Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924005839893 FREE SOIL, FREE SPEECH, FREE MEN. PEOCEEDINGS DEMOCEATIC EEPUBLICAS / STATE CONYENTION, ?y;;l:: At SifRAcrsE, July 24, IS 56. ^i^ THE ADDRESS AND RESOLUTIONS, LIST OF DELEGATES. ALBAItY. FEINTED ET OEDEE OF THK COSTESTIOS. \(, 7856. ''^; Price 11.25 per ] 00; $10 per lOOO. Orders to be sent to J. D. ParsosSj Albmiy. .0 jK ^?f /i PROCEEDINGS DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAIs^ STATE CONVENTIOK ^ ' ■ « I » In response lo a call, signcfl by a large number of Democrats in various parts of tlie state, the Convention assembled at Syracuse on the 24th of July, 1856. The Convention met at 11 o'clock, and was called to order by Platt Potter, Esq., of Scbenectady, v^bo nominated BENJAMIN "WELCH, Jr., of Erie, for temporary Chairman. Carried, with applause. H. H. Van Dvck, of Albany, nominated Mr. Eaton (editor of the Herkimer Courier) for Secretary. Agreed to. Hon. Thomas Carroll, of Rensselaer, nominated Mr. Carr, of Rensselaer, for second Secretary. Agreed to. J. C. Smith, of Ontario, moved a Committee be appointed to report pet maneut officers. The motion was adopted. The Committee consisted of two from each Judicial District, as follows : 1st DUt. — Messrs. Kennedy and S'orthrnp. 2d " — Messrs. Floyd and Denni'son. 3d " — Messrs, Wilder and Palver. 4th " — Messrs. Cochrane and Cliapin. 5th " — Messrs. Hunt and Ontwater. 6th " — Messrs. Gregg and Chase. •yth " — Messrs. James C. Smith and Godfrey. 8 th " — Messrs. Fargo and BristoL David Dudley Field, Esq., of New-York, moved the appointment of a Committee of two from each judicial district, to prepare Resolu- tions and an Address. Carried. The Committee was appointed as follows : Messrs. Field, Robinson, Dennison, Floyd, Van Dycfc, Wynckoop, Churchill, Adams, Jenkins, Morgan, Campbell, Huson, Barlow, Deiiiii, Thayer, Davis. 'Adjourned to 3 o'clock, P. M. AFTERNOON SESSION. ' Syracuse, July 24 — 3 P. M. The Convention met pursuant to adjournment, Hon. BENJAMIN WELCH in the chair. M. I. TowNSEND, Esq., of Rensselaer, moved that all Democrats present from any part of the state, who concur in the object of the Convention, be requested to hand up their names to the Secretary. Agreed to. Mr. J C. S.MtTH, of Ontario, from the Committee on Permanent Organization, made the following report, which was unanimously agreed to : President— 3 A.UES S. WADSWORTH, Livingston. Vice-President — JoiiN A. KeniVedy, New- York, Robert Dennis- ton, Orange, JoHiV T. Hogeuoo.u, Columbia, Henry Churchii,!., Fulton, T. Jenkins, Oneida, Ariel S. Thurston, Chemung, Oliver H. Petrie, Monroe, T. J. Fythian, Erie. Secretaries — Charles J. Folgeb, Ontario, Charles H. Munger, Tioga, A. W. Eaton, Herkimer, John B. Carr, Rensselaer, H. D. Rich, Jefferson. Messrs. C. Smith and Martin I. Townsend conducted the Presi- dent to the chair. On taking the Chair, Mr. Wadsworth spoke as follows : I thank you, gentlemen of the Convention, for the distinguished honor which you have conferred upon me. The occasion which has brought U3 together is one of deep and abiding interest to us and to those whom we represent. If the result of our deliberations should separate us from some of the political associates with whom we have passed the best years of our lives, we cannot weigh too cautiously every step we take. But, Gentlemen, if in the pursuit of wisdom to direct our course, we go back to the early days of the Republic — to the infancy of the great Republican Party — to the days of Jeffei son (a man, let me add, whose memory is not less dear to our hearts, be- cause, if he were living to-day, he would be driven an exile from his native state, and would not be allowed to emigrate to the vast domain which he secured for his country west of the Mississippi), if. we go back to those times and drink deep at the fountains of fieedom, it will be our own gross error if we go far astray. On coming down to a later period — to the times of Silas Wright, of Michael Hoffman, of Samuel Young — men who have gone from araoii"- us, but were yet of our own time, with whom we have f >ught side by side, who never betrayed us and whom we never deserted if we adopt the principles we have so often heard so earnestly expressed from their own lips — if we stand where they stood — we need have no fears for the result. Those xmxi were Democrats because they believed in Democracy, and not because it was the name of a platform placed under ihera or over them. They did not look to Washington for advice, or to Cincinnati for principles. They gathered wisdom from the honest and sure instincts of the popular "mind, and strennth from the popular will. If we follow in their footsteps, we may safely abide the verdict of November. •' I had the honor, gentlemen, to be a Delegate to the Democratic Convention which met in this city prior to tlie ejection of JS4S. We laid down then and here, as one of the foundation stones of the Demo- cracy of New-York, opposition tckthe extension of Slavery. 1 see aroui d me many of the men who were with me Delegates to the Baltimore Convention of that year. I claim that we proved our- selves worthy of the great trust reposed in us by the Radical Demo- cracy of New- York, when we came out of that Convention, rather than see the principles of our constituents trampled in the dust. We came home and appealed to those who had sent us there. We were sustained by a hundred and twenty thousand of theDemocratic electors of New-York. A few men have since been seduced from us by the allurements of office and the flatteries of power; but if we stand where we stood then, on the same eternal principles, I firmly believe that we shall find the people where we found them then. For one, 1 shall impatiently, but confidently, await the great verdict of the country upon the stand I trust we shall take here to-day. 1 will not, gentlemen, further detain you, except to ask your friend- ly aid, and if need be your forbearance, in the discharg-e of the duties you have imposed upon me. ADDRESS Adopted by tlio Democratic Eepublicans, assembled at Syraoose, July 24, 1856. David Dudleit Field, Esq., of New- York, reported the Address, and Resolutions as follows : Fei.t.ow Democrats : The time has come for Democrats to declare their independence of those packed conventions which have lately assumed to dictate the measures and the candidates of the Democracy. That party of glorious memory, which once spoke and acted for Freedom, has fallen into the hands of office holders and political adventurers, serving as the tools. of a slaveholding oligarchy. For more than ten years the measures of the General Government have been directed mainly to the increase of Slave States. One measure has followed upon another, each bolder than the last, until we have violence ruling in the Federal Capitol, and civil war raging in the Territories. For the consummation of oach measure, the venal have been purchased, the timid frightened by threats of disunion, the peace-loving soothed by promises of fulute quietness, and the reluctant and resisting silenced or overborne by the clamor and force of party. Each success has led to a new aggression, until at last the weak man now at the head of the Government, stimulated by a Senator from Illinois, in a rivalry for a Presidential nomination, and believing that the beat means of reaching it was to secure the entire Southern vote, and the best means of obtaining that, a new sacrifice to Slavery, attempted to force through Congress the repettl of an existing law, by which a compromise had been effected by our fatliers more than a third of a century past. These rival demagogues succeeded in effecting the repeal, though they lost their reward. By this act of crime, unparalleled even in our day of political crimes, one of the fairest regi ins of our country, and, indeed, of the world, haj been converted into a field of battle, where citizens of a common countr)' are fighting with each other for the introduction or exclusion of human servitude. Such another spectacle the world does not present. And the end of it is dependent upon the event of a Presidential election.- To excuse themselves, the authors of the measure put forth the plea, that the people of the Territories had the right to govern themselves. If this were true, it would not have justified the Kansas-Nebraska act. for that was a mere abandonment of Congressional interposition in favor of Presidential interposition, leaving the law-making power to the people, but reserving the executive and judicial to the President or his nominees. It was an abdication by Congress of its legislative functions in favor of the executive. But the plea was as untrue in fact as it was unworthy in motive. They who put it forth have already abandoned it. The Senate has passed a bill proposing to annul some of the most obnoxious acts of these law-makers; and the authors of the mischief, shrinking from the consequences of their own acts, and forgetting that others will remem- ber their tergiversation, attempt to escape some of the condemnation by undoing a part of the evil. If the people of the Territories have the right to govern themselves, they may make their governors and judges as well as their legislators. If they have not the right, Congress has it ; and if Congress has it, it must be exercised according to the judgment and conscience of the country. The true question, therefore, i», what legislation on the subject of Slavery in the Territories do the judgment aud conscience of the country require ?- The present question is, indeed, narrower than that, for it relates merely to the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. These, the legis- lation of Congress, perfected in 1820 by the votes of the North and South — chiefly South — solemnly and forever set apart as Free soil. That dedication of the soil to Liberty, the degeneracy of the present day has annulled. And the legislation which is now required is that which is necessary, whatever it may be, to make Kansas Free. This is demanded alike by every consideration, past, present and future. If Kansas, which the past made free, is now to be changed to slave, there .must be an end of cumproraises and of conciliatory legislation ; the faith which prompts one legislature or one generation to respect the engagements of another must disappear ; and how long a government can be carried on without ihat faith and confidence, without something more than written constitutions, worked by mere majorities regardless of everything but their own strength and will, they who have read history can answer. If the present struggle is to end, as the Illinois Senator has boasted, in the subjugation of those who opposed his mischievous bill, then, indeed, is the spirit of evil let loose, intimidation and violence are in the ascendant, the real opinion of the country is a thing to be despised, conscience may be laughed at, and it is of no importance to the Presi- dent or Congress what the people of ihe North may wish ; if the South can be secured, with the Northern office holders and purchase- able Members of Congress, any measure may be safely carried and 8 niainlainecl. How such a state of things commends itself to the spirit, or self-respect of Northern electors, we ask them to answer. But what shall we say of the future ? Kansas lost to FreeJom, and as a home for llie oppressed of all nations; free labor driven across her borders, and that noble domain of the New -World, broader and fairer than many a realm of the Old, made, not prosperous and rich like Wisconsin and Iowa, but half barbarous, like Western Missouri That, however, is not the worst consequence. The same spirit •which contrived the Kansas conspiracy, already hints that the prohibi- tion of the slave trade is an unjust discrimination against the South. And why not ? If Slavery be no evil, or if a Federal legislator may not legislate on the idea that it is an evil, why should he make it piracy to bring a slave into the country ? Why not let each man buy, ac- cording to his own conscience, what he finds to be property, or, which is the same thing, what he finds anywhere to be salable 1 The same - principle which justifies the Kansas act must justify the slave trade, and condemn, as an infringement upon the equal rights of the South, the exclusion of the foreign traffic. That step being taken, and il is the next if the present succeeds, then Slavery is virtually established in all our States, for, according to the high Federal, or, as the phrase is, the National doctrine of some of our courts, whatever Congress authorizes to be imported may be sold, any law of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. No, fellow Democrats, our only safety is to stop where we are — to make Kansas a Free State — to punish the authors of the present agitation, and in that way, for that is the only ivay in which it can be done, put an end to the Slavery agitation. How is this to be accomplished 1 By rejecting the Cincinnati Con- vention and its nominees — for they are inseparable.. That Convention met while the country, or, at least, all but the Southern part of it, stood grieved and shocked by the violence and lawlessness in Wash- ington and in Kansas. But not a word of disapprobation did the Con- vention utter. They resolved upon certain truisms which nobody has ever disputed ; passed a resolution against a Bank of the United States, as if anybody had dreamed of such a thing for years a sub- ject just as pertinent to our present circumstances as the Virginia or Kentucky resolutions; and then gravely resolved that every new state must form its own institutions, by implication denyino- both to Congress and to the Territorial Legislature the rio-ht to exclude Slavery. It must also be borne in mind, that tEe author of the Kansas act and the nominees of the Cincinnati Convention have, to this day, declined to say that the people of the Territories have the right to exclude Sla^ei^. -- Who does not know that no Free state has ever yet been admitted into the Union, into which, as ,a territory, .Slavery was aJinifed ? Who does not know that Slavery will go wherever a slaveholder goes, if he is permitted to take it with him ; that Slavery exists in Kentucky, in a higher latitude than some counties of Ohio and Indiana, and in Missouri, several hundred miles further north than the southern limit of the free State of Illinois; that it is an institution easily planted in the infancy of settlements, and most difficult to be eradicated in their maturity ? But why not let the people of a territory decide the question for themselves? say these, new professors of "Squatter Soverein-mv," or at least said so before they introduced fire and sword into Ktmsa?, to disarm the squatters, in violation of *' the rit^ht of the people to bear arms" — to break up their meetings, ia violation of their "right peaceably to assemble and petition for a redress of oreviances"' to disperse their assemblies, gathered to make their own law? to burn their houses, built with many toils and sacrifices in the midst of the prairies — to hunt their wives and children into the wilderness their only refuge from the fury of tliese guardians of equaUers' rit^hts. Why not let them decide the question fur themselves ? If thev who decide were only deciding for themselves, there mi"-ht be some plausibility in the question. But they decide for themselves and for all future inhabitants of the territory. They who come into a terntory after slavery is introduced, have not a free choice in the matter. At the very least, wait until there is a sufficient population to make a state before you let slavery come in. Was it ever heard that when a .ship's company is making up for a voyage, the first ten passengers who put their feet on board may make rales fur the ninety who fi/llow — rules that shall be unalterable until the ship shall have been a hundred days at sea? And was it any better to provide that the few squatters who entered Kansas before March, IS55, should make laws which could not be altered for two years, even though the population should, in the next year, have increased an hundred fold ? Then, it is asked, what interest is it to us whether the people of Kansas have slaves or not ? Is it of no interest to the people of this generation, throughout the country, that Virginia is a slave state I If she had been free, what would now have been her population, her wealth, her resources, her rivers white with sails, her ships all over the globe, her lands cultivated like a garden. If it had fallen to the lot of any statesman of a past generation to decide whether that Com- monwealth should be free or Bla%'-e, and he had, for any motive, allowed it to become slave, how would his memory have been cursed by every true Virginian of our day ! Who that looks now at Missouri does not 10 see the bitter fruits of that weakness or facility of temper which led a few Northern men to unite with the South in yielding it up to slavery 7 And hereafter, when we who are now in life are passing into the^rave, will it not be a stain upon our names and a shadow upon our con- sciences, if, having the power to prevent it, we shall permit Kansas to be slave — another marauding Missouri, instead of a peaceful Iowa, or even a Virginia, instead of a New- York or Pennsylvania? Mr. Buchanan, the candidate of the Cincinnati Convention, stands pledged to make the resolutions of that Convention his rule of faith and practice. If we are to take his ovvn declaration, he is to be rather an automaton than a free agent. The Convention which nominated him — that motley and noisy crowd which nobody would have allowed to de- cide a matter of business of the smallest importance for himself — has done the thinking of the President fur the next four years, if Mr. Bu- chanan should happen to be that President. Such a candidate, under such circumstances, we cannot support. Shall we, then, throw away our votes? That we cannot do, for two reasons : one, that we shall thus indirectly contribute to Mr. Buchanan's election ; the other, that there ia a choice. Mr. Fremont, who has been nominated by the Republicans, is an acceptable candidate. His professions and his antecedents are all democratic, and strongly iu his favor. He is known to be a man of great capacity, energy, probity and honor. In his hands the Presidential office will be vigorously and justly administered. We have, therefore, nominated hira for the Presidency, and his associate, Mr. Dayton, for the Vice-Presidency; and we ask you. Democrats of New-York, to ratify this nomination. We make no attack upon the South. We remember that the Southern people are our brethren," and brethren we mean them to continue. But they shall not interfere with our rights, nor intro- duce their institutions into our states, nor fasten them upon the territories before those territories arc mature enough to be state.*, and, as such, to determine their own institutions. We know well how many noble men and women there are in all the South ; and we believe that many of them agree with us in respect to the extension of slavery. It is the Southern politician and the Northern traitor who have done the mischief,' and whom we wish to restrain. We make no attack upon state rights. We do not believe in the right of the people of one state to interfere with slavery in another. We no more believe iri the right of New- York to unmake a slave in Georgia than in the right of Georgia to make a slave in New-York.- The laws of New- York and of Georgia must equally determine the personal relations of all within their respective limits. But believing ibat the territories are under the jurisdiction and subject to the legis- il latioii of the Union, confident that there can bu v.« peace iu aiij' terri- tory bordeiiug on a slave stale, but by an act of Congress dt.cliiriiij the personal relations of its inhubitauts, vvilhout which civil war is inevitable; and believing, moreover, that us is the territory so v, ill the state be, we are firmly and unalterably opposed to the introduction of slavery into any territory of the United t?tates. Such is the disordered state of affairs, under the control of the General Government, as to demand of every citizen the rno^t vi"ihnir scrutiny and the gravest deliberation. Each elector throughout the United States has an important ofiice to perform at the coming elec- tion ; and in any neglect to exercise that invaluable right, or any indifference as lo the manner in which it shall be exercised at n crisis like this, is guilty not only of an ordinary omission of a ktmwii ure tending to the establishment of Slavery there, and the exclusion of Frt-edom, should have the hearty cooperation of that Administration. .Many other pledges of ibis Administration have been broken, but that pledge hag heen kept to the letter. Why has Judge Kane held that Slavery so far exists in the Free states as lo allow parties of pleasure and others to invade the Free states with their retinue of slaves, and there to hold them iu the yoke o/ servitude 1 Surely, it must be to tutor the Free North into acquies- cence or subserveiency to the institution of Slavery. Why has the slave trade sprung up in such alarming strength, and been carried on by traders residing iu the city of New-York during the past year ? Why have Mr. Buchanan and his associates at the Ostend Conference unblushingly claimed the right in our Government to take Cuba by force, if it could not be gained by purchase ? Why has the Cincinnati Convention followed up the Ostend manifesto with the more startling announcement of the^uty of this Government to exercise a protectorate 12 over the whole country hordeiing on the Gulf of Mexico ? !\Miy have Douglas, Pierce and Buchanan, in succession, become converts to the new doctrine that the General Goverament has no power to control the territories ? Why have the arms of the nation been, turned to oppress our own citizens 1 Why the subject of slavery agitated by the President, con- trary to his express pledges, and the treasure of the nation poured out in profusion upon the supporters of that institution ? These are questions which electors will not fail to inquire into and answer at the ballot box. The abusive and indecent epithets made use of by the chief sup- porters of Mr. Buchanan against the friends of Fremont; their dis- paragement of freedom and encouragement of slavery ; their abandon- ment of every democratic principle, and their devotion to the most odious of all oligarchies, roust shake the confidence of the electors in that party, and make the party itself as desperate in its fortunes as it is corrupt in its means of attaining success. If the spirit of hostility to our free institutions, manifested by the supporters of Mr. Buchanan, bad been as violent during the days of Washington, Jeffers'jn and Madison as it now is, those patriots would have been driven from their native state for their love of liberty, and compelled to seek protection where sentiments in unison with their own were held sacred. The attempts of the Buchanan press generally to misrepresent the true condition of affairs in Kansas; their desire to make Jight of the depredations committed by the national administration party against life, liberty and property ; the open applause or silent acquiescence of the same party in appeals to brute force, exhibited at the Capitol of the nation during the present session of Congress ; their efforts to in- duce Congress to pass the bill concocted by Senators Toombs and Douglas, containing an ingenious but effective guarantee of slavery to Kansas, though persevered in with that clamorous assurance and dicta- torial air strongly characteristic of gross wrong — must and shall be thoroughly canvassed atid exposed. The people will not fail to stamp such duplicity with merited condemnation. The series of measures terminating in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise has proved disastrous to the political prospects of the originators and promoters of the scheme, and subversive of public tran- quillity. Mr. Buchanan is a fresh recruit to this service. He has sur- rendered his principles to the dictation of others. His antecedents ai;e Btrongly against him. He is not a sound representative of the true Democracy of the nation. With his tendency to foreign aggression ani domestic strife and discord, he is eminently fitted, by nature and position, to carry out the policy of Presiilent Pierce in all its parts. The one has introduced civil strife among our people as the most noticeable featuVe of his administration — tbe other, if elected, seems likely to adopt the same feature in his^domestic policy, and also to em- bark in foreign wars for the purpose of conquest. This Convention is prepared to stamp both' of these projects with unreserved and unalter- able condemnation. President Pierce promised the Democracy of the nation an economi- cal administration of the government. In this, also, his pledo-es have been broken. No administration has been more proditral than hi.s. The time which he should have devoted to retrenchment and reform has been lavished in fruitless efforts to secure his own re-nomination and reelection. The dupe of the Cushings and the Davises, his treach- eiy to principle was paid off at Cincinnati with a cheap recompense — THE VOTE OP AN INSINCERE AND HEARTLESS MINORITY. We trUSt that the defeat of Mr. Buchanan, in November next, will save him from a similar fate. If Mr. Buchanan is elected, Kansas is slave. If Mr. Fremont is elected, Kansas is free. Thus thinking, we shall labor against the one and for the other. And we earnestly ask our fellow-Democrats to aid us in the work. RESOLUTIONS. Forasmuch as the last Convention of the Democratic party in this state and the late Convention at Cincinnati have not only kept silence respecting the public disorders and violence which now unhappily previiil, but bave adopted resolutions on the subject of slavery in the territories which are at variance with the traditions and the principles of the democracy, are anarchical in their tendency and immoral in their results; aiid forasmuch, also, as the question of slavery exten- sion has been forced by the administration and the Cincinnati Con- vention into one of paramount importance, and is made by politicians the hmge on which all other questions turn; therefore Resolved, by the Democrats of New- York here assembled, repre- sentino' the democracy of the state. That we repudiate these Con- ventions and all their proceedings, and will act as independently of them as if they had never assembled. Resolved, That, as Democrats, we stand on the platform of Jeffer- son and Jackson, Tompkins and Wright — on principles whicb do not change with the clamor of packed conventions or schemes of seekers after nominations, and because the extension of slavery has never been and can never be the purpose or result, immediate or remote, of true democracy, we hereby declare our uncompromising hostility to it, and our firm resolution to resist it by every lawful means, we will vote for no man who contributes to it directly or indirectly, and we will oppose the election of any person who does not oppose it as we do. 14 Kesolved, That because the nominees of the Cincinnati Conven tioii are pledged to make the resolulions of that Convention their guide and rule of conduct, and because their election would prolong and tend to pei-petuate the deplorable misrule of the present admin- islration, and because the exigencies of the times demand the union of all who oppose the extension of slavery, and the waiver, fo^the present, of other rjueslioiis of subordinate importance, and becausff^the opinions of John C. Fremont and William L. Uayton on this subject agree with our own, and there is much in their history and character to com- mend them to our regard, we hereby nominate them for the offices respectively of President and Vice-President of the United States, antl will use every honorable effort to secure their election, that we may rescue the Presidential office from the degradation into which it has fallen, and the politics of the country from the corruption which is fast undermining our best institutions.. Resolved, That the chief practical question in the Presidential elec- tion is the question of freedom or slavery in Kansas. The election of Mr. Buchanan would make Kansas a slave slate, and give courage and strength to tlie slave element in our national government ; while the election of Mr. Fremont will make Kansas a free state, and reduce slavt-ry to what it was in the better days of the republic, and ought ever to have been, a purely state institution, determinable by the states, each for itself, over which the other states have no control, and for it no responsibility. Resolved, That as it respects other questions of national or state policy, though the administration and the Cincinnati Convention have made them to be all swallowed up in this one question of slavery extension, yet we are none the less attached to all democratic princi- ples and measures, and none the less ready to labor for them on all necessary occasions. Resolved, That a State Committee of three from each judicial dis- trict be appointed to further the objects of this Convention. DELEGATES. Alhany. — Ira Porter, T. B. Wheeler, George W. Luther, J. I. Wei^ ner, John B. Luther, Brace Millard, H. H. Van Dyck, Luther Tucker. Cher.ango. — William G, Welch. Cayuga. — George Rathbun, J. D. Button, J. H. Seymour, B. B. Ciapp, ti. Lockwood, G. O. Rathbun, J. C. Jackson, Ezra Leonard. Chemung. — A. S. Diven, Wm. M. Gregg, David Decker, D. F. Pinckney, Ariel S. Thurston. Columhia. — John T. llogeboom, Rowland S. Slocum, Henry PulVer, Hiram W. Dixon. Cortland. — GeorgB B. Jones. Delaware.— S. F. Miller. 15 i?r/e.— Benjamin Welch, Jr., J. S. Buell, F. T, Stevens, H. V. Thayer, W. G. Fargo, E. P. Williams, F. J. Fithian, A. G. Williams, K. H. tsteveiis, Joshua Gillett, George Call, Honry Martin. D. Alljre- vvaht, E. A. Maynard. Fulton. — Hfcnry Churchill, A. C. Carson, C. J. Rowland. Genesee. — John Merjill, • Greene — P. S. Wynkoop. Herkimer — Peter H. Warren, Elisha P. Hurlbut, Elias Root, T, R. Brooks, John H. Wooster, A. W. Eaton. Jefferson. — Willard Ives, C. B. Hoard, John Winslow, H. D. Rich, Albert Gurnee, Uexter Haven, Moses Elmer. Leivis. — Seymour Green. Livingston. — James S. Wadsworth, Ira Godfrey, E. W. Brown. Madison, — Thomas Barlow, A. C. Stone, Lorino; Fowler, Thomas F. Loomis, y. W. Mason, Albert G Purdy, D. W. C. Roberts, G. R. Waldron, Geo. Grant, Jno. Knovvles, Jr., Geo. E. Downer. Monroe. — Wm. Shepherd, James Waring, Roswell Hart, O. H- Palmer, C. Hudson, Jr., D. D. S. Brown, John N. IngersoU. Montgomery. — H. C. Adams, David Hackney, John S. Grain. New -York. — Lucius Robinson, David Dudley Field, John A. Ken- nedy, Wm. W. Northrup, John B. Jervis. Oneida. — Timothy Jenkins, J. H. Munger, Hiram Jenkins, S. R. Kinney, A. M. Wardwell, R. S. Stewart, Ward Hunt, Justice Childs. Onondaga. — F. W. Curtis, James H. Luther, W. J. Saramons, B. Van Alstine, J. W. Patten, Norman Vrooman, Wm. W. Tripp, W. B. Haines, J. P. Hicks, Asa Eastwoods, Isaac Morrell, Charles McCansy, John Spencer, Thos. Spencer, Thomas Danforth, Harvey Edwards, John Eastwood, B. F. Green, L. Y. Avery, Tho.s. Earl, R. Billings-, E. Clark, Louis Yehling, B. Harbele, John Schuei-man, Gotfried Gensel, R Griffin, P. Lang, Q. A. Johnson, Cha.^s. T. Hicks, W'm. Burton, George Saul, Charles Farney, P. Cutwater, Jr., R. Heb- bard, H. A. Dillaze, LeRoy Morgan, A. E. Kinney, H. Reigel, Fred'k Taylor, C. C. Slocum, James S. Leach, G. N. Kennedy, James M. Ellis, J. B. Chase, Curtis Moses, W. H. Shankland, A. Rosenfelr, Jos. Seymour, N. Cobb, G. Bloomer, H. S. Fuller, A. Benedict, J. L. Bagg, W. R. Strong, E. L. Dawson. Ontario. — Chester Loomis, Charles J. Folger, James C. Smith, E. W. Simmons. Orange. — Robert Denniston. Orleans. Noah Davis, Jr., H. J. Sickles, A. T. Castle. Oswego. Andrew Van Dyke, G. W. Rathhun, B. Brockway, E. R. Taylor, E. Sltinner, John Keller, S. Curtis, J. W. Pratt, H. W. Schroe'pel, O. R. Jaycox. Rensselaer. — Lyman Wilder, Thos. B. Carroll, H. Patterson, M. L. Fillev J G McMurray, Jno. M. Francis, John Hogan, James O'Cal- lahan Charles Hayes, Wm. S. Earl, George W. Churchill, E.N. Maste'rs, Joseph B. Carr, M. J. Townsend, Aurelius Bradt. St. Lawrence.— D. M. Chapin. SchuT/ler.—J- H. Chapman. Schenectady.— Cl&Tk B. Cochrane, Piatt Potter. 16 Seneca. — ^Addison T. Knox, Hugh Montgomerj, R. Parks. Steuhen. — Oliver A. Allen, John D. Collier, Alonzo Graves, S. T. Hoyt, Samuel L. Alley, Robert Campbell, Albert C. Morgan. Svffolk.—Sohxi G. Floyd. SidUvan. — John P. Jones, Charles H. Van Wyck. . Tioga.— 'E. G, Gibson, C. A. Hunger, G. O. Chase/ TumpTciTis. — John H, Selkreg. Wayne. — John Adams, A. Mclntyre, S. B. Jordon, F. K. Puriiy, S. S. Poppin, E. T. Grant, Wm. Edwards, Lyman H. Sherwood, D. H. Devoe, Robert Ennis, Harlo Hyde, W. P. Nottingham. Wyoming. — William Bristol, Jr. STATE COMMITTEE. ^ Jajies S. WAnswoRTii, of Livingston. \st District, — David Dudley Field, Jonathan J. Coddington, James H. Titus. 2cl District. — ^Robert Denniston, John G. Floyd, Philip S. Crook. 2d District J— 3 oba T. Hogeboom, Ira Porter, John A. Millard. ith District. — Piatt Potter, John F. Sherrill, D, M. Chapin. 5th District. — Elisha P. Hurlbut, Ward Hunt, Seymour Green. Uh District.— Vi. M. Greig, John H. Selkreg, W. G. Welch. 1th District. — ^Robert Campbell, Ira Godfrey,' Henry R, Selden. Qth District. — Martin Grover, F. P. Stevens, H. J. Sickles. Cornell university Library JK 2318.N7 1856b Free soil, free speech, Ueem^^^^^^^