^m^,fm>^\ ^m^m m .*Si^*-^S5« CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ENGLISH COLLECTION THK GIFT OF JAMES MORGAN HART PROFESSOR OF ENGUSH (\.?^M-(poa YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH ALBERT S. COOK, Editor XXX THE LANGUAGE OF THE NORTHUMBRIAN GLOSS TO THE GOSPEL OF ST. LUKE BV MARGARET DUTXON KELLUM A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF YALE UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1906. Brice 75 cents Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://archive.org/cletails/cu31924089015394 YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH ALBERT S. COOK, Editor XXX THE LANGUAGE OF THE NORTHUMBRIAN GLOSS TO THE GOSPEL OF ST. LUKE BY MARGARET BUTTON KELLUM A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF YALE UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1906 E.V. K.';i=i4&oa oxford: HORACE HART PRINTER to' JHE UNIVERSITY PEEFATORY NOTE A poETioN of the expense of printing this thesis has been home by the Modern Language Club of Yale University from ftinds placed at its disposal by the generosity of Mr. George E. Dimook, of Elizabeth, Hew Jersey, a graduate of Yale in the class of 1874. CONTENTS PART I. PHONOLOGY PAGE A. The Vowels op the Stem Syllables . . i Chapter I. Short Vowels, §§ 1-5 . . . i-io Chapter II. Long Vowels, §§ 6-10 ■. . . 10-13 Chapter III. Diphthongs, §§ 11-14 . . . 13-17 Chapter IV. Changes in Accented Vowels through the Influence of Neighboring Sounds, §§ 15-54 . 17-40 B. The Vowels of Unstressed and of Sboon- DAEILY StEESSED SYLLABLES . . . . 4 1 Chapter V. Suffixes, Prefixes, Compound Words, Medial Vowels, §§ 55-60 41-48 C. The Consonants 49 Chapter VI. SemiVowels, § 61-62 . . . 49-51 Chapter VII. Liquids and Nasals, §§ 63-66 . 52-54 Chapter VIII. Labials, §§ 67-69 . . .54, 55 Chapter IX. Dentals, §§ 70-73 .... 55-58 Chapter X. Velars and Palatals, §§ 74-76 . . 58-61 Chapter XI. Gemination, &c., §§ 77-80 . . 61-63 vi CONTENTS PAET II. INFLECTION FAOB A. The Veeb 64 Chapter XII. Personal Endings, §§ 81-97 • 64-75 Chapter XIII. Tense-Formation of Strong Verbs, §§ 98-104 76-84 Chapter XIV. Tense-Formationof Weak Verbs, §§ 105-107 85-91 Chapter XV. Minor Groups, §§ 108-112 . 91-93 B. The Noun, the Adjective, the Advebb . 94 Chapter XVI. Declension of the Noun, §§ 113- 127 94-107 Chapter XVII. Declension and Comparison of the Adjective, §§ 128-130 .... 108-113 Chapter XVIIL Adverbs and Numerals, §§ 131-132 113-115 BiBLIOQEAPHY II6-I18 PAET I PHONOLOGY A. THE VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES Chaptee I. Shoet Vowels § 1. I. In the Lindisfame Gospel of Luke, a in origi- ' nally closed syllables normally appears as se (S. 49). (a) Examples of se before simple consonants, or those doubled only by the scribe, occur in i and 3 sing. pret. ind. of st. vbs. 01. IV, V : bssd 5. 13, baed 7. 3, gebrseo 9. 16, gebsBr 1. 24, cuse^ 14. 25, agsef 9. 43, ongset 5. 33, gelseg 5. 35, effcsset 7. 15, sprsec 9. 11 ; in the pret. of the root, wes : wses 2. 3, &o. ; in the pret.-pres. vb., maga : mseg 10. 35, 14. ao ; in the imper. of st. vbs. 01. VI : wrseo 18. 3, fser 13. 31 (this form always appears in the imper. in North., as opposed to the WS. far, cf. Bulb.,, AngL Beibl. 9. 90 ; S. 49, anm. a ; 368, anm. 3). Other ex- amples : set I 9. 8, sstt 10. 39, sef (dsel) 19. 37, ssfgroefa 12. 58, sef (ssegoiS) I 8. 5, bsBc I 6. 14, bsecc 17. 31, dseg 1. 80, lehtfset 8. 16, fser (subst.) 10. ^^, tofser 9. 31, gsett 13. 34, glsed 23. 8, hussd 10. 35, buses 12. 40, huset 8. 9, psB^ 16. 36, ^8BS 11. 39, Sset 5. 6 (usually, however, repre- sented by $). The retention of a in ac (ah) I 6, 18, and was 22. 59, may be due to the weak accent (S. 49, anm. i ; EB. 454). (b) Examples of se before consonant groups are : sefter 17. 30, crsefte 1 2. i, dsersto I 8. 16 (cf. § 19, 1), fserwitfalla 12. 36 (besides feruitgiomis I 3. 9, cf. (c) below), fsestlice 2 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 7. 49, gefraegn I 9. i6, gefraegn 9. i8 (besides gefraign 8. 30, V. § 14), ongsegn I 9. 16 (for tlie possibility of this 33 being due to i-umlaut, cf. Lind.^ 9, anm. a; 66), gsers 12. 28 (for tbe absence of breaking, v. § 19, I), hraegle 10. 13, linenhrsegla 24. la, waghrsel 23. 45, on- ssecne 14. 18, wsestm 1. 4a (S. 165, anm. 3; Fii. i, i ; Fo. I, II) ; the pret. ind. and opt. and tbe pret. part, of habba and ssecga : bsefde 19. 20, 17. 6, hsebde 8. 6, ssegdon I 10. 3, ssegde 14. ai, gessBgd I 4. 4; and the pret. opt. wsslde 1. 62. hondbseffcadon 23. 27 is doubtful, cf. § 53, VII. soSbuse'Sre 19. 27 belongs here if we assume two stems, one in old a, to account -for the forms with se, which are rare in Luke, and one in old e, to account for the more usual forms with e (cf. § a) and oe (of. § 41) (Morsbach, Schriftsprache, p. 30 ; ME. Gr., p. 131 ; Biilb., AngL BeibL 10. 368 ; Fii. I, I). The as in the pres. opt. hsebbe 8. 18, wselle 10. aa (un- less this form belongs under § aa, I, note), and in the pres. part, habbend 7. a ; and the a in habba 24. 39, habbanne 21. 36, habbas 12. 4, hlattade 1. ai, hlatto 12. 45, asca 10. 13, 9. 5, support the view of S. in Ags. Voc, pp. 15, 16, that, before doubled consonants and so, a becomes as if a palatal vowel follows, but a js retained if a velar vowel follows. This law fails to explain hlsetto 12. 45, wseUo 20. 3 (for the latter, however, cf. § a a, I, note). For the a in fasne 8. 44 v. Fo. i, II. (c) e in place of ae appears in cweiS 24. 19, gecuelS 13. 17, gefregn 38. 36, agef 4. 30 (pret. ; cf. also § 50), efbersona 23. ao, feruitgiornis I 3. 9 (Lind.^ 16, anm. 2, considers this as V^G. e or i). In hehstaldes, e is used throughout: hehstald 1. 37, hehstaldes 1. 37, &c. (S. 398, 3, and Cook, Gl., give this word as heh- ; but cf. Fu. ], I ; Lind.^ 11). IL WG. a in orig. open syllables appears partly as a, partly as se. SHORT VOWELS 3 (a) If tlie following syllable contains a velar vowel, a remains. Examples of a occur in the following verbal forms : ala'5 11. 44, aron 24. 38, hafo 12. 50, gehlaiSas 14. 17, gemacade I 5. 13, magon 11. 46, onsuarade 5. 3, getalade 11. 38 ; also in acasa 3. 9, apoltre 6. 22, dagana 14. 10, dagum 1. 5, fadores 6. 33, fadorum 1. 73, fato 17. 31, fracoiS 16. 25, raccentegum 8. 29, sagum I 2. 10, .stafam 23. 38, staras 1. 26 (the a is given as long by KL-L. ; V. under starling, but of. Lind.^ la, anm.), ■Safanda 22. 5, wacan 12. 38, waccane 12. 38, wraco I 9. la. In onsuare 19. 16, the final e is weakened from u, and a is therefore retained. Through analogy to other forms in the inflection, se is found instead of a in the verbal forms hsefo 12. 17 (besides hafo, V. above), fseraiS 10. 10 (besides gefara, v. above), onssBca 14. 18, onsaeccaS 20. 27; also in hondhsefum 11. 46, ondsusBf (= -um) 2. 47, wrsecco 18. 5 (orig. an open syllable ; besides wraco, v. above). e for 39 appears in ondsuere 2. 26 (cf. onsuare, above). For plaegade 7. 3a, v. S. 236, anm. 13, b. (The as points to an old e-stem.) (b) If the following syllable contains an orig. e (not weakened from a velar vowel), WG. a regularly appears as SB. Examples : dsege 1. 59, feder 14. 21, fsete I 5. 17, glaede 1. 14, rseSe 18. 8, stsefes 16. 17, wrsecce 18. 8 (belongs to wrsBC, cf. Lind.2 12, a), waeter 7. 44 ; the optatives gefsere 18. 25, maege 3. 8, the 2 and 3 sing. pres. ind. and the sing. imper. hseiis 19. 25, hsefeS 12, 19, hsefe 10. 35, ssege'S I 3. II, ssege 8. 39 (but for these forms cf. Streitberg, Urg. Grram. p. 306 K ; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 90, 93, 108 ; Lind.^ 10). The opt. onsseca I 6. 7 has sb, perhaps on the analogy of the opt. with the palatal ending. Oaefertune 22. 55 (besides ceafertun 11. 52, v. § 50) may belong here, otherwise with § 22, 1 (d), cf, Lind.^ 10. B a 4 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES In tlie infin. msege I 7. 5, we find se followed by e weakened from a. Por tlie SB in hlsetmest, fsest'n, setgsedre, and in the pres. part, and infin. of st. vbs., CI. VI, v. § 23, 1 (c) ; for jnsegen, msBgden, gsefel, geslsegen, &c., v. § 33, I (d). Through the influence of analogy, a appears where we should expect se in fatte 8. 16 (besides fsete, above), fader 3. 8 (besides fseder), hafeiJ 17. 9 (besides hsefe^). Loan-words : for cselo, cselce, cf. § an, I (d) ; SBlmiso, V. § 22, I (b) ; csercheme, § 34. The se in ssecerdhad 1. 18 would appear to indicate that the short quantity of the , Latin original was sometimes retained in North. ; as is likewise found in ssecerdhad Mk. I 1. 20, and in ssecerd twice in Eu.^ (v. Lind.^ 14). a remains in' sacerd 1. 5, sacerdum 17. 14, sacerdhades 1. 9 (for its length, cf. Pog. 168 ; S. 50, anm. 5 ; Ags. Voc, p. 10). a is retained in asald 14. 5, assald 13. 15, calic 22. 42, calicer 11. 39 (Pog. 216 considers as long), carnal 18. 25, carcem 12. 58, oftrahtung I 8. 10, getrahtade I 3. 2. III. "WG. a appears as (not 9) on account of lack of accent (cf. S. 51, 65, anm. 2 ; EB. 454 ; Fu. i, 3) : of 5. 10, on 21. 31, 'Son 2. 19, huod-(huoegu) 22. 35, huot(huoego) 7. 40. For orig. a in the second members of compounds, v. § 57. WG. a is limited in its occurrence by : — (i) The change to before nasals, § 15. (2) Breaking to ea (eo) before r-combinations, § 19. (3) Diphthongization after a palatal, §§ 50, 52. (4) Contraction, § 53. ■ (5) Change to e, se, through i-umlaut, § 2 a. e. § 2. "WG. e occupies about the same ground as in WS., except that it remains unchanged after a palatal consonant and is more subject than in WS. to the SHORT VOWELS 5 influence of a preceding w and of tlie u-, o/a-umlaut (of. Lind. 4, Lea 4, Fii. 2), Numerous examples of e occur in the pres. of st. vbs., 01. Ill, IV, V, and in the pret. part, in 01. V : gebeden I 7. 3, beres 14. 27, gebemes 8. 16, cueiSas 6. a8, delfo 13. 8, etalS 15. a, ettas 5. 30 (also eto 17. 8, eta 22. 30, and SBtta 12. 45, V. below), fregna 20. 3, gefregno 23. 14 (forms with 88 in the pres, are more frequent, v. below, frssgno, &c. ; for fraignende I 6. 19, v. § 14), agef (imper.) 6. 29, forgefo 23. 16, begetne I 8. 16, ongeten 1 11. 11, geldanne 7.41, helpende I 7. 11, gelegeno 24. 4, gemeten 6. 38, gesegen 1. 3, spreces I 3. 4, sprece 1. 19, sprecend 12. 3, forswelgas 20. 47, getreden 8. 5. Other examples : beb- bisca 18. 37, gebed 23. 24, winbeger 6. 44, unberend 1. 7, bergana 8. 33, besmum 11. 25, bismeria 14. 29, gecuelledo 23. 32, efn 6. 34, fe^Srum 13. 14, gere 18. 34, nest 13. 34, ondget 24. 45, hue^er 6. 39, (soS)hue^re 6. 35, (^ah)- hueSre 6. 3^ (besides -huse^re, v. § i, I (6)), mec 14. 27, sedle 1. 53 (sedlo 20. 46), godspell I 2. 6, godspelledon 24. 15, suegir 12. 53 (besides suoeger 12. 5^, v. § 40, swer I 4. 16, suser 4. 38, v. §§ 53" II, 43), telgum 13. 19, ^ec 23. 37, weg 7. 27 (woeg 3. 4, § 41), welig 12. 31, wer 2. ^6 (besides woer 8. 38, v. § 41), werum 11. 31 (besides warana 14. 34, wseras 9. 32, v. §'46). For the reduplicating preterites: heht 5. 14, fengon 5. 5, ahengon 23. 33, of. Streitberg, pp. 168, 331 ; S. 394 ; 395, 1, and anm. i ; Lind.'' 18. 88 instead of e is found in setta 12. 45, frsegno 22. 68, fraegnanne 9. 45, frsegnende I 10. 6, fraegnende 2. 46, sprsBcend 1. 64, tostraegdse^ 11. 23, wses (imp.) 18. 13 (where EB. 93, anm., attributes it to the influence of w, of. § 41), wrseco 18. 5, wr8ec 18. 3 (S. 391, anm. 5). Gmc. e appears as o in oiSiSe I 4. 3, o'SiSa 22. 37 (=Got. aiJ?J»au, but cf. Lea 43, a). Loan-words : cent' I 5. 10, senepes 13, 19, tempel I 10. 3, tempeles 23. 45. VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES WG. e is limited in its occurrence by : — (i) The change to i before a nasal, § 17. (2) A preceding palatal, § 49 ff. (3) Breaking before r-, h-, 1-combinations, § 19 flf. (4) The change to eo (ea) through u/o-umlaut, § 31. (5) Contraction, § 53. (6) The influence of a preceding w, § 41. § 3. I. "WG. i (= Idg. i) is found in the 2 sing, and pi. pret. ind., the pret. opt., and pret. part. st. vbs., 01. 1 (the pi. pret. ind., however, is usually affected by u/o-um- laut, cf. § 3a) : gedrifen 8. 29, fordrifeno 13. a8, arisen 22. 45, gesliten 8. 39, besmitten 14. 34, astigon 5. 19, bisuicen 21. 8, foreawrigen 23. 45, awrite 1 2. 13, awritten 8. 4, hrippes 19. ai (probably the i is short since some of the forms show u/o-umlaut (e. g. hriopa^ 12. 24, cf. § 3a), cf. S. 38a, anm. 3 ; Beitr. 10. 506 ; Fii. 3, bem. ; Fo. 3) ; in the pret.-pres. vb. wuta: witte'S 21. 30, witto 1. 18, witte 8. 10, wiste 12. 39; also in bilwit (o£ Fo. 3, 1) 11. 34, halfcwic 10. 30, eswico 13. 15, fisces I 11. 14, geflit I 11. 3, (grist)bittung 13. a8, hider 16. 26, his 1. 77, him 2. 33, hine 2. 44, hire 1. a8, hit 11. aS, hliniga 13. ag, huiddir 9. 57, hwistlum 7. 3a, lifes 4. 4, lifiga 24. 33, ni-Srung 23. 40, geni'Srad 6. 37, sinigaiS 20. 35, instihtade I 2. 6, hompic 4. 9, priclu 12. 59, scipe 5. 3, tosliterum I 2. II, •Sidder 24. a8, widua I 4. 15, awisnade 8. 6, unwittende I 7. 19, witnese 18. ao, wi-S I 2. a, ondwlitto , 22. 64, msegwlit 9. 39, writtra I 3. 3. For bits 6. 44, bist 10. 41 as contamination-forms, cf. Streitberg, p. 317 ; but cf. also Brugmann, Kur. Gr. 655. The i in Sirde 13. 3a, «irddan 24. 7, may belong here or in II (6) ; cf. the two possible ground-forms given by Kl., PG., p. 493: *tretio- and *tritio- ; cf. also Brugmann, Kur. Gr. 441,3; 447,3. SHORT VOWELS 7 II. ii by the falling out of a nasal before a voiceless spirant (§ 66, II) in: fiffcih 16. 6, fifo I 7. 3, siSum 15. 8, feorsiSum 19. 8, grist(bittung) 13, 38 (Lind.^ 43), swi«e 9. 39, suiiSra 6. 6 ; also in the loan-word pisum 15. 16, pislice 11. 53 (Fo. 3). 8 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES In siiS«a 7. 45 (besides so««a 13. 7, cf. § 3a (c)), the i lias again been shortened (EB. 2,46, 336). "WGr. i is limited in its occurrence by : — (i) Breaking before r-combinations, and h, § 19 flf. (3) u/o-umlant, § 33. (3) The influence of a preceding w, § 47. (4) Contraction, § 53. § 4. "WG. o remains unchanged in the pret. part, of ^t. vbs. 01. II, III, IV : beboden I 9. 7, boren 21. 33, gebroceno 4. 18, geooren I 7. i, ofcorfen 3. 9, underdolfen 8. 14, gefrognen 17. 30, beloccen 11. 7, forloren 16. 33, tostrogden 21. 6, geiSorscen 20. 10, gewordne I 3. 4; also in bod I 3. 18, bodare 9. 33, gebohte 1 10. i, bodigo 2. 10, cofa 19. 46, coss 7. 45, costende I 10. 8, costunges 8. 13, cotte 11. 7, cropp 6. 44, dohter 2. 36, dor 13. 35, droppo 22. 44, fola I 10. 3, folc 2. 36, foxe 13. 33, fore 1. 17, forhtiga 21. 9, gromunge 1. 6, lof 18. 43, losa 9. 34, hlod I 3. 4, hogascip 2. 47, horn 1. 69, hordern 12. 34, hosum 15. 16, loswist 9. 2,5, moh^a 12. ^g, tomorgen 12. 38, morSor 23. 19, nor^a 13. 39, oxa 14. 5, oft 10. 40, posa 9. 3, unscortende 12. 33 (besides sceortiga 22. 33, § 53), «notrum 10. 31, oferslopum 20. 46, -Solende I 5. 7, ^ornas 8. 7, wolcen 9. 34, word 24. 17. Fox holas 9. 58, holo I 6. 13, cf. S. 343, anm. 3 ; EB. 539 ; Fo. 3 ; cf. § 76. ■Sorfe'S 5. 31, ■Sorfende 16. 33, &c., owe their vowel to the pret. ISorffce (Lea 9 (i) ; Fu. 4, bemerkung ; Lind.^ 48, anm. 3). In some words, always apparently in close connection with a labial consonant, "WG. o appears as u (S. 55 ; Fu. 4, bemerkung; EB. 116) : full 1. 38, ufa 24. 49, ufor 14. 10, ulfum 10. 3, fugul 13. 34, lufo 11. 43, lufa« 7. 5, lufiande 6. 33, wiiSspurna 4. 11, geondspurnad 7. ^^. Through a scribal error, a stands for in lasa« 5. ^y. SHORT VOWELS 9 o of WS. wolde is replaced by a, sb: walde 19. 23, waldest 13. 34, wsslde 1. 62. For olitrippe, of. § 11. Loan-words : olebearu 22. 39, apostolas I 9. 6, port- cuoene 7. 37, scorpion 11. 32. The o in torr 13. 4, torres I 3. 8, corresponds to classical Latin u (= popular Latin o) of turris. "WGr. o is limited in its occurrence by : — (i) The change to u before a nasal, § 18. (a) i-umlaut, § 33. § 5. "WGr. u remains in the pret. pi. ind. and pret. opt. of st. vbs., 01. II, and in the pret. pi. ind., pret. opt., and pret. part, of strong vbs. of 01. Ill: forlure 15. 9, gebunden 8. 39, unbundon 19. 31, bebrugdon 20. 30, gecurfe 11. 6, underdulfon 8. 7, druncon 17. 37, druncene I 10. 8, fandon 19. 48, frugnon 3. 14, guidon 7. 43, ongunnon 7. 49, gehulpo 5. 7, gesungon 7. 32, 'Snrscon 22. 63, ge^rungen 8. 43, wunnon 5. 5, Tvurpon 19. 35; also in burug 9. 10, utacund 16. 13, cunnande 17. 30, dumb 1. 33, dura 11. 7, fultume 10. 40, grund 6. 49, hundas 16. ai, hundraiS 16. 40, hunger 4. 35, lustlice I 10. 5, sum 11. 37, sunu 6. ^5, sunna 21. 35, sulh 9. 62, getrummade 3. 18, getrumade 9. 51 (besides the umlauted forms, cf. § 24), tunga 1. 64, tungul I 10. 16, 'Surstendo I 5. 6, ^uslice 9. 9, upp I 4. 10, under 4. 27, wuldor 4. 6 (Fu. 5), gewuldrade 23. 47, wundum 16. 20, wundria 1. 46. By the falling out of a nasal before a voiceless spirant Tou in : lis 13. 25, usra 20. 14, usum 1. "j^, cuiSo 2. 44, cuSamen 1. 5, mutSi 1. 64, suiS 12. ^^^ su-Sa 13. 29, u^wutto 22. 66. Because of the weak accent this u appears as 6 in o«« 2. 15, &c. (<*un(7, EB. 454). Loan-words: luh 8. 22, cursung 20. 47 (Lind.^ 24), turturas 2. 24, culfra 3. 32 (Holthausen, IF. 10. 112; cf. Kl., PG., p. 337). 10 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES ■WG-. u is limited in its occurrence by : — (i) i-umlaut, § 34. (a) Change to iu after palatals, § 49 ff. Chaptee II. LoNa yowBLS The long vowels are not regularly marked, but are sporadically indicated by an accent ( ' ) or by doubling the vowel (Lea 38). Where such indications occur in the text, they will be noted. § 6. WG-. a (=Gmo. ae, Got. e, WS. se) is represented by e with a few examples of se (S. 150, i ; EB. 96), This e appears in the third stem of st. vbs. CI. IV, V : bedon I 9. 5, beron 7. 14, brecon 13. 26, gebrecon 6. i, gefreten 8. 5, ^ton 13. 2,6, geton 18. 34, ongeton 18. 34, gesprecon 2. 15, gesegon 5. 36 ; in the pres. and pret. part, of some red. vbs. : ondredes 23. 40, leto 13. 38, letas 18. 16, redanne 4. 16, slepes 22. 46; in the subst. vb. : weron 16. 11, wer 2. aa, nere I 3. 9, toweron 23. 48 ; in the pret. of the vb. doa: dedon 6. 11, iSerhdedon 2. 39 (for the more frequent forms with y : dyde 2. 48, dydon 17. 10, &o., c£ § 34). Other examples: ber 5. 18, beer 5. 34, bernisse 21. 11, dedum 23. 51, efernlocaiS 24. 39, erend(wreco) 7. 4a (Kl., Beitr. 6. 385, 386; Bugge, ibid. 24. 431 ff.; Fii. 6; but cf. also S. 100, anm. 4), ettere 7. 34, ^tlic 24. 41, ferlice 9. 39, feerstylt 5. 36, erist 2. 34, eswico 13. 15, huer 17. 17, huer 9. 48, her 21. 18, ger I 4. 6, lece I 2. i, lecnande 9. 6, lego 16. 34, forletnise 21. ao, megas 23. 49, mersung 4. 14, gemersia-8 I 7. 19, ned 9. 39, nedon 24. 39, nedles 18. 35, nedra 11. 11, redo 1 11. 5, sed 8. II, sede 1. 55, seteras 20. 30, slep 5. 9, spree 16. 9, teleS 10. 16, telnise I 6. la, «er 22. 13, wedes 8. 44, geweded 8. ^5, ■wepen(berend) I 7. 5, setnung 23. 19, weron 4. li- LONG VOWELS 11 As this e is not changed by i-umlaut, I have thought it unnecessary to distinguish those words in which the umlaut conditions are present, as in lece, dedum, sed, &o. (cf. EB. 19a, Lea 45, Fii. 6, Fo. 6). The e in the sing, geett 4. 3, gefrett 15. 30 is common Gmc. (Kl., pa, p. 436; S. 391, anm. 3 ; cf. Got. fr§t, OHG. az, irSA, ON. §,t). 86 for e is found in msBgwlit 9. 29, wsBre 5. la, &c. (where Fiichsel considers it to be due to the se of the sing., Fii. 6, bemerkung). e never appears in "WG. swa, but always ae or a : swaa 18. 9, sua 5. 7, sua 8. 18 (Fu. 6; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 10. 368 flP. ; EB. 103 ; Fo. 6). The a of gan has not yet been satisfactorily explained ; cf. S. 57, anm. i ; Fu. 6 ; Fo. 6 ; Kl., PG., p. 433- ^ov the forms, cf. § 112. WG, a is limited in its occurrence by : — (i) Following nasals, § 16. (a) Following palatals, § 37. (3) Preceding palatals, § 5a. e. § 7. The origin of this e (=Gmc. e) is obscure; cf. Kl., PG., p. 411; Streitberg, § 79; Bowen, pp. 7, 10. The only example is : her 22. 38. Loan-words : febere 4. 39, feberadlum 4. 38 (Pog. 118), creciscum I 2. 9. i. § 8. WG. i appears as L Examples : the pres. forms of St. vbs. 01. 1 : abidas 7. ao, bidend 2. 35, bites 9. 39, adrifa I 9. 16, ariso 15. 18, seine? 17. 34, gescira 16. a, astigeiS 18. 31, toslito 12. 18, gesuica 18. i, oferwrigaiS 1. 35, awritt 16. 6 ; also : bides 21. 26, bli«e I 7. 9, dicg 19. 43, gediides 11. 37, forduineiS 14. 34, gitsare I 7. 14, higo 2. 4, higna 13. 35, hwil 12. 50, huit 9. 39, idlo 1. 53, gelic I 8. 14, lichoma 12. aa, liciSrower 4. 37, lif 12. 15, 13 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES linneno 16. 19, min 9. 35, rixa« 22. 2,5, scimande 17. 24, sciremonn 3. i, scripen 19. ai (Lind.^ 28, anm. i), sido 12. 35, swigadon 23. s^, suin 15. 16, ofersui'Set I 4. 11, tid 1. sy, ■Sin 16. 6, -Srifald I 4. 11, «rmise I 4. 9, wif 2. 5, wigbed 11. 51, wines I 5. a, wisa 15. 7, witge 7, a8, Tvitgong I 4. 3, onwriting I 10. 8, For iSrio, "Srim, &o., v. § 53. For hrippes, of. § 3, 1 ; fifo, swi«e, &o., of. § 3, III. For scip 15. 6, of. § 5a (e) ; lih 11. 5, bitwit 11. 51, of. § 39. For the i in giuia'S 11. 10, giua'S 11. la, giude 23. 5a, &o., and giunga I 7. a, of. Lea 51, note ; but of. also EB. 2^6, anm. For gebrine'S 7. 39, gehrinade 18. 15, gebrined 21. 5, &c., of. Fu. 14 ; Lind.2 a8, anm. a. ' Loan-words: crist I 10. 10, &c., fie I 8. 3, ricu 4.5, ricemenn 7. 41, pinia 8. 38. § 9. "WGr. appears as 6. Examples : all forms of tbe pret. of st. vbs. 01. VI : abof 1. 5a, onsoo 22. 57, slogon 22. 64, astod 6. 8, onstodon 23. a3, gesuor 1. 73, geiSuoge 7. 4, ge^uogun 5. a, awox 2. 40, awoxe 22. 31 ; numerous pres. forms of vb. doa : dom 20. 8, doa 12. 17, &c, ; also : broker 6. 4a, boc 4. 17, blod 11. 50, dogrum 2. 46, dome 11. 3a, fostring I 2. i, fota I 11. 13, flod 17. a7, bereflor 3. 17, flowing 8. 43, frofor 2. 25, god 18. 18, behofaiS 12. la, behoflic' 14. a8, hrofe 17. 34, locas I 10. 17, moder I 5. 11, mores 19. 37, mot 6. 41, browundum 8. 33, unrod I 6. 9, unrot 18. 4, socnises 19. 44, stowa 11. 24, iSrowung 9. 23, iSrowiga 22. 15, wop 13. 28. In gesobte, the is shortened (S. 135). For the 6 in brohte, geiSohte, woh, &c., cfi § 15, III. In to 1. a8, 2. 34, &o., Biilbring considers that we have LONG VOWELS 13 "WG. 6 with lengthening (EB. i6i) ; Sievers regards the o as "WG. (Gram; 60, anm.). Final wo appears as u in hu 24. 6, huu 15. 17, tuu 10. 17, and in the compound hulio 7. 39, hulco I 9. 3 (S. 60, anm.; 173, anm.; EB. loa; 464). Loan-words : of 19. 13, brydlopum 20. 34 (where o represents ON. au ; cf. S. 26, anm. ; KL, PG., p. 93a ; also Bjorkman, Scand. Loan-Words, p. 71, note ; Fii. 9), stol 15. 23, stolum 20. 46 (Pog. 150 ; S., Ags. Voc, p. 13), non 23. 44. WG. 6 is changed to ce, e, by i-umlaut, § 35. u. § 10. WG. ii appears as u in: brucco 22. 11, bruca'S 14. 15 (pres. of st. vb. CI. II, explained as aorist pres. by Osthoff, PBB. 8. 383 ; cf. KL, PG. § 161, p. 430), lond- buend I 3. 8, neheburas 1. 58, buta 2. a6, drugi I 5. 4 (besides drygi 23. 31 ; cf. § 36), fordrugade 8. 6, adune 19, 6, hus 13. gs, nimmod 6. 35, scua 1. 79, lehtune 13. 19, feltune 14. 3^, iSusendo 9. 14, uta 14, 3^, u is changed to y by i-umlaut, § 36. Chapteb III. Diphthongs ai, § 11. WG. ai appears as a : in the i and 3 sing. pret. ind. of st. vbs. CI. I : fordraf I 4, 16, forgrap 5. 26, sethran 10. II, gehran 5, 13, aras I 4. 6, aras 4. 39, astag 19. 4, besuac 19. 8, aurat I 2. 6 ; in the pret. pres. wat 16. 15, aga 18. 18, ah 18. 13. Other examples: agnageiS 12, 15, an 23. 39, ana 8. 50, adlo 21. 11, ar I 4. 13, aS 1, 73, bano 24. 39, basnung 21. 26, basnend 23, ^^, cildclaiSum 2. la, facen 20. 33, famse 9. 39, gastes 4. 14, grapaS 24. 39, hal 8. 30, ham 15. 6, hat I 11. 14, gehaten I 3. 13, hlaf 4. 3, hlaferd 16, 8, lar 4. 33, forelatuu 22. 36, laiS 21. 17, laatS 14 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 16. 15, gelahte 9. 47, mara 12. 28, rahton 22. 53, sado 21. ^5, sawel 12. ag, stanes 22. 41, suat 22. 24, tahte 1 2. 14, tanas 23. 34, tacon 2. la, ^a 19. 34, iSara 13. 31. wag (hrsel) 23. 45, wra-S 14. ai. agnettum 19. 33 may belong here (Lind.* 75, anm. i). For tlie a in geneolaca^ 10. 11, -laceiS 21. a8, cf. §57.n. According to S. 57, a (a) ; 6a, anm. ; Kal. 59, anm. ; 60 a ; the followi]|g also belong here : oncnawanne 1 7. ao, oncnawen 8. 17, saweiS 8. 5, sawenne 8. 5, gesaudes 19. aa. Others consider this a=WGr. a (§ 6) : cf. EB. lag ; Braune, Got. Gr. aa; Lea 40; Fu. 6; Fo. 6; also KL, PG., pp. 433, 407- In a few words appears instead of a : noht 5. 5, 10. 19, &o., no 20. aa, ohtrippe 10. 2 (?). e for a occurs in we 11. 47 ; se in wse 10. 13, 11. 4a, &c. (Lea 43, 5); the word is classed with the Scand. loan- words in KL, PG., p. 935 ; Bjorkman, p. 39, considers it ' dubiously Scandinavian.' Loan-words : caseras 1 3. 13, caseres 20. 2,4, caseri 20. aa, casering I 8. 16 (besides cseseres I 10. 8, csesering I 8. 16, Pog. 199 ; also cessares 2. i, cf. § zy). In magist' 6. 40, a corresponds to Lat. a, cf. S., Ags. Voc, p. la ; EB. loi, anm. 3. For sacerd, sacerdhad, cf. § i, II (6). a is affected by i-umlaut, § 27. au. § 12. WG.' au is represented in L. by ea, in some cases by eo ; for this confusion between ea and eo in North, cf. S. 150, 3 ; EB. 108. ea occurs in the i and 3 sing. pret. ind. of st. vbs. 01. II: bead I 10. 19, geceas 6. 13, geceasa 14. 7, forleas 16. 9, tosceaf 1, 5a ; also in beam 6.41, beanbselgum 15. 16, bear 1. 15, biobread 1 11. 14, ceapigas 19. 13, dead 7. la, deado DIPHTHONGS 15 20. 31, deafo 7. aa, dea« 2. 26, eadig I 7. 7, eare 12. 3, earum. 4. ai, earlipprioco 22. 50, eastres 2. 41, eastdael 2. I (four times), ea'Se 12. 58, ea'Sor 5. a3, eauaiS 3. 7, aedeaude 2. 15, eawung 8. 17, heafod 7. 46, heape 20. 37, geleafa 8. 48, hleafgewritten 16. 6, leas 18. 30, ISorleaso 17. 10, reado 6. 44, fellereade 16. 19, sceauade 20. 33, sceawandum 6. 10, sceawanne 23. 48, screadungum 16. ai (besides scraednngra 9. 17, a scribal error), seam 22. 36, smeawungas 11. 17, gesmeadon 20. 14, stream 6. 48, tean- cuidum 20. 11, iSreataiS I 6. 8, iSread 6. 19 ; and in heannise 12. 39, heanuissum 2. 4, where h has fallen before causing pal. uml. (S. 165, anm. 3 ; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 107 ; Lind.'* 3a ; cf. also § 35). Forms with So : geceopad 19. 15, eoro I 8. 15 (once with 60, five times with ea), eostro 22. i (nine times with eo, once with ea, cf. also Lind.^ 34), eo^e 14. 8, heonisum I 4. I, bereofadon 10. 30, gespeoftad 18. 33 (the origin of this word is, however, uncertain — whether from WG. au or eu — cf. S. 384, anm. 5 ; 396, a a, and anm. 5 ; Ags. Voc, p. 30; Fo. I a). Ceaolas 9. 17 should probably be classed under WG. au. For a discussion of its origin, c£ Lea 40 ; Lind;^ 33, anm. a ; for the o, cf. § 61, II, note a. OE. ea is limited in its occurrence by : — (i) change to e through i-umlaut, § a8 ; (3) change to e through palatal umlaut, § ^^. eu, iu. § 13. WG. eu appears as So, ea, and in one instance 10 (S. 150, anm. i ; EB. 114 and anm. i ; Lind.^ 37, 38). I. So: breost 18. 13, breosto 11. 37, cneoum 22. 41 (cneuum 5. 8, § 48), cneoreso 9. 41, 11. 39 (eo sixteen times), feortig I 4. 10 (eo five times), hreownise I 4. 7 (eo fifteen times), leof 9. 35, leof 20. 13, leofost 3. 33, oferleor 22. 43 (cf. S., Ags. Voc, p. 34), treo 21. 39 (trewana § 48), treoufsest 19. 17, treofsesto 16. 11, getreoudon 18; 9, 16 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYliLABLES geSeodo 21. 24, elliSeodigde 15. 13 (besides the forms mth 10, cf. II, below). ea : forbeadende 23. 3, forbeada 6. 29, forbeadse 9. 50^ forbeadane 16. 11, bead 16. 31, fearfald 19. 8, hreaunisej 3. 8, gebreawsadon 10. 13 (besides gehreues 17. 4, hrsB- wende I 9. 4, cf. § 47), hreaf 14. 19, hreafo 4. 37, breads 7. 34, seats 14. 5, sea'Se 6. 39, leaf 3. 33, 'Seade I 2. 6, iSeaiS I 2. 6, ^eadum I. 6. 14, 'Seadom 1 10. 16, tSeaf 12. 33, bear 1. 15, gebearscip I 5. 3. ea is found also in seado 12. 33, where it is from "WG-., i\jij, cf. Got. siujan (Fu. 13). For gespeoftad, cf. § I3. 10 : bebiodo 23. 46. The preterites of the following red., verbs with ea, eo may be classed here, though strictly products of con- traction originally : oncneaun 2. 50, ondrearde 18. 3, feaU. 8. 5, feoll 5. 13, gefeoll 1. I3, gefeald 4. 30, feol 5. 8, geheald 18. 31. For eode, eade, cf. § 53. II. Gmc. eu followed by i, j, became in WG-. iu, and this in North, appears as 10 (EB. no, in, 113). The examples in Luke are : diorwyrSe 7. 25, lioda 8. 26, lioda 17. II, gelioretS 21. 33 (cf.. S., Ags. Voc.,^ p. 34)^ geliorade I 2. 4, geliorad 21. 33, geliomises 9. ,51, ofer- lioraiS 21. 33, onsione 9. 39, onsion 24. 5, stiorde I 5. 19, gestiorde I 5. 19, gestrionaiS 12. 31, elModig 17. 18 (besides elliSeodigde, cf. § 13, I), geiSiodsumnise I 8. i, iSiofonto 18. 30, iSiostrana 22. 53, -giostriona 11. 36. For the io in hiogwuisc 12. 39, hiorodes 2, 13, where it is due to the vocalizing of w, cf. § 61, II. For hriofol 5. 15, hriofle 5. 13, c£ § 39. eo, io are changed to e, i by palatal umlaut, §§ ^6, 38. ei, ai. § 14. For the special North, diphthongs ei and ai, cf S. i55j 3 ; EB. 505 and anm. i, 3.. The examples in Luke are— ei : ceige« 20. 34, ceigde 8. 8, and all forms of the INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 17 verb ceiga ; ceiste 7. 14, heiste 1. 3a, heisto 1. 35, heigsta I 11. i^ (cf, also § 76), seista 1. 26, 36, teigiSas 11. 44, teigSuncgas 18. la, fiftei'So 1 4. 6, fiftei^e 3. i, fiifteih 7. 41, sexdeih 24. 13. ai : fraignende 16. 19, gefraiguas 19. 31, gefraign 8. 30, onaiktes 18. 16 (Fii. 14). Chaptbe IV. Changes in Acoknted Vowels through THE Influence op Neighbobinq Sounds Influence of Kasals. WQ. a. § 15. I. WQ-. a before nasals appears almost entirely as 9. Before m and m + cons. : from 22. 16 (besides fram 12. 54), huommes 20. 17, lichomes 11. 34, lombrb 10. 3, noma 10. ao, somna'S 3. 17, somnunges 8. 41, womb 11. 37. Before n and n + cons. : conn 1. 34, fonn 3. 17, bona 22. 34, bond 1. 71, lond 12. 16, monigo 7. 11, mon 6. 45, ondo I 4. 18 ; ond- in ondeton 10. ai, ondetnise 16. 17, ondetung 14. 17, ondget 24. 45, &o. ; stondaiS 9. a7, ]7one 1. 59 (besides Sene 9. ^5, Ssene 4.> 37), iSonne 3. 13, on 21. 31 ; on- in onsascne 14. 18, onwseld 22. 25, onwriting 1 10. 8, &c. ; wona 11. 41, huona I 3. 15, &c. Before a guttural nasal : bongende 1 11. 18, long 20. 47, gemong 23. 56, song 15. 25, strong 15. 14, •gone 6. 3a, iSuongas 3. 16, wlonc 12. 31, nercsnawong 23. 43. The vowel is retained in its original form in tbe second stem of st. vbs. CI. Ill : geband 10. 34, unband I 9. 30, blann 7. 45, gedranc 5. 39, fand 7. 9, ingann 24. 37, agann 11. 38, gelamp 8. 43, geam I 11. 9 (with metathesis), gesang 22. 60, bewand 2. 7. The o appears in conn, cf. above. For the a in am 1. 19, of. S. 43, anm. 3 ; Fa. 15 ; Sweet, HES. 44a. 18 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES Loan-words : gecomp 22. 44, (heafod)ponna 23. 33, ofer- plontia^ 17. 6, geplontad 13. 6. a remains in ange] 1. 0,6 (five times, otherwise with, i-umlaut, § 22, III), camal 18. 25. IL This 9 was lengthened to o on the falling out oi the nasal before a voiceless spirant (§ 66, II) : o^er 22. 323 BO'S 1. I, toiSana 13. 28. III. Before r) the change from- a to nasalized a took place in Gmc. on the falling out of the nasal; this a appears always as o: brohte 14. ao, gebroht 15. 11, ge- ■Sohte 1. 29, dohton 9. 45, -Soht 1. 51, woh 3. 5, wohfiill 19. 22, ahoh 23. ai, ahoen 23. 23, onfoalS 11. 10, &c. (cf. ^so § 5i)- ^0^ ^^ possible shortening in brohte, geSohte, &o., cf. S. 125. WG. a. §16. WGr. a (=Gmc. Ee, North, e) before a nasal becomes : cuome 4. 34, cuomon 22. 5a, mona 21. 25, moneiS 1. 36, nomon 11. 52, sona 1. 64. In the second stem of the verbs cuma and nima, instead of 0, we have 6 : cuom 5. 3a, cwom 19. 10, fornom 8. 29, ofgenom I 2. 17 (S. 390). . huon 12. 48, huonum I 7. 19, &c., may belong here (Lea 48 ; Fii. 15, 4; Lind.2 45 ; Fo. 15, IV). This o is subject to i-umlaut, § 35. WG. e. § 17. WG. e becomes i before m : nime^ 13. 33, for- nime-8 9. 54, niming I 5. 3. The u in nummanne 1. 25 is on the analogy of the pret. part numen. This i is subject tou/o-umlaut, § 32 (6), (c). WG. o. § 18. WG. o before simple nasals becomes u (S. 70) : cuma 18. 16, cuummanne 13. 45, fruma 1 2. la, (bryd)guma INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 19 5. 34, summer 21. 30, huniges 24. 42 (for wjmiges, of. § 34), iSuneri I 9. 10, wuna 24. 39, gewunade 1. 56, geuna 4. 16, -wyttruma 8. 13. This u is subject to i-umlaut, § 34. Breaking. § 19. Before r + cons. I. a before r+cons. is broken to ea: gecearf 19. 16, ofcearf 9. 9, olebearua 22. 39, olebearu 21. 37 (S. 103, anm. i), geearnadon I 9. 3, earnas 17. 37, gearuu 12. 40, gearo 22. 33, gearwiga 1. 76, heard 19. 3, nearo 13. 34 (in such forms the breaking is brought over from cases where the w is not vocalized,, S. 103^ anm. i, cf. also § 61, III), soearflice I 9. 4, inweard 11. 39, litteweard 11. 39, geonduearde 14. 6 (for forms with wa-, wsb-, cf. § 46 ; W0-, § 57, 1). geruaiS I 11. 3 is probably a scribal error for gearua^ (but cf. Lind.^ 48, anm. i). a occurs without breaking in arme 1. 51, armum 2. 38, arS 4. 34 (where it is probably due to the lightness of the accent, cf. Sweet, HES. 443 ; Lea 13, 3 ; Fu. 16, i ; EB. 454), barm 6. 38, barme 16. 33, darr 20. 40, harmcuoedum 6. 38, naroneiSe I 8. 6, iSarfe 21. 3, 'Sarflic I 3. 7, nediSarf 1 2. 8 (besides forms with se : 'SsBrfe 16. 30, Sserflicra 1 7. 19 ; cf. Lea II, 4; and with o: ^orfe I 9. 3, &c., with the vowel taken over from the pret.). Other words with se before r + cons, are : daerst (sb.) 12. I, daBrsto I 8. 16, daerstum 3. 7, I3, dserstana 22. i, 7, gedaersted 18. 31 (which may be due to i-umlaut, Lind.^ 64, a), biwaerlas 11. 43, biwserlde 10. 31, ymbwsBrlde 7. 9 (Fiichsel's explanation of this difficult word will be found in Fu. 16, i ; cf. also Lind.'' 65). Breaking is omitted before the r-combinations resulting from metathesis in gsers 12. 38, am 15. 20 (S. 79, anm. a ; Kal. 57, anm. 13) ; Biilbring on the contrary considers metathesis as earlier than breaking in Anglian EB. 133, c 3 30 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES anm; ; AngL BeibL 9. 97. For examples of breaking before an r-combination arising from metathesis, cf. below, III. Breaking is omitted in tbe loan-words carr 6. 48 (Kl.^ PG., p. 939), careern (besides csercheme, § 34). II. The breaking of e before r + cons, appears as eo and ea. 60 : eor'Se 21. 33, eoriSes 4. 5 (eo twenty-four times in this word), geome 1. 3, 15. 8, geomfuU 10. 41, geornfullo 12. a6, 12. 23, geomlice 7. 43, heorta 12. 34, heortes 1. 51 (eo ten times, in compounds nine times), leomas 10. 3,6, geleomadon 6. 3. ea : cearfas 19. 37, ofercearfa 8. aa, ymbcearfanne 1. 59, ear^es 12. 56 (ea only once), fearr 7. 6, fearra 15. ao, fearrade 1. 38, &c. (always with ea), gearnfuU 19. aa, geamfuUe 12. 11, hearta 12. 34 (ea eleven times, three times in compounds), meard 6. 35, mearde 10. 7, 1 11. a. For the a, se in farma, fserma, cf. § 46. III. i is broken to io in giomde 18. 35, giomdon 5. i, giornanne 16. 3, giomise 11. 8, hiordo 14. i, hiorda 2. 15, hriord 14. la, hriordege 17. 8, hriordanne 15. 3 a, gehriorda 11. 38, gehriordage 12. 37. For the preservation in North, of the differentiation between eo and io cf. S., Ags. Voc, p. a6 ff. ; Biilb. 140. i remains unbroken in firr 24. 38, firrfara 7. 6, smiri- niso 23. 36, smiride 4. 18 (EB. 187, anm. ; Eng. Stud. 27. 85). Breaking has followed metathesis in iorna'S 14. 31, iome'8 22. 10, iornende I 2. 7, iornendes 22. 44. In the same connection should be mentioned beornendo 17. 17, beorning 1. 11, with the exceptional diphthong eo (Bulb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 97, EB. 133, anm. ; S., Ags. Voc, p. 35). In the following, metathesis has been later than the breaking period: birdas 2. 34, 'Sirde 13. 33, «irddam 24. 7, &c. § 20. Before 1 + cons. I. a in tills position is unbroken : aid 1. 18, aider 11. 15, INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 21 all 2. I, aline 9. 25, &c., cualmum 7. ai, monigfald 6. 17, fearfald 19. 8, fane's 11. 17, gefalla 16. 17, haldas 8. 15, haldoud 16. 13, half 19. 8, talm 3. 17, halsado 19. ao, halto 7. aa, saldon 2. 34, saldes 19. 33, effcgesald 14. 14, salt 18. 15. For sealla, &o., of. § 31 (c). feaUo I 8. 3 (sb.) is puzzling, but cf. §§ aa, V ; 30, note. Loan-words: psalme I 10. 11, salma 20. 4a, sabnas 24. a44, assald 13. 15, assaldes 19. 30 (Lea la, 96). II. Breaking of e before 1+cons. is found only in seolf 11. 17, seolf 11. 46, seolfe 10. 37 (Dieter, 2. 773, explains these forms as analogous to those in which there was an inflectional guttural vowel causing u-, o/a-umlaiit). §21. Before h. In tiiis position breaking has usually been simplified through the so-caUed palatal umlaut (§ 33 ff. ; S. 158, 3 ; EB. 133). There are to be found a few instances, however, where h has disappeared early between a vowel and a voiced consonant (cf. § 76, II), causing breaking but not simplification of the vowel: geneoleca'S 21. 30, geneolecton 8. 34 (S. 165, anm. 3 ; EB. 146, b ; Fu. 16, 3 ; but cf. also Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 107). Loan-words : getrahtade 1 3. a, oftrahtung 18. 10. Umlaid. The i-umlaut. WG. a. § 22. I (o). The i-umlaut of WG. a before an orig. simple cons, is regularly e : bed 5. 18, ber(ern) 12. 34, bereflor 3. 17, betra 5. 30, egisa 21. 36, eliSiodig 17. 18, elne 12, 35, eriende 17. 7, feder 15. 18, ferende 7. la, ahefes 6. 45, ahefen 10. 15, hefig 11. 17, helle 10. 15, herende I 9. 6, hergas 9. I3, merio 11. 4a (but cf. Lind.^ 6^, anm. a), mett 12. 33, nett 5. 6, arecganne 1 3. 7, sce«de 23 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 4. 35, selles 22. 48 (besides sileS I 6. 14, § 5i ; and the forms with ea: sealla, &c., § 31), selenes I 3. 4, sets 18. I a, settende I 3. 8, getelles 14. 28, awecoe B. 8, aueccende I 6. i. With the umlaut brought in ana- logically are : aweht I 5. 11, awehton 9. 33, settes 19. 31 (S. 407). 86 occurs in fgedir (ds.) 22. 11. Note. — The verb willa prcBents some puzzling forms in North. ; besides the regular forms with i (§ 3), are those with a (§ 3) ; with se : wseUe (i sing, ind.) 13. 20, wsello (i sing, ind.) 20. 3, waeUe (opt.) 9. 24, waella^ 12. 29, nsella^ 6. 37 ; with e : welle (opt.) 22. 42 (cf. also § 3, II (b)), nelle 14. 12. The forms in se and e might perhaps be accounted for by assuming a present stem *walja-, in which case e would be the regular umlaut-vowel (for the umlaut of a before 11 due to WG. gemination, cf. BB. 179, anm. 2) ; se might then be due to the same w-influence as in wses for wes (§ 41). Loan-words: plseeum 10. 10 iju&tiu, platea) ; without umlaut : latinum 23. 38. (6) WG. a before a cons, group + i appears partly as sb, partly as e (S. 89, a ; EB. 169 and anm.). SB: fsesto 18. la, fsesta 5i. ^^, gehssftendum 4. 18, hrsesta 13. 29, seftaras 246. e: eft 24. a, eftcerr I 8. 18 and other compounds with eft- (except ssftaras, cf. above), esne I 6. 13, gesthus 2. 7, gest(ern) 22. 11, hnescum 7. 35, nestaiS 12. 37, nestum 3. 14 (stipendium). Loan-words : secced 28. 3, mseslenno 21. a, selmisso I 7. 16 (Fo. I, IV). (c) Sometimes "WGr. a appears as ge in certain words in which an i or j followed the original guttural vowel of the middle syllable (S. 50, anm. a; 100, anm. 4; Ags. Voc, p. ai ; EB. 174). Examples : hlsstmest I 8. 7, fasst'n 1 5. a, setgSBdre 23. 1 8. The pres. part, and infin. of st. vbs. 01. VI, Sievers (50, anm. 2) notes as exceptions to this rule in "WS., but L. always has sb in this position. Examples : infasrende 8. 16, befserende 18. 36, fssrende 14. 4, fseranne 16. 3, ssBcoanne 4. i8, ssBcoenne I. 9. 9, on-ssBcceude I 8. 8. INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 23 Analogical influences, however, so strongly favour se in these words that they are perhaps without significance here. (d) The umlaut of a analogically replacing se is se (S. 89, 3; Ags. Voc, pp. 31, ff.; EB. 177). Examples: sseoga? 24. 17, ssecgas 7. a a, eftssscga 9. 61 ; a and 3 sing, of St. vbs. 01. VI : fseres 16. 30, onsseccest 22. 34, hlsshe^ 6. ai, Maehas 6. 35 (EB. 177) ; pret. parts, oncsscen 12. 9, geslsBgen 22. 7, ofslsegen 9. aa (S., Ags. Voc, p. 24 j Gr. 378, anm. i); awsecce 20. a8, Serhwseccende 6. la, wseccas 21. g6, WBBca 12. 39, gemseeca 20. 36, gssfel I 10. 8, gsefelo 23. 3 (S., Ags. Voc, p. 33 ; for geafel, cf. § 50 ; S., Ags. Voc, pp. 18, 19), msegden 8. 54 (S., Ags. Voc, pp. 31, 33), mssgen 5. 17, msBgnes 22. 69 (S., Ags. Voc, p. 33, and note; but cf. EB. 91 ; Po. I, II). Loan-words : 'Sssccilla 11. 30, cselc 22. 30, cselio 22. 30, cselce 22. 17 (EB. 178); besides the unumlauted forms calicos 11. 39, calic 22. 43). II. WQ. a before a nasal (9) has as its umlaut e : bend 13. 16, brengas 8. 15, breng 5. 14, accennes 1. 3i,accenned I 3. 13, dene 3. 5, gedrenegad 10. 15, ende 1. 33, endung I. 2. 15, feng I 4. 17, ondfenges 9. 51, welfremmende 22. 35, frem^e 24. 18, bigengum 20. 10, foreglendra I 4. 15, leng 12. 35, lengre 24. 38, gemengde 13. 1, menigo 23. 8, menn I 9. 10, ricemenn 7. 41, mennisces I 2. 16, nemneiS I 5. 6, penning 20. 34, hrendas 13. 7, tosende I 3. I, scending 11. 8, scendla 11. 8, gescendes 12. ^^, stenco 24. i, forestemdon 11. 5a, gestrencssd 1. 80, gete- mesed 6. 4, iSencende I 7. 10, geiSencse I 7. 13, -SenogaiS 14. 31, aiSen 6. 10, a^enede 5. 13. Loan-words: embihtes 1. 33, embihta 17. 8, cempo 8. 14, cemp 23. 36, engel I 3. 13, engelica I 11. 8. III. WG. a before r-combinations + i appears as e ; since a is regularly broken to ea in this position, we have here i-umlaut of ea, cf. e as the i-umlaut of ea (§ 38). Examples: gecerreiS 1. 16, eftgecerred I 3. 16, 24 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES eftoerrdon 23. 48, erfe 12. 13, erfward 20. 14, ermingum 4. 18, gerd 7. 24, gere 18. 24, gegerelo 24 4, huerf 6, 34, gemerras 13. 7, geemerredo I 2. 11. -em in gestem 2p. II, berem 12. 24; and bemeiS 15. 8, abemed 12. 49, belong here if, according to Bulbring (EB. 180, anm. i), metathesis is older than breaking in Anglian. IV. i-umlaut of a broken to ea before h appears as e in: ehras 6. i, tehrum 7. 44 (EB. i8o,b; for tssherupi 7. 38, cf. § 34, tearum 7. 44, § 53, 1). V. WG. a before 1-combinations + i appears as si: seldesto 22, 5a, seldestum 9. 23, seldwut 11. 37, seldp 11. 39 (besides aldo 5. 17), hsBldo 1. 36,8Bldra 15. 25 (forms with a are frequent and are on the analogy of aldor without i-umlaut), beanbsBlgum 15. 16, fseU (sb.) 6. 49, (c£ EB. 179, anm. 2), faelles 8. 10, gefaBlnise 2. 34, ahseldon 24. 5, onwsBlde 20. 20, onwseld 19. 17, from awselted 24. a.\ Gefgelled for gefallen is on the analogy of the pret. parts, of weak vbs. 01. L feallo I 8. 3 is probably a scribal error for faello (= faello, cf. gefaeUo Mark 15. 7 ; but cf. also § 30, note). Before the secondary combination Ic, sb appears in: huselo 9. 46 (forms with se fifteen times in this word), suselce 18. 11, susbIc 11. 44; e in huelo 7. 42 (with e twenty-seven times) for the forms with oe, cf. § 42, as also for those with se. Loan-words : felle I 9. 2, fellereade 16. 19 (Fu. 17, i). Umlaut of o. § 23. This umlaut is extremely rare, since in Gmc. u did not become o if followed by i, j, except when o was brought in analogically in place of u (S. 43, 3 ; and 93, anm. ; EB. 164, anm. i). The umlaut of this o is oe in doehter (dat.) 12. 53 ; e in meme 13. 3a, 18. 33 ; Lind.« (69, anm.) considers this e as the umlaut of WG. a, but cf. the unumlauted form tomorgen 12. 28 (S. 93). INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBOEING SOUNDS 25 In the compound oefeste 1. 39, oefesta 19. 5, oefistade 19. 6, oefistlice 8. 33, ce is the umlaut of oLind.==76; Fo. 17, VIL For twoege, twoentigum, &c., cf. § 4^. e appears as the umlaut of 6 in suueti 24. i, west'n 3. 3 ; SB in wsest'n 13. 17, wsest' 5. 16 ; oeo, due probably to a scribal error, in doeomo 19. 32. II. OB is also the umlaut of o from "WG. a before nasals (§ 16) ; cuoen I 7. 8, portcuoen 7. ^j, woen 20. 13, woenes INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 27 I. 66, woende 3. 15; of 6 from Gmc. aq and from an before voiceless spirants (§ 15, II and III) : oehtad 11. 49, oehtnise I 4. 6, smoe^um 3. 5. Umlaut of u. § 26. The umlaut of u is y : bryd(loppum) 17. 37, bryd(gum) I 5. a, bya 10. 25, gebydon 11. a6, nehebyrildas 15. 9, drygi 23. 31 (besides drugi 1 5. 4), fyr 9. 45, gehydeiS 13. ai, ryne I 3. 3, geryno I 11. a, intynde 3. ao, unWG. eu, North, eo (ea), we cannot con- sider North, io as the OE. umlaut of eo (for examples,! cf § 13, 11). 1 INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 29 A possible exception is found in hriofol 5. 15, hriofle 5. I a, wliicli S., Ags. Voc, p. 31, gives as <:*hreufuli. The U-, o/k-umlaut. § 30. For the general treatment of the u-, o/a-nmlaut, cf. S. 101-107 ; 160 (i), (a), (3) ; EB. ^36-239. It affects the vowels e and i in North., and usually takes effect only over a simple consonant, though in some cases it occurs before double consonants or nd (EB. 344, 346, 347, 349). It is caused by the vowel either of a derivative or of an inflectional syllable, being less uniformly carried out in the latter case owing to the analogy of unumlauted forms. Note. — ^While u-, o/a-umlaut does not affect a in North., there are a few instances where it apparently affects as : the ea instead of ee in leasa 7, 28, leasan 9. 48, leasssest 12. 26, is explained as dne to shortening and o/a-umlaut in EB.. 336, 246 ; in gegeadred I 4. 10, setgeadre 7. 49, &c. ; Bulbring (Angl. Beibl. 9. 76 ff.; EB. 251) considers ea to be due to o/a-umlaut acting upon analogical se ; but cf. § 50. In the same way, feallo I 8. 3 may be caused by o/a-umlaut acting after the i-umlaut (cf. faell § 22, V). But as this is the only instance of the diphthong in this word, it is more probably due to a scribal error (cf. § 22, V). ondsuearum 2. 47 I cannot explain, except as u-umlaut of sb standing for a (cf. ondsuserum 20. 26, § i, II (a)). The U-, o/a-umlaut of ae, working over st appears in gefeast' 12. 48 (EB. 250, 251), and possibly in feastern I 4. 11 (besides the usual form fsestem, cf. § 22, 1 (c)). Whether hondbeafton 7. 32 (besides hondbaeftadon, v. § i, I (6)) may be similarly explained is uncertain ; I do not find any other instances noted where the o/a-umlaut is exerted over ft ; but cf. also § 53, VII, for this word. § 31. (a) e becomes eo through the original u of a derivative suffix ; this is true also when the quality of the umlauting vowel has changed, or when syncope has come in later : heofon 10. 15, heofea 21. 26 (once without umlaut, hefon 4. 35), seofon I 4. 9, seofa I 7. 11, unseo- funtigum I 6. 14. 30 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES ea occurs in seatlas 11. 43, 20. 46, where the 1 is syllabic ; cf. seatul in Matthew 23. a. (6) e:>eo through the original u of an inflectional syllable : gebeodo 1. 13, feolo 5. 15, heono 23. 15, meolo 13. 21 ; ea in gebeadum 2. 37, fealo 12. 48, geafa 2. 40, geafum 21. 5 (never eo in this word). (c) o/a-umlaut of e appears as ea in bearanne 23. 36, gebeara 10. 4, eatta 8. 55, eattas 10. 7 (besides ettas 5. 30), forgeafa 5. ai, fqrgeafanne ,10. la (without the umlaut are the ind. pi. forgefses 11. 4, and forgef ' 11. 4), ongeatta 24. 16. gespreacca 5, 4 is the only instance in L. of this umlaut before a palatal consonant (cf. § 33 ff".). In sealla 8. 55, seallaS 21. la, &c. (besides sellas 21. la), the o/a-umlaut acts upon g over the double consonant (EB. 347). eo appears only in eotaiS 5. Zi- § 32. (a) i >> io through the original u of a derivative suffix: oliopade 8. 38, cliopado I 10. 4, clioppado 23. ai, hlionade 7. 37, gehlionade 7. 36 (besides gehlinade 22. 14), ■Sionne 12. 5 (io through the original u of an inflectional syllable : gebiodon 2. 38, nedniomo 18. 11, sciolon 13. 5, sciolo 13. 3 (cf. S., Ags. Voc, p. a7, note 3), scioppo 5. 11, sciopum 14. 17, gebearsciopum 20. 46, wrioto 24. 45, gewriotto 24. 3a, gewuriotum 24. 37. (c) o/a-umlaut of i appears as io in hliongende 7. 49 (besides hlingende 5. ^9, hlingendum 5. 39), niomaS 4. 11, nioma 22. 36 (opt. sing.), niomanne 11. 54, niomand 5. 10, niomande I 9. 10, hriopaS 12. 34, hiora 1. 16. ia instead of io in Mara 23. i, bihianda 7. 38 (where the umlaut exerts its influence over nd); eo in heona 4. 9, 13. 31, 16. 36. In so'S'Sa, the i disappeared after the umlauting, which has taken place over the double consonant (EB. 346, 338). INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 31 The so-called Palatal Umlaut. § 33. For the importance in North, of the phenomena falling under this head, cf. S. io8, f ; idiff. ; EB. 193- aii,305ff. The arrangement in S. 1 61-165 ^ill liere be followed, to the neglect of the distinction made by Biilbring between true ' palatal umlaut ' (EB. 309 ; Angl. Beibl. 10. p. iff.) and 'Ebitung' or ' smoothing' (EB. 193, anm.). § 34. ea is simplified to as before h, ht, x (= hs) : sehto I 8. a, aehto 13. 4, legeiSslseht 10. 18, mseht 1. 35, msehto 16. II, msehton 8. 19, nseht 5. 5, nsehtes 2. 8 (for the placing of mssht, nseht, here rather than under i-umlaut, cf. Lind.^ 78, anm. a), gesseh 10. 18, gesaeh 9. 47, tseherum 7. 38, SsBhtung 7. 30, waexafS 12. 37, wsexbred 1. 6^, awsehton 9. 3a, awseht I 5. 8. The e in tehrum, ehras, is probably due to i-umlaut (cf. § aa, IV) ; in aweht 15. 11, to the analogy of the present forms; the a in ofelah (imp.) 18. ao to the contracted forms in a (S. 163, anm. 3). ea before re, rg, appears as e in bergana 8. 33, bergas 15. 15, merce 16. 7, merca^ I 9. 15, mercong I 1. i, gemercade I 9. 15 ; as 89 in ofermsercade I 6, 14, and in the loan-words serce 17. 37 and caercherne I 4. 8. § 35. ea >- e before c, g, h : ec I 10. 9 (with this one exception always sec in L., cf. below), becon 2. a, becnade 8. 47, gebrec 24. 43 (besides gebrsec, cf. below), gebrece 1. 8 (with substitution of the vowel of the ind. for that of the opt.), ego 11. 34, egum 19. 43, heh 1. 78, hehsynne I 2. 3, lehtune 13. 19. In degelnise e may be due to the influence of the following g, or it may belong rmder §55,111. 38 appears in sec 13. 4, sec 12. 11, gebrsec I 11. 13, 'Sseh 17. 4; a in ^ah 18. 4, 16. 31, ^ahhueiSre 6. 33 (in 'Sah and 'Sseh Biilbring assumes shortening, due to weakness of accent, Angl. Beibl. 9. 100 ; EB. 454; S. 163, anm. i, gives ^ah). 32 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES h before the voiced consonant lias fallen out before causing simplification of tbe diphthong in heanisum 1 10. 3, heonisum I 4. i, heanise 5. 4, &o. § 36. 60 >e before h, x (=hs), ht, re, rh, and c: feh 8. 43, geseh 11. 35 (besides imp. besseh, cf. below), sex 4. 25, sexdeih 24. 13, larcneht I 2. a, nercsnawong 23. 43, feht 14. 31, gefehto 21. 9, reht 13. 16, unreht 16. 10 (besides unrsehto, cf. below), were 17. 12 (forms with oe, V. § 41), iSerh 1. 70, berhtnise 2. 9, recone 4. 39, gesprecca 4. 41 (gespreacca, cf. § 31 (c)), (erend)wreco 7. 24, (-)wre>'r cum 15. I a. se is found in cnssht I 3. 17, cnshtas 12. 45, cnaehtum 7. 33, &o. (e occurs only once in this word ; for larcneht, cf. above), fsBCS 15. la, unraehto 3. 5, besseh 9. 38, 18. 14 (cf. Biilb., EB. 207 — ^who, however, finds only e in feh- ; the development in fsees would probably be *fehes> *feohes >»*feahes r>*f8Bhes :> fsees ; but there is also the possibility of sb being due to the labial influence of f,cf. §41). § 37. eo>e before h, ht, g: fle/a 8. 13, 21.- ai (cf. Fii. 19, 4), flegendo 8. 5, legere 6. 4a, neh I 11. i, unneh 19. I a, leht 11. 35, cece 6. 29 (?). In bituen 22. 17, Biilbring (EB. 199 ; 147, a) sees the simplification of eo (eu) arising from the breaking of "WG. I; Sievers (Ags. Voc, p. 3^) considers it rather a product of contraction. The simplification has not taken place in geneolece^ 12. 33, geneolecte 7. la, &c., where h has fallen out at an early period before a voiced consonant (§§ ai ; 76, II; of. § 35)- § 38. io > i before h, ht, h'S, rg, g, o, Ic : SBniht 9. 36, nseniht 23. 14, gerih^e (for gerihte) 3. 19, gebirgaS 14. 34, gesihiSo 1. 22, &c., tuigo 18. 33, wico 18. la, uica I 11. 16, halfcwic 10. 30, gemilcadon 23. 39, astigon 5. 19; suira 17. a belongs here according to EB. 26a, anm. ; Lind.* 91, anm. ; e appears in rehtanne 1. 79, gerehtad 13. 13, nseneht 23. aa, gebergeS 9. 27. INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 33 §39. io>i b6fore^ h, ht, x (=hs): bitwih 11. 51, bituili I 7. 13 (S., Ags. Voc, p. 35), lili 11. 5, wigbed 11. 51 (<:*wiohbed, S. § 222, anm. i, cf. § 57, IV), inlihte 1. 79, lixende 24. 4, licsendo 16. 19, irdixande 23. 54. e appears in inlehta^ 11. 36. Influence of Labials. § 40. For the various writings of w, cf. Bulb., Angl. BeibL 10. 368 ff. ; EB. 463 ; Fo. 20. In L. we find, besides the rune-sign (here represented by w), wu (ww), u (y), uu (yy), wo (wo), o (0). For examples, of. § 61. § 41. Under the influence of w, e is changed to oe : cuoe'Sa 3. 8, 5. 23, &c., cuoeiSes 18. 19, &c. (besides cue^o 3. 8, &c., without w-influence. For such variations in orthography as cuoae'Sanne 11. 83, cuose^a'S 6. 26, cuoa'Sas 23. 29, &c., cf. Paul, Beitr. 6. 38 ; Fii. 20, I ; S. 370, anm. 7), cuoeden 2. 17, huoe'Ser 5. 23, &c, (besides hueiSer 6. 39), huoe^re 11. 8, hoe'Sre 22. 21, suoeger 12. 53 (besides suegir 12. 53, and suser, cf. § 43), unwoeder I 5. 18, gewoeded 1. 27, gewoefen I 4. 10, woel 12. 32 (otherwise always with e in L.), woerca I 2. 10, woerc- monn 10. 7, woer 8. 38 (besides wer 2. ^6), (huoelo)- huoeges 20. 38, woeg 3. 4, woegum 3. 5 (besides weg 7. 27 — ^more frequently with e), woesta 13. 29, suoester I 7. I (also soest' 10. 40, cf. § 61). For coem, cf. Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 10. 371 ; EB. 287 ; Lind.^ 91, c). We:>wsB in wses 18. 13, 19. 19, and possibly in waello, wselle, &c. (cf. also § 22, I, note). The same labial influence may be exerted by f in faees 15. 12, but the development seems to me rather that indicated in § 36. § 42. f becomes cb: efnegequoeccad 20. 18, gecoecton 6. I (cf. ouacende 8. 47), tuoelf 2. 42, toelfo 22. 14, eghuoelc 6. 47, suoelce 16. j, acuoella 22. 2, huoenne 17. ao, woende 4. 10, awoendad 1. 56, halwoendum I 6. a 34 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES (besides halwende 3. 6), bewoeredon 11. 5a, woerdende 23. 2, awoerda 18. 16, awoerdon 20. 11 (besides aweredon 18. 9), woergendum 6. 38, huoerf 6. ^S, huoerflioe I 10. 6 (besides huerf 6. 34). se may be due to w-influence in Huselc 9. 46, suseloe 18. II, suebIcsb 11. 44 (EB. 168, anm. 3 ; Fo. 30, I). § 43. e becomes de : cwoedon 8. 34, cuoeden I 6. 5, huoer 8. 35 (more frequently without the -w-influence, cf. § 6), woe 2. 15, woede 12. 33, gewoedo 23. 34 (besides gewedo 5. 36), gewoedad 12. 37 (besides geweded 8. 35), woepeno 11. 33, woepenberend 11. 21 (besides wepen- beren I 7. 5), woeron 12. 3 (weron, v. § 6 ; wsere, v. below), tuoe 2, 24, tuoege I 8. 15 (besides tuege 3. 11, and the unumlauted form tuoge 2. '34 — three times), tuoentigum 14. 31, ce in the two last words is considered as the i-umlaut of o by Lind.* ,73. se occurs in wsere 5. 13, cf. § 6. In susBr 4. 38, se may be due to the in- fluence of w upon e derived from contraction (§ 53, II). § 44. SB is changed to os in ouoe^ 16. 15, &o., awoeht I 5. 30, awoehton 8. 34 ; to o in cwoS 16. 3. According; to the explanation of Biilbring, however, in Angl. Beibl. 10. 368, the vowel in the first instance is oe from e brought over from the plural. In awoeht and awoehton, it is possible that we have the regular woe<:we, since in North, the 89 of the pret. and pret. part, is usually supplanted by the § of the pres. ; e. g. aw§hton 9. 3a, aweht I 5. II ; 88 appears in awssht 15. 18. § 45. eo from breaking or u/o-umlaut is changed to : wosa 3. 14, wosanne 2. 49, worado 13. 23, worulde 1. 55, world 18. 30, woreldes 20. 34, wi'Serworde 12. 58, suord 2. iSi geworpa 11. 18, worpanne I 9. 14, woriSes 1. 34, gworiSa 8, 13, worSias 16. 15. §46. ea, whether from breaking or where ea = eo from u/o-umlaut, is changed to a : walum 8. 14, waras 22. 63, warana 14. 24, wiiSerwarde I 9. 13, onduarde 3. 11, erfeuard 20. 14, huarf 24. 13, awarp 4. 35, gewar'S 4. 43. INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 35 Here belong also, on account of the labial influence of f : farmes 14. 17, farma 5. 29, fatrum 8. 39, farra 23. 49. as instead of a occurs in wseras 9. 3 a, waelum 8. 14, wselom 16. 9, geondwserde I 10. 13, towserd 9. 44, awasr^ 17. 18, fserma 1 11. a, fsermum 14. 8. § 47. wio becomes wu : wuton 11. 44, wuttanne 8. 10, wuto 7. 30, uutum 11. 53, uutana 1. 17, &c. This wu is further developed to wy by i-umlaut (S. 156, 4 ; EB. 363) : wuyrso 11. 36, wyrSe 3. 8, •wyr'So 23. 41, wyrSro 14. 8. For the y in Wynnes I 2. 8, instead of i, cf. EB. a8a. § 48. The groups eow and iow, whether from WG. euw, iuw, or from the problematical w-umluat (EB. 355 ff.), are frequently written ew (eo, eu, ea) and iw (iu, io), which are probably only graphic shortenings of euw, iuw (S. 156, anm. 5; EB. 109, anm. 3; no, anm. 3 ; 114, anm. 3 ; 356, anm.). Examples: cneuum 5. 8, oncneoum 22. 41, oncneu 19. 44, cneureso 11. 50, cneoreso 9. 41, feortih 4. 3, feor- si'Sam 19. 8, fearfald 19i 8 (besides feouer 2. 37), treo 21. 39 (besides tree 6. 43, &c.), treuana 3. 9, gehreues 17. 4, ■JSonagehrewun 8. 36, gehiuadne I 9. 3, oferhiuade I 6. 8, niua 5. 37, nine 5. 36, niwes I 5. 3, iuero 21. 18, iuer 6. 33, iweres 12. 7, giuia'8 11. 10, giwende I 7. 4 (EB. 356, anm.), iSiwa 1. 38, iSiuaBs 1. 48 (besides ■Siuwas 12. 45), hiwuisc 13. 35 (besides hiogwuisc 12. 39, cf. § 61). 8BW appears in hraewende I 9. 4 (EB. 114, anm. 3); eow>>ow in gehrowun 8. 33 ; eaw>ew (S. 156, anm. 3 ) in smeung 15. 14, smeunga I 6. 10. Influence of Preceding Palatals. § 49. For the importance of the phenomena falling under this head, cf. S. 74-76. ^57 ; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 98 ff.; 11. 8off. Original j — ^written g, except in proper names— rarely D 3 36 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES if ever produces diphthongization in North. For "WS. gear, North, always has ger; e.g. in L. ger 3. i, gero 13. 7. For "WS. pronoun ge, are found : ge (seven times), ge (three times), gee (once), gee (twice), gie (190 times), giffl (once) ; the differences being perhaps only graphic. For WS. giu, geo, we find only gee (six times). For WS. giet: get 1 11. 19. Original ju appears as giu in giungra 15. 13, as gi in ging 15. 23, gingesta 15. 13, gigo'Se 18. 31. This looks as if in the last three instances the preceding vowel had caused diphthongization of i to iu, which then became i by the pushing forward of the accent and dropping of the second vowel (*gung5»*giungi»*giung>ging). In the comparative and. superlative, giungra, gingesta, there is, to be sure, the possibility of i-umlaut ; in which case the palatal would be responsible only for the change of y to i in gingesta, and from y to iu in giungra— iu being intermediate between y and i (S., Ags. Voc, p. a;, note, sees the direct influence of j upon u, in ging and gigo'S ; for the opposite view, cf. Biilb., Angl. BeibL 9. 99 and EB. 307, c; Paul, Beitr. 6. 43, f; and S. himself earlier, Beitr. 9. 307 ; 566, f). Note. — The gi in giungra, gie (and presumably in giae), Lind.' 61 considers as merely denotations of the j-sound. § 50. Palatal c and g (c, g) sometimes cause diphthongi- j zation of se (WGt. a) to ea (ese) : ongesegn 19. 30, setgeadre 7.49 (besides setgsedre 23. 18), gegeadred I 4. 10, set^essdre 23. 48, geafel 20. 33 (besides gssfsl I 10. 8), ceafBrtun] 11. 31 (besides csefertune 22. ^5). i For the possibility of gegeadred, &c., being due to u- umlaut, cf. § 30, note. May not agef 4. 30 (cf. § i, I, (c)) belong here ?— ag»f> ageaf>-ageaf>-agef. Loan-words : ceastre 14. 31, ceastra, I 2. i, &c. INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 37 "■• Diphthongization of g after g regularly appears in geong 2. 44, geongom 3. 5, geongses 3. 4, bigeonle (scribal error for bigeonge), 13. 7. § 51. s may exert a palatalizing influence in sile^ 1 6. 14 (cf. EB. 304, Fii. ai, 6). § 52. After so the following changes frequently take place : (a) 88 or a to ea: scealde 9. 31, esceapa 5. 36, sceattas 15. 8, sceaSum 1 11. 7, morscea^a 23. 33, asceacca'S 9. 5. (6) 9 (=WG. a before a nasal) to eo: sceoma 3, 14, sceomigo 16. 3, sceomade 18. a (=Got. skaman). (c) to eo: soeortiga 22. 3a (besides unscortende 12. 33)- . (d) a (=WG. ai) to ea: sceadas 6. aa, gescead 12. 51, , gesceaden 13. 11, gescean 9. 39, ymbscean 2. 9. (e) e (="WG. a) appears as i in scip 15. 6, scipes I 8. 16, ■&C. (ER 154). (/) o>-eo : sceowum I 4. 7, sceoea 3. t6, sceoe 10. 4 (but sooeum 22^. 25) scoeas 15. aa, showing i-umlaut of o ; cf. Got. skohs and gaskohi). (g) after so and scr, u is changed to y, iu, in scyldrum 15. 5, gescryncan 1 8. 4 (where, however, it may be due to i-umlaut, cf. § 55, 11), gescriuncan 6. 6 ; u is changed to yu in scyur 12. 54. scu remains in scua 1. 79. For the group sou, scru, cf. S., Ags. Voc, p. 37, note. , Contraction. § 53. I. Original ah + vowel becomes ea, a, ». ea : gefea I 4. I, tearum 7. 44, tearuum I 5. 14 (without contraction are tsBherum 7. 38, cf. § 34, tehrum 7. 44, of. § aa, IV) ; a : slaa 12. 45, geslas 22. 49, geslaa 18; 13 ; a : ofsl^ (infin.) 20, 14, ofsMs 18. 33, ofsl8e« 11. 49. ofslae« 12. 5. ■Suo, iSo, may be merely graphic variants of iSw (cf. § 4°) in: ge«uoa 7. 38, a«oa« I 5. 14, a«oa 7. 38 ; but of. Fii. aa, 1. 38 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES II. eh + guttural vowel appears regularly as ea : gefea 16. 17, gefeande 22. 5, gefeade 1. 41, seas 24. 39, gesea^\; 10. 34, geseanne 9. 9, huiidteantig 8. 8, tea I 9. 8 ; but also tene I 8. a, tenum 14. 31, teum 14. 31. eh + e normally appears as e (S. 166, anm. a): geseen 19. 37, swer I 4. 16 ; but we also find gesii 18. 41, gesear 2. 15, suser 4. 38. The ie may be due to the in£uence of w in the last word, of. § 43. eh + guttural vowel becomes ea: flea^ 8. 13, geflea 3. 7. eh + e(i) gives e: neesta 10. 36, nesta 18. 5, neste 10. 37, hera 22. a6 ; se in hsesta 8. a8 ; for ei in heiste 1. 3a, heista 1. 76, heigsta 1 11. I'j, &c., of. § 14. e + w appears as ea in iSeadom 1 10. 16, eo in treo 13. 19 ; but oftener e : tree 6. 43, trees I 9. 6, &c. (besides treuana 3.9). e + e(i) gives e: eoe 19. 16, eco 16. 9 (<:*6(j) ici, EB. ai7), edo 2. 8, edse 12. 33 ( I ; EB. 539); -il remains in cyrtil 6. 29, idilende 20. 11, unless these are scribal variations. Loan-words were sometimes changed according to the suffixal ablaut e existing in OE : 'Ssecilla 8. 16, &c. (S. ia8, 3; Ffi. 1. a); engel I 3. 13, &c., shows by its umlaut the suffix -il varying with the -el of the Lat. angelus. Gmc. -al appears as -ol in hriofol 5. 13 (<:*hreufuli, S., Ags. Voc, p. 31), gearwutol 19. ai ; as -el in sawel 12. 39, sauelo 21. 19, &o., and in the loan-word diowel I 4. 16 (-0I of diabolus being regarded as a suffix). For the secondary vowel before 1, cf. § 59, II. IV. The original sftffix -oro-, -ero-. The old e-grade is SUFFIXES, PREFIXES, COMPOUND WORDS, Etc. 43 stown in the umlauted forms: moederes I 4. 5 (besides moderes 1. 15, &c.), froefemise 6. 34 (besides frofor 2. 35). Gmc. -ar (<: -or) appears as -er in : hue'Ser 6. 39, feouer 2. 37, summer 21. 30, o«ero 10. 55, ofer 12. 43, under 4. 37, •Suneri I 9. 10, iuer 11. 55, iuerra 17. 7, userne, 11. 3 ; as -or in o'Soro 9. 26. V. The sujBfix -ig, -ag. The two forms fell together as -ig before the differentiation of the dialects in OE., but traces of an old gradation are seen in the existence of forms with and without i-umlaut. Umlauted forms are : senig I 8. 15, hefig 18. 5, menigo 18. 4, &o. (besides monigo 7. 11, &c., of. below), syndrigo 2. 3, untrymigo 14. 19, elliSiodig 17. 18, woestig. "Without are: eadig 7. 33, halig I 2. 4, monigo 7. 11. gemyndigo 17. 33, and scyldigra I. 5. 14, furnish no clue to the original form of the suffix since they are derived from umlauted substantives. For bsersynnig, cf. Land. 9, anm. 3. -ig appears as -eg in oferhygdego 1. 51. VI. The suffix -ud, -ed. The^e are no indications in Luke of the forms with Gmc. i. -ud appears in heafud (three times), -od in heafod 7. 46, -ad in worado 13. 33. -ed appears in the loan-word aecced 23. 36. -aiS occurs in innaiSes 1. 43, mona^e 1. 36, mona'Sum 1. 56 ; -oS in inno'S I 7. 7, -o'S <-un}7 in fracoiS 16. 15, gigo'Se 18. 31 ; -e'S in moneiS 1. 36, monetSum 1. 34, lege^ IL 36, legeiSslsBht 10. 18. VII. Abstracts in -nis, -nes. The normal form in liuke is -nis(s), -nis(s)e ; but -nes(s)e is found in cySneso 18. 20, onlicnessa 4. 23, 20. 34, onlicnese 8. 4, toslitnitnese I 1. 13 (scribal error for toslitnese), witneso 18. 30, .wittnessa 22. 71. VIII. The suffix -ung sometimes appears as -ing: upphebbing 8. 8, ceping I 5. 3, ermingum 4. 18, effclesing 24. 31, flowing 8. 44, forescending 21. 35, beorning 1. 11, breting 24. 35, ioming I 5. 30, groeting 1. 41, niming 44 VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES I 5. 3, innawritting 20. 24, and in the loan-word csesering 18. 16, casering 15. 8 ; -ong in geddong 10. 7, ebol- songas 5. ai, costong I 4. 11; -eng in groeteng 1. 39, groetenges 1. 44, groetenogo 11. 43 (besides groeting 1. 41). IX. Interchange of -en and -em appears only in. efernlooa'S 24. 59 ; the ending is abbreviated in fsest'mim 2. 37, &o., woest'num 7. 24. Prefixes. § 56. L ge, gi. The normal form is ge ; gi appears in Luke only in gispilde 15. 13, gionetaiS 13. 7. The anomalous form gse appears in gsBsended 1. a6. The loss of g is probably due to the preceding h in neheburas 1. 58 ; neheburum 15. 6 ; nehebyrildas 15. 9. The e is syncopated in getta I 3. 8 (for ge-etta); sef- groefa 12. 58. It has fallen out through a scribal error in gdom 12. 18; gfsestnia'S I 7. 19; gherdon 8. 18; gworSa 8. 13. II, be, bi. The normal form is be, but bi appears in bifserende 18. 36, bigencga 13, 7, bigeonle 13, 7, bihal- dendo 4. 30, bihianda 7. 38, bisuac 23. 1 1, bisuicen 21. 8, bituen 22. 17, bituih I 7. 13, bitwih 11. 51, biwserlas 11. 4a, biwserlde 10. 31. e has fallen before a vowel in buta I 8. a, &c. ; and in blinn 4. 34, blinna 22. 51, if this is from *bi-linnan (Lind.'* 1 14 ; but KL, PGr. 390 considers it o: wi'Serworda 11. 18, geonduorde I 7. 7 {besides wiiSeruarde 19. 13, cf. § 46, geondwearde 12. 11, cf. § 19, I). II. 8e>-e : berem 12. 24, beremo 12. 18, gestem 22. 11, hordem 12. 34. &>e in geneoleca"S 21. 30 (EB. 427); a in geneolace'S 21. 28, -lacaiS 10. 11. III. ij>e : erest 20. 37, 20. 33 (besides erist I 10. 9), naeneht 23. 23 (besides nseniht 23. 14). IV. Especially great changes (S. 43, anm.; Fii. 36) take place in : ebolsa-S 12. 10, ebalsadon 22. 65, ebolsonga 5. 21 (<*ef-halsian), fracoS 16. 15 (<*fra-cu«, cf also EB. loi, anm.), fiil-tume 10. 40 (<*ful-team), hiorodes 2. 13, hirodes 12. 39 (<:*hiw-rffid), anlapum 4. 40 (<*anlepe), laferd 16. 8, hlafard 18. 6 (<*hlaf-weard), laruas 5. 17, 46 VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES laruum 22. ii (<*lar-«eow ?), geondeta« 12. 8 (<*ond- hatjan), wigbed 11. 51 (■=c*wili-beod), worulde 1. 55, world 18. 30 (<:*wer-ald, Fu. 36). V. y is weakened to i in oefistade 19. 6, oefistande 2. 16 ; to 6 in oefeste 1. 39, oefesta 19. 5 (<*ab-unsti, EB. loi, anm. 3). VL Original 1 has disappeared in selc 11. 43, aloes 1 1. I, huelc 7. 43, suaelce 18. 11; 1 in noht 10. 19, &c., tuoelf 2. 43, &c., (^trippe 10. a (?). Medial Vowels. Epenthetic or Secondary Vowels. § 58. The laws for the treatment of final vowels are the same for North, as for WS. since they were in effect before the differentiation of the dialects. They are to be found in fall in S. 130-160, Kaluza 73. I shall therefore treat here only of the further changes that take place in the endings of words in consequence of the apocope of final vowels, i. e. the insertion of epenthetic or secondary vowels. § 59. If a mute, followed by a liquid or a nasal, appears at the end of a syllable, by a common phonetic law the liquid or nasal becomes vocalic. In OE., however, a secondary vowel is often developed out of and before the liquid or nasal. The quality of the secondary vowel generally appears to depend upon that of the vowel of the preceding syllable (S. 139). I. A vowel regularly appears before r, generally e if the preceding syllable contains a palatal vowel, and 0, u, if a guttural, -or: aldor 11. 15, morSor 23. 19, wundor- lice 13. 17, and the loan-word ombor 22. 10 ; -ur : wuldur 2. 53; -er: hider 16. 36, iSidder 24. 48, tseherum 7. 38, wseter 7. 44 (? S. 343 ; KL, NStB. 93 ; Lind.^ 106, a), suoeger 12. 53, and with -er following a guttural vowel: hunger 4. 35, iSuneri I 9. 10, wulder I 4, i. SUFFIXES. PREFIXES, COMPOUND WOEDS, Etc. 47 II. Before 1 : apoltre 6. aa, fugul 13. 34, symbel I 8. 13, and the loan-word tempeles 23. 45. The secon- dary vowel fails to appear in fuglas 17. 15, symblea 13. 14. in. Before n. After short syllables, syllabic n usually remains unchanged, but secondary e always appears in bisen I 5. 4, bisseno 8. 11, &c. ; after long syllables, the secondary vowel always appears : becon 2. la, facen 20. 33, tacon 2. la, wolcen 9. 34. IV. Syllabic m remains unchanged in wsBstm 1. 4a. For the development of a vowel between r and g, 1 and g, cf. § 80. Syncope of Middle Vowels. § 60. Afber long radical vowels in trisyllabic words, original short middle vowels are regularly syncopated, unless protected by position (S. 144, a). Examples: I. Before 1: degle 8. 17, hriofle 5. la, idlo I 9. 7, 1. $z, lytle I 8. 7, lytlum 16. 10, sawle 12. 19. Loan-words : diofles 14, 11, dioblas 8. 33, englas 2. 15, engla 9. 26. Exceptions: lytelum 16. 10, sauela I 10. 15, sauelo 21. 19. II. Before r: allra 1. 71, iura 6. 23, oiSre 7. 8, usra 20. 14, suoestro 14. a6, broiSro 8. 19, dogrum 2. 46. Exceptions : moderes 1. 15, moederes I. 4. 5, o'Sora .(dsf.)5. 7. The secondary vowel is not developed after a long radical syllable: fingre 11. 46, hungro 21. 11, wintra I 2. 4, wundrum I 8. 5, wuldro 4. a a. Exception : fingeres 16. a4. III. Before n : the inflected pret. part, in -en : ge- wordne I 3. 4, f'letno 5. 11, f'letnum I 9. 17, awordna 10. 13; also in drihtnes I 3. 5, drihtne 1. 16, &c. ; hssdno 12. 30, hse^num 18. 3a, &c. ; maegdne I 6, i, netne 10. 34. 48 VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES Unsyncopated : f leteno 16. i8, awordeno 4. 23 (S. 144, b). Tke secondary vowel is not developed in the interior of tlie word in wolcne I 10. 16, beone I 3. 11, becnenda I. aa. It is found in beceno 21. 1 1, woepeno 11. aa. Unsyncopated forms sometimes occur in tbe pret. part., where they are contrary to the rule : druncene I 10. 18, awordeno (npf.) 10. 13. IV. Before d, iS : for examples of syncope in the prets. of weak verbs, Class I, cf. § 105, 3 (6) : dsBlde 15. 13, agemde I 5. 19, &c. ; also in heafdes 7. 38, heafde 21. 18, heafda 21. 38, cyiSiSo 1. 61, wrssMo 21. 33. Exceptions : inteledon 20. 30, aweredon 18. 9.. V. Before g : sengum 4. a6, eadgo 6. 30, halges 2. 4a, witges 3. 4, witge 7. 38, scildge 11. 4. Many exceptions occur among the adjectives in -ig: ffiniges 12. 15, senigum 9. 31, msehtigo 1. 53, 18. a;, woestigum 4. 4a, eadigo 1. 45. VI. Position protects against syncope: adjectives in -isc : bebbisca 18. '^'], mennisces I 2. 16. Substantives in -en, -enne : brygenne 23. ^'^ ; byrgenna,.' II. 44. Substantives in -ere (-are), where -ress r>s in uses 1. 78 (S. g^6, anm. considers that the assimila- ■ tion has not taken place in these formsj, usum 13. a6 (besides usra 1. 55, &c.), ^isa (dsf) 11. 50. r is omitted through a scribal error in ymbwsslde 9. 5$. ' For grammatical change of r (U in seUelno 24. 33, sellefiium 24. 9. m. § 65. m is met in all positions : mett 12. 33, smeade 12. 17 ; beam 6. 41 ; geminated in huommes 20. 17. m has fallen out before the voiceless spirant in: fifo 12. 6, fif 7. 41, fiflih 16. 6. § 66. I. n has the force of a guttural nasal before c, g ; in all other positions it denotes the dental nasal. n. (a) n has dropped out with lengthening of the preceding vowel, before h in the Gmc. period, as in brohte 14. ao (cf. § 15, III) ; in the OE. period before the voiceless spirants f, iS, s : cySiSo 1. 61 ; cuiSo 2. 44, o'Ser 22. 3a, si-Se 23. 33, mu'S 1. 64, pisum 15. 16, lis 13. 35, soiS 16. 13, suiiSe 9. 43; toSana 18. 38; u'Swutto 22. 66^ y^ana 21. 35. (6) n has dropped without lengthening in unaccented syllables: fraco« 16. 15 (<*fra-ca«), gigo'Se 18. 31 (rC*juguniS) ; and in 3 pi. ind. of verbs, cf. Chap. XII, The Personal Endings of the Verb, §§ 81 jBF. (c) The dropping of the nasal does not take place if its position before the spirant has come about through syncope : olsensunges 2. 33. III. (a) For the characteristic North, dropping of n in the infin., the pret. opt. pi., cf. §§ 81 ff. ; in the oblique cases of weak nouns, cf. §§ I3i, laa, 133; in adverbs, cf. § 131, VI. It is also dropped in seofa I 7. 11, in the verbal 54 CONSONANTS forms: aro 24. 38, wero 16. la, weoro I 9. 9 ; and by a scribal error in taco 2. 34. (6) n is dropped between i and g in cynig 9. 7, &c. ; but in all other forms tban the nom., ace. sing., the ftill ending -ing appears: cyninges 1. 5, cyningas 22. 35, &c. Chaptee VIIL Labials § 67. Initial p is rare in Grmc. words ; it occurs in ps9? 16. 26, 3. 5, priclom I 3. 6, plaegade 7. 32 ; and in the following loan-words : pinia 8. 2,8, pisum 15. 16, pocca 9. 3, plsBocum 14. ai, portcuoene 7. 37, and in the compound heafodponna 23, 33. Medially and finally it is more frequent: woepeno 11. aa, spilde 17. a7, scip 15. 6, &c. Loan-words : discipul 6. 40, sinapis I 8. 6. It is geminated in uppstigende 12. 54, geypped 12. 3, earlippricco 22. 50. § 68. I. b (Gmc. fe) is the sign for the labial media; 4 initially it is common, but medially and finally appears only in gemination and in the combination mb ; initially :| bssrlic I 3. 8, bano 24. 39, bed 5. 18, brededes 1 11. 14, &o. ; medially : hsebbend 7. a, habbaiJ 3. 8, &c. (simplified in habas 9. 3), sibbe 7. 50, sibbo 14, la, lombro 10. 13; finally: sibb 1. 79, ymb 9., la, &c, bb is written pb in uppbepbing 1 10. 11, sipbade I U. I a, and pp in sipp 8. 48. b is merely a euphonic insertion in : symbles 13. 14, getimbras 11. 48, getimbrade 7, 5. II, Grmc. h is represented medially by f, which in this position has the sound-value of a labio-dental voiced; DENTALS 55 spirant : hasfo 17. 9, ofer 12. 4a, stafam 23. 38, wifo 17. 37, hlafas 24. 35, gewoefen I 4. 10. Loan-words: febere 4. 39, diobla I 7. 5. The labial media has become tbe labial semi- vowel in diowel 14. 16, diwle 13. 33, &c. III. Finally Gmc. b appears in OE. as f : fordraf 1 4. 16, hlaf 4. 3. f. § 69. f is the sign for both the voiced and voiceless labio-dental spirant. Initially it corresponds to G-mc. f and is voiceless: fingeres 16. 34, fola I 10. a ; flod 17. 37, full 2. 40, &c. Medially it corresponds partly to Gmc. "b (c£ § 68, II, for jsxamples) ; partly to Gmc. f : ulfnm 10. 3, groefa 12. 58, heofon 10. 15, hefig 11. 7, ahefen 10. 15, fifo 1. 34, &c. f geminated by j appears as bb: ahebba 18. 13, aheb- bendum 6. 30. f is used for ph in the foreign proper name 'Seofi 13. II. Chapteb IX. Dentals § 70., The dental tenuis t occurs in all positions : tanas 23. 3, tido 21. 34, tuigo 18. 13, ceiste 7. 14, awrit 16. 7. It occurs geminated in byttum 5. 37, sittas 24. 49. , d is used for t in sed I 7. 3 (only time in the preposi- tion) ; in composition ssd always appears in Luke in the forms of ffideaua 6. 46, sedgeaedre 23. 48 (besides setgeadre 7. 49, sethrine^ 16. 13, sethran 10. 11), hused 12. 39 (fifty times, besides huset 8. 9), hlod I 3. 4, ondedende 1 11. 8, unrod I 9. 16, sexdeih 24. 13, 'Sread 6. 19 ; td in husetd I 7. 13 ; dt in hlodti 1. 9. tl>dl in sedle 1. 5a, sedlo 20. 46. Loan-words : Latin t appears as d in secced 23. 36. 56 CONSONANTS § 71. The dental media occurs in all positions : dom , 10. 14, forduinde^ 14. 34, bead 22. 30; geminated iiy biddo 8. a8, biddas 13. 24, &c. ; for forms doubled by tlid scribe, cf. under Gemination, § 77, d>-t (a) before voiceless sounds : gitsare I 7. 14, git- suncge 12. 15, miltheart 6. 36, &c, miltsa 16. 24 (but d remains in mildsa.18. 39, and is lost altogether in milsi 17. 13, 18. 38). It is lost in hunteantig 8. 8. (6) afte: voiceless sounds, especially in the prets. of weak verbi Class I (cf. Inflection, § 105 (a)) : geneoleote 7. 12,, geboette I 7. 5, gecyste 22. 47, &c. t is irregularly written for d in getdung I 7. 3, heart, breer 17. 6 ; and in the pret. parts, of the following weak verbs (cf. Inflection, §§ 97, 105 (3) (a)) : gesettet 6. 48, sendet 1. 19, gelsadet 23. 3a, geendat 22. aa, &o. •S is irregularly written for d in: be'Son 8. 37, naroneiSe I 8. 6, 'Semeleger' 15. 13, geondeta^ 12. 8 ; and in the foreign proper names: soiSomom 10. 13, iu'Sea 21. la, eftgeniua^ 6. 10. ' After a cons. + d or t, d is lost, cf. examples under Tense- Formation of Weak Verbs, Class I, § 105 (a) : abseldon 24. 5, gesendon 21. i, gehrseston 13. 19, &c. For gram- matical change of d and 'S, cf. § 79. § 72. The dental spirant is usually denoted by •JS and appears in all positions: iSah 18. 4, 'Somas 8. 7, -JSread 3. 7, bro'Ser 6. 4a, ewe's 24. 19. It is also sometimes used in foreign proper names for th : marSa 10. 38, obe'Sing 3. 33, 'Seofi I 3. i^ (th is more frequent: nathaning 3. 31, arimathia 23. 51, lothes 17. a8). The sign f is regularly employed only as an abbrevia- tion for iSeet : ^te 5. 34 ('Ssette only in 9. la), cSS^ 21. 3 a. DENTALS 5r y is found besides in Josm 24. i, Jf'm 20. 38, ]jone 1. 59. Note. — The second instance may be due to an error in printing, as Skeat in his Preface, p. vii, mentions only the first and the last. ■S is geminated in o'SiSe 2. 37, o'S'Sa 22. 27, si'SiSa 7. 45, so^iSa 13. 7. Apparent gemination is caused by the loss of i in wrseiS'So 21. 33 (<;*wraJ>i|7o). Original lj>:>ld : wulder I 4. i, wuldro 4. aa. Original ]>l >■ dl after a long vowel : adlo 21. 1 1, nedles 18. 35 ; and after a short vowel in sedle 1. 53, sedlo 20. 46. ]?l>tl in seatlas 11. 43, 20. 46. ' t + «>tt: •S88tte9. 13. •8 + ^ remains unchanged : wrse^'So 21. 33 (but simpli- fied in wra^e 3. 7, wra^o 4. 38), miiS^y 12. 54, miiS^io I 4. 8. ■S + d generally remains, as: Ise'Sdon 1. 71, but 'S is assimilated in oydde 17. 11. An interchange between ■S and d takes place in hsedno 12. 30, hsedna 22. 35, hsednum 21. 34; besides hsB^Sin 17. 16, hae'Sinra 21. 35, hse'Snum 18. 33. d is wrongly written for « in bid 8. 17, edmodnise I 8. 10, hseled I 6. i, cymed 8. 17, dset 9. 37 ; t in inting 8. 47 (« only three times in Luke : iniSing 23. 14, 33, in«inges 23, 4); h« = «•» in moh«a 12. 33. ]> corresponds to "WS. d in rseSe 18. 8, hundra« 15. 4, &c., mi's 8. 51, &a; to WS. t in lege« 11. 36, lege«slseht 10. 18 (cf. Fo. 40). ■5 is dropped in cuse I 9. 4, cuoe 15. 31. § 78. s appears frequently in all positions : sagum I 2. 10, scipe 5. 3, nestum 3. 14, his I 3. 8 ; geminated in cyssende 15. 30. s is assimilated to n in 'Sionne 12. 5. The affricate ts is denoted by ts or z ; it is foreign to •Gmc. and appears only where through vowel syncope 58 CONSONANTS t or d and s have come together: gitsare I 7. 14, &c. z is used only in foreign proper names : nazareth 2, 4, nazar 2. 39, nazarenisoa 18. ^j. c is used for the same sound in the loan-word pleeeum 10. 10, plsfeooum 14. 31 (S. 305, anm. i). is wrongly used for s in oncssccen 12. 9. Chapteb X. Velaes and Palatals § 74. The velar and palatal tenuis c occurs in all positions : cild 1. 41, clseno 11. 41, crsefbe 1 2. i, fisc 11. 11, scyld 18. 19 ; geminated in waccane 12. 38, &c ; doubled by the scribe in bsecc 17. 31, gebrsecc 9. 16, &c. ' Final c in unstressed syllables often occurs as h: ah 16. ai (forty times, ac only once: I 6. 18), ahne 4, aa, iwh 11. 47, •Seh 1. 35 (three times ; tSec 23. 37, 155 times), meh 4. 18 (three times ; mec 22. 53, seventy times), usih 7. ao (four times; usic 1. i, four times), g appears in usig I 3. 7. h takes the place of c before t in lehtune 13. 19. In the combination no, frequently c is replaced by g, eg, gc: dringes 17. 8, dring 12. 19, drincga 22. 30, druncgnia 12. 45, fordrycga 11. 53, arecganne I 3. 7 ; also after a short vowel in bsecg 9. 6a, gebrsecg 2% 19,, indi- cating palatalization (EB. 495, anm. a), sg for so is written in gebearsgip 5. 39. is dropped at the end of a monosyllable in me 22. 6"], ■Se 15. 39, &c., &o. g. § 75. g is frequent in all positions : gastes 4. 14, geafa 2. 40, god 18. 18, arg 18. 18, oferhygdego 1. 51. Geminated g is written eg, cc, or gc, when gemina* VELARS AND PALATALS 59 tion is due to WG. gj: bycgendo 19. 45, forhycganne 11. 4a, ssegcas 7. aa, bebyccendo I 10. 5 ; the gemination is simplified in bebycane 17. 16. g has passed into h at the end of a word after a long guttural vowel in genoh 22. 38 ; after a short palatal vowel in hehstalde 1. 37, -es 1. 27 (but cf. hegstald Matt. 1 14. 11) — the change here may be due to the voice- less sound immediately following. The same change occurs in an unstressed syllable in ■Srittih 3. 23 (besides «rittig I 4. 8), fiftih 16. 6, fifteih 7. 41, &c. (cf. S. 314, anm. i); the intermediate^ writing is met in eghiSer 7. 4a. In the combination ng, sometimes c and eg are written for g, denoting palatalization (EB. 495, anm. a) : gehyn- cres 6. ai, gestrenced 1. 80, gitsuncge 12. 15, nednimincg 11. 39, stencgum 22. 5a, gestrencgnd 2. 40, &c., and the loan-word encgel 22. 43. g is sometimes lost between a short palatal vowel and a consonant with consequent lengthening of the vowel (S. ai4, 3 ; EB. 530) : msedne 8. 50 (besides msegdne I 6. i), waghrssl 23. 45 (besides hrsegle 10. 13), gehrine'S 7. 39, &c. (cf. § 8) ; between two vowels in geseen 19. 37, 22. 24 (besides gesegen 1. 3) ; and between two conso- nants in meme 18. 33. -ig is shortened to -i in syndrio 2. 3, 1 9. 11, syndria 9. 10, hefia 9. 39. h. § 76. L Initial h stands before all vowels and in the combinations hi, hr, hn, hw. As it was merely a weak breathing, it is often written where it does not etymo- logically belong, and, on the other hand, historic h is often dropped. Etymologioally incorrect h is found before 1: hlsetto 24. 35, hlaetmest L 8. 7, &c., hlatto 12. 45, gehleafo 8. 35, gehleafas 12. 38, oferhlsefeiS 11. 41, hlifigiendra 20. 30, hlifiga'S 20. 38 ; before n : hniiSriendo I. 6. 13, gehniiSra CONSONANTS 37, gehniiSrad 6. 37 (three times) ; before r : hreaferas 9. 3, hreafera 19. 46, hrsest I 8. 11, hrsesto 14. 7, Bwendn I 9. 4, hriord 14. la, hrippes 19. ai, hriopa-^ . 24, gelirina-S 11. 46 (for tlie h in tMs -word c£ Lind. , amn. a) ; before a vowel : haldormon 5, 5, (liiind)-* itatih 2. 37. Historical li is lost before a consonant in laferd I 10. 7, Se 18! 8 ; in the second member of tbe compounds : olsa^S 12. 10, ondeto 10. ai, anlapum 4. 40; after an accented vowel in nsebbende 3. 11. hw appears as cL. chuselc 9. 48. II. Medial h. appears as g in heigsta 1 11. 17, suoeger . 53, suegir 12. 53, gesig^e 9. 5a. Medial simple h. and liw are lost between vowels: a'S 8. 13, onfoaiS 9. 48, &c. (cf. § 53 for other examples) ; ;er a voiced consonant and before a vowel, in suira , ao (EB. 539), iSyrl 18. 35 (<*Syrhil, S. ai8 ; EB. 539), lo I 6. 13, holas 9. 58 (<:*holhas, EB. 539). hw is kept genehua'S 16. 13, genehuade 15. 15 (cf. § 61, II). Medial h is lost after a vowel and before a voiced con- aant: hera 22. 26, heanise 5. 4, geneoleca'S 21. 30, isene 10. 31, bituen 22. 17 (cf. § 37) ; and with gemina-' ^ m of the following n : heannisum 2. 14 (S. 333, anm. 3). Geminated h remains written as cc in pocca 9. 3. For e retention of h in ehras 6. i, taeherum 7. 38, tehrum 44, pointing to an earlier gemination, cf. S. 333, im. 4. The original combinations ht, hs, are retained : ht 11. 35, inlihte 1. 79, seniht 9. ^6, reht 13. 16, brohton t. I, gesohte I 2. 3, oht 1. 51, &c. ht is written as ght L senight 20. 40. hs (generally written as x) : inlixade 5. 54, oxa 14. 5, awox 2. 40, &c. Exceptions: wsBstmo I 8. 18, wsestmum I 3. 8 (cf. Got. ahsts), seista 1. 36. h has fallen before s also in heiste 33, heista 8. 38, heisto 1. 35, if the syncope of the 3wel took place before the fall of h ; in which case the avelopment would be : *>hehista *>hehsta *>hesta, : GEMINATION, Etc. 61 heista (§ 14). If h fell first, the development would be more direct : *heliista *heista. The latter development is more in accordance with North, usage (S. 166, 6), but the form heigsta (cf. above) points rather to the former. III. Pinal h remains : feh 8. 43, ahoh 23. ai, bituih I. 25, &c. It appears as g in geslog 22. 50 (probably on the analogy of the plural), and in the compound wigbed II. 51 (-c:*wih-beod, S. 43, anm. 4). Chapter XI. Gemination, &c. § 77. For a treatment of the doubling and the simpli- fication of consonants in relation to the length of the jjreceding vowels, of. Luick, Archiv. 102. 58 ff. ; Fo. 45. Gmc, gem. of 1 is found in : all 2. i, falleS 11. 17, feoll 5. la, fiill 11. 39, godspell I 2. 6, spellendo 24. 15, spilled 17. 33, scilling 15. 9; of r: gecerreiS 1. 16, &c., eftcerrdon 23. 48, fearr 7. 6, fearra 15. 30, firr 24. a8, gemerras 13. 7, . gemerredo 12. 11 ; of m: huommes 20. 17 ; of n : binna 2. 16, acenned I 3. 14, onginnes 13. 35, monno 1. 27, penninga 7. 41, sunna 21. 25, Wynnes I 2. 8 ; of s : cyssende 15. 30, cossetunges 7. 45 ; of « : o^'Se I 4. 3, o^iSa 22. 27 ; it is, however, doubtfal if this is Gmc. doubling (S. 326). II. WG. gem. before j appears in habba'S 8. 8, hsebbend 7. 2, W8BCC8BS 21. 36, middum 2. 46, biddo 8. 28, bebycgeiS 12. 23, selles 22. 48, acuellas I 7. 12, cynn 21. 10, synno 7. 47, sitt 16. 6, geteller 14. 28, awecce 3. 8, mett 12. 23, nett 5. 6, helle 10. 15, &c. jg>bb: ahebba« 14. 11, &c. (cf. § 69); hh>cc: pocca 9. 3. III. Gemination through the falling together of two f, originally separated consonants appears in ungeleafiullo ■ 1. 17, gelifPffista 17. 33, rummod 6. 35, wrsB««o 21. 23, &c. IV. Double writing of a simple consonant after short vowels: onsseccest 22. 34, accened I 3. 14, bsBcc 17. 13, 62 CONSONAltfs beloccen 11. 7, arisson 24. 32, sprsecc 9. 11, bsedd 9. 40, goddes 6. 4, droppo 22. 44, ongetten 8. 17, agotten 5. 37, besmitten 14. 34, toslitten 6. 49, snyttro 11. 49, wittnessa 22. 71, eftssett 7. 15, &o., getrammade 3. 18, &o. ; after long vowels : lyttel 19. 13, 7. 47, gebrucca 22. 15, onget- ton 20. 19, and the loan-word iSraBlles 12. 46. V. Historical gemination at the end of a word is regularly retained, but there are occasional exceptionsi^ mon 6. 45, a'Sen 6. 10, selenis I 3. 4, lesnis 2. 38. '■ Simplijfication is frequent within the word at the end of a syllable: S3mgiges 16. 18, acendon 23. 39, gecerde, 15. 1 7, gecyste 22. 47, spilde 17. 37, waldest 13. 34, un- geleaftilnise I 6. 9, a'Senide 6. 10. Simplification of gemination always enters after r that has suffered metathesis: iomende I 2. 7, heme's 15. 8, iSirde 13. 3a (the geminated form occurs only once in Luke : iSirrde 20. la). Simplification is also met in acennise I 2. 16, degelnise 11. 33, cySnise 1. 7 a, onlicnese 8. 4, wraiSe 3. 7, ^isa 11. 50, 'Sasum 9. a8 (Sassum 14. 6), bebycane I 7. 16, habas 9. 3, ssego 19. 40, selenne 1. 77, seles I 4. 8, wseco 12. 39, lycedon I 5. i. The Groups ft, ht, st. § 78. As the law governing these groups was in force only in the Grmc. period, it is unnecessary to illustrate it in detail here ; of. S. 33 a. Grammatical Change. §79. C£S. a33,a34. Change of s and r (oe : cuoe'S 12. aa, cuoeiSas 8. 45, cuoeiSa 6. 4a, cuoede 20. 39 (d being brought in from the forms of the plural), cuoe^endo 1. 66, &c. ; for such variations as cuoffi'Sa'S 6. 26, cuoa'Sas 9. ao, &o., v. § 41. The verbs with original -jo in the present have i as the stem-vowel: biddo 8. 28, &o., biddanne I 9. la, eftbidde 6. 30, ^erhgebiddes I 7.. 4, gebiddande 21. 36, &c., sittas 1. 79, sitte'S 14. a8, sitt 16. 6, yinbsittendum 22. 55, &o. The following forms of the contract verb sea appear in the present ind. : a sing., gesiist 6. 41, 7. 44, gesiis 6. 435 3 sing., gesea« 3. 6 ; a pL, seas 24. 39, gesea« 10. 34, &o., geseas 10. 33; 3 pL, geseaiS I 6. 18, &o., geseas 14. 29; opt. : I sing.,gesii 18. 41 ; i pi., gesea 2. 15 ; 3 pi., gesea'S 8. 16; imp. sing., geseh 11. 35; pi., geseaiS 8, 18, &c. ; in£, gesea (ten times), geseanne 9. 9. TENSE-FOEMATION OF STRONG VERBS 81 (a) The stem-vowel of the i and 3 sing. ind. is sa : bsed 5. la, baed 7. 3, baedd 9. 40, gebsed 22. 33, cuss's 14. 35, t&c., ofgaef 23. 46, forgaef 7. 42,, ongsstt 5. aa, ongaet 7- 37, gelsBg 5. 35, gesseh 10. 18, eftbesseh; gessett 7. 15, sprsBcc 9. II, gesprsBo 15. la. , The vowel is diphthongized by the influence of the lipreceding palatal in forgessf 23. 25. The following are due to the influence of the preceding w: cuoe^ 16. 15, cuoe 15. 31, 1 11. 12 (with dropping of the final consonant) ; together with such variations in i'Gi^hography as cuose'S 16. 15, coeS 9. 59, &c., cwoiS 16. 3 (of. § 41). e for SB appears in agef 4. 20 (3 sing, pret.) ; cweS 24. 19, gecue'S 13. 17 (of. § i, I (c) ; Fu. 69, a ; S. 391, anm. 10) ; e in geett 4. a, geett 6. 4, gefrett 15. 30 (S. 391, anm. 3 ; Kl., PG., p. 436 ; Fii. 69, a). (3) The stem-vowel of the a sing, ind., the pi. ind., and the opt. pret., is e : bedon 4. 38, &c., be'Son 8. 37 (with iS for d), gebede 9. a8, eton 13. 26, geeton 15. 16, geete 7. ^6, geton 18. 34, ongeton 18. 34, ongetton 20. 19, gesegon 5. 26 (with grammatical change, cf. § 79) ; gesege 1. 23, &c., gesprecon 2. 15, &c., ymbsprecon 19. 7. •OB is due to the influence of w in cwoedon 8. 34 (with grammatical change), cuoede 17. 6, cuoeden I 6. 5, ge- cuoedon 9. 36, &c. (4) The stem- vowel of the pret. part, is e : gebeden I 7. 3, I 7. 10, gefi-eten 8. 5, eftforgefen 12. 10, begetna I 8. 16, ongeten I 11. 11, ongetten 8. 17, gelegeno 24. 4, gemeten 6. 38, gesegen 1. 3, geseen 19. 37, 22. 34, ge- sprecen 1. ^5, foretreden I 8. 3, getreden 8. 5. With oe after w (v. § 41): cuoeden 2. 17, &c., gecoeden 12. 3, gecuoedno 19. a8, acuoeden 1 4. 6, gewoefen I 4. 10. § 103. Class VI. (i) The stem-vowel of the present is a : ala'S 11. 44. gefara 9. la, oferfara 10. 7, 16. 36; with pal. umlaut: W£exa« 12. 37 (cf. § 34); according to § 1, II (6), fseres 82 THE VERB 16. 30, fsere 9. 57, fser 13. 31, fseraS 9. 5, fserend 4. i, &c. (only the infin. in this word and its compounds has a) ; eftdrsegend I 3. 6, onsaeccest 22. 34, onssecca 20. a;, onsaBose'S 14. 33, onsaeca 14. 18, sseccenne I 9. 9, asceaccaiS 9. 5 (cf. § 53, -ea due to the influence of the preceding palatal). Before n + cons. a>>9 (§ 15, I) : stonde'S 11. 18, stonda 13. 35, tostondo 1. 19, &o. The present is formed with j with consequent i-umlaut and gemination in ahebba 18. 13, ahebba'S 14. 11, ahebbe'S 6. 45, ahebbendum 6. ao ; in ahefetS 6. 45, the f is brought over from the pret. ; the gemination is simplified in hlssheS 6, ai, hlsehas 6. 25, hlsehendum I 5. 7 (=Got. hlahjan). The following forms of the contract verbs appear in the present : ind. a sing., ofslaest 13. 34 ; 3 sing., ofslaeiS 12. 5, slaetS 6. 39, aiSoa'S I 5. 14 (cf. § 53) ; 1 pi., geslas 22. 49 ; 3 pi., ofslsB'S 11. 49, 12. 4, ofslsbs 18. 33 ; imp., ofslah 18. 30 ; pi., ofslaeiS 15. 33 ; infin., slaa 12. 45, geslaa 18. 13, ofslaa 9. aa, ofslse 20. 14, aiSoa 7. 38, ge'Suoa 7. 38 (c£ § 53) ; pres. part., slsegendum I 5. 8 (with the g of the pret. pi. and the pret. part.). (a) The stem-vowel of the whole pret. ind. and opt. is o : onsoc 22. 57, slog 22. 64 (with grammatical change introduced into the singular) ; ofslog 13, 4, stod 4. 39, stod 18. II, astod 6. 8, &c., gesuor 1. 73, a'Suoh 7. 38, a^uogh 7. 46, awox 2. 40, gewox 1. 80, hlogon 16. 14, slogon 22. 64, aslogon 22. 63, ofslogon 11. 47, stodon 7. 14, &c., onstodon 23. 33, gestodon 23. 49, ge^uoge 7. 46 (with grammatical change) ; geBuogun 5. a, awoxelS. 22. 31 ; in ofslage 15. 30 the a of the present is brought into the pret. ; sod 2. 9 and gesto 19. 8 are scribal errors. (3) The vowel of the pret. part, varies between a and se (S. 39a, anm. 7) ; but in Luke only se appears : geslsegen 22. 7, ofslsBgen 9. aa, ofslasgeno I 8. j, oncsBccen 12. 9 (c being a scribal error for s). TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 83 The umlauted form appears in ahefen 10. 15, 13. 13, ahefenmn 24. 50, gehefen 14. 11 ; cf. S. 378, 3, and anm. 1 ; 39a, anm. 7. The in ahofen 18. 14 and gesuoren 1, 73 is probably introduced from the pret. § 104. Reduplicating verbs. — ^The treatment here is based on S. 393-397. The following forms occur in Luke: I. Present. (i) Verbs with original a before n + cons. (S. 395, i); these in Luke comprise only the contract verbs hoa (<:*hanhan) and foa (<;*fanhan) ; ind. 2 sing., onfoses 20. ai ; 3 sing., onfoa^ 11. 10, enfoeiS 9. 5, &c., onfoseiS 9. 48, onfoaeS 13. 31 ; pi., onfoaiS 6. 34, onfose'S 10. 10 ; opt. 3 sing., enfoe 20. 38 ; imp. sing., ahoh 23. 31 ; pi., onfoaiS 22. ,17 ; infiiu, onfoanne 6. 34, &c. ; pres. part., hoendum 1 11. 7. (3) Verbs with e (:>Gmc. se) followed by a simple cons. (S. 395, 3, a) : ondredo 18. 4, ondredes 23. 40, ondrede 12. 5, ondred 1. 13, ondredas 12. 5, &o., leto 13. 18, letas 18. 16, leta 12. 39, slepaiS 8. 52, slepes 22. 46, redenne 1 11. i, redendum I 3. 6. (3) Verbs with a (>-'WG. ai), not followed or preceded by w (S. 395, 3, b) : hatteS 8. 35, hateiS I 7. 17, sceadas 6. 33 (for ea v. § 53 (d)); gesceadeiS I 8. 15, tosceado 22. 39, &c. (S. 395, 3, b). (4) Verbs with original a before 1 + cons. (S. 396) : failed 11. 17, faelles 8. 10, fallal 6. 39, &c., haldas 8. 15 ; also with n + cons.: geongo 14. 19, geonga 9. 59, &c., geongendum 9. 34, &c. (5) Verbs in -6w and -aw : hrowundum 8. 33, flouende 6. 38, oncnaue'S 8. 10, oncnawanne I 7. so, saweS 8. 5, sawenne 8. 5, sauende I 5. 16 (S. 396, 3). , n. Preterite. (i) These have as the vowel of the pret. e, which has become long before n + cons. (of. § 54, III ; S. 395, anm. G 2 84 THE VERB i): fengon 5. 5, onfenge 16. 35, onfeng 18. 31, &c., atiengoii 23. 33, 24. ao. (a) These point to tlie old formation of the pret. with reduplication (S. 394): ondreard 19. ai, ondrearde 18. a, ondreardon 2. 9, &c., forleorton 18. a8, forleorte I 9. a, &c. slepa has only the weak form slepde 8. a3. (3) The reduplication is ohvious also in heht 5. 14, &c., gehehtes 14. aa, gehehte 8. 31. sceada has only weak forms of the pret. : tosceadade 24. a7, tosceadde 22. 39, tosceadda I 3. a, tosceadadon I 8. 4, tosceadon 6. aa (where -on is for -adon). (4) The stem is eo or ea with the usual North, con- fusion between the two diphthongs (of. S. 150, 3) : feoU 5. I a, feol 5. 8, feall 8. 41, 17. 39, &o., forheald 15. 39 ; gefeald 4. ao. te and ess appear irregularly in gehselde 2. 51, geheselde 2. 51 ; a, in tohaldon 12. 11. (5) The regular stem-vowel for this group is eo (or ea): geweap 22. 6a (besides the irregular forms, geweaep 19. 41, gewsep I 10. 4, gewaepon 8. 5a), iSonagehrewun 8. 36 (eow:>ew, cf. § 48), oncneaun 2. 50, oncneu 19. 44 ; 6 appears in ge'^rowun 8. 33. sawa has only the weak pret. : gesaudesd 19. ai (-esd being a. scribal error for -est), gesaudes 19. aa. III. Preterite participle. The pret. part, has originally the vowel of the pres. : (i) Ahoen 23. 33, ahoen' 24. 7. (3) forleten 6. 37, forleteno 16. 18 ; the weak form occurs in gereded 1 11. 16. (3) gehaten 17. 9, gesceaden 13. 11 ; the weak form appears in tosceaded I 4. 9. (4) gehalden 8. 39, &c. ; the weak form occurs in gefssUed 20. 18. (5) oncnauen 8. 17. TENSE-FORMATION OF WEAK VERBS 85 Chapteb XIV. Tense-Foemation of "Weak Vebbs. § 105. Class I. (i) Present. — (a) Original sliort stems. All forms of the present stem tave i-umlaut with loss of WG. -j-, and, with the exception of the a and 3 sing. ind. and the sing, imp., gemination of the final consonant of the root. Stems in -r, however, do not lose the derivative -j (cf. § 6a, II), except in the a and 3 sing. ind. and sing, imp., nor undergo gemination of their final con- sonant (S. 227). Examples. — bycgendo 19. 45, bebycgeS 12. ^^, acuellas 17. I a, geleegas 19. 44, arecganne I 3. 7, sellas 6. 34, gesealla 1. 73, &c. (for ea cf. § 31 (c)), gesettes 12. 4a, settanne I 5. 17, awsecce 20. 38, 'Serhwsecende 6. la ; a and 3 sing. ind. and imp., byge'S 22. 36, bebyg 18. aa, seles I 4. 8, gesceSeiS 10. 19, getryma'S I 10. 10, getrym 1 11. 4, sete^ 18. I a, a'Sen 6. 10. Many exceptions occur ; the simple vowel appears where gemination is expected in bebycane I 7. 16, selenne 1. 77, ^ffcseleS 18. la, setendum 1 10. 5. On the analogy of verbs in -r are untrymmia 15. 14 (though with gemination) ; getrymeg 22. 3a (for -eg=j, cf. §6a,III; S. 175, 3). On the other hand, gemination appears sometimes in the a and 3 sing. ind. and the sing, imp., bebycge« 22. 36, selles 22. 48, sella« 11. 13, selle'S 11. 11, onsetta'S 15. 5. Verbs in -r : 3 sing, ind., byres I 1. i, ymbstyreiS 15. 8 ; infin., gehtirganne 19. 37 (for g=j, cf. § 6a, II; S. 175, 3), gestyrige 6. 48, gestyrege 8. 49 (-ig-, -eg- =j, S. 175, a) ; pres. part,, hergendo 2. ao, hergendra 2. 13, hergiendum I 10. I a, eriende 17. 7 ; with loss of j, herende I 9. 6. (6) Original long and polysyllabic stems. The whole present stem has i-uinlaut, and the derivative j falls out 86 THE VERB except in the verb ceiga (<:*kaujan), where it is retained in all forms. Examples. — gehero 9. 9, Iseres 20. ai, doema 13. 18, hyhtendo 6. 35, IsBd 5. 4 (imp.), henes 10. 16, &o. For the forms oferleor 22. 4a, rehtanne 1. 79, of. S. 384, anm. 3 ; Fii. 19, v. In all forms eawa is without umlaut: eauaiS 3. 7, sedeaua 6. 47, &o. Polysyllabic verbs (cf. S. 403, anm. i). Gemination remains in geonditteiS 2. 38 ; it is simplified in ondeto 10. ai, ondetande I 4. 15, &c., gionetaiS 13. 7. (a) Preterite. — (a) Original short stems. The normal form of the ending is -ede, -edon, with i-umlaut of the root-syllable, but without gemination of the final cons. : aiSenede 5. 13, geherede 16. 8, efeegeheredon I 4. a, getrymede 22. 59, bewceredon 11. 5a. Gremination takes place in ontrymmedon 23. 5, 23. 33 (cf. S. 416, anm. 11). The old middle vowel is preserved in a^enide 6. 10 ; it is syncopated in sceiSde 4. ^^. -ade in getrumade 9. 51 (without umlaut, on analogy of 01. II), getrummade 3. 18. (6) Original long stems. The ending regularly appears with syncope of the middle vowel (according to § 60, IV), as -de, -don. The i-umlaut remains. The ending is added without further change to verbs in a simple liquid or nasal, in f, s, g, or in a vowel or diphthong + d. Examples. — Iterdes 13. 26, oferfoerde 4. 30, ondsslde 10. 34, haelde 7. 3, agemde I 5. 19, todoemde 23. 24, hendon 23. 10, fordwinde 14. 34, gelefde 1. 45, gersesdon 5. I, gebegde 24. la, underbrseddon 19. ^6, gehyddest 10. ai, inlasdde I 9. 3 ; dd is simplified in gefoedon 23. 2,9, gefoede 15. 15 (pret. opt.), nedon 24. ag (pret. ind.) ; the middle vowel is retained in teledon 20. ao, geteledon I 8. 13 (besides telde 23. 11, geteldon 12. i, aweredon 18. 9). No change takes place in the verbs in «: gecySde TENSE-FORMATION OF WEAK VERBS 87 I 2. 14, IsB'Sdon 1. 71; but ^ is assimilated in cydde I 7. II. , No syncope takes place in verbs in mute + liquid : ge- "glendradon 4. 39, getimbrade 7. 5 (with a as middle vowel) ; but more frequently a secondary vowel is de- veloped or the original vowel restored between the mute and liquid: gehyngerde 4. a, 6. 3, getimberde I 5. 9, getimberdon 17. a8, gedegelde 1. 24, 8. 47. Certain slight changes in the root-syllable take place in consequence of the d of the ending following im- mediately upon its final consonant : — Gmc. gemination is simplified in cende 2. 7, acendon 23. 39, effccerdon 2. 30, &c., eftcerde 1. 56, gecerde 15. 17, &c. (besides eftcerrdon 23. 48), gecyste 7. 38, 22. 47 (for -te of. below), gefylde 1. 5^, gefyldon 5. 7 (besides gefyllde 7. i), gespilde 16. i, spilde 17. 37. The ending -de becomes -te after the tenues (p), t, c, and the voiceless spirant s : geneolecte 7. 13, geneolecton 8. 34 (besides geneolecde, cf. below); gegroette 1. 40, geboette I 7. 5, gecyste 7. 38, 22. 47. Simple writing of the consonant is found in inlihte 1. 79, geboeton 10, 13. The cons, is written anoma- lously as -S in gerih'Se 3. 19. The etymological writing appears in togeecde 3. ao, togeneolecde I 10. 17 (S. 405, anm. 10). After cons. + d or t, the d of the ending is lost : ahsel- don 24. 5, gescende I 8. 10, gesendon 21. i, eftsende 23. 15, gescilde I 8. 8, awoerdon 20. 11 (besides aweredon 18. 9, without syncope) ; geondworde I 7. 7, ondwarde 3. II, &c., woende 4 10, awoende 19. 15, gehyrston 15. 3, astylton 2. 47, gehrseston 13. 19, eftgeraeste 24. 30 ; both vowels are preserved in astyltdon 4. 33, and only the d of the ending in gestyldon 8. 56. The preterites of the following long- and short-syllabled words were without the middle vowel in the Gmc. period, and in consequence are without umlaut in OE. : brohte 88 ' THE VERB 14. ao, broMon 23. i, boMe 14. 19, bohton 17. a8, gelahte 9. 47, ralitoii 22. 53, sohton 2. 48, saldes 19. 23, gesaldon 1. a, tahte 9. 45, geiSohte 1. 29, awselitoii 9. 3a, awoetton 8. 2,4. By analogy tlie umlaut is brought into the pret. of setta and lecga: legdon 19. 36, settes 19. 21, eftsette 19. 19, &o. The verbs in rw lose their w before original i of the pret. ending: gesmiride 4. 18 (of. § 61, II (c)). The old form of the ending is retained in gesmiride 4. 18; the following are formed on the analogy of Class II: geondetade I 4. 7, sedeauades 10. ai, sedeawade 24. 34, geglendradon 4. zg, hyhtade 23. 8, geliorade I 2. 4, getimbrade 7. 5, getrumade 9. 51. The whole preterite ending and middle vowel are lost in eftgebeg 2. 7. The contract verb *gedion has the pret. gediides 11. 37. (3) Preterite participle. — (a) Original short stems. The ending is regularly -ed ( = old -id), with i-umlaut of the root-syllable : astyred 10. 41, getrymed 22. 3a, geteled I 4. I a, 22. 37, geypped 12. a, gesetted 2. 13, gesettet 6. 48, &c. (the gemination being brought in analogi- cally; for final t-c:d, of. § 71), geseted 3. 9, gesetet 13. 6. The vowel of the ending is not syncopated in the inflected forms : gecuelledo 23, 3a, gesettedo 12. 19, 24. la, efnegestyredo 24. 37. The strong ending appears in geseteno I 9. 6, onsetenum 10. 30, inseteno I 6. a. (6) Original long, stems. The ending is -ed, with the i-umlaut carried through: gecySed 6. 44, gecerred 7. 13, acenned I 3. 13, gedsersted 13. a i, gefoeded 4. 16, gehyded 8. 17, gehered 1. 13, gelsered 1. 4, gelaeded 21. 34, gelefed 6. 4, geneded 14. 8, gestrenced 1. 80, ofersui^et 14. 11, geteled 18. 3a, geweded 8. 35. The middle vowel is syncopated in the following inflected forms : gehssldo 6. 17, untyndo 24. 31 ; with- TENSE-FORMATION OF WEAK VERBS 89 Bimplification of gemination in gefylde I 4. i8, gecerde m, 45, eftcerde 2. ao, efnegeoeigdum 23. 13. T The following inflected forms appear without syncope : gicdegledo 19. 43, gemerredo I. 2. 11, foregegyrdedo lil. 43, gefylledo 21. 2,2, geoeigedo 14. 24. / "Without the middle vowel from the Gmc. period are (including both long and short stems): gebroht I 5. 11, ■efiiegebrohiG. 38, eftgesald 14. r4,gesald 18. 3a, &o.,gesoht 11. 50, 51, awoeht I 5. ao, aweht 15. 11. The old ending -id is retained in gestrencgid 2. 40, gecegid 19. 23. The ending -ad, on the analogy of Class II, appears in sedeauad 12. a, 19. 11, sedeawad 8. 17, geboetad 23. 16, geondetad I 9. 7, geondeta'S 12. 8 (for -iS of. § 71), gedroefad 1. 39, gedeglad 18. 34, oehtad 11. 49, aoehtad 21. la, gerehtad 13. 13, gesendad 13. 34, 23. 35, gesendat 19. 3a (for -t cf. § 71), gewoedad 15. aa, onwseldad 22. 35, gedrenogad 10. 15. The final -g (=-j) of the stem is lost in geced I 5. i, geceid 1. 35. The ending -en appears in ymbgyrdeno 17. 17. The whole participial ending is lost in awoende 2. 39, 10. 17, efneawennde 2. 39, eftawoende 8. 55 (besides the uninflected form, awoendad 1. 56), §106. Class II. (i) For the present forms cf. S. 411, i, and Chap. XII. (a) Preterite. The regular form of the ending is -ade, -adon. Examples. — bodade 3. 3, geclsensade 7. 44, gedruncna- don 5. 7, gefyrhtadon 24. aa, fearradon 2. 15, gearuades 2. 31, gehla'Sade 14 10, geleomadon 6. 3, ofgemercade 10. I, gemyndgade I 7. 8, plsegade 7. 3a, gehriordade 16. 19, sceauade 20. 33, ondsuarade 5. 31, geondsuarade 22. 51, geworiSade 13. 13, awundradon 1. ai ; with u-um- laut, cliopade 8. 38, &c., hlionade 7. 37, &c. ; and the contract verbs gefeade 1. 41, &c., gefeadon 19. 37, tuiade 9.7. ^ 90 THE VERB "With -ede, -edon : lycedon I 5. i, lyceton 5. 30 (witH t for d), gespelledon 24. 15, geondsuarede 7. 43, &o., onc^ suaredon 9. 19, ae in geondsuaraede 14. 5, ai in ondsuarai(te, 20. 3, o in nacode I 5. 8, oe in lyooedon I 8. 9, ,' EliSeodigde 15. 13 is an illustration of syncope of t^e middle vowel, but cf. also S. 413, anm. 7 ; for syncope in the forms of geondwearda, cf. preterites of Class I, § 105. (3) Preterite Participle. The regular ending is -ad: gecostad 4. 13, fsestnad 1. 37, gehaiSrad 12. 50, gemiclad 4. 15, gemefead 1. 5, gehniiSrad 6. 37, geplontad 13. 6, geMordad 15. 23, geondspurnad 7. 33, aundrad 7. 9 ; -sod. in gehorsed 18. 33 ; -ed in geclsensed 14. 19, gecosted 4. 3, 6. 1 8, gedeiSed 23. 3a, gedrysned I 3. 4, gegeadred I 4. 10, gehla^ed 14. 8, gemyndged I 3. 13, gepined I 9. 4, gehriorded 6. 31, 15. 39, gewoedded 1. 37. Inflected forms: geendade 2. 43, gefyrhtedo 24. 37, gehiuadne I 9. 3, awundrade 2. 18, 48, 11. 44. § 107. Class III. Of the verbs belonging to this class (cf. S. 415, 416), the following are met in Luke : (i) Habba. Pres. ind. i sing., hsefo 12. 17, hsefic 11. 16, hafo 7. 40; 3 sing., hsefeiS 12. 19, hssfes 18. 23; 3 sing., hsefeiS 3. 11, hafeS 17. 9, hsefes 19. 36, hssfis 19. 35, habbaS 18. 15; pi., habbaS 3. 8, habbas 12. 4, hab' 9. 58 ; opt. 3 sing., hsebbe 8. 18 ; pi., haebbe 13. 3 ; imp. sing., hsefe 10. ^5 ; pL, habas 9. 3 ; in£, habba 24. 39, habbanne 21, 36, hsebbendo I 7. 16 ; pres. part., hsebbende 15. 7, hsabbendo I 7. 16 (used as the inflected infinitive), hsebbend 7. 3, hssbbendum 7. 43, nssbbende 3. 11; pret. part., hsefde 19. 30, hsebde 8. 6. (3) SsBcga. Pres. ind. i sing., ssego 19. 40 ; 3 sing., ssBgeiS I 8. 3, saegeiS 13. 11 ; pi., ssBcga-S 24. 17. ; imp. sing., ssege 8. 39, saeg 9. 60 ; pi,, ssegoas 7. 33 ; in£, eftsseoga 9. 6x ; pret. ind, sing., ssegde I 5, 16; pi., ssegdon 8. 48; pret. part., gessBgd I 4. 4, eftassegd I 4. 13, assegd 13. 12. (3) Lifiga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., lifes 4. 4 ; pi., lifiga« 20. TENSE-FORMATION OF WEAK VERBS 91 38 ; inf., lifiga 24. 23 ; opt. sing., gelifige 10. a8 ; part., lifigiende 10. 30, lifiende 24. 5, hlifigiendra 20. 38 ; pret. siag., lifde 2. ^6, 15. 24, &c. (4) Friga. Pret. part., gefreod I 8. 9, 12. 58, gefreo^ad 1. 74- (5) Fiaga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., gefiwe^ 16. 13; pret. pi., gefiadon 19. 14. (6) Smeaga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., smea'S 14. 31 ; inf., gesmeage 5. ai ; part., smeande I 7. 10, foresmeande 1 10. 14; pret. sing., smeade 12. 17 ; pL, gesmeadon 20. 14. (7) iSreaga. Pres. ind. i sing., 'Srea 23. aa ; 3 sing., geiSraiS 9. i ; imp. sing., geiSrea 17. 3 ; pret. sing., geiSreade 1 10. II, 4. 35, &c., geSreade I 7. 11 ; pi., getSreadon 18. 35, 18. 39 ; part., geiSread I 5. 14. (8) Hycga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., forhoge'S 16. 13; inf., forhycganne 11. 4a. (9) Griwiga. Pres. ind. a sing., ofergiuas 10. 35 ; 3 sing., giuia« 11. 10, giuetS 11. 11, giua« 11. la; pi., giua« 12, 48 ; imp. pL, giuiaiS 11. 9 ; inf., giuge 19. 33 ; part., giuiende 6. 30, giwigende 19. 13; pret., giude 23. 5a, 19. 33, gegiuade 1. 63. (ic) For the remaias of the old Class III in other classes, of S. 416, anm. 8ff. : scyniga I 7. la (S. 416, anm. 1 1), geondspyme 17. a, ondspyxnende 1 9. 4, gedrygde 7. 38 (besides f'drugade 8. 6), suigdon 9. 36 (S. 416, anm. 17), &c. Chaptbe XV. MiNOE Geoufs. § 108. Preteritive Present Verbs. I. First Ablaut Class.— (1) Pres. ind. i and 3 sing., wat 16. 15 ; pi., wutum 20. 14, wutfcon 20. ai, wutaS 11. 13, witteiS 21. 30, wuton 11. 44 ; opt. sing., witto 1. 18 ; pL, witte 8. 10, -wittse 5. a4; imp. pi., wutatS 10. 11, wuteS 12. 39, wuttaS 21. 31 ; inf., wuttanne 8. 10; pres. 92 THE VERB part., wittende I 7. i8 ; pret. ind. a sing,, wistes (four times) ; 3 sing., wiste 12. 59 ; pi. wiston 20. 7* (3) Pres. ind. i sing., ah 18. la ; 3 sing., ah 12. 44; pi., agon 12. 33 ; opt., aga 18. 18; pret., ahte 7. 41. II. Third Ablaut Class.— (i) Pres. ind. i sing., conu 1. 34, &c. ; pret. a sing.^ cuiSes 22. 34 ; pi., cu«u 2. 49 (followed by the pronoun gie), cuiSon 2. 43. (a) Pres. ind. 3 pi., beiSorfeS 15. 7, -SofeiS 5. 31 (an error for ^orfe^). (3) Pret. pi., darston 20. 40. III. (i) Pres. ind. pi., sciolon 13. 5, sciolo 13. 3; pret. sing., scealde 9. 31. (a) Pres. imp. sing., gemyne 23. 4a, gemona 16. a5 (or inf. ?, S. 4a3, anm. a ; the alternative in the text, however, is geiSencg, manifestly an imp.). IV. Fifth Ablaut Class. — Pres. ind. i sing., mseg. 10. a5, msBge 11. 7 ; a sing., mseht 5. la ; 3 sing., msege 8, 8, &c., mseg 6. 39, maeg 14. 31 ; pL, magon 11. 46, mago 5. 34, &c. ; opt. sing., msege 18. 41, 1. ao ; inf., msege I 7. 5 ; pret. ind. sing., msehte 1. aa ; pi., msehton. 8. 19, msBghton 20. 2,6. V. Sixth Ablaut Class. — Pres. ind. pL, moto 22. 49. § 109. The Substantive Verb. — Eoots *es-, and *er- or *or- (of. Kal. 19a) : pries, ind. i sing., am 1. 19, &c. ; a sing., ariS 4. 34, &c. ; 3 sing., is 2. 49, &c. ; pi., sindon 9. I a, &c., sint 2. 49, sind 17. a4, aron 4. 6, &c., aro 24, 38; opt. sing., sie 20. 16, se 12. 58, se 4. 3, see 12. 56, nese 6. 40 ; pi., sie 12. 35, se (thirteen times). Boot *bheu- : pres. ind. i sing., beom 13. 3a, biom 9. 41 ; a sing., bist 1. 76 ; 3 sing., bi« 1. 15, bid 8. 17 ; pi., bi«on 3. 5, I 11. 7. Eoot wes- : Pres. imp. sing., wsss 18. 13 ; pi., wosa'S 3. 14 ; in£, wosa 11. 7, wosanne 2. 49 ; pret. ind. 3 sing., WEes 2. a, &c., was 22. 59 ; pL, weron 4. 13, &c., wero 16. la, woeron 12. 3, &c., woero I 9. 9, wer 2. aa ; opt. sing.j were 2. 4, nere I 3. 9, I 8. 11, woere I 7. 30, wsere 5. la, MINOR GROUPS 93 wero 16. aa ; pL, woeron 1 1. 5, woere 1 1. 7, were I 9. 4, wero 3. 7. §110. The Verb "Willa. Pres. ind. i sing., willo 5. 13, wselle 13. 20, wsello 20. 3 ; 3 sing., will 13. 31, wW 9. 23, wselle 10. 32 ; pi. wselle 6, 31, wallah 16. a6, wallas 8. ao, nallo 19. 14 ; opt. a sing., welle 22. 4a ; 3 sing., wselle 9. 34 ; imp. sing., nelle 14. la; pi., wsella 12. 39, wallaiS 18. 16, nseUa'S 6. 37, nellaiS 6. 37 ; pret. ind. i and 3 sing., walde 19. 33 ; a sing., waldest 13. 34 ; opt. sing., wselde 1. 6a. § 111. The Verb Doa. Pres. ind. i sing., doam 12. 18, &c., dom 20. 8, doa 12. 17, doe 18. II, do 20. 13; a sing., does 11. 45, doest 14. 13; 3 sing., doeiS 3. 9, &c., dose's 12. 37, doaS 3. 11, does 20. 15 ; pi., doaiS 3. 10, &c., doe's 6. a, doas 23. 34 ; opt. sing., doam 18. 41, doe 18. 18 ; pi., gedoe 6. 31 ; imp. sing., do 4. 33, do 10. a8, doo 10. 37 ; pL, doaS 9. 14, undoes 19. 30 ; inf., doa 6. 9, gedoe I 9. ao, doane 17. 10 ; pres. part., doend 4. i, &c., doende 12. 43, &o. ; pret. ind. I and 3 sing., dyde 1. 35, &c. ; 3 sing., dydest 2. 48 ; pi., dydon 5. 6, &o., dedon 9. 15, tSerhdedon 2. 39; opt. pi., dydon 2. 37, dedon 6. .11; pret. part., gedoen 23. 15, 24. 35. §112. The Verb Gaa. Pres. ind. i sing., gae 15. 18 ; 3 sing., gast 12. 58, gaes 12. 59, gega'S 12 ; 3 sing., gaaiS 15. 4, gaS 11. 34, gae'S 7. 8, &c, ingseeS 10. 5, ingaS 22. 10 ; pi., gaaS 2. 3, ingseS 10. 10 ; opt. sing., inngae 9. 4 ; imp. sing., gaa 7. 8 ; pi., gaaS 10. 3, gaS 13. 33 ; gaas 19, 30 ; inf., gaa 17. 33, inngSB I 2. 17 ; pret. ind. sing., eode 1. 9, eade 4. 43 ; pL, eadon 7. 11, eado 24. 13, ineade 11. 53. 94 DECLENSION OF NOUNS Chapter XVI. Declension of Nouns: Vooalio Stems The o-Declension §113. Masculines. I. Nom., aco. sing. (i) The pure o-stems normally have no ending : cynig 9. 7, afS 1. 73, daeg 6. 13, geong 2. 44, gast 23. 46, Maf 4. 3, ■wsestm 1. 4a. The nom. sing, with e occurs in dsege 21. 34 (nine times), merce 16. 17 (but cf. Lind.* 150, anm. a); theaccus. sing, in e: dsege 4. 19, woege 10. 4 (three times). (a) The long jo-stems end in -e. Examples. — Nouns in -ere : doemere 12. 58, legere 6. 4a, bodare 9. 33, hsesere 2. 49, ettere 7. 3 ; also ende 1. 33, esne 7. a, lece 4. 23, husste 3. 17; without ending: licSrower 4. 37; short jo-stems are normally without ending: hyll 3. 5, •grym 9. 3a, but with ending -e : here (nom.) 6. 30, here (aocus.) 9.13. (3) wo-stems: laaruu 20. ai, forelatuu 22. a6. II. Q-en. sing. The ending is regularly -es. Examples. — ( i ) o-stems : cnsehtes 1. 69, dseges 2. 4a, hlsefes 24. 35, wingeardes 20. 13, innoSes 1. 4a, stanes22. 41 ; -as : wingeardas, 13. 7, 20. 10; deadses 23. aa (an original u-stem that has gone over into the o-stems, cf. Got. dau]jus); without ending: hlaferd 16. 8, laferd 11. 8, god 18. 17. (a) jo-stems : husetes 12. 43, 16. 7, licSroweres I 4. 14. (3) wo-stems : -as in selaruas 15. 14, 1 9. 13. III. Dat. sing. The regular ending is -e, but other endings occur and uninflected forms are frequent. Examples. — (i) o-stems: -e, cnsBhte 9. 48, dsege 1. 59, hlaferde 16. 5, hame 8. 51, hrofe 17, 34, wege 8. 5, dea'Se 21. 16, drihtne 1. 16 ; -o, drihtno 1 10. 10 ; 1. 5, waestmo 18. 18, hlaferdo I 10. i; -i, -Suneri 19. 10; -se, godse VOCALIC STEMS 95 12. 6, loan-word diowlse 8. 29 ; witliout ending, aldordom I 8. 10, cnseht 2. 17, dseg 9. 33, ham 15, 6, href 17. 31, bead 16. 21, huarf 24. 13, woeg 12. 58, oe^el 4. 23, aldor 17.5. (3) jo-stems : ende 18. 5, esne 17. 9, gitsare I 7. 14, hreafere 22. 53, leoe 5. 31, here 5. 19 ; witliout ending, ^rymm 9. 26, (3) wo-stems: selarua I 7. 10. rV. Nom., aco. pi. The normal ending is -as, but -es and -863 occur, in addition to the weak endings -e, -0, -a. Examples. — (i) o-stems : cnsehtas 12. 45, cyningas 22. 35, dagas 1. 34, gaastas 11. 26, hlafas 6. 4, seatlas 11. 43, stanas 19. 40, wsBstmas 12. 16 ; -es, cnaihtes 18. 16, cyninges 21. 13, stanes I 10. 3 ; -aes, gastses 10. 20, geongsBs 3. 4 ; -a, wsestma 6. 43 ; -0, hlafo 9. 13, nesto 9. 58, sedlo 20. 46, wsestmo 12. 17; without ending: halm 3. 17, 'Sread 3. 7. (2) jo-stems: -as, esnas 19. 15, fisceras 5. 2, gitsaras 16. J 4, legeras 12. 56, hreaferas I 9. 33, seteras 20. 30, hergas 9. 18 ; -es, esnes I 10. 7 ; -o, endo 11. 36, hiordo I 4. I ; -a, hiorda 2. 15 ; -e, hiorde 2. 8, 2. 30. {3) wo-stems: larues 5. 17, selarues 5. 5. V. Gren. pi. The normal ending is -a, but the weak ending -ana occurs. Examples. — (i) o-stems: cyninga 21, 12, fisca 14. 18, heo&a 21. 36, haligwara 1. 70; -ana, bergana 8. 33, dagana 5. 17 (five times), fiscana 5. 6, 5. 9, (2) jo-stems : laraua 2. 46, olebearua 22. 39 ; without ending : oelebearum 19. 29, olebearu 21. 37. VL Dat, pi. The normal is -um. Examples, — (i) o-stems: dagum 1. 5, gastum 6. 18, cnsBhtum 15. 3 3, hlafam 9. 16, stanum 3. 8; -om occurs in geongom 3. 5. (2) jo-stems : esnum 15. 32, tosliterum 12. 11, hiordum 2. 18, hergum 9. 16. (3) wo-stems: laruum 22. 11. 96 DECLENSION OF NOUNS § 114. Neuters. I. Nom., ace. sing. (i) Pure o-stems are normally witiiout ending. Examples. — dor 13. 25, hus 13. 35, lend 12. 16, msegen 5. 17, wsBter 7. 44, wolcen 9. 34; tlie weak form appears in folco (nom.) 7,, la; taco 2. 34 is obviously a scribal error: -e appears as an ending in sedle (ace.) 1. 32. (3) jo-stems. Short stems: bedd 8. i6, oynn 21. 10, nett 5. 2, met 5. 5 ; long stem : hriord 14. 12; dissyllabic stems: woestern 7. 24, feastern I 4. 11 (for derivatives in -en (-em), ef. Lind." 154). The long stems also appear with endings: -e in ede 8. 32, erfe 12. 13, I 8. 14, woede 12. 23 ; -o in woedo 6. 29, gewedo 5. ^6, edo 2. 8 ; -a in gehriorda 11. 38 ; -sb in edse 12. 32. (3) wo-stems : tree 6. 43, tre 13. 8 mg., treeo 3. 9. II. Gen. sing. The ending is -es. Examples. — (i) o-stems : gebedes I 7. 2, buses 6. 49, ondes 1. 8, msegnes 22. 69. wif 17. 32 glosses the Lat. gen. uxoris. Note. — maegden, though regularly neuter in OE., in L. appears to be feminine, of. gen. sing, ^serse meedne 8. 50, ^serae msegdne 8. 5 1 ; ¥8Bm msegdne I 6. I, however, is neuter. (2) jo-stems : woedes 1 5. 2, wedes 8. 44 ; without ending- is lege'S 11. g6, glossing the Lat. gen. fulgoris. (3) wo-stems : trees I 8. 3, trees I 9. 6. III. Dat. sing. The normal ending is -e, which is frequently omitted. Examples.— (i) o-stems: blode 22. 20, fyre 3. 17, huso 6. 48, life 15. 13, londe 8. 26, muiSe 22. 71, «ohte 12. aa, wuldre 24. 26, wperee 24. 28 ; -se in famse 9. 39 ; -i in ^lodti 1. 9 ; uninfected, blod 11. 51, fyr 3. 16, bus 1 9. 11, lif I 6. 19, lend 17, 31, «oht 1. 51, wuldur 2. 52, woerc 9. 56, &c. (2) jo-stems: -e, cynne 21. 10, woede 7. 25; -o, edc I 7. 15, woedo 5. 36; without ending, bed 6. 18, 19, VOCALIC STEMS' 97 -wsestem 13, 17, fsestern I 5. a, hui" 3. aa (scribal error, for Mn"). (3) wo-stems: tree 17. 6, treo 13^ 19, meolo 13. ai. IV. Nom., ace. pi. The normal ending is -o, with a few instances of -p. ; a few long stems appear without ending. Examples. — (i) o-stems : -0, bodo 18. ao, breosto 11. 27, gero 13. 7, huso 20. 47, msegno 21. a6, gefehto 21. 9, seado 12. 33, sciopo (navis) 5. a, suiho 15. 15, woepeno 11. 33, woerco 13. aa, wifo 17. 37, wordo 9. 44, ^ingo 21. i, sedlo 20. 46 ; -a, linenhrsegla 24, 13, heafda 21. a 8, ^odspella I 2. 5, woerca I 2. 10, wundra 5. a6, worda 1. 65, iSinga 7. aa ; without ending, seam 10. 4, scip (ovis) 15. 4, hus 9. 33, •Sing 7. aa, iSoht 1. 78, word 24. 17. (a) jo-stems : -o, cynno 12. 30, netto 5. 4, gewoedo 19. 35 ; -n, ricu 4. 5 ; -e, soeoe 10. 4 ; the masc. ending -as, scoeas 15. aa, seatlas 11. 43, 20. 46. (3) wo-stems : treo 21. 39. V. Gen. pi. The normal ending is -a, but the weak ending -ana sometimes appears. Examples. — (i) o-stems : -a, folca 2. 31, hera I 5. 3,. wifa 7. a8, worda 1. 4 ; -ana, 'Singana 1. i, wifana 23. 37, wordana 24. 8. (3) jo-stems: oynna 3. 7, sceoea 3. 16, cynno I 4. 9. (3) wo-stems : trewana 3. 9. VI. The dat. pi. has the ending -um. fs- Examples. — (i) o-stems: bodum I 6. a, gerum 4. 35, msBgnum 10. 37, londum 8. 34, husum 16. 4; In husa 7. 35, glosses in domibus, but is probably singular. (3) jo-stems: cynnum 24. 47, mserum 14. 31, sceowum. 1 4. 7, scoeum 22. 35, gewoedum 7. 35. (3) wo-stems : cneuum 5. 8., The a-Decleusion. § 115. For a full and detailed study of this class of nouns in North, of. Part II of Lindelof 's ' Beitrage zur Kennt- niss des Altnorthumbrischen.' in the Mdmoires de la H 98 DECLENSION OF NOUNS SociM^Ndo-PhUologique a Helsingfors, 345-84- Great variation from WS. exists, e. g. the frequent appearance of the masc., neu. ending -es, the almost regular loss of the ace, sing, ending -e in the long o-stems, and the appearance of the ending -e in the nom. sing, of abstracts in -nis(s)e. I. Nom. sing. (i) Pure a-stems. In the short a-stems, the endings -u, -a, -e appear: snoru 12. 53, geafa 2. 40, onsuare I 9, 16. The long a-stems are regularly without ending: meard 6. 3, 6. 35, sawel 12. 29, spree 16. 9mg., womb 11. ay, woen 20. 13, coern 17. 3, and all the abstracts in -ung (-ong, -ing, -eng, § 55, VIII), gristbittung 13. 38, groeteng I. 39, mercong 1 1. i, niersung 4. 14, &o. Exceptions: mearda 6. 33, redo I 11. 5, hselo 19.' 8, fyrhto 4. ^6, earliprece 1 11. 6, wrse^S'So 21. 33. (3) ja-stems : without ending are sibb 2. 14, 'Signen 22. ^6 ; with ending -a, acasa- 3. 9, 'Siwa 1. 38, iSiua 22. 56. The abstracts in -nis(s)e all have the vocalic ending except selenis I 3. 4, feruitgiornis I 3. 9 ; -o occurs in ofersui'Snisso 21. 23. (^) wa-stems : stoue 2. 7, 23. ^2, cneoreso 9. 41, 21, 3a, II. 39, II, Ace. sing, (i) a-stems. In the short stems the endings -o, -a, -e occur : -o, wrsecco 18, 7, lufo 11, 4a ; -a, geafa 2, 34, sceoma 3, 14, 11, 45, 14, 9 ; -e, wrsecce 18. 8, ondsuere 2, 36, Long stems. These are in most cases without ending : ar 14. 13, heer 5, 34, frofor 2, 35, bereflor 3, 17, half 19. 8, rod 23, a5, rsest 11. 34, womb 15. 16, wacan 12. 38, besides all the derivatives in -ung, except one (v. below). With ending -e are elne 12. 35, mearde I 11. a, gesihiSe 7, 3i,waccane 12, 38, costunge 11. 4, 22. 40; -a, farma 5, 39; ^0, gesih'So 1, 33, 4. 18, hselo 1, 71, earliprico 22. 51; -se, the loan-word ceastrse 9, 5a, (a) ja-stems : without ending are Signen 22, 56, byr- VOCALIC STEMS 99 genn 23. 55, mixen 11. 35, gerd 7. 24, 9. 3, sibb 12. 51 ; -0 in cfflgo 11. 5a (Lind.^ 161 suggests that this may be ace. pi., but it glosses the Latin aco. sing, olavem). The nouns in -nis(s)e all have the ending -e with the following exceptions : without ending, lesnis 2. 38, miltheartnis 10. 37 ; -0) "witneso 18. ao, cy^neso 18. ao ; -a, wittnessa 22. 71, onlionessa 20. 24. (3) wa-stems: stou 10. 3a, 14. 9, 10, cneoreso 1. 50, cneureso 15. 13. IIL Gen. sing. The normal ending is -es. (i) a-stems. Very few examples occur in L. : hsBles 1. 77, hehstaldes 1. 37, farmes 14 17, nedles 18. 35, and the abstracts in -ung, clsensunges 2. aa, oossetunges 7. 45, hniiSrunges 10. 19, groetenges 1. 44. "Without ending are witgong I 4. 3, beoming 1. 1 1. -e is found in groefscire 16. a, ceastre 14. ai, -a in fserma I 11. 4. hselo 1. 69 glosses the gen. sahitis, but is probably an ace, as indicated by 'horn,' the alternative in the text. (a) ja-stems : sibbes 10. 6, 14. 3a. Without ending is sibb 1. 79, probably a scribal error. Derivatives in -ms(s)e: -es, hemises 16. 17, geliomises 9. 51, unrehtwis- nisses 16. 8, unrehtwisnises 13. a7, socnises 19. 44; -sbs, henissBs 10. 19. All the other words in -nis(s)e have their genitive in -nise (twelve in number). (3) wa-stems : cneoreses 7. 31, cneureses 12. 15, cne- oreso 11. 31. IV. Dat. sing. (i) a-stems, short syllabled. The endings -a and -o occur, foresaga I 9. 6, stsello 5. 4. Long stems. The usual ending is -e, but uninflected forms are frequent. Examples : beere 15. i r, groefscire 16. 4, rode I 8. 14, mearee 10. 7, sawle 12. 19, wra^e 3. 7, ^eade I 2. 6; -o appears in wraiSo 4. 38, cyS^o 1. 61, hselo I 8. 17 ; -a in eeastra 4. zg ; uninflected, ber 5. 18, huil 4. 5, 8. 13, lar 4. 3a, spree 7. 3a, stefn 1. 4a. H a 100 DECLENSION OF NOUNS Derivatives in -ung occur with and without the vocalic ending, -e, clsensunge 5. 14, costunge 11. 4, gromunge 1. 6, &c. ; -a is found in somga (= somnunga) 4. 3« ;. uninflected, endung I 2. 16, setnung 23. 19, somnung 13. 10, diwlgittsung 16. 11, and all those in -ing, ceping I 5. 3, casering 15. 8, flowing 8. 43, ioming I 5. 30, niming I 5.. 3, &c. (a) ja-stems: -e, byrgenne 23. 5^, helle 10. 15, sibbe 7. ' 50, hehsynne I 2. 3, dselaise I 11. 11, halignise 1. 75, micelnisse 9. 43, onsetnisse 11. 50, and all other words in -nis(s)e, except one (cf. below); uninflected, bend 13. 16, sipp (sibb) 8. 48, untrymnis 13. la. (3) wa-stems: -e, stows 4. 4a, 9. la, &c., stoue 19. 5; -o, cneoreso 11. 3a; uninflected, stou 6. 17, 9. 10. V. Nom., ace. pi. (i) The endings of the short and long a-stems are -o, -a. -o, adlo 21. 1 1, bytto 5. 37, ceastro 9. 13, hrsesto 14. 7, merdo I 9. 14, sauelo 21. 19, ge'Seodo 21. 34, stefno 23. 33, wombo 23. 39, wrioto 24. 45, 'Soncungo 17. 16; -a, fserma I 11. a, sauela I 10. 15, wacana 2. 8, •Soncgunga 22. 17 ; -as occurs in feor'Sungas 21. 3, teig- •Suncgas 18. 13 ; -e occurs in 'Songunge I 9. 8. (a) ja-stems : -o, bendo 8. 39, sibbo 14. 13, synno 7. 47, I 9. 14; -a, bjnrgenna 11. 44, 11. 47, synna 5. 30, 5. 33. The nouns in -nis(s)e generally have the ending -0: fyrhtnisso 21. 11, eorShroemisso 21. 11, smiriniso 23. 56, ondspyrniso 17. i ; -e appears in deaiSbemisse 21. 11. (3) wa-stems: stowa 11. 34, stoua 21. 11. VI. Gren. pi. (i) a-stems. The normal ending -a •appears only in giunga I 7. 2 ; the weak ending -ana in ceastrana 5. la ; the adjectival ending -ra in writta 1 3. 3, cursuogra 16. a8, scradungra 9. 17. (a) ja-stems: sjmna 1. 77, 3. 3, ySana 21. 35. VII. Dat, pi. The ending is -um. Examples. — (i) a-stems: geafum 21. 5, sagum I 2. 10, w^rseccum 12. 48, fsermum 14. 8, &c. (a) ja-stems : byrgennum 8. 37, synnum I 4. 30. VOCALIC STEMS Ml The i-Declension. § 116. Masculines. I. Nom., ace. sing. Short and long stems are alike without ending. Examples.— Short stems : mett 12. 23, stydd 10. I, msBgwlit 9. 39 ; abstracts in -scip, broiSerscip 11. 4a, hogoscip 2. 47, gebearscip 14. 13. With ending -e, dene 3. 5, 16. 2,6, and the loan-word oele 10. 34. Long stems : metbselig 22. 36, dsel 10. 4a, erest 20. 37, huoerf 6. 35, ymbhyrft 2. i, lege'Sslseht 10. 18, s^ 17. a, stenno 23. 56, feerstylt 5. 26, wyrp 22. 41, feng I 7. 14, ' gefeng 5. 4, faell 6. 49, hrses 8. 33. II. Gen. sing. The ending is -es. Examples : mettes I 7. 15, su-Sdseles I 7. 8, ondfenges 9. 5, eristes 20. ^6, ymbhuirftes 4. 5, oeles 16. 6, sass 21. 35. III. Dat. sing. The normal ending is -e, but uninflected forms are frequent. Examples : -e, mere 5. i, ymbhuirfte 21. 36, gigoiSe 18. 31, hogascipe 1. 17 ; uninflected, bend 18. 16, dael 5. 19, erest 20. ^^, gefeng 5. 9, ferrses 8. 33, metbffllig 22. 35, gebearscip I 5. 3. rV. Nom., ace. pi. The ending is -o : bendo 8. 39, meto 3. II, stenco 24. i, geSeodo 21. 34, gebearsoipq 9. 14 ; -a appears in lioda 17. 11. V. G-en. pi. The ending is -a; spyrda 24. 13, lioda 8.36. VI. Dat. pL The ending is -um. Examples : dselum 9. 14, beanbselgum 15. 16, gebearsoiopum 24. 46.. Note. — ^The compounds in -em belong here if the derivation < *-ranni is correct (S. 89, anm. 4 ; Lind.^ 165). The following forms occur : nom. sing., berem 12. 34, gestem 22. 11, hordem 12. 24; ace. sing., berern 3. 17 ; ace. pi., bererno 12. 18. § 117. Feminines. Only long stems occur: dene 3. 5, 16. 36, indeed, is considered as ' The only remnant of the i-Declension in short-syllabled feminines' by Lind. (Mem. p. 284, foot- note), but S, a63 classes it among the masculines. 102 DECLENSION OF NOUNS I. Norn. sing. "Without ending are coen 11. 31, mssht 22. 53, SB 16. 16, bisen I 5. 4, gemynd 17. 18, sed 8. 11, tid 1. 57 ; with ending -e, portcuoene 7. 37, 39 (cf. Lind., Mem. p. 384), onsione 9. 53 ; -o, biseno 8. 9, bisseno9. 11. II. Aoo. sing. "Without ending are : bisen 14. 7, cuoen I 7. 8, losuist 9. 2,5, sed 8. 5, geiSuild 18. 7, wyrt 11, 4a, se 2. 39, scyld I 8. 19 ; with ending -e, bisene 8. 4, 13. 6, gesihiSe 7. ai ; -o, biseno 18, i, gesihiSo 1. 22, 4. 18, 24. 33 (this last is classed as ace. pi. by Lind., Mem. p. 285). III. Q-en. sing. The ending -es occurs in aes 2. 37, 7. 30, &o., tides 4. 5, woreldes 20. 34. Onsione 9. 29 glosses the Latin gen. vultus, which the scribe may easily have taken for a nom. (' msegwlit onsione ' glosses species vultus). IV. Dat. sing. Forms occur both with and without ending. Examples. e, bisene I 9. 6, oefeste 1. 39, sede 1. ^^^ gesigSe 9. 5a, worulde 1. 70, 1. 55 ; -o, bisseno 1 8. 5 ; tide 21. 36, in the phrase ' alle tide,' is listed by Cook as ace. pi., but appears rather to be dat. sing., glossing as it does the abl. sing, omni tempore, while tido 21. 34, glosses the pi. tempora; the form alle, however, appears as the dat. sing. fern, in Luke 4. 35, 6. 17, 23. 44. "Dninflected: ded 10. 25, se 2. 34, e&egemynd 22. 19, mseht 1. 17, world 18. 30; •gyld 21. 19, and geSyld 8. 15, 1 10. 14 may be dat, or ace, (of, Lind., Mem. p. 386). V. Nom., ace. pi. The endings are -o, -a : byto 5. 37, msshto 10. 13, I 6, II, tido 21, 34, gesih«o I 3. 13, deda I 11. 5, wyrta 12. 37. "Without ending is lyf I 10. 13, in the phrase 'tuoge lyf ' {duo q,era). VI. Gren, pi,, wyrta 23, 56 is the only example, VII. Dat. pi. The ending is -um : byttum 5. 37, port- cuoenum 15. 30, dedum 23. 51, maehtum 12. ji, tidum 8. 37, VOCALIC STEMS 103 The u-Beolension. § 118. Masculines. (a) Short stems. Only sunu occurs. Sing, nom., sunu 16. 25, &c., sune 15. 31 ; gen., sunu 17. aa (three times) ; dat., sunu 6. aa (four times), sune I 3. 4 ; ace.', sunu 9. 38, suno 20. 1 3, sune 21. 36 ; pi. nom. and ace, sunu 6. 35, 20. ^6, suno 15. 11, &c. ; gen. and dat., sunvm 7. a8. (6) Long stems and polysyllables. Sing. nom. and ace, summer 21. 30, hunger 4. 35, 15. 14, sea's 14. 5 ; gen. and dat., hungre 15. 1 7, seaSe 6. 39, I 8. 9 ; pi. nom. and ace, hungro 21. 11, wintro 2. 37, 41 ; gen., wintra I 2. 4 (four times), wintro 8. 43 (may be nom. pi.) ; dat., wintrum 8. 43- Other words, originally u-^tems, have gone over en- tirely into the o-Declension ; e. g. deaS, flod, 'Som, and the words in -had. § 119. Feminines. One long- and one short-syllabled feminine u-stem are met. Sing, nom., dura 11. 7, hond 1. 66; gen., — ; dat., dura 16. 30, hond 1. 71 ; aoc, duro 13. 35, hond 5. 13 ; pi. nom. and ace, hond 27. 7, honda 21. 13, hondo 20. 19 ; gen., — ; dat., durum 7. 13, hondum 4. 11. An original fem. u-stem is nom. sing, coem 17. 3, dat. sing, coern I 9. 11 (of. S. 374, anm. i). § 120. Neuters. A remnant of the neuter u-stem is seen in the nom. and ace fealo 12. 48, feolo 16. 7, &c. (S. 375). Feh, an original neuter u-stem, has gone into the o-Declension ; the forms occurring in L. are : gen. sing., fsees 15. 13 ; ace, feh 8. 43, &c. The u of the stem appears in the compound feh"geroefa 12, 43. 104 DECLENSION OF NOUNS The Weak Declension: n-stems. § 121. Masculines. The final -n of the oblique cases has been lost in North. (S. 376, anm. 5) ; the vocalic ending is tjrpicaUy -a, but frequently appears as -o, -e, and once as -se. The strong ending -es (-as) often appears in the gen. sing. I. Nom. sing. Examples : -a, sefgroefa 12. 58, geroefa 23. 4, brydguma' 5. 34, bona 22. 34, geleafa 8. 48, hlega 6. 16, liohoma 28.55, aldawuta 7. 39, oxa 14. 5, seldra 15. 25 ; -0, geroefo 16. 8, geleafo 7. 50, ondo 1. 13, sado 21. 35 ; -e, witge 7. 38, 7. 39, 24. 19 ; -as, witgse 9. 8. II. Ace. sing. : -a, cofa 19. 46, egesa 21. 36, fola I 10. 3, doema 12. 14, geleafa 5. 30, pocca 9. 3, posa 9. 3, geroefa 16. I, scendla 11. 8, willa 12. 47, and others; -o, folo 19. 30, geleafo 7. 9, ondo 7. 16, 0x0 15. 33, ondwlitto 22. 64, tintergo 12. 5, &c. ; -e, witge ; . without ending, in'Sing 23. 4. III. Gren. sing. : -a, heafodponna 23. 33 ; -o, witgo 11. 39 ; -es, witges 3. 4, in'Singes 23. 4, brydgumes 5. 34, lichomes 11. 34 ; -as, geleafas 12. 38. IV. Dat. sing.: -a, inna 1. 15, gegerela 23. 11, bigencga 13. 7, mona 21. 35, doema 12. 58, lichoma 12. 33, geroefa ^18. 19, wyrtruma 3. 9, &c. ; -o, gegerelo 24. 4, mitto 11. ^^, daersto I 8. 16, ondo 1. 74; -e, doeme 19. 13, dserste 12. i, bigeonle 13. 7, sefgroefe 12. 58, inne 11. 7 ; without ending, brydgum I 5. 3. V. Nom., ace. pi. : -0, droppo 22. 44, eswico 13. 15, doemo 11. 19, gefoero 5. 10, gegerelo 19. 36, morscea'So 23. 33, tintergo 12. 5 (but cf. Lea 156, II, b), aldro 2. 43; -a, noma 10. 30, doema 12. 14, erendureoa 9. 53. VI. Gen. pi. : -ana, uu^utana I 10. 11, dserstana 22. i, witgana 11. 47 ; -ano, foerano I 4. 18; -ena, witgena 1. 70 ; -una, uutuna 1. 17 ; -na, oxna 14. 19 ; strong gen., noma 6. 16, seldra 13. 31. VII. Dat. pi. The regular ending is -um. Examples: VOCALIC STEMS 105 ■T78Blum I 5. 15, sceaiSum I 11. 7, dserstum I 7. la, willum 8. 14, telgum 13. 19, witgum 6. a6, tintergum 16. 33, «ldrum 21. 16 ; -om occurs in wselom 16. 9, witgom ,24. 27. § 122. Feminines. I. Nom. sing.: -a, moh^a 12. 33, tunga 1. 64, culfra 3. 22, widua 7. 12, nedra 11. 11, hearta 12. 34 ; -0, eorSo 21. 33, redo I 11. 5, 16 ; -sb, fonnss 3. 17, windgefonnse 3. 17. •Siwa originally belonged to the ja-stems, but in the nom. sing, is weak, and in the gen. sg. and ace. pi. follows the forms of the o-Declension (of. Lind., Mem. p. 273, anm.). The forms in L. are : nom. sing., 'Siwa 1. 38 ; gen. sing. 'Siuses 1. 48 ; ace. pL, ^iuwas 12. 45. II. Ace. sing.: -a, asca 9. 5, cirica 7. 5, farma 5. 29, nedra 11. 11, widua 21. 2, scendla 11. 8 ; -0, eorSo 8. 8, ffllmiso 17. i6 ; -u, eor-Su 22. 44. III. Gen. sing. Only strong endings occur: earSes 12. 56, farmes 14. 17, heartes 6. 45, widues I 5, 11. IV. Dat. sing.: a, sunna 21. 25, widua 4. 36, hearta 2. 19, asca 10. 13, wica I 11. 16 ; -0, eorSo 2. 14, &c., wico 18. 12; -e, herte 8. 15. V. Nom., ace. pi. : -a, fserma 1 11. 2, widua 4. 25, hearta 1. 17 ; -o, hearto 21. 34, sido 12. 35. VI. Gen. pi. : -ena, wid°ena 20. 47. VII. Dat. pL: -um, eorSum 21. 5, fsermum 14. 8, nedrum 10. 19, plseccum 14. 21. Note.— waoan (ace. sing.) 12. 38, Lea 158, II, considers as a weak feminine retaining its final -n. Against this assumption is waccane (ace. sing.) 12. 38, as well as wseccenes John I 3. 14. The gen. pi. wacana appears to be a weak form, but it is equally possible that we have here the strong ending -a added to wacan-. Abstracts in -u, -o (of. S. 279). Sing, nom., iyrhto 4. ^6, hselo 19. 8, snyttro 11. 49 (for the umlaut cf. S. 279, anm. 3) ; ace, hseldo (for seldo) 1. 36, hffilo 1. 71, menigo 1. 10, snytro 2. 47 ; S^^-> ^^^° 106 DECLENSION OF NOUNS I. 69, hsBles 1. 77 ; dat., sbMo 2. 52, fyrhto 5. a,6, hselo I 8. 17, lencgo 19. 3, snytro 2. 5a, unsnytro 6. 11 ; with- out ending, leng 12. 2,5; pi. nom., menigo 4. 4a, &c. ; gen., -ana, 'Siostrana 22. 53 ; -ona, 'Siostriona 11. 36 ; dat., menigum 23. 4 ; aco., hselo 13. 33, menigo 5. 3. § 123, Neuters. Sing, nom., ego 11. 34, eostro 22. 1 (for the gender of eostro, v. S. 278, anm. 3) ; gen., eastres 2. 41 ; dat., ego 6. 41, eostro I 11. 1 ; ace, eare 12. 3, ego 18. 25, eostro 22. 8 ; pi. nom., ego 2. 30, &c. ; gen., — ; dat., earum 4. ai, egum 6. 30 ; ace, earo 8. 8, eoro I 8. 15, ego 16. 33. Minor Declensions. § 124. Irregular consonant stems. I. Masculines. Sing, nom., mon 6. 45, sciremonn 8. i, woercmonn 10. 7, aldormonn 8. 41, moueiS 1. 36 ; gen., monnes, mon (=?) 19. 10, aldormonnes 7. a ; dat., menn I 7. 6, "SBemenn 8. 33, aldormen 12. 58, ricemenn 7. 41 ; without the umlaut is aldormonn 8. 49 ; weak form, monno 1. 37 mg. ; with ending -e, mona'Se 1. 2,6 ; ace, only weak forms occur in L., monno 8. 35, aldormono I 9. 19 ; pi. nom., aldormenn 19. 47, cuiSamen 1. 58 ; gen., monna 18. 11, fota 9. 5, 20, 43; -0, monno 24. 7 ; weak ending, toSana 13. a8 ; dat., aldormonnum 9. aa, monum 20. 16, mona^um 1. 56, mone^um 1. 34, &c, ; ace, menn 7. 31, &c., culSomenn 14. la, heremenn 7, 8, foet 24. 39; with ending -a, foeta 7. 45, II, Feminines, Sing, nom., hoc 4. 17, burug 9. 10; ace, boo 4. 17, nseht 5. 5, middemseht 11. 5, burug 8. 34, burg 18. 31, sulh 9. 6a ; gen., -es, nsehtes 2. 8 ; -a, burga II, 30 ; -e, burge I 2. i ; dat., without change, boo 3. 4, nsBht 2. 37 ; with i-umlaut, boec 20. 4a, byrig 4. 33, &c., l^yr' 11- 3^; Pl- ^ce, burgas 19. 19 ; gen., burga 4. 36; dat., burgum 17. 39. VOCALIC STEMS 107 § 125. Stems in -r. I. FsBder. Sing, nom., fseder 12. 30 (twelve times), feder 15. 18 (four times) ; ace, faeder I 3. 3 (four times), fader 3. 8 (four times) ; gen., fadores 1. 3a (eleven times) ; dat., feder 15. 18 (thirteen times), fsedir 22. 11, fseder 15. la; pi. nom., fadoras 6. 23, fador (=?) 6. 26; ace, fadores 1. 55 ; gen., fadora 11. 48 ; dat., fadorum 1. ya. II. BroiSer. Sing, nom., broiSer 6. 42 ; aoc, bro'Ser 6. 14 ; gen., broiSres 3. 19 ; dat., bro^re 6. 42, brolSere 3. i, bro'Ser I 9. 4 ; pi. nom., bro'Sro 8. 19, bro'Sero 20. 29 ; aoc, broiSro 14. 12 ; gen., bro^ero 1 10. 9 ; dat., — . III. Moder. Sing, nom., moder 8. 20 ; ace, moder 1 5. 17 ; gen., moderes 1. 15, moederes I 4. 5, moder 1 5. 11 ; dat.,moeder 7. 15, 12. 53. IV. Dohter. Sing, nom., dohter 2. 36 ; gen., — ; dat., dohter I 5. 20, doehter 12. 52 ; pi. nom., dohtero 23. 28 ; dat., doht'rum 1. 5. V. Swoester. Sing, nom., suoest' 10. 39, soest' 10. 40 ; dat., suoester I 7. i ; pi. aoc, suoestro 14. 26, § 126. Stems in -nt. Sing, nom., hselend 2. 11, hselen 14. 3, freond 7. 34, friond 11. 8, woepenberend 11. ai ; ace, hselend 1. 31, friond 11. 5, londbuend I 3. 8, haldond I 6. 13 ; gen., fiondes 10. 19, sellendes 22. 21 ; dat., hselend 7. 4, frionde I 7. 3, fionde I 8. i, wepenberend I 7. 5; pi. nom., friondas 23. la, fiondas 23. 12, haldendo 2, 8, buendo 20. 14, wyrcendo 13. 27 ; ace, freondas 7. 6, friondas 14. la, wififreondas 15. 9, fiondas I 10. i, fiondes 6. 35, freondo 2. 44, telendo I 6. la; gen., fionda 1. 74, wyrcedra 10. a (adj. ending) ; dat., friondum 12. 4, buen- dum 20. 9. § 127. Stems in -os, -es. Sing. nom. : seg 11. a, cild 1. 41, 44 ; ace, cild 2. la, 16, doeg 17. aa, symbeldoeg 23. 17; gen.,—; dat., doege 1. 20, &c., doeg 17. aa ; pi. ace, lombro 10. 3, oildo 18. 15, ehras 6. i ; dat., dogrum 2. 46, 108 ADJECTIVES Chaptee XVII. Adjectives The Strong Declension. § 128. On account of the glossator's arbitrary manner of dealing with his adjectives, which sometimes agree with the case and gender of the OE. nouns and sometimes with those of the Latin adjective, the classification of his adjectives is a task of peculiar difficulty and slight significance (of. Lind.^ 6a ; Lea i68 ; Fii. 91). I. Nom. sing. (i) The masculine o-stems are regularly without ending : god 6. 45, all 2. I, an 23. 39, blind 18. 35, micel 1. 15, aid 1. 18, strong 15. 14, glsed 23. 8, lyttel 19. 13, fearr 7. 6, wra'S 14. 31. A few have endings : -e, wraiS^e l3. 14, iSserfe 16. 2,0; fearra 15. ao is classed as an adjective in Cook, Gl., but glosses the Latin adverb longe. Pret. parts. : welboren 19. la, fromdoen 24. 11, ancende (for ancennede) 7. la. jo-stems: frem-Se,24. 18, unclsene 11. 34, diorwyr'Se 7. a, gesene 23. 8, ondfenge 4. 34, woede 11. 7, unwittende I 7. 19. wo-stems : geara 22. ^^. (3) Neuter. The o-stems are regularly without end- ing : an 10. 4a, so'Sfaest 12. 57, all 1. 37, halig 1. 35, micel 16. 36, reht 13. 16, full 11. 39. With ending -e : rehtlice I 7. ao, unea'Se 18. 34, allefne 23. 18; -a, micla 18. 35, wona 11. 41 (S. 391, anm. 3). Jo-stems: bli'Se I 7. 9, degla 8. 17, wyriSe 23. 15, milde 11. 34 ; -a, niua 5. 36, 37. wo-stems : nearo 13. 34. (3) Feminine, a-stems : the feminines regularly end in -0 ; but -a and -e are found ; -o, deado 20. 3a, oSero 10. 35, monigo 7. 11, uncu'So 21. 11, micelo 6. ^^, menigo 5. 39, ■Sorfondlico 21. 3 ; -a, yfla 6. 43 ; -e, iSarfe 21. 3, and the pret. "part, ancende 8. 4a ; uninflected, all 8. 37, foriShald THE STRONG DECLENSION? 109 13. II, unberend 1. 7, an 17. ^5, full 1, a8. The ending -i appears in alii 1. 10. i ja-stems : niwa 22. no, woedo 18. 5. II. Ace. sing. (i) Masculine. The regular ending -ne occurs in aUne 9. 35, enne 15. 4, onssecne 14. 18, sumne 23. 36, nnmiltheortne I 9. 3, o'Serne, synfullne 15. 7 ; -e in alle 9. 13, summe 10. 38, dseghuseinlice 11. 3, welige 1 9. a, and the pret. part, frumcende 2. 7 (for frumcennede) ; unin- flected, all 21. 4, an 15. 7, god 6. 43, halig 12. 10, micel 5. 39, sum 11. ^6, fsett 15. 33, the pret. part, gelefen 14. 19 ; -0, weligo 19. 16. jo-stems: unclaBue 4. 33, wyrSe 3. 8, unwyri5e I 4. 7, idelhende 20. 10, idilende 20. 11 ; with the regular end- ing of the ace. masc. adjective, unclsenne 9. 43 ; a peculiar ending is found in suueti 23. 56. An original u-stem survives in cwic 10. 30 (S. 303), but in North, has gone over entirely into the o-Declension. (3) Neuter. These are regularly without ending : all 4. 14, an 16. 17, unneh 15. 13, aid 5. 36, micel 12. 48, long 20. 47, fearr 19. 13, full 7. 37, lyttel 7. 37 ; -e occurs in alle 3. 3, micle 22. 41. jo-stems : -e, dryge 6. 8, skse 10. 35, ondfenge 4. 19 ; -0, &o 16. 9 ; -i, drugi I 5. 4. (3) Feminine : -o, o'Sero 6. 39, micleo 7. 9, menigo 18. 4, 'Sorfondlico 21. 3 ; -a, ana 10. 40 ; -e, alle 5. 5, longe I 11. II, iSorfe I 9. 3; without ending, all 10. 19, an 12. 35. III. Gen. sing. (i) Masculine. The regular ending is -es : godes I 7. 17, yfles I 7. 17, soiSfsBstes I 3. 13, wlonces 16. 31, men- nisces I 2. 16, halges 2. 43, summes 12. 16, wundes 1 6. 19 ; -as, wloncas 12. 16. jo-stem : su^emses 11. 31. (3) Neuter: -es, anes 22. 59, halges 1. 73. jo-stems : niwes I 5. 3. 110 ADJECTIVES (3) Feminine : -0, huono 12. 38, lytlo 12, a8 (these are both used with the masculine noun geleafas, but appear as feminine owing probably to the Latin adjective pus- sillae, which they gloss) ; without ending, heofonlic 2. 13, all 21. ^5 (this word is constautly used with entire disregard of case and gender). IV. Dat. sing. (i) Masculine. The ending -um occurs in anum 11. 46, allum 21. 36, oiSrum 16. 7, strongum I 7. 5, synnfallum 6. 34; -e, ane 4. 4, alle 10. 2,y, o-Sre 7. 8, blinde I 9. 18, halge 1. 15, huite 23. 11, scyldge 11. 4, welige I 7. 14 ; -o, miclo 2. 9, oiSero 6. 6 ; without ending, an I 2. 10, halig 2. 36, full I 3. 4, utacund 16. la (used as a noun), un- rehtwis 19. 13. jo-stems : unclsene I 7. 6, halwoende 1. 47. (2) Neuter : -um, cSerum 9. 56, allum 8. 47, anum 5. 3, miclum 2. 10, 13. 19, huitum 10. 13, lytlum 16. 10 ; -e, aide 23. 31; -o, lytlo I 7. 15; without ending, an 17. 34, lichomlio 3. aa, unrehtwis 16. 11, unadrysenlic 8. 17. jo-stems: -e, nine 5. 36, ece I 9. 16, groene 23. 31, diorwyriSe 7. 35, and the pres. part, unberendum I 8. 3 ; -i, drygi 23. 31. (3) Feminine. The ending -ra occurs in allra 10. 37 ; -e, alle 4. 35, suiiSe 9. 43, micle 4. 33, summe 18. 3 ; -o, o-Sero I 11. 18, oiSoro 5. 7, miclo 8. ^y, menigo 23. 8; -a, micla 1. 43 ; without ending, an 8. 33, woestig 9. 13. V. Nom. pi. (i) Masculine. The endings -0 and -e occur most frequently: -0, halo 5. 31, deado 7. 33, oiSoro 18. 11, so'Sfsesto 1. 6, syndrigo 2. 3, blindo 7. 33," idlo I 9. 7, deafo 7. 33, sumo 13. i, unwiso 11. 40, cu'So 2. 44, ^lEetto 24. 35, menigo 7. 47, gelico 20. 36, &c. ; -e, alle 1. 48, unhale I 5. 6, glaede 1. 14, behofe I 8. 18, gearnfulle 12. II, synnfuUe 6. 33 ; -a, cSora 9. 37, fserwitfuUa 12. 36. jo-stems : -e, wyr«e 20. 35, gesene 9. 31, onfenge 9. xo, THE STRONG DECLENSION 111 and the pres. part, welfremmende 22. 25 ; -o, onfengo 9. 16. wo-stems : gearuu 12. 40. (a) Neuter. The endings are -o, -e, -a: o^ero I 2. 7, olSro 8, a, micelo 21. 1 1 ; -e, alle 1. 65, efne 6. 34, lytle 13. 33 ; -a, moniga 7. la, morlonda 1. 65. , jo-stems: -0, clseno 11. 41, wyriSo 23.41, roeiSo 3. 5; -e, gesene 24. 11. (3) Feminine: -o, o'Sero 8. 3, monigo 4. 25, miclo 21. II ; -e, alle 19. 37, sume 24. aa, i, ja-stem : unberando 23. zg. IVLAcc.pl. (i) Masculine. The usual ending is -o; -a and -e occur. -0, halo 23. 35, olSoro 10. i, so'Sfaesto 20. 20, jBonigo 1. 16, syndrio I 9. 11, rehto 3. 4, idlo 1. 53, fflngeleaflfiilo 1. 17, lytlo I 9. 25 ; -e, so'Sfseste I 6. 18, alle 2. 41, miltheorte 6. 36 ; -a, suyndriga I 3. 7, wBeterleasa 11. 34. (3) Neuter : -o, godo 12. 18, miclo 1. 49, hulco I 9. 3, •Suslico 9. 9, lytlo I 9. 17; -e, alle 1. 3; -a, alia 11. 32, goda I 5. 9, oiSera I 11. 4 ; nediSarfo 11. 8 is a doubtful form. jo-stem : eco 16. 9. (3) Feminine : aUe 21. ^6. VIL Qen. pi. (i) Masculine. The regular ending is -ra: deadra 20. 38, soiSfsBstra 1. 17, monigra 2. 34, allra 1. 71, haligra 9. 26, hseiSinra 21. 25 (gentiwm), lytelra I 8. 7, synnfuUra 7. 34, •JSuslicra 18. 16, •Sserflicra I 7. 19 (noun), baarsynnigra I 5. 3, scyldigra I 5. 14 ; -a occurs in untrymmia 14. i5, lytla 1 8. 7, o'Sera 5. 29 ; -o, hsedno 21. 35 (used as a noun= gentium), monjgo 8. 33. (a) Neuter: godra 19. 8, alra 2. 31, allra 18. 12. VIIL Dat. pi. The ending is -um. (i) Masculine : godum 21. 5, deadum 9. 7, yflum 6, ^5, allum 1. 75, syndrigum 4. 40, lalindum 4. 18, wloncum 113 ADJECTIVES I 5. 7, aldum 5. ^'], miclum 23. 23, &c. ; -om (-6) occurs 'vs. o'Sorom 24. 9, o'Srom I 2. 14, monigom I 7. 18 ; -o, menigo 12. 47 appears to be used adverbially; huon 12. 48 is uninflected. jo-stems : unclsBnum 4. 36, niuum 5. 38, smoeSum 3. 5^ halwoendum I 6. a ; ''nescum 7. 25 is an original u-stem (S. 303, anm. a). (a) Neuter : allum 1. 6, lytlum 12. 48 ; -om (-6), lin- nenom 16. 19. (3) Feminine: allum 19. ^'j, The Weak Declension. § 129. I. Nom. sing. (i) Masculine : iSe bebbisca 18. 37 mg., 'Se f 'ma 19. x6, •Se ana 5. ai, se alda 5. 39, se stronga 11. ai ; hoga 12. 4a., (a) Neuter: iSget f'ma 18. 11, 'Saet niua 5. 37. (3) Feminine: iSiu seft'ra I 9.. 16. II. Ace. sing. (i) Masculine: ^one seft'ra 6. i, Sone dumba I 7. 4, •Sone ilea 9. 48, huita 6. 15, ilco 20. 44, 'Sone blinde 6. 39; (a) Neuter : ilea 20. ^^^ aide 5. 39, ilce 5. 37. (3) Feminine : «a seft'ra 12. 38, «a f'ma 14. 8, ilco 18. 5.. III. Dat. sing. (i) Masculine: Ssem seft'ra 9. 37, 'Ssem wise 16. 18, •Ssem f'mesto 16. 5, 'Ssem argse I 8. 18. (a) Neuter: 'Ssem aide 5. 36, 'Ssem nine 5. 36, «sem ilea 10. 7. (3) Feminine : ISser ilea 7. 48. IV. Gen. sing. Neuter : 'Sses godspellica I 2. 8.. V. Nom. pi.. Masculine : ilea 2. 8, iSa foriSmesto I 8. 7. VI. Ace. pi. (i) Masculine : -a, «a unstronga 9. a, iSa f'ma 11. 43 ; -0, 'Sa deado 9. 60, 'Sa oferhygdego 1. 51, 'Sa eadgo I 5. 7, iSa synfuUo 5. 3a, iSa f 'mo 14. 7, ilco 4. 40. ADVERBS 113 (a) Neuter : ^a aldo 5. 37, iloo 9. 11, ilea 4. 6. ■ (3) Feminine : iSa ungeleaflPallo(co) I 6. 15. VII. Dat. pi. Masculine: ilco 9. 5, ileum 2. 18. Comparison of Adjectives. § 130. I. Comparative : ea^or 5. 33, giungra 15. 12, 13, hera 22. a6, 2,y, stronga 3. 16, 11. aa, suiiSra 6. 6, 'Sarfliero 17. a, wohfallre 11. 26, -wyrSro 14. 8, serrum 11. 2,6, asftra 12. 38 ; irregular, f'ma 19. 16, betra 5. 39, leasa 7. a8, mara 7. aS, maro 11. 31, w"yrso 11. 2,6. Comparative made by adverb : betro hogo 16. 8 (=pnidentiores). II. Superlative : seldesto 22. 5a, seldestum 9. aa, gin- gesta 15. la, heists 1. 3a, heista 1. 76, beisto 1. 35, beigsta 1 11. 17, neesta 10. 36, wisistum 11. 45, wisestum 11. 46 ; -ost, leofost 3. aa ; irregular, forSmesto I 8. 7, blsBtmesto 12. 59, leasssest 12. a6, maasta 9. 48. Chaptee XVIII. Advbbbs and Numerals. § 131. Adverbs. I. Adverbs ending in -e : ea'Se 12. 58, sedgesedre 23. 48, geome 1. 3, longe 14. 3a, rseiSe 18. 8, recte 20. ai, reeone 4. 39, swi'Se 9. 39, symble 5. ^^, susalce 18. 11, fearre 14. 3a, gere 18. 34, buoe'Sre 11. 8, nsefre 15. a9, buoenne 17. ao; -a, ana 8. 50, sefre 13. 11, sona 1. 64, syndria 9. 10, hefia 9. 39, ea^a 14. la ; -sb, suselcse 11. 44; witb the ending dropped, hefig 16. 16, fearr 15. 13. n. Adverbs in -lice. Examples : arliee 24. i, fsestlice 7. 49, feerlice I 4. 18, geomlice 7. 4, hefigliee 11. 53, hwoerfliee 1 10. 6, lustlice I 10. 5, oefistlice 8. 3^, rehtlice 10. a8, scearplice I 9. 4, &c. ; with loss of -e, arlio I 5. 5, feerlic 21. 34, so^lic 11. 41. III. To WS. giena corresponds geane 8. 49. rV. Adverbs ending in -unga : eawunga I 7. ao, allunga 13. II, woenunga 9. 13; with the final -e dropped, ea- wung 8. 17. 114 ADVERBS AND NUMERALS V. Oblique cases of nouns and adjectives used as adverbs. Examples: lytle I 5. 8, micla 18. 30, micle 18. 39, licsendo (pres. part.) 16. 19, adune 19. 6, aduna 4. 9, buon 5. 3, ned 9. 39, neh 21. 31, soiS (thirty-nine times), aec BO'S 1. i, fearfald 19. 8, feorsi'Sum 19. 8, utte- weard 11. 39, on ■Sa wisa 24. z6, on bsec I 6. 14, todseg 2. ii,