I Cm" li f<' >•■? "•:,' '.'-- J 103 QJorttell Uttitteraita Siibtarg Htl^ata, ^tm ^ork BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 F ' Date Due HQV f ? ^£e^ nr ^^..^B 4^ lgtp^ .4 9 erri^ to i\ WM-9is mf^^ ogFfP^ mM ii'"y ^ j^ BF1591 .T°2T" ""'™''*'*^ '■"'"^ ^'"willllJlMIMfllSlilimr '■^''" '''erature, olin 3 1924 028 928 153 U .--* iyi. a... c / Columbia Wintttttfiltv STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS SALES AGENTS New Yoke: LEMCKE & BUECHNER 30-32 West 27th Stbebt London: HUMPHREY MILFORD Amen Cokneb, E.G. STUDIES IN MAGIC FEOM LATIN LITERATURE BY EUGENE TAVENNER, Ph.D. Bt\0 Potk COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1916 AU rights reserved Copyright, 1916 By Columbia UNrvBRSiTT Press Printed from type, October, 1916 \^-^ NOTE This monograph has been approved by the Department of Clas- sical Philology of Columbia University as a contribution to knowledge worthy of publication. CLARENCE H. YOUNG. Chairman. Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028928153 PREFACE Although references to magic are found in almost every Latin author, there is not available in English any general treatment of the subject of Magic in Latin Literature. We have, it is true, excellent chapters by Fowler,' Dill,^ Cumont,' and others, touching upon Roman magic; but these scholars treat the subject rather because of its important relation to some other field of investigation than for its own sake. This dissertation will attempt, therefore, first, to furnish a general introduction to Roman magic, especially as reflected in Latin literature; and then, to add, as a specimen of de- tailed study, a chapter on Roman prophylactic magic. To this beginning I hope to add, later, chapters on various phases of the same subject, such as, Magic and Curative Medicine, The Number Three in Magic, and Spitting as an Act of Magic. By way of further delimitation it may be added that Greek literature has been drawn upon only where it bears directly upon our discussion, and that no exhaustive collection of the material of Latin literature itself has been attempted beyond the third century of our era.'* I have been compelled, also, through lack of space and time, to ignore practically all epi- graphical and archaeological material. • The Religious Experience of the Roman People, Chapters 2 and 3. ' Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, 443-483. ' Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, the chapter entitled Astrology and Magic, 162-195. * To this one important exception has been made in the case of Marcellus Empiricus. CONTENTS Inteodtjction to the Study of Roman Magic The Meaning of Motos, Mayeia, Magus and Magicus Definition of Magic Magic Distinguished from Science . Magic Distinguished from Astrology . Magic Distinguished from Superstition Magic Distinguished from Religion The Legal Aspect of Magic and Religion Formal Latin Treatises upon Occult Subjects The Source, Antiquity, and Prevalence of Italian Magic The Attitude of Latin Authors toward Magic Agricultural Writers Dramatic Writers Writers on Philosophy The Lyric and Elegiac Poets The Satirists The Writers of Prose Romances The Historians The Encyclopaedists . Conclusion ... ... II. Magic and the Pbevention op Disease Medical Magic and ReUgion . The Gods as Workers of Magic Deification of Diseases Medical Magic Versus Scientific Medicine Medical Magic Universal among the Early Romans Early Magic Cures not Entirely Displaced by Greek Scientific Medicine Preventive or Prophylactic Magic A. The Amulet Definition of an Amulet Names Given to Amulets by Latin Authors Antiquity and Continued Use of Amulets in Italy Diseases Prevented by the Use of Amulets PAGE 1-60 1 5 8 10 11 11 12 17 19 25 26 28 29 33 37 40 45 54 60 61-123 61 61 67 70 70 73 76 76 77 79 80 84 X CONTENTS II. Magic and the Prevention of Disease — Continued. page Materials of Amulets 96 Inscriptions on Medical Amulets ...... 100 Other Details in the Preparation of Medical Amulets . 101 Where were Medical Amulets Worn? 102 Amulet Containers 103 B. Prophylactic Magic by Means other than Amulets 105 Diseases Prevented 106 Materials used in Magic Prophylaxis apart from the Use of Amulets 110 C. Sympathia the Basis of Prophylactic Magic . 113 Sympathia Essential to Amulets 113 Based on Various Associations of Ideas .... 113 Bibliogbapht 125 Index Rerttm . . 129 Index Locobum . 141 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE STUDIES IN MAGIC FEOM LATIN LITEEATURE CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC I. The Meaning of Mayos, Mayela, magus, and magicus Neither nayo^ nor fiayeia is found in Homer,* though refer- ences to magic are numerous.^ Apparently the first reference in Greek Uterature to the fiayoi * occurs in Herodotus, who tells us that they were a Median tribe.^ They formed a priestly caste,^ resembling that of the Jewish Levites, were the leaders in wisdom and in the education of the royal household,' and * Cf. August Gehring, Index Homericus (Leipzig, 1891), b. vy. iiayos and liayda. ' Cf. Pliny, N. H. 30, 5; lUad 7, 193-196, with Leaf's exceUent note: 11,740-741: 12, 254r-255: 13,434-435: 15,321-322: 24, 343-345 (magic strokes used by the gods): 14, 214-221 (magic girdles): 16, 235: 23, 135-136; Od. 10, 235 ff.; infra, 19, n. 97. ' For the derivation of the word cf. A. VaniJek, Fremdwirrter im Griechischen und Lateinischen, s. v. liayoi; Leo Meyer, Handbitch der Cfriechischen Etymologie, 4, 318, s. v. ii.li.yos; Emile Boisacq, Dictionnaire itymologique de la langue grecque, s. v. ^10701. * Herodotus, 1, 101. The word is found somewhat earlier in Persian. The great inscription of Behistlin contains seven instances of the nomina- tive magus, and five instances of the accusative. ' Cf. Strabo, 16, 762; Lucian, MoKpi/Sioi 4; Xenophon, Cyrop. 8, 1, 23; CUtarchus, apud Diog. Laert., Vit. Phil., Proem. 6; Hesychius, s. v. /ui^os; Apuleius, Apol. 25. » Cf. Apuleius, De Plat. 1, 3; Plato, Ale. 121E-122A; Cicero, Div. 1, 46; 90-91: Fin. 5, 87: Leg. 2, 26; Valerius Maximus, 8, 7, Ext. 2. I STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATUEE were expert in divination ' and astrology ; * but were not at all acquainted with what the Greeks called yoijTeia, or what is now generally known as magic' These nayoi, under the leadership of a certain Osthanes, accompanied the army of Xerxes into Greece/" where their unhallowed association with the invader, together with their knowledge of the occult influences of the stars, reduced them in the esteem of fifth century Greeks from the position of most influential religious and educational advisers to that of cheats, rascals, and tricksters." But Euripides is familiar with the word liayoi also as applied to those who possess preternatural control over natural phe- nomena, since he mentions a disappearance that was effected iJTOi apfiaKOLaLV fj fiayav rexvaicrLV i] deS>v /cXoiraTs.'^ By Plato's time the word /layos had become so common in the meaning of 'a controller of natural phenomena' that Plato dares to use it in a metaphorical sense, calling certain desires 'those dire magicians and tyrant-makers.' '^ Finally, Lucian uses the word freely of a sorcerer or sorceress.'* There seems there- ' Cf. Clitarchus, apud Diog. Laert., Vit. Phil., Proem. 6; Cicero, Div. 1, 46-47; Velleius Paterculus, 2, 24, 3; Pliny, N. H. 24, 164; Varro, apud Augustinmn, C. D. 7, 35. ' Cf. Valerius Maximus, 8, 7, Ext. 2; Suidas, s. v. yotirda. « Aristotelis Frag., apud Diog. Laert., Vit. Phil., Proem. 1 (ed. Rose LLeipzig 1886J, 44) r-fiv 5^ yoriTiK-^v fxayeiav o65' iyvoifraVy {ftrjaiv * KpifTTOrkKtii kv tQ tiayiKt^ Kal ^elvwv kv t§ TrefiTT^ twv ^laTopicov. " Cf. PHny, N. H. 30, 8; Alfred Maury, Magie, 61 and references there given. For Osthanes cf. infra, 20 and n. 99. " Cf . Sophocles, Oed. Tyr. 387 i4>tls lihyov Toibvit, fitixavoppaov • • .', Aeschines, In Ctes. 137 'AXX' olij,ai, oiJre ipwwvSas oBre "Ebpiffaros oir' fiXXoj oiiSels TTWirore rwv TrAXat irovijp&v tolovtos p.ayos Kal yinjs kykvero. « Orest. 1497 £f. '' Repub. 9, 572E Brav S' tKirlaaaiv oi Seivol liayoi re Kal Tvpavvoroiol ovTOt. liij fiXXaJS t6v vkov KaBk^nv. . . . " Lucian, Luc. sive As., 4 li&yos yap kaTi. Savi). . . . Cf. Demonax 23 'AXXo Kal ixayov Tivts elvot Xir/ovrm Kal InjiSds ^X"" lirxw^^t <«'S ™' aiiTwv diravras apaireWeLV xal irapixeiv airrif dir6aa /SoCiXerat, Mi) flafcpafe, ?0j;. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 6 fore to have been a natural transition in the meaning of the word among the Greeks from that of priest to that of trickster, and then to that of one who controls natural phenomena ; or, in other words, to our conception of a magician in the darker meaning of the English word. We may be reasonably certain also that in popular usage the word iiayos had come to mean 'magician' rather than 'Magian' before the literary usage makes such a development apparent.'^ We turn now to the word fiayeia. It is certain that Plato used it in the sense of 'the Magian philosophy and religion.' ^^ Aristotle, however, by using the words totjtikij ixaytla, clearly indicates that, by his time, the words yorireia and fiayeia had approached each other in meaning so closely that yoTireia was considered a species of fiayeia." The development in meaning is apparently carried one step further by Theophrastus, the successor of Aristotle, who uses the word fiayeia without any limiting adjective in the sense of yoifreia.^^ That a leading Greek philosopher in the early part of the third century b.c. used the word fiayeia in the sense of 'magic' is a further proof that the word fiayos had also by his time come to mean a 'magician.' A distinction seems to have been made, however, by the philosophers, after the time of Socrates, between fiayeia and yoTfreia, upon the assumption that, whereas both fiayeia and " The meaning 'Magian' seems entirely to have disappeared from popular Greek usage by the fourth century of our era. In Hesychius, S. V. jua-yos, iiayov ■ t6v iirarewya • 4>apii.aKt\iTi)v. riv BeoffePij, Kal 6to\iyyov, KalUpia,ol'n.kpi.piiaKa Kai t&s ftayelas. This is the only citation for iiayela given in Wimmer's Index to Theophrastus (Paris, 1866), notwith- standing the 'etc' of L. and S. s. v. iiayda. ■4 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE yoriTeia employed Sat/iows, or subservient minor divinities, the former employed only good Saifwvei to accompKsh good deeds, whereas the latter employed evil dalixovts to accomplish evil deeds, through the evocation of spirits." Such a finely drawn distinction should of course not be looked for in popular usage. The development of meaning in the Greek word /idyos is duplicated in that of the Latin word magus. The earlier meaning of the Latin word, i.e. in its apphcation to the re- ligious system of the Persian Magi, is, however, found only in Latin religio-philosophical writings, or in passing remarks of a quasi-historical character.^" In contrast to this we find in the Latin authors countless instances of magus with the meaning 'magician,' not 'Magian.'^i It is worthy of note also that there is not a single instance in Latin literature, so ^' Cf. Plato, SympOS. 202E Ata roirov /cat 17 iiavTiK'fi traaa xwp" (sc. "EpCfjTt Saifiovi) /cat 17 Ti^v lepkcov rkx^i) tSiv re irepi ras dvaias . . . /cat ttjv liavrelav iraaav Kal yoriTdav; Apuleius, De Deo Socrat. 6, 133 Per hos eosdem (i.e. SaljjLovas), ut Plato in Symposio autumat, cuncta denuntiata et ma- gorum varia miracula . . . reguntur. (This passage is commented upon by St. Augustine, C. D. 8, 16). Cf. also Apuleius, Apol. 26, quoted infra, 5. Suidas, s. v. tiayela, has: kiriK\7]ritiepos ppovroaKoirla . . . Kara tov *Voiiiatov ^lyovKov. . . . «» Pliny, N. H. 10, 106: 11, 97: 29, 138: 30, 84. " Hieronymus, ad Euseb. Chron. a. Abr. 1972 = 45 e.g.: Nigidius Figu- lus Pythagorious et magus in exilio moritur. Cf. Apuleius, Apol. 42 Itemque Fabium, cum quingentos denarium perdidisset, ad Nigidium consultum venisse; ab eo pueros carmine instinctos indicavisse, ubi locorum defossa esset crumina. . . . *' Augustinus, C. D. 5, 3; Suetonius, Aug. 94, 5; Cassius Dio, 45, 1, 3-5; Lucan, 1, 639 ff. «» See supra, nn. 83-88. '" Cicero, Tusc. Disp. 1, 37 ea quae meus amicus Appius viKvoiiavrtia. faciebat; Div. 1 132 psychomantia, quibus Appius . . . uti solebat. From the latter passage it appears that he put his theories into practice. " Cf. Teuffel, Rom. hit!' § 199; G. Schmeisser, Quaestionum De Etrusca Disciplina Pariicula (a dissertation [Breslau, 1872]). 92 Cicero, Div. 2, 98; Plutarch, Rom. 12; loannes Laurentius Lydus, De Mens. 1, 14; Pliny, Index Auctorum to Book 18. '' Columella, 11, 1, 31 in lis libris, quos adversus astrologos composueram. 9< Of doubtful authorship, according to Hieronymus, De Viris lUus- tribus 58 (ed. Richardson). INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 19 trology against Christianity. '' Of these writings only Cicero's De Divinatione and the work of JuUus Firmicus Matemus have survived. The only two works in extant Latin literature which at all resemble a treatise on magic are the Apologia of Apuleius of Madaura, his defence against the charge of being a magician ; and parts of Pliny's Natural History, especially the first thirteen paragraphs of book thirty. With these latter paragraphs as our main dependence, we shall now consider briefly the source, the antiquity, and the prevalence of Italian magic. IX. The Source, Antiquity, and Prevalence of Italian Magic Pliny informs us in the passage above mentioned that Zo- roaster '^ founded magic about six thousand years before the death of Plato, and that his successors had left behind them nothing more than their names. Strangely enough, con- tinues he, the Iliad is comparatively free from magic,'' whereas '* Teuffel, Rom. Lit.^, 406. It is pleasing to note that he was later converted, and became an ardent defender of Christianity. Cf. Lynn Thorndike, A Roman Astrologer as u. Historical Source: Julius Firmicus Matemus, in Classical Philology, 8 (1913), 415-435. ^ For the time of Zoroaster cf . New Internal. Encydop. ', s. v. Zoroaster, and authorities cited there. Pliny cites him as an authority for Books 18 and 37, and quotes him in 18, 200: 37,133; 150; 157; 159. But the works attributed to him, Tiepl KWav Ti/iiav, Uepi ^iiaeas, A-oyta, etc. are doubtless apocrjrphal. Cf. also Apuleius, Flor. 15; Justinus, 1, 1, 9. " But cf. II. 7, 193-196 for secret names of the gods ^s taboo. In 11, 740-741 'Aya/iiidri is probably to be taken as the Homeric name for Medea. See also 12, 254-255: 13, 59-60; 434-435: 15, 321-322; 594: 24, 343-345 for the use of the magic wand by gods. In 14, 214-221 Hera seeks from Aphrodite, among other endearing charms, a, magic girdle. In 16, 235 Achilles, invoking Zeus, speaks of Dodona, where aol natova' iTTo^^rat iPL'^TSwoScs x'!'M""5yai; compare with this the fact that the much tabooed Flamen Dialis also slept on a bed the feet of which must be smeared with fine mud (Frazer, Class. Rev. 2, 322; G. B. 2, 14). Accord- 20 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE the Odyssey is built almost wholly upon magic episodes. No one has ever explained how magic came to Telmessus or to Thessaly.98 The first author on magic whose works are extant, continues Pliny,'' is Osthanes, a Persian who accompanied Xerxes into Greece, and introduced a veritable rage for the art. Great philosophers like Pythagoras,^"" Empedocles, Democritus,^''^ ing to Leaf, on Iliad 18, 418, the animated handmaidens of gold there described "are a relic of the tradition which everywhere attributes magical powers to the mythical founders of metallurgy. ..." When the com- panions of Patroclus carry his body to burial, they cover it with their shorn hair, as representative of their own bodies (II. 24, 710-712. Cf. Tylor, P. C. 2, 401; Rohde, Psyche^ 16-17; Frazer, Pausan. 4, 136). '* For magic in Thessaly cf. Plautus, Amph. 1043; Horace, Epod. 5,45: Carm. 1, 27, 21-22: Epist. 2, 2, 208-209; Ovid, Am. 1, 14, 39-40: 3, 7, 27-28: Ars. Amat. 2, 99-100: Rem. Am. 249; Seneca, Phaed. 420-422; 791: Med. 790-792: Here. Oet. 465-466; 525; Lucan, 6, 430-820, but especially 434^491; Valerius Flaccus, 1, 736-738: 6, 448: 7, 198-199; 325-326; Statius, Theb. 3, 140-146; 557-559: 4, 504; Martial, 9, 29, 9; Juvenal, 6, 610-612; Apuleius, Met. 2, 1. " 30, 8. For Osthanes see above, page 2, and cf. Pliny, N. H. 28, 6; 69; Minucius Felix, 26, 11 (Hostanes); Apuleius, Apol. 90 (Ostanes); Arnobius, Adv. Gent. 1, 52 (Ostanes); Pap. Paris. 2006 /Sao-iXet 'Oo-Tiyn Uirvs xaipuv; Synesius, Epist. ad Diosc. (in Fabric. Biblioiheca Graeca, 8, 233); A. Dieterich, Papyrus Magica Musei Lugdunen. Batam (Leip- zig, 1888), 751-752; A. Maury, Magie, 61 and n. 2. 100 Pqj. Pythagoras's study of magic lore cf. Apuleius, Flor. 15; PUny, N. H. 24, 160. For his adoption of magic cures, see PUny, N. H. 24, 156- 158. For his belief in mystic numbers cf. Apuleius, Met. 11, 1. In general, for the wonder tales that were fathered upon Pythagoras cf . Frazer, G.B.I, 1, 213; Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen*, 285 and n. 2; K. Kiesewetter, Der Occultismus des Altertums, 471—472. ■»i For the works of Democritus cf. Columella, 11, 3, 64; Pliny, N. H. 24, 160: 25, 13: 26, 19; Vitruvius, De Arch. 9, proem. 14. The ftag- ments of Democritus's De Sympathiis et Antipathiis are contained in Fabricius's Biblioiheca Graeca, libri IV, pars altera 333-338. For their genuineness, however, cf. Theodor WeidUch, Sympath. 13 ff. Democritus is severely arraigned by PUny for magical teaching (N. H. 28, 112-118 and elsewhere), but is warmly defended against such a charge by A. GeUius (N. A. 10, 12, 1-8). INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 21 and Plato/''^ he continues, endured unusual hardships in order to learn of it, and gained great fame by publishing its doctrines. Of these, Democritus especially popularized these attract- ive chimaeras in the Greek world at about the period of the Peloponnesian War. Jewish magic, represented by Moses,"' Jaimes, and Lotapes, is many thousand years posterior to that of Zoroaster, says Pliny (§11), and is followed in its turn by the much more recent Cyprian magic. Last of all there were Macedonian additions during the time of Alexander the Great. Roman magic is then treated by Pliny with disappointing brevity in five and one-half lines of Teubner text (30, 12) : Extant certe et apud Italas gentes vestigia eius in XII tabulis nostris aliisque argumentis, quae priore volumine exposui. DCLVII demum anno urbis Cn. Cornelio Lentulo P. Licinio Crasso cos. senatus consultum factum est, ne homo immolaretur, palamque fit, in tempus illut sacra prodigiosa celebrata. All else that he might have said is condensed into the words aliisque argumentis, quae priore volumine exposui.'"* The passage referred to by these words is N. H. 28, 10-21, where a number of ancient Roman beliefs are gathered together ; as, for example, the belief in which, notwithstanding the skepti- cism of the cultured, the populace persisted, that certain words may have great magic power, as one sees in the story of the Vestal Tuccia, who, by the power of a certain formula, carried water in a sieve ; '"' and the fact that the Vestals, as a body, possessed a powerful charm by which they could stop a run- away slave, provided he had not yet gone beyond the city ^"^ Cf. Apuleius, De Platone 1, 3. i«3 Cf. Apuleius, Apol. 90. "" The reason for this brevity seems to have been the author's assumed superiority to such beliefs. He apparently was ashamed of many of the popular beliefs of his day, and did not wish to give them any undue prominence. »»s n. h. 28, 12. 22 STUDIES IN MAGIC FKOM LATIN LITERATUKE limits."^ The experience of TuUus Hostilius proves, we are further informed,"" the fatal consequences of handling magic words with insufficient understanding. For words have power to transfer crops from one field to another and to injure one's enemy, if one is to believe the Twelve Tables. They can also evoke the gods of hostile cities, bewitch, bind in the bonds of love, control serpents, avert fire, cure wounds and disease, and secure safety."' The Romans also have to-day, Pliny concludes, many superstitious and magic practices, concerning j which each may judge for himself.'"' \ 4 n/ Pliny's belief, then, seems to have been that magic gradually <^C>^ worked its way from the East to the West, beginniag with the Persian, Zoroaster; "" that in some unknown way it reached Thessaly;'" and that finally it was introduced into Greece by Osthanes. He seems also to believe that Italian, Gallic, and British magic came over the sea ^from Persia through Greecey^'^ We now know that such a view is untenable, and indeed Pliny himself can be shown to contradict such a theory. The passage in the Twelve Tables to which he refers "' must reflect a usage not merely contemporaneous with the date of the adoption of that code,'" but anterior to that date. Now, if Persian magic was introduced into Greece in 480 B.C., only thirty years intervened between the date of that introduction and the los N. H. 28, 13. '»' Ibid. 28, 14. "« Ibid_. 28, 18-21. '«» Ibid. 28, 22-29. "» For Zoroaster as the founder of magic cf. A. Maury, Magie, 35 and n. 3. "1 For magic in Thessaly cf . supra, 20, n. 98. "2 Cf. N. H. 30, 13 Sed quid ego haec commemorem in arte oceanum quoque transgresaa et ad naturae inane pervecta? Britannia hodieque earn adtonita celebrat tantis caerimoniis, ut dedisBe Persis videri possit. The intimation is indeed clear here that the pupil, Britain, was now able to teach the teacher, Persia. "5 N. H. 28, 17-18. Cf. supra, 13, and n. 56. 1" Circa 450 B.C. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 23 time when the ItaUan farmers had become so expert at enticing their neighbors' crops into their own fields by means of magic that a rigid prohibitory law had to be enacted. We are asked to believe that within this short time Persian magic obtained a firm hold in Greece, made its way thence to the cities of Italy, and thence to the country districts. We are asked also to overlook the fact that the Twelve Tables have nothing at all to say about magic in the cities, where Greek iafiuences were naturally strongest, but are very explicit regarding certain practices in the country, where Greek influences were scarcely felt. The facts are all against Pliny's theory, and we are forced to conclude thatTfiis niagic of the Italian country dis- tricts was a iiative ^owth, entirejy_uniiifluenced by Persian oFGreek magic. Like all magic, it held its own in the rural sections long after the more sophisticated inhabitants of the cities had abandoned such beliefs. Furthermore, all the Latin authors who refer to this law in the Twelve Tables do so with the superior air of men who have outgrown an early belief which was native and characteristic of their crude ancestors.^" If there had been the least suspicion that such a usage was a foreign importation, it is scarcely likely that these defenders of Rome's more advanced thought would have failed to say so. The passage in the Twelve Tables must therefore be counted as strong evidence for the existence of an early, native Italian magic. Early tradition also makes Italy the home of magic. Circe, "* So Pliny (N. H. 28, 13) to the passage in which he quotes among other ancient matters the law of the Twelve Tables prefixes the words, Prisci quidem nostri perpetuo talia credidere. He closes the passage with the words (§ 29), Quapropter de iis ut cuique libitum fuerit opinetur. Seneca (Nat. Quaest. 46, 7, 2-3) says, in connection with magic control of the weather, Et apud nos in XII tabulis cavetur, ne quis alienos fructus excantassit. Rudis adhuc antiquitas credebat et attrahi cantibus imbres et repeUi, quorum nihil posse fieri tarn palam est, ut huius rei causa nullius philosophi schola intranda sit. 24 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE whose power lay in her knowledge of magic herbs, ''^^ is in Homer a dweller on the island of Aeaea."' Nor did Roman writers disown her as a fellow Italian."' It was the universal acceptance of this tradition and probably some first-hand knowledge that led Aeschylus to speak of refertam Italiam herbarum potentia.^^^ That Roman magic was at once very ancient and of native origin is clearly shown by the survival of many magic rites in Roman religion."" Vergil, for example, who was in heart and feeling a genuine Italian, made his early Marruvian '^^ and Massyhan '^^ priests, like Livy's Attus Navius,^^' adepts in "» Cf. Od. 10, 213; 235-240; 276; 290-292; 317; 326-328; Pacuvius, Frag, ex Incert. Fab. 39 (Ribbeck); Cicero, Div. in Caec. 57; TibuUus, 2, 4, 55-56: 3, 7, 61-63; Propertius, 2, 1, 53: 3, 12, 27; Hyginus, Fab. 125; Vergil, Aen. 7, 19-20; 190-191; Horace, Epist. 1, 2, 23; Ovid, Met. 14, 14; 21; 34; 42-58; 266 ff.; 346-348; 355-360; 403: Rem. Amor. 263; Pliny, N. H. 25, 11; Apuleius, Apol. 31: De Deo Socratis 24; Nemesianus, Cyn. 44; RutiKus Namatianus, 1, 525; Symmaohus, Epist. 1, 47, 1. For the herb named after her cf. Pliny, N. H. 25, 147: 27, 60; Dioscorides, De Mat. Med. 3, 124. "' Od. 10, 135-136. "' Pliny calls her Itala Circe, and places her abode in the territory of Circei (N. H. 25, 10-11). Hyginus places her home either in Aeaea (Fab. 127) or in Aenaria (Fab. 125). (For the location of these two places in ancient geography cf. Pomponius Mela, 2, 120; 121.) Ovid locates her dwelling in Circaea ana (Met. 14, 346-348), wherever they may be. Her son, Telegonus, was said to have built the Circaean walls of Tusculum (Horace, Epod. 1, 29-30); her descendants, the Marsi, through their inherited knowledge of magic drugs, possessed a remarkable power over serpents (Pliny, N. H. 7, 15: 25, 11; A. GelUus, 16, 11, 1-2). She was scrupulously worshiped by the inhabitants of Circei in Cicero's time and later (Cicero, Nat. Deor. 3, 48; Strabo, 5, 234; Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, 49, n. 6, and 542, n. 5). "' Phny, N. H. 25, 11. The statement does not occur in any extant work of Aeschylus; but cf. Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. 19, 15, 1. 120 por an excellent discussion of this subject, see W. Warde Fowler, Rel. Exp. 24-67. Cf. Wissowa, Religion und Kidtus, 409. 121 Aen. 7, 750-758. i^^ Ibid. 4, 483-493; 509-516. 12' Livy, 1, 36. Cf . Valerius Maximus, 1, 4, 1 (exc. Par. and exc. Nep.) ; Apuleius, De Deo Socratis 7; Dionysius, Ant. Rom. 3, 71; Cicero, Div. 1, 32; PUny, N. H. 15, 77. INTEODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 25 magic. The taboos surrounding the person of the Flamen Dialis,^^ the strange rite used in pacifying the Lemures,^^' the tradition concerning Cunina, the averter of the evil eye,'*® the magic powers popularly attributed to the Vestal Virgins/" all point to a remote time when unadulterated Italian religion was closely interwoven with magic. That this magic survival represented a part of the religious bone and sinew of the ancient Italian is the real reason why an essential behef in magic has survived the overlaid stratum of Greek religion, and the more recently overlaid stratum of Christianity.'** That is the real reason, too, why Pliny's fellow Romans preferred to explain natural phenomena by sympathetic magic '*' rather than by science, and why the old Italian of Cato's day scorned Greek medicine, but clung to magic cures ''" and amulets, especially the bulla."! Indeed Pliny's Natural History alone furnishes abundant proof, even to the casual reader,"* that the Roman populace, at least, firmly believed in magic. X. The Attitude of Latin Authors toward Magic With literary men and the cultured classes the case, however, was different. Here, the rage for everything Greek was by iM A. GeUius, N. A. 10, 15. Cf. infra, 54-55; Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, 34 and n. 1. 125 Ovid, Fasti 5, 429-444, quoted infra, 37, n. 195; Varro, apud No- nium Marcellum, 197 (ed. Lindsay). ™ Cf. infra, 45-46. '" Pliny, N. H. 28, 12-13. Cf. infra, 58, n. 350. 128 Cf. supra, 16-17. i" n. h. 25, 10, quoted supra, 10. "° Cato, R. R. 70; 71; 83; 159; 160; Varro, R. R. 1, 2, 27. "' Cf. Jahn, Uber den Aberglauben des bosen Blicks bei den Alien, in Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der koniglich-sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Phil.-Hist. Classe (1855), 28-110, and especially the appended illustrations. Fowler, Rel. Exp. 59-61. For amulets in preventive medicine, see infra, 76£f, "2 Cf., e. g., lan's index to the N. H., s. v. Tnagi. 26 STUDIES IN MAGIC FKOM LATIN LITERATUBE no means confined to literature. Greek medicine and Greek religion were superimposed upon the native beliefs and prac- tices, and to a great extent displaced them. Greek philosophy- had ended by producing an almost universal skepticism, either real or affected, among the upper classes, upon which was overlaid, during the first century of our era, a very wide- spread belief in astrology."' Nevertheless the Roman remained essentially Roman. As the sermo plebeius makes its appear- ance in Roman literature wherever and whenever the artificial restraints of literary training and tradition are removed, so also many Latin authors unconsciously display an essential belief in the old magic, which antedates Greek influence, though not a few of them, like Pliny, formally disclaim such belief. Indeed, we shall be able to show that there was at Home a numerous class of cultured men and women who publicly proclaimed themselves superior to popular belief, though in reality they were unable to free themselves from their inherited magic and superstition."* This fact can best be shown by a rapid examination of the Latin authors themselves. (1) Agricultural Writers Of the agricultural writers, Cato not only gives remedies of a more or less magic character for the cure of both man and beast, ^'^ apparently in the best of faith, but he adds to the collection an incantation of very great interest, but, unfor- "3 Cf. Dill, Rom. Soc. 443-483. '^ So, e.g., Columella, though in 11, 1, 31 he declares that he had written a book Adversus Astrologos, stiU, in 11, 3, 64, quotes, apparently with approval, the following from Democritus: has ipsas bestiolas enecari, si mulier quae in menstruis est, solutis crinibus et nudo pede unamquamque aream ter circumeat; post hoc enim decidere omnes vermiculos, et ita emori. We may note that the superstitions of Julius Caesar and Augustus are well attested, not to speak of those of the later Emperors. See infra, 47-48. "' Cf. R. R. 70; 71; 83; 159. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 27 tiinately, of very great difficulty of interpretation."' He appears to believe in native magic practices, notwithstanding the fact that he ridicules divination, probably because the latter was not a native Roman belief, but had been imported from Etruria."' Varro, on the other hand, though allowing one of the speakers in his De Re Rustica to recite a purely magic cure for a certain disease of the feet, disclaims behef in such practices.^'* Yet even he seems to believe that the waxing or the waning of the moon has a sympathetic effect upon the growth of crops, and otherwise."' Columella's work on agriculture is very sane and in the main free from magic tinge. He wrote, as we have said,"" a work, Adversus Astrologos, and in general was a man of good hard sense. Yet he bows to the popular belief regarding the effect of the moon's phases upon crops and other matters."* From this presentation of the attitude of the agricultural writers toward magic it is apparent that Cato, who Uved on most intimate terms with the people and was least affected by Greek polish, is most frank in declaring his assent to farm practice that smacks of magic. The other two writers give 136 R. R. 160. For the text cf. infra, 71-72 and n. 38. 12' Cf. Memorabilia Dicta (no. 65, p. 109 ed. Jordan) apud Ciceronem, Div. 2, 51. 138 R. R. 1, 2, 27. For the text cf. infra, 72. "' Cf. R. R. 1, 37, especially this remark (§2): Ego istaec, inquit Agrasius, non solum in ovibus tondendis, sed in meo capillo a patre ac- ceptum servo, ni decresente luna tondens calvos fiam. The views of the speaker apparently coincide with those of the author. In his formal opinions, however, regarding magic, Varro seems to have been a ration- alist. Cf . infra, 45-47. "» 26, and n. 134; 18, and n. 93. "1 For the moon's influence upon crops of. R. R. 2, 5, 1; 10, 10; 10, 12; 15,9; 16,1; 18,2: 6,11,2: 6,26,2: 8,6,9; 7,4: 11,2,11; 2,52; 2, 85; 3, 22: 12, 16, 1; 19, 3; 43, 2; 43, 9; 63, 3; De Arboribus 16; 26, 2; 29, 1. For menstruation in magic cf. R. R. 10, 360: 11, 3, 38; 3, 50. 28 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATUKE evidence of having believed in the efl&cacy of such practices more than they are willing to admit. It may be noted that the Georgics and the Eclogues of Vergil are remarkably free from references to rural magic. *^^ The Aeneid, however, with its wealth of religious mysticism and story, finds place for a greater amount of magic. The 'golden bough,' made famous as the starting point of Frazer's brilliant anthropological investigations,^*' the power of Circe,'" the Marruvian magician-priest,"^ the powerful magician-priestess from the Massylii,'*^ and the fire-walking Hirpini of Soracte "' form an interesting element of his long tale. They are, how- ever, in every instance part of the story and do not of neces- sity radicate Vergil's personal belief in magic ; they show rather his knowledge of the ancient Italian's acceptance of such be- liefs. It is possible also that the poet's deep religious feeling led him purposely to avoid any more frequent reference to that outlawed ars magica, so dear to his fellow countrymen. (2) Dramatic Writers Turning to the dramatic writers, we find a marked contrast between Plautus, who was close to the people, and Terence, "2 In the Georgics I have noted such reference only in 3, 280-283, a passage relating to hippomanes as a philter. In the Eclogues, if we except the eighth, which is so largely borrowed from Theocritus, I have found only one magic reference, a countercharm against the evil eye, 7, 25-28. "' The aureus ramus, Aen. 6, 136-155; 405-410, gave entrance to the under world to him who, by permission of the fates, should pluck it. The explanation of this legend and of the beUefs underlying it furnishes the starting point of Frazer's elaborate work, The Golden Bough. 1" Aen. 7, 10-24; 189-191; 282-283. "' Ibid. 7, 750-758. "« Ibid. 4, 483-493; 509-516. "' Ibid. 11, 785-788. The comment of Servius upon 787 is: 'Fretipie- tate': iste quidem hoc dicit, sed Varro ubique expugnator rehgionis ait, cim[i quoddam medicamentum describeret, 'Ut solent Hirpini qui am- bulaturi per ignes medicamento plantas tingunt.' For a refutation of Varro's rationahzing explanation cf. Andrew Lang, Magic and Religion, 270 ff. Cf. Solinus, 2, 26. INTEODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF EOMAN MAGIC 29 who was not. The former refers to magic more than twenty times,"^ while the latter is absolutely silent on the subject."' (3) The Popular versus the Philosophic Attitude In general it may be said that those authors who wrote for a limited cultured few condemn magic practices, while ,/ those whose works were intended to reach a wider reading public, including the populace, often show a conscious or im- conscious love of magic. Thus, the champions of religion and the champions of philosophy necessarily scorned magic, the former, because it claimed to control the gods rather than to adore them,"" the latter, because it could not be defended by any proper consideration of logical cause and effect. A brief consideration of the attitude of the Roman philosophers toward magic will prove the truth of this latter statement. Lucretius, the Epicurean, nowhere expressly states his views regarding magic. He does, however, give a rationalizing explanation of the popular belief that the cock had a peculiar antipathetic power over the lion;^** he laughs to scorn the "' Many of these references are quite slight, and some of them were no doubt in the original Greek versions. Yet our knowledge of Plautus's Romanism and of his exuberant originality leads us to beUeve that such references were inserted, or retained, because they found a ready response in the hearts of his Roman audience. Cf. Amph. 323; 605; 777; ib. act 4, fragmenta 7 and 10; ib. frag, incert. 47 (p. 169 Ox. text, ed. Lind- say): Rudens 1139. Cf. Cure. 397 for superstitiosiis as a 'wizard.' For the frequent mention of metamorphoses as though of common occurrence, cf. Amph. 465-458; 845-846: Mil. Glor. 430-432. For praestigiatrices, etc., cf. Amph. 782-783: Poen. 1125-1126. "^ He does indeed give us one interesting instance of superstition and belief in omens, Phormio 705-710; but even this is put in the mouth of a slave. ISO ■yye have already noted the antagonism of magic and rehgion, supra, 12-13, 16-17. Cf. also Minucius Fehx, Octav. 26, 10-11; 27; Augustinus, De Divers. Quaest. 79, 4. 1" 4, 708-719. For the more prevalent belief cf. Pliny, N. H. 8, 52. 30 STUDIES IN MAGIC FKOM LATIN LITERATUBE possibility of any such mythical beast as the Chimaera."^ The whole Etruscan system of divination, in his opinion, is foolish and unscientific ; ''' the fear of ghosts must yield to a rational explanation.'** In the light of these passages we may feel assured that the only reason Lucretius did not condemn magic was either because it did not come within the scope of his subject, or else because he scorned the mention of so un- scientific a body of belief. Cicero, the representative of the New Academy, is no more favorable to the occult. Although he accepts the Stoic doc- trine that there is a certain contagio or avfiiradela in nature,^'* he is a rationalist. He refuses to believe in ghosts,'*^ and recom- mends a reasonable explanation as the best means of allaying the popular fear of eclipses.'*' He ridicules and condemns the growing belief in astrologers.'** In fact, he considers all sooth- sayers, necromancers, augurs, astrologers, and dream seers worthless.'*' How far the Stoic doctrine of sympathia drew the Roman followers of that school toward a belief in sympathetic magic we cannot tell with exactness.'*" Certain we are, however, that Seneca, the most celebrated Roman Stoic whose writings we possess, was strongly opposed to belief in magic. It is true that he introduces much magic into his tragedies,'*' even 152 5, 901-921. 1" 6, 379 ff. "< 1, 127-135. 1B5 j)iv_ 2, 33 Ut enim iam sit aliqua in natura rerum contagio, quam esse concede (multa enim Stoici coUigunt; ...)... quam avuiraSelav Graeci appellant, . . . "» Tusc. 1, 37. 1" De Re Pub. 1, 23-26. 1" Tusc. 1, 95: Div. 2, 87-99: De Fato 15. «9 Div. 1, 132: 2, 50; 84. "» Theo. Weidlich, Sympath. 4-11, is of the opinion that the Stoics pushed their beUef in the sympathia of nature into the reahn of the super- natural to a very considerable extent. "' Here. Oet. 452-472; 523-533; 566: Med. 465-476; 575-578; 670-739; 752-811; 817-842: Oed. 559-573: Phaed. 420-421; 790-792. INTKODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 31 overdoing the magic element at times ; '^^ but in all these instances, the magic is in accord with the character in the play, and does not represent the opinion of the author. Seneca's real personal belief can best be seen in his remarks concerning the magic hail averters of Cleonae: "^ Illud incredibile, Cleonis fuisse publice praepositos chalazophylacas, speculatores venturae grandinis. Hi cum signum dedissent adesse iam grandinem, quid expectas? ut homines ad paenulas discurrerent aut ad scorteas? Immo pro se quisque alius agnum immolabat, alius pullum: protinus iUae nubes alio decUnabant, cum aliquid gus- tassent sanguinis. Hoc rides? Accipe quod magis rideas: si quis nee agnum nee pullum habebat, quo sine damno fieri poterat, manus sibi afferebat, et, ne tu avidas aut crudeles existimes nubes, digitum suum bene acuto graphio pungebat et hoc sanguine litabat; nee minus ab huius agello grando se vertebat quam ab illo, in quo maioribus hostiis exorata erat. Rationem huius rei quaerunt. Alteri, ut homines sapientissimos decet, negant posse fieri, ut cum grandine aliquis paciscatur et tem- pestates munusculis redimat, quamvis munera et deos vincant. Alteri suspicari ipsos aiunt esse in ipso sanguine vim quandam potentem avertendae nubis ac repeUendae. Sed quomodo in tam exiguo sanguine potest esse vis tanta, ut in altum penetret et illam sentiant nubes? Quanto expeditius erat dicere: mendacium et fabula est. . . . Rudis adhuc antiquitas credebat et attrahi cantibus imbres et repelli, quorum nihil posse fieri tam palam est, ut huius rei causa nullius philosophi schola intranda sit. The same attitude is somewhat perceptible in Seneca's nephew, Lucan. Notwithstanding his elaborate magic scene in the sixth book of the Pharsalia,"* we are not sure of his "2 This is especially true of the Medea. "3 Nat. Quaest. 46, 6-7. Cf. 1, 1, 3-4 for a similar disbehef in meteors as prodigia. Again, in 7, 1, 2, he calls the popular fear of ecUpses a super- stitio vana. He wrote a work De Superstitione, which is now, imfortunately, lost; but his general attitude of mind may be gathered from the foregoing "< 430-830. 32 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE belief or disbelief in magic."^ He himself asks why it is that magic is superior to the gods, compelling the latter to do the magician's will/^^ but offers no direct answer to his question. He does say, however, that the forces of nature obey the witch, Erictho, as a result of compulsion rather than through the power of religion, for she does not acknowledge religious rites.'^" On the contrary, she strikes fear into the hearts even of the ^ ■ Omne nefas superi prima iam voce precantis concedunt carmenque timent audire secundum.^'* Yet Lucan, in this same passage,"' speaks of magic as a vanus saevusque furor. He seems indeed to delight in this magic scene, and to appreciate its dramatic possibilities ; but whether he really extended the Stoic belief in divination to the point of making it include magic and necromancy we cannot tell.'^"' Does he really believe magic to be a vanus saevusque furor, or is he one of those who accepted more of the popular belief in magic than we are accustomed to think? I am inclined to hold that, like his uncle, Seneca, Lucan really scorned magic, but could not forego the opportunity to introduce the long witch scene into Book 6 because of its very great dramatic possibilities. Apuleius, too, in making his defence against the charge of having practiced magic, adopts the usual philosophic attitude of opposition.^'^ "* Cf. Ludovicus Fahz, De Poetarum Latinorum Docirina Magica (Giessen, 1904), Chapter 3, especially 148-167, where the author seeks to prove that the magic details of Book 6 are taken from a Greek manual of magic. '« 6, 492-499. . i" 6, 523-525. "^ g, 527-528. "" 434. "" An interesting paragraph concerning the belief of the Stoics in divination and similar matters, together with a complete list of passages from the Pharsaha bearing upon the subject, is given by W. E. Heitland in his Introduction (p. xlv) to Haskins's edition of the Pharsalia (Lon- don, 1887). Cf. supra, n. 160; H. J. Rose, in Trans, and Proc. of Am. Phil. Assn., 44, pp. 1-lii; supra, n. 165. "1 Cf. Apol. 47 (quoted supra, 13). INTEODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 33 (4) The Lyric and Elegiac Poets and Magic The lyric and elegiac poets, on account of the nature of their themes, and also on account of their great indebtedness to Greek originals, both for subject matter and for treatment, are too far removed from Roman daily life to be of very great value to our survey. Yet even in this field of literature we shall not fail to find interesting material. Catullus, for instance, repeats what appears to have been a popular tradition to the effect that a magus must be the off- spring of a mother and her own son: "^ Nam magus ex matre et gnato gignatur oportet, si vera est Persarum impia religio, gratus ut accepto veneretur carmine divos. . . . It seems likely that the foregoing passage does not reflect a native Italian belief; but certain recipes, given for averting the evil eye, surely have all the flavor of a native belief, for they are spoken in the heat of a passionate love, when the lover is altogether himself, that is, a thorough Itahan: '^' dein, cum milia multa (basia) fecerimus, conturbabimus iUa, ne sciamus, \ aut ne quis malus invidere possit, V cum tantum sciat esse basiorum. 1 and again: "* (basia) quae nee pernumerare curiosi possint nee mala fascinare lingua. and finally: "= ...... llle pulveris Africi siderumque micantium subdueat numerum prius, qui vestri numerare vult multa milia ludi. '" 90, 3-6. This tradition, Diogenes Laertius tells us (1, 6 or Proem. 6 [Cobet]), was quoted from Sotion. "' 5, 10-13. 1" 7, 11-12. "6 61, 206-210. 34 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE It is these passages that caused Pliny to say "^ that Catullus wrote an incantamentorum amatoria imitatio. In view of these passages I am led to believe that, though Catullus openly and specifically condemns the magi, he quite as naturally betrays in his poems of intense personal revelation his own unconscious acceptance of the naive magic beliefs of his fellow Italians."' In TibuUus the magic element is more pronounced. The poet lover represents himself as having had recourse to a practicing maga, of whose power he says : ^" Nee tamen huic credet coniunx tuus, ut mihi verax pollicita est magico saga ministerio. Hanc ego de caelo ducentem sidera vidi, fluminis haec rapidi carmine vertit iter, haec cantu finditque solum manesque sepulcris elicit et tepido devocat ossa rogo. . . . There are three other passages in which the poet seems to indi- cate his personal belief in magic. In the first/" Tibullus represents himself as actually participating in a bit of counter- magic ; in the second/^" he describes his mistress as being under the spell of a Una who is skilled in magic, and begs her to break away from this baleful influence; in the third, i"- he expresses the belief that perhaps he has been bewitched by some old woman. But in close proximity to all of the foregoing passages are others which indicate that the poet is inclined to speak metaphorically of the magic of love. Thus, for instance, in "' N. H. 28, 19 Hinc (i.e. e diris precationibus) Theocriti apud Graecos, Catulli apud nos proximeque Vergilii incantamentorum amatoria imita- tio. In this passage the word imitatio does not imply that Catullus imi- tated any other author, as the genitive Theocriti shows, but rather that the playful spirit of the love lyric merely imitated the dire incantamentum of the darker side of life. "' See, in addition to the passages already cited, his references to the popular belief in the good omen of sneezing (45, 8-9; 17-18). "' 1, 2, 41-64. "0 1, 5, 41-60. "« 1, 6, 9-14, especially 11-12. "' 1, 8, 17-24. INTRODUCTION TO THE STXJDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 35 one passage '^^ the charge that his mistress has bewitched him he answers by saying that she has indeed bewitched him, but by her beauty rather than by the usual magic means. In another passage ^^ he speaks of himself as having his arms bound by the magic bonds of love. This tendency to speak metaphorically of the magic of love leads us to suspect that TibuUus was following a sort of poetic tradition regarding magic in love, without necessarily indicating his personal views. A study of Propertius leads me to the same conclusion. He does at times, indeed, seem to strike a genuine ItaUan note, as when he attributes the estrangement of lovers to the evil eye,'^* or to some magic drug, or indicates a general popular belief in the efficacy of rhombuses and other instruments of magic. ^'^ Popular beliefs are also probably reflected when he describes a lena as having been a powerful sorceress,'*' and mentions the magic power of saliva "' and of certain herbs.'*' But, like TibuUus, Propertius shows a tendency to speak metaphorically of love's magic. He informs us ''^ that, in accordance with Calliope's injunction, his function will be to compose verses by means of which the lover shall charm his mistress from her austere husband; it is very apparent that this magic of a well composed love song is quite different from the common black magic with which we are concerned. At other times his references to. magic are of the purely literary and traditional type.''" IK* 1, 5, 41-44. Cf. also 1, 8, 23-24. ^^ 1, 8, 5-6. '** 1, 12, 9-10. But even in this passage the poet seems to think that the invidia comes from the gods. »86 3, 6, 25-34: 2, 286, 35-38. "* 4, 5, 1-18. Professor Kirby F. Smith maintains {Stvdies in Honor ofB. L. Gildersleeve [Baltimore, 1902], 287; id. Am. Journ. of Phil. 28, 3) that the lenae as a class were quite generally believed to have magic power. There seems to be much evidence in support of this view. Cf., e.g.. Martial, 9, 29, 9-10; TibuUus, 1, 5, 48. i" 4, 7, 37. >»8 4, 7, 72. >«» 3, 3, 47-50. »» As in 2, 1, 61-56; 4, 7-8. 36 STUDIES IN MAGIC FHOM LATIN LITERATURE It is worthy of note that neither TibuUus nor Propertius anywhere uses a derogatory epithet in connection with magic ; but this bit of negative evidence need not be considered of great value. With the erotic poets it seems, indeed, to have become a fad to appeal to magic in the furtherance of love. How much of this was due to literary convention or to foreign borrowing, and how much to genuine conviction we cannot tell."i It seems certain, however, that such a convention could not have come into existence unless there had been a substantial body of popular or even personal belief behind it. Pliny's remark, too,"^ that Catullus wrote an incantamentorum amatoria imitatio, if taken in connection with his accompany- ing discussion of early Roman magic, indicates that to him at least such passages in the poets were not altogether the result of convention. Horace, in his Odes, does not seem to have followed his erotic contemporaries, for he furnishes only one passing reference to magic.*'' Ovid, though he amused the literary set at Rome with his countless stories of metamorphoses and other marvels, mostly from the Greek, more nearly expresses his own views when he says of the old legends: "* Prodigiosa loquor veterum mendacia vatum; nee tulit haec umquam nee feret uUa dies. 1" Ludovicus Fahz, in his dissertation entitled De Poetarum Romanorum Doctrina Magica (Giessen, 1904), Chapter 3, seeks to show that the Roman poets in such matters were to a great extent following Greek magic papyri. "2 Cf. supra, 34, n. 176. "3 1, 27, 21-22 Quae saga, quis te solvere Thessahs magus venenis, quis poterit deus? It is noteworthy that the magus is here placed on a par with the dews. "* Am. 3, 6, 17-18. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 37 Yet even he yields half-assent when the practices of magic are veiled under the guise of religion.*'^ The epigrams of Martial are practically free from references to magic. ^'^ (5) The Satirists and Magic In the satura, on the other hand, we have the right to expect a more complete reflection of popular ideas. The satura is a type of poetic composition which, with its musa pedester, should give us some idea of Roman magic as it was actually practiced. In Lucilius, however, the first great satirist, there are only four passages "' at all relating to magic, and of these "> In Fasti 5, 429-444 we have a de.soription of the means whereby the Roman householder sought to drive the lemures from his home by a religio-magic ceremony. In spite of certain verbal indications that the poet is here reporting popular beliefs and practices, he does not seem to be wholly out of sympathy with the ancient custom. The passage runs as follows: Nox ubi iam media est, somnoque silentia praebet et cards et variae conticuistis aves, ille memor veteris ritus timidusque deorum surgit; habent gemini vincula nulla pedes: signaque dat digitis medio cum polUce iunctis, occurrat tacito ne levis umbra sibi. Cumque manus puras fontana perluit unda, vertitur, et nigras accipit ante fabas, aversusque iacit. Sed dum iacit, "JIaec ego mitto, his" inquit "redimo meque meosque fabis." Hoc hovies dicit, nee respicit. Umbra putatur colligere et nullo terga vidente sequi. Rursus aquam tangit, Temesaeaque concrepat aera, et rogat, ut tectis exeat umbra suis. Cum dixit novies "Manes exite paterni", respicit, et pure sacra peracta putat. !»' He does indeed tell us (9, 29, 9-10) of a certain old woman who had during her life been a powerful sorceress, and that sleep at Rome was much disturbed by the noisy efforts of magicians to call down the moon (12, 57, 15-17); but these are only passing references. »' These are (ed. Marx) vss. 62-63, 575-576, 1201-1202, and the passage quoted in the following note. 38 STUDIES IN MAGIC PKOM LATIN LITERATUKE only one^'* has sufficient context to enable us to draw con- clusions regarding the author's views. He seems to have con- sidered himself superior to popular belief, which is exactly what one would expect of Lucilius, the eques Romanus. Horace, on the other hand, in his Epodes and Satires paiuts many a true picture of the daily practices of the masses at Rome. Thus, in the fifth Epode we meet four witches who are busily engaged in burying a boy alive, in order that from the marrow of one who has died of starvation, with an accompany- ing intense desire for food set just beyond his grasp, a philter may be made which should fill the absent lover with a similar intense desire for his mistress. The usual magical details are introduced profusely."' We meet two of these same sorceresses 198 484-489 Terriculas, Lamias, Fauni quas Pompiliique instituere Numae, tremit has, hie omnia ponit. Ut pueri infantes credunt signa omnia aena vivere et esse homines, sic isti somnia ficta vera putant, credunt signis cor inesse in aenis. Pergula fiotorum veri nihil, omnia ficta. '" Magic details are: purity of victim, impube corpus, 13; hair un- loosed, incomptum caput, 16 (cf. also 27); gruesome details, 17-18; frog as magic animal, 19; owl, 20; magic plants, 17, 21-22, 67-68; water from Lake Avernus, 26. The usual feats of magic, such as controlling stars and moon, are mentioned, 45-46; night and Diana are addressed, 49-54; etc. It is not unlikely that such murders of children actually occurred. C. H. Moore, in his edition of the Odes and Epodes, page 415, quotes Cicero, In Vat. 14 cum inaudita ac nefaria sacra susceperis, cum inferorum animas ehcere, cum puerorum extis deos manes mactare soleas, etc., and C. I. L. 6, 19, 747 lucundus Liviae Drusi Caesaris f (ihus) Gryphi et Vitalis. ^ , In quartum surgens comprensus deprimor annum, cum possem matri dulcis et esse patri. Eripuit me saga manus crudeUs ubique, cum manet in terris et nocet arte sua. Vos vestros natos concustodite, parentes, ni -dolor in toto pectore fixsus eat. There can be no doubt that the Roman populace beheved implicitly in such magic practices. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 39 in the abandoned cemetery of the Esquilinej^"" attempting, by means of sympathetic magic, involving a waxen and a woolen image, to subdue an obdurate lover ; again all the cus- tomary magic details are employed.^"' That Horace is deriding magic in both of these poems seems to me apparent from his mock palinode, Epode seventeen.2°2 And yet, notwithstanding his skepticism regarding magic and marvels,^"' he exhibits a fondness for wandering among the fakers of the circus.^"* Even in his later, more sophisticated prime, he does not en- tirely deny the power of divination^"* and he mentions sorcer- esses in the same breath with gods.^"^ There are charms, he tells us, to dispel avarice, as well as a manual of magic con- J;ainingcures for vanity of spirit.^"' The evil eye is still to him a possible source _of^danger,2"^ though he may smile at those who are the slaves of dreams, magic terrors, omens, witches, hobgoblins, and Thessalian portents.^"' Persius heaps scorn upon popular magic beliefs,^^" yet he 2»» Sat. 1, 8, 17-50. Cf. supra, 9-10, and n. 43. 2°' Magic details are: the gruesome in magic compounds, 22, 26-29; magic herbs, 22, 49; black as a magic color, 23, 27: nudity in magic, 24; hair unloosed, 24; sympathia or similia similibus, 30-33; wolf's beard and serpent's tooth in magic, 42; licium or magic thread, 49-50. Hecate and Tisiphone are invoked, 33-34. '"^ This conclusion is sound, I think, even if we agree with E. H. Sturte- vant {Class. Rev. 26 [1912], 19-21) that Canidia was a reaUty. For a similar slighting attitude toward divination, cf. Sat. 1, 9, 29-34. For Horace's general attitude toward marvellous tales, see Ars Poet. 338-340. ■ =»= Cf. Sat. 1, 5, 99-101. 204 /ji^. i_ q^ 113-114. 2»5 Carm. 1, 11, 1-3. 2™ Ibid. 1, 27, 21-22. The playful spirit of this and the preceding passage need not cause us to change our estimate of Horace's attitude toward magic. ^^ Epist. 1, 1, 32-36. This manual may be nothing more than a sound philosophical treatise of such a character as to correct a vain disposition. Or it may be, on the other hand, that Horace is here merely indulging in a Uttle fun. ^os /^id. 1, 14, 37-38. 209 /ji^. 2, 2, 208-209. 2'° Sat. 2, 31-34. For similar scorn for eastern rehgions as practiced at Rome, cf. Sat. 5, 179-188. 40 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITEEATURE leaves the impression that such beliefs were very common among all but philosophers. Juvenal gives only passiag refer- ences to magic practices, but they are all very slighting in tone.2" It is apparent from his writings that both rich and poor believed imphcitly in all kinds of magic practices. Of the writers of Saturae Menippeae Varro presents nothing worthy of note in the extant fragments,^^^ whereas Petronius contains much interesting material. This brings us to our best division, the writers of prose romances. (6) The Writers of Prose Romances and Magic At Trimalchio's dimier one of the guests commends the good old religio-magic custom in accordance with which the matrons used to march up the Clivus Capitolinus with hair unloosed and feet bare to pray to Jupiter for rain ; ^" another regales the company with the story of a werwolf, in which he himself ^" In 6, 133-134 he mentions hippomanes and carmen as ingredients of a philter; in 6, 610-611 we read: hie magioos adfert cantus, hie Thes- sala vendit philtra. ... In 6, 443 he tells of a woman who could assist the moon in overcoming an eclipse. According to one interpretation, a boasting lawyer spits on his breast to avoid the evil effect of his boasting, 7, 112. On the other hand Juvenal flays unsparingly in much more ex- tended passages the prevailing rage for astrology and fortune telling: 6, 553-564; 569-691: 7, 194^196; 199-200: 9, 33. He depicts the Em- peror Tiberius at Capri cum grege Chaldaeo (10, 94), but portrays the good old Roman as saying motus astrorum ignoro (3, 42-43). '^^ I used Buechler's text, bound with hia fifth edition of Petronii Satirae (BerKn, 1912). Fragments 284, 285, 490 seem to refer to magic. 2" Sat. 44. The loosing of hair and the baring of feet are well known magic acts. Frazer, G. B. 1, 1, 309, quotes for similar magic acts among the Greeks and the Romans in order to produce rain, Pausanias, 2, 25, 10; Marcus Antoninus, 5, 7; Tertulhan, Apol. 40; P. Cauer, Delectus Inscrip- tionum Graecarum', No. 162; H. CoUitz und F. Bechtel, Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften, No. 3718; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'inscrip- tions grecques. No. 1004; O. Luders, Die dionysischen Kwistler (Berhn, 1873), 26 f. Cf. especially M. H. Morgan, Rain Gods and Rain Charms, in Trans, of Am. Phil. Assn. 32 (1901), 83-109. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 41 was a principal actor; '" whereupon the host launches upon a tale of personal experiences with strigae}^^ Both stories are accepted in good faith by the assembled guests as being matters of fairly corrlmon occurrence.^^^ Later in the Satirae mention is made of sorceresses who know how to draw down the moon,''" excite desire,^" and even control all the forces of nature.^" We are not here concerned with the small details about good luck days,^^" the auspicious right foot,''^' how to win a fortune by snatching an 'iiicuSo's~cap,222 astrology,^^' and the efficacy of spitting upon one's breast to appease Adrasteia ; ^^* all these things, however, lend to the entertaining work o f Petr onius the true flavor of real life among the Roman populace. In the whole work there is not a suggestion that any of the characters disbelieves a single miraculous tale. It is true that the nar- rator, who probably represents the author's views, does display throughout an amused superiority to all that is going on around him; but in no instance does Petronius utter a word against magic. He was either not altogether free from belief in such tales as the above, or else he had the good judgment not to mar his excellent picture of social life among the vulgar rich '" 62. For a full discussion of the werwolf cf. Kirby Flower Smith, in Pub. of the Mod. Lang. Assn. of America, 9 (1894), 1-42; S. Baring- Gould, The Book of Were-wohes (London, 1865); and especially Wilhehn Hertz, Der Werwolf (Stuttgart, 1862). Friedlaender, in his edition of the Cena Trimalchionis^ (Leipzig, 1906), 317, refers also to J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie (Berlin, 1877), 915 ff.; Keller, Tiere des klassischen Alterfums, 165 ff.; and particularly Pischel, on Petronius, Sat. 62 (Abhand. f. M. fferte [1888], 70). 2>* 63. For a similar story compare Ovid, Fast. 6, 141-168; quoted in part infra, 64. For a definition of striga of. Festus (ed. Lindsay), p. 414. 21' When the first story is completed, Trimalchio (63) attests his be- lief with the words, "scio Niceronem nihil nugarum narrare," and, at the conclusion of the second story, the general attitude is expressed (64) by "Miramur nos et pariter credimus, osculatique mensam rogamus Noc- turnas, ut suis sedibus se teneant, dum redimus a cena." «!' 129. 219 134. 221 30, 223 39. ^26. 218 131_ 220 30. 222 33 224 74 y/ 42 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE of Nero's reign by injecting into it any of the skepticism affected by the upper classes. The entertaining Satirae of Petronius almost inevitably suggest the equally entertaining Meta morph oses of Apuleius, a tale so fantastic that it had muchto do with fastening upon its author in future centuries the reputation of a magus/'^^ The story deals with figuras fortunasque hominum in alias imagines conversas et in se rursum mutuo nexu refectas;''^' but, preceding the main story of the transformation, and inter- woven with it, are lesser tales of sagae, who are able caelum deponere, terram suspendere, fontes durare, montes diluere, manes sublimare, deos iofimare, sidera extinguere, Tartarum ipsum inluminare.'" The action of the main story takes place in Thessaly, the home of magic.^^' The hero, Lucius, having seen his hostess, Pamphile, transform herself into an owl and fly away,^^' begs the latter's maidservant to grant him the privilege of doing likewise. Unwillingly consenting, the young woman orders him to undress and anoint himself with the ointment which she gives him. Unfortunately, the wrong ointment is used and Lucius ruefully finds himself changed not into a bird, as he desired, but into an ass.^^" The rest of the tale concerns *^' Upon the reputation of Apuleius as a magician Teuffel, Rom. Lit, § 366. 3, quotes Augustinus, Ep. 2, Quaest. 6 (2, p. 426c, ed. Gaume, Paris, 1838); Epist. 136, 1; Ep. 138, 18; Laotantius, Inst. 5, 3, 7; Monceau.K, ApuUe magicien, in Rev. de deux mondes, 1 (1888), 572. Yet Augustiniis, at least, shows (C. D. 8, 19) his acquaintance with the Apologia and Apu- leius's formal condemnation of magic therein contained. ''' 1, 1. 2" 1,8. TheincidentalmagictalesarefoundinMet. 1,9-20: 2,21-30: 3, 16-18: 9, 29-31. ^28 2, 1. 229 3, 21. "« 3, 24-25. Of. H. T. Peck, Trimalchio's Dinner (New York, 1899), Introd. 41. Professor Peck's statement that Lucius "accidentally swal- lowed a magic potion which turned him into an ass" is not in accord with the words of Apuleius (1. c), cuncta corporis mei membra perfricui. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF KOMAN MAGIC 43 the fortunes of this human ass and his final restoration to his original form, not through magic, but through the intervention of Isis.231 We have noted above ^^ that, when Trimalchio's guests told their wonderful, weird stories, no one in the company dis- believed. We may now go one step further in stating that Apuleius himself apparently believed in the magic stories which he relates. He is very likely speaking for himself when he makes one of his characters say at the conclusion of a magic story: ^^' Ego vero . . . nihil impossibile arbitror, sed utcumque fata^** decreverint ita cuncta mortalibus provenire: nam et mihi et tibi et cunctis hominibus multa usu venire mira et paene infecta, quae tanaen ignaro relata fidem perdant. Sed ego huic . . . credo. . . . Of his mysticism in general there is abundant evidence in the whole eleventh book of the Metamorphoses, where he turns what had started out as a magic tale into a highly mystical conclusion, in which Isis plays the leading part. Certain it is that of the two sole extant specimens of Roman prose, fiction,^^^ one introduces a number of magic stories, while the other is characterized throughout by a "brooding sense of magic " ^^^ and mysticism. The magic element is in Apuleius no longer incidental; it has become the principal element in the composition; and we must see in this growth, I think, 231 Met. 11, 6; 12-13. Cf. Purser, The Story of Cupid and Psyche as related by Apuleius (London, 1910), Introd. xix-xxi. 232 Supra, 41. 2=3 Met. 1, 20. 23< The context forbids us to interpret fata in this passage as opposed to the magic control of nature; for the two witches of the story preceding this passage had given ample proof of their control over natural forces. The fates, then, in this instance seem merely to have decreed that the two women of the story should have these magic powers. 236 Cf . H. T. Peck, Trimalchio's Dinner, 1-44, for an interesting account of prose fiction among the Greeks and the Romans. Pages 40-44 especially concern us here. 235 cf . Maokail, Latin Literature, 241-242. 44 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITEEATURE the line of development of popular taste among the Romans during the century that separates Petronius and Apuleius. It is just because the mystic Apuleius had gained such a grip upon the reading public of a later day that the Christian fathers classed him with Apollonius of Tyana as the magician rival of Jesus Christ.^" Nor was Apuleius's reputation as a magus entirely posthu- mous; for a few years, perhaps, after the publication of the Metamorphoses, ^^^ his marriage to a rich widow of Oea gave occasion for a lawsuit, in which it was alleged by the relatives of the bride that she had been won by magic arts.^'' His de- 2" Teuffel, Romf Lit. § 366. 3, gives the following passages to sub- stantiate this point: Augustinus, Ep. 2, Quaest. 6 Si hoc quod de lona scrip turn est Apuleius Madaurensis vel ApoUonius Tyaneus fecisse diceretur, quorum multa mira nullo fideH auctore iaotitant . . .; Epist. 136, 1 ApoUonium siquidem suum nobis et Apuleium aUosque magicae artis homines in medium proferunt, quorum maiora contendunt extitisse miraoula . . .; Ep. 138, 18 ApoUonium et Apuleium ceterosque magicarum artium peritissimos conferre Christo vel etiam praeferre conantur; Lac- tantius, Inst. 6, 3, 7 Apuleium, cuius solent et multa et mira memorari. See P. Monceaux, Apulie magicien, in Rev. de deux mondes, 1 (1888), 572. 238 Whether or not the Metamorphoses was pubUshed before the de- Uvery of the Apologia we cannot say certainly. Cf. Teuffel, Rom. Lit.^ § 367. 1. Purser, however, in the Introduction to his work. The Story of Cupid and Psyche as Related by Apuleius (London, 1910), pp. xv-xxiv, gives what appear to me good reasons for beUeving that the Metamorphoses was published anonymously at Rome some years before the Apologia. He further attempts to show that the book probably had no great success at tljie time of publication, and that it had not, at the time the Apologia was delivered, become known in Africa. This would account for the fact that the enemies of Apuleius did not use it as evidence that Apuleius was an adept in magic. Finally, he maintains that the work was never acknowledged by Apuleius as his, for the reason that in his after years as a fashionable teacher of philosophy he was not proud of his earher effort. W. E. Foster, in a Columbia University dissertation (New York, 1912), Studies in Archaism in Aulus Gellius, 10, inclines to the opinion that the Metamorphoses is a youthful work of Apuleius. See also Helm, in the Praefatio to his edition of the Florida, x f . 239 Apol., Chapters 27, 41, 66, 71, 90, 102. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OP ROMAN MAGIC 45 fence, extant under the title of Apologia, brilliantly ridicules the charge, from which he was no doubt acquitted."" As a matter of fact, in his defence Apuleius even seems to condemn magic as illegal and as dangerous to the best interests of the community,"^ though in another place he expressly states his belief in the existence of magi.'^ From all the evidence at our command it seems fair to conclude that Apuleius, as a mystic dabbler in literature, science, and philosophy, was intimately acquainted with all the magic lore of his day, be- lieved in it to some extent, and knew thoroughly how to utilize it in his popular writings; but that his later reputation as a practicing magus is not based upon any substantial evidence. He is the victim of the popular fallacy that they who know about magic practice it themselves.^*' (7) The Historians and Magic The Roman historians also show traces of a belief in magic. Of the Origines of Cato the extant fragments contain no magic passages.^^ The fragments of Varro's Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum, a work which must origiaally have contained a mine of information upon our subject, are more fruitful. It is "" That the presiding judge, the proconsul Claudius Maximus (cf. Teuffel, Rom. Lit.' § 358. 4) was a Stoic philosopher, and hence probably- tinged with mysticism, may have made his task easier. ^^^ Apol. 47, quoted supra, 13. ^ Ibid. 43 quanquam Platoni (Sympos. 202E) credam, inter deos atque homines natura et loco medias quasdam diyorum pote.states intersi- tas, easque divinationes cunctas et magorum miracula gubernare. From such passages we may surmise that Apuleius's Liber Naturahum Quaes- tionum, of which he speaks rather grandiloquently in Apolog. 36, may not have been without a mystical element. ^' Apuleius, Apol. 27 eos vero vulgo magos nominent, quasi facere etiam sciant quae sciant fieri, ut ohm fuere Ipimenides. . . Cf. also supra, 10. '" For the fragments cf. H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum Frag- menta (Leipzig, 1883), 43-65. 46 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITEKATURE very likely that the following passages concerning Cunina, the goddess of the cradle, are from this work: Adest oculum gravem ad cavendum sumministratque qnietem Cunina ; "^ and again, Colitur et Cunina, quae . . . fascinum submovet.^*' If this be true, the great antiquarian attributed to Cunina the power to protect children from the evil eye; though he need not be supposed personally to have shared this popular belief.^*' In hke manner he speaks of the popular method of expelling lemures from the home,^ and speculates in a popular manner about the magic number seven.^' The source of the magic stories quoted from Varro by Apuleius ^*° can not be determined, nor is there any means of deciding whether the scholarly writer of the original believed his own tales or not. Perhaps Varro's real attitude toward such stories is best given in his celebrated werwolf tale, quoted by Augustine,^" who intimates that the ^^^ Quoted by Tertullian, Ad Nat. 2, 11, in a discussion of the multi- plicity of Roman gods. ="» Lactantius, Inst. Div. 1, 20, 36. These two passages are attributed to Varro by R. Agahd, M. Terenti Varronis Anliquitatum Rerum Divinarum lAbri (Leipzig, 1898), p. 170, fragmenta 23A and 23B. ^'' The power of the evil eye could also be averted from fields by a similar use of the fascinum or membrum virile employed as an amulet. This is shown by Augustine's quotation from Varro's Antiq. Rer. Div. (16, 42 ed. Agahd), found in his C. D. 7, 21 Cui membro inhonesto matreni famiUas honestissimam palam coronam necesse erat inponere. Sic vide- licet Liber deus placandus fuerat pro eventibus seminum, sic ab agris fascinatio repeUenda, . . . 2^ Cf. Nonius Marcellus, p. 197 (ed. Lindsay) Lemures, larvae noc- turnae et terrificationes imaginum et bestiarum; Varro De Vita Populi Romani Jib. I ' qiiibus temporibus in sacris fabam iactant noctu ac dicunt se Lemurios domo extra ianuam eicere.' Cf. Ovid, Fasti 5, 421 ff., quoted in part supra, 37, n. 195. 2" Imaginum hb. I, apud A. Gellium, N. A. 3, 10. 26» Apolog. 42. '^^ C. D. 18, 17, taken probably from the De Gente PopuU Romani, as Peter thinks (Histor. Rom. Frag. pp. 233-234) Nee idem propter ahud arbitratur historiciis in Arcadia tale nomen adfictum Pani Lycaeo et lovi Lycaeo nisi propter banc in lupos hominum mutationem, quod earn INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 47 great polymath was more interested in the anthropological and philological aspect of the story than in the popular and the superstitious. Varro's researches in the history of certain kinds of magic are also attested,^^^ and we are informed that he at- y- tempted a rational explanation of such phenomena. In fact there is no evidence whatever that he was not rationalistic throughout, at least when expressing his formal opinions, regarding magic. Turning now to the Roman historians whose works have survived either in their entirety or to a large extent, we shall find that, though Tacitus alone has given us a rather clear indication of his views upon magic,^*' most of the historians have given some evidence of their beliefs concerning the sub- ject. In general they impress us as men whose intellectual advancement compelled them to contenm popular superstition and magic, though their early training and un veneered natures yielded unconscious assent, at least in part, to those very be- liefs and practices. It was this mixture of rationalism and magic practice which led Caesar to secure a safe carriage ride by means of a thrice repeated charm,^" though he did not hesi- tate to allow his personal ambitions to outweigh popular belief whenever occasion demanded. ^^^ Nor did he fail to interpret nisi vi divina fieri non putarent. . . . Romanos etiam Lupercos ex illorum mysteriorum veluti semine dicit exortos. For a similar rationalizing tendency cf. Lingua Latina 7, 44: 97 (edd. Goetz und Schoell, Leipzig, 1910), where the origin of the argei and the hvJUa is discussed. Cf. also Servius on Vergil, Aen. 11, 787, quoted supra, 28, n. 147. ^'2 Cf . Augustinus, C. D. 7, 35 Quod genus divinationis (i.e. necroman- tiae) idem Varro a Persis dicit aUatum. . . . Quid mihi ergo Varro illorum sacrorum aUas nescio quas causas velut physicas interpretatur? 2" See infra, 60-51. '^^ Pliny, N. H. 28, 21 Caesarem dictatorem post unum ancipitem vehi- cuU'casum ferunt semper, ut primum consedisset, id quod plerosque nunc facere scimus, carmine ter repetito securitatem itinerum aucupari solitum. *** Suetonius, Caes. 59 Ne religione quidem uUa a quoquam incepto absterritus umquam vel retardatus est. Cum immolanti aufugisset hostia, 48 STUDIES IN MAGIC PHOM LATIN LITERATURE to his personal advantage any ominous occurrence.^** In like manner, though he appears to have believed in prodigies,^" he was quick to take advantage of the superstitious beliefs of others.'*' In a word, he appears superior to popular magic and superstition in general and skeptical concerning them, though cherishing his own personal beliefs and practices. Of Sallust's attitude toward magic there is not enough evi- dence to justify an opinion.^*' Livy nowhere expresses his personal opinion about magic. The great number of prodigia ^"' contained in his work is doubtless an inheritance from the Annalists whom he followed, and perhaps a concession to popular belief. Moreover, since prodigies are sent by the gods to warn men, they belong to the field of religion rather than to magic. Livy does, however, repeat many stories that combine magic with religion, apparently without recognizing the magic element. Numa, for instance, according to one of his stories, draws Jupiter from heaven by magic,^*^ and Tullus Hostilius attempts unsuccessfully to imi- profectionem adversus Seipionem et lubam non distulit. Prolapsus etiam in egressu navis verso ad melius omine, "Teneo te," inquit, "Africa." The same story with slight variations is told by Frontinus, Strat. 1, 12, 2 C. Caesar, cum forte conscendens navem lapsus esset, "Teneo te, terra mater," inquit, qua interpretatione effecit, ut repetiturus illas a quibus profioiscebatur terras videretur. ^se cf _ Suetonius, Caes. 32. 2" Bellum Civ. 3, 105 Item constabat Elide in templo Minervae . . . simulacrum Victoriae ... ad valvas se templi limenque convertisse. ^'* Frontinus, Strat. 2, 1, 16 C. Caesar in GaUia, quia compererat Ariovisto . . . institutum et quasi legem esse non pugnandi decrescente luna, tum potissimum acie commissa impeditos religione hostes vicit. Cf. Bell. Gall. 1, 50 for the same facts. 2" The only reference in point is Bell. Cat. 47, 2, where, as in Cicero, Cat. 3, 9, Lentulus affirms that he is fated to rule over Rome, because he is the third Cornelian to arrive at supreme power. '"' Cf. Weissenborn's ed., vol. 6, Index, s. v. prodigia. =i" 1, 20, 7. Cf. J. Ennemoser, History of Magic (Eng. transl., London, 1893), 1, 420. The antiquity of this practice is questioned by Fowler, Relig. Exper. of the Rom. People, 51 f. INTBODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 49 tate him.262 Attus Navius cleaves a whetstone with a razorj^" the protecting divinities are evoked from the cities of the enemy by means suggesting magic,^^* sacred places are not to be spat upon,^'^ and pestilences are controlled by driving the sacred nail.^^^ In all these passages the magic element had apparently become fossilized before Livy's day, and was unrecognized as such by him. On the other hand, he must have recognized as magic the custom of beating on metal in order to assist the moon from an eclipse ;^^' in this case, however, the absence of any adverse comment cannot be interpreted as approval. It is probable, I think, that Livy believed somewhat in the religio-magic stories of early Rome, though to him the magic element had become entirely submerged in the religious overgrowth.^^* Though Velleius Paterculus seems to have believed in astrol- ogy ^^^ and omens,^'" his formal conclusion about such matters is represented by the following words :^'i Sed profecto ineluc- tabilis fatorum vis cuiuscumque fortunam mutare constituit consilia corrumpit. A similar fatalistic belief is characteristic of Curtius Rufus also,'^^^ who, though delighting to tell marvel- lous stories to a public which wanted them, dealing out omens second-hand under the label dicuntur,^''^ and frankly admitting »2 1, 31, 5-8. '^ 5, 21, 3-5; 22, 3-6. 253 1, 36, 4. 266 5_ 40, 8. 2«« 7, 3, 3-9: 8, 18, 4-13: 9, 28, 6; 34, 12. Cf. Cambridge Companion to Latin Studies, § 147; Fowler, Roman Festivals, 234-235. 2" ^6, 5, 9. The Campanian multitude is described as beating upon brazen vessels: quaUs in defectu lunae ailenti nocte cieri solet, edidit clamorem, ut averteret etiam pugnantium animos. ^'* It may be, of course, that the inclusion of prodigies, marvels, and fossilized reUgio-magic customs to so large a degree in his history was in direct response to the wish of Augustus, and in the interest of the latter's deUberately planned religious revival. 269 Cf. 2, 24, 3. 270 Cf. 2, 46, 3; 57, 1-3; 59, 6. 271 2, 57, 3. 2'2 Cf. 4, 6, 17 inevitaUle estfatum. See also TeufEel, Rom. Lit.^ § 292. 3, at end. 273 g, 9, 33. 50 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE that he is reporting more than he believes,^"* speaks of the magic art as vanissimi cuiusque ludibrium,}''^ He speaks dis- paragingly also of superstition "^ and of astrology.^" The attitude of Tacitus toward magic and astrology can scarcely be doubted. He believed in astrology but despised astrologers.^'* He is uncertain what should be the historian's attitude toward portents,^'' but as a rule omits them. That he beheved in magic is, I think, certain, for the following reason: he has very many occasions to recount the accusation of magic brought against specific iadividuals iu court, as though such practices were matters of everyday occurrence,^*" yet in no instance does he speak of the charge as absurd or groundless. Moreover, the very number of such accusations shows that the classes as well as the masses looked seriously upon them. When, however, Tacitus has occasion to give a more detailed account of magic acts, we do not feel so certain of his belief. For instance, in recounting the wonderful cures wrought by Vespasian at Alexandria, though he appears to give full credence ^" 9, 1, 34 Equidem plura transcribo quam credo; nam nee adfirmare sustineo de quibus dubito, nee subducere quae accepi. 2'* 7, 4, 8. It should be noted in passing, however, that the magi mentioned in 3, 3, 10 and 5, 1, 22 are 'magians,' not 'magicians.' "» 4, 3, 23; 6, 12; 7, 26; 7, 29; 10, 7: 7, 7, 8. "' 8, 9, 33: 10, 4. 2'8 In Ann. 4, 58 he narrates how the facts revealed by astrology came true, but the interpretation put upon those facts by the astrologers was false: Mox patuit breve confinium artis {i.e. astrologiae) et falsi, veraque quam obscuris tegerentur. Cf. especially Ann. 6, 22 Ceterum plurimis mortalium non eximitur, quin primo cuiusque ortu ventura destinentur; sed quaedam secus, quam dicta sint, cadere fallaciis ignara dioentium: ita corrumpi fidem artis, cuius clara documenta et antiqua aetas et nostra tulerit. Cf. also Hist. 1, 22: 2, 78; Ann. 2, 27; 32: 3, 22: 6, 20-21: 12,22; 52; 68: 14, 9 for further references to astrology. 'i" Hist. 2, 50 Ut conquirere fabalosa et fictis oblectare legentium animos procul gravitate coepti operis crediderim, ita volgatis traditisque demere fidem non ausim. 28» Ann. 2, 27-28; 69: 3, 13: 4, 22; 52: 6, 29: 12, 22; 65: 16, 31. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 51 to the facts narrated,^^' he yet seems to believe that the Em- peror acts merely as the avenue through which the numen of the god operates. In his more mature years, as represented in the Annales, when he has to describe the magic details sur- rounding the death of Germanicus, he carefully inserts the non-committal word creditur.^^ He speaks respectfully, how- ever, of the magorum sacra when he writes of the expulsion of the magi from Italy.^*' He is, of course, superior to the popular magic beliefs connected with eclipses of the moon,^** as was every other cultivated Roman of his day. We may conclude, therefore, from his avowed belief in as- trology, and his failure to express any disbelief in the possi- bility of magic, though he possessed so many opportunities for doing so, that he really believed in magic, at least in a modified manner.^^^ Suetonius is careful not to express a personal opinion regarding the many details of omens,^* superstition,^' 2" Hist. 4, 81. This passage relates how, at the admonition of Serapis, a lame man and a blind man of Alexandria besought Vespasian to cure them by magic means. It concludes thus: Igitur Vespasianus cuncta fortunae suae patere ratus nee quicquam ultra incredibile, . . . erecta quae adstabat multitudine, iussa exsequitur. Statim conversa ad usum manus, at caeco reluxit dies. Utrumque qui interfuere nunc quoque memorant, postquam nullum mendacio pretium. Teuffel (Rom. Litfi § 333. 9) seems to conclude from the last sentence of the above quoted passage that Tacitus regarded the whole story as a mendadum. To me, however, Tacitus seems to say that even at the time of writing, when all hope of reward for falsehood had disappeared, eye-witnesses continue to vouch for the story, and thus its veracity seems proved to his mind. '*2 Ann. 2, 69 et feperiebantur solo ac parietibus erutae humanorum corporum reUxuiae, carmina et devotiones et nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabo obhti aliaque malefica, quia creditur animas numinibus infernis sacrari. Such a use of creditur is at best merely non-committal. ^sa jfji^_ 2, 27-32. ^'^ Ibid. 1, 28. ^^ Of. supra, nn. 281, 282. 288 Aug. 92; 94: Caes. 59; 81: Calig. 57: Claud. 1, 2; 22; 29, 3; 46: Tiber. 72; etc. ^s? Aug. 6; 92: Caes. 88: Nero 56. 52 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE astrology,288 amulets, ^^^ and magic,^'" of which he writes. But we may judge from his avowed superstitioii,^'! and from the very frequency with which he refers to the occult without unfavorable comment, that he was fond of such details, and probably believed in magic. Nor will his occasional apparent superiority to popular beliefs ^'^ cause us to change our opinion of him. He is not the first, as we have shown, whose intellect bade him scorn popular belief in magic, while his heart still clung to it. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae contain very little regard- ing magic, though they have their quota of references to as- trology,^^' omens,^^* and sortes.''^^ Spartianus does indeed call magic amentia,^^^ and apparently approves of the punishment of such persons as were proved guilty of wearing amulets 2S8 Aug. 94, 5: Calig. 57, 2: Domit. 14, 1: Nero 36: Otho 4, 1; 6, 1; Tiber. 69; Vitel. 14, 4. 28' Nero 6, 4. "« Aug. 90: Nero 34, 4: Vespas. 7: Vitel. 2, 4. 2" Cf. Pliny, Epist. 1, 18 addressed to Suetonius: Scribis te perter- ritum somnio vereri, ne quid adversi in actione patiaris, . . . 2'2 As in Nero 36 Stella crinita, quae summis potestatibus exitium por- tendere vulgo putatur. . . . "3 Spartianus, Geta2, 6; 3, 1: Severus 2, 8-9; 4, 3; 15, 5: Hadrianus 2, 4; 16, 10: Pescennius Niger 9, 5-6; Julius Capitolinus, Marc. Aiiton. 19, 3: Helv. Pert. 1, 3: Gord. Tres 20, 1; Aelius Lampridius, Heliog. 9, 1: Diad. Anton. 5, 4: Alex. Sever. 27, 5; 44, 4. '" Spartianus, Did. Jul. 7, 1: Sever. 1, 6ff.; 3, 4: Geta 3, 2ff.; Aelius Lampridius, Diad. Anton. 4, Iff.: Alex. Sever. 13, Iff.; 60, 3ff.; Julius Capitolinus, Anton. Pius 3, 1: Marc. Anton. Phil. 4, 3: Max. Duo 30, 1 ff.; Flavius Vopiscus, Aursl. 5, 1 ff.: Tac. 17, 1 ff. ^'^ Cf . Scriptores Hist. Aug., ed. Peter, vol. 2, Index, s. v. sortes. "^ Did. Jul. 7, 9-10 Fuit praeterea in luUano haec amentia, ut per magos pleraque faceret, quibus putaret vel odium populi deleniri vel militum arma compesci. Nam et quasdam non convenientes Romanis sacris hostias immolaverunt et carmina profana incantaverunt et ea, quae ad speculum diount fieri, in quo pueri praeligatis oculis incantato vertice respicere dicuntur, lulianus fecit. Tuncque puer vidisse dicitur et ad- ventum Severi et luliani decessionem. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 53 in order to cure tertian and quartan fever.''" Lampridius mentions the most horrible magic rite with very mild dis- approval.^'' The general state of public opinion during the latter part of the second and the early part of the third cen- turies of our era may be inferred from the fact that two Em- perors,^^' at least, of this period actually practiced magic. During the next century, when the Christian Emperors were exerting their utmost strength against all non-Christian influ- ences, it is not surprising to find countless prosecutions on the charge of magic, concerning which one may read in the pages of Ammianus Marcellinus.""' At this period not only the active practitioners of magic, but passive believers as well, were spied out by delatores and punished.'"^ Throughout his work, Ammianus, as a heathen eye-witness of this struggle, appears to be at least tolerant of the much prosecuted magic and opposed to the base devices of the delatores. Along with the historians may be mentioned Frontinus, who in his Strategemata not only shows himself to be a rationahst, but also represents nearly all his heroes as equally above popular 2" Anton. Carac. 5, 7 damnatia et qui remedia quartanis tertianisque collo adnexa gestarunt. ^'' Anton. Heliogab. 8, 2 Omne denique magorum genus aderat illi operabaturque cottidie hortante illo et gratias dis agente, quod amico3 eorum invenisset, cum inspiceret exta puerilia et excruciaret hostias ad ritum gentilem suum. Cf. also 9, 1. "s cf. nn. 296, 298. '<"> Cf. Rer. Gest. Lib. 16, 8, 2: 19, 12, 14: 29, 2, 28. '"1 Ammianus Marcellinus, Rer. Gest. Lib. 29, 2, 2-3, describes the con- duct of a certain official named Palladius: Nanctus enim copiam nominandi sine fortunarum distantia quos voluisset ut artibus interdictis imbutos, ita ut ferarum occulta vestigia doctus observare venator, multos inter casses lugubres includebat, quosdam veneficionun notitia pollutes, alios ut ad- petitoribus inminuendae conscios maiestatis. Et ne vel coniugibus mari- torum vacaret miserias flere, inmittebantur confestim qui signatis domibua inter scrutinia suppellectilis poenis addicti, incantamenta quaedam anilia vel ludibriosa subderent amatoria, ad insontium perniciem concinnata: quibus in iudicio recitatis . . . indef ensi ... ad supplicia seUis gestatoriis ducebantur. 54 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATUKE superstitions and magic, though at the same time able to use such beUefs to their personal advantage.""' (8) The Encyclopaedists and Magic It is among the Latin authors who wrote works of an ency- clopaedic or miscellaneous character, however, that we should more naturally look for statements throwing light upon Roman magic; and in this number we should place Varro, Nigidius Figulus, Valerius Maximus, Aulus Gellius, and Pliny the Elder. The attitude of Varro and Nigidius toward magic has already been discussed."" Valerius Maximus contains no clear refer- ence to magic.'"* Though he condemns astrology severely,""* and is superior to the popular superstition regarding eclipses,"" he accepts without comment Livy's miraculous tale of Attus Navius, unaware of its magic quality ; "" apparently believes in the wonderful tales, omens, and prodigies which he himself repeats ; ""^ and shares in the folk belief regarding the ill luck of stumbling."" He would therefore appear to resemble Suetonius and others in possessing a mental superiority to beUef in magic, coupled with an actual acceptance of some, at least, of its practices. Aulus Gellius also presents a similar mixture of formal superi- ority to magic and actual belief in magic. First we have to note that he has preserved for us a very valuable list of the 302 Cf. Strat. 1, 11, 12-14; 12, 1-8: 2, 1, 16. 303 por Varro cf. supra, 45-47; for Nigidius Figulus cf. supra, 17-18. 304 This is disappointing, especially since the headings of Book I seem 80 promising. These headings are: (1) De ReUgione, (2) De Simulata Religione, (3) De Superstitionibus, (4) De Auspicio, (5) De Ominibus, (6) De Prodigiis, (7) De Somniis, (8) De Miraculis. s»5 1, 3, 3 Excerpt. Par. »»» 8, 11, 1. "" 1, 4, 1. =18 Cf. 1, 1, 7; 1, Excerpt. Par. and Nep. 5; 4, Excerpt. Par. and Nep. 5-6; 6, 1-5: 6, 6, 2-3. »"» 1, 4, 2 Excerpt. Par. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF BOMAN MAGIC 55 taboos surrounding the person of the Flamen Dialis ; '*" but, since to him these curious details were caerimonia,^^^ and inter- esting only to the curious scholar, we cannot draw from this important passage any conclusion as to his personal views concerning magic. He does, however, speak of magic prac- tices iu another passage ^'^ as deridicula vanitas and fallax inlecebra, and seeks to justify the inclusion of such matters in his work. In the same spirit of mental superiority he apologizes for repeating stories about the evil eye and similar marvels:'^' Haec atque alia istiusmodi plura legimus; sed, cum ea scriberemus, tenuit nos non idoneae scripturae taedium nihil ad ornandum iuvan- dumque usum vitae pertinentis. Again, he vigorously defends the philosopher Democritus against the charge made by Pliny that he was a devotee of magic and an authority upon the subject.'" But, notwithstanding his formal disapproval of magic, he appears to share the popular belief regarding the magic charms of the Marsi and the Psylli,'^* the possibility of change of '1° 10, 15 entire. This chapter, so important to the history of Roman magic and religion, GeUius tells us (10, 15, 1), is taken from the sacerdotal manuals and Fabius Pictor. =" 10, 15, 1. "2 10, 12, 4 Item aliud, qjiod hercle an ponerem dubitavi — ita est deridiculae vanitatis — , nisi idcirco plane posui, quod oportuit nos dicere, quid de istiusmodi admirationum fallaci inlecebra sentiremus, qua ple- rumque capiuntur et ad perniciem elabuntur ingenia maxime soUertia eaque potissimum, quae discendi cupidiora sunt. 2" 9, 4, 11-12. '" 10, 12, 6-8. See also his apparent approval of the elaborate argu- ment of Favorinus against astrology (14, 1 entire). "' 16, 11, 1-3 Gens in ItaUa Marsormn orta fertur a Circae filio. Prop- terea Marsis hominibus . . . vi quadam genitaH datum, ut et serpentium virulentorum domitores sint et incentionibus herbarumque sucis faciant medelanun miracula. Hac eadem vi praeditos esse quosdam videmus, qui PsyUi vocantur. 56 STUDIES IN MAGIC FBOM LATIN LITERATURE sex,'" and the frequently fatal effect of the sixty-third year of a man's life.'" One may suspect, therefore, that he really believed in these vanitates more than he himself was aware. We have already said "' that Pliny the Elder, while appear- ing to condemn magic most severely, really believed in the de- tested art much more than he thought.'^' To prove this asser- tion we shall be compelled to content ourselves with only a small proportion of the vast amount of material at our com- mand. It is true that he denounces magicae vanitates ^'^ in no uncertain terms, and especially Democritus, as the great teacher of the art.'^' Asclepiades, the physician, is taken to task for mingling too much magic with his medicine.'^^ The ''' In 9, 4, 14-15 he quotes with approval a story of Pliny in which the latter vouches personally for a marvellous change of sex: Verba igitur haec . . . ipsius sunt, . . . quae profecto faciunt, ut neque respuenda neque ridenda sit notissima ilia veterum poetarum de Caenide et Caeneo cantilena. '" 15, 7, 1-3. This year, called the KKiiiaKTTipiKbv, was probably thought of as 3x3x7, thus involving both of the sacred or magic numbers, and one of them, 3, in its square. A thorough consideration of the number three as a magic number in Latin Uterature is worthy of a special paper, which the author hopes soon to be able to publish. 'IS Supra, 17. "' For an excellent treatment of PUny's attitude toward magic cf. L. Thorndike, The Place of Magic in the Intellectual History of Europe (Columbia University dissertation. New York, 1906), 37-55. '^° This is his usual expression for the magic art. Cf. N. H. 30, 1 Magicas vanitates saepius quidem antecedente operis parte, ubicumque causae locusque poscebant, coarguimus detegemusque etiamnum. Then follow paragraphs 1-28, the most elaborate discussion of magic in Latin hterature (used above, 19-21). Other passages in which he speaks of magicae vanitates are: 22, 20: 26, 18: 27, 57: 28, 85: 29, 81-82: 37, 118; 164. Cf. also 37, 169 for magorum insidiae. Other uncompUmentray terms might be cited. '21 Cf. 24, 160: 25, 13-14: 26, 19: 30, 9-10: 32, 49. Against such a view of Democritus cf. A. Gellius, N. A. 10, 12 entire. Cf. supra 55, and n. 314. 322 Qf 26, 18-20 Super omnia adiuvere eum (i.e. Asclepiadem) magicae vanitates in tantum evectae, ut abrogare herbis fidem cunctia possent. . . . INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OP HOMAN MAGIC 57 magi are very often held up to scorn,'^' though at other times he speaks of their beUefs and practices apparently with com- plete approval.'''* To be more specific, he discredits the behef in such powerful magic animals as the werwolf,'^* the strix,^^^ and the hubo.^" He does not believe in the magic control of lightning,'''^ hail/'" crops/'" or health.''' He derides the belief in magic plants,'"" gems,'" and amulets,"* and regarding popular superstitions of various sorts bids each of his readers ut cuique libitum fuerit opinetur.^^ Prodigies too, he maintains, are within the interpretative control of each individual."^ On the other hand, he appears to believe in the evil eye,"' fire-walking,"^ power to vanish,"' and power to change one's sex.'" He also believes in the influence of the moon's phases Then follows a list of wonderful herbs and the powers attributed to them by Aselepiades, all of which Phny ridicules: Ubinam istae fuere, cum Cimbri Teutonique terribiU Marte ulularent aut cum Lucullus tot reges Magorum paucis legionibus sterneret? etc. For a more detailed discus- sion of magic in its relation to the prevention of disease cf. infra, 61-123. 323 24,160: 26,19-20: 28,85-86; 89-90; 92-106; 188 (cf . 30, 16) : 29, 53; 68; 76: 30, 1-28: 32, 49: 37, 155-156; 165; 169; 192. 32« 25, 129: 28, 69: 29, 59; 66; 138: 37, 133; 135; 142; 144. =2= 8, 80-82. 32« 11,232. For a discussion of the sirix in ancient literature, cf. Samuel Grant Ohphant, The Story of the Strix: Ancient, in Transact, of Am. Philol. Assn. 44 (1913), 133-149; ib. 45 (1914), 49-63. 32' 29, 81-82. 330 ig^ 4i_43_ yg^ ^f 28, 17-18. 328 2, 140-141: 28, 14. 'si 17^ 267: 26, 18-20: 28, 7. 32' 17, 267: 28, 29; 77. 332 25, 10-11; 25: 26, 18-20. 333 37, 118; 155-156; 164-165; 169; 192. 33^ 37, 118; 169. 335 28, 29. 333 28, 17 Haec satis sint, exempUs ut appareat, ostentorum vires et in nostra potestate esse ac, prout quaeque aocepta sint, ita valere. 333 7, 19. For a detailed discussion of the magic practice of walking on red-hot stones, see Andrew Lang, Magic and Religion (London, 1901), 270-294; and supra, 28, and n. 147. 33' 7, 32. But in 33, 8 the story of Midas's wonderful ring is called fabulosus. 340 7_ 3g_ 58 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE upon various phenomena of nature,'^^ the wonderful magic effect of menstrual blood,"^ and probably in that pagana lex which forbade women to twist their spindles as they walked along the country roads, quoniam adversetur id omnium spei, praecipue frugum}^^ These beliefs are all based upon sym- pathetic magic, and there are not lacking abundant additional examples of Pliny's belief in such a sympathia or antipathia in nature.'** There is luck, he beUeves, in odd numbers,^' es- pecially the number three ; ^^ the magic circle is effective ; '*' iron is taboo; ^^ and the magic effect of spitting is recognized.'*' The magic power of certain words and formulae is especially availing.'^" Notwithstanding contrary statements made else- • '*'■ 16, 193-194: 24, 149: 29, 59. ^ 7, 64-65: 17, 266. Of., however, 28, 77-80, where he expresses disbeUef. 'la 28, 28. 8« 18, 160-161; 197: 22, 20: 24, 172: 28, 30-33; 263-267: 29, 67: 30, 143: 37, 142. 346 iq, 151 ; 28, 23. 3^6 24, 172: 25, 148; 167: 28, 36. ^47 2I, 42: 25, 50. ^* 24, 149. But in 36, 100 he attempts to rationalize this belief. ^^ 28, 35-39 Omnium vero in primis ieinuams alivam contra serpentes praesidio esse docuimus, sed et alios efficaces eius usus recognoseat vita. Despuimus comitiales morbos, hoc est contagia regerimus. Simili modo et fascinationes repercutimus dextraeque clauditatis occursum. Veniam quoque a deis spei alicuius audacioris petimus in sinum spuendo, et iam eadem ratione terna despuere precatione in omni medicina mos est atque ita effectus adiuvare, incipientes furunculos ter praesignare ieiuna saliva. The passage continues in similar vein through § 39. Cf. also 10, 69: 24, 172: 25, 167: 30, 17; 108: 32, 92. ^^ 28, 10-14 Ex homine remediorum primium maximae quaestionis et semper incertae est, polleantne aliquid verba et incantamenta carminum. Quod si verum est, homini acceptum fieri oportere conveniat, sed viritim sapientissimi cuiusque respuit fides, in universum vero omnibus horis credit vita nee sentit. Yet, in the face of this statement of disbehef in magic words, PUny states that the history of Rome suppUes various instances of effective magic carmina. In 28, 12 we read: extat Tucciae Vestalis incesti deprecatio, qua usa aquam in cribro tulit. . . . And again. Cuius sacri precationem, qua solet praeire XV virum collegii magister, si quis legat, profecto vim carminum fateatur. In § 13 he continues: Vestales nostras hodie credimus nondum egressa urbe mancipia fugitiva INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN MAGIC 59 where by him,'^^ Pliny admits that there are effective magic plants,'^^ gems,'*' animals,'^ and amulets.'** He even suggests countercharms to his detested magic, which are themselves magic.'*^ In view of this conflicting evidence we must agree with Dr. Thorndike'*' that "iu regard to magic in particular Pliny seems to have flattered himself that his position was quite different from what it actually was," and, to quote that scholar further,'*' that "it hardly seems paradoxical to say that he hated the magi but Uked their doctrines," just as Tacitus'*' beheved in astrology but despised astrologers. If, therefore, we are justified in assuming that Pliny was a representative man of science and learniag among the Romans, and that he was even superior to the average man of letters in his tendencies toward a rational view of the phenomena of nature and human conduct, the evidence in his case can but strengthen the conclusion, already frequently drawn, that Roman authors, as a rule, when expressing the sober verdict of their reason, unequivocally and honestly condemn all magic practices ; but in their hearts they cherish, and in their writings unwittingly display the magic heritage of the Italian race."" retinere in loco precatione, ... It is true that these users of magic are priests and priestesses; but the power attributed to them is magic, never- theless. »5i Cf. supra, 57. '^^ 37, 135; 142; et passim. 3S2 25, 50; 127; 129. =« 17, 265. ''5 29, 67; 77: 32, 24; 44; 74; 114, etc. For aumlets in preventive medicine of. infra, 76-105. ^™ Cf. 28, 85 Id quoque convenit, quo nihil equidem Ubentius cre- diderim, tactis omnino menstruo postibus inritas fieri Magorum artes, generis vanissimi, ut aestimare licet. Cf. also 25, 127: 32, 33. ^'' Mag. in Iniell. Hist, of Europe, 41. ^' Mag. in Intell. Hist, of Europe, 45. »" Cf. supra, 50, and n. 278. "" Cf. the conclusions reached regarding Columella, supra, 27; Cato, 26-27; Varro, 27; 45-47; the writers on philosophy, 29-32; Catullus, 33-34. 60 STUDIES IN MAGIC FHOM LATIN LITERATURE A discussion of the attitude of Roman medical writers is reserved for the succeeding chapter. It is sufficient here to say that none of the purely Roman medical writers is free from a tendency toward magic. In the foregoing pages I have attempted to show that among the Romans the conception of magic was essentially what it is among us. Furthermore, it is apparent from a consideration of Roman law, religion, science, folk belief, and literature, that magic was peculiarly prevalent among the Romans from the earliest times, and was not primarily an imported Greek or Oriental product, important as additions from those sources undoubtedly were. Finally, the a;ttempt of cultivated Romans to assume an air of superiority to these earlier beliefs does not convince us of their genuine advance beyond a real belief in such matters ; and it is not difficult in many cases to remove the cover and expose the real Roman with his inherited belief in magic showing itself through the veneer of Greek polish. This literary attitude exerted practically no effect upon pop- ular beUef in magic, which retained its influence throughout the Republic and the Empire, even into the Christian Italy of to-day.'" TibuUus and Propertius, 34-36; Ovid, 36-37; Horace, 38-39; Petronius, 40-42; Apuleius, 42-45; Caesar, 47-48; Livy, 48-49; Tacitus, 50-51; Suetonius, 51-52; Ammianus Marcellinus, 53; Valerius Maximus, 54; A. GelUus, 54-56. '" These facts can be presented with greater detail and convincingness in the succeeding chapter. CHAPTER II MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE On account of the universal and continuous importance of magic in ancient Italy it will be manifestly impossible to treat the subject in its entirety in an essay of the present compass. There were, however, some problems of life that to the early Italian appeared beyond ordinary human solution, and that offered, accordingly, a pecuharly iaviting field for the employ- ment of magic. Of these none was more important than the problem of preventing or curing human physical ills. It is the purpose of the present chapter, therefore, to show that the Romans of all periods resorted to magic as a supplement to medicine in general, and to make a detailed study of their use of prophylactic magic' This end can be satisfactorily attained by a consideration of (1) the relation of medical magic to reUgion; (2) the relation of medical magic to scientific medi- cine ; (3) prophylactic magic among the Romans. I. Medical Magic and Religion (1) The Gods as Workers of Magic. — The proof we have already offered ^ that the earliest Roman religion contained many magic elements will be strengthened by a closer study of the medical magic of Italy. Concerning the advent of religion among primitive peoples there is much that is in dispute. It seems probable, however ' The Romans made use of magic in curative and causative as well as in preventive medicine. The limitations of space, however, will not permit the treatment of these important divisions of our subject in this dissertation. ' Supra, 24-25. 62 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITEKATUKB that in the early history of any people magic is older than religion,* and that the transition from magic to religion is marked by the belief that the gods themselves are magicians.'* Latia literature furnishes considerable proof in support of the latter part of this theory, for literary tradition clearly indi- cates that the earliest Romans of whom we have a record were in a state of civilization where they had gods, it is true, in addition to magic; but those gods themselves practiced medical as well as other magic, and were approached by their devotees with rites which contained many magic elements. The following stories from Ovid will show the use of magic by early Roman gods. In the first story Juno is depicted as preventing for a time the birth of Hercules :^ Utque meos audit gemitus, subsedit in ilia ante fores ara, dextroque a poplite laevum pressa genu et digitis inter se pectine iunctis sustinuit partus. Tacita quoque carmina voce dixit, et incoeptos tenuerunt carmina partus. Una ministrarum, media de plebe, Galanthis, flava comas, aderat, faciendis strenua iussis, officiis dilecta suis. Ea sensit iniqua nescio quid lunone geri: dumque exit et intrat saepe fores, divam residentem vidit in ara bracchiaque in genibus digitis conexa tenentem, et "Quaecumque es," ait, "dominae gratare. Levata est Argolis Alcmejie, potiturque puerpera veto." Exsiluit, 'iunctasque manus pavefacta remisit diva potens uteri: vinclis levor ipsa remissis. ' This theory, advanced by Frazer {G. B. 1, 1, 220-243), seems to me on the whole to be more reasonable than any other that has yet been proposed. Vigorous opponents of Frazer's view are, however, not lacking (see, e. g., Lang, Mag. and Rel. 46-75). Mr. F. B. Jevons {Hist, of Rel. 24-40) has suggested another view, which regards neither magic nor religion as of necessarily earlier occurrence. ' * Cf. Frazer, G. B. 1, 1, 240-242. ' Met. 9, 297-315. MAGIC AND THE PKEVENTION OF DISEASE 63 In the foregoing passage Juno not only uses silent charms to accomplish her purpose, but crosses her knees and interlocks her fingers/ with the expectation that by such action she will lock up or prevent the birth of the child. It naturally follows, therefore, that, when the goddess is induced through a stratagem to unlock her fingers and uncross her knees, the magic power vanishes. That this story contains genuine Italian elements seems clear from the following passage in Pliny : ' Adsidere gravidis vel cum remedia alicui adhibeantur digitis pec- tinatim inter se implexis veneficium est, idque compertum tradunt Alcmena Herculem pariente; peius, si circa unum ambove genua; item poplites alternis genibus inponi. Ideo haec in consiliis ducum potestatiumve fieri vetuere maiores velut omnem actum inpedientia; vetuere vero et sacris votisve simili modo interesse. From this it would appear not only that Juno used magic to accomplish her ends; but also that the ancient Roman law- makers, Pliny's maiores, considered magic acts like hers more powerful than either worldly powers or religion. The second story of Ovid represents as a magician the ancient Italian goddess, Carna, whose function it was to protect in- fants frcfm the assaults of striges.^ In writing of an infant who has been attacked by these creatures, the poet says : ' For similar uses of the interlace in preventive magic, see, besides the passage from PHny, quoted below, Leland, Etrusc. Bom. Rem. 165-172. Closely related to the interlace is the taboo on knots in general, of which Frazer has given some interesting examples (G. B. 2, 293 ff.). Cf. also infra, 100. ' N. H. 28, 59. * Fasti 6, 147-168. For striges cf. supra, 57, n. 326. Carna seems to have been the protectress of the heart, Uver, viscera, etc. Hence her protective acts in this case are easily understood. Cf. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, 236. For the antiquity of the goddess and her cult cf . Fowler, R. F. 130-133; Roscher, Lex. 1, 854-855. 64 STUDIES IN MAGIC FEOM LATIN LITEKATUEE Territa voce sui nutrix accurrit alumni, et rigido sectas invenit ungue genas. Quid faceret? Color oris erat, qui frondibus olim esse solet seris, quas nova laesit hiems. Pervenit ad Cranaen, et rem docet. Ilia "Timorem pone! Tuus sospes," dixit, "alumnus erit." Venerat ad cunas: flebant materque paterque: "Sistite vos lacrimas: ipsa medebor! " ait. Protinus arbutea postes ter ' in ordine tangit fronde, ter arbutea limina '" fronde notat, spargit aquis aditus — et aquae medicamen habebant — extaque de porca cruda bimenstre tenet, atque ita "Noctis aves, extis puerilibus," inquit, "parcite: pro parvo victima parva cadit. Cor pro corde, precor, pro fibris sumite fibras. Hanc animam vobis pro meliore damus." ^' Sic ubi libavit, prosecta sub aethera ponit, quique adsint sacris respicere ilia vetat: '^ virgaque lanalis de spina ponitur alba," qua lumen thalamis parva fenestra dabat. Post illud neo aves cunas violasse feruntur, et rediit puero, qui fuit ante, color. Here we have a goddess whom, were it not for Ovid's explicit statement of her divine origin (I. 101), any casual reader would » For the use of the number three in RotDan magic of. infra, 119, n. 283. x' For other instances of the threshold in Roman medical magic cf. Columella, 7, 5, 17; Pliny, N. H. 29, 83: 30, 82: 34, 151; MarceUus Empiricue, 1, 65: 2, 4: 4, 27: 14, 66: 16, 21: 23, 35; 50: 25, 35; and especially M. B. Ogle, The House-Door in Greek and Roman Religion and Folk-Lore {Am. Journ. of Phil. 42 [1911], 251-271). " The principle upon which this substitution is based is known as similia similibus (cf. supra, 9, n. 41). '2 A similar prohibition is characteristic of the ancient rites of the Lemuralia (cf. supra, 37, n. 195). That those who were engaged in magic cures were likewise enjoined not to look behind them is made clear by PUny, N. H. 21, 176: 24, 104: 29, 91; MarceUus Empiricus, 1, 54: 8, 62: 25, 11. " Of the whitethorn as a countercharm I have been unable to find other instances, except, of course, lines 129-130 of this passage. V MAGIC AND THE PKEVENTION OF DISEASE 65 consider a mere magician. The frightened nurse runs to her, as to an earthly friend, for aid, which the goddess gives in person. Like any mortal magician she touches the door-posts and the threshold of the nursery three times with the arbutus twig, sprinkles the entrance with holy water, and practices a perfect bit of sympathetic magic by sacrificing a pig of two months, with the accompanying conjuration that the striges shall accept this substitute and return the entrails of the infant to their proper place. The entrails of the pig are then placed in the open air, probably in order that the striges may have easy access to them, unmolested by any backward glances of mortals. Finally, the window is made impassable for striges by means of a twig of the mystic whitethorn, the home is ^ freed from the possibility of further unwelcome visits of these creatures, and the color of health returns to the cheek of the stricken infant. Ceres," Diana," and even Aesculapius " also resorted to medical magic, but their acts are connected with Greek myth " rather than with Roman folk lore. Of strictly Itahan flavor, however, is the tradition that the miraculous medical powers of the Marsi were given only to those of the tribe whose descent from the magician-goddess, Circe, was uncontaminated by alien blood.^' From this we may be permitted to conclude that " Ovid, Fasti 4, 649-554. '= Ibid. 6, 746-754. " Hyginus, Astron. 2, 14. On incubation, as practiced in the temples of Aesculapius, cf. Magnus, Superst. in Med. 50-56. This temple sleep, as a means of curing disease, seems to have been based on genuine reUgious feeling rather than on magic. " That the Homeric gods indulged freely in magic we have already shown (supra, 19, n. 97). '■' In A. Gellius, N. A. 16, 11, 1-2 we read: Gens in ItaUa Marsorum orta fertur a Circae fiho. Propterea Marsis hominibus, quorum dumtaxat famihae cum extemis cognationibus nondum etiam permixtae corruptaeque sunt, vi quadam genitah datum, ut et serpentium virulentorum domitores sint et incentionibus herbarumque sucis faciant medelarum miracula. 66 STUDIES IN MAGIC FKOM LATIN LITEKATUKE Circe herself used her magic drugs not only to effect transforma- tions, but also to produce cures." If the tradition, as represented in the passages quoted above, is correct in attributing medico-magic functions to the early Itahan gods, we should expect to find the priests who served those gods equally versed in curative magic. Such a union of the priestly oflBce with that of the medical magician is indeed represented by Vergil 2" as characteristic of Italy at the time of the arrival of Aeneas. In those early days popular and even state customs exhibit a mixture of medical magic with religion .^^ The gods were besought for medical aid with a combination of prayer and spell,^^ and pestilence was thought to be controlled by the ancient custom of driving a nail "into the wall of the cella of Minerva in the Capitoline temple." ^ " Her more obscure sister, Angitia, says Solinus (2, 29), was famous for her healing art. Such traditions would make it much easier to explain the continued worship of Circe at Circeii as Circe sanctissima (of. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, 542, n. 5). 2» Aen. 7, 750-758. Cf. supra 24. ^^ Augustine (C. D. 6, 9) has preserved for us the details of a religious custom which shows how closely early Italian religion was allied to magic: mulieri fetae post partum tres deos custodes commemorat (sc. Varro) adhiberi, ne Silvauus deus per noctem ingrediatur et vexet, eorumque custodum significandorum causa tres homines noctu circuire limina domus et primo Hmen securi ferire, postea pilo, tertio deverrere scopis, ut his datis culturae signis deus SUvanus prohibeatur intrare, quod neque arbores caeduntur ac putantur sine ferro, . . . =2 Cf. Ovid, Fasti 3, 255-258: Dicite "Tu nobis lucem, Lucina, dedisti!" Dicite "Tu voto parturientis ades!" Si qua tamen gravida est, resoluto crine precetur, ut solvat partus molUter ilia suos. *' Cf. Fowler, R. F. 234. In describing the revival of this custom A. U. C. 390, Livy says (7, 3, 3-5) : cum piaculorum magis conquisitio animos quam corpora morbi adficerent, repetitum ex seniorum memoria dicitur, pestilentiam quondam clavo a dictatore fixo sedatam. Ea re- ligione adductus senatus dictatorem clavi figendi causa dici iussit. This passage, taken with Livy, 8, 18 and 9, 28, 6, makes it quite certain that MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 67 (2) Deification of Diseases. — Of similar nature and of equally early origin was the Roman custom of deifying the diseases themselves. Of these the numen ^ of the dread fevers which annually exacted such heavy toll from the Romans seems to have been especially revered. In ridicule of what appears to have been a very general belief in the divine attri- butes of various diseases, Pliny exclaims : ^^ numina . . . iimuinerabilia invenimus, inferis quoque in genera discriptis morbisque et multis etiam pestibus, dum esse placatas trepido metu cupimus. Ideoque etiam publice Febris fanum in Palatio dicatum est. . . J'^ It is quite apparent from the words of Pliny that not only was the numen of fever especially revered by the Roman populace, but that there were many other diseases also of which the numina were held in like respect. Just what diseases were the purpose of driving the nail was corrective and curative. Epilepsy was cured in a similar way (cf. PMny, N. H. 28, 63). For the superstitions connected with nails in general, including the archaeological evidence, cf. Jahn, Bos. Blick 106 S.; Marquardt, Rom. Staatsv. 3, 106-107. " For the word numen as used in Roman religion cf . Fowler, Bel. Exper. 118-119. =' N. H. 2, 15-16. ^ There were at least three such temples in Rome in the first century of our era, according to Valerius Maximus, 2, 5, 6: Febrem autem ad minus nocendum templis colebant, quorum adhuc unum in Palatio, alterum in area Marianorum monumentorum, tertium in summa parte vici longi extat, in eaque remedia, quae corporibus aegrorum adnexa fuerant, defere- bantur. But only the first of these is mentioned elsewhere (cf. Cicero, De Leg. 2, 28: Nat. Deor. 3, 63 [Pliny, N. H. 2, 15-16, quoted above]; AeUan, V. H. 12, 11). Other passages which mention a temple to Febris without specifying the location (such as Augustinus, C. D. 3, 25: 4, 15; Seneca, Apoc. 6; Theodorus Priscianus Physious, 3 [p. 250 Rose]) prob- ably refer to the Palatine temple. For epigraphioal evidence of the cult Wissowa (Religion und Kultus, 246) quotes inscriptions dedicated to dea Tertiana (C. I. L. 7, 999) and Quartana (C. I. L. 12, 3129). It should be noted that Valerius Maximus, in the passage quoted above, is speaking of numerous temples to disease erected by antiquorum simplicitas, of which number the three that were existent in his own day comprised probably only a small proportion. Cf. also Roscher, Lex., s. v. Febris. 68 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE thus deified we are unable to state with any degree of certainty.^' The statements that the temple of Febris stood upon the Palatine probably point to an early date as the time of its construction.^' In this and similar temples, we may infer, the Roman populace prayed to be reheved from the attacks of the specific disease to whose temple they had come for aid. Such petitions, we may be sure, differed httle from the purely magical evocationes morborum which are extant in considerable numbers.^' The deification of disease and the offering of " In the Cambridge Companion to Latin Studies (§ 1075) we find the following statement: "We hear also of a Dea Mefitis (for malaria), Dea Angerona (for angina, iyxipri, or inflammation of the throat); and even, it is said, Dea Scabies (tor the itch)." The evidence for this statement is, however, not convincing. The Dea Mefitis, so far as our evidence goes, seems to have been nothing more than a goddess of noxious gases (cf . Rosoher, Lex., a. v. Mefitis; Heim, Incant. Mag. 476). That Angerona was a goddess of quinsy is very doubtful. The truth seems to be that her cult had become so obscure even to Roman antiquarians that they were unable to agree either upon the etymology of the name or the function of the deity. The idea thaft she was the goddess of quinsy rests only upon Julius Modestus (apud Macrobium, 1, 10, 9) and Festus, 16 (ed. Lindsay). Many Roman antiquarians gave her an entirely different function (cf. the Thesaurus, s. v. Angerona, for an exhaustive group of citations concerning Angerona; Roscher, Lex., s. v. Angerona). A fuU statement of our ignorance regarding Angerona will be found in Fowler, R. F. 274-275. The evidence for Scabies as a deity seems even less sub- stantial. It consists of a single passage (Prudentius, Hamartigenia 220) ; unless, indeed, we understand a deified itch in Horace, Ars Poet. 417, a passage which Heim (Incant. Mag. 512) has elucidated. More specific is the evidence for Pallor, Favor (Livy, 1, 27, 7; Lactantius, 1, 20, 11), Faventia (TertulUanus, Ad Nat. 2, 11; Augustinus, C. D. 4, 11), and Metus (Vergil, Aen. 6, 276; Claudius Claudianus, 1, 77; Apuleius, Met. 10, 31; Seneca, Here. Fur. 693; Dieterich, Abraxas 92, n. 5; Roscher, Lex. 3, 1341-1343), if one may consider such emotions, when carried to the extreme, in the class with diseases. 2' Cicero (De Leg. 2, 28) calls it ara vetusta. 2' An excellent collection of such evocationes will be found in Heim, Incant. Mag. 476-479. MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 69 prayer to such deities seems, in fact, but a step in advance of the belief that man could control disease by purely magical means. This conception of disease as a deity seems to supply a connecting link between the purely magical idea of direct control of nature, and the religious idea of gods, who will relieve trouble if they are placated by prayer and sacrifice. We are thus enabled to catch a glimpse of the early Roman as he tried by preternatural means to gaio control over natural phenomena. Whether this effort took the form of a prayer or a spell must have depended, at least during the period of transition from magic to religion, upon the disposition of the individual who sought relief ; and we may be allowed to sur- mise that during this period there was only the slightest dif- ference between prayer and spell, between priest and magician.^" As the priestly class grew stronger, and as the more intellectual classes, including the lawmakers, gradually deserted magic for religion, legal worship among the Romans succeeded in freeing itself from all active magic ; ^^ but it is probable that the or- dinary Roman, even of the most enlightened era, as he stood in the temple of Febris and similar temples, uttered a prayer that closely resembled a magic spell.'^ '" Marett {Thresh, of Rel. 29-72) has an interesting chapter entitled From Spell to Prayer. It is also instructive to note that as Judaism and Christianity spread through Italy there became manifest a disposition to mingle scriptural names and seasons in much the same manner with magic incantations. For this cf. Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 29: 23, 29: 25, 13: 29, 23; Anecdotum Latinum (ed. Piechotta) 77; 199; 200; Helm- reich's edition of MarceUus Empiricus, Index Nominum Propriorum, s. w. Christus, lacob, and Sabaoth. " In spite of this desire to be free from outgrown magic behef, many fossilized elements from that source remained in Roman ritual. Cf. supra, 24-25. '^ That neither the ancient Roman state rehgion nor Christianity has succeeded in freeing the Italian from his original beUef in medical and other magic is abundantly proved by Leland in his Etruscan Roman Re- 70 STUDIES IN MAGIC FEOM LATIN LITEKATURE II. Medical Magic versus Scientific Medicine The history of Roman medicine resembles that of Roman religion. It began with the universal employment of magic cures, together with simple household remedies, and ended with the adoption bodily of Greek scientific medicine, at least among the upper classes.'' (1) Medical Magic Universal among the Early Romans. — We know that early Greek medicine was not free from magic ; for we read'^ that, when Odysseus had been wounded by a boar, the blood was stanched not by the usual means, but by an incantation. Among the early Romans, also, belief in medical magic was universal.'^ As time went on, however, the more intellectual classes gradually abandoned magic cures for scientific medicine, though the populace continued to a great extent to believe in the older method of controlling disease.'^ ^' For a brief discussion of Roman medicine, together with a bibliog- raphy of the subject, cf . Camb. Comp. to Lat. Stud. 715-727. " Od. 19, 457-458, cited somewhat inaccurately by Pliny (N. H. 28, 21). Apuleius also (Apol. 40) cites this Homeric passage as evidence of magic in early Greek medicine: Veteres quidem medici etiam carmina remedia vulnerum norant, ut omnis vetustatis certissimus auctor Homerus docet, qui facit Ulixi de vulnere sanguinem profluentem sisti cantamine. Welcker {Kleine Schriften, 3, 64 ff.) attempts rather unsuccessfully to deny to the Homeric heroes the use of magic cures. His views are vigorously opposed by Heim (Jncant. Mag. 466). Other references to magic cures among the Greeks are Pindar, Pyth. 3, 51; Aeschylus, Agam. 1020-1021: Eum. 648-650; AeUan, De Nat. An. 2, 18. '' Pliny (N. H. 28, 13), after discussing some ancient Roman customs in connection with incantamenta as remedia, adds: Prisci quidem nostri perpetuo talia credidere. The evidence which we have given in our treat- ment of Medical Magic and Religion (supra, 61-69) corroborates the state- ment of Phny. 2° Cf. Pliny, N. H. 28, 10: Ex homine remediorum primum maximae quaestionis et semper incertae est, polleantne aliquid verba et incanta- menta carminum. Quod si verum est, homini acceptum fieri oportere MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 71 Many early cures indicate this popular mixture of magie with medicine. Epilepsy, for instance, was thought to be cured, or at least alleviated, by spitting upon the afHicted person. Plautus furnishes the earliest literary reference to such a custom. In the Captivi (550-555) we read : Ty. et illic isti qui sputatur morbus interdum venit. Proin tu ab istoc procul recedas. He. Ultro istum a me. Ar. Ain, verbero? Me rabiosum atque insectatum esse hastis meum memoras patrem, et eum morbum mi esse, ut qui med opus sit insputarier? He. Neverere: multos iste morbus homines macerat, quibus insputari saluti fuit atque is profuit.'' A- very primitive method of setting dislocated or broken limbs by the aid of magic is given us by Cato ^^ in the following words : Luxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem prende tibi viridem p. IIII aut V longam. Mediam diffinde et duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantare: motas vaeta daries dardares conveniat, sed viritim sapientissimi cuiusque respuit fides, in universum vero omnibus horis credit vita nee sentit. 2' I have followed Elmer (Captivi, 122 [Boston, 1900]) in my interpre- tation of line 553. It may be noted, however, that both the text and the interpretation of these lines are somewhat in doubt. Cf. Elmer's critical note, pp. 167-168, and Fay's article in The Classical Review, 8, 391. That the custom of spitting upon epileptics persisted at Rome until the first century of our era is attested by Pliny (N. H. 28, 35, quoted infra, 108), though this passage would seem to indicate that in Pliny's day the act was intended to protect the spitter rather than to cure the epileptic. We may infer from the silence of Greek authors (Theophrastus, Charact., De Superstit., fin., fxirnishes the only reference to the subject in Greek literature) that the practice was of native Italian growth. A good treat- ment of The Saliva Superstition in Classical Ldterature is given by Frank W. Nicolson in the Harvard Studies, 8 (1897), 23 S., though the author's promise to give all the literary references is scarcely fulfilled. For the universal custom of spitting in magic, cf . Elworthy, Evil Eye, 412 ff. 38 R. R. 160 (cf. Pliny, N. H. 28, 21). For the text and a thorough dis- cussion of this incantation see Heim, Incant. Mag. 533-535; 565-566; Keil, 72 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE astataries dissunapiter, usque dum coeant, ferrum insuper iactato. Ubi coierint et altera alteram tetigerint, id manu prehende et dextra sinistra praecide. Ad luxum aut ad fracturam alliga: sanum fiet, et tamen cotidie cantato et luxato. In like manner Varro quotes from one of the Sasernae a magic remedy for pain in the feet : ^' Cum homini pedes dolere coepissent, qui tui meminisset, ei mederi posse. Ego tui memini: medere meis pedibus. Terra pestem teneto. Salus hie maneto (so. in meis pedibus). Hoc ter novies cantare iubet, terram tangere, despuere, ieiunum cantare. We read also in this passage *" that not only did the Sasernae include many such marvels in their agricultural works," but that other early agricultural writers embodied similar items of medical magic in their farmers' guides. There can scarcely be any doubt that the magic cures men- tioned by Plautus, Cato, and Varro represent ancient Italian folk belief. The same is true, also, of the large number of traditional popular cures of a magic character given by Pliny and other Latin writers. That these remedies are of ancient origin is further shown by the fact that in their preparation the use of iron is frequently forbidden. This circumstance Catonis De Agri Cultura, 106. The original text was probably as I have given it, though it has suffered much from subsequent interpolations. That this remedy was not of Greek origin we may infer both from our knowledge of Gate's hostOity to Greek medicine (cf. Pliny, N. H. 29, 14) and from the general nature of the remedy itself. '5 R. R. 1, 2, 27. *° R. R. 1, 2, 28 Multa, inquam, item alia miracula apud Sasernas invenies, quae omnia sunt diversa ab agricultura, et ideo repudianda. Quasi vero, inquam, non apud ceteros quoque scriptores talia reperiantur. "■ For a probable instance of such magic in the works of the Sasernae cf. Varro, R. R. 1, 2, 26: Tam hercle quam hoc, si quem glabrum facere vehs, quod iubet ranam luridam conicere in aquam, usque quo ad tertiam partem decoxeris, eoque unguere corpus. (Here the hairless frog is prob- ably thought to have a sympathetic effect in producing a hairless head.) MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 73 seems clearly to indicate that such magico-medical remedies were in common use before the iron age.^^ (2) Early Magic Cures not Entirely Displaced by Greek Scientific Medicine. — Even after the introduction of Greek scientific medicine, the common people of Rome and Italy continued to use magic cures. The popular opposition to the more advanced medical theories of the Greeks is probably well reflected in Cato's advice to his son to avoid Greek physi- cians and to cling to the old Italian folk medicine." This popular system of magic cures shows itself at times even in the writings of the foremost champions of the Greek school of medicine at Rome. If we may trust the prejudiced report of Pliay/* Asclepiades, the great Greek physician, resorted to magic in his practice of medicine; nor does Celsus disdain to quote,^^ for what it may be worth, a magic cure derived exclusively from auctores ex populo. ^ For the prohibition of the use of iron in medical magic cf. Celsus, 4, 8; Pliny, N. H. 15, 124: 23, 163: 24, 12; 68; 103; 172; 176: 30, 102; Marcellus Empiricus, 19, 52: 20, 106: 23, 35: 25, 13; 14: 26, 25; Pela- gonius, 7, 39; Serenus Sammonicus, 410-411; Pseudo-Pliny, 2, 21 (ed. Rose). Similar in intent are those passages where the magic remedy is to be prepared with implements of wood (Cato, R. R. 70: 71; Scribonius Largus, 152; Marcellus Empiricus, 28, 40; Serenus Sammonicus, 306) or of bronze (ColimieUa, 6, 5, 4; Scribonius Largus, 16; PKny, N. H. 28, 198: 29, 109: 32, 41; Marcellus Empiricus, 29, 45). It is interesting to note that after the taboo on iron had somewhat subsided the strange new metal was actually considered efficacious in certain kinds of magic (cf. Pliny, N. H. 25, 167: 28, 42; 63: 29, 130: 30, 106: 34, 151; Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 49: 27,87). Ci. also KroU, Antiker Aberglaube,6-&; Frazer, G. B. 2, 225 ff.; and for a like prohibition in Roman religion cf. Wissowa, Religion und Kuliits, 34. " Pliny, N. H. 29, 14 hoc puta vatem dixisse: quandoque ista gens (sc. Graeca) suas litteras dabit, omnia conrumpet, turn etiam magis, si medicos suos hoc mittet. . . . Interdixi tibi de medicis. « N. H. 26, 18-20. *^ Med. 4, 7 Vulgo audio, si quis pullum hirundinis ederit, angina toto anno non periclitari; ... Id quum idoneos auctores ex populo habeat, neque habere quidquam periculi possit, quamvis in monumentis medi- 74 STUDIES IN MAGIC FEOM LATIN LITERATURE To what extent the more intellectual Romans of the Empire still believed in the old magic folk remedies will be shown by a brief consideration of some statements of Pliny the Elder. We have already shown ^^ that Pliny, the typical representa- tive of Roman scientific inquiry, was not so free from belief in magic as he himself thought. In the special field of medical magic he was equally self-deceived. It is true that at times he speaks in ridicule of the Magorum commenta as unworthy of acceptance ; " but these commenta of the Magi are of exactly the same character as his own approved Italian remedies. As a matter of fact, cures that depend upon sympathetic magic for their efiicacy are borrowed frankly and approvingly by Pliny from these same Magi ; *' and, when scientific medicine proved powerless to cure a given disease, Pliny was willing enough to resort to the cures of the Magi. We read, for instance : *' In quartanis medicina clinice propemodum nihil pollet. Quam ob rem plura eorum (i.e. Magorum) remedia ponemus primumque ea quae adalligari iubent. At other times Pliny appears to believe in popular Italian remedies of a magic nature,^" even going so far as to assert corum non legerim, tamen inserendum huic operi meo credidi. Cf. also iMd. 4, 8. « Supra, 56-59. " N. H. 28, 47-49. The passage begins with the words, Magorum haec commenta sunt, but one is at a loss throughout to determine where the Magorum commenta end and popular Italian beliefs begin. " Cf., e.g., N. H. 28, 232. " N. H. 30, 98. *» N. H. 28, 35-46. It is true that throughout this passage Pliny indi- cates that he is quoting from popular beliefs (cf. the words quidam . . . adgravant [37], dicitur [41; 42], tradunt [43; 46]); but nowhere does he give convincing evidence of personal disbelief in what he is relating. Upon this point of. Thorndike, Place of Mag. 44 ff. How widely Pliny had culled from books on medical magic is shown by the fact that he cites no fewer than twenty-five authors for items on magic cures. These are: Apollonius (28, 7); Archelaus (28, 34); Artemon (28, 7); Asclepiades MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 75 that the magic act of spitting thrice as one utters a charm is a helpful custom in all medicine." In the light of such evi- dence, we must conclude, I think, that PlLay depended upon scientific medicine wherever it had proved its efficacy in curing specific diseases, but recognized the possibility that an even greater power resided in magic cures, which he did not hesi- tate to recommend in cases where scientific medicine had failed. It is this more or less unconscious acknowledgment of the superior power of medical magic which proves that among the intellectual classes, no less than among the masses, there still survived an implicit belief in the old Italian folk remedies, which could never be entirely supplanted by Greek science.^^ With the decline of classical Latin literature the gulf be- tween the cultivated classes and the superstitious masses of Rome gradually decreased in width, so that in the later Em- pire there appears a growing tendency among Latin authors to identify themselves in thought as well as in style with the daily life of Rome and Italy. Accordingly, we find in the later literature of Rome, just as in her earlier literature, a fuller and franker indication of a very general belief in medical (26, 18-20); Bithus Durrachinus (28, 82); Caecilius (29, 85); Cato (28, 21); Chrysippus philosophus (30, 103); Dalion (28, 262); Democritus (24, 156-158: 26, 19-20: 28, 7; 113-118); Deotimus (28, 83); Granius (28, 42); Icatidas medicus (28, 83); Lais (28, 82); Marcion Zmyrnaeus (28,38); Meletos(28, 7); Metrodorus (37, 178); Ofilius (28, 38) ; Orpheus (28, 34); Osthanes (28,5-6; 256; 261); Pythagoras (24, 156-158); Salpe (28, 38; 82; 262); Sotira obstetrix (28, 83); Theophrastus (28, 21); Varro (28, 21). There are also numerous references to the works of the Magi as a class. 51 N. H. 28, 36 'We beg the pardon of the gods,' he says, 'for a too ambitious hope by spitting upon the breast,' et iam eadem ratione terna despuere precatione in omni medicina mos est atque ita eflfectus adiuvare, incipientes furunculos ter praesignare ieiuna saliva. '2 How readily the Roman mind associated trickery and magic with Greek medicine may possibly be indicated by Juvenal's description of a versatile Greek (3, 77): Augur, schoenobates, medicus, magus, omnia novit I Graeculus esuriens. . . . 76 STUDIES IN MAGIC FKOM LATIN LITERATURE magic.'' The works of Q. Serenus Sammonicus," Spartianus,'* Ammianus Marcellinus,''^ Pseudo-Pliny,'^^ Pseudo-Apuleius," Sextus Placitus Papyriensis,'^ and Marcellus Empiricus '" give ample evidence of the continuous and universal nature of this beUef. III. Preventive or Prophylactic Magic A. THE AMULET Up to the present poiat we have directed our attention more particularly to the curative phase of medical magic among the Romans. Prophylactic magic was, however, of equal importance in the life of ancient Italy. The chief means through which the aid of prophylactic magic was sought was the amulet. '' This statement applies equally well to all magic, as I have shown, supra, 25-26. I have tried there, also, to indicate the reasons underlying the phenomenon. " The extant Liber MedicinaUs of Serenus Sammonicus is full of super- stition and folk medicine (cf. lines 410-411,- 439-443; 482-484; 609- 612; 651-655; 907; 916-918; and especially the celebrated description of the amulet known as the abracadabra [935-946]), notwithstanding the author's affected superiority to such behefs (cf. lines 828-830; 925-931; 1003-1005). The most available text is probably that of Baehrens, Poet. Lat. Min. 3, 103 ff. =' Hadrian 25, 1-4: Caracalla 5, 8. ^^ Cf. 16, 8, 2: 19, 12, 14. In the former of these passages we have the statement that fourth century medicine openly embraced magic cures: si quis super occentu soricis vel occursu mustelae vel similis signi gratia consiiluisset quemquam peritum, aut anile incantamentum ad leniendum adhibuisset dolorem — quod medicinae quoque admittit auctoritas — reus . . . delatus. . . . " The usual text is that of Rose (Leipzig, 1875). In the same MS with the Pseudo-Pliny (Cod. St. Galli, 752) are found very many other passages giving magic cures, for which cf . Rose in Hermes, 8, 48 ff. " De Med. Herb. 19, 4: 24, 1: 91, 2 (ed. Ackermann, Nurnberg, 1788). " 17, 12; 19. "• This author is a veritable storehouse of late Roman folk medicine. Reference wiU be made to his work very frequently in the succeeding pages. MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 77 It is to this interesting subject, therefore, that we shall now turn our discussion.*^ (1) Definition of an Amulet. — The etymology of the word amuletum is doubtful. ^^ This, however, is of small importance to our discussion, since most of the amulets mentioned by Latin authors are not called amuleta by name, though they are such in fact. It is essential, however, to the prosecution of our study, that we arrive at a satisfactory definition of what an amulet is. F. B. Jevons ^ defines it thus : Charms or amulets are material objects, in which no spirit resides either permanently or occasionally, but which are associated with something, be it blood, or babe, or corpse, or good spirit or bad, which is taboo . They therefore catch the taboo-infection and become charged with the properties of the thing taboo. They may serve, therefore, to do injury to others, by communicating the taboo-contagion; or, by their dangerous character and the fear they inspire, they may pro- tect the owner from both human and superhuman foes; or they may, from some association or other of ideas, be lucky." *' So far as I know, the only work that purports to give a complete history of amulets is A History of Amulets, by Martin Frederick Blunder (Halle, 1710; Eng. trans, by S. H., Gent., Edinburgh, 1887). This work is interesting, but not thoroughly reliable. The best treatment of the use of amulets among the Romans and the Greeks is a dissertation en- titled De Amidetorum apud Antiques Usu Capita Duo, by Gerhardus Kropatscheck (Grjrphiae, 1907). ^^ In Charisius, 1, 105, 9, we read: ^uXaKnjpioy quod Graeci appellant, amuletum Latine dicimus. Nam et Varro Divinarum XIII ita dixit sive a moUiendo, id est infringendo vim mali, sive ab aemulatione. The word amuletum seems to be related to the verb amolior, and to denote something that wards off evU. (Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclop., s. v. amuletum; Thesaurus, s. v. amuletum.) The derivation of the word from the Arabic hamalet, though formerly quite generally accepted, is not probable. Cf. also Walde, Lat. Etym. Wort.'', s. v. amuletum. «» Hist. 0} Rel. 178. " Marquardt {Rom. Staatsv. 3, 107) states that in the early days of Rome the wearer of amulets was thought to put himself under the pro- tection of ancient divinities such as Cunina, just as the Romans of the Empire impressed the image of Serapis upon amulets in order to obtain 78 STUDIES IN MAGIC PKOM LATIN LITERATURE Restricting the foregoing definition to the limits of our present discussion, we may say that amulets are material objects in which no spirit resides, but which, through a specific associa- tion of ideas, become endowed with the power of taboo,*' and, by reason of this power, may protect their owners from disease. It will be noted that the above definition does not restrict the meaning of the word amulet to objects that can be hung about the neck or other parts of the body. Indeed, the Ro- mans themselves did not so restrict the meaning of the word. A bat, for instance, if carried around a house three times and then hung head downward over the window, was considered an amulet. ^^ In a similar manner the gall bladder of a male black dog when used as a fumigant served as an amulet to protect the home from all magic. Or, if one preferred, the same result might be obtained by sprinkling the blood of such a dog upon the walls of the house, or by burying his membrum virile under the threshold. ^^ In fact, Pliny, at least, seems to extend the meaning of the word amuletum to make it include any means of protection against any physical ill or misfor- tune.^' Yet it should be added that the great majority of the medical amulets which are mentioned by Latin authors were, as a matter of fact, worn about the neck, upon the arm, upon the protection of that god (ef. Jahn, Bos. Blick, 45-47). It seems hardly likely, however, that the spirit of the god was actually thought of as dwelling in the amulet; but rather, that the image of the god, or some other reminder of the divine power contained in the amulet, possessed a peculiar power due to an association of ideas. '' If this definition is to stand, we shall have to define taboo not as "a system of abstinences based on the avoidance of certain calculated . . . evil consequences," but as "negative mana," that is, negative "super- natural wonder-working power." (Cf . Marett, Thresh, of Bel. 73-74.) » Pliny, N. H. 29, 83. ^j pijny^ n. H. 30, 82. °' Cf., e.g., N. H. 28, 38 Inter amuleta est editae quemque urinae inspuere, similiter in calciamentum dextri pedis, priusquam induatur, item cum quis transeat locum, in quo aliquod periculum adierit. MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 79 the finger, or upon the part of the body that was to be protected from disease.*' (2) Names Given to Amulets by Latin Authors. — Various names are appUed to amulets by Latin authors. Naevius "" called them praebia, and this seems to have been the old Latin name for them.'^ We have seen '^ that Varro was familiar with the word amuletum, as was Pliny also.'^ By the time of Marcellus Empiricus the words phylacterium '* and prae- ligamen '^ seem to have taken the place of amuletum. In by far the greater number of cases, however, the Latin authors are content to indicate in numerous ways '* the use of amulets without giving any particular name to the object by means of which the desired end is accomplished. «' Cf. infra, 102-103. '» Varro (L. L. 7, 107), in speaking of the origin of certain words, re- marks: in Stigmatia (a comedy of Naevius) 'praebia' apraebendo, ut sit tutus, quod sint remedia in collo pueris. '"■ Cf . Festus, s. V. praebia (p. 276, ed. Lindsay) : Praebia rursus Ver- rius vocari ait ea remedia, quae Gaia Caecilia, uxor Tarquini Prisci, in- venisse existimatur, et inmisouisse zonae suae, . . . Ea vocari ait praebia, quod mala prohibeant. '2 Cf . supra, 77, n. 62. From this passage it is apparent that the spelling in Varro's day varied between amoletum and amuletum. Varro also calls amulets scaemlae (L. L. 7, 97). " Cf. N. H. 23, 20: 25, 115: 28, 38: 29, 66; 83: 30, 82; 138: 37, 50; 118. The MSS of Pliny consistently give the spelling amuletum. " Cf. Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 27: 14, 30; 68: 21, 8. « Cf. MarceHus Empiricus, 8, 57; 58; 59: 29, 26: 31, 33. Other names for the amulet were: when considered from the standpoint of material, lamina litterata, breve, anulus; from the standpoint of the in- scription thereon, character; from the manner in which it was carried or worn, ligamen, obligamentum, ligatura, suballigatura, sus-pensio colli; from its function, servaiorium, amolitum (amoletum), amolimentum, fasdnus, praefisdnus (so W. Froehner, Sur une amulette basilidienne inAdite du music Napoleon III [Caen, 1867], p. 10. Cf. with this a similar list in Del Rio, Disquisit. Mag., Lib. I, Cap. IV, Quaestio IV, De Amuletis et Periaptis). ™ This is most commonly done by the use of the verbs alligare, adalli- gare, suspendere, etc. 80 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITEBATTJEE (3) Antiquity and Continued Use of Amulets in Italy. — The invention of the amulet was attributed by Eoman tradition to Gaia Caecilia, the wife of Tarquinius PriscusJ' Such a tradition certainly indicates that the use of amulets in Italy goes back beyond the point where Roman history begins. The antiquity of the practice may also be judged from the ancient Roman custom of suspending the amulet called the bulla '* from the neck of a child upon his natal day ^^ in order to pro- tect the tender wearer from all physical ills, especially the malign influence of the evil eye.^" The bulla consisted of a locket, usually of gold,*^ within which was concealed the real amulet. This latter was sometimes a lizard,^^ or the representation of a heart, ^^ but most frequently the figure of a membrum virile.^ Tradition tells us that the bulla was first bestowed by Tar- quinius Priscus upon his son, who, while still in his toga prae- texta, had slain a public enemy; and that it was thereafter a badge of noble youths. ^^ On this account it was commonly " Cf. supra, 79, n. 71. '* For the bulla of. O. Jahn, Bos. Blick, 44; Marquardt, Rom. Staatsv. 3, 106-108; Pauly-Wissowa, Beal-Encyclop., s. v. bulla; Thesaurus, s. v. bulla; Walde, Etymol. Wort.^, s. v. bulla. C" See Plautus, Rud. 1171. *" See Maorobius, Sat. 1, 619 inclusis intra earn (i.e. bullam) remediis quae crederent adversus invidiam valentissima. . . . '^ Cf. Porphyrio on Horace, Sat. 1, 5, 65 generosis pueris, qui bullam auream egressi pueritiae annos apud Lares solent suspendere; Pseudo- Asconius, Verr. p. 199 (ed. Baiter) simul cum praetexta etiam bulla suspendi in collo infantibus ingenuis solet aurea, libertinis scortea. . . . 82 See Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 50 Laoerti viridis . . . oculos erues . . . et intra bullam vel lupiuum aureum claudes colloque suspendes. . . . ^ See Macrobius, Sat. 1, 6, 17 cordis figuram in bulla ante pectus adnecterent. ** See Pliny, N. H. 28, 39 Quamquam religione eum (so. infantem) tutatur et fasoinus . . .; Fowler, Rel. Exper. 60; and especially Varro, L. L. 7, 97 (ed. Goetz and Schoell) Potest vel ab eo quod pueris turpioula res in collo quaedam suspenditur, ne quid obsit. . . . ^ See Pliny, N. H. 33, 10 Sed a Prisco Tarquinio omnium primo filium, cum in praetextae annis ocoidisset hostem, bulla aurea donatum MAGIC AND THE PKEVBNTION OF DISEASE 81 believed by the Romans to have been introduced fromEtruria ; '' but it is more probably of purely Roman origin,'' since the use of such amulets is of universal occurrence.*' The bulla was not, however, the only form of amulet used by the early Italians. Many of the taboos which were placed upon the person of the Flamen DiaUs " may be referred to a very ancient belief in amulets. Among other protective meas- ures we may, for instance, mention the fact that the ring worn by him must be broken ; this latter precaution was taken, no doubt, for fear that "the powerful spirit embodied in him might be trammelled and hampered in its goings-out and comings-in by such corporeal and spiritual fetters. . . ." '^ Though the amulets we have just mentioned came into use at a remote period in the life of the Romans, they by no means stood alone. In fact, the Romans of the historical period not only retained the bulla and the taboos surrounding the Flamen Dialis, but added greatly to the number of amulets. We have already shown '^ that the dramatic writers of the third cen- tury B.C. made casual mention of the protective power of the bulla as though it were a matter of common experience to their audiences ; as, indeed, it must have been. It would seem that there was never a time when the Roman populace was free constat, unde mos bullae duravit, ut eorum, qui equo meruissent, filii insigne id haberent, ceteri lorum. . . . '^ See Juvenal, 5, 164. *' A bit of evidence that points strongly to Roman origin is the fact that, when the Roman boy assumed the toga virilis, he dedicated his bulla not to any of the newer gods, but to the Lares, the most ancient of the native gods. Pseudo-Acro, on Horace, Sat. 1, 5, 65, says: solebant pueri, postquam pueritiam excedebant, eis Laribus bullas suas consecrare. Cf., also, Persius, 5, 31; Petronius, Sat. 60; Roscher, Lex. 2, 1877, 38-53. 8« Fowler, Rel. Exper. 60. 89 A. Gellius, N. A. 10, 15 (cf. supra, 54^56). 9» Frazer, G. B. 2, 315 f. (cf. ib. 13-14). 91 Supra, 79, n. 70; cf. Plautus, Epid. 639 f.: Rud. 1171; Jahn, Bos. Blick, 42, n. 48. \X 82 STUDIES IN MAGIC FHOM LATIN LITERATURE from a belief in such means of prophylactic magic. This use of amulets seems, however, to have reached greater propor- tions during the first century of our era.'^ The common people of that period are said, for instance, to have used the wild grape as an amulet against disease,'' and the cyclamen against all mala medicamenta.^* Amber, too, was popularly supposed to be a powerful amulet to ward off children's diseases and other ailments.'^ Nor were the cultivated men of the first Christian century free from the taint of superstition. M. Servilius Nonianus, a historian of the reign of Claudius, used an amulet to protect himself from lippitudo; his example was followed by C. Licinius Mucianus, a man of sufficient dignity to have held the consul- ship three times.'^ Even the physicians of that century in- cluded the use of amulets in their practice of medicine ; " while the Magi, if one may judge from the number of times they are slightingly mentioned by Pliny the Elder, must have influenced the popular medicine of this period very consider- ably. '' Finally, Pliny himself openly recommends '' the use of amulets in the treatment of quartan fevers. ^ At least it then, for the first time, becomes the subject of literary discussions such as those contained in Pliny's Natural History. " Pliny, N. H. 23, 20 Utuntur ea (i.e. oenanthe) pro amuleto et ad expuitionem sanguinis quoque adhibent. . . . '^ Pliny, N. H. 25, 115 A nostris tuber terrae vocatur, in omnibus serenda domibus, si verum est, ubi sata sit, nihil nocere mala medica- menta; amuletum vocant. '5 Pliny, N. H. 37, 50-51 Infantibus adalligari amuleti ratione prodest. Callistratus prodesse etiam cuicumque aetati contra lymphationes tradit et urinae difEcultatibus potum adalligatumque. For a detailed account of amulets in preventive medicine see infra, 84^105. «6 Pliny, N. H. 28, 29 (infra, 86). " Such were Grannius (Pliny, N. H. 28, 42), Caeoilius (Pliny, N. H. 29, 85, quoted infra, 90, and n. 121), CaUistratus (Pliny, N. H. 37, 51), and Scribonius Largus (Comp. 171). Cf. also supra, 73. s8 See N. H. 28, 228-229: 29, 81-83: 30, 64. 99 Cf. supra, 74. MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 83 This recommendation the populace was evidently disposed to follow, for a century and a half later we find the people resorting so universally to the use of amulets for the prevention of quartan fever that the Emperor Caracalla threatened with death all who should be detected wearing amulets against this scourge.^"" Such violent measures, however, had, so far as we may judge, very slight effect ; for in the succeeding generation we find Q. Serenus Sammonicus, himself a physician, recom- mending amulets as a legitimate adjunct in both preventive and curative medicine.^"^ The adoption of Christianity as the state religion, though it had very little immediate effect upon popular beliefs, resulted in making those who believed in medical amulets the victims of the imperial Christian zeal. Accordingly, we find in the fourth century of our era renewed punishments inflicted upon those who resorted to prophylactic amulets.^"^ The common people, however, clung to their amulets in spite of the imperial disapproval, and, if one may judge from the astonishingly plentiful evidence presented in the interesting manual of popular medicine compiled by Marcellus of Bordeaux (about 410 A.D.), became even more devoted to magical means in preventive medicine. "" See Spartianus, Carac. 5, 7 (quoted supra, 53, n. 297). "" See, e.g., lines 927-931 in which the author gives a remedy for daily recurrent fever: Nee non ossa iuvant saeptis inventa domorum: convenit haec tereti pendentia subdere collo. Multaque praeterea verborum monstra sUebo; nam f ebrem vario depelli carmine posse vana superstitio credit tremulaeque pairentes. The air of superiority assumed by Sammonicus in the last three lines of this passage is not at all in accord with his actual belief in such magic. i'^ See Ammianus Marcelhnus, 19, 12, 14 nam si qui.remedia quar- tanae vel doloris alterius collo gestaret . . . pronuntiatus reus capitis interibat. For the general attitude of Christianity to magic, see Maury, Mag. et I'astrol., Chapter 6. 84 STUDIES IN MAGIC PROM LATIN LITERATURE (4) Amulets Used in Preventive Medicine. — Amulets were, in fact, used by the Romans at one time or another to prevent almost all kinds of disease. It is my purpose to present in the succeeding pages of this chapter the passages in Latin literature that have to do with the prevention of disease either (a) by means of amulets, or (b) by other magic means; to make some general classification of medical amulets; and to discover the fundamental principle upon which Roman prophylactic magic rests. Amulets were used to prevent, 1. Headache. — Marcellus Empiricus (1, 41) furnishes our only amulet for the prevention of headache: ^^ Limaci calculum, quern in capite habet, toUe; . . . quem lapidem quamdiu tecum habueris, numquam uUum dolorem capitis nee senties nee patieris. 2. Diseases of the Eye. — Pains in the eyes might be avoided by means of various amulets. Thus Marcellus Empiricus (8, 27) tells us: Dolorem oeulorum ut anno integro non patiaris . . . de tribus cerasiis lapillos pertundes et Gaditauo lino inserto pro phylacterio uteris, voto prius facto contra solem orientem quod eo anno cerasia non sis manducaturus.'^"* Stones found in the swallow's stomach were said to have the same beneficent effect, but for a longer period, if we may credit the same authority (8, 45) : Hirundinis ventrieulo scisso albi ac nigri lapiseuli inveniuntur, qui si lupino aureo ineludantur et coUo suspendantur, omnem dolorem oeulorum perpetuo avertent. ira Many other amulets to be found in Marcellus Empiricus are for the cure of headache rather than for its prevention. Such, for instance, are those mentioned in 1, 85: 2, 7. 1" See infra, 121-122. MAGIC AND THE PKEVENTION OF DISEASE 85 The green lizard, also, could be worn as a powerful means of preventing pains in the eyes, according to Marcellus (8, 50) : Lacerti viridis quern ceperis die lovis luna vetere mense Septembri aut etiam quocumque alio oculos erues acu cuprea^"^ et intra bullam vel lupinum aureum claudes coUoque suspendes: quod remedium quamdiu tecum habueris, oculos non dolebis. Another type of amulet, used to protect the wearer from all eye troubles, consisted of an inscribed piece of virgin parch- ment. To this Marcellus Empiricus testifies (8, 58) : Hoc etiam remedium indubitate impetus oculorum, si praevenias, prohibebit, scriptum in charta virgine : jOOV/8ps pvoircipos ■fjiXiO'S OS ttomt' e(t>op^ Kal iravr iiraKov€i: quod ad coUum dolentis '■"^ licio suspendi debet. Lippitudo was a very common eye trouble among the Ro- mans. Hence we find a number of amulets recommended for preventing this troublesome affliction. The green lizard is again prominent. See Marcellus Empiricus (8, 49) : Lacertam viridem excaecatam acu cuprea ^"^ in vas vitreum mittes cum anuUs aureis, argenteis, ferreis, et electrinis, si fuerint, aut etiam cupreis, deinde vas gypsabis aut claudes diligenter atque signabis et post quintum vel septimum diem aperies, lacertam sanis luminibus invenies, quam vivam dimittes, anulis contra lippitudinem ita uteris, ut non solum digito gestentur, sed etiam oculis crebrius adplicentur, 1™ Such references to copper, gold, tin, reed, etc., are probably to be interpreted as a prohibition of iron (cf. supra, 73 and n. 42). There seems to be evidence, however, that gold in itself possessed some magic power (see Fowler, Rel. Exper. 60). '" It is, of course, inconsistent for the author to use the words si prae- venias, prohibebit, and dolentis of the same act; but one should not expect to be able to draw too strict a line of distinction between amulets to pro- tect against future disease, and amulets to cure present ailments. "' Cf. supra, n. 105. 86 STUDIES IN MAGIC FKOM LATIN LITERATUKE ita ut per foramen anuli visus transmittatur .... observandum etiam ut luna vetere . . . die lovis Septembri mense capiatur lacerta atque ita remedium fiat, sed ab homine maxime puro atque casto."' The head of the dragon and the tongue of the fox possessed similar power. Of the former Pliny says (N. H. 29, 128) : negatur annis multis continuis lippiturus . . . qui draconis caput habeat. Of the latter the same author tells us (N. H. 28, 172) : vulpinam hnguam habentes in armilla Uppituros negant. The fly, also, could be used as an amulet to avert lippitudo.^°^ Of the woodland sorrel we are told (Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 41) : quamdiu eam tecum habueris, non hppies. That amulets of inscribed parchment were useful in this field of preventive magic we see from Pliny (N. H. 28, 29) : M. Ser villus Nonianus princeps civitatis non pridem in metu Uppi- tudinis, priusquam ipse eam nominaret aliusve ei praediceret, duabus litteris Graecis PA chartam inscriptam circumligatam lino subnectebat collo, Mucianus ter consul eadem observatione viventem muscam in Unteolo albo, his remediis carere ipsos lippitudine praedicantes. The use of a golden lamella for the same purpose is mentioned by Marcellus Empiricus (8, 59) : In lamella aurea acu cuprea scribes opvui ovpoiSrj et dabis vel suspen- des ex licio collo gestandum praeligamen ei qui lippiet, quod potenter et diu valebit, si observata castitate die lunae illud facias et ponas. The strangest of all the means of protection against lippitudo is, perhaps, the one given by Pliny (N. H. 28, 42) : in manu "' I have given this long passage practically entire in order to exhibit a fair sample of the elaborate precaution often enjoined regarding details in the preparation of an amulet. It is not definitely stated in thisfpassage whether the amulet is to be used to avert or to cme lippitudo. The former interpretation seems, however, more probable, since the amulet men- tioned in the passage immediately following (8, 50, quoted supra, 85) is said to avert pains in the eye. 109 Pliny, N. H. 28, 29, quoted infra. MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 87 dextera II medii (sc. digiti) lino leviter colligati destillationes atque lippitudines arcent."" 3. Toothache. — I have found only one case of the preven- tion of toothache by means of an amulet. It is in Pliny (N. H. 27, 89) : In hoc (i.e. quadam parte gallidragae) crescente aestate vermiculos nasci tradit, quos pyxide conditos adaUigari cum pane bracchio ab ea parte, qua dens doleat, mireque ilico dolorem toUi. Valere non diutius anno et ita, si terram non adtigerint."^ 4. Diseases of the Throat. — Of throat afHictions two were thought preventable by means of amulets. Goitre, we are told (Marcellus Empiricus, 15, 67), may be prevented in the following manner : Caput viperae linteolo conhgatum coUoque suspensum toUes . . . prohibet innasci. Equally efficacious was the following method of preventing a cough (Pseudo- Pliny, 1, 17) : "^ scribes in charta virgine hoc nomen lal- dabrae "' et de spongia nova tollis lapillum, alligabis tibi et suspendes ad collum. 5. Diseases of the Stomach and Bowels. ■ — The amulet most effective in protecting one from abdominal pains in general / seems to have been the ankle bone of a hare."* We read in "» The tying together of the fingers was doubtless thought to bind up the excretions characteristic of these diseases. "1 We shall find in the course of our study numerous cases where it is enjoined that the object possessing the magic power must not touch the earth. For an explanation of this prohibition see infra, 120, n. 292. 112 P. 206, 1. 1 of Codex St. Galli 751. Cf. Heim, Incant. Mag. 557. "' For meaningless words, 'Ei(na ■ypkiiiiaTa, on amulets cf. infra, 100. "* The facts regarding European superstitions concerning the hare wiU be found in Hazlitt, Faiths and Folklore, 1, 305. The custom of carry- ing in one's pocket or about one's person a 'rabbit foot' is so common in the United States, or at least in the Southern States, that I think no proof of the custom is necessary. Such amulets are especially prized by negroes and small boys as a means of protection against various physical ills and to secure good luck. The foot of the hare was much used by the Romans as an amulet in the cure of physical ailments (cf. Pliny, N. H. 28, 220; Marcellus Empiricus, 28, 21: 29, 35: 36, 26-28). 88 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITEHATUHE Pliny (N. H. 28, 199) : Ventris quidem dolore temptari negant talum leporis habentes. This amulet must have been very- popular, for we find it mentioned twice by Marcellus Empiricus. In 28, 48 he says : Si quis talum leporis secum habuerit, in- munis a dolore ventris et periculo huiusmodi perpetuo per- manebit. Again, we find (27, 84) : sed qui talum leporis secum habuerit, huiusmodi casum, id est subitum dolorem ventris, numquam incurret. Of a different kind is the amulet mentioned by Marcellus (34, 34) : Observabis, ut quodcumque de corpore fuerit eieetum licio alligatum candelabro suspendas aut uncta oleo lanula involutum in ventrali gestes; dolorem non patieris eius loci, de quo fuerit aliquid eductum. Amulets intended specifically for colic are also found. Here we may cite Pliny (N. H. 30, 63) : huius (sc. ossifragi intes- tini) partem extremam adalligatam prodesse contra colum constat ; Marcellus Empiricus (29, 13) : Coli dolorem avertes, si de lacertarum cp-udis sumitatem tuleris et auro incluseris et Ugaveris circa umbilicum aut si de reste ventrem circum- cinxeris, de qua quis laqueo vitam finierit. Cf . id. 28, 45. 6. Urinary Diseases. — Here we may cite Pseudo-Pliny (2, 38) : "' Item (ad) vesicae dolorem scribes in vesica procina, mascula de masculo, femina de femina et ad umbilicum sus- pendes, et eius nomen scribes cui f acis : ' abarabarbaricabor- boncabradubrabarasaba.' "^ 7. Diseases of the Groin. — To protect the groin from swelliag ulcers Pliny recommends the following amulet (N. H. 23, 163) : Inguen ne intumescat ex ulcere, satis est surculum tantum myrti habere secum nee ferro nee terra contactum."'' That this "5 p. 239, Cod. St. Galli 751. Cf. Heim, Incant. Mag. 559. "^ It seems better to refer such passages as Pliny, N. H. 37, 51; Pseudo- Pliny, 2, 18 (p. 62, ed. Rose) : 2, 45 (p. 247, 1. 13 Cod. St. Galli 751, quoted by Heim, 1. c); and Marcellus Empiricus, 26, 129-130 to curative rather than to preventive medicine. "' Repeated in Pseudo-Pliny, 2, 21 (p. 64, ed. Rose). The injunction that the amulet be not allowed to touch the earth is quite common. Cf . supra, 87, n. Ill and infra, 120, n. 292. MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 89 amulet was popular seems to be shown by the fact that Pliny himself repeats it with slight change (N. H. 26, 91) : Alii adiciunt et puleium, quod ieiunus quis legerit : si post se alliget, inguinis dolores prohibet. . . . These passages are in turn repeated in substance by Marcellus Empiricus (32, 18) : Ne inguen ex ulcere aliquo aut vulnere intumescat, surculum anethi in cingulo aut in fascia habeto ligatum; and again (32, 20) : Surculum quoque ex mjrrto terra non tactum si quis gerat, ab inguinibus tutus erit. Of a very different type is the amulet mentioned by Pliny (N. H. 28, 48) : Inguinibus medentur aliqui liceum telae detractum alligantes novenis septenisve nodis, ad singulos nominantes viduam aliquam atque ita inguini adalligantes."' This passage of Pliny is also repeated with some changes by Marcellus (32, 19) : In sparto vel quocumque vinculo, quo holus aut obsonium fuerit innexum, septem nodos fades et per singulos nectens nominabis singulas anus viduas et singulas feras et in crure vel bracchio, cuius pars vulnerata fuerit, alligabis. Quae si prius facias, antequam nas- cantur inguina, omnem inguinum vel glandularum molestiam pro- hibebis. . . ."' 8. Female Troubles. — Many of the physical ills peculiar to women were thought to be preventable by medical amulets. Among these were (a) Female Complaints in General. — To this class belongs an amulet described by Pliny (N. H. 28, 41) : Pueri qui primus ceciderit dens, ut terram non attingat, inclusus in armillam et adsidue in bracchio habitus muliebrium locorum dolores prohibet. "* Repeated with some changes by Pseudo-Pliny, 2, 21 (p. 64, ed. Rose). "' Cf. also Marcellus Empiricus, 32, 21. The same amulet is suggested by TheodoruB Priscianus, 4, 313 for the cm'e of headache. 90 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATUEE (b) Menstrual Irregularities. — For this compare Marcellus Empiricus (10, 35) : Item carmen hoc utile profluvio muliebri: Stupidus in monte ibat, stupidus stupuit; adiuro te, matrix, ne hoc iracimda suscipias; "° pari ratione scriptum ligabis. (c) Conception. — This, too, was often considered a physical ill, for the prevention of which medical amulets could be used. Pliny tells us (N. H. 29, 85) : vermiculi duo (sc. in capite phalangi reperti) adalUgati mulieribus pelle cervina ante solis ortum praestare ne concipiant, ut Caecilius '^' in commentariis reUquit. (d) Miscarriage. — Here, again, Pliny is our authority. In N. H. 28, 98 we read : Muheri Candida a pectore hyaenae caro et pili septeni et genitale cervi, si inUgentur dorcadis pelle e coUo suspensa, continere partus promittuntur. . . . Compare with this N. H. 28, 246-247 : Tradunt cervas, cum senserint se gravidas, lapillum devorare quern in excrementis repertum aut in vulva . . . custodire partus adaUigatum. Inveniuntur et ossicula in corde et in vulva perquam utiUa gravidis parturientibusque. To these passages may be added Pliny, N. H. 30, 125 : 36, 151 ; Solinus, 37, 15. '^'' Jacob Grimm {Kleinere Schriften, 2, 129, § 22) gives the following metrical arrangement of this incantamentum: Stupidus in monte ibat, stupidus stupuit, adiuro te, matrix, ne hoc iracunda suscipias. For a further discussion of this amulet cf. Grimm, op. cit. 146 ff.; Heim, Incant. Mag. 498. "^ Cf. supra, 82, n. 97. This Caecihus is called Caecilius medicus in the index auctorum to book twenty-nine of the N. H. MAGIC AND THE PEEVENTION OF DISEASE 91 (e) Painful Delivery. — Here we may cite Pliny (N. H. 28, 114): eundem (i.e. chamaeleonem) salutarem esse parturi- entibus, si sit domi, si vero inferatur, pemiciosissimum. 9. Galling of the Skin. — The pertinent passages here are Pliny (N. H. 26, 91) : Intertrigines negat fieri Cato absinthium Ponticum secum habentibus; (24, 47) : Virgam populi in manu tenentibus intertrigo non metuitur; and (24, 63): Virgam (sc. viticis) qui in manu habeant aut in cinctu, negantur intertriginem sentire. 10. Tumors. — The most general means of protection against all tumors (strumae) is that mentioned by Marcellus Empiricus (15, 52) : Contra omnes strumas at feminis et maribus utilissimum est, si cor lacertae viridis lupino argenteo clausum in coUo suspensum semper habeant. Another interesting amulet for the prevention of the same disease is given by Pliny (N. H. 23, 130) : Corticem eius (i.e. caprifici) intumescentem puer impubis si de- fracto ramo detrahat dentibus, medullam ipsam adalligatam ante solis ortum prohibere strumas. Finally, we find one and the same substance used first as a cure for strumae, and then as an amulet to prevent the return of the afiiiction. The whole passage, found in Pliny (N. H. 26, 24), throws an unusually clear light upon the folk lore of the times : Sideritis latifolia clavo sinistra manu circumfossa adalligatur, custodienda sanatis ne rursus sata taedium herbariorum scelere . . . rebellet, quod et in iis, quos Artemisia sanaverit, praedici reperio, tern in iis, quos plantago. Such a substance can, of course, be classed as an amulet only in the broad sense that it protects its owner from physical ills.*^ ^^ That the Romans extended the meaning of the word amulet so as to includte such means of protection I have shown, supra, 78. The nega- tive principle which underlies the practice here mentioned is apparent also 92 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITEEATUEE 11. Infants' Diseases. — (a) In General. — Here, in what seems the natural field of household remedies, we expect a rich store of preventive medical magic, nor are we disappointed. We find, for instance, coral, amber, and malachite used as amulets to ward off children's ills in general. Compare Pliny (N. H. 32, 24) : Surculi (sc. coralii)!'" infantiae adalligati tutelam habere creduntur; (37, 50): Infantibus adalligari (sc. sucinum) amuleti ratione prodest; (37, 114; quoted by SoUnus, 33, 20) : laudata (sc. molochitis) . . . infantium custodia quodamque ianato contra pericula medicamine. The scarab ^^ was used in much the same way, as we see from Pliny (N. H. 11, 97) : infantium etiam remediis ex cervice (sc. scarabaei) suspenduntur. . . . (b) Troubles of Teething. — The troubles of teething were prevented by the use of the wolf's tooth as an amulet. This valuable and suggestive charm was also credited, it may be noted, with power to drive from the mind of a child all fears of the darkness. See Pliny (N. H. 28, 257) : Dens lupi adalUga- tus infantium pavores prohibet dentiendique morbos, quod et pellis lupina praestat.'^^ A similar sympathetic amulet is provided by the milk teeth of colts, according to Serenus Sam- monicus (1031-1032) : CoUo igitur moUi denies nectentur equini, qui primi fuerint pullo crescente caduci. 12. Night Fears. — The excessive fear which some persons experience in the dark is little short of a disease. That the in the various customs of concealing nail parings, hair cuttings, and similar objects. Cf. Frazer, G. B. 2, 267 ff. '^ For other instances of coral as an amulet cf. Pliny, N. H. 37, 145; Gratius, Cyn. 399-407; Serenus Sammonicus, 942. "< For beetles as amulets in general cf . Pliny, N. H. 30, 100. '2^ One might think that the wolf tooth was intended merely as a hard substance upon which to cut the teeth, were it not for other items in the passage which are not susceptible of such an explanation. MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OP DISEASE 93 Romans thought it possible to prevent such fears by means of amulets is clear from Pliny (N. H. 28, 98) : Contra noctumos pavores umbrarumque terrorem unus ex magnis dentibus (sc. hyaenae) lino alligatus succurrere narratur. Other parts also of the hyena were credited with this same power; compare Pliny (N. H. 28, 115) : Pedem (sc. hyaenae) e prioribus dex- trum pelle hyaenae adalligatum sinistro bracchio contra la- trocinia terroresque noctumos poUere, item dextram mamillam contra formidines pavoresque. . . . The tooth of even so companionable an animal as the dolphin was believed to possess a similar power to drive away fears, according to Pliny (N. H. 32, 137) : Adalligatus idem (i.e. dens delphini) pavores re- pentinos toUit. Idem effectus et caniculae dentis. 13. Epilepsy. — I have found in Latin literature only one instance of the use of amulets to prevent epilepsy, namely, Plmy (N. H. 30, 91) : Magis placet draconis cauda in pelle dorcadis adalligata cervinis nervis vel lapilli e ventre hirundinum puUorum sinistro lacerto adnexi. . . . Quin et e nido earum lapillus . . . dicitur . . . adalligatus in perpetuum tueri (sc. a morbo comitiali). 14. Fevers. — Amulets for the prevention of fevers, par- ticularly tertian and quartan fevers, seem to have been quite commonly employed.'^^ Among these we may mention amulets used to prevent (a) Continuous Fevers. — See PUny (N. H. 28, 107) : canini dentes febris statas arcent ture repleti . . . ita ne diebus V ab aegro cernatur qui adalligaverit. (b) Nightly or Daily Recurrent Fevers. — Mentioned by Pliny (N. H. 29, 64) : adalligatos (sc. cimices) laevo bracchio binos lana subrepta '^' pastoribus resistere nocturnis febribus prodiderunt, diurnis in russeo panno. We have cited above '^' »2« Cf. PUny, N. H. 30, 98 (quoted supra, 74). »" Cf. infra, 104-105. '^^ Cf. supra, 83, n. 101. 94 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATUBE the amulet mentioned by Serenus Sammonicus as a means of averting daily recurrent fever. (c) Tertian Fevers. — To what extent the Roman populace employed amulets to protect themselves from tertian fever is shown by the statement of Spartianus i^' that during the third century of our era many persons were severely punished for using such prophylactic magic. That such practices were very prevalent at that time may also be gathered from Serenus Sammonicus (916-918) : Ut possis igitur talem prohibere furorem (i.e. febrem tertianam), involves cera sine caudis grana cundni Puniceaeque indes peUi coUoque ligabis. That the Romans of the first century of our era also possessed amulets for warding off tertian fever we know from Pliny (N. H. 24, 170) : Herba quaecumque e rivis aut fliiminibus ante soUs ortum collecta ita ut nemo coUigentem videat, adalligata laevo bracchio ita ut aeger quid sit illud ignoret, tertianas arcere traditur."" (d) Quartan Fevers. — We have shown above ^'^ that Roman medicine was totally unable to cope with this type of malarial fever, and that even Phny was willing to recommend a trial of amulets in the lack of a better method of treatment. In addition to the passage already cited we may quote from Pliny the following passages : N. H. 28, 111 Cor (sc. crocodili) adnexum in lana ovis nigrae, cui nullus alius colos incursaverit, et primo partu genitae quartanas abigere dicitur; N. H. 28, 114 cor (sc. hyaenae) ad versus quartanas inligatam lana nigra primae tonsurae (sc. poUere Democritus narrat); and N. H. 28, 228 Quartanis Magi excrementa fehs cum digito bubonis adalligari iubent et, ne recidant, non removeri septeno circumitu. "» Cf. supra, S3, n. 297. "=» Cf. also Pliny, N. H. 30, 104. "1 PUny, N. H. 30, 98 (supra, 74). MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 95 15. Bites of Poisonous Animals. — To protect themselves from the bites of serpents and other poisonous animals the Romans made free use of amulets. Most of the objects thus used, however, emit such an odor that one might perhaps maintain that they had a real efficacy arising from natural causes, were it not for certain accompanying details that are clearly magical in character. When Scribonius Largus, for instance, tells us ^^ that either hiera botane or trifolium acutum, if bound to the person, will protect the wearer from the bite of serpents, and in the same connection states that both plants odorem gravem emittunt, we are tempted immediately to con- clude that the serpents were supposed to flee on account of the disagreeable odor of the plant. But Scribonius adds : Sed utrasque superius dictas herbas cum inveneris, pridie notare oportet et circumscribere sinistra manu fruges aliquas ponentem atque postero die ante solis ortum sinistra manu vellere (et) ita inligatas habere. Clearly a plant plucked with so much ceremony was thought to possess protecting qualities other than its pungent odor. A similar doubt attaches to the use of shrew mice as amulets. The bite of this animal was considered dangerous to cattle. Accordingly, we find the following measure of protection sug- gested by Columella (6, 17, 6) : Solet etiam ipsum animal vivum creta figulari circumdari; quae cum siccata est, collo bourn suspenditur. Ea res iimoxium pecus a morsu muris aranei praebet. One might maintain, of course, that the dead shrew mouse concealed witlun the ball of potter's earth by emitting a characteristic odor acted as a warning to the other shrew mice ; but it seems much more likely that behind this custom lay some magic principle based upon antipathia. The same argument might be advanced to show that those who carried parsnips about their persons in order to avoid "2 Comp. 163. Cf. Pliny, N. H. 20, 133-134. 96 STtTDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE snake-bite did so, not because they depended upon the power of the vegetable as an amulet, but because serpents were supposed especially to dislike and to shun the odor of the parsnip. Yet such an explanation would scarcely suffice in the case of the man who, instead of carrying the parsnip in his clothes, ate it ; "' for he was equally protected. Upon the whole I think that such measures of protection are to be regarded as amulets. (5) Materials of Amulets. — The foregoing passages make it clear that the Romans practiced prophylactic magic by means of amulets made of mineral, vegetable, and animal materials. By arranging these amulets in groups according to the material of which each is composed we shall be able to determine not only the relative importance of the three princi- pal sources of amulets, but also the general nature of medical amulets themselves. (a) Minerals. — We are told that rings of gold, silver, copper, or iron are equally efficacious as amulets in preventiQg lippi- tudo,^^* a disease from which one might also be protected by wearing about one's neck an inscribed golden lamella.^^ Precious stones and similar materials were used, especially for warding off the various diseases of infants. We find malachite,^'' coral,!'' a_^j(j amber ^'^ thus employed. The last named sub- stance was also used to prevent lippitudo.^^^ There were cer- tain small stones, also, which seem to have derived their power as amulets, in part at least, from the sources from which they "3 Gargilius Martialis, Med. 33 Negant feriri a serpentibus qui pasti- nacam secum ferant vel ante gustarint. Cf. Pliny, N. H. 20, 31; 69; 133; 223; 232: 22,52; 60: 25,163; Ps.-Apuleiu8, De Med. Herb. 4, 7. "* Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 49 (supra, 85). 136 Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 59 (supra, 86). "« Pliny, N. H. 37, 114 (supra, 92). '" Pliny, N. H. 32, 24 (supra, 92). "8 Pliny, N. H. 37, 50 (supra, 92). 139 MarceUus Empiricus, 8, 49 (supra, 85). MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 97 were obtained. We read,"" for instance, that a stone found in the head of a snail could free the person who wore it from all fear of headache. A similar stone, found in the stomach of a swallow, if worn as an amulet, was thought to protect the wearer from all pains in the eyes,"^ and from epilepsy.*^ Still another stone, found iu the womb of the hind, was commonly thought to prevent miscarriage.'^ Finally, it was beUeved among the populace that one might avert a cough by wearing about one's person a stone taken from a new sponge.'" (b) Vegetable Materials. — The vegetable kingdom also con- tributed to the number of prophylactic amulets. Woodland sorrel, according to one authority,"^ protected the wearer from the danger of Uppitudo, while the myrtle twig offered a like pro- tection against ulcers of the groin."^ Wormwood, poplar, or vitex twigs, if worn about the person, were thought to protect the wearer from skin galls."' Tumors, we read, could be pre- vented by wearing about one the bark of the wild fig tree "' or ironwort."' Tertian fever, too, might be avoided by the simple means of wearing upon one's person grains of cummin prepared according to certain directions ; ^° and snake-bite need never be feared by him who had with him hiera botane, trifolium acutum,^^^ or a parsnip. '^^ "° Marcellus Empiricus, 1, 41 (supra, 84). "' Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 45 (supra, 84). '« PUny, N. H. 30, 91 (supra, 93). i« PUny, N. H. 28, 246 (supra, 90). »« Pseudo-Pliny, 1, 17 (206, 1 Cod. St. GaUi 751; supra, 87). "5 Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 41 (supra, 86). i« PUny, N. H. 23, 163 (supra, 88). »' PUny, N. H. 24, 47; 63: 26, 91 (supra, 91). "8 PUny, N. H. 23, 130 (supra, 91). "9 Pliny, N. H. 26, 24 (supra, 91). "» Serenus Sammonicus, 916-918 (supra, 94). '" Scribonius Largus, 163 (supra, 95). 152 Gaigilius MartiaUs, Med. 33 (supra, 95-96). 98 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE (c) Animal Materials. — The greatest number of medical amulets, however, was supplied by the animal kingdom. The eye of the lizard, for instance, was considered efficacious in averting pains in the eyes,'*' while the tail of that animal was thought to be an equally effective amulet in preventing colic^** In like manner it was believed that whoever had a dragon's head about him was freed from all fear of lippitudo,^^^ and that the tail of the dragon would protect anyone who had it on his person from morbus comitialis}'°^ The head of the viper, accord- ing to popular belief, if worn as an amulet, would prevent goitre,^*' while the readily changeable chameleon would insure an easy childbirth."' More insignificant animals, too, had the power to prevent disease. Thus, the fly, shut up alive in a capsule, was thought to prevent lippitudo; '^' while the shrew mouse, similarly en- closed in a ball of clay and suspended from the neck of cattle, was believed to keep other shrew mice from biting the cattle. ^^* Worms were imagined to prevent toothache '^^ and conception."^ The scarab was hung from the necks of children as a general prophylactic agent."' The teeth of various animals were especially adapted to use as amulets. To Roman parents it seemed quite a natural deduction that the tooth of the courageous wolf should protect the infant who wore it from childish fears and teething troubles ; '*^ and even to the first-dropped tooth of a colt 163 Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 50 (supra, 85). i" Marcellus Empiricus, 29, 13 (supra, 88). «5 Pliny, N. H. 29, 128 (supra, 86). «« Plioy, N. H. 30, 91 (supra, 93). ■" Marcellus Empiricus, 15, 67 (supra, 87). "^» Pliny, N. H. 28, 114 (supra, 91). 1" Pliny, N. H. 28, 29 (supra, 86). i8» Columella, 6, 17, 6 (supra, 95). '^^ pijuy^ N. H. 29, 85 (supra, 90) "1 PUny, N. H. 27, 89 (supra, 87). "^ Pliny, N. H. 11, 97 (supra, 92). "< Pliny, N. H. 28, 257 (supra, 92). MAGIC AND THE PREVENTION OF DISEASE 99 the same mystic power was accorded.**^ By a similar course of reasoning it was argued that the first milk tooth lost by a boy, if worn in a woman's bracelet, would prevent pain in the female organs, ^^* and that the tooth of the hyena would prevent night fears. ^*' Such fears might also be prevented by wearing upon one's person the right nipple or the right fore-foot of the hyena. ^^' This last named amulet recalls the use of the 'rabbit foot ' as an amulet,^*' a custom for which Roman parallels are not lacking. The ancient Romans believed, for instance, that one who kept about his person the knuckle bone of a hare would never suffer a pain in the stomach."" Other amulets of animal origin were the tongue of a fox, used to prevent Upjntudo ; "^ an inscribed hog bladder, to prevent human bladder troubles ; ^'^ wolf skin, to prevent teething trouble and infants' fears ; "' bones found imbedded in the wall of a house, to prevent daily recurrent fever ; ^'^ and excreta, bound on the abdomen, to prevent pain in that region. ^'^ Of animal origin, too, were the bits of inscribed virgin parch- ment which we find used as medical amulets,^'* though in «5 Serenus Sammonicus, 1031-1032 (supra, 92). «8 Pliny, N. H. 28, 41 (supra, 89). 1" Pliny, N. H. 28, 98 (supra, 93). «' Pliny, N. H. 28, 115 (supra, 93). "» Cf . supra, 87 and n. 114. "» Pliny, N. H. 28, 199 (supra, 88). The popularity and tenacity of this belief are attested by the fact that Marcellus Empiricus thrice (27, 84: 28, 21; 48) repeats the words of Phny almost verbatim. "' Pliny, N. H. 28, 172 (supra, 86). "2 Pseudo-PHny 2, 38 (supra, 88). Cf. also Phny, N. H. 30, 63 (supra, 88) for a similar use of the osprey's intestine. >" PHny, N. H. 28, 257 (supra, 92). 1" Serenus Sammonicus, 927-928 (supra, 83, n. 101). '" Marcellus Empiricus, 34, 34 (supra, 88). "» Pliny, N. H. 28, 29 (supra, 86); Pseudo-Pliny, 1, 17 (supra, 87); Marcellus Empiricus, 8, 85 (supra, 85) ; cf . with these Marcellus Empiricus, 10, 35 (supra, 90). 100 STUDIES IN MAGIC FROM LATIN LITERATURE such cases we should probably attribute as much virtue to the incantamenta inscribed thereon as to the material of which the amulet was made."' (d) Miscellaneous Materials. — In this group may be men- tioned the tying of the two middle fingers of the right hand together in order to prevent lippitudo or catarrh."^ We may add the popular belief that one who feared disease in the groin might render himself immune from such afflictions if he took a thread from the loom, tied it into an odd number of knots, at the same time naming each knot for a different widow, and finally bound the knotted thread around the groin. ^" In like manner a piece of rope with which a person had committed suicide might be used as an amulet to prevent colic. ^"' (6) Inscriptions on Medical Amulets. — Many medical amu- lets seem to have derived their power from certain unintel- ligible words that were inscribed upon them."'- Most of these words probably had no meaning origiually. At any rate they have lost all meaning for us, and it is likely that they meant nothing to the Romans who used them. Any attempt, there- fore, to get a meaning from such words is almost useless.^'^ Besides, it is altogether probable that the average Roman '" Cf. below, n. 181. "« Pliny, N. H. 28, 42 (supra, 86-87). 1" PUny, N. H. 28, 48 (supra, 89). IS" Marcellus Empiricus, 29, 13 (supra, 88). '*' These inscriptions were usually made up, in part or as a whole, of 'E0l