour of the sun's rays, or to construct the apotkecae in such a manner as to be exposed to the hot air and smoke of the bath-furnaces (Colum. i. 6), and hence the name fumaria applied to such apartments, and the phrases fumosos, fumum bibere, fuligine testae in reference to the wineB. (Tibull. ii. 1. 26 ; Hor. Carm. iii. 8. 9 ; Juv. v. 35.) If the operation was 4 Ji 3 1206 VINUM. not conducted with care, and the amphorae not stoppered down perfectly tight, a disagreeable effect would be produced on the contents, and it is in consequence of such carelessness that Martial pours forth his maledictions on the fumaria of Marseilles (x. 36, iii. 82, xii. 123). The year b. c. 121 is said to have been a season singularly favourable to all the productions of the earth ; from the great heat of the autumn the wine was of an unprecedented quality, and remained long celebrated as the Vinum Opimianum, from L. Opimius the consul of that year, who slew C. Gracchus. A great quantity had been treasured up and sedulously preserved, so that samples were still in existence in the days of the elder Pliny, nearly two hundred years afterwards. It was reduced, he says, to the consistence of rough honey, and, like other very old wines, so strong and harsh and bitter as to be undrinkable until largely diluted with water. Such wines, however, he adds, were useful for flavouring others when mixed in small quantities. Our most direct information with regard to the price of common wine in Italy is derived from Columella (iii. 3. § 12), who reckons that the lowest market price of the most ordinary quality was 300 sesterces for 40 urnae, that is 15 sesterces for the amphora, or 6d. a gallon nearly. At a much earlier date, the triumph of L. Metellus during the first Punic war (b. c. 250), wine was sold at the rate of 8 asses the amphora (Varro, ap. Plin. H. N. xviii. 4), and in the year b. c. 89 the censors P. Licinius Crassus and L. Julius Caesar issued a proclamation that no one should sell Greek and Aminean wine at so high a rate as 8 asses the amphora j but this was probably intended as a prohibition to their being sold at all, in order to check the taste then beginning to display itself for foreign luxuries, for we find that at the same time they positively forbade the use of exotic unguents. (Plin. H. N. xiv. 16, xiii. 3.) The price of native wine at Athens was four drachmas for the metretes, that is about i\d. the gallon, when necessaries were dear, and Bockh con- siders that we may assume one half of this sum as the average of cheaper times. In fact, we find in an agreement in Demosthenes (In Laerit. p. 928) 300 casks (/ceocfytta) of Mendaean wine, which we know was used at the most sumptuous Macedonian entertainments (Athen. iv. p. 129, d.), valued at 600 drachmas, which gives two drachmas for the metretes, or little more than 2d. a gallon ; but still more astonishing is the marvellous cheapness of Lusitanian wine, of which more than ten gallons were sold for Sd. On the other hand high prices were given freely for the varieties held in esteem, since, as early as the time of Socrates, a metretes of Chian sold for a mina. (Plut. de Anim. Tran- quill. 10 ; Bockh, Pvbl. Econ. of Alliens, vol. i. p. 133, 1st ed.) With respect to the way in which wine was drunk, and the customs observed by the Greeks and Romans at their drinking entertainments, the reader is referred to the article Symposium. It now remains for us to name the most esteemed wines, and to point out their localities ; but our limits will allow us to enumerate none but the most celebrated. As far as those of Greece are concerned, our information is scanty ; since in the older writers we find but a small number defined by specific appellations, the general term olvos VINUM. usually standing alone without any distinguishing epithet. The wine of most early celebrity was that which the minister of Apollo, Maron, who dwelt upon the skirts of Thracian Ismarus, gave to Ulysses. It was red (£pvQp6v), and honey-sweet (fieAirjSe'a), so precious, that it was unknown to all in the mansion, save the wife of the priest and one trusty housekeeper ; so strong, that a single cup was mingled with twenty of water ; so fragrant, that even when thus diluted it diffused a divine and most tempting perfume. (Od. ix. 203.) Pliny (.ff. iV. xiv. 6) asserts that wine endowed with similar noble properties was produced in the same region in his own day. Homer mentions also more than once (II. xi. 638, Od. x. 234) Pramnian wine (olvos Xlpa/j.veTos), an epithet which is variously interpreted by certain different writers. (Athen. i. p. 28, f.) In after times a wine bearing the same name was produced in the island of Icaria, around the hill village of Latorea, in the vicinity of Ephe- sus, in the neighbourhood of Smyrna near the shrine of Cybele, and in Lesbos. (Athen. i. p. 30, c. &c. ; Plin. xiv. 6.) The Pramnian of Icaria is characterized by Eparchides as dry (owAi)p6$), it required a long time to ripen, but was strongly recommended to convalescents, on account of its thinness and whole- someness. Galen, however, was of opinion that it agreed with those only who were accustomed to use it constantly ; Tiberius was wont to say that the physicians had conspired to dignify what was only generous vinegar ; while his successor, Caligula, styled it nobilis vappa. (Plin. II. cc; Athen. I. c.) Of equal reputation were the Massicum, from the hills which formed the boundary between Latium and Campania, although somewhat harsh, as would seem, from the precautions recommended by the epicure in Horace (Sat. ii. 4. 51 : compare Carm. i. 1. 19, i. 7.. 21, iii. 21 ; Mart. xiii. Ill ; Silius, vii. 207), and the Gauranum, from the ridge above Baiae and Puteoli, produced in small quantity, but of very high quality, full bodied (evrovos) and thick (trdxvs). (Athen. I.e.; Plin. H.N. iii. 5 ; Flor. iii. 5.) In the same class are to be included the Calenum from Cales, and the Fundanum from Fundi. Both had formerly held a higher place, "but vineyards," moralizes Pliny, "as well as states, have their periods of rise, of glory, and of fall." The Calenum was light (tcoiiipos), and bet- ter for the stomach than Falernian ; the Funda- num was full bodied (eurovos) and nourishing, but apt to attack both stomach and head ; therefore little sought after at banquets. (Strabo, v. p. 234 ; Athen. i. p. 27, a. ; Hor. Carm. i. 31. 9 ; Juv. i. 69 ; Mart. x. 35, xiii. 113.) This list is closed by the VelUermnum, PHvernatinum, and Signinum, from Velitrae, Privernum, and Signia, towns on the Volscian hills ; the first was a sound wine, but had this peculiarity, that it always tasted as if mixed with some foreign substance ; the second was thin and pleasant ; the last was looked upon only in the light of a medicine, valuable for its astringent qualities. (Athen. i. p. 27, b. ; Plin. I.e.; Mart. xiii. 116.) We may safely bring in one more, the Formianum, from the gulf of Caieta (Laestrygonia Bacchus in amphora, Hor. Carm. iii. 16. 34), associated by Horace with the Caecuban, Falernian, and Calenian (Hor. Carm. i. 20, iii, 16), and compared by Galen (ap. Aiken, i. p. 26 4h 4 I 20 8 VfNUM. e.) to the Privernatinum and Rheginum, but richer (AmapwT^/JO?), and ripening quickly. The fourth rank contained the Mamertinum, from the neighbourhood of Messana, first brought into fashion by Julius Caesar. The finest, called Potalanum ('I«Ta\?i/os, Athen. i. p. 27, d.), from the fields nearest to the main land, was sound (7jSi)s), light, and at the same time not without body. The Tauromenitanum was frequently sub- stituted fraudulently for the Mamertinum, which it resembled. (Athen. i. p. 27, d. ; Plin. I. c.) Of the wines in Southern Gaul, that of Baeter- rae alone bore a high character. The rest were looked upon with suspicion, in consequence of the notorious frauds of the dealers in the Province, who carried on the business of adulteration to a great extent, and did not scruple to have recourse to noxious drugs. Among other things, it was known that they purchased aloes, to heighten the flavour and improve the colour of their merchandise, and conducted the process of artificial ripening so un- skilfully, as to impart a taste of smoke, which called forth, as we have seen above, the maledic- tion of Martial on the fumaria of Marseilles. (Plin. H. N. xiv. 8. $ 5.) The produce of the Balearic isles was compared to the first growths of Italy, and the same praise was shared by the vineyards of Tarraco and Latir ron, while those of the Laletani were not so much famed for the quality as for the abundance of their supply. (Plin. H. N. xiv. 8. § 6 ; Mart. xiii. 118; Silius, iii. 370.) Returning to the East, several districts of Pon- tus, Paphlagonia, and Bithynia, Lampsacus on the Hellespont, Telmessus in Caria, Cyprus, Tripolis, Berytus, and Tyre, all claimed distinction, and above all the Chalybonium, originally from Beroea, but afterwards grown in the neighbourhood of Da- mascus also, was the chosen and only drink of the Great King (Plin. H. N. xiv. 9 ; Geopon. v. 2 ; Athen. i. p. 28, d.), to which we may join the Babylonium, called nectar by Chaereus (Athen. i. p. 29, f.), and the Bv€\ivos from Phoenicia, which found many admirers. (Athen. i. p. 29, b.) The last is spoken of elsewhere as Thracian, or Grecian, or Sicilian, which may have arisen from the same grape having been disseminated through these countries. (Compare Herod, ii. 35 ; Athen. i. p. 31, a.) Passing on, in the last place, to Egypt, where, according to Hellanicus, the vine was first dis- covered, the Mareoticum, from near Alexandria, de- mands our attention. It is highly extolled by AthenaeuB, being white, sweet, fragrant, light (Aeirros), circulating quickly through the frame, and not flying to the head ; but superior even to this was the Taenioticum, so named from a long narrow sandy ridge fjmvia) near the western ex- tremity of the Delta ; it was aromatic, slightly astringent, and of an oily consistency, which dis- appeared when it was mixed with water : besides these we hear of the Sebennyticum, and the wine of Antylla, a town not far from Alexandria. Ad- vancing up the valley, the wine of the Thebai's, and especially of Coptos, was so thin and easily thrown off that it could be given without injury to fever patients ; and ascending through Nubia, to the confluence of the Nile with the Astapus, we reach Merot, whose wine has been immortalized by Lucan. (Athen. i. p. 33, f. ; Strab. xvii. p. 799 ; if or. Carm. i, 37-- 10 ; Virg. Georg. ii. 91 ; Lucan, V1NUM. x. 161 ; Plin. H. N. xiv. 9.) Martial appears to have held them all very cheap, since he pronounces the vinegar of Egypt better than its wine. (xiii. 112.) We read of several wines which received their designation, not from the region to which they be- longed, but from the particular kind of grape from which they were made, or from some circumstance connected with their history or qualities. Names belonging to the former class were in all likelihood bestowed before the most favoured districts were generally known, and before the effects produced upon the vine, by change of soil and climate, had been accurately observed and studied. After these matters were better understood, habit and mercan- tile usage would tend to perpetuate the ancient appellation. Thus, down to a late period, we hear of the Amineum (^Afuvcuos 6lvos, Hesych.), from the Aminea Vitis, which held the first place among vines, and embraced many varieties, carefully dis- criminated and cultivated according to different methods. (Plin. //. N. xiv. 4. § 1 ; Cato, B. R. 6 and 7 ; Colum. iii. 2. § 7 ; 9. § 3.) It was of Grecian origin, having been conveyed by a Thes- salian tribe to Italy (a story which would seem to refer to some Pelasgian migration), and reared chiefly in Campania around Naples, and in the' Falernus ager. Its characteristic excellence was the great body and consequent durability of its wine. (Firmissima vina, Virg. Georg. ii. 97 ; Galen, Meth. med. xii. 4 ; Geopon. viii. 22 ; Cels. iv. 2 ; Macrob. ii. 16; A uson. Ep. xviii. 32 ; Seren. Samm. xxix. 544.) So, in like manner, the \filBias ohos (Athen. i. p. 28, f.), from the ifiiBia &fnre\os (Colum. iii. 2. § 24), which Virgil tells us (Georg. ii. 93) was particularly suitable for passim, and the Kairyias (smoke-wine) of Plato the comic poet (Athen. i. p. 31, e.), prepared in greatest perfec- tion near Beneventum, from the K&avtos &fiire\os, so named in consequence of the clusters being neither white nor black, but of an intermediate dusky or smoky hue. (Theophr. H. P. ii. 4, C. P. i. 3 ; Aristot. de Gener. iv. 4 ; Plin. H. N. xiv. 4. § 7 ; compare xxxvi. 36, on the gem Capnias.) On the other hand, the San-p/as, on whose di- vine fragrance Hermippus descants in such glow- ing language (Athen. i. p. 29, e.), is simply some rich wine of great age, "toothless, and sere, and wondrous old." ((JSoWccs oiiK ex al/ i ^^ ffairpds . . . yepuj/ ye daipovius, Athen. x. p. 441, d. ; see Eustath. ad Horn. Od. ii. 340 ; Casaub. ad Allien. i. p. 29.) The origin of the title dvioo-p-lus is some- what more doubtful : some will have it to denote wine from a sweet-smelling spot (Suid. s.v.) ; others more reasonably refer it to the " .bouquet " of the wine itself (Hesych. s. v.) ; according to Phanias of Eresus, in one passage, it was a compound, formed by adding one part of sea-water to fifty of must, although, in another place, he seems to say, that it was wine obtained from grapes gathered before they were ripe, in which case it might resemble Cham- pagne. (Athen. i. p. 32, a. ; compare p. 462, e.) Those who desire more minute details upon this very extensive subject may consult the Geoponic Collection, books iii. to viii. inclusive ; the whole of the 14th book of Pliny's Natural History, to- gether with the first thirty chapters of the 23d ; the 12th book of Columella, with the commentary of Schneider and others ; the 2d book of Virgil's Georgics, with the remarks of Heyne, Voss, and the old grammarians ; Galen, i. 9, aud xii. 4 j VIS. Pollux, vi. foil. ; Athenaeus, lib. i. and lib. x. ; besides which there are a multitude of passages in other parts of the above authors, in Catq, Varro, and in the classics generally, which bear more or less upon these topics. Of modern writers we may notice particularly, Prosper Rendella, Tractatus de Vinea, Vindemia et Vino, Venet. 1629 ; Galeatius Landrinus, Quaeslio de Mixlione Vini et Aquae, Ferrar. 1593 ; An- dreas Baccius, de Naturali Vinorum Historia, Jsc, Rom. 1596, de Conviviis Antiquorum, dec, Gronov. Thes. Graec. Antiq. ; Sir Edward Barry, Observa- tions on the Wines of the Ancients, Lond. 1 775 ; Henderson, History of Ancient and modern Wines, Lond. 1824. Some of the most important facts are presented in a condensed form in Becker's GaUus, vol. ii. pp. 163 — 176, and pp. 238—241, and CliariUes, vol. i. p. 456, foil. [W. R.] VIOCURI. [QUATUORVIRI VlALES.] VIRGA, dim. VIRGULA (t>iS$os), a rod or wand. This was in many cases the emblem of a certain rank or office ; being earned, for example, by the Salii, by a judge or civil officer (see wood- cut, p. 98), a herald [Caduceus] (Non. Marc. p. 528 ; Ovid. Met. i. 716), and by the Tricliniarcha [Triclinium], or any other person who had to exercise authority over slaves. (Senec. Epist. 47.) The use of the rod (pag5i(eiy, Acts, xvi. 22) in the punishment of Roman citizens was abolished by the Lex Poreia (p. 696, a). In the Fasces a number of rods were bound together. The wand was also the common instrument of magical display, as in the hand of Circe (Horn. Od. x. 238, 293, 318, 389), and of Minerva (xvi. 172). To do any thing virgula divina was to do it by magic. (Cic. Att. i. 44.) The stripes of cloth were called virgae. (Ovid. Ar. Am. iii. 269.) [Pal- lium ; Tela.] [J. Y.] VI'RGINES VESTA'LES. [Vestales Vir- G1NES.] VIRIDA'RIUM. [Hortus.] VIS. Leges were passed at Rome for the pur- pose of preventing acts of violence. The Lex Plotia or Plautia was enacted against those who occupied public places and carried arras (Cic. ad Att. ii. 24, de Harusp. Respons. 8 ; the Disserta- tion of Waechter, Neues Archiv. des Criminalrechts, vol. xiii.reprintedinOrelliiOnomasticon). The Lex proposed by the consul Q. Catulus on this subject, with the assistance of Plautius the tribunus, ap- pears to be the Lex Plotia. (Cic. pro Coel. 29 ; Sallust. in Cic. Declam.) There was a Lex Julia of the dictator Caesar on this subject, which imposed the penalty of aquae et ignis interdictio. (Cic. Philip, i. 9.) Two Juliae Leges were passed as to this matter in the time of Augustus, which were respectively entitled De Vi Publica, and ds Vi Private. (Dig. 48. tit. 6, 7.) The Lex de Vi Publica did not apply, as the title might seem to import, exclusi vely to acts againts the public peace, and it is not possible to describe it very accurately except by enumerating its chief provisions. The collecting of arms (arma, tela) in a house (domus), or in a villa (agrove in villa), except for the pur- pose of hunting, or going a journey or a voyage, was in itself a violation of the Lex. The signifi- cation of the word tela in this Lex was very ex- tensive. The punishment for the violation of this Lex was aquae et ignis interdictio, except in the case of attacking and plundering houses or villas with an armed band, in which case the punishment V1TRUM. 1209 was death ; and the penalty was the same for carry- ing off a woman, married or unmarried. The cases enumerated in the Digest, as falling within the penalties of the Lex Julia de Vi Privata, are cases where the act was of less atrocity ; for instance, if a man got a number of men together for a riot, which ended in the beating of a person, but not in his death, he came within the penalties of the Lex de Vi Privata. It was also a case of Vis Privata, when persons combined to prevent another being brought before the praetor. The Senatus- consultum Volnsianum extended the penalties of the Lex to those who maintained another in his suit, with the view of sharing any advantage that might result from it. The penalties of this Lex were the loss of a third part of the offender's pro- perty ; and he was also declared to be incapable of being a Senator orDecurio, or a Judex : by a Se- natusconsultum, the name of which is not given, he was incapacitated from enjoying any honour, quasi infamis. (This matter is discussed at length by Rein, Das Oriminalrecht der Romer, p. 732.) [G. L.] VIS etVISARMATA. There was an inter- dict De Vi et Vi Armata, which applied to the case of a man who was forcibly ejected from the possession of a piece of ground or edifice (qui vi de- lectus est). The object of the interdict was to restore the party ejected to possession. (Dig. 43. tit. 16 ; Interdictum.) [G. L.] VISCERA'TIO. [Funus, p. 562, a.] VITELLIA'NI. [Tabulae, p. 1092, a.] VITIS. [Exercitus, p. 504, b.] VITRUM (SaKos), glass. A singular amount of ignorance and scepticism long prevailed with regard to the knowledge possessed by the ancients in the art of glass-making. Some asserted that it was to be regarded as exclusively a modern inven- tion, while others, unable altogether to resist the mass of evidence to the contrary, contented them- selves with believing that the substance was known only in its coarsest and rudest form. It is now clearly demonstrated to have been in common use at a very remote epoch. Various specimens still in existence prove that the manufacture had in some branches reached a point of perfection to which recent skill has not yet been able to attain ; and although we may not feel disposed to go, so far as Winckelmann (i. c. 2. § 20), who contends that it was used more generally and for a greater variety of purposes in the old world than among ourselves, yet when we examine the numerous collections arranged in all great public museums, we must feel convinced that it was employed as an ordinary material for all manner of domestic utensils by the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans. We find the process of glass-blowing distinctly represented in the paintings of Beni Hassan, which if any faith can be reposed in the interpretation of hieroglyphics according to the phonetic system, were executed during the reigns of Osirtasen the First, the contemporary of Joseph, and his immediate successors, while a glass bead has been found at Thebes bearing the name of a monarch who lived 3300 years ago, about the time of the Jewish Exodus. Vases also, wine-bottles, drinking- cups, bugles, and a multitude of other objects have been discovered in sepulchres and attached to mummies both in Upper and Lower Egypt, and although in most cases no precise date can be affixed to these relics, many of them are referred by the most com- 1210 VITBUM. petent judges to a Very early period. (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. p. 88, &c.) A story has been preserved by Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 65), that glass was first discovered acci- dentally by some merchants who having landed on the Syrian coast at the mouth of the river Belus, and being unable to find stones to support their cooking-pots, fetched for this purpose from their ship some of the lumps of nitre which composed the cargo. This being fused by the heat of the fire, united with the sand upon which it rested and formed a stream of vitrified matter. No con- clusion can be drawn from this tale, even if true, in consequence of its vagueness ; but it probably originated in the fact recorded by Strabo (xvi. p. 758) and Josephus (B.J. ii. 9), that the sand of the district in question was esteemed peculiarly suitable for glass-making, and exported in great quantities to the workshops of Sidon and Alexan- dria, long the most famous in the ancient world. (See Hamberger and Michaelis on the Glass of the Hebrews and Phoenicians, Commentar. Soc. Gott. vol. iv. ; Heeren, Idem, i. 2. p. 94.) Alex- andria sustained its reputation for many centuries ; Rome derived a great portion of its supplies from this source, and as late as the reign of Aurelian we find the manufacture still flourishing. (Cic. pro Rabir. Post. 14; Strabo, I. e. ; Martial, xi. 11, xii. 74, xiv. 115 ; Vopisc. Aurel. 45 ; Boudet, Sur I' Arte de la Verrerie ni eh Egypte ; Description de VEgypte, vol. ix. p. 213.) There is some difficulty in deciding by what Greek author glass is first mentioned, because the term vtxKos, like the Hebrew word used in the book of Job (xxviii. 17) and translated in the LXX. by iioAos, unquestionably denotes not only artificial glass but rock-crystal, or indeed any transparent stone or stone-like substance. (Schol. ad Aristoph. Nub. 737.) Thus the SeAos of Herodotus (iii. 24), in which the Ethiopians encased the bodies of their dead, cannot be glass, although understood in this sense by Ctesias and Diodorus (ii. 15), for we are expressly told that it was dug in abundance out of the earth ; and hence commentators have conjectured that rock-crystal or rock-salt, or amber, or oriental ala'basier, or some bituminous or gummy product might be indicated. But when the same his- torian in his account of sacred crocodiles (ii. 69) states that they were decorated with ear-rings made of melted stone ( " decide no- thing, especially since in another comedy (Nub. 737) Strepsiades describes a va\os, or burning- glass, as a transparent stone sold in the shops of apothecaries, and we know that any solid dia- phanous substance ground into the form of a lens would produce the effect. Setting aside the two problems with regard to glass, attributed to Ari- stotle, as confessedly spurious, we at length find a satisfactory testimony in the works of his pupil and successor, Theophrastus, who notices the circum- stance alluded to above, of the fitness of the sand VITRUM. at the mouth of the river Belus for the fabrication of glass. Among the Latin writers Lucretius appears to be the first in whom the word vitrum occurs (iv. 604, vi. 991) ; but it must have been well known to his countrymen long before, for Cicero names it, along with paper and linen, as a common article of merchandise brought from Egypt (pro Rab. Post. 14). Scaurus, in his aedileship (b. c. 58), made a display of it such as was never witnessed even in after-times ; for the seena of his gorgeous theatre was divided into three tiers, of which the under portion was of marble, the upper of gilded wood, and the middle compartment of glass. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 34. § 7.) In the poets of the Augustan age it is constantly introduced, both directly and in similes, and in such terms as to prove that it was an object with which every one must be familiar (e. g. Virg. Georg. iv. 350, Aen. vii. 759 ; Ovid. Amor. i. 6. 55 ; Prop. iv. 8. 37 ; Hor. Carm. iii. 13. 1). Strabo declares that in his day a small drinking-cup of glass might be purchased at Rome for half an as (xvi. p. 758 ; compare Martial, ix. 60), and so common was it in the time of Juvenal and Martial, that old men and women made a livelihood by trucking sulphur matches for broken fragments. (Juv. v. 48 ; Martial, i. 42, x. 3 ; Stat. Sylv. i. 6. 73 ; compare Dion Cass. lvi. 17.) When Pliny wrote manufactories had been esta- blished not only in Italy, but in Spain and Gau] also, and glass drinking-cups had entirely super- seded those of gold and silver (H. N. xxxvi. 66, 67), and in the reign of Alexander Severus we find vitrearii ranked along with curriers, coachmakers, goldsmiths, silversmiths, and other ordinary arti- ficers whom the emperor taxed to raise money for his thermae. (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 24.) The numerous specimens transmitted to us prove that the ancients were well acquainted with the art of imparting a great variety of colours to their glass ; they were probably less successful in their attempts to render it perfectly pure and free from all colour, since we are told by Pliny that it was considered most valuable in this state. It was wrought according to the different methods now practised, being fashioned into the required shape by the blowpipe, cut, as we term it, although ground (teritur) is a more accurate phrase, upon a wheel, and engraved with a sharp tool, like silver (" aliud flatu figuratur, aliud torno teritur, aliud argenti modo coelatur," Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 66). Doubts have been expressed touching the accuracy of the last part of this statement ; but since we have the most positive evidence that the diamond (adamas) was employed by engravers of gems (Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 15 ; Solin. 52 ; Isidor. xvi. 13, 3), and might therefore have been applied with still greater facility to scratching the surface of glass, there is no necessity for supposing that Pliny was not himself aware of what he meant to say, nor for twisting his words into meanings which they cannot legitimately assume, especially since hieroglyphics and various others devices are now to be seen on Egyptian vases and trinkets which have been engraved by some such process. (Wilkinson, vol. iii. p. 105.) The diatreta of Martial (xii. 70) were glass cups cut or engraved according to one or other of the above methods. The process was difficult, and accidents occurred so frequently (Mart. xiv. 115) that the jurists found it necessary to define accurately the circumstances under which VITRUM. the workman became liable for the value of the vessel destroyed. (Dig. 9. tit. 2. s. 27. § 29 ; see Salmasius ad Vopisc. Saturn, c. 8.) The art of etching upon glass, now so common, was entirely unknown, since it depends upon the properties of fluoric acid, a chemical discovery of the last century. We may now briefly enumerate the chief uses to which glass was applied. 1. Bottles, vases, cups, and cinerary urns. A great number of these may be seen in the British Museum and all the principal continental cabinets, but especially in the Museo Borbonico at Naples, which contains the spoils of Herculaneum and Pompeii, and includes upwards of 2400 specimens of ancient glass. These sufficiently prove the taste, ingenuity, and consummate skill lavished upon such labours j many which have been shaped by the blowpipe only, are remarkable for their graceful form and brilliant colours, while others are of the most delicate and complicated workmanship. A very remarkable object belonging to the last class, the property of the Trivulsi family, is described in the notes to Winckelmann (i. c. 2. § 21) and figured VITRUM. 1211 here. It is a glass cup contained within a sort of network, also of glass, to which it is attached by a series of short and very fine glass props placed at equal distances from each other. Round the rim are several letters connected with the cup in the same manner as the network, and forming the words bibe vivas multos annos. The cha,T racters of the inscription are green, the network is blue, the cup itself resembles opal, shades of red, white, yellow and blue predominating in turn ac- cording to the angle at which the light falls upon it. It was at first believed that this effect was the result of long interment beneath the ground ; but it is much more likely to have been produced by the artist, for it corresponds precisely to the account given of two precious cups presented by an Egyptian priest to the emperor Adrian, and cha- racterised as calices altassonlcs versicolores. (Vopisc. Saturn, c. 8.) Neither the letters nor the network have been soldered to the cup, but the whole has been cut of a solid mass, after the manner of a cameo, the marks of the wheel being still visible on the little props, which are more or less angular according as the instrument was able to reach them completely or not. But the great triumph of an- cient genius in this department is the celebrated Portland Vase, formerly known as the Barberini Vase, which is now in the British Museum. It was found about three hundred years ago, at a short distance from Rome, in a marble coffin within a sepulchral vault, pronounced upon very imperfect evidence to have been the tomb of Alexander Se- verus. The extreme beauty of this urn led Mont- faucon and other antiquaries to mistake it for a real sardonyx. Upon more accurate examination it was ascertained to be composed of dark blue glass, of a very rich tint, on the surface of which are de- lineated in relief several minute and elaborately wrought figures of opaque white enamel. It has been determined by persons of the greatest practi- cal experience, that these figures must have been moulded separately, and afterwards fixed to the blue surface by a partial fusion ; but the union has been effected with such extraordinary care and dexterity, that no trace of the junction can be ob- served, nor have the most delicate lines received the slightest injury. With such samples before us, we need not wonder that in the time of Nero a pair of moderate-sized glass cups with handles (pteroti) sometimes cost fifty pounds (HS. sex millibus, Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 66). For a full de- scription of the Portland Vase, see the eighth volume of the Archaeologia. 2. Glass Pastes presenting fac-similes, either in relief or intaglio, of engraved precious stones. In this way have been preserved exact copies of many beautiful gems, of which the originals no longer exist, as may be seen from the catalogues of Stosch, of Tassie, of the Orleans collection, and from similar publications. These were in demand for the rings of such persons as were not wealthy enough to purchase real stones, as we perceive from the phrase " vitreis gemmis ex vulgi annulis." (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 30.) Large medallions also of this kind are still pre- served, and bas-reliefs of considerable magnitude. (See Winckelmann, i. c. 2. § 27.) 3. Closely allied to the preceding were imitations of coloured precious stones, such as the carbuncle, the sapphire, the amethyst, and above all, the eme- rald. These counterfeits were executed with such fidelity, that detection was extremely difficult, and great profits were realised by dishonest dealers who entrapped the unwary. (Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 75.) That such frauds were practised even upon the most exalted in station is seen from the anec- dote given by Trebellius Pollio of the whimsical vengeance taken by Gallienus {Gall. c. 12) on a rogue who had cheated him in this way, and col- lections are to be seen at Rome of pieces of coloured glass which were evidently once worn as jewels, from which they cannot be distinguished by the eye. (Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 26. 33. 7S ; Senec. Ep. 90 ; Isidor. Orig. xvi. 15. § 27 ; Beckmann, History of Inventions, vol. i. p. 199. Eng. Trans. 3d edit.) 4. One very elegant application of glass deserves to be particularly noticed. A number of fine stalks of glass of different colours were placed vertically, and arranged in such a manner as to depict upon the upper surface some figure or pattern, upon the principle of a minute mosaic. The filaments thus combined were then subjected to such a degree of heat as would suffice to soften without melting them, and were thus cemented together into a solid mass. It is evident that the picture brought out upon the upper surface would extend down through the whole of the little column thus formed, and hence if it was cut into thin slices at right 1212 VITTA. angles to the direction of the fibres, each of these sections would upon both sides represent the de- sign which would be multiplied to an extent in proportion to the total length of the glass threads. Two beautiful fragments evidently constructed in this way are accurately commented upon by Winckelmann (i. c. 2. § 22, 23, 24), and another recently brought from Egypt is shown on the fron- tispiece to the third volume of Wilkinson's work. Many mosaic pavements and pictures (opus mu- sivum) belong to this head, since the cubes were frequently composed of opaque glass as well as marble, but these have been already discussed in p. 915 of this work. 5. Thick sheets of glass of various colours appear to have been laid down for paving floors, and to have been attached as a lining to the walls and ceilings of apartments in dwelling houses, just as scagliuola is frequently employed in Italy, and oc- casionally in our own country also. Rooms fitted up in this way were called vitreae cameras, and the panels vitreae quadratures. • Such was the kind of decoration introduced by Scanrus for the scene of his theatre, not columns nor pillars of glass as some, nor bas-reliefs as others have imagined. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 64 ; Stat. Syl. i. 5. 42 ; Senec. Ep. 76 ; Vopisc. Firm. c. 3 ; Winckelmann, i. c. 2. § 21 ; Passeri, Lucernae Fictiks, p. 67. tab. lxxi.) 6. The question whether glass windows were known to the ancients has, after much discussion, been set at rest by the excavations at Pompeii, for not only have many fragments of flat glass been disinterred from time to time, but in the tepidarium of the public baths a bronze lattice came to light with some of the panes still inserted in the frame, 60 as to determine at once not only their existence, but the mode in which they were secured and ar- ranged. (Mazois, Palais de Scaurus, c. viii. p. 97 ; Ruines de Pompei, vol. iii. p. 77 ; Becker, Gallus, vol. ii. p. 20.) [Domus, p. 432.] 7. From the time that pure glass became known, it must have been remarked that when darkened upon one side, it possessed the property of reflect- ing images. We are certain that an attempt was made by the Sidonians to make looking-glasses (Plin. ' H. N. xxxvi. 66), and equally certain that it must have failed, for the use of metallic mirrors, which are more costly in the first instance, which require constant care, and attain but imperfectly the end desired, was universal under the Empire. Respecting ancient mirrors, see Speculum. 8. A strange story with regard to an alleged in- vention of malleable glass is found in Petronius (c. 51), is told still more circumstantially by Dion Cassius (Ivii. 21), and is alluded to by Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 66), with an expression of doubt, however, as to its truth. An artist appeared before Tiberius with a cup of glass. This he dashed violently upon the ground. When taken up it was neither broken nor cracked, but dinted like a piece of metal. The man then produced a mallet, and ham- mered it back into its original shape. The emperor inquired whether any one was acquainted with the secret, and was answered in the negative, upon which the order was given that he should be in- stantly beheaded, lest the precious metals might lose their value, should such a composition become generally known. [W. R.] VITTA, or ploral VITTAE, a ribbon or fillet, is to be considered, I. As an ordinary portion of VITTA. female dress. II. As a decoration of sacred per- sons and sacred things. 1. When considered as an ordinary portion ol female dresB, it was simply a band encircling the head, and serving to confine the tresses (crinales vittae) the ends, when long (longae taenia vittae), hanging down behind. (Virg. Aen. vii. 351, 403; Ovid. Met. ii. 413, iv. 6; Isidor. xix. 31. § 6.) It was worn (1.) by maidens (Virg. Aen. ii. 168 ; Prop. iv. 11. 34; Val. Flacc. viii. 6; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. ii. 133); (2.) by married women also, the vitta assumed on the nuptial day being of a different form from that used by virgins. (Prop. iv. 3. 15, iv. 1 1. 34 ; Plaut. Mil. Gl. iii. 1. 194 ; Val. Max. v. 2. § 1.) The Vitta was not worn by libertinae even of fair character (Tibull. i. 6. 67), much less by me- retrices ; hence it was looked upon as an insigne pudoris, and, together with the stola and instita, served to point out at first sight the freeborn ma- tron. (Ovid. A. A. i. 31, R. A. 386, Trist. ii. 247, Ep. ex Pont. iii. 3. 51.) The colour was probably a matter of choice, white and purple are both mentioned. (Ovid. Met. ii. 413, Ciris, 511; Stat. Achill. i. 611.) One of those represented in the cuts below is orna- mented with embroidery, and they were in some cases set with pearls (vittae margaritarum, Dig. 34. tit. 2. s. 25. § 2). The following woodcuts represent back and front views of the heads of statues from Herculaneum, . on which we perceive the vitta. (Bronzi d'Erce- lano, vol. ii. tav. 72, 75.) II. When employed for sacred purposes, it was usually twisted round the infula [Inpula], and held together the loose flocks of wool. (Virg. Georg. iii. 487, Aen. x. 537 ; Isidor. xix. 30. § 4 ; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. x. 538 ; the expression of Lucan v. 142, &c. is obscure.) Under this form it was em- ployed as an ornament for (1.) Priests, and those who offered sacrifice. (Virg. Aen. ii. 221, vi. 637, x. 537 ; Tacit. Ann. i. 57.) (2.) Priestesses, espe- cially those of Vesta, and hence vittata sacerdos for a Vestal, hot' 4^6xv. (Virg. Aen. vii. 418; Ovid. Fast. iii. 30, vi. 457 ; Juv. iv. 9, vi. 50.) (3.) Prophets and poets, who may be regarded as priests, and in this case the Vittae were frequently intertwined with chaplets of olive or laurel. (Virg. Aen. iii. 81, vi. 665 ; Stat. Sifo. ii. 1. 26, Achill. i. 11, Theb. iii. 466). (4.) Statues of deities. (Virg. Aen. ii. 168, 296; Juv. vi. 50; compare Stat. Silv. iii. 3. 3.) (5.) Victims decked for sa- crifice. (Virg. Georg. iii. 487, Aen. ii. 133, 156, v. 366 ; Ovid. Ep. ex Pont. iii. 2. 74, Stat. Achill. ii. 301.) (6.) Altars. (Virg. Ed. viii. 64, Aen. iii. 64.) (7.) Temples. (Prop. iv. 9. 27 ; compare Tacit. Hist. iv. 53.) (8.) The 'meriipia of suppli- ants. (Virg. Aen. vii. 237, viii. 128.) UMBRACULUM. The sacied vittae, as well as the infulae, were made of wool, and hence the epithets lanea (Ovid. Fast. iii. 30) and mollis. (Virg. Eel. viii. 64.) They were white (niveae, Virg. Georg. iii. 487 ; Ovid. Met. xiii. 643 ; Stat. Tkeb. iii. 466), or pur- ple (punieeae, Prop. iv. 9. 27), or azure (caeruleae) when wreathed round an altar to the manes. (Virg. Aen. iii. 64.) Vitta is also used in the general sense of a string for tying up garlands (Plin. //. N. xviii. 2 ; Isidor. xix. 31.6), and vittae loreae for the leathern straps or braces by which a machine was worked. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 31.^ [W. R.] ULNA (wAei/ij), properly the fore-arm from the shoulder to the wrist, is also used for the whole arm, and even for the whole span of both arms ; and hence, as a measure of length, it ap- pears to be used with different significations. In the chief passages in which it occurs (Virg. JBuc. iii. 105, Georg, iii. 355 ; Ovid, Metam. viii. 750 ; Hor. Epod. iv. 8) there is nothing to determine its length, except, perhaps, in the last quoted passage, where, however, we may easily suppose the exag- geration of caricature. Servius, however, in his note on the first of these passages, says that it was the space between the outstretched hands, that is, the same as the Greek bpyvia of six feet ; and this is evidently its meaning in Pliny (//. N. xvi. 40. s. 76, 32. s. 57), where it is important to observe that crassitudo refers to the circumference of the trunk, not to its diameter. Later writers use it as equivalent to the cubit or a modification of it, and hence the modern ell. (Pollux, ii. 140 ; Solin. 54.) [P. S.] ULTROTRIBU'TA. [Censor, p. 265, a.] UMBELLA. [Umbraculum.] UMBILICUS. [Liber.] UMBO. [Clipeus ; Toga, p. 1136, b.] UMBRA'CULUM, UMBELLA (cricdScwv, iTKia&iov, HKiaSlo-Kfi) a parasol, was used by Greek and Roman ladies as a protection against the sun. They seem not to have been carried generally by the ladies themselves, but by female slaves who held them over their mistresses. The daughters UNCIA. 1213 of the aliens (^eVoiKoi) at Athens had to carry parasols after the Athenian maidens at the Pana- thenaea, as is mentioned under Hydriaphoria. The parasols of the ancients seem to have been exactly like our own parasols or umbrellas in form, and could be shut up and opened like ours. (Aristoph. Equit. 1348 ; Schol. ad Iocs Ovid. Ar. Am. ii. 209.) They are often represented in paint- ings on ancient vases: the annexed woodcut is taken from Millin's Peiniures de Vases Antiques, vol. i. pi. 70. The female is clothed in a long Chiton or Diploidion [Tunica, p. 1172, b.], and has a small Himation, which seems to have fallen off her shoulders. It was considered a mark of effeminacy for men to make use of parasols. (Anacreon, ap. Athen. xii. p. 534, a.) The Roman ladies used them in the amphitheatre to defend themselves from the sun or some passing shower (Mart. xiv. 28), when the wind or other circumstances did not allow the ve- larium to be extended. To hold a parasol over a lady was one of the common attentions of lovers (Mart. xi. 73 ; Ovid. /. a), and it seems to have been very common to give parasols as presents, (Juv. ix. 50.) Instead of parasols the Greek women in later times wore a kind of straw bat or bonnet, called &o\la. (Pollux, vii. 174 ; compare x. 127 ; Theocr. xv. 39.) The Romans also wore a hat with a broad brim (petasus) as a protection against the sun. (Suet. Aug. 82 ; Dion Cass. lix. 7.) See Paci- audi, de Umbellae gestatione, Rom. 1752; Becker, Charikks, vol. ii. p. 73. UNCIA (pyida, ovytcia, oiiyyla), the twelfth part of the As or Libra, is derived by Varro from unus, as being the unit of the divisions of the as (L.L. v. 171, Mtiller). It was subdivided into 2 semunciae, 3 duellae, 4 sicilici, 6 sextulae, 24 scru- pula, and 144 siliquae. The values of the Uneia and its subdivisions, in terms of our own weights, will be found in the Tables. In connecting the Roman system of weights and money with the Greek, another division of the unci? was used. When the drachma was introduoed into the Roman system as equivalent to the dena- rius of 96 to the pound [Denarius ; Drachma] the uncia contained 8 drachmae, the drachma 3 scrupula, the scrupulum 2 oboli (since 6 oboli made up the drachma), and the obohs 3 siliquae (Heparin). Therefore the uncia was divided into 8 drachmae, 24 scrupula, 48 oboli, 144 siliquae. In this division we have the origin of the modern Italian system, in which the pound is divided into 12 ounces, the ounce into 8 drams, the dram into 3 scruples, and the scruple into 6 carats. In each of these systems 1 728 KepuTia, siliquae, or carats make up the pound. The uncial system was adopted by the Greeks of Sicily, who called their obol Afrpa (the Roman libra), and divided it into twelve parts, each of which they called byicia or ovyKia (the Roman uncia). In this system the oyxia was reckoned equal to the x"^" " 5 - [LlTRA ; Nummus, pp. 813, 814.] Miiller considers that the Greeks of Sicily, and also the Romans themselves, obtained the uncial system from the Etruscans. (Etrusker, i. p. 309.) The Romans applied the uncial division to all kinds of magnitude. [As.] In length the uncia was the twelfth of a foot, whence the word inch, in area the twelfth of a jugerum, in content the twelfth of a sextarius, in time the twelfth of an 1214 UNGUENT A. hour. [As, sub Jin.'] Respecting the uncia as a coin see As, p. 141, a. (Bockh, Metrolog. Untersuch. pp. 155, 160, 165, 293 ; Wurm, de Pond, &c. pp. 8, 9, 63, 67, 118, 138.) [P.S.] UNCIA'RIUM FENUS. [Fenus, p. 527, b.] U NCTO'RES. [ Balneae, p. 1 90, b.] UNCTUA'RIUM. [Balneae, p. 190, b.] UNGUENTA, ointments, oils, or salves. The application of Unguenta in connection with bath- ing and the athletic contests of the ancients is stated under Balneae, Athletae, &c. But although their original object was simply to pre- serve the health and elasticity of the human frame, they were in later times used as articles of luxury. They were then not only employed to impart to the body or hair a particular colour, but also to give to them the most beautiful fragrance possible ; they were, moreover, not merely applied after a bath, hut at any time, to render one's appearance or presence more pleasant than usual. In short they were used then as oils and pomatums are at present. The numerous kinds of oils, soaps, pomatums, and other perfumes with which the ancients were acquainted, are quite astonishing. We know several kinds of soap which they used, though, as it ap- pears, more for the purpose of painting the hair than for cleaning it. (Plin. H.N. xviii. 12, 51 ; Mart. viii. 23. 20, xiv. 26, 27.) For the same purpose they also used certain herbs. (Ovid. Ar. Amat. iii. 163, Amor. i. 14.) Among the various and costly oils which were partly used for the skin and partly for the hair, the following may be mentioned as examples : mende- sium, megalesium, metopium, amaracinum, Cypri- num, susinum, nardinum, spicatum, iasminum, rosaceum, and crocus-oil, which was considered the most costly. (Becker, Gallus, ii. p. 27.) In ad- dition to these oils the ancients also used various kinds of powder as perfumes, which by a general name are called Diapasmata. To what extent the luxury of using fragrant oils and the like was carried on, may be inferred from Seneca (Bpist. 86), who says that people anointed themselves twice or even three times a day, in order that the delicious fragrance might never diminish. At Rome, how- ever, these luxuries did not become very general till towards the end of the republic (Gell. vii. 12), while the Greeks appear to have been familiar with them from early times. The wealthy Greeks and Romans carried their ointments and perfumes with them, especially when they bathed, in small boxes of costly materials and beautiful workmanship, which were called Narthecia. (Bbttiger, Sabina, i. p. 52.) The traffic which was carried on in these ointments and perfumes in several towns of Greece and southern Italy was very considerable. The persons engaged in manufacturing them were called by the Romans Ungucntarii (Cic. de Off. i. 12 ; Horat, Sat. ii. 3. 228), or as they frequently were women, Unguentariae (Plin. H. N. viii. 5), and the art of manufacturing them Unguentaria. In the wealthy and effeminate city of Capua there was one great street called the Seplasia, which consisted entirely of shops in which ointments and perfumes were sold. A few words are necessary on the custom of the ancients in painting their faces. In Greece this practice appears to have been very common among the ladies, though men also had sometimes re- course to it, as for example, Demetrius Phalereus. UNIVERSITAS. (Athen. xii. p. 642.) But as regards the women, it appears that their retired mode of living, and their sitting mostly in their own apartments, de- prived them of a great part of their natural fresh- ness and beauty, for which, of course, they were anxious to make up by artificial means. (Xenoph. Oecon. 10. § 10 ; Stobaeus, iii. p. 87, ed. Gaisford j compare Becker, CAaricles, ii. p. 232.) This mode of embellishing themselves was probably applied only on certain occasions, such as when they went out, or wished to appear more charming. (Lysias, de coed. Eratosth. p. 15 ; Aristoph. Lysistr. 149, Eecles. 878, Pint. 1064 ; Pint. Alcib. 39.) The colours used for this purpose were white (tyifiMiov (cerusa) and red (€7x ou- o-Typla. (Paus. ix. 17. §2.) The woodcuts at pp. 712, 854 show that the ancient cuirass did not descend low enough to secure that part of the body, which was covered- by the ornamental kilt or petticoat. To supply this defect was the de- sign of the mitra (fiirpa), a brazen belt lined pro- bably on the inside with leather and stuffed with wool, which was worn next to the body (Horn. II. iv. 137, 187, v. 707, 857 ; Schol. in H. iv. 1 87), so as to cover the lower part of the abdo- men. The annexed woodcut shows the outside and inside of the bronze plate of a mitra, one foot long, which was obtained by Brdndsted (Bronxes ofSiris, p. 42) in the island of Euboea, and is now preserved in the Royal Library at Paris. We observe at one end two holes for fast- ening the Btrap which went behind the body, and at the other end a hook fitted probably to a ring, which was attached to the strap. A portion of a similar bronze plate is engraved by Caylus (Reo. d'Ant. v. pi. 96. fig. 1). Men used their girdles to hold money instead of a purse. (Plaut. Merc. v. 2. 84 ; Gellius, XV 12 ; Sueton. ViteU. 16.) The wallet [Pera] was ZONA. ZOPHORtJS. 1226 (see the annexed woodcut) shows the appearance of the girdle as worn by young women. fastened to the girdle ; and still more frequently the fold of the tunic, formed by tucking it up, and called sinus, was used as a pocket to carry whatever was necessary. As the girdle was worn to hold up the gar- ments for the sake of business or of work requiring despatch, so it was -loosened and- the tunic was allowed to fall down to the feet to indicate the opposite condition, and more especially in preparing to perform a sacrifice (veste recincta, Virg. Aen. iv. 518; Ovid, Met. vii. 1 82), or funeral rites (discincti, Sueton.'^wo-. 100; incindae", TibuH. iii. 2. 18). A girdle was worn by young women, even when their tunic was not girt up, and removed on the day of marriage, and therefore called £&vri irapOe- vikJ]. (Jacobs, Anthol. ii. p. 873 ; irapdevov fiirpriv, Brunck, Anal. iii. 299; Sen. Oed. ii. 3. 17; Horn. Od. v. 231 ; Longus, i. 2 ; Ovid. JSpist. Her. ii. 116, ix. 66, Festus, s.v. Cinguhm ; Catull. ii. 13, lxiv. 28.) The Flora in the museum at Naples I A horse's girth, used to fasten on the saddle [Ephippium], was called by the same names, and was sometimes made of rich materials, and em- broidered in the most elaborate manner. (Ovid. Rem. Am. 236 ; Claud. Epiff. 34, 36.) These terms, zona and cingulum, were also used to .sig- nify the five zones as understood by geographers and astronomers. (Virg. Georg. i. 233; Plin. H.N. ii. 68 ; Macrob. Som. Scip. ii.) [J. Y.] ZO'PHORUS ((uxpipos or Bic^m/m), the frieze of an entablature. (See CoiUMNA, p. 324, a, and the woodcuts.) [P. S.] TABLES OF GREEK AND ROMAN MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY. Table I. Greek Measures of Length. (1 ) Smaller Measures. II. Roman Measures of Length. (1) Smaller Measures. III. Greek Measures of Length. (2) Land and Itinerary. IV. Roman Measures of Length. (2) Land and Itinerary. V. Greek Measures of Surface. VI. Roman Measures of Surface. VII. Greek Measures of Capacity. (1) Liquid Measures. Roman Measures of Capacity. (1) Liquid Measures. Greek Measures of Capacity. (2) Dry Measures. X. Roman Measures of Capacity. (2) Dry Measures. XI. Greek Weights. XII. Greek Money. XIII. Roman Weights. (1) The As and its Uncial Divisions. XIV. Roman Weights. (2) Subdivisions of the Uncia. XV. Roman Money. (1) Before Augustus. TCVI. Roman Money. (2) After Augustus. VIII. IX. In the construction of these Tables, the same authorities have been used as those referred to in the articles in the body of the work. Particu- lar acknowledgment is due of the assistance which has been derived from the Tables of Hussey and Wurm. The last two Tables (of Greek and Roman money) have been taken without alteration from Mr. Hussey's, because they were thought incapable of improvement, except one addition in the Table of Attic money. All the calculations, however, have been made de novo, even where the results are the same as in Mr. Hussey's Tables. The Tables are so arranged as to exhibit the corresponding Greek and Roman measures in direct comparison with each other. In some of the Tables the values are given, not only in our several mea- sures, but also in decimals of a primary unit, for the purpose of facilitating calculations. In others, approximate values are given, that is, values which differ from the true ones by some small fraction, and which, from their simplicity, will perhaps be found far more useful for ordinary purposes than the precise quantities, while the error, in each case, can easily be corrected. Fuller information will be found under Mensura, Nummus, Pondera, and the specific names. [P. S.] 12S26 TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. «J >o t- "5 lO CM M5 eo t~ >o r~ t — i •o f- VO 03 a> J3 ■3! 00 t~ >o CO oo CM 00 *~ «S «5 00 CD CO *~ ■* o i— i oo CM t- *o >c 1—4 CO CO 00 ■* o CO >o CO © © i-h a Hi 1^ «s o o VO CO T— 1 I— 4 cp 1—4 CM CO 00 M CO CD 1> ob (35 6 —* cb CO cb 6 ♦J 1-4 i-h w* 1—4 •* CO *j o £ OS W5 CO StM 8 V) O CO co CM >o CM >o 00 i— < *- ■0/4 co t~ CO to o r-i CO co i— i >o CO "5 o i— ( CM US CO CO i^- © l—l CM >p «5 o a l—l — -1 r-i 1—4 ■* cb *3 s-4 t—t X W 03 •< W § 1 , a. X o CO • 1 t 1 ^3 eo tf H« nt"> *Jo O r< a 4- St B a 1—4 CO ■*! -u. -+> ^f Hlr. i-9 1 1 B o S #" -ST . *P o H l-H r— 1 «3 -to H* -+« -|n CO -t— cro -1— a. B 13 1— 4 1—4 ■* < n CO o Q- '3 co CD -*> i-H -*» 4Mf» l-H CM CO 00 i-J • 1 o ccjio «]>n CM mOa rHlil »[U5 CM Gj) 3 1=1 CN CM CM co •* US CO CO r-< CM CJ> ft. 2 » 4- <1 CM ~*< «3 -4s CO 00 Oi © l-H CM i— i CO CO CO CM ■* 00 o - 1 CM CO 00 © CM CM CM CO 05 TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 122? 9 H Eh o H hi n m CM CM ^ H CO Th CO *- •s Ij- q> 05 1> CO K3 ■* ■a CM do t— i i— i fl rt Jf- co o> *~ F-H 00 V5 CM o o o CM 00 o CO CO w CO 00 ■* CM *~ i— < U3 *e3 o 9 CM ^- Ol CM •* J- •H 1-H "3 CO 1 * ' ' 1 1 t «H W 3 go Pi H *-+3 03 tl i ' -H a 03 0) CO - w H* -ts 3 Ph i— i r— 1 a 1 "3 Ph O 3 a Ph l— 1 CM i— i * P-I CO ■* lO CO a co OS CM «o 00 go +3 |3 ' i— ( 1— 1 1— 1 M ri)n "*< CM CO o -# s l-H ~ — * CM CM ¥ ►J B <1 Eh O H CO « H O a a) H eu J t» «5 ft S 1 *§1 •-SB 5> a ■« •■II 1 io P CO o *" CO & g ijll fin *•!?* 5* « " £ . o? a o -a3, M « " ■» =g hH B •3 H O H CO H O ns J= H „ « «r o o >H 't* 1 00 > * -5 - a ?• 3 r\ . 01 II B*J« 4S5 ' = 5.9-8 s^ e.s § s 1 i"? if ii « g s a a a '. « s a i 3-9 91 2 0) ^ CO „ CU O 5? 8 § 8 S ■5-S o ►« 'co 'S ° a <*h n cufi. a E J3 O ■"B CU 'SCrS ft ^ >» en ^S ol en a l. «l n , ° e:> •a a S" 1 1 = * 552 1228 TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. . >o >C «3 CM *~ A ■ CO O CO (— i >o ^ ^ ^ M a a ^H CM CO 00 CO i— < «3 ■* ** "* " o CO CO O r^ on r-H 05 CO CO *I 1— 1 (-H o en 0) CO to 00 CO « >o 00 o . r-< *~ 00 84 «S •1— ■ -S a> 00 t~ ti l— I 04 is r-H CM -f G5 •* >o 05 00 CO CO Tf< 00 00 o O o *—\ T—l 05 ■* O) *~ Tf 00 o o o o o 1 — 1 i— ( CN lO r-H -* Ol •* p o o o o o o o i— t CN ■* 04 TJ< oo a> Q CO CO 00 CD H 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i l ■ 1 9 CJ1 o SI Q ■ o H X o ►4 b w t— 1 1 ■ • ■ 1 1 o r-H i i 3 a 8 CM CM * i 1 * o 1 1 .H O i CJ1 o M CO t~ t- CN H« >o o 03 1— 1 a a la o 1— I <1 ■S < CN -* IC3 l-H O CO 8 a •< Q < 1 • 1 1 *8 w < 1 1 o eg" si a H CN -Jl 00 o CO o co o o CO 1 * O a a. 8 CO CN CN 00 o 00 I—* o CO CO o © co CO s 3- a. zifa o O O © o o CO o o CO o o 1 to W 03 CO < , , 1 1 (3 o a. e < I— 1 CN ■* 00 o CO CO o o CO © CN r-H o ■tfl CN © 00 o o oo 1—* o o CO co o o o CO "< K CO H 1— 1 o 03 1 1 1 5* E-t a, vto o r-H CO o o l—l o o CN O o o o oo o o o CO o o CO o o o" H o CO 03 o o ■* o • 1 8 IS- CM •* CN O o ■tfl CN o 00 o CO o CN I-H o c CN 1— o , o r-t 1 m 1— 1 «|M *r CO O CO CO o © © o 00 o o- co I—* © o CM CO o o i CN g o o c o c" o B 1 - 1 o o 00 CM o O 00 >o i— ! l-H l-H CM ■* OS to X* CO o (U i-H >o o i-H i-t 00 o rH ■* CM MS l-H 00 1 to « 00 *~ to CO o CO 00 05 i-H 00 CO CM ■* OS oo to CO oo o 3 O o r-l o OS OS oo o o o o o o 8 8 CM CM OS tr~ CO OS Q l-H 00 te 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 C3 S 1 ■1— s tS US B h-1 a <5 1 ■ • 1 p t-H H c3 ■s bo c as Ph H o Q «3 1 ■ 1 1 as Ph a #■ to i -is r-H 1^ Q O 3 l-H CM CM a a <1 ■* to CO < ij ■ i 1 1 1 i CD a 3 o I 3 CM o o o o w % rH «3 *~ r~ £ p CO EC -4^ 1 ' ' < 9 GO en CO CM •* O O o o o o o as w ■'■:: rf Ph O GO Ph CM © l-H l-H a o? o 3 o o o S CM ■* oo <* o o o o o J CM CO >o l-H • OS p -1=1 o o o *J CTfrt -*> ct!« o CO © o r° i— * co to 00 o ©* s «3 CJ CM o tn|n i-l|<5» WJ o o CM l-H o o o o o o OB H r* CM l-H o W3 «3 *Q .A* CO | a* i* •a « P i ii » ■» <~ 3 i*s 0* H ^ • o •s r-i jj jj 9 Tab arth, adia, ji ■3 "da !_; S -c o rH ■— < in 1 f th reek rH e ■a ° m ,3 as s are inclu great circ miles = 60 is of a mil !>' O 1 V] reek of a man lOOt H— w rS ai u Ph . ■5 » W S rH PQ <1 'tbj H s ■" « II « O * :■=•-&§ H tc W 1 ures most les conta namely, ■ differenc H O tN ■< SS D (a w "5 O 1 in a iu W d d) -2 ** el a S . o (1> „.a o.o <5 S ^■bb"i> a> | ^■g II pa * d ° fliffi z ° Si .2 £ S'S » ions mo true nu of whi ish mile relat t the some Engl o> o M show course, e Tabl degree S t- ■= ,. -o .S •« ° o .a -a 3 B fl.§ 5 ►HCH - _g > * -*--2 S H it 1230 TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 3 Pk 3 a* OS w H OS £> CO «! W S Q iz; < i-l la Q «S O CD CM CM O CD CO CO CD CD CM CD CM 8 CO "f >b eo 00 6 eo CO o co (O co CO CM CM O CO i— i 00 CO CO CD CD CM CO CM 8 00 00 00 i—4 CM lO 00 CO I CO •o CO «3 CM CO CO CM CO CM CM o § s P w a) 3 CO 8 §- o S5 O Pi CD W < 1=1 o 3 02 <<* O is 4 CO co CM O o ffi 00 co CM CO CO 00 CO H5 CO w CO CO us CM CD O O ^ O o CM O o o s >* & H •3 a 4! 13 o « ■a ti s 3 C a -d s 5 tJ |S s CB o '5 a £ ■o 5 J= H # fe TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 1231 H > H n < 8 I B co Gn O co H 5 a o J 0) »o ■*p >o t~ V5 ■M- C47* =5 ■* ■* CM 00 CO *~ C5 CO lO «5 Ol CM i—i 00 op © 00 •o Cjq 1^ ^ 6 CO »b Al cn J> >b 00 to Ol 00 oo CN CO CO © CO CO 1— 1 i-H CM 1—1 I— I l-H CM 0> l-H 00 CM OS Cl O) C> 1- Oh ** * l-H f— 1 CO l-H co O o i-H CM o CM l-H a 0) l-H rt< 00 <1 1-1 •* >o ^f CM >o *- 00 co CM ■*» -* Th *~ CT> CO ^H CO *- 01 Ci CM CO CO 00 cp co CN CM CO Ph ■* CM I— 1 CM f^-t CM >b i^- CO 0) 05 >o CO a> *~ -* 00 © CO P -* (M CO l-H CM «5 ©" CO H CO CM ^ o © © o o © o o t3 © 00 o o o © O © GO O o 1— t O CM o CO eo 00 00 CM CO ©" CO 3" ©^ p*. icf CO CM tt i s 1^ i +1 t. fa 1 o 2 •= a ** S o . 8> 6 s| .• to •.; .SS „, I |i 01 ? £ -*> § J s® " « 2 o J 2 3 o ° .'SS S5.5° " -J 5 S .2 „ H - . ■" Ji . * HrH.g-« . 4- ,8++ 1232 TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. •i HS H^J rt(» r+* i-< CO a, a. < "3 CO oo O O to I— I o § o 00 o r/J to H as Hi r/3 n < % n 3 a o rt si o 1 to - W P CO < g P -e -s -+> H* *-■ co 9 00 CM 9 ?. CM 00 co OS CO o » 30 o o CM ■ 1 i 1 • C5 ■ i P < PS O a CQ 3 ! CD ■3 9 o , 1 ■ .1 ■ O 43 1 i «j c P 3 CD CM o oj m 3 § 1 1 ■ CD i to «f 00 o CO O o i— 1 I 1 ■ <* 4 l— 1 O o CO CM 00 o co OS V c3 CO •*» a CM CM oo CO © CM 3 r-( ■* OS OS w i— t I i s a 3 -2 3 CM ■* CM CD OS CM OS I— * © ■* 00 CO ■ 1 P W C3 CD O « PS Q H H O o a" a < o CO o CO I I w a H « 00 14 O X CM ■* O CM CM © CM S •8 s a o « co -a -3 w O S I— I « a CO co OS o CO os CM CO CM CM OS O CM os 00 CO OS CM OS oo co CM o CM U5 I O u o PS I n t TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. I '235 M H hi n < H M o 2! o CO O tn * H: •* -l» ~!« r*. - 1 r R « E X a u co | ^ w „ ++ << 13 CM W IN 00 •is • 3 o a a 1—1 ft a o < 1 i ■5 58 $3 of o a a co CM 3 D 2 i-5 1 1 i f— ( o of a H X H CO oo CD i— i >-f •t«a 3 IN CD o 1 !— < t-H cm >o t-H cp tf> CXI ip *? ** " " fai CO CXI t-H CO CM co CM ■d R * - s - CO •* CO CT> f~ CO CO R ++ «i " R S " K " - i— t CO r-H W3 • CO «i< ■"■ "* *• ~ R " = " * ~ " -fl CM f — s S. s. C o U a. A X a a x. Q_ ^8 H, o_ ' • 1 i 1 ' 1 1 i =4 "la" Eh S3 H -S- a. s a a, 7 1 ' 1 ■ 1 ■ 1 S r< 3. e a ,3 U 03 3 © to wo o o •*— <3 H CM >o Si to ■4 ■S O o o | I , , , , o s — ' K 3 CM iO © pi H > s< m o CO 3 o 65 CM ■* o o 1 — 1 o © o to a. U o t-H o CD Q ( I 1 ■ 1 © 00 3 T-H CO to o o i. o rf3 o ■0 *-s H -+0 i-H CM ^f co o o CM o o cm" H * ~ 3 i-H fa fa O 1 1 s X. o o o .—I CM CO to CM o o CO o o © o o X p o « O s co T-H © H ■ 1 u +-■ 53 "3 J2 CM CO ■* to CM T-H ? ■3* f .S iS £ ^ Ml 3 ,a . iff Oh3 b ir S ■ r-t — 4 f ] SU* O c ^ § & « a s I c ° ° ■" *1 s s ■gsrll ^ § 3 I * 5, 01 (J rl O tj» e -3 £ I B 'ffl S 3 " u -s -I I § ^* 3 * > 1 1 H |1 3 OJ Ph fa y X u S .a •» ^ S CSS •° a g S § H « o « OS a o °«o Si" a a fa g » =iS .a «2 u a « S b 5 g S ■£ » I « ft is ..S ~ 01 ^ S TJ bC^ Jl S O jj 0) o »h s» ss a 5 * ^ 3 73 . < PhH i * 4 k3 1238 TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. * O Hta CO >o c*to CD O W3 into CO 3° CO & -to CO -to CO in 00 J^- ^h r~ 00 l-H «s CO i-h no 00 00 >o cB 6 co -* oo 6 *# 1^ 6 ■* l^- 6 8 i> CO o O CO *- >o CO CM o r~ t^ co ^f CM 'ti rH CM co CO CO i— t CM CM CM CM .2P *S * '3 o K i— i |H CM CO ■* »o CO t^ oo 05 " o i-H i-H 3 -d b "S -5 T3 B O CT> 00 oo *~ CO >o ■* CO CM i-H o C5 00 rt l-H r~ CO >C t- 05 l-H CO «3 t~ 05 o CM «M -— < ~H CM CO ■* >o t- 00 05 o l-H CO -* Ifl o o o O o o o o o O i-H i-H l-H l-H G w CO C5 CM oo M< o CD CM 00 «*l o CD CM "rt kJ O o i-h i-M CM CO CO ■* "jH lO CD CD t- lH 2 bfl 'o c- 0> c Q % 0) (A ■4 'o K 3 a T3 l 1 l 1 1 l-H O > U * o z to^ M < o Oh a ffl H i 1 1 1 i 'oo m 1 m C3 CD 9 M Q I p CD rH E l-H rW^O tff to O 03 i 1 1 1 i 1 m "53 0Q 1 Ph O o Q >h|« — H l-H "S o 'a CD M to" 0> H» H|* nto MfN u t-H to h- I > . 1 1 .2 '3 a i 1 CO h O -4-» 0) M i— i i-H l-H rH is -►■ fiS «|t- *|t- «l|t- • H I— CO t-H *-H l-H- l-H i—\ ►4 3 u to 3 3 o H -to -to rnjn CTfPS I0|!0 (M < «3 l-H l-H i—i i-H -H »H H 3 •rH o 1 1 1 p tH 3 -fa C5 to ID a o CQ ,_H CM CO "* >o CD *■- -1* ■ — i CM CO ■* >rc CD t~ 00 OS O l-H l-H rH l'ABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 1235 > to H H W ti C5 M w H £ n 5 < o H W t— 1 J to CM ■* CO t- ■* CO CO CO t- CD CO & * CO o w 00 1^- »b 6 «3 6 6 6 >o rH CO *~ O CM Tj< CM CM **< O i ■ 1 • • 1 1 • 1 • i i i i 1 I i ■ t t 1 I 1 1 1 1 I 1 • 1 • • i • ■ • J ' 1 J u «i O ►H O 13 i i 1 i ■ 1 1 1 d to H CM OS a a l-H Pa 3 O i i 1 ■ i 1 1 1 CM CM CO O cS co CO 1— 1 Q ■ ■ 1 i * S3 Q p 03 CM "* co «j CO ■ • 1 i n M C3 "3 l— I CM CO ID CM *- +J co oa i i g a 0> CM co "* CD CM T"H ■* •* I CO ■ ■ GO CM "* to X CM l-H CM CO CO CM 1 ,2 CM if CO CM CO CM CO CD «o cS O & CM ■* CO CO CM •*< CO CM • r-l co CO i— i CM CO ■* J>- 1— w. 4 K 1 1240 tables of weights and measures. 1 <£> »o >o c i-H csj CO CM »o a "* i-H oo CO cm W3 lO CO O o l^t oq "? ^H CM CM CM ■s 13 CO *p J~- ^ CM " ca fr T3 = - R r R -H CM "*< 00 00 i-H i-H , ^ ■ n ^ ^ ^ t- i-H i^ c 2 (JD ** fc "" ** •* "* "* " l-H *"• «« - s * s * = £ s £ R|-H 00 CS 1 t 1 1 1 1 l 1 1 1 1 1 ' o to CO *j 3 M o J=i 01 fc u H o 1 ■ ■ 1 1 t 1 3 P 1 1 1 of •c a at 3 .9 o CO s '3 CM c C 'o § • 1 1 I • 1 1 1 a 03 CM ■* "' f- 03 OS S3 & Efl "5 K IS? 1 ■ 1 • ■ •«< 00 CO l-H 1 1 1 *E . J5 M efl s — I a a CM ■* ■ CO i-H CM eo CM to 03 =H 1 1 1 1 i 1 ■ • 18 g <1 M 3 £ s to GO 03 W CM ■* a 5 o o 1—' 1 • t 1 i 2 g Ch 3 02 o o I H n cm Tf 00 Pi as H cS •S.S S3 H W O 6u 5* 1 1 1 • 1 CO GO 09 a 09 "3 CO co CM CM 00 fie s 5 u S C3 P i-*0 1—1 CM ■* 00 CO 1— 1 CM CO CO 6 c3 H n < O O 0> >ra 1 SP >o *~ lO (M oo >o *- >o 5 f— ( W o K £ ep •* IX) o> CO t- "P ** r? Ai eb W CO CM CM cb ■a * pN CO *- »~ >o CO «9 00 to rf " t— i i— i rH sa *- i ■ 1 1 ■ ■ ■ 1 ■ I ■ 1 » •a R i 1 ' ■ 1 i 1 03 1 i PJ 1 u o A -t-> "o o o > CO +3 £ D PJ * o s ■ 1 1 1 1 ■ 1 «< i 1 03 oT S3 • rH 3 t> .2 S '§ . a H CO D O i . 1 1 I OT 3 CO 1 m H 'u a • rH 3 a? o c3 3 m Q W3 CM rd '5b 3 w .s 'I CM £ i— ( fa O "3 a o CM ■* OS 3 O i » e ■ | « 1 1 Oh 3 o CM ■* 00 § s fa 0) f| CO '55 "i o CO CO CM . ■* CO to r-l rH - H P5 i ■ «3 P b 1 s K cm ■* 00 to I— 1 CM co H OT 00 fa H to a 08 s r— i co to CM i— i CM 00 fa JS 13 si 3 a? CM -* 00 CO 1— 1 CM CO to M 3 a) CO CM co to CM i— i ■4" CM 00 to OS INDEX. The numerals indicate the pages, and the letters a and b the first and second columns respectively. ASaxlffKos, 2, a. ASaf, 1, a ; 904, a. "Aiahtm, 1060, a ; 1062, b. 'Ayafiiov ypatpj), 735, b. 'AyaBoepyal, 28, b. 'Ayyapua, 94, b. "Ayyapos, 94, b. 'AyyoOfari, 633, b. 'AyeXatrroL, 28, b. 'A7eAt£T7jy, 28, b. 'Ay4\n, 28, b. 'Ayiitia, 29, a. 'AyTjrfa, 242, a. 'Ayrrr6peioi', 242, a. 'AynrSpia, 242, a. 'Ayiirup, 103, a. "AyKoivu, 790, b. 'AyKitoi, 366, a ; 588, b. Ay xipa, 791, a. 'A'yvf'njs, 513, b. 'Ayopti, 32, a. ,, yvvaiiceta, 35, a. „ irXtyovira, 35, b ; 304, a ; 408, b. 'Ayopav6/ws, 18, a ; 36, b. 'AySpas tAtjAi^hj, 35, b. 'Ayopaffrfis, 36, a. 'Ayptupiov ypaQii, 36, b. "Aypaipoi v6p.oi, 804, b. 'Aypdtpou jue-rciAAou ypatpfi, 37, a. 'Aypidvios, 224, a. 'Aypuavia, 72, a. 'Aypomos, 892, a. 'Aypovdpioi, 72, b ; 623, b. 'Ayportpas dvtrla, 72, b. 'Avuios, 226, a. 'Ayup^j, 453, b. 'Ayiprai, 73, a. 'Ayx'^efo, 594, a ; 595, b. 'Ayitiifdpxai, 32, a. 'Ayvves, 32 a ; 402, b. „ citIioitoi, 1131, b. „ ti>tjtoi, 399, b ; 1131, b. , A7ftjWffTa£, 167, a. 1 A7i5oDs, 595, b. "ABeA^j, 595,. b. 'ASeoTroTOi, 592, a. ; 705, a. 'ASimrot, 17, b. AScSyfcc, 14, b. "A8i/t«, 166, b. 'Ae\o$4rai, 32, a ; 856, a. Aldiceia, 18, a. AfyiaAeej, 1153, b. Alymopus, 1154, a. Aiyiyvruy eopri], 20, a. Ai'7/o^os, 20, b. Alyis, 20, b. AlyotcepuSf 59, a; 151. b. Areowa, 73, b. Alicia, 100, a. Aixtas Sinn, 73, a. AJwy/ia, 22, a ; 1034, a. AlvmSs, 225, a. A?$, 149, a. Alcrvuvfirns, 27, a , 32, a. Ai«4> 587, a. Alxno', 1003, b. 'AAr^pes, 585, a. 'AAuo-iSiov, 257, a. 'AKiaiov, 257, a. "AAumr, 257, a. 'AAiirai, 831, a. AAuTt(pxi J > 831, a. 1 ■■.! 'AAcpeo-feoiai, 436, a. 'AASa, 76, b. AASo, 76, b. 'AAw^, or 'AAw^, 53, a. "AAwy, 53, a, >«{«, 147, b ; 585, b ; 923, a. 'Apa\6iroSes, 587, b ; 923, a. 'A/iapivBia, 76, b. 'Afiapiffia, 76, b. 'A/j.S\u8ripl$ioi', 2, b. 'AfiSkdtrews ypcupfi, 2, b. 'AJjgeiAAa, 2, a. 'Ai*£po(rta, 78, b. "A/ifia, 79, a. 'Afurrjffria, 79, a. 'Aii6pyn, 825, b. 'A/nrexivn, 79, a. *A^7riTTapf J, 591, b. 'AfinvKrfip, 91, a. y A|i«ru£, 91, a. 'A/Mpiapdi'a, 79, a. 'AfiiptSAriffTpov, 989, b. 'Ap.lKlW. 1 105, b. ApupiKTiovis, 79, a. Afuptopxia, 82, b. ApupmpdoTvKos, 1105, b. An"n'A?j|is, 399, a. 'AvrivSeia, 100, a. 'AtrfiTTpeTrTa, 590, b. 'AVTiTtfiriins, 266, b. INDEX. 'Avrlrvnes, 1181, a. 'AvTUpavta, 773, b. 'AvT\ia, 100, a. "Ai/Tuf, 101, a; 297, b. 'AfTw/toirfa, 92, b j 99, b. 'AvvTToSiiTos, 221, a. 'Affci), 1014, a. "Alowr, 183, a. "Afw, 378, a. "Aop, 577, a. 'ArrdyeAoi, 28, b. 'Airayuyli, 460, a. 'AiraToiJ/Ho, 101, a." 'AiraToi'ipios, 225, a. 'AiroToupidii', 224 a ; 225, a. 'A7roi5A.ia, 738, a. 'A7rauA((rrfy>ia, 738, a. 'AireAcuOepio, 705, a. 'AireAetiflepoy, 704, a. "AireAAa, 573, a. 'AmWaws, 223, a ; 224, a. 'AireviauTHrp.fo, 514, a. 'A?roecJ9po, 939, b. 'AirogdrT/s, 394, b. AiroyoviKtSs, 225, a. 'ATroypapii, 103, a. 'Airoypdipwv, 103, b. 'AiroSe/tTOi, 1047, b. 'AirdSfir/ioj, 764, b ; 1075, a. 'Airo0epo7T6io, 76, a. 'Awo&tiicn, 618, a. 'Airoiicfa, 313, b. 'Attoikoi, 313, b. *AiroK^pu^(S, 103, b. 'AirtowjToi, 27, b. *A7ro\etyett? Star;, 418, a. 'AiroAAtfo/ia, 104, a. 'Airo/itvySaAicu, 305, b. 'Airoirefajiews Slier), 418, a. 'Ainip'/iafis, 918, b. 'A-ndp'p'TiTa, 104, b. *Airo(rraaiov SIktj, 104, b. 'AnwroAefs, 104, b. 'A7roTeix"rjK 1183, a. 'A7roTcAe(T/iaTiK(Js, 144, b. 'AiroTi/^aj/, 436, b. 'ATTorlfurina, 436, b; 470, a; 614, b. 'AirorifiTiTal, 764, a. 'Airtltpavo-is, 104, a. 'Am{cpavia, 778, b. 'Ap/iovmii, 773, a. 'Apvaitis, 882, a. "Aporpov, 117, b. "Apovpa, 138, a; 753, b. 'Apnayr), 586, b. 'Apira7?js ypar), 586, a. 'ApirfUTT6v, 586, b. "ApirTj, 518, a. 'ApfacpSpia, 137, b. 'AtfyQipoi, 137, b; 871, b, 1100, a. 'Aprdgy, 137, b. 'Aprafilnos, 224, a. 'ApTep-ftna, 138, a. 'Aprepiaios, 223, a; 224, a; 225, a. 'Aprepuv, 224, a ; 225, a. "Aprta t) irepLTTa •naively, 863, a 'ApndCeiv, 863, a. 'Aprtaap.ds, 863, a. 'Aprj, 203, b. BAojStjs Sixrj, 203, b ; 513, a. BAoi5tjj, 1007, b. BAaiirai, 1007, b. Boa66os, 224, a. BorjSpifua, 204, a. B«]8pop.i<6>', 223, a ; 224, a. Borjfloi, 868, a. BoituTopx'ls, -»s. 204, a. BoAfr, 256, b. Bopeao>io(, 239, b. Bopeaoyuis, 209, b. BoTaviffjUrfs, 52, a, BoravofiavTtla, 417, b. Bovai, 29, a. Boukotioj, 224, a. BotJ/cepcc?, -ws, 59, a. Bov\eia, 574, a. Tepwvla, 572, a. rtyvpa, 936, b. repui>, 385, b. „ cipy/Mv, 590, a. „ &riTpo7r7Js, 470, a. „ eroip^ireois, 606, a „ iS(o, 402, b. ,, fepocvhlas, 607, b. ,, Ka.Koyap,iov, 735, b, „ KaTakOtrtus rov Mipun, 256, a. rpmph KaTao-Koirijs, 257, a. „ icAoirijs, 300, a. „ Aenrovavrtov, 679, a. „ Aenroo-TpaWou, 679, a. „ Aenrora^Lov, 144, a. „ /wr6v, 865, b. „ irapairperSflas, 866, b. „ irapeio-ypa^j, 868, a. „ irapa7<»7e(as, 958, b. ,, trpodoaias, 962, a. „ jnrropucfi, 462, a ; 994, b. ,, avtcoQavrias, 1080, a. „ rpa.vfia.Tos ix Trpovotas, 1148, a. „ TvpavvlSos, 962, a. „ Sgpeois, 622, a. „ IttoGoAtjs, 623, b. ,, f7(is, 1093, a. Aajoovxos, 453, b. AalBaAa, 382, a. AoiSdAeia, 382, a. bats, 1093, a. AoiVios, 225, a. Aairpol, 410, a. AaKTv\ios, 95, a. AaKTvAob*6xfJ>V, 751, b. AtiKTi/Aos, 322, b j 382, b. ArfAios, 224, a. AafjapcTeiov xpvpiov, 382, b. Aa/idTptos, 224, a. INDEX. Aa/4fovp7oi, 390, b. Aa/«>irfe,384,a; 485, b; 929, a. AavaKi], 384, a. Aavaafia afjjportp&xAovv, 525, b. „ eTepdnAovv, 525, b. Ad™, 674, a ; 1097, a. Aapetx6s, 384, b. Acij, 1093, a. Aas, 282, b. AeafiotyvKajces, 593, a. Aefffwriipiov, 240, b. Aeo-TroatovavTot, 592, a j 705, a. Aevrepayuviarifs , 611, b. Aevrepios, 1203, a. AevTepondTfjioi, 557, a, A7J7/MI, 548, a. A^Aio, 389, a ; 865, a. Afffiaytayoi, 1086, a. Afyiiapxe£oi5a'ios, 225, a. A-fifiapxat, 389, b. AfiftAiyopoi, 1086, a. ArifiriTpia, 390, a. Anfiiyrpios, 225, a. ATjfit6irpaTa, 390, a. A^jUtoup^oi, 5, b ; 314,aj390,b; 570, a; 1154, b. AV'os. 593, a; 1139, b. AT]fi6Koivos, 593, a. AljfiOKpaTta, 390, b. ATifioTTo'nyros, 391, b. Aijfios, 391, b. Avjiiocrm ypdiJ.fia.Ta, 8, a. Ay fi6a 10 1, 391, b. AT)fj.6o-tov, 23, a; 119, a. Arifdo-ios, 593, a. AvfioTcu, 392, b. AiaSa.T-/]pta, 395, a. AiaSfrrijj, 283, a. Aia7payT)s, 92, a. apdStreos, 106, b. a 7ruAe ilea's, 418, a, aTroTre'jUil/ews, 418, a. a7ro(TTa(r£ou, 104,b; 123,b onr& avfj,66Awv, 1081. a. &irp($a7cA7]Tos, 403, a. awpoaTaaioVy 123. b. apyvpiov, 133, b. auTOTeMjs, 404, b. a(popjJ.Tis, 102, b. jBegaiticrews, 201, a. /8m(»y, 202, a ; 479, b. /3AaS»s, 93, b; 203, b 513, a. iyyvtjs, 461, a. h'uuciov, 461, a. eforywT^s, 479, a. e^atpecews, 479, a. efouATjs, 456, a. fciriTp»7papxV<""os, 1 159,b epaviKf), 475, b. Ko.6vipe(reo)s, 578, b. tcaicqyoplas, 217, a. Ka.KT)yop[ov t 217, a. /co/coAo7£as, 217, a. Kafcoretcviuiv, 217, a. Kdfmou, 243, a ; 461, a. KA07T7J9, 300, a. tenrofiapTvpiov, 93, b : 513, a. XoiSopias, 217, a. juttrflou, 764, a. fuaBdio-eas oIkov, 764, a. oiKi'as 823, b. outrUs, 461, a. Tro,pajco,Ta0T)KTis, 102, b. irpocio-Qopas, 962, b. irpoiit(fs, 437, a ; 1048, a. o-tTou 1048, a. 2fcvpia, 1013, a. 1246 AtKij (TvfjiSoKalwv, or (rvvdetcuv irapaSdaeus, 1080, a. „ rpax^ia, 1013, b. „ xP* ovs i 280, b. „ ^/evdofjLaprvpiav, 734, a. AixpoTu, 784, a. Ai/CTiWia, 408, a. Mmvov, 988, b. Ai/xdxui, 410, a ; 488, b. Mpuros, 1101, b; 1102, b. AioiKijcrews, (S e?rl, 1096, b. A^Acia, 410, b. Aioj/yma, 410, b. „ kv Sore*, or /ieytJAa, 412, b. „ rear' apyofo, or fwepd, 411, a. Aiovlitnos, 225, a. A7of, 224, a ; 225, a. Aiocr^/ieTa, 417, b. AioVfluoj, 223, a. AioGKoipia., 414, b. AwaKoipios, 226, a. AforAa£, 151, a. AmXoiSwv, 1172, b. Am\ois, 853, a; 1172, b. Awro'Aeta, 410, a. Aforrepos, 1105, b. Alwrvxa, 1092, a. Aiitkos, 415, a. AlaKovpa, 415, a. AItovov, 773, b. Aupdipa., 414, b ; 704, a. Aicpflepfas, 890, b. Aupdepcris, 891, a. Afyipos, 379, b. Aix&imvis, 223, a. Aixopla, 1147, a. AiwgeAfe, 1 126, b. AoKiftatrla, 419, b ; 462, a. Ao\ixoSp6/wL, 1055, b. AdXixos, 1055, b. Aikaw, 420, b. Aopi, 882, a. Aopdrtov, 587, a. AopaToOfiicri, 587, b. AopioAwrot, 1034, a. Adpireia, 101, b. AopnLa, 101, b. Aipnov, 303, b. Aopu, 587, a. Aopv438, a; 931, b. bpexduri, Apittavov, 51 8, t\poirai t 555, b. \p6fxos, 1055, b. iu/xaj/rfTat, 1153, b; iu/uSces, 1153, b. iwcurTeia, 365, b. \vo-rpos, 225, a. \aifjLATta, 425, a. iapa, 432, b. \upoSoiclas ypcuprf, 385, b. \apov, 751, b. iiopoJeWaj ypucp'fi, 1223, a. \tbpu>v ypatpii, 385, b. ^cotIktj, 436, a. INDEX. "Eop, 163, b. 'Eyyiy, 460, b. 'Eyyvqe-fiicm, 633, b. 'E77iii;j 8i'/o), 461, a. 'E77i5ij<, 823, b. 'EKaiacpdpov, 192, b. 'EAafwe, 823, b. 'EAtn^p, 1168, b. 'EAoip7)g(iAia, 450, a. 'E\a(j>7igo\uiy, 223, a. "EAmpor, 450, a. 'EAevflepia, 454, b. °EAei/', 1102, b. 'EJiWuAor, 1105, b. 'E\eyyva.aBiu, 460, b. 'e|€Ai7^6f, 484, b. 'EteraoW, 478^ b; 511, b. 'E&yriTal, 480, a. 'E^peu, 785, b. 'e\Iiutov, 1102, b. 'E|iT^pio, 512, a. 'E|a/>X'<7/«"'oi Bi/nj,1195,b. INDEX. 'EiriTpoTT^j yptupi), 470, a. 'ETrfrpoiros, 469, b ; 1197, b. 'Ewixeiporopla, 122, b ; 271, a; 443, a. 'Emxvcris, 380, b. 'Emw/tfa, 313, b. "Eiroucos, 313, b. 'EmtywpiiAioj', 298, a. 'EthStttcw, 453, b. 'EvowTeta, 453, b. 'EmaSeAia, 470, a. 'EttuimIs, 1173, a. 'Enw/a, 1103, a. 'EmSpy/xos, 470, b. „ TUP TjKlKlUP, 470, b. ,, tup i0Taf, 475, b. "Epavov Aeiireip, or ^/cAeiireiv, 475, b. „ irtojpovp, 475, b. ,, ffvkAeyeip, 475, b. "Epowor, 304, b; 475, a. 'Epdpov irXt\puri\s, 475, b. 'Epydpai, 1100, a. 'Epyao-Tipcu, 856, b; 1100, a. "Ep7aT«, 628, a. "Epupos, 149, a. 'Ep/tai, 602, a. "Epiiiua, 604, a. 'Epp-aTos, 224, a ; 226, a. 'Epfuipeios, 891, b. „ Seirepos, 891, b. 'E^ri6poi, 137, b. *Ep«ris, 106, a. 1247 "EipctrTpis, 79, a. 'E«-ai, 463, e. 'Es, 224, a ; 225, a. •Hpcfoios, 223, a. 'Hpifov, 557, a. H4j, 408, b. 0. ©aipo's, 241, a. ®a\d/uoi, 788, a. &a\afUTai, 788, a. ©tfo.a/ios, 425, b ; 788, a. ©aAAoifxSpoi, 857, a. Qakitna., 76, b; 1120, a. ©cfjura, 1203, a. ©an-Tew, 555, b. ®apyn\iai', 223, a. Qearpov, 1120, a. &eaTpon(a\7js, 1126, a. ®eaTpdvris, 1126, a. ©fiAoiiflios, 224, a. ©e^ua, 144, b. 0eoS6aios, 226, a. ®eo\oyeioi', 1123, a. ©eojei/fa, 1 125, b. 0eo|e'j/ios, 224, a. ©eocpewm, 1125, b. 0epaire(a, 738, b. 0epaireuTlKo(, 867, b ■ ®epiiruv, 591, b. „ p.4cros, 892, a. „ tetti|, 892, a. ©epos, 163, b. ©e'ffts, 14, b. Oeo-jUofleVai, 123, a; 804, b. ©echo's, 804, b. @epii«£, 1126, a. 0€<»pfr, 389, a ; 865, a. Qeapot, 389, a ; 1 125, b. &TJtitdx<"! 202, a. ©ijpW, 153, b. ®ilJTej,266,a; 1155, a; 1128,b. ®iaT7is, 453, a ; 477, a. '18i rptxlas, 892, a. „ TtTptxup&os, 892, a. . KoTiwdKTj, 882, b. KaruvaKOtpSpot, 1153, b. Kawns, 904, a. KouT^pioy, 274, b ; 904, a. KEtiSas, 260, a. Keipta, 673, b. KeicpityaAos, 329, a. KeAeoVres, 1100, b. KeAewrijr, 782, a ; 944. b. K#Atjj, 287, b; 610, a. KeWavpos, 153, b. Kei'TpiaSai, 410, a. Kepofa, 789, b. Kepatns, 59, a. Kepu/ifis, 532, b. Kepd.mw, 532, b. Kepa/ios, 210, a ; 532, b ; 1098, a. Kepas, 126, a ; 789, b. KepaTioK, 1213, b. Kep/ciSes, 1122, a. Kepiw, 1000, bi Kt-povxoL, 790, b. Ko/>aA7f, 133, b. Kqirala SWpa, 425, b. Krpros, 618, a. KTlpoypwpia, 903, b. K?/pi»KeiOi', 218, a. K-npiiaov, 218, a. Kijtos, 152, a. Ki) HUp b - KKeWpov, 626, b. KAefr, 627, a. KketybSpn, 615 - INDEX. KAijSoSxoi, 1111, b. K\ripon6iios, 595, b. KAijpor, 595, b. KAijpouxia, 313, b ; 314, a. KAripouxoi, 313, b; 314, b 1162, a. , KAijtciW, 93, b. KAijT?ipej, 294, b. ; KAVopes, 294, b. KAfgowoj, 546, a. KKl/jia, 296, b. KKi/amlSes, 789, a. KAf,ua|, 975, a; 1009, b. KAfcoj, 671, b ; 673, a. KkwiStov, 671, b. KXta-ias, 625, b. KAo7rjjr Ukt), 300, a. Kvaipells, 551, b. Kve, 673, b. Kvq/ieu, 378, b. Kr^i, 822, a. KAy(, 454, a. Ko'7xi, 348, a. KdBopvos, 366, a. Ko?Aoi<, 1122, a. Konwes, 425, a. KiiAaKej, 867, b. KiiAaf, 892, a. Ko\e6s, 577, a. KoAAugio-rfc, 270, b. KifAAugoj, 270, b. KoAoaia, 548, a. Kopivn, 126, a ; 627. a. Kopawfs, 325, a ; 363, a. KoiTjutjt^f, 365, a; 581, b; 624, a. Koff/iof, 365, a. KoEr|UO6ij.os, 1 120, a. Kpdvos, 565, b. KpaoTrcSii-ai, 280, a. Kpdm&ov, 665, b. Kpa-r-hp, 153, b; 367, b Kpedypa, 586, b. Kpe>SoAa, 381, b. KpeoiraiAeioy, 722, a. Kpeonr^Arjj, 722, a. Kpft/77, 543, b. Kpifirls, 368, b. KpiQopiuvTtla, 417, a. KpiVoi, 627, a. Kpirfj, 133, b ; 149, b. Kpn-af, 369, b. Kpoidi, 1000, a. KpoKarSv -6s, 370, a. Kp6vui, 370, a. Kpo, 183, b. AoiSai, 1000, a. AbiBopfos Sim;, 217, a. AowHjp, 185, a. Aovriipiov, 185, a. Aovrpdv, 183, b ; 189, b. „ vvp.(piic6v, 185, b. Aovrpo$6pos, 185, b. A 769, a. Movvvxubv, 223, a. Moi!o-€ib, 772, b. M.ov/ey6s, 737, b. Nu/upeurfa, 737, b. Niio-o-o, 610, b. ZavButSs, 225, a. Sovflis cWjp, 890, b. Hox9((Tepoj apifp, 890, b. Eewryfa, 488, a. Eeiwyof, 1222, b. Ee^Amria, 1222, b. ■Bwia, 619, a ; 620, a. Sevias ypatprf, 1223, a, Eevacd, 761, b. aevucbv TeAoy, 36, b. Ee'ras, 619, b ; 758, a. Eejwes, 425, b ; 620, a. 3«tt);s, 979, b, 1043, b; 1223, b. Bifp, 890, b. Uvp6v, 197, b. EuffTtipxos, 581, b, Euimjp, 984, b. HwTife, 580, b. EiWpo, 185, a. 'OSe\(is, 816, b. ■OSoA(fj, 821, b; 931, b. 'OyUhov, 1127, b. 'Oyxla, or Ou7«k, 1213, b. "Oyms, 890, b. 'OSoyTciypa, 275, a. 'OSovrSTpinpLa, 394, a. '.OSoiroioi, 613, a; 1193, b. '066vt), 851, b. 'OdSviov, 851, b. Ohccttjs, 1034, b. OiKeTinbv pLttrdKovpov, 891, a. Oi'KTJ^tmi, 425, a. OiVfct, 423, b. OtKias Sikt;, 823, b. Oi/cicmj's, 313, b. Of/coi, 425, a. 0?/cos, 423, b. OlxdcriTos, 441, a. 0ep&novTts, 1083, a. Ouwrifpia, 328, b. Olv6iie\t, 1205, a. OTkos, 1201, a. Oivoipopov, 823, b. OiV/>xia, 773, b. 'Op.v, 892, a. OuA^xuto, 999, b. OuAoxirai, 999, b. OvpaySs, 484, a ; 488, a ; 497 a 4l 2 1252 Ovpavia, 918, b. Ovpt&x os > 587, b. Ouo-i'os 8(107, 461, a. "0v, 298, b. "Oxwa, 1185, a. 'O x \oKparta, 391, b ; 821, b. "(ty^a, 835, b. 'Oi)i5XaKes, 582, b. Tldkri, 713, b. IIaAi7i«iir>iAos, 258, b. IlaAAaioj, 349, a ; 892, b. TlaWaxis, 349, a. IlaAToV, 587, a. na/igouSria, 854, b. ndpiJ.axot, 857, b. IIa7«puA<"> 572, a. Himiios, 223, a ; 224, a ; 225, a. Dai'Sia, 861, a. naySofKuw, 258, a ; 619, b. Ilai'eAAjJj'ia, 861, b. Ilavjyvpis, 861, b. tlwiwciix, 861, b. IlewoirAhj, 135, a. nctvoCAKOs, 1101, a. niiirTros, 892, a. „ erepos, 891, b. ,, 7rpwTos, 891, b. IIap<26a 737, a. napuijni, 707, b. Uaar6s, 871, a. ncWTOifxSpioi', 871, b. na 1092, a. nevT7]n6vTopos, 785, a. nevnjKOfTT^, 884, a. nevnjKoiTT^p, 483, a. nevTTjKooToA^oi, 884, a. IIeiT»)KO(rT 1183, a. ncpiTios, 225, a. nepoVrj, 531, b. Tlipovrirpls, 531, a. nepovfs, 531, b. Uepireis, 149, a. neo-ffoi, 670. b. nera\urp.6s, 515, a. nerdffiov, 920, a. neraffos, 920, a. Tleravpov, 748, a. neTeupov, 748, a. • nerpoSiiAos, 1138, b. nnSi\tov, 788, b. n^Ar)|, 565, b. TlriKoir&Tis, 889, b. nH hoi, a. nrivfui), 330, a. Tli]vwv, 565, b ; 1101 a. Ilijpa, 886, a. nijx us » 126 . a; 721, b J 751, b 880, b. Uieos, 1202, a. 1116017(0, 412, a. ntAi)/wx, 920, a. niAiov, 920, a. n?Au.x6Ti, 454, a. TlKivBiov, 485, a; 668, a. TlKtvBis, 668, a. nAfyflos, 668, a ; 923, a. IIAoToi/, 785, a. TlKoupaplos, 851, a. XlKvvriifia, 928, b. Ilcryoy, 344, b. ni5Aarc€s, 1094, a. ndAos, 615, a; 929, b. UoKi/iiTos, 1101, b ; 1102, b. TloAiirrvxa, 1092, a. nx'<""a£, 1005, a. Ilwyiw, 196, b. ntoAiJTCH, 884, a; 929, b. nuMiTiipiov, 929, b. PagSiov, 903, a. PaS3(w(i/ioi, 32, a. PciSSor, 402, b ; 1209, a. PaSSoDxoi, 32, a; 1125, a. §doioL, 865, a. 2aAin7f, 1170, b. 2a,tiS"K1, 1007, a. Sa/iSuKiarai, 1007, b. SapBcUioi/, 1007, b. 2ac8aAoi' > 1007, b. 2a>-(r, 625, b. 2<£paHW, 59, a. 2ctp8tiv, 989, a. "Zdpura, or ^dpuraa, 488, 589, a. 2orupos, 1141, a. Saupwrfy), 587, b. 2ceoffT(is, 225, a. Seipatos, 379, b. ~2,eipatp6pos, 379, b. Sefpios, 152, b. 2«Kn£x9«a, 1014, a. 2e?, 1046, a. 2>)Kof, 142, a. 2i7«(is, 260, b; 1105, a. 2ij|Uai'ai, 1044, b. 2^/Uora, 556, a. 27)(Ueio7pa(poi, 806, b. 2tjm«<"', 638, a ; 1044, b. 29eVia, 1071, a. 2i8rjpojuapT6io, 417, a. SucsAikiSs, 892, a. 2(kiwis, 280, a. 2»'5t6j', 851, b. XitripcL, 882, a. ~2,urbpva, 882, a. 2iTeu-nfs, 520, a. tni\piai.av, 487, a; 1048, a. 2iT07r£Xai, 1047, b. 2itos, 1047, a. 2£tov 5//C7), 1048, a. 2iTO(pi/AoKeio>', 618, a. 2iT<4>uAaKes, 1046. b. 'Siraimi, 1047, b. 2rcaAe£a, 52, a. 2kciAis, 1008, a. 2koj'i)7r\'07rAd'Ku»', 1030, a. 2T€0C«'O7rA 280, a. 2-niAos, 786, a. 2t?!/xioc, 548, a. 2Toxei0P, 615, a. 2rpaTeios, 225, a. 2rpaTj)y£s yai/s, 1074, a. 2rpaTi)7iis, 5, b ; 27, b ; 1073, a ,, 6 iwl Siowrfjffews 1097, a. 2tpcitoVikos, 225, a. 2rpnT(is, 481, a. 2Tpeirr(Ss, 1140, a. 2Tpo77eus, 241, a. 2Tpiiipi7|, 241, a. 2rp6j>, 477, a. 2ti!Aos, 323, a ; 1071, a, 2iTvpd>uov, 587, b. Srrfpof, 587, b. 2u77«'6ia, 595, b. 2u77ej'Eis, 595, b. 2>TTpaipe?s, 960, a. Svyypcupi), 1086, b. 2u7/cAtjto5 iKKAi)|U£ Sfrccu, 1080, a. 2v/iSouAoi, 868, a. 'Sifi/j.ax'", 1050, a. 'Sv/j.fi.opia, 449, a; 1160, a. ZZvimAaiov, 1082, a. 2u,u(pop«s, 485, b ; 929, a. 2um*«'"'«, 778, I). 'Zvvayttryt), 357, b. 2wi£AAo7^a, 1080, b StMiKor, 1084, a. 2w5po^, 144, b. 2we'5pioi', 1084, b. 2iVeSpoi, 1084, b. 'Swrryoputdv, 1086, a. Svv-fiyopos, 124, a ; 478, b , 1084, a. 2w8^K9j, 1080, b. ^w87jicuy TrapaGdffeas 5iV/j, 1080, b. Siij'Swi'". 1113, a. 2aipe?s, 918, b. 2ijl>aipi(ns, 582, a. 1,(pAifc, 538, b. Saurpa, 1 035, b. SwtppOMOTrJpiOI', 240, b. T. To7((j, 1093, a. Tatvla, 521, a; 1075, a. TcuvlSiov, 1075, a. ToAoi'To, 706, a. T&utop, 810, a; 931, b. IdAapos, 220, b. TaAiuria, 1099, b. TaAcunoupyfa, 1099, b. Tap.£as, 1096, a. Ta/uela, 738, b. Ta|f«px<", 1098, a. Tci|ij, 486, b ; 488, a. TcJjttjf, 1097, a. Tdms, 1097, a. Ta$6s, 788, a. T<£p6poi, 853, a. Tpiytavav, 149, b ; 1007, a. TpieT7)pi's, 222, b. Tpnjpapx'ia, 1158, b. Tpi^papxot, 1158, b. Tptiipeis, 784, a. TpiTipoiroiot, 785, a. Tpipuiros, 1101, b; 1102, a. Tpi^a, 1082, b ; 1204, b. Tpiirous, 1162, b. Tphrrvxa, 1092, a. Tpfra, 557, b. TpnaywviGThs, 611, b. TpiTTiia, 1000, a. TptTTvs, 1154, a. TpixoAagij, 275, a. Tptyts, ^ irapatTTtvTiKT], 76, a. TpiiiSoKov, 402, b. Tpomjioc, 1168, b. Too7i§iaios, 168, a. TpcSx'Aos, 1053, b. Tpox^s, 378, a ; 532, b ; 1 168, b. 1pvg\iov, 367, a. 1256 Tpuyoiiroj, 1203, a. Tpiry^Sfa, 411, b. Tpvycptioi, 411, b. Tpvrdvv, 1170, a. TpuipiiAeio, 566, a. TuAsiok, 673, b. TuAt), 673, b. Tiip-gos, 556, a. Tipmavoi>, 1180, a. TiiTOS, 532, b ; 545, b ; 1 181 , a, TvpavflSos ypa, 556, b. 'rw6yeiov,.556, b. 'Tiroypa/i/iaTeiJj, 577, b. 'firoypatpis, 903, a. 'T7rpoj', 164, a. QBopd, 17, a. „ tS»> 4\ev04pu>v, 898, b. *id\7), 871, b. *ip-cis, 548, b. •SAiderios, 223, a. *ogeia, 238, a. GoivIkt), 147, b. *uAaices, 868, a. QvKaKTtfpiov, 91, b. $v\apxoi, 487, a ; 899, a. INDEX. *uAt/', 486, b; 1152, b. $uXogTa7«*yfa, 454, a X. Xa\iv6s, 548, a ; 790, b. XaA/reia, 270, a. XrfAKeioc, 366, b. XaAKioiiua, 270, b. Xa\Kur/i6s, 1084, a. XaWs, 25, a. XoAkoCs, 270, b. Xafieiirq, 675, a. Xapaiviov, 675, a. Xapajtey, 1183, a. Xap&viot KKlfxaKts, 1123, a. Xeip.a, Xeiniiv, 163, b. Xeipex/tayuov, 729, b. XeipiS&jTtJs x iT ^» 1173, b. Xeip6ypoi/, 271, b ; 1087, a. Xeip6ixaKTpoy, 305, b ; 729, b. Xeipoviirrpoi', 729, b. XeipoToj/eiv, 271, a. XeiporQV7jToi t 271, a. XzipoTovia,, 271, a. Xefpae, 153, b. XeAi5fi<"h, H73, b. XtTi&/ia, 275. a. Xitwjw, 1171, b; 1173, a. XiTwio-Kos, 1171, b; 1173, a. XAaira, 665, b ; 673, a j 674, a. XKaiviov, 851, a. XAa/iiij, 275, a. XAa/uilSioj', 275, a. XAaviSwv, 851, a. XAaWs, 851, a. XAavlo-Kiov, 851, a. XAiSoSj/, 136, a. XA. Adcrescendi jure, 600, b. Addico, 172, a; 655, b. Addicti, 796, a; 797, b Addictio, 655, b. Ademptio, 677, a. „ equi, 264, h. Adfines, 28, a. Adfinitas, 28, a. 1258 Adgnati, 309, a. Adgnatio, 309, a. Aditio hereditatis, 601, b. Adjudieatio, 12, b. Adlecti, 14, a. Adleotor, 14, b. Admissionales, 14, b. Admissionis primae, sccundae, &o., amici, 14, b. Admissionum proximus, 14, b. Adnepos, 310, a. Adneptis, 310, a. Adobruere, 52, a. Adolescentes, 636, a. Adoratio, 16, a. Adrogatio, 15, b. Adscript! glebae, 1040, a. Adscriptores, 338, b. Adsoriptitii, 2, b; 311, b. Adscriptivi, 2, b. Adsertor, 143, a. Adsessor, 143, a. Adstipulatio, 8 1 8, a. Adstipulator, 640, b ; 818, a. Adversaria, 17, b. Adversarius, 13, a. Adulterium (Greek), 16, b. Adulterium (Roman), 17, a, Adulti, 636, a. Advocatus, 17, b. „ fisci, 18, a. Adytum, 1105, a. Aebutia lex, 9, a ; 267, a ; 684, a. Aedes, 554, a; 1104, b. „ sacra, 1 104, b, Aediculae, 18, a. Aediles, 18, a. „ cereales, 19, a. Aeditimi, 20, a. Aeditui, 20, a. Aeditumi, 20, a. Aegis, 20, b. Aelia lex, 684, a. „ Sentia lex, 684, a ; 878, a. Aemilia lex, 684, b. „ Baebia lex, 688, b. „ Lepidi lex, 1077, b. „ Scauri lex, 1077, b. Aenatores, 22, a. Aenei mimmi, 26, a. Aenum, 22, a, Aera, 281, b. Aerarii, 22, b. „ Praefecti, 24, a. „ Praetores, 24, b. „ Quaestores, 24, b. Tribuni, 26,b;1149,a. Aerarium, 23, a. „ militare, 24, a. „ Praetores ad, 24, b. „ sanctius, 23, b. „ sanctum, 23, b. Aerii nummi, 26, a. Aes, 25, a. Aes (money), 26, a. „ Aegineticum, 25, b. „ alienum, 26, a. „ circumforannum 26, a. INDEX. Aes Corinthiacum, 25, b. „ Dcliacum, 25, b. „ equestre, 26, a. „ grave, 140, a. „ hordearium, or hordia- rium, 26, a; 471, b. „ manuarium, 26, b. „ militare, 26, a. „ rude, 140, a. „ thermarum, 186, b. „ uxorium, 26, b. Aestivae feriae,*530, a. Aetolicum concilium, 27, b. „ foedus, 27, a. Affines, 28, a. Affinitas, 28, a. Agaso, 28, b. Agema, 485, b. Agendi scrvitutes, 1032, a. Ager, 29, a ; 38, b ; 554, a. „ arcifinalis, 29, a ; 38, b. „ arcitini us, 29, a ; 30, a. „ assignatus, 29, b; 39, b. „ concessus, 39, b. „ decumanus, 43, a. „ divisus et assignatus, 29, b. „ effatus, 930, b. „ emphyteusis, 43, a. „ emphyteuticarius, 43, a ; 458, a. „ limitatus, 29, b ; 30, a ; 39, b. „ mensura comprehensus, 29, b. „ occupatorius, 29,a; 39,b, „ privatus, 29, a. „ publicus, 29, a ; 949, a. „ quaestorius, 29, b ; 39, b. „ redditus, 29, a. „ religiosus, 37, b. „ restibilis, 51, a; 57, a; 60, b; 61, a. „ sacer, 37, b. „ sanctus, 31, a. „ scriptuarius, 1012, b. „ vectigalis, 43, a ; 458, a. Agger, 31, a; 937, a. Agitator, 287,-a. Agmen, 498, a. „ pilatum, 498, b. „ quadratum, 498, b. Agnati, 309, b. Agnatio, 309, b. Agnomen, 802, b. Agonales, 1003, b. Agonalia, 31, b. Agonensis, 1003, b. Agonia, 31, b. Agonium Martiale, 31, b. Agoranomi, 36, b. Agrariae leges, 37, a. Agraulia, 44, a. Agricultura, 44, a. Agrimensores, 71, b. Agronomi, 72, b. Ahenatores, 22, a. Abenum, 22, a. Ala, 73, b. Alae, 428, a; 507, a; 509, a. Alabaster, 74, a. Alabastrites, 74, a. Alabastrum, 74, a. Alares, 73, b. Alarii, 73, b. Alauda, 74, a. „ legio, 74, a. Albarium opus, 870, a. Albogalerus, 102, b. Album, 74, b ; 171, a. „ decurionum, 74, b. „ judicum, 74, b ; 649, b. „ senatorum, 74, b. Alea, 74, b. Aleator, 74, b. Ales, 149, a; 175,b. Alica, 55, b. Alicula, 75, b. Alimentarii pueri et puellae, 75, b. Alipilus, 75, b. Aliptae, 75, b. Alluvio, 76, a. Altare, 116, b. Altius non tollendi servitus, 1031, b. Aluta, 222, a. Amanuensis, 76, b. Ambarvalia, 78, b ; 138, b. Ambitio, 77, a. Ambitus, 76, b. Ambrosia, 78, b. Ambubaiae, 78, b. Ambulationes, 618, b. Amburbiale, 78, b. Amburbium, 78, b. Amentum, 588, a. Amicire, 78, b. Amictorium, 78, b. Amictus, 78, b. Amiculum, 78, b, Amita, 310, a. Amphictyones, 79, a. Amphimalla, 1097, b. Amphitapae, 1097, b. Amphitheatrum, 82, li. Amphora, 90, a; 979, a; 1203, b. Ampliatio, 647, a. Ampulla, 91, a; 192, b. Ampullarius, 91, a. Amuletum, 91, b. Amurca, 825, b. Amussis, or Amussium, 91, b Anagnostae, 92, a. Anatocismus, 527, a. Ancilla, 637, a. Ancones, 989, a. Andabatae, 575, a. Andromeda, or Andromede, 149, b. Angaria, 94, b. Angariorum exhibitio, or prae- statio, 94, b. Angiportus, or An^iportum, 95, a. Anguifer, 149, a. Anguis, 148, a; 149, b; 153,1) Anguitenens, 149, a. Augustus clavus, 294, b. Animadversio censoria, 263, b. Anio novus, 111, a. » vetus, 110, a. Annalesmaximi, 523,a; 941, a. Annalis lex, 19, b. Annona, 95, a. „ civica, 500, b. Annotatio, 351, b. Annuli aurei jus, 95, b. Annulorum jus, 95, b. Annulus, 95, a ; 325, a. Annus magnus, 222, b ; 227, a. „ vertens, 226, a. Anquina, 790, b. Anquisitio, 649, a. Ansa, 533, a. Antae, 97, a. Anteambulones, 97, b. Antecanis, or Antecanem, 152, b. Antecessors, 97, b. Antecoena, 307, a. Anteoursores, 97, b. Antefixa, 97, b. Antemeridianum tempus, 408, a. Antenna, 789, b. Antepagmenta, 98, b ; 624, b. Antepilani, 495, a. Antesignani, 502, a j 1045, b. Antestari, II, a. Antia lex, 1077, b. Antichresis, 916, b. Anticum, 624, b. Antinous, 149, b. Antiquarii, 706, b. Antlia, 100, a. Antoniae leges, 685, a. Apaturia, 101, a. Aperta navis, 784, b. Apex, 102, a. Apicula, 102, a. Aplustre, 787, a. Apodectae, 103, a; 1047, b. Apodyterium, 189, a. Apollinares ludi, 715, a. Apophoreta, 104, b. Apotheca, 105, a. Apotheosis, 1 05, a. Apparitio, 106, a. Apparitores, 106, a. Appellatio (Greek), 106, a. (Roman), 106, a. Applicationis jus, 295, a. Aprilis, 232. Apuleia lex, 641, a ; 685, a. „ agraria lex, 685, a. „ frumentaria lex, 548, a. „ majestatis lex, 725, a. Aqua, 151, b. „ Alexandrina, 111, b. „ Algentia, 111, b. „ Alsietina, or Augusta, 111, a. „ Appia, 109, b. „ caduca, 115, a. „ Claudia, 1 11, a. „ Crabra, lll.b. „ Julia, 1 10, b. „ Marcia, 110, a. INDEX. Aquapluvia, 115, b. „ Septimiana, 111, b. „ Tepula, 1 10, b. „ Trajana, 111, b. „ Virgo, 110, b. Aquae ductus, 108, a. „ ductus servitus, 1032, a. „ effusio, 151, b. „ haustus servitus, 1032,a. ., et ignis interdictio, 516, b. „ pluviae arcendae actio, 1 15, b. Aquarii, 116, a. Aquarioli, 116, a. Aquarius, 151, b. Aquila, 149, b; 1044, b. Aquilia lex, 383, b. Aquilifer, 505, a. Ara, 116, a; 153, b. Aratio, 49, a. Aratrum, 117, b. Aratrum auritum, 49, b. Arbiter, 10, b. Arbiter bibendi, 1082, b. Arbitraria actio, 10, a. Arbitria, 558, b. Arbitrium, 10, b; 647, b. Arbusculae, 585, b ; 923, a. Area, 119, a; 559, b. Area, ex, 119, a; 131, a. Area publica, 24, b ; 1 1 9, a. Arcera, 119, a. Archiater, 119, a. Archimagirus, 307, b. Archimimus, 559, a ; 763, b. Architectura, 120, a. Archium, 1093, a, Archivum, 1093, a. Archon, 121, b. Arcifinius ager, 29, a. Arcitenens, 151, a. Arctophylax, 148, a. Arctos Lycaonis, 147, b. „ Parrhasis, 147, b. Arcturus, 148, a; 159, a. Arctus major, 147, a. „ minor, 147, b. Arcus, 124, b; 126, a; 151, a. „ triumphalis, 1 25, b. ,, Constantini, 126, a. „ Drusi, 125, b. „ Gallieni, 126, a. „ Septimii Severi, 126, a. „ Titi, 125, b. Area, 53, a; 171, b ; 554, a. Areiopagus, 126, b. Arena, 86, a ; 88, b ; 286, a. Aretalogi, 129, b. Argei, 129, b. Argentarii, 130, a. Argentum, 132, a. Argo, 153, a. Argyraspides, 133, b. Aries, 133, b; 149, b. Arinca, 56, 1). Arma, Armatura, 135, a. Armarium, 136, a; 203, a. Armatura levis, 506, b. Armilla, 136, a. 1259 Armilustrium, 137, a. Aromatites, 1204, b. Arquites, 1002, a. Arra, Arrabo, or Arrha, Ar- rhabo, 1 37, a. Arrogatio, 15, b. Artaba, 1 37, b. Artopta, 921, a. Artopticii, 921, a. Arvales Fratres, 138, a. Arundo, 1001, b. Arura, 138, a. Aruspices, 586, b. Arvum, 61, a. Arx, 139, a. As, 139, a; 706, a. As libralis, 139, b. Asamenta, 1003, a. Ascia, 141, b. Asiarchae, 142, b. Assa, 1 91 , b. Assamenta, 1003, a. Assarius, 141, a. Assentatores, 867, b. Asseres falcati, 519, a. „ lecticarii, 672, a Assertor, 143, a. Assertus, 143, a. Assessor, 143, a. Assidui, 710, a. Assiduitas, 77, a. Astragalus, 143, b. Astrologi, 144, b. Astrologia, 144, a. Astronomi, 144, b. Astronomia, 145, a. Asyli jus, 165, a. Asylum, 165, a. Atavia, 310, a. Atavus, S10, a. Atellanae Fabulae, 347, a. Aternia Tarpeia lex, 685, a. Athenaeum, 166, b. Athletae, 166, b. Atia lex, 685, a. Atilia lex, 685, a. Atinia lex, 685, a. Atlantes, 170, a. Atlantides, 150, b. Atnepos, 310, a. Atneptis, 310, a. Atramentum, 170, b. Atrium,171,b; 188, b; 427, u. Atticurges, 171, b. Auctio, 172, a. Auctor, 172, b. Auctores fieri, 172, b. Auctoramentum,202,a; 574,b. Auctorati, 574, b. Auctoritas, 173, b; 1023, b. „ senatus, 1023, b. Auctoritatem imponere, 173, b. Auditorium, 174, a; 969, b. Aufidia lex, 78, a. Augur, 174, a. Auguraculum, 176, a ; 1 104, a Augurale, 176, a; 233, a. Auguratorium, 253, a. Augurium, 174, a; 417, a. Augustales, 179, b; 130, a. 1360 Augustalia, 1 79, b. Augustus, 180, b. A via, 310, a. Aviaria, 66, a ; 68, b. Avis, 149, a. Aulaeum, 1046, a. Aurelia lex, 650, a. Aures, 118, a. Aureus nummus, 182, a; 935, Aurichalcum, 25, a; 845, b. Auriga, 149, a; 287, a. Aurigae manus, 149, a. Aurigator, 149, a. Aurum, 180, b. „ coronarium, 182, b „ lustrale, 182, b. Auspex, 174, a. Auspicium, 174, a. Authenticum, 807, b. Authepsa, 183, a Autonomi, 183, a. Avulsio, 350, b. Avunculus, 310, a. Avus, 310, a. Auxilia, 1051, a. Auxiliares, 1051, a. Auxiliarii, 1051, a. Axamenta, 1003, a. Axicia, 197, b. Axis, 378, a. B. Babylonii, 144, b. „ numeri, 144, b. Bacchaualia, 4 13, a. Baebia lex, 685, a. „ Aemilia lex, 688, a. Balatro, 183, b. Balineae, 183, b. Balineum, 183, b; 191, a. Balista, Ballista, 1138, b. Balistarii, 1139, a. Balneae, 183, b. Balnearium, 183, b. Balneator, 186, b; 189, a; 195, a. Balneum, 183, b; 190, b. Baltearius, 196, b. Balteus, or Baltea, 196, a; 1136, b. Balteus, 196, b. Baptisterium, 1 89, b. Barathrum, 196, b. Barba, 1 96, b. Barbati bene, 1 97, a. Barbatuli, 1 97, a. Bardoeucullus, 372, b. Bascauda, 198, a. Basilica (building), 198, a. „ (legal work), 200, a. Basterna, 200, b. Baxa, or Baxea, 200, b. Bellaria, 307, b. Bellicrepa saltatio, 1006, b. Beneficiarius, 201, b. Beneiicium, 201, b. „ abstinendi, 598, b. Benignitas, 77, a. INDEX. Berenices coma, or crinis, 154, a. Bes, 140, b. Bessis, 140, b. Bestia, 153, b. Bestiarii, 202, a. Bibasis, 1006, a. Bibliopola, 704, b Bibliotheca, 202, a. Bidens, 98, a, b; 791, a. Bidental, 203, a. Bidiaei, 203, b. Biga, or Bigae, 379, a. Billix, 1101,b; 1102, b. Bipalium, 849, a. Bipennis, 1014, a. Biremis, 784, a. Birrus, 203, b. Bisellium, 1015, a. Bissextilis annus, 232, a. Bissextum, 232, a. Bissextus, 232, a. Bombycinum, 1028, a. Bombyx, 1028, a. Bona, 205, a. „ caduca, 206, b. „ fides, 207, a. „ rapta, 564, a. „ vacantia, 207, b. Bonorum cessio, 207, b. „ collatio, 208, a. „ emtio, et emtor, 208, a. „ possessio, 208, b. ,, vi raptorum, actio, 564, a. Bootes, 148, a. Boves Icarii, 148, b. Bracae, or Braccae, 213, a. Branchidae, 839, b. Braviuin, 287, b. Breviarium, 214, b. „ Alaricianum, 214, b. Bruttiani, 215, a. Buccina, 215, a. Buccinator, 22, a; 215, a. Bucco, 347, a. Bucculae, 566, a. Bulla, 215, b. Bura, or Buris, 117, b. Bustuarii, 560, a. Bustum, 559, b. Buxom, 216, a. Byssus, 216, a. Cacabus, 22, a. Caduceator, 218, a. Caduceus, 218, a. Caducum, 206, b. Cadus, 218, a. Caecilia lex de censoribus, 685, b. , lex de vectigalibus, 685, b. „ Didia lex, 685, b. Caelatura, 218, b. Caelebs, 692, a. Caelia lex, 1091, a. Caelibatus, 692, a. Caerimonia, 996, b. Caeritum tabulae, 29, b Caesar, 220, a. Caetra, 269, b. Calamistratus, 220, a. Calamistrum, 220, a. Calamus, 220, a. Calantica, 329, b. Calathiscus, 220, a. Calathus, 220, a. Calatores, 331, a. Calcar, 220, b. Calceamen, 220, b. Calceamentum, 220, b. Calceus, 220, b. Calculator, 222, a. Calculi, 222, a. Calda, 232, a. „ lavatio, 190, b. Caldarium, 190, b. Calendae, 231, b. „ Fabariae, 57, a. Calendarium, 222, a; 522, b. Calida, 232, a. Caliendrum, 238, b. Caliga, 233, b. Calix, 115, b; 234, b. Callis, 234, a. Calones, 234, b. Calpurnia lex de ambitu, 77, b. Calpurnia lex de repetundis 648, b; 649, b; 986, a. Calvatica, 329, b. Calumnia, 234, b. Calumniae judicium, 235, a. ,, jusjurandum, 235, a. Calx, 286, a. Camara, 235, a. Camera, 235, a. Camilla;, Camilli, 235, b; 743, b. Caminus, 432, b. Campagus, 235, b. Campestre, 235, b. Campidoctores, 235, b. Canaliculus, 235, b. Canalis, 235, b. Cancelli, 236, a ; 336, b. Cancer, 150, b. Candela, 236, a. Candelabrum, 2S6, a. Candidarii, 921, a. Candidati principis, 981, b. Candldatus, 77, a; 1 137, a. Canephorus, 237, b ; 857, a. Canis, or Canis Sirius, 152, b, Canis, or Canicula, 152, b; 160, a. Canistrum, 237, b. Cantabrum, 237, b. Canterii, 237, b. Cantharus, 237, b. Canthus, 378, b. Canticum, 238, a; 346, a. Canuleia lex, 685, b. Capella, 149, a. Caper, 1 51 , b. Capis, 179, a. Capisterium, 53, b. Capistrum, 238, a. Capite censi, 239, a Capitis deminutio, 239, b. „ diminutio, media, 433, b. „ minutio, 239, b. Capitolini, 715. a. „ ludi, 715, a. Capitium, 238, b. Capia, 149, a. Capricornus, 151, b. Capsa, 189, a; 238, b. Capsarii, 189, a; 239, a. Capsula, 238, b. Captio, 940, a. Capulum, 671, b. Capulus, 118, b; 239, a; 559, a. Caput, 239, a. „ extorum, 240, a. Caracalla, 240, a. Career, 210, a. Carceres, 285, a; 336, b. Carchesium, 241, a; 789, a. Cardo, 241, a. Cardo, 29, b. Carenum, 1202, a. Carmen seculare, 7 1 7, b. Carmen talia, 241, b. Carnifex, 242, a. Carpentum, 242, b. Carptor, 307, b. Carrago, 243, a. Carruca, 243, a. Carrus, or Carrum, 243, a. Caryatis, 243, b. Cassia lex, 685, b. „ „ agraria, 685, b. „ „ tabellaria, 685, b, „ „ Terentia frumenta- ria, 685, b. Cassiopeia, or Cassiopeia, 149, a. Cassis, 565, b; 989, b. Castellarii, 115, b. Castellum aquae, 114, a. Castra, 244, a; 729, b. „ stativa, 242, a. Castrense peculium, 874, b. Castrensis corona, 360, b. Catagrapha, 902, b. Cataphracti, 256, a. Catapulta, 1138, b. Cataracta, 256, b. Catasta, 1040, a. Cateia, 257, a; 589, a. Catella, 257, a. Catena, 257, a. Catervarii, 575, a. Cathedra, 257, b. Catillum, or Catillus, 257, b. Catillus, 765, a. Catinum, or Catinus, 257, b. Cavaedium, 427, b. Cavea, 87, b; 283, b; 1122, a. Cavere, 259, a. Cavi menses, 226, a; 227, b. Caupo, 257, b. Caupona, 258, a. Causae probatio, 874, b. Causia, 259, a. Causiae, 1 201, a. INDEX. Cautio, 259, a. „ Muciana, 259, b. Cavum aedium, 427, a. Celeres, 260, a. Celerum tribunus, 471, a. Cella, 97, a; 260, a; 1105, a. „ caldaria, 1 90, b. Cellarius, 260, b. Celtes, 420, a. Cenotaphiura, 260, b. Censere, 262, b. Censiti, 311, b. Censitores, 265, b. Censor, 260, b. Censoria nota, 263, b ; 635, b. Censuales, 7, b; 265, b. Censura, 260, b. Census, 260, b; 262, a; 265, b. Census (Greek), 266, a. Centaurus, 1 53, b. Centesima, 267, a. „ rerum venalium, 24, a. Centcsimae usurae, 526, b. Centesimatio, 387, b. Cento, 48, b. Centumviri, 267, a. Centuria, 30, a; 46, b; 501, a; 652, a ; 753, a. Centuriata comitia, 333, a. Centurio k 494, b ; 497, a ; 504, b. „ primus, 505, a. „ primipili, 505, a. Centussis, 141, a. Cepheis, 149, b. Cepheus, 148, a. Cera, 268, a; 518, a; 1092, a; 1116, a. Cerae, 1092, a. Ceratae tabulae, 1091, b. Cerealia, 268, a. Cerevisia, 268, b. Cernere hereditatem, 599, a. Ceroma, 268, b. Certamen, 167, a. Certi, incerti actio, 268, b. Ceruchi, 790, b. Cervoli, 253, a. Cessio bonorum, 207, b. Cessio in jure, 653, a. Cestius pons, 937, b. Cestrum, 903, a ; 905, a. Cestus, 269, a, Cetra, 269, b. Chalcidium, 270, a. Chaldaei, 144, b. Charistia, 270, b. Charta, 703, b. Cheironomia, 271, a; 583, a. Chelae, 151, a. Cheniscus, 786, b. Chiramaxium, 271, b. Chiridota, 1173, b. Chirographum, 271, b. Chiron, 153, b. Chirurgia, 272, a. Chlamys, 275, a. Choregia, 276, b. Choregus, 276, b. 1861 Chorobates, 277, a. Chorus, 200, a; 277, a. Chronologia, 280, b. Chrysendeta, 282, a. Cibaria servorum, 48, b. Cibarium secundarium, 55, b. Cidaiis, 1130, b. Cilicia, 63, b. Cilicium, 282, b. Cilliba, 749, b. Cincia, or Muncralis, lex, 685, b. Cinctus, 1173, b. „ Gabinus, 665, b ; 1136. b. Cinerarius, 220, a. Cingulum, 1224, b. Ciniflo, 220, a. Cippus, 282, b. Circenses ludi, 286, b Circinus, 283, a. Circuitores, 115, b. Circulio, 48, b. Circumlitio, 906, a. Circumluvio, 76, b. Circus, 283, b. „ agonensis, 32, a Cisicum, 288, a. Cista, 288, a. Cistophorus, 288, b. Cithara, 720, b. Civica corona, 359, b. Civile jus, 10, a; 656, a. Civilis actio, 10, a. Civis, 291, b. Civitas (Greek), 288, b. „ (Roman), 291, a. Clandestina possessio, 643, b Clarigatio, 530, a. Clarissimi, 628, a. Classica corona, 360, a. Classici, 509, b. Classicum, 358, b. Clathri, 432, a. Claudia lex, 686, a. Clavicula, 253, a. Clavis, 1168, b. Clavola, 824, b. Claustra, 626, b. Clavus angustus, 293, b. „ annalis, 293, b. „ latus, 293, b. Clepsydra, 615, a. Clibanarii, 256, b. Cliens, 294, b. Clientela, 295, a. Clima, 753, b. Clipeus, 297, a. Clitellae, 299, a. Cloaca, 299, a. Cloacae servitus, 1032, a. Cloacarium, 300, a. Cloacarum curatores, 300, a. Clodiae leges, 549, b ; 686, a Coa vestis, 300, b. Coactor, 300, b; 1184, b. Cochlea, 300, b. Cochlear, 301, a. Cochlis, 301, a. Codex, 131, a; 301, a. 1262 Codex Gregorianus et Her- mogianus, 301, b. „ Justinianus, 301, b. „ Theodosianus, 302, b. Codicilli, 301, b; 1118, a. Coelia, or Caelia, lex, 1091, a. Coemptio, 741, a. Coena, 303, a. Coenaculum, 429, a. Coenatio, 308, a. Coenatoria, 307, b; 1087, b. Cognati, 309, a. Cognatio, 309, a. Cognitor, 12, a. Cognitoria exceptio, 1 1 , b. Cognomen, 702, a. Coheres, 598, a; 601, b. Cohors, 499, b; 507, a. „ in piano, 66, a. Cohortes equitatae, 509, b. „ peditatae, 509, b. „ vigilum, 510, a. „ urbanae, 510, a. Coitio, 77, b. Collatio bonorum, 208, a. Collegae, 310, b. Collegatarii, 675, a. Collegiati, 1216, b. Collegium, 310, b. Colobium, 1173, b. Colonatus, 311, b. Coloni, 311, b; 710, a. „ indigenae, 49, a. Colonia, 313, b. Colonus, 48, b. „ urbanus, 49, a. Colores, 320, a. Colossicotera, 322, a. Colossus, 322, a. Colum, 322, b; 1203, a. Columbarium, 68, a; 323, a; 561, a. Columen, 328, a. Columna, 323, a. „ cochlis, 328, a. „ rostrata, 327, b. Columnarium, 328, a. Colus, 565 s a. Coma, 328, b. Comes, 143, b; 330, a; 969, a. Commentarii senatus, 7, b. Commissatio, 330, b; 1082, a. Comitia, 330, b. „ calata, 331, a; 1 1 I 1, b; 1115, a. „ centuriata, 333, a. „ curiata, 311, b. „ tributa, 1 1 56, b. Commeatus, 340, b. Commendationes mortuorum, 536, a. Commentariensis, 340, b. Commentarii sacrorum, 941, a. Commentarium, 340, b. Commentarius, 340, b. Commercium, 291, b. Commissoria lex, 340, b. Commissum, 341, a. Commixtio, 350, a. Commodans, 341, a. INDEX. Commodatarius, 341, a. Commodati actio, 341 , a. Commodatum, 341, a. Communi dividundo actio, 341, a. Comoedia, 341. Compensatio, 347, b. Comperendinatio, 647, a. Comperendini dies, 409, b. Competitor, 77, a. Compitalia, 347, b. Compitalicii ludi, 347, b. Compluvium, 427, b. Compromissum, 648, a; 985, a. Concamerata sudatio, 190, b. Conceptivae feriae, 528. b. Concha, 348, a. Conciliabulum, 318, a. Conciliarii, 143, b. Concilium, 348, a. Concio, 347, b. Concubina (Greek), 349, a. „ (Roman), 349. b. Concubinatus, 349, b. Condemnatio, 1 2, b ; C47, b. Condictio, 9, a ; 10, a; 564, b. Conditivum, 561, a. Conditorium, 561, a. Conditurae, 1 204, a. Conductio, 710, a. Conductor, 265, a; 740, a. Condus, 260, b. Confarreatio, 741, a. Confessoria actio, 350, a. Confusio, 350, a. Congiarium, 350, b. Congius, 351, a. Conjurati, 1171, b. Conjuratio, 1171, b. Connubium, 740, a. Conopeum, 351, a. Conquisitores, 351, a. Consanguinei, 309, b. Conseripti, 1016, b. Consecratio, 105, a; 631, b. Consensus, 820, a. Consiliarii, 358, a. Consilium, 358, a, Consistorium, 969, b. Consobrina, 310, a. Consobrinus, 310, a. Consponsor, 640, b. Constellatio, 144, b. Constitutiones, 351, a. Consualia, 351, b. Consul, 352, a. Consulares, 969, a. Consularis, 367, a. Consulti, 653, b. Consultores, 653, b. Contestari, 708, b. Contractus, 817, b. Controversia, 648, a. Contubernales, 357, a. Contubernium, 357, a; 501 ; 1037, a. Contus, 357, b; 789, a. Conventio in manum, 740, b ; 742, a. Conventiones, 820, b. Conventus, 357, b ; 965, b. Convicium, 637, b. Convivii magister, 1082, b „ rex, 1082, b Cooptari, 305, b. Cop h in us, 358, a, Corbicula, 358, a. Corbis, 358, a. Corbitae, 358, b. Corbula, 358, a. Cornelia lex agraria, 666, b. „ „ de alea, 75, a. „ „ de falsis, 517, b. „ „ frumentaria, 549, a. „ „ de injuriis, 638, a. „ „ judiciaria, 650, a. „ „ majestatis, 725, a. „ „ de novis tabelli*, 688, a. „ „ nummaria, 51 7, b. „ „ de parricidio, 687, a. „ . „ de proscriptione et proscriptis, 963, b. „ „ de repetundis, 986, a. „ „ de sacerdotiis, 997, b. „ „ de sicariis et vene- ficis,670,b;687, a; 1188, b. „ „ de sponsoribus, 641,a. „ „ sumptuaria, 1077, b. „ „ testamentaria, 517, b. „ „ tribunicia, 697, b. ,, „ de vi publico, 1209, a. „ „ unciaria, 687, b. Cornelia Baebia lex, 77, b 688, a. ,, Caecilia lex, 549, b. „ et Caecilia lex, 688, a Cornicines, 22, a. Cornu, 126, a; 358, b. Cornua, 721, b ; 704, a. Corona, 148, b ; 325, a; 359, a „ Ariadnes, 148, b. „ castrensis, 360, b. „ civica, 359, b. „ classica, 360, a. „ convivialis, 362, b. „ Etnisca, 362, b. „ funebris, 362, a. „ graminea, 359, a. „ lemniscata, 363, a. „ longa, 362, b. „ Minoa, 148, b. „ muralis, 360, b. „ natalitia, 362, b. „ navalis, 360, a. „ nuptialis, 362, b. „ obsidionalis, 359, a, „ oleagina, 361, b. „ ovalis, 361, a. „ pactilis, 363, a. Corona pampinea, S63, a. ,,, plectilis, 363, a. j, radiata, 363, a. „ rostrata, 360, a. „ sacerdotalis, 362, a. „ sepulchralis, 362, a. „ spioea, 362, a. „ sutilis, 363, a. „ tonsa, 363, a. „ tonsil is, 363, a. „ torta, 363, a. „ triumphalis, 361 , a. „ vallaris, 360, b. Coronarii, -ae, 1029, b. Coronis, 325, a ; 363, a. Coronix, 363, a. Corporati, 310, b ; 1216, b. Corporatio, 310, b. Corpus, 310, b. „ juris civilis, 363, a. Correctores, 969, a. ' Correus, 820, a. Cortex, 57, a. Cortina, 364, a. Corvus, 153, b; 364, b. Corycaeum, 1 95, b ; 580, a. Coryphaeus, 280, a. Corytos, 126, b. Cosmetae, 364, b. Cosmetes, 365, a; 581, b; 624, a. Cosmetriae, 264, b. Cosmi, 365, a. Cothurnus, 366, a. Cotyla, 367, a. Covinarii, 367, b. Covinus, 367, b. Crapula, 1204, a. Crater, Cratera, 1 53, b ; 367, b. Crates, 368, b. Creditor, 819, b. Creditum, 131, a. Crepi, 718, b. Crepida, 368, b. Crepidata tragoedia, 346, b. Crepidines, 1192, b. Creppi, 718, b. Creta, 286, a; 1214, b. Cretio hereditatis, 599, a. Crimen, 368, b. Crimina extraordinaria, 369, b. Crista, 566, a. Crocota, 369, b. Crotalistria, 370, a. Crotalum, 370, a. Crusta, 282, a ; 456, b. Crux, 370, b. Crypta, 371, a. Cryptoporticus, 371, a. Ctesibica machina, 100, b. Cubicularii, 372, a. Cubiculum, 88, a; 372, a; 428, a. Cubitoria, 307, b. Cubitus, 372, a ; 751, b. Cubus, 372, b. Cucullus, 372, b. Cudo, or Cudon, 372, b. Culcita, 674, b. Culeus, 373, a. TNDEX. Culina, 428, b. Culleus, 378, a. Culpa, 373, a. „ lata, 373, a. „ lenissima, 373, b. „ levis, 373, b. Culter, 118, b; 373, b. Cultrarius, 373, b. Cumatium, 381, a. Cunabula, 634, a. Cuneus, 88, b; 1122, a. Cuniculus, 374, a. Cupa, 374, a; 1202, a. Cura bonorum, 376, a. „ bonorum absentis, 376, a. „ bonorumetventris,376,a. „ hereditatis, 376, a. „ hereditatis jacentis, 376, a. Curatela, 375, a. Curator, 318, b ; 374, b. Curatores, 376, b. „ alvei et riparum, 376, b. „ annonae, 376, b. „ aquarum, 115, b ; 376, b. „ kalendarii, 376, b. „ ludorum, 376, b. „ operum publicorum, 376, b. „ republicae, 376, b. „ religionum, 376, b. „ viarum, 377, a. Curia, 318, a; 377, b. Curiae, 318, a; 377, b. Curiales, 318, a. Curiata comitia, 331, b. Curio, 377, b. „ maximus, 377, b. Curriculum, 378, a. Currus, 147, b ; 378, a. Cursores, 380, b. Cursus, 287, a. Curules magistratus, 724, a. Curulis sella, 1014, b. Cuspis, 587, a. Custodes custodiae, 250, b. Custos urbis, 953, a ; 993, a. Cyathus, 380, b ; 979, a. Cyclas, 381, a. Cycnus, 149, a. Cyma, 381, a. Cymatium, 381, a. Cymba, 381, a. Cymbalum, 381, a. Cynosura, 147, b. D. Dactyliotheca, 382, a. Damn! injuria actio, 383, b. Damnum, 383, a. „ infectum, 383, a. „ injuriadatum, 383, b. Dare actionem, 1 1 , a. Daricus, 384, 'b. Debitor, 819, b. December, 226, a; 231, 232, 1263 Decempeda, 386, a ; 893, a. Decemviri, 386, a. „ legibus scribendis, 386, a. „ litibus, or stlitibus, judicandis, 386, b. „ sacrorum, or saeris faciendis, S87, a. „ agris dividundis, 387, a. Decennalia, or Dcccnnia, 387, a, Decimanus, 29, b. Decimatio, 387, a. Decimatrus, 982, b. Declinatio, 296, b. Decretum, 387, b ; 1024, a. Decumae, 387, b. Decumani, 29, b. Decuriae, 101 2, a ; 1216, a. „ judicum, 6.50, b. Decuriales, 1216, b. Decuriati, 1211. Decuriatio, 77, b. Decuriones, 318, a; 471, B, 497, b; 1017, b. Decurrere, 559, b. Decursoria, 937, a. Decussis, 141, a. Dedicare, 433, a. Dedicatio, 631, a. Dediticii, 388, a. Deditio, 388, a. Deductores, 77, a. Defensores, 968, b. Defrutum, 1202, a. Dejecti effusive actio, 388, a. Delator, 388, b. Delectus, 499, a. Delia, 389, a. Delictum, 369, a. Delphin, or Delphinus, 149, 1), Delphinae, 284, b. Delphinia, 389, b. Delubrum, 1 1 04, b. Demarchi, 389, b. Demens, 376, a. Demensum, 1041, b. Dementia, 376, a. Demetria, 390, a. Deminutio capitis, 239, b. Demiurgi, 390, b. Demonstratio, 12, b. Demus, 290, a. Denarius, 393, a. „ aureus, 182, a; 394, a. Denicales feriae, 528, b. Dens, or Den talc, 117, b. Dentifricium, 394, a. Depensi actio, 640, a. Deponens, 394, a. Deportatio, 516, a. „ in insulam, 516, a, Deportatus, 516, a. Depositarius, 394, a. Depositi actio, 394, b. Depositor, 394, a. Depositum, 131, a; 394, a. Derogare legem, 682, li. Desertor, 394, b. Designator, 558. b. 1264 Desultor, 394, b. Detestatio sacrorum, 568, b. Devergentia, 296, b. De\ ersoriura, 258, b. Deunx, 140, b. Dextans, 140, b. Diadema, 395, a. Diaeta, 308, a ; 429, a. Diaetetica, 395, b. Dialis flamen, 540, b. Diarium, 1041, b. Diatreta, 1210, b. Dioere, 405, b. Dictator, 404, b. Didia lex, 1077, b. Diem dicere, 649, a. Dies, 408, a. „ comitiales, 409, b. „ comperendini, 409, b. „ fasti, 409, a. „ feriali, 528, a. „ festi, 409, b. „ intercisi, 409, b. „ nefasti, 409, b. „ proeliales, 410, a. „ profesti, 402, b. „ sementina, 530, a. „ stati, 409, b. Diffarreatio, 419, a. Digesta, 858, a. Digitalia, 729, a. Digitus, 382, a. Dilatoria exceptio, 1 1 , b. Diligentia, 373, a. Dimachae, 410, a. Dimacheri, 575, a. Dimensum, 1041, b. Diminutio capitis, 239, b. Dionysia, 410, b. Diploma, 414, b. Diptycha, 1 092, a. Directa actio, 10, a. Diribitores, 336, b; 414, b. Discessio, 1019, b. Discinctus, 1173, b. Discipula, 1189, b. Discus, 415, a. Dispensator, 222, a. Diversorium, 258, b. Dividiculum, 114, a. Divinatio, 415, b ; 417, b. „ (law term), 417, b. Divisores, 77, a. Divortium, 418, a. Dodrans, 140, b; 751, b. Dogmatici, 746, b. Dolabella, 420, a. Dolabra, 420, a. Dolium, 1202, a. Dolo, 420, b. De dolo malo actio, 373, a. Dolus malus, 373, a. Domic ilium, 420, b. Dominium, 421, a. Dominus, 423, a ; 574, a. „ funeris, 558, b. Domitia lex, 940, b. Donio, de, 131, a, Domus, 144, b; 423, b. Dona, 432, b. INDEX. Donaria, 432, b. Donatio, 434, a. Donatio mortis causa, 434, a. „ propter nuptias,435, a. Donationes inter virum et uxorem, 435, b. Donativum, 351, b. Dormitoria, 428, a. Dos (Greek), 436, a. „ (Roman), 437, a. „ adventitia, 437, a. „ profectitia, 437, a. „ receptitia, 437, a. Dotis actio, 438, a. Drachma, 438, a; 1213, b. Draco, 148, a; 1044, b. Draconarius, 1044, b. Ducenarii, 439, a. Ducentesima, 1 1 84, b. Duella, 1213, b. Duillia lex, 688, a. „ Maenia lex, 688, a. Duleiarii, 921, a. Duocimanus, 29, b. Duodecim scripta, 670, a. Duplarii, 439, b. Duplicarii, 429, b ; 509, a. Duplicatio, 12, a. Dupondium, 893, b. Dupondius, 141, a. Dussis, 141, a. Duumviri, 439, b. „ juri dicundo, 318, a. „ navales, 439, b. „ perduellionis, 886, b. „ quinquennales, 439, b. „ sacri, 439, b. „ sacrorum, 439, b. „ viis extra urbem pur- gandis, 439, b. Dux, 969, a. E. Eclectici, 746, b. Eculeus, 475, a. Edere actionem, 1 1 , a. Edictum, 444, a. „ aedilicium, 445, a. „ novum, 444, b. „ perpetuum, 444, b. 445, b. „ provinciale, 445, a. „ repentinum, 444, b. „ Theodorici, 446 a. „ tralatitium, 444, b. „ vetus, 444, b. „ urbanum, 445, a. Editor, 574, a. Elaeothesium, 190, b; 580, b. Electrum, 450, a. Eleusinia, 452, b. Ellychnium 713, a. Emancipatio, 455, a. Emansor, 394, b. Emblema, 456, b. Embolia, 6, b. Emeriti, 499, b. Emissarium, 457, a. Emphyteusis, 458, a, Empby teuta, 458, a. Emphyteuticarius ager, 45S, a. Empirici, 746, b. Emporium, 459, a. Emti et venditi actio, 459, a. Emtio bonorum, 208. a. „ et venditio, 459, a, Encaustica, 903, b. Endromis, 460, a. Engonasi, or Engonasin, 148,h Ensis, 577, a. Entasis, 461, b. Ephebeum, 580, a. Ephebia, 195, b. Ephippium, 464, a. Ephori, 464, b. Epibatae, 466, b. Epidemiurgi, 390, b. Epipedonici, 30, b. Epirhedium, 994, b. Epistola, 351, a; 843, b. Epistomium, 457, b. Epistylium, 469, a. Epitaphium, 560, a. Epithalamium, 573, b ; 744, a Epulones, 470, b. Epulum Jovis, 470, b; 673, a. Equestris ordo, 845, a. Equiria, 471, a. Equites, 471, a ; 575, b. „ singulares imperato- ris, 508, b. Equitum transvectio, 473, a. „ centurias recogno- scere, 473, a. Equuleus, 475, a. Equus, 149, b. „ October, 850, a. Ergastulum, 476, a. Ericius, 476, a. Eridanus, 152, b. Erigone, 150, b. Erogatio, 114, a. Ervilia, 59, a. Ervum, 59, a. Esseda, 476, a. Essedarii, 476, b ; 575, b. Essedum, 476, a. Everriator, 562, a. Evictio, 476, b. Evocati, 508, a. Euripus, 88, b ; 286, a. Ex-archiatri, 1 1 9, b. Ex-archiatris, 1 1 9, b. Exauguratio, 479, b. Excellentissimi, 628, a. Exceptio, 11, b; 956, a. „ cognitoria, 11, b. „ dilatoria, 11, b. „ litis dividuae, 11, b. „ peremptoria, 11, b. „ rei residuae, 11, b. Bxceptores, 807, a. Excubiae, 250. Excubitores, 480, a. Exedra, 195, a ; 428, a ; 480, a, Exercitor navis, 480, b. Exercitoria actio, 480, b. Exercitus, 481, a. Exhibendum actio, ad, 511 , b. Exodia, 512, a. Exostra, 513, a. Exploratores, 509, a. Exsequine, 558, b. Exsilium, 513, a. „ liberum, 515, b. Exsul, 515, b. Exterere, 53, a. Extispices, 587, a. Extispicium, 587, a. Extranei heredes, 589, b. Extraordinarii, 497, b; 1500, b. Exveirae, 562, a. Exverriator, 562, a. Exuviae, 1053, b. Faba, 57, a. „ trimestris, 57, a. Fabacia, 57, b. Fabia lex, 921, b. Fabri, 517, a. Fabula pallia ta, 346, b. „ praetextata, 346, b. „ togata, 346, b. „ tabernaria, 346, b. „ trabeata, 346, b. Fabulae Atellanae, 34", a. Factiones aurigarum, 287 a. Factus, 826, b. Faecatum, 1203, a. Falae, 284, b.- Falarica, 589, a. Falcidia lex, 676, b. Falcula, 518, a. Falsarii, 518, a. Falsum, 517, b. Falx, 518, a. Familia,519,a;574,b; 1041, a. Farailiae emptor, 1 1 44, b. „ erciscundae actio, 520, a. Familiaris, 519, b. Famosi libelli, 702, b ; 725, b. Famulus, 51 9, a. Fannia lex, 1077, b. Fanum, 1 104, a, Far Clusinum, 54, a. „ venuculum rutilum, 54, a. „ venuculum candidum, 54, a. Farrago, 59, a. Farreum, 741, a. Fartor, 520, a. Fas, 521, b. Fasces, 520, b. Fascia, 521, a. Fascinurn, 521, b. Fasciola, 521, a. Fasti, 521, b. „ annates, 523, a. „ calendares, 522, a. „ Capitolini, 523, b. „ consulares, 523, b. „ dies, 522, a. „ historici, 523, a. „ sacri, 522, a. INDEX. Fastigium, 113, b; 523, b. Fauces, 428, a. Favete Unguis, 417, a. Fax, 524, a. Februare, 718, a. Februarius, 232 ; 718, a. Februum, 718, a. Februus, 718, a. Feeiales, 530, b. Feminal, 1 179, a. Feminalia, 524, b. Fenestra, 432, a. Fenus, 525, b. „ nauticum, 528, a. Ferae magna minorque, 147, b. Feralia, 562, b. Ferculum, 528, a. Ferentarii, 502, b. Feretrum, 559, a; 671, b. Feriae, 528, a. „ aestivae, 530, a. „ conceptivae, or concep- tae, 528, b. „ denicales, 528, b. „ imperativae, 528, b. „ Latinae, 529, b. „ praecidaneae, 530, a. „ privatae, 528, a. „ publicae, 528, b. „ sementivae, 530, a. „ stativae, 528, b. „ stultorum, 545, b. „ vindemiales, 530, a. Ferre legem, 682, b. Fercennina, 580, a. Festi dies, 409, b. Festuca, 730, a. Fetiales, 5S0, b. Fibula, 531, b. Fictile, 532, b. Fictio, 534, b. Fideicommissarii praetores, 536, a. Fideicommissarius, 535, a. Fideicommissum, 535, a. Fidejussor, 640, b. Fidepromissor, 640, b. Fides, 148, b; 720, a. Fidicula, 148, b ; 536, b. Fidis, 148, b. Fiducia, 536, b. Fiduciaria actio, 536, b. Fiduciarius, 535, a. Figlinae, 533, b. Figulina ars, 532, b. Figulus, 532, b. Filamen, 540, b. Filia, 310, a. Filiafamilias, 873, b. Filius, 310, a. Filiusfamilias, 10, b ; 873, b 874, a. Filum, 540, b. Fimbriae, 537, a. Fines effati, 930, b. Finis, 29, b ; 1032, a. Finitores, 71, b. Finium regundorum actio, 557, b. Fiscales, 575, b. 1265 Fiscalis praetor, 538, a. Fiscus, 537, b. Fistuca, 538, a. Fistucatio, 1 1 92, a. Fistula, 538, b ; 1088, a. Flabelliferae, 539, b. Flabellum, 539, a. FJagellum, 539, b Flagrio, 540, a. Flagrum, 539, b. Flamen, 540, a. „ Augustalis, 180, n. „ Curialis, 377, a, „ Dialis, 540, b. „ Martialis, 540, a. „ Quirinalis, 540, a. Flaminia lex, 690, a. Flaminica, 541, a. Flammeum, 743, a. Flavia agraria lex, 690, a. Flexumines, 472, a. Floralia, 541, b. Flos (siliginis), 55, b. Flumen, 1031, b. Fluminis recipiendi, or immit- tendi servitus, 1031, b. Focale, 542, a. Foculus, 542, a. Focus, 542, a. Foederatae civitates, 542, b. Foederati, 542, b. Foedus, 542, b ; 1051, a. Foeniseca, 59, b. Foenisicia, 60, a. Foenum Graecum, 59. a. „ cordum, 60, a. Foenus, 525, b. „ nauticum, 528, a. Folliculus, 57, a ; 543, a. Follis, 543, a ; 1022, a. Fons, 543, b. Forceps, 545, a. Fores, 427, b. Forfex, 197, b; 545; a. Forficula, 545, a. Fori, 283, b ; 788, a. Foris, 625, b. Forma, 532, b ; 545, h. Formacii, 47, a. Formella, 545, b. Formido, 989, a. Formula, 11, a; 545, b. Formulae praejudiciales, 12. b. Fornacalia, 545, b. Fornacatores, 192, b. Fornacula, 546, a. Fornax, 546, a. Fornix, 546, b. Foro cedere, or abire, 132, a. „ mergi, 132, a. Foruli, 203, a ; 283, b. Forum, 357, b ; 546, b. Fossa, 31, b; 253, a. „ caeca, 46, b. Framea, 589, a. Frater, 310, a. Fratres aivales, 1 38, a. Fraus, 929, a. Frenum, 548, a. Frigidarium, 189, a; 192, b. 4M 1266 Fritillus, 548, b. Frontale, 91, a. Fructuaria res, 1221, a. Fructuarius, 1221, a. Fructus, 421, b. Frumenta, 54, a. Frumentariae leges, 548, b. Frumentarii, 551, a. Frumento servando, de, 53, b. Fucus, 551, a; 1214, b. Fuga lata, 515, b. „ libera, 515, b. Fugalia, 985, b. Fugitivarii, 1038, a. Fugitivus, 1038, a. Fulcra, 674, b. Fulcrum, 118, b. Fullo, 551, b. Fullonica, 552, b. Fullonicum, 552, b. Fullonium, 553, a. Fumarium, 1205, b. Fumi immittendl servitus, 1032, a. Funale, 553, a. Funalls equus, 379, b. Funambulus, 553, a. Funarius, 379, b. Funda, 553, b ; 989, b. Fundani, 543, a. Funditores, 553, b. Fundus, 554, a. Funes, 790, a. Funus, 554, b. „ indictivum, 558, b. „ plebeium, 558, b. „ publicum, 558, b. „ taciturn, 558, b. „ translatitium, 558, b. Furca, 562, b. Furcifer, 563, a. Furfures, 55, b. Furia, or Fusia Caninia lex, 690, a; 731, a. Fuiiosus, 376, a; 1113, b. Furnus, 192, b; 546, a. Furor, 376, a. Furti actio, 563, b. Furtum, 562, a. „ conceptum, 563, b. „ manifestum, 563, b. „ nee manifestum, 563, b. ., oblatum, 563, b. Fuscina, 564, b. Fustium animadversio, 565,-a. Fustuarium, 564, b. Fusus, 565, a. Gabinia lex, 1091, a. Gabinus cinctus, 665, b; 1136, b. Gaesum, 588, b. Gaius, 639, b. Galea, 565, b. Galerus, -um, 330, a; 566, b. Galiarc, 566, b. INDEX. Galli, 566, b; 575, b. Ganea, 259, a. Gausapa, 567, a. Gausape, 567, a, Gausapum, 567, a. Gemini, 150, b. Gener, 28, b. Genethliaci, 144, b. Geniculatus, 148, b. Genitura, 1 44, b. Gens, 567, b. Gentiles, 567, b. Gentilitas, 568, a. Gentilitia sacra, 568, b. Gentilitium jus, 568, a. Germani, 309, b. Gerrae, 574, a. Gesta, 7, a. Gestatio, 619, a. Gingrus, 1130, b. Gladiatores, 574, a. Gladiatorium, 574, b Gladius, 574, a. Glandes, 554, a. Gleba, 1022, a. Glomus, 565, a. Glos, 28, b. Gluma, 57, a. Gomphi, 1192, b. Gradus, 88, a; 577, a; 751, b. „ cognationis, 310, a. Graecostasis, 579, b. Grammatophylacium, 1093, a. Granea, 55, b. Graphiarium, 1071, a. Grassatores, 670, b. Gregorianus Codex, 301, b. Gremium, 200, a; 1 192, a. Groma, 251, b. Gubernaculum, 788, b. Gustatio, 307, a. Guttus, 192, b; 579, a. Gymnasium, 579, a. H. Habenae, 585, a. Habitatio, 1031, a. Haeres, 594, a ; 598, a. Halicastrum, 54, a. Halteres,-585, a. Harmamaxa, 585, b. Harmostae, 586, a. Harpaginetuli, 586, a. Harpago, 586, b. Harpastum, 586, b. Haruga, 587, a. Haruspices, 586, b. Haruspicina ars,417, a; 587, a. Haruspicium, 417, a. Hasta, 267, b; 587, a. „ celibaris, 589, a. ,, pura, 589, a. „ vendere sub, 172, b. Hastarium, 589, a. Hastati, 494, b; 496, b. Helepolis, 590, a. Heliaea, 401, a. Heliocaminus, 432, b. Helix, 590, b. Hellanodicae, 590, b ; 830, b. Hellenotamiae, 590, b. Helotes, 591, a. Hernina, 351, a; 367, a; 592, b. 979, a. Heminarium, 351, a. Hemistrigium, 254, a. Hepatizon, 25, b. Heraea, 573, b. Herculanei, 167, a. Hercules, 148, b. Hereditas, 598, a. Heredium, 652, a ; 753, a. Heres (Greek), 594, a. „ (Roman), 598, a. Hermae, 602, a. Heimaea, 604, a. Hermanubis, 603, b. Hermares, 603, b. Hermathena, 603, b. Hermeracles, 603, b. Hermogenianus codex, 301, b Hermuli, 602, a. Herones, 604, b. Hexaphori, 894, a. Hexaphoron, 672, b. Hexeres, 785, b. Hieronica lex, 690, b ; 965, a. Hieronicae, 167, a. Hilaria, 608, a. Hippocratici, 746, b. Hippodromus, 608, b; 619, a. Hippoperae, 611, a. Hirpex, 645, b. Hister, 612, a. Histrio, 611, a. Hoedi, 149, a. Holoserica, 1028, b. Honoraria actio, 10, a; 258, a. Honorarii ludi, 71 6, a. Honorarium, 1 8, a ; 686, a. „ jus, 10, a; 444, b. Honores, 613, b. Hoplomachi, 575, b. Hura, 614, a. ,, genitalis, 144, b. Hordearium aes, 26, a j 47 1, b . Hordeum, 55, b. „ cantherinum, 56, a. „ Galaticum, or dis- tichum, 56, a. „ bexastichum, 56, a. Horologium, 615, a. Horrearii, 618, a. Horreum, 61 8, a. Hortensia lex, 682, a; 690, b. 696, b ; 928, a. Hortus, 618, a. Hospes, 621, a. Hospital ia, 620, a, Hospitium, 619, a ; 620, a. Hostia, 999, b. Hostis, 619, b; 950, a. Hostus, 826, b. Humare, 560, b. Hyacinthia, 621, b. Hyades, 150, a ; 162, h Hydra, Hydros, 153, b. Hydraula, 622, b. Hydromelum, 1205, b. Hypaethrae, 195, a. Hypocaustum, 192, b. Hypogeum, 556, b. Hypotheca, 916, a. Hypothecaria actio, 91, b. Hypotrachelium, 325, a. I. J. Jaculatores, 503, a; 589, a. Jaculum, 589, a ; 989, b Janitor, 427, b; 627, b. Janua, 427, b ; 624, b. Januarius, 231, 232. Iatralipta, 628, a. Iatraliptice, 628, a. Tatrosophista, 628, a. Iconicae statuae, 1063, a. Idus, 231, b. Jejunum solum, 45, b. Jentaculum, 306, a. 1 licet, .560, b. Illustres, 628, a. Uotae, 591, a. Imagines, 628, b. Imbrices, 1098, b. Immunitas, 628, b. Impendium, 525, b. Imperativae feriae, 528, b. Imperator, 630, a. Imperium, 628, b; 992, b. Impluvium, 427, b. Impubes, 630, a ; 636, a. In bonis, 205, b. Inauguratio, 631, b. „ regis, 992, a. Inauris, 632, a. Incendium, 632, b. Incensus, 239, b; 263, a. Inccramenta navium, 903, b. Incestum, -us, 633, a. Incitega, 633, b. Inclinatio, 296, b. Incorporates res, 421, b. Incubatio, 433, b. Incunabula, 634, a. Incus, 634, a. Index, 704, b. Indigitamenta, 941, a. Induere, 78, b. Indumentum, 1173, b. Indusium, 1173, b. Indutus, 78, b; 1173, b. Infamia, 634, b. Infans, 636, a. Infantia, 636, a. Inferiae, 562, b. Infula, 637, a. Ingeniculatus, 148, b, Ingeniculus, 148, b. Ingenui, 637, a. Ingenuitas, 637, a. Ingratus, 878, a. Injuria 637, b. Injuriarum actio, 639 a; 1200, a. Inlicium, 335, b. lnnixus, 148, b. INDEX. InofKciosi querela, 1118, a. Inomciosum testamentum, 1117, b. Inquilini, 311, b. Inquilinus, 516, b; 710, a. Insania, 376, a. Insanus, 376, a. Inscripta, 945, a. Insigne, 638, a. Instita, 639, a. Institor, 639, a. Institoria actio, 639, a. Institutiones, 639, b. Institutoria actio, 641, b. Insula, 430, a. Integrum, restitutio in, 987, a. Intentio, 12, b. Intercapedo, 191, a. Intercessio, 640, b; 641, b. Intercisi dies, 409, b. Interdictio aquae et ignis, 516, b. Interdictum, 642, a. „ adipiscendae pos- sessions, 643, a. „ duplicium, 644, a. ,, possessorium, 643, a. „ de precario, 643,b. ,, prohibitorium, 642, a. „ quorum bonornm, 983, b. „ recuperandae pos- sessions, 643, b. „ restitutorium,642, a. „ retinendae posses- sions, 643, a. „ Salvianum, 643, a. „ sectorium, 643, a ; 1013, b. „ simplicium,644,a. „ uti possidetis, 643, a. „ utrubi, 643, a. Intergerinus, 869, b. Intergerivus, 869, b. Internundinum, 816, b. Interpres, 77, a; 131, b; 644, b. Interregnum, 644, b. Interrez, 644, b. Intervallum, 248, a. Interula, 1178, b. Intestabilis, 645, b. Intestate, hereditatis ab, 598, a. Intestatus, 598, a. Intestinum opus, 645, b. Intimum solidum, 57, a, Indusium, 1178, b. Inventarium, 601, b. Investis, 631, a. Irpex, 645, b. Iselastici ludi, 1 67, b. Italia, 318, a; 964, b. Iter, 937, a. Iterare, 49, b. Itineris servitus, 1032, a. Jubere, 1023, a. 1267 Judex, 10, b ; 646, b; 968, a. „ ordinarius, 968, a, 969, a. „ pedaneus, 651, a. „ quaestionis, 648, b. Judicati actio, 651, b. Judices editi, 648, b. „ edititii, 77, b; 648, b Judicia duplicia, 520, a. „ extraordinaria, 709, a „ legitima, 629, a. „ quae imperio, 628, b. Judicium, 646, b. „ album, 649, b. „ ex lege, 629, a. „ populi, 648, a. „ privatum, 648, a. ,, publicum, 648, a. „ tutelae, 1178, b. Jugarii, 48, a. Jugerum, 651, b. Jugum, 651, b; 652, a; 753, a Jugumentum, 624, b. Jugus, 651, b. Juliae leges, 690, b. Julia lex de adulteriis, ) 7, a. „ agraria, 690, b. „ de ambitu, 77, b. „ de annona, 690, b. „ de bonis cedendis, 690, b. „ caducaria, 691, a. „ de caede et veneficio, 691, a. „ de civitate, 691, a. „ de foenore, 691, a. „ de fundo dotal!, 69! a. ,, judiciaria, 691, a. „ de liberis legationi- bus, 679, a. „ majestatis, 691, a. ,, municipals, 691, a. „ et Papia Poppaea 691, b. „ peculatus, 881, b. „ et Plautia, 692, b. „ de provinciis, 692. b. „ repetundarum, 986, b. „ de residuis, 881, b. „ de sacerdotiis, 693, a. „ de sacrilegis, 881, b; 1001, b. „ sumptuaria, 693, a; 1078, a. „ theatralis, 693, a. „ et Titia, 693, a. „ de vi publica et pri- vata, 1209, a. „ vicesimaria, 1 1 96, a Julius, 282. Junea, or Junia, Norbana lex, 670, a; 693,a; 705,b; 731, a. Junia lex repetundarum, 986, a. Juniores, 338, b. Junius, 229, b ; 232. Jure, actio in, 10, a ; 655, b. „ adcrescendi, 600, b. „ agere, 11, a. 4 M 2 1268 Jure cessio, in, 653, a. Jureconsulti, 653, b. Jurgium, 653, a. Juridici, 653, b. Turis auctores, 173, b; 653, b; 654, b. Jurisconsult!, 653, b. Jurisdictio, S57, b. Jurisperiti, 653, b. Jurisprudentes, 653, b. Juris studiosi, 143, b. Jus, 655, b. „ aquae impetratae, 115, a. „ Aelianum, 659, a. „ annuli aurei, 95, b. „ annulorum, 95,. b. ., applicationis, 295, a. .. augurium, or augurum, 179, a. „ civile, 10, a ; 656, a. ,, „ Flavianurn, 659, b. „ Papirianum, or Pa- pisianum, 659, b. , civitatis, 291, b. , coinmercii, 291, b; 317, b. , connubii, 291, b. , edicendi, 444, a. „ eundi, 1032, a. „ fetiale, 656, b. „ gentilitium, or gentilitatis, 568, a. „ gentium, 656, a. „ honorarium, 10, a ; 444 b; 657, a. „ honorum, 291, b. „ Italic li m, 317, a. „ Latii, 291, b; 669, b. „ liberorum, 692, b. „ naturale, 656, a. „ non scriptum, 657, b. ., Pontificium, 656, b ; 941, b. ,. possessions, 946, a ; 948, a. „ postliminii, 949, b. „ praediatorium, 955, a. „ praetorium, 444, b ; 657, a. „ privatum, 291, b; 657, b. „ publice epulandi, 1022, b. „ publicum, 291, b; 657, b. „ Quiritium, 291 , b ; 658 a. „ relationis, 1021, a. „ respondendi, 654, a. „ sacrum, 656, b. „ scriptum, 657, b. „ senatus, 1018, b. „ suffragiorum, 291, b. „ superficiarium, 1078, b. „ vocatio, in, 10, b. Jusjurandum, 659, b. „ calumniae, 235, a. Justa funera, 558, b. Justinianeus codex, 301, b. Justitium, 663, b. Jussu quod actio, 663, b. Justum, 659, a. Juvenalia, or juvenales ludi, 663, b. INDEX. L. Labarum, 1045, a. Labrum, 191, a; 192, a. Labyrinthus, 664, a. Lacerna, 665, a. Laciniae, 665, a. Laconicum, 184, b; 190, b; 191, b. Lacunar, 432, a, Lacus, 114, b. Laena, 665, b. Laesa majestas, 724, b. Lagenae, 1203, b. Lancea, 588, a. Lancula, 667, a ; 1 170, b. Lanarius, 919, b. Lanificium, 1099, b. Laniger, 149, b. Lanista, 574, b. Lantema, 669, a. Lanx, 667, a. Lapicidinae, 671, a. Lapis specularis, 432, a. Laquear, 4S2, a. Laqueatores, 575, b. Laqueus, 667, b. Lararium, 667, b. Larentalia, 668, a. Larentinalia, 668, a. Largitio, 77, a. Larva, 889, b. Lata fuga, 515, b. Later, 668, a. Laterculus, 668, a. Laterna, 669, a. Laticlavius, 294, a. Latii jus, 669, b. Latinae feriae, 529, b. Latini Juniani, 705, b. Latinitas, 669, b. Latinus, 291, b. Latium, 669, b. Latomiae, 671, a. Latrina, 1 88, b. Latrocinium, 670, a. Latrones, 670, a. Latrunculi, 670, b. Latumiae, 671, a. Latus clavus, 293, b. Lavatio calda, 190, b; 191, a. Laudatio funebris, 559, a. Laurentalia, 668, a. Lautia, 677, b. Lautomiae, 671, a. Lautumiae, 671, a. Lectica, 671, b. Lecticarii, 671, b; 672, a. Lecticula, 671, b; 672, b. Lectisternium, 673, a. Lectores, 92, a. Lectus, 673, a. „ funebris, 671, b. Legatarius, 675, a Legatio libera, 678, b. Legatum, 675, a. Legatus, 677, b; 967, b. Leges, 682, a. ,. censoriae, 265, a. Leges centuriatae, 682, a. „ curiatae, 332, b ; 6S2, a „ Juliae, 690, b. Legio, 490, a j 597, b. Legis actiones, 9, a. „ Aquiliae actio, 383, b. Legitima hereditas, 598, a 600, a. Legitimae actiones, 9, a. Legitimum spatium, 1033, b. Legitimus modus, 1033, b. Legumina, 57, a. Lembus, 680, a. Lemniscus, 680, a. Lemuralia, 680, b. Lemuria, 680, b. Lenaea, 411, b. Leno, 680, b. Lenocinium, 680, b. Leo, 150, b. Leporaria, 69, b. Lepta, 270, b. Lepus, 152, b. Leria, 708, a. Lernaea, 681, a. Lessus, 559, »• Leuca, 893, b. Leuga, 893, b. Levir, 28, b. Lex, 657, a; 658, b; 681, b. „ Acilia, 986, b. „ Acilia Calpurnia, 77, b. „ Aebutia, 9, a; 267, a; 684, a. „ Aelia, 684, a. „ Aelia Sentia, 684, a; 878, a. „ Aemilia, 684, b. „ „ de censoribus, 684, b. „ Aemilia Baebia, 688, a. „ Aemilia Lepidi, 1077, b. „ Aemilia Scauri, 731, b; 1077, b. „ agraria, 37, a; 685, a. „ ambitus, 77. „ Ampia, 684, b. „ annalis, or Villia, 19, bs 684, b. „ annua, 444, b. „ Antia, 1077, b. „ Antonia, 685, a. „ Apuleia, 641, a; 685, a. „ „ agraria, 685, a. „ „ frumentaria, 548, a; 685, a. „ „ majestatis, 725, a. „ Aquilia, 383, b. „ Aternia Tarpeia, 685, a. „ Atia de sacerdotiis, 685. a. „ Atilia, 685, a; 693, a; 1177, a. „ Atinia, 685, a. „ Aufidia, 78, a, „ Aurelia, 650, a. ,, Baebia, 685, a. „ „ Aemilia, 688, a. „ Caecilia de Censoribus, or „ „ Censoiia,68S b. Lex Caecitia de vectigalibus, 685, b. » » Didia, 685, b. » ,, tabellaria, 1091, a. „ Calpurnia de ambitu, 77, b. » „ de repetundis, 648, b; 649, b; 986, a. „ Canuleia, 685, b. „ Cassia, 685, b. „ „ agraria, 685, b. „ „ tabellaria, 685, b ; 1091, a. ,, „ Terentia frumenta- ria, 685, b. „ Cincia, 685, b. „ Claudia, 686, a. „ Clodiae, 549, b ; 686, a. „ Coelia or Caelia, 1091, a. „ Cornelia agraria, 666, b. „ „ de civitate, 686, b. • „ de falsis, 517, b. ,, „ frumentaria, 549, a. » » de injuriis, 638, a. •, „ judiciaria, 650, a. ,, „ de magistratibus, 686, b. „ ,, majestatis,725, a. „ „ de novis tabellis, 688, a. „ „ numrnaria, 517,b. ,, „ de parricidio, 687, a. „ „ de proscriptione et proscriptis, 963, b. „ „ de repetundis, 986, a. ., „ de sacerdotiis, 997, b. „ „ de sicariis et ve- nefi cis, 670, b ; 687, a; 1188, b. „ „ de sponsoribus, 641, a. „ „ sumtuaria, 1077, b. „ „ testamentaria, 517, b. „ „ de vi publica, 1209, a. „ „ tribunicia, 687, b. „ „ unciaria, 687, b. „ ,, Baebia, 77, b. „ „ Caecilia, 549, b. „ „ et Caecilia, 688, a. „ Curiata de imperio, 172, b ; 333, a. „ Didia, 1077, b. „ Domitia de sacerdotiis, 940, b. „ Duilia, 688, a. „ r maenia, 688, a. INDEX Lex Duodecim Tabularum, 688, a. „ Fabia de plagio, 921, b. „ Falcidia, 676, b. „ Fannia, 1077, b. „ Flaminia, 690, a. „ Flavia agraria, 690, a. „ frumentariae, 549, b. „ Fufia de religione, 690, a. „ „ judiciaria, 650, a. „ Furia or Fusia Caninia, 690, a; 731, a. „ „ de sponsu, 641, a; 732, a. „ „ or Fusia testamen- taria, 676, b. „ Gabinia tabellaria, 1091, a. „ Gabiniae, 78, a ; 690, a. „ Gellia Cornelia, 690, b. „ Genucia, 690, b. „ Hieronica, 690, b; 965, a. „ Horatia, 690, b. „ Hortensia de plebiscitis, 682, a; 690, b; 696, b; 928, a. „ Hostilia de fastis, 690, b. „ Icilia, 690, b. „ judicaria C. Gracchi, 1017, b. „ Julia de adulteriis, 17, a ; 419, a; 680, b. „ „ de ambitu, 77, b. „ „ de civitate, 319, b; 320, a. „ „ municipalis, 635, b ; 691, a. „ „ peculatus, 881, b. „ „ de vi, 633, a. „ Juliae, 690, b; 691, 692, 693, a. „ Juniadeperegrinis,698,a. „ „ Licinia, 693, b. „ „ Norbana, 670, a ; 693, a; 705, b; 731, a. „ „ repetundarum, 986, a. „ „ Velleia, 693, a. „ Laetoria, 698, b. „ Licinia de sodalitiis, 77, b. „ „ Junia, 693, b. „ „ Mucia de civibus regundis,693,b, „ „ sumtuaria, 1077, b. „ Liciniae rogationes, 693, b. „ Liviae, 549, a ; 694, a. „ Lutatia de vi, 1209, a. „ Maenia, 694, b. ,, majestatis, 69 1 , a ; 724, b. „ Mamilia de coloniis, 694, b. „ „ flnium regunda- rum, 694, b. „ mancipii, 728, a. „ Manilia, 694, b. „ Manlia de vicesima, 23, b; 731. b 1269 Lex Marcia, 695, a. „ Maria, 695, a. „ Memmia, or Remmia, 234, b. „ Mensia, 695, a. „ Minucia, 695, a. „ Octavia, 549, a. „ Ogulnia, 695, a. „ Oppia, 1077, a. „ Orchia, 1077, a. „ Ovinia, 695, a; 1018, a. „ Fapia de peregrinis, 695, a. „ „ Poppaea, 206, b ; 418,b; 691, b; 878, b; 879, b. „ Fapiria, or Julia Fapiria de mulctarum aestirna- tione, 695, a. „ Papiria, 695, a. „ „ Plautia, 695, b. „ „ Poetelia, 696, a. „ „ tabellaria, 1091, a. „ Pedia, 695, b. „ Peducaea, 695, b. „ Pesulania, 695, b. „ Petreia, 695, b. „ Petronia, 695, b. „ Pinaria, 695, b. „ Plaetoria, 374, b ; 409, a. „ Plautia, or Plotia de vi, 1209, a. „ „ or Plotia judi- ciaria, 650, a ; 695, b. „ „ Papiria, 293, a ; 695, b. „ Poetelia, 77, b ; 696, a. ,, „ Papiria, 696, a j 797, a. „ Pompeia, 696, a. „ „ de ambitu, 77, b; 650, a; 696, a. „ „ judiciaria, 650, a. „ „ de jure magis- tratuum,6S6, a, „ „ de parricidiis, 687, a. „ „ tribunitia, 696, a. „ „ de vi, 633, a; 650, a ; 696, a; 1209, a. „ Pompeiae, 696, a. „ Popilia, 695, a. „ Porciae de capite civium 696, a. „ Porcia de provinciis, 696 a. „ Publicia, 696, a. „ Publilia, 696, a. „ „ de alea, 75, a. „ „ de sponsoribus, 641, a; 732, a. „ Publiliae, 696, b; 928, > „ Pupia, 697, a. 1270 Lex Quintia, 697, a. „ regia, 697, a; 1149, a. „ regiae, 332, a. „ Remmia, 234, b. „ repetundarum, 956, a. „ de residiis, 881, b. , Rhodia, 697, a. „ Roscia theatralis, 697, b ; 1123, b. „ Rubria, 697, b. „ Rupiliae, 698, a; 964, b. „ sacratae, 698, a. „ Satura, 683, a ; 1008, b. „ Scantinia, 698, b. „ Scribonia, 698, b. „ Sempronia de foenore, 699, a. „ Semproniae, 698, b. „ Servilia agraria, 699, a. „ „ Caepionis, 649, b. „ „ Glaucia de civi- tate, 986, b. ,, „ Glaucia de repe- tundis,649, b; 986, b. „ „ judiciaria, 649, b ; 699, a. „ Silia, 699, a. „ Silvani et Carbonis,695,b. „ Sulpicia Sempronia, 699, b. „ Sulpieiae, 699, b. „ Sumptuariae, 1077, a. „ Tabellariae, 1091, a. „ Tarpeia Aternia, 685, a. „ Terentia Cassia, 549, a. „ Terentilia, 699, a. „ Testamentariae, 699, b. „ Thoria, 699, b. „ Titia, 700, b. „ „ de alea, 75, a. „ „ de tutoribus, 700, b. „ Trebonia, 700, b. „ Tribunicia, 1 149, a. „ Tullia de ambitu, 77, b. „ „ de legatione li- bera, 679, a. „ Valeria, de proscriptione, 963, b. ,, Valeriae, 700, b. „ „ et Horatiae, 700, b; 928, a. „ Varia, 725, a. „ Vatinia de provinciis, 701, a. „ „ deoolonis, 701, a. „ de vi, 1209, a. „ viaria, 701, a; 1193, a. „ vieesimaria, 1196, a. „ Villia annalis, 701, b. „ Visellia, 96, a; 701, b. „ Voconia, 696, b j 701, b. Libatio, 1000, a. Libella, 702, b ; 70C, a. Libellus, 792, b; 843, b. Liber, 637, a ; 703, b ; 704, b. ,, statu, 730, b. Libera fuga, 515, b. INDKX. Liberales ludi, 414, b. Liberalia, 414, a. Liberalis causa, 143, a. „ manus, 143, a. Liberalitas, 77, a. Liberi, 637, a ; 705, a. Libertas, 704, b. Libertus (Greek), 705, a. „ (Roman), 705, a. Libertinus, 637, a. Libitinarii, 558, a. Libra, 706, a. „ or as, 706, a; 810, a. Librae, 151, a. Libramentum, 113, b. Libraria taberna, 704, b. Librarii, 570, b ; 704, b ; 706, b. Librarius legionis, 7, b. Librator, 707, a. Libripens, 727, b. Liburna, 786, a. Liburnica, 786, a. Lioeri, 172, a. Licia, 1101, a. Liciatorum, 1101, a. Licinia lex de sodalitiis, 77, b. „ Junia lex, 693, b. „ Mucia lex, 693, b. - „ lex sumturia, 1076, b. Liciniae rogationes, 693, b. Licitari, 172, a. Lictor, 707, a. Ligo, 707, b. Ligula, 707, b ; 979, a. Lima, 707, b. Limbus, 707, b. Limen, 624, b ; 949, b. Limes, 29, b. Limitatio, 29, b. Limus, 1075, a. Linearii, 29, b. Lin teamen, 851, b. Linteones, 1099, a. Linteum, 674, b. Linum, 1092, a. Lirare, 49, b. Literae, 843, b. Literarum obligatio, 818, a. Literati, 1041, b. Lithostrotum, 431, a. Litis contestatio, 708, a ; 8 1 9, a. Litus dividuae exceptio, 11, b. Lituus, 709, b. Lixae, 234, b. Locare agrum, 43, a ; 48, b. Locarii, 88, b. Locati et conducti actio, 710, a. Locatio, 710, a. „ fructus, 43, a. Locator, 710, a. Loculamentum, 203, a. Loculus, 569, b. Locuples, 710, a. Locus liberatus et effatus, 1 104, a. Lodicula, 710, a. Lodix, 710, a. Logistae, 376, b. Lomentum, 57, b. Lora, 1203, a. Lorarii, 540, a, Lorica, 711, a. Lucar, 613, a. Lucerences, 875, b ; 1 155, b. Luceres, 875, b ; 1155, b. Lucerna, 713, a. Lucta, 713, b. Luctatio, 713, b. Ludi, 714, b. Apollinares, 715, a. Augustales, 179, b. Capitolini, 715, a. Circenses, 286, b ; 7 1 4, b 715, b. compitalitii, 1347, b. Consuales, 286, b. Florales, 542, a. funebres, 715, b. honorarii, 716, a. liberales, 414, b. magni, 715, b. Martiales, 716, a. Megalenses, 749, a. natalitii, 716, a. Palatini, 716, a. piscatorii, 716, a. plebeii, 716, a. pontifical es, 716. b, quaestorii, 716, b. quinquennales, 9, a. Romani, 716, b. saeculares, 716, b. scenici, 714, b; 749, a. Tarentini, 716, b. Taurii, 716, b. Ludus, 574, b. duodecim scriptorum, 671, a. latrunculorum, 670, b. Trojae, 288, a. Lumen, 1 1 5, a ; 538, b. Luminum servitus, 1031, b. Lupanar, 258, b, Lupatum, 548, a. Lupercalia, 718, a. Luperci, 718, a. Lupus ferreus, 719, a. Lustratio, 719, a. Lustrum, 259, a; 719, b. Lychnuchus, Lyra, 148, b; 720, a. M. Macchus, 347, a. Macedonianum senatusconsul- tum, 1026, a. Macellarius, 722, a. Macellum, 722, a. Maceria, 769, b. Machinae, 722, a. Macrum solum, 45, b. Mactra, I, a. Maenia lex, 694, b. Maenianum, 86, b ; 88, a ; 723, a. Magadis, 721, a; 779, a. Magister, 723, a. ,, admissionum, 1 4, b. Magister armorum, 723, a. „ auctiones, 208, b. „ convivii, 1082, b. „ epistolarum, 723, a. „ equitum, 407, b. „ libellorum, 723, a. „ memoriae, 723, a. „ militum, 723. a. „ navis, 480, b. „ officiorum, 723, a. „ populi, 405, a. „ scriniorum, 723, b. „ societatis, 723, b. „ vicorum, 723, b. Magistratus, 723, b. Magnifici, 628, a. Maius, 232, a. Majestas, 724, b. Majores, 636, b. Malleolus, 726, a. Malleus, 726, a. Malluvium, 729, b. Malus, 789, a. Malus oculus, 521, b. Mamilia lex, 694, b. Mammaeani, 75, b. Manceps, 265, a ; 726, b. Mancipatio, 727, b ; 1116, a. Mancipi res, 421, b; 1218, a. Mancipii, 728, a. „ causa, 726, b. Mancipium, 727, a. Maxidata principum, 728, b. Mandatarius, 728, b. Mandatl actio, 728, b. Mandator, 728, b. Mandatum, 728, b. Mandrae, 671, a. Mane, 409, a. Mangones, 1040, a. Manica, 729, a. Manicula, 1 1 8, a. Manilia lex, 694, b. Manipulares, 500, b. Manipularii, 500, b. Manipulus, 494, a; 497, a; 500, b. Manlia lex, 731, b. Mansio, 729, a. Mansionarius, 729, b. Mansiones, 729, b; 880, b. Mantele, 729, b. Manuarium aes, 26, b. Manubiae, 951, b; 1053, b. Manum, conventio in, 740, b ; 742, a. Manumissio, 730, a. Manumissor, 730, b. Manus, 26, b. „ ferrea, 586, b. „ injectio, 731, b. Mappa, 729, b. Marcia lex, 695, a. Margines, 1192, b. Maria lex, 695, a. Marsupium, 732, b. Martialis flamen, 504, a. Martiales ludi, 716, a. Martius, 232. Mastigia, 540, a. INDEX. Mastiche, 903, b. Matara, 589, a. Mater, 310, a. Materfamilias, 51 9, b ; 740, b. Mathesis, 144, b. Matralia, 735, a. Matrimonium, 785, b. Matrona, 741, a. Matronales feriae, 744, a. Matronalia, 744, a. Mausoleum, 561, a; 744, a. Mazonomus, 745, b. Mediastini, 48, a ; 745, b. Medicamina, 1204, a. Medicina, 745, b. Medicus, 747, a. Medimnus, 748, b. Meditrinalia, 748, b. Medix tuticus, 748, b. Medulla nudata, 55, b. Megalenses ludi, 749, a. Megalensia, 149, a. Megalesia, 749, a. Melligo, 70, b. Membrana, 703, b. Meimnia lex, 234, b. Mensa, 749, b. „ de, 131, a. " Mensae Delphicae, 2, a. „ scripturam, per, 1 31 , a. Mensam per, 181, a. Mensarii, 750, a. Mensularii, 750, a. Mensta lex, 695, a. Mensis, 238, a. Mensores, 71, b; 750, b. Menstruum, 1041, b. Mensura, 750, a. Mercenarii, 758, a. Mercenarius, 48, a. Merenda, 306, b. Meridiani, 575, b. Meridies, 409, a. Messio, 52, b. Metae, 284, a. Metallum, 759, a. Methodici, 746, b. Metretes, 762, a ; 1223, b. Metronomi, 762, b. Milium, 56, a. Mille passuum, 762, b. Milliare, 762, b. Milliarium, 762, b. „ aureum, 763, a. Milvus, 154, a. Mimus, 763, a. Mina, 931, b. Minores, 374, b ; 636, b. Minucia lex, 695, a. Minutio capitis, 239, b. Mirmillones, 575, b. Missio, 499, b : 575, a. „ causaria, 499, b. „ honesta, 499, b. „ ignominiosa, 499, b. Missus, 287, b. „ aerarius, 287, b. Mitra, 329, b; 1224, b. Mixta actio, 10, a. Modiolus, 378, b j 764, b. 1271 Modius, 764, b. Modulus, 764, b. „ acceptorius, 115, a. „ erogatorius, 1 1 5, a. Modus legitimus, 1033, b. Moenia, 769, b. Mola, 765, a. „ salsa, 743, a ; 999, b Monarchia, 766, a. Monaulos, 1180, b. Moneta, 766, a ; 808, b. Monetales triumviri, 766, a Monetarii, 767, a. Monile, 767, b. Monitor, 1122, a. Monopodium, 758, a. Monoxylon, 783, a; 875, b. Monstrum, 961, a. Monumentum, 561, a. Morator, 287, a. Morbus comitialis, 336, b. Mortarium, 768, b. Morum regimen, 263, a. „ cura, or praefectura, 263, b. Mos, 657, a. Motio e senatu, 264, a. „ e tribu, 264, b. Muciana cautio, 259, b. Mulier, 1179, a. Miilleus, 222, a. Mulsa, 1205, b. Mulsum, 1205, a. Multa, 929, a. Munerator, 574, a. Municeps, 318, b. Municipes, 318, b. Municipium, 318, b. Munifex, 202, a. Munus, 574, a ; 61 3, b. Munychia, 769, a. Muralis corona, 360, b. Muries, 1190, a. Murrea vasa, 769, b. Murrhina vasa, 769, b. Murus, 769, b. Muscarium, 539, b. Musculus, 772, a. Museum, 772, b. Musica muta, 862, a. Musivarii, 915, b, Musivum opus, 431, a , 91 5, m Mustaceum, 743, a. Mustum, 1201, b. Mutationes, 729, b. Mutui actio, 780, b. „ datio, 780, b. Mutuli, 325, a. Mutus, 818, a; 1113, a. Mutuum, 780, b. Mysteria, 781, a. Mystrum, 782, a. N. Nacca,551, b. Naenia, 559, a. Narthecia, 1214, a. Natalitii ludi, 716, a. Natalibus restitutio, 637, b. 4 M 4 1272 Natatio, 189, b ; 195, a. Natatorium, 1 89, b. Naturales, 879, b. Navalia, 782, a. Navalis corona, 360, a. „ scriba, 1012, a. Navarchus, 782, b. Navis, 783, a. „ aperta, 784, b. Naumachia, 792, b. Naumachiarii, 792, b. Nauta, 480, b. Nebris, 793, b. Necessarii heredes, 598, b. Nefasti dies, 409, b. Negativa actio, 350, a. Negatoria actio, 350, a ; 1 033, a. Negligentia, 373, a. Negotiatores, 794, b. Negotiorum gestorum actio, 794, a. Nenia, 559, a. Nepos, 310, a. Neptis, 310, a. Neptunalia, 795, b. Neroniana, 983, a. Nexum, 795, b. Nexus, 796, a. Nidus, 203, a. Nisus, or Nixus, 148, b. Nobiles, 798, b. Nobilitas, 798, b. Nodus, 800, a. Nomen, 527, a ; 800, a. „ expedire,or expungere, 131, a. „ Latin um, 1050, a. „ (Greek), 800, a. „ (Roman), 800, b. Nomenclator, 77, a. Nonae, 231, b. Norma, 806, a. Nota, 806, a. „ censoria, 263, b ; 635, b. Notarii, 8, b ; 222, a ; 806, a ; 807, a. Notatio censoria, 263, b. Novacula, 197, b. Novale, 60, b. Novalis, 60, b. Novatio, 819, a. Novellae, 807, a. „ constitutionis, 807, a. November, 232. Novendiale, 562, a ; 807, b. Noverca, 28, b. Novi homines, 799, a. „ operis nuntiatio, 835, a. Noxa, 808, a; 929, a. Noxalis actio, 807, b. Noxia, 808, a. Nubilarium, 53, a. Nucleus, 1192, a. Nudipedalia, 221, a. Nudus, 808, b. Numeratio, 1019, b. Numisma, 808, b. Nummularii, 750, a. Numularii, 750, a. Nummus, or Numus, 808, b. INDEX. Nummus aureus, 182, a. Nuncupatio, 1116, b. Nundinae, 815, b. Nundinum, 816, b. Nuntiatio, 1 76, b ; 835, b. Nuptiae, 735, b. Nurus, 28, b. O. Oarion, or Orion, 152, a ; 161, b. Obarator, 52, a. Obeliscus, 816, b. Obices, 626, b. Obligatio, 817, a. Obligationes, 817, a. Obnuntiatio, 176, b. Obolus,821,b;931,b; 1213,b. Obrogare legem, 682, b. Obsidionalis corona, 359, a. Obsonium, 835, b. Occasus, 155. Occatio, 52, a ; 984, b. Occupatio, 821, b. Ocimum, or Ocymum, 59, b. Ocrea, 822, a. Octavae, 1184, b. Octavia lex, 549, a. . October, 232, „ equus, 880, a. Oetophoron, 672, b. Oecus, 428, b. Oenomelum, 1205, b. Oenophorum, 823, b. Oenophorus, 823, b. Oesipum, 1214, b. Offendix, 102, a. Officiates, 508, b. Officium admissionis, 14, b. Offringere, 49, b. Ogulnia lex, 695, a. Olea, 823, b. Oleagina corona, 361, b. Olenie, 149, a. Olenium astrum, or pecus, 149, a. Oletum, 823, b. Oleum, 823, b. Oliva, 823, b. Olivetum, 823, b. Olla, 561, bj 827, a. Olor, 149, a. Olympia, 9, a; 828, a. Onager, 1139, a. Onerariae naves, 358, b. Oneris ferendi servitus, 1031, b. Onyx, alabaster, 74, a. Opalia, 835, a ; 1009, b. Operae, 878, b. „ servorum et anima- lium, 1031, a. Operarii, 8, b ; 47, b. Operis novi nuntiatio, 835, a. Opifera, 790, b. Opima spolia, 1054, a. Opimianum vinum, 1201, b. Opinatores, 835, b. Opistographi, 704, a. Oppia lex, 1077, a. Oppidum, 285, a. Opsonator, 836, a. Opsonium, 835, b. Optio, 497, 506, a. Optimates, 799, b. Opus, or acceptum referre, 265, b. „ novum, 835, a. Oraculum, 836, b. Orarium, 843, a. Oratio, 16, b. Orationes principum, 843, a Orator, 843, b. Orbis, 532, b. Orbus, 692, b. Orca, 1048, b. Orchestra, 1 122, a. Orchia lex, 1077, a. Orcinus libertus, 730, b. „ senator, 730, b ; 1C17, a. Ordinarii gladiatores. 575, b. „ servi, 1041, a. Ordinarius judex, 968,a; 969, a. Ordinum ductores, 497, aj 504, b. Ordo, 318, a; 501, b; 676, bj 845, a. „ decurionum, 318, a; 845, a. „ equestris, 473, b ; 845, a. „ senatorius, S45, a ; 1018 a. Oreae, 548, a. Organum, 722, a. Orichalcum, 25, a ; 845, b. Originarii, 311, b. Ornamentatriumphalia,l 1 67,b Ornatrix, Orneatae, 888, b. Ornithones, 68, b. Ortus, 155, b. Oscines, 1 75, b. Oscillum, 846, a. Ostentum, 961, a. Ostiarium, 846, a. Ostiarius, 427, b. Ostium, 427, a ; 624, a. Ova, 284, a. Ovalis corona, 361, a. Ovatio, 846, a. Ovile, 336, b. Ovinia lex, 101 8, a. Pabula, 58, b. Pactio, 820, b. Factum, 821, a. Paean, 846, b. Paedagogia, 847, b. Paedagogium, 847, b. Paedagogus, 847, a. Paenula, 848, a. Paganalia, 848, b. Pagani, 848, b. Paganica, 919, a. Pagi, 848, b. Pala, 96, b ; 848, b. Palaestra, 849, a. Palangae, 894, a. Palaria, 854, b. Palatini ludi, 716, a. Palea, 57, a. Palilia, 849, b. Palilicium, or Parilicium sidus, 150, a. Palimpsestus, 704, a. Palla, 850, b. Palliata fabula, 346, b. Palliatus, 853, b. Pallidum, 850, b. Pallium, 850, b. Palmipes, 853, b. Palmus, 75, b ; 372, b ; 853, b. Paludamentum, 853, b. Paludatus, 853, b. Palus, 854, b. Panathenaea, 855, a. Pancratiastae, 857, b. Pancratium, 857, a. Pandectae, 858, a. Panegyris, 861, b. Panicura, 56, a. Panis gradilis, 550, b. Pantomimus, 862, a. Papia lex de peregrinis, 695, a. „ Poppaea lex, 206, b; 418, b; 691, b; 878, b; 879, b. Papiria lex, 695, a. „ Pl&utia lex, 695, b. „ Poetelia lex, 696, a. „ tabellaria lex, 1091, a. Papyrus, 703, b. Par impar ludere, 863, a. Paradisus, 863, b. Paragauda, 864, a. Paraphema, 437, a. Parasiti, 867, a. Parentalia, 562, b. Paries, 868, a. Parilia, 849, b. Parma, 496, b ; 870, a. Parmula, 870, a. Parochi, 870, b. Paropsis, 870, b. Parricida, 687, b. Parricidium, 687, a. Partiarius, 48, b. Pascendi servitus, 1032, a. Pascua, 1184, a. „ publica, 1012, a. Passutn, 1203, b. . Passus, 751, b; 871, a. Pastio, 61, a. „ agrestis, 61, a. „ villatica, 66, a. Pastophoros, 871, a. Patella, 871, b. Pater, 310, a. „ familias, 519, b ; 874, a. „ patratus, 531, a. Patera 871, b. Pathologia, Patibulum, 563, a. Patina, 872, b. Patres, 875, a; 1016, a. INDEX. Patres conscripti, 1016, b. Patria potestas, 873, a. Patrioii, 875, a. Patrimi et matrimi, or Patri- mes et matrimes, 877, b. Patrimus, 877, b. Patrona, 878, a. Patronomi, 877, b. Patronus, 878, a. Patruus, 310, a. Pavimentum, 431, a; 1192, b. Pavonaceum, 1099, a. Pauperie, actio de, 880, b. Pauperies, 880, b. Fausarii, 880, b. Peeten, 881, a; 1101, b. Pecuarii, 881, a. Peculator, 881, a. Peculatus, 881, a. Peculio, actio de, 1037, b. Peculium, 869, b ; 10S7, b. „ castrense, 874, b. Pecunia, 808, b. „ certa, 818, a. „ vacua, 131, a. Pecuniae repetundae, 986, a. Pecus, 881, a. „ hirtum, 61, b. „ Tarentinum, or Graecum, 61, b. Pedaneus judex, 651, a. Pedarii senatores, 851, a; 1018, a. Pedisequi, 881, b. Peducaea, lex, 695, b. Pedum, 881, b. Pegasus, 149, b. Pegma, 882, a. Pegmares, 882, a. Pellex, 349, b. Pellis, 882, a. Pelta, 882, b. Penicillus -urn, 903, a. Pentacosiomedimni, 266, a ; 1155, a. Pentathli, 883, a. Pentathlon, 883, a. Peplum, 884, b. Per condictionem, 885, b. Per judicis postulationem, 885, b. Per manus injectionem, 731, b. Per pignoris capionem, or cap- tionem, 885, b. Pera, 886, a. Perduellio, 725, a. Perduellionis duumviri, 886, b. Peregrinus, 291, b. Peremptoria exceptio, 11, b. Perferre legem, 682, b. Pergula, 886, b. Periscelis, 889, a. Peristiarchus, 441, b. Peristroma, 674, b ; 1079, b. Peristylium, 425, a ; 428, a; 889, b. Peritiores, 653, b. Permutatio, 130, b. Pero, 889, b. Perpetua actio, 8, a ; 10, b. 1273 Perscribere, 131, a. Perscriptio, 131, a. Persae, 149, b. Perseus, 149, a. Perula, 886, a. Prosecutoria actio, 10, a. Persona, 889, b. Pertica, 893, a. Pes, 751, b; 893, a. „ Drusianus, 893, b. „ sestertius, 893, b. Pessulus, 626, b. Pesulani lex, 695, b. Petasus, 920, a ; 1213, b. Petauristae, 894, a. Petaurum, 893, b. Petitor, 13, a ; 77, a. Petorritum, 894, a, Petreia lex, 695, b. Petronia lex, 695, b. Phalae, 284, b. Phalangae, 894, a. Phalangarii, 894, a. Phalanx, 481, b; 482, b, 488, a. Phalarica, 589, a. Fhalera, 894, a. Phallus, 411, a; 521, b. Pharetra, 894, b. Pharos, or Pharus, 895, a. Phaselus, 895, b. Phengites, 1052, b. Philyra, 703, b. Phrygio, 851, a. Picatio, 1202, a. Pictura, 899, b. Pignoraticia actio, 917, b. Pignoris capio, 916, b. Pignus, 915, b. Pila, 768, b; 918, a. „ trigonalis, 919, a. Pilani, 501, b. Pilentum, 919, a. Pileolum, 919, b. Pileolus, 919, b. Pileum, 91 9, b. Pileus, 919, b. Pilicrepus, 918, b. Pilum,497, a; 588, a; 768, b. Pinacotheca, 921, a. Pinaria lex, 695, b. Pinsere, 54, b. Piscatorii ludi, 716, a. Pisces, 151, b. Piscis, 153, b. Piscina, 70, a ; 114, a ; 189, b; 191, b; 195, a; 921, a. Pistillum, 768, b. Pistor, 921, a. Pistrinum, 765, b ; 768, b. Pistris, or Pistrix, 152, a. Pittacium, 533, b. Plaetoria lex, 374, b ; 409, a. Plaga, 989, b. Plagiarius, 921, b. Plagium, 921, b. Planetae, 922, a. Planetarii, 144, b. Plaustrum, or Plostrum, 147, b ; 923, a. 1874 Plautia, or Flotia lex de vi 1209, a. „ judiciaria, 650, a; 69.5 b. Plebeii, 923, b. „ ludi, 716, a. Plebes, 923, b. Plebiscitum, 682, a ; 927, b. Plebs, 923, b. Plectrum, 721, b. Pleni menses, 226, a ; 227, b. Pleiades, 150, a ; 157, b. Pleurici, 30, b. Plostellum poenicum, 53, a. Plumarii, 923, a. Pluteus, 674, b ; 928, b. Pneumatici, 746, b. Pnyx, 440, b. Poculum, 923, b. Podium, 86, b ; 88, a : 323, b ; 929, a. Poecile, 944, a. Poena, 929, a. Poetelia Papiria lex, 696, a ; 797, a. Politor, 48, b. Pollen, 55, b. Pollex, 372, b; 751, b; 893, b. Pollicaris, 893, b. Pollicitatio, 821, a. Pollinctores, 558, a. Polus, 615, a; 929, b Polychromy, 905, b ; 1092, a. Polymita, 1102, b. Pomeridianum tempus, 409, a. Pomoerium, 930, a. Pompa, 931, a. „ Circensis, 287, a. Pompeiae leges, 696, a. Pondera, 931, a. Pondo, 706, a. Pons, 336, b ; 936, b. „ Aelius, 938, b. „ Aemilius, 937, b. „ Cestius, 937, b. „ Fabricius, 937, b. „ Janiculensis, 938, a. „ Milvius, 938, a. „ Palatinus, 937, b. „ Sublicius, 937, a. „ suffragiorum, 939, b. „ Vaticanus, 936, a. Pontifex, 938, b. Pontificales libri, 941, a. „ ludi, 716, b. Pontifices minores, 942, a. Pontificii libri, 941, a. Pontificium jus, 656, b ; 941. Popa, 258, b ; 373, b ; 1000, a. Popilia lex, 695, a. Popina, 258, b. Poplifugia, 942, b. Populares, 799, b. „ actiones, 1200, b. Popularia, 88, b. Populi scitum, 682, b. Populifugia, or Poplifugia, 942, b. Populus, 88, b. Por, 1039, 1) INDEX. , Porciae eges, 696, a. Porta, 943, a. , „ decumana, 249, a; 251, b. „ Libitinensis, 285, b. „ pompae, 285, b. „ praetoria, or extraordi- naria, 249, a; 251, b. „ principalis, 249, a. „ quaestoria, 249, a. „ triumphalis, 285, b. Portentum, 961, a. Porticus, 944, a. Portisculus, 944, b. Portitores, 945, a ; 973, b. Portorium, 944, b. Portumnalia, 945, b. Portunalia, 945, b. Posca, 945, b. Possessio, 38, a; 945, b; 949, a. „ bonae fidei, 422, b. „ bonorum, 208, b. „ clandestina, 643, b. Possessor, 946, b ; 949, a. Postes, 624, b. Posticum, 624, b. Postliminium, 949, b. Postmeridianum tempus, 409, a. Postsignani, 502, b. Postulaticii, 575, b. Postumus, 601, a. Potestas, 873, a. Praecidianeae feriae, 530, a. Praecinctio, 87, a ; 88, b ; 1121, a. Praecinctus, 1173, a. Praecones, 951, b; 1125, a. Praeconium, 951, b. Praeda,950,b; 951, b; 1053, b. Praedia, 954, b ; 955, a. Praediator, 954, b. Praediatorium jus, 955, a. Praediorum servitutes, 1031 ; 1033, a. Praedium, 952, a. Praefecti sociorum, 497, b. Praefectus, 967, b. „ aerarii, 24, a. „ alimentorum, 75, b. „ annonae, 540, b ; 952, a. „ aquarum, 115, b. „ castrorum, 952, b. „ classis, 952, b. „ fabrum, 517, b. „ juri dicundo, 318, b. „ praetorio, 952, b. „ vigilum, 510, a. „ urbi, 953, a ; 993, a. Praefectura, 318, b ; 319, a. Praeficae, 558, b. Praefurnium, 192, b; 546, a. Praejudicium, 954, a. Praelusio, 575, a. Praenomen, 801, b. Praepetes, 175, b. Praepositus, 954, b. Praevogativa centuria, „ tribus, 338, b; 339, b. Praerogativae, 339, b. Praes, 954, b. Praescriptio, 12, a ; 955, a. Praeses, 967, b ; 969, a. Praesidia, 250, b. Praestatio, 955, b. Praetentura, 251, b ; 253, b. Praeteritii senatores, 264, b 1018, a. Praetexta, 1137, a. Praetextata fabula, 346, b. Praetextatus, 631, a. Praetor, 956, a. „ peregrinus, 956, b. „ urbanus, 956, b. Praetoria actio, 10, a. „ cohors, 957, a. Praetoriani, 957, a. Praetorii latera, 251, b; 253, a. Praetorium, 246, bj 251, b; 253, a j 958, a. Praevaricatio, 1027, b. Pragmatici, 844, a. Prandium, 306, a. Precarium, 39, b ; 643, b. Prehensio, 1151, b. Prelum, or Praelum, 958, a. Prensatio, 77, a. Primicerius, 958, a. Primipilaris, 508, b. Primipilus, 505, a. Princeps juventutis, 475, a. „ senatus, 1017, b. Principales constitutiones, 351, a. Principes, 494, b ; 496, b. Principia, 502, a. „ via, 248, a. Principium, 332, a. Privatae feriae, 528, a. Privatum jus, 291, b; 657, b. Privilegium, 514, b; 516, a; 683, b ; 805, b. Privigna, 28, b. Privignus, 28, b. Proamita, 810, a. Proavia, 310, a. Proavunculus, 310, a. Proavus, 310, a. Probatio nummorum, 131, b. Proconsul, 960, b ; 967, b. Procubitores, 503, a. Procuratio prodigiorum, 961 , a. Procurator, 12, a; 47, a; 48, a; 222, a; 961, a; 967, b. „ alimentorum, 75, b. „ peni, 260, b. Procyon, 1 52, b. Prodigium, 961, a. Prodigus, 1113, b. Proeliales dies, 410, a. Profesti dies, 409, b. Progenor, 28, b. Projiciendi Servitus, 1031, b Proletarii, 239, a. Promatertcra, 310, a. Promissa, 741, b. Promissor, 817, b. Promulsis, 307, a ; 1205, b. Promus, 260, b. Promuscondus, 260, b. Pronepos, 310, a. Proneptis, 810, a. Pronubae, 744, a. Pronubi, 743, b. Pronurus, 28, b. Propatruus, 810, a. Propes, 790, b. Propnigeum, 192, b. Proportionales, 30, b. Propraetor, 967, a. Proprietas, 422, a. Prora, 786, a. Proscenium, 1122, a. Prosoindere, 49, b. Proscribere, 963, b. Proscripti, 963, b. Proscriptio, 963, b. Prosecta, 1000, a. Prosiciae, 1000, a. Prosocrus, 28, b. Prospectus servitus, 1031, b. Protropum, 1201, b. Provincia, 964, b. Provocatio, 107, a. Provocatores, 575, b. Proximus admissionum, 14, b. „ infantiae, 637, a. „ pubertati, 636, b. Prudentiores, 653, b. Pubertas, 374, b ; 636, b. Pubes, 631, a; 837, a. Publicae feriae, 528, b. Publicani, 972, b. Publici servi, 1039, aj 1041, a. Publicia lex, 696, a. Publiciana in rem actio, 974, a. Publicum, 23, b; 40, a; 972, b. „ jus, 291, b ; 657, b. Publicus ager, 29, a ; 949, a. Publilia lex, 696, a. Publiliae leges, 696, b. Puer, 1039, b. Pugilatus, 974, b. Pugiles, 974, b. Pugillares, 1092, a. Pugio, 975, a. Pullarius, 176, a. Pullati, 88, b. Pulmentarium servorum, 48, b. Pulpitum, 1 122, b. Puis fabata, 57, b. Pulvinar, 286, b; 975, b. Pulvinus, 975, b. Punctae, 115, a. Pupia lex, 697, a. Pupillus, 3, a; 630, a; 636, b ; 1177, b. Pupillaris substitutio, 599, b. Puppis, 787, a. Puteal, 976, a. Puteus, 113, a; 189, b. Puticulae, 560, b. Puticuli, 560, b. Pyra, 559, b. Pyrgus, 548, b. INDEX. Pythia, 837, a. Pytho, 836, a. Pyxidula, 978, b. Pyxis, 978, b. Q. I27S Quod jussu, actio, 663, b. Quorum bonorum, interdic- tum, 983, b. Quadragesima, 978, b. Quadrans, 140, b. Quadrantal, 979, a. Quadratarii, 915, b. Quadriga, 379, b. Quadriremes, 785, b. Quadrupes, 880, b. Quadruplatores, 980, a. Quadruplicatio, 12, a. Quadrussis, 141, a. Quaesitor, 648, b. Quaestiones, 648, b. „ perpetuae, 648, b. Quaestor, 980, a. Quaestores alimentorum, 75, b. „ classici, 981, a; 980, b. „ parricidii, 648, b. „ pecuniae alimenta- riae, 75, b. rerum capitalium, 648, b. „ sacri palatii, 982, a. „ urbani, 981, b. Quaestorii ludi, 716, b. Quaestorium, 249, a; 253, b. Quaestura Ostiensis, 981, b. Quales-quales, 104], b. Qualus, 220, b. Quanti minoris actio, 982, a. Quartarius, 979, a; 982, b. Quasillariae, 220, b; 1099, b. Quasillus, 220, b. Quatuorviri juri dicundo, 318, b. „ viarum curanda- rum, 1193, b. Querela inoniciosi testament), 1 1 1 8, a. Quinarius, 398, b. Quinctilis, 232, a. Quincunx, 140, b. Quindecemviri, 387, a. Quinquagesima, 982, b. Quinquatria, 982, b. Quinquatrus, 982, b. „ minores or mi- nusculae, 983, a, Quinquennalia, 983, a. Quinquennalis, 318, b. Quinqueremes, 785, b. Quinquertium, 883, a. Quinqueviri, 983, a. „ mensarii, 750, a; 983, a. Quintana, 248, a. Quintia lex, 697, a. Quintilis, 232, a. Quirinalia, 983, a. Quirinaiis Jimen, 540, a. Quiritium jus, 291, b ; 658, a. R. Radius, 378, b. Ramnenses, 875, b ; 1 155, b. Ramnes, 875, bj 1155, b. Rapina, 58, b. ,, or rapta bona, 564, a. Rallum, 984, b. Rallus, 984, b. Rastellus, 984, b. Rasitare, 1 97, b. Raster, 984, b. Rastrum, 984, b. Rates, 783, a. Rationes, 131 , a. Rationibus distrahendis actio 1178, b. Recepta; de recepto, actio, 984, b. Recinium, 995, a. Recinus, 995, a. Rector, 969, a. Recuperatores, 11, b; 646, b. Reda, 994, b. Redemptor, 265, b; 710, a; 985, a. Redhibitoria actio, 985, a. Redimiculum, 985, b. Refriva, 57, b. Regia, 198, a. „ lex, 1149, a. Regifugium, 985, b. Regina sacrorum, 994, a. Regula, 985, b. Rei residuae exceptio, 11, b. ,, uxoriae, or dotis actio, 438, a. Relatio, 1019, b; 1021, a. Relegatio, 515, b. Relegatus, 515, b. Religiosus, 562, a. Remancipatio, 419, a; 455, b. Remmia lex, 234, b. Remulcum, 986, a. Remuria, 680, 1). Remus, 788, a. Renuntiatio, 336, b; 388, b. Repagula, 626, b. Reparator, 49, b. Repetundae, 986, a. Replicatio, 12, a. Repolire, 53, b. Repositorium, 807, b. Repotia, 744, a. Repudium, 419, a. Repurgare, 53, b. Res, 421, b. „ communes, 421, b. „ corporales, 421, b. „ divini juris, 421, b; 657, a. „ frumentaria, 1221, n, „ hereditariae, 421, b. „ human i juris, 421, b 657, a. 1276 Res immobiles, 421, b. „ incorporates, 421, b. „ raanoipi, 421, b; 1218, a. „ mobiles, 421, b. „ nee mancipi, 422, 1218, a. „ nullius, 421, b. „ privatae, 421, b. „ publicae, 421, b. „ religiosae. 421, b. „ sacrae, 421, b. „ sanctae, 421, b. „ singulae, 421, b. f , universitatis, 421, b. „ tixoria, 487, a. Rescissoria actio, 641, b. Rescriptum, 351, b. Resina lentiscina, 903, b. Respondere, 107, b. Responsa, 653, b. Respublica, 1215, b. Restitutio in integrum, 987, a. Restitutoria actio, 641, b. Rete, 988, b. Retentio dotis, 418, b. Retentura, 251, b; 253, b. Retiarii, 575, b. Reticulum, 329, a; 988, b. Retinaculum, 989, b. Retis, 988, b. Reus, 12, 819, a. Rex, 990, a. „ convivii, 1082, b. „ sacrificulus, 994, a. „ sacrificus, 994, a. „ sacrorum, 994, a. Rheda, 994, b. Rhodia lex, 697, b. Rica, 541, a. Ricinium, 995, a. Robigalia, 995, b. Robur, 241, a. Robus, 54, a. Rogare legem, 628, b. Rogatio, 682, a ; 683, b. Rogationem accipere, 682, b. „ promulgare, 682, b. Rogationes Liciniae, 693, b. Rogator,338, bj 1077, a. Rogus, 559, b. Romana, 850, b. Romphea, 589, a, Rorarii, 495, b ; 502, b. Roscia theatralis lex, 697, b; 1123, b. Rostra, 995, b. Rostrata columna, 327, b. „' corona, 360, a. Rostrum, 786, b. Rota, 378, a ; 532, b. Rubria lex, 697, b. Rubrica, 171, a. Rudens, 996, a. Ruderatio, 431, a. Rudiarii, 575, a. Rudis, 574, b. Rudus, 1 1 92, a. Ruffuli, 996, a. Rumpia, 589, a. Runcatio, 52, a. INDEX Runcina, 996, a. Rupiliae leges. Rustici, 81 1, b. Rutabulum, 996, b Rutellum, 996, a. Rutiliana actio, 996, a. Rutrum, 996, a. S. Sabanum, 851, b. Saccatus, 1203, a. Saccus, 996, b; 1203, a. Sacellum, 996, b. Sacena, 420, b. Sacer, 562, a. Sacerdos, 996, b. Sacerdotium, 996, b. Sacra, 998, a. „ gentilitia, 568, b. „ municipalia, 998, b. „ privata, 998, a. „ publica, 998, a. Sacramento, 1198, b. Sacramentum, 662, a; 998, a. Sacrarium, 998, b. Sacratae leges, 698, a. Sacrificium, 998, b. Sacrilegium, 1000, b. Sacrilegus, 1000, b. Sacrorum alienatio, 568, b. „ detestatio, 568, b. Sacrum novemdiale, 528, b. Saeculares ludi, 716, b. Saeculum, 1000, b. Sagarii, 1001, a. Sagitta, 149, b; 1001, a. Sagittarii, 1001, a. Sagittarius, 151, a. Sagittifer, 151, a. Sagittipotens, 151, a. Sagmina, 1002, a. Sagulum, 1 002, b. Sagum, 1002, a. Salaminia, 865, a. Salarium, 1002, b. Salii, 1003, a. Salillum, 1004, a. Salinae, 1003, b. Salinator, 1004, a. Salinum, 1004, a. Salsilago, 1004, a. Salsugo, 1004, a. Saltatio, 862, a; 1004, b. Saltus, 46, b; 652, a; 753, a; 1012, a. Salvianum interdictum, 643, a. Salutatores, 1006, b. Sambuca, 1007, a. Sandalium, 1007, b. Sandapila, 559, a. Sapa, 1202, a. Sarcophagus, 559, b. Sarculatio, 52, a. Sarculum, 52, a; 1008, a. Sardiana, 715, b. Sarissa, 488, a ; 589, a. Sarracum, 1008, a. Sarritio, 52, a. Sartago, 1008, a. Satio, 51, a. „ autumnalis, 54, b. „ septimontalis, 57, a. „ trimestris, 51, a; 55, a Satira, 1008, a. Satisdatio, 12, a. Satura, 1008, a. „ lex, 683, a; 1008, b. Saturnalia, 1009, a. Scabellum, 286, b. Scabillum, 381, b. Scalae, 789, a; 1009, b. „ Gemoniae, 240, b. Scalmi, 787, b. Scalpellum, 274, b. Scalptura, 1010, a. Scalpturatum, 431, a. Scamnum, 253, 286, b; 1011, a, Scantinia lex, 698, b. Scapha, 786, a. Scapus, 57, a; 1170, b. Scena, 1122, a. Scenici ludi, 714, b ; 749, a. Sceptrum, 1011, a. Scheda, 703, b. Schoenus, 1011, b. Schola, 189, b. „ labrorum, 191, a. Scholae, 253, b. „ auctores, 173, b. Sciothericum, 616, b. Scipio, 101 1, a. Scire, 1023, a. Scissor, 307, b. Scitum populi, 682, a. Scorpio, 151, a; 540, a; 1139, a. Scorpius, 151, a, Scortea, 848, b. Scribae, 7, b; 1012, a. Scribere, 131, a. Scribonia lex, 698, b. Scrinium, 238, b. Scriplum, 1012, b. Scripta, 945, a. „ duodecim, 670, a. Seriptura, 234, a; 972, b; 1012, a. Scripturarii, 1012, b. Scripulum, 46, b; 1012, b. Serobes, 1 1 6, b Scrupulum, 182, a; 652, a; 753, b; 1012, b; 1213, b Sculptura, 1010, a. Sculponeae, 48, b. Scutica, 539, b. Scutum, 496, b; 1012, b. Scytale, 1013, a. Secale, 56, a. Secespita, 1013, b. Secretarium, 174, a. Sectatores, 77, a. Sectio, 951, b ; 1013, b. Sector, 951, b; 1013, b. Sectorium interdictum, 643, a; 1013, b. Securicula, 1014, a. Securis, 1014, a. Secutores, 576, a. Seges, 61, a. Scgestre, 674, b. Seliquastrum, 1015, b. Sella, 257, b; 1014, b. Sembella, 702, b. Semen adoreum, 54, a. „ trimestre, 54, a. Sementina dies, 530, a. Sementivae feriae, 530, a. Semimares, 566, b. Semis, Semissis, 140, b; 182, b. Semproniae leges, 698, b. Sempronia lex de foenere, 699, a. Semuncia, 1213, b. Semunciarium fenus, 527, b. Senator, 1016, a. Senatores Oruni, 1017, a. „ pedarii, 1018, a. Senatu motio, or ejectio e, 264, a. Senatus, 1016, a. Senatus auctoritas, 1023, b. Senatusconsultum, 1022, b. „ Apronianum, 1 024, a. „ Articuleianum, 1024, b. „ de Bacchanalibus, 414,a; 1024, b. „ Calvitianum, 692, b ; 1024, b. „ Claudianum, 1024, b. „ Dasumianum, 1025, b. „ Hadriani, 1025, b. „ Juneianum, 1026, a. „ Junianum, 1026, a. „ Juventianum, 1026, a. „ Largianum, 1026, a. „ Libonianum, 1026, a. „ Macedonianum, 1026, a. „ Marcianum, 1024, b. „ Memmianum, 1026, a „ Neronianum, 1026, a. „ Orphitianum, 1026, b. „ Fegasinum, 535, b ; 536, b ; 1026, b. „ Persiciamim, 1026, b. „ Pisonianum, 1026, a. „ Plancianum, 1026, b. „ Plautionum, 1027, a. „ Rubrianum, 1027, a. „ Sabinianum, 1027, a. „ Silanianum, 1027, a. „ taciturn, 7, b. „ Tertullianum, 1027, a. „ Trebellianum, 535, a ; 1027, b. „ Turpilianum, 1027, b. „ Velleianum, 1027, b. „ Vitrasianum, 1027, b. „ Volusianum, 1027, b. Senatus jus, 1018, b. Seniores, 333, b. Sepelire, 560, b. Sepimentum, 47, a. September, 232. Septem Triones, 147, b. Septemviri Epulones, 470, b. Septimatrus, 982, b. Septimontium, 1028, a. Septum, 336, b. Septunx, 140, b. INDEX. Sepulchri violati actio, 562, a. Sepulchrum, 560, b. Sequestres, 77, a. Sera, 626, b. Seriae, 1202, a. Sericum, 1028, a. Serpens, 148, a; 149, b. Serpentarius, 149, a. Serra, 1029, a. Serrati, sc. nummi, 394, a. Serrula, 1029, b. Serta, 1029, b. Servare de coelo, 176, b. Serviana actio, 918, a. „ Servilia agraria lex, 699, a. „ Glaucia lex, 986, b. „ judiciaria lex, 699, a. Servitus, 1030, b; 1036, b. Servitutes, 9, b ; 1030, b. Servus (Greek), 1034, a. „ (Roman), 48, a; 1036,b. „ ad manum, 76, b. „ publicus, 7, b ; 1039, a; 1041, a. Sescuncia, 140, b. Sescunx, 140, b. Sesquiplares, or Sesquiplarii, 509, a. Sestertium, 242, b; 1042, b. Sestertius, 1042, b. Sevir turmae equitum, 475, a. Seviri, 180, b. Sex suffragia, 472, b. Sexatrus, 982, b. Sextans, 140, b. Sextarius, 979, a ; 1043, b. Sextilis, 232. Sextula, 1213, b; 1043, b. Sibina, 589, a. Sibyllini libri, 1043, b. Sica, 1044, b. Sicarius, 687, a. Sicila, 1044, b. Sicilicus, 113, b; 1213, b. Sicilire pratum, 60, a. Sidus natalitium, 144, b. Sigillaria, 1009, b. Sigma, 750, a. Signa, 253, b. „ militaria, 1044, b. Signifer, 1045, b. Signinum opus, 431, a. Signum, 50 1 , a. Silentiarii, 954, b. Silent ium, 176, b. Silia lex, 699, a. Silicarii, 115, b. Silicernium, 562, a. Siligo, 54, a ; 55, b. Simila, or Similago, 55, b. Siliqua, 1213, b Silvae, 1012, a. Silvani et Carbonis lex, 695, b. Simpulum, or Simpuvium, 1046, a. Sindon, 851, b. Singulares, 508, b. Sinus, 1135, a. Siparium, 1046, a. 1877 Sirius, 152, b 5 160, a. Sistrum, 1046, a. Sitella, 1048, b. Siticines, 558, b, Sittybae, 704, b. Situla, 1048, b. Sobrina, 310, a. Sobrinus, 310, a. Socculus, 1048, b. Soccus, 1048, b. Socer, 28, b. ,, magnus, 28, b. Societas, 1049, a. Socii, 542, b ; 1049, a ; 1050, a Socio pro, actio, 1049, b. Socius, 1049, a. Socrus, 28, b. „ magna, 28, b. Sodales, 310, b. „ Augustales, ISO, a. „ Titii, 1134, b. Sodalitium, 77, b. Solarium, 429, b; 616, b ; 1078, b. Solea, 1051, b. Solidorum venditio, 131, b. Solidus, 182, b. Solitaurilia, 719, b : 1000, a. Solium, 187, b; 191, a; 1129, a. Solvere in area, 119, a. Solum, 430, b. Solutio, 819, b. Sonipes ales, 149, b. Sophronistae, 581, b. Sordidati, 1137, a. Soror, 310, a. Sortes, 843, a; 1051, b. Sortilegi, 1052, a. Spadones, 631, b. Sparus, 588, b. Spatium, 286, a. „ legitlmum, 10S3, b Specillum, 274, b. Spectabiles, 628, a. Spectio, 176, b; 177, b. Specularia, 432, b. Specularis lapis, 432, a. Speculatores, 508, b. Speculum, 1052, a. Specus, 1 1 3, a. Sphaeristerium, 195, b ; 582, B Spica mutica, 57, a. Spiculum, 587, a; 589, a. Spina, 284, b. Spinter, or Spinther, 1 30, a. Spira, 1053, a. Spinila, 1053, a. Spolia, 1053, b. Spoliatorium, 1 89, a. Sponda, 674, b. Spondeo, 817, b. Spongia, 905, a. Sponsa, 741 , b. Sponsalia, 741, b. Sponsio, 640, b ; 11 99, a. Sponsor, 640, b. Sponsus, 741, b. Sportula, 1054, b. Stabularius, 984, b. vna Stadium, 1055. a. Stalagamia, 632, a. Stamen, 1100, a. Stater, 1056, b. Statera, 1170, a. Stati dies, 409, b. Stationes, 250, b. „ fisci, 1058, a. „ municipiorum, 577, b. Stativae feriae, 528, b. Stator, 1058, a. Statores, 508, b. Statu liber, 730, b. Statuae Persicae, 889, b. Statuaria ars, 1058, a. Statumen, 1192, a. Stellae Parrhasides, 147, b. „ errantes, 922, a. Stellaturae, 505, a. Stercolinii servitus, 1032, a. Stercoratio, 50, a. Stercutius, 50, a. Sterquilinium, 50, a. Stesicharus, 1096, a. Stibadium, 750, a. Stillicidii servitus, 1031, b. Stillicidium, 1031, b. Stilus, 1071, a. Stipendiaria, 37, b. Stipendiarii, 1071, b. Stipendium, 1071, b. Stipes, 854, b. Stipulatio, 817, b. Stipulator, 817, b. Stiva, 117,b; 118, a. Stola, 1073, a. Stragukim, 674, b. Stratores, 1074, b. Strena, 1075, a. Striae, 324, a. Striga, 253, b ; 254, a. Strigil, 185, a; 192, a. Strophium, 1075, a. Structor, 307, b. Studiosi juris, 143, b. Stultorum feriae, 545, b. Stuprutn, 17, a; S49,a; 633, b. Stylus, 1071, a. Suasor, 173, a. Subcenturio, 506, a. Subitarii, 1171, b. Subligaculum, 576, a ; 1075, a. Sublimissimi, 628, a. Subrogare legem, 682, b. Subruncivi, 30, a. Subscriptio, 357, b. „ censoria, 263, b ; 635, b. Subseciva, 30, a ; 42, a. Subsellium, 1 129, a. Subserica, 1028, b. Subsignanus, 502, b. Substitutio, 599, a. „ pupillaris, 599, b. Subtegmen, 1100, a. Subtemen, 1 100, a. Subueula, 1173, b. Successio, 1075, b. Successor, 1076, b. Succinctorium, 1075, a INDEX. Succinctus, 1173, b. Succolare, 672, b. Sudatio concamerata, 190, b. Sudatorium, 1 90, b. Suffibulum, 1191, a. SufEtio, 562, a. Suffragia sex, 472, b. Suf&agium, 1076, b. Suggestus, 88, a; 995, b; 1077, a. Suggrundarium, 559, b. Sui heredes, 598, b. Sulci, 1 1 92, a. Sulcus, 58, a ; 59, a. Sulpiciae leges, 699, b. Sulpicia Sempronia lex, 699, b. Sumtuariae leges, 1077, a. • Suovetaurilia, 719, b; 1000, a. Superficiarius, 1078, a. Superficies, 1078, a. Supernumerarii, 2, b. Supparum, 790, a ; 1174, a. 8 up par us, 1 174, a. Supplicatio, 1079, a. Supposititii, 576, a. Suprema, sc. tempestas, 409, a. Surdus, 818, a; 1113, a. Susceptores, 265, a. Suspensura, 192, a. Symposium, 1082, a. Syndicus, 1084, a. Syngrapha, 271, b. Synthesis, 1009, a ; 1087, b. Syrinx, 1088, a. Syssitia, 1088, b. T. Tabella, 1090, b. Tabellariae leges, 1091, a. Tabellarius, 1091, a. Tabellio, 1091, a. Taberna, 285, b ; 1091, a. „ diversoria, 258, b. „ libraria, 704, b. Tabernaculum, 1104, a. Tabernaria fabula, 346, b. Tablinum, 428, a. Tabulae, 131, a; 1091, b. „ censoriae, 263, a. „ novae, 1092, a. „ publicae, 7, a; 8, a „ votivae, 433, b. Tabulam, adesse ad, 1 72, a. Tabularii, 1092, b. Tabularium, 1092, b. Tabularius, 7, b. Tabulinum, 253, b. Taeda, 1093, a. Taenia, 1212, b. Talaria, 1094, b. Talasius, 743, b. Talassio, 743, b. Talea, 824, b. Talentum, 931, b. Talio, 1095, a. Talus, 1095, a. Tapes, 1097, a. Tapete, 1091, a. Tarentini ludi, 716, b. Tarpeia Aternia lex, 685, a. Taurii ludi, 716, b. Taurus, 150, a. Tector, 870, a. Tectores, 1 15, b. Tectorium opus, 870, a. Teda, 1093, a. Tegula, 1098, a. Tela, 1099, a. Telamones, 170, a. Temo, 117, b ; 378, b. Templum, 176,a;995,b; 1104 a. Temporalis actio, 10, b. Temporis praescriptio, 955, a. Tensae, 1125, a. Tentipellium, 545, b. Tepidarium, 1 90, a ; 1 92. b Terentilia lex, 699, a. Terentini ludi, 716, b Terminalia, 1 1 12, a. Termini, 30, b ; 603, b. Terra, 29, a; 132, b. „ cariosa, 49, b. „ restibilis, 60, b. Tertiare, 49, b. Teruncius, 141, a; 702, b. Tescum, 176, a. Tessella, 915, b. Tessellarii, 915, b. Tessera, 1112, b. „ nummaria, or frumen taria, 550, a. Tesserula, 1112, b. Testa, 534, b. Testamentariae leges, 699, b. Testamentifactio, 1 114, b. Testamentum, 1113, a. Testator, 1113, a. Testis, 1118, b. Testudo, 720, b; 1112, a 1118, b. Tetraphori, 894, a. Tetrarcha, 1119, b. Tetrarches, 1119, b. Textores, 1099, a. Textrices, 1099, a. Textrinum, 1099, b. Thargelia, 1120, a. Theatrum, 1 120, b. Thensae, 1125, a. Theodosianus codex, 302, b. Thermae, 183, b; 193, b. Thermopolium, 233, b ; 258, b Thesmophoria, 1127, b. Thorax, 711, a. Thoria lex, 699, b. Thraces, 576, a. Threces, 576, a. Thronus, 1129, a. Thyrsus, 1129, b. Tiara, 1130, a. Tiaras, 1130, a. Tibia, 1130, b. Tibicen, 1131, a. Tibicinium, 1130, b. Tigni immitttendi servitus, 1031, b. Tigno juncto. actio de, 564, b. Tintinnabulum, 1133, b. Tirocinium, 1134, a. Tiro, 1134, a. Titia lex, 700, a. Titienses, 875, b ; 1 1SS, b. Titles, 875, bj 1155, b. Titii Sodales, 1134, b. Titulus, 253, a; 560, a; 704, b. Toculliones, 525, a. Toga, 1134, b. „ Candida, 1137, a. „ palmata, 1137, a. „ picta, 1137, a. „ praetexta, 1137, a. „ pulla, 1137, a. „ pura, 1 1 37, a. „ sordida, 1137, a. „ virilis, 631, a; 1137, b. Togata febula, 346, b. Togatus, 853, b; 1137, b. Tonsor, 1 97, a, Topiaria ars, 618, b. Topiarius, 619, a. Toralia, 674, b. Torcular, 958, a; 1137, b. Torculum, 1137, b. Tormentum, 790, a; 1138, b; 1139, a. Torques, 1140, a. Torquis, 1140, a. Torus, 674, b; 1140, b. Toxicum, 1001, b. Trabea, 993, b ; 1137, b. Trabeata fabula, 346, b. Traditio, 821, a. Tragoedia, 1140, b. „ crepidata, 346, b. Tragula, 589, a ; 989, b. Tragum, 989, b. Traha, 53, a; 1148, a. Trahea, 53, a. Trama, 1100, a. Tramoserica, 1028, b. Transactio in via, 1 1 , a. Transfuga, 394, b. Transtillum, 721, b Transtra, 788, a. Transvectio equitum, 437, a; 474, b. Trebonia lex, 700, b. Tremissis, 182, b. Tressis, 141, a. Tresviri, 1 167, b; Triarii, 495, a; 496, a; 501, b. Tribula, 53, a; 1148, a. Tribulum, 53, a; 1148, a. Tribulus, 1148, b. Tribunal, 253, a; 1148, b. Tribuni cohortium, 504, a. „ militum, 4 95, b ; 503, a. Tribunicia lex, 1149, a. „ potestas, 1150, b. Tribunus, 1148, b. „ celerum, 993, a; 1149, a. Tribus (Greek), 1152, b. „ (Roman), 1155, b Tributa comitia, 1156, b. Tributaria, 37, b. Tributarii, 31 1 , b. INDEX. Tributoria actio, 1037, b. Tributum, 1 1 56, b. Tricliniarchia, 1158, b. Triclinium, 1157, b. Tridens, 564, b Triens, 140, b. Trifax, 1138, b. Triga, 379, b. Trigon, 919, a. Trigonum, 1007, a. Trilix, 1101, b; 1102, b. Trimestris faba, 57, a. Trinepos, 310, a. Trineptis, 310, a. Trin urn nundinum, 816, b. Trinundinum, 81 6, b. Triplicatio, 12, a. Tripos, 1162, b. Tripudium, 175, b. Triremes, 785, a. Tritavia, 310, a. Tritavus, 310, a. Triticum, 54, a. „ spelta, 54, b. „ trimestre, 54, a. Tritura, 53, a. Triumphalia ornamenta, 1 1 67, b. Triumphalis corona, 361. Triumphus, 1163, b. „ castrensis, 1 167, a. „ navalis, 1167, a. Triumviri, 1 167, b. „ agro dividundo, 1167, b. „ capitalis, 1167, b. „ coloniaededucendae, 1168, a. „ epulones, 470, b. „ equitum turmas re- cognoscendi, or legendis equitum decuriis, 1168, a. „ monetales, 766, a. „ nocturni, 1168, a. „ reficiendis aedibus, 1168, a. „ reipublicae constitu- endae, 1168, a. „ sacris conquirendis donisque persig- nandis, 1 168, b. „ senatus legendi, 1168, b. Trochus, 1 168, b. Trojae Indus, 288, a. Tropaeum, 1168, b. Trossuli, 472, a. Trua, 1 169, b. Trulla, 1169, b. Trulleum, 1 170, a. Trullissatio, 870, a. Truncus, 824, b. Trutina, 1170,. a. Tuba, 1170, b. Tubicen, 22, a. Tubilustrium, 983, a. Tullia lex de ambitu, 77, b. „ de legatione libera, 679, a. 1279 Tullianum, 240, b ; 546, b. Tumultuarii, 1171, b. Tumultus, 1171, b. Tunica, 57, a; 1171, b. Tunicati, 1 174 a. Turibulum, 1174, b. Turma,47l, a; 497, b. Turricnla, 548, b. Turris, 1174, b. Tutela, 1176, b. Tutelae actio, 1 178, b. „ judicium, 1178, b. Tutor, 1 176, a. Tutulus, 1180, a. Tympanum, 100, b; 523, b 923, a j 1180, a. U. V. Vacantia bona, 207, b. Vadari reum, 11, b. Vades dare, 11, b. Vadimonium,Vas,ll,b; 954,b, Vagina, 577, a. Valeriae leges, 700 b. Valeriae et Horatiae leges, 700, b ; 928, a. Valeria lex, 963, b. Vallaris corona, 360, b. Vallum, 31 , b ; 253, a j 1 1 83, a, Vallus, 1183, a. Valva, 625, b. Vannus, 1183, b. Vappa, 1204, b. Vari, 989, a. Varia lex, 725, a. Vas, 954, b; 1183, b. „ leve, or purum, 133, a. Vatinia lex, 701 , a. Udo, 1184, a. Vectigal rerum venalium, 267, a. Vectigalia, 1184, a. Vectigalis ager, 43, a ; 458, a. Vehes, 1185, a. Velamen, 1186, a. Velarium, 86, a : 1185, b. Velarius, 1 1 85, a. Velati, 1185, a. Velites, 496, b ; 503, a. Velleianum senatusconsultum, 1027,b. Velum, 790, a; 1185, a. Venabulum, 1 186, a. Venaliciarii, 1040, a. Venatio, 1 186, a Venditio, 459, a. Venefica, 1 189, b. Veneficium, 1188, a. Veneficus, 1189, b. Venereus jactus, 1095, b. Venter, 113, b. Ventilabrum, 849, a. Ventilatio, 53, a. Venus, 1095, b. Ver sacrum, 1189, a Verbena, 1002, a. Verbenarius, 531, a. Vergil iae, 150, a. 1280 Vergiiianum sidus, 1 50, a. Verna, 1038, b ; 1040, b. Verriculum, 989, b. Verso in rem actio, 1038, a, Versura, SO, a ; 527, a. Versus, 50, a ; 753, a. „ quadratus, 47, a. Veru, 588, b. Vervactor, 49, b Vervactum, 49, b. Verutum, 588, b. Vespae, 559, a Vespillones, 559, a. Vestalis, 1189, a. „ maxima, 1189, b. Vestibulum, 427, a. Vesticeps, 631, a. Veteranus, 499, b. Veteratores, 1040, b. Veteretum, 57, a. Vexillarii, 494, b ; 507, b. Vexillum, 507, b ; 1045, b. Via sagularis, 253, a. Viae, 1191, b. „ servitus, 1032, a. „ vicinariae, or vicinales, 253, a. Viaria lex, 701, a; 1193, a. Viaticum, 1 1 95, b. Viator, 1195, b. Vicarii servi, 1037, b. Victima, 499, b. Vicesima, 1196, a. „ hereditatum et le- gatorum, 24, a ; 1196, a. ,, manumissionis, 1 1 96, a. Vicesimaria lex, 1 1 96, a. Vicesimarii, 1 1 96, a. Vicesimatio, 387, b. Vico magistri, 1196, a. Vicus, 1196, a. Victoriatus, 393, b. Vigiles, 510, a. Vigiliae, 250, a. Vigintisexviri, 1196, b. Vigintiviri, 1196, b. Villa, 554, a; 1196, b. „ publica, 262, a. „ rustica, 47, a. Villia annalis lex, 701 , b. Villica, 48, a. INDEX. Villicus, 48, a ; 115,b; 1196,b. „ amphitheatri, 88, b. Vinalia, 1198, a. Vindemialis feria, 530, a. Vindex, 11, a; 732, a. Vindicatio, 9, a ; 564, b ; 1198, a. „ libertalis, 1033, a. „ servit utis, 1032, b. Vindiciae, 1198, b. Vindicta, 730, a; 1200, a. Vinea, 1200, b. Vinum, 1201, a. Virga, 1209, a. Virgines Vestales, 1189, a. Virgo, 150, b. „ maxima, 1189, b. Virgula, 1 209, a. Viridarium, 619, a. Virilis pars, 880, a. „ toga, 631, a; 1137, a. Vis, 1209, a. „ et vis armata, 1209, b. Visceratio, 562, a. Viscellia lex, 96, a; 701, b. Vitelliani, 1 092, a. Vitis, 504, b. Vitium, 176, b. Vitrearii, 1210, b. Vitricus, 28, b. Vitrum, 1209, b. Vitta, Vittae, 1212, a. Vittata sacerdos, 1212, b. Vivaria, 69, b. Uliginosus campus, 49, b. Ulna, 1213, a. Ulpiani pueri puellaeque, 75, b. Ultrotributa, 265, &. Umbella, 1213, a. Umbilicus, 704, a. Umbo, 298, a; 1136, b; 1192, a. Umbraculum, 1213, a. Uncia, 140, b; 1213, b. Unciarum fenus, 516, b. Unctores, 76, a. Unctuarium, 76, a; 190, b. Unguenta, 1214, a. Unguent aria, 1214, a. Unguentariae, 1214, a. Unguentarii, 1214, a. Universitas, 1214, b. Universum, 1076, a. Vocatio in jus, 10, b. Voconia lex, 676, b: 701, 1» Volones, 499, a ; 1217, a. Volsellae, 1 97, b ; 275, a. Volucris, 149, a. Volumen, 704, a. Voluntarii, 1217, a. Volutae, 590, b. Vomitoria, 87, b. Urceus, 1217, a. Urna, 560, a; 979, a; 104« bj 1217, a. Urpex, 645, b. Ursa major, 147, a. „ minor, 147, b. „ Moenalis, 147, b. Ustrina, 559, b. Ustrinum, 559, b. Usucapio, 1217, b. Usurae, 525, b. Usureceptio, 1220, a. Usurpatio, 1221, a. Usus, 1219, a; 1221, a; 1222 a. „ auctoritas, 1219, a. „ fructuarius, 1221, a. UsusfVuctus, 1221, a. Uterini, 309, b. Uti possedetis, 643, a. Utilis actio, 10, a. Utres, 1203, b. Utricularius, 1 130, b Utrubi, 643, a. Vulcanalia, 1222, b. Vulgares, 1041, b. Uxor, 740, b. Uxorium, 26, b. Xystarchus, 581, b. Xystici, 167, a. Xystus, 580, b ; 618, b. Zona, 1224, b. Zonula, 1224, b. Zophorus, 325, a; 1225, b. ENGLISH INDEX. Actors (Greek) 611, a. „ (Roman), 612, a. Adoption (Greek), 14, b. „ (Roman), 15, b. Advocate, 1084, a. Adze, 141, b. Altar, 116, a; 153, b. Ambassadors, 677, b. Anchor, 791, a. Anvil, 634, a. Aqueduct, 108, a. Arbitrator, 396, b. Arch, 124, b; 546, b. Archer, the, 151, a. Archers, 1002, a. Armour, 135, a. Arms, 135, a. Army (Greek), 481, a. „ (Roman), 489, a. Arrow, the, 149, b. Arrows, 1001, a. Astronomy, 145, a. Auction (sale), 172, a. Axe, 1014, a. Axle, 378, a. B. Bail (Greek), 460, b. „ (Roman), 11, b. Bakers, 921, a. Balance, the, 151, a. Baldric, 1 96, a. Ball, game at, 543, a ; 918, a. Bankers, ISO, a. Banishment (Greek), 513, a. „ (Roman), 515, b. Barber, 197, a. Basket, 198, a. Baths (Greek), 184, a. „ (Roman), 185, b. Bear, the great, 147, a. „ the lesser or little, 147, b. Bear- warden, the, 148, a. Beard, 1 96, b. Beds, 673, a; 1140, b. Beer, 268, b. Bell, 1133, b. Bellows, 543, a. Belt, 196, a. Berenice, the hair of, 1 54, a. Bit (of horses), 548, a. Boeotian constitution, 204, a. Books, 703, b. Bookseller, 704, b. Boots, 366, a. Bottomry, 525, b. Bow, 126, a. Boxing, 974, b. Brass, 25, a. Brazier, 542, a. Breakfast, 304, a. Bribery (Greek), 385, b. „ (Roman), 77, a. Bricks, 668, a. Bridge, 936, b. Bridle, 548, a. Bronze, 25, a. Brooch, 531, b. Bull, the, 150, a. Burial (Greek), 555, b. „ (Roman), 560, b. C. Calendar (Greek), 222, a. „ (Roman), 226, a. Cameos, 1010, b; 1 181, a. Camp, 244, a. „ breaking up of, 251, a j 256, a. „ choice of ground for, 246, a. „ construction of, 246, a. „ of Hyginus, 251, a „ of Polybius, 245, b. Camp-oath, the, 249, b. Candle, 236, a. Candlestick, 236, a. Canvassing, 76, b. Capital (of columns), 324, a. Carpets, 1097, a. Cart, 923, a. Casque, 565, b. Ceilings, 432, a. Celt, 420, a. Censer, 1174, b. Centaur, the, 153, b. Chain, 257, a. Chariot, 878, a ; 476, a. Charioteer, the, 149, a. Chimneys, 426, a ; 432, b. Chisel, 420, a. Cider, 1205, b. Circumvallation, 1183, a. Citizenship (Greek), 288, b. „ (Roman), 291, a. Claws, the, 151, a. Clerks (Athenian), 211, b; 577, b. „ (Roman), 18, b. Clocks, 615, a. Coffins, 555, b ; 559, b. Colony (Greek), 313, b „ (Roman), 315, a. Column, 323, a. Combs, 881, a. Comedy (Greek), 341, b. „ (Roman), 345, b. Compass, 283, a. Constellations, 145, b. Cooks, 805, b. Cordage, 790. Corn crops, 54, a. „ preservation of, 53, b. Couches, 671, b. Cow], 372, b- Crab, the, 150, b. Cretan constitution, 365, 8. Criers, 951, b. Crook, 881, b. Crops, 53. Cross, 370, b. Crow, the, 153, b. Crown, 359, a. „ the northern, 148, b 163, a. „ the southern, 153, b. Crucifixion, 370, b. Cubit, 751, b. Cup, the, 153, b. Cymbal, 370, a; 381, a. Daggers, 975, a; 1044, b. Dance, the Pyrrhic, 278, l>. Dancing, 1004, b. Day, 408, a. Dice, 1112, b. Dice-box, 548, b. Dinner, 306, b. Dish, 257, b. Distaff, 565, a. Dithyramb, 1141, a. Divorce (Greek), 418, a, „ (Roman), 418, a. Dog, the great, 1 52, b. „ the little, 152, b. Dolphin, the, 149, b. Door, 624, b. Dowry (Greek), 436, a. „ (Roman), 437, a- Dragon, the, 148, a. Drains, 46, b. Draughts, game of, 670, b. Drawers, 1075, a. Drum, 1180, a. Dynasty, 122, a. E. Eagle, the, 149, b. Ear-ring, 632, a. Earthenware, £32, a. Eleven, the, 593, a. 4N (282 Ensigns, military, 1044, b. Era, 281, b. Evil eye, 521, b. Executioner, 242, a. Fan, 539, a. Felting, 919, b. Fences, 47, a. Fire-place, 542, a. Fish, the southern, 153, b. Fishes, the, 151, b. Floors of houses, 430, b. Foot (measure of length), 751, b. Fresco, 904, a. Fringe, 537, a. Fuller, 551, b. Funerals (Greek), 554, b. „ (Roman), 558, a. Furnace, 192, b ; 546, a. G. Gambler, Gaming, 74, b Garden, 618, a. Gates of cities, 943, a. Girdle, 1224, b. Gladiators, 574, a. Glass, 1209, b. Goat, the, 151, b. Gold, 180, b. Granary, 618, a. Greaves, 822, a. Guards, 250, a. H. Hair (Greek), 328, b. „ (Roman), 329, b. Hammers, 726, a. Hare, the, 152, b. Harp, 1007, a. Harrowing, 52, a. Hatchet, 1014, a. Hearth, 542, a. Heir (Greek), 594, a. „ ( Roman), 598, a. Heliacal rising, 155, a. „ setting, 155, b. Helmet, 565, b. Hemlock, 593, a. Heraclean tablet, 691, a. Hinge, 241, a. Hoe, 984, b; 1008, a. Hoeing, 52, a. Holidays, 528. a. Homicide, 896, b. Hoop, 1168, b. Horse, the little, 149, b. Hospitality, 619, a. Hour, 6 14, a. House (Greek), 423, b. „ (Roman), 426, b. Hunting, 1186, a. Hunting-swear, 1186, a. Hurdle, 368, b. INDEX. I. J. Imprisonment, 210, a. Informer, 388, b. Inheritance (Greek), 594, a. „ (Roman), 598, a. Ink, 1 70, b. Inn (Greek), 258, a. „ (Roman), 258, b. Intaglios, 1010, b ; 1181, b. Intercalary month, 227, b ; 228, b ; 229. Interest of money (Greek), 524, b. „ (Roman), 526, b. Isthmian games, 645, b. Italy, 318, a. Judges (Greek), 369, b ; 401, b ; 483, a. „ (Roman), 646, b. K. Kids, the, 149, a; 163, a. Kiln, 546, a. King (Greek), 990, a. „ (Roman), 991, a. Kitchen, 428, b. Kite, the, 154, a. Knife, 373, b. Knights (Athenian), 266, a. „ (Roman), 471, a. Knockers, 627, a. L. Ladders, 788, a; 1009, b Lamps, 718, a. Lanterns, 669, a. Law, 681, b; 803, b. Legacy, 675, a. Legion, 490, a. Leguminous crops, 57, a. Letter-carrier, 1091, a. Levy, 499, a. Library, 202, a. Light-house, 895, a. Link, 553, a. Lion, 150, b. Litters, 671, b. Liturgies, 679, a. Looking-glass, 1052, a. Loom, 1099, a. Lots, 1051, b. Luncheon, S06, a. Lyre, the, 148, b; 156, b. M. Mamertine, 240, b. Manuring, 50, a. Marriage (Greek), 735, b. „ (Roman), 740, a. Masks, 889, b. Masts, 1789, a. Meals (Greek), 303, a. Meals (Roman), 306, a. Measure, 750, b. Measures of land, 46, b. Medicine, 745, b. Mercenary soldiers, 758, a) 1223, b. Mile, 762, b. Mile-stones, 762, b ; 1193, a. Mills, 765, a. Mines, 1184, a. Mint, 766, a. Mirror, 1052, a. Money, coined, 808, b. „ (Greek), gold, 181, a. „ (Roman), „ 182, a. Month (Greek), 223. „ (Roman), 226, 227. Mortars, 768, b. Mosaics, 431, a; 915, a. Mourning for the dead, 55V, b ; 562, b. Moustaches, 780, a. Music (Greek), 772, b. „ (Roman), 779, b. Names (Greek) 800, a. „ (Roman), 800, b. Necklaces, 767, b. Nemean games, 794, b. Nets, 988, b. Notary, 1091, a; 1092, b. O. Oars, 788, a. Oath (Greek), 659, b. „ (Roman), 661, b. Obelisks, 816, b. October-horse, 880, a. Officers, duty of, 249, b. „ parade of, 250, a. Olympiad, 883, a. Olympic games, 828, a. Oracles, 836, b. Orders of architecture, 325 ; 326, b ; 327, b. Organ, 622, b. Organist, 622, b. Ostracism, 514, a. Oven, 546, a. Ounce, 1213, b. Painting, 899, b. Paper, 703, b. Parasol, 1213, a. Parchment, 703, b. Partnership, 1094, a. Pay of soldiers, 1071, b. Pediment, 7, a. Pen, 220, a. Perfumes, 1214, a. Physicians, 747. Pipe, 1130, b. Pledges, 91 S, b. Plough, 117, b; 147, a. Ploughing, 49, a. Poisoning, 895, a: 1188, a. Poles, 789, a. Portcullis, 256, b. Pottery, 532, b. Priests, 996, b. Prison, 240, a. Prodigies, 961, a. Property-tax (Greek), 448, b. „ (Roman), 1157, a Prostitutes, 604, b. Prow, 786, a. Purification, 719, a. Purses, 732, b. Pyrrhic dance, 1 005, a. Pythian games, 976, b. Q. Quiver, 894, b. R. Races, 287, a. Rake, 984, b. Ram, the, 149, b. Raven, the, 153, b. Razor, 197, b. Reaping, 52, b. Rings, 95, a. Road, 1191, b. Rope-dancers, 553, a. Ropes, 996, a. Rounds, 250, b. Rudder, 788, b. Sacrifices, 998, b. Saddles, 464, a. Sails, 790, a. Salary, 1002, b. Salt, 1003, b. Salt-cellar, 1004, b. Salt-works, 1003, b. Sandal, 200, b; 1051, b. Saw, 1029, a. Scales, 706, a. Scorpion, the, 151, a. Screw, 300, b. Scythe, 518, a. Senate (Greek), 209, b ; 572, „ (Roman), 1016, a. Sentinels, 250, a. Serpent-holder, die, M9, a. Shawl, 884, b. Shears, 545, a. INDEX. Shields, 297, a ; 870, a ; 882, b; 1012, b. Ships, 783, a. Shoe, 220, b ; 456, a. Shops, 1091, b. Sibyl, 1043, b. Sickle, 518, a; 1044, b. Signs, northern, 147, a. „ of the Zodiac, 149, b. Silk, 1028, a. Silver, 132, a. Slaves (Greek), 1034, a. „ (Roman), 1086, b. Sleeve, 729, a. Sling, 553, b. Slingers, 553, b. Snake, the, 1 49, a. Sowing, 51, a. Spade, 848, b. Span, 751, b ; 1053, b. Spartan constitution, 570, a. Spear, 587, a. Speusinians, 391, b. Spindle, 565, a. Sponge, 905. a. Standards, military, 1044, b. Stars, fixed, 154, b. Statuary, 1058, a. Step, 577, a. Stern, 787, a. Stoves, 432, b. Sun-dial, 615, a. Surgery, 272, a. Swan, the, 149, a. Sword, 577, a. T. Tables, 749, b. Talent, 931, b; 932; 933; 935, a. Tapestry, 1097, a. Tassel, 537, a. Taxes (Greek), 448, b; 1103,a. „ (Roman), 1156, b; 1184, a. Temple, 1104, a. Testament, 1113, a. Theatre, 1120, b. Theft, 300, a; 562, a. Thessalian constitution, 1 093 , a. Thrashing, 53, a. Threshold, 624, b. Throne, 1129, a. Thrum, 537, a. Tiles, roofing, 1098, a. Tombs, 556, a ; 557, b ; 561. Tooth-powder, 394, a. Torch, 524, a. Torture, 1139. Tower, 1174, b. 1283 Tragedy (Greek). 1140, b. „ (Roman), 1147, a. Treaty, 542, b. Triangle, the, 149, b. - Tribes (Greek), 1152, b. „ (Roman), 1155, b. Tribunes, 1148, b. Trident, 564, b. Tripod, 1162, b. Trophy, 1168, b. Trousers, 213, a. Trumpet, 215, a; 709, b; 1170, b. Tumblers, 1005. Twelve Tables, 688, a. Twins, the, 150, b. U. V. Vase-painting, 906, b. Veil, 1186, a. Vinegar, 1205, b. Virgin, the, 150, b. Umpire, 391, b. Voting (Greek), 2 17, a; 971, a. „ ( Roman), 836, a ; 1076 b. Usurers, 525, a. W. Waggon, 923, a. „ the, 147, b. Waggoner, the, 148, a. Wain, Charles's, 147, a. Wall, 481, b; 968, a. Waterman, the, 151, b. Watersnake, the, 153, b. Waterstream, the, 151, b. Weaving, 1099, a. Weeding, 52, a. Whale, the, 152, a. Wheel, 378, a; 532, b; 1180 b. Whip, 539, b. Wills, 1113, a. Window, 426, a ; 432, a. Wine, 1201, a. Winnowing, 53, a. Witnesses (Greek), 732, b. „ (Roman), 659, b. Wolf, the, 153, b. Wrestling, 713, b. Yards of a sail, 789, b. Year (Greek), 222, a. „ (Roman), 226, a. „ division of, 163, b. Yoke. 652, a. 4ni CLASSIFIED INDEX. Under each head the names of the articles are given in which the subject is explained. Agriculture. Agriculture Hortus. Olea, oliva. Oscillum. Scamnum. Sitos. Villa rustica. Vinum. Agricultural Implements. Aratrum. Crates. Irpex. Jugum, 3. 7. Pala. Pecten. Pedum. Plaustrum. Prelum. Rastrum. Rutrum. Sarculum. Sarracum. Stilus, 3. Tintinnabulum. Torculum. Tribula. Tympanum. Vannus. Vehes. Amusements and Playthings. Abacus, 5. Aenigma. Alea. Ascoliasmus. Buxum. Calculi. Cottabos. Follis. Fritillus. Latrunculi. Par impar ludere. Talus. Tessera. Trochufi. Architkcture. Abacus, 1, 2. 7, H. Acrotenum. Analemma. Antae. Antefixa. Antepagmenta. Apsis. Architecture A reus. Architecture — continued. Astragalus. A tl antes. Atticurges. Balteus. Camara, 1. Canalis. Canterii. Chalcidicum. Cochlis. Columbaria, 3. Columen. Columna, Coronis. Cortina, 4. Crypta, 1. Cyma. Entasis. Epistylium. Fascia. Fastigium. Harpaginetuli. Helix, 1. Janua. Jugum, I. Later. Maenianum. Metopa. Modulus. Peristylium. Plinth us. Podium. Porticus. Spira. Testudo, 3, Tholus. Tympanum. Zophorus. Arithmetic. Abacus, 4. Calculi. Armour, and Weapons. Acinaces. Aegis. A reus. Arma. Armatura. Capulus. Cateia. Cetra. Clipeus. Dolo. Funda. Galea. Gerrha. Armour, &c — continued, Gladius. Habenae, 2, 3. Hasta. ,, Lancea. „ Pilum. „ Verutum. „ Gaesum. „ Spar us. „ Jaculum. „ Spiculum. „ Sarissae. „ Framea. „ Falarica. „ Matara. „ Tragula. Lorica. Ocrea. Pal ma. Pelta. Pharetra. Pugio. Sagitta. Scutum. Securis. Sica. Venabulum. Assemblies and Councils. Agora. Amphictyones. Areiopagus. Boule- Comitia calata. „ curiata. „ centuriata. „ tributa. Concilium. Concio. Conventus Curia. Ecclesia. Eccleti. Gerousia. Myrii. Panegyris. Panionia, Senatus. Synedri. Astronomy. Astrologia. Astronomia. Northern constella- tions. Zodiacal signs. Southern constellations INDEX. Astronomy — continued. Classes of Citizens, &c. — cant. Dress, &c. — continued Planetae. Patrimi et Matrimi. Baxa. Polus. Pecuarii. Birrus. Camps and Forts. Perioeci. Braccae. Acropolis. Plebes. Bulla. Agger. Quadruplatores. Calamistrum. Arx. Salutatores. Calceus. Carrago. Colonies and Mother Coun- Caliendrum. Castra. try. Campagus. „ stativa. Apoikia. Campestre. Pagi. Cleruchiae. Candys. Praetorium. Colonia. Capitium. Turris, 1. Metropolis. Caracalla. Vallum. Crimes. Catena. Charities and Donations. Abortio. Causia, Adunati; Adulterium. Cestus, 2. Alimentarii. Ambitus. Chlamys. Congiaria. Calumnia. Clavus latus. Dianomae. Falsum. „ august as,. Donaria. Furtum. Coma. Frumentariae Leges. Incendium. Cothurnus. Strena. Injuria. Crepida. Civil Punishments. Latrocinium. Crocota. Area, 4. Leges Corneliae et Juliae. Cucullus. Barathron, or Orugraa. Leno, Lenocinium. Cudo. Career. Majestas. Cyclas. Ceadas. Parricidium. Dactyliotheea. Crux. Perjurium. Dentrificium. Equuleus. Phonos. Diadema. Ergastulura. Plagium. Diphthera. Fidicula, Rapina. Embas. Flagrum. Sacrilegium. Emblema. Furca, patibulum. Sodalitium. Endromis. Habenae, 5. Stuprum. Exomis. Laqueus. Talio. Fascia. Latumiae. Veneficium. Feminalia. Sestertium. Vis. Fibula. Classes of Citizens and Division of Land. Fimbriae. OTHERS. Ager privatus. Flabellum. Adlecti, 1. „ publicus. Focale. Aerarii. „ sanctus. Fucus. Agela. Cippus, 2. Galerus. Alimentarii. Pyrgos. Habenae, 4. Aretalogi. Temenos. Inauris. Camilli. Drama, Dramatic Enter- Incunabula. Canephoros tainments. Infula. Dediticii. Comoedia. Instita. Delator. Exodia. Lacerna. Demopoietos. Exostra. Laciniae. Demos. Hyporcheme. Laena. Eiren. Mimus. Lemniscus. Emphruri. Pantomimus. Limbus. Epeunactae. Periactos. Lope. Ephebus. Persona, 1. Tragic. Manica, Equites. „ 2. Comic. Mantele. Eupatridae. Siparium. Marsupium. Geomori. Theatrum. Mitra. Hectemorii. Tragoedia. Monile. Hetaerae. Velum. Mustax. Hippobotae. Dress, Ornaments, the Nebris. Homoei. Toilet. Nodus. Libertus. Abolla. Nudus. Locupletes. Alicula. Orarium. Metoeci. Amictorium. Paenula. Naucrana. Amictus. Pallium. Nobiles. Ampyx. Paragauda. Ordo. Annulus. Pecten. . Parasiti. Apex. Pellis. Partbeniae, Armilla. Peplum. Patricii. Barbn . Pera. 12SS 1286 Dress, &c. — continued. Periscelis. Pero. Phalera. Pileus. Redimiculum. Reticulum. Ricinium. Saccus. Sandalium. Serta. Soccus. Solea. Stola. Strophium. Subligaeulum, succincto- rium. Synthesis. Tiara. Toga. Torques. Tunica. Tutulus. Udo. Velum. Vitta, 1. Umbraculum. Unguenta. Zona. Engineering. Aquaeductus. Chorobates. Cloaca. Crypta, 2. Emissarium. Fistula. Fons. Herones. Librator aquae. Mums, moenia. Navalia. Pharos. Piscina. Pons. Porta. Syrinx. Engraving and Chasi.no. Caelatura. Entertainments, Food. Apophoreta. Calida. Cerevisia. Coena. Commissatio. Erani. Opsonium. Paropsis. Posca. Sportula. Symposium. Syssitia. Vinum. Epochs and Divisions ot Time. Calendarium, 1. Greek. „ 2. Roman. Chronologia. Clavus annalis. Dies. „ fasti et nefasti INDEX. Epochs, &c. — continued. Fasti. „ sacri, or kalendares. „ annates, or historici. Feriae. Hora. Horologium. Lustrum. Nundinae. Olympias. Saeculum. Exercises. Campidoctores. Ceroma. Cestus. Cheironomia. Desultor. Discus. Gymnasium. Halteres. Harpastum. Hippodromus. Lucta, luctatio. Palaestra. Palus. Pancratium. Pentathlon. Fetaurum. Pila. Pugilatus. Saltatio. Festivals, Games, and Shows. Actia. Adonia. Aeaceia. Aeginetarum feriae. Aeora. Agonalia. Agones. Agraulia. Agrionia. Agroteras thusia. Alaea. Alcathoea. Aloa or haloa. Amarynthia. Ambrosia. Amphiaraia. Amphidromia. Anagogia. Anakeia. Anaxagoreia. Androgeonia. Anthesphoria. Antinoeia. Apaturia. Aphrodisia. Apollonia. Ariadneia. Armilustrium. Arrhephoria. Artemisia. Asclepieia. Augustales. Bendideia. Boedromia. Boreasmus. Brasideia. Brauronia. Cabeiria. Festivals, &c. — continued. C'allisteia. Carmentalia. Carneia. Carya. Cerealia. Chalceia. Chalcioikia. Charistia. Chelidonia. Chitonia. Choeia. Chthonia. Compitalia. Consualia. Cotyttia. Daedala. Daphnephoria. Decennalia. Delia. Delphinia. Demetria. Diasia. Dictynnia. Diipoleia. Diocleia. Dionysia. Dioscuria. Elaphebolia Eleusinia. Eleutheria. Ellotia. Ephesia. Equiria. Erotia. Floralia. Fornacalia. Gymnopacdia. Heraea. Hermaea. Hestiasis. Hilaria. Hyacinthia Inoa. Isthmia. Juvenalia. Lampadephoria. Laphria. Larentalia. Lectisternium. Lemuralia. Leonidcia. Lernaea. Ludi. [ In the text an alphabetL cat list of the principal ludi is given. 1 Lupercalia. Lycaea. Matralia. Matronal ia. Meditrinalia. Megalensia. Menelaeia. Metageitnia. Munychia. Museia. Mysia. Mysteria, Nemea. INDEX. 1287 Festivals, &c. — continued. Furniture — continued. Greek Law — continued. Neptunalia. Thronus. Endeixis, ephegesis. Novendiale. Torus. Enechyra. Olympia. Triclinium. Engye. Op alia. Tripos, 1. Enoikiou dike. Oschophovia. Greek Law. Epangelia. Palilia. Adeia. Epibole. Pamboeotia. Adoptio, 1. Epiclerus. Fanathenaea. Adulterium, 1. Epitropus. Fandia. Agraphiou graphe. Epobelia. Fanellsnia. Agraphou metallou Euthyne. Plynteria. graphe. Exagoges dike. Poplifugia, Aikias dike. Exaireseos dike. Portumnalia. Alogiou graphe. Exomosia. Poseidonia. Amphiorkia, or amplio- Exsilium, 1. Prometheia. mosia. Fenus, 1. Protrygaea. Anagoges dike. Gamelia. Pyanepsia. Anakrisis. Graphe. Pythia. Anaumachiou graphe Harpages graphe. Quinquatrus. Androlepsia. Heirgmou graphe. Quinquennalia. Antidosis. Heres, 1. Quirinalia. Antigraphe. Hetaireseos graphe. Regifugium. Aphormes dike. Hieromenia. Robigalia. Apographe. Hierosylias graphe. Saturnalia.? Apokeruxis. Hori. Septimontium. Apophysis. Hybreos graphe. Sthenia. Aporrheta. Hypoboles graphe. Synoikia. Apostasiou dike. Jusjurandum, 1. Terminalia. Appellatio. Leiponautiou graphe. Thalysia. Aprostasiou dike. Frodosia. Thargelia. Argias graphe. Proeisphoras dike. Theophania. Arguriou dike. Prostates tou demou. Theseia. Asebeias graphe. Prothesmia. Thesmophoria. Astrateias graphe. Psephus. Tithenidia. Ateleia. Pseudengraphes grapho Vinalia. Atimia. Pseudocleteias graphe. Vulcanalia. Automolias graphe. Rhetorice graphe. Forms of Government. Axones. Rhetrae. Aristocratia. Bebaioseos dike. Scyria dike. Democratia. Biaiou dike. Seisachtheia. Monarohia. Blabes dike. Sitou dike. Ochloeratia. Bouleuseos dike. Sycophantes. Oligarchia. Cakegorias dike. Sylae. Funerals. Cakosis. Symbolaeon. Area, 3. Cakotechnicou dike. ' Symbolon, dikae apo. Cenotaphium. Carpou dike. Syndicus. Cippus, 1. Cataluseos tou demou Synegorus. Columbarium, 1, graphe. ' Syngraphe. Crypta, 3. Catascopes graphe. Timema. Funus, 1. Greek. Chreous dike. Tormentum, 1. „ 2. Roman. Civitas, politeia. Traumatosek pronoias Mausoleum. Cleteres. graphe. " Urn a. Clopes dike. Xenias graphe. Furniture. Concubina. Horse Furniture. Abacus, 6. Curius. Calcar. Accubita. Decasmus. Ephippium. Area, 1. Diadicasia. Frenum. Armarium. Diaetetae. Habenae, 1. Balnea. Diapsephisis. Hippoperae. Cathedra. Dicasterion. Income, Public and Private Conopeum. Dicastes. Aes uxorium. Cortina, 3. Dike. Apophora. Incitega. Divortium. Area, 2. Lectus. Dokimasia. Aurum lustrale. Mensa. Dos, 1. Census. Pluteus, 3, 4. Ecmartyrta. Centesima. Pulvinar. Eisangelia. Columnarium. Scamnum. Embateia. Decumae. Sella, 1, 2, 4. Emmcni dikae. Demioprata. Speculum. Enctesis. Eicoste. 1288 Income, See continued. Eisphora. Epidoseis. Fiscus. Ostiarium. Pentecoste. Phoros. Portorium. Quadragesima. Quinquagesima. Salarium. Salinae. Scriptura. Stationes fisci. Stipendiarii. Telones. Telos. Theorica. Tributum. Veotigalia. Vicesima. Insignia and Attributes Caduceus. Cantabrum. Fasces. Insignia. Sceptrum. Talaria. Thyrsus. Virga. Leagues. Achaicum Foedus. Aetolicum Foedus. Socii. Literature. Commentarius. Fescennina. Logographi. Paean. Satura. Machines and Contrivances. Antlia. Cardo. Catena. Clitellae. Cochlea. Columbarium, 2. Ephippium. Exostra. Ferculum. Fistula. Follis. Forma. Fornax. Helix, 2. Jugum, 2. Libra, Libella. Machinae. Mola, 1. hand mill. „ 2. cattle mill. „ 3. water mill. „ 4. floating mill. „ 5. saw mill. „ 6. pepper mill. Mortarium, pila. Pegma. Phalangae. Retis, Rete. Scalae. Tela- INDEX. Machines, &c. — continued. Manufactures and Materi- Tintinnabulum. als. Torculum. Byssus. Trutina. Cilicium. Magistrates and Rulers. Coa vestis. Acta, 1. 5. Elephas. Adlecti. Fictile. Aeinautae. Gausapa, Aesymnetes. Lodix, lodicula. Alabarches. Salinae. Amphictyones. Sericum. Archon. Serta. Areiopagus. Tapes, tapete. Bidiaei. Vitrum. Boetarches. Manners and Customs. Boule. Acclamatio. Censor. Acta. Centumviri. Amnestia. Colacretae. Anakleteria. Consul. Angaria. Consularis. Cheirotonia. Cosmi. Chelidonia. Decaduchi. Chirographum. Decarehia. Corona convivialis. Decemviri legibus scriben- „ nuptialis. dis. „ natalitia. „ litibus judican- „ longa. dis. „ Etrusca. „ sacris faciundis. „ pactilis. „ agris dividun- „ tonsilis. dis. „ pampinea. Demarchi. Crypteia. Demiurgi. Diploma. Dictator. Hosj'itium. Duumviri. Hydriaphoria. Eisagogeis. Immunitas. Ephetae. Jusjurandum, 1. Greek. Ephori. „ 2. Roman, Epimeletae. Leiturgia. Eponymus. Matrimonium, 1. Greek. Gerousia. „ 2. lioman Gynaeconomi. Nomen. Harmostae. Nudus. Hendeka, hot Proscriptio. H ieromnemones. Prytaneium. Illustres. Suffragium. Interrex. Synoikia. Magistratus. Syssitia. Medix tuticus. Tabella. Nomophylaces. Tribus, 1. Greek. Paedonomut. „ 2. Roman. Patronomi. Trierarchia. Perduellionis duumviri. Venatio. Phylarchi. Viaticum. Phylobasileis. Xenelasia. Polemarchus. Maritime Affairs. Poletae. Camara, 2. Poristae. Carchesium, 2. Praetor. Cataphracti, 2. Probouli. Corbitae. Proconsul. Cymba, Rex, 1. Greek. Delphis. „ 2. Roman. Dolo, 2. Senatus. Epibatae. Tetrarches. Epistoleus. Tribuni plebis. Harpago, Tribunus. Hyperetes. Triumviri. Insignia, £. Tyrannus. Jugum, 6. Vigintisex viri. Lembus. INDEX 1289 Maritime Affairs— continued'. Measures, &c. — continued. Military Pay, &c. — continual. Navarchus. Sextarius. Stipenaium. Navis. Spithame. Military Punishments Naumachia, Stadium, 2. Decimatio. Paralus. Ulna. Deilias graphe. Phaselus. Uncia, Desertor. Portisculus. Urna. Fustuarium. Praefectus classis. Xestes. Military Rewards. Remuloum. Medicine. Aurum coronarium. Rudens. Archiater. Corona obsidionalis. Markets. Chirurgia. „ civica. Agora. Diaetetica. „ navalis. Deigma. Iatralipta. „ muralis. Emporium. Iatrosophista. „ castrensis, vallaris. Forum. Medicina. „ ovalis. Macellum. Medicus. ,, oleagina. Mathematical Geography. Metals. Hasta pura. Clima. Aes. Ovatio. Measures and Weights. Argentum. Praeda. Acaena. Aurum. Spolia. '^*^)etabulum. Electrum. Triumphus. Achane. Metallum. Tropaeum. Acna, or Acnua. Orichalcum. Money. Actus. Military Costume. Aes. Addix. Abolla. „ circumforaneuni. Arnma, Alicuia. „ manuarium. Amphora. Balteus. Argentum Artaba. Bulla. As. Arura. Caliga. Assarius nummus As. Paludamentum. Aurum. Cheme. Sagum. Chalcus. Choenix. Military Engines. Cistophorus. Chous. Aries. Damaretion. Concha. Catapulta. Dan ace. Congius. Cataracta. Daricus. Cotyla. Corvus. Denarius. Cubitus. Covinus. Drachma. Cubus. Crates. Hecte, 2. Culeus. Cuniculus. Libella. Cyathus. Ericius. Litra. Dactylus. Helepolis. Nummus. Decempeda. Lupus ferreus. Obolus. Gradus. Pluteus, 2. Sestertius. Hecte, 1. Scalae. Sextula. Hemina. Stylus, 2. Stater. Hippicon. Testudo, 3. Uncia. Jugerum. Tormentum. Music and Musical Instru- Libra, as. Tribulus. ments. Ligula. Tunis, 2. Acroama. Litra. Vinea. Aeneatores. Maris. Military Ensigns. Buccina. Medimnus. Signa Miiitaria. Canticum. Mensura. Military Levies. Capistrum. Metretes. Catalogus. Chorus. Milliare. Conquisitores. Cornu. Modius. Emphruri. Crotalum. Mystrum. Epariti. Cymbalum. Obolus. Tumultus. Hydraula. Orgyia. Military Manceuvres. Jugum, 4. Palmipes. Cuneus. Lituus, 2. Palmus. Forfex. Lyra. Parasanga. Testudo. Musica, 1. Greek. Passus. Military Pay and Allow. „ 2. Roman. Pertica. ANCES. Pecten. Pes. Acta. Sambuca. Plethron. Aes equestre. Sistrum. Pondera. „ hordearium. Syrinx. Quadrantal. „ militare. Testudo, 1 . Schoenus. Praeda. Tibia. Scrupulum. Spolium. Tuba. 1290 INDEX. Music, &c. — continued. Painting — continued. Private Buildings — contimud Tympanum. Purple: purpurissum. Domus coenacula. Officers and Soldiers. „ ostrum. „ diaeta. Accensi, 2. „ hysginum. „ solaria. Aeneatores. „ rubiae radix. Exedrae. Agathoergi. Red : cinnabaris. Focus. Ala. » » Indica. Fornax. Alauda. „ minium. Fornix. Antecessors. „ rubrica. Hemicycliurru Argyraspides. „ cicerculum. Janua. Campidoctores. „ cerussa usta. Insignia, 4. Catalogus. ,, sandaracha. Lararium. Cataphracti. White : melinum. Later. Celeres. „ paraetonium. Paries cratitius. Conquisi tores. „ creta anularia. „ formaceua. Contubernales. „ cerussa. „ lateritius. Damosia. Yellow : sil. „ reticulata struo- Dimacliae. „ auripigmentum. tura. Ducenarii. Pictura. „ structura antiqua. Duplarii. Priests and Priestly Offices. „ emplecton. Epariti. Aeditui. „ e lapide quadrato. Evocati. Agyrtae. Pergula. Excubitores. Arvales fratres. Finacotheca. Exercitus, 1. Greek. Asiarchae. Pluteus, I. „ 2. Roman. Augur, auspex. Puteal. Libratores. Augustales. Scalae. Mensores, 2, 3, 5. Corybantes. Synoikia. Mercenarii. Curio. Taberna. Phylarchi. Epulones. Tegula. Fraefectus castrorum. Eumolpidae. Triclinium. „ praetorio. Exegetae. Villa. Praetor. Fetiales. Public Buildings. Praetoriani. Flamen. Aerarium. Rufuli. Galli. Amphitheatrum. Strategus. Haruspices. Archeion. Tagus. Hiereis ton soteron. Arcus triumphalis. Taxiarchi. Luperci. Argyrocopeion. Tiro. Neocori. Athenaeum. Velati. Pastophori. Auditorium. Volones. Pausarii. Balneae. Xenagi. Pontifex. Basilica, chalcidicum. Oracles and Divination. Rex sacrificulus. Bibliotheca. Auguiium, auspicium. Sacerdos. Career, 2. Caput extorum. Salii. Chalcidicum. Oraculum, 1 . of Apollo. Theori. Circus. „ 2. of Zeus. Titii sodales. Cochlea, 3. „ 3. of other Vestal es. Curia. gods. Private Buildings. Forum. „ 4. of heroes. Aithousa. Graecostasis. „ 5. of the dead. Apotheca. Hippodromus. „ 6. Italian. Armarium. Horreum. Sibyllini Libri. Atrium. Labyrinthus. Sortes. Bibliotheca. Lautumiae. Painting. Caupona. Lesche. Colores. Cella. Moneta. Black : atramentum. Cubiculum. Museum. „ elephantinum. Domus, 1. Greek. Obeliscus. „ tryginum. „ 2. Roman. Odeum. Blue : caeruleum. „ vestibulum. Faradisus. „ lomentum „ ostium. Porticus. „ tritum. „ atrium. Prytaneion. „ Armenium. „ alae. Rostra. „ Indicum. „ tablinum. Stadium. Brown : ochra usta. „ fauces. Suggestus. Green: ehrysocolla. „ perystylum. Tabularium. ,, aerugo. „ cubicula. Thesaurus. „ scolecia. „ triclinia. Tribunal. „ Theodotion. „ oeci. Public Officers. „ Appianum. „ exedrae. Accensi, 1. ,, creta viridis. „ culina. Actuarii. Public Officers — continued. Adleoti, 2. Adlector. Admissionales. Aediles. Agathoergi. Agonothetae. Agoranomi. Agrimensores. Agronomi. Apodoctae. Apostoleis. Apparitores. Asiarchae. Astynomi. Boonae. Cancellarius. Carnifex. Choiegus. Coactor. Comes. Commentariensis. Critae. Curatores. [An alphabetical list of curatores is given.] Diaetetae. Diribitores. Ducenarii, 1, 2. Ecdicus. Episcopi. Epistates. Euthyni. Exetastae. Frumentarii. Grammateus. Hieropoii. Hodopoei. Hylori. Hyperetes. Legatus. Leiturgia. Lictor. Magister. \_An alphabetical list of magistri is given.] Manceps. Mastigophori. Mensarii. Metronomi. Notarii. Opinatores. Paredri. Paroehi. Practores. Praecones. Praefectus Annonae. Urbi. Praepositus. Primicerus. Probouli. Procurator. Publicani. Pythii. Quaestores classici. „ parricidii. Quinqueviri. Scribae. Sitophylaces. Stator. INDEX. Public Officers — continued Stratores. Syllogeis. Tabellio. Tabularii. Tamias. Teichopoeus. Tettaraconta, hot Theori. Trierarchia. Triumviri. Viatores. Zetetae. Roads and Streets. Angipoitus. Callis. Mansio. Viae. Vicus. Roman Law. Acceptilatio. Accessio. Acta, 2. Actio. Actor. Adoptio, 2, Adulterium, 2. Advocatus. Aediles. Affinitas. Agrariae leges. Album. Alluvio. Ambitus. Appellatio. Aquae pluviae arcendae actio. Arra, Arrha. Arrabo, Arrhabo. Assertor. Auctio. Auctor, Auctoritas. Basilica. Benefieium. Bona. „ caduca. „ fides. „ rapta. „ vacantia. Bonorum cessio. „ collatio. „ emptio. „ possessio. Breviarium Alaricianum. Calumnia. Caput. Caupo. Cautio, cavere. Centumviri. Certi, incerti actio. Chirographum. Civitas. Cliens. Codex Gregorianus. „ Hermogenianus. „ Justinianeus. „ Theodosianus. Cognati. Collegium. 1291 Roman Law — continued. Colonia, 2. Commissoria lex Commissum. Commodatum. Communi dividundo actio Compensatio. Concubina. Confessoria actio. Confusio. Constitutiones. Corpus juris civilis. Crimen, delictum. Culpa, dolus malus. Curator. Damnum. „ infectum. ., injuria datum. Dec return. Dediticii. Dejecti effusive actio. Depositum. Divortium, 2. Domicilium. Dominium. Dominus. Donatio mortis causa. „ propter nuptias. „ inter virum et uxorem. Dos, 2. Edictum. „ TheodoricL Emancipatio. Emphyteusis. Emptio et venditio. Evictio. Exercitoria actio. Exhibendum, actio ad. Exsilium, 2. Falsum. Familia. Familiaeerciscundae actio. Fenus, 2. Fictio. Fidei commissum. Fiducia. . Finium regundorum actio, Fiscus. Foederatae civitates. Frumentariae leges. Fundus. Furtum. Gens. Heres, 2. Honores. Imperium. Impubes. Incendium. Incestum. Infamia. Infans. Ingenui. Injuria. Institoria actio. Institutiones. Intercessio. Interdictum, Intestabilb. Judex. 1392 Roman Law — continued. Judex Pedaneus. Judicati actio. Jure, cessio in. Jurgium. Juridici. Jurisconsult!. Jurisdictio. Jus. „ Aelianum. „ Civile Flavianum. „ Civile Fapirianum. Jusjurandum, 2. Jussu quod, actio. Latinitas. Legatum. Lex. [ Under this head an al- phabetical list of the principallawsis given."] Libelli accusatorum. „ famosi. Liber, Libertas. Libertus, 2. Litis contestatio. Locatio, conductio. Magistratus. Majestas. Mancipii causa. Mancipium. Mandatum. Manumissio. Manus injectio. Mora. Mutuum. Negotiatores. Negotiorum gestorum actio. Nexum. Novellae constitutiones. Noxalis actio. Obligationes. Occupatio. Operis novi nuntiatio. Orationes principum. Orator. Pandectae or Digesta. Fatria potestas. Patronus. Pauperies. Peculatus. Per condictionem. Per judicis postulationem. Per pignoris capionem. Pignus. Plagium. Plebiscitum. Poena. Possessio. Postliminium. Praedium. Praejudicium. Praes. Praescriptio. Praetor. Procurator. Proscriptio. Provincia. Publiciana in rem actio Quanti minoris actio. INDEX. Roman Law — continued. Quorum bonorum inter- dictum. Recepta, de recepto actio. Redhibitoria actio. Repetundae pecuniae. Restitutio in integrum. Rutiliana actio. Sectio. Senatus consul turn. [An alphabetical list of senatus consulta is given.] Servitutes. Societas. Successio. Sumtuariae leges. Superficies. Tabellariae leges. Talio. Testamentum. Tormentum, 2. Tutor. Vindicatio. Vindicta. Vis. Universitas. Usucapio. Usurpatio. Usufructus. Sacrifices and Religious Rites. Acerra. Amburbium. Anakleteria. Antigoneia. Apotheosis. Ara. Arateia. Canepboros. Corona sacerdotalis. „ sutilis. „ radiata. Cortina, 6. Diabateria. Diamastigosis. Eisiteria. Eleusinia. Exauguratio. Exiteria, or Epexodia. Inauguratio Lituus, 1. Lustratio. Lustrum. Proerosia. Sacra. Sacrificium. Sagmina. Secespita. Simpulum. Supplicatio. Thensae. Tripos, 3. Turibulum. Ver sacrum. Slaves and Bondsmen. Agaso. ABpilus. Aliptae. Amanuensis. Anagnostae. Slaves, &c. — continued. A nteambulonea. Aquarii. Bruttiani. Calones. Capsarii. Coloni. Cosmetae. CubiculariL Cursores, Demosii Fartor. Gymnesu. Helotes. Ieroduli. Librarii. MediastinL Notarii. Paedagogus. Pedisequi. Penestae. Servus, 1. Greek. „ 2. Romau. Tabellarius. Thetes. Villicus. Statuary. Acrolithi. Canabus. Caryatides. Colossus. Daedala. Hermae. Imago. Persae. Sculptura. Statuaria ars. Typus. Superstitions. Amuletum. Apopbrades hemerai. Astrologia. Fascinum. Oscillum. Prodigium. Sortes. Temples and Holt Places. Aediculae. Argei. Asylum. Bidental. Docana. Propylaea. Sacellum. Sacrarium. Templum. Velum. Titles. Augustus. Caesar. Tools and Implements. Acus. Amussig, Apsis. Ascia Asilla. Circinus. Colus. Contus. Cultes INDEX. 1993 Tools, &c. — continued. Vehicles and their parts. Utensils — continued. Dolabra, Dolabella Antyx. Cortina, 1, 2. Falx. Arcera. Crater. Fistuca. Basterna. Cupa. Follis. Canathron. Cyathus. Forceps. Capistrum. Fax. Forfex. Carpentum. Ferculum. Fuscina. Carruca, Funale. Fusus. Chiramaxium. Guttus. Harp ago. Cisium. Lanx, Lancula. Incus. Covinus. Laterna. Jugum. 5. Currus, bigae. Lecythus. Ligo. „ trigae. Lucerna. Lima. „ quadrigae. Mazonomus. Malleus, Malleolus. Esse da. Modiolus. Norma. Hamaxopodes, arbusculae. Murrhina vasa. Regula. Harmamaxa. Oenophorum. Runcina. Jugum, 7. Olla, aula. Securis. Lectica. Patera, Patella. Serra. Petorritum Patina. Trades and Occupations. Pilentum. Poculum. Ambubaiae, Rheda. Psycter. Argentarii. Sella, 3. Pyxis. Athletae. Utensils, Rhyton. Balatro. Acetabulum. Salinum. Barber, tonsor. Aenum. Sartago, Bestiarii. Alabastrum. Situla, Sitella. Bibliopola. Amphora. Taeda. Calculator. Ampulla. Tripos, 2. Caupo. Anaglypha. Trua, Trulla. Fabri- Authepsa. Vas. Fullo. Bascauda. Urceus. Funambulus. Bicos. Writing and Writing Matb Gladiatores. Cad us. rials. Hemerodromi. Calathus. Adversaria. Histrio, 1. Greek. Calix. Album. „ 2. Roman Candela, A tr amen turn. Interpres. Candelabrum Buxum. Leno. Cantharus. Calamua. Lepturgi. Capsa. Codex. Logographi, 2. Carchesium, I. Libellus, Mensores. Catinus. ,, memorialis. Notarii. Chrysendita. Liber. Pelatae. Cista. Nota. Pistor. Cochlear. Regula. PI umari i. Colum. Scytale. lie Jen j tor. Cophinus. Stylus, 1. Sagarii. Corbis, Corbula, Corbicula. Tabulae LONDON: PRINTED Bf SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUAB 2 AND PARLIAMENT STKEET ^