H ■i ■ ! i ■ '•+,*"•■ 1 €mmll Wmranttg ff itag Sfc BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Henry W~ Sage 189s .../r4.4.7 ■i jiiu-r.. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026613129 DATE DUE il flH%| l ^*%^ L QAYLORO PRINTED IN USA THE WORKS OF XENOPHON THE WORKS OF XENOPHON , p i i t i \ KM «• ^' TRANSLATED BY H. G. DAKYNS, M.A. LATE ASSISTANT MASTER IN CLIFTON COLLEGE IN FOUR VOLUMES VOL. III.— PART II THREE ESSAYS : ON THE DUTIES OF A CAVALRY GENERAL, ON HORSEMANSHIP, AND ON HUNTING Honljon MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1897 All rights reserved /\,\ 074-35 cjh° PREFACE The interest attaching to the three " minor works " of Xenophon, translated in this volume, will be found, I think, altogether disproportionate to the length of the treatises themselves, which, if small in compass, are rich in matter of a kind to fix the attention of many different readers. To the critical scholar the writings, as handed down to us, are interesting for many special reasons, which I need not further dwell on here ; to the student of Greek literature they are important as specimens of a type of writing somewhat analogous to the review article familiar to us in the journalistic literature of our own day. As the product of a particular author's pen, they throw light at once on the problems of the age in which he wrote and reveal certain mental and moral characteristics of the man himself. In other words, they have, like all the writings commonly attributed to Xenophon, not only their peculiar literary worth, but also a certain biographic value. From a somewhat different point of view, regarded as early specimens of what we should nowadays speak of as technical treatises (dealing respectively with particulars concerning the organisation and hand- vi PREFACE ling of a cavalry force at Athens, 365 B.C., shortly before the battle of Mantinea ; horses and horseman- ship ; dogs, and matters incidental to the chase), they appeal not only to archaeologists and specialists, but to the public at large, and in particular to those members of the community who, professionally or as laymen, happen to take an interest, scientific or anti- quarian or directly practical, in the kind of topics dealt with. I think of military experts — members of the mounted service in particular ; of the historian of cavalry tactics ; of the country gentleman devoted, like Xenophon himself, to horses and dogs, to life in the open air, to sport of many kinds ; of non- sportsmen and lay persons, IBimrai, of whichever sex, who are fond of animals, or happen to have a taste for natural history ; and lastly, in accordance with the spirit of our own age, of the scientific student bent on examining the evolutional side of the matter, whether in reference to cavalry tactics or to various forms of sport ; the fixity or variation of equine, canine, and other animal types ; the relation of so- called civilised man to domesticated and wild animals. To each and all of these readers — and clearly the list is not exhaustive — our author will have something to say. It is not about the charm and delectation of his utterance that I am concerned ; but rather, lest having undertaken to play the part of an inter- preter, I should find that I have played it ill, to the detriment of Xenophon and of those " English readers " to whom these translations are primarily addressed. The text which I have followed, as heretofore, is that of Gustave Sauppe, his editio stereotypa, the occa- sional variations from which, derived mainly from the texts of Schneider or L. Dindorf, are, I hope, always PREFACE vii noted at the bottom of the page. As classical scholars are well aware, the whole series greatly needs re-editing. There has been no thorough edition, with a com- mentary, of any one of them, for a long time past. There are, however, several serviceable translations — that of the Hipparchicus (with text) (1807), by Paul- Louis Courier, the well-known French Horse-Artillery officer and Greek -scholar ; of the vrepl mtttww}? (with text) (1807), by the same editor and translator. This latter work will be found also translated by Richard Berenger, in vol. i. of his History of the Art of Horse- manship ( 1 7 7 1 ); and, to come to quite modern times, in The Art of Horsemanship by Xenophon, translated, with chapters on the Greek Riding-horse, and with notes, by Morris H. Morgan, Ph.D., Assistant- Professor in Harvard University. Of this book I cannot speak too highly. It came into my possession just when I was engaged in correcting the proofs of my own version. Conse- quently I abstained from reading the translation, though I profited by some of the notes. I have since read the translation, which I find in a certain quality of style (which perhaps I may call directness) different and superior to my own. If only for the sake of the illustrations, it is a work which every country gentle- man and archaeologist should possess, but further encomium would be out of place on my part here. Before coming to the Cynegeticus, I wish to record my obligations to the three works which I have found most helpful in connection with the two companion treatises already named. (It is a striking fact that all three are by foreign scholars.) These are — (1) Les Cavaliers Athiniens, par M. Albert Martin, an almost exhaustive monograph on the origin, status, and organisation of the Knights at Athens from every viii PREFACE point of view (except that of the tactician, though there is an exceedingly interesting chapter entitled " Role militaire des Cavaliers," which contains a sketch of the history of Athenian cavalry operations between 44 S B.C. and 328 B.C.). (2) Geschichte des Griechischen Kriegswesens von der altesten Zeit bis auf Pyrrhos, nach den Quellen, bearbeitet von W. Riistow und Dr. H. Kochly. To the authors of this work I have had occasion to express my indebtedness more than once. It is still, I believe, far the best treatise on ancient military tactics, though I can conceive a work written by an English or American scholar based upon it which would be of great service to the student. At present, to clear one's ideas concerning cavalry tactics (a small part of the matter, though the one with which we are at present concerned), it is necessary to turn to Arrian, Diodorus, and Polybius, or else to the modern historians, Gibbon, Arnold, Grote. (3) Un Cheval de Phidias, par Victor Cherbuliez. Of this exquisite treatise on Greek art it is impossible to speak too praisingly. No modern writer, as far as I know, has done more to give Xenophon's treatise on Horsemanship its proper place in literature. No one certainly has so clearly appreciated the close connec- tion between Xenophon's fine literary study of eques- trian splendour and its loveliest embodiment in plastic art. The Cynegeticus was translated in An ix. (1801), as the title-page has it, by the well-known Greek scholar and Professor of Greek Literature in the College de France, J. B. Gail, under the title Les Cynege'tiques, ou Traite" de la Ckasse, Histoire naturelle ancienne, I re partie, faisant suite aux editions de Buffon im- PREFACE ix prime"es par Diterville et Saugrain. There is also a useful German translation, with annotations, entitled Xen. iiber die Jagd, verdeutscht und erlautert von T, W. Lenz (1823). I have further found Eugene Talbot's notes to his Traduction from time to time of use. In an oldish book, Essays on Hunting, with an Introduc- tion, describing the Method of Hare-hunting practised by the Greeks, by William Blane (1788), will be found translations of some sections of the Cynegeticus, with much superlative praise of its author. " I have been, indeed, astonished in reading the Cynegeticos of Xeno- phon, to find the accurate knowledge that great man had of the nature of the Hare, and the method of hunting her, and to observe one of the finest Writers, the bravest Soldiers, the ablest Politicians, the wisest Philosophers, and the most virtuous Citizens of anti- quity, so intimately acquainted with all the niceties and difficulties of pursuing this little animal, and describing them with a precision that would not disgrace the oldest sportsman of Great Britain, who never had any other idea interfere to perplex his researches." Lastly, I have to name what strikes me as the best commentary on the Cynegeticus which I have ever seen, in the shape of a review article in Macmillan's Magazine, to which frequent reference is made in the notes to my own translation. It is entitled A Day with Xenophon's Harriers. The author writes at once as a scholar and a sportsman, and the translations interspersed in his text, I must again admit, as in the case of Dr. Morris Morgan's Horse- manship, are vastly superior to my own in the way of directness of speech. The writer does not fall behind William Blane either in enthusiasm for coursing or admiration for the ancient many-sided man, author, x PREFACE military-commander, sportsman, now a veteran, " toil- ing up the slopes of Mount Pholoe, and persisting in the pursuit even when his hounds are dead beat, rather than give his hare up for lost " ; and thus concludes, " We would gladly end with the impassioned defence of sport which closes his essay, but we have already given quotations enough. It is a sufficient apology for hunting that its virtues found their first exponent in the pupil of Socrates, the leader of the Ten Thousand, the author of the Memorabilia, the Cyro- paedia, and the Anabasis" For much direct or indirect help I am again in- debted to several friends, and first and foremost to the Hon. J. W. Fortescue, who, though a stranger to me personally, has been at pains to read a portion of my proof-sheets, and has saved me from slips into which my ignorance alike of cavalry tactics and of coursing hares — " since I am but a layman " — would certainly have betrayed me ; to two old Cliftonian friends, with whom I have discussed the technical terms and the relation of ancient to modern cavalry tactics- Major G. J. Younghusband and his brother Captain Frank Younghusband ; lastly, to my relative, Captain F. de Bude" Young. Their interest in these writings I take to be of happy omen. H ASLEMERB, January 1897. CONTENTS PAGE Preface ...... v Introduction ..... xiii Annotated Analysis — HlPPARCH ..... xliv Horsemanship . . . . Hi Hunting . . . . lx The Duties of a Hipparch . . . i On Horsemanship . . . -37 On Hunting : a Sportsman's Manual, commonly called Cynegeticus . . -73 Index . . . . .127 On the Three Opuscula included in this Volume A Comment * # * The three works in question appear in the canon or list of works recognised by Greek grammarians in the days of Cicero as written by Xenophon (which we owe to Diogenes Laertius ; see Trans, vol. i. note A, i. and ii., pp. xliii.-xlix.), traditionally entitled — (i) [7T7ra/>X"r6s (Hipparchicus , s. de Magistro Equitum libellus), i.e. a treatise (\6yos) concerning the Hipparch (or cavalry general at Athens). (ii) irepl lir?riiri/s (de Re Equestri), i.e. a treatise concerning the art of Horsemanship. [i. and ii. are companion treatises.] (iii) Kvvi)yeTtii6s (Cynegeticus, s. de Venatione), i.e. a treatise concerning the Chase (or On Hunting: a sportsman's manual). A. General Characteristics. — The treatises are "technical," as we should say, or more strictly in accordance with ancient terminology, "political essays" on "practical" matters. 1 Among the minor works (opuscula politico) attributed to Xenophon, the three compositions now before us may claim to hold a place apart, as being in the modern sense of 1 It is well to emphasise this point, because, owing to the technical quality of their contents, the literary value of the treatises is apt to be overlooked. See the curt allusions to them in Miiller and Donaldson's Hist, of the Lit. oj Ancient Greece. Professor Mahaffy is much more satisfactory, Hist, of Gk. Lit. vol. ii. p. 285 foil. (ed. 1880). xiv INTRODUCTION the term to a large extent technical treatises, since, whatever further object their author had in view in penning them, they deal directly with practical affairs. As their reputed author might himself have phrased it, they embody arguments (Xoyovs) intended to make those whom he addresses in each case 1 more capable of right action {irpaKTiKtarkpovs), more efficient with regard to matters of such immediate concern as (i) the duties of a cavalry commander (at Athens); 2 (2) the art of horsemanship (from the point of view particularly of a military horseman) ; or lastly, (3) the business of the chase (both as an end in itself, and further as a basis or means of education). The modern reader should bear in mind, how- ever, that from a more general point of view and in accord- ance with ancient phraseology, all three may claim to be regarded, no less than the* pamphlet On Revenues or the essay On the Polity of the Lacedaemonians? as " political " essays (ttoXitlkoI Xoyot) — the attempts of a writer (or speaker) who is, after his own sort, at once an educator and a publicist, 4 to deal with certain questions of the time, now in a hortatory, quasi-paedagogic manner, and now with some pretence to oratorical display. 5 B. Remarks supplementary to those already made in vols. i. and ii. of this translation, concerning the genuineness, design, date of composition, etc., of the treatises i. and ii., and of iii., in order. The passages referred to are as follows : — Vol. i. p. xlv., external evidence for the three tracts (Note on Diogenes Laertius). — The witness of Deinarchus (the orator), b. 361 B.C., fl. 336 B.C. ; of Demetrius Magnes (the grammarian), fl. 55 B.C. ; of Diodes, fl. 100 B.C. (also of Magnesia, a grammarian), ap. Diog. Laert. Life of Xenophon. 1 The hipparch ; the purchaser of a horse ; the younger generation. 2 365 B. c. , or thereabouts. See below for this date. 3 Translated in vol. ii. The Hipparchicus and the pamphlet On. Revenues have much in common. 4 Like his more illustrious literary contemporary Isocrates, to whose theory of culture he somewhat holds. See Prof. Jebb, Att. Or. ii. ch. xiii. ; also some remarks in Hellenica Essays, "Xenophon," p. 376. 5 Not unlike a contributor to the Spectator in the last century, or as might a modern journalist in a series of letters to the Times or in an article for a Review. INTRODUCTION XV Vol. i. p. xlviii. (Note on the canon).— The witness of Demetrius Magnes, also ap. Diog. Laert. ib. pp. lxxxi. lxxxii. (Sketch).— As to how Xenophon came to write the Hipparch in his old age (act. 69 circa), and why he should take rb Itttik6i> under his protection. ib. p. cxl. (Sketch). — Xenophon as a cavalry reformer. ib. p. cxxix. and note 2 (Sketch).— Opportunity for sport, horsemanship, etc., at Scillus, 387-369 B.C. circa, al. 368. ib. p.cxxxi. and note4(Sketch). — As to dates of composition: Cynegeticus in part pre-Scilluntian ; Hipparch, and irepl lir ; , post-Scilluntian. ib. p. cxxxi. and notes 1, 4 (Sketch). — Design and occasion of the Hipparchicus. Note 1, a sign and seal of reconciliation with his country; note 4, 365 B.C. (after Roquette). ib. p. cxxxv. notes 1, 2 (Sketch). ib. p. cxxxviii. foil. (Sketch). — The author's criticism of Iphicrates at Oneion, 370-369 B.C. Hell. VI. v. 51, 52 (Trans, vol. ii. p. 185) || Hipparch, viii. 10 (below, p. 28). , Autobiographic interest of the Hipparchicus and the pamphlet On Revenues (irbpoi). ffiv 9e$ passage, Hipparch, ix. 8, 9 (below, p. 31 foil.) ; cf. peroration to the irbpoi, vi. 1-3 (Trans, vol. ii. p. 349)- Vol. i. p. lxxiv. (Sketch). — Pedagogic style of the Cynegeticus ; disci- pline of the chase ; scenery suited alike to Attica (Parnes, Pen- telicus, Hymettus or Brilessus) and to the Triphylia (Mount Pholoe). ib. p. clxv. and note I (Sketch). — The author's manner of composition ; enthusiastic style of the Cynegeticus ; probably, if an early work, rehandled later ; grandson - editorship question. Cf. Pol. Lac. (Trans, vol. ii. p. Ixxiii.). ib. p. cxlvi. and note 4 (Sketch). — Xenophon's kindliness to animals and other amiable traits, discoverable in these minor works ; his pride in Athens. To speak first of the twin treatises, (i.) The Hipparchicus (and, to a slightly less degree, the sequel to it) 1 is singularly 1 As far as I know (and I regret to say that my knowledge is second- hand), only two modern critics have doubted the genuineness of the irepl ib. p. cxlvi. foil, (Sketch). Vol. ii. p. lxxviii. (Introd. Ways and Means.) XVI INTRODUCTION free from those suspicions which we have seen to attach, rightly or wrongly, to many of the writings which the ancient world confidently assigned to Xenophon. Not only is the authorship of the Hipparch unassailed, but, as I have already stated, the circumstances under which the author penned it, even to the date of publication, seem clearly to reveal them- selves. If it be asked why this particular treatise is less " suspected " than any other of the minor works of Xenophon, the answer would appear to be, not that the external evidence of its genuineness is exceptionally strong x (since, if that were all, the authorship of the Cynegeticus would have been equally well established — see below), but that the testimony from within is positively and negatively weightier than it is in other cases. The style and manner of thought and speech, the indefinable something suggestive of Xenophon's particular self, the thumb-mark evidence, as it were, on the positive side ; and, on the negative, the absence of question-raising topics, eccentric matter, puerile or " sophistic " argument ; and summarily, of those puzzling anomalies of style, phrase- ology, and so forth, which in spite of traditional beliefs and such external evidence as we possess (never very strong, it must be admitted), are apt to suggest to the modern critic, instinct with the spirit of a-Keij/is, that the particular work before him has either in its entirety been falsely attributed to iirin.Ki)s — Caspers and Beckhaus, — the latter attributing its authorship to Xenophon's grandson, concerning whom see Sauppe, Ages. Praef. p. 128 ; Grote, H. G. ix. 246, note 2. Another critic, Nitsche, regards the work as composite. 1 See the passage quoted from Demetrius Magnes by Diog. Laert. in his Life of Xenophon, § 12, and in my Trans, vol. i. pp. xlvii. lvi. : riBvriKe Se iv Koptvdtp, Sis tfyqin AtjjmJt/jios 6 Mayvris, fjSti 5ijXa5-Jj yepoubs Ixavuis, av^p ra re SXAa 7e7oy Se&jAiorat). (iii.) We pass on to the Cynegeticus, as to which the case is by no means so clear. I will say at once that I hold to the opinion that this is probably an early work of Xenophon's, re- handled and re-edited, with additions (not improbably) by INTRODUCTION xix himself or under his inspiration when an old man. In making this avowal, I may add that I have no wish to enforce a particular view of the matter dogmatically, nor indeed do I hold to it pertinaciously, but only as that which, after weighing the pros and cons, I find, on the whole, the easiest solution of the many and obvious critical questions raised by this highly interesting work. If Xenophon did not write a work on this subject, he clearly ought to have done so ; and if this particular work is by his hand, it is unlucky for us that it does not bear what I have called the thumb-mark stamp of his mature style. As I have said above, it is not for lack of external evidence 1 (such as it is) that many modern critics are disposed to regard the work as spurious, but on account of the aforesaid intrinsic difficulties. 1 This indeed, if any special weight is due to the testimony of the distinguished writer and man of action of the Flavian age, the admirer and imitator of our author, who rejoiced in the nom de flume of Xenophon (the younger), to wit Arrian, is pro tanto stronger. See Trans, vol. i. Introd. p. xxviii. for a note on this remarkable man. For his imitation of Xenophon and the sobriquet he adopted, see Dr. Leonhard Schmitz' article in the Diet, of Gk. and Rom. Biog. s.n. : "Arrian was one of the most active and best writers of his time. He seems to have perceived from the commencement of his literary career a resemblance between his own relation to Epictetus and that of Xenophon to Socrates." With this view he published not only several works concerning his master : (i) Biarpifiai '"Ettiktijtov ; (ii) bp.Mai. 'Ettikt^tov ; (iii) iyxeiptSiov 'Ettikt^tov ; and (iv) a life of the philosopher, corresponding to Xenophon's dTro/WTj/toxeifyiara and other works concerning Socrates, but also an ivifSatris 'AXe^dvSpov (an account of the Asiatic expedition of Alexander the Great, again in imitation of Xenophon) ; and in imitation not of Xenophon, but of Ctesias (in the Ionic dialect), a work on India, t& 'Ivducd, not to mention other geographical, historical, and biographical works — some of which are lost — (a periplus of the Euxine ; lives of Dion and Timoleon ; rb. fierb, ' A-~K£%av$pov — (a history of the Parthians, of Bithynia, of the Alani) ; and lastly two treatises, one entitled KvvTjyeriKds, with which we are immediately concerned, and the other a work On Tactics, X67os to,ktik6s or rtxvri Ta.Kri.K-q, concerning which Dr. Schmitz says : ' ' What we now possess under this name can have been only a section of the work, as it treats of scarcely anything else than the preparatory exer- cises of the cavalry, but the subject is discussed with great judgment, and fully shows the practical judgment of the author." The resemblance of this work to Xenophon's linrapx^ds is obvious. That of the KwqyenKbs to the treatise before us is still more close, since the one is written in continuation of the other. I again quote Dr. Schmitz : "It (the Treatise on the Chase) is so closely connected with the treatise of Xenophon on the same subject, that not only is its style an imitation of the latter's, but it forms a kind of supple- ment to Xenophon's work, inasmuch as he treats only of such points as he XX INTRODUCTION What these critical difficulties are will be best seen by considering the structure of the work, which is found to be tripartite ; that is to say, it easily breaks up into a practical treatise on the chase, cap. i. 18 (s. cap. ii. i) — xi. 4, written evidently by an expert, as any modern sportsman would be the first to admit, in a bright and eager style which does not, howeyer, very closely resemble the style of the hnrapxi'Kos or the irepl wnruojs (there is a great dearth of the particles ye p-qv and there are other differences). This treatise is encysted, as one might say, in a somewhat remarkable educational essay (a wapalvto-vs), the style of which is very different from that of the treatise itself, reminding one, if of Xenophon at all, of Xenophon the reputed author of the Agesilaus or of the Pol. Lac. (as to which see Trans, vol. ii. pp. lxiii. foil., lxxiii. foil.). In other words, it is preceded by a curious mythological Preface, cap. i. 1-17 (s. 18), and con- cludes with two chapters on Education : cap. xii., on the advantages to be got from hunting; and cap. xiii., an Epilogue (a somewhat querulous attack on the "sophist of to-day," found omitted in Xenophon." In fact, Arrian wishes, so he tells us, to build upon Xenophon re the KwriyeriKis much as Xenophon built on Simon re the wepl lirirucrjs. The opening words of Arrian's treatise are worth quoting in anticipation of the view put forward concerning the possibly hybrid com- position of Xenophon's treatise, as we now possess it, with the mythological preface and all. They show that in Arrian's time the arrangement of the text so far resembled ours, and that Arrian's literary taste was not offended by it. Whether he was likely to be a good judge of Xenophon's style or not, I cannot say. His own treatise begins thus : Hwo^iWi tv Jyu) irapaivio : and again, xiii. 9, to, p.ev ovv tSv a-ocfjuTTWv TrapayyeX./jMTa wapaivQ v\a,TTecr6a.<, : and finally, ib. 1 7, tovs viovs tovs Troiovvrai a lydt TrapaivZ), this, I take it, would be quite out of place on the lips of a young man, though seemly and natural enough on the part of an oldish man addressing younger people; and so, if for no other reason, I hold to the opinion that even if the treatise was a work of his youth the author rehandled it in his old age (362-354 B.C. circa). 2 1 Or it may be maintained that Xenophon is only responsible for the opening words of cap. i. , the long list of heroes taught by Chieron being an editor's interpolation. 2 I recollect that when, many years ago, I first read the Cynegeticus as a whole, I was much impressed with its vividness, its brightness, and its air of youthful fervour, and when I came to examine critical views later on, it seemed to me that Cobet (who, I think, rejects the mythological list of chapter i. as too absurd) said exactly the right thing as regards the body of the work. Apropos of the passage about the hare which William Blane takes as his motto (oSria S£ ivtxo.pl tan rb 6-qplov, k.t.X., v. 32), "The animal is so pleasing that whoever sees it either trailed, or found, or pursued, or taken, forgets everything else that he is most attached to" [or rather "every other love," irikdBotr' b\v d tov iptfiy], Cobet says, "Cynegeticus ante reliquos omnes a Xenophonte scriptus est ; spirat enim fervorem quendam juvenilis animi 6vfj.oei.dovs re ko.1 ipuriKov et in iis quae amet et admiretur modum nullum servantis." It was interesting, too, to find that Roquette's examination of particles pointed in the same direction, but I eventually stuck at the hortatory, quasi-paedagogic tone, which seems to me that of an old man. Hence I finally settled down into my present persuasion. I cannot conclude this note without quoting one of the ablest Xenophontean scholars of recent times, Mr. Herbert Richards, where, in the Classical Review, x. 6, he says, in a notice of Holden's edition of the Oeconomicus, ' ' It is much to be wished that so excellent a Xenophontean scholar should edit more of the opera minora than the Oeconomicus and the Hiero. There is not xxiv INTRODUCTION C. In reference to structure and subject matter, and the author's treat- ment of the topics dealt with in these Essays. %* As a help to the student with the Greek text, chapter, and para- graph before him, I have inserted below an analysis of each of the three works with annotations. The compositions before us, whether we regard them as literary essays written with a certain " political " end in view, or as technical treatises embodying the wisdom of a recognised authority on military affairs, horsemanship, and the business of the chase, present in common certain interesting features, which may conveniently be discussed under the following heads : (i.) The quality and distinctive features of these literary essays. (ii.) Their essential value as technical treatises from a modern point of view. (i.) Regarded as literary essays the writings before us are, to put it broadly, chiefly interesting, I suppose, as products of a particular type of Hellenic intellect — Xenophon's an Athenian — dealing with certain practical concerns at a particular moment of Hellenic or more precisely Attic historical development. The distinctive features, involving as they do certain peculiarities (from a modern point of view) in the handling of the topics dealt with by the author, can obviously have but one explanation. They are the reflex partly of the author's personality, and partly or indeed chiefly of past ethnical conditions. In other words, some of these distinctions are idiosyncratic, whilst others of them run deep one of them, even including the Hipparchicus and the De Re Equestri, that would not repay editing, and some of them call for it very distinctly. The • political tracts, whether Xenophon's or not, are interesting and important, yet there has been no thorough edition, with a commentary, of any one of them, for a long time past. The tract On Hunting, besides raising some curious critical questions, is fairly readable, and in England ought to be read." It is too late, alas ! now to echo the hope concerning the particular editor, but that some competent scholar should undertake to complete the work which Dr. Holden had made his own is obvious. Why should not Mr. Herbert Richards himself? His notes on the Symposium in the same number of the Classical Review sound now like a kind of pledge. INTRODUCTION xxv down into the underlying base-rock on which the ancient Hellenic civilisation rests — from which (to pursue the meta- phor) its eternally beautiful flora sprang, and the supreme genius of the Attic intellect and spirit towered aloft, in a region remote from ourselves and the more sombre splendours of our own flourishing modern civilisation. 1 *** The following table will conveniently explain what is meant by distinctive qualities due to personal and general (i.e. ethnical) causes. Personal. — The idiosyncrasy of Xenophon, his "personal equation," as we say nowadays, means, as I have attempted to show in my biographical sketch, that he was emphatically pious (his inner self), that he had a natural, or Socratically- induced, propensity to " educate " others (his second nature), and that he possessed to a remarkable degree the shrewdness and practical wit of his fellow-countrymen, along with a sense of beauty only not remarkable because it too is part and parcel of his Attic inheritance. (a) As to his piety, his 1)0os Oeoireph as the ancient critics called it (see Sketch, Trans, vol. i. p. lxxxvii.), his SanSaiiiovla, as one might perhaps name it, in reference to the well-known characterisation of this same Athenian people four centuries later by St. Paul ; since if ever an Athenian was, Xenophon was " reverent," as Mr. Ruskin has it, "of the angels of God" 2 — nowhere does this characteristic reveal itself more clearly than in the tone of the Hipparchicus. Note the opening passage : (i) Hipparch, i. I (below, p. i) as compared, for instance, with the first sentence of the Horsemanship, i. i (below, p. 37), which is 1 As to " some of the actual truths respecting the vital force in created organism, and inventive fancy in the works of man, which are more or less expressed by the Greeks, under the personality of Athena," see The Queen of the Air (John Ruskin). As to the flora and fauna of our own region, the scientific inquirer can see at o. glance that certain intellectual and spiritual products of which we justly boast are not indigenous, but are simply varieties or modified species of root-ideas which originally flourished on the soil of Ancient Greece, though others are peculiar to our own base-rock, and others again are derived from other climes. As to military tactics, the root of the matter is to be found in Ancient Greece. 2 I must draw attention once more to the most intelligent, inspired and inspiring, appreciation of Xenophon's religious nature, with which I am ac- quainted. It is contained in the Editor's Preface to Bibliotheca Pastorum, vol. i. p. xxv. foil. xxvi INTRODUCTION after all a sequel, — the one being illustrative of the pious God- fearing man, and the other of the same man's practical common - sense, and both of the disciple of Socrates (see Mem. I. i. 6-9, Trans, vol. iii. part i. pp. 2, 3). "As regards the ordinary necessities of life, his advice was : ' Act as you believe these things may best be done.' But in the case of those darker problems the issues of which are incalculable, he directed his friends to consult the oracle whether the business should be undertaken or not." Clearly the purchase of a horse belongs to things in the sphere of the determined to a large extent ; whereas " there is a side to strategy which," the hipparch must bear in mind, "the gods reserve to themselves." As a matter of state regulation, moreover, the commander of cavalry would be called upon to offer sacrifice on state occasions, in accordance with the general view of the Greek mind with regard to the sphere and function of religion (see below). The recognition of the importance of the religious initiative &pxeis rSm hvav, ijirep linrofMxias SUti, lxP& VT0 > about the Persian cavalry at Arbela when driven to despair by Alexander's hand-combat-attack. The result was a transformation of tactics, amongst other things the invention of cavalry to defend and protect INTRODUCTION xxxiii practically includes the whole life of Attic cavalry as a military force. The interest of such a student will ere long be centred on chapter vii., which is clearly the key to the situation. The author in penning his remarks has no intention to write an hoplites. This reform was worked out between Plataeae and Chaeronea. During the Peloponnesian war the function of cavalry and light troops was mainly nega- tive — to defend hoplites against cavalry and light troops. They were posted as a rule on either wing ( " C'est toujours la disposition classique jusqu'a Frgderic et Napoleon," Thiers, Consulat et Empire, xx. 742 foil.), their function being (1) to engage the enemy's cavalry and light troops before or coincidently with the main heavy-infantry battle which decided the day ; (2) to protect the infantry in case of defeat or to enforce pursuit in case of victory. [This rule does not, however, preclude the intervention of cavalry in an infantry battle on occasion ; thus, so far from merely skirmishing, the Syracusan cavalry did not hesitate to charge home against the left wing of the Athenian hoplites on the slopes of Epipolae, 414 B.C., with complete success. ' ' In the course of the battle the cavalry attacked the left wing of the Athenians, which was opposed to them, and put them to flight ; the defeat became general, and the whole Athenian army was driven back by main force within their lines" (Jowett, Thuc. vii. 6).] The Peloponnesian war was a twenty-seven years' education in the art of war, and many changes in all arms were wrought before it ended : e.g. just as Sphacteria taught the advantage of \jh\oI (light troops in general), so many functions of a cavalry force were taught (the Athenians at any rate) (1) during the successive invasions of Attica by Lacedaemonian hoplites and Boeotian cavalry during the Archi- damian war ; as also (2) on the Sicilian expedition, where the invading force was handicapped by its relative deficiency in that arm ; and immediately after, during the final Deceleian phase of the great war. 1 In sum : the change of tactics between Plataeae (an unaided hoplite victory over Persian cavalry), and the collapse of the Syracusan expedition, due largely to the fact that the Athenian hoplites were not sufficiently aided by cavalry, implies the recognition of the use and employment of cavalry in protecting infantry in all sorts of ways. This may, perhaps, be regarded as the second moment. Another result of the Peloponnesian war was the development of a soldier class. Military service became a profession, whilst the citizen militia tended to be atrophied. The third moment is intimately connected with the rise of mer- cenary troops and professional soldiering. It is exemplified by the Cyreian expedition. Xenophon himself is regarded as the author of various military reforms (see Anah. passim), as, for instance, of the attack not in line but in columns of sections, 6p8ioi X6%oi {ii. IV. viii.; Trans, vol. i. p. 205). Note also his organisation of a squadron of cavalry, and the subsequent perform- ances of that handful of brave men under Lycius (ii. III. iii. n foil. ; IV. iii. 22, vii. 24), and, later on, Timasion (it. VI. iii. 12, v. 28 ; VII. iii. 46). Xenophon's reforms are all in the direction of greater mobility (see note, 1 For Sphakteria, see Thuc. iv. 31-39. As to the Boeotian cavalry, see Thuc. iy. 95 ; cf. Hipparch, vii. The passages concerning Athenian cavalry defeats in the Sicilian expedition are: Thuc. vi. 20-22, 37, 43, 64, 66, 69-72, 74, 88, 91, 93, 94, 9 8 (exceptionally a victory scored to the Athenian cavalry, supported by hoplites, over Syracusan cavalry), 101, 102; vii. 1, 4-6, 11, 13, 33, 75, 78-81, 84, 85. The question of Nicias' generalship is another matter. VOL. Ill 2 C xxxiv INTRODUCTION exhaustive treatise on cavalry tactics. It is only by the way and in the absence of other first-hand documents that the pamphlet serves the purpose of an ancient cavalry-drill book. 1 What he does propose to do, the task he sets himself, is to give general directions to the cavalry commander of the day below), so are those of Iphicrates, e.g. his famous peltasts ' ' Iphicratidae." The development of light infantry preceded that of cavalry in southern and central Hellas owing to the nature of the country, since oix lirira.irlii.yi ^ X&PV (Herod, ix. 13) holds good not only of Attica, but applies to Peloponnese and the districts south of Thessaly to a large extent, and accounts for the relatively slow growth of cavalry tactics in those parts by comparison with the north — that is to say, Thessaly, the free states of Chalcidicg, and Macedonia. Had the southern districts not been so mountainous, no doubt cavalry would at this time have taken the start which, with certain preludings in Thessaly under Jason, and elsewhere, it eventually did under Philip of Macedon and Alexander. To return to Iphicrates, his light-infantry reforms = lightening defensive arms in order to give greater force to weapons of offence. The function of cavalry in the strategy of the same general is mainly confined to (1) reconnaissance ; (2) pursuit of the enemy (cf. the saying attributed to him, ' ' the light-armed are the hands, the horse the feet, the infantry the breast, and the general the head," Plut. Pelop. 2). The fourth moment: After Iphicrates came the Theban tacticians, and notably Epaminondas, whose reforms concern the disposition of heavy infantry : the famous Xo|^ £\ay^ ; weight given to the phalanx, and also to cavalry ; the interspersion of light infantry (&fuiTToi.) between the ranks of his cavalry (a reform with which Xeno- phon may perhaps be also partly credited, at least theoretically ; see Hipparch). Fifth moment : The Macedonian epoch introduces the final phases, and may be spoken of as inaugurating the triumph of cavalry, the national arm of the Macedonian tribes. The Thessalians (the best cavalry folk in Hellas proper) were speedily amalgamated by Philip and Alexander, who together must be credited with the final development of Hellenic strategy in all its branches : Heavy infantry (" Companions"), drilled to the use of the long two-handed pike or sarissa ; light infantry (hypaspists), more lightly armed ; other "hoplites," volunteers from various parts of Greece, armed with the large shield and one-handed pike ; light troops (acontists, archers, etc. ) ; heavy cavalry (Macedonian and Thessalian), armed with the xyston ; light cavalry (sarissophori or lancers) ; an effective siege train. It is said that Alexander first charged heavy infantry with cavalry front to front (as opposed to a flank attack, I presume), and decided the day at Chaeronea. This arm, which had previously been to the rest of the army as 1 to 10, under Alexander was as 1 to 6. 1 Aeneas Tacticus (see note to Hell. VII. iii. 1 ; Trans, vol. ii. p. 208) is the only contemporary writer on tactics, and a single section of his work on siege operations (teichomachy), Commentarius poliorceticus, alone survives. Most valuable it is, but what a pity we have not the other sections on hoplo- machy, hippomachy, and the rest. How thankful should we be for a copy of the notes of an oral lecture on strategics by Dionysodorus or some other roaming ' ' sophist, " the shallowness of whose conceptions was so great a scandal to Socrates. See Mem. III. i. 1 ; Plato, passim. INTRODUCTION xxxv which will help him to discharge his duty successfully during his period of office, at a time when certain storm-clouds on the political horizon suggest that Athens, now isolated, 1 with a power such as Thebes in close proximity, may find herself forced to repeat the experiences of the Archidamian war. That being so, the directions for the handling of the cavalry force in the field tend to narrow themselves to the tactics of guerilla warfare. Such are the self-imposed limita- tions of the writer, who under other circumstances, or as the member of some other Greek state — let us imagine for the moment Olynthus or one of the free states of the Chalcidice" — would have emphasised another function of the arm in which he took so profound an interest. In that case we should have had less of guerilla and more concerning the skilful handling of a regiment of cavalry in the field supported by light infantry (since at Olynthus such was the main bulk of the citizen army). Had he, again, been a Theban, writing in the interests of that power and at so critical a moment, we may be sure we should have heard a great deal more (and it would have been highly valuable) with regard to the improved tactics of Epaminondas, which directly concerned cavalry as well as heavy infantry, the greater depth and solidity of the formation, with a[j.unroi or light-infantry columns interspersed (to which indeed we have an allusion), all calculated to give the particular arm a separate organic independence and greater mobility in attack, as was presently plainly discovered to be the case on the field of Mantinea. To point out hiatuses in Xenophon's treatise may seem but a poor compliment to the memory of a great soldier, and unseemly on the part of a translator not himself an expert in military affairs. But my object rather is to remove obstacles with a view to a truer appreciation of an author whose work can only be fairly judged in its relation to the time when and the circumstances under which he wrote, but whose right to speak authoritatively I take to be unquestionable. The treatise, limited in scope as it is, is still a valuable index, the best indeed we have, to a particular " moment " in 1 See for date, above, p. xviii. xxxvi INTRODUCTION Attic (a sub-branch of Hellenic) cavalry tactics. 1 Its perusal naturally suggests to the mind of the reader certain questions : as to the history of this arm during the period preceding 365 B.C. (the assumed date of the composition); as to the reforms contemplated by Xenophon; and as to the future destiny of the arm. To answer the first would imply taking a coup (Fail of all preceding cavalry actions, and selecting those which throw light on the handling of the force in rela- tion to heavy and light infantry and light troops generally. That the mind of Xenophon was crowded with such images is obvious. 2 Many epoch-making occurrences known to him from history, or hearsay in his boyhood — many crucial incidents learnt on contemporary evidence, or else "autop- tically " — many in which he had himself taken his full share, would present themselves to his mind, surveying the whole history of the cavalry of Athens from its first practical organisa- tion under Pericles, shortly before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, to the present moment. But the actual incidents are by no means all. The interpretation of their meaning, the lessons that they taught, the ideal recasting of them as they might have been, the reforms called for — these, too, would crowd in upon his mind, as his historical writings, the Anabasis, with the several parts of the Hellenica, and the present treatise, testify. And as to the future, certain reforms are definitely stated or referred to here. 3 Some others it is not hard to divine as impending. In the Cyropaedia, at any rate, we shall find him giving free rein to his imagination 1 As to Thessalian cavalry tactics, see Riistow and Kochly, op. cit. p. 247, for the rhomboidal disposition due to Jason. [I assume that the emendation IASQN for IAEON is correct.] As to the superiority (1) of the Thessalians as a cavalry people, see Thuc. i. 107 ; Xen. Hell. IV. iii. ; (2) of the Mace- donians, re the exploits of Derdas (the ruler of Elimia) against the Olynthians (also strong in cavalry), Hell. V. ii. 38 foil. ; iii. 1 foil. 9 foil. 2 Xenophon's coup d'ceil as editor (?) of Thucydides, as author of the Sequel to Thucydides = Hell. A, of the Anabasis and the Hellenic History proper, would necessarily embrace nearly the whole period dealt with in note 1 , p. xxxii. He definitely refers to the tactics of Iphicrates at Oneion, 369 B.C. ; whilst clearly he has in his mind the affair of Dascylium, 396 B.C., and such incidents as those of Hell. II. iv. 6; V. iv. 39; VII. i. 16; IV. iii. 7; VII. i. 20, etc. 3 The reforms named are ( 1 ) tactical formation (Spartan model) , Hipparch ; (2) to give greater mobility jn skirmishing and charging, ii. ; (3) of weapons, INTRODUCTION xxxvii over the whole range of strategics, and amongst other reforms depicting the future of this arm as capable of being utilised on a grand scale, forecasting, that is to say, after his manner certain historical developments which had been maturing under Jason and Epaminondas, and now Philip of Macedon, and which were destined to reach their consummation under Alexander the Great. 1 Xenophon, as Mr. Ruskin has observed in another context, is not only a simple-minded Athenian warrior and philosopher, but "in the strictest sense of the word a poet." As one who gazes into a crystal mirror, he recalls past images and forecasts future potentialities. Such are the questions directly suggested to the mind of the careful student as he weighs the subject-matter of this twin treatise. Another problem of a more formidable char- acter yet remains. To the student of military history and the art of war, the resolution of such questions as those above referred to leads inevitably and in the long run to the further inquiry — what light do these old writings throw upon the history of cavalry "ab ovo " — itself a branch of strategic evolution regarded as a whole ? A formidable problem indeed, and one to which it is not for me, iSitonjs yap dpi, to make more than a passing reference. Yet even a layman may see that the process of strategical evolution, cavalry tactics among the rest, for all practical purposes and in reference to the study of the art of war, like that of any other art, resembles, to use a metaphor, a parallel series of wave-movements along a coast-line, — a tidal progress and regress with a gradual gain and a gradual loss, the pulsations of which depend partly on configuration ; that is to say, the circumstances of the parti- cular folk concerned. These are emerging from a relatively barbaric condition — but full of vigour and aptitude ; those are at the top of civilised hmrr-qp-r], and if regressing, it is owing to some secular change — the spirit and necessity of the times with a view to shock, ib. ; (4) use of ifuwroi, ib. In the Cyropaedia, a sort of tendenz-historical-romance, we shall have to consider other more ques- tionable ' ' ideal " reforms, such as those of war-chariots, where the poet seems to have got the better of the soldier. Xenophon is like the hero of ' ' Locksley Hall," who, dipping into the future, has Heard the heavens fill with shouting, and there rain'd a ghastly dew From the nations' airy navies grappling in the central blue. 1 As part of the general " Entwickelung." xxxviii INTRODUCTION — their day is past. A change of arms and a consequent change of tactics has brought about a revolution in the art of war as a whole, or an entire alteration in the relative position of various kinds of arms. So, to take a trite instance, feudal- ists warfare was killed by the introduction of firearms. So, to take an instance nearer to our immediate subject, Philip of Macedon overtopped the Theban hoplite-phalanx by improved weapons of attack and a more solid formation than even Thebes could boast of, though the Theban development itself might well be regarded as a TpiKvpia, a high tidal wave of heavy-infantry tactics, the highest ever attained by the small citizen armies of central and southern Hellas. So too as regards parallelism Friedrich's reforms and tactics in the battle of Leuthen present a striking counterpart to those of Alex- ander in the battle of Arbela. 1 1 As throwing light on the whole matter I cannot forbear quoting part 01 Grate's famous description of Arbela side by side with Carlyle's equally well known comment on Friedrich's tactics at Leuthen. Both incidents, it will be seen, turn upon the use these two great generals made of a particular manoeuvre due in the first instance to the genius of Epaminondas, his redoubtable X6|?j 0dXa7£, or, as we should say, (chelon movement in attacking. Battle of Arbela, September 331 B.C. "As soon as the chariots were thus disposed of, and the Persian main force laid open as advancing behind them, Alexander gave orders to the troops of his main line, who had hitherto been perfectly silent, to raise the war-shout and charge at a quick pace, at the same time directing Aretes with the Paeonians [the light cavalry] to repel the assailants on his right flank. He himself, discontinuing his slanting movement to the right, turned towards the Persian line, and dashed, at the head of all the Companion-cavalry, into that partial opening in it which had been made by the flank movement of the Baktrians. Having by this opening got partly within the line, he pushed straight towards the person of Darius, his cavalry engaging in the closest hand-combat, and thrusting with their short pikes at the faces of the Persians. Here, as at the Granikus, the latter were discomposed by this mode of fighting, accustomed as they were to rely on the use of missiles, with rapid wheeling of the horse for renewed attack" (Grote, H. G. xii. 219). Battle of Leuthen, 5th December A.D. 1787. " His (Friedrich's) plan of Battle is soon clear to him : Nypern, with its bogs and scrags, on the Austrian right wing, is tortuous impossible ground, as he well remembers, no good prospect for us there : better ground for us on their left yonder, at Leuthen, even at Sagschutz, farther south, whither they are stretching them- selves. Attempt their left wing ; try our oblique order " [" schrage Stellung," let the hasty reader pause to understand, "is an old plan practised by Epaminondas, and revived by Friedrich"] "upon that, with all the skill that is in us ; perhaps we can do it rightly this time, and prosper accordingly ! That is Friedrich's plan of action. The four columns once got to Borne shall INTRODUCTION XXXIX To come back to our twin treatise and affairs of the moment. " Historical parallels " so called are treacherous arguments to lean upon at best ; particularly in the hands of the tSttoTijs, that is to say, an amateur who may readily mistake a merely superficial resemblance between two periods for a deeper correspondence than the facts will justify. With this caution I proceed to draw attention to a certain apparent parallelism between the condition of the Attic cavalry 1 in the year 365 B.C., and that of the same arm in this country about the date of the battle of Edgehill, a.d. 1642. 2 If this re- fall into two ; turn to the right and go southward, ever southward : they are to become our two lines of Battle, were they once got to the right point south- ward. Well opposite Sagschiitz, that will be the point for facing to left, and marching up ' in Oblique Order ' with the utmost faculty they have ! " . . . " I know not at what point of the course, or for how long, but it was from the column nearest him, which is to be first line, that the king heard borne on the winds amid their field-music, as they marched there, the sound of Psalms, many-voiced melody of a church hymn well known to him [' Giei dass ich thu' mit Fkiss was mir zu thun gebiihret'~\ which had broken out, band accompanying, among those otherwise silent men." . . " Nadasti, a skilful War-Captain, especially with Horse, was beautifully posted about Sagschiitz; his extreme left folded up en. potence there {elbow of it at Sagschiitz, forearm of it running to Gohlau eastward) ; potence ending in firwood Knolls with Croat musketeers, in ditches, ponds, difficult ground, especially towards Gohlau. He has a strong battery, 14 pieces, on the Height to rear of him, at the angle or elbow of his potence ; strong abatis, well manned, in front to rightwards : upon this, and upon the Croats in the firwood, the Prussians intend their attack. General Wedell is there, Prince Moritz as chief, with six battalions, and their batteries, battery of 10 Brummers and another ; Ziethen also and Horse : coming on in swift fire- flood, and at an angle of forty-five degrees. Most unexpected, strange to behold ! From south-west yonder ; about one o'clock of the day." — Carlyle, Hist, of Frederick the Great, v. p. 243 foil.; it. p. 248. 1 One might perhaps say, the cavalry in general of the small republics of southern and central Hellas. As we went north we should perhaps find a somewhat different state of things. Jason's reforms, which had already come, and those of Philip and Alexander, which were impending, imply certain qualitative differences as regards stamina of horses and men, as also the type of cavalry tactics in use among the Thessalians, Olynthians, and the Macedonian tribes. 2 I hope the same military friend whom I have before referred to will pardon me if, like Teucer, having shot this shaft, I seek refuge behind his shining shield : airhp 6 aBris iibv, irais £>s iirb /uiripa, Siaicev els AlavB' • 6 Si juv o&Ke'C Kpiwraaxe $. 11. viii. 271. As to the feasibility of " modernising" the terminology of the Hipparchicus, xl INTRODUCTION semblance is real, it may be explained on the supposition that by lucky chance we have caught the English and Attic cavalry (in spite of the two thousand years which separate them) at a corresponding stage in the natural and orderly development of the arm ; and further, that the background of affairs — the conditions, that is to say, under which this force in either case was raised (as part of a national militia) ; the " plastic raw material " " ready to obey the craftsman's skill " ; * the political (or social) status of the mounted trooper ; 2 the yeoman-like service ; the stamina also of the men and horses ; the facilities or the reverse of enlisting the force ; the means of its support even to the question of pay 3 — present many features in common. I presume that though the world has known few finer cavalry leaders than Cromwell (or Rupert as regards dash), though there was never greater pluck than that which the rival cavalries displayed in the field at Edgehill and a dozen later battles, yet no one would select that particular period of our own military annals as representing other than a relatively low-water mark in the history of cavalry. And the same would apply (mutatis mutandis) as regards pluck of the men and ability of particular leaders to Xenophon's time.* It was in fact in each case a transitional moment in the handling of the arm, both as regards evolution and manoeuvre, and in reference to attack. In order to see to what things were finally tending, he writes : " It is hopeless, I think, to attempt to bring Xenophon in line with the drill-book of 1895 ; with that of 1645 it is easier ; for then the cavalry attack, as in Xenophon's time, was an attack, not of shock, but of missiles." . . . " I may add that the essential difference between ancient and modern cavalry drill is that now all changes of direction are executed by divisions of squadrons or whole squadrons ; then (and in our own civil war) they were only executed by the same change on the part of every man. Now you wheel a squadron bodily to the right about ; then every horse turned individually right about on his own ground." 1 Think of the ' ' new model " three years after Edgehill ; and cf. Hipparch, capp. i. and vi. ad in. 2 "The men of honour " and ' ' the staid, most pacific, solid Farmer " (see Carlyle, Cromwell, i. 100 foil.) ; in other words, the koKoI Ki.ya.Bot, and the " Ischomachuses. " 3 KaT&ffTacns, "stoppage." 4 One thinks of Xenophon and Iphicrates, of Jason, of Epaminondas, all cavalry leaders or reformers. INTRODUCTION xli we should have to turn over a few pages of history in either case : in our own to the true commencement of modern tactics under Frederick the Great, and again, later, Napoleon ; and in the case of the Attic cavalry to the days of Alexander, and later, again, of Hannibal and his Numidians. Let us confine ourselves to the attack. What was the state of affairs, and what its explanation ? The Greek cavalry tactics — as indeed those of heavy infantry, to which it was in the first instance merely subsidiary — still carried with them something appropriate to the fighting of the heroic feudal times. A pitched battle was a sort of collective and multiform duel, conducted in a series of bouts — an aywv between two armies in phalanx, supported by cavalry and light troops, placed originally on either wing ; 1 and the business of the latter was to skirmish merely, as a preliminary to the real engagement, or, at best, as the infantry swung round towards the right, 2 to take a wing of the enemy's infantry in flank, or to prevent one of their own wings being outflanked; and ultimately to protect their own infantry in retreat if beaten, or if victorious to enforce pursuit. The cavalry engagement was still in fact a species of knightly tourney. The cavalry tactics of the Persians (who preferred not to charge home 3 against heavy infantry) did not in the early days suggest the advantage to be derived from shock, though in his Asiatic campaign (396, 395 B.C.) it gave a leader like Agesilaus, inspired (if tradition reports correctly) by Xenophon, 4 a lesson to improve the stamina of his horses and men, and to Xenophon himself suggested an improved weapon, which in a mttke, such as even the tourney on occasion led to, would enable the Greek trooper to strike home with greater effect. Shock tactics, if the phrase may be applied to the overwhelming crash of a solid body of horse charging an enemy front to front, came with the general improvement of strategics — in other words, the gradual differentiation of cavalry as a separate and inde- 1 See above, p. xxxii. n. 1 ; Thuc. v. 67 ; Aristoph. Knights, 241 ; Aristot. trepl k6, raiding his territory; § 15, and capturing frontier outposts, etc. 1 circa 365 B. c. Situation : Boeotians hostile ; the Athenian infantry retired within the walls ; fleet depended on, as during the Peloponnesian war ; duty devolved on cavalry of (a) protecting the country outside of the city as far as possible, as in the old Deceleian days (a function which the less efficient members of the force may perform adequately, since ' ' fear is a great avp.- 0i)\a£ " ), so that the pick of the cavalry will (j3) be able to act, not as an army, but as an efficient guerilla force, and harass the enemy in all sorts of ways. 2 i.e. the Theban. 3 The writer's heart warms with anti-Theban animosity ; old thoughts come back to him. See Mem. III. v. 3, the same sentiment, totidem verbis. 4 Exemplified in modern times during the War of Liberation at Saranta Potamoi in the Morea ; so I am told. 6 A reminiscence of the author's, 404 B.C. ; see Hell. II. iv. 6 (Trans, vol. i. p. 64) ; and again, 369 B.C., Hell. VII. i. 16 (Trans, vol. ii. p. 190). HIPPARCH xlix Cap. viii. §§ 1-25 (pp. 25-31).— Ok the superiority of morale needful to such a force, with further maxims and expedients. § 1, to damage a larger force the smaller must make up for paucity of numbers by efficiency. (They must appear as iaicryral versus Idiwrai. ) § 2, man and horse in thorough training. § 3, what is meant by training, and its advantages shown by illustrations. 1 § 4, don't forget straps (the Keicpi/ %iipa) on the left arm. § 6, for the right, a wing-like apparatus appended to the corselet (at the shoulder). § 7, and on the arm itself a sort of greave. § 8, the horse's armour : frontlet, breastplate, and thigh-pieces, serving as cuirass for the trooper himself. § 9, the saddle a quilted saddle-cloth. § 10, shins and feet protected by leathern gaiters. The above, 0eQv "CKeuv Hvtuv, will serve as defensive armour. § 11, weapons of offence: a fmx al P a > machaera, "bill" (or "sabre"), rather than a £/os, xiphos, "straight sword." § 12, two 7raXri Kpavi'Cva (darts) " of cornel wood," in place of a single S6pv Kap.dKi.vot>, " reed spear," recommended : why. 4 § 13, 1 e.g. on the frieze of the Parthenon. 2 This fine study of collective equestrian splendour and effect is com- parable (in literature to the description of the war-horse in the Book of Job, and still more exactly) in plastic art to the Parthenon frieze. § 9, it shows how naturally the artistic soul will have its say in an Athenian. Moreover, the individual leads up to the collective capacity. Other voices besides that of the artist make themselves heard : the good citizen's, the cavalry expert's, the kindly father's, and preceptor's. (N.B. the transition to the second person singular, iav iY/v airols offros, § 12. ) But the author does not end on this note : his last word, § 13, is practical — Socratic — and (such is his idiosyncrasy) religious, f)i> p.i) n BaipjovLov KtSKiri (sic Xenophon, passim; and below, xii. n, dewv t\eav 6vtuv. See his own apology for the repetition of the phrase civ 0e(j) Tpdrreiv in the companion treatise, ix. 8). 3 See Riistow and Kochly, A. Martin, Morris H. Morgan, ad loc. 4 In the Cyropaedia, I. ii. 9, he arms the Persian cavalry with two iraXrii of cornel wood. Is this ideal and Xenophontine ? or is it " historic " and Oriental (the national Persian arm), and did Xenophon get the hint from HORSEMANSHIP lix long-range shooting recommended : why : attitude in taking aim, etc. § 14, thus far for an ISulmjs, a private individual : special companion treatise gives details for " hipparch," quern vid. 1 Persia? Was it in that case a "Cyreian" invention? — traditionally so regarded, I mean. See the important passage in Hell. III. iv. 14, describing a brush between Persian and Hellenic cavalry in the neighbourhood of Dascylium (Agesilaus' campaign in Asia, 396, 395 B.C.), in which the latter were worsted, being armed with Sbpara {Kajiaiava.), which snapped at the first onset, whilst the Persians carried upaviXva ttoKtA.. It looks as if Xenophon wished to improve the Hellenic by adopting the Persian arm. 1 iv Mpip Xo7v SeSijXwrai, in reference to the author's (earlier) tract on the duties of a cavalry commander. Cynegeticus : a Tract on Hunting Cap. i. §§ 1-17 (Trans, pp. 73-77). — Proem concerning the mystery of hunting and other chivalrous pursuits : the divine invention of the chase, and of the heroes trained in this school by the centaur Cheiron (see below, xiii. 6). § 18 (p. 77). — irapalvens, personal exhortation of the author (or his editor), iyCi p&v tibv irapai»&, k.t.X. : "do not despise hunting, or the rest of a noble education ! that is my advice to the young." Cap. ii. §§ 1-9 (pp. 77-79). — Practical details. § 1, the time of life at which to begin hunting. § 2, equipment. § 3, the net-keeper. §§ 4-8, nets, three sorts of: "small," "road," and "haye": their construction : props and manner of fixing. § 9, bags and bill- hooks. Cap. iii. §§ i-ii (pp. 79-83). — Of hounds suited to the chase (i.e. "harriers"), " Castorian " and "Alopecid." §§ 2, 3, defects, physical and moral, which hounds are liable to. §§ 4- io, discovered in their several modes of hunting a line of scent. § II, whether natural or the result of bad training, a stumbling-block to the keen sportsman. Cap. iv. §§ 1-8 (pp. 83-86). — Characteristics, bodily and other, of a good hound. § I, points in detail. § 2, summarily. § 3, in following up a line of scent. 1 § 4, behaviour when the hare is seen. § 5, 1 Ixvereiuaav, we are concerned chiefly with nose work, though at times the language is suggestive of the eye. Indeed, in his descriptions Xenophon seems to picture the hare going through her doubles and twistings rather than the hounds unravelling the line. Still his enthusiasm for nose work is patent. Note that he will not let his men halloo if they catch a view of the hare (v. 15), wishing his hounds not to hunt with their eyes but their noses ; on the other hand, it is clear that hounds were bred some for nose and others for speed. See Mem. III. xi. 8 ; Cyrop. I. vi. 40. CYNEGETICUS lxi when once she is off, SuaxbvTwv. § 6, of four points in par- ticular. §§ 7, 8, as to colour and hair. §9-11 (p. 86).— As to ground and season. § g, the scene: hills and fells better than fields and low-lying farm-lands. . § io, advantage of rough ground for working the pack. § n, times vary with the season of the year. Cap. v. §§ 1-34 (PP- 86-93).— Concerning the hare. § i, effects of season, etc., on tracks and scent; § 2, and the nose of the hound. § 3, effect of moisture on scent, § 4, of rains : full moonlight unfavourable (a pretty picture " among the trees of the forest, where the fox and the hare bid each other good-night "). § 5, how scent lies at different seasons of the year. § 6, convoluted tracks in spring (the "coupling" season). § 7, scent of the line leading to the hare in form lies longer than that of a hare on the run : why : how the nature of the ground affects scent. § 8, 1 puss's resting-places. § 9, predilections of the hare in constructing her form : behaviour when on the run. § 10, 2 posture of the hare when reclining. §11, motion of the eyelids, awake : of nostrils, asleep. § 12, preference for lowlands in spring : unwilling to start from her form when dogs are near her. § 13, fecundity of the hare : scent of leverets. 3 § 14, " These are for the goddess " •- yearlings flag after first ring. § 15, how to proceed with the pack in following up scent. § 16, the creature's dread of eagles overhead and of the hounds at her feet. § 17, 4 which hares give the best chase. § 18, facilities ac- cording to colour, etc. , of the ground. § 19, behaviour of the hare towards hounds : "playing the mannikin." § 20, " danger de- viseth shifts." § 21, which make the longest burst, which the shortest. § 22, two kinds (varieties ? or species ?) of hare. 6 1 Good specimen of "enthusiastic" style. 2 A naturalist's note. 3 Xenophon qua naturalist is a forerunner of Aristotle. 4 The epithets Upeioi, ireSivol, FKeioi, ir'KAvrjTes ( = Spo/nalm, supra ?) do not point to differences of species, but of temporary habitat, I take it. Cf. infra, § 22. Xenophon is often obscure in this way. 6 Stio Si ko.1 ra 7&17 iarlv airwv. Is Xenophon to be relied on ? A friend writes to me : ' ' Possibly the distinction is rather fanciful than other- wise. It is an old failing, I believe, of crude naturalists to subdivide species unduly. I have heard vehement discussions over the corpses of woodcocks as to whether two birds, from a slight difference in length of bill, were of distinct breeds. Hares of the mountain and plain might well bear different fur. ' ' See further the Natural History of the Hare (Fur and Feather Series), by the Rev. H. A. Macpherson, chap. i. "Studies in Hare Life." This writer, speaking of the brown hare, 1 says, p. 3 foil. : " It is not a native of Ireland. 1 Lepus timidus, Linnaeus. lxii ANNOTATED ANALYSIS § 23, distinguishing marks. 1 § 24, 2 islands favourable to in- crease of the small kind, owing to the absence of foxes and eagles, those birds frequenting high mountains, which are rarely a feature of small islands. § 25, hares practically "protected" in most of the islands for various reasons. § 26, defective eyesight of the hare to be explained by the construction of the organ, etc. § 27, and other peculiarities of the animal, asleep and in movement. 3 § 28, alarm at its pursuers robs the timid creature of prescience. 4 § 29, it would easily escape if only it held on uphill, instead of circling round and making for its home : seldom fairly run down, but, when . . Elsewhere in Europe the brown hare seems to be at home, in all the more temperate countries. It shows a decided aversion to damp climates, thriving best in a moderately dry atmosphere. The high mountains and bleak pla- teaus of Central and Northern Europe are naturally ill adapted to the consti- tution of the brown hare. Accordingly this animal is replaced in elevated or inclement regions by the Hue or variable hare} which contrives to pick up a living in the most desolate and forbidding districts. It is this animal which takes the place of the brown hare in Ireland. 2 Some naturalists have separated the Irish variety of the variable hare from the typical form, but it is questionable whether such a step can be considered prudent. As for the brown hare, it must be said that considerable differences exist between examples obtained in Northern and Southern Europe. . . . We are thrown back upon the conclusion of Blasius, who investigated the subject some years ago. The skins which he examined had been obtained from different parts of Europe. Their study induced him to believe that we should recognise three distinct races of the brown hare. Of these, the form with which Englishmen are least acquainted is the hare of North- East Europe. This animal possesses fur of a thick texture, and shows a tendency to become white in winter, a circumstance which might be expected to enhance the chance of its escaping from its enemies during severe weather such as is often experienced in Russia. The central race, which includes our English hare, is characterised by the possession of fur of moderate texture. It shows a disposition to become gray in winter. To find the third race of brown hare recognised by the German specialist just quoted, it is necessary to go to the extreme south of Europe. This hare of the Mediterranean sub-region differs from the animal we know so well at home in the relative thinness of its pelage. Its ears are but scantily clothed with fur. It is a redder animal than our hare. Mr. Abel Chapman says that it is more brindled in colour than our insular form. Another point of distinction lies in the inferior size of the Medi- terranean hare." (The italics are mine.) See further, op. cit. pp. 9 foil. ; ch. ii. " Pages of Hare Lore," p. 43. 1 These seem explicit enough ; but the matter needs threshing out. 2 A scientific observation after the manner of Gilbert White. 3 A quasi-scientific observation. 4 A sympathetic passage. 1 Lepus variabilis, Pallas. 2 See op. cit. p. 43. Also in Scotland, there called the Scotch or -white hare. See St. John, Sport, etc., in Morayshire, p. 82, and Classified Index of the vertebrate animals alluded to, p. 317. CYNEGETICUS lxiii caught, a victim of a misfortune belied by physical conforma- tion : a marvel of speed and lightness. 1 § 30, bodily endow- ments : points of the hare. § 31, mode of progression : never walks, 2 but leaps. § 32, uses its ears to steer and turn by. § 33> 3 *'» laude leporis. § 34, observations about tpya, cultivated lands : springs and streams. 4 Cap. vi. §§ 1-26 (pp. 94-102).— §§ i-4, of a pack of hounds: §§ 5-10, of the net-keeper : §§ 1 1-26, of the master and a day with the harriers. § 1, harness and gear of hounds: collar, leash, and surcingle; special use of the latter. §§ 2-4, what hounds are to be taken out, and when not : weather favourable and not too windy, every other day : not to go after foxes : vary the ground : make an early start. §§ 5-10, equipment of net-keeper: his duties: when and how to fix the nets : further duties : when the hare is caught :. marking, etc. § 11, the sportsman, hunting dress and accoutrements of. § 12, to the hunting-ground in silence. § 13, hounds ready in leash : with a prayer to Apollo and Artemis Agrotera, 6 he lets loose one hound, the most saga- cious member of the pack. § 14, as soon as this one 6 carries a line straight away from the tangle of lines, another, and a third, and then the others one by one, 7 himself following, without hurry : not to over-excite them. § 15, 8 the hounds at work. § 16, in proximity to the hare's form. § 17, "away she goes" : view halloo ! hounds after her in full cry. § 18, the hare will presently double, and make for home : 9 further 1 This is almost after the manner of Michelet. 2 Mr. Barrett Hamilton measured the successive leaps of an Irish hare while chased by a dachshund (over snow), and found them to consist of the following distances measured in inches : 90, 46, 90, 45, 86, 42, 62, 44, 86, 47, 60, 120. The largest leap = 10 feet, and the writer adds : " Probably the hare whose leap I measured would have added another foot to her best efforts if she had had a brace of greyhounds at her heels." Zoologist, 1888, p. 259, ap. Macpherson, op. cit. p. 32. 3 After the manner of Charles St. John. 4 This true sportsman is a religious, law-abiding man. 5 Not only is Xenophon himself a religious man, but the chase is itself a sacred business. Cp. the old customs, e.g., of Manx fishermen when the fleet assembles for the herring fishery. filai/ Kiva. Did Xenophon hunt with a bitch pack ? Not altogether, I imagine (see vi. 2, and, more conclusively, vii. 6), of whelps, tovs ipphas, "dogs" fit for hunting at ten months; tAs ByXelas, "bitches," at eight. rj Ktiwv, {1) generic = hound ; (2) poetical. Cf. Soph. Aj. 8 ; Eur. Hipp. 18. 7 N.B. dvofiao-rl, a sympathetic touch ; and below, § 20. 8 The style is graphic and exhilarating in this enthusiastic description of the hunt. Cf. Cyrop. for similar stylistic qualities in descriptions of the chase and battle. ' See above, v. 29. lxiv ANNOTATED ANALYSIS proceedings : cry to keeper to "mark." § 19, if caught, beat up another : if not, after her hounds : master left behind : inquiries. § 20, hounds overtaken : various directions, ivo- IuhijtI, to different hounds in different tones of voice. § 21, if at fault, try back. § 22, at last they have got the line of scent. 1 § 23, the rumble-cum-tumble of the hounds : the master's part. 2 § 24, the net-keeper's. § 25, hounds have had nearly enough : time to hunt up the hare that lies dead- beat : working of the hounds again for this purpose : various encouragements according to the nature of the hound. § 26, pack up and home : care for the hounds' feet (see above, iv. 10). Cap. vii. §§ 1-12 (pp. 103-106). — §§ 1-4, of breeding and treatment of puppies. § 5, names for hounds. §§ 6-12, training of young hounds. § 1, the right season to put the bitch to the dog. § 2, when she will best hold : treatment during pregnancy. § 3, and of the litter. §4, feeding -of puppies. § 5, hound-names should be short and easy to call out : a list of. § 6, age at which they may be taken out to hunt, according to sex. § 7, training. § 8, danger of over-exertion in case of a good pup. § 9, different treatment of less good type. § 10, young hounds not to stray. § n, to be fed at the nets, which will train them to come back there. § 12, the master should, as far as possible, give them their food himself. 3 Cap. viii. §§ 1-8 (pp. 106-108). — Oj tracking hares in winter. § I, set out after a fall of snow deep enough to cover the ground completely. § 2, without hounds, along with a com- panion to carry the nets. § 3, the medley of tracks and the hare's wiliness. 4 §§ 4-8, procedure : the hare's difficulty in ploughing its way through snow. Cap. ix. §§ 1-20 (pp. 108-112). — Of hunting deer. § 1, "Indian" hounds the right sort. § 2, mode of capturing quite young " fawns " in spring : set off before daylight with hounds and a supply of javelins: reconnoitring. § 3, the hinds 1 Note the pUe-mile of participles here. 2 Xenophontine word-painting. 3 This passage reminds one of Horsemanship, ii. 3, and is pro tanto a proof of common authorship (i.e. genuineness), bearing the impress of Xenophon's sympathy and common-sense ; association of ideas a first prin- ciple of education. 4 Worthy of Gilbert White. CYNEGETICUS lxv and their young. §§ 4-7, procedure. 1 §§ 8-10, mode of cap- turing those of a larger growth : separating them from the herd, and running them down. § 11, capture of deer by foot- gins, irodotrrpipcu. §§ 12, 13, construction of these. §§ 14-16, how to set these cunningly in the ground : the keen smell and wariness of the deer. § 17, the right time to inspect the traps. §§ 18, 19, pursuit of a deer caught by the foot in one of these gins. § 20, danger of approaching a stag even so trammelled : let fly your javelins : capture of deer without aid of gin or calthrop by sheer " coursing " in hot summer time : when hard pressed the deer will take to water, etc. Cap. a. §§ 1-23 (pp. 112-119). — Of hunting the wild pig." § 1, equipment: the kinds of hound needed — "Indian," "Cretan," "Locrian," "Laconian" — and of these the best to be had. § 2, nets. § 3, javelins, boar-traps, foot-traps : need of a large party of hunters. § 4, mode of tracking (by scent ?) and dis- covering lair of the wild pig : a " Laconian " hound. § 5, her working : traces of the boar. § 6, his lair. § 7, fixing of the toils. § 8, that done, setting the hounds on. § 9, the boar at bay. § to, boar and hounds : the huntsman's part. § 1 1, in case the animal turns, how to handle the 7rpo/3Wuoj\ § 12, at close quarters : the home-thrust. § 13, how to proceed in case of missing : "fall flat. " § 14, the sole means of escape through a diversion made by a fellow-hunter. § 15, on one's legs again, and how to proceed : "safety not to be won nobly save by victory." § 16, a final tussle. § 17, the heat of the boar's tusks. 3 § 18, boar and sow. § 19, another mode of attack and capture of wild pig by nets fixed on his run. § 20, or, that failing, by chase in sultry weather : a monster in strength, but asthmatic. § 21, when the animal is dead-beat and stands at bay, need of getting to close quarters : danger of the sport. § 22, import- ance of posture in handling the spear : foot-traps also used, with an appeal to the boar-spear in the end. § 23, difficulty of capturing sounders : fierceness of boar and sow in defence of their young. 4 Cap. xi. §§ 1-4 (pp. 119, 120). — Concerning big game. § 1 , hunting of larger game — lions, lynxes, panthers, bears : the 1 Note the practical quasi-scientific observations of the sportsman-naturalist in these sections and the next also. Cf. Aristotle, who, in writing of animals, derived his information from people like Xenophon, no doubt. 2 Wild-boar hunt, an ancient heroic business, epic, sculpturesque. 3 An ancient belief. 4 A naturalist's observation. vol. in — 2 e lxvi ANNOTATED ANALYSIS mountainous regions where these are to be found. § 2, mode of capture — by poison ; § 3, by parties of armed horsemen ; § 4, by pitfalls : a goat used as a decoy. Cap. xii. §§ 1-22 (pp. 120-124). — Thus far concerning practical details. It remains to consider the advantages to be got from hunting. § 1, the devotee of this art is rewarded by improving his health, quickening his senses of sight and hearing, postponing old age. But further : the chase is the school of war. 1 § 2, in detail — he will learn to stand toil : it will come easy to him to march without fatigue on the worst ground under arms ; to bivouac in the open ; to stick to the post assigned. § 3, in hostile encounter— the charge : ready response to the word of command : courage not to leave the ranks will come natural to him. § 4, so, too, pursuit of the flying enemy over every sort of ground : or in case of some reverse to their own side, among forests, precipices, and other difficulties of ground their woodcraft will stand these old hunters in good stead, to the saving of themselves and others. § 5, how often has a small body of healthily-trained huntsmen rescued a mob of fellow -combatants from the grasp of the antagonist, routing him in the flush of victory. 2 § 6, old customs of the state to encourage hunting : our forefathers knew its value as a training in hardihood. § 7, the young especially should have this exercise secured to them for its fine moral effect, since education in truth and reality makes a. man sober-minded and just. 8 It is the beginning of virtue, positively and negatively. § 8, this pleasure does not hinder 1 So we with our cricket, football, "runs," etc., "the playing fields of Eton," the "close" at Rugby, etc., not to speak of fox-hunting; and cf. Lord Wolseley, The Soldier's Pocket-Booh. 2 This enthusiastic description ends, after the manner of the author, with a sentenlia. Cf. Hell. V. ii. 7 ; iii. 7. 3 Cf. Milton, On Education : ' ' The exercise which I commend first is the exact use of their weapon, to guard, and to strike safely with edge or point ; this will keep them healthy, nimble, strong, and well in breath ; as also the likeliest means to make them grow large and tall, and to inspire them with a gallant and fearless courage, which, being tempered with seasonable lectures and precepts to them of true fortitude and patience, will turn into a mature and heroic valour, and make them hate the cowardice of doing wrong. They must be also practised in all the locks and gripes of wrestling wherein Englishmen were wont to excel, as need may often be in fight to tug, to grapple, and to close. And this perhaps will be enough, wherein to prove and heat their single strength." When we come to the Cyropaedia we shall find the thesis elaborately worked out. CYNEGETICUS lxvii its devotee from other noble aims, as do some other base pleasures which are ill to study. In the hunting-field is bred a race of true soldiers and generals. § 9, men who have stamped out all hybristic evils from body and soul, and im- planted in their stead a longing after virtue. These are our ipurrot, true aristocrats. These will not stand by and see their city and their country devastated without striking a blow. § 10, charge, that the chase will divert from domestic duties, rebutted. § II, given "public," then "private" virtue, inclusively and a fortiori, will come. 1 § 12, it is envy which is at the bottom of this talk : some of those vain babblers would sooner (I do believe) perish than owe salvation to another's virtue. (It is the old story.) " Pleasure, pleasure, pleasure. " Self-indulgence, that's it — egging people on to call black white and make the worse appear the better cause. § 13, through vain words they arouse hatreds, and through evil deeds bring down diseases, losses, death it may be, on their own selves, children, and friends : having their senses dulled to things evil and feverishly alive to pleasure. § 14, the true cure : the pursuit I recom- mend, viz. the chase. § 15, the essence of this noble education, endurance of toil for unselfish ends, with saving effect ; of the other, selfish pleasure-seeking. § 16, and the end, a dwarfing of true manhood, and "uneducated" vituperation of "true culture." 2 § 17 (look on this picture! and on that!). § 18, in praise of the chase — i.e. painful discipline (of which the chase is literally and in its very nature a specimen) leading to virtue, as the heroes of old time (mentioned above) 3 brought up at the feet of Cheiron testify. §§ 19-22 (and these things are an allegory), the quest of virtue : why all men love her, and why many fall away in the quest : if only she were visible to the eye of flesh, as is the beloved object of a man's passion, 4 to what height of self-respect and goodness would we not rise ! 1 Or, "Given that the devoted sportsman is educating himself to be useful to his fatherland in the highest degree, it follows he will not neglect his private duties, for with the ship of the state the domestic fortunes of each one must sink or swim ; so then, so far from being the destroyer of his own, he is the saviour of other private fortunes and his own. " Such, if I understand him aright, is the wisdom (or anti-sophistic argument) of the writer, be he Xenophon himself or some other. 2 tois Treirai.Sevnhoi.s. Cf. Cyrop. I. ii. 3, possibly an "undesigned co- incidence " in proof of common authorship. 3 &v iire/ir/iaSriv. These words, unless interpolated, carry with them the prefatory chapter. See Introd. p. xxii. 4 See Hellenica Essays, p. 354. lxviii ANNOTATED ANALYSIS but now in our blindness we lose faith. 1 Yet virtue is an immortal presence everywhere, honouring the good and bringing the base to dishonour. Could we but realise that she is watching us, how eagerly would we essay the toilful training she insists on, and lay her captive at our feet I Cap. xiii. 1-18 (pp. 124-128). — Epilogue on "sophistic" as opposed to " cynegetic " education. § 1, the training of the "sophists" so called, in spite of their pro- fessions, abortive in leading the young to virtue : the modern sophist, ol vvv o-oipuTTal : 2 frivolous character of the modern sophistic literature. 3 § 2, only leading to waste of the student's time, if not worse (cf. above, xii. 13). § 3, plenty of far - fetched phraseology in these writings, but little of solid, wholesome sentiment {sententiae, yvufiai). § 4, speaking as [a mere layman, 4 the author cannot put the case about education better than (in the "gnomic" fashion of Hesiod) thus: "best to be taught the good by one's own nature, next best by those who truly know some good," rather than those who have an art to deceive. § 5, an apology for his own style, rots ixev bvbfuusai oi o-ews \fy(a, which lacks subtle phraseology : subtlety not his aim but rather rightly- conceived thoughts : it is not words but thoughts and noble senti- ments {yi>&fuu) that educate. § 6, 6 he is not singular in his / reproach of the modern type of sophist (a very different person from the philosopher) as a professor of word-subtleties not ideas : 1 Cf. Tennyson, The Voyage: Her face was evermore unseen. Schneid. cf. Plat. Phaedr. 250 D : 6^/is, rf (f>p6v7]ffLS oi% oparai ' Seivovs yap av Trapelxev fpuyras, et tl tqloutov &clvt7]s tvapyes etSuKop irapetxero els ftiptv Ibv. Formam quidem ipsam, Marce fill, et tanquam faciem honesti vides : quae si oculis cerneretur, mirabiles amores, ut ait Plato, excitaret sapientiae. — Cic. de Off. i. 5. 1. " For sight is the keenest of our bodily senses ; though not by that is wisdom seen ; her loveliness would have been transporting if there had been a visible image of her, and the same is true of the loveliness of the other ideas as well " (Jowett). " One would like to see these ypdfifmTa. Was Polycrates' Kartf/opla S, the repetition of the word (see i. r8 ; below, 17) is perhaps im- portant in reference to the genuineness of the treatise. The distinction drawn between the philosopher and the sophist — the true and false teacher — is noble . enough and worthy of the Socratic Xenophon. As to the description of the sophist, ol fitv yap ffotpiffraX irXovtrlovs ko.1 vtovs dyptovTaiy cf. Plat. Sophist. The metaphor of the chase is further important to the thread of the discourse. 3 e.g. Socrates or, at a later date and from a very different standpoint, Isocrates. 4 rods iirl ras ir\eovet-tas eliqj lovras, k.t.X. Cf. Isocr. Against the Sophists, 295. 10, concerning " the pretentious school of sophists which has lately sprung up," 391, 390 B.C. "They professed to teach men political discourse" ; but really "they undertook to be teachers of meddlesomeness and greed," irok\nrparmaaivi\% KaX ir\eore£tas imiaTi\ao.v elvai. SiS&OKakoi. See Jebb, Att. Or. ii. p. 133. 6 Cf. Isocr. Antid. § 203. 6 Note the political terms. ' Somewhat " sophistically " drawn out. 8 As to " wild beasts " being "enemies of the whole community," this is true enough of lions and lynxes and wild boars perhaps ; but horses and deer — surely the remark is made ' Xirirov dXKorplov Karoxoi/ievos &/Ja /ieXcrax i7nr(£fe<70