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 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027108970 
 
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS 
 
 Vol. VIII No. 1 
 
 GRAMMATICAL NOTES ON THE 
 LANGUAGE OF THE TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 BY 
 FRANZ BOAS 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM 
 
 1917 
 
2 V 
 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 FOREWORD 5 
 
 PREFACE 7 
 
 §§ 1-9. PHONETICS 9 
 
 §§ 1-4. SOUNDS AND SOUND-GROUPINGS 9 
 
 § I. Consonants 9 
 
 § 2. Vowels 10 
 
 § 3. Pitch 11 
 
 § 4. Position of Sounds and Sound- 
 Clusters 12 
 
 §§ 5-9. PHONETIC PROCESSES 14 
 
 § 5. Introductory 14 
 
 § 6. Voicing of Surd Consonants ... 14 
 
 § 7. Dropping of Consonants 15 
 
 § 8. Vocalic Harmony 16 
 
 § 9. Change OF a BEFORE Certain Affixes 18 
 
 §§ 10-47. MORPHOLOGY 20 
 
 § ID. INTRODUCTORY 20 
 
 §§ M-34. THE VERB 22 
 
 §11. Structure 22 
 
 § 12. Inner Changes of Verbal Stem . 24 
 
 § 13. Classifiers 27 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PACE 
 
 § 14. Definite and Indefinite Forms of 
 
 Classifiers 3' 
 
 § 15. The Vowels of the Classifiers. 33 
 
 § 16. Tenses and Modes 35 
 
 § 17. The Pronoun, Introductory . 41 
 
 § 18. Pronouns of the First and Second 
 
 Persons .... 42 
 
 § 19. Pronouns of the Third Person. . 43 
 § 20. Subjective Pronouns of the Third 
 
 Person -44 
 
 §21. Objective Pronouns of the Third 
 
 Person . . 47 
 
 § 22. Possessive Pronouns of the Third 
 
 Person 51 
 
 § 23. Independent Pronouns OF the Third 
 
 Person ... . ... 55 
 
 § 24. The Third Person Plural . . . 55 
 § 25. The Incorporated Personal Pro- 
 nouns . . ... 57 
 
 § 26. Treatment of the Vowels of the 
 Pronominal and Temporal Pre- 
 fixes . . . ... 
 
 § 27. Reflexive and Reciprocal Forms 
 
 § 28. The Prefix k'v 
 
 § 29. The Prefix k'a ... 
 § 30. Incorporated Nouns . . . 
 § 31. Adverbial Prefixes ... 
 § 32. Syntactic Use of Tense Forms 
 § 33. Syntactic Use of the Vocalic Modi- 
 fications OF the Verb . . 75 
 § 34. Imperative, Exhortative, and Pro- 
 hibitive .... 77 
 
 61 
 65 
 66 
 67 
 68 
 
 71 
 74 
 
CONTENTS 3 
 
 PAGE 
 
 §§ 35-40. SUFFIXES 80 
 
 § 35. Plural Suffix 81 
 
 § 36. Adverbial Suffixes 81 
 
 § 37. Adnominal Suffixes 86 
 
 § 38. Suffix -yi {-i, -wu, -u) 87 
 
 § 39. Suffixes -a and -ya 92 
 
 § 40. Suffixes of Adverbs and Numerals 93 
 
 § 41. POST-POSITIONS 93 
 
 § 42. LOCATIVE AND TEMPORAL NOUNS 103 
 
 § 43. COMPOSITION OF STEMS in 
 
 §§ 44-45. DEMONSTRATIVE AND INTERROG- 
 ATIVE PRONOUNS' 113 
 
 § 44. Demonstrative Pronouns .... 113 
 § 45. Interrogative and Indefinite Pro- 
 nouns, Adverbs, and Particles . 116 
 
 § 46. NEGATION 121 
 
 § 47. IMPERSONAL VERBS 122 
 
 §§ 48-52. VOCABULARY 123 
 
 §§ 48-51. TLINGIT-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. . 123 
 
 § 48. Nouns . . . . . . . . 123 
 
 § 49. Verbs . . 130 
 
 § 50. Particles . . .... 150 
 
 § 51. Numerals 152 
 
 § 52. ENGLISH-TLINGIT VOCABULARY . 153 
 
 ^ 53. TEXT ,68 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 This book is the result of two months' collaboration 
 
 between Mr. Louis Shotridge of the University Museum and 
 
 Dr. Franz Boas of Columbia University. Mr. Shotridge is 
 
 a full-blood Chilkat Indian and was born at Kluckwan on 
 
 the Chilkat River. He has been a member of the University 
 
 Museum staff since 191 2. In the winter of 1914, by special 
 
 arrangement, he went to New York to study linguistics with 
 
 Dr. Boas and during that time he supplied the material which, 
 
 under Dr. Boas' critical treatment, has taken the form which 
 
 is here presented. 
 
 G. B. Gordon 
 
 Director 
 July 14, 1917 
 
 (5) 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The following notes on the Tlingit language were obtained 
 from Mr. Louis Shotridge, who spent about six weeks in New 
 York during the winter of 1914-15. I had only a limited 
 amount of time to devote to work with him, and for this reason 
 my notes are not exhaustive. The structure of the Tlingit lan- 
 guage is such that it would require much labor and an ample 
 amount of accurately recorded material for a complete pres- 
 entation of the structure of the language. 
 
 The material obtained from Mr. Shotridge was supple- 
 mented by a study of the Tlingit texts published by Dr. John 
 R. Swanton.^ Some of the fundamental traits of the language 
 have been described by Dr. Swanton in his sketch of the Tlingit 
 grammar,^ but the notes collected by me contain a sufficient 
 number of new points to make the presentation of another, 
 incomplete grammar worth while. 
 
 In the following pages, when quoting from Dr. Swanton's 
 texts, 1 have adopted his spelling except in so far as I have 
 used the equivalents of the recently adopted phonetic alphabet 
 for rendering Indian languages wherever the equivalent could 
 be determined with certainty.^ Examples taken from Dr. 
 Swanton's texts are marked by an asterisk. 
 
 ' Tlingit Myths and Texts (Bulletin 39 of the Bureau of American Ethnology). Washing- 
 ton, 1909. 
 
 ^Tlingit, an Illustrative Sketch (Handbook of American Indian Languages, in Bulletin 
 40, Part I, of the Bureau of American Ethnology). Washington, 1910. 
 
 ' Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages. Report of Committee of American Anthro- 
 pological Association. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 66, No. 6 (Publication 241 5). 
 Washington, 1916. 
 
 (7) 
 
8 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 There is a considerable amount of uncertainty in regard 
 to the quality of some of the vowels recorded by me, particularly 
 in regard to the use of a, e, and e, which is due to difference 
 of pronunciation in rapid and slow speech. I discovered the 
 significance of some of these differences in the course of my 
 work, and had not the time to revise the whole material. 
 
 The text given at the end of the sketch was written by 
 Mr. Shotridge, and the first part was rewritten by me from 
 dictation by Mr. Shotridge. 
 
 1 am indebted to Dr. G. B. Gordon for the opportunity 
 that was given to me by the visit of Mr. Shotridge. 
 
 Franz Boas. 
 
 Columbia University, 
 
 New York, October, 1916. 
 
PHONETICS (§§ 1-9). 
 
 SOUNDS AND SOUND-GROUPINGS (§§ 1-4). 
 
 § I. Consonants. 
 
 
 
 Stops. 
 
 
 Spirant. 
 
 AfFricative. 
 
 Nasal. 
 
 
 Surd. 
 
 Sonant. 
 
 Fortis. 
 
 i 
 
 Surd. 
 
 Sonant. 
 
 Fortis. 
 
 Surd. 
 
 Sonant. 
 
 Fortis. 
 
 Alveolars . . 
 
 /" 
 
 d 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 i 
 
 ts 
 
 dz 
 
 ts 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 tc 
 
 dj 
 
 fc 
 
 — 
 
 Palatals . 
 
 k' 
 
 ^ 
 
 i. 
 
 X 
 
 (y) 
 
 X 
 
 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 Labialized 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 palatals . 
 
 F" 
 
 s" 
 
 r 
 
 x" 
 
 (w) 
 
 x" 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 Velars . . . 
 
 q' 
 
 ? 
 
 Q 
 
 X 
 
 — 
 
 x: 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 Labialized 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 velars . . 
 
 r 
 
 t 
 
 r 
 
 x" 
 
 — 
 
 x" 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 Laterals . 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 t 
 
 L 
 
 i 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 Breathing . 
 
 h 
 
 
 Semi-vowels 
 
 y, w 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The most striking characteristics of this series are the 
 absence of all labials, the lack of almost all voiced spirants, 
 and the occurrence of very strong glottalized spirants. The 
 surd stops are strongly aspirated. 
 
 If I understand Dr. Swanton correctly,^ the sound y occurs 
 only in the southern dialects, but is replaced by y among the 
 younger generation. In 1886 I heard it distinctly and without 
 any tendency to merge into y when taking down notes from a 
 Stikine Indian. In the northern pronunciation of Mr. Shotridge 
 
 *See p. 165. 
 
 (9) 
 
10 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM-ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 it is replaced by y. In those cases ijx which from other sources 
 the etymological value of y could be determined as y, I have 
 so written it, because the behavior of the two sounds is quite 
 different. In Mr. Shotridge's pronunciation there is, however, 
 no difference whatever between y and y. 
 
 The spirant fortes are pronounced with high pressure, 
 the glottis and nose being closed. The pressure is produced 
 entirely with the tongue and the soft palate. The sounds 
 are of short duration. The stopped fortes are produced in 
 the same manner. Swanton writes throughout q in place of 
 X and X, and L [l !\ in place of t. I am unable to tell whether 
 or not there is an actual diflference of this kind in the southern 
 
 dialect. 
 
 The aflfricative fortis U is very rare in terminal position. 
 
 Labial m of foreign words is throughout replaced by w: for 
 instance, 
 
 tsutsxan Tsimshian {t'sEm-cidn) 254.11 
 Vawk mountain-sheep (Tinneh Vame) 
 wkts'ix caribou (Tinneh malsVy 
 
 Initial vowels open with a glottal closure. For this reason 
 all terminal consonants may be followed by a glottal stop, — 
 a condition which must not be confounded with the fortis, 
 in which the glottal closure accompanies the articulation of 
 the vowel, and in which the sound is formed with high air- 
 pressure and greater muscular tension. 
 
 § 2. Vowels. 
 The following vowels occur: — 
 
 a e 1 u 
 a € I II 
 
 1 Both Tinneh words, according to Mr. Shotridge. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 11 
 
 The quantitative value of vowels varies considerably. 
 Unaccented syllables tend to have open vowels, which is due 
 to the lack of intensity of movement. When u and i; are in 
 contact with velars, they are apt to assume a less rounded 
 character, and verge on o, rarely on 7. In rapid speech the 
 combination wa and a following a labialized k approach the 
 sound 0. 
 
 § 3. Pitch. 
 
 Vowels have well-marked pitch. They are high, low, or 
 indifferent. The actual difference between high and low 
 pitch is not very great, the ratio of vibra:tions being about 
 14: 15, as shown on Plate 1, which illustrates also the 
 differences in quantity. Low pitch is indicated by the grave 
 accent; high pitch, by the acute accent. Examples of words 
 that differ in pitch only, are the following: — 
 
 M king-salmon 
 
 U board 
 
 xdt' root 
 
 xdt' salmon 
 
 t'U scar 
 
 t'U shoe 
 
 Many suffixes are of indifferent pitch. If these are added 
 to a stem with high pitch, they have the low pitch; if they 
 are added to a stem with low pitch, they take the high pitch. 
 
 dutdyl his king-salmon dutdyl his board 
 
 duxddi his root diixddl his salmon 
 
 dut'tli his scar dut'ili his shoe 
 
 nugun ■ having been sick 
 
 {<nuk'^'-yin) 
 xdcin having cut {<xdc-ym) 
 
 The high pitch is always accompanied by greater stress; 
 but, according to Mr. Shotridge's feeling, the pitch is essential, 
 the stress accidental; for when words were intentionally mis- 
 
12 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 pronounced, with stress accent on a low-pitch vowel, he 
 interpreted them regularly according to the pitch values of 
 the vowels. 
 
 In Swanton's texts the stress accent stands often on the 
 
 high-pitch vowels. 
 
 *Ut'di 262.6 = 'it'idi to the place 
 *imgt7 351.4 = lingli' Tlingit 
 *duye'kq!i 340.2 = duyek'xi his spirits 
 
 Pitch is used with great frequency to distinguish between 
 tenses of certain verbs. 
 
 xac past xdc future to cut 
 
 q'tn " q'in " to fly 
 
 han " hdn " to stand 
 
 The pitch of stems is not absolutely stable. When cer- 
 tain stems enter into compounds, they lose their high pitch 
 and take low pitch. 
 
 cd head cagugk big-headed 
 
 $dts leg gatsk'vlaydi long-legged 
 
 xuts nuwu bear's fort xutsnuwu Bear Fort (a place name) 
 
 'fl^" little lake 'M"qwdn Little-Lake-Tribe 
 
 § 4. Position of Sounds and Sound-Clusters. 
 
 All sounds may occur in initial position. Sonants do not 
 occur in terminal position, with the possible exception of y. 
 This cannot be decided from the available material on account 
 of the acoustic identity of y and y. The semi-vowels y and 
 w do occur in terminal position. The fortes iL, q, and q" have 
 also not been observed with certainty in terminal position. 
 In all cases where these occur in Swanton's material, and which 
 I tested, Mr. Shotridge pronounces {, x, x", x, or x", as the 
 case may be. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — ^NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 13 
 
 Clusters of consonants are exceedingly rare in initial 
 position. I found only tcxank grandchild. 
 
 They are rare in terminal position in stems. Among 
 the verbal stems given in § 49, I found only the following 
 ending in consonantic clusters: — 
 
 cuwq to laugh k'i.ks to shake 
 
 nalx wealthy xuctc to be suspended 
 
 Among the monosyllabic nominal stems given in § 48, 
 I found the following ending in consonantic clusters: — 
 
 saxt devil's-club {Fatsia hor- ts'vtsk"' bird 
 
 rida) tsalk' gopher 
 
 'Ixi shaman ts'lslt" moose 
 
 saqs a species of tree used is'vsk" owl 
 
 for making bows hn^ stale salmon-head 278.3 
 
 gantc leaf-tobacco 329.5; t\nx Ardostophylus uva ursi 
 
 342.1 xkcx'^ bluejay, blue 
 
 yajftc sea-otter *^walx green fern-roots 358.7, 9 
 
 XMtc frog calx elder sister 
 
 Eatk' ground Vdql hammer 
 nusk"' wolverene 
 
 I have omitted terms of relationship terminating in -%, 
 because these are diminutives. It will be noticed that among 
 these 18 words, 13 are names of animals or plants, many of 
 which may be loan-words. This is particularly probable for 
 the words ending in -k and -F, which resemble in form Tsimshian 
 words. 
 
 When a consonantic suffix is attached to a stem, terminal 
 sound-clusters originate. This happens, for instance, with 
 the endings -/e, -t, -tc, and others. 
 
 Consonantic clusters originating by composition in the 
 middle of the word are also unrestricted. Since, however, 
 no stem or affix ends in a sonant, a sonant never occurs as first 
 element in a consonantic cluster. 
 
14 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 PHONETIC PROCESSES (§§ 5-9)- 
 
 § 5. Introductory. 
 
 There are no phonetic processes that occur consistently 
 whenever sounds appear in definite combinations. It seems 
 that all of them are confined to cases of contact between stem 
 and certain grammatical endings or between affixes. 
 
 § 6. Voicing of Surd Consonants. 
 
 Aspirate surd stops and afifricative surds become sonants 
 before vocalic suffixes.^ In all cases in which they are followed 
 by a vowel preceded by glottal closure, they remain unchanged. 
 
 xaV root duxadi his root 
 
 'at' to go (pi.) ddin having gone 
 
 yek' spirit duyegl his spirit 
 
 ydk'^' canoe duydgu his canoe 
 
 'uk"" to boil wul'uguii it has boiled 
 
 waq' eye duwdgi his eye 
 
 k'eL' dog duk'eLi his dog 
 
 xwaL tired xwei^in he was tired 
 
 XiL to fish with rake xlm herring-rake 
 
 yaq' to pull k'a.ya.^a stern-sheets ( = puller) 
 
 The noun 'iV place apparently forms an exception: the 
 t does not change before suffixes. 
 
 xdn 'tt'l fireplace 
 
 Note.— In Swanton's texts, awe and ayii are written as though they 
 were suffixes, the a not being preceded by a glottal closure. Mr. Shotridge 
 pronounced them with glottal closure, so that the\ did not affect the pre- 
 ceding consonants. His treatment of these elements ma\- be seen from the 
 text § 53. 
 
 ' Swanton, p. 165. 
 
FRANZ BOAS— -NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 15 
 
 In Stems, aspirate surds and affricative surds followed 
 by vowels are of common occurrence: for instance, 
 
 t'u mind tcvf to rub body 
 
 q'd man fsln strong 
 
 k'i) to know Laq' to overcome 
 
 A few examples of surds before a glottalized vowel are, — 
 
 duif 'axalgin when I looked at him 
 xaciguk' 'al'hnV 1 know how to shoot 
 
 Initial h, y, and w do not produce the voicing of preceding 
 surds. 
 
 wutc' has xaguxdadx they heard each other 
 
 x6d' yawhux 1 was blown away 
 
 L'kl xaV wiigwdl he did not strike me 
 
 dls waq' ylk' yadl man in moon ( = moon eye inner child) 
 
 Surd continuants do not change, since the series of voiced 
 spirants, except y, is missing. I have not found any cases of 
 changes from x to y. 
 
 Fortes also remain unchanged before suffixes. 
 
 Note. — In the first person of several modes, q and k occur in place of 
 1^ and g of other persons (see p. 58). 
 
 § 7. Dropping of Consonants. 
 
 The consonant y, when following another consonant, is 
 dropped. 
 
 gas post dugd'sl his post 
 
 'an town yitc 'ani your father's town 
 
 yuw stomach Van yuwu sea-lion stomach (see also 
 
 § 8 for change from i to u) 
 xwaL tired xweLin having been tired 
 
 Note. — The stem xix to run, when preceded by the classifier c, be- 
 comes CLX. 
 
 yawhclxi when she had run 254.^ {Kya-wv-c-xlx-yi) 
 
16 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 § 8. Vocalic Harmony.^ 
 
 (a) Effect of u and of labialized ^-sounds. 
 
 The vowel u, the semi-vowel w, and all labialized palatal 
 and velar ^-sounds, bring about the labialization of many 
 ^-sounds immediately following them. In this case y becomes 
 w. This rule applies only to certain suffixes and prefixes. 
 It does not imply that ^-sounds of the stem, when following 
 a u, w, or a labialized ^-sound, are assimilated, as is illustrated 
 by the following examples : — 
 
 duy'tt% her little son *'ac'wugex he threw him 270.8 
 
 qukU to pick berries cuk'd ahead of me (cu + ^"a) 
 
 k'uxida brush, pencil (xiV wvxix it fell 
 
 to draw) ^aguge big-mouthed 
 'acwuxict' he whipped him 
 
 290.6 
 
 The only exception that I have found is a change of yaf 
 LONG to wat' after u. 
 
 'ak'xywdti its length {<a-k'u-ydt-i) 
 
 Labialized ^-sounds may also follow other vowels. 
 yak"' canoe ydk' mussel 
 
 The principal elements affected by the assimilation here 
 referred to are ^-suffixes, the pronoun of the first person, the 
 suffixes -yi (§ 38, p. 87) and -yin (§ 36, p. 84), and the prefix 
 ya, the last-named only after u. 
 
 I'd tnHguq" do not be sick! (hi i-nuk"'-iq) 
 gii.x"x" slaves {gux"-}!:) 
 yadwk" a little strap {yadxv-k) 
 
 ' Swanton, p. 165. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 17 
 
 In pronominal combinations (§§ 25, 26) in which a ^-sound 
 follows a u, weak labializations are found. In slow pronuncia- 
 tion these tend to disappear. 
 
 k'iq"iLlA.sin I shall hide it 
 gix^ilsLn 1 hid it for myself 
 
 The X of the incorporated noun xa mouth is also labialized 
 when following a u. 
 
 yux"axafa.nk' I am talking {yu-xa-xa-fan-k') 
 
 By far the most numerous cases are assimilations of the 
 suffixes -yt (§ 38) and -yin (§ 36, p. 84). When following a u, 
 these suffixes become by assimilation -wu and -wun; when they 
 follow a lu or a labialized ^-sound, the y drops out, and the 
 endings are -u and -un (see § 7) . 
 
 dunwuM his fort {Kdu-nk-yi) 
 
 dilluwu his nose (not of his own body) {<du-lu-yi.) 
 
 dutugu his king-salmon {<du-tuk^'-yi.) 
 duyagu his canoe (<du-ydk'"-yi.) 
 b'dtd^u house-timber {<llt-td(f'-yi) 
 'ayadwk its handle ( < ' a-ya-dw-yi) 
 'uxun having blown ( < '^"-yin) 
 cuwgiin having laughed {<cuwq"'-yi,n) 
 
 The same assimilation occurs if a labialized k, the labializa- 
 tion of which may be original or due to assimilation, is followed 
 by one of the suffixes -yi or -yin. 
 
 diiic gux'^x^'u his father's slaves {du-'tc giix^-x-yi) 
 
 The y of the suffix -ya (§ 39, p. 92) is not assimilated by 
 preceding u. 
 
 The verbal prefix ya- (§§ 13, 16) becomes -wa after u. 
 xdV 'uwadjaq' he killed me {xif 'u-ya-djdq') 
 
18 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 (b) Labialization after a.^ 
 
 In a limited number of cases a has the effect of labializing 
 the following ^-sound. We find — 
 
 qdwu its man (qd-yt) ndwun having died (nd-ym) 
 
 Nouns ending in a labialize the diminutive ending -^. 
 
 'dk" a small pond {'d-k)' {dH" a small spring-salmon (id-k) 
 
 'dk" a small thing {'d-i) 
 
 This happens also in words that introduce an a before 
 the diminutive -^. 
 
 hi'nak" a little water {hin-k) 'exak" a little grease {'ex-^) 
 
 ■ When the suffix -yi follows the labialized diminutive, it 
 undergoes the regular change to -u. 
 
 dud^u his little pond {du-d-^'^-yi) 
 Quite exceptional seems — 
 
 dut'dnu its navel (du-t'dn-yi) 
 
 § 9. Change of a before Certain Affixes. 
 
 Stems ending in a change their stem-vowel before a number 
 of suffixes. These are particularly -tc every time (see § 36, 
 p. 82), and -X (see § 36, p. 83). 
 
 5'a to say *^oi5e/c they always said 255.1 
 ya to happen ddk' k'didayetc it has happened often 
 
 i'd to sleep *Lel wute'x he did not sleep 
 '"^ to boil fix boiled food 
 
 Also 
 sa to breathe dlsek"' he is breathing 
 
 ' Swanton, p. i66. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 19 
 
 This change occurs very frequently with the incorporated 
 noun xa mouth. I am not able to determine the rules under 
 which this change occurs. 
 
 xadk xdk"^a.t'dn he will talk to me 
 'at' xewaVkn he spoke to it 
 
 It seems that the contraction with the classifier ya- brings 
 about the change. 
 
 Similar changes occur in the verbal prefix ya, ye down 
 (see § 31, p. 73). 
 
 yek''q"asa.in I shall carry it down 
 ydq'asain after I had carried it down 
 
MORPHOLOGY (§§ 10-47). 
 § lo. INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 The denominating, predicative, connective, and formative 
 elements of which the THngit sentence is built up are almost 
 throughout monosyllabic. A small number of nouns and 
 verbs occur that have more than one syllable, and that defy 
 further analysis. From the simple nominal elements new con- 
 cepts are formed by composition, and certain nouns which 
 designate parts of the body or locative ideas enter as qualify- 
 ing elements into the verbal complex. No compound verbal 
 ideas occur that originate through composition of verbal stems. 
 
 The significance of the stem is modified by internal changes, 
 which affect pitch and quality of the stem-vowel, but which 
 in some cases extend farther, certain consonants being either 
 added or omitted. 
 
 The stems, modified in the manner before indicated, with 
 or without suffixes, form the elements of the sentence. 
 
 The stems are preceded by prefixes which, in the modern 
 form of Tlingit, are of a highly formal character, but which 
 bear clear evidence of having served the purpose of classifying 
 objects according to form. They undergo modifications accord- 
 ing to the modal form of the verb and according to the definite- 
 ness or indefiniteness of action in regard to object and time; 
 one group of modifications serving to designate specific objects, 
 while another one designates generalized action or indefinite 
 objects (as i wash it and i am washing). Another group of 
 
 (20) 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 21 
 
 modifications expresses definite time, and the correlated group 
 indefinite time. 
 
 These are preceded by the pronominal subject, which is 
 closely associated with temporal and modal elements. Before 
 these stands the pronominal object. A number of elements, 
 largely of nominal origin, may be introduced at the very begin- 
 ning of the verbal complex. A very few elements, designating 
 general locative ideas or parts of the body, are incorporated 
 and stand with the pronominal object or in its place. 
 
 Certain modal forms are expressed by suffixes which follow 
 the whole verbal complex. 
 
 In the pronominal forms, singular and plural are dis- 
 tinguished. Exclusive and inclusive first person plural are 
 not differentiated. In connected discourse in which several 
 third persons appear, these are distinguished with great care. 
 Subjective, objective, and possessive pronouns are expressed by 
 separate forms, the last-named two classes being closely related. 
 
 The syntactic function of the noun is expressed by means 
 of a few nominal suffixes, which indicate its relation to the 
 verb. A considerable number of locative nouns which appear 
 in apposition to the more specific nouns carry these suffixes, 
 so that in many cases the noun has no modifying elements. 
 
 The syntactic relation between nouns is expressed by juxta- 
 position, changes of pitch, and by means of a possessive suffix. 
 
 The verbal complex is built up on the basis of the verbal 
 stem, with its modifying affixes, the stem undergoing inner 
 phonetic modifications referred to before. 
 
 Both nominal and verbal stems may be developed by 
 means of suffixes, which qualify the fundamental idea in regard 
 to concepts of size, number, and time. The specific ideas 
 that are thus expressed are diminutive, augmentative, number. 
 
22 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 certain types of repetition, past time, and related concepts. 
 According to the character of these ideas, some of the suffixes 
 are adnominal, others adverbial, still others both adnominal 
 and adverbial. 
 
 A number of nominal ideas — such as instrument, nomen 
 actoris, and abstract nouns — are developed from verbal stems 
 by means of suffixes. One of these, besides forming a variety 
 of nominal concepts derived from the verb, expresses the 
 possessive relation of nouns. 
 
 The modality of the sentence is expressed by a large 
 number of adverbs. Its relation to other parts of the discourse 
 is determined by conjunctions. 
 
 Subordination of clauses is throughout effected by nomi- 
 nalization of phrases, which are then given their syntactic 
 function by means of the syntactic nominal suffixes referred 
 to before. 
 
 The processes used for grammatical purposes are juxta- 
 position, prefixing, suffixing. Position of the word-clusters 
 and particles is comparatively free. Internal changes of the 
 stem are confined to vocalic changes and the addition or loss 
 of certain consonants. There is no reduplication. 
 
 THE VERB (§§ 11-34). 
 § II. Structure. 
 
 The verbal forms are built up of a number of elements 
 that enter into very intimate phonetic relation. These are 
 in order — • 
 
 (i) Locative prefixes. (5) Classifiers. 
 
 (2) Object. (6) Verbal stem. 
 
 (3) Modal prefixes. (7) Suffixes. 
 
 (4) Pronominal subject. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 23 
 
 1. Locative Prefixes. — A number of locative elements 
 occupy first position in the verbal complex. These express 
 ideas like up, down, along, etc. While their fundamental sig- 
 nificance seems well established, they are used in many cases 
 as purely formal elements. They are related to locative nouns. 
 
 2. Object. — Next in order follow the pronominal object 
 and, in some cases, one of a small group of incorporated nouns, 
 most of which designate parts of the body. Although in most 
 cases the meaning of these nouns is clear, there are also a number 
 of cases in which they have assumed almost formal values. 
 
 3. Modal Prefixes. — The elements of this series indicate 
 primarily temporal and semi-temporal relations. Their use, 
 however, is rather irregular. They express completion, pro- 
 gression, future, and temporal subordination. The use of 
 these elements is not entirely free. Certain ones are used 
 with certain tenses and with certain locative prefixes of the 
 first group. In negative sentences these appear modified. 
 
 4. Pronominal Subject. — On account of frequent con- 
 tractions, the order of this group and the preceding one is 
 not quite fixed, but the simpler forms suggest that the m.odal 
 (temporal) prefix precedes the pronominal subject. 
 
 5. Classifiers. — Immediately preceding the verbal stem 
 are found a number of elements whose original function seems 
 to have been to indicate the form of the subject or object of 
 the verb. According to mode and other incidents, their forms 
 show certain variations. In most cases the use of these elements 
 is purely formal. 
 
 6. Verbal Stem. — Almost all verbal stems are monor 
 syllabic. They undergo internal changes according to tense 
 and mode; and, according to the character of these changes, 
 several types of verbs may be distinguished. 
 
24 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 7. Suffixes.— Most of these modify the verbal stem. 
 There are, however, a few that have syntactic values. 
 
 Examples of composition of this type are the following: 
 
 nl 
 
 
 2 
 
 ■!-■ 
 
 •0 
 
 
 .1 
 
 a 
 in 
 
 (L» 
 
 ■55 
 G 
 
 e 
 
 00 
 
 x" 
 
 m 
 
 
 _ 
 
 xat' 
 
 _ 
 
 _ 
 
 
 
 yd 
 
 nuk"' 
 
 — 
 
 I am sick 
 
 — ■ 
 
 XiLf 
 
 
 
 wh 
 
 — 
 
 si 
 
 nuk"' 
 
 — 
 
 it made me sick 
 
 yd. 
 
 — 
 
 . — 
 
 ^& 
 
 xd 
 
 — 
 
 djdq' 
 
 — 
 
 when I begin to kill 
 
 
 — 
 
 i'u 
 
 
 Xd. 
 
 — 
 
 nuk"' 
 
 — 
 
 I am feeling it 
 
 ydk'a 
 
 — 
 
 
 no. 
 
 X. 
 
 cd 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 it begins to be polished on 
 its surface 
 
 yd 
 
 xat 
 
 yd. 
 
 no. 
 
 — 
 
 I 
 
 sik' 
 
 — 
 
 it is detaining me (ya = face) 
 
 k'k 
 
 ■ — 
 
 ik 
 
 w 
 
 — 
 
 dl 
 
 Van 
 
 — 
 
 he spoke ( = he moved mouth 
 up) 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 du 
 
 — 
 
 q'ktc 
 
 nutc 
 
 they always threw them off 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 'i) 
 
 ■ — • 
 
 dd 
 
 xweL 
 
 tc 
 
 he is tired every time 
 
 § 12. Inner Changes of Verbal Stem. 
 
 Three fundamental forms may be distinguished in the 
 verb, which we will designate as inchoative, past, and future. 
 The same forms occur in other modes, but their use is most 
 regular in the three tenses just named. 
 
 Accordingly we may distinguish between — 
 
 (i ) Verbs of one form. 
 
 (2) Verbs of two forms of the t\pe: open high pitch for 
 
 inchoative; close high pitch for future and past. 
 
 (3) Verbs of three forms of the type: open high pitch for 
 
 inchoative; close low pitch for past; close high 
 pitch for future. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — ^NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 25 
 
 (4) Verbs of two forms of the type: open high pitch +w 
 
 for inchoative; (close) high pitch for past and 
 future. 
 
 (5) Verbs of three forms of the type: open high pitch +w 
 
 for inchoative; close low pitch for past; close 
 high pitch for future. 
 
 (6) Verbs of four forms of type (3), which lose their 
 
 terminal consonant and have open vowel of high 
 pitch in the imperative. 
 
 (7) Verbs of three forms of type (3), but with change of 
 
 vowel for inchoative (en, u, u) . 
 
 In the following list of types^ I indicate open vowel by 
 (a); closed vowel, by (a). 
 
 Type I. Verbs of One Form. 
 
 '2 to cook suw to chop 
 
 'ux to blow geq' to be stingy 
 
 wus to ask (ex to dance 
 nuk"' to be sick 
 
 Type 2. Verbs of Two Forms: (a) Inchoative; (d) Past 
 
 and Future. 
 
 ya.t\ ydt' long na.q\ naq' to stand 
 
 yhk"\ yuk"' to shake gan, gdn to burn 
 
 tkx, tey:{?) to pound gv, gu happy 
 
 t'vtc, t'utc to rub paint on k"d\ k'W to pick berries 
 
 tc'vk"', tc'uk"' to soften skin kkn, Ren to jump 
 
 by rubbing gll, gil to grind 
 
 na, nd to drink xax", xex" to sleep (pi.) 
 tc'vx", tc'ux^ to rub body 
 
 1 I discovered thesa internal changes after having collected a considerable number of 
 verbal forms, and time did not suffice to check all forms. It is therefore quite possible that 
 some of the verbs may hive been erroneously classified. 
 
26 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM-:-ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Type 3. Verbs of Three Forms: (a) Inchoative; (a) Past; 
 
 (a) Future. 
 
 This is by far the most common type. 
 
 'ax, 'ax, 'dx{?) to carry blanket cvwq', cuwq', cuwq' to laugh 
 
 djaq', djaq\ djdq' to kill (singular 
 
 object) 
 nk, ne, ne to work 
 nkx, nex, nex to save 
 nik', nW, nik' to tell 
 gi)q', guq', guq' to throw a spear 
 gwal, gwdl, gwdl to strike 
 xkc, xdc, xdc to cut 
 xktc, xdtc, xdtc to give up 
 xii, xlt, xit to sweep 
 xweL, xweL, xwcl tired 
 q'ln, q'ln, q'in to fly 
 q'hx", q'ux^, q'ux" to travel by canoe 
 gax, gdx, gdx to cry 
 xltc, xitc, xitc to throw (a blanket,etc.) 
 
 'ax, 'dx, 'ax to hear 
 
 'hn, 'un, 'un(?) to shoot 
 
 yltc, yitc, y'ltc to fly 
 
 han, hdn, hdn to stand 
 
 hac, hdc, hdc to drift 
 
 hiin, hun, hun to sell 
 
 fan, fan, fdn to carry rod 
 
 f'l, ft, fi to be 
 
 fin, fin, fin to see 
 
 sin, sin, sin to hide 
 
 ts^kx, is' ex, is' ex to kick 
 
 ts'ls, ts'is, ts'is to dive 
 
 ts'in, ts'in, ts'in strong, alive 
 
 cl, ci, d(?) to sing 
 
 {c'lx, dx, cix)to run (same as xlx) 
 
 Type 4. Verbs of Two Forms: (dn) Inchoative; (a) Past 
 
 and Future. 
 
 In this group and the following, I heard usually the pair 
 e~d instead of d—d. The past v has for its inchoative vin. 
 These might be strictly considered as forming another group. 
 
 'en, 'd to grow 
 yen, yd to appear 
 ien, id{?) hot 
 cln, ci to search 
 g€M, ge large 
 
 k'kn, k'd lazy 
 kven, kv{?) to know 
 xin, xi to camp 
 tien, M to be small 
 a-}fen, a-xd{?) to paddle 
 
 Type 5. Verbs of Three Forms: {kn) Inchoative; {a) Past; 
 
 {a) Future. 
 
 'new, 'u, 'u to dwell 
 yan, yd, yd to pack 
 hen, ha, hd to move 
 fen, fa, fd to sleep (sing.) 
 
 f'M, fi, fi to carry a bag 
 nan. nd, nd to die 
 q'in, q'd, q'd to say 
 xtn, xd, xd{?) to eat 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 27 
 
 Type 6. Verbs of Four Forms: (a) Inchoative; {a) Past; 
 {a) Future; and {a) with Loss of Final Consonant. 
 
 Imperative. 
 
 'at\ 'at', 'at', 'd to go (pi.) 
 
 gilt', gut', gut', gv to go (sing.) 
 
 niik'^', nuk'^', nuk'^', nh to feel, to learn 
 
 Type 7. Verbs of Three Forms: {en) Inchoative; {ii) Past; 
 
 (m) Future. 
 
 'en, 'ii, 'u to dwell, to be, to have 
 hen, hii, hu, to swim, to wade 
 
 § 13. Classifiers.^ 
 
 There are four sets of verbal classifiers, which appear 
 in varying form. 
 
 
 Voiceless 
 Continuant 
 
 Voiceless 
 Continuant 
 
 Voiced 
 Affricative 
 
 Consonantic 
 form. 
 
 
 i-form. 
 
 a-form. 
 
 i-form. 
 
 I . . . . 
 
 ya 
 
 _ 
 
 dl 
 
 da 
 
 2 . . . 
 
 Ii 
 
 l& 
 
 lI 
 
 I' 
 
 3 . . . . 
 
 si 
 
 5d 
 
 dfi 
 
 s' 
 
 4 . . . . . 
 
 cl 
 
 CO. 
 
 djl 
 
 c' 
 
 It will be seen that the phonetic changes of the last three 
 of these elements are quite regular. They are based on the 
 three consonantic forms I, s, c, which appear with two distinct 
 vowels, t and a, and in an aflfricative form that may have 
 originated by composition with an independent d. The first 
 form is abnormal, but has been so arranged here that each 
 
 ' Swanton, §15, 3 (p. 175); § 17, i (p. 178) in part; § 18, i (p. 181); § 18, 3-7 (pp. 182-184). 
 
28 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 column contains morphological values of the same class. The 
 anomalies of the first form may be due to the fact that there is 
 no aflfricative corresponding to dy. If the consonantic forms 
 were derived from the voiceless continuants, x might be expected 
 in place of da. It is therefore more probable that this series 
 originates from the voiced affricatives. Then x could not be 
 expected. 
 
 It is fairly clear that the primary function of these ele- 
 ments is a classificatory one. A number of instances show 
 that either alone or with other prefixes they express form. 
 
 yidal a canoe, stone, plank, is heavy 
 Mai a rope, rod, bag, person, is heavy 
 k'aycdal a ball is heavy 
 diik'a.yadal a hoop is heavy 
 
 yawus a board, stone, is hard 
 hiMs a cylindrical object is hard 
 k'ayawus a ball, egg, small ring, is hard 
 djik'ayawus a hoop is hard 
 
 yayat a canoe, board, is long 
 
 hyai a flexible, cylindrical object is long 
 
 yage a solid object is large 
 
 hgk a person, bundle, pillow, bag, is large (tall) 
 
 waq' k'ayagk a loop is large {■waq' = eye) 
 
 In some transitive verbs 51 expresses length of the object. 
 
 {ya)u to buy something sm to buy (a gun, staff) 
 
 iya)hun to sell something sihun to sell (a long thing) 
 
 {ya)ux to blow something siux to blow up a tube 
 
 {ya)M to pound sdex to pound (wire, seaweed, long 
 
 things) 
 
 {yajguq' to thrust siguq' to thrust a pole 
 
 {ya)^ix to throw a stone si^ix to throw a bag 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 29 
 
 The forms in h in transitive verbs designate sometimes 
 lack of an object. 
 
 SLiix to blow up a tube htix to blow into the air 
 
 iya)ful to drill (wood) Id'ul to drill with a drill 
 
 {ya)un to shoot something hun to be shooting 
 
 {ya)yex to whittle hybc to construct (also with object) 
 
 {ya)ie^ to pound something Idex to knock a piece off 
 
 In some cases h designates long objects also in transitive 
 verbs. 
 
 {ya)us to wash hus to wash (a rope, ribbon) 
 
 In many cases si and h are used to express transitive or 
 causative ideas. 
 
 gut' to go (sing.) siguV to cause to go, to cany on shoul- 
 
 der 
 k'ahgut' to let down 
 'at' to go (pi.) SLUt' to cause to go, to carry on shoul- 
 
 der (plural object) 
 k'a.hat to let down (plural object) 
 {ya)nex to be saved sinex to save 
 
 yage large hg€ to make large 
 
 yasa to name hsa to cause to have a name 
 
 No general meaning can be given for a. 
 
 So far as the available material goes to show, the classifier 
 sc never occurs with verbal stems beginning with sibilants 
 (5, s, ts, ts, d-i, tc, tc, dj). In all these cases h takes its place. 
 
 The idiomatic use of these elements is quite irregular, 
 and in the consciousness of the Tlingit they form a unit with 
 the verb. Therefore their usage must be treated lexicograph- 
 ically. The available material is sufficient only to show which 
 classifiers are used with each stem. It cannot be positively 
 asserted which classifiers do not occur with certain stems, 
 
30 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VUl 
 
 although for many verbs the material seems sufficient to show 
 that only one or the other occurs. It seems that there are 
 verbs which appear with all the classifiers. Others occur 
 with three, two, or one only. The ja-series is by far the most 
 numerous; the others occur in the order h, si., a. 
 
 In some cases the meaning of the verb changes materially 
 with different classifiers. 
 
 yats'ln he is. alive 
 ya.ik:i to wring 
 yat'ln to be able to see 
 yaxas to sew with roots 
 
 {k'a.)ya.gan to burn (in- 
 
 trans.) 
 yaax to hear 
 
 yak'u to take into mouth 
 
 lUs'ln he is strong 
 
 llM to twist 
 
 Ut'in to observe 
 
 llxas to make a decoc- 
 tion strong by long 
 boihng 
 
 {k'a.)Uga.n to light a 
 fire 
 
 llax to sound (a whis- 
 tle, etc.; trans.) 
 
 Uk'u to inform (?) 
 
 sdkx to make crooked 
 sJ'ln to see 
 
 (k'ajsigan to 
 
 something 
 sicix to listen 
 
 slk'u to know 
 
 bum 
 
 Verbs which occur with four classifiers are^ — 
 
 fan (to move a long thing) guf (to walk, sing, [probably also 'at' 
 
 pl.]) 
 t'in (to see) k'u (to have inside of body ?) 
 
 nuk' (to feel) xlx (motion) 
 
 Verbs which occur with ya, h, and si are- 
 
 'at' to go (pl.) 
 
 'ax to' carry textiles 
 
 'ax to hear 
 
 'ix to shout 
 
 ya to hang 
 
 ha to transport 
 
 hun to sell 
 
 (ex to pound 
 
 na to send 
 
 gan to burn 
 
 gat' to fall, to leave 
 
 xat' to stay 
 
 xa to eat 
 
 xui to throw 
 
 ' The meanings of these stems vary very much. For this reason I have given in parentheses 
 what seems a generalized significance. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 31 
 
 With ^'a, 5t, CI,, I find t'i to be. 
 
 It will be understood that many of the other verbs may 
 have three forms, but that these have not been found in the 
 available material. 
 
 I do not give lists of verbs which occur in two forms only, 
 because there are very many of these, and because it seems 
 probable that most intransitive verbs may be made transitive 
 by Si or h. 
 
 The following verbs appear with one classifier only, and 
 are probably restricted to its use: 
 
 With ci: 
 
 iix courageous q'^ak" to alight 
 
 ^an to hate q'en to think 
 
 %a.n to jump qeW hard 
 
 ge{?) to refuse xiV to paint 
 
 ^eV dark xtn to fall (?), to fly 
 
 $eq' stingy xit to polish 
 
 With dt: 
 xwaL tired 
 
 I am not sure of others which in our material happen to 
 occur only with Jt. 
 
 For the reasons given before I do not give a list of those 
 verbs that occur with h, si, and ya alone. 
 
 § 14. Definite and Indefinite Forms of Classifiers. 
 
 The voiceless continuant t-forms and the voiceless con- 
 tinuant a-forms of the classifiers designate a definite object; 
 while the voiced and consonantic forms designate indefinite 
 objects, in many cases also plural objects. 
 
32 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 I. In transitive verbs the voiced and consonantic forms 
 designate lack of a definite object. 
 
 k'ex^SLgvq' I thrust it up 
 
 xiisUeti 1 pounded it 
 
 ycwatatc I slapped it 
 
 xalaxU I scraped it 
 
 xiillxwen I lifted it (loose objects 
 
 in spoon, shovel) 
 *yeaya'osiqa he requested this of 
 
 him 260.2 
 
 
 k'exd^igvq' I thrust upward 
 xiidiUkx 1 was pounding 
 xvdi.ta.tc 1 swam 
 xin.ix'd I was scraping 
 xvibcwen I was lifting 
 
 *naxa.c cut it ! 31 6.4 
 
 *ye'ayenasqa' when he made this 
 
 request 263.6 
 *ca daxaci. the cutting women 
 
 306.2 
 
 2. In transitive verbs with the indefinite subject du, 
 voiced or consonantic forms are used; excepting, however, 
 the ja-series, in which ya is retained. 
 
 *acdjl'n awu'hcat he took her 
 
 hand 256.11 
 *aoli.yax he built a house 263.10 
 *keacaka'oldaq she pushed it over 
 
 285.6 
 *awusiku' he knew it 255.7 
 
 k'icixW I draw it 
 *d'wacdt he took it 274.8:306.7 
 
 *ye yasa'k" they name it thus 
 310.7 
 
 *duid% wuduiicd't some one en- 
 slaved his sister 340.8 
 
 *duLiykx some one built it 336.3 
 
 *keayaka'odui.daq some one 
 pushed it over 345.14 
 
 *wudu'd^iku it became known 
 291.12; 294.9 
 
 *kandu'djucd it was painted 3 18.6 
 
 *wuduwaca't some one took him 
 318.1 
 
 ''ye dwwasd'k" thus he was named 
 297.1; 299.2 
 
 *yeduwau' some ox\thdid'\t 318.2 
 
 *ha.s d'wait they had it 255.2 
 
 3. In reflexive and reciprocal forms the voiced and con- 
 sonantic series are used. These include not only forms with 
 the reciprocal prefix c, but also forms in which the reflexive 
 idea is expressed in other ways. 
 
 'ac'uwadjkq' he killed him 
 *agd'x she cried about it 323.3 
 
 cxiididjaq' 1 killed myself 
 *ctd'di dagd'xaya xdti I cry about 
 
 myself 412.4 
 *ctdtqd'daci they put on them- 
 selves 336.10 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 33 
 
 'awvllsln he hid it 
 xvliyix I make it 
 
 *acwvsL'nex he saved him 363.1 
 
 t'vsai we cook it 
 
 *aca'kanadjal he took them there 
 
 258.13 
 has'axa they paddle 
 
 *a'oliat he took it 268.10 
 
 *'ha.s aoslte'n they saw it 322.9 
 
 'agawilsln he hid it for himself 
 *cwuiiy(:X he made himself 
 
 ( = pretended to be) 330.7 
 *cwutud^Lne'x we saved our- 
 selves 349. 1 1 
 'atgawd^li he cooks something 
 for himself 
 *wvcka'odidjel they took one 
 
 another 412.6 
 wvctin 'awtvdixa we paddled to- 
 gether 
 *wutc wuLM't they are carried 
 along together 394.9 
 wutc has wvdfd'ln they can see 
 each other 
 
 4. In distributive plurals the voiced and consonantic 
 forms are used. 
 
 duux yayat his tooth is long 
 
 yage it is large 
 
 dudjin hge his hand is large 
 
 *duu'x yekdiydt] his teeth were 
 duux diyaix j long 263 . i 
 digex they are large 
 dudjin ugex his hands are large 
 
 § 15. The Vowels of the Classifiers. 
 
 The table on p. 27 shows a series of i-forms for both the 
 definite and indefinite series; and a series of a-forms for the 
 definite series, of consonantic forms for the indefinite series. 
 The fundamental function of the i-series seems to be to indi- 
 cate definiteness of time. It is used in the indicative when a 
 definite moment is indicated. 
 
 *naoliga"s duna'q (nawhgas dundq') (then) they started from him 262.4 
 
 *yd'oliMts (yawlikuts) (then) it broke 252.5 
 
 *ye aya'osiqa {ye 'aydwsi.q'a) (then) he said this 252.7 
 
 *aositi'n (' awslt'ln) (then) she saw it 253.11 
 
 *xosi.tl'n (xiisWin) (now) I have seen them 385.15 
 
34 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 On account of the indefiniteness of time implied in the 
 a-forms and in the consonantic forms, these are used in 
 the indefinite past; in negative and dubitative sentences; in 
 the inchoative; future; imperative; in most subordinate 
 clauses; with suffixes expressing frequency of action; and 
 with verbal nouns. 
 
 Indefinite time: 
 
 *yasahe'x (yasahex) they were picking up (for some time) 252.6 
 *4dna'^ laW ale^d' (xanax lafi 'ale^d) its mouth around was red ochre 
 
 258.1 
 *wusgdni'n it is burnt (i. e., has been burnt some time) 380.22 
 *wusne}C€'n I had been saved 385.14 
 
 Negative sentences : 
 
 *Lel has mudustVn (lH has wvdust'in) no one saw them 257.1 
 *Lel llngi'ttc wusko' (Lelllngittc wisk'u) the people did not know it 258.9 
 *Lel qd ye ustt'ntc (lH q'd yevsVintc) no man had ever seen her 363.8 
 *Lel . . . has ivudaxe'q" {Lei has wvdaxex") they could not sleep 364.2 
 Lkl k'vxsagax I did not make him cry (k'iixsigax 1 made him cry) 
 *Le'gd yi'saku (Legd yiysak'u) don't you know it? 371.3 
 
 Dubitative sentences : 
 gill yisat'm have you seen him, perhaps? 
 
 Inchoative sentences: 
 
 *nalge'n (nalgkn) he became large 257.7 
 *yd'nalyaj( {ydnalyax) he was working 258.11 
 *yaka'ndax(,L (yak'anddx'J) he began to be troubled 358.14 
 
 Future sentences : 
 
 *ego'xlaxdc {'Iguxlahdc) you will float 358.13 
 
 *at gaxdulifM'n {'at' 'ayfdiilxiin) they were going to prepare it 359.1 
 
 *igoxsaxd' {'igiixsixd) he will eat you 359.6 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 35 
 
 Imperative sentences: 
 
 *yasaha' (yasahd) pick it up! 252.8 
 *laya'x (layax) make it! 257.11 
 *nasqd'q {nasqdq') let it swim! 268.8 
 *$ela$d's {gelagds) avoidit! 358.8 
 
 *anqd'wox xat naxsati' i/wati {'an q'dwux xai' naxsafi hiuan) let me be 
 a rich man! 366.13 
 
 Subordinate clauses : 
 
 *a.t laye'ie {'at' layexl) when he made a thing 370.3 
 *wudusiie'xe {wvdusnexl) when they saved him 370.10 
 *yi5aU'ni {^Isat'inl) if you see it 401.1 
 
 layttitc because it is long 
 
 *ya'tix isatiyl'tc {yat'ix 'Isat'lyitc) because you are a son 402.4 
 *axlacu'$o {'axlacuwgd) when 1 laughed 403.7 
 
 'axsat'in when 1 saw him 
 
 gadaq'in after it had flown away 
 
 Frequentatives : 
 
 *qox aku'dadjitc {q'ux ' hk'udadjitc) it turned back every time 255.5 
 *ha.s akuste'^aic {has ' ak'usUxtc) they broke them up every time 255.6 
 *qo' xodaguttc {q'ux 'Maguttc) he came back every time 270.8 
 *qdx nasti'tc {q'dx nast'itc) he became a man every time 270.9 
 *koyasage'x they would have to pay 370.3 
 
 Verbal nouns and adjectives : 
 
 ya' da{a:k 'an q'dwu this pounding chief 258.14 
 
 daieil blacksmith ( = pounder) 
 *latst'n {lats'in) strength 290.2 
 *an kulaya't {'an k'ulayki) a long town 252.1 
 "qa uskd'ye {q'd 'uskdyi) a lazy man 360.4 
 
 § 16. Tenses and Modes. 
 
 The syntactic use of modes and tenses is so irregular, 
 that it seems best to designate the forms, not by their function, 
 but by their morphological forms. 1 give here a list, in which, 
 
36 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 however, I add what seem to be the fundamental functions 
 of these forms. 
 
 (a) Forms without temporal prefix Indicative; present; continua- 
 
 tive. 
 
 (b) Forms with prefix wu . Indicative; historic tense; tran- 
 
 sitional. 
 (1^) « « " na (n) . Inchoative; temporal subordina- 
 
 tion. 
 
 ('^) " " " S<^ f^ \ Temporal subordination. 
 
 {e) " " " ?a (x) ] 
 
 If) " " " gvga igvx) . . Future. 
 
 {de) " " " gaga igax) ) 
 
 (ee) " " " gaga (gax) Y Temporal subordination. 
 
 {ce) " " " naga {flax) J 
 
 According to what has been said before, the forms a and 
 h occur with all the vocalic forms of the classifiers; i. e., for 
 expressing definite and indefinite time. We will distinguish 
 indefinite time from the definite by designating the corre- 
 sponding forms for definite time by a' and b'. In a very few 
 cases I have found the inchoative and future forms also with 
 the t-forms of the classifiers, and these may express definite- 
 ness of time. These definite forms would have to be designated 
 as c' and d'. 
 
 k'endlq'in it came flying up the river 
 yandlq'in it went flying down the river 
 *qogo'xdihdn {q'ugvxdi.hdn) he will stand 408.3 
 
 All the other forms occur only with the elements designating 
 indefinite time. 
 
 In negative forms an additional prefix v is introduced, 
 which disturbs some of the simple forms. 
 
 Some prefixes bring about an elimination of the vowel of the 
 modal prefix. These forms will be discussed later (§ 26, p. 61). 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 37 
 
 I give here a list of the simple forms of the third person, showing 
 the modal prefixes in combination with the classifiers. 
 
 Third Person. 
 Classifiers. 
 
 Form 
 
 Definite. 
 
 Indefinite. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 {l)ya 
 
 {2)h 
 
 (3)^^ 
 
 (4)a 
 
 ■ {i')di 
 
 {2')U 
 
 (3')i^ 
 
 U')dp 
 
 
 
 
 Simple Forms. 
 
 
 
 a' 
 
 ya. 
 
 h 
 
 Si 
 
 Cl 
 
 di 
 
 Li 
 
 dii 
 
 dji 
 
 b- 
 
 'uwa 
 (<wu-ya) 
 
 Wvh 
 
 WVSI. 
 
 WVCL 
 
 1 wvdi 
 
 WaLi 
 
 wvdii 
 
 wvdji 
 
 a 
 
 — 
 
 la 
 
 sa 
 
 Ca 
 
 da 
 
 V 
 
 s' 
 
 c' 
 
 b 
 
 wv 
 
 Wvla 
 
 wvsa 
 
 WvCa 
 
 wvda 
 
 wvl' 
 
 wvs' 
 
 wvc' 
 
 c 
 
 na 
 
 nala 
 
 nasa 
 
 naca 
 
 nada 
 
 nal' 
 
 nas' 
 
 nac' 
 
 d 
 
 go- 
 
 gala 
 
 gasa 
 
 gaca 
 
 gada 
 
 gal' 
 
 gas' 
 
 gaC 
 
 e 
 
 go. 
 
 gala 
 
 gas a 
 
 gaca 
 
 gada 
 
 gal' 
 
 gas' 
 
 gac' 
 
 
 
 
 Compound F 
 
 'orms. 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 gvga 
 
 gvxla 
 
 ^i;;|C5a 
 
 gvxca 
 
 gvxda 
 
 gvgal' 
 
 gvgas' 
 
 gvgac' 
 
 de 
 
 gaga 
 
 gaxla 
 
 gaxsa 
 
 gaxca 
 
 gaxda 
 
 gaxl' 
 
 gaxs' 
 
 . gaxc' 
 
 ee 
 
 gaga 
 
 gaxla 
 
 gaxsa 
 
 gaxca 
 
 gaxda 
 
 gaxl' 
 
 gaxs' 
 
 gaxc' 
 
 ce 
 
 naga 
 
 (?) 
 
 naxsa 
 
 (?) 
 
 (?) 
 
 (?) 
 
 (?) 
 
 (?) 
 
 I have found a very few instances of the form {ce) in 
 Swanton's texts. It seems plausible that this and perhaps 
 other compound forms may occur. 
 
 In the compound forms the vowel of the second prefix 
 drops out, and the ^ becomes a voiceless spirant, whenever 
 the double prefix is followed by another prefix consisting of 
 a consonant followed by a vowel. In the future form (/), 
 
38 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 when it is followed by a consonantic prefix, the vowel is 
 retained. Similar phenomena occur in all the modal prefixes 
 if these are preceded by other prefixes (see § 26, pp. 61 et seq). 
 In the negative forms, according to what has been said 
 in § 15, p. 34, the forms a' and h' do not occur. For the 
 ja-series the following forms have been found, which I shall 
 designate by an n following the modal sign. 
 
 {an) 
 
 V 
 
 {hn) 
 
 WV 
 
 {en) 
 
 vna 
 
 {dn) 
 
 gv 
 
 {en) 
 
 ?a 
 
 {fn) 
 
 gv$a 
 
 Following is a list of examples of these forms. 
 
 Positive Forms. 
 
 (la') yd ykt it is long 
 
 *yah'ni. {yd t'inl) he can see 304. i 
 *yane'k" {yd nek"') he is sick 384.9 
 
 {lb') "uwaqo'x {'vwdq'ox) he came hy c3inoe 369.3 
 *uwaga's {'irwdgds) he hit it 310.5 
 
 {la) henin he claimed him 
 
 *daya'n {ddydn) they carried 333.6 
 {lb) *at vmxu'n ('of wixun) they started for it 304.7 
 (ic) *nacu' {ndcu) it was coming out 253.11 
 
 *nate'tc {ndtetc) they slept every time 262.3 
 
 {id) *yaqe'gaa' {ydq'egdd) when daylight came (gV daylight) 263.11 
 k'egdnuk"' when he was beginning to be sick 
 
 {le) *ydn?ahe'n {yan gdhkn) whenever hunger moved {i. e., whenever it 
 gets hungry) 255.5 
 
 *qot gagu't {q'uf gdgut') when he was lost 256.10 
 
 *at gaxd' {'df $dxd) eat something! 256.5 
 {if) *has g°gwaa'de {has gvfaAdl) they were going to go 334.4 
 {ide) k'egdganugiin whenever I became sick 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 39 
 
 (lee) ga'ganvgiin whenever he sat down 
 
 {ice) *nagand'n {nagatidn) whenever he dies 257.4 
 nagagudW to go (he told him) 
 
 (2a') dudjin hge his hand is large 
 
 (26') *wulixa'c (wvllhdc) it floated 306.5 
 wiilixun he is thin 
 
 (2a) *lah' (lati) it was 258.1 
 
 *at laat {'at' iaaf) what they brought 255.12 
 
 (2c) yanalasin he is going along hiding it 
 
 {2d) galatsln after he had become strong 
 gcdana'lx after he had become rich 
 
 (2e) gdlatslnnl when he is strong 
 
 (2/) gvxlage he will be large 
 
 k'egvxlatsin he will get strong 
 
 {2de) gaxlatsinln whenever he got strong 
 
 (3a') *siku' {slk'u) they knew 303.5 
 slx:d it has a mouth 
 
 (3&') *wusiha' {wvslhd) he missed him 311.10 
 
 (3a) *saxi'x {saxix) they had arrived 304.13 
 
 (3^) *yawusaye' {ya.wvsa.ye) when he raised his face {ya face) 260.4 
 
 {jd) ga.sa.nb carry him ! 
 
 gii.sa.Vdn carry it (a rod) 
 
 (3«) *tugasagwe'tc {t'ugasagwe'tc) always feeling happy 394.8 
 
 (3/) 'an qdwiix ydgvxsat'i he will become a chief 
 
 {^ee) 'agaxsaUnln whenever he saw him 
 
 {^ce) ^ana-ckide' }(. na'xsaitn {^dnackidex naxsai'in) whenever he becomes poor 
 261.3 
 
 (4a') clMn he hates him 
 
 (46') wvcigeq' he was stingy 
 
 *akucda'n {'a.k'vcWa.n) he is accustomed to — 252.2 
 
 (4a) ca^eq' he is stingy 
 
 (4c) k'ek'vnacat'a'n he begins to be in the habit of — • 
 
 (4^) gaca^eq' when he is stingy 
 
40 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 (4/) k'^gi)xca.geq' he will be stingy 
 
 {I'a') *yekdiyd'i {yikdlykt) they were long 263.2 
 
 (rfe') *has wudina'q (has wvdlnaq') they got up 31 i.ii 
 *wudLLa'x (wvdlLax) they Were mouidy 31 1.5 
 
 (I'a) *daxa'c (daxac) he was cutting it 306.5 
 
 (I'b) *wudacl'yia (wvdaciyia) one who helped' 265.14 
 
 (I'c) yanadaxwaL' he is getting tired 
 
 *andatrtc {'andafitc) he would put it 262.7 
 aka'ndagane {'a.k'a.nda.gani) when daylight came 257.12 
 
 (I'e) *gadana' (gadand) he ought to drink 390.4 
 
 *$adaqe'nm (gadaq'inln) when he has flown 394.8 
 
 (r/) gvxdagex they will be large 
 
 (2'a') Ll'gfx they are large 
 
 {2'h') wutc has winlux they blew at each other 
 
 {2'a) wutc has 'll'ux they are blowing at each other 
 *alge'gu {'algegu) wiping 265.10 
 
 (2'c) *yan nalge'n (yanalgen) it grew large 257.7 
 
 {2'd) *ckangalni'k {ck'angalnik') he could tell 379.5 
 
 {2'e) galxun after he had become thin 
 
 (2'/) gvgal'uk"' it will boil (a liquid) 
 
 (3'&') wutc has wvdfit'in they saw each other 
 
 (3'a) ddq' 'as'in after he had carried it ashore 
 
 ,(3'&) *xvusko' (wvsk'u) they knew it 258.10 
 wvshayin it swam 
 
 (3'c) *3'£M a5w' (j/aMdsMt) when he completed making it 258.14 
 *ayenasqd' {'ayenasq'd) when he said so 263.6 
 
 (yd) ye cgasnex after he had saved himself 
 'agask'd after he had become laz>' 
 
 (3'«) 'acgasfin after it had seen him 
 
 "xat ga'sgdtn {xaV gasgidm) when I wake up 405.4 
 (3/) ye wutc has gv$ast'in they will see each other 
 i4'b') wvdjlxix he ran 
 (4'a) 'asiex he is fishing 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 41 
 
 (4'&) *wucka' dj ate the \sLzy one 266.10 
 
 *yawucixt' (yawiiclxi) v/hen she haid run 254.3 (.<c-xix) 
 
 (4'c) k'enaxgeq' he begins to be stingy 
 
 (4'e) gacxin after it had fallen 
 
 (4'/) yegvgacxin it will fall 
 
 Negative Forms. 
 
 (an) *Lel has at uxwa' {Lkl has 'at' 'ix^d) not they it ate (they did not eat 
 it) 312.5 
 Lkl 'vsxd it has no mouth 
 
 (bn) *lel wu'na (lel wvna) she is not dead 372.4 
 *Lel wute'x {Ltl wvt'ex) he did not sleep 314.4 
 
 (cw) Lkl yavnaq'iix"' he is not travelling along by canoe 
 
 (dn) lydgiiq'ux" when he was not travelling by canoe 
 Igimuk"' when he was not sick 
 
 (en) Iq'vgasfi when he was born 
 
 (/■«) Lkl gvgaq'ux" he will not travel by canoe 
 
 § 17. The Pronoun/ Introductory. 
 
 The third-person forms discussed in the last section are 
 preceded by the incorporated subjective pronoun. In forms 
 of the verb that have no pronominal subject they may be 
 preceded directly by the object. The pronouns and the modal 
 elements undergo certain phonetic changes due to contact 
 phenomena and to contractions. In order to treat these 
 forms, it is necessary to discuss first the forms of the personal 
 pronoun. Since these are closely associated with the possessive 
 pronouns, both classes will be treated in the following sections. 
 
 There are two distinct series of personal pronouns, — 
 the subjective and the objective, — which show their distinctive 
 character most clearly in the first person plural. Related to 
 
 ' Swanton, p. 170. 
 
42 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 the objective pronouns are the independent and the possessive 
 pronouns. In the series of third persons the relations to the 
 primary and secondary subjects of the discourse are carefully 
 distinguished, and a number of forms designating indefinite 
 persons appear, all of which leads to an exceedingly complex 
 series of third-person forms. In the following sections 1 shall 
 treat only the simple forms of these pronouns. Their con- 
 tractions with the temporal elements will be discussed in §§ 25 
 and 26. 
 
 § 18. Pronouns of the First and Second Persons. 
 
 The four series of pronouns of the first and second persons 
 are as follows : — 
 
 
 Subjective. 
 
 Objective. 
 
 Possessive. 
 
 Independent 
 
 1st person singular . . 
 
 " plural 
 
 2d person singular 
 
 " plural ... 
 
 t'v 
 
 •t 
 
 yl 
 
 XaV 
 hd 
 
 t 
 
 yi 
 
 'ax 
 hd 
 'i 
 yt 
 
 xdV 
 'uhdn 
 wak 
 ythdn 
 
 1 shall give here only a few examples of the simple forms 
 of the pronoun. 
 
 Subjective pronouns: 
 
 xad 1 am sitting 
 'id thou art sitting 
 
 xahan 1 stand 
 'than thou standest 
 
 t'uq'in we are sitting 
 yiq'in ye are sitting 
 
 t'un&q' we stand 
 ylnaq' ye stand 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 43 
 
 Objective pronouns : 
 
 xai' gbgagwal he will strike me }cat yanuk"' I am sick 
 
 '2 gvgagwal he will strike thee 'l yanuk"' thou art sick 
 
 ha gugagwal he will strike us ha yantik"' we are sick 
 
 yt gugagwal he will strike you yt yanuk"' ye are sick 
 
 Note. — Many verbs that in English take subjective pronouns take 
 objective pronouns in Tlingit (see § 47, p. 122). 
 
 Possessive pronouns: 
 
 'axy'd% my little son 'led thy head 
 
 'ajchvnx my elder brother 'ikdk' your uncles 
 'axtcall my cache 
 
 *haLa'-has our mothers *ylwut'sd' gayi your poles 378.3 
 
 372.3 
 *hakd'k-has our uncles 372.2 *yi'waqht'm (yiwaqhinl) your tears ( = 
 
 eye-water) 372.6 
 
 With post-positions nominalized by the stem i, the first 
 person is xa in place of 'axi (see § 41, p. 93). 
 
 Independent pronouns: 
 
 'a'n q'dwk xaV I am chief 
 *xat qogand' I shall die 394.4 
 *}fdtc xatl'n (xatc xat'in) 1 see 399.4 
 *wae'tc agi acuka'yiliya'x do you think you made it? 410.4 
 *ica wae'tc de'yasaha' you yourself pick them up! 252.7 
 *Lel uhd'n d'ya atufe'ji it is not we who are dancing 385.9 
 
 § 19. Pronouns of the Third Person. 
 
 The pronouns of the third person present pecuHar diffi- 
 culties, which are in part due to the lack of clearness in dis- 
 tinction between active and passive forms of the verb; in part 
 to the differences in the treatment of reflexive, indefinite, and 
 other forms. 
 
44 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIH 
 
 The subjective, objective, possessive, and independent 
 series include the following forms : — 
 
 3d Person. 
 
 Subjective. 
 
 Objective. 
 
 Possessive. 
 
 Independent. 
 
 Definite 
 
 Indefinite . ... 
 Plural, definite 
 
 'a, du 
 has 
 
 'A, 'd£ 
 •a, q'v 
 has 
 
 'a, 'ac, du 
 q'a 
 has 
 
 hu 
 has 
 
 The functions of these forms, so far as 1 have been able 
 to determine them from the material at my disposal, will be 
 treated in the following sections. 
 
 § 20. Subjective Pronouns of the Third Person. 
 
 I. Definite pronoun. The third person definite subject 
 is not expressed by a pronominal form. 
 
 xa ban I Stand 
 xa gdx I cry 
 xa 'a I sit 
 'at' xaci 1 sing 
 
 han he stands 
 gdx he cries 
 'a he sits 
 'at ci he sings 
 
 *at xa'nutc {'at xdnutc) he would eat habitually ('at' something; xd 
 
 to eat; -nutc habitually) 369.8 
 *yati.' (yat'i) there were 321.1 
 *naa'ttc (naattc) they always went 253.3 
 *wudjixi'x (wudjlxix) she was running 254.1 
 
 In transitive verbs the third person without pronoun 
 always designates a passive. 
 
 wvUsln it is hidden 
 lasin after it had been hidden 
 giixsai he will be cooked 
 
 'uwadjaq' it has been killed (but 'duwadjaq' he killed one of them) 
 Hixd'c (llha'c) it floated 254.6 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 45 
 
 *uwaca' {'uwaca) she was married 383.3 
 
 Hate uwadja'q {fate 'uwadjaq') by sleep he was struck (killed); i. e., 
 
 he fell asleep 263.3 
 *has wudiigt't {has wud^lgW) they have been put 380.21; 381.2 
 
 2. The indefinite subject of the third person of active 
 verbs without object is expressed by 'a. 
 
 'aha'n some one is standing 
 
 'aa' some one is sitting 
 
 'oqHn people are sitting 
 
 'awaguV some one went 255.12 
 *anad't {'anadt') certain ones were going 253.10 
 *a'xo alaif't {'axu 'alax^t) among them some starved to death 265.1 
 *a^ata'nm {' agatanin) when some one rushed 305.10 
 
 3. The indefinite subject of the third person of transitive 
 verbs is expressed by du. 
 
 The idiomatic use of du is that of a passive, although in 
 many cases it corresponds to the French on, or. the German 
 man. According to what has been said before (§ 14, p. 32), 
 it requires the use of the indefinite classifiers, excepting ya, 
 which occurs commonly in the forms duwa, etc. 
 
 *du'qdenutc some one threw it always 253.6; {*doge'tcnutc 257.8) 
 *duea'x some one wanted to marry her 259.4 
 *dusta'n some one showed it (to him) 380.5 
 *Lel dutt'n no one could see it 263.14 
 *yuqd'ye dowasd'h" that man they named thus 384.20 
 xaV duwaqW they suspect one 
 *yax wuduwaye'q they pulled her aboard 254.8 
 *ka'oduLLu' {k'awduLiu) they had him 257.5 
 *eaoduii.gi'ie they threw it away 260.14 
 *has kanduiiya' they let them down 380.18 (for ka'nduliayi 382.5 
 
 read k'anduLidyj.) 
 *uduleu'qnute some one always laughed (at him) 257.9 
 *wudulwu'si'n some one has asked 407.5 
 
46 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 There are a number of cases in which dk occurs in transi- 
 tive verbs with a definite subject. In all these cases the definite 
 subject appears in the instrumental form. In other words, 
 the form is analogous to our passive. 
 
 *acdji't wuduwatt' duli'lk"tc to his hand it was passed by his grandfather 
 
 374-5 
 *akd'x awe dudja'q duLd'tc then by his mother he was struck 255.9 
 *atc ayu' duwadja'q . . . yu cana'k"tc by the old man he was killed 
 
 380.12 
 *ada'x kanduwahd'k" duia'kic by his sister he was passed (i. e., she went 
 
 ahead of him) 380.9 
 *dutte'x qoydodu'waci yu' antqenitc she was searched for by those 
 
 people 253.1 (also 254.2) 
 
 Some apparent contradictions are readily explained by 
 the fact that du is also a possessive pronoun used with nomi- 
 nalized verbs (see § 22). 
 
 *ax aya'x dugude' awe when he had gone there (after his going there) 
 
 258.4 
 *at cuka'oduwa$ix yu' cdwat yu xd'ttc [something] {'at') let go the 
 
 iyu) woman [obj.] {ca'waV) the {yu) warriors [subj.] {xattc) 
 
 338.15 
 
 The forms in du may take the indefinite objects 'aV some- 
 thing, 'a ONE OF THEM, q'u SOME ONE, and the pronoun of the 
 third person plural has. 
 
 'at' wuduwaci some one sang (something) 
 *dut'n at wudu'waxun {duin 'df widuwaxun) with him (diiin) [for] 
 
 something {'at') they started 303.7 
 *ldaka't at awe duwaa'xtc every (Wa^'df ) thing ('dr) there {'awk) was 
 
 heard 303.2 
 *at ka'oduwadjd they moved things 307.1 1 
 *tcul d'dudjaqdji when they had not killed one of them 305.10 
 *aka'oduwandq they attacked some of them 338.8 
 q'uduwadjaq' some one killed some one 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 47 
 
 Nouns and objective pronouns of the first and second 
 persons also appear as objects of forms in du. 
 
 *yek wududngu't some one took out a spirit 308.2 
 *wududidi'n yu su't they saw tiie horizon 314.10 
 *kendusgd'nin an some one burnt the town 382.1 
 *xat wududiMe'x some one saved me 384.3 
 
 The verb 'a-tex to dance contains 'a as a formal element. 
 Probably this is an objective form, which, however, is always 
 retained, even with the subject du. 
 
 *atute'x i'at'ulex) we dance 385.9 
 
 *aodu'watex {'awduwide'x) some people danced 337.4 
 
 § 21. Objective Pronouns of the Third Person. 
 
 Four forms of the objective pronoun of the third person 
 may be distinguished: — 
 
 (i) 'a referring to the object, but also generally to 
 inanimate nouns. 
 
 (2) 'ac referring to the subject, particularly to the animate 
 subject. 
 
 (3) 'a one of them. 
 
 (4) q'v indefinite; some one. 
 
 (1) -a. 
 
 In single sentences, in which subject and object have no 
 possessive pronouns of the third person, there are only two 
 third persons involved, and the objective pronominal form 
 can refer to the object only. In this case the form 'A is used. 
 
 q'uwakan 'awadjaq' he killed a deer 
 *xuk aLt'xanutc she always got dry wood 253.5 
 *aositt'n yu cd'wattc seq that woman saw smoke 253.1 1 
 *tcac hit aka' aohya'x she made a branch-house 257.6 
 *aosiwa'i yu ke'x.adi he reared the gull 350.8 
 
48 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 The same forms are used when subject or object are accom- 
 panied by possessive pronouns. 
 
 *has a'wadjaq hasdutcd'n they killed their mother-in-law 285.7 
 duidc 'ak'ei'i 'awadjaq' his father killed his (another one's) dog 
 *duxo'x ayt's a'walx she shouted to her husband 306.6 
 
 In many cases 'd indicates inanimate objects. 
 
 *duwacka' awaka'K" her cheek (surface) she cut 265.10 
 
 *aLe'n aoliya'x he made a large one 263.10 
 
 *ax d'wacdt from it he took it 263.2 
 
 *acdji.'n tdxyen d'wacat . . . yao her hand into he'put a herring 299.6 
 
 If a person and an animal appear as subject and object 
 of a sentence, 'ot indicates the animal. 
 
 xkts wk q'a' 'dwsit'ln, 'ac'it' djiwdigW, 'ate 'awk 
 Grizzly this man it saw him after it went for that 
 Bear him, to take, 
 
 'awadjdq' 
 he killed it 
 
 xuts we q'a'. 'dwslt'in, 'aW djlwdigut', 'ate 'awe 
 
 Grizzly this man it saw it after he went for that 
 
 Bear him, to take, 
 'ae'uwadja'q' 
 
 it killed him 
 
 (2) 'ac. 
 
 In continuous discourse 'ac refers to the animate object 
 of what precedes. 
 
 (The people missed the woman and searched for her.) *hode xuts 
 qwdnl 'kstyu 'acuwaca the before-mentioned (hate) grizzlv bear 
 {xuts) people (qwdnl) were who ('a5/.v7<) had married her 
 {'acuwaea: u-wa prefixes, ca to marry) 253.2 
 
 (A canoe with a dance-hat was floating there. "Run here into the 
 water!") *yu 'aeydwslq'd that (yu) her ('ac) before (ya) it said 
 (w-SL-q'a) 254.7 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 49 
 
 (He pounded copper-plates.) *Le nel yt'ya aca'kanadjal then (Le) 
 inside (nel) underneatii (ytya) he put them down 258.13 
 
 (His uncle's wife threw dried fish into a hole for him.) *ayu' ye' 
 acia'osiqa then she said this to him 262.6 
 
 (His mother said, "It is^ a fine salmon.") *La yu' ac uwasd' thus she 
 named it 305.14 
 
 ("This causes you [a boy] to be lazy.") *ye acda'yaqa thus she said 
 to him 357.5 
 
 (It ran into the fire with him.) *lii iu'di. acwuge'x (his uncle) 
 threw him ('acwvgex) into (t'udi) a basket {lit) 270.8 
 
 (His uncle heard him. [His uncle] came there.) *tcul ac ufe'nx 
 acwudjiyi' ayu acl't ie'watan then {tcul) (his uncle) saw him 
 {'ac'vt'i'nx); recognizing him {' ac'wvdjlyl) to him {'aciV) he 
 spoke (x'e'wat'an) 269.10 
 
 ([The woman said to the heron:] "Go home with us!") *yu' 
 aciaosiqa yu cd'wattc. lc ac uwaca' yu laxtc that (yu) to him 
 {'ac) said {yawslq'a) that {yu) woman {ca'wattc^) . Then {te) her 
 {'ac) married {'vwacd) that {yu) heron {laxtc) 273.6 
 
 The use of 'ac differentiates the psychological primary 
 subject from the secondary persons who are concerned as 
 objects of the action of the primary subject. For this reason 
 'ac is used sometimes where the person referred to does not 
 appear as grammatical object in the preceding sentences. 
 
 (A being named Strength was heard [namely, by a youth].) r^, 
 
 acia't uwagu't. . . . hdk"de, yu' aciaosiqa. 
 
 his back at it came. . . . "Come here!" that to him it said. 
 tcuLe' adjlyVt uwagu't. . . . daxa' acwuxo'x. 
 
 Then its hands to he had gone. Twice him it called. 
 
 a$d' awe tsa latsi'nden acwuxi'ct. 
 
 That for that then strongly him it whipped. 290.3-6. 
 
 Conversely, nouns which appear as indirect objects or in 
 other subordinate positions may be referred to by 'ac. 
 
 (They took him to the sea-lion island.) *tcuLe' de'xawe acd'wateq 
 yu' tdn. Then two (those) he caught (those) sea-lions 291.7 
 
 1 In Tlingit this is objective form (see § 47, p. 122.) 
 ' For the use of the subject with -tc, see p. 99. 
 
50 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 The forms in 'a refer to the subject of the preceding 
 discourse, or introduce a new object. 
 
 (When she had run down a mountain,) *awuii$en she looked at them 
 
 254.4 
 (She smelled of it.) Hculc' a'waxox then he called her 259.8 
 (His uncle's wife lay in a fit.) *yu acl't wudacVyta dukd'k cat, lc 
 
 d'waca that [other] one {yu) [to] him ('adf) who had helped 
 
 iwudkciyia) his uncle's (duk'dk') wife (c&f); then (lc) he married 
 
 that one {'a'waca) 265.14 
 (They came to him.) neldt 'dwaxux into the house he called them. 
 
 Examples of 'a introducing a new object are the following:— 
 
 (A man went to get fuel.) *aosi'tt'n cdwa't he saw a woman 292.2 
 (A woman cannot cut a salmon.) Hculc' d'watx duxo'x then she 
 called her husband 307.4 
 
 (3) 'a. 
 
 The form 'a expresses an indefinite object, and signifies 
 
 ONE OF A NUMBER. 
 
 'duwadjdq' he killed one of them 
 *tcul d'dvdjaqdji when they had not killed one of them 305.10 
 
 (4) 3"v.^ 
 
 The indefinite pronoun q'v designates some one. 
 
 *qoyd'waqa this they said to some one 31 5.5 
 
 q'vxwadjdq' 1 killed some one 
 
 q'ifwagiiV some one is a runner 
 *qdwanu'k" he acted in some manner 362.4 
 
 q'iilitstn some one is strong (see § 47) 
 
 q'vwana some one died (see § 47) 
 *50MrA some one is called 259.10 
 *qdsine'x he saved some one 383.1 
 *qowasu' some one helps him ( = it moves some one to his aid) 266.1 
 
 ' Swanton, § 15,6, p. 177. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 51 
 
 The element q'ii has a much wider significance, and refers 
 often to phenomena of nature, probably relating to an indefinite 
 place (see also § 30, No. 10, p. 70). 
 
 q'imaxuk'" it is dry weather 'uwaxvk"' it is dry (an object) 
 
 q^vdizak it is wet weather whdlEo.'k it is wet (an object) 
 
 q'vwata it is hot weather 'uwaid it is warm (an object) 
 
 q'vsldt it is cold weather wvdfiai it is cold (an object) 
 q'iidtgwas it is foggy 
 
 Analogous are active verbs in which the indefiniteness of 
 place is expressed by q'v. 
 
 q'ixalnuk"' I feel about djix"dlnuk"' I feel it 
 
 q'iixasmx I sniflf about "at' xvd^lnix- I smell something 
 
 q'v'xcil'axs 'ago. 1 Hsten for it 
 
 'at' ydq'vxLl?dt' 1 stray about 
 *qoi,t't she picks berries 252.1 
 *qoya'odu'waci they searched (everywhere) 253.1 
 *qogo'xdi.hdn he will stand (somewhere) 408.3 
 
 § 22. Possessive Pronouns of the Third Person. ^ 
 
 In the series of possessive pronouns, du designates posses- 
 sion by the subject, 'ac possession by the object, while 'a 
 introduces a new person. 
 
 Examples of these distinctions are the following: 
 
 duyW 'awadjaq' he killed his own son {yW son; djkq' to kill) 
 
 'acyW 'awadjkq' he killed the other one's son 
 
 duhldl 'awsil'in he saw his own house {hit' house) 
 
 'achidi 'awsWin he saw the house (of the one who was the object of 
 
 the preceding sentence) 
 'ahidl 'awsit'in he saw the house of another one who has not previously 
 
 been mentioned. 
 
 ^Swanton, § 10, p. 170. 
 
52 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 The sentence duic duyls xdnV 'uwanuk"' James james's 
 FATHER WAS ANGRY AT JAMES would be followed by the follow- 
 ing:— 
 
 'atx 'awk diik'hl 'awidjkq' then he (the father) killed his own dog. 
 'atx 'awk •d.ck'^i.l 'kwkdjkq' then he (the father) killed James's dog. 
 'atx 'dwt' •ak'h'' 'awadjaq' then he (the father) killed a third person's 
 dog. 
 
 (l) dii. 
 {a) In simple sentences the possessive du expresses that 
 the object is owned by the subject. 
 
 *ye aya'osiqa duta' he said to his mother 274.7 
 
 ''axewu"s ducat he questioned -his wife 268.9 
 
 HcuLe' duxo'x ayi's d'waix then for {'ayis) her husband (duxux") she 
 
 shouted for him 306.6 (also 307.4) 
 HcuLe' duca'tdjit awaxe'tc then to his wife [his wife's hands to] 
 
 iducatdjiV) he threw it {'dwaxt'tc) 306.1 1 
 *aya.'taou$m she- looked at her knife 307.3 
 
 This use of dii occurs frequently in passive sentences. 
 
 *ada.'x dul'cic wustha' then by his father was he missed 31 i.io 
 rfwLafe jJewa'JC'Mi by his mother was he questioned [168.7'] (also 269.13) 
 duidc dudjiV 'uwat'i duUt'ayl by his (own) father to his (own) hand 
 
 he was given his (own) knife 
 *duca'ttc ye ya'osiqa by his wife he was told 294.4 (also 300.5) 
 *duwd'qde yagacVtc (to) her eyes (she) was pointed at 292.10 
 
 {h) In simple sentences the possessive du expresses that 
 the subject is owned by the object. 
 
 *ye yawaqa dut'c thus said his father (to him) 302.12 
 L^dahin dutd Lax dut'uwh sign duyitliik'cLX once {Ltdaden) his mother 
 
 (duLd) very {lux) her mind {dut'uwh) was happy {sigu) her son 
 
 (duyW) on account of {[i]k'ax) [169.1'] 
 dkk'dk' has q'ud 'dwe tea 'ac'uwaq'lV his uncles {duk'dk') they {has) 
 
 however {q'ud) [that] {'awe) then {tea) suspected him {'a.c'uwaq"it') 
 
 [169.2'] 
 
 ' Reference to text at end of this paper. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 53 
 
 (c) The possessive du refers to the grammatical subject 
 of the preceding sentence or of the principal clause. 
 
 (A chief lived.) *dusi' qoU'i akucda'n his daughter {dust) to pick 
 
 berries (q'iikii) was accustomed 252.1 
 (At night he ran there.) *doxd'nxitc lH wu'sko his friends did not 
 
 know it 290.9 
 (He went to see his trap.) *dugdtd'yi, lSI gawe i = gu 'awe) saqo'sU 
 
 his trap was nowhere 330.2 
 (A shaman was named Wolf-Weasel.) *na.'sga.ducu' yak' dua't tu'te 
 
 eight were his things, tongues 339.9 
 *Lel ye awusku' duyt't satlyt.' not (Lei) this (ye) he knew it {'awvsk'u) 
 
 that it was [his being] {sat'iy'i) his son (duyif) 306.8 
 
 (d) The possessive dit is used not only for the gram- 
 matical, but also for the psychological, subject of the discourse, 
 particularly when only one person or one group of persons 
 is referred to. 
 
 *Lel wu'na} dud'i-hastc goc kat I'sa She is not dead (being dead is not 
 [to] her). By her aunts she is held in the lap 372.4 
 (A boy has been turned into a salmon. His mother calls her hus- 
 band, and says, "A fine salmon is floating here.") *%e'xa d'wacdt 
 dui'dc a hook was taken by his father 306.7 
 
 {e) When in a simple sentence two third-person posses- 
 sive pronouns occur which refer to different persons, and the 
 one noun has the pronoun dk or 'a, the second noun takes 
 'ac, unless it belongs to the subject itself. In passive sen- 
 tences the agent is treated in the same manner. 
 
 *ada'x acdji't wuduwatl' duli'lli"tc then to his (Raven's) hands it was 
 
 given by (Raven's) grandfather 374.5 
 Le 'acddk yandcinl 'in 'awe 'acxetk'af then (z,e) its head (to) {'acadk) 
 
 she was touching (yandcinl) with {'In) [that] {'awe) her chest 
 
 {'acxeV) [surface] {k'a) [169.6^] 
 *qo'a dut'c awe' ye act't ta'oditan but {q'va) his father {duic) [that] 
 
 {'awk) thus (ye) [in] his [son's] behalf ['acit'] did 261. i 
 
 1 The English subject of the verb to be dead is object in Tlingit (see § 47). 
 " Reference to text at end of this paper. 
 
54 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Nevertheless, in cases in which the words themselves 
 
 imply clearly the possessive relations, both nouns may appear 
 
 with du: — 
 
 tea 'an 'awi duidtc q'iia Lkl 'awlxaicx duyitH nevertheless (Ua 'an) 
 [that] {'awe) by his mother (duLdtc) however (q'vd) not {tkl) was 
 given up {'dwlxdtcx) her son {dityitk) [168.11I] 
 
 (2) 'ac. 
 
 (a) The possessive 'ac expresses that the object is not 
 owned by the subject, but by a person previously mentioned 
 as subject. 
 
 (Peter had done it.) 'ac'lc ye 'aydwslq'a another person told (Peter's) 
 
 father 
 *qo'a dui'c awe' ye acVt ta'oddan but his father did thus for him. 
 
 261. 1 (see under i [e] p. 53) 
 *we xu'n qd' ayu acxa'nt uwagu't that {we') north wind (xun) man 
 
 (q'd) [that] {'ayu) to his proximity {'acximt') went {'uwagut') 
 
 HcuLe' actd't uwagu't then {tcuLe) to his [the other one's] back {'actdt') 
 he went {'uwdgui') 290.3 
 
 {b) The possessive 'ac is also used, even when referring 
 to the subject of simple sentences, when du might refer to the 
 preceding subject. 
 
 (He took the people's eyes.) *wutsd'ga acdjV hu yu cdwa't the (afore- 
 mentioned) woman had a cane (a cane [wiitsaga] to her hands 
 ['acdji] was that [yu] woman [cdwat']) 292.9 
 
 (3) 'a. 
 
 {a) The possessive 'a is used most frequently to express 
 possession by animals or inanimate objects. 
 
 *dane't ayide' ye wududii'ne grease-boxes {dane't) its inside into {'d.yidk). 
 
 thus {ye) were put 255.4 
 *'at'iinhx from its inner side 256.4 
 
 ' Reference to text at end of this paper. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — ^NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 55 
 
 *ay€xaka'wu its thwarts (a canoe's) 258.7, 8 
 
 *axa'wult to its door 260.9 
 
 *oiXd'x yaohcu' in their midst (of snipes) they appear 393.7 
 
 (b) The possessive 'a is used to express possession by the 
 preceding object. 
 
 James ye 'aydwstq'd duUt'ayi 'adjldk 'ak^git'i he said to James that he 
 
 would give him (to his hands) his own knife 
 James ye 'ayawslq'd 'allf'ayi 'adjldk 'ak"gvt'i he said to James that he 
 
 would give him his (James's) knife 
 ("Some one might think I was fooling with her,") *axa.nde ydgdgu'i 
 
 when he went to her proximity 366.3 
 
 (4) q'^- 
 
 It is difficult to find examples for the indefinite pronoun 
 q'a, since it differs only in pitch from q'd man, and the two 
 forms are not clearly distinguished. 1 have recorded — 
 q'dca some one's head q'dca z. human head 
 
 q'dMda yudjik'vl'atgi servant = some one's (q'd) mouth (xd) around (da) 
 continually (yu) with hand (i/t) arranges {k'vl'atk') 
 
 § 23. Independent Pronouns of the Third Person. 
 The definite independent pronoun of the third person is hu. 
 
 *hu isu him also 291.3 
 
 *hutc awe'; aosiwa't yu ke'zadi it was by her; she reared the sea-gull 
 
 350.8 
 *Lax wd'sa awugd'x duqe'l^^ very {lox) [how] {wdsd) he was pitied 
 
 {'dwvgdx) his nephew {dilqelk) by him 269. 1 1 
 
 § 24. The Third Person Plural. 
 
 Wherever the third person plural, referring to human 
 beings, is expressed, the form has is added to the pronominal 
 forms previously discussed. 
 
 ' Instead of duk'M. 
 
56 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 If plurality is not considered as relevant, or if it is expressed 
 in some other manner (as by the plural suffix -x, or by plural 
 stems), the singular forms may be used. 
 
 *dui'c guxxu'tc awe yasahe'x by her father's slaves they were picked 
 
 up 252.5 
 *daq uwaa't they went up ('of to go, pi.) 256.1 
 *yenqe' awe when they were seated 270.12 {q\ to sit, pi.) 
 *kiksa'dL qot cu'waxlx the Kiksa'di were lost 309.7 
 *ca qo'a gax saW the women, however, cried 309.7 
 Hcildaka't^ yu' antqem ye xayaqa' all those town people said thus 370.9 
 
 The third person plural of the subjective personal pro- 
 noun is expressed by has, which precedes the whole verbal 
 forms. 
 
 *gonaye' has uwaqo'x they started off by canoe 351.5 
 *has qowaa' we sd'k they searched for olachen 351.6 
 *wu'ym has aoldja'q they killed much game 353.9 
 *keL tin has wud't they went with dogs 353.9 
 Has aositt'n they saw it 369.4 
 
 *a^e'^ has at te'xnutc to his mouth {'odex) they (has) something 
 {'at') always gave to eat 369.7 
 
 As objective form of the personal pronoun, has has the 
 same position : 
 
 *qox has kawaqa' he sent them back 354.6 
 
 *ydk'" k'd has 'ik.waxi they (has) staid {'iiwaxi) on (k'a) the canoe 
 [yak^') (the verb xi takes the objective form of the pronoun) 
 
 In the possessive pronoun, has precedes the pronominal 
 forrn : — 
 
 *hasdukd'nL their brother-in-law 353.11 
 *hasduxo'ni their friend 369.6 
 *h asdutu' wu t\\Q\x mmds 370.1 
 *hasduye'l sdx^ their raven hat 381.2 
 
 ' Instead of djiMakal'. 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 57 
 
 With terms of relationship, has is used as a suffix to indicate 
 plurality : — 
 
 *hakd'k-has our uncles 372.2 (also 376.2) 
 *a}fli'lk-has my grandfathers 372.1, 3 
 *dud't-has her aunts 372.4 
 *ika'k-has your uncles 376.4 
 
 It occurs also with family names: — 
 
 *Cd'dadux-has the members of the family Cd'dadux 350.5 
 
 We find also 
 
 *ducu' flax-has plenty 360.10 
 
 has occurs also as an independent personal pronoun: — 
 
 *ha.stc awe'; has awu'hyax we Cahi't it was by them; they built 
 Mountain house 350.5 
 
 § 25. The Incorporated Personal Pronouns. 
 
 I. Subjective Forms. 
 
 The third-person forms mentioned in § 16 are modified 
 by contraction with the incorporated pronouns treated in 
 
 §§ 17-21. 
 
 These contractions occur particularly in the ja-series. 
 I give here the contracted forms of the subjective pronouns 
 in tabular form. 
 
58 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Classifier ya 
 
 
 a' 
 
 b- 
 
 a 
 
 b 
 
 c 
 
 d 
 
 e 
 
 f 
 
 de 
 
 ee 
 
 1st person 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 singular . 
 
 xa 
 
 XWa 
 
 Xa 
 
 XV 
 
 naxa 
 
 k'axa 
 
 5"A 
 
 k'v^a 
 
 k'iq'ii 
 
 q'dq'a 
 
 2d person 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 singular . 
 
 'tya 
 
 •tyi 
 
 t 
 
 yi 
 
 ni 
 
 gt 
 
 $i 
 
 gagl 
 
 gagl 
 
 iagi 
 
 3d person 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 singular . 
 
 ya. 
 
 'uwa 
 
 — 
 
 wh 
 
 na 
 
 g<^ 
 
 ^a 
 
 gvga 
 
 ga?a 
 
 gaga 
 
 3d person 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 singular 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 indefinite 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 'a. 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 3d person 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 singular 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 indefinite 
 
 duwa 
 
 Wvduwa 
 
 du 
 
 wvdu 
 
 nadu 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 ist person 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 plural . . 
 
 t'uwa 
 
 wWuwa. 
 
 Wvt'U 
 
 wvt'u 
 
 nafu 
 
 k'at'u 
 
 q'at'u 
 
 k'axt'u 
 
 ? 
 
 q'axt'u 
 
 2d person 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 plural . . 
 
 yiy 
 
 yiya 
 
 yiy 
 
 yiy 
 
 nayl 
 
 ga.yi 
 
 fayi 
 
 gaxyl 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 It will be seen that in the forms d and e, and their deriva- 
 tives /, de, and ee, the first person singular and plural change 
 the sonants g and ^ to the voiceless k' and q'. 
 
 Besides these changes, we find in (a'), (b'), and (fc) a 
 number of contractions and assimilations. 
 
 In (a'): 
 
 I St person xa 
 
 3d " indefinite duwa 
 
 1st " plural Vuwa 
 
 2d " " yiy 
 
 from xa-ya 
 
 " dii-ya. 
 
 " t'v-ya 
 
 " yi-ya 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 59 
 
 In ib'): 
 
 I St person 
 
 2d 
 
 3d 
 
 3d 
 
 I St 
 
 2d 
 
 . . . XWa 
 
 . 'iya 
 
 'iiwa. 
 
 indefinite . . wvduwa 
 
 plural wiit'uwa 
 
 " yiya 
 
 from xa-wv-ya 
 'i-Wv-ya 
 wv-ya 
 
 Wii-du-Wv-ya. 
 wii-fi-Wv-ya 
 yty-wu-ya 
 
 In (&): 
 
 1st person . . . 
 2d " .... 
 3d " indefinite 
 I St " plural . 
 2d " " 
 
 XV 
 
 yi 
 
 wxidu 
 wvt'il 
 yiy 
 
 from wv-xk 
 " wh-yX 
 " wv-dii-wii 
 " wv-t'u-wv 
 " wv-yly 
 
 Since only the two forms a' and b' contain a classifier, 
 it follows that all the remaining forms for the classifiers in 
 I, s, and c are obtained by adding the elements la, sa, ca; I', 
 s', c'; to the forms here given. For a' and b' the following 
 forms are found : — 
 
 I St person singular . . . . 
 
 2d " " 
 
 3d " " . . . . 
 
 3d " " indefinite 
 
 3d 
 
 I St person plural 
 
 2d " " . . . . 
 
 b' 
 
 xall 
 
 xvll 
 
 ill 
 
 ylh 
 
 n 
 
 wiili 
 
 'all 
 
 ? 
 
 dull 
 
 whdidl 
 
 mi 
 
 Wvt'vll 
 
 ylll 
 
 'lyiyll 
 
60 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 The negative forms have a special prefix v which enters 
 into combination with the pronominal forms. The forms 
 with the classifier ya (which disappears for the indefinite 
 negative forms, see p. 27) are as follows: — 
 
 1st person 
 2d " 
 
 sineular .... 
 
 
 U 
 
 
 3d " 
 
 3d 
 
 3d « 
 
 I St 
 
 2d 
 
 a 
 
 
 " indefinite 
 plural 
 
 
 XV 
 
 't 
 
 'v 
 
 ? 
 ? 
 
 yi 
 
 XV 
 
 'iwv 
 wii 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 wvt'u 
 yiy 
 
 vnxa 
 ni 
 'una 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 nat'v 
 nayl 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 k'at'i) 
 giy 
 
 q a 
 ft 
 
 ga 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 q'at'v 
 gh.yi 
 
 / 
 
 k'v(j^a 
 
 gagl 
 
 gvga 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 k'axt'i) 
 gaxyt 
 
 The contractions and assimilations are in this case probably " 
 the following: — 
 
 In {a): 
 
 1st person singular xv from xa-v 
 
 2d " " 'i " t-v 
 
 I St " plural fii " fv-ii 
 
 2d " " yi " yi-v 
 
 \n{h): 
 
 I St person singular xi) from wv-xa-v 
 
 2d " " 'iwv " wv-yl-ii 
 
 I St " plural wiit'u " wii-Vv-wv-v 
 
 2d " " yty " wv-yly-\) 
 
 In the other forms similar contractions may be observed. 
 In the third person and first person the v prevails over the d. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 61 
 
 2. Objective Forms. 
 
 The irregularities of the objective forms are not quite 
 so numerous. In the affirmative ja-series (&')> we find, instead 
 of 'Iwv HE — THEE, 'Iwa; instead of 'aiiwa he — it, 'awa. How- 
 ever, 'auwa HE — one of them remains unchanged. 
 
 The indefinite object q'u, when immediately followed by 
 the 'l or yt of the second person, is contracted with them. 
 
 q'lyd^d'i<q'v-t-dfL4'i thou art born ( = to something you have come 
 
 to be) 
 q'i.ylyd^d'i<q'u-yi{y)-dit-t't ye are born 
 
 § 26. Treatment of the Vowels of the Pronominal and 
 Temporal Prefixes. 
 
 Whenever the pronominal and modal prefixes (p. 36) 
 are preceded by other prefixes, their vowels tend to disappear. 
 This tendency may be observed in the double modal elements 
 (/), (de), (ee), in which the vowel of the modal form disappears 
 before the vocalic forms of the classifiers. 
 
 It may be laid down as a general rule, that the modal 
 and pronominal elements preceding a consonantic classifier 
 retain their vowels. Thus we have in the future giix from ^i»^d 
 in all cases where it is followed by a classifier which has a vowel. 
 
 This rule extends over many prefixes preceding the modal 
 and personal elements, and may be formulated as follows: 
 When a prefix ending in a vowel precedes the pronominal 
 subject and the modal element, the pronoun which stands 
 between the modal element and the classifier loses its vowel, 
 if the classifier is vocalic. In this case the modal element 
 retains its vowel. If the classifier is consonantic, the pronoun 
 e tains its vowel, while the modal element loses it. 
 
62 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 ydnxalgwt'n I am wiping along (yan motion; xa I; gwe'n to wipe; 
 I consonantic classifier) 
 
 yanaxlagwe'n I am wiping it {yan motion; xa I; la vocalic classifier) 
 
 k'axacxW 1 am drawing {k'a on surface; xa \; c consonantic classi- 
 fier; xW to draw) 
 
 taxcaxW 1 draw it (ca vocalic classifier) 
 
 duW 'ajcalgi'n when 1 looked at him 
 
 duW 'ax''hgi,'n 1 looked at him 
 
 In the negative a shifting of the vowel v occurs in some 
 
 forms. 
 
 I'imxaq'vx^ when I did not go by canoe 
 
 Le'l yanxiiq'vx" 1 was not going along by canoe 
 
 The definite forms of the verbs with the prefix ya are 
 treated differently from all others, because they have no clas- 
 sifier, except in the forms (a') and {b'). In all the forms with- 
 out classifier the pronoun retains its vowel, while the preceding 
 modal prefix loses it. In other words, they follow the rule 
 of the consonantic classifiers. 
 
 
 (c) 
 
 
 
 
 
 Without 
 Prefix. 
 
 With Prefix. 
 
 
 Without Classifier or with 
 Consonantic Classifier. 
 
 With Vocalic 
 Classifier. 
 
 
 Affirmative. 
 
 Negative. 
 
 1st person singular . . . 
 2d " " ... 
 3d " " ... 
 
 ist " plural 
 
 2d " " 
 
 naXa 
 
 ni 
 
 no. 
 
 naVh 
 
 nayi 
 
 nxa 
 
 11) 
 
 no. 
 
 nt'v 
 
 nayt{?) 
 
 my{?) 
 
 nxii 
 
 ni 
 
 'una 
 
 nVv 
 
 nayi 
 
 nax 
 
 m 
 
 n 
 
 nt'v 
 
 niy 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 63 
 
 id) 
 
 
 
 
 Without 
 Prefix. 
 
 With Prefix. 
 
 
 Without Classifier or 
 
 with Consonantic 
 
 Classifier. 
 
 With Vocalic 
 Classifier. 
 
 
 Affirmative. 
 
 Negative. 
 
 Affirmative. 
 
 Negative. 
 
 I St 
 
 person 
 
 singular . 
 
 k'axa 
 
 kxa 
 
 
 k'&X 
 
 gvx'^i?) 
 
 2d 
 
 U 
 
 ii 
 
 gl 
 
 gi 
 
 
 gi 
 
 gi 
 
 3d 
 
 (I 
 
 u 
 
 ga 
 
 g^ 
 
 ? 
 
 k' 
 
 k"' 
 
 I St 
 
 (t 
 
 plural . . 
 
 k'at'v 
 
 kfi, 
 
 
 kt'i, 
 
 kt'v 
 
 2d 
 
 u 
 
 ti 
 
 gayi 
 
 gayl 
 
 
 ? 
 
 giy{?) 
 
 (e) 
 
 
 
 
 Without 
 
 With Prefix. 
 
 
 Without Classifier or with 
 
 
 
 
 
 Prefix. 
 
 Consonantic Classifier. 
 
 With Vocalic 
 Classifier. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Affirmative. 
 
 Negative. 
 
 
 I St 
 
 person 
 
 singular . 
 
 g'i 
 
 ?"" 
 
 
 q'b. 
 
 2d 
 
 it 
 
 U 
 
 $i 
 
 ft 
 
 
 $1 
 
 3d 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 ?a 
 
 ?a 
 
 ? 
 
 X 
 
 I St 
 
 ti 
 
 plural 
 
 q'at'i) 
 
 Xt'v 
 
 
 q'&t'iii?) 
 
 2d 
 
 u 
 
 (( 
 
 fayi 
 
 xyi 
 
 
 ?iyi 
 
64 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 
 Without 
 Prefix. 
 
 With Prefix. 
 
 
 Without Classifier or with 
 Consonantic Classifier. 
 
 With Vocalic 
 Classifier. 
 
 
 Affirmative. 
 
 Negative. 
 
 I St person singular .... 
 2d « " .... 
 3d " " .... 
 
 1st " plural 
 
 2d " " 
 
 k'vq^a 
 
 gag,, 
 
 gi>ga 
 
 k'axt'v 
 
 gaxyt 
 
 k"qwa 
 
 k^fl 
 
 k^gwa 
 
 k'axt'v 
 
 gaxyl 
 
 ? 
 
 k'qwa 
 
 kYi 
 
 gvx" 
 
 k'diXt'i, 
 
 gaxyi 
 
 
 (de) 
 
 
 
 
 Without 
 Prefix. 
 
 With Prefix. 
 
 
 Without Classifier or with 
 Consonantic Classifier. 
 
 With Vocalic 
 Classifier. 
 
 
 Affirmative. ; Negative. 
 
 I St person singular '. . . . 
 2d " « .... 
 3d " " .... 
 
 ist " plural 
 
 2d " " . . . . 
 
 gAgi 
 gafa 
 
 ? 
 ? 
 
 kq'a 
 
 ? 
 
 k'fa ? 
 k'axt'v 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 ? 
 
 gox 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
 In the case of consonantic prefixes, the vowel following 
 the first modal or pronominal element is always retained. 
 
 yacnadagwal he begins to strike himself 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 65 
 
 § 27. Reflexive and Reciprocal Forms. 
 I . The Reflexive Object c. 
 
 The reflexive is expressed by the prefix c, which precedes 
 the modal and pronominal forms, and requires the indefinite 
 forms of the classifiers. 
 
 I strike myself. 
 
 1 shall strike myself. 
 
 1 begin to strike myself. 
 
 I St person singular 
 
 2d " " 
 
 3d 
 
 I St " plural . 
 
 2d " " 
 
 cxidigwal 
 
 ctyldlgwal 
 
 cwvdigwkl 
 
 CWvt'vdlgWal 
 
 clyldigwal 
 
 ck'vqadagwal 
 
 cgagidagwdl 
 
 cgvx''da.gwdl 
 
 ck'axt'iidagwdl 
 
 cgaxytgwdl 
 
 ydcnaxdagwal 
 
 ydcnidagwal 
 
 ydcnadagwid 
 
 ydcnai'vgwkl 
 
 ydcnaylgwal 
 
 Other examples are, — 
 
 cwvdagwdlin he has struck himself 
 
 cxvdvdjaq' ,1 killed myself 
 
 cxvLlfs'in I make a strong effort ( = make myself strong) 
 
 cxvzlge 1 make myself famous (gi great) 
 
 cxvi-lwat' ^ I cause myself to grow 
 
 cwiid^Muk"' he makes himself sick 
 
 yecnasnix he is saving himself 
 
 cxiidjlgeq' 1 act like a stingy person (make myself stingy) 
 
 ye'cgasnex after he had saved himself 
 
 2. Reciprocal Forms in wutc. 
 
 The objective form each other or one another is 
 expressed by the independent word wutc, which precedes the 
 verb. It requires also the indefinite classifiers. 
 
 wutc has wiid^d'in they saw each other 
 ye wiiic has nast'in they were seeing each other 
 wiitc has wvdlin they slaughtered each other 
 imtc has yawdlus they washed each other's face 
 
66 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 When the object of the verb is a noun, the adjectival 
 form wuc is used. 
 
 wuckikyan brothers among themselves 
 
 wiicVuwv has 'adilgu they make their (mutual) hearts happy 
 
 imcfuwh has ' aids'in they encourage their (mutual) hearts 
 
 wucVuwi) t'ud^lgv we make each other ('s heart) happy 
 
 wiict'tn has 'idaxd they paddle (in) their mutual company (seep. 102) 
 
 3. The Indirect Reflexive ga. 
 
 The indirect object for one's self is expressed by the 
 prefix ^d, which also takes the indefinite classifiers. I have 
 found the following forms : — 
 
 
 (a-) 
 
 (&') 
 
 (a) 
 
 ib) 
 
 (e) 
 
 (f) 
 
 I St person singular . 
 
 gvx" 
 
 go^" 
 
 gaxa 
 
 gaxv 
 
 gaq'a 
 
 g6Lk''q"a 
 
 2d 
 
 gi 
 
 gat 
 
 
 gayi 
 
 (?) 
 
 gak"gt 
 
 3d 
 
 'agaw 
 
 gaw 
 
 (?) 
 
 'agawi) 
 
 'ak$a 
 
 'agak''$a 
 
 I St " plural . . 
 
 k'awt'v 
 
 gawt'v 
 
 
 k'awt'v 
 
 (?) 
 
 (?) 
 
 gawt'v 
 
 (?) 
 
 
 gawt'v 
 
 gaxt'v 
 
 gak'axt'i) 
 
 2d 
 
 gayi 
 
 gayi 
 
 
 gaytyl 
 
 (?) 
 
 gagaxyl{?) 
 
 gvx'^l.lsln 1 hid it for myself {a') 
 
 ghlsln you hid it for yourself (a') 
 
 gaxvlsinin 1 had hidden it for myself {b) 
 
 'at' gax'^d-id 1 cook something for myself {h') 
 
 gaq'alsln let me hide it for myself (e) 
 
 'at' gak"q"d.s'i I shall cook it for myself (/) 
 
 § 28. The Prefix k'i). 
 
 Intransitive verbs are transformed into adjectives by the 
 prefix k'i). 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON. LANGUAGE' OF TLINGIT INDIANS 67 
 
 *an kulaya't {'an k'ulayat) a long town 252.1 
 t'aVu'k"' k'irwat a long cave (from k'v-yid by assimilation of y; see § 8, 
 
 p. 16) 
 Vai'uk"' k'ullxeLCan a dangerous cave 
 
 The use of this prefix is not free. 
 
 § 29. The Prefix ^"a. 
 
 Before the modal prefixes, but following the reflexive, 
 we find in many verbs a prefix k'a or k\ which is probably by 
 origin related to the noun ^'a surface, but which is used in a 
 purely formal manner with many verbs. Before a vocalic 
 combined modal and pronominal prefix, k'a loses its vowel. 
 
 1. k"a combined with the classifier ya indicates objects 
 shaped like a ball. 
 
 k'aya.ya.{ a ball-shaped object is elongated 
 
 'ak'awat't he carries a ball 
 
 waq' k'ayagk a loop is large {waq' eye) 
 
 Lkl waq 'k'ak'vdagex balls which are not large 
 
 Lei Waq' k'ak'ugk a ball is not large 
 
 k'ak'iika (a) small (ball) 
 
 k'ak"dl^a small (balls) 
 
 yak'analsiis round ball moves 
 
 yak'analt'W ball moves 
 
 2. k'a-ya- preceded by the prefix dji- expresses the form 
 of a hoop. 
 
 djlk' ayawu's a hoop is strong 
 yadjlk'anaU'W a hoop drifts 
 
 3. k'a- expresses the idea on the surface, on. 
 
 k'ayad to be on (a child carried on the back) 366.2; to have on 
 
 clothing 346.1; to grow 338.1 
 k'atvat' let us go on (the ground)! 392.5 
 k'anduUyd it was lowered (to the ground) 382.5 
 k'awii.yas he stepped on 252.3 
 
68 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 tawdiha' it i\oa.ted 263.13 
 
 k'ayahan a person stands, on the ground 
 
 4. k'a- appears as a purely formal element. 
 
 k'ayaek'" to whistle 
 
 k'allk to string up 
 
 k'ahyUc to fly 399.6 
 
 k'tt-yayuk"' to shake ■ 283.4 
 
 k'aya.wa'{ tohrezk 258.8; 351-12 
 
 k'ayahdt' to drive salmon 
 
 k'ayadex ashamed 260.12 
 
 k'a.Uca.qx to hunt fur-seal 
 
 k'ayacu to drink inebriating drinks 400.9 
 
 cukadja' to advise 
 *ak'a'waga he sent 264.7 
 *ak'a'wamk she told the truth 253.13 
 
 For other verbs with ^"d- see the vocabulary, pp. 130 et seq. 
 
 § 30. Incorporated Nouns. 
 
 A number of nouns are incorporated in the verbal complex. 
 These are particularly nouns denoting parts of the body, 
 locations, and a few others. The meaning of these nominal 
 elements is sometimes instrumental, sometimes apparently 
 objective or locative. It seems most likely, therefore, that 
 they are rather indefinite adverbial elements, the meaning of 
 which depends upon the character of the verb to which they 
 are attached. In many cases their use is purely formal, as 
 in ykwsldw he strapped it on {ya face); cak'awvguk' to 
 
 SHAKE (ca head, TOP) ; Cutawdiak' HE BUILDS A FIRE (cn FRONT, 
 
 end). 
 
 The incorporated nouns precede the pronominal subject, 
 and follow the pronominal object: — 
 
 ha ydwi^lux it blew us away (hd us; yd face) 
 
 wutc has iadlkxtc they can hear each other {ia mouth) 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 69 
 
 1. ia} MOUTH {'axM my mouth; 'axxede towards my mouth). 
 
 yanxaxdiVan I finish talking {yan- finished; xa- mouth; x- I; fan 
 
 to move) 
 'at' xax"dlsd 1 blow (with mouth) at something 
 ye xayaq'd this (with mouth) he said 
 xa'sdaVdx to chew {xa's jaw) 
 'axat'i to imitate (with mouth) 
 xeyawu's you questioned him ' 
 ciadaseq' he smokes (self-mouth-smoke) 
 xaV ^ayaaxtc he always hears me talking 
 iaxi.i.gu 1 wiped my mouth (xiillgu ya xa I wipe this mouth) 
 
 2. t'u^ MIND ('axt'uwv my mind; Vunax through inside). 
 
 yut'uxat'ank' I am thinking (yu- in progress; t'u- mind; xa- 1; 
 
 fan to move; -k' can) 
 'ai'ufi to imitate by motions 
 
 3. ya FACE {'axya my face). 
 
 yan has yakducx'dni when they finish painting their faces (yan- 
 finished; has they; ya- face; k'a- surface; du some one; xd' 
 to paint; -ni subordinating suffix) 
 
 yak'awdlhuE his face is wrinkled 
 
 yaxsldw 1 strapped it on 
 
 yayanxaL'aq 1 am overcoming it 
 
 yawdiLO. he looked (= moved face) 
 *hayd'wawoq he prevents us 286.3 (■wuq"' to move; to flow) 
 
 4. Ca HEAD. 
 
 yuf 'acdwaglx he threw his head away towards her 
 yucaddexk' he struck her with a hammer several times 
 cdxwadiv 1 hit his head 
 
 'ax caxsLdx'^ 1 hung it there (at top edge [ = head]) 
 cak'awvgiigun it makes it shake 
 
 5. djt^ HAND {'axdjW to my hand). 
 
 djlx^dinuk"' I feel it 
 
 djiwahd it has been sent; it has gone 
 
 ' Swanton, §14, p. 173. 
 
 2 Swanton, § 17, p. 178. Erroneously interpreted as meaning quickly. 
 
70 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 q'ut' djiwahd she brought forth; it came on its own accord {q'u- 
 
 something; -f to; W to move) 
 xdV djiwahd it comes into my possession 
 yudjik'ul'ktk' he manipulates 
 yudjlxoi' ank" I guide him 
 
 }ca djiwdLgM' war is made against (they went with hands to war) 
 yedjlxfmi 1 am working 
 
 6. lu^ NOSE {lu nose). 
 
 lUcex dirty-nosed (seep. 112) 
 
 7. cu^ FRONT {cvk'a ahead of me; 'axch in front of me). 
 
 q'bdax cuwaxlx all died (q'ii- something; dax from; cu front, end; 
 
 XIX to run, to move) 
 q'vdax 'at' cuxlocix 1 killed them all 
 'axMdk yaq'd cunagW he went ahead of several among them ('a it; 
 
 xo among; -de towards; q'd some; cu front; gvt' to go) 
 ciik'awadja. he informed him (he advised him of what was on surface 
 
 in front of him) 
 yancudjlxin it came to an end ; the end (of a plank) fell down 
 cuk'alxvxs he uses words in song 
 cu{ax''dLak' 1 build a fire for myself (i. e., in front of me) 
 
 8. qe" DAYLIGHT. 
 
 ydqenaen daylight is coming 
 deqe'kgwad it will be daylight 
 
 9. Xe DUSK. 
 
 yaxe'naaV it is getting dusk 
 dexe'k'$wadt' it will be dusk 
 
 10. q'u SPACE (seep. 51). 
 
 'ax q'iillge a large space 
 q'udiEk^ it is wet (weather, soil) 
 d^q'iik'awdjig'd' it is dark 
 
 ' Swanton, § 14, p. 173. 
 ' Swanton, § 15, p. 174. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 71 
 
 I I . Ca SONG. 
 
 yacak'anacin he sings a song while walking 
 k'ecakxaci when 1 sang a song 
 
 §31. Adverbial Prefixes. 
 
 I am not able to distinguish definitely between adverbial 
 prefixes and locative nouns (§ 42, p. 103). Both classes are so 
 much alike in form, that more material will be needed for their 
 final interpretation. The present classification must therefore 
 be considered as tentative. Following are the most important 
 adverbial prefixes: — 
 
 ya along ye down 
 
 k'e up yu in progress 
 
 The locative nouns appear often without post-positions, 
 preceding the verb in the same manner as the adverbial pre- 
 fixes. In all these cases the forms of the locative nouns are 
 strictly analogous to those of the adverbial prefixes. This is 
 the case particularly with the following locative nouns: — 
 
 yiix aboard nil inside of house 
 
 ye out of canoe dak" seaward 
 
 yeq' to the beach cu end 
 yvx outside of house 
 
 The position of these elements is always initial, preceding 
 
 all pronominal forms: — 
 
 k'exat' 'vnayen it begins to resemble me 
 
 ya xaf yanalsLk' it is detaining me {ya along; xat' me; ya face) 
 
 yexatgvg'^aix he will invite me 
 
 k'ewutchasnal'ux they blow at each other 
 
 The incorporated nouns, on the other hand, follow the pro- 
 nominal object (see § 30). 
 
 'atiewat'an he spoke to him 
 
 }(a.f yalasik' after it had detained me 
 
72 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Following are examples of locative adverbs: — 
 
 1. ya ALONG. This prefix is used to express progression. It 
 
 also occurs in inchoatives. 
 
 yanxaq'vx I travel along by canoe 
 
 yanalgkn it increases in size 
 
 yanasx'M (a bag) is moving along 
 
 yanxax'd 1 am sweeping 
 
 'ax ydnas'ax noise is moving along 
 
 yanayai space is getting larger 
 
 yManax"dat'a.n 1 begin to talk 
 
 yaq'vnxaen 1 begin to dwell 
 
 yaxanxawus 1 begin to question him (also k'exanxawus) 
 
 yagaguV when he was walking along 
 
 yagayattc when it begins to be long 
 
 yaagadjdq when 1 begin to kill him 
 
 2. k"e UP. 
 
 k'ex^djikan I jumped up 
 
 k'ex^slgvq' I thrust it upward 
 
 k'enalhac it is rising, it drifts northward (compare ddq' nalhac it 
 
 drifts to shore) 
 k'eyanxas'en 1 begin to raise my face 
 k'elasis when it rose (smoke, etc.); I sailed upstream 
 k'elguf when you were coming up 
 k'eda.hantc every time he rises 
 k'ek'anakn it is growing up 
 k'ek'd.kgwaA it will grow up 
 k'eud{igit' he awoke (=fell up) 
 
 The prefix k'e appears in a purely formal way in the 
 future and progressive forms of many verbs. As a rule, 
 those verbs that have k'e in the future have the same 
 prefix in the progressive. 
 
 k'kak"q'ask'd 1 shall be lazy k'iyda.nxi.sk'en 1 begin to be 
 
 lazy 
 k'tgvxcag^q' I shall be stingy k'hna.c(iq' he begins to be stingy 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 73 
 
 k'exafgvcf'ahkn he will claim me k'escat' nah'en he begins to claim 
 
 me 
 yaxaV nahen he will have 
 claimed me 
 k'ek'ek"q"acat'dn I shall be in k'ek'imajccat'kn I begin to be in 
 
 the habit the habit 
 
 k'ek'vq"a.gix 1 shall throw them k'hixagix 1 am throwing them 
 
 k'exat' gvganuk'^' 1 shall be sick k'e^cat' nanuk"' 1 am getting sick 
 
 k'enuktc he gets sick every time 
 k'ek'pq"axitc I shall throw (a k'enxasc'dc- 1 am throwing (a 
 
 board) board) 
 
 k'ekgagdx he will cry 
 k'eh^q'acakdn 1 shall hate him 
 k'ek"qwa.yd 1 shall carry it on back 
 
 k'enaltca'n it begins to have a bad odor 
 k'enaxsaxan 1 begin to love 
 dek'enxaq'W 1 begin to suspect him 
 k'exat' 'vnaykn it begins to resemble 
 me 
 
 k'euwaxac it was cut out 
 k'edjiwaxlx he was unsuccessful 
 k'exviiwas 1 inquired 
 
 k'ecakxaci when 1 sang a song (ca song) 
 k'exwaxitc I threw a blanket 
 
 3. ye (before the verbal forms [b] and [e]; see p. 19), ya down. 
 
 yenaat' they are coming downhill 
 yenuktc every time he sits down 
 yendtax it is sinking 
 yek'anagwaL it is rolling downhill 
 yenacxln it is falling (a box, etc.) 
 ydk'awagwdL it rolled down 
 ydxewat'dn a point is lowered 
 
 Like k'e, the prefix ye appears in a purely formal way 
 in the future and progressive forms of many verbs. As 
 
74 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 a rule, those verbs that have ye in the future have the 
 same prefix in the progressive. 
 
 yek"^asa.nex I shall save him yenlxsankx 1 begin to save him 
 
 yesgasnex after he had saved 
 ylghxlioMn he will be thin himself 
 
 yek"4'ascd"m 1 shall see it yenaxsat'in 1 begin to see it 
 
 yeq'vF'fasVi he will be born ye q'lmast'ln he begins to be 
 
 born 
 
 4. yu IN PROGRESS. 
 
 yudjlk'ul'atk' he is manipulating 
 
 yM"axat'a.nk' 1 talk (1 am performing with the mouth) 
 yucbdd'exk' he struck her with a hammer several times 
 yiikq^alaVutc 1 shall rub it 
 
 5. Locative nouns in adverbial position. 
 
 I give here a number of examples that will illustrate the 
 adverbial use of locative nouns. 
 
 daq' naxsaln 1 am carrying it ashore 
 yexsanuk' when 1 was carrying him out of the canoe 
 'ade nel'uwagvt' he went in (speaker outside) 
 yuxnaxagut' when 1 came out of the house 
 
 § 32. Syntactic Use of Tense Forms. 
 
 The syntactic use of tense forms is exceedingly complex, 
 apparently for the reason that the tense concept is closely 
 associated with the idea of motion to or from the speaker. 
 It is quite evident that there is a close connection between 
 these local ideas and temporal forms, but the exact character 
 of this relation does not appear clearly from the available 
 material. 
 
franz boas — notes on language of tlingit indians 75 
 
 § 33. Syntactic Use of the Vocalic Modifications of the 
 
 Verb. 
 
 I stated in § 12 that the verbal stems appear in as many 
 as four distinctive forms. The use of these forms shows many 
 peculiarities. 
 
 1. Most consistent is the use of raised pitch closed vowel 
 for the future. 
 
 gvg''a.t'd he will sleep 
 yek^f'a.sgU' he will walk down 
 yek"q'^asat'in 1 shall see it 
 giiq^agnf 1 shall walk 
 
 The only exceptions to this rule seem to be verbs that 
 have a single form (p. 25). 
 
 yek"(fa. sagan 1 shall burn it 
 
 2. The open vowel with raised pitch (in the fourth class 
 
 of verbs combined with the suffix -n) is used for continuatives 
 
 in na. 
 
 yanax^slnvk"' 1 am carrying him 
 'acak'i'x yd.nxa.gvt' 1 am walking on top 
 yenxagvt' 1 am walking downhill 
 yandaqinl while it was flying 
 
 However, 
 
 yacdk'anxdcin I am singing (along) {ca. song) 
 
 3. For the past tense, certain locative prefixes require 
 the open vowel and raised pitch. These are — 
 
 k'e up ye out of canoe 
 
 Also the nouns — 
 
 nel in the house yan finished movement 
 
 dak' towards fire; out to sea ddq' away from fire 
 
76 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Examples : 
 
 k'exsu'n I carried it uphill k'ewlisls 1 sailed upstream 
 
 k'exwagvt' 1 walked up yex^slLn 1 carried it out of canoe 
 
 k'ek'awagwa'L it rolled uphill yexwagiiV I walked out of canoe 
 
 k'euwaxi'x it fell out yek'aWagwaL it rolled out of 
 
 k'eyax^dilb. I raised my face canoe 
 
 nel xwagvV I walked in 
 
 adk nel 'uwagvt' he went in (while 1 was inside) 
 
 nel yax^dfLo. 1 looked out of the house (in house 1 raised face) 
 
 dak' xwagW 1 went towards fire (in house) 
 
 dak' 'uwaqvx" he went out to sea 
 
 dak' xwagiq' 1 pushed the canoe out 
 
 yan xwagvq' 1 pushed the canoe shoreward; 1 thrust a pole against 
 
 ground 
 'ak'lnd ycMKWat'i' I pushed it on top of it 
 yan 'uwaqv'x" 1 went to land 
 ddq' xwagvt' 1 went back from fire 
 
 4. For the past tense, certain locative prefixes, require 
 closed vowel, low pitch. These are — 
 
 ya downhill yax (<yak"-yix) aboard 
 
 yvx" out 
 
 Examples : 
 
 yaxwagut' I walked downhill 
 
 ydxwaguq' 1 pulled it down river 
 
 yax"slin he carried it downhill 
 
 yak'owagwa'L it rolled down 
 
 yayax'^diia 1 lowered my face 
 
 ybx'^ xwaguf he went out 
 
 yiix" yax"dfM 1 looked into house (out of house 1 raised face) 
 
 yaxxwaguq' 1 pushed it aboard 
 
 5. -di (see § 41, p. 94) takes closed vowel, low pitch. 
 
 'ayi'kdi xwat'i I put it into box 
 nelde' wugut' he has gone in (1 outside) 
 'at' 'ayidk xwat'i 1 put it on top 
 ga'ndi whgut' he went out (I inside) 
 'axa'ndi wvgut' he went to him 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 77 
 
 6. -t (see § 41, p. 94) takes high pitch. 
 
 nelV 'a' he sits inside of house 
 diixanV xwagut' I went to him 
 ganf 'a' he sits outside of house 
 'axxa'nV 'uwaguV he came to me 
 
 § 34. Imperative, Exhortative, and Prohibitive. 
 
 I. Imperative. 
 
 The imperative is expressed in a variety of ways, and the 
 particular forms used in each verb depend upon the tense 
 forms referred to in § 32. There is a close correspondence 
 between the imperative and temporal forms. 
 
 {a) Imperative of the form {a) without personal pronoun. 
 
 dja'q kill it! k'eya' come ye up! 
 
 'of ciiq laugh ! nel gv come in ! 
 
 k'egi) come up! idt' cook it! 
 
 (a') Imperative of the form (a) with pronoun. 
 
 k'eil$'m lookup! nel ilgtn look in! 
 
 'ctf 'ayelgin look ye up! k'etcMn jump! 
 
 (b) Imperative of the form {d) without pronoun. 
 
 gdsawii carry him! 'd^^dct sing! 
 
 g&sat'dn carry it (a rod) ! yak'aganW tell it (wherever 
 
 gaax carry it (a blanket) ! you go) ! 
 
 ga.$ax cry! 
 
 (b') Imperative of the form (d) with pronoun. 
 
 'agiskd be lazy! yagts't.' keep on cooking! 
 
 yagicix run along! 
 
 (c) Imperative of the form (e) without pronoun. 
 
 'agaqvci search for it ! ya.$agv walk down ! 
 
 gasnex save him ! ydgaya' walk ye down ! 
 
78 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 (c') Imperative of the form (e) with pronoun. 
 
 ya 'agUgin look down 
 
 (d) Imperative of the form (c) without pronoun. 
 
 flat' a' go to sleep! nayd go ye! 
 
 nain keep on killing! yuxnagO go out! 
 
 nagv go! yanha'n stand! 
 
 (d') Imperative of the form (c) with pronoun. 
 
 yvx'andgtn lookout! niclx run! 
 yiix 'anayllgin look ye out ! 
 
 2. Exhortative. 
 
 The exhortative is expressed by the forms (de) and (ce) 
 (see p. 36) — 
 
 k'eq'agiit' let me go up! ydq'dq'agut' let me walk down! 
 
 k'egaguf let him go up! yagagagut' let him walk down! 
 
 k'ext'udf let us go up! ydqaxi'udi' let us walk down! 
 
 k'ehasgadt' let them go up ! ydhasgdgadV let them walk 
 
 down! 
 
 ydkq'aguV let me walk along! naq'agut' let me walk! 
 
 ydkgagut' let him walk along! nagagut' let him walk! 
 
 ydk'axt'udt' let us walk along! naxt'udV let us walk! 
 
 ydhasgagadV let them walk has nagadf let them walk! 
 along! 
 
 The imperative (and exhortative?) are sometimes strength- 
 ened by the particle id. 
 
 tea nat'a sa still sleep a while (f . e., sleep a little longer) ! 
 
 This particle occurs also in — 
 'Ul'sa just a moment! 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 79 
 
 An emphatic imperative is also formed by the particle 
 di, which is stronger than sa. 
 
 gidan stand up! hak" sk come for a while! 
 
 gdan Sa stand up a while! hagv dk come at once! 
 
 gdan dk stand up now! hak!* dk come now! 
 lagi) come! 
 
 3. Prohibitive. 
 
 The continuative prohibitive is formed by the suffix -djiq 
 for the inchoative; -(z)^ for the present; -^f^' (after stems with 
 M-vowel, -guq"') future. When following a high-pitched vowel, 
 these suffixes have the low pitch; when following a low-pitched 
 vowel, they have the high pitch. All prohibitives are preceded 
 by the negation Ul. 
 
 (a) Inchoative: 
 
 I'd k'einukdjtq' don't become sick! 
 Ul yeine'xdjtq' don't become well! 
 I'd k'elgdxdjiq' don't cry! 
 I'd ye 'igvtdjlq' don't go down ! 
 I'd k'e 'igvtdjlq' don't go up! 
 
 (b) Present: 
 
 I'd ydntgvdtq' don't continue to go along! 
 
 I'd nel 'igudiq" don't go in ! 
 
 I'd 'ax 'igudiq' don't go there! 
 
 I'd yax 'ihdniq' never stand ! 
 
 I'd 'dx 'ilflniq' don't look at it! 
 
 I'd 'igdxiq' don't continue to cry! 
 
 Ul 'iskdq' don't be lazy! 
 
 t 
 
 (c) Future: 
 
 Ul yuylyatgiq' don't ye go! 
 
 I'd yud^'tngtq' don't look (another way) ! 
 
 Ul yulsdt'a'ngiq' don't carry it! 
 
 Ul yu Igvtguq"' don't go! 
 
 I'd yti ihvnguq"' don't sell it! 
 
80 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 In all the cases which 1 collected, this ending is associated 
 with the prefix yu. 
 
 (d) 1 have found twice the form -xuq"', which evidently 
 belongs to this series. 
 
 I'd 'at' 'icvqxuq"' don't laugh! 
 Ill iiixxuq"' don't throw it up! 
 
 1 pointed out in § 32 that there are certain corre- 
 spondences between the adverbial suffixes for the future and 
 those for the inchoative. Correspondences of this type are 
 characteristic of all verbs. I have, however, not sufficient 
 material to clear up these relations. The following may serve 
 as examples, each horizontal line representing the usage for 
 certain types of verbs : — • 
 
 Meaning and Prefixes of Verbal Forms. 
 
 
 (0 
 
 (&') 
 
 ic) 
 
 id) 
 
 (e) 
 
 (ee) 
 
 ice) 
 
 
 gvga 
 
 wv 
 
 na 
 
 g" 
 
 #a 
 
 ?a$a 
 
 naga 
 
 Past 
 
 Future 
 
 
 Inchoative 
 
 after 
 
 let me! 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 k'e 
 
 k'e 
 
 
 
 (ye) 
 
 ye 
 
 — 
 
 ye 
 
 — 
 
 after 
 
 let me! 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 after 
 
 yd. 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 SUFFIXES (§§ 35-40). 
 
 I combine under this heading a number of suffixes which 
 modify the meaning of the stem, and form with it a unit. It 
 is not possible to distinguish clearly between adnominal and 
 adverbial elements of this class, because a number of these 
 suffixes appear in both groups. This is pre-eminently true 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 81 
 
 of the plural -x, which is used with both verbs and nouns. 
 The diminutive may also occur with both classes, but it is 
 rare in verbal forms. 1 have found the augmentative only 
 with nouns, while other forms are found with verbal stems 
 only. So far as the sense of these sufifixes permits, several 
 of them may appear in combination. 
 
 § 35. Plural Suffix. 
 
 1. -X plural, probably better distributive. ^ This sufifix is 
 
 used with both nouns and verbs. 
 
 lingLtLen big person llngltLenx big persons 
 
 'atyidxl children 
 hgi it is large ugex they are large 
 
 hwus it is strong uwu'sx they are strong 
 
 xalasinx 1 am hiding one at 
 a time 
 
 After a, u, and labialized ^-sounds, the suffix is -x". 
 
 'd lake 'dx" lakes 
 
 gux" slave gux"x^ slaves 
 
 § 36. Adverbial Suffixes. 
 
 2. -s distributive plural,^ used with verbs only. In all my 
 
 examples the -s designates the plural object, while -x 
 occurs in intransitive verbs, which, as will be shown 
 later (§ 47), must be considered as impersonals, so 
 that here also the suffix would not designate the subject. 
 1 have also one case in which Mr. Shotridge designated 
 the use of -i for the distributive of the transitive verb 
 as "intelligible, but unidiomatic;" namely, xalaslns i hide 
 
 1 Swanton, § 9, p. 169. 
 ^ Swanton, § 19.6, p. 186. 
 
82 
 
 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 ONE AT A TIME, which is not used, while xalasinx is the 
 correct form. 
 
 }^a tcvk"' I rubbed it 
 nvk to feel 
 
 cvk'aiin.LXvx he sings one word 
 in song 
 
 Here belongs also 
 tin to see 
 
 xatcvks I rub it all over 
 
 axatis 1 am patching one at a 
 
 time 
 xM nvk''s he is feeling me all 
 
 over 
 xwatsiks 1 had broiled them on 
 
 spits one at a time (?. e., 
 
 continually) 
 k'at'dxs chewing one at a time 
 cvk'alxiixs he used words in song 
 
 its to look 
 
 qvx" atis 1 am looking 
 *h as quits they looked 311.11 
 (erroneously qutis; quti's he 
 looked) 312.3 
 
 According to their meaning, the following suffixes are 
 found with verbs only. 
 
 -tC EVERY TIME.^ 
 yayat it is long 
 
 k'^nanuk"' he is getting sick 
 
 nayaitc every time (I try it) it 
 
 is (too) long 
 k'enu'k"tc he gets sick every 
 
 time 
 
 'vdaxweLtc he is tired every time (1 go to see him) 
 *duka'ndii'i awe uca'ttc they gave them every time to their brothers- 
 in-law 367.7 
 *ldaka't at kealosu'itc he chopped everything every time 366. i 
 *qux aqgwalgt'ntc it will look back every time (it is hungry) 359.6 
 *Maa'«c they went every time 253.3 
 *akusieMc they would break them ever\- time 255.6 
 
 ' Swanton, § 1 9.1, p. 184. ' 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 83 
 
 Verbs ending in a change the a before this suifix to e. 
 *SLqa to say *dusqktc they always said 255.1 
 
 4. -nutc ALWAYS (in the sense of habitually).^ This and the 
 
 following may be compounds of the preceding suffix 
 and an element nu; viz., nuk. 
 
 tea L'aV" gutnutc he always goes 
 
 tea L'ak"^' q"k'dnute she always picks berries 
 
 tea L'ak"' xai' nuknutc 1 have always been sick 
 *yax atgwaku'nutc things are always compared 356.6 
 *ax udulcu'qnutc they would always laugh at him 257.9 
 *qatuda's kaxklnde duqt'tcnute. they always threw oflF their human coats 
 
 253.6 
 *kadukiksi,nutc they always shook them 253.6 
 *acu'tcnutc duye'tH" she always bathed her child 257.7 
 
 5. -nuktc ALWAYS. I have not been able to discover the differ- 
 
 ence between this suffix and the preceding one. In some 
 cases they may be used indiscriminately; in others, only 
 the one or the other can be used. 
 
 ^Ik'dniiktc she always picks berries 
 
 6. -X expresses a permanent condition.^ 
 
 daxwaLx he is tired (after a day's work) 
 
 Lei yank'a'xhav{gds we never had settled (but now we have homes) 
 
 Ltl yank'axhaulgdsx we never had settled, and still continue so 
 yank'axhdwuhgdsx since then we move about permanently (i. e., 
 
 without fixed habitation) 
 wvkts'i'nx he grew strong, and has remained so (but wvhts'in he grew • 
 
 strong) 
 *Lil at'idja'qx you never kill anything 392.6 (i i) 
 
 ' Swanton, § 19.2, p. 184. 
 
 'i Swanton, § 15.7, p. 177; § 19.4, p. 185. The two suflfixes treated by Swanton are evi- 
 dently the same. 
 
84 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 This suffix is attached regularly to nouns with the verb 
 sin TO BE. It expresses the permanence of condition. 
 
 an qdwux" sU'l he is a chief 
 *Le hasdja'qx they killed them regularly 254.10 
 ^a^didiyi atx siti it became a living being 261.5 
 
 ling'dx sin he was (had become) a human being 316.12 
 *cd sat'ix sU'i he had become a master of things (i. e., a hunter) 326.6 
 
 7. -k"' OCCASIONALLY, REPEATEDLY, HABITUALLY AT INTERVALS. 
 TO BE ABLE TO.^ 
 
 yuxwaqvxV' I travel by canoe occasionally 
 
 xaxHk"' 1 sweep the floor occasionally 
 
 xavsk"' I am washing it (now and then) 
 
 axadjaqk"' 1 am able to kill it 
 
 axatunk"' 1 know how to hunt 
 
 atxaink"' I know how to shoot something 
 *tcu Ida an dlayexi tcuLe'yu ayatixk' then with a knife he whittled 
 
 something, then occasionalfy he would break it 370.3 
 *ka.di^kx¥ he would cry at intervals 370.7 
 *yan yuk dwwaxixk they jumped out there at intervals 303.2 
 *ada'dax yu nawusk wash it off repeatedly 313.1 1 
 *hinde ye yunasni'k put it repeatedly into water 313.1 1 
 *yu akam'kk aya'x yu yatik regularly, as he told them, so it was 318.13 
 *yu a(fletsakk he pushed hard repeatedly 327.7 
 
 This suffix is used most frequently with verbs expressing 
 
 NAMING, THINKING, SAYING. 
 
 *qdwutc ye ya.sdk'^ the people name it — 310.7 
 • *duiu' yu xayaiank in him he was talking ( = he moved his mouth) 
 317.2 
 *ada yuxaduita'tk they talked about it ( = the\' moved their mouths) 
 
 348.2 (erroneously ada'yux cidut.ia'tk) 371.1 
 dtidd yut'uxata'nk I am thinking about him 
 
 8. -yin, -in, -wun, -un. This suffix expresses the past. After 
 i, and in most cases after a, it has the form -yin; after 
 
 ' Swanton, § 20.3, p. 188. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 85 
 
 consonants, except the labialized fe-series and w, it is 
 
 -in; after u, and sometimes after a, its form is -wun; 
 
 after labialized consonants and w, it is -un. Its pitch 
 
 is indifferent; so that after a high stem- vowel it is low, 
 
 after a low stem-vowel high. 
 
 yanalgkn he is getting big yanklgknm he was getting big 
 
 hge it is big dageyin it used to be big 
 
 xaf hts'in I am strong xat' lats'inin 1 used to be strong 
 
 Lkl wuduskh he is not known Ltl wuduskuwiin he never was 
 
 known 
 
 qvx"a.v I am dwelling qvx"d.uwun I was dwelling 
 
 qiixiikU 1 pick berries qvx"akUin I used to pick berries 
 
 *xid' wusnexi'n 1 was saved 385.14 
 
 *akina' wvgaxi'xin yu gaga'n when on top of it came the sun 255.1 
 *kendusga'nin they were burnt 382.1 
 
 *ye ayati'yin natiye't ika'khas that was (the way) were your grand- 
 fathers 380.19 
 
 9. -n» neutral conditional. 
 
 Iwasa 'at' 'vnaninl ye 'i.kq'wasai'in segan if nothing happens, 1 shall see 
 
 thee to-morrow 
 gaxcd'nat'ini, — if 1 am well, — 
 xaxaaxni, — if I hear from him, — 
 xaxeni k'exaigvxsamik'^' if I eat it, I shall get sick 
 xatc qasat'innl LeL 'aya.k"'qwadahdn if I am the one to see it, 1 shall 
 
 escape 
 
 Conditional clauses contrary to fact are expressed by 
 the particle k'kV, which follows the verb nominalized by 
 the suffix -yi.; or by the particle 'uc, which follows the suffix 
 -yin. 
 
 Examples of the use of k'aV: 
 
 xaxvaxl k'at' 'iqwa,q'vsa.t'inin if 1 had heard from him, 1 might have 
 
 seen you 
 Ixai' 'imugii k'at', — if I had not been sick, — 
 Lei Xat' gagvnugun teal ' axvxdytk' at' 1 should not have been sick if 
 
 1 had not eaten it 
 
86 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Examples of the use of 'tic: 
 xwaxk %€ k'exd.tgujcsanuk'" if I should eat it, I should be sick 
 xdfc'-zic xvsatinin q'bdjagin if 1 had been the one to see it, I should 
 
 have killed it 
 xvsat'tnln 'uc, — if I had seen it, — 
 . xat' nugun 'uc,—U 1 had been sick, — 
 
 § 37. Adnominal Suffixes. 
 
 10. -Ic diminutive.! The diminutive of the singular is expressed 
 by the suffix 4, which, in words ending with an a, a u, 
 or a labialized k sound, is labialized (see § 8, pp. 16-18). 
 
 •kt' a thing 'a<^ a little thing 
 
 'ic father 'k^ little father 
 
 yek' spirit yek^ little spirit 
 
 ran sea-lion t'an^ little sea-lion 
 
 'eq' copper 'eq^ little copper 
 
 ydy whale ydy^ little whale 
 
 •ux" tooth 'ux"^" little tooth 
 
 yak"' canoe yak"k'' little canoe 
 
 yadw strap yadw^" little strap 
 
 'axd paddle ' .atcdk" a little paddle (cf. 'axd^ 
 
 paddle, little one!) 
 'd pond 'dA" a little pond 
 
 In certain words ending in a consonant, the ending is 
 -a^" instead of -H. I have not been able to discover the 
 rule governing the use of this ending. 
 
 'as tree 'dsak" little tree 
 
 'an town 'dnaR" little town (also dnk) 
 
 hin water hinkk" little water 
 
 'ex grease exak" little grease 
 
 Van sea-lion Vdni. little sea-lion, but Vdndhi 
 
 his little sea-lion (see §8, p. 18) 
 
 1 Swanton, § 8, p. i68. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 87 
 
 Many terms of relationship appear always with the 
 diminutive ending: — 
 
 Ldk" mother's sister ( = little mother) 
 kelk sister's child (said by male) 
 ki^ younger brother (said by male) 
 tcxknk grandchild 
 t^ younger brother (said by female) 
 
 The diminutive -^ occurs also with adjectives, as is 
 shown by the form — 
 
 k'uwatc^ a little short 
 
 1 1 . -sani diminutive plural, generally following the plural 
 suffix -X (see No. i, p. 8i). 
 
 *kisdni little boys 345 . 1 2 
 Hexsdni little stones 390.8 
 *ca:isdni little girls 353.4 
 (erroneously caWsdni) 
 t'sutsguxsdnt birds 
 
 12. -Len augmentative. 
 
 hitLen a large house 
 'dhen a large lake 
 
 'a.txi.sdnl small things 
 hitxisdm little houses 
 'dx"sdnl little lakes 
 'eqtiisdnl little pieces of copper 
 'axyatxusdm my little children 
 
 'atLen a large thing 
 
 § 38. Suffix -yi, (-i, -wu, -u).^ 
 
 This suffix performs a number of functions, and for this 
 reason it cannot well be correlated with the preceding classes. 
 After a and i vowels it has the form -yi; after consonants, 
 except the labialized ^-series and w, it is -i; after u, and some- 
 times after a, it has the form -wu; and after w and consonants 
 of the labialized ^-series it is -u. Its pitch is indifferent; so 
 
 ' Swanton, § 20, No. 2, p. 187. 
 
88 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 that after a high stem-vowel it is low, after a low stem-vowel 
 high. The suffix performs the following functions: — 
 
 I. When attached to a noun, it indicates that the noun 
 is possessed either by a possessive pronoun or by another noun. 
 
 (a) Pronominal Forms. 
 
 id king-salmon 
 id board 
 'axd paddle 
 
 'a lake 
 
 xdt root 
 
 xdt salmon 
 
 t'il scar 
 
 i'il shoe 
 
 nil fort 
 
 lu nose 
 
 cdjcdw (head) hair 
 
 tuk"' king-salmon 
 
 gux'^ slave 
 
 ydk"' canoe 
 
 duidyt his king-salmon 
 duidyi his board 
 duaxdyi his paddle 
 (duaxdyi the way he paddles) 
 dudyi his lake 
 duxddi his root 
 dtixddi his salmon 
 duVili his scar 
 dut'ili his shoe 
 dunuwu his fort 
 duluwu his nose 
 ducdxdwu his hair 
 dutiigu his king-salmon 
 dugiixu his slave 
 duydgu his canoe (compare yak' 
 mussel; duydgi his mussel) 
 
 Nouns ending in a labialize the diminutive ending -%, 
 and therefore take, in their diminutive forms, -u as possessive 
 ending. 
 
 a^" a little pond 
 d^" a small thing 
 
 After a we find — 
 q'd man 
 
 Quite exceptional is — 
 Van navel 
 
 dudku his little pond 
 dudku his little thing 
 
 (du) q'dwii his man 
 
 dui'dnu' his navel 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 89 
 
 t 
 
 (b) Nominal Possession. 
 
 Uq" joist (transversal timber hit' ta'gu house timber 
 
 connecting iiouse-posts) 
 hdz dung *xuts' hdzi grizzly bear's dung 
 
 252.4 
 qwdn tribe *xuts' qwdnl Grizzly Bear tribe 
 
 253.2 
 'an town *ync 'dni your father's town 
 
 253.4 
 hin water *xdt hint salmon creek 357.2 
 
 (c) Plural Forms. 
 
 When the noun has the plural suffix -x, the possessive 
 takes terminal position. 
 
 xun friend *hasduxunxi theirfriends 354.10 
 
 (d) Inseparable Possession. 
 
 This suifix is not used in cases in which inseparable 
 possession is expressed (?. e., with terms of relationship; parts 
 of the body, provided these are considered as parts of the living 
 body; and local nouns). 
 
 Terms of relationship: 
 
 ylt' child dudf his father's sister 
 
 'at' father's sister *yiic 'dni your father's town 
 
 "ic father 253.14 
 
 duy'it' his child *duic gux"xu her father's slaves 
 
 252.5 
 
 Parts of body : 
 
 'ux tooth duux his tooth 
 
 xet' chest duxeV his chest 
 
 t'ex heart *duxux t'ex her husband's heart 
 
 297.10 
 
90 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Local nouns: 
 
 yt place underneath axyi under me 
 
 {e^ place behind ax(ek place behind me 
 
 ;|caM proximity *^Mxdw near her 252.10 
 
 2. The suffix is used extensively for expressing subor- 
 dination of clauses. It has the function of nominalizing the 
 verb. 
 
 Lfl wd 'atwvnlyi sayu yeyawaq'd he said that not anything happening 
 
 nugv hat' 'uwagut' being sick, he came 
 
 'atwvxayi whenever he had eaten ('atxa when he had eaten) 
 
 'dyi wimiigii as soon as he sat down (gaganvgim whenever he sat down) 
 
 q'imvsdii whenever it was cold (q'vk"sadi when it got cold) 
 
 k'enagvdl tsd xdn 'ak'dwanik' when coming up only he told me ( = 
 
 he did not tell me until he came up) 
 dak' 'uwLxlxl t'a duW 'uwaxlx out as fell the stone, on him it struck 
 Hca'tcas yen wuntyL yu nu' atxdn hlh ayu' and now being finished that 
 
 fort was a smoke-house 305.6 
 *eq dugude' awe di" kat wu^d'gi hin-tdfi'ci (on) the beach walking then 
 
 a little lake on swam [a fish] 274.3 
 *tcdk" yd'nagu'U awe qox aku'dadjttc long after it had gone, back it 
 turned 255.5 
 
 Followed by the post-position -tc, the nominalized verb 
 expresses causal subordination (see pp. 99-101); followed by the 
 post-position -t, it expresses purpose (see p. 94); followed 
 by the suffix -dax, it expresses temporal sequence (see p. 98). 
 
 The suffix -yi forms also abstract nouns. 
 
 'asdatsini cuwaxix my strength gave out 
 ' axq'iit'inl my eyesight 
 'axq'vdxdji my power of hearing 
 'axq'vlnigi) my power of feeling 
 'axyedjmiyL my work 
 'dxk'asnlyl my weaving 
 'ak'vddli weight 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 91 
 
 With certain verbs the suffix -yo . signifies the nomen 
 
 actoris. These nouns are formed from the past form of 
 
 the stem. 
 
 {'a)tu'n to hunt on land 'atuni hunter 
 
 k'aka'qx to hunt sea-otter, fur- k'akaqxci sea-otter hunter, fur- 
 
 seal, with retrieving arrow seal hunter 
 
 xac to cut daxaci one who cuts 
 
 k'axac to carve ( = cut surface) k'adaxaci wood-carver 
 
 xW to draw, paint k'acxidi painter 
 
 k'adaxuti plank-dresser 
 
 daiu'si baker 
 Ui to pound daUxi blacksmith 
 
 da^i'si tailor 
 
 dux'etx yuxaidngi chiefs speaker 
 yudjik"ha'tk' to move hand about qdxada yiidjlkul'dtgl servants 
 
 attending at feast 
 
 xat la'setl person whose business 
 it is to pull out roots 
 
 Also 
 
 hut to depend hudi surf boards on gunwale of 
 
 canoe (protector) 
 
 Other nomina actoris are formed with qd man, or shVi 
 
 MASTER. 
 
 yancu to hunt along shore (seal, yancuqdwu seal-hunter 
 
 sea-lion) 
 t'aw to Steal t'awsdt'i thief 
 
 The terms compounded with sat'i have often the meaning 
 
 of overdoing an act. 
 
 'in to kill many af'insdt'i one who kills too much 
 
 'us to be playful, lively hits sdt'i one who plays too 
 
 much 
 'tx to shout, to invite qvi'xsdt'i one who gives too 
 
 many feasts 
 
 Note. — The term sdt'i is also compounded with nominal stems, as — 
 
 'afsdt'i master, owner of things 
 
 'cdsdt'i master of animals (i. e., an expert hunter) 
 
92 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 § 39. Suffixes -a and -ya. 
 -a. Instrumental noun. The noun is formed by suffixing a to 
 the inchoative stem. 
 
 vn to shooti vna gun 
 
 lit' to slit lli'a. knife 
 
 xac to cut xaca saw 
 
 xit to draw k'usdda. pencil, brush 
 
 k"d to pry k'lia. lever, prying-instrument 
 
 k'aUn to dig k'ahena digging-tool 
 
 x'd to sweep xlta broom 
 
 -yd,^ a nominal suffix. When attached to verbs, it is always 
 used in connection with the nominalizing -yi (see § 38). 
 Probably this element is identical with the local noun ya 
 (see p. 104), which we find, for instance, in gvnaya another 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 Lei 'ode hat' qwagudtyk there is no way for me to come here (f. e., 
 
 I cannot come here) 
 Ltl 'ode hat' ^ayiy' ddtya there is no way for you to come heie 
 *yax gale' yu ^d's ade' uduwaqd' siya it is far that cascade where is the 
 
 place of its falling 308.12 
 '^qod^dVyiya the extent of his life 310.13 
 "akuie'nxa ayu' duye'kxi ade' htsl'niya he tested his spirits (in) the way 
 
 of strength 308. 1 1 
 *tcu' ye qa awe dudugu' tu'de zimdjuci'xiya then it was that every person 
 into his skin way of running 272.7 
 'a has 'dwaxayiykdax hat' has 'uwaaf they where the\' paddled from 
 
 hither they came 
 'a 'dwt'uwaxayiyedax hat' wvt'uwaat' from where we paddled, hither 
 
 we came 
 *ade' adjl'yit has ctanu'guya yax ayu' has ada'na at the place of their 
 tohishandsfeehng(=in the way they felt about him), hke that they 
 did 275.1 1 (also 275.1) 
 *ade' qoVniya at the place where he had been killing 274.12 
 
 ' All these are inchoative stem-forms. 
 ''Swanton, § 20, No. 4, p. 189. 
 
franz boas — notes on language of tlingit indians 93 
 
 § 40. Suffixes of Adverbs and Numerals. 
 
 1. -den forms adverbs from verbs. 
 
 l&tslnden lively 
 k'iidpden largely 
 Laden crosswise 
 *itde'n well 381.8 
 
 2. *-dahen forms numeral adverbs. 
 
 *daxdahe'n twice {daxdanVn 258.2) 
 *daxu'ndahen four times 357.4 
 
 3. -nax is used with numerals referring to human beings. 
 
 '^Le'nax one person 252.8 
 
 *rfa^awa:>c two persons 272.15; 280.2; 343. 13^ 
 
 daxnax hayat'l we are two 
 
 daxninax hayat'l we are two 
 
 I have not been able to discover any difference between 
 these forms. 
 
 § 41. POST-POSITIONS. 
 
 Post-positions express principally locative ideas, but include 
 also a few terms of modality. They are freely suifixed to nouns 
 and nominalized verbal expressions. When used with pro- 
 nouns, they are nominalized by means of a stem i, and take 
 the possessive pronouns. The first person singular and the 
 a-iorm of the third person are contracted with this stem. 
 
 xd instead of 'ax-i 
 'a instead of 'a-i 
 
 ^ This last example refers to slaves, for whom, according to Swanton, the numerals without 
 the suffix -nax dirt used. 
 
94 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 The series of forms are as follows : — 
 
 I St person singular xd, plural hat 
 
 2d person singular ''^. " )''^ 
 
 3d person singular (1) '^> " ^"^'^ 
 
 « " <i (2) 'ac'i, " has'ac'i 
 
 « « « (3) . . • • • dui, " hasdui 
 
 1. The stem i alone expresses the indirect object. I found it 
 
 used with the verbs — 
 {IVjVuw to teach {ya)ix to shout 
 
 {l\)guk' to show {dl)geq' to disagree 
 
 {sl)k^v to inform 
 
 xd awUt'uw he taught it to me 
 d x''hVuw 1 taught it to thee 
 *duikulgu'ktc he would show him 379.1 1 
 hdi 'awsik'ls he informed us 
 hdi wiiix he shouted at us 
 hdi k'awdlgeq' it disagrees with me (overdoing something) 
 
 2. -t' position resulting from a movement towards an object; 
 
 -de movement towards an object. 
 
 In this and the following pairs the positional form is 
 used with verbs of motion in perfect tenses; i. e., after 
 the motion has been completed.^ The two forms occur 
 with all verbs of motion, but also with verbs that we 
 rather conceive as implying position. 
 
 Examples of the use of -t': 
 
 hat' xwagvt' 1 came here 
 
 *hd'nde htniia'x hither into the v/ater Tun\ 254.7 (The speaker is in 
 a canoe. The person addressed stands on shore. The former speaks 
 of the water as though the motion into it had been completed.) 
 
 *akd'deh'int wudjixl'x she ran to it in the water 254.7 (This con- 
 tinues the preceding sentence. The woman is now in the water, 
 and runs to the canoe on the surface [^'d].) 
 
 *dekt't wudiixa'q fagd'n tut to above it rose to the sun {dek'i above; 
 ^agdn sun; t'v inside) 254,8 
 
 ' Swanton, No. 13, p. 194. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 95 
 
 *axt'ayit' lyaguV you came to the place below me 269. 1 1 
 dulV 'ax^Uxln I looked at him 
 
 *act'i xewatan he spoke to him (to him mouth he moved) 269.1 1 
 'iyanai' Ivk'asat'an the point lies by your side (your side at point oji 
 
 moves) 
 ydt' qvxav I live here (this at something I have) 
 'at' xwaq'vx I reached there (have gone there) by canoe 
 *hinyLkt aoiLge'n he looked into the water (water under side to he 
 
 looked) 269.7 
 *yut akultd'qatc there to ( = away) she pushed it 292.1 1 
 *htnt uwaqla'q it swam to the creek 306. i 
 
 *duca't djit awaxe'tc he threw it to his wife ( = his wife hands to he 
 threw it) 306.11 
 
 When the stem to which -de is attached has the low 
 tone, -de has the high tone. When the stem has a high 
 tone, -de has the low tone. 
 
 Examples of the use of de:^ 
 
 dvhidl xande to the proximity of his house 
 
 dvhidide to his house 
 
 xMe to me 
 
 duide to him 
 
 *qox awuLise'n duc'tde she looked behind ( = back she looked her place 
 to) 254.4 
 
 de'sgvtc 'vxl 'atgvt'udk gradually he camped in the woods ( = gradually 
 he camped things butts inside toward) [168.5'] 
 
 gutc t'ude qvk'awd:[lha they dug into the hill ( = hill inside to some- 
 where surface dug) [170.9'] 
 
 wicck'ade 'ayd while she carried it packed on one another ( = one 
 another surface to which she carried it on back) [170.13'] 
 
 'itk'ddi diicaV 'ak'awand he sent his wife into the room ( = room sur 
 face into his wife he commanded) [171. i'] 
 *xd dji'udigut kaqanuwu' dax gond'xodt awe' dji'udigut Luqd'xadi xo'de 
 they started from Kaqanuwu' to Gona'xo to make war, they started 
 to among the Luqaxadt (war — -with hands they went Kaqlanuwu — 
 from Gonaxo — to that, with hands they went Luqaxade place 
 among to) 338.6 
 *a'yaxde yanagudi' while going around the lake {'d lake; yax border, 
 rim) 292.2. 
 
 ' Reference to text at end of this paper. 
 
96 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 After a verb, -f indicates purpose, and may be translated 
 
 by IN ORDER TO. 
 
 q'aq'asat'int' haV xwagiit' I came to see him 
 xaf gaxlatsmf 'atxwaxd 1 ate to get strong 
 
 In many cases the verb, before taking the suffix -f, 
 
 is nominaHzed by the suffix -yt. 
 
 q'adjagit' xwaguV for killing him he went 
 nagagudif 'ayawsi.q'd he told him to go 
 ydkgactxW 'ayawsi.q'd he told him to run 
 
 3. -X and -X at, in} These may have a relation analogous 
 to that of -t' and de, although it does not appear clearly. 
 
 nelx yexa.tna.ri after I had been in the house 
 nelx yexatgvgat'i 1 shall be in the house 
 
 The post-position -x is used with terms expressing posi- 
 tion, completed motion, and also with a number of other 
 verbs that require its use. 
 
 nelx yexat wvt'i I was in a house 
 
 *i.ca.x has' awat'i on your head they have put it 381.2 
 *Lel anx uqox he did not reach the town by canoe ( = not town in came 
 
 by canoe) 272.14 
 nel k'ax across the floor of the house ( = inside of house surface at) 
 
 256.1 
 *akddi hinx wudjtxix she ran out to it on the water 301.9 
 *ha.sdvfexduti'x they gave to them ( = to their mouths they gave) 
 
 334- '3 
 
 The following verbs take -x regularly : — 
 
 {dVjci to help qecgu to answer 
 
 {sVjPi to be I {t'udi)t'a.n to think 
 
 {yii.)xix to run, to move 
 
 ' Swanton, Nos. 15, 16, p. 194. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 97 
 
 Examples : 
 
 xdx dact he helps me 
 
 llngitx siH he is a Tlingit 
 
 cawdto flTOiti? it was a woman 380.17 
 
 cox wvsi.n it became a mountain 384.18 
 
 hifix yeicxlxtc he always ran into the water 274. i 
 
 qotx ' acuwvlxixm it has destroyed them 380.19 
 
 qotx haculixix it destroyed us 295.3 
 
 Lei hasduix qecgu he did not reply to them 369.6 
 
 'dk'ax t'udd'dn he thought of him 379.7 
 
 In expressions signifying to dress (= to go into cloth- 
 ing, to throw on clothing), to undress, we find the 
 post-position -x. 
 
 Rudas 'afux nagvttc he always went into the coat 297.7 
 
 'at'ux yu wugvtk having gone into it (i. e., having put it on) 298.4 
 
 k'ax 'awdigeq ^uda's he put the coat on 276.6 
 
 k'ax k'eawdd'i he took (the coat) off 276.10 
 
 The term to give to eat also contains this post- 
 position. 
 
 dydatcxan^ xex 'atfexnutc to her grandchild she would give to eat 
 
 ( = mouth at she fed always) 280.5; also 274.5 
 xe'x 'at Vex he gave him to eat 264.8 
 duf^ex 'at' dut'e'x he fed them ( = their mouths at it he gave) 284.10 
 
 X seems to indicate rest at a certain place, particularly 
 after motion towards the point in question. 
 
 gdnx yenksnl do it out of doors 
 
 'axxaKx yan ban stand near me (also axxa.nl yan han) 
 
 qaxox yahas' unaxen they came to stay among people ( = men among 
 
 at beginning they staid) 334.10 
 nelxyan has qe awe . . . they were seated in the house ( = house in 
 
 finished they sat, this) 256.3 
 dwaca duhlt'ix he married her in his house 259.13 
 duk'dk' xafix yeyafi yu qd a man was staying with his uncle ( = his 
 
 uncle proximity at was that man) 262.1 
 
98 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 duasif i'M awe aydwacaV he put it into his rags ( = his torn ones 
 inside in this he tooii) 263.2 
 
 k'uf awasW yu hinyaxx he made a nest by the water ( = nest he 
 covered that water edge at) 268.7 
 
 'at' a nelx he sang in the house 318.2 
 
 ye ya waq'd yu yek dut'ux the spirit spoke in him ( = he spoke that 
 spirit his inside in) 317.5 
 
 axddx nux yihyaxe what you put as a fort around me ( = my circum- 
 ference at fort to you made) 382 . i o 
 
 The post-position x occurs often with the verb to save. 
 *'aiex yexatguganex behind it I shall be saved 382.8 
 
 4. -tx and -dax from.^ 
 
 Viidaic ya.nxa.gvV I come from inside 
 
 xddax from me 
 
 dudnldax from his town 
 
 k'eagaadinawe xdt' 'dmddx when they came from the salmon town 
 
 253-5 
 duyat' k'dwdLgan yu hltyidax it shone into his face from the house 
 
 ( = his face it shone that house under from) 260.4 
 cdyadadax ye'q 'at' k'udjeltc 'ahen he would bring down much from the 
 
 mountains ( = mountain face circumference from down things 
 
 bring he would it much) 267.4 
 'aylkdax k'edwat'i he took it from underneath (=its under side from 
 
 he took it) 268.3 
 'axyddax ahead (=my face from) 
 Idakat' yetx ducdx' from everywhere they tried to marr\- her (all from 
 
 some one married) 259.3 
 datx k'ida'sd %km t\\em\ ( = around from surface you tear!) 270.14 
 cutx 'awatix from the end he broke it off 267.7 
 
 Also temporal. 
 
 *'at}c and then 289.6 
 '^'adax and then 290.14 
 
 tcuLe wvgudidax k'hgvx latsi'n when he will start, he will have obtained 
 strength 
 
 'adax has ghf'aqu'x 'atunltx they will leave from there after hunting 
 
 ' Swanton, No. 25, p. 194. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 99 
 
 5. -n&X THROUGH, MOTION ATA CERTAIN PLACE IN AN INDEFINITE 
 
 DiRECTKjN.^ This suffix is used very frequently to 
 
 designate motion in or about a certain place, and must 
 
 be rendered in English accordingly by a variety of 
 
 prepositions or adverbs. 
 
 Xanax through me 
 
 duhidinkx through his house 
 
 ciy yananaof 'a. on the right side ( = right face side through it is) 
 
 Xanax lat'l 'ale^d at the mouth it was red 258.1 
 
 hlnnax 'awaxHc he threw it into (through) the water 263.6 
 
 'at'vnaxwvdjaltc his hands passed through it ( = through its inside 
 
 he grasped always) 257.1 
 t'a't' yinax through the night 258.9 
 ca k'afiax across a mountain ( = mountain surface through) 
 
 This post-position is also used for forming comparatives. 
 hltyanax k'vgi it is larger than a house 270.3 
 
 It may be, however, that this is a compound of ya-na-x 
 
 AT THE SIDE. 
 
 6. -tC BY MEANS OF.^ 
 
 'ax'unayitc xvlidjaq' I kill it with my gun ( = my gun with 1 kill) 
 'axantc xvlbcltc I Strike with a point 
 diiitc cxiidiihvV I depended on him 
 
 'ate yu aqlitsaqk' yu cdwaV yu 'eq' k'at'lxtc with it (that) he pushed 
 that woman that copper twisted with 259.6 
 
 As conjunction. 
 *ktcawe therefore ( = with that) 261.2 
 
 In passive sentences the actor is expressed by the form 
 
 in -tc. 
 
 xiits we q'd 'awsd'in the bear saw the man 
 
 guide wiisU'tn we k'eL the dog was seen by the wolf 
 
 ' Swanton, p. 194, No. 39. 
 'Ihid., §7, p. 168. 
 
100 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 diisi Leq"' 'ain her daughter gathered berries 
 
 dusitc 'in Leq"' her daughter gathered berries 
 duUt'ayl 'awadx yu ' atkatsk" the boy broke his own knife 
 
 yu 'a.t%a'ts%utc wumx dul'dayl by that boy was broken his own knife 
 dust 'ac wvsd'ln his daughter saw (her own father) 
 
 dusitc wvsd'in by his daughter was he seen (another person) 
 yu q'd yu cdwat' 'awvslt'ln the man saw the woman 
 
 yu q'dfc zmsit'in yu cdwaV by that man was seen that woman 
 *Lel lingL'Uc wusko' it was not known by the people 258.10 (also 
 
 374.3; 349.8) 
 *qaic uwaca' she was married by the man 260.6 , 
 
 *dukd'k ca'ttc awe at wuge'q it was thrown by his uncle's wife 262.5 
 *keakd'wact yu ye'k dukd'kic the spirit was sung for by his uncle 271.13 
 *qaxase' wa'sW yu sutayi'stc man's neck was chopped with that jade 
 axe 274.13 
 
 It will be noticed that, although the sentences here 
 given seem to be passive in form, the possessive pronouns 
 have the form that would be required if the forms in -tc 
 were subjects. Indeed, there are quite a number of cases 
 in which the sentences cannot very well be explained as 
 passives. 
 
 *yu cawd'ttc aolicd't the woman caught it 259.7 
 
 *yu ayaosiqa yu cdwat xoxtc that said to him the woman's husband 
 
 260.5 
 *yedt' a'we aosdl'n yu cd'wattc seq under it there saw that woman 
 
 smoke 253.10 
 *duite'x qoya'oduwaci xuts qoa'nitc for her searched the Grizzl\' Bear 
 
 people 254.2 
 *at aoi.i.ge'n dokd'k cattc his uncle's wife looked for it 267.9 
 *wae'tc gawe'ge ye'smi did you do it? 267.9 
 *tia wae'tc de' yasaha' you pick it up! 252.7 
 
 With the nominal subject in -tc we find the pronominal 
 subject dii: — 
 
 *akd'(i awe dudjd'q duid'tc on account of this he was beaten b\- his 
 mother 255.9 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 101 
 
 *yu xa'tc keka'ndudjd yu ye'k those warriors took those spirits 340.1 1 
 
 (also 340.9) 
 *atxd'we aye' wudu'wa.u yu hi'tLcn Idaka't qdtc from that (on) under it 
 
 inhabited that big house all the people 345.9 
 *wu'djikiq awe doxa'natc yu ex hsd'ndc together that ate that grease 
 
 the little boys 345.12 
 
 The difference between transitive and intransitive forms 
 is brought out clearly in the following example: — 
 
 'astex yu q'd the man is fishing 
 'astex yu q'dtc the man is fishing for it 
 
 Verbs nominalized by the suffix -yu (§ 38, p. 90) take the 
 suffix -tc to express causality. 
 
 nugutc 'aya haV xwagW with his sickness this hither 1 came (z. e., 
 
 1 came because he is sick) 
 nuk"nudjitc because he is always sick (nuk"-nutc-i-tc) 
 xat' wbdaxweiitc because I was tired 
 wvnexitc because he was saved 
 sdwutc because it was chopped 
 
 7. -n IN COMPANY OF, WITH.^ 
 
 xdn with me 
 
 duin with him 
 
 q'okii 'an 'uat' she went berrying with them ( = somewhere berrying 
 
 them with they went) 252.2 
 'ac'in dekit' wvdiLXaq gagdn t'uf he went up with her to the sun ( = 
 
 her with top to moved up sun inside to) 254.8 
 
 It is always used with the verb nik to tell. 
 
 dutn ak'awanik' she told him 299.6 
 xdn k'inik' you tell me 364.9 
 
 Also 
 *'a.c'in nasq'd she said to her 299.5 
 ' Swanton, p. 194, Nos. 14, 33. 
 
102 UNIVERShTY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Derived from -n is -Vin, which, according to Mr. 
 Shotridge, designates instrumentahty. This distinction 
 does not appear clearly, however, in Dr. Swanton's texts. 
 
 duux'in together with his teeth duuxt'm by means of his teeth 
 
 duf'ain with his word dux"dt'tn by means of the mouth. 
 
 duwadjaq' . . . dutcunedl-t'ln he killed him with his own arrow 380.13 
 
 But 
 
 wugW dusit'in she went with her daughter 380.14 
 tcunetVm wugvf he went with arrows 274.3 
 
 The form 'In is also used to express temporal subordi- 
 nation : — 
 
 xvsaVmi'm Le'aya.k^'qwada.hdn when 1 see it (=with seeing it), I 
 shall run away 
 
 8; -ga ON ACCOUNT OF, FOR A PURPOSE.^ 
 
 xa^d for me 
 
 xd^d 'iwasu you come to help me 263.5 
 
 dM^d qodxi they searched for her 260. i 
 
 yii^d wvduwat'an for that purpose they were called 253.2 
 
 xatgd naadi going for salmon 253.3 
 
 'a$d'dwe binye yaawafl therefore he went into the water ( = that for 
 
 it was this water under he did) 268.13 
 giixgd 'awahun he sold it for slaves 266. i 
 
 dex dis basduik' k'dwak'd two months were finished on them 361.4 
 
 yiiikak' on Git like 380.18 
 
 t'at'uk' cave ( = stone inside on) 272.7 
 
 This post-position forms a firm unit with the stem, and 
 
 is treated as a noun. It may take other suffixes. 
 
 *yu'yak"yikx into that canoe (that canoe under-on to) 370.12 
 yu'eq'him cakx at the upper part of Copper River ( = that copper 
 water head on in) 349.2 
 
 • Swanton, p. 194, No. 30. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 194, No. 29. 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 103 
 
 § 42. LOCATIVE AND TEMPORAL NOUNS. 
 
 W PLACE. 
 
 xan 'It'i fireplace 
 
 yak" 'U't place where canoe used to be 
 
 dv xos 'U't his footprints 298.6 
 
 dvitde to her place 254.4 
 
 gashite'de into the post-hole 262.5 ($as post; Hi hole) 
 
 fa. W sleeping-place 
 
 t'e Wi place from which a stone has been taken 
 
 The noun U is also used in idioms expressing comparison. 
 ax 'Wi ya'di he is younger than 1 ( = my place its child) 
 
 'iq' BELOW, DOWNHILL. 
 "iqde DOWNHILL 252.5 
 
 \X DOWN RIVER. 
 
 "ixdt (towards) down river; southward 
 
 'ixlna (at) down river 
 
 "ixniix (by way of) down river 
 
 ya face: therefore front, surface of mountain-side (for 
 
 change of tone, see § 43, p. 1 12). 
 
 axyk my face 
 
 axyankx in front ( = through my face) 
 
 axyadax forward ( = from my face) 
 
 dvyaxanf nearly in front of him ( = his face proximity at) 263.1 
 
 dvyada around her face ( = her face circumference) 265.10 
 
 gLLyax in front of the clifT (cliff face on) 361.9 
 
 yanax nacii [a tree] stands ( = face [of ground] from it rises) 
 
 cayadaf up a mountain {cd mountain; ya face; da circumference, 
 
 outer side; -t' to) 268.2 
 hltyaf 'awaat' they came to the front of the house 271.12 
 
 The word ya is used often for expressing comparison. 
 
 axyanax' lk"kge you are bigger than 1 ( = my face through your size 
 
 is big) 
 axydnax uwLMal you are stouter than 1 
 hityanax k'vgk it is larger than a house 270.3 
 
104 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 It forms a new noun with -na (p. io8), meaning front 
 
 SIDE. 
 
 axyanadk k'awaha I owe him [money] ( = my front to on it moves) 
 
 yii PLACE (see also § 39). 
 
 gMaya anotlier place 
 yaya face of incline 
 ^imayidi to another place 
 
 yan completion. 
 
 yandi gaxdiisnt it will be finished ( = end to will some one make) 
 yan wvdiid^mi it has been finished ( = end some one has made) 
 
 yaX LIKENESS, SAMENESS. 
 
 Lil axyax "dtsln you are not as strong as 1 ( = not my likeness you 
 
 are [is to you] strong) 
 Lei ayax xat' 'vltstn 1 am not strong enough for it ( = not its likeness 
 
 I am [me is] strength) 
 xao ykx 'he t'uwayat\ they seemed to her like logs (=log likeness to 
 
 her mind was) 252.11 
 Ltl 'at' ykx 'ada t'iiwut'i he did not care for her ( = not a thing likeness 
 
 her around [his] mind was) 
 
 yaX BORDER, RIM, EDGE. 
 
 'dyax shore of a lake {'a lake) 
 
 xicdyax rim of a pail 
 
 'etyax seashore 
 
 hinyaxx at the bank of a creek ( = water-edge) 268.6 
 
 'aH 'ayax't at the edge of a little lake {'d lake; -i small; 'd it) 254.5 
 
 'd'yaxdt to the lake 
 
 yaX ABOARD. 
 
 ydx wvduwayeq' they pulled her aboard 254.8 
 ydx q'asai'n after 1 had carried it aboard 
 ydx q'asanuk' when 1 carried him aboard 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 105 
 
 yeq^ to the beach. 
 
 'dyeq' wudjixi'x he ran down to the beach 263.12 
 yeq' 'uwaguf he went down to the beach 263.4, • ' '• 268.9 
 *yeq' 'at k'udjeltc every time he brought things down to the beach 
 267.4 
 
 yt PLACE underneath: therefore also in any room that has a 
 
 cover, such as a house, hut, cave. 
 
 'axyt under me 
 
 h'dyi ga'si house-post ( = house under its post) 
 *Me7 yi inside in the house 259.12 
 t'ayl bottom, lower side (fo surface of bottom q.v.) 
 'aVayV underneath 
 hiU'ayt under the house 
 *fcac Wj'ix under branches 258.11 
 duhit'l 'ayi' in his house 
 yik' inside 
 
 *tcac hit' yik' inside of branch-house 257.7 
 'ayikde yan xaght' I go in to the bottom (i. e., from the top; also 
 
 to swallow) 
 'ayikdax from inside 268.3 
 k'axyt ceihng ( = under side of cover) 
 hinyi in water 268.8 
 'dyide into canoe 255.4 
 hltytdax from out of the house 260.5 
 
 yi time. 
 
 t'at'yina'x through the night 258.9 
 
 ylgiyi. noon 254.2 ( = middle of time) 
 *yi.dat xangat until recently 261.4 
 *yidati. now 254.10 
 
 yts FOR. This is combined often with dji. hand, and xa 
 
 mouth, to express that the object is for use with the hand 
 
 or for eating. 
 
 dudjiy'is for her (hands) 252.6 
 hasdux'^ayls for their (mouths) 256.6 
 'ox(f/t>'i5 for my (hands) 257.11 
 
106 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 'acyis for him 258.1 
 
 'ayis ior him 259.4; 260.12 
 
 du:iSs for his (mouth) 262.5; 265.11 
 
 'ixSs for your (mouth) 262.6 
 
 duyM"x:es for her child's (mouth) 265.5 
 
 'tcatxes for your wife's (mouth) 271.6 
 
 yUX OUTSIDE OF HOUSE. 
 
 'dyuxvovgiiV she went outside 255.10 
 
 'a'yu:)c awagut' one went outside 255.12 
 *yiix wudJLxi'x he ran outside 257.9 
 *xo yux naci'qtc he ran out every time among them 259.2 
 
 *wa.n EDGE 256.14. 
 
 tvwa'nx inside along 256.2 
 
 duxoxx" awa'n xanx at her husband's side's proximity (close to her 
 husband) 256.10; 256.12 
 
 da CIRCUMFERENCE, OUTER SIDE OF A ROUND OBJECT, PLACE 
 AROUND SOMETHING. 
 
 duda' around him 
 
 *duadada.xat from around it 260.14 
 *duyada alge'gu she wiped her face ( = her face around she wiped) 
 
 265.10 
 cayaddt' up a mountain (cd mountain-; ya face; -f to) 268.2 
 *datx kidauL skin them! ( = outer side from surface tear) 270.14 
 has uwaq'ox tan xdii ddde they went by canoe sea-lion their island outer 
 
 side to 324.2 
 dudd' yufvof'a.t'a'nk' I am thinking about him (his outer side con- 
 tinuing inside [i. e., my mind] 1 move continually) 
 
 dak' TOWARD THE SEA. 
 
 *dak udjixi'x she ran out to the water (to a lake) 254.5 
 *dak uwagu't he went out to the water (to a creek) 268.6 
 
 dak has uwaqo'x they went out to the water in a canoe 324.2 
 
 dakdi eastward; towards the sea 
 
 dak' nalhac it drifts out to sea 
 
 'ax'a'ndax ddk'^' seaward from me (from my proximity) 
 
 dak"' IN SIGHT. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 107 
 
 daq" INLAND 252.10; from water to shore 255.8, 12; 256.1; 
 258.1, 3. 
 
 yu daqx there inland 252.3 
 
 daqdi to the shore 255.10, towards inland 
 
 'adaq yiadi you go up from the beach 255.14 
 
 daX PLACE BEHIND ONE. 
 
 'axdkx my back, what is behind me 
 'axdaxdax from behind 
 'adaxna'x 'a it is behind me 
 
 t'a SURFACE OF BOTTOM, BOTTOM SIDE. 
 
 at'dk' under surface of bottom of something 
 at'dk'a upper surface of bottom ( = its bottom surface) 
 at'dk'adi towards the bottom 
 at'dk' 'i) it is at the head of the bay 
 
 t'ayina'x through underneath (see ji place underneath, p. 105) 
 *ku'ttayi' place under the nest 269.8 
 
 t'v INSIDE. 
 
 gvst'v sky ( = cloud inside) 
 
 t'at'uk cave ( = stone inside on) 270.2 
 
 'axt'v in me 
 
 'axt'u'wv my inner self ( < ax-t'v-yL) 
 
 t'ut' xvstyaq' 1 pull a long thing toward myself ( = toward inside, i. e.^ 
 
 my lap or front of my body) 
 i'udax yanxagvV 1 come from' inside of something 
 cawa't' t'uwanx alongside of the woman (= woman inside side at) 
 
 256.2 
 dvt'utx from his inside (-tx from) 270.14 
 'atgvt'ude in the woods {'at' things; gv butts of trees; t'v inside; 
 
 -de to) 268.5 
 
 t'd BACK. 
 
 'axtdk' back of me . 
 
 duhi'dl t'a'k' back of his house 
 
 t'a'n {ddi to a place behind the sea-lions 324.1 
 
 'aidx behind it 324.1 
 
 nelid behind in the house (?) 255.8 
 
108 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 tek' BEHIND (see ta). 
 
 'ax iek behind me 
 'ax UM ilsi'n hide it behind me ! 
 
 *y el 'sax'^ 'atix hthmd the raven's hat 382.8 (see also 382.10; 
 384.6, 19; 386.4) 
 
 CU END. 
 
 'ajfcudk to my end 333.8 
 
 'at'k'agedi cuix from the end of the sides of a mountain-sheep (k'agedi) 
 
 267.7 
 hasdticuk'at' at their end (hasdu their; cu [misheard tcu] end; k'd 
 
 surface; -f to) 255.2 
 'a'ncuk'kx at the end of the town ( = town end surface at) 257.6 
 
 [cu misheard tcu] 
 
 na UP RIVER. 
 
 ndnax (toward) up river 268.11 
 nandt northward ( = up river) 
 ndna^c (by way of) up river 
 nana, (at) up river 
 
 na SIDE 
 
 nana, up river 
 
 k'ina'k' above on a hill 
 
 'Ixlnd down river 
 
 ydnd face side (see p. 104) 
 
 hdnankx along this side 
 
 nel HOME, INTERIOR OF HOUSE. 
 
 neU in the house 
 
 neldk has naat' they went home 260. 1 2 
 nelde awaxox he called (them) in 264.8 
 n^lde' nad'V they kept on going in 271.13 
 
 gdn OUTSIDE OF HOUSE. 
 
 ga'nx yenasni do it outside! 
 
 diic&t' gdni' 'd-idx his wife wept outside ( = his wife'the outside at 
 wept) 323.3 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 109 
 
 gdnt' wvgii't' at the outside they walked 327.13 
 
 ga'nt' 'uwagut' she went outside 255.8 
 
 gamyax k'dwduuu was made to live outside 257.5 
 
 ha gu gdnx 'a come outside 259.8 
 
 gdm q'ux has wudiq^et they started back outside 260.1 1 
 
 ga'ndt (toward) outside 267.6 
 
 *giyi MIDDLE 252.1. 
 
 *yl'giyi. mid-day 254.2 
 giyigei in the middle 254.6 
 hinde giyige daqxu aw when he came to the middle of the water 301 . 10 
 
 ^'d SURFACE. 
 
 'axk^a on me 
 
 h'dk'a. the house-top 
 
 hitk'a. on the house 
 
 cak'a on the head 
 
 cak'a bow of canoe 
 
 cdk'anax across the mountain {cd mountain; -nax through) 254.3 
 
 'd'k'aV on the surface of the lake 257.2 
 
 ^MttJac^'d surface of her cheek 265.10 
 
 dugvkk'ax at the surface of his ears 272.2 
 
 k'i TOP. 
 
 cak'i top of head 
 
 cdcak'i top of mountain ( = mountain head top) 
 
 duhldl k'lndk' top of his house 
 
 'axk'lndk' above me 
 Hsu'tsxan 'd'nl k'lnax [in the air] over a Tsimshian town ( = Tsimshian 
 
 town their top on) 254.1 1 
 *dutc 'd'nl 'dk'tnd [in the air] over her father's town ( = her father town 
 his its top) 254.13 
 
 dvk'inddd above him [on a mountain] ( = his top outer side) 264.3 
 
 k'inde upward 362.6 
 
 ge PLACE BETWEEN FOLDS OF SOMETHING. 
 
 xux$e between the pages of a book 
 dvgatsge between his legs 
 
110 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 'agex inside [a fort] ( = it between at) 296.2 
 'a^id^ toward the inside [of a fort] 296.2 
 nugi inside of a fort 296. 1 1 
 
 ^Ut' WITHOUT. 
 
 ♦a^'o'i without him 361.9 
 *do(5't without him 356.12 
 ' ai%a.ts%u}uV without the boy [168.6'] 
 
 q'ln THIS SIDE (opposite to ya face). 
 
 *waktwa'nL q'inx this side of Victoria 406.68 
 
 Used in comparisons to express a lesser degree of a 
 
 quality. 
 
 'axq'in 'Ik^hge you are smaller than 1 (this side of me you are big) 
 'aq'in k'vgi it is smaller than (another object) 
 'axq'in 'iwlixkn you are thinner than I 
 'axq'in 'ik'vda'l you are lighter than 1 
 
 xan PROXIMITY. 
 
 'ax xannax near me ( = my proximity through) 
 
 dvkd'k xanx close to his uncle ( = his uncle proximity at) 262.2 
 
 qaiaxant' to the mouths of men {qd man; xk mouth; -V towards) 
 
 262.3 
 awan xa'nx ntd,r hy (d it; wayside; -x at) 256.12 
 duLa xa'ndi to his mother 258.9 
 duyi xkndt toward a place near and under him (yi place underneath; 
 
 -df towards) 262.9 
 dui'cne'hxanx near her father's house ('zc father; weHnside of house, 
 
 home; - (3^)1 possessive) 252.6 
 
 xd PLACE AMONG. 
 
 hdxo among us 
 
 hasduxox in their midst {hasdv their; -.\- at) 
 
 cfl^'xoi" among driftwood 253.7 
 
 }fdi' xdnax among the salmon 302.5 
 
 'Reference to text at end of this paper. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS HI 
 
 A few nominal stems of the same form as the locative 
 nouns express concepts of a different character: — 
 
 sdF" material, destined to be — 
 naat'sak"' material for clothing 
 nigwahak"' material for paint 
 'axca't'sdk"' my future wife 
 *dukide'dLsak" what is to be an apron 318.4 
 Hh'xayL sak" intended to make them sneeze 324.3 
 *cka'lmk'sd'h sak" to be one who is expert in telling 379.4 {sd'U see 
 
 p. 91) 
 H'laocadayi. sak" to be your armor 381. i 
 qui' destruction (?) 
 
 qvdax cuwaxlx they came to an end 
 *qotk cu'waxlx they were destroyed 267.1 
 
 § 43. COMPOSITION OF STEMS. 
 
 Attributive relations are expressed by the juxtaposition 
 of stems. 
 
 U hit' stone house (te' stone, hit' house) 
 
 Iv xan nasal point, point of nose {lb nose, xdn point) 
 
 ^Mfc' ^ai wolf post 338.14 
 
 cdwat' yet' woman child (daughter) 363.6 
 
 Kdgwantan cdwat a Kagwantan woman 338.7 
 
 Similar compounds designating parts of the body may 
 be considered in the same way (see p. 89): 
 
 qdca human head {qd man; cd head) 
 xutsca grizzly-bear head {xuts grizzly bear) 
 
 Since parts of the body and terms of relationship take 
 no possessive suffixes (see p. 89), terms of this class form com- 
 pounds by juxtaposition which have a possessive meaning. 
 
 Terms designating parts of the body, at least, might also 
 be explained as of attributive character. When parts of the 
 
112 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 body of human beings are designated, it is customary to express 
 this by adding the noun qd man, or qa some person. 
 
 qdca man's head (or human head) 
 
 qaca some person's head (or some human head) 
 
 xutsca bear's head 
 
 For terms of relationship there is an actual possessive 
 relation of the nouns that stand in juxtaposition. 
 
 *4ayega'tqen La qayega'tgen's mother 338.12 
 gux" ydd" a slave's child (or slave child) 264.14 
 duk'dk' caV his uncle's wife {U'dk' uncle, caV wife) 265.14 
 
 It is not necessary to consider these terms as single words, 
 since the component elements retain their independence. 
 When certain compounds of this class appear as proper names, 
 the pitch of one of the component elements may change from 
 high to low, and in this case a true compound is formed (see 
 p. 12). 
 
 xMs niiwu the bear's fort xutsnuwu Bear Fort (a place 
 
 name) 
 'dk" small lake 'dk"qwa.n people of Little Lake 
 
 The same happens when nouns designating parts of the 
 body are compounded with verbal stems expressing qualities, 
 in the sense that these qualities are permanent, and therefore 
 serve, in these combinations, as attributive terms of nominal 
 or predicative character. 
 
 yai.et white-faced {yd face; let white) 
 
 Let yd a white face 
 
 iMce^ dirty-nosed (Iv nose; tcex dirty); but dulvK'ii hicex- his nose is 
 
 dirty 
 giikkuwdt long-eared {gvk^ ear; kvwdt [from yai] long) 
 yu Ivtcex: that dirty-faced (nosed) one! 
 ydkuwuf 'vltdn (you) broad-faced fellow! 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 113 
 
 A change from high to low pitch occurs also in a few cases 
 in which a noun designating a part of the body is used in a 
 wider, locative sense. 
 
 ya face (surface); Ivykkan point of nose (to nose; jdface; xa« point) 
 
 Terms expressing some parts of the body (like xd mouth, 
 lii NOSE, ya FACE, etc.) and certain locative terms (like k'a 
 surface) enter also into verbal compounds (see § 30, p. 68). 
 
 DEMONSTRATIVE AND INTERROGATIVE 
 PRONOUNS (§§44-45). 
 
 § 44. Demonstrative Pronouns. 
 
 There are five forms of the demonstrative pronoun: 
 
 yd this near me he that near him and nearer 
 
 than you 
 we that near thee yu that near him and farther 
 
 away than you 
 
 A fifth form ha occurs in 
 
 hadk this way, in the direction handt this way [169.4^] 
 
 towards me 344.14 hax htre 
 
 hat' hither 353.5 
 
 1 have no other forms of ha, and its meaning is therefore 
 uncertain. 
 
 Demonstrative adverbs are derived from these by means 
 of post-positions and by composition with pronouns. 
 
 yax yuxewaV an he talked here he'de towards him who is nearer 
 
 yuV q'vxav I live there than you 
 
 yddax away from here, near me yudi towards him who is far- 
 
 yddi towards me ther away than you 
 
 wedt towards you 
 
 'Reference to text at end of this paper. 
 
114 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 The demonstrative pronouns, when used as attributes, 
 
 do not take post-positions. These are attached to the noun. 
 
 ydhlfx in this house ydhltix ytx in these houses (Ht- 
 
 *ya^oa'r,tux in these feathers erally, these houses in under 
 
 385.12 side in) 
 
 The demonstratives in connection with the third person 
 pronoun 'a are used very commonly in narrative. In most 
 of the texts recorded by Dr. Swanton, and also in Mr. Shot- 
 ridge's text, the form 'awe occurs, apparently as a predicative 
 form summarizing what precedes. 
 
 t'shs gvck 'awe yan'owkdjaq"' only I do not know, that it was, he main- 
 tained it 
 
 We find also 
 
 'ax 'ayd here 'ax 'ayu there, near him and 
 
 'di 'awk there farther than you 
 
 '(bJ 'ahk there, near him and 
 nearer than you 
 
 We find, however, also forms with other demonstratives. 
 
 nugutc 'ayk hdi' xwagvt' because *Uu'wugi yane'k", ayu' acia'osiqa 
 
 he is sick, hither I come are your feeHngs sick? that 
 
 nugutc 'awe hat' tyagvf because he said to her 384.9 
 
 he is sick, hither you come *tcak!' wvna'wa akd'k-has, d'ya 
 
 xat' nugutc 'ayk hat' 'uwayvt' be- yaqlaze'x long ago dead our 
 
 cause I am sick, hither he uncles, these are dancing 
 
 comes 
 xaV nugutc 'ayu hat' wugudin 
 because I was sick, hither he 
 came 
 
 385.10 
 
 The demonstrative pronouns occur also with an element 
 du (see also pp. 45, 52, 1 16). 
 
 yadu 'age is it here? 
 yadu hh he is here 
 *yu'do yit'c dm' there is your father's house 253.14 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 115 
 
 Related to these forms are probably — 
 
 *a'wu ho he is there 265.7 ('awi; 'd^e hv is he there?) 
 'awv 'agk is it there? 
 *a'wu has they are there 287.5 
 
 The interrogative gusu may perhaps be derived from gu- 
 sd-wv. 
 
 Note. — In the songs contained in Swanton's collection a form ci is 
 found which is translated' as a demonstrative. 
 
 *del yax wudatse'n ceye'l that raven must be a big fellow 390.1 
 
 *yesu' xat yailidje'tc ceye'l you surprise me, O raven! 401.1 
 
 *a.xya.x wunVyi qa CL'Ungd, d'm tut wusgaxe'n like me being a man this 
 
 people's land in is crying 407.4 
 *yax ci'tuwu' yaq"gwati' how will this mind be (?) 398.1 
 *Lek yendudit,qd' a Gdnaxte'dt ya'txi not finished speaking these Ganax- 
 
 te'di's children (?) 397.4 
 "aqaye'h Xhh rzNtn \.nht 397.4 (see also 392.1 ; 405.1) 
 
 This element appears also before verbs in a position 
 analogous to other demonstratives. 
 
 *de ciligd'wu gawayd'ge now this drum is making noise 
 *uxke' yanaqe'n ayeyati Wuckitd'n ya'txi why do you say this, Wucki- 
 ta'n's children (?) 41 1 .4 
 
 Probably a number of doubtful forms belong with this 
 element. 
 
 *tsas acuwu' wudiLaxe ak^ce'gi only this half-mouldy one? 31 1.5 
 
 *gu dk"c€ del k'ede'n iwuid'q here where you will be well warmed 377.1 
 
 "ak^ce' twa%e'gi are you here good? 396.4 
 
 *dasa'k''ci yitucuna' what caused you (to come) here? 283.2 
 
 *ddknsa'k\i with what (can you act)? 295.9 
 
 *u-a'sak"ci.5 xat qogwati' how shall I be? 415.2 
 
 *gusu' guce'l where may not — 410.5 
 
 *tca xat guce' del — indeed to me not — 413-5 (also 410.10) 
 
 *agd' guci therefore then (see also 394.4; 398.3; 408.6) 
 
116 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 The element ak", which appears in combination with ci 
 (see examples above), occurs also with other demonstratives. 
 akya 400.6 akwe 401.5; 406.7 
 
 § 45. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns, Adverbs, 
 
 AND Particles. 
 
 Interrogative and indefinite pronominal and adverbial 
 stems are — 
 
 'a(du) who? someone wd how? somehow 
 
 da what? something gu where? somewhere 
 
 The particle sd appears in combination with all of these, 
 both in interrogative and in indefinite forms. 
 
 The particle 'agt, (-gi) expresses the question in sentences 
 that contain no interrogative pronoun, but in some cases it 
 is also used with the pronoun. In the form -sgi the particle 
 has a dubitative meaning. 
 
 I. 'd(du) WHO? SOMEONE. 
 
 The du of this pronoun is evidently an independent 
 morphological element, perhaps related to the third person 
 du (see pp. 45, 52, 114). We find — 
 
 yadu hv he is here 
 wkdu 'agi is it here? 
 yadu 'age is it here? 
 
 (a) Interrogative pronoun with sd. 
 
 'adusa whom do you mean? 
 'adusayu who is he? 
 
 'ddutcsa who did it? (literally, b\' whom?) 
 'adusa 'adk ydnagvt' who went there? 
 *add'tsa wuLt4 ds-ze'h who broke the branch? 290.12 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 117 
 
 (b) Particle sa separated from interrogative pronoun. 
 
 ''adutu'xsas ye nati'tc in whose mind is it? 414.4 {iux in mind) 
 dsdo'sa who? 379.4 
 
 (c) With particle agi (see under No. 5). 
 
 '^adu'sgL qasV gaca' who perhaps will marry my daughter? 273.2 
 *adu'tsa kdwand'gi xa'ayd who sent these warriors? 339.5 
 
 (d) Indefinite pronoun with sa. 
 
 tea 'Mil sa. any one 
 
 *adu'sa gux dutciye'yah whoever has slaves 345.1 (also 347.8) 
 *Lel adu'tsa no one 266.3 
 *ddu'sa dui.d'^ qod^ite' whoever has a sister 347.4 
 
 da WHAT? SOMETHING. 
 
 (a) Interrogative pronoun with sa. 
 
 *dasa'yu what is th3i.t? 258.2; 349.9; 371.2 
 *dd'saya what is this? 331.12 
 ddsa what? 
 *dasa'k"ci yitucuna' what caused you (to come)? 283.2 
 
 (&) Particle 5a separated from interrogative pronoun. 
 
 *hadd'tMsa with what? 273.4 
 
 *ddquht'ndesa' yihan to what creek are you going? 305.1 
 
 *daqa'tkaxsa cxa'diixan what do 1 love? 401.3 (in Swanton read 
 
 LOVE for live) 
 Haqd'tkaxsa axluwa'sigu what do 1 care? 398.7 
 *ddtsak"sayu' iory^hzX? 414.8 
 *dagagd'tcsa what about the Wolf phratry? 397.8 
 *dagoqdtcsa xat gaxsme'x what person will save me? 408.8 
 
 dattcsayu for what reason? (literally, by what means is it?) 
 
 ddqvasa which one? (qva however) 
 *ddtMsa'k"ci. with what? 295.9 
 
 (c) Without sa. 
 da' yidat why now? 404.8 
 
118 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 id) Indefinite pronoun with 5a. 
 
 dasa something 
 
 tcaddsa whatever 334.12 
 
 3. Wa HOW? SOMEHOW. 
 
 {a) Interrogative adverb with sa. 
 
 wdsa yat'i how is it? 
 ''wasa xat yate' xat how am I? 273.4 
 *wd'sas xat yatl' how am I? 295.9 
 *wasa' duwasd'k" how does one name it? 340.12, 13 
 *he wd'sa itu'watl how are you minded? 384.8 
 "wd'sa iya'odiid^iqa' how did they say to you? 302.12 
 *wd'sa t'wani how a.re you? 312.2 (3150273.9; 275.5) 
 *wa'sa qowanu'k" qo'uawe how are the people acting? 284.1 1 
 *hawa'sas I'yenuk twactu' how is the inside of your cheek? 282.4 
 *wa'sal cdyadat igu't how (is it that) you do not go up the mountain? 
 268.2 
 
 (b) Particle 5a separated from the interrogative adverb. 
 wdnanlsayu what has happened there? (See under [e]) 
 
 (c) Without particle sa. 
 wdna.nl what has happened? 
 
 {d) Indefinite adverb with 5a. 
 
 *waja whatever 344.11 (see also 350.9) 
 Iwdsk not anyhow 
 Lkl wdsk in no way 
 wdsa. q'aL'd duydth addvsgunutc as a mother washes her child 
 
 (e) Particle 5a separated from indefinite adverb. 
 
 Lfl wd ' atwuniylsayu nothing at all happened 
 *wdqoguRe'sawe when it became good weather 351.4 
 *wai'xsaxa'nisa how 1 love you 41 1.8 
 
 The form *wdnanV sawe (297.4, >o; 303-7> i', 13; 304.7; 
 306.9; 308.13) AS IT HAPPENED is uscd in the sense of at 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 119 
 
 ONCE. It occurs also with other demonstratives, as 
 wanani'sayu (369.1, 2; 379.7). 
 
 gU WHERE? SOMEWHERE. 
 
 (a) This adverb appears generally in the form gusv. 
 
 gusii hv qvd where is he? {qvd however) 
 
 * gusu' ho axqe'lk whert is my nephew? 268.9 (see also 290.10; 297.9; 
 31 1. 10, 12; 359.4; 362.1) 
 
 (b) Interrogative adverb with 5d. 
 gusa where? 
 
 (c) Particle 5a separated from interrogative adverb. 
 
 *gude'sa which way? 315.2 
 gut'dsa q'lyav where do you live? 
 
 *gutx nao sa Lka'olxu from where did you get rum? 403.8 
 *gu'nax a'de wuqoxo'sa which way did you go? 275.14 
 *guda'xsa whence? 335.4 
 *giida.xqd.'xsayu whence is it? 259.10 
 
 {d) Indefinite adverb with sa. 
 
 *ha gu'sa (here) where 267.8 
 tea gusa anywhere 
 
 {e) Particle 5a separated from indefinite adverb. 
 
 *gude'sa to some place 347.5 
 icagutsa everywhere 267.2 
 *Lel glide' sa to nowhere 35 1 . 1 1 
 *gutxa'tsayu from somewhere 259.12 
 
 (/) Indefinite adverb without 50. 
 
 *Lel gawe {=gu'awk) nowhere 35i.ir 
 *gutx from anywhere 361.4 
 *gude'nax to some place 347.5 
 
 {g) Derived from gu is also — 
 gviginsa when 
 
120 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 5. sa, interrogative and indefinite particle. 
 
 In the preceding examples it has been shown that 5a 
 appears both with interrogative and indefinite pronouns 
 and adverbs. It seems that sometimes this particle 
 determines the interrogative form. 
 'dsa is that he? 
 
 In some cases a terminal 5 is found which may be related 
 to sd. 
 
 'aq'vds what about it? (q'vd however) 
 
 hvq'vds what about him? 
 
 daqvds what however? 
 
 wdsas yat'i how is he? (see also 282.4) 
 
 6. -gL interrogative particle. 
 
 (a) In sentences without interrogative pronoun or 
 adverb. 
 
 *t5tM'^t do you know? 313.7,9; 314.4; 384.1 
 *du'wu,gi. yane'V' is your heart sick? 384.9 
 Le'gll xat' 'vnuk"' am i not sick? 
 
 (b) With pronoun 'a of third person. 
 
 *djida.gi kadjiyata'n did he give her to him (his hands)? 365.10 
 *yu' nu agi Lei ym'unt'tc that fort is it not ready? 3 1 5.7 
 ''ytha'ntc agi ye yi'stm did ye do this? 281.4 
 *ytyaa'xtc age' do you hear it? 294.5 
 *'wae'ic agi amka'yiliya'x was it made by you? 410.4 
 Hingi'tc agi ye usi'ni does a person do it? 41 1.5 
 Le'lz 'ag'd xat' 'vnuk^' am 1 not sick? 
 
 (c) With interrogative pronouns or adverbs. 
 
 gusu' yen yuq"xe'tcgi when was it broken off? 290.10 
 wae'tc gdwe{=gu 'a.wi)gt ye'stm did you do it? 2O7.9 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 121 
 
 (i) -5^1 PERHAPS (?). 
 
 *adu'sgL qasi' $aca' who perhaps will marry my daughter? 273.2; 
 
 394.9 
 *tcaye' guski. perhaps entirely (?) 254.12 
 
 de widuwadjaq' 'asgi 'axhvnx here perhaps some one killed my elder 
 brother 
 
 § 46. NEGATION. 
 
 The negative is expressed by particles, the influence of 
 which upon the modal prefixes has been discussed on pp. 60 
 et seq. 
 
 The negative forms of the verb are expressed by the 
 particle I. This appears alone only in subordinate clauses. 
 
 *l ana'x keqdgudiya. when 1 cannot come 391.8 
 I xaf gvnuk"' when 1 was not sick 
 I yak'xvq'vx when 1 was not travelling by canoe 
 lydgvxlasin whenever 1 hide it 
 
 We have also 
 
 Ixvdja'qcgldt after all, 1 did not kill him 
 
 In other cases the negation I is always preceded by a 
 conjunction or by adverbial forms of various types. If there 
 is no other conjunction, Le then is used. 
 
 Ltl xaV 'vnuk"' 1 am not sick 
 
 Lei ydnxvq'vx 1 am not travelling by canoe 
 *Lel has udxtc %ede'n they did not hear well 294.4 
 *Lel adt has guna'xsmiya not was there a way of their doing 297.2 
 *wd'sal cayadat igu't why don't you go up the mountain? 268.2 
 *tcul d'dudjaqdji when they had not killed (any) 305.10 
 
 teal 'axvxdyi k'at' if only 1 had not eaten it 
 
 Laxl xaV 'vnu'k"' I am not very sick 
 
122 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 In negative questions the independent negation le^ is 
 
 followed by the interrogative particle {'a)gL and by the negative I. 
 
 Let 'ag'd xat' 'vnuk"' am 1 not sick? 
 Legll xaf 'imuk"' am 1 not sick? 
 
 The prohibitive is expressed by I'd. 
 
 I'd yuxvq'vxgdq' don't let me travel by canoe! 
 
 Ill nel 'igudiq' don't go in ! 
 *ld xatdt yitudi'gk don't listen to her! 300.2 
 *ld ayi'kde djina'qxeq don't let it go there! 380.1 
 *lil dati'njeq yu texsd'm don't let me watch the Httie stones 390.7 
 
 The negation no is expressed by le^. 
 
 *Let no 268.1 ; 397.4 
 Lax Le% positively no! 
 
 §47. IMPERSONAL VERBS. 
 
 All verbs expressing qualities are impersonal, and there- 
 fore never take the subjective pronouns of the first and second 
 persons and of the plural. To this group belong, — 
 
 'at cold dex ashamed nuk"' sick 
 
 yai long ia hot gt large 
 
 wu's hard tsln strong xwei tired 
 dad heavy 
 
 For instance: 
 
 k'e xat' gvganuk^' 1 shall be sick 
 xaf wvne'x 1 am safe 
 
 A number of ideas that in English are conceived as activities 
 belong to the same class. 
 
 xe to camp xaV gvga^fi 1 am going to camp 
 
 su to help 
 
 na to die xat' wvna 1 died 
 
 Other intransitive verbs take the subjective pronouns. 
 
 xa ban I stand i'u q'in we sit 
 
 xa 'd I sit • q'vx^ad I am dwelling 
 
VOCABULARY (§§ 48-52). 
 
 TLINGIT-ENGLISH VOCABULARY^ (§§48-51). 
 § 48. Nouns. 
 
 'd a thing 
 
 'd lake 257.13 
 
 'a da barbed harpoon-point 310.3, 
 
 6; 326.4; 355.15 
 'at' thing 337.1, 10 
 nak' 'at' clothing 
 na 'at' armor 291.1 1 
 da 'at' dress 
 ""at'u emblem 342.6 
 'atddyi birch 
 *{'at^eci) dried fish 283.4 
 'at' father's sister 372.4; 385.15; 
 
 415.2 
 'ds tree 281.10; 289.9; 335-13; 
 
 342.1; 361.10 
 'dn town 252.1; 257.5; 343-5. 6: 
 
 home 314.7, 8 
 'dn qdwu chief ( = town man) 
 258.14 
 lingi't' 'dm world ( = the town of 
 the people) 259.7 
 'knk" infant of nobility 
 *'aqa.xyLt' long stringers (longitudi- 
 nal beams) of house 336.4 
 'eq' copper 258.7,8, 11, 12; 259.6, 
 
 7; 354-12, 15; 355-8 
 'eq' beach 259.11; 306.5 
 'ex fish-oil 253.7; 345.12; 363.10 
 'et salt, sea 308.2, 3; 355.6 
 'W place 254.4; 262.5; 298.6 
 
 ('tc) deep 306.5 {*ya'i.c back cur- 
 rent; better, deep [water]) 
 'ic father 252.2, 5, 6; 257.4; 258.4 
 *'itc' rock 369.3; 370.12 
 'inl armpit [173.2] 
 '1% brother (said by female) 
 286.13; 350.11; 409.5; 411. 1 
 *'i?i; point of land 310.2 
 "ixi shaman 272.8; 308.4; 310.2, 
 
 5; 331-13; 332-1 
 {'una) gun 326.3 
 'ux tooth 263.1; 283.3, 6 
 ya face 259.12; 260.4; 263.1; 
 
 265.10; 271.12; 326.9; 327.4 
 ydna(f' bait ( = face devil-fish) 
 :va3' whale 266.5-8 
 j'flw herring 304.8, 11; 313.6; 
 
 318.7; 319.9 
 yaf offspring 
 yan completion 
 yan hunger 255.5; 262.2; 301.4; 
 
 359-5. 6 
 yanakt' celery [172.12] 
 yak' mussel 366.5 
 ydk"' canoe 254.6; 258.4, 7, 8; 
 
 304.2; 306.5; 322.6; 355.9 
 yax"tc sea-otter 323.7 
 yax border, edge 254.5; 268.7 
 ^'dA: likeness, sameness 252.11 
 yalulet' cockle 
 
 ' Entries placed in parentheses are both nominal and verbal stems. Entries in brackets 
 relate to the text, pp. 168-175 of this volume. Words in parentheses occur both in nominal 
 and verbal forms. 
 
 (123) 
 
124 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 *yet fat 359.9 
 *yene"si tallow 280.9 
 yek' spirit 270.2; 410.7 
 
 yel raven 258.6; 346.5 
 
 yi place underneath 255.4; 257.7; 
 258.11; 260.5; 268.3 
 
 yir son 257.3, 5< 6, 7; 259.5 
 
 yi.s purpose 
 
 yis wedge 335.14; 345.10; 369.11 
 *:)'« spear 258.3 
 *;yii shell 278.9 
 
 *yuw stomach 336.5; 363.10, 12 
 *TOo/ mouth of river 303.2; 315.5; 
 
 ^ 353-6 
 *TOai stick 252.9; bush 384.14 
 watsix caribou 
 
 wac cheek 265.10; 267.8; 268.1, 
 2; 304.9, II 
 wac 'at' balls of tobacco ( = cheek 
 thing) 342.4 
 wan edge 275.5; 277.5; 331.8 
 waq' eye 275.8; 277.1; 278.6; 
 
 327.4; 355.1; 372.6; 379.7 
 WM father-in-law 260.13 
 *m;m food 353.9; 359.5; 363.1 
 wu'f ■ ? 
 
 Viy wudi prepared bark for mak- 
 ing matting 
 *mM5awt short hunting-spear 326.3; 
 327.6 
 (imtsagd) cane 345.2; 386.2 
 wul cavity 260.9; 271.12; 277.5; 
 
 281.10 
 *ha shadow 310.9 
 &(ir a certain one 268.8; 272.11 
 hat' enclosure 283.2; 328.1; 357.9 
 Jac dung 252.4; 275.11; 279.3; 
 
 367.4 
 hit' house 257.6, 7; 336.1, 2, 3, 
 
 7.8; 343-8 
 bin water 336.6 
 
 *hutc last 278.8 
 
 hvnx elder brother (said by male) 
 
 ia weasel 328.12; 347.11; 349.4 
 
 (ddidedi) shaman's outfit 339.13 
 
 da circumference, outside of round 
 
 object, place around 260.14; 
 
 265.10; 268.2; 270.14 
 
 da part of tree above man's height 
 
 *daededi main timbers of house 
 
 335.13; 336.2 
 *dawa'tgLya humming-bird 412 (89) 
 *dane't grease-box 255.4, 6 
 *daket memorial pole 376.2, 5; 
 
 ^ 377-5. 7 
 daoc place behind one 
 de trail 4 1 1 . 1 
 di.s moon 303.5,6; 361.4: month 
 
 358.13 
 *c?M^" skin 272.7; 323.8; 370.5 
 *iM5 cottonwood-tree 360.6 
 rfw^ crane 317.5 
 fa surface of bottom, bottom side 
 
 269.8 
 t'a back (? see ta) 
 (t'a) sleep 326.8; 364.3 
 t'ay fat 284.8; 288.2 
 t'dy garden 
 
 H'dyis axe ( = stone wedge) 341.8 
 f toe mountain-sheep 
 t'at' night 316.11; 343.5; 358.13 
 t'at'uk"' cave 270.2; 410.7 
 t'as thread 
 fan navel 
 
 fan sea-lion 324.1-4; 363.12 
 Ta^' year 322.1,2; 336.3; 350.1, 
 
 6; 356.7: 358.5, 6; 365.13 
 fii^i hammer 
 
 faqayet mortar 342.2 
 *fax retaining-plank 346.1 
 fd4a mosquito 278.13 
 faxxe dentalia 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 125 
 
 {t'dx^) smoke-signal, smoke rising 
 
 from house [170.4] 
 t'axat needle 
 Vex heart 297.9; 380.4 
 f^ stone 274.11; 277.6; 330.12, 
 
 •3; 334-15; 33514; 345-10; 
 360.2: gall 
 dvt'eki his little stone 
 t'i chin 
 
 t'iy thick bark 
 *i"tM«a copper plate 259.13; 261.5; 
 
 347.1; 355.9; 356.4 
 t'lmc Arctostaphylus uva ursi 
 (fix) rope 
 fil shoe 370.5 
 t'U scar 
 
 /"?t dog-salmon 303.11 
 t'u mind 315.12: inside 256.2; 
 
 268.5 
 fu tallow 280.5 
 H'utc fresh 306.11; 316.3 
 t'oq' anus 252.4 
 id king-salmon 
 
 duidkv his small king-salmon 
 id board 
 
 duidliv his small board 
 id back 255.8; 324.1 
 idw feather 
 
 ia.t{%) a small living thing 
 idq'" joist 
 
 xaiax door 342.2 
 idt flatness 
 
 iek behind (see id) 382.8 
 {iexa) bent hook 
 tiy elbow 
 
 ity k'uwdt long-elbowed 
 *iiq ice 273.3, 1 1 
 iuk' cradle 
 (5a) name 
 *sanaxet south wind 410.9 
 sane father's brother 
 
 *sak' olachen 331.3, 10; 351.7; 
 
 363.10 
 sak"' material 258.12 
 5d^"' small rafters of house 
 sa.k"t'l handle 368.4 
 saqs bow and arrows 257.11; 
 270.12 (a tree used for mak- 
 ing bows): bow {*saks) 
 5t neck 307.2; 316.5, 7 (5a 307.2; 
 
 set 316.7) 
 si daughter 252.1; 259.3; 260.9, 
 
 14; 273.1,2; 332.5 
 *slU horizon 314.9 
 sit' spruce 325.1 
 *si.i glacier 329.8; 338.3; 348.10 
 sin deadfall 
 sik' strap, belt, cord 
 *5M rain 329.10 
 id clay 
 laii master 326.6; 336.1; 343.8, 
 
 10 
 sai left side 291.8 
 sagedi beaver 332.10; 333.7; 335.8 
 
 (not sagedi as on 333.7) 
 sagedit'dn bat 
 
 {sagedit'dn driving beavers) 
 sdq' bone 284.2; 328.1 1, 12; 329.14; 
 
 357-5 
 *saqse'd bone necklace 318.6 
 sax ground-hog 329.10; 391.1 
 sax^ hat 336.12; 346.5; 376.10; 
 385.2; 386.1 
 *ia^" cadakuq hat with rings 
 336.12 
 *saxi devil's-club 308.2, 3; 384.10; 
 385.2 
 {seq) smoke 253.11; 327.12 
 *saqdakU pipe 342.4 
 St eyebrows 
 sik' black bear 357.11 
 six dust 
 
126 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 ii:^ dish 281.2,9, '2; 347.1; 353.1 
 *h4ga moss 284.4 
 
 su withe 
 
 (suw) blue, green 349.9: green- 
 stone 341.8 
 *sus a water-bird, sp. 318.5 
 *mk"' rib 278.8 
 
 d:(as skin 328.1: thong [173.1] 
 *tsasgwel bag 328.1 1 
 
 tsa seal 263.13; 326.2,4 
 
 tsantc flounder 
 
 tsagal spear 362.8 (tsdgat 338.9) 
 
 tsalk gopher 333.8; 348.3 
 Hsalxdn Cape Fairweather 328.14 
 
 tsis^^ moose 332.10; 333.7; 344.11 
 
 tsxjs^" owl 300.5 
 *tsik' roasting-spit 314.2 
 
 Uut'dt' morning 322.4, 5; 331. 11 
 
 tsvtsk"' bird 327.4 
 
 cd head 277.14; 331. i; 344.8 
 
 cd women (plural) 275.14; 328.2; 
 
 344-7 
 cd mountain 277.6; 329.1; 357.9 
 
 canax valley 354.12, 14, 15 
 cdw Chiton Stelleri 
 cdwat' woman (singular) 259.6; 
 
 260.1, 5 
 cat' wife 262.2; 278.11; 383.6 
 cat' stem of plant 
 catx elder sister (said by male) 
 
 281.5; 282.3, 8 
 (can) poor thing 
 can old person 280.6; 282.11; 
 
 383.6 
 *cagun ammunition 290.14; 291.1 
 caq' driftwood 253.7 
 cal spoon 335.3; 345.6 
 cal salmon-trap 315.9 
 ck blood 327.6; 365.8 
 cH horn 362.8 
 ckux" rattle 318.4 
 
 (d) song 336.5; 343.6; 349.1; 
 353-2 
 . cty right side 291.8 
 ciy limb of tree 324.2 
 ciyit before 
 
 cv end 255.2; 257.6; 267.7; 333-8; 
 363.10 
 cvk'd ancestor 
 cu half 
 
 *cux seal spear-shaft 326.4 
 (djd hush!) 
 
 djddjt snowshoes 328.9; 329.6 
 djanwii mountain - goat 270. 1 1 ; 
 
 285.10; 357.1 1; 362.6, 8 
 *djaqdx skin canoe 351.3, 13 
 djLn hand 355.1 
 
 (djun) dream 322.4; 357.1; 364.5, 
 6, 10 
 Hca's humpback - salmon 303 .11; 
 
 305-3; 355-13. 14 
 *tcac branch 257.6, 7; 258.11 
 
 tcdn mother-in-law 285.7 
 
 itcun) vertical 282.1 
 
 tcunet arrow 335.2 
 Hcuk'an brush 333.3, 1 1 : grass 
 [172.17] 
 
 tcxdn^ grandchild 253.12; 283.8- 
 1 1 
 
 (teak') long ago; old 327.11 
 
 tcdk eagle 269.3 
 
 teal cache [174.15] 
 
 i^tga skate 
 
 *(tci{a) toilet-stick 357.6 
 *icin hair switch 340.13; 341.3; 
 iron hair-ornament 
 
 na tribe, people 409.8, 10 
 
 nak' 'at' clothing 
 
 ni.k"' medicine 367.6; 373.4 
 
 nagase fox 
 
 ndq"' bait, devil-fish 276.3, 7 
 
 fidxen Chilkat blanket 343.7 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 127 
 
 nax^ halibut-hook 
 
 MeMnside of house 260.12; 264.8; 
 
 271.13; 376.9 
 nu fort 315.9 
 nusk"' wolverene 
 nuk"' wind 
 
 nvkaydn mink (see Ivkaydn) 
 nux shell 329.6; 366.6 
 gaw drum 328.13, 14: 335.14; 
 
 3434; 3531 
 gas post i*(as) 262.5, 6; 336.2; 
 
 385.5, 6 
 gaw outside of house 260.4; 323.3; 
 
 327.13 
 (gdn) shine, sun, fire 283.5; 322.6, 
 
 8; 364.12; 380.21 
 gaqtan palate 
 gax" duck 
 
 gdt {*$aL) clam 265.4; 364- u 
 *gfc kelp 283.12; 284.3 
 *gldjuk' (kidjuk) fish-hawk 256.7 
 gb butt-end of>standing tree 
 gi/s cloud 304.1; 329.11 (see gwas) 
 *guc thumb 286.5, 12 
 gutc hill [170.9] 253.11 ; 282.10 
 *(ca)gun friend 267.1 
 *gunxd abalone 328.8; 334.12; 
 
 344-7 
 guk'*' ear 272.2; 328.8; 336.10, 
 
 11; 366.10 
 gux" slave 252.2, 6; 260.2, 3; 
 
 261.5; 332-11; 343.9 
 (gwas) foggy, (qogds 348,6 fog) 
 (gwala) dagger 
 gwel bag, pouch 
 k'a surface 254.3; 257.2; 265.10; 
 
 272.2 
 k'ahdk"' i*quhdk'" 302.8; qahdk"' 
 
 278.6; 304.12) salmon-roe 
 *k'at' shallow basket 300. 1 , 3 
 k'af sea-otter harpoon 
 
 *(k'at'lx) twisted copper ring 
 
 k'di digging-stick 
 
 (k'asiyi) something strange 
 *k'ats pounded shell 329.5; 342.3 
 
 k'ani brother-in-law 323.8; 353. 
 11; 367.7 
 
 k'agdk' mouse 282.10, 11 
 *k'agedi side of sheep 267.5, T> 
 
 271.3 
 k'dk' mother's brother 264.1, 6; 
 268.3, 4; 269.1 1 ; 410.7 
 k'dk' colV mother's brother's wife 
 265.9, 13. '4; 267.7, 9 
 k'aW, see q'ak!" 
 k'ax cover 
 k'aU ashes [175.6] 
 k'dlli" brother's child (said by 
 
 woman) 
 k'et' cover 
 
 hded apron 318.4, 5 
 *k'eiu pick 338.8 
 k'eclc alnus 
 
 k'el}} sister's child (said by man) 
 {*qel%) 267.6, 10; 268.1, 10; 
 269.6, 7, 12; 278.3; 379.3 
 'ic k'elH father's sister's child 
 *k'eLadL gull 269.3, 4; 30>-3; 
 
 308.7; 350.8 
 k'eL dog 353.9; 362.4, 5 
 k'i top 254.11, 13; 264.3; 362.6 
 *kHs bracelet 258.12 
 k"i^ younger brother, younger 
 sister 281.6; 282,3,4,8,11, 
 12; 322.5; 353.8, 9 
 k'icw Chiton tunicata 
 *k'ut' salmon-nest 268.7, ". '2; 
 
 269.5, 6 
 k'ucdd otter 
 k'vt'sm rat 277.1 
 
 *k'utc point of spear 310.3 (or 
 %uic 327.7) 
 
128 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 k'uq'^' hole [173.3] 
 
 (k'iikxeLcan) hideous, ghost 
 
 kwai egg 
 *kwas urine 275.1 
 
 kan anger 260.12; 321.6 
 *Mgan a fish 351.7 
 
 kak'ane grease-dish 
 
 kt butt-end of tree, log 262.5, 6 
 *ktsdm boys 259.2; 345.12; 354.9 
 *kmk stale salmon-head 278.3, 5 
 
 kudas shirt 277.3,4; 297.7; 346.1; 
 
 370.5 
 
 ^M^c'' marten 328.8; 332.10; 343.7 
 *koLk' mud 384.1 1,17 
 *kwalx green fern-roots 358.7, 9 
 
 gayks iron 258.12 
 
 gaf sockeye-salmon 
 
 (gas post, see gas) 
 
 gate mat 316.7, 8 
 
 $an fire-wood 273.9; 274.7; 
 369.1 1; 383.5 (see gan) 
 
 (gan outside 260.4, see gan) 
 
 gdnuk' petrel 
 *gantc leaf-tobacco 329.5; 342.1, 5 
 
 gaq' lynx 
 
 gaq"' heart of tree 366. i 
 
 (gaE clam, see gal; cliff, see get) 
 
 g^ place between folds of something 
 
 296.2, 1 1 
 *gey head of bay 326.5, 7; 330.8 
 
 gew net 
 
 *ge{ cW 270.11; 361.3, 9 (giE 
 353-12) 
 
 ^Mfc wolf 343.8 
 
 gvna other 369.5 
 
 gunand foreign tribe(Athapascan) 
 
 goqtc olachen-net 331.5; 332.7, 9, 1 1 
 
 g'fl man 258.14; 259.10; 262.3; 
 
 322.2; 344.8 
 
 'an qdwu chief ( = town man) 
 
 252,1 
 
 q'd some one 
 *q'ahds filth 257.3 
 *q'at' rock-slide 300.9 
 (q'as) stick 285.7 il^^ 285.2) 
 q'anacgitde poor 257.4; 261.3; 
 
 291.9; 374.6 
 *q'ak'^' wide 252.4 
 ^"a/fe"' basket for berrying {*kaK*) 
 
 252.5; 286.4, 7. '3; 345-6 
 5Va dawn 374.3, 4; 375.3 
 5'w high water 376.1 
 q'ln this side (opposite to ya face) 
 
 406.9 
 q'ln Anas clypeata 303.3; 403 
 
 (54) 
 *q"(.na quill 256.7 
 5~u life 
 
 q'uwdk'dn deer 
 (quhak", see k'ahdk"') 
 q'uk'^' chest, box 268.3; 328.7 
 qwdn people 333.12; 374.6 
 
 (4 pity!) 
 
 4a mouth of a bottle or bucket 
 *4a point of land 330.10; 409.3 
 (xan ?) 
 
 qaite garbage 257.8, 10; 238.14 
 *qas cascade 308.12, 14; 309.1 
 
 qak' valle\- 343.11; 344.1,3 
 
 {qa{ see xa{) 
 *4en painted boards 381.7 
 *4its tentacles of squid 276.5-8 
 
 q'onyel wasl rose-hush 384.14 (wai 
 
 bush, stick) 
 *4ox" flesh (?) 314.14 
 *4oE stomach, bell\' 367.13 
 
 4wa.L' pot 
 *{4waL.) down, feathers 272.2; 
 
 307.7; 316.8. 9; 344-7 
 *xa.ctl sack ^2c).2 
 
 xacqo sponge for scratching skin 
 338.17; 330.1 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 129 
 
 xatst'u in the sky 
 *xak"' sandbar 268.6; 306.10; 392.4 
 
 xak' open space 
 
 (xak"' see xak"') 
 "^xax nephew (?) 346.2 
 *xaL large piece of ice 360. 1 4 
 
 xeL thunder 
 *xel foam (? xel) 367.4, 5 
 
 xin a small fly 
 
 XLxtc frog 330.6; 376.10; 385.6 
 
 xun north wind 364.1, 13 
 
 xud^i burnt wood, coals 345.14 
 
 xuts grizzly bear 252.4; 359.4; 
 383.4 
 
 xuk' dry wood 253.5, 8; 373.3 
 *ifl/' island 291.7; 304.13; 310.10, 
 11; 322.1; 324.2 
 
 xan point 
 
 xdx crabapple 
 
 {xuw) woven blanket 328.7, 8; 
 
 ^ 344-' I 
 jciii club [174.13] 
 hjoLn boots 
 
 ([a]xfl) paddle 326.10 
 *{xa) war 325.1; 380.10, 11 
 ;ica>' yellow cedar 
 xay cellar 
 
 %aw log 252.10, 11; 282.10, 12 
 xaw hair 281.3,9; 320.2 
 
 A:aw ^fl;|c gray ( = withered hair) 
 xaV root 352.12 
 xaf salmon 303.5; 383.3 
 *xa's salmon-skin 304.5 
 xan proximity 252.6; 256.12; 
 
 258.9; 262.3, 9 
 *xana evening 315.12 
 *xana.'s raft 308.10, 12-14; 309.2 
 xak"' claw {*xak'' 258.4) 329.7, 8 
 (xak' finger-nail [?] 274.12; 
 
 275-9) 
 *xedu comb 384.10, 15; 385.2 
 
 *xet chest 338.17 
 
 *{xetc) beating time of shaman 
 
 308.5; 309.5 
 *xec slime 256.7, 14 (seexeHoam) 
 xiy pack, burden 
 xo among 253.7; 302.5 
 xdn friend, fellow, equal of one 355.1 
 xox^ husband 260.5; 373-7 
 xa mouth 258.1 
 *xadad^d' bristle of sea-lion; 
 Handbook of American Indian 
 Languages 201 
 ias jaw 
 
 *xen{axa labret 328.2 
 xan fire 345.13 
 xalx'e maplp 
 x:kcx'' bluejay 
 x'is burl of a tree 
 xiis foot 252.4; 253.10; 370.5: 
 
 ray of light 255.12; 256.1 
 xun fur-seal 321.4 
 xun decayed wood 
 lak'a inside of mouth 
 latihsk' seaweed 334.14, 15; 335-7 
 *la}f famine 265.1 
 lax red cedar 361.1 1 
 laxane's Ceryle halcyon 
 lax heron 273.3, 7, 9 
 ley is fir 
 *leq red ochre 258.2, 5; 329.2; 
 
 336.11; 344.7 
 *lii fine basket 270.7; 307.6-8 
 lenet' polished horn 335.4 
 llngW persort 258.10; 259.7; 
 
 _ 343-10 
 lil^" grandparent 280.4; 283.1; 
 
 372.3; 373.1; 385.6 
 lu nose 349.3; point 343.9 
 lut Blennius 
 
 liin bark of hemlock and cotton- 
 wood 
 
130 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 Ibkaydn mink (see nbkciydn) 
 
 Iq'ackxdw dragon-fly ( = no body- 
 hair) 
 
 {(ew) sand 384. 1 1 
 
 U woollen blanket 
 
 ticw wood 
 
 {iiwii quk"' wooden box 
 quk"' tuwi) wood for box 
 
 &i' tongue 310.9, 11; 339.10 
 
 iuk'*' cohoe-salmon 303.8, 9 
 
 La mother 257.3, "J 258.2; 
 260.9 
 
 i*L'ak'") new 258.3 
 
 Lak" mother's sister 
 
 (Ldq') arrow-head ( = penetrator) 
 258.12; 332.4, 10 
 
 lali sister (said by male) 287.2, 
 
 3; 3474; 379-3 
 
 idgwa three-pointed salmon-har- 
 poon 
 
 lef snow 
 
 Uy meat 
 
 Eaik' ground, place 344.2, 5; 
 
 356.3, 5, 8 
 *zci.k' rotten 254.3 
 *Lak' dress 254.3 
 *Leq' finger 274.10; 286.6: tenta- 
 cles of squid 276.12 
 zel mentula 289.9; 290.12: milt 
 
 300.8 
 zit' tail 277.2,9-11; 310.5 
 *zitx Mount Edgecombe 322.10, 11 
 
 § 49. Verbs. 
 
 'd, 'd, 'en {'kn ?) to sit (singular) 
 (plural q'l) 
 
 1 . ya-d to sit (singular) ; to live 
 at some place; a tree stands 
 299.10; anae'tc 301.1 
 
 2. k'a-ya-d to be on (a child 
 carried on back) 366.2; to 
 have on clothing 346. i ; to 
 grow 338.1; 355.1 
 
 3. q'e-ya-d daylight is coming 
 iq'ea daylight) 327.3; 349.1; 
 (see 374.3) 
 
 yaq'eyad daylight is coming 
 415.2 
 
 4. q'u-ya-d there is a famine 
 264.2; 331.2 
 
 5. ya-ya-d fish swim in schools 
 302.4; (303.9) 
 
 6. ^i-aatown,house, stands 346.5 
 
 7. ya-sl-d to set the face (i. e., 
 to look, to peep) 295.11; 
 307.4; 380.10 
 
 8. q'e-si-d to bring daylight 
 375-1 
 
 'dw to tie with a strap 
 
 1 . ya-dw strap, handle, means of 
 suspension 
 
 2. ya-sl-dw to tie with a strap 
 
 'dt\ 'dt', 'af, 'a to walk in com- 
 pany {giit' to walk alone) 
 
 1. ya-dt' to walk in company 
 270.4; 273.2; 357.9 
 
 2. sl-dV to carr\- (plural) 
 
 'di cold 
 
 1 . 'dt'tc wvdjdglu cold struck him 
 (i. e., he froze) 289.5 
 
 2. xii-si-di 1 make it cold 
 qv-sl-dt' it is cold weather 
 
 'dk'{?)'dk\ 'ak' (perhaps) to inter- 
 lock 
 
 1. ya-dk' to weave a basket 
 
 2. 'd-cu-ta-ak' to build a fire 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 131 
 
 3. li-dk' to set up (sticks in 
 ground) 304.3 
 
 (aq?) 301.3; 305.3 
 
 (aq") tomind(?) 369.10; 414.5 
 
 'dx, 'dx, 'ax to carry a textile 
 
 1. ya-dx to carry a textile 
 277.3; 344- > I 
 
 2. it-a;!c to use (one's strength) 
 291.13 
 
 3. 5t-a^ to pack up 332.12; to 
 tie up a bundle 301.2 
 
 'dx, 'dx, 'ax to hear 
 
 1. ya-dx to hear 258.6; 260.10 
 ya-dxtc to hear 294.5 
 
 2. ll-dx to make noise 269.8; 
 
 341-3 
 
 Iq'ul'axtc deafness 
 
 3. 5t-fl;i(; to listen 294.4 
 
 iyel (perhaps yel raven ?) 
 
 xa-h-iyel to lie(speak untruth) 
 with mouth 287.3; 402.9 
 
 'ek 
 
 h-ek to give away in potlatch 
 345-1 
 'ek""' bad 
 
 ya-ek"' to be bad 313.3 
 
 'ek"' to whistle 
 
 k'a-ya-ek"' to whistle 
 
 'i, "i, "i to cook something 
 5t-f 271.5; 306.11 
 
 "tc{?) "%c, 'Ic to string on a thong 
 or string 
 k'a-li-i'c to string up 
 
 'lean poor (see can) 
 la-ica'n to become poor 377.1 1 
 
 "i-n to pick up; to carry in a vessel 
 (as a liquid, berries, etc.) 
 
 1 . ya-'m to pick up 
 
 2. SL-'m to carry 268.3; 283.5 
 
 'in to kill many (with singular 
 object djdq') 
 
 1. j'd-'w to kill 274.12 
 
 2. ii-'m to kill with something 
 285.5; {*a'cqosain) 278.9 
 
 ix to shout, to call, to invite 
 
 1. ya-i;^ to invite 342.1; 343.3 
 k'e-ya-ix to shout (literally, to 
 
 shout up) 300.1; 302.9 
 q'v-i'x to invite to a feast 
 336.11; 337.4; 343.2 
 
 2. ll-ix to call a name in a pot- 
 latch 337.2 
 
 'u, 'u, en to dwell; to be; to try; 
 
 to have 
 yd- 'm to have; to own 278.3,6 
 'd-ya-'ii to live somewhere 
 
 252.1 (southern dialect) 
 q'v-wa-u to dwell 280.1 (Chil- 
 
 kat dialect) 
 
 'u, 'u, 'vkn to buy 
 
 1. ya-'il to buy 356.2, 3, 5 
 
 2. Il-'u{1) to give in potlatch 
 344.14; 345.5 
 
 3. SL-'u to buy a long object 
 266.2 
 
 'us, 'us, 'vs playful, lively 
 h-us 
 
 xa-h-ics gossip, uncontrollable 
 mouth 
 
 'us, 'us, 'lis to wash 
 ya-us 313.11; 314.2 
 
 'un, 'un, 'hn to shoot 
 
 1. ya-un to shoot something 
 
 2. ll-un to shoot with an arrow, 
 a gun 
 
132 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 ■uk"', 'uk", 'ilk"' to boil (intr.) 
 (said of a liquid) 
 U-uk"' 296.9 
 
 'ux, 'ux, 'ux to blow 
 
 1 . yk-'ux to blow up 
 
 2. h-ux to blow on something 
 278.13 
 
 3. SL-u'x to blow up a tube 
 
 ya, yd, yan to pack, to carry 
 on back (It is doubtful 
 whether all these belong to- 
 gether.) 
 
 1. ya-yd 256.9; 293.1; 333.6 
 ya'na a pack, burden 333.6 
 
 2. k'a-yd-ya to appear 286.11 
 
 3. ll-yd to hang 296.1; 380.18; 
 382.5 
 
 4. sl-yd{?) 340.9, 10 
 
 5. 3/a-;vd-j;fl to sharpen (face) 
 yayena whetstone 
 
 yai long (after u generally wai) 
 
 1 . ya-yai a bag is elongated 
 k'ayayai long cavity, length 
 
 of space 
 'ak'iiwdfi its length 
 yiwuyai long time 320.2 
 yikawayd'i long (time) 310.13 
 
 2. it-ja^' a rod, a town, is long 
 252.1 
 
 ya's to step 
 li-yk's 252.3 
 
 :)'a5'' to pull 
 
 1. ya-yaq" {*yeq) to pull a per- 
 son (aboard) 254.8; 280.7 
 k'a.yk^a, stern-sheets (liter- 
 ally, puller) 
 
 ddxk'ay&gd hoisting-line 
 
 2. sl-ykq' to pull a long object 
 390.2 
 
 yex, yex, y'ex to whittle; to build; 
 to make 
 
 1. yk-yex to whittle 
 
 2. ll-yex to build a house, canoe 
 341.7; 350.2; 351.4; to do 
 272.4; 278.5 
 
 yit', yiV, ylV to make oily 
 sl-yiV 
 
 y'tV, yW, yW to pull, to stretch 
 
 1. yk-yir to stretch skin 
 
 2. sl-yiV to stretch rope 
 
 yis fresh, new, young 319.10 
 
 yttc, yltc to fly 
 k'a-h-yttc 399.6 
 
 *yeL calm, quiet water 
 
 k'a.-ya.-yez it became calm 
 365-5. 9 
 
 yuk'*', yuk"', yvk"' to shake 
 
 1. k'a-ya-yuk'" to shake 283.4 
 
 2. ca.-k'a.-ya.-yuk"' he shook it 
 287.10 
 
 3. k'SL-si-yuk"' to shake a long 
 object 
 
 *war to grow up 
 
 1. ya-wat' it grows up 299.2 
 
 2. 5t-TOdr to raise 274.5; 
 275.2, 4 
 
 TOa5(?), was, was to inquire (see 
 wus to ask) 
 ^t-wai to inquire 
 
 *{wan) to be on edge 
 k'a.-ya.-wall 277. 10 
 
 wfl/', i«d/', wa'i to break; to crack; 
 to flood 
 I. ya-wa'( to crack to pieces; 
 water overflows land 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 133 
 
 2. ^"d-j'a-TOa/ he broke it 258.8; 
 351.12 
 
 3. ll-wa.{ to crack something 
 
 4. k'a-h-wai to break something 
 
 *wet to menstruate 
 
 ya-wet 337-7, 9; 340.4, 6 
 
 wii fair, light-complexioned 
 ll-wv 
 
 djcMwii mountain-goat may be 
 derived from this stem 
 
 *wu food 361.13 
 
 *wus to follow 
 
 cu-ya-wus 352.11; 353.2 
 
 wus tough, hard 
 
 1. ya-wu's for objects like boards, 
 stones, bag-shaped objects, etc. 
 
 2. li'wu's for cylindrical objects 
 
 3. k'a-ya-wus for balls, eggs, 
 rings 
 
 4. djl-k'a.-ya-wus for hoops 
 
 wzil, TOwi, wus to ask, to inquire 
 (see was to inquire) 
 
 1. ya-wus to inquire 284.10; 
 285.11; 335.4 
 
 2. jfd-^^a-TOM'i to ask (with 
 mouth) 268.9; 333-'3 
 
 3. ll-wus to ask for something 
 407.5 
 
 wuq"' , wuq"' , wvq"' a textile moves; 
 blood flows 
 
 1 . ya-wuq"' it moves 
 
 2. ci k'v-wuq"' blood ran 268.2 
 
 3. si-wuq"' to cause to move 
 
 4. ya-j^d-twig"' to prevent 
 
 *wu4 wide (perhaps rowi distribu- 
 tive to wu) 
 di-^um^ they are wide 258.7 
 
 wul (wuL, wuz ?) harassed, 
 troubled 
 adawul difficulty, trouble 380.22; 
 403.9 
 
 ha, ha, hen to move of one's own 
 accord. (It seems likely that 
 there are two stems, perhaps 
 ha. and ha [see 3]; hen is also 
 derived from hu q. v.) 
 I. ya-hatomovt 273.3; 280.2; 
 314.12 
 dui'tydnuwaha' to him hun- 
 ger moved (i. e., he was 
 hungry) 311. 3; 312.12; 
 also 255.5 
 dut't td' waha to him sleep 
 moved {i. e., he became 
 sleepy) 367.12 
 q'uV wuha he disappeared 
 taxi daha' he was discouraged 
 
 361.7 
 ya-ya-ha to swim (bird); to 
 
 wade 
 ya-dji-di-ha to swim (a bird) 
 
 322.10 
 ya-q'u-ya-ha to approach (for 
 terms expressing time) 
 308.4; 350.1; 353.3 
 k'a-ya-ha to come up 266.6; 
 
 358.7 
 
 'axyanadk k'aWaha 1 owe it 
 (literally, towards the side 
 away from me it goes) 
 
 djl-ya-ha to be sent (inani- 
 mate object) 404.3 (liter- 
 ally, to hands it moves) 
 
 q'uV djiwaha some one gave 
 birth (literally, it came to 
 some one's hands) 
 
 ca-ya-ya-ha plenty 254.13; 
 297.6; 307.11 
 
134 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 sa.-ya.-ha to need, to want (see 
 259.3; 366.10; 41 1.2) 
 
 ya.k"yaha. to go 312.12, 13; 
 315.2 
 
 k'a.-ya.-ha to dig 281.8; 
 364.11; 366.2 
 
 2. li-ha. to find 332.4 
 djl-ll-ha to transport 374.4; 
 
 412.10 (literally, to move 
 
 to hand) 
 k'a-ll-hd to furnish, to supply 
 q'v-h-bd to wrestle 
 ca-ya-h-ha. plenty (perhaps to 
 
 make plenty; see cdyayaha. 
 
 under 1) 
 
 3. si-hd to miss 260.1; 311.10 
 ya-sl-hd to pickup 252.6, 8 
 yd-si-hd to swim (bird) 
 djL-u-sl-bd to go hunting 294.3 
 k'a-si-hd to dig, to lay on 
 
 281.13; 295.5; 352.13 
 (see also 400.5; 407.7) 
 
 gic-ha. invisible 
 
 Lkl guhk it is plain (literally, it 
 is not invisible) 305.5; *Leti, 
 awe Iguha 254.13 
 
 hdt\ hat' to drive (animals); to 
 enclose (perhaps two stems: 
 hat\ hdt\ hat'; and hdf, hat', 
 hkt') 
 {da) hdt' (around) enclosure 
 
 1. k'a-ya-hdV to drive salmon 
 
 2. q'v-ya-hdt' to search for in- 
 sects (in moss, hair) 
 
 3. k'a-si-hdt' to drive animals; 
 to cover over 
 
 4. sl-hdt' to enclose 
 
 hdc, ha'c, hkc to drift {*xac) 
 k-hdc to drift (impersonal) 
 277.14; 294.7; 306.7 
 
 hdn, ha'n, ha'n to stand (singular) 
 (plural naq') 
 I. ya-hdn to stand 315.6; 341.3; 
 344.8,14; to steer in a certain 
 direction 305.1 
 ya-ya-hdn to stand aside 350.6 
 k'a-ya-hdn to stand upright 
 
 393-9 
 qv-dL-hdn to stand somewhere 
 
 408.3 
 dJL-di-hdn to raise the hand 
 (literally, the hand stands 
 up) 
 2. si-hdn to make stand 
 han to cut into strips 
 ya-han 274.14 
 
 hd' to pick out, take off 
 h-hd 283.4, 6; 395.5 
 
 hin to believe (perhaps hi, hi, 
 hin) ya-hin 319.5; 362.7; 
 408.7 
 
 hik' full 
 
 1. ca-ya-hik' to be full 270.13; 
 299.9; 342.6 
 
 2. ca-ll-hik' to be full of some- 
 thing 267. 6;i 292.8; 331.9 
 
 3. {h-hik' he spoke to get 
 strength? 310.4) 
 
 hu, hu', hen to wade, to swim (a 
 quadruped) 
 
 1. ya-hn to swim, to wade 
 350.12 
 
 2. si-hh to swim, to wade, for a 
 purpose 302.6; 303.6; 308.7 
 
 hvi' to put on surf-boards 
 
 1. hudi surf-boards on gunwale 
 of canoe 
 
 2. si-hvV to put on surf-boards; 
 to depend on some one 
 
 ' Read caolihi'k instead of coalihik. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 135 
 
 hiin, hun, hvn to sell 
 
 1. ya-hun to sell 266.1 
 
 2. ll-him to go to sell something 
 
 3. si-bun to sell a long object 
 
 hun{?) 
 ya-ya-hun to hunt 354.3 
 
 *huk to shout 
 yk-huk 413.4 
 
 *huL wrinkled 
 k'a-ya.-huL 
 
 *da to flood 
 
 k'a.-ya.-da it flooded it 365.8; 
 376-1,4 
 {da? 411. 1 ) 
 
 da's to catch in snare 
 yarda's 
 
 daq\ ddq\ daq' to appear; (rain, 
 fog) clears away 
 
 1. 'a-ya-ddq' to clear up 351.14; 
 352.1 (361.8?) 
 
 2. 'a-si-ddq' to appear 344.4; 
 349.1; 354.6, 9, 13 
 
 dal heavy 
 
 1. ya-dal for canoes,' stones, 
 planks 
 
 2. U-dal- for ropes, rods, bags, 
 persons 
 
 3. k'a-ya-dal for balls, rings 
 
 4. dji-k'a.-ya.-d6.l for hoops 
 
 *dex ashamed 
 
 1. k'a.-ya.-dex to be ashamed 
 (impersonal) 260.12; 281. i; 
 403.8 
 
 2. k'a.-li-dex to make ashamed 
 399.9;! 405 , 
 
 iei to watch 
 ya-dtl 297.4 [ 1 70. II ; 1 7 1 .6] 
 
 dis moonshine 
 
 1. dis moon 
 
 2. it-rft5 moonshines 255.11, 14 
 
 <^m;ic" to tie a knot 
 ya-dvx" 272.2 
 
 *rfMz; to fly 
 
 k'a-h-duE 399.7 
 
 Ta to boil in water 
 
 1 . t'e'x boiled food 
 
 2. si-t'd to boil 
 
 t'd, fa, t'en to sleep (singular) 
 (plural xax"'); to he down 
 (plural c-wii-ii-dt') 
 
 1. t'dtc 'uwadjaq^ sleep struck 
 him 263.3 
 
 2. ja-ffl to sleep 314.4; 377-1; 
 385.12 
 
 3. 5t-i'fl to lay down 306.12 
 k'e-si-i'd to put up 307.7 
 
 f^TO to steal 
 
 1. fflwiflii' thief ( = master of 
 stealing) 
 
 2. jJa-faw to steal a canoe, 
 paddle, bag, person 
 
 3. A'a-j^a-fflTO to steal a ball, 
 apple 
 
 4. iWaiy to steal a rod, gun, 
 arrow; to steal one at a time 
 
 5 . li-t'dw to help some one steal 
 away 
 
 fan, fan, fan to carry a solid, 
 elongated object. The mean- 
 ing of this stem seems to be 
 very general. In the exam- 
 ples obtained from Mr. Shot- 
 ridge it is never used in the 
 plural, while in Swanton's 
 
 1 Read kanhde'qlasi. instead of kanlide'icasL. 
 
136 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 texts it occurs quite a num- 
 ber of times in plural form. 
 I . ya-t'dn to carry, lift, a solid, 
 elongated object (t'l to carry 
 a bag, ball) 256.10; 327.1; 
 360.14 
 k' e-ya-t' an to ca.rry up 382.14; 
 
 409.8; to jump 305.13 
 gaia'mn when it comes down 
 
 329.12 
 ya-t' an a. fish jumps 305.9,10 
 *yiata'n it stood under it 
 
 255-2 
 
 *yu'siu kawatd'n rain stopped 
 
 371. 1 
 dji-ya-t'dn to carry to (the 
 
 hand of ) some one 282.13; 
 
 297.3; to give in marriage 
 
 364.5, 13; 365.11 
 ya-ya-t'dn to steer 322.6, 7 
 k'a-yci.-t'dn to collect oil on 
 
 water 
 
 2. fu-yd-t'dn to think 273.2; 
 394.1,2; 406.6; (literally, to 
 carry mind to some one) 
 
 3. ^a-ya-i'dn to speak to some 
 one (literally, to carry mouth 
 to some one) 269.11; 295.9; 
 34 I.I I ; to aim (literally, to 
 direct a point) 
 
 xa-dl-t'dn to talk 
 
 duxetx yuxat'angi chief's 
 speaker (literally, his mouth 
 from in progress of mouth 
 moving) 
 
 4. sl-t'dn to point; to carry a 
 long object 322.12; ^29.7, 
 1 1 
 
 5. cl-t'dn to be in the habit of 
 doing . . . 252.2; ^21.2; 
 399.1 
 
 faq' to hit with the point of a long 
 thing; to push 
 
 1. ya-t'tq' to spear 31 4.1; 
 316.3; 393.6 
 
 2. k'a-ll-t'aq' to push on to some 
 one 285.12; 292.11; 345.13 
 
 3. sl-t'dq' to hit with butt-end 
 (see also 266.6 ?) 
 
 (fax?) tax to bite 
 ya-ta'x 342.3, 6 
 xas-da-t'a'x to chew (literally, to 
 bite with jaw) 
 
 H'ax to drift [plural (?)] 
 ll-t'ax 322.1 
 
 fax"' to make smoke-signals 
 d-ya-Vax" [171.9] 
 
 fax to spin (see fex, fix) 
 k'a-si-fdx 
 
 fix to make three-stranded rope; 
 to wring 
 k'a-SL-fix to twist 
 kaod^Ua'x crooked 360.3 
 
 fiX to twist (see fax, fix) 
 
 1 . xdf fix root rope 
 
 2. k'a.-ya.-f'LX to twist 259.5; 
 307-1, 5 
 
 fdt{?) greasy 
 ll-feit 265.6 
 
 f'ty to patch 
 ya-fiy 
 
 ft to soak salmon 
 ya-fi 
 
 /'/, ft, fin to lift, tocarr\- (a ball, 
 bag) (see fan, ax, uitk'") 
 1 . 'a-k'd-wa-fl to lift a ball 
 'd-ya-f'i to take, carr\ some- 
 thing 268.4; 298.2; 326.8 
 
FRANZ BOAS— NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 137 
 
 adjlV 'a-ya-t'i to carry to some 
 one's hands {i. e., to give) 
 301.5; 385.2; 385.16 (see 
 also 280.4; 346.5; 347.1) 
 
 tuwati' to feel 375.1; 384.8; 
 396.1 
 
 ya-t't to stay, remain, to be 
 at a certain place (persons 
 and objects) 257.6; 281.3 
 
 Let' ya'x k'ayai't snow like- 
 ness a ball is (i. e., a spher- 
 ical object is white) (see 
 
 255->4; 3734; 3941) 
 
 duViyi his imitation 
 2. SL-Vi to lift, carry, a bag, a 
 
 long thing 
 With nominal suffix x: to be 
 
 261.5; 267.2; 270.9; 278.13 
 'awslVl to carry a bag 
 q'udiU'i to be born; to live 
 
 261.5; 280.1; 295.12 
 
 t'tt\ fit', fit' waves carry, rub, 
 something 
 
 1. ftf wave 
 
 2. wudjx ca'tdutd gic kelps long 
 rubbed against one another by 
 waves 283.12 
 
 3. (;vit-)ii-r?/' waves carry some- 
 thing 321.10; 409.10 
 ya-k'a-h-fW waves carry 
 
 round object 
 
 fin, fin, fin to see 
 
 1 . ya-ftn to be able to see 
 255.11; 318.8; 337.7 
 q'vfi'nl the ability to see 
 
 2. qv-ya-fis to look for some- 
 thing 311.11;'^ 3 '2.3; 408.3 
 
 3. ya-ya-fin to see face (i. e., to 
 recognize) 
 
 4. ll-fln to look at something; 
 to watch 270. 12; 332.1; 390.7 
 
 5. sl-fin to see (transitive) 
 309.14; 355.14; 390.7 
 
 6. cl-fin to be able to see 
 402.3, 6 (?) 
 
 *tiq to listen 
 ci-tlq 300.2 
 
 f M, fu, fen clever 
 
 fuw 
 
 1. ya-fuw to count 
 
 2. ll-fuw to teach 
 
 f m/c fresh 
 ll-futc 320.1 
 
 1. ya-futc to rub on 41 1.8 
 i*tutc) 
 
 2. ll-futc to pull out wool for 
 spinning 
 
 *tux to spit 
 
 xa-si-tux 310.3 
 
 *(to4" to tie [Shotridge dux^ q. v.]) 
 si-tuq^ 397- 'O 
 
 fill, ful, fill to drill 
 
 1. ya-ful to drill 
 
 2. it-fziZ to drill with something 
 
 {a, td, ien hot 
 
 1 . yo.-id something is hot 
 q'\}-wa.-td it is hot weather 
 
 333-J 
 
 2. ya-yk-id to be hot (imper- 
 sonal) 296.8;- 304.4; 334.15 
 
 3. H-ia to make a person feel 
 warm 376.11 
 
 4. 5i-^a to heat an object 
 
 Read qot'i'i instead of qoU's. 
 
138 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 iatc, tdtc, tatc to slap; to swim 
 (person) 
 
 1 . ya-tatc to slap ; to swim 
 
 2. ll-tatc to make some one swim; 
 to slap some one 295.7 
 
 Han to long (?) 
 ll-taM 393.10 
 
 tan it has a grained surface; it 
 has stitches 
 ya-Un (?) 
 qasistan spider 
 
 {aq to bet, to wager 
 
 Hax to open 
 
 xa-ya-iax toopen mouth 258.4, 5 
 
 tex to fish with hook 
 sl-tex 
 
 ie^ to pound 
 
 1. ya-t'ex to pound 258. 13; 259.1 ; 
 268.6 
 
 2. U-{kx to knock off a piece 
 
 3. sl-iex to pound a long thing 
 255.6; 303.8; 361.7 
 
 it, ft, il to find 
 
 1 . ya-tt 299. 1 (see also 28 1 . i ; 
 
 357-13) 
 
 2. sl-ie to leave behind 345.7 
 
 Hik' to fall into a trance 
 ll-{ik' 
 
 *icx {t'lx ?) courageous 
 ci-hx 271.10; 396.7 
 
 ius to broil (near fire, not on a 
 spit) 
 I. ya-{us 275.1, 1 1 
 
 {uk"'{?); mk"', M"' to shoot an 
 arrow 
 I. ya-iuk"' to shoot something 
 275.3; 298.1; 393.6 
 
 2. cl-iuk"' to fly an arrow (*(/m^) 
 380.3 
 
 5a, sd, sen to name; to breathe 
 
 1. sa name 302.10; voice 263.8: 
 321.5 
 
 2. ya-satoname 257.10; 269.13; 
 
 345-9 
 
 3. ya-sd to breathe, to blow 
 
 308.14; 341. 1 
 
 4. ll-sd to take name from some- 
 thing 336.6; to be famous 
 
 *sak'' to last 
 ll-sak" 254.10 
 
 se, se, (?) shallow (stem uncertain, 
 perhaps e) 
 
 sin, sin, sin to hide 
 
 h-stn 276.4; 282.2; 338.14 
 
 sik'{?); sik', slk' to detain 
 
 1. stk' belt; cord; strap 
 
 2. ya-sik' 351.13; 363.9 
 
 3. U-si'k' 344.10 
 
 su to help (used only to designate 
 supernatural help) ; imper- 
 sonal ya-su' 266.3; 291.10; 
 380.15 
 
 sus round object, living object, 
 moves through space 
 
 1. k'a-ya-sus stars move; ^to 
 fall (mountain-sheep) 264.4; 
 336.4 
 
 2. ll-sus bag moves through 
 space 
 
 *SHX (?) 
 
 wucdjisu'x the\' rushed for it 
 greedily 338.15 
 
 siq\ se'q{?), skq' to smoke 
 
 1. seq' smoke 327.12 
 
 2. ya-seq' to smoke 372.3 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 139 
 
 3. U-seq' to smoke (skin, fish, 
 etc.) 
 
 it/" to cover 
 
 1. ydL-sif to cover 268.6, 12; 
 308.10; 321.8 
 
 2. ll-sif 331.5, 7 
 
 sis, sis, sis to sail; smoke rises; it 
 is blown along by wind 
 ll-sis [171.9]; 385.11 
 
 hx to be rotten, fermented 
 h-six 
 
 set, set, stl to tear 
 
 1. yk-'set to tear 291.9; 339.10 
 
 2. ll-'set to tear face 339.1; to 
 dig roots 352.12 
 
 su to sew with cedar-withes 
 
 1 . ya-'su 
 
 2. h-'su 
 
 mw, suw, mw to chop 
 
 1. ya-mw 274.13; 275.9 
 
 2. ii-suw 254.12 
 
 *iMM (^) ? 
 
 ya-sunk to give forth a peeping- 
 sound 277.6 
 
 d^i large; difficult 
 
 1. k'a-ya-dp great, wonderful 
 405.6 
 
 2. ^t-rf^f difficult 405.8 
 
 i^ij to hit {*tsu) 
 
 1. ya-d:[v to hit 338.9; 341.13 
 
 2. ii-Jjii to hit with something 
 278.1 1 
 
 isdq', tsdq', tskq' to push with the 
 point of a long thing 
 I. ya-tsdq' to push with point 
 256.7, 12; 285.4; 310.8; (a 
 
 spirit acts) 268.13; 307-8; to 
 drive away 297.7, 8; 355. 12 
 2. ll-tsdq' to punt; to use a pole 
 in climbing; to stick out 277.2 
 k'e-djl-h-isdq' to point upward 
 355-2 
 
 tsex, tsex, iskx to kick 
 
 1 . ya-tsex 
 
 2. U-tsex 260.10 
 
 isis, tsis, tsls to dive, to swim under 
 water like a fish 
 U-tsis to dive 269.1; 277.12; 
 
 306.8 
 ca-li-isis to stop(?) 326.7 
 
 tsln alive, strong 
 
 1. ya-tsln to be alive 304.6; 
 362.12; 390.1 
 
 2. ll-tsin strong 290.2; 310.14; 
 
 350.5 
 
 la-tstn strength 290.2, 6, 7 
 t'v-la-tsin strong-minded 
 400.10; 404.4 
 
 tslk' to broil on spit 
 
 1. tsik' spit 
 
 2. ll-tslk' to broil on spit 313.9 
 
 /5M to splice; to put one thing into 
 another 
 ya-tsu 293.3 
 
 tsdn, t'sdn, tsa.n{?) shallow 
 ya-tsdn shallow (snow, water) 
 
 tsax to overdo 
 U-tsax 356.10; 360.4; 370.6 
 
 ca to marry 
 
 1. yd-ca to marry 254.9; 260.7;. 
 320.1; 365.4 
 
 2. ll-ca to marry several wo- 
 men (?) 282.5; 284.12 
 
140 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 cdt'{?), cat', cat' to take 
 
 1. ya-caV to take; to carry; to 
 place 263.2; 329.2; 367.7 
 ya.-ya.-cdt' to lift face of some 
 
 one 281.5 (263.2) 
 k' a-ya-cdt' to pick up 313.2 
 
 2. li-cdt' to seize; to capture 
 256.11; 287.7; 368.3 
 
 Can old 
 ya-can 379.5 {wudici'n he grew 
 old 320.3) 
 
 can poor 
 
 I. 'lean poor 376.1 
 
 caqx to hunt fur-seal with barbed 
 arrow 
 k'a-ll-cdqx 
 
 ci, ci, cin to search 
 
 1. q'v-ya-ci to search in some 
 indefinite place 260.2; 311. 12; 
 363.2 
 
 2. ya-ci to touch 268.1; 358.8; 
 369.9 
 
 3. ya-ci' to help 265.14; 346.2; 
 408.7 (has aodiCt.' they helped 
 
 257-3?) 
 
 xa-da-c't to feast (literally, to 
 help with mouth ?) 335.1 1 
 
 ci, ci, c'ln to sing 
 
 1 . ct song {ci limb of tree) 294.3 ; 
 336.5; 395-2 
 
 2. ya-ci to sing 270.10; 309.12; 
 378-3 
 
 etc to try to outdo others in eat- 
 ing quickly 
 ll-ctc . 
 
 *cu, cu, cen to be drunk; also cex 
 I. k'a-ya-cti to drink (inebriat- 
 ing drinks) 400.9 
 
 2. k'a-la-cu to be drunk 397.8; 
 403.8; 404.1 
 
 cu to hunt 
 ya-cui?) 318.13; 360.13 
 
 cu to appear, to show one's self, to 
 stick up 
 
 1. ya-cu to appear 253.11; to 
 stick out 360.5; to extend 
 348.10 
 
 2. U-cu a long thing appears, 
 sticks out 274.10; 285.9; 
 298.6 
 
 cuwq, cuwq, ci/wq to laugh 
 
 1 . ya-cuwq to laugh at some one 
 (transitive) 289.3; 35 1.9; 408.1 
 
 2. li-cuwq to laugh at some one 
 (with post-position -x) 257.9; 
 259.2 
 
 cute to bathe 
 ya-cutc 289.1; 291.1; 338.17 
 
 djd, djd, djk to advise; to instruct 
 in some kind of work 
 
 1. k'v-q'wa-dja instruction; di- 
 rection 
 
 2. cu-k'a-djd to advise 253.14; 
 313-12; 385-I 
 
 djdq', djdq', djaq' to kill (singular 
 object) 
 
 1. ya-djdq' 254.1 1 ; 338.7; 382.1 1 
 t'atc 'uwadjaq' sleep killed him 
 
 (?'. e., he fell asleep) 364.3 
 'attc 'dnadja'q' cold began to 
 kill him 361. 11 (read as 
 before, instead of *at 
 tcianddja'q) 
 
 2. li-djdq' to kill with something 
 
 dj&q"' firm 
 
 I. ya-djdq"' firm 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 141 
 
 2. li-djaq"' to make firm; to 
 put up against; to maintain 
 [168.8]; 407.4 
 
 djal 
 
 1. ya-djal to pass through 
 257.1 ; 366.8, 9 
 
 2. k'a-ya-djal to carry 263.14; 
 292.9; 307.11 (see 344.13; 
 
 345-7) 
 
 3. ca-k'a.-ya.-djal to put down 
 before some one 258.13; 
 
 25913; 337-3 
 
 4. ll-djkl to carry a long object 
 
 335-3 
 
 djetc, djetc, djktc to depress, surprise 
 
 1 . ya-djetc to be depressed 
 
 2. U-djetc to surprise some one, 
 it depresses him 401.1 
 
 dji to thinl< 
 
 ya-dji 269.10; 280.10; 369.5; 
 
 403.3; 410.7 
 {qox akai'dadjitc it would turn 
 back, perhaps "think back") 
 
 255-5 
 iiyd'wadji he punished you ? 
 
 402.8) 
 
 djun to dream (often; Hcun) 
 
 1. djun a dream 268.7; 322.4; 
 364.10 
 
 2. ya-djun to dream 263.3; 
 364.3; 391.7 
 
 dju4 to throw (perhaps same as 
 next) 
 ll-dju'4 3 1 1 .6 
 
 djux, djuxi?), djhx to roll a ring 
 or hoop (see gwat to roll a 
 stone, barrel) 
 k'a-h-djux to roll 
 
 tcan stench 
 U-tca.'n 
 
 (teak" ?) 
 
 *at yiakutca'k"'tc he always had 
 things stored away 280.3 
 
 {id ?) 
 dutci' he held 290.4 
 
 {tcic ?) 
 
 gunalict'c a ski thank you! 373.1 ; 
 377-3 
 <CMw straight 
 
 ya-tciln 322.1 1,12 
 
 fcifw to wound 
 ll-icun [173.9] 
 
 tcuk"', tcuk"', tcvk'" to rub a skin in 
 order to soften it 
 ya-tcuk''' (see 273.5) 
 icux", tcux"i?); tcvx" to rub^the 
 body 
 
 tca'k'^ to carve wood 
 k'a-ya.-tcak" 
 
 tcex dirty 317.12 
 
 tci'yiaqi?) slow 
 llUi'yiaq 303.11 
 
 tan to tie to head 
 
 ll-tcM 328.12 
 wa, wfl, nkn to die (impersonal) 
 
 ;;d-«a 257.4; 328.13; 344-' 1 
 na to drink 
 
 ya-na 308.3; 319.13; 390-4 
 (wa probably the same as the fol- 
 lowing) 
 
 li-na it is so 327.14 
 
 no., na, nan (nk, nen ?) to do, to 
 work 
 I. ya-na to do 252.8; 275.12; 
 287.2; 350.13 
 
142 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ^ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 2. k'a-ya.-na to send 271.11; 
 282.8; 333.14: to call out 
 names in a feast 342.3, 5 
 ia.-k'a-ya-na to order 308.1 
 
 3. ye-djl-ya-nk to work (literally, 
 to do with hand) 
 
 4. k'a.-si-na to weave 
 
 5. {lukatdd'dana she tried to 
 make herself look pretty 265.9) 
 
 nat' to shake 
 
 1 . ya-nat' to shake (intransitive) 
 316.11; 353.13; 398.2; 403.4; 
 413.2 
 
 2. 5t-Maf to cause to shake 394.2 
 
 naq', ndq', naq' to stand (plural) 
 (singular ban) 
 
 1. ya-naq' 31 1. II ; 336.10; 348.2; 
 
 349-7 
 
 2. dji-yk-nkq' to let go from 
 hand (apparently also singu- 
 lar) 263.11; 264.3; 4' 5-' 
 
 3. ^"A-^'a-Md^' to arise 338.8 
 (see 354.8) 
 
 4. sl-naq' to pursue 298.5, 6; 
 366.8, 1 1 
 
 •wd^"" to be rotten (wood, fibre) 
 
 1. ya-naq^' (a board) is rotten 
 
 2. si-naq"' (a rope) is rotten 
 
 nalx wealthy 
 li-na'lx 367.2 
 
 nes to sharpen (?) 
 
 1. ya-k-nes to sharpen face 
 {i. e., edge) 277.4 
 
 2. k'a-h-nes to dry (perhaps to 
 try) 359.2 
 
 n^x, nex, nkx safe 
 
 1. ya-nex to be safe (imper- 
 sonal) 318.12; ^7().2; 386.3; 
 396.3 
 
 2. sl-nex to save some one; a 
 supernatural being takes some 
 one away 305.4; 312.9; 408.9; 
 412. 1 1 
 
 ni, ni, nin to carry several things 
 
 1 . ya-ni to do, to happen 30 1 . 1 1 ; 
 320.3; 361.2 
 
 2. ya.n-ya.-ni to finish 315.8; 
 336.5; 342.13 
 
 3. djl-yk-ni to make 263.10; 
 331.12 
 
 4. jd-wi to get (fi re-wood ) 253.5; 
 307.5; 383.4 (see also 319.10; 
 333.4; 346.9) 
 
 5. 5t-«itomake; to take 256.12; 
 to do 260.14 
 
 6. yan-si-ni to finish 258.3; 
 259.1; 336.2 
 
 Miir to swallow 
 
 1 . ya-nut" to swallow 
 
 'ac wvnut' haV ydy him swal- 
 lowed a certain whale 
 
 2. it-wzir to catch fish with bait 
 311.3, 7; 312.1 
 
 LS^aqadi'nudjya' (?) 331.9 
 «Mii to smile 
 h-nuts 
 
 yu'ya-kuimutsk he was smiling 
 406.3 
 
 1. h-ga to load 255.3: 322.6 
 
 2. ya-ga{?) 
 
 yenkudaga' awe when he got 
 
 through 266.2 
 kaxwa'asga 1 feel lonely 412.3 
 
 .{gawii) noise ( = drum) 
 
 1. h-gawu nohy 412.8 
 salagd'o)mtc voice is alwa\s 
 
 heard 336.8 
 
 2. [.Iiiwil'gao.x drums 343.4 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 143 
 
 gat' 
 
 h-gat, with Ran anger, to be 
 angry 253.3; 3i3-8; 337-8 
 
 gas a long thing moves straight 
 ahead 
 
 1. ya-gas 310.5; 324.1; 341.9; 
 345-10 
 
 2. h-gas to move 262.4; 264.1; 
 265.1, 12; 267.3; 3'9-'. 3; 
 arrow moves 380.4 
 
 gdc to cohabit 
 
 1 . dji-gac 
 
 2. lagac 
 
 gan, gdn to burn 
 
 1. gan fire-wood 
 
 2. ya-gan to burn (intransitive) 
 
 3. di-gim to shine 
 
 4. st.-gan to burn (transitive) 
 380.20, 22; 382.3 
 
 g€, gen large 
 
 1. ya-gk (solid object) 257.7; 
 336.8 
 
 2. ^t-ge (person, bag, bundle) 
 
 3. 5t-^e yeh^'diigk this size (small) 
 
 *^g to refuse 
 
 CL-ge 297.9; 299.5; 354.10 
 
 *^ex(?) 
 
 koyasage'x would have to pay 
 for it 370.3 
 
 gd' to move 
 
 Si-gd' to move through air, to 
 
 fall 340.5; 351.13; 380.21 
 k'exiisigW 1 awaken him 
 ^'m/" TOi;if.ftgfr to be lost 255.9 
 
 *gin (?) 
 
 a^vca^iMtja my future life 397.2 
 
 *gex to put on 
 ya-gex 
 
 kai aodige'x he put (a coat) on 
 276.6 
 
 gh happy 
 
 si-gv to be happy 394.8 ^ 
 
 *^M to push 
 
 SL-gu 362.8; 377.13; 413.8 
 aka'oslgu 324.3 
 
 ^Mf, ^wr, gi-r, g{) to go (sing.) 
 
 1. ya-gut' to go' 252.9; 255.8; 
 277.3 
 
 2. Si-gut' to carry on shoulder 
 
 *^M^ to show(?) 
 
 1. k'a-h-guktc 379.1 1 
 
 2. ct-^M^ to know 383.5 
 
 guq' motion of long thing point 
 forward 
 
 1 . ya-guq' 277.6 
 
 2. sl-guq' to throw, to drift 
 263.9; 326.4^ 
 
 3. Iv-wa-mq' (wa<ya) to run 
 260.9; 367.12 
 
 ^wdi' to be upside down 
 
 gwds, gwd's, gwas fog 
 5'i;gai fog 
 
 q'vwd'igwas it is foggy 
 *kaoligwa"s fog is made 348.4 
 
 gwac, gwac to hop 
 ;)'d-^t-|'wdc 
 
 ' Read iugasagwe'tc instead of tu$asa^we'tc. 
 ^ Read dusgu'qtc instead of dus$o'qic. 
 
144 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 gwa.1 to roll (stone), (trans.) 
 
 1 . ya-ya-gwal to strike 
 
 2. k'a-h-gWal 
 
 gwat to paint 
 danigwal'l painter 
 
 *ka{?) 
 *SL-ka{?) 
 
 qafiackide yu xai yenaska' you 
 have pity on me 
 
 k'a', k'a', k'e'n lazy 
 
 *k'e, k'en to track 
 
 si-k'e 269.3; 3''2.2; 356.13 
 
 *k€l to soak 
 
 ka-h-kel to soak (trans.) 336.5 
 
 *kiE(?) (see RaE, 4o-e) 
 
 1. *ya-keE to flee 338.4, 5 
 
 2. ka-ya-keE to open 340.10 
 
 3. ii-^ei 
 
 *ai wuzike'i he drove hunger 
 away 362.13 
 
 ^'tf , ^"ii" to pry up 
 I . ya-k'it' to pry up 
 k'lt'a crowbar 
 
 *kis to be extinguished 
 
 k'a-h-kis fire goes out 253.8; 
 384.5 
 *M(?) 
 *^a-j'd-^ti (time) has passed 361 .4 
 
 *jfeti!c(?) (seeek") 
 *aodu'wakdc "they danced the 
 house together" 336.4 
 
 *kiks 
 
 k'a-ya-kiks to shake (clothing) 
 253.6 
 
 *ko 
 *ya-ko to fall into a hole 3 1 1 .0 
 
 k'v, k'ven to know 
 SL-k'u to know 342.4 
 
 *kuki?) 
 
 CL-kuk 
 
 cka'wucku'k he b e h a v e d (?) 
 256.8 
 
 k'icq'i?), k'uq', k'vq" to bubble (see 
 q'oq') 
 
 1 . ya-k'uq' to bubble (intrans.) 
 
 2. h-k'uq' to cause to bubble 
 
 *ku4i?) 
 
 ya-ku4 
 
 *cadaku'4 (a hat) with rings (?) 
 336.12 
 
 k'vx to bail a canoe 
 k'a-sl-k'ux to bail 365.9 
 k'ak'vx"a bailer 
 
 *kwatc to swallow 
 *k'a-ya-kMc to swallow 302.9 
 
 *^w;« to mark 
 
 *kwoM to swim (a bird) 
 
 ya-kwan 3 1 1 .8 
 *i^ai!(?) 
 *a/ kaoduwaka't (they) meddled 
 with it 340.10 
 
 ^a small 
 
 k'v-sl-^a. it is small 336.7 
 
 k'a-k'v-^a a ball is small 
 ^ats sharp-pointed 
 
 k'a-li-kats it is sharp-pointed 
 
 xalakats porcupine 
 
 kan, kan, %en to jump 
 ci-kkn 
 
 kan to hate 
 
 I. ci-ka'n 265.9; 267.6; 295.1; 
 297.1 
 *lian hatred 287.2 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 145 
 
 *flw;fl^a'^" he cut it 265.10 
 *kaE to creak (?); to open(?) (see 
 ktE, qaz) 
 
 1. Hi.-'kaL to be cut open 
 (stomach) 367.14 
 
 2. *ci-^a£ (a cave) creaked 
 (opened?) 
 
 3. *cMaL keep quiet! (?) 
 
 kex, kex, %kx to catch with hook 
 ya-^ex 306. 1 o 
 ^kM gaflF-hook 306.7 
 
 *^ti' to emerge, to come out 
 
 1. ^"a-3'a-^ti' tocomeout 264.3; 
 303.4; 304.1; a span of time 
 has passed 322.2 
 
 2. si-kJ to consume 
 
 3. q'v-ki( to pick berries 252.1, 3 
 kuts to break (a strap) 
 
 ya-h-]iuts 252.5, 7 
 *kwan (?) 
 
 qv-l-kwan to be able to hear 
 360.7 
 *l^a to cover up 
 
 k'a-ya-ga 271.3 
 *|'ai to spHt 
 
 1. ya-gat 277.7; 339.11; to be 
 full of, to be covered with 
 342.2 
 
 fata trap 
 
 2. si-ga't to be covered with 
 274.12; 275.10 
 
 *gas to be careful in use of some- 
 thing; to have as a taboo 
 h-gas 358.7, 8 
 gas{?), gds{?), gas to scrape 
 (body) 
 da'gdsa scraper for body 
 *^"a-ja-|'ai to go out (?) 341.9 
 
 *gdq to swing (a hanging skin) 
 h-gdq 328. 1 
 
 gdx, gdx, $a.x to cry 
 I. ya-gdx (singular) 
 gdx sat'i (plural) 
 
 >£(?) 
 
 k'a-ya-gaE to think about one's 
 self 364. 1 1 
 
 gW, gd' dark 
 
 1. k'a-ci-get it is dark 292.4; 
 322.8; 374.2; 375.2; 395.9 
 
 2. k'argiV dark 
 
 *gd 
 
 5i-gei to tramp (?) 393.2 
 
 gUc{7), gitc, gltc to throw (stones) 
 
 1. ya-gitc {*qdc 253.6); 257.8; 
 282.2; 366.5, 10 
 
 2. cfl-Zt-^ffc to throw away 260.14 
 
 gen, gen, gkn to look 
 
 h-gen 316.12, 13; 3 1 7. 1, 15; 
 340.6; 348.4 
 
 geq\ geq' stingy 
 ci-geq' 
 
 geq to throw (food, stone, coat, 
 person) 
 
 1. ya-geq 265.11; 270.8; 275.10; 
 276.5; to nod (head) 413.9 
 
 2. si-geq to throw away 
 284.2, 6; 384.15 
 
 gil, gil, g'd to grind 
 ya-gil {*geL) 341.8 
 
 gu, gu, gwen to wipe 
 h-gu to wipe 
 xdlgek"' I wipe 
 
 g'fl, 5'a, 5"«M to sew 
 ya-q'd to sew 
 5'«Mo awl 
 
146 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 q'a to say 
 
 1. ya-ya-q'a to say 265.4; 
 282.12; 293.2 
 
 ydq'a word 
 
 2. da-ya-ya-q'a to say to some 
 one 271.10; 273.8; 283.13 
 
 3. k'a-ya-q'a to send 256.9; 
 264.7; 270.14; 271.4 
 
 4. xa-ya-ya-q'a to say 273.3; 
 
 339-5 
 
 5. ya-si-q'a to say something 
 255.1, 14; 282.3; 291.3; 
 340.13 
 
 q'at' 
 h-q'aV 
 
 . q'vt' ydq'uiiq'dt' he went astray 
 (see 272.12) 
 
 q'dn, q'dn(?), q'Ln to quarrel 
 
 1 . ya-q'an to quarrel 
 
 xdn wvdLq'an he quarrelled 
 with me 
 
 2. h-qan to quarrel about some- 
 thing 296.4 
 
 q'ak' to alight 
 
 k'^-u-q'ak' 367.3; 401.2 (per- 
 haps also ci-g'a;>!: 300.7; ci-qaq 
 to go backward 260.4) 
 
 q'e, q'e{?); q'in to sit 
 
 1. ya-q'e 256.4; 265.5; 270.12; 
 280.10; 336.12 
 
 2. SL-q'e 306.2; to raise 381.6 
 
 q'W to suspect 
 ya-qit' 265.1 
 
 *5"eM (perhaps from q'a) (to pout?) 
 
 1. *t'u-CL-qen to think 3 12. 11; 
 369.10 (fM mind) 
 
 2. *k-qm to think of some one 
 393.10 
 
 q'ln, q'ln, q'in to fly (sing.) 
 ya-q'in 340.2, 3; 380.6 
 
 *q'ek' to remind 
 ''st-q'ek' 2 7 1. 1 
 
 *5'€i: to start 
 *j'a-?ei; 260. 1 1 
 
 *q'o' to drift (poles, wood) 
 *k-q'o- 376.2, 3; 377.4, 5 
 
 *g'"og'' water boils up (as in a rapid) 
 *ya-qoq 349.13 
 
 5"ux to travel by canoe 
 
 1. ya-q'vx 264.13; 272.14; 
 276. 1 ; 294. 1 
 
 2. SL-q'vx to carry by canoe 
 290.14; 299.9, 'O'' 310.6 
 
 *qasi?) 
 
 h-4as 381.6; 382.13, 14 
 
 Hi-^ac to bewitch 
 
 *qa'k"' to forget 
 
 1 . *si-ya-qak'" 266.7, 8, 9; 271 .2 ; 
 (380.12) 
 
 2. *5"jm; wudaqdktc every time 
 he came back(?) 315.9 
 
 ^a^", ^ag'' (?), qaq' to swim (fish) 
 
 1. ya-qaq' 269.8; 276.9; 277.13; 
 306.1 
 
 2. si-^aq' to cause to swim 
 268.8 
 
 ^az; to cut fish lengthwise, along 
 belly (see kez, RaE) 
 h-qa.E 
 
 *4e to blame 
 
 ya-4e 400.11; 415.6 
 
 *(,qi.s) to swell (qts flood 376.1) 
 ya-qi.s to swell (eyes) 327.4 
 
FRANZ BOAS — ^NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 147 
 
 *4ts to urinate 
 h-qes 
 
 4es to sew 
 ya-^es 
 da 4esi tailor 
 
 *qec to dry fish 
 ya-4ec 301.2 
 
 *4ic to draw water (?) 
 *4tca' bucket 
 
 *qi4 to squeeze 
 k'a-h-4i.4 362.9 
 
 *4elk' difficult 
 CL-4elk' 316.5 
 
 *^e£ to rush after one 
 h-4eE 353.10 
 
 *4ut to emerge 
 k'e-si-4ut 309.6 
 
 *4wan to dry salmon 
 ya-4wan 301.2; 306.4 
 
 * {4waL) to blow eagle-down 
 ya-4'WaE 307.7 
 
 jjcaf to fasten, to be attached 
 
 1 . ya-xat' to be attached 263. 14; 
 266.7 
 
 2. it-^af to fasten 271.13; (si.- 
 xat to drag, perhaps another 
 stem 392.4) 
 
 3. h-xat to cling, to be attached 
 269.2 (perhaps another stem) 
 
 xac, xdc, xac to cut 
 
 1. ya-xac 306.12; 3i5->4; 
 328.13 
 
 k'a-yoL-xac to carve 
 
 2. it-.x:flc to cut up 277.13; 
 362.10; 41 1.7 
 
 xdtc to give up {xetc ?) 
 
 I. ya-xatc 287.12, 13; 288. 1 
 
 2. ll-xatc 287.3; 306.9; 312.8; 
 363.12 
 
 ^ijw, xen, xen 
 
 sl-xen salmon has rough, many- 
 colored skin 
 
 xiV to draw, to paint 
 
 1. k'uxida pencil, brush 
 
 2. ci-xit' to paint 
 k'a.-ci-xif 318.6; 328.13 
 
 xiV to push 
 
 1. ya-xit 337.10; 353-14 
 
 2. it-.x:ii 285.7; 310.10 
 
 xli, xU, x'd to sweep 
 
 1. x'da broom 
 
 2. ya-xtt to sweep 
 
 3. it-.?c?Y to scrape (bark, etc.) 
 
 {xet? to tell) 295.6 
 
 xek"' to inhale 
 ya-xeh^' 
 
 XIX, XIX, xix a celestial body, 
 wind, ball, moves; to fall; to 
 run 
 \. ya-xix to reach 255.1; 
 258.1; 265.10 
 
 q'uf cu-ya-xix to be destroyed 
 266.9; 269.3 
 
 2. cu-U-xtx to destroy 276.13; 
 340.1 
 
 3. si-xlx bag, box, moves 339.41 
 343.6 
 
 4. cl-xlx (in consonantic forms 
 ctx), to run 254.1; 257.9; 
 339.1 
 
 XLxtc to be suspended 
 
 XI.L to fish with herring-rake 
 (Swanton: *xle) 
 ya-XLL 299.8 
 
148 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 xi(, xit, xli confusion, trouble 
 
 1. k'a-ya-xit trouble 3474; 
 370.8 
 
 2. k'd-ll-xit (hair, etc.) is en- 
 tangled, mussed 
 
 xun to start 
 
 1. at ya-xun to start for some 
 place 303.8; 359.2; 365.6; 
 367.10 
 
 2. at ll-xun to get ready 359.1 
 
 xkn, xun, xvn{?) thin 
 ll-xiln 
 
 xvk"' dry 
 
 1. ya-xdk"' to be dry 373.2 
 4u waxvk"' it is dry weather 
 
 2. sl-xvk"' to dry, to make dry 
 272.8 
 
 xwas to hang (translated 302.8 
 to be heaped up) 
 
 1. ya-xwai to hang 267.7; 
 302.8; 327.4 
 
 2. ll-xwas to hang (a long ob- 
 ject) 309.1; 332.3, 4 
 
 xwaL to be tired 
 
 dL-XWaL 
 
 xwen, xwen, xwkn to lift with a 
 shovel, a spoon (xwen ?) 
 
 1 . yd-xwen to take up with a ladle 
 
 2. ll-xwen 
 
 xds to scrape, to slice 
 
 1 . yd-xas to scrape 
 
 2. ll-xds to slice fish along back 
 
 xil to break in pieces 
 
 yd-xll 
 
 (xuw) to peg, to pin (see xuw 
 blanket) 
 I. yd-xu to pin a blanket, to 
 wear a blanket 344.10, 11 
 
 k'd-yd-^ to peg 
 2. sl-xu to drive in a peg 
 
 xd, xd, xen to eat 
 
 1. yd-xd to eat 256.5; 271.8; 
 
 283.7 
 
 2. sl-xd to eat all, to devour 
 280.11; 359.6 
 
 qo'saxa cannibal 279.1 
 
 3. ll-xd to eat 
 
 yd at' k'analxen he eats while 
 walking 
 
 xa to paddle 
 yd-xd 341.14; 342.1 
 
 *{xa) warrior 340.9; 341.6 
 
 *xa to take (perhaps the same as 
 ha) 279.2; 343.4; 370.10 (see 
 also 341.15; 342.1) 
 
 {xaw) hair 
 cd-si.-xaw to have hair on head 
 281.3 
 
 *{xat?) to extend (339.2?) 
 sl-xat 271.13 
 
 *xat to drag (see xaV) 
 SL-xat 392.4 
 
 xa's to sew with roots 
 
 1 . yd-xa's to sew with roots 
 
 2. it-xai to make a strong decoc- 
 tion 
 
 xan to fall down(?) 
 ci-xan 409.8 
 
 xaM to love 
 
 sl-xdn 401.3 (translation has 
 misprint "live" for "love"); 
 409.1 
 
 xaq{}) 
 
 sl-xaq to go(?) 254.8 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 149 
 
 xe, xe, xen to camp over night 
 
 (impersonal) 
 yk-xe 278.1; 341.15; 355.5 
 q'u-xe to camp out 356.14 
 xa-ya-xe to iast 310. 11; 319.7; 
 
 341.10 
 
 xes to say (probably xa+s) 
 ll-xe's 305.10; 367.1, 2 to say 
 k'a-li-xe's to put down 331.10 
 
 xxV to whip, to club 
 
 ya-XicV 289.8; 290.6; 348.3 
 
 xitc, xetc to throw 
 
 1. ya-xitc 263.5, 7; 290.11 
 
 2. U-xitc 289.10; 290.5 
 
 xin, xin, xin long object falls 
 sideways or moves turning 
 sideways 
 cl-xln 281.12; 347.3; 369.9 
 
 *xex to pour 
 si-xex 365.9 
 
 xex"{?), xex", xkx" to sleep, pi. 
 (singular t'd) 
 ya-xex" 281.8; 312.4; 328.4 
 
 *xeE afraid 
 
 k'a-h-xeE 272.5; 314.10; 334.4 
 
 xu{ to drop, to chop, to pull 
 
 1 . ya-xu{ to pull 274.11; 
 278.12; 285.8; 341.10; to 
 chop 369. 1 1 
 
 2. ll-xui to drop 277.9 
 
 3. si-xui to chop to a point 305.9 
 xiix", xux"{7), xta" to call 
 
 1. ya-xux"^ to call 259.8; 264.8; 
 311.4 
 
 2. ll-xiix" to sing the words to a 
 song 
 
 xll to polish 
 k'a.-cl-x'd 
 
 i.dn, iAn deep (water, snow) 
 ya.-j.dn it is deep 
 
 lak'^' to scratch 
 ya-jak'^' 268.2 ; 270. i ; 27 1 .9 ; 272.4 
 
 lek" to shake hands 
 h-iek" 372.5; 397.5 
 
 La large (see Len, p. 87) 
 ya-La 362.7 
 
 La to feed (?) 304.1 1 
 
 {Lak') new 258.3 
 
 Ldq', Ldq', Laq' to overcome, to win 
 
 ya-Ldq' (Swanton Lak 352.3; 
 
 i.ak 401.9, 402.9, 409.3; t.dq 
 
 284.9,356.4,367.10; Leq2gi.8) 
 
 Lax mouldy 
 ya-zax 301.5, 6; 31 1.5, 6 
 
 Lit'{i:lt'?) to let go 
 U-lU' 363.2 
 
 Lak"' scared 
 ya-Eak"' 272.3 
 
 £a^ wet 
 
 1 . ya-Ea^ to be wet 
 
 2. ^t-z:a^ to make wet 
 
 (Lew) sand 
 ya-Eew to put sand on 317.14 
 
 zzi", £ii", rW to cast ofiF, to abandon 
 U-Ett' 345.12, 13; 348.6 
 
 Eix(?) 
 
 1. yk-Eix bent back 275.8 
 
 2. ^t-£z?c dirty 304.12 
 
 *z;ti; to defecate 
 ya-ELE 367.3 
 
 i;u5' decayed, mouldy 
 
 1. ;ya-£i;5' meat, a single fruit 
 (Swanton yd-zia^ 254.3, see i.a:>t) 
 
 2. ii-iug entrails, fruits 
 
150 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 la complete, deep (le ?) 
 
 1 . ya-la water subsides, flood re- 
 cedes 377.7; long (time) 253.9; 
 far 331. 1 
 
 fadi naU (a hole, a bay) is 
 deep 
 
 2. U-la to cause (water) to go 
 down 376.6; 377.6 
 
 lax withered, famished (lax" ?) 
 ya-lax to famish 264.6; 265.1; 
 332.8 
 
 IW, lit', lit' to slit 
 
 1. Ufa knife 370.3 
 
 2. ya-lW to slit 
 
 lit' to scatter 
 ya-lit' 336.14 
 
 IU{?) lonesome 
 s'l-lif 330.11 
 
 hk' dizzy 
 k'a-ya-kk' ^6\.g 
 
 {lef) red (see ochre) 258.2, 5 
 
 {lu ?) to give away 344.14 
 ya-lu 
 
 lu4 to pour out 
 ll-luq 342.3 
 
 lai to pick up with tongs 
 
 1. {aia tongs 
 
 2. ya-lai 
 
 tex, tex, tkx to dance 
 
 'a-ya-iex 313.4; 318.8; 385.9 
 
 tix a pole breaks 
 
 I. ya-tix 253.5; 278.11; 290.8 
 
 iun to hunt on sea 
 
 'a-tun 267.5; 321.2; 369.3 
 
 § 50. Particles. 
 
 'd;ya (exclamation of pain) [173.3] 
 (said to be Tinneh) 
 
 'asgl perhaps [171. 12] 
 
 *'una 
 *unala' scarcely 349.13 
 *unaye'4 360. 1 1 
 
 'uc if, conditions contrary to fact 
 375.4; 410.10; 41 1.7 
 'ucgvcL what may it be? [174.6] 
 
 yax 
 
 tcayaxtsu once in a while [173.1 1] 
 k'ayax near [170.1] 
 
 yidat' now (yi time) 341.4; 
 
 344.6; 346-13; 372.6 
 j£5M Still, yet 297.9; 3704 
 wuc together [169.14] 
 
 zvutc mutually [169.17] 
 
 hah a (exclamation) [171. 10] 
 
 (hutc) ended, last 266.7, '2; 
 278.8; 290.1; 341. 1 ; 345.5; 
 361.13; 396.8 
 
 da{?) 354.15 
 
 df (imperative particle) 252.8; 
 359.7; [169.6] 
 
 de second preterite (plusqtiamper- 
 fedum) 341.6; 342.7; 343.12; 
 348.5, 6; 349.11; 363.1 
 dkgldel not at all 53.6 
 detca it had been that, indeed 
 
 273.14; 276.12; 278.7 
 de'sgvtc {*desgwa'tc) already; 
 2577. >3; 273.8, 12; 361.4, 
 12; 363.11; 364. I; [168.8,91 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 151 
 
 *sagu'tc since then 269. 1 3 
 
 segan to-morroyN 358.11 
 
 ia for a moment [171.6] 
 
 tsa just then, at once 256.4; 
 291.6; 295.11; 298.1; 302.10; 
 306.4 
 tsat'sa every one 369.8 {t'sa'tsa 
 319.15) 
 
 tsu again, also 252.7; 256.2; 
 258.13; 311.6 
 
 Uayuli at once 263.10; [170.8; 
 1 71. 9; 172.6] 
 *tsaqo' (nax) on the same — 370.12 
 
 tsas only 253.5,8; 259.11; 301.6; 
 304.10; 319.15 
 
 dja hush 
 
 tea just then 258.5; 261.5; 277.7; 
 
 333.12; 347.7; 359.6; 380.13; 
 
 [171.14] 
 fcaica right then 278.9; 290.1; 
 
 291.5; 332.4; whenever 
 teal just then not (i. e., when) 
 
 273.1 
 
 teue{?) 278.10; 289.10; 334.1; 
 403.9; 410.3 
 
 tea Still (?) 252.7, 8; 253.10; 
 
 259.2, 11; 333.9; 414.I 
 tcaan anyway, nevertheless 
 
 [168.11] 
 tcdyesv stiW [170.4; 172.11] 
 
 (contracted teu ?) 
 tcaldak'af all, everything 370.1 1 ; 
 
 372.4 (*djddaka't, tcaldaka't) 
 
 *detca it had been, indeed 273.14; 
 
 276.12; 278.7 
 teas only [172.16] 
 
 tcak'agenax easily, quietly 
 
 [168.8] 
 teak'ugeyL aimlessly 362.3 
 
 teak"' a long time, long ago 255.5, 
 9; 307.1, 2; 372.2 
 
 teu even 253.14; 256.13; 261.4; 
 [168.12] 
 *tcu{ya)yidat even (this) now 
 
 291.12 
 Hcuyidat even now 280.12; 346.3 
 tcul even not (i. e., before) 
 
 269.10; [170.14] 
 teuLe then 252.7, lo; 253.14; 
 260.3, 8, 9 (see Le) 
 
 gagt indeed 296.7; 332.7 
 
 gi interrogative particle 294.5; 
 
 295-5. 8; 333-II; 4II-5 
 gue all right! 344.8 
 gvek I don't know [168.7] 
 
 gul probably 347.7; 348.13; 
 350.10; 351.14; 356.7 
 
 gwa"- behold! [169.8; 170.11; 
 172.16] 
 
 *g'wale 
 
 de'sgvte already {q. v.) 
 *sagu'te since then 269.13 
 *yida'tguete when now 304.12 
 '^yida'tsqoetc when 304.9 
 
 k'at' condition contrary to fact 
 
 (k'at') 
 Idak'kt' all 277.12 
 Hcaka't right away 277.2 
 
 gd cry of raven 346.6 
 fonaye, gone beginning 252.10; 
 254.1; 349-2,4- 7 
 
152 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 q'a and 259.1; 296.5; 299.1, 3; 
 308.2, 3 
 *qa'tcu or 258.12 
 
 q'vd however 253.5; 254.10; 259.4; 
 289.10 
 
 *q6n(dx) [173.2] 
 
 tsaqd'n(ax) on the same 370.12 
 qond'xdaq rightly 253.13 
 
 ^ exclamation expressing pity 
 q 'ica'n you poor thing! 
 
 qega truly! 305.12; 308.5; 348.9' 
 
 12 
 
 *^un many times 258.1 {hln 
 260.1); 332.9; 379.6 
 
 xwan (*4wan) exhortative 258.3; 
 
 290.8; 296.6; 303.1; 310.3; 
 
 358.7 
 La then 257.10; 260.7; 298.6; 
 
 305.14 
 
 id^"" always 261.5; 280.2; 349.12; 
 361.2; 369.10 
 
 loo; very 256.5; 257.4; 294.2; 
 305.11 
 
 z.« then 252.9; 295.10; 297.8; 
 303.4, 8 
 
 Leya near by 363.6 
 
 Leyex stop! 109.4 
 
 Lek'ax then suddenly 
 
 Counting Objects. 
 Lex one 361.8; 362.8; 369.1 
 cfe'^c two 361.4; 362.11; 363.11 
 
 §51. Numerals. 
 
 Counting Persons. 
 Lenax one person 252.8 
 daxnax, daxnlnax two persons 
 
 Maife' three 
 
 daxun four 341.10; 343.11 
 
 k'edjin five 263.13; 348.13 
 
 *Leducu six 351.3; 353-8; 355.3; 
 
 354-5 
 *daxa'ducu seven (Handbook 198) 
 nasgaducu eight 268.12 
 *gucu'k nine 353.4 
 
 *djmkd't ten 341.12; 343.12; 
 350.6; 356.4 
 
 L^ga' twenty 354.9; 355.5; ^50.7 
 
 *daxu'ndjinkat forty 347.7; ?S4.'^ 
 
 272.15; 280.2; 343.13 
 na'sgindx three persons 347.9 
 
 Leducu'iiax six persons 353.8 
 
 uasgaducu'na.x eight persons 
 380.16 
 
 *da.\u' )id\inkadl'nkx forty persons 
 
 M7.7 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 Numeral Adverbs. 
 
 153 
 
 Ledahin at one time [169.1] 
 *daxdanl'n twice 258.2 
 
 daxu'ndahen four times 357.4 
 
 § 52. ENGLISH-TLINGIT VOCABULARY. 
 
 Words without special reference or with n. will be found 
 in the list of nouns; those marked v., in the list of verbs; those 
 marked p., in the list of particles; and those marked nu., in the 
 list of numerals. 
 
 abalone gunxd 
 
 abandon l'W v. 
 
 accompany 'at' v. 
 
 acts (a spirit) tsdq' v. 
 
 advise djd v. 
 
 afraid xce v. 
 
 again tsu p. 
 
 aim fan v. 
 
 aimlessly tcak'uge'yL p. 
 
 alight q'ak' v. 
 
 alive tsin v. 
 
 all tcaldak' a.t\ Idak'kV (see k'aV) p. 
 
 all right! guc p. 
 
 Alnus k'eclc 
 
 already de'sgvtc, gwatc p. 
 
 also tsu p. 
 
 always z,d^"' 
 
 ammunition cagun 
 
 among xo 
 
 Anas clypeata q'ln 
 
 ancestor ciik'a 
 
 and q'd p. 
 
 anger Ran 
 
 angry, to be gat' v. 
 
 anus t'oq' 
 
 anyway tcadn p. 
 
 appear yd, ddq', cu v. 
 
 approach ha v. 
 apron keded (see k'et') 
 Arctostaphylus uva ursi t'inx 
 arise naq' v. 
 armor na 'at' (see 'at') 
 armpit 'inl 
 around dd 
 arrow tciinet 
 arrow-bag tcugwel 
 arrow-head {taq') 
 ashamed, to be dex v. 
 ashes k'a(t 
 
 ask wus (see inquire) v. 
 astray, he went q'at' v. 
 attached, to be xat' v. 
 awaken git' v. 
 awl q'd V. 
 
 axe ( = stone wedge) t'dyis 
 back M, t'a. (?) 
 bad VF' V. 
 
 bag tsasgwel (see dids), gwel 
 bail k'vx V. 
 bait ydndcf", naq"' 
 bark ^mm 
 bark, thick fzy 
 prepared (for making matting) 
 t'tywud'i (see wut') 
 
154 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 basket (for berrying) q'ak"' 
 
 fine basket lit 
 
 shallow basket k'aV 
 bat sagedtt'an 
 bathe cute v. 
 be 'a, 'u, Vi v. 
 beach 'eq' 
 bear, black sW 
 beating time of shaman {xetc) 
 beaver skgedi 
 
 driving beavers sagedU'dn 
 before ciyit 
 before tcul p. 
 beginning gonaye p. 
 behave (?) kuk{?) v. 
 behind iek 
 
 place behind one dax 
 behold! gwaf p. 
 believe hinv. 
 belly qoE 
 belt (sik') V. 
 bent back rix (?) v. 
 bet t'aq' v. 
 bewitch qac v. 
 birch 'atdayi 
 bird tsvtsk"' 
 
 humming-bird dawatgiya 
 
 a water-bird su's 
 birth, some one gave ha v. 
 bite tax v. 
 blame ^e v. 
 blanket xuw n. and v. 
 
 woollen blanket ti 
 
 Chilkat blanket naxen 
 Blennius lut 
 blood ct 
 blow 'ux, sa v. 
 
 blow eagle-down (jwan) v. 
 blown, it is — along by wind sis v. 
 blue (green, greenstone) (suw) 
 bluejay jfecx" 
 
 board id 
 
 boil, to — in water t'd v. 
 
 (liquids) 'uk"' v. 
 
 water boils up (as in rapid) 
 q'oq' v. (see to bubble) 
 bone saq' 
 boots xwan 
 border yax 
 born, to be t'i v. 
 bottom side t'a 
 bow and arrows saqs 
 box q'vk"' 
 
 grease-box dane't 
 
 wooden box {uwv q'vk"' 
 boys kfsdni. 
 bracelet k'is 
 branch fcac 
 break (something) wdl v. 
 
 (a strap) kuts v. 
 
 (in pieces) xll v. 
 
 a pole breaks Ux v. 
 breathe 5a v. 
 bring (daylight) 'a v. 
 bristle (of sea-lion) {iada)did (see 
 
 xa) 
 broil iwi (near fire, not on a spit) v. 
 
 (on spit) tslk' V. 
 broom xW v. 
 
 brother (said bv female) 'tk 
 brother, elder hiinx; younger k'ik' 
 brother-in-law k'dni 
 brother's child (said by female) k'dlk'^ 
 brush xit' v. 
 
 bubble k'uq' v. (see to boil) 
 bucket jic v. 
 build y^x v. 
 
 (a fire) 'dk' (?) v. 
 burden xiy n., yd v. 
 burl (of a tree) sfii 
 burn gaw v. 
 
 burnt wood xud^i 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 155 
 
 bush Was 
 
 butt-end (of standing tree) gii 
 
 butt-end of tree ^e 
 buy 'm v. 
 cache teal 
 call xiix"', ix v. 
 
 call out (names at a feast) nk v. 
 calm ycE v. 
 camp out xe v. 
 cane (wutsagd) 
 cannibal, see xd v. 
 canoe yak"' 
 
 skin canoe djaqox 
 capture cat' (?) v. 
 careful (in use of something), to be 
 
 gas V. 
 caribou watsix 
 carry d'jal, cat' v. 
 (a ball) t'i v. 
 (a bag) fan v. 
 (a liquid in a vessel) 'In v. 
 (a textile) 'ax v. 
 (several things) ni v. 
 (by canoe) q'vx v. 
 (on back) ya v. 
 (on shoulder) gut' v. 
 carve xdc v. 
 
 (wood) teak" V. 
 cascade 4<^s 
 cast off eW V. 
 
 catch (fish with bait) nut' v. 
 (in snare) das v. 
 (with hook) hx v. 
 cave t'at'uk"' 
 cavity wul 
 cedar, red lax 
 
 cedar, yellow xdy 
 celery yanatt' 
 cellar jcaj' 
 
 certain, a — one Ziaf 
 Ceryle halcyon Idxane's 
 cheek wac 
 
 chest, breast xet 
 
 chest, box q'uk'^' 
 
 chew /■«;« V. 
 
 chief ( = town man) 'an qdwu 
 
 chin t'i 
 
 Chiton Stelleri caw 
 
 Chiton tunicata k'uw 
 
 chop xut, 'suw V. 
 
 circumference da 
 
 clam gai', gaz 
 
 claw ^jca^"' 
 
 clay 5 a 
 
 clear up ddq' v. 
 
 clever t'u v. 
 
 cliff !•«?, ^ti; 
 
 climb (with pole) tsdq' v. 
 
 cling xat' V. 
 
 clothing i«a^" 'at' 
 
 cloud gui, |TOai 
 
 club xu's 
 
 club, to jctcf V. 
 
 coals ociidii 
 
 cockle yalulet' 
 
 cohabit gdc v. 
 
 cold 'di V. 
 
 collect (oil on water) fan v. 
 
 comb xedu 
 
 come fan v. 
 
 come out kd v. 
 
 come up ha v. 
 
 came back, every time he — 
 4a k"' V. 
 complete la v. 
 completion yan 
 condition contrary to fact 'uc, 
 
 k'af p. 
 confusion xit v. 
 consume lid v. 
 cook (something) 'i v. 
 copper 'eq' 
 
 copper plate flnnd 
 cord sik' n. and v. 
 
156 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 cottonwood-tree duq 
 count t'uw V. 
 courageous (m v. 
 cover k'ef, k'ax 
 
 cover, to sd' v. 
 
 cover over hat' v. 
 
 cover up ga v. 
 
 be covered with $at' v. 
 crabapple xax 
 crack wd{ v. 
 cradle tuk' 
 crane dul 
 creak (?) KaL v. 
 crooked t'tx v. 
 crowbar, see fe'if v. 
 cry gdx v. 
 cut xac V. 
 
 cut fish lengthwise, alortg belly 
 4a.E, kaE V. 
 
 (into strips) han v. 
 
 he cut it kak" (?) V. 
 dagger (gwala.) 
 dance (ex v. 
 
 "they danced the house together" 
 kdc (?) v. 
 dark gif v. 
 daughter si 
 dawn ^"m 
 
 daylight is coming 'a v. 
 deadfall sin 
 deafness, see 'dx v. 
 decayed Lvq' v. 
 deep (water, snow) la v. 
 
 a hole, a bay, is deep idn, 'Ic v. 
 deer q'uwdk'dn 
 defecate ell v. 
 dentalia t'kxxe 
 
 depend (on some one) hvP v. 
 depressed djek v. 
 destroy, see xix v. 
 detain 5z^' v. 
 
 devil-fish nd(i" 
 devil' s-club saxt 
 devour xd v. 
 die nd v. 
 difficult 4^^lk', dii V. 
 
 difficulty u)ul v. 
 dig ha v. 
 
 (roots) sel v. 
 digging-stick k'd{ 
 direct, to djd v. 
 dirty rix (?), ^c^jJ v. 
 disappear ha v. 
 discouraged, to be ha v. 
 dish six 
 
 grease-dish kdk'ane 
 dive isis v. 
 dizzy hk' V. 
 do -Mf, na V. 
 dog ^"«L 
 
 dogfish (dog-salmon?) i'i't 
 door xatax, see fag' 
 down (of bird) ^w^^-c n. and v. 
 drag xat', xat v. 
 dragon-fly Iq'acicxdw 
 draw xit' v. 
 
 (water ?) ^ic v. 
 dream djun n. and v. 
 dress Eak\ da 'at' (see 'at') 
 drift ^wg", &ac v. 
 
 (plural?) fax v. 
 
 (poles, wood) q'o' v. 
 driftwood cag" 
 drill t'ul V. 
 drink wa v. 
 
 (inebriating drinks) cii v. 
 drive (animals, salmon) hat' v. 
 
 (away) tsdq' v. 
 
 (in a peg) (xitw) v. 
 
 (hunger away) feez: v. 
 drop XII ( V. 
 drum gaw n. and v. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 157 
 
 drunk, to be cu v. 
 dry xvk"' V. 
 
 (perhaps to try) ne's v. 
 
 dry fish qec v. 
 
 dry salmon qwan v. 
 duck gax" 
 dung hdL 
 dust six 
 
 dwell (Chilkat dialect) 'm v. 
 eagle tca% 
 ear guk'*' 
 
 easily tcak'agenax p. 
 eat xa v. 
 
 edge wan n. and v. 
 Edgecumbe, Mount eux 
 egg kwai 
 
 eight nasgaducu nu. 
 elbow (iy 
 emblem 'a.t'u 
 emerge Hd, 4ut v. 
 enclose hat' v. 
 enclosure hat' 
 end Cu 
 
 ended hutc, hutc n. and p. 
 entangled, hair, etc., is xil' v. 
 equal (of one) xon 
 even tcu p. 
 evening xana 
 every one tsaisa p. 
 everything tcaldak'kl' p. 
 exhortative ia;flM p. 
 exclamation of pity 4 P- 
 exclamation hahh p. 
 exclamation of pain 'aya p. 
 exclamation (cry of raven) go. p. 
 extend {xat?), cu v. 
 extinguished, to be kis v. 
 eye waq' 
 eyebrows si 
 face ya 
 fair w\) V. 
 
 Fairweather, Cape tsalxan 
 fall gt/", ;>cz;ic v. 
 
 (into a hole) ^o v. 
 
 (into a trance) i't^' v. 
 
 (mountain-sheep) sus v. 
 
 (down ?) xan v. 
 
 (sideways) ;iczm v. 
 famine lax" n. and v. 
 
 (there is a famine), see 'a v. 
 famous, to be sa v. 
 far ia v. 
 fast xe V. 
 fasten «;ai!" v. 
 fat t'ay, yet 
 father 'Ic 
 father-in-law wu 
 father's brother sane 
 father's sister 'at' 
 father's sister's child 'ic k'elk 
 feast, see ci v. 
 feather Mw 
 
 feathers (down) jwai: n. and v. 
 feed (?) La v. 
 feel, see t'i v. 
 fellow xdn 
 
 fermented, to be six v. 
 fern-roots, green kwalx 
 filth q'ahd's 
 find la, ti V. 
 finger Leq' 
 finger-nail xak"' 
 finish ni v. 
 fir ley'is 
 fire ^an (gdn) 
 
 fire-wood gan, $an n. and v. 
 firm djdq"' v. 
 fish, a Mgan 
 
 dried fish {'atqect) 
 
 fish with herring-rake xi.l v. 
 
 fish with hook fex v. 
 fish-hawk gldjuk' 
 
158 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 fish-oil 'ex 
 five k'edjln nu. 
 flatness tdl 
 flee keE (?) V. 
 flesh (?) 4ox'' 
 flood wd{, da v. 
 flounder isantc 
 flow (blood) wuq"' v. 
 fly, a small xin 
 fly (sing.) q'ln v. 
 
 fly yltc, dun v. 
 
 fly (an arrow) iuk'*' (?) v. 
 foam xel 
 
 fog ^TOiii V. (g'u^ai) 
 follow wus V. 
 food WM n. and v. 
 foot xus 
 four daxun nu. 
 
 foreign tribe (Athapascan) $unand 
 forget ^a'fe"' v. 
 fort nil 
 
 forty daxu'ndjinkat nu. 
 fox naga'sk 
 heeze 'dtv. 
 
 fresh /'m/c n. and v.; jfw v. 
 friend xon, {ca)gun 
 frog XLxtc 
 full, to be Z)t^' v. 
 
 to be full of gat V. 
 furnish ha v. 
 gaff-hook hi v. 
 gall /'^ 
 
 garbage qaite 
 garden f'dy 
 get (fire- wood) ni v. 
 ghost {k'vhxcLcan) 
 give rJ V. 
 
 give away (iw?) v. 
 
 give away (in potlatch) 'ek', 'u v. 
 
 give forth (a peeping-sound) 
 sun{k) (?) v. 
 
 give (in marriage) fan v. 
 
 give up xdtc v. 
 glacier sJ 
 go ha V. 
 
 go(?) xaqi?) V. 
 
 go (plural) 'af 
 
 go (sing.) gut' V. 
 
 go backward q'ak' v. 
 
 cause water to go down la v. 
 
 let go Lit' (?) V. 
 
 let go from hand naq' v. 
 
 go out (?) $ds{?) V. 
 fire goes out kis v. 
 gopher tsalk' 
 gossip ( = uncontrollable mouth) 
 
 'us V. 
 grained, it has a — surface tan v. 
 grandchild tcxdnk 
 grandparent I'M" 
 grass icuk'an 
 
 gray (withered hair) xdw la'x 
 greasy t'ett (?) v. 
 great d^i v. 
 green (siiw) 
 greenstone (suw) 
 grind $'U v. 
 grizzly bear xuts 
 ground Eatk' 
 ground-hog sax 
 grow 'a V. 
 
 grow up Wat' V. 
 gull k'eiadi 
 gun 'mw n. and v. 
 
 habit, to be in the — of doing i'dn v. 
 hair xdw n. and v. 
 hair switch tcin 
 half cii 
 hammer t'dql 
 hand rf/in 
 handle sak"t't 
 handle, see 'dw v. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 159 
 
 hang (a long object) xwas v. 
 
 hang yd v. 
 happen ni v. 
 happy, to be gv v. 
 harassed wul v. 
 hard wus v. 
 
 hard part of tree gaq"" 
 harpoon, sea-otter k'ai' 
 
 barbed harpoon-point 'ado. 
 
 three-pointed salmon-harpoon 
 i.dgwa 
 hat sax" 
 
 hat with rings sax" cadakuq 
 
 (a hat) with rings kuj (?) v. 
 hate Mn v. 
 have 'u v. 
 
 have as a taboo $as v. 
 head ca 
 
 head of bay gey 
 heaped up, to be xwas v. 
 hear 'ax v. 
 
 to be able to hear kwan{?) v. 
 heart fix 
 
 heat (an object) id v. 
 heavy dal v. 
 
 help su V. (used only to designate 
 supernatural help), ci v. 
 
 help some one steal away t'dw v. 
 heron lax 
 herring yaw 
 hide, to sin v. 
 hideous (k'vhxeLCan) 
 hill gutc 
 hit with something d:[v v. 
 
 hit with point t'aq' v. 
 hoisting-line, see yaq' v. 
 hold (id ?) v. 
 hole k'uq"' 
 home 'dn 
 
 hook, bent Uxa n. and v. 
 hook, halibut nax" 
 
 hop gwac V. 
 horizon sdt 
 horn «< 
 
 polished horn lenet' 
 hot, to be ^i3 V. 
 house hit' 
 however q'vd p. 
 hunger yan n.; see ha v. 
 hunt Jmm (?), cu V. 
 
 hunt fur-seal with barbed arrow 
 caqx V. 
 
 hunt on sea (un v. 
 
 go hunting ha v. 
 husband ;«ox'' 
 hush! dja p. 
 ice i'i^ 
 
 (large piece of) xaL 
 if 'uc p. 
 
 imitation, see f J v. 
 imperative de p. 
 indeed detca, gagi p. 
 infant of nobility 'dw^" 
 inhale ;>c«A"" v. 
 inquire was, wus v. 
 inside t'u 
 
 (of house) w«i 
 (of mouth) lak'a 
 instruct in some kind of work 
 
 dja V. 
 interlock (?) 'dk' v. 
 interrogative particle ^i p. 
 invisible gu-ha v. 
 invite 'ix v. 
 iron gay't's 
 
 iron hair-ornament tcin 
 island xai 
 jaw xa's 
 joist iag"' 
 jump ^an, fan v. 
 just then 'tsa, tea p. 
 keep quiet! (?) ^az: v. 
 
160 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 kelp gic 
 
 kelps, long, rubbed against one 
 another by waves t'W v. 
 kick tsex v. 
 kill (plural object) 'In v. 
 
 (singular object) djaq' v. 
 knife, see Itf v. 
 knock off (a piece) M v. 
 know k'v, guk' v. 
 
 1 don't know gvck p. 
 labret x:en(axa (see xa) 
 lake 'a 
 
 large d:[i, La, gk v. 
 last hutc n. and p. 
 last, to sak"' v. 
 laugh cuwq v. 
 lay down fa v. 
 
 lay on ha v. 
 lazy k'd v. 
 left side sat 
 
 length (of space), see yat v. 
 lie (speak untruth) iyel v. 
 lie down Va v. 
 life q'v 
 
 my future life, see gm (?) v. 
 lift (a long thing) fi v. 
 
 (a solid, elongated object) Van v. 
 
 (face of some one) cat' (?) v. 
 
 (with a shovel, a spoon) xwen v. 
 iight-complexioned wh v. 
 likeness yax 
 limb (of tree) ciy 
 listen ^ig', 'a;ic v. 
 live t'l v. 
 
 (at some place) 'a v. 
 
 (somewhere) 'u v. 
 lively 'Mi V. 
 
 living, a small thing /'di(/i) 
 load ga v. 
 log ;!fflw 
 
 (butt-end of tree) ^e 
 
 lonely, to feel ga v. 
 lonesome lit (?) v. 
 long Jia^ v. 
 
 long-elbowed tiy k'uwdt 
 long ago teak' p. 
 long time la v., ica^"' p. 
 long, to (?) tan v. 
 look $en v. 
 
 (at something, for something) 
 fin V. 
 
 (to set the face) 'a v. 
 lost, to be gd' V. 
 love xan V. 
 lynx ^ag' 
 
 maintain djdq"' v. 
 make yex, jzz v. 
 
 (a strong decoction) xas v. 
 
 she tried to make herself look 
 pretty, see no. v. 
 man q'd 
 
 many times qun p. 
 maple ^alxe 
 mark kwe v. 
 marry ca v. 
 marten kux" 
 master sati 
 mat gate 
 material sdk"' 
 meat ^tj' 
 
 meddle kaf (?) v. 
 medicine ndk"' 
 memorial pole dakei 
 menstruate wet v. 
 mentula (?) eel 
 milt Eel 
 mind f m 
 mind (?) aq" v. 
 mink Ivkuydn, iivkaydn 
 miss ia V. 
 
 moment, for a — ia p. 
 month dis 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 161 
 
 moon di,s n. and v. 
 
 moonshine dis v. 
 
 moose tsLS%" 
 
 morning t'sut'dV ■ 
 
 mortar faqayet 
 
 mosquito t'd4a 
 
 moss h^ga 
 
 mother la 
 
 mother-in-law tcan 
 
 mother's brother k'dk' 
 
 mother's brother's wife k'dk' cat' 
 
 mother's sister za^" 
 
 motion of long thing, point forward 
 
 guq' V. 
 mouldy Lax, zvq' v. 
 mountain cd 
 mountain-goat djanwi 
 mountain-sheep t'dwe 
 mouse k'agdk' 
 mouth xa 
 
 of a bottle or bucket qa 
 
 of river wat 
 move gd', ha, v. 
 
 (stars, living beings) sus 
 
 (bag, box) moves xix v. 
 
 (long things) ga's 
 
 (textile, blood) wuq'" 
 mud ^oLk' 
 muss xii V. 
 mussel yak' 
 mutually wutc p. 
 name sd n. and v. 
 navel fan 
 near yax, Leya p. 
 neck St. 
 
 necklace, bone saqsed 
 need, see ha v. 
 needle t'axdt 
 nephew k'el%, xax (?) 
 net $ew 
 
 for olachen $oqtc 
 
 nevertheless tcadn p. 
 new {Lak'), yis v. 
 night t'at' 
 nine gucu'k nu. 
 nod, to — head ge4 v. 
 noise, to make 'dx v. 
 
 ( = drum) (gawu) v. 
 north wind xun 
 nose lu 
 not Lei, I p. 
 not at all dkcgidel p. 
 now yidat' p. 
 ochre, red leq 
 offspring yat' 
 oily, to make yit' v. 
 olachen sak' 
 old {teak'), can v. 
 once, at tsa, t'sayu'k p. 
 once in a while yax p. 
 one Lex nu. 
 
 at one time Ledahin nu. 
 only tsas, teas p. 
 open kiE{?), RaE, tax v. 
 or qa'tcu p. 
 order nd. v. 
 other gvna 
 otter k'ucdd 
 outdo, to try to — others in eating 
 
 quickly clc v. 
 outfit, shaman's {ddldedi) 
 outside gdn 
 
 (of round object) da 
 overcome Ldq' v. 
 overdo t'sax v. 
 overflow wdt v. 
 owe ha. V. 
 owl tsvs^^ 
 own 'm V. 
 pack yd v., ?:z>' n. 
 
 pack up 'dx V. 
 paddle .xa n. and v. 
 
162 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 paint gwat, xW v. 
 painted boards jen 
 palate gaqtan 
 pass through djal v. 
 
 (a span of time) %d v. 
 
 time has passed kd (?) v. 
 patch t'iy v. 
 
 pay, would have to — for it gex (?) v. 
 peep, see 'a v. 
 peeping sound, to give forth a 
 
 sun{k) (?) V. 
 peg (xuw) V. 
 pencil, see xif v. 
 people qwdn 
 
 (tribe) na 
 perhaps 'asgl p. 
 person llngW 
 petrel ganuk' 
 pick k'eiu 
 (berries) Kdv. 
 pick out hd' V. 
 pick up (with tongs) (ai v. 
 pick up 'In, ha, cat' (?) v. 
 pin, to (xuw) V. 
 pipe saqdak'if (see seq) 
 pity, exclamation expressing 4 P- 
 
 you have pity on me ka (?) v. 
 place Latk' 
 
 (where something customarily is) 
 'U' 
 
 (between folds of something) g^ 
 place, to cat' v. 
 plain, it is gu-ha v. 
 playful 'us V. 
 plenty ha v. 
 point xdn, lu 
 
 (of land) 'ix, qa 
 
 (of spear) k'utc 
 point fan v. 
 point upward tsdq' v. 
 polish xll v. 
 
 poor q'anacgude n.; can v. 
 
 poor thing (can) 
 
 to become poor 'lean v. 
 porcupine, see kats v. 
 post gas, (gas) 
 pot 4'waE 
 pouch gwel 
 pound M V. 
 pour xex v. 
 
 pour out luq v. 
 pout q'en 
 preterite de p. 
 prevent wiiq"' v. 
 probably ^m^ p. 
 proximity xan 
 pry up k"d' v. 
 pull ;<:?</', yfr, yaq' V. 
 
 out (wool for spinning) t'uic v. 
 punish i/z V. 
 punt tsdq' v. 
 purpose yt.s 
 pursue naq' v. 
 push gu, xif, i'aq', tsdq' v. 
 put down xes v. 
 
 (before some one) djal v. 
 put on gex V. 
 put on surf-boards hvt' v. 
 put one thing into another tsii v. 
 put up t'd V. 
 put up against djaq"' v. 
 quarrel q'dn v. 
 quiet water ;v«i: v. 
 quietly tcak'agenax p. 
 quill q'lna 
 rafter xanas 
 
 rafters, small — of house sak"' 
 rain 5;; 
 
 raise q'e, (a child) wat' v. 
 raise (the hand) hdn v. 
 rat k'vtsin 
 rattle ccatx" 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 163 
 
 raven yel 
 
 ray of light xiis 
 
 reach xix v. 
 
 ready, to get xun v. 
 
 recede la v. 
 
 recognize t'ln v. 
 
 red (leq) v. (see ochre). 
 
 refuse ge v. 
 
 remain t'l v. 
 
 remind q'ek' v. 
 
 retaining-plank fax 
 
 rib suk"' 
 
 right away icaka't (see k'at') p. 
 
 right side ciy 
 
 right then fcaica p. 
 
 rightly qondxdaq p. 
 
 ring, twisted copper {k'at'ix) 
 
 rise (smoke) sis v. 
 
 roasting-spit /5ffe' 
 
 rock 'itc' 
 
 rock-slide q'at' 
 
 roe, salmon k'ahdk"' 
 
 roll rfyM;« V. 
 
 (stone) gwal V. 
 root ^tiir 
 
 rope fix n. and v. 
 rose-bush qonyel 
 
 rotten Evq"; six; (wood, fibre) naq"' v. 
 rub tcuk"', tcux" V. 
 
 rub on t'utc v. 
 run xix, guq' v. 
 
 (a fluid) wuq"' v. 
 rush after one 4^^, sux (?) v. 
 sack xadi 
 safe wij;;; v. 
 sail sis V. 
 salmon xdf 
 
 cohoe-salmon iuk"' 
 
 humpback-salmon teas 
 
 king-salmon U 
 
 sockeye-salmon gat' 
 
 salmon-nest k'ut' 
 
 salmon-skin xas 
 
 salmon-trap cal 
 
 salmon-head, stale Hink 
 
 salmon has rough, many-colored 
 skin xen v. 
 salt 'e( 
 
 same tsaqo'ndx (qon) p. 
 sand (ew n. and v. 
 sandbar xak"' 
 save nex v. 
 say q'a, xe's v. 
 scar t'il 
 
 scarcely 'una p. 
 scared z;a^"' v. 
 scatter liV v. 
 scrape ;^ai, {gas?) v. 
 
 (bark, etc.) xitv. 
 scratch i,aF' v. 
 sea 'et 
 sea-lion fan 
 sea-otter ya.x"tc 
 seal tsa 
 
 fur-seal xun 
 search ci v. 
 
 (for insects [in moss, hair]) hdf v. 
 seaweed la^dsk' 
 see fin v. 
 seize cdf (?) v. 
 sell hun v. 
 send q'a, no., ha v. 
 set up 'dk' (?) v. 
 seven daxa'ducu nu. 
 sew q'a, qe's v. 
 
 (with roots) xa's v. 
 (with cedar-withes) su v. 
 shadow Z)i5i 
 shaft, seal-spear cux 
 shake waf , j'M"" v. 
 (clothing) kiks V. 
 (hands) ^.ek" v. 
 
164 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 shallow (snow, water) tsdn, se v. 
 shaman 'ixi 
 sharp-pointed Ant's v. 
 sharpen (?) ne's v. 
 shell yi's, nux 
 
 pounded shell k'ats 
 shine gan v. 
 shirt Sudd's 
 shoe t'il 
 shoot 'un n. and v. 
 
 (something) <mF" (?) v. 
 shout ix, huk V. 
 show (?) guk V. 
 
 (one's self) cu v. 
 side, this q'ln 
 
 (of sheep) k'a.gedt 
 sideways, long object falls — or 
 moves turning sideways xln v. 
 since then sagu'tc, gwatc p. 
 sing ct V. 
 
 (words to a song) xux"" v. 
 sister (said by male) lM" 
 sister, elder cdix; younger k'lk' 
 sister's child (said by male) k'elA 
 sit (singular) 'a; (plural) q'e v. 
 six Leducu nu. 
 size, this, see gk v. 
 skate ictt^a. 
 skin duk!^, d^as 
 sky, in the xatst'u 
 slap {die v. 
 slave gux^ 
 sleep (singular) t'd n. and v. 
 
 (plural) xex" v. 
 slice xas V. 
 slime x^c 
 slit lit' V. 
 slow <cf>a^ (?) V. 
 small Aa V. 
 smile nuts v. 
 
 smoke ie^ n. and v. 
 
 (rising from house) smoke-signal 
 fax" n. and v. 
 snow Let' 
 snowshoes djddji 
 so it is na v. 
 soak kel V. 
 
 (salmon) t'i v. 
 some one q'd 
 son yW 
 
 song d n. and v. 
 south wind sanaxet 
 space, open xdk' 
 speak (to some one) Van v. 
 spear yis, tsdgdi 
 
 short hunting-spear wusdnl 
 
 spear t'dq' v. 
 spider, see i'aw v. 
 spin fax v. 
 spirit yek' 
 
 spit iii^", n. and v. (to broil on spit) 
 spit, to tux V. 
 splice tsu y. 
 split gat V. 
 
 sponge (for scratching skin) xacqo 
 spoon cal 
 spruce sif 
 squeeze qi.4 v. 
 stand (singular) hdn; fan v. 
 
 (plural) ndq' v. 
 
 (house, a town, a tree) 'd v. 
 start 5"ez;, .vhh v. 
 sta\' ft V. 
 steal fdw v. 
 steer ftbi v. 
 
 (in a certain direction) ia;; v. 
 stem of plant idf 
 stench tcan v. 
 step yds V. 
 stern-sheets, see ydq' v. 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 165 
 
 Stick (q'as), was 
 Stick out, up cu V. 
 stick out tsdq' v. 
 still yesu, tea p. 
 stingy geq' v. 
 stitches, it has idn v. 
 stomach yuw, ^ol 
 stone t'k 
 stop! Ley ex p. 
 stop (?) tsis V. 
 
 rain stopped Van v. 
 stored away, he always had things 
 
 {tear ?) V. 
 straight tciin v. 
 strange, something k'astyk 
 strap 'aw, v.; sik' n. and v. 
 strength, see tsin v. 
 
 he spoke to get strength (?) hik' v. 
 stretch yW v. 
 strike gwdl v. 
 
 string, to — on a thong 'ic v. 
 stringers, long, of house 'aqaxyd' 
 strong tstn v. 
 subside, to la v. 
 sun gdn 
 supply ^d V. 
 surf-boards, see hvV v. 
 surface k'a 
 
 (of bottom) t'a 
 surprise djUe v. 
 suspect q'lV v. 
 suspended, to be xixtc v. 
 
 means of suspension, see 'dw v. 
 swallow kwate, nuV v. 
 sweep xd V. 
 swell {qt.s) V. 
 swim (a bird) kwan, ha v. 
 
 (fish) 'd, 'qdq' v. 
 
 (person) idte v. 
 
 (a quadruped) hu v. 
 
 (under water like a fish) ^^u v. 
 
 swing gaq' V. 
 
 taboo, to have gas v. 
 
 tail iif 
 
 tailor, see ^«i v. 
 
 take xa{?), t'l, edt', ni v. 
 
 take name from something sd v. 
 
 take off hit' v. 
 
 take up with a ladle xwen v. 
 
 a supernatural being takes some 
 one away nex v. 
 tallow t'u, yene'si 
 teach t'uw v. 
 tear, to iei' v. 
 (tell xet ?) V. 
 ten djmkd't nu. 
 tentacles of squid Leq', qds 
 thank you! {teic ?) v. 
 thief, see t'dw v. 
 then tcuLe, La, lI p. 
 thin xiin v. 
 thing 'a, 'at' 
 think g'eM, Van, dji v. 
 
 (about one's self) gaz (?) v. 
 thong dids 
 thread Vas 
 three wai^" nu. 
 through, when he got ga v. 
 throw guq', djuq, xite (gite), 
 
 ge4 V. 
 thumb gue 
 thunder xeL 
 tie (a knot) dux" {tuq") v. 
 
 (to head) tan v. 
 
 (a bundle) 'dx v. 
 (with a strap) 'dw v. 
 timbers, main — of house daededi 
 tired, to be xwaL v. 
 tobacco, balls of wac 'aV 
 
 leaf-tobacco gantc 
 together wue p. 
 toilet-sticks tcda 
 
166 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 to-morrow se^kn p. 
 
 tongs tat n. and v. 
 
 tongue tut 
 
 tooth 'ux 
 
 top k'i 
 
 touch ci V. 
 
 tough wus V. 
 
 town 'an 
 
 track k'e v. 
 
 trail de 
 
 tramp (?) ^d v. 
 
 transport ha v. 
 
 trap, see $at' v. 
 
 travel (by canoe) q'vx v. 
 
 tree 'as 
 
 (used for making bows) saqs 
 
 part of — above man's height da 
 tribe na 
 
 trouble xil, wul v. 
 truly qega p. 
 try xv'k"'', 'u, nes{?) v. 
 turn back dji v. 
 twenty teqa nu. 
 twice daxdam'n nu. 
 twist ft^, TesJ v. 
 two de'x nu. 
 underneath, place yi 
 upside down, to be gwai v. 
 urinate 4^s v. 
 urine kwas 
 
 use (one's strength) 'dx v. 
 valley ^a^', canax (see ca) 
 vertical feziw 
 very lox p. 
 voice 5a v. 
 
 voice is alwa\'s heard (gawu) v. 
 wade hu, ha v. 
 wager hq' v. 
 walk (in company) 'at' v. 
 
 (alone) gut' v. 
 
 want Ad v. 
 war xa n. and v. 
 
 warm, to make a person feel (a v. 
 
 warrior ;«fl n. and v. 
 
 wash 'its V. 
 
 watch del, t'tn v. 
 
 water hin 
 
 high water g''fi 
 quiet water yez v. 
 
 wave fit' v. 
 
 wealthy mo.^^ v. 
 
 wear (a blanket) xuw 
 (clothing) 'a v. 
 
 weasel da 
 
 weave nk v. 
 
 (a basket) '^fe' v. 
 
 wedge yts 
 
 wet £a^ V. 
 
 whale ydy 
 
 what may it be? 'ucgvd p. 
 
 when (gwatc) p. 
 
 whetstone, see >»« v. 
 
 win Ldq' v. 
 
 whip XLct' V. 
 
 whistle VF' V. 
 
 whittle yex v. 
 
 wide q'ak"', wuq v. 
 
 wife cdf 
 
 wind nuk^' 
 
 wipe I'M V. 
 
 withe iw 
 
 withered ^dx v. 
 
 wolf guic 
 
 wolverene nusk"'. 
 
 woman cdwkV 
 
 women cd 
 
 wonderful dp v. 
 
 wood tuw 
 decayed wood xiin 
 dry wood \uk"' (see dry) 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 
 
 167 
 
 word q'a v. 
 
 work no. v. 
 
 world Ibtglt' 'ant (see 'ani) 
 
 wound, to tcun v. 
 
 wrestle ha. v. 
 
 wring Vkx v. 
 
 wrinkled huE v. 
 year fak' 
 yet yesu p. 
 young yis v. 
 younger brother k'l^ 
 younger sister k'lk 
 
§53. TEXT/ 
 THE ORIGIN OF THE MOSQUITOES. 
 
 [Only vowels with high pitch are marked in this text. All unaccented vowels have either 
 
 low or indifferent pitch,] 
 
 Gvnand q'vwav. has dvxux 'awe q'lif djcwahd hat' 
 
 Foreign tribe lived. Their midst in that some one moved a certain 
 
 k'asaya. tcvLe fvnayk wvgud'i dax lel hngW yax wvVt 
 
 strange being. Since then beginning walking from not person like he was 
 
 Uv duLd tsu Lel 'at' yax 'ada t'uwvt'i. tea Lak"' 
 
 Even his mother also not anything like her about his mind was. Always 
 
 'at'gvVut' nagvttc k'analsdk"' q'a tsvtsguxsdni 'i'n. tea 
 
 things butts walking squirrels and birds little killing. While 
 
 inside at always 
 
 5 ya'nalgeni yax 'awe de'sgvte 'vxi 'atgvt'ude. wa'nanlsawe 
 
 becoming big like that gradually he camped among What was that 
 
 butts inside. 
 
 duin wvadi 'at^ats^u guV nel 'uwaghV. gusu an 
 
 him with they walked little boys, without home he went. "Wheri with you 
 
 'a qua dutdte xewawus. tsds guee 'awe 
 
 the one however?" his mother questioned him. Only, "I don't know" that one 
 
 yan'awlidjaq'". tea k'agenax 'awe desgvte tsu qvf'awd^Lgi't' 
 
 maintained. Quietly that one gradually again disappeared 
 
 'atiats^u. desgute tsu qvV'awdiigi'V. we 'ak'asayik tsu 
 
 little boy. Gradually again he disappeared. That little strange being again 
 
 10 desgute yaylnayai 'atgut'ude. duk'dkhas daxunindx hasyat'i. 
 
 gradually the time at butts inside. His maternal four of them were, 
 
 getting longer uncles 
 
 haste q'va de has 'ayaq'tt' hdsdukil^. ttaa'n 'awe 
 
 They however then they were suspicious of their nephew. Nevertheless that 
 
 duidte Lel awlxdtcx dity'itlk. ten ndndx 'aq'iiii 'awe q'aq' 
 
 his mother not gave up her son. While quietly silting (pi.) that lynx 
 
 ' Written by IVlr. Shotridge; corrected from dictation up to the point indicated in footnote. 
 
 (168) 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 169 
 
 nel 'afwaya. udahin duid Lax dut'uwu sigu 
 
 into house he carried it. At one time his mother very her inside happy 
 
 duyltLka'x. duk'a'k' has q'ua 'awe tea 'ac'uwaqiV. yan 
 
 her little son for. His uncles they however that him suspected. Finished 
 
 'atxd 'awe dutd'tc yeyawsi.q'a. 'axyitk' gvsa Lax I 
 
 eating that his mother this front said: "My little son why very not 
 
 yuq'aca duhsgun. hande 'lcu'V q'uq'ahddl. wasa 
 
 that man's head has been washed? Put it here, thy head I'll search.'' How 
 
 5 q'uLd q'ak'uan^vnutc 'ayax 'awe t'ut' 'aca' wat'i duyiti,. 
 
 man's mother caresses that like that towards its head carried her little 
 
 her son. 
 
 Le 'acdde yanacini 'i'n 'awe 'acxetk'aV. cawvddex. Legade 
 
 Right its head to she was touching with that her chest. Head struck her. "Away! 
 
 Lax q'vtx xatk'ayeslxin. Le k'ax daq' cawaxlx we cawat' 
 
 very excessively me you love." Then suddenly back fell that woman, 
 
 we Uaxitc^i q"va Le gd'nt' wvdjixlx. gwa"- tcv Le gwdya 
 
 that Tsaxitcki however then outside to ran. Behold! Right there 
 
 dtvcetk'd yan 'uwad hat' 'in icunet-xedi. Le Lei tsu 
 
 her chest on ground is there certain flint arrow mouthpieces. Then never more 
 
 10 wvdasd. tcv Le 'dsglwe ducak'kv t'uwua' hat' "in we 
 
 she breathed. Right then that his small head in grew certain flint that 
 
 tsaxitch. tcv Le duLd 'awvdjagi dax hv q'ua Le Lei 
 
 Tsaxitcki. Then his mother he had killed her from he however then not 
 
 ^511 wudust'i'n. tea yik'a'wayd'ti ykx 'awk desgvtc hngit' 
 
 again was seen. Just a short time like that gradually persons 
 
 Ldnx 'atuni tsu Lei hax 'va't'. de Lax q'vdax yaq'acunaxba 
 
 large hunters also not hither walked. Nearly somewhere disappeared 
 
 ones from 
 
 'awe wuc'in wvdui'di wutc'in'a Lenox haf'a' 'uwagvt'. tea hutc 
 
 those together walked mutual relatives one only hither walked. He himself 
 
 15 'awe tsdq'u'n 'ak'awanik' tsax'dc^dc q'vdax yacvnalxlxi we 
 
 that with another he told it: "Tsaxitcfct from they disappear those. 
 
 'ant'aq'ini. tcu Le dax 'awdvnhgu t'ux 'awe wvligds we 
 
 town sitters." As soon as from it was learned inside that moved off that 
 
 $vnana. tcu 'adax 'aya Lei yank'dxhaulgasx. Lax wutc 
 
 foreign tribe. Then from this not on ground on we moved camp. Very mutual 
 
170 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 xanga k'awdihayi yax yafiyia 'aWe tea wvtc k'ayaxwvdiaf 
 
 relatives due like were that as it were together went 
 
 we daxninax yaViyl tsaxltch k'akhas. tsu wvtc k'ayax- 
 
 those four being Tsaxitck's uncles. Also together they 
 
 haswuugd's. 'ax has q'vwauwuyeddx 'awe wutc waq' 
 
 moved camp. Then they living from that together eye 
 
 ciy'i$a has 'ada tdx""nutc. tcayesh q'vt'udid'i yuayh. 
 
 in the way of they around used to make Still we are living thus. 
 
 smoke-signals. 
 
 5 Lex tsv q'exd te yaanat'dxv 'awe Lax k'lkia duhvnxuhas 
 
 One still morning as soon he made a that very youngest his elder brothers 
 
 as smoke-signal 
 
 segLga awLigin. gwa°- tea dex gwawe yanax 'a'kawdi,d. 
 
 smoke for he looked. Behold! Only two those on ground through stood up. 
 
 Le net wugudi 'aTwe ducat' 'i'n 'ak'awani'k' 'ax^'stha 
 
 Then inside he went that his wife with he told: "1 missed 
 
 hasdusegi. tsa yu% x^an hasduxex 'at' nat'i we 
 
 their smoke. At once do! their mouths into something put those 
 
 'atydtxi. tsu 'ago. we yigigi 'awe hasdu%lyi gute t'ude 
 
 children." At once then that day that then back hill inside to 
 
 10 q'vk'awd^iha. 'addx t'a'V wu'edase'x hdsduydtxl k'dx ydn 
 
 they dug. After that night they changed about their children over them finishing 
 
 has a'wddel. 'addx q'e'ndd ted Lex gwd we de ydndx 
 
 they guarded. After that when daylight came only one indeed this past surface from 
 
 'andeu duhunxvhds segi. tcu ydnde yddk'dndhe'nl ie'k' 'awe 
 
 standing his brothers' smoke. Then towards end digging while this 
 
 diiedV q'iid ydnaet' la'x wuck'dde 'ayd. ydn 'ak'dhd 
 
 his wife however celery withered on top of one while she Finishing he dug 
 
 another carried it. 
 
 'dwe hdsduiew t'uhidi. tsu ^iinaa 'dyt 'ak'auahd. tcul 
 
 this their sand inside house. Again another one inside he dug. Before 
 
 15 xedtdji 'awe hdsduydtxl xex ydn has 'dtwhsixd. 'dtxdwe 
 
 night came then (heir children mouths finished they fed them. From then 
 
 tcu duedV we ydndet Id'x ydx yd'ak'dndhe'ni 'dwe we' q'd 
 
 while his wife this celery withered on surface was spreading that that man 
 
 q'i)d hdsduydx 'at' ddsa 'dx'\ Le ydnde ydxendddl 'I'n 
 
 however their likeness it something tied. Then finish to as night came with 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 171 
 
 'awk duyatxi 'In ykn 'awslnlyl 'iVk'adk ducat' 'hk'awand. 
 
 this his children with finishing what he made room into his wife he sent. 
 
 daglnaa yik 'dwe cut'awdtdk'. we xanddx u 'awslxex" 
 
 Outer room under that he built a fire. This fire around then he put them. 
 
 We lingW ykx 'awas'idl tcuk'wdn yan'asni 'awe ducat' 
 
 these person likenesses made grass finished that his wife 
 
 xannax ddq' 'iiwagvt'. we itxawulx has 'acawstaxv tsdlgl 
 near to inland went. This room mouth hole they hung a gopher 
 
 (into her room) at (at door) 
 
 5 xu'w. has 'ak'awhsei 'andx 'awe has 'dlt'in has dvxdwuL 
 • blanket. They tore it; through it they could see their door hole. 
 
 ducat' sa ydn'dwddel t'atyin k'atutdax 'awes duxh^". 
 His wife for a while finishing, watched, night in middle from that her husband. 
 
 tciil da'sa 'dwusttni 'awe Le q'ewdd. Le yadk'dnddgdni 
 
 Before anything he saw this then dawn came. Then daylight coming 
 
 'tn 'dwe ga'nl yvx wvq'vt' we q'd. duhvnx segi gd Le 
 
 with this outside there went this man. His brothers' smoke for then 
 
 'dwLLgm. decgldel 'dndx k'evndlststc. tsayu't" 'awe 'dwata'x", 
 
 he looked. Not at all it through up it blew. At once this he made a 
 
 smoke-signal. 
 
 10 lek, Lei 'aya'x tax^ 'dwvst'tn. hdha dewdvwadjaq' 'axhvnx, 
 No, not in return smoke-signal he saw. "Oh! he has already my brother," 
 
 been killed 
 
 ye t'uwdt't. Le nel wvgudl 'In 'awe ducat' 'in ' dk' dwdnt' k' , 
 
 '•hat he thought. Then into house going with this his wife with he told. 
 
 Lei 'dwvt'dx" 'ax'dyi ykx dewtduwadjaq' 'dsgl 'axhvnx. — 
 
 "Not he made mine in return; already some one perhaps my brother." — 
 
 smoke-signal killed 
 
 yegvdyiydx xwdn 'axyatxusdni, ydydq'd 'm 'awe 'd'dcvk'vdje's 
 
 "Keep up your do, my little children," this word with this instructing them 
 
 courage, 
 
 'dde hdsgvgdsgltyd ted hds cqdsnexni. wdsd ndt'ttc gvndnd 
 
 what to they fall into line, if they should escape. Something it is usually other tribe 
 
 like 
 
 15 'atydtxt, tcv Le tvk'kd'ddx ted $vnddt' ydx hds ndt'ttc. 
 
 children as soon as cradle on from then different likeness they become always. 
 
 things 
 
172 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 'ayax 'awe has yat'l yd 'at ydtxt. Ua-has has 'at' 
 
 That one's this they are these children. They themselves they something 
 
 lilceness 
 
 'tn 'at' t'ukt has 'aclgu'k'. 'ate 'awe lel Lax 'ad'iik'awvxli 
 
 kill something they are skilled. Therefore not very in mind troubled 
 
 to shoot 
 
 duyatxi yd q'd. Lax ^aden' awsik'u de' duW q'uwvhdyl. 
 
 his children this man. Very well he knew (had) to him (time) had come. 
 
 tcaldak'at' we yaglyl Lei Leyex yewut't Idak'aV 'at' yande 
 All this day never he moved about everything to end 
 
 5 yaanasnin. t'at' yaylde Le yande ydxenaadi 'in 'awe tsu 
 
 doing. Night before then to end night coming with this again 
 
 'aylde has wud't' we tewt'uhldt. Le tsayu^" wiit'd we q'd. 
 
 into it they went this sand inside house. Then at once slept this man. 
 
 ducat' q'vd's ted ydn 'dwdddl. Lex t'dt' k'diii't' t'd 
 
 His wife however then finished guarded. Then at night middle sleep 
 
 duk'dndx wvt'i. Le duxux" yuawaxlte etddnde. Le k'tnddtcun 
 
 on her was. Then her husband she pushed: "Do get up!" Then straight up 
 
 wunuk'" We q'd. tcul yiwuydtt 'awe t'dtc 'uwadjdq' ducat'. 
 
 he sat this man. Before long time this sleep struck her his wife. 
 
 10 Duxdni taden 'dwslnt. Ldx tsayii'^" 'dwe tsii hdsdulti k'dndx 
 
 This fire well he made. Very at once this again their room on through 
 
 tsu daq' 'uwdgvt'. ted yesbl yindydidji 'awe 'dwddx we 
 
 again inward he went. Just then not between long this he heard this 
 
 ydndet' ldx wvdutsexl. Le tsayii'^" 'awe ydn'uwdni. 'dlt'in 
 
 celery withered being shaken. Then at once that he was ready. He watched 
 
 we tsdlgl-sehndx, we 'dndx nelde 'dt' gvgdgvtyd. 
 
 that gopher blanket torn through, that through into house something was about to go. 
 
 Lei k'egv^dhd we k'dldx xilx ydndghdi ye t'uwdt'v. 
 
 ,'Not it will appear those withered ones among going," that bethought. 
 
 15 tcayesbl 'dcust'iyt 'dwe, hide k'ecuwduwddx hdsduxdwulx has 
 
 A little while not expecting that, to here some one lifted their entrance they 
 
 'dcdwsldxv 'at'. Gwd"- teas 'dndx 'dwe nel ydwdfid dvk'el^dtsku. 
 
 hung thing. Behold! Only through that inside face moved his little nephew. 
 
 Le we hgeyld tciik'dnda dxx" 'dwe 'dxdydwsd'dn dvtcvneth. 
 
 Then that larger grass bundle towards that ■ its mouth he directed his little arrow. 
 
FRANZ BOAS— NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 173 
 
 UvLe yaak'an^sxddl 'In 'kwi wk tkti dusaqs-k'adid.-si. we 
 
 Then he spanned it with that that Mttle thing his bow on thong. That 
 
 q'd tsu Le dukeHats^k 'inix 'axayawsd'an diiayi q'vnax 
 
 man also then his little nephew his armpit to he mouth directed his right 
 
 'amt-k'u^ux. 'hwk 'adjlwknaq\ 'kyd', yewduwaax we ikik 
 
 his armpit hole to. That he let it go. "Oh!" he sounded ' that little thing, 
 
 hutc. Le Lei 'awust'tn we q'dtc. Le yaq'enaent 'In 
 
 ended. Then not he saw it that man. Then when it began to dawn with 
 
 5 'awe gLnx yiix haswud't' 'ii.x{)S 'U'i§a has 'kn^algmr. 
 
 that outside out they went its foot place after they looked for it. 
 
 Gwa"-'^ Le hasduxawMdax gwdwe k'awdliuq" d. yangaVinin 
 
 Behold! then their door from where that- dripped blood. "When were seen 
 
 xwadjkgL 'dt' xi}S 'Ulyik' Lil 'kkdi yuux Laxats glnutc 
 
 what 1 struck something foot place under not even I always lack courage 
 
 duLtde k'vq''agut', ducat' ye 'aywsiq'd we q'd. tcul gunaye 
 
 its place to 1 shall go," his wife he said to her that man. Still not beginning 
 
 'ugutdji. ducat' yanacuk'awadjd k'vdjlden xulltcun, 'ate 
 
 with his going his wife he instructed: "Severely I wounded it, with that 
 
 10 xwdn I'd "d'uyaxvdq'. Lax dex xat'vxini xwan tsd 'dx'itde 
 
 do not your mind trouble Very two (days) stay do, then my place to 
 
 about me. 
 
 ndglydgut' q'a tcdydxtsu yddnilgintc 'axsegigd. 'atx 'awe 
 
 go, and now and again look my smoke for." That from that 
 
 Le gvndye 'dk'awslk'e we tat^ xus'it'i. desgides yagagut', 
 
 then beginning he tracked that little thing foot place. Continually he walked, 
 
 'agdl yeust'tndjtya. waydt'i yiyexsawe Lax k'vilden 
 
 for that not with seeing. Here and there was time it was that very much 
 
 cl 'axsdt'lntc 'dxus'Uxlsanl yix. tcdlddk'at' we yagiyt 
 
 blood he saw it its foot places little under in. All that day 
 
 15 'ak'dwslk'e. tcuLe q'vk'dcgW tsd 'vwdxi. Le yd. q'e naeni 
 
 he tracked it. Then it became dark only he camped. Then this dawn coming 
 
 t'ux 'awe 'dwddx hat' k'dgW sd hd'6 hb'6 ho 6. Le 
 
 in it that he heard a certain k'dgit' voice: "H6'6 ho'o hoo." Then 
 
 ' From here on, the text has not been revised by me from dictation; spelling and translation 
 have, however, been compared with the material presented in this paper. 
 
174 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 k'tndatcun wutclq'ag. Le tsu q'vwdfiax. tcu q'Uaxst 
 
 upright (he sat?). Then again he listened. Still continuing to listen 
 
 'awe 'ak'ax 'awiXgtn hat' 'di". ghnax 'ak'ade 'aWe 
 
 that on it he saw a certain small lake. When through towards it that 
 
 tsu 'dwaax we k'a$U' gundaniix. ydq'ek'gaen Lei ye 
 
 also he heard that k'agtt' another(?). It became dawn not that 
 
 xdwbq'd k'dgW. 'dtc'dwe 'awaq'tf we 'at' sa. Le 
 
 uttered a sound k'dgJt'. Therefore he suspected that something's voice then 
 
 5 tsdyu^" 'awe 'dydnade dak' wvdjtxlx. Le we cakiyl ye 
 
 at once that to its side out ran. Then that mountain foot that 
 
 yandgvdli'n 'dwe wutcx yandudx we 'at' sd. 'ucgvd, 
 
 with his reaching it that together he heard that sound. "What may it be?" 
 
 yu t'uwdt'l. Le we 'd^"yaxi ddk' ndgudt 'awe 'dwsit'ln 
 
 he thought. Then that little lake edge out he went that he saw 
 
 hat' k'dgW 'dtxd 'he ydx 'ad'vwdydt'i. k'dsdydden 'dt'lnitc 
 
 a certain k'dgit' eating like he thought. Strangely acting 
 
 'dwe Le 'awdlun de 'dxdn ya'dk'vndlslnt 'dwe 'dwddx, 
 
 that then he approached already near him hiding that he heard, 
 
 10 'dyd. tsi) ndgi), xdt' tsv hutcldyi 'ik'dk' gidjdqdt'. 
 
 "Oh, again go! me also bring the last your uncle for murdering." 
 
 Gwd"-, dukelkdtstu gwa'yd t'dk'dt' sdt'd'n dex k'dgW 
 
 Behold! his little nephew who stone on lying, two k'aglt' 
 
 dutdgk'dde xddixwds. tcvLe we k'dgW ydndvdxll'n 'dwe 
 
 at his side hung with their mouths. Then that k'dgit' with making noise that 
 
 'dk'd ddk' djlwdigvV. Le duxiist k'iyuyddnasnini 'dwe, 
 
 on out ■ he carried it. Then his club he raised up that, 
 
 lisd, yu 'dcydwsiq'd. 'dxk'd'k'i llsdl xdt' tdjagxi'^. 
 
 "Wait a while," that he said to him. "My uncle, wait, don't me kill." 
 
 15 Le dudjink k'edwsit'dn. yvt' 'iia 'dxtcdli q'd yu't' q'a 
 
 Then his little hands he raised. "There are my caches and there and 
 
 yu't' 'dxux ydndtcex {Lei xvsdk'v 'dsdxu). tcdladk'dt' 'idy'i 
 
 there," among them he pointed (not 1 know their names). " All thy 
 
 sdk'i. haw gutc xdt' djd^de. Le ydnde ydxdndat'dnt 'dwe 
 
 material. Now go on! me killl" Then to end when he talked that 
 
 'dcdk'dwdUx. de we k'd$it' q'vyektc ddk' k'andUe^i 
 
 he struck his head. Already that k'dgit' spirit out they sucked on surface 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 175 
 
 'asgi We tcvnetxedl 'ak'awagaq'. le tsayuk 'awe 'ayi gam 
 
 almost that arrow mouth he discovered(?). Then at once that under wood 
 
 wuck'd 'ak'awatcak'. 'ak'd ydn 'ast'd 'awe 'ayW 
 
 together he piled. On it finished he laid him that under 
 
 'ak'awUgan. Lax k'axsagdn, 'awe 'ayak'awhkis 'ayi gam 
 he lighted it. Very it had burnt, that he extinguished it under it fire 
 
 yd 'dsagi whck'hdk 'dkldxitxi 'kwe Le k'kUix slt't. 
 
 this its smoke together he was gathering that then ashes became. 
 
 5 'dyd Lax 'dd'uwdksdyeyitc, 'awe 'dwMx, Le we 'dx 
 
 This very surprised him, that he blew on it; then that at it 
 
 'd^vk'dt' k'dwasusi yex 'di«6 we k'dti q'vd Le Vdxax 
 
 little lake on . falling at that that those ashes however then mosquitoes 
 
 whsWi. 'ddyd tcv tsdxUck k'dtit 'dyd ylddV llngiV 'dsxa'. 
 
 they became. This still Tsdxitcfei's ashes these now people eat. 
 
 Free Translation. 
 
 The Athapascans were Hving somewhere. Among them 
 a certain strange being was born. From the beginning he 
 was not Hke a person. He did not even care for his mother. 
 He always went about in the woods kilHng squirrels and birds. 
 When he began to grow up, he staid in the woods. When a 
 boy went with him, he came back without him. "Where is 
 the one who went with you?" asked his mother. He just 
 maintained that he did not know. One after another the boys 
 disappeared. The strange little being began to stay among 
 the trees for a longer time. He had four uncles who were 
 suspicious of their nephew, but the mother would not give up 
 her son. While they were sitting there quietly, he carried in 
 a lynx. At one time his mother felt very happy on account 
 of her son. His uncles, however, suspected him. After his 
 mother had eaten, she said, "My son, why has not your head 
 been washed? Put it here. 1 will search your head." As 
 
176 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 a mother will caress (her child), thus her son brought his head' 
 towards her. Then his head touched her chest. He struck 
 her with his head. "Away! You love me too much," (he 
 said.) Then the woman fell back, but Tsaxitckt ran out. 
 Behold, her chest was pierced by arrow-points! She did not 
 breathe any more. The flint arrow-heads grew in Tsaxitcki's 
 little head. After he had killed his mother, he was not seen 
 again. After a while grown-up persons who went hunting 
 did not come back. When relatives went out together, one 
 only would come back. They said to one another, "These 
 people disappeared on account of Tsaxitckt." When they 
 learned this, the Athapascans moved away. From this time 
 on we have always moved camp. The four uncles of Tsaxitckt 
 went out together and moved camp. They lived near together, 
 and remained in sight of one another, making smoke-signals. 
 We are still living in this way. One morning, when the 
 youngest of the brothers made a smoke-signal for his other, 
 elder brothers, he looked, and, behold! there were only two 
 smoke-signals. He went into the house and told his wife, 
 " I missed their smoke. Give something to eat to the children." 
 At once they dug into the hill-side. During that night they 
 alternated watching over their children. When day came, 
 there was only one smoke of his elder brothers rising. When 
 they had finished digging (into the hill-side), his wife gathered 
 celery, which she carried piled up. They finished digging 
 their underground house. He dug some more inside. Before 
 night came they gave food to their children, and his wife 
 spread the celery on the ground. The man tied it up in 
 the form of people. As night came he finished, and he sent 
 his wife into the inner room that he had made. In the outer 
 room he built a fire. Then he put around the fire the stalks 
 
FRANZ BOAS — NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 177 
 
 which he had tied in the form of persons, and his wife went 
 into the inner room. They hung a gopher blanket over the 
 door of the inner room, and tore a hole in it so that through 
 it they could see the doorway. His wife watched until mid- 
 night, and after that her husband watched. Dawn came 
 before he had seen anything. When daylight came, the man 
 went out. He looked for his brothers' smoke, but nothing 
 was rising. At once he made a smoke-signal, but he did not 
 see any smoke-signal in return. "Oh!" he thought, "my elder 
 brother has been killed." Then he went into the house and 
 told his wife, "My brother did not return my smoke-signal. 
 Probably somebody has killed him. — Keep up your courage, 
 children!" Thus he instructed them what to do if they should 
 escape. The children of the Athapascans usually do some- 
 thing as soon as they are out of the cradle. They become 
 like different things. His children were that way. They 
 were skilled in killing and shooting something. Therefore 
 the man was not much troubled about his children. He knew 
 what was going to happen. All that day he did not move 
 about, and he finished everything. When night came, they 
 went again into the underground house. Then the man slept. 
 After his wife had finished her watch at midnight, she became 
 sleepy. She nudged her husband. "Get up!" Then the man 
 sat up. It was not long before his wife was asleep. He 
 arranged his fire and went into the inner room. It was not 
 long before he heard the celery-stalks moving. Then he got 
 ready. He watched through the hole in the gopher blanket, 
 looking into the house, where something was going about. 
 He thought, "It will not appear among those withered stalks!" 
 After waiting a little while, some one lifted the outer door- 
 flap. Behold, his little nephew looked in! Then he aimed 
 
178 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS, VOL. VIII 
 
 his arrow at the larger bundle of stalks. He spanned his bow. 
 Then the man also aimed his arrow at the armpit of his nephew 
 and let it go. "Oh!" cried that little thing. That was the 
 end. The man did not see it. When day began to dawn, 
 he went out and looked for his tracks. Behold, from their 
 door blood had dripped down! That man said to his wife, 
 "1 see from its tracks that 1 hit it. I do not lack courage. 
 1 shall go to its place." Before he went he instructed his wife. 
 " 1 wounded it severely. Do not trouble yourself about me. 
 Stay here for two days. Then follow me and look for my smoke- 
 signal." Then he began to track the little thing. He walked 
 for a long time without seeing it. From time to time there 
 was much blood in its tracks. He tracked it the whole day 
 long. When it grew dark, he camped. When dawn came, 
 he heard a bird's (k'agW) voice, "Ho-o, ho-o, ho-o!" Then 
 he sat up and listened. While he continued to listen, he saw a 
 small lake, and he heard from there the voice of another bird 
 (k'agW). When dawn came, the birds did not utter their 
 sounds. Therefore he suspected that there was the voice of 
 something, and at once he ran there. When he reached the 
 foot of the mountain, he heard the voices together. He thought, 
 "What may it be?" Then he went out to the lake, and he 
 saw the bird. He thought it was eating. It was acting 
 strangely. He approached secretly, and he heard the following: 
 "Oh, go again, and murder the last of your uncles!" Behold, 
 his little nephew was lying on a stone! Two birds hung from 
 him by their beaks. These birds were making the noise. 
 Then he came out and raised his club. The boy said to him, 
 "Wait a while, uncle! Wait, don't kill me for a while!" Then 
 he raised his little hands and said, "There and there and there 
 are my caches," and he pointed to them (I do not know their 
 
FRANZ BOAS NOTES ON LANGUAGE OF TLINGIT INDIANS 179 
 
 names). "All these belong to you. Now go ahead and kill 
 me!" After he had finished talking, the uncle struck his head. 
 He discovered that the bird-spirits had almost sucked out the 
 arrow-heads. Then he piled wood together, put him on top 
 of it, and lighted the fire underneath. It burned strongly. 
 Then he extinguished the fire and gathered the ashes. (The 
 body) had become ashes. This surprised him much, and he 
 blew on it. When they fell on the little lake, the ashes became 
 mosquitoes. Tsaxitckt's ashes still eat people. 
 
ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VIII 
 
 PLATE 
 
 |pMii;Mi<:HWwt*(|ii).j^,„| 
 
 Sill* 
 
 duxadl (its root) 
 
 62.5 cycle current 
 
 **»\?,i,;, ,;?<*?"•; *%' /^l U t^^■W'**'^*■i*■^<^'*>.'!^ i *M.^U: 
 
 H«|;!;*%»*i*,.fe« j,4,«^4»«««««Pfc 
 
 duxadl (his salmon) 
 
 62.5 cycle current 
 
 'mPlm 
 
 
 %>t::.J%f 
 
 'a, 'a (yes, a lake) 
 
 62.5 cycle current 
 
PLATE I 
 
 62.5 cycle current 
 
 62.5 cycle current 
 
 62.5 cycle current