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SHAKSPEEE'S HOLINSHED 
 
SHAKSPERE'S HOLINSHED- . , , 
 
 THE CHRONICLE 
 AND THE HISTORICAL PLAYS COMPARED 
 
 BY 
 
 W. G. BOSWELL-STONE 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 LONDON AND BOMBAY 
 1896 
 
 [All righti reserved] 
 

 K,D^6 5"] 
 
 EiOHARo Clay & Sons, Limited, 
 
 LOKDOS Si BUNOAY. 
 
LIBEUM HUNC 
 
 QUEM SI APUD NOS HODJE VERSARETUR 
 
 IPSIS MANIBUS ACCIPERE DEBUIT 
 
 IN MEMORIAM MATRIS OPTIMAE 
 
 QUOD RESTAT, DEDICO. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Pkeface 
 
 Authorities befebbbo to in t^is Book , 
 
 COBBECTIOirS AND ADDITIONS . 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Ltmr . I. i. ... 1 
 
 „ . „ iii., II. ir. 4 
 
 . IV.vu.— V.iii. 5 
 
 CyinhdvM III. i. . . . 7 
 
 V. iii. . . . 15 
 
 Macbeth Li 18 
 
 „ iii. — II. iii. 22 
 
 II. iv. ... 31 
 
 III. iii. ... 33 
 
 IV. i. ... 85 
 „ ii. . . . 36 
 „ iii. . . . 37 
 
 V. ii. — ^riii. . 40 
 John . I. i 45 
 
 II.— Ill, . . 51 
 
 IV. .... 59 
 
 V. i 63 
 
 .>ii 68 
 
 „ili. ... 71 
 
 „iv. ... 72 
 
 V. v.— vii. . 73 
 
 Sich. II. I. i 77 
 
 >• II ii 84 
 
 II II iii 86 
 
 „iv.. . . . 89 
 
 „ II. i 91 
 
 „ „ ii. . . . 97 
 
 ,, „ iii. . . . 100 
 
 „ iv. . . . 102 
 
 III. i. . . . 104 
 
 „ ii. . . .106 
 
 „ „ iiL . . . 107 
 
 „ iv. . . . 110 
 
 ,1 IV. i. 
 
 V. i. ... 120 
 
 „ „ ii.— iii. . . I, 
 
 „ „ IT.— V, . . 124 
 
 „ Ti. ... 126 
 
 lBm.ir.l.i 130 
 
 „ iii. ... 133 
 
 lMm.IV.ll.m. . 
 
 •I iv. ■ 
 
 III. L . 
 •I ii. . 
 
 IV. i. . 
 
 II ii- ■ 
 II iii. • 
 
 V. i. . 
 „ ii.— iv. 
 I, y. . 
 
 2ffen.IF.I.i. . . 
 II iii. • 
 II. iii. . 
 Ill.i. . 
 
 IV. i.— ii. 
 II iii- - 
 II iv- - 
 ., V. . 
 
 V. ii. . 
 
 iiV. . 
 
 aen. V. I. Prol. . 
 i.i- 
 
 II ii. - 
 II. Chorus 
 
 II ii. - 
 
 II. iv. . 
 
 III. Chorus 
 „ i. . 
 
 II iJ- . 
 
 „ iii. . 
 
 II V. . 
 
 II VI. . 
 
 „ vii. . 
 IV. Chorus 
 
 II i. . 
 
 II ii- - 
 
 1 1 iii- • 
 
 II iv. - 
 
 » VI. . 
 
 „ vii. . 
 
 PAGE 
 
 . 136 
 
 • fl 
 
 . 137 
 . 139 
 . 142 
 , 143 
 
 144 
 147 
 148 
 
 149 
 150 
 
 II 
 
 155 
 156 
 158 
 161 
 164 
 165 
 167 
 168 
 173 
 
 II 
 
 177 
 179 
 
 M 
 
 180 
 
 n 
 
 182 
 183 
 185 
 186 
 187 
 188 
 189 
 191 
 192 
 
 Ben. r. IV. viii. . 
 ,, V. Chorus 
 
 II II ii- 
 
 lSm.VI.lA. 
 .. ii. 
 
 2 Hen. 
 
 •I iii. 
 Ill 
 
 , iv. 
 
 , — vi, 
 
 II V. 
 
 II. i, 
 II ii- 
 II iii- 
 I, iv. 
 II V. 
 
 III. i. 
 II ii- 
 
 II Ml. 
 
 „ iv. 
 
 IV. i. 
 
 II ii-— 
 
 V. i. 
 I. ii- 
 •I iii- 
 „iv. 
 
 II V. 
 ri.l.L . 
 „ii. 
 II iii- 
 
 I. iv. 
 
 II. i. 
 II ii- 
 II iii' 
 „ iv. 
 
 III. i. 
 „ iL 
 
 •I iii- 
 
 IV. i. 
 
 II ii- 
 
 II iii- 
 
 II iv. 
 
 II V. 
 
 -vii. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 ix 
 xvii 
 zziii 
 
 . 195 
 
 . 197 
 
 . 199 
 
 . 205 
 
 . 209 
 
 . 212 
 
 . 213 
 
 . 215 
 
 . 216 
 
 . 217 
 
 . 218 
 
 . 219 
 
 . 220 
 
 . 224 
 
 . 226 
 
 . 228 
 
 . 230 
 
 . 234 
 
 . 236 
 
 . 237 
 
 . 238 
 
 . 241 
 
 . 242 
 
 . 248 
 
 • »l 
 
 . 252 
 
 . 253 
 
 . 255 
 
 . 258 
 
 . 261 
 
 . 262 
 
 . 266 
 
 . 269 
 
 . 270 
 
 . 271 
 
 . 272 
 
 . 273 
 
 . 275 
 
VIU 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 2 Sen. VI. W.yi. . 
 
 . 275 
 
 „ ,, vii. . 
 
 . . 276 
 
 „ „ yiii. . 
 
 . 279 
 
 )> ), ix. . 
 
 . 281 
 
 )) )) ^' 
 
 . 283 
 
 „ V. i. . 
 
 . 284 
 
 „ „ ii.— iii. 
 
 . 288 
 
 3 Hen. VI. I.i. . 
 
 . 289 
 
 J) )J ^' • 
 
 . 295 
 
 „ „ iu. . 
 
 . 297 
 
 „ iv. . 
 
 . 298 
 
 „ II. i. . 
 
 . 300 
 
 „ ii. . 
 
 . 303 
 
 „ „ iii. . 
 
 . 305 
 
 ! ) ) J V. 
 
 . 306 
 
 >> >, vi. . 
 
 . 307 
 
 III. i. . 
 
 . 308 
 
 „ ii. . 
 
 . 309 
 
 „ i". . 
 
 . 312 
 
 „ IV. i. . 
 
 . 318 
 
 ■ „ ii.— iii. 
 
 . 322 
 
 „ iv. . 
 
 . 324 
 
 )) )) V. . 
 
 )) 
 
 11 ,, vi. . . 
 
 . 326 
 
 ■ „ „ vii. . 
 
 . 330 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 
 
 
 
 FAOE 
 
 
 PAOE 
 
 Z Ben. VI.IY. Ym. . 
 
 . . 332 
 
 Bich. III. IV. iii. . 
 
 . . 394 
 
 „ V. i. . 
 
 . . 333 
 
 II II iv. . 
 
 . . 397 
 
 i> )> ii. 
 
 . 337 
 
 J J )) '" • 
 
 . . 406 
 
 » » iii. . 
 
 )» 
 
 „ V. L . 
 
 . . 409 
 
 „ iv. . 
 
 . 338 
 
 .. ii. • 
 
 . 410 
 
 ,< .. V. . 
 
 )J 
 
 „iii. . 
 
 ii 
 
 )i 1. vi. . 
 
 . 340 
 
 „ IV. . 
 
 . 418 
 
 „ „ vii . 
 
 . . 341 
 
 >> )) "^^ 
 
 • J» 
 
 Rich. in. I. i. 
 
 . 343 
 
 Hen.VIII.l. i. . . 
 
 . 424 
 
 .) >. ii. 
 
 . 345 
 
 „ „ ii. 
 
 . 431 
 
 „ „ iii. 
 
 . 346 
 
 II iii. . 
 
 . 439 
 
 ,. ,. iv. 
 
 . 348 
 
 II II iv. . 
 
 . 440 
 
 „ II. i. . 
 
 * JJ 
 
 II. i. . 
 
 . 446 
 
 >> ii- . 
 
 . 350 
 
 » ii. . 
 
 . 454 
 
 „ iii. . 
 
 . 353 
 
 „ iii. . 
 
 . 455 
 
 ,. IV. . 
 
 )» 
 
 II iv. . 
 
 Ii 
 
 III. i. . 
 
 . 356 
 
 III. i. . 
 
 . 466 
 
 J) )J II' • 
 
 . 362 
 
 ,1 ii. . 
 
 . 469 
 
 „ „ iii. • 
 
 . 368 
 
 „ IV. i. . 
 
 . 482 
 
 ,, » iv. . 
 
 >) 
 
 II ii. • 
 
 . 487 
 
 j> )) ^; • 
 
 . 373 
 
 II V. i. . 
 
 . 493 
 
 )j )) vi« • 
 
 . 376 
 
 ,1 ii. • 
 
 . 498 
 
 ,, vii.. 
 
 . 377 
 
 ji ., iii. ■ 
 
 . 499 
 
 „ IV. i. . . 
 
 , 386 
 
 >4 . 91 V. . . 
 
 .505 
 
 ) ) ) J ^. . ■ 
 
 . 387 
 
 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 AboTTT the compiler of the chronicles whence most of the historical 
 excerpts in this book have been taken, w6 know nothing save what his 
 will reveals. He there described himself as "Raphael HoUynshed of 
 Bromecote [Bramcott] in the County of "Warr[wick] " ; and bequeathed all 
 his property to "Thomas Burdett of Bromecote aforesaid Esq.," whom he 
 calls "my Master." The will was made on October 1, 1578, and proved 
 on April 24, 1582.^ 
 
 The first edition of Holinshed's Chronicles appeared in 1577. John 
 Hooker alias Vowell, Abraham Fleming, Francis Thynne, and others, 
 produced a second edition, bringing down the English annals to January, 
 1587. In this second edition the text was altered or modernized,^ and 
 many new passages were added. 
 
 The historical authority used for some of the plays (when other works 
 were not consulted) was apparently the second edition of Holinshed. In 
 the subjoined parallel columns certain different readings of the two 
 editions are collated, and a few enlargements of the second edition are 
 noted. The left-hand column's references indicate the pages of this book, 
 where the later readings or fresh matter will be found. The right-hand 
 column gives references to the plays which have readings identical with or 
 like the readings presented by the text of the second edition, or which 
 embody matter added to that edition. 
 
 1 Caxaien's Antuds, I. cxlix, cl. For conjectures touching Holinshed's kindred, see 
 the Dictiona/ry of National Biography, under his name. 
 
 2 In the story of Lear more than a dozen textual changes were made. I give two 
 examples: that you ha/ue dlvxms borne towwds me] ed. 2 (p. 3 helow). that tovnrds me 
 you haue aVways home ed. 1. — acmslie\ ed. 2 (p. 4 below), vnneth ed. 1. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 HOLINSHBD, ed. 2. 
 
 wUd] p. 23. 
 
 In this years . . . imhnowne 
 
 euenf] p. 103. 
 picM?ianks] p. 140. 
 In this years . . , to be seene.'\ 
 
 p. 158. 
 alledge easr against the Icings of 
 
 Englamd in larre of their iust 
 
 title] p. 169. 
 
 dishonest] p. 169. 
 who vsurped] p. 170. 
 Numbers] p. 171. 
 should shake the wailes of the 
 best court in France, p. 173. 
 
 desolatioTC] p. 177. 
 offenses] p. 177. 
 
 die yowr tawnis ground viUh 
 your red blond.] p. 185. 
 
 In time of this siege . . . here- 
 after followeth.] pp. 210- 
 212. 
 
 forhi/r pranks . . . and vritches.] 
 pp. 238, 239. 
 
 Edward the third . . .his grand- 
 sire; . . .] p. 256. 
 
 Zionell tlie third . . . died with- 
 out issue.] p. 257. 
 
 And the said . . . same 
 Edward.] p. 258. 
 
 a taper in hir hand.] p. 261. 
 
 created the lord Thomas. . .saint 
 Edwards dmrriber.] p. 347. 
 
 wishing and . . , casting away.] 
 p. 410. 
 
 The oration . , . his armie.] p. 
 414. 
 
 The oration . . . his armie.] p. 
 416. 
 
 moothers meanes, . . .] p. 417. 
 
 HOLINSHED, ed. 1. 
 
 ferly 
 
 Not in ed. 1. 
 
 alledge to defeate the Kyngs of 
 Engla/nd of their iust . . . 
 title 
 
 mihonest 
 which vsurped 
 Nwmeri 
 
 shoulde brealce amd batter downe 
 the roofes of his houses about 
 
 I7ot in ed. 1. 
 
 make red your tawny ground 
 
 with the effusion of christian 
 
 bloud. 
 
 Not in ed. 1. 
 
 brothers meanes 
 
 Play. 
 
 wilde] Maeb. I. iii. 40. 
 Rich. II., II. iv. 8. 
 
 1 Hen. IV., III. ii. 25. 
 
 2 Hen. IV., IV. iv. 125. 
 
 There is no barre 
 To make against ymi/r High- 
 
 nesse claime] Hen. V., I. ii. 
 
 34, 35. 
 dishonest] Hen. V., I. ii. 49. 
 who vswpt] Hen. V., I. ii. 69. 
 Numbers] Hen. V., I. ii. 98. 
 That all the Cov/rts of France 
 
 will be distwb'd] Hen. V., 
 
 I. ii. 265. 
 desolation] Hen. V., II. ii. 173. 
 offenses] Hen. V., II. ii. 181. 
 We shall your tawny grovmd 
 
 with your red blood 
 Discolour: . . .] Hen. V., III. 
 
 vi. 170, 171. 
 1 Hen. VI., I. ii. 
 
 1 Hen. VI., V. iv. 
 
 2 Hen. VI., II. ii. 10-20. 
 
 2 Hen. VI., II. ii. 34-38. 
 
 2 Hen. VI., II. ii. 44-52. 
 
 2 Hen. VI., II. iv. 16 (S. D.). 
 Rich. III., I. iii. 255, 256. 
 
 Rich. IIL.V. ii. 20, 21. 
 
 Rich. III., V. iii. 236 (S. D.). 
 
 Rich. III., V. iii. 313 (S. D. 
 
 inQq.). 
 MotJiers cost}] Rich. III., V, 
 
 iii. 324. 
 
 The second edition of Holinshed must have been employed for those 
 parts of ffewy VIII. which are based on Cavendish's Life of Wolsey ; if 
 the dramatist did not resort directly to Stow, in whose Chronicles of 
 Englavd (1580) selections from this biography were first published. 
 
 With regard to the wider question of sources, the reader will find 
 that, in Lear, Gymheline, and the historical plays preceding 1 Henry 
 VI., most of the borrowed action and dialogue can be illustrated by 
 excerpts from Holinshed, Passages in the following plays — not traceable 
 to Holinshed — are compared with other likely sources at the references 
 given below: John (pp. 48-51); Richard II. (p. 118); 1 Ren. IV. (pp. 
 
PREFACE. xi 
 
 139 n. 2, 141 n. 2) ; 2 Sen. IV. (p. 163) ; mn. V. (pp. 172, 173 n. 1, 
 185 n. 3, 186, 188). 
 
 As most of the quotations from Holinshed, illustrating the three Parts 
 of Henry VI., are paraphrases of Halle, it is generally impossible to 
 determine which of these authorities was used, and I have therefore in 
 such cases added a reference to the latter chronicler. But, when Halle 
 alone is cited, the reader will understand that the subsequent excerpt is 
 not paraphrased or copied in the second edition of Holinshed.^ It is clear 
 that the dramatist of The First Part of Henry VI. availed himself of 
 accounts of Jeanne Dare, given by Holmshed (see pp. 210-212, 238, 239), 
 which are not in Halle ; and we may conjecture that Holinshed's paraphrase 
 of Halle was the source of 1 Hen. VI., V. i. 5, 6. In the passage illustrating 
 these lines (p. 234 below), both editions of Holinshed read peace for concorde. 
 Holinshed has : " exhorting them ... to conforme themselues to reason, 
 ... so that, in concluding a godlie peace, they might receiue profit and 
 quietnesse heere in this world," &c. The equivalent words of Halle are : 
 "exhorting . . . them, . . . that they would . . . conforme themselfes to 
 reason, and to Godly concorde, by the whiche they should receaue honor, 
 profite, and continuall quietnesse in the worlde," &c. LI. 83 and 95, 96, 
 Act III. sc. ii. (pp. 225, 226), were probably derived from Holinshed. 
 Fabyan may have yielded some details in Act I. sc. iii. (p. 213), Act III. 
 sc. i. (p. 221), and Act III. sc. ii. (p. 225). LI. 61-71, Act IV. sc. vii. 
 (p. 233), were copied from an epitaph published by Crompton and Brooke 
 in 1599 and 1619, respectively.^ 
 
 The reviser who turned The Contention into The Second Part of Henry 
 VI. was indebted to Holinshed or Stow for York's full pedigree ^ (pp. 256- 
 268). Amalgamated with the dramatic version of Cade's revolt are many 
 particulars — recorded by these chroniclers — of the villeins' outbreak in the 
 reign of Richard IL (pp. 271, 272, 272 n. 2, 273 n. 4, 277, 278). Eecourse 
 to Holinshed (p. 251) is indicated by 11. 163, 164, Act I. sc. iii. ; and a hint 
 for the Entry at Act II. sc. iv. 1. 16, was probably taken from his chronicle 
 (p. 261). The excerpts from Holinshed (pp. 246-249, 281), and from Stow 
 (pp. 253, 261), may be regarded as possible sources of the play both in its 
 
 » IToZJfi, 256 ("This deadly," &c., p. 306), the last clause of SaJie, 293 (p. 334) — 
 including the words "periured duke," — and B.<M&, 300 (p. 338), are in the first edition 
 of Holinshed. MaXLe, 296 (p. 337) and 295 (p. 338, n. 2), are slightly changed in Sol. ed. 1. 
 
 ^ Slight verbal resemblances suggest that the text of the inscription given by Brooke 
 was the immediate source of these lines. See p. 233, n. 1, below. 
 
 * The pedigree in The Oontention (1594) is very erroneous and defective. In The 
 Whole Contention (1619) some nustakes were corrected, but York's descent from 
 Philippa, daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence, was not traced. 
 
Xll PREFACE. 
 
 original and enlarged form. The same may be said of the quotations from 
 Pabyan/ at pp. 246, 268, 276, and 286 ; though, in I, i. 114, the reviser uses 
 a phrase — not, however, an uncommon one — which occurs verbatim in that 
 chronicler (p. 245). A doubtful instance of resort to Hardyng -will be 
 found at p. 262. Neither Halle nor Holinshed gives Sir Thomas More's 
 story of the sham mu-acle at St. Albans (pp. 253-255) ; dramatized in both 
 forms of the play. 
 
 The Third Part of Henry VI. is, as a rule, based on Halle or on his 
 paraphraser Holinshed ; but the dramatist appears to have profited also 
 by Stow and parts of Holinshed's compilation which were not drawn from 
 Halle. See pp. 291 n. 3, 293, 295, 296, 299, 302, 309. 
 
 Holinshed was the chief historical source of Bichard III. Halle and 
 Grafton contain the story mentioned in HI. v. 76-79 '(p. 374). In an Entry 
 at HI. vii. 94 (p. 383) Halle or Grafton's continuation of Hardyng was 
 turned to account. 
 
 The primary authorities dramatized in Henry VIII. are Halle, Stow, 
 Polydore Vergil, Foxe, and .Cavendish. These materials — Foxe excepted 
 — are brought together in the second edition of Holinshed. Most of the 
 Fifth Act and some other portions of the play were derived from Foxe. 
 
 Valuable as Holinshed's Chronicles were as a store-house of our national 
 history, the method pursued by the editors was uncritical. Thus, Raphael 
 and his successors interwove the late and mostly fictitious Historia 
 Britonum with authentic notices of British afiiairs, taken from Roman 
 writers. (See pp. 7-13 below.) A few meagre facts recorded by Marianus 
 Scottus, Tighernac, the Ulster Annals, and the Saxon Chronicle embrace 
 nearly all that we know about the real Macbeth, but Holinshed presented 
 to the reader a circumstantial romance composed by Hector Boece. From 
 the scant genuine particulars extant, we may, I think, conjecture that 
 Macbeth was not regarded as "an vntitled Tyrant" (Macb. IV. iii. 104) 
 among his own Gaelic countrymen dwelling north of Edinburgh, though, in 
 the Anglicized region of Lothian, his rival Malcolm — who had adopted the 
 customs of strangers — was doubtless preferred.^ It is certain at least that 
 
 1 EaUe (246, n. 2) is a more likely source of I. i. 159 than Fab., -whom I have quoted 
 in the text (246). From Halle (247, n. 2) also, perhaps, rather than from Mol.'s renrint 
 of Stow (247), came I. i. 191-193. ^ 
 
 2 These facts, recorded in the Saxon Chromcle (ed. Ingram, p. 307), are significant • 
 Malcolm III., and Margaret, his English wife, died in 1093. Disregarding the claim of 
 their sons, " the Scots [the Gael] then chose Dufenal [DonalbainT to king, Melcolm's 
 brother, and drove out all the English that formerly were with the king Melcolm." 
 
PREFACE. Xm 
 
 Macbeth ruled for fourteen years ; ^ from the time when young ^ Duncan 
 was murdered to the day when Siward triumphed. Three of the stories 
 commonly associated with Macbeth — the weird sisters' predictions, Birnam 
 Wood coming to Dunsinane, and his death at the hand of a foe not born 
 of woman — were first narrated by Andrew Wyntoun, Prior of St. Serf, who 
 finished his Cronyhil of Scotland about 1424. According to Wyntoun, 
 Macbeth saw the weird sisters in a dream (p. 24, n. 1, below), and was 
 slain by a "knycht," whose name is not given. ■ Subjected to the fancy of 
 Boece, the dream became an apparition ; and the nameless knight assumed 
 definite shape as Macdufi', Thane of Fife. Fordun, — who was writing in 
 the last quarter of the fourteenth century, — and Wyntoun, first make 
 mention of Macduff. Banquo and Fleance were, I suppose, creatures of 
 Boece's imagination. Of Gruoch, Macbeth's wife, there is one contemporary 
 memorial. It is a copy of a charter whereby "Machbet filius finlach . , . 
 & gruoch filia bodhe rex et regina ScotorMm " gave Kyrkenes to the Ouldees 
 of St. Serfs monastery on Loch Leven ; free of all obligations save the duty 
 of praying for the donors.^ 
 
 The purpose of this book does not include a detailed examination of 
 the evidence which a dramatist found in the printed chronicles of his 
 times, and I therefore say no more anent the materials used by Holinshed. 
 I warn the reader~(if a caution be needed) to te^ke jwith. a laj^-^grain- of 
 salt what Holinshed, Halle,_and others relate^ concerning .the youthful 
 follies of HenryJE^ the „ejiLlife and-deaj^^ the 
 
 crimes of Cardinal Wol8ey...„ The shameful charges against 'Jeanne Dare 
 need, of course, no comment. Before, however, closing these prefatory 
 words, I shall briefly notice two cases in which treatment of character has 
 far exceeded such historical warrant as was easily accessible. Margaret oF 
 
 Duncan II. — a son of Malcolm by a prior union — assembled an Anglo-Norman army, 
 and deposed Donalbain. " But the Scots afterwards gathered some force together, and 
 slew full nigh all his men ; and he himself with a few made his escape. Afterwards 
 they were reconciled, on the condition that he never again brought into the land English 
 or French." See pp. 41, 42 below. . ' 
 
 • In 1046, according to Arm. Dunehn. {Pertz, xix. 508), Siward dethroned Macbeth, 
 who, however, was speedily reinstated. A revolt seems to have broken out on behalf 
 of Duncan's sons, for under the year 1045 we find the following entry: "Battle 
 between the Albanich on both sides, in which Crinan, abbot of Dunkeld [Duncan's 
 father], was slain, and many with him, viz. nine times twenty heroes." — Tighernao 
 (Skene), 78. 
 
 2 Dreaming of Duncan's murder, Lady Macbeth says ; " yet who would haue thought 
 the olde man to;haue had so much blood in him " (V. i. 43-45). The historical Duncan I. 
 was slain "immatura etate.":— TigiAernac,(j8fcene), 78. . 
 
 * Liber GaHa/rwm Prioratus Scmeti ' Andree in Scotia (Bannatyne Club), ed. T. 
 Thomson, 1841, p. 114. 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 Anjou's guilty love for Suffolk is sheer fiction; or was perhaps inferred 
 from expressions which describe him as a minister whom she trusted. 
 "By the queenes meanes," we are told, Suffolk was "aduanced so in 
 authoritie, that he ruled the king at his pleasure" (Hoi. iii. 626/1/43. 
 HalU, 207). She is said also to have " intierlie loued the duke " {Hoi. iii. 
 632/1/9. Halle, 218), Moreover, Halle (219, om. Hoi) employed a phrase 
 capable of injurious construction when he called Suffolk "the Queues 
 deariynge." There can be little doubt that Richard III. was unscrupulous 
 in gratifying his ambition, but he was not a flawless villain, who loved evil 
 /for its own sake, apart from its results. Just before the armies joined 
 ' / battle at Bosworth he is alleged to have thus disclosed to his followers 
 remorse for his nephews' murder : " And although in the adeption and 
 obteigning of the garland,/!, being seduced and prouoked by sinister 
 counsell and diabolicall temptation, did commit a wicked and detestable 
 act, yet I haue with streict penance and salt tears (as I trust) expiated 
 & cleerelie purged the same offense : which abominable crime I require 
 you of fr^dship as cleerelie to forget, as I dailie remember to deplore and 
 lament the same" {Hoi. iii. 756/i/i8. Halle, 416). Other parts of his 
 speech were worked into the play (pp. 416, 417 below), but this passage 
 was ignored, and some prelusive words,^ well becoming the superhuman 
 impiety of the dramatic Richard, were invented. Still, he was false to 
 himself once, and a parallel of this passage is, perhaps, to be found in 
 the confession (V. iii. 193-200) wrung from him by the dreams of his 
 last night. 
 
 The plan of Shahspere's Holinshed requires brief explanation. The 
 historical excerpts are arranged in the dramatic order, and . the action 
 of the play which they illustrate is briefly described. I quote the second 
 edition (1587) of Holinshed's Chronicles. Each excerpt is preceded by 
 a bracketed reference to the volume, page, column, and first line of the 
 quotation, as it stands in that edition. The three volumes of Holinshed 
 are cited as Hoi. i. H. E. (Holinshed, vol. i., Historie of Ungland), Hoi. ii. 
 H. S. (Holinshed, vol. ii., Historie of Scotland), and Hoi. iii. (Holinshed, 
 vol. iii.). The line-numbers of the Globe Shakespeare (1891) are followed 
 
 • " Let not our babling Dreames affright our soules : 
 Conscience is but a word that Cowards vse, 
 Deuis'd at first to keeps the strong in awe : 
 Our strong armes be our Conscience, Swords our Law ! 
 March on, ioyne brauely, let vs to't pell mell ; 
 If not to heauen, then hand in hand to HeU ! " 
 
 (V. iii. 308-313. Q. reading of 1. 309.) 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 iu quoting or referring to the plays. Identical words are italicized both 
 in the excerpts and the plays compared.^ 
 
 New sideuotes, and additions to the original text or sidenotes of the 
 chronicles quoted, are bracketed. The original punctuation of the excerpts 
 from Holinshed's Chronicles, given on pp. 1-32, has been slightly modified, 
 but, in subsequent pages, I have freely altered, augmented, and — in 
 comparatively few cases — retrenched it. 
 
 The assistance and advice of Mr. P. A. Daniel, Dr. F. J. Furnivall, and 
 the late Dr. Brinsley Nicholson have been of great service to me. I am 
 much beholden to Mr. James Gairdner for his responses to various 
 questions touching historical matters. I am also obliged to Mr. James E. 
 Doyle and the Eev. S. J. Johnson for the communications which are given 
 at pp. 66, 396, below. Mr. Oswald Barron and Mr. Halliday Sparling 
 supplied me with those citations of public records which have appended 
 to them the initials 0. B. and H. S. To my brother I am indebted for the 
 dedicatory inscription of this book, and my thanks are due to my sister for 
 reading proofs. 
 
 I would here acknowledge my general obligations to the Bight Hon. 
 T. P. Courtenay's Cmamentaries on tJie Historical Plays of ShaJespea/re, and 
 to Mr. G. E. French's Shakspeareana Genealogica. I have had the ad- 
 vantage of consulting Sir James H. Ramsay's Lancastei- and York, and 
 the published volumes of Mr. J. H. Wylie's Histm-y of England under 
 Senry (he Fourth. 
 
 Walter George Boswell-Stone. 
 
 Beckenham, July 29, 1896. 
 
 > The original black-letter sidenotes liave been set in italic. A few words — for 
 example, Beqvdem (p. 128 below) — ^have been left in the original italic. Italic has been 
 substituted for the Boman type which, in copies of Holinshed, distinguish writers' 
 names — for example, Galfrid (p. 14) — ^from the black-letter text. 
 
AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN THIS BOOK. 
 
 An asterisk (*) indicates that an authority is contemporaneous or nearly contemporaneous with 
 the event related below. A dash (— ) precedes the last date of an authority, when the first year 
 IS not given. 
 
 * Arm. Bwrton. Annales de Burton. 1004—1263. H. R. Luard. (Chronicles and 
 Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle Ages. Annales Monastici. 
 Vol. 1.) 
 
 * Arm. Ihmelm. Annales Dunelmenses. 995—1199. G. H. Pertz. (Monumenta 
 Germaniae Historica. Vol. 19.) 
 
 * Ann. Mwrg. Annales de Margan. 1066—1232. H. R. Luard. (Ohron. and 
 Mem. Annales Monastici. Vol. 1.) 
 
 * Arm. B. II. — S. IV. Annales Ricardi Secundi et Heniici Quarti. 1392 — 1406. 
 H. T. Riley. (Chron. and Mem. Chronica Monasterii S. Albani. Vol. 4.) 
 
 * Arm. Theok. Annales de Theokesberia. 1066—1263. H. R. Luard. (Chron. 
 and Mem. Annales Monastici. Vol. 1.) 
 
 * Arm. Wmerl. Annales de jWaverleia. 1—1291. H. R. Luard. (Ohron. and 
 Mem. Annales Monastici. Vol. 2.) 
 
 Ansdme. Anselme de la Vierge Marie [P. de Gibours]. Histoire g^n^alogique et 
 chronologique de la Maison Royale dcrFrance, &e., continuSe par M. Du Foumy. 
 1726—1733. 
 
 Arehaeol. Archaeologia ; or, Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity, published 
 by the Society of Antiquaries of London. Vol. 20. 
 
 Arnold. Chronicle of the Customs of London. R. Arnold. (?) 1502. F. Douce. 
 1811. 
 
 * Arrived,. Historie of the Arrival! of Edward IV. in England and the finall 
 recouerye of his kingdomes from Henry VI. a.D. M.CCCC.LXXI. J. Bruce. (Camden 
 Society, No. 1.) 
 
 * AS. Chron. (M. H. B.). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 1—1154. H. Petrie and 
 J. Sharpe. (Monumenta Historica Britannica. — 1066.) 
 
 * Aveshury. Roberti de Avesbury Historia de MirabUibus Gestis Edwardi III. 
 1308—1356. T. Heame. 1720. 
 
 BaeovbS Mervry VII. The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, 
 F. Bacon. 1622. J. R. Lumby. 1889. (Cambridge University Press.) Cited by page 
 and first line. 
 
 Bartholomew. Gazetteer of the British Isles. J. Bartholomew. 1887. 
 
 * Beehington's Embassy. Journal of Bishop Beckington's Embassy in 1442. N. H. 
 
 Nicolas. 1828. 
 
 h 
 
Xviii AUTHOEITIES EEFEEREt) TO IN THIS BOOK. 
 
 * Benedict. Gesta Eegis Henrioi Secundi Benedicti Abbatis. 1169—1192. W. 
 Stubbs. (Chion. and Mem.) 
 
 Boece. Scotorum Historiae. —1460. H. Boece. 1575. Continued by Giovanni 
 Ferrerio, in this 2nd ed., to the year 1488. 
 
 Brewer. The Reign of Henry VIII. J. S. Brewer. 1884. 
 
 * Calenda/r (Hen. VIIL). Calendar of State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII. 
 J. S. Brewer and J. Gairdner. (Chron. and Mem.) Cited by volume, part, and numbered 
 document. When p. precedes numerals, the reference is to the page. 
 
 * Galend. RB. PP. Calendarium Rotulorum Patentium. 1201—1483. (Record 
 Commissioners' Publications.) 
 
 Camden's Amials. Guilielmi Camdeni Annales Rerum Anglicarum et Hibemicarum 
 regnante Elizabetha. T. Heame. 1717. 
 
 * GcmendAsh. The Life of Cardinal Wolsey. G. Cavendish. S. W. Singer. 1825. 
 Cavendish was Wolsey's gentleman usher. 
 
 * Gh/i'on. AiMt. Ign. Chronioon Eerum Gestarum in Monasterio S. Albani, (a.d. 
 1422—1431,) a quodam auctore ignoto compilatum. R. T. Eiley. (Chron. and 
 Mem. Annales Monasterii S. Albani, a Johanne Amundesham, Monacho, ut videtur, 
 consoripti. Vol. 1.) 
 
 * Chron. de la Piwdle. Chronique de la Pucelle. 1422 — 1429. G. Cousinot de 
 Montreuil. J. A. Buchon. (Collection des Chroniques Nationales Fran9oises.) 
 
 * Chron. Giles. Incerti Scriptoris Chronicon Angliae. 1399 — 1455. J. A. Giles. 
 1848. Cited by paginal references to the three Parts, which contain the respective 
 reigns of Henry IV., V., and VI. 
 
 * Chron. Land. A Chronicle of London. 1089—1483. N. H. Nicolas. 1827. 
 
 * Chron. Normamde. Chronique de la Pucelle . . . suivie de la Chronique 
 Normande de P. Cochon. 1403—1430. Vallet de Viriville. 1859. 
 
 * Chron. Rich. II. — Hen. VI. A Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II., Henry IV., 
 v., and VI. 1377—1461. J. S. Davies. (Camden Society, No. 64.) 
 
 * Goggeshall. Radulphi de Coggeshall Chronioon Anglicanum. 1066 — 1225. J. 
 Stevenson. (Chron. and Mem.) The last event recorded by Coggeshall (the banishment 
 of Fawkes de Breautd) took place in 1225. — M. Paris {Wendover^, iii. 94. 
 
 Collins. The Peerage of England. A. Collins. 1714. 
 
 * Oont. Croyl. Alia Historiae Croylandensis Continuatio. 1459—1485. T. Gale 
 and W. Fulman. 1684. (Scriptores Rerum Anglicarum. Vol. 1.) 
 
 Contention. The First part of the Contention betwixt the two famous Houses of 
 Yorke and Lancaster. 1594. F. J. Furnivall. 1889. (Shakspere Quarto Fac-similes.) 
 
 * Creton. {Archaeol.). 1399 — 1401. Archaeologia, vol. xx. (references to French 
 text and translation), contains the narrative of Creton, a Frenchman, who accompanied 
 Richard II. to Ireland in 1399, and returned with him. Creton gives an account (from 
 hearsay) of Isabelle's return to France in 1401. — Archaeol. xx. 226 ; 416. 
 
 D. K. Bep. 3. Third Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Records. 
 
 * De Coussy. Chroniques de Mathieu de Coussy (d'Escouchy). 1444 — 1461. J. A. 
 Buchon. (Collection des Chroniques Nationales Fran9oises.) 
 
 * Diceto. Radulphi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica. Ymagines 
 Historiarum. 1148—1202. W. Stubbs. (Chron. and Mem.) 
 
 Doyle. The Ofacial Baronage of England. J. E. Doyle. 1886. 
 
 * Du Olercq. M^moires de Jacques du Clercq. 1448—1467. J. A. Buchon.' 
 (Collection des Chroniques Nationales Frangoises.) 
 
 Diigdale. The Baronage of England. W. Dugdale. 1675—1676. 
 
AUTHORITIES REPEBRED TO IN THIS BOOK. xix 
 
 Edward III. King EdwaJd III. Doubtful Plays of William Shakespeare. Max 
 Moltke. 1869. Tauohnitz. Vol. 1041. 
 
 Siton (p. .154 below). Thomas Otterbourne. See OU. 
 
 * Ellis. Original Letters illustrative of English History, H. Ellis. 1825—1846. 
 Cited by series, volume, and page. 
 
 * Mmham. Thomas de Elmham Vita et Gesta Henrici Quinti, Anglorum Begis. 
 1388—1422. T. Heame. 1727. 
 
 Escouohy, Mathieu d'. See De Goussy. 
 
 * Eidog. Eulogium Historiarum. Vol. III. 1364—1413. F. S. Haydon. (Chron. 
 and Mem.) 
 
 * Eves. Monaehi de Evesham Historia Vitae et Regni Bicardi II. 1377 — 1402. 
 T. Heame. 1729. 
 
 * Excerpta Historica. Excerpta Historica, or, Illustrations of English History. 
 S. Bentley. 1831. 
 
 * Exchequer Issiies. Issues of the Exchequer. F. Devon. 1837. (Record 
 Commissioners' Publications.) 
 
 Fah. The New Chronicles of England and France. —1495. B. Fabyan. 1516. 
 H. EUis. 1811. (Read with the ed. of 1516. The irregular capital letters have as far 
 as possible been retained.) Fabyan's will was proved on July 12, 1513. 
 
 Famovs Victories. The Famovs Victories of Henry the fifth. 1598. P. A. Daniel. 
 1887. (Shakspere Quarto Fae-simUes.) 
 
 Fordnm. Joannis de Fordun Scotichronioon. W. Goodall. 1759. Fordun wrote 
 after 1377 j see Scotichronioon, ed. Goodall, XI. xiv. 151, note. (Cited by book, chapter, 
 and page.) 
 
 Foxe. Actes and Monumentes of the Churche. J. Foxe. 1576. Cited by page 
 and column. 
 
 Frendi. Shakspeareana Genealogica. G. R. French. 1869. 
 
 * Frois. Chroniques de Jean Froissart. 1327 — 1400. J. A. Buchon. (Collection 
 des Chroniques Nationales Frangoises.) 
 
 Gent. Mag. Gentleman's Magazine. First issued in 1731. 
 
 * Oesta. Henrici Quinti, Angliae Regis, Gesta. 1413 — 1416. B. Williams. (English 
 Historical Society.) Written by a chaplain of Henry V., about 1418 ; see Gesta, 5. The 
 work was continued to 1422. 
 
 GodAJoin. A Catalogue of the Bishops of England. F. Godwin. 1615. 
 Grafton. A Chronicle at large, and meere history of the affayres of Englande, &c. 
 —1568. B. Grafton. Ed. 1809. (Read with the ed. of 1569.) 
 
 * Grafts. Grants from the Crown temp. Edward V. J. G. Nichols. (Camden 
 Society, No. 60.) 
 
 * Greg. Gregory's Chronicle. 1189 — 1469. Historical Collections of a Citizen of 
 London in the Fifteenth Century. J. Gairdner. (Camden Society, N. S. No. 17.) 
 W. Gregory's will was proved on Jan. 23, 1467. Another chronicler recorded events 
 down to 1469, in which year the work ends abruptly. 
 
 EaXle. The Vnion of the two noble and illustre famelies of Lancastre and Yorke, 
 &c. — 1398 — 1547. E. Halle. 1550. (I have quoted the text of 1550, and given paginal 
 references to the ed. of HaUe's Chronicle published in 1809.) 
 
 Hard/yng. The Chronicle of lohn Hardyng. —1461. H. Ellis. 1812. (Read 
 with the ed. of 1543, entitled : " The chronicle of lohn Hardyng in metre," &c.) 
 Hardyng was bom in 1378 (Hard/yng 351), and was writing in 1463 {lb. 410). 
 
 Ha/rd/yng-Grafton. A Continnacion of the Chronicle of England, begynnyng wher 
 
XX AUTHORITIES EBFERRED TO IN THIS BOOK. 
 
 John Hardyng left, &c. 1461—1543. R. Grafton. 1543. H. Ellis. 1812. (Read 
 with the continuation of " The chronicle of John Hardyng in metre," &c.) 
 
 Eenr. Hunt. (M. H. B.). Henrici Aichidiaconi Huntendunensis Historiae Anglorum 
 Libri Octo. — 1154. (Monumenta Historica Britannica. — 1066.) 
 
 Hist. Britt. Galfredi Monumetensis Historia Britonum. J. A. Gilea. (Caxton 
 Society.) Geoffrey's dedication of Hist. Britt. was written before 1147. 
 
 * Hoveden. Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene. 732 — 1201. W. Stubbs. 
 (Chron. and Mem.) 
 
 * Iti/nerariwrn. Itineraria Symonis Simeonis et Willelmi de Worcester. J. Nasmith. 
 1778. 
 
 * Itinera/ry. Itinerary of King John. T. D. Hardy. 1835. (With Hardy's 
 Description of the Patent Rolls, one of the Record Commissioners' Publications.) 
 
 * Jecm de Troyes. Chronique de Jean de Troyes. 1460 — 1483. C. B. Petitot. 
 (Collection Complete des M^moires relatifs a I'Histoire de France. Premifere S6rie. 
 Tome 14.) 
 
 * Journal. Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris. 1409 — 1449. J. A. Buchon. (Col- 
 lection des Chronique Nationales Frangoises.) 
 
 * Juv. Histoire de Charles VI. 1380 — 1422. Jean Juvenal des Ursins. D. 
 Godefroy. 1653. 
 
 Lewis. A Topographical Dictionary of England. S. Lewis. 1833. 
 
 * Livius. Titi Livii Foro-Juliensis Vita Henrici Quinti, Regis Angliae. 1388 — 1422. 
 T. Heame. 1716. The closing words of this life (95) show that Livius wrote after 
 Gloucester's resignation of the Protectorate in 1429, and before the Duke's death in 1447. 
 
 Lords' Jowmals. Calendar of the Journals of the House of Lords. 
 
 M. H. B. Monumenta Historica Britannica. H. Petrie and J. Sharpe. 1848. 
 
 * M. Paris (Wendover). Matthaei Parisiensis, Monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica 
 Majora. Vol. IL 1067—1216. H. R. Luard. (Chron. and Mem.) Roger of Wend- 
 over's chronicles were revised and augmented by Matthew Paris, and continued by the 
 latter from 1235 to 1259. 
 
 * M. Scottus (Pei-fe). Mariani Scotti Chronicon. 1 — 1082. G. Waitz. (Monumenta 
 Germaniae Historica. Vol. 5. G. H. Pertz was the general editor of M. G. H.) 
 Marianus Scottus was born in 1028 and died in 1082. 
 
 * Mans. Chroniques d'Enguerrand de Monstrelet. 1400 — 1444. J. A. Buchon. 
 (Collection des Chroniques Nationales Frangoises.) 
 
 More. The history of King Richard the thirde. T. More. 1513. J. R. Lumby. 
 1883. (Cambridge University Press.) Cited by page and first line in the ed. of 1883. 
 Read with the text printed in More's Workes, 1557. From the title we learn that More 
 wrote this book about 1513, but its authorship has been attributed to Cardinal Morton, 
 who died iu 1500. 
 
 * OU. Duo Rerum Anglicarum Seriptores Veteres, viz. Thomas Otterboume et 
 Johannes Whethamstede. Ott. —1420. * Wheth. 1455—1461. T. Heame. 1732. 
 
 * Page. Poem on the siege of Rouen. J. Page. Historical Collections of a Citizen 
 of London in the Fifteenth Century. J. Gairdner. (Camden Society, N. S. No. 17.) 
 Page was present at the siege (1). 
 
 * Paston. The Paston Letters. 1422—1509. J. Gairdner. 1872—1875. (Arber's 
 Annotated Reprints.) 
 
 * Pol. Poems. Political Poems and Songs relating to English History. T. Wright. 
 (Chron. and Mem.) 
 
 Polyd. Verg. Polydori Vergilii Anglicae Historiae Libri XXVII. (a.c. 55— a.d. 
 
AUTHORITIES EEPERRED TO IN THIS BOOK. XXI 
 
 1537.) Basileae. 1555. Cited by page and first line. His first work, Proverhiorum 
 Lihdlus, was published in 1498. He died before 1555. 
 
 * Procfe. Ohronique et Proofes de la Pucelle d'Orl^ans. J. A. Biichon. (Collection 
 des Clironiques Nationales Frangoises.) 
 
 * Proc. Priv. Co. Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England. 
 N. H. Nicolas. 1834 — 1837. (Record Commissioners' Publications.) 
 
 Qwieherat. Procfes de Condamnation et de Rehabilitation de Jeanne d'Arc. Jules 
 Quieherat. 1841—1849. (Soci6t6 de I'Histoire de France.) 
 
 Bedman. Vita Henrici V. Roberto Redmanno auctore. 1413 — 1422. C. A. Cole. 
 (Chron. and Mem.) "Written between 1536 and 1544. 
 
 Beg. Sacr. Angl. Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum. An attempt to exhibit the course 
 of Episcopal Succession in England. W. Stubbs. 1858. 
 
 * Bot. Pa/rl. Rotuli Parliamentorum. Vols. III. — VI. Cited by page, and column 
 or section. (Record Commissioners' Publications.) 
 
 * Bous. Jonnnis Rossi Antiquarii Warwicensis Historia Regum Angliae. — 1485. 
 T. Heame. 1745 (ed. 2). Rous died in 1491. 
 
 Bows Bol. The Roll of the "Warwick Family. J. Rows. W. Courthope. 1845. 
 
 * Bymer. Foedera, Conventiones, Literae, et alia Acta Publica inter Reges Angliae 
 et alios Principes. T. Rymer. 1704^-1735. 
 
 * St. Dem/s. Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys. 1380 — 1422. M. L. Bellagnet. 
 (Collection de Documents In^dits sur I'Histoire de France.) 
 
 * Saint-Bemy. M^moires de Jean Lefevre, Seigneur de Saint-Remy. 1407 — 1435. 
 J. A. Buohon. (Collection des Chroniques Nationales Frangoises.) 
 
 Sandford. A Genealogical History of the Kings and Queens of England, . . . From 
 the Conquest ... to the year 1707. F. Sandford. S. Stebbins. 1707. 
 
 * S&mces du GonseU de Charles VIII. Procfes-Verbaux des stances du Conseil de 
 Rdgence du Roi Charles VIII. pendant les mois d'aoftt 1484 li Janvier 1485. A. Bernier. 
 (Collection de Documents InMita sur I'Histoire de France.) 
 
 Solly-Flood. The Story of Prince Henry of Monmouth and Chief-Justice Gascoign. 
 F. Solly-Flood. 1886. CTransactions of the Royal Historical Society. Vol. 3. Part 1.) 
 
 * Statutes. The Statutes of the Realm, . . . from Magna Charta to the end of the 
 reign of Queen Anne. 1810—1828. 
 
 * Stevenson. Letters and Papers illustrative of the "Wars of the English in France 
 during the Reign of Henry the Sixth, King of England. J. Stevenson. (Chron. 
 and Mem.) 
 
 Stow. The Annales of England . . . vntUl this present yeare 1605. J. Stow. 
 
 Strype^s Grommer. Memorials of . . . Thomas Cranmer, . . . Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury. J. Strype. P. E. Barnes. 1840. 
 
 T.-A. Time- Analysis of the Plots of Shakspere's Plays. P. A. Daniel. (The New 
 Shakspere Society's Transactions. 1877—1879.) 
 
 * Three Chronides. Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles. J. Gairdner. (Camden 
 Society, N. S. No. 28.) Two of these chronicles are cited thus : S. E. C. = A Short 
 English Chronicle, and B. L. 0. = A Brief Latin Chronicle. The former ends in 1465, 
 the latter embraces the period 1422 — 1471. 
 
 * Tighernac (Skene). Annals of Tighernao. —1088. Chronicles of the Picts, . . . 
 and other early Memorials of Scottish History. "W. F. Skene. (Ohroniolea and 
 Memorials of Scotland.) 
 
 T. B. The Troublesome Raigne of lohn King of England. Two Parts. 1591. 
 F. J. Furnivall. 1888. (Shakspere Quarto Fac-similes.) 
 
xxii AUTHORITIES RBPBERED TO IN THIS BOOK. 
 
 * Trots. Chronique de la Traison et la Mort de Elehard Deux. 1398 — 1400. 
 B. Williams. (English Historical Society.) Eeferences to French text and translation. 
 
 T. T. The True Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, and the death of good King 
 Henrie the Sixt. 1595. T. Tyler. 1891. (Shakspere Quarto Fac-similes.) 
 
 *Usk. Chronioon Adae de Usk. 1377—1404. E.M.Thompson. 1876. References 
 to Latin text and translation. 
 
 Few. j8?i. The Plays and Poems of William Shakspeare. E. Malone and J. Boswell. 
 1821. 
 
 * Few. State PP. Calendar of State Papers relating to English Affairs in the 
 Archives of Venice. Eawdon Brown. (Ohron. and Mem.) 
 
 Wake. State of the Church and Clergy of England. W. Wake. 1703. 
 
 * Wals. Thomae Walsingham Historia Anglicana. 1272—1422. H. T. Riley. 
 (Chron. and Mem. Chronica Monasterii S. Albani.) 
 
 * Watrkw. A Chronicle of the first thirteen years of King Edward the Fourth. 
 1461—1474. J. Warkworth. J. 0. Halliwell. (Camden Society, No. 10.) 
 
 * Wwwrin. Recueil des Croniques . . . de la Grant Bretaigne, . . . par lehan de 
 Waurin. — a.d. 1471. W. Hardy and E. L. Hardy. (Chron. and Mem.) Cited by 
 volume, book, and page. 
 
 TFeewr. Ancient Funeral Monuments of Great Britain, Ireland, and the Islands. 
 J. Weever. 1767. 
 
 Wheth. See Ott. 
 
 Whole Gontention. The Whole Contention betweene the two Famous Houses, 
 Lancaster and Yorke. Two Parts. Q 3. 1619. F. J. FumivaU. 1886. (Shakspere 
 Quarto Fac-similes.) 
 
 Wylie. History of England under Henry the Fourth. J. H. Wylie. 1884 — 1896. 
 
 Wyntown. The Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland. A. Wyntown. —1420. D. 
 Macpherson. 1795. 
 
 * Wyrc. Wilhelmi Worcestrii Annales Rernm Angliearum. 1324 — 1468. T. 
 Heame. 1774. (Liber Niger Scaccarii, &c. Vol. 2.) 
 
 * York Becords. Extracts from the Municipal Records of the City of York, during 
 the reigns of Edward IV., Edward V., and Richard III. R. Davies. 1843. 
 
CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS. 
 
 Page 15, line 18, for Loncart retwi Loncarty 
 
 „ 29, „ 4 from foot, for Loncart read Loncarty 
 
 „ 41, „ 2fromfoot,/or 1092 read 1093 
 
 „ 85, „ 1, for same read fame 
 
 „ 90, „ 6, /or lohn Bagot retwJ William Bagot 
 
 „ 118,last line but one. "Kichard, King of the Majoroas"(ilf(iyoi'«!antm) 
 is unknown in history. Kichard II.'s godfather was James, titular King of 
 Majorca. — Froisswrt, ed. Buchon (Pantheon Litt4raire), i. 521. This James, 
 son of James II. King of Majorca, was the third husband of Joanna I., Queen 
 of Naples. 
 Page 122, line 3 from foot, for Hugh read Thomas 
 
 „ 135, „ 20, for brother read cousin. See pedigree of Scrope in Wylie, 
 ii. 197. 
 Page 150, line 3, for Dauid lord Flepiing read Sir Dauid Fleming 
 
 „ 159, „ 17, delete as Fabyan asserts. See his words at 160 n 1 below. 
 
 „ 176, „ 3of note 1, /or 1584 read 1585 
 
 „ 182, „ 19, vnfought withaU. Cp. Hen. V. III. v. 2, 12. 
 
 „ 186, „ 2 of note 1, for qu6d read quod 
 
 „ 210, „ 14. Glansdale. So Fi. Glasdale may be the right form. In 
 a list of captains of Norman towns (dated 1417) occurs the name of " William 
 Glasdall Esquier."— <?e*ta, 278. 
 Page 210, last line (also last sidenote, and p. 211, 1. 1), fcyr Are read Arc 
 
 „ 213, line 13. the great chamber, "y' grene cha?abre." — Bot. Pwrl, 
 iv. 298/1. 
 Page 240, line 4 of note 1, for voulsit read vonlsit 
 
 „ 258, „ 8. Lord Grey of Bnthin was released on payment of a large 
 ransom. MUis, II. i. 9. 
 Page 342, line 9, for son read grandson 
 
 „ 342 „ 13. The red rose was not a badge of Henry VI., but we learn 
 from a grant (dated Nov. 23, 1461) that Edward I V.'s emblem (" Divisam 
 nostram ") was a white rose. — Bymer, xi. 480, Edward's father bore " by the 
 Castle of Clyfford ... a Whyte Koose."— Digby MS, No. 82, Bodleian 
 (Arehaeol. xvii. 226). 
 Page 375, note 3, Collation of « -f rufflyng " (p, 375, 1. 14). 
 
 „ 377, sidenote 3, for Lady read Dame 
 
 „ 416, note 2, fw Hoi. read Q, amdfor Halle read F 
 
XXIV COERECTIONS AND ADDITIONS. 
 
 Page 489, line 1. January 2 waa the day of Chapuys's arrival at Eimbolton. 
 —Calendar (Hen. VIIL), X. 28. 
 
 Page 499. The late Mr. Watkiss Lloyd showed (Notes and Qvsties, 7 th S. 
 vii. 203, 204) that HaUe was the source of the following passage in the Lord 
 Chancellor's address to Cranmer (V. iii. 10 — 15) : 
 
 we all are men, 
 In our owne natures /raiJe and capable 
 Of our flesh ; few are Angels : out of which frailty 
 And want of wisdome, you, that best should teach vs, 
 Maue misdemean'd your sdfe, and not a little, 
 Tovian-d the King first, then his Lawes, . . . 
 
 Parallel phrases exist in a speech made on September 1, 1531, by John 
 Stokesley, Bishop of London (Halle, 783), under these circumstances : Soon 
 after Wolsey's death legal proceedings were commenced against the spiritual 
 peers on the ground that the clergy had incurred the penalties of a premunire 
 through supporting the Cardinal's exercise of his legatine powers. Convocation 
 averted a trial of the case by voting Henry ^100,000 for his pardon (Halle, 
 774). When soliciting the help of the priests of hia diocese in raising the 
 sum, Stokesley said : 
 
 My frendes all, you knowe well that wee bee menfrayle of condicion and 
 no Angds, and by frayltie and lacke of wysedome wee hmie misdemeaned 
 our selfe towan-d the hyng our Soueraygne Lord and his lawes, so that all wee 
 of the Cleargy were in the Premunire ; . . . 
 
I. KING LEAR. 
 
 Holinshed's Chronicles, and a play of untraced authorship, entitled 
 The True Chronicle History of King Levr, 1605,^ were the chief and 
 most accessible sources whence Shakspere might have derived the main 
 plot of his drama.^ 
 
 The fountain-head for the story of Lear and his three daughters 
 is the ffistoria BriUmum, a chronicle which Geoffrey of Monmouth 
 professed ^ to have translated from a very ancient book written in the 
 British tongue. 
 
 Comparison with the subjoined excerpt from Holinshed shows that 
 the madness of the dramatic Lear, and the fate which befell him and 
 his daughter, are important alterations of the original story. No 
 source for these changes of plot has yet been discovered.* 
 
 \Hol. i. H. E. 12/2/59.] Leir the sonne of Baldud was admitted uirtu\t). 
 ruler ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3105, at what 
 time Joas reigned in Juda. This Leir was a prince of right noble 
 demeanor, gouerning his land and subiects in great wealth. He 
 
 * Ee^rinted in Steevens's Twenty of the Plays of Shakespeare, &c., IT66, vol. 
 iv., and in Hazlitt's ShaMspea/re's Libra/ry, Pt. II. vol. ii. pp. 307-387. 
 
 * Some other sources are: Fabyan's Chronicles, 1516 (ed. Ellis, i. 14-16) ; 
 William Warner's Albions England, 1586 (ed. 1612, pp. 65, 66) ; The Jvrste 
 Forte of the Mvrour for Magistrates, 1587 (ed. Haslewood, i. 123-132) ; The 
 Faerie Qiieene, 1590-96, II. x. 27-32. 
 
 ' See his dedication of the Historia Britmmm to Kobert Earl of Gloucester 
 (ob. Oct. 31, IWr.—Am. Marg., 14). 
 
 * Mrs. Lennox (Shakespewre Ilhisbrated, vol. iii. p. 302) first drew attention 
 to a ballad entitled " A Lamentable Song of the Death of King Lear and his 
 Three Daughters " (reprinted in Perc/s JJeZigwes), which makes mention of: 
 (1) Lear's loss of his retinue through Eegan's unkindness ; (2) his madness, and 
 his death immediately after the battle which restored to him his crown ; (3) 
 Cordelia's death in the battle fought for Lear's restoration. Dr. Johnson con- 
 jectured that this ballad might have been the source of Shakspere's Lear 
 (Variorwm Shiakspere, 1821, x. 291); but later critics believe that the play was 
 the earlier composition. According to Matthew of Westminster, an epithet, 
 impeaching Lears sanity, was applied to the old king by his daughters. After 
 relating Lear's deposition by his sons-in-law, the chronicler then proceeds 
 (Mores Historiamm, ed. 1601, p. 16): "Kex igitur ignarus ^uid ageret, 
 deliberauit tandem filias adire, quibus regnum deuiserat, vt si flen posset, sibi 
 dum viueret & 40. militibus suis stipendia ministrarent. Qubb, cum indigna- 
 tione verbum ex ore ipsius capientes, dixerunt eum senem esse, ddimm, & 
 mendicum, nee tanta familia dignum. Sed si vellet, relictis cseteris cum solo 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 KING LEAR. 
 
 He loved 
 CoTdeilla 
 best.] 
 
 Gal. Man. 
 
 Mat. West, made the towne of Caerleir now called Leicester, which standeth 
 
 leu;esier m 
 
 buiided. ypon the riuer of Sore. It is written that he had by his wife 
 £nghtera"° three daughters without other issue, whose names were Gonorilla, 
 Regan, and Cordeilla,^ which daughters he greatly loued, but 
 specially Cordeilla the yoongest farre aboue the two elder. When 
 this Leir therefore was come to great yeres, & began to waxe 
 vnweldie through age, he thought to vnderstand the aflTections of 
 his daughters towards him, and preferre hir whome he best loued, 
 to the succession ouer the kingdome.^ Whervpon he first asked 
 
 milite remaneret.'' The following lines in The Mirov/r for Magistrates (ed. 
 Haslewood, stanza 21) may lead one to conjecture tliat Joha Higgins — who 
 wtote "Queene Coi'dua"ror the JKiroMr-^had seen the abtf*'e-q[UDt6d passage 
 from Matthew of Westmibster : 
 
 *' Eke at what time hee [Leire] ask'd of them [Albany and GonorellJ tb 
 haue his gard, 
 To gard his noble g*ace Where so he Weflt i 
 l^ey cal'd hitn d&ting foole," && 
 
 Albany and Gbnorell had deprived Lear of his servants, save p&e. 
 
 1 The earliest occurrence of the familiar spelling " Cordelia * is, I belies, 
 to be found in the Faerie Queene, II, x. 29. In the old churchyard at Lee, 
 Blackheath, there is a monument erected by (hr<Ml Lady Hervey, to the 
 memory of her parents, Bryan Anslie, Esq., of Lee (ob. July 10, 1604), and 
 Awdry his wife (oh. Nov. 25, 1591). — Notei and Queries, 6th S. v. 465. The 
 form " Oordell " occurs in the Mirtiur for Mc^hbrat^ (ed. Haslewood), stanza 
 v. " Cordelia " is the spelling in the older Leif. 
 
 2 According to ffist. ^riU. tt. xl. 3f), Lear "cogita'fit Wgnum Stliun ipsis 
 dividere," and wished to ascertain the measure of each daughter's love for him, 
 "ilt sciret quae illatuin miajoH tegul pmrUe dionioT eiset." Cp. iear, I. i. 36, 39: 
 49-54: 7 
 
 "... KftoW liiat we haue diuided | 
 
 In thi«e our Kingdeme : . . . '^ 
 
 Tell ine, toy daughters, ... 
 Which of you shall we eay doth Idue vs ln«st ! 
 That ^ oiir lav^ii/t bownm <mUy eXtiM 
 Where Natwre doth with mn^t eheUktiige ? " 
 
 So the Mwov/rfirr Magistrates (i. 125)! 
 
 "Btit minditig her that TMd hvtti bid to tote. 
 Because he had &o sonne t'enjoy his land. 
 He thought to gUBJd'bH nmst liMri fa'AOii/l- m-oUt hefimd." 
 
 The Faerie Queerve and the old play make Lear propose to divide his kingdom 
 equally between his three daughters. Percy pointed out (For. Sh,. 1821, x. 2) 
 that Lear's test of his danghteis' Iotc, and their answers, Me detaUs paraUdred 
 in the following story : 
 
 " Ina, King of West Saxons £688—728], had three daughters, of whom, upon 
 a time, he demanded whether they did love him, and so would, during tfieir 
 lives> above all others ; the two elder sware deeply they would j the youaft^t, 
 but the wisest, told her Father, without flattery, ' That albeit she did fi)fe 
 honour, and reverence him, and so would whilst she lived, as mu&h as duty 
 and daughterly love at the uttermost could expeet^ yet she did think that one 
 
I. KING LEAK. 3 
 
 Gonorilla the eldest, how well she loued him: who calling hir Atnaiiof 
 gods to record, protested that she loTied him more than hir owne [The answer 
 
 of the eldest 
 
 life, which by right and reason should be most deere vnto hir. "laoBiite'-' 
 With which answer the father being weU pleased, turned to the 
 second, and demanded of hir how well she loued him: who 
 answered (confirmiDg hir saiengs with great othea) that she loued Ke'JeS 
 him more ihan toong could expresse, and ferre aboue all other '^*'^""' 
 creatures of the world. 
 
 Then called he his yoongest daughter Cordeilla before him, ^''^e""""" 
 and asked of hir what account she made of him, vnto whome she £^^. 
 made this answer as foUoweth: "Knowing tiie great loue and 
 "fatherlie zeale that you haue alwaies borne towards me (for the 
 " which I male not answere you otherwise than I thinke> and as 
 " my conscience leadeth me) I protest vnto you, that I haue loued 
 "you ever, and will Gooitinuallie (while I liue) loud you as my 
 " naturall father, ^d if you would more vnderstand of the loue 
 "that I beare you, assertaine your selfe, that so much as you 
 " haue, so much you are worth, and so jcnuch I l^ue you, and no 
 "more." The father being nothing ccmtent with this answer, f^^' 
 married his two eldest daughters* the one vnto Henninus the duke ^^^^ 
 of Comewall, and the other vnto Maglanus the duke of Albania,^ ^wSedto" 
 betwixt whome he willed and ordeined that his laud should be damrutrt. 
 diuided after his death, and the one halfe tiiereof immedia.tlie 
 should be assigned to them in hand : but for the third daughter 
 XDordeilla he rescued nothing. 
 
 Keuertheless it fortuned that one of the princes of Gallia 
 
 day it would come to pass that she should aflfect another more fervently,' 
 meanmg her Husband, ' when she was mamed, who, being made one flesh wiji^ 
 her, as God by commandement had told, and nature had taught her, she was 
 to cleave fast to, forsaking Father and Mother, kiffe and kin.'" — Camden's 
 Bemains eoMCefwma MHtmn, 1674, ander "Wise Speeches" (Library of Old 
 Authors, pp. 254, ^5). 
 
 * " The third and last part of the Hand he [Brute] allotted vnto Albanaei 
 his yoongest sonne. . . . Thie laiter pareell at the first, tooke the name of 
 Albanactus, who called it Albania. But now a small portion anelie of the 
 region (being vnder the regiment af a duke) reteineth me said denomination, 
 the rest being called Scotland, of celteine Soots that came ouer from Ireland 
 to inhabit in those quarters. It is diuided from Lhoegres pingland] also by 
 the Solue and the Firth, yet some doo note the Humber ; so that Albania (as 
 Brute left it) conteined aU the north part of the Hand that is to be found 
 beyond the aforesaid streame, vnto the point of Cathnesse.^' — Harrieon's 
 DescrijpUon ^Britmn (in Mol. L II6/2/4). 
 
4 I. KING LEAR. 
 
 fA^pp^s (which now is called France) whose name was Aganippus, hearing 
 
 deS'^Leir of the bcautie, womanhood, and good conditions of the said 
 
 her no*'™ Cordcilla, desired to haue hir in manage, and sent ouer to hir 
 
 father, requiring that he might haue hir to wife : to whome answer 
 
 was made, that he might haue his daughter, but as for anie dower 
 
 he could haue none, for all was promised and assured to hir other 
 
 ^fedhCT] sis*6''s alreadie. Aganippus notwithstanding this answer of deniall 
 
 to receiue anie thing by way of dower with Cordeilla, tooke hir 
 
 to wife, onlie moued thereto (I sale) for respect of hir person and 
 
 mm^ amiable vertues. This Aganippus was one of the twelue kings 
 
 oM^as that ruled Gallia in those dales, as in the British historic it is 
 
 laith. recorded. But to proceed. 
 
 fLeir-s sons- After that Lcir was fallen into age, the two dukes that had 
 
 in-law rebel ° 
 
 ^"^Is^" mS'^ried his two eldest daughters, thinking it long yer the gouern- 
 
 wmto^uve ™ent of the land did come to their hands, arose against him in 
 
 ""■^ armour, and reft from him the gouernance of the land, vpon 
 
 conditions to be continued for terme of life : by the which he was 
 
 put to his portion, that is, to line after a rate assigned to him 
 
 for the maintenance of his estate, which in processe of time was 
 
 tThennkind- diminished as well by Maglanus as by Henninus. But the 
 
 wh°n"e" greatest griefe that Leir tooke, was to see the vnkindnesse of 
 
 Sem.*They ^ daughters, which seemed to thinke that all was too much 
 
 ^oTum which their father had, the same being neuer so little : in so much 
 
 at last] that going from the one to the other, he was brought to that 
 
 miserie, that scarslie they would allow him one seruant to wait 
 
 vpon him.i 
 
 In the end, such was the vnkindnesse, or (as I male sale) the 
 vnnaturalnesse which he found in his two daughters, notwithstand- 
 
 1 We learn from Hist. Britt. II. xii. 31 that, after the duke's revolt, 
 Albany maintained Lear and a retinue of sixty knights. But, when two years 
 had elapsed, "indignata est Qonorilla fiUa ob muUil/udme'm rrvUiUvm ejiis, qv/i 
 eoTwicia mmisbris mfereba/nt, quia eis profusior epinomla non praebebatvir '' 
 (cp. Lear, I. iv. 220-224; 262-267). Albany reduced ' Lear's attendance 'to 
 thirty knights. Lear then went to live with Cornwall, but strife broke 
 out between the retainers of the several households, and Regan dismissed 
 all save five of Lear's knights. He returned to Gonorilla, who allowed him 
 one knight. This last wrong caused Lear's departure to France. The Mirowr 
 for Magistrates mentions the successive reductions of Lear's followers ; but 
 none of the sources which I have enumerated above has aught to say about 
 the dissensions between Lear's knights and his son?-in-laws' households, 
 
I. KING LEAR, 5 
 
 ing their faire and pleasant words vttered in time past, that Being [He fiees to 
 
 . • in ..iniiiin , Cordeilla,in 
 
 constreined of necessitie, he fled the land, & sailed into Gallia, Qaiua, and 
 
 _ .' IS kindly 
 
 there to seeke some comfort of his yongest daughter Cordeilla, ""«'™''-J 
 whom before time he hated. The ladie Cordeilla hearing that 
 he was arriued in poore estate, she first sent to him priuilie a 
 certeine summe of monie to apparell himselfe withaU, and to 
 reteine a certeine number of seruants that might attend vpon 
 him in honorable wise, as apperteined to the estate which he 
 had borne : and then so accompanied, she appointed him to come 
 to the court, which he did, and was so ioifullie, honorablie, and 
 louinglie receiued, both by his sonne in law Aganippus, and also 
 by his daughter Cordeilla, that his hart was ^eatlie comforted : 
 for he was no lesse honored, than if he had beene king of the 
 whole countrie himselfe. I 
 
 f 
 
 Now when he had informed his sonne in la\^ and his daughter [Aganippus 
 
 ^ ° prepared a 
 
 in what sort he had beene vsed by his other daughters, Aganippus SJI^a™^ 
 
 caused a mightie armie to be put in a readiaesse, and likewise ^S'to''"*' 
 
 a great nauie of ships to be rigged, to passe ouer into Britaine to us'king-'^ 
 with Leir his father in law, to see him againe restored to his 
 kingdome. It was accorded, that Cordeilla should also go with 
 
 him to take possession of the land, the which he promised to [Leir makes 
 
 ^ _ _ '^ Cordeilla his 
 
 leane vnto hir, as the rightftdl inheritour after his decesse, not- sole heiress.] 
 withstanding any former grant made to hir sisters or to their 
 husbands in anie maner of wise. 
 
 Herevpon, when this armie and nauie of ships were readie, [Leir and 
 
 .1,11111 Cordeilla 
 
 Leir and his daughter Cordeilla with hir husband tooke the sea, ^?^ ?,''*"'' 
 and arriuing in Britaine, fought with their enimies, and dis- ^'^^ 
 comfited them in battell, in the which Maglanus and Henninus state!* 'Leir 
 were slaine : and then was Leir restored to his kingdome, which yews Jut 
 
 Ills 1!'Gfi1fnT'~ 
 
 he ruled after this by the space of two yeeres, and then died, ation, and 
 
 ■' -^ ' ' ' then died.] 
 
 fortie yeeres after he first began to reigne.i 
 
 1 Shakspere was perhaps indebted to Holinshed for SQinething more than 
 the story of Lear : a There being (according to Hoi. i. H. E. 12/2/S5) a 
 "temple of Apollo, which stood in the citie of Troinouant" (London), may 
 
 explain why Lear swears by that deity (Lewr, I. i. 162). Holinshed also says 
 S. E. 14/1/37) that Lear's grandson, Cnnedag, built a temple "to Apollo in 
 CornewaU." /3 Lear's comparison of himself to a Jragon {Lear, I. i. 123, 124) 
 
 may have been suggested by the fact that a later British king "was sumamed 
 Pendragon, ... for that Marline the great prophet likened him to a dragons 
 
n. CYMBELINE. 
 
 Cordeilla succeeded Lear, and reigned for five years^ Quiring wMch 
 time lier husband died. At the close pf this period, the rebellion of 
 Margan the son of Gronorilla and Cunedag the son of Segan ended with 
 her imprisonment by her nephews. Havimg no hope of release, and 
 being "a, woman of a manUe courage," she slew herseM.— ^SW. i. R. E. 
 13/2I4S- 
 
 II. CYMBELINE. 
 
 Holinshed's Chronicles contain all the historical or pseudo-historical 
 matter which appears in Shakspere's Tragedie of GymbeUne. 
 
 The historic Cunobelinus, son of Tasciovanus,'^ was a King of the 
 Britons,^ whose capital was Camulodunum ^ (Colchester). In a.d. ift 
 Cunobelin's son Adminius, whom he had banished, made a submission 
 to Caligula which the Emperor affected to regard as equivalent to a 
 surrender of the whole island, but nothing was them done to assert the 
 imperial authority.* Cunobelin was dead when, in a.d, 43, Aulus. 
 Plautius was sent by Claudius to subdue Britain ; and the Romans 
 were opposed by the late king's sons 'Dsgodumnus and the renowned 
 Caractaeus.^ These are the sole authentic particulars relating to 
 Cunobelin, beside the evidence derived from his coins. 
 
 Act HI. se. i. — In the following passages Holinshed has given an 
 untrustworthy account of Cymbelme, mixed with genuine information 
 
 head, that at the time of his ixatiuite maTuelonslie appeared in the firmament 
 at the comer of a blazing star, as is reported. But others suppose he was so 
 caUed of his wisdome and serpentine sabtiltie, or for that he gane the dragons 
 head in his banner" {Sol. i. if. E. 87/2/7). 
 
 1 In 1844 Mr. Birch eommunicated a paper to the Numismatic Society 
 (Nmm. Gh/ron. voL vii. p. 78), showing that the reverse legends of some of 
 Cunobeline's coins should be read : tasciovani. F.; that is, Tasciovani 'Silivs. 
 — See Evans's Coiiis of the Ancient Britons, pp. 221, 327. Other reverses read 
 TASc. F., and lAscnovAMi. f. — EmM&, pp. 308, 328. Of the latter form it 
 may be necessary to remark that tascii— is probably equivalent to tasce — ; 
 the double I being often used, on British coins, for K {Emmi, pp. 203, 206, 258, 
 372). The termination — vanii gives a variant nominative Tasdovanius. 
 Mr. Birch compared these legends with avqvstvs dtvt f., on coins of Augustus. 
 
 * So styled by Suetonius, in his biography of Caligul% cap. xliv. Cunobe- 
 line's capital was Camulodunum, which we learn from Ptolemy (Geographioy 
 lib. II. cap. iiL) was the town (sroXte) of the Triaobantes ; a people who «m«e 
 Inhabited Middlesex and Essex. The obverse of a copper coin ol Cunobeline 
 bears the legend cvnobelinvs rex. See Evans's Ooim of ifce Aneieni Britons, 
 p. 332. 
 
 5 '^To KafunAoSmivov rb tov Evvo^eXXivov fiairtXnev." — Dion Cassiiis, ed. 
 Reimar, Ix. 21. A copper coin of Cunobeline, found at Colchester, has the 
 obverse legend camvl-odvno. — Evans's Covng of the Aneient Britons, p. 337. 
 
 * Suet. Calig. xliv. 
 
 ^ Di/m Gassius, Ix. 20. Claudius followed PJautins, and was present at 
 the capture of Camulodunum by the Bomans. 
 
II. OYMBELINE. 7 
 
 toqching tbe ci^eumstances of the Empire and Britain during the reign 
 of Augustus. 
 
 [Ifol. i. H. M. S2/2/3.] Kymbeline or Cimbeline the sonne of ^m>>aine. 
 Theonaantius ^ was of the Britaina made king after the deceasse 
 of his father, in the yeare of the world 3944, after the Building 
 of Rome 728, and before the birth of our Sauiour 33. This man ^o»«»n »«« 
 
 ofOmdodx 
 
 (iBS some write) was brought vp at Rome, and there made knight ^^^Aiae 
 by At^stus Cesar,' vnder whome he serued in the -vrarres, and ^^^^ 
 was in such fauour with him, that he was at liberie to pay his SSug"? to 
 tribute OP not. . . . Touching the continuance of the yeares of 
 Kymbelines reigne, some writers doo varie, but the best approoued [CymiMipo 
 affirme, that he reigned 35 years and then died, & was buried yearfesn* 
 at London, leaning behind him two sonnes, Gruiderius and ^> ^*' 
 Aruiragus.3 A^wnl 
 
 IT But here is to be noted, that although our histories doo 
 affirme, that as well this Kymbeline, as also his father Theomantius 
 lined in quiet with the Romans, and continuallie to them paied 
 the tributes whieh the Britains had couenanted with Julius Cesar [Roman 
 to pay, yet we find in the Romane writers, that after Julius Cesars that the 
 
 ^ •" ■' _' , Britons le- 
 
 death, when Augustus had taken ypon him the rule of the empire, J^k'^J^'^ 
 the Britakis refused to paie that tribute: whereat as Cornelius cmf'rSf, 
 Tamtm reporteth, Augustus (being otherwise occupied) was con- ^j^'"^' 
 tented to winke ; howbeit, through earnest calling vpon to recouer 
 his right by such as were desirous to see the vttermost of the 
 British kingdome ; at length, to wit, in the tenth yeare after the 
 death of Julius Cesar, which was about the thirteenth yeare of 
 the said Theomantius, Augustus made prouision to passe with an [Angustus 
 
 T. ■ . o o ji 1 • • • prepares 
 
 armie ouer mto Britaina, & was come forward vpon his lournie to invade 
 
 Bntain.] 
 
 1 "Tenantius" (the' spellipg in Cynib. I. i. 31) oecurs as a variant form ia 
 Hoi. L^M. E. 32/l/|^ above. Shaispere seems to have adopted Fah.'s con- 
 jecture (reported in Bol. i. B. E, 31/2/2?) that Caasihelan, ^ndrogeus, and 
 Tenantius were sons of Lud, lOyi^be^we's grandfather j for Cymbelme ia 
 reminded by Lucius that tribute was imposed by Julii^s Caesar on " Oassibulan, 
 thine Unkle" {Oywh. III. i. 6). Holuishsid preferred tjie supposition that 
 Cassibelan was Lud's brother (Wol. i. M. H. 23/?/! 2). 
 
 2 Cp. Cymb. III. i. 70 : 
 
 " Thy Csesar Knighted me ; my yoijth I spent 
 Much vnder him " ; . ■ . 
 s We learn from Juvenal (Sat. IV. 124-127) that a British prince named 
 Arviragus was a contemporary of Dpmitian. 
 
8 11. CYMBELINE. 
 
 Dimcaitiut. into Gallia Celtica: or as we maie saie, into these hither parts 
 
 of France. 
 
 Snedby a But here receiuing aduertisements that the Pannonians, which 
 
 tt^pinnoni- inhabited the countrie now called Hungarie, and the Dalmatians 
 
 mitdans.] whome now we call Slauons had rebelled, he thought it best first 
 
 to subdue those rebells neere home,^ rather than to seeke new 
 
 countries, and leaue such in hazard whereof he had present 
 
 possession, and so turning his power against the Pannonians and 
 
 Dalmatians, he left off for a time the warres of Britain. . . . 
 
 S^hm"°* But whether this controuersie which appeareth to fall forth 
 
 OT^me ^ betwixt the Britans and Augustus, was occasioned by Kymbeline, 
 
 prince rafuB- or some othcr prince of the Britains, I haue not to auouch : for 
 
 ed tribute, i . i i 
 
 but cym- that by our writers it is reported, that Kymbeline bemg brought 
 ttlB^m^, ^ ^ Rome, & knighted in the court of Augustus, euer shewed 
 tte BWMi himselfe a friend to the Bomans, & chieflie was loth to breake 
 bronghtnp with them, because the youth of the Britaine nation should not 
 them.] be depriued of the benefit to be trained and brought vp among 
 
 the Romans, whereby they might leame both to behaue them- 
 
 selues like ciuiU men, and to atteine to the knowledge of feats 
 
 of warre.* 
 S'lSSi"' But whether for this respect, or for that it pleased the 
 wS?^ almightie God so to dispose the minds of men at that present, 
 ruled.] not oulie the Britains, but in manner all other nations were 
 
 contented to be obedient to the Romane empire. That this was 
 
 * Cymbeline replies to Lucius (Gymh. III. L 73-75): 
 
 . . . " I am perfect, 
 That the Pannonians and Dalmatians for 
 Their Liberties are now in Armes " : ... 
 
 2 Cp. Posthumus's words ^Oynib. II. iv. 20-26) : 
 
 ..." Our Countrymen 
 Are men more order'd then when Julius Caesar 
 Smil'd at their Zocfee of shUl, but found their courage 
 Worthy his frowning at : Their discipline 
 (Now mingled [wing-led F] with their courages) will make 
 
 tnowne 
 To their Approuers, they are People such 
 That mend vpon the world." 
 
 As to the military strength of Britain at the time of Caesar's invasion. Hoi. 
 says (ii., The first mhabitation of Ireland, 61/1/14): . . . "the British nation 
 was then vnskilfull, and not trained to feats of war, for the Britons then being 
 onelie vsed to the Picts and Irish enimies, people halfe naked, through lacke of 
 skill easilie gaue place to the Bomans force," . , , 
 
II. CYMBELINE. 9 
 
 true in the Britains, it is euident enough by Strdbos words, which ««»■«*• «'«'<'• 
 are in effect as folio weth. "At this present (saith he") certeine [Kespeot 
 
 ,. . J, i \ / shown to 
 
 princes of Britaine, procuring by ambassadors and dutifuU 4^ritish' 
 "demeanors the amitie of the emperour Augustus, haue offered p'""™'-' 
 " in the capitoU vnto the gods presents or gifts, and haue ordeined 
 " the whole He in a manner to be appertinent, proper, and familiar 
 "to the Eomans. They are burdened with sore customs which t^"™?'' 
 
 * importeu by 
 
 "they paie for wares, either to be sent foorth into Gallia, or B"*»'"-3 
 "brought from thence, which are commonlie yuorie vessels, 
 " sheeres, ouches, or earerings, and other conceits made of amber 
 "& glasses, and such like manner of merchandize." 
 
 Holinshed {Hoi. ii. ff, S. 45/1/55) records an embassy from 
 Augustus to Cymbeline, which may have given Shakspere a hint for 
 the less peaceful mission of Caius Lucius. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. S. S. 45/1/55.1 About the same time r?25 n.c.1 Kimbaiine 
 also there came vnto Kimbaiine king of the Britains an Bntam». 
 
 o [An ambas- 
 
 ambassador from Augustus the emperor, with thanks, for that "^.^^ 
 entring into the gouernement of the British state, he had kept fOT^'io;^!. 
 his allegiance toward the Romane empire: exhorting him to Eomam] 
 keepe his subiects in peace with all their neighbors, sith the 
 whole world, through meanes of the same Augustus, was now in 
 quiet, without all warres or troublesome tumults. 
 
 Caius Lucius demands a yearly tribute of three thousand pounds, 
 which had been imposed on Cassibelan and " his Succession " ^ by 
 Julius Caesar, but had been " lately . . . left vntender'd " by Cym- 
 beline, Cassibelan's nephew {Cywh. III. i. 2 — 10). This pretension to 
 tribute arose when Caesar, after defeating Cassibelan,^ blockaded the 
 residue of the British levies, so that — [Casaibeian 
 
 ' agrees to pay 
 
 \Hol. i. E. E. 30/2/73.] Cassibellane in the end was forced tofbSe.] 
 
 ... • • 1. ., So saith 
 
 to fall to a composition, in couenantmg to paie a yearue tribute f^f^^^ 
 of three thousand pounds. fimolZ^'^ 
 
 ^ Tenantius, whom Cymbeline succeeded, "paid the tribute to the Bomans 
 which Cassibellane [Tenantius's immediate predecessor] had granted." — Hoi. i. 
 H.E.32/1I73. . 
 
 2 Holinshed's authorities are Hist. Britt. IV. x. 67, and Matthew of West- 
 minster (ed. 1601, p. 38). According to them this success was the restilt of 
 a third invasion by Caesar. The authentic account is that the Komans' second 
 invasion of Britain closed with the submission of Cassivellaunus (or Cassi- 
 belan) ; and that Caesar,, before leaving Britain for the last time, " obsides 
 imperat, et, quid in annos singulos vectigalis populo Bomano Britannia 
 penderet, constituit " (De Bdlo Qallico, V. 22). 
 
10 II. CYMBELINE. 
 
 Shakspere forsook Ids authori'ty in makicg CJymbeline refuse 
 tribute.^ The refusal came from Guiderius, as the foUowiag exeerpt 
 shows. 
 
 cuiSritt^ ^ffoi I ff E 33/1/63.] Guiderius the first sonne of Kymbeline 
 
 (of whom ffarison saieth nothing) began his reigne in the seuen- 
 SS'^'to. ^^^ yeere after th' Incarnation of Christ, This Guiderius being 
 Eo^ms!}* a man of stout courage, gaue occasion of breach of peace betwixt 
 the Britains and Bomans, denieng to paie them tribute, and 
 procuring the people to new insurrections, which by one mean© 
 or other made open rebellion, as Gyldas saith.^ 
 
 In Holinshed's second volume, Guiderius's rebellion is thus narrated. 
 
 u^Z \fio^- "■ ^- ^- 45/2/42.] . . . Kimbaline king of the Britains 
 
 A^^tjM ^YS^ -n^ho for that he had beene brought vp in Rome, obserued 
 his promised obedience towards the empire ; but Guiderius suc- 
 ceeding, disdained to see the libertie of his countrie oppressed 
 m^m\ ^y ^^ Romans, and therefore procuring the Britains to assist 
 ^mS** him, assembled a power, and inuaded the Romans with such 
 somami. yiolence, that none escaped with life, but such as saued themselues 
 within castels & fortresses. 
 
 The next point to be noticed is Cloten'a rejection of tribute, because 
 "Britaine's a world by it selfe" {Gywh, III. i, 12, 13); a view which 
 Shakspere may have gathered from one or all of the following passages. 
 
 Unto what [Hol. i. Description of Britaine, 3/1/30.] And whereas by 
 
 portion j. i / i ^ j j 
 
 fS^^ Vi]^l[,who] — speaking of our Hand — saith; 
 
 Btpenit'diS toto dimsos orhe Britannos^ 
 
 And some other authors not vnwoorthie to be read and perused, 
 it is not certeine vnto which portion of the earth our Hands, and 
 Thule, with sundrie the like scattered in the north seas should 
 be ascribed, bicause they excluded them (as you see) from the 
 rest of the whole earth: I haue thought good, for facilitie sake 
 
 * In The Faerie Queens, II. x. 50, the Romans are said to have made war 
 on Cymbeline because " their tribute he ref usd to let be payd." " Soone after " 
 the birth of Christ this war began. In the next stanza Arviragus is spoken of 
 as Cymbeline's brother. 
 
 * Grildas records Boadicea's revolt (Mistoria GMae, IV.). His book 
 contains no mention of Guiderius. 
 
 3 Ed. I. 67. 
 
II. CYMBELINE. 1 1 
 
 bf diuisiOTi, to refer them all which lie within the first miuute 
 of longitude, set downe by Fiotome, to Europa. 
 
 [HoL i. H. M. 34/1/10.] The souldiers [of Aulus Plantius] 
 hearing of this Toiage [to BritaiH], were loth to go with him, 
 as men not willing to make warre in another worM. 
 
 Holinshed's Chronicles include a panegyric by Claudius Maniertinus, 
 whose congratulations were offered to the EttipeKW Maximian I., upon 
 the reunion of Britain to the Empire, after the fall (a.d. 296)' of the 
 British Emperor AUectus, the panegyrist calling to mind how Caesar 
 
 {Sal. l H. E. 57/2/60.1 writ that he had found an other ^^^^ 
 world, supposing it to be so big, that it was not compassed with, ^^° 
 the sea, but that rather by resemblance the great Ocean was ^"''*' 
 compassed with it. 
 
 Subsequently Maximian is thus addressed : 
 
 {Hd. i. E. E. mM59-] Glorie you therefore, inumcibfo P^Jg**,™"- 
 emperour, for that you haue as it were got an other world, & S^nn 
 in restoring to the Bomane puissance the glory of conquest by mothe? ^'^ 
 sea, haue added to the Eomane empire an element greater than 
 all the compasse of the earth, that is, the mightie maine ocean. 
 
 Cloten havilig renounced tribute, the Queen — seornf ully appraising 
 the value of that " kinde of conquest " which " Caesar made heere " — ■ 
 declares (III. i. 26—29) how 
 
 his Shipping 
 (Poore ignorant baubles !) on our terrible Seas, 
 Like Egge^shels mou'd vpon their Surges, ccack'd 
 As easily 'gainst our Kockes. 
 
 Caesar, when he first invaded Britain, landed without his camtlrj ; 
 the eighteen transports conveying those troops not having, pursuant 
 to his orders, followed the fleet which bore him and the foot-soHiers. 
 Failing in their attempt to prevent his disembarkation, the Britons 
 sued for peace, and complied with his demand for hostages (De Bella 
 GaUicQ, IV. 23-31). 
 
 \Hol. i H. M. 25/3/60.] Peace being thus established after ^^f ^^^ 
 the fourth day of the Romans arriuall in Britain, the 18 ships ^I'^'JSSt"^, 
 which (as ye haue heard) were appointed to conuey the horssemea ^"*»'°J 
 ouer, loosed from the further hauen with a soft wind. Which 
 when they approched so neere the shore of Britain^ that the 
 Romans which were in Cesars campe might see them, suddenlie 
 there arose so great a tempest, that none of them was able to 
 
12 n. CYMBELINE. 
 
 [They are kcepc Us couFse, SO that they Were not onelie driuen in sunder 
 
 a tempest.] (gome being caried againe into Gallia, and some ■westward) but 
 
 also the other ships that lay at anchor, and had brought ouer 
 
 [The ships at the armic, were so pitifullie beaten, tossed and shaken, that a 
 
 anchor are '^ ,., i-xii-uj.! 
 
 i^to^' great number of them did not onehe lose their tackle, but also 
 
 to\l^out were caried by force of wind into the high sea ; the rest being 
 M,^^ likewise so filled with water, that they were in danger by sinking 
 ing.] to perish and to be quite lost.^ 
 
 The same misfortune befell Caesar on his second expedition to 
 Britain. He landed unopposed, and, marching inland with the bulk 
 of his forces, drove the Britons f ronr a stronghold where they awaited 
 his attack (Be Bello GaUioo, Y. 8, 9). 
 
 [cassar [Hol. i. H. H. 28/2/2.1 The next day, as he had sent foorth 
 
 hearsthathis ■■ ,,Tr... i-j- 
 
 ships have guch as should hauo pursued the Britams, word came to mm irom 
 
 been mach ^ 
 
 SpMt.^'Ld Quintus Atrius,2 that his nauie by rigour of a sore and hideous 
 
 ttodiore"i tempest was greeuouslie molested, and throwne vpon the shore, 
 
 so that the cabels and tackle being broken and destroied with 
 
 force of the vnmercifuU rage of wind, the maisters and mariners 
 
 were not able to helpe the matter. 
 
 The Queen's assertion (1. 26), that Caesar was " twice beaten " by 
 the Britons, rests on the authority of chroniclers whose truthfulness 
 was perhaps doubted even in Shakspere's day, though he found their 
 narratives quoted along with the Cormnentaries upon the Gallic War. 
 Caesar's account of his first expedition to these shores having been set 
 forth by Holinshed, there follows what professes to be the British 
 version of the events of this campaign. 
 
 camrde [Hol. 1. R. K 27li/i5.] IT Thus writeth Cesar touching his 
 
 lib. i. ' first ioumie made into Britaine. But the British historie (which 
 
 1 Below we read that " not hauing other stuffe to repairs his ships, he 
 [Caesar] caused 12 of those that were vtterlie past reoouerie by the hurts 
 receiued through violence of the tempest, to be broken, wherewith the other 
 (in which some recouerie was perceiueo.) might be repaired and amended." — 
 Hol. i. H. E. 26/1/31. (The famous words, " Veni, Vidi, Vioi," are translated 
 " I came, I saw, I ouercame," in the life of Julius Caesar in North's Flutwrch, 
 ed. 1579, p. 787.) It is possible that, before writing the Queen's harangue, — 
 the aim of which is to show how Caesar's prosperity deserted him in Britain, — ■ 
 Shakspere glanced at Caesar's remark upon the unforeseen lack of cavalry to 
 pursue the retreating Britons, after the legionaries had effected their landing : 
 " And this one thing seemed onelie to disappoint the luckie fortune that was 
 accustomed to follow Cesar in all his other enterprises." — flbJ. i. H. E. 25/2/28 
 (fi. O. IV. 26). 
 
 ' Whom Caesar had left in charge of the fleet. 
 
II. CYMBELINE. 13 
 
 Polydor calletli the new historie) ^ declareth that Cesar in a pitcht £^JS)5,"Je!'' 
 
 bistorsr de- 
 clares that 
 Caesai was 
 beaten in a 
 
 field was vanquished at the first encounter, and so withdrew backe 
 
 into France. pitched 
 
 battle, and 
 
 Caesar's account of his second invasion was also contradicted, Qaui.] 
 another victory being claimed by the Britons. 
 
 \Hol. i. H. E. 30/2/9.] Thus according to that which Cesar 
 himselfe and other autentike authors haue written, was Britaine 
 made tributarie to the Romans by the conduct of the same Cesar. 
 IT But our histor[i]es farre differ from this, affirming that Cesar ^^^y^^ 
 comming the second time, was by the Britains with valiancie and 
 martiall prowesse beaten and repelled, as he was at the first, and 
 speoiallie by meanes that Cassibellane had pight in the Thames [i^e British 
 great piles of trees piked with yron, through which his ships being SbS™ that 
 entred the riuer, were perished and lost. And after his comming second inva- 
 
 sion was 
 
 a land, he was vanquished in battell, and constrained to flee into he^fl"! V* 
 Gallia with those ships that remained. <='*'^) 
 
 The Queen also says that Cassibelan " was once at point ... to 
 master Caesars Sword "^ {GyTnb, III. i. 30, 31). According , to the 
 Historia Britomu/m — referred to below as " The same historie " — Caesar 
 actually lost his sword during the battle in which he met with the first 
 of those defeats whereof the Queen reminds Caius Lucius. 
 
 \Hol. i. H. E. 27hl40.'] The same historic also maketh [Caesarioses 
 
 *■ I IT J ^ ^ hisswoid.] 
 
 inention of . . . Nenius brother to Cassibellane, who in fight 
 happened to get Cesars' swoord fastened in his shield by a blow 
 vhich Cesar stroke at him. 
 
 1 The " new historie," as Polydore Vergil calls it, is, I believe, the Historia 
 Britonum; which contains (IV. iii. 58, 69) particulars of the "pitcht field." 
 There is more about this victory, taken from Boece (3I/40-80), in Hoi, i, 
 H E. 2111/72, &o. Posthumus's father SioDius (Cym6. 1, i. 29, 30),— 
 
 " who did ioyne his House 
 Against the Bomanes with Cassibulan " 
 
 , — ^no doubt took part in this battle, where also, as Hoi. records, Tenantius was 
 present, from whom Sicilius "had his Titles" (1. 31). 
 
 2 The Queen's expression — "at point to master Caesar's Sword" — ^implies 
 that his sword was nearly wrested from him by force, not caught by accident ; 
 and she has, it will be observed, attributed to Cassibelan the honour of this 
 partial success. Caesar's sword was placed by Cassibelan in a sarcophagus, 
 with the body of Nennius, who died fifteen days after the battle from a wound 
 inflicted by this weapon, which was named " Crocea mors, quia nullus evadebat 
 vivus qui eo vulnerabatur" {Hist, Britt, IV, iv. 60). 
 
14 
 
 II. CYMBELINE. 
 
 [The BritiBh 
 retjoicing&for 
 their secotid 
 victory.] 
 
 The name of 
 Troirumant 
 cJutiiged and. 
 calUd 
 Zondon. 
 
 Caesar's second defeat was attended by rejoicings which the Queen 
 connects with the Britons' first victory, when he lost his sword. 
 
 [Hoi. i. H. H. 30/2/22.J For ioy of this second victorie (saith 
 Gal/rid) Cassibellane made a great feast at London, and there 
 did sacrifice to the gods. 
 
 The scene of these rejoicings was " Luds-Towne," (Cymh, III. 
 i. S2), known as Troinovant until it became the special care of Lud, 
 Gassibd&n's elder brother. 
 
 [Hoi. i. H. E. 23/1/S9.] By reason that king Lud so mu«h 
 
 esteemed that citie^ before all other of his realme, inlar^ng it 
 
 so greatlie as he did, and continuallie in manner remained there, 
 
 the name was changed, so that it was called Caerlud, that is 
 
 to sale, Luds towne : and after by corruption of speech it was 
 
 named London. 
 
 Courteously, but firmly, Cymbeline rejects the Koman demand, and 
 bids Lucius say to Augustus (III. i. 55 — 62) : 
 
 Our Ancestor was that Mulmutius, which 
 Ordain'd our Lawes, .... 
 Who was the first of Britaine, which did put 60 
 His browes within a golden Ci"owne, and call'd 
 Himselfe a king. 
 
 Holinshed relates how, after the deatiis of Terrex and Pffiprex.^ the 
 last acknowledged descendants of Brutus, Britain was plunged into 
 civil war, then became subject to a penteirchy of kings, and was finally 
 reunited under one sceptre by Mulmucius Dunwallon, son of Cloton 
 King of Cornwall. Among the great deeds of Mulmucius these are 
 recorded : ^ 
 
 Matth. Wast. [Hol. \. H. E. 15/2/34.J He also made manie good lawes, 
 
 Laioes made i.. i »» ini-nri .i 
 
 [byMuimn- -ffhich wcrc loug after vsed, called Mulmucms lawes, turned out 
 
 cius, and 
 
 * Ltid built there "a faire temple neere to his . . . palace, which temple 
 (atf some take it) was after turned to a, churah, and at this dale called Paules." 
 — Bol. i. H. E. 23/1/59. Perhaps the temple in « Luds-Towne,"— assigned by 
 Shakspere to "great luplter," — where Cymbeline ratified peace with the 
 Eomans {Cymb. V. v. 481-483). 
 
 2 Sons of Gorbodue, King of Britain. Their history is dramatized in our 
 earliest tragedy, written by Thomas SackviUe and Thomas Norton, and acted 
 on January 18, 1561. 
 
 * The chapter containing these passages (bk. III. chap. 1. p. 15) is headed : 
 " Of Mulmucius the first king / of Britame, who was crowned / with a golden 
 crowne, his lawes, / his foundations, with other / his acts and deeds." Mulmu- 
 cius "began his reigne ouer the whole monarchie of Britaine, in the yeere of 
 the world 3529, after the building of Rome 314, and after the deliuerance of 
 the Israelites out of captinitie 97, and about the 26 yeere of Darius Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus, the flft king of the Persians." — Ibid. 
 
II. CYMBELINE, 1 5 
 
 of the British speedi into the Latine by Oildas Priscus,^ and long 
 
 time after translated out of latine into english by Alfred king ^^^®*''y 
 
 of England, and mingled in his statutes. . . . 
 
 After he had established his land, and set his Britains in good jK'^*^"' 
 and oonuenient order, he ordeined him by the adiidse of his lords o^Sm"^'* 
 a crowne of gold, & caused himselfe with great solemnitie to be ""'^'• 
 crowned, according to the custom of the pagan lawes then in tse : 
 & bicause he was the first that l^ife a crowne heere in Bidtaine, 
 after the opinion of some writers, he is named the fir^t king of 
 Britaine, and all the other before rehearsed are named rulers, 
 dukes, or gouernois. 
 
 V. iii. — Another part of Cymbelme for which Holinshed furnished 
 aaatter is the description given by Posthnmus {V. iii. 3 — 58) of the 
 means whereby victory was transf^ifi«d from the Eomans to the 
 Britons. The prowess of Belarius, and his adopted children, Guiderius 
 and ArnragUB, has a parallei in an exploit attributed to a Scottish 
 husbandman named Hay, who, with his two sons' help, routed the 
 X^nes at the battle of Loncart, fought a.d. 976. Before quoting the 
 passages of Holinshed which relate to this event, I must premise that, 
 -while the issue of the battle was douhtiful, the Scots embarraersed 
 themselves by beheading those Danes who had fallen.^ 
 
 [Etol ii. S. S. 155/1/48.] Which manet being noted of the ^^^g^ 
 Danes, and perceiuing that there was no hope of life but in f^^, 
 victorie, they rushed foorth with such violence vpon their aduet- ■™"^'' 
 saries, that first the right, and then after the leift wing of the 
 Scots, was constreined to retire and flee backe, the middle-'ward 
 stoutly yet keeping their ground: but the same stood in such 
 danger, being now left naked on the sides, that the victorie must 
 
 1 Generally known as Gildas Sapiens, bom -about A.D. 516. 
 
 s Two more pbSBiblfe traces of ShakBpeTe*s Holinshed-readiiig may be 
 ntftioed. a In Oj/wift. III. v. 23, the lung spfeaks of fthariots as a British arm. 
 Shakspere would find their use in warfare described hj Mol. (i. H. M. 26/2/11), 
 who took his account from Caesar (De Bdlo -GeM-lco, If. 3S). j3 When Aulus 
 Plautius was ssdling to invade Britain, "the marrinerB and men of warre" 
 were encouraged by seeing. "a fierie leame [light] to shoot out of the east 
 toward the west, which way their course lay," . . . <(flbJ. i. S. iE, 34/2/9). 
 Cp. Philarmonus's answer to Oaius Lucius, who asked for the soothsayer's 
 dream "of this warres purpose" (Vymh. IV. u. 348-352) : 
 
 "I saw loues Bird, the Roman Eagle, "ffing'cl 
 From the spungy South to this paiSt of me West, 
 Then vaniah'd in the Sun-beames_: which portends 
 (Vnlesse my sinnes abuse my ditsinatiDn) 
 Suceesse to th' Beman hoaEft." 
 
16 
 
 II. CYMBELINE. 
 
 Bail miili hit 
 tvfo sonrua 
 
 [hasted to 
 aid the King, 
 who was 
 fighting in 
 the middle- 
 ward]. 
 
 [Kear the 
 l)attle-field 
 was a long 
 lane, where 
 the Danes 
 slew the 
 Scots in 
 heaps (cp. 
 Oirm)>. IV. 
 iii. 6—14).] 
 Sate BtaUd 
 the Scots frQ 
 running 
 avjay 
 
 [' and spared 
 . . . reach.* 
 Cp. (^/mb. - 
 IV. iii. 25— 
 28]. 
 
 The Scots 
 were driuen 
 to fhtir 
 iattelt 
 affaine. 
 
 The Dana 
 JledUmards 
 their fellowes 
 in great dis- 
 order. 
 
 needes haue remained with the Danes, had not a renewer of the 
 battell come in time, by the appointment (as is to be thought) 
 of almightie God. 
 
 For as it chanced, there was in the next field at the same time 
 
 an husbandman, with two of his sons busie about his worke, 
 
 named Haie, a man strong and stifFe in making and shape of 
 
 bodie, but indued with a valiant courage. This Haie beholding 
 
 the king with the most part of the nobles, fighting with great 
 
 valiancie in the middle ward, now destitute of the wings, and in 
 
 great danger to be oppressed by the great violence of his enimies, 
 
 caught a plow-beame in his hand, and with the same exhorting 
 
 his sonnes to doo the like, hasted towards the battell, there to 
 
 die rather amongest other in defense of his countrie, than to 
 
 remaine aliue after the discomfiture in miserable thraldome and 
 
 bondage of the cruell and most vnmercifull enimies. There was 
 
 neere to the place of the battell, a long lane fensed on the sides 
 
 with ditches and walles made of turfe, through the which the 
 
 Scots which fled were beaten downe by the enimies on heapes. 
 
 Here Haie with his sonnes, supposing they might best stale 
 
 the flight, placed themselues ouerthwart the lane, beat them backe 
 
 whome they met fleeing, and spared neithey friend nor fo : but 
 
 downe they went all such as came within their reach, wherewith 
 
 diuerse hardie personages cried vnto their fellowes to returne 
 
 backe vnto the battell, for there was a new power of Scotishmen 
 
 come to their succours, by whose aid the victorie might be easilie 
 
 obteined of their most cruell aduersaries the Danes : therefore 
 
 might they choose whether they would be slaine of their owne 
 
 feUowes comming to their aid, or to returne againe to fight with 
 
 the enimies. The Danes being here staled in the lane by the 
 
 great valiancie of the father and the sonnes, thought verely there 
 
 had beene some great succors of Scots come to the aid of their 
 
 king, and therevpon ceassing from further pursute, fled backe in 
 
 great disorder vnto the other of their fellowes fighting with the 
 
 middle ward of the Scots. 
 
 The Scots also that before was chased, being incouraged here- 
 with, pursued the Danes vnto the place of the battell right 
 fiercelie. Wherevpon Kenneth perceiuing his people to be thus 
 
II. CYMBELINE. 17 
 
 recomforted, and his enimies partlie abashed, called rpon his men ^^!^g'^ 
 to remember their duties, and now sith their aduersaries hearts ^^^^ 
 began (as they might perceiue) to faint, he willed them to follow **«*'• '""^'• 
 vpon them manfully, which if they did, he assured them that the 
 victorie Tndoubtedlie should be theirs. The Scots incouraged 
 with the kings words, laid about them so earnestlie, that in the 
 end the Danes were constreined to forsake the field, and the Scots The Danea 
 
 forsake the 
 
 egerlie pursuing in the chase, made great slaughter of them as ^^'^'• 
 they fled. This victorie turned highlie to the praise of the Scotish 
 nobilitie, the which fighting in the middle ward, bare still the 
 brunt of the battell, continuing manfiillie therein euen to the end. 
 But Haie, who in such wise (as is before mentioned) staled them cihe victory 
 
 wfts won 
 
 that fled, causing them to returne againe to the field, deserued though 
 immortall fame and commendation: for by his meanes chieflie ^ma.] 
 was the yictorie atchiued. 
 
 I conclude with a list of personal names found in Cymbeline, which 
 Shakspere may have picked up here and there from the pages of 
 Holinshed's Chronicles. 
 
 C^ADWAiiL, pseudonym of Arviragus {GyTnb. III. iii. 95). Cadwallo 
 King of Britain ; began to reign a.d. 635 {Hoi. i. H. E. 112/i/6s). 
 
 Glosten (Gymh, I. ii.). Cloton,^ a king of Cornwall, father of 
 Mtdmucius Duhwallon {Hoi. i. E. E. I5/2/21). 
 
 GoBNEi/ius, a physician {Gymh. I. v.). The name <^ CoBNELitrs 
 Tacitus, the historian, occurs in HqI. L H. E. 51/1/60, et passim,. 
 
 Helenb or Helen, Imogen's woman {GymA. it. ii. 1). Helen, 
 daughter of Coell King of Britain, and mother of Gonstanline the 
 Great {Hoi i. S. E. 62/1/57), 
 
 Imogen {Gyvftb. I. i-)- Innogen,^ wife of Brute, first ruler of 
 Britain {Hoi. i. H. E. 8/2/48). 
 
 LtJOius, ambassador from Augustus {Gymh. III. i.). Lucius King 
 of Britain, who began to reign a.d. 124 {Hoi. i. H. E. 5I/2/40). Also 
 Lucius, a Boman " capteine " in Gaul, vanquished by Arthur King of 
 Britain {Hoi. i. H. E. 91/x/39). 
 
 MoEGAN or MJBBGAN,* pseudonym of Belarius {Gyn^. III. iii. 106 ; 
 V. V. 332), Masgan, joint king of Britain, son c£ Henninus Duke 
 of Gornwall, and Gonorilla eldest daughter of King Leir {Hoi. i. H- E. 
 13/2/56). 
 
 PpLjpoBB or Paladoue (the^ latter spelling in Gymb. III. iii. 86), 
 
 1 On the same page his name appears as "Clotenus." As "Clotyn Buke 
 of Comewall " he is a character in Gorbodmc Ost ed., 1&65). 
 
 * «'Inn(^6n," the wife of Leonatus, is in the first Entiy of Much Ado (Qi, 
 1600). Oiflnheline was probably written about 1610. 
 
 3 Spelt" Moigan " in Holinshed's " second table for the Hstorie of Britaine 
 and England." In the old Leir, Kagan's husband is Morgan King of Cambria. 
 
 
 
18 III. MACBETH. 
 
 pseudonym of Guiderius. The name of Polydor Virgil, the historian, 
 occurs in Hoi. i. H. E. 85/1/34, et passim. 
 
 PosTHUMUs {Cymh. I. i.). PosTHUMUS,a son of Aeneas and Lavinia, 
 born after his father's death {Hoi. i. H. E. l/il^o). 
 
 SiciLLius, father of Posthumus (Cymi. I. i. 29). Sicilius King of 
 Britain, began to reign B.C. 430 {Sol, i. H, E. 1 9/2/46). 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 The historic time embraced by The Tragedie of Macbeth begins in 
 1040, when Duncan was slain, and ends with Macbeth's defeat by 
 Siward on July 27, 1054. The historic Macbeth, however, escaped 
 from the battle, and was killed in August, 1057. 
 
 Act I. sc. ii. — ^The following excerpts contain the materials for this 
 scene. Shakspere was perhaps induced to make " the Norweyan lord " 
 an ally of Macdonwald because Holinshed says that Sueno invaded 
 Scotland 1 "immediately" after the suppres»on of the rebellion. 
 Steevens conjectured that the mere official title (" sergeant at armes ") 
 of the messenger, who was sent to command the rebels' presence at 
 Court, gave Shakspere a hint for introducing a sergeant, from whom 
 Duncan learns the latest news of the revolt (I. ii. 2, 3). 
 
 D^ZlTun t^"^- "• ^- ^- I68/2/12.] After Malcolme succeeded hia 
 of Scotland nephuc Duncane the sonne of his daughter Beatrice : for Malcome 
 had two daughters, the one which was this Beatrice, being giuen 
 in mariage vnto one Abbanath Crinen, a man of great nobilitie, 
 and thane of the lies and west parts of Scotland, bare of that 
 mariage the foresaid Duncane; the other called Doada, was 
 [cousin to maried vnto Sinell ^ the thane of Glammis, by whom she had issue 
 
 Macbeth], ' •' 
 
 Makbeth ouc Makbeth a valiant gentleman, and one that if he had not 
 
 [valiant, but 
 
 somewhat becue somcwhat cruell of nature, might haue beene thought most 
 
 woorthie the gouernement of a realme. On the other part, Duncane 
 
 Duncan of was SO soft and gentle of nature,* that the people wished the 
 
 tooeofta ° '^ '^ 
 
 natnre. inclinations and manors of these two cousins to haue beene so 
 tempered and interchangeablie bestowed betwixt them, that where 
 
 1 These fictitious invasions of Sueno and Canute are, I believe, mentioned 
 by no writer earlier than Boece, 247/55 !•> &". 
 
 2 This name is variously spelt. Pordv/n's spelling is " Finele " (IV. xlix. 
 233), whence perhaps came Boece's " Synel " (246/64 b). 
 
 8 With this description compare Macbeth's epithet, " the gracious Duncan " 
 (III. i. 66). 
 
III. MACBETH. 19 
 
 the one had too much of clemencie, and the other of crueltie, the 
 meane vertue betwixt these two extremities might haue reigned 
 by indifferent partition in them both, so should Duncane haue 
 proued a woorthie king, and Makbeth an excellent capteine. The 
 beginning of Duncans re^e was verie quiet and peaceable, 
 without anie notable trouble; but after it was perceiued how 
 negligent he was in punishing offendors, manie misruled persons £Sg{Sg™tta* 
 tooke occasion thereof to trouble the peace and quiet state of the Sffenderej 
 common-wealth, by seditious commotions which first had their 
 beginnings in this wise. 
 
 Banquho the thane of Lochquhaber, of whom the house of the ^^^ " 
 Stewards is descended, the which by order of linage hath now for ■'^"^s"*"*"'- 
 
 *' " The home of 
 
 a long time inioied the crowne of Scotland, euen till these our thestewardi. 
 daies, as he gathered the finances due to the king, and further 
 punished somewhat sharpelie such as were notorious offendors, 
 being assailed by a number of rebels inhabiting in that countrie, ^^g^'fj^^ 
 and spoiled of the monie and all other things, had much a doo i^^aier. 
 to get awaie with life, after he had receiued sundrie grieuous 
 wounds amongst them. Yet escaping their hands, after hee was 
 somewhat recouered of his hurts, and was able to ride, he repaired 
 to the court, where making his complaiat to the king in most 
 earnest wise, he purchased at length that the offendors were sent 
 for by a sergeant at armes, to appeare to make answer vnto such 
 matters as should be laid to their charge : but they augmenting 
 their mischiefous act with a more wicked deed, after they had 
 misused the messenger with sundrie kinds of reproches, they ^,^^/^* 
 finaUie slue him also. tTZ'rda.! 
 
 Then doubting not but for such contemptuous demeanor 
 against the kings regall authoritie, they should be inuaded with 
 all the power the kiug could make, Makdowald one of great ^^^^. 
 estimation among them, making first a confederacie with his J^^?^'„^ 
 neerest friends and kinsmen, tooke ypon him to be chiefe capteine 
 of all such rebels as would stand against the king, in maintenance 
 of their grieuous offenses latelie committed against him. Manie 
 slanderous words also, and railing tants this Makdowald Tttered ^e oaiis 
 
 ' ° Duncan a 
 
 against his prince, calling him a faint-hearted milkesop, more meet S^^*^^'* 
 to gouerne a sort of idle moonks in some cloister, than to haue the 
 
20 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 [People from 
 tbe western 
 isles, and 
 kerns and 
 gallow- 
 glasses from 
 Ireland, helii 
 him. Cp. 
 Macb. 1. i. 
 12, IS.] 
 
 ifakdowald 
 diicon^fiUih 
 the kings 
 poteer. 
 
 The smal 
 tkilofthe 
 3n7tg in tsar- 
 like affaires. 
 
 MaJcbetht 
 
 offer 
 
 [to subdue 
 
 the rebels, in 
 
 concei't with 
 
 Banquo]. 
 
 Hakbeth and 
 Sanqufut are 
 sent xtgainst 
 the rebels. 
 The rebels 
 forsake their 
 cajpteine. 
 
 Mahd&icaZd 
 slaieth his 
 wife and 
 children^ & 
 lastlie him- 
 telfe. 
 
 rule of such valiant and bardie men of warre as the Scots were. 
 He Tsed also such subtill persuasions and forged allurements, that 
 in a small time he had gotten togithef a mightie power of men : 
 for out of the westerne lies there came vnto him a great multitude 
 of people, oflFering themselues to assist him in that rebellious 
 quarell, and out of Ireland in hope of the spoile came no small 
 number of Kernes and Galloglasses, offering gladlie to serue vnder 
 him, whither it should please him to lead them. 
 
 Makdowald thus hauing a mightie puissance about him, incoun- 
 tered with such of the kings people as were sent against him into 
 Loohquhfiber, and discomfiting them, by mere force tooke their 
 capteine Malcolme, and after the end of the battell smote off his 
 head. This ouerthrow being notified to the king, did put him in 
 woonderfuU feare, by reason of his small skill in warlike affaires. 
 Calling therefore his nobles to a councell, he asked of them their 
 best aduise for the subduing of Makdowald & other the rebels. 
 Here, in sundrie heads (as euer it happeneth) were sundrie 
 opinions, which they Tttered adcording to euerie man his skill. 
 At length Makbeth speaking much against the kings softnes, and 
 ouermuch slacknesse in punishing offendoiB, whereby they had 
 such time to assemble togither, he promised notwithstanding, if 
 the charge were committed vnto him and vnto Banquho, so to 
 order the matter, that the rebels should be shortly vanquished 
 & quite put downe, and that not so much as one of them should 
 be found to make resistance within the countrie. 
 
 And euen so it came to passe : for being sent foorth with a new 
 power, at his entring into Lochquhaber, the fame of his comming 
 put the enimies in such feare, that a great number of them stale 
 secretlie awaie from their capteine Makdowald, who neuerthelesse 
 inforced thereto, gaue battell vnto Makbeth, with the residue 
 which remained with him : but being ouercome, and fleeing for 
 refuge into a castell (within the which his wife & children were 
 inclosed) at length when he saw how he could neither defend the 
 hold anie longer against his enimies, nor yet vpOn surrender be 
 suffered to depart with life saued, hee first slue his wife and 
 children, and lastlie himselfe, least if he had yeelded simplie, he 
 should haue beene executed in most cruell wise for an example 
 
law Tatmed. 
 
 Ill, MACBETH. 21 
 
 to other. Makbett entring into the castell by the gates, as then 
 set open, found the carcaspe of Makdowald lieng dead there 
 amongst the residue of the slaine bodies, which when he beheld, 
 renaittijQg no peece of his eruell nature with that pitiful! sight, he 
 caused the head to be cut off, and set vpon a poles end, and so MaMawauc, 
 
 ^ * head sent to 
 
 sent it as a present to the king, who as then laie at Bertha.^ The ^^S. 
 headlesse ia-ui^e he commanded to bee hoong yp vpon an high '''^'^■ 
 paire of gaUows. . . . Thus was iustice and law restored againe jutue, 
 to the old accustomed course, by the diligent means of Makbeth. 
 Immediatlie wherevpion woord came that Sueno king of Norway ««««« **«» 
 
 . o J of Norway 
 
 was amued lu Fife with a puissant armie, to subdue the whole ^''•" 
 realme of Scotland. 
 
 The ?xiiiy ijaised to resist Sueno was divided into iiiree " battels " j 
 the van and rear feeing assigned to Macbeth ajid Banquho respectively, — »-- 
 while Duncan commanded the main body. The events of the sub- 
 sequent eampaiga-^^wkLeh ended with an avierwhelming defeat of the 
 Danes ^ — are not dram^tiz^ed. Smeno; ^ccpm|)Eviiied by 3, few survivor? 
 of the ejcpedition, esc3,ped to |forw»y. — ffol. ii. ff. S. I69/2/61—1 70/2/4. 
 
 [ffol. ii. H. S. 170/2/21.] lihe Scots hauing woone so nptable f^^^^"- 
 a victorie, after they had gathered & diuided the spojle of the ^^ 
 ii^d, caused solemne proeessions to be made In all pla^e? qS the 
 realme, and thanks to be giueato almightie God, tiiat had sent 
 them so faire a daj * ouer their enimies. But whilest the people 
 were tiljus at their processions, woord was brought that a new fleet iSai^w 
 ©f Danes was arriued at Kingeorne,* sent thither by Canute king fyf^^^ 
 pf JBnglaju}, jin reuenge of his brother Suenos puerthrow. To '^^' 
 
 * According to Boece {il^l^S h) the site of this town was near the modem 
 Peprth, jfpunded by William tjb.e Jaom to ^eplape Sertha, which was ^e^troyed 
 by an inundation in 1210. 
 
 * The Scots worn the -vaotory by drmggiQg the Bajoes, who incautiojigly 
 accepted from Duncan a present of ale and bread, compounded with " the iuice 
 of mekilwoort Jber!rie8."m-fl<i»Z. ii. H.&. I70/1/41. Ik the Clasendon Pressed, 
 of MoAibeth, it is conjectured that "mekilwoort" is the "insane Root," spoken 
 of by Banquo {L iii. 8f). The follpiirang description of the plant called by 
 Soece " Solatium lamentiale/' and ihere engli^ed as " mekilwoort," was omitted 
 by Hd., and Bellenden, iki translator of Boece : ''herba est ingetitis quantita- 
 tis, acinos principio virides, ac mox vbi maturueidnt piiiTp!areas.i& ad nigredinem. 
 vergentes habens, ad caulem enatos & sub foliis latesates ^sSque quasi ^tra- 
 hentes, vimque soporiferam, aut in amenti^m ag^n^i si affatim sumpseris 
 habentes, magna vbertate in Scotia prouepiens.'f— -248/59 '^• 
 
 ' Cp. Macbeth's words (I. in. 37): "So fome and feme a day I haue 
 not scene." 
 
 * Kinghom, Fife, on the Firth of Forth. 
 
22 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 I%e Dana 
 vanquished 
 i>y Makbeth 
 and Ban' 
 qu7u>. 
 
 resist these enimies, which were alreadie landed, and busie in 
 spoiling the countrie, Makbeth and Banquho were sent with the 
 kings authoritie, who hauing with them a conuenient power, 
 incountred the enimies, slue part of them, and chased the other 
 to their ships. They that escaped and got once to their ships, 
 obteined of Makbeth for a great summe of gold, that such of their 
 Danet imrUd fricnds as wcrc slaiue at this last bickering, might be buried in 
 
 in S. Colmes . , ^^ i x i i 
 
 Inch. samt Colmes Inch.^ 
 
 Act I. sc. iii. — n. iii. — It is possible that some passages in 
 Holinslied, describing the bewitchment of Duff King of Scots, were in 
 Shakspere's mind when he wrote the couplets detailing the First 
 Witch's projects of revenge upon the sea-captain whose wife had 
 insulted her (11. 18—25). DufE could 
 
 Mtsiee'^at t"^"^' "" -^^ '^- 1 49/2/2.] not slccpc in the night time by anie 
 ™gj,^[*°y prouocations that could be deuised,^ but still fell into exceeding 
 sweats, which by no means might be restreined. . . . But about 
 that present time there was a murmuring amongst the people, how 
 the king was vexed with no naturall sicknesse, but by sorcerie and 
 magicall art, practised by a sort of witches dwelling in a towne 
 of Murrey land, called Fores.' 
 
 Becoming aware of this rumour, DufE sent certain trustworthy 
 agents to the castle of Forres, which was held by his lieutenant 
 Donwald, of whom we shall hear again. It chanced that a soldier 
 in the garrison of the castle had a mistress by whom he was made 
 acquainted with the practices and designs of her mother, who was one 
 of the suspected witches, leagued with others for the destruction of 
 Duff. Donwald being informed of these revelations, examined the 
 witch's daughter, who acknowledged that what he had been told 
 was true. 
 
 Wiicha in 
 Fora. 
 
 Thewk£ha 
 arefouTiA 
 
 03U. 
 
 [Rol. ii. H. S. 149/2/S9.J Wherevpon learning by hir confes- 
 sion in what house in the towne it was where they wrought their 
 
 1 lucheolm (S. Columba's Island), Firth of Forth. Cp. Moteheth, I. ii. 
 62-65 : 
 
 " Sweno, the Norwayes King cranes composition ; 
 Nor would we deigne him l)uriaU of his men, 
 Till he disbursed, at Saint Colmes ynch. 
 Ten thousand dollars to our general! vse." 
 
 « Cp. Macheih, I. iiL 19, 20 : 
 
 " Sleepe shall neyther Night nor Day 
 Hang vpon his Pent-house Lid ; " &c. 
 
 * Forres is about half way between Elgin and Nairn, and not far from the 
 Moray Firth. 
 
did his flesh.} 
 
 III. MACBETH. 23 
 
 mischiefous mysterie, he sent foorth souldiers about the middest 
 of the night, who breaking into the house, found one of the witches 
 rosting vpon a woodden broeh an image of wax at the fier, resem- ^« »»«»»« 0/ 
 
 * " ' wax roBtmg 
 
 bling in each feature the kings person, made and deuised (as is to "* '^fl"- 
 be thought) by craft and art of the diuell : an other of them sat 
 reciting certeine words of inchantment, and still basted the image 
 with a certeine liquor verie busilie. 
 
 The souldiers finding them occupied in this wise, tooke them i"** viiteha 
 
 were ex- 
 
 togither with the image, and led them into the castell, where "mined. 
 being streictlie examined for what purpose they went about such 
 manner of inchantment, they answered, to the end to make away y*« "^"^ 
 
 ^ matter it 
 
 the king : for as the image did waste afore the fire, so did the «>»/"»«*■ 
 bodie of the king breake foorth in sweat. And as for the words [The opeu 
 
 ** _ kept the 
 
 of the inchantment, they serued to keepe him still waking from ^"g^^^as 
 sleepe, so that as the wax euer melted, so did the kings flesh : by meitedTi 
 the which meanes it should haue come to passe, that when the 
 wax was once cleane consumed, the death of the king should 
 immediatlie follow. 
 
 I now resume the thread of Macbeth's fortunes, from the time 
 when, according to Holinshed (Hoi. ii. H. S. I7O/2/45), a perpetual 
 peace was established with the Danes. 
 
 [JSol. ii. H. S. 170/2/52.] Shortlie after happened a strange and 
 vncouth woonder, which afterward was the cause of much trouble 
 in the realme of Scotland, as ye shall after heare. It fortuned 
 as Makbeth and Banquho iournied towards Fores, where the king '^^''^J^'' 
 then laie, they went sporting by the waie togither without other ?h°e"*®* 
 companie, saue onelie themselues, passing thorough the woods and S^'and 
 fields, when suddenlie in the middest of a laund,^ there met them pareiTcp. 
 
 . -I .1 1 n " 11. Macb. I. iii. 
 
 three women m strange and wild apparell, resemblmg creatures «.] 
 of elder world, whome when they attentiuelie beheld, woondering 
 much at the sight, the first of them spake and said: "All haile, mepro- 
 " Makbeth, thane of Glammis ! " ^ (for he had latelie entered into '*™ '2»«fj 
 that dignitie and office by the death of his father Sinell). The J^^^^f* 
 second of them said: "Haile, Makbeth, thane of Cawderl" •'^"'•• 
 
 1 "Medio repente campo" (Boece, p. 249/42). 
 
 » Glamis is five and a half miles STW. of Forfar.— BcwtMomew. 
 
 3 Cawdor Castle is five and a half miles S.W. of Nairn.— Bar*/ioJo«iew. 
 
24 III. MACBETH. 
 
 But the third said: "All haile, Makbeth, that heereafter shalt 
 "be king of Scotland !" ^ 
 
 Then Banqnho : " What manner of women " (saith he) " are you, 
 "that seeme so little fauourable vnto me; whereas to my fellow 
 " heere, besides high of&ces, ye assigne also the kingdome, appoint- 
 " ing foorth nothing for me at all ? " "Yes" (saith the first of them) 
 "we promise greater benefits vnto thee, than vnto him, for he 
 "shall reigne in deed, but with an vnluckie end: neither shall 
 " he leaue anie issue behind him to succeed in his place, where 
 " contrarilie thou in deed shalt not reigne at all, but of thee those 
 "shall be borne which shall gouerne the Scotish kingdome by long 
 "order of continuall descent." Herewith the foresaid women 
 A thing to vanished immediatlie out of their sight. This was reputed at 
 
 wtmder at. o ^ 
 
 the first but some vaine fantasticall illusion by Mackbeth and 
 
 Banquho, insomuch that Banquho would call Mackbeth in iest, 
 
 jMQ cSd° king of Scotland ; and Mackbeth againe would call him in sport 
 
 i^S^toi] likewise, the father of manie kings. But afterwards the common 
 
 fSrof ' opinion was, that these women were either the weird sisters, that 
 
 manie kings. , i»i.. 
 
 [The women ig (as ye would Say) the goddesses of destuue, or else some 
 lesttSr' °' nymphs or feiries, indued with knowledge of prophesie by their 
 fa^e^r " necromanticall science, bicause euerie thing came to passe as they 
 o^T^^m- had spoken. For shortlie after, the thane of Cawder being con- 
 tTtajmn. demucd at Fores of treason against the king committed : his lands, 
 ^^ca^r" ^i'^ii'gS' ^^^ offices were giuen of the kings liberalitie to Mackbeth.^ 
 
 1 The following passage in Wyntown (VI. xviii. 13-26) gives the earliest 
 known form of this story (about 1424) : 
 
 A nycht he [Macbeth] thowcht in hys dremyng, 
 
 Dat syttand he wes besyd fie Kyng [Dmican] 
 
 At aSete in hwntyng ; swd 15 
 
 In-til his Leiisch had Grewhundys twi. 
 
 He thowcht, auhile he wes swd syttandj 
 
 He sawe threWemen by gangOnd ; 
 
 And jjai Wemen r)ian thowcht he 
 
 Thre Werd Systrys mdst lyk to be. 20 
 
 De fyrst he hard 'say gangand by, 
 
 " Lo, yhondyr-Jje Thayne of Crwmbawchty", [Cromarty]. 
 
 De to^ir Woman sayd agayne, 
 
 "Of Morave [Moray] yhondyre I se.|)e Thayne." 
 
 De thryd )jan sayd, " I se )je Kyng." 25 
 
 AH J)is he herd in hys dremyng. 
 
 These thanedoms were afterwards conferred upon Macbeth by Duncan 
 (U. 27, 28). 2 Cp. Macbeth, I. ii. 63-67 ; iii. 105-116. 
 
ni. MACBETH. 25 
 
 The same night after, at supper, Banquho iested with him and 
 said : "Now Mackbeth thou hast obteined those things which the 
 " two former sisters prophesied, there remaineth onelie for thee to 
 " purchase that which the third said should come to passe." Where- ^«»««\ 
 vpon Mackbeth reuduing the thing in his mind, began euen then ^t^^^^e 
 to deuise how he might atteine to the kingdoms : but yet he *'"'''°™- 
 thought with himselfe that he must tarie a time, which should 
 aduance him thereto (by the diuine prouidence) as it had come 
 to passe in his former preferment. But shortlie after it chanced Tkedmghter 
 that king Duncane, hauing two sonnes by his wife which was the ^^j^. 
 daughter of Siward earle of Northumberland, he made the elder ^hJi^'* 
 of them, called Malcolme, prince of Cumberland, as it were thereby [wSm is 
 to appoint him his successor in the kingdome, immediatlie after otcnmber- 
 
 '■ '■ o ' land, and 
 
 his deceasse. Mackbeth sore troubled herewith, for that he saw Macieth's 
 
 ' eucceBsion 
 
 by this means his hope sore hindered (where, by the old lawes of JiJthus'"'"'* 
 
 the realme, the ordinance was, that if he that should succeed were ™'*°"8*" ' 
 not (rf able age to take the charge vpon himselfe, he that was next 
 of blood vnto him should be admitted) he began to take counsell 
 
 how he might vsurpe the kingdome by force, hauing a iust quarell SI'l* 
 
 so to doo (as he tooke the matter) for that Duncano did what in S^*J7t,« 
 
 him lay to defraud him of all maner of title and claime, which pm. " 
 he might in time to come, pretend Tuto the crowne.^ 
 
 The woords of the three weird sisters also (of whom before ^^^^ 
 
 ye haue beard) ^eatlie incouraged him herevnto, but speciallie his ^tS^t" 
 wife lay sore vpon him to attempt the thing, as she that was verie 
 ambitious, burnmg in vnquenchable desire to beare the name of ^^^f^^ 
 
 a aueene. At length therefore, communicating his puJ^osed "*«'«■ 
 
 " *^ T» 1 1 Mackbeth 
 
 intent with his trustie friends, amongst whome Banquho was the f^l^'^ 
 chiefest, vpon confidence of their promised aid, he slue the king ^^^^„^: 
 at Enuern8,2 Qp (as some say) at Botgosuane, in the sixt yeare of "''*""*'• 
 
 1 Cp. Macbeth, I. iv. 37 ; 48 : 
 
 " Kmg. ... We will eatabliah our Estate vpon 
 Our eldest, Mdoolme ; whom we name herealteT, 
 The Prince of Cumberland " : . . . 
 
 . . . Maeb.[(mde]. The Prince of Oumberland !— that is a step 
 On which I must fall downe, or else o?er-leape. 
 For in my way it lyes." 
 
 ' "Enuern[e]s" = Inverness. 
 
 y 
 
26 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 Maekbeth 
 viurpeth the 
 crovme. 
 
 Suncanet 
 buriall. 
 1046. H. B. 
 
 his reigne. Then hauing a companie about him of such as he had 
 made priuie to his enterprise, he caused himselfe to be proclamed 
 king, and foorthwith went vnto Scone, where (by common consent) 
 he receiued the inuesture of the kingdome according to the 
 accustomed maner.^ The bodie of Duncane was first conueied 
 vnto Elgine, & there buried in kinglie wise ; but afterwards it 
 was remoued and conueied vnto Colmekill,^ and there laid in a 
 sepulture amongst his predecessors, in the yeare after the birth 
 of our Sauiour, 1046.* 
 
 On comparing the foregoing passages with the play, the reader will 
 observe how closely Shakspere agrees with Holiushed in regard to 
 (1) the weird sisters' apparition and predictions ; (2) the effect on 
 Macbeth's mind of Malcolm's recognition as Prince of Cumberland, 
 or heir apparent ; and (3) Lady Macbeth's urgency in prompting her 
 husband to attempt Duncan's murder. Shakspere assumed that 
 Cawdor's treason — the nature of which is not specified by Holinshed — 
 consisted in secretly aiding the Norwegians. Banquo's fate could not 
 have moved our pity, if the Chronicles had been followed in making 
 him know of, perhaps even share, Macbeth's crime ; and adherence to 
 authority in this respect must have caused Macbeth to appear less 
 " sinful by comparison with his old associate, who, as Shakspere repre- 
 sents the matter, strenuously resisted those " cursed thoughts " (II, i. 8) 
 which the weird sisters' prophecies had suggested. 
 
 No particulars of Duncan's murder are given. For these Shakspere 
 turned to the murder of King Duff by Donwald. DufE (as we have 
 seen) suffered from the effects of witchcraft. Eegaining his former 
 health after the witches' charm had been broken, he put to death the 
 instigators of the sorcery practised against him. Among those thus 
 executed were some kinsmen of Donwald, who, having vainly craved 
 their pardon, 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. S. 150/ 1/39. J conceiued such an inward malice towards 
 the king (though he shewed it not outwardlie at the first) that 
 
 1 Cp. Macbeth, II. iv. 31, 32 : 
 
 "Sosse. . . . Then 'tis most like 
 The Soueiaignty will fall vpon Macbeth. 
 
 Macd. He is already nam'd, and gone to Scone 
 To be inuested." 
 
 ' lona. Cp. Macbeth, II. iv. 32-35 : 
 
 "Basse. Where is Duncan's body 1 
 
 Macd. Carried to Colmekill, 
 The Sacred Store-house of his Predecessors 
 And Guardian of their Bones." 
 
 ' H[ectorl B[oece's] date is wrong. Duncan was slain in 1040.— Jif. Scottus 
 (Fertz, V. 557). 
 
III. MACBETH. 27 
 
 the same continued still boiling in his stomach, and ceased not, Dmwaid 
 till through setting on of his wife, and in reuenffe of such '«"'«* 
 
 ° ° against the 
 
 vnthankeiulnesse, hee found meanes to murther the king within *'"'■ 
 the foresaid castell of Fores where he vsed to soiourne. For the 
 king being in that countrie, was accustomed to lie most commonlie 
 within the same castell, hauing a speciall trust in Donwald, as 
 a man whom he neuer suspected. 
 
 But Donwald, not forgetting the reproch which his linage had 
 susteined by the execution of those his kinsmen, whome the king 
 for a spectacle to the people had caused to be hanged, could not 
 but shew manifest tokens of great griefe at home amongst his 
 familie: which his wife perceiuing, ceassed not to trauell with i>onwaid» 
 
 ■^ ^' w\fe coun- 
 
 him, till she vnderstood what the cause was of his displeasure. JS^a^^^^ 
 Which at length when she had learned by his owne relation, she '^"'' 
 as one that bare no lesse malice in hir heart towards the king, for 
 the like cause on hir behalfe, than hir husband did for his friends, 
 counselled him (sith the king oftentimes Tsed to lodge in his [She showed 
 house without anie gard about him, other than the garrison of the how the 
 
 , , king might 
 
 castell, which was wholie at his commaiidement) to make him ^hl^iodg. 
 awaie, and shewed him the meanes wherby he might soonest c^ae!]°™° 
 accomplish it. 
 
 Donwald thus being the more kindled in wrath by the words Sj^Sj 
 of his wife, determined to follow hir aduise in the execution of "■'''''°""'- 
 BO heinous an act. Whervpon deuising with himselfe for a while, 
 which way hee might best accomplish his curssed intent, at length 
 gat opportunitie, and sped his purpose as foUoweth. It chanced 
 that the king vpon the dale before he purposed to depart foorth 
 of the castell, was long in his oratorie at his praiers, and there [The night 
 
 ' " jr ' before the 
 
 continued till it was late in the night. At the last, comming ^'iSito' 
 
 foorth, he called such afore him as had faithfuUie serued him rt^ye^ute"* 
 
 in pursute and apprehension of the rebels, and giuing them heartie prayers.] 
 
 thanks, he bestowed sundrie honorable gifts amongst them, of the The ung 
 
 rewarded hit 
 
 which number Donwald was one, as he that had beene euer f™<^- 
 accounted a most faithfuil seruant to the king. 
 
 At length, hauing talked with them a long time, he got him ^^j**^^ 
 into his priuie chamber, onelie with two of his chamberlains, who 
 hauing brought him to bed, came foorth againe, and then fell to 
 
28 III. MACBETH. 
 
 Hadumbn^ banketting with Donwald and his wife, who had prepared diuerse 
 
 Uim mmt to i <■ i ■ 
 
 banketang. dclicate dishes, and suudrie sorts of drinks for their reare supper 
 or collation, wherat they sate vp so long, till they had charged 
 their stomachs with such full gorges, that their heads were no 
 sooner got to the pillow, but asleepe they were so fast, that a man 
 might haue remooued the chamber ouer them, sooner than to haue 
 awaked them out of their droonken sleepe. 
 by ws^fe '^heix Donwald, though he abhorred the act greatlie in heart, 
 
 ^°Tfour™f yet through instigation of his wife hee called foure of his seruants 
 
 to"'SS** vnto him (whome he had made priuie to his wicked intent before, 
 and framed to his purpose with large gifts) and now declaring 
 Tnto them, after what sort they should worke the feat, they gladlie 
 obeied his instructions, & speedilie going about the murther, 
 they enter the chamber (in which the king laie) a little before 
 
 ^o»«r2S* ''ocks crow, where they secretlie cut his throte as he lay sleeping, 
 
 ttJoteT without anie buskling ^ at all : and immediatlie by a posterne gate 
 they caried foorth the dead bodie into the fields, and throwing it 
 Tpon an horsse there prouided readie for that purpose, they conuey 
 it ynto a place, about two miles distant from the castell, where 
 they staled, and gat certeine labourers to helpe them to turne the 
 course of a little' riuer running through the fields there, and 
 
 buriM^ *« digging a deepe hole in the chanell, they burie the bodie in the 
 same, ramming it yp with stones and grauell so closelie, that 
 setting the water in the right course againe, no man could perceiue 
 that anie thing had beene newlie digged there. This they did by 
 order appointed them by Donwald as is reported, for that the 
 //1)odie should not be foimd, & b y bleedin g (when Donwald should 
 be present) declare him to be guiltie of the murther. f For such 
 an opinion men haue, that the dead corps of anie man being 
 skine, will bleed abundantlie if the murtherer be present. But 
 for what consideration soeuer they buried him there, they had no 
 
 Thepoore sooucr finished the worke, but that they slue them whose helpe 
 
 laborers are i i . i . i . i 
 
 steiiw. they vsed herem, and streightwaies therevpon fied into Orknie. 
 ^t°uLdf Donwald, about the time that the murther was in dooing, got 
 MoSm?" Wm amongst them that kept the watch, and so continued in 
 
 1 Bustling, noise. "Nullo prope strepitu" (Boece, 222/40). 
 
III. MACBETH. 29 
 
 companie with them all the residue of the night. But in the 
 morning when the noise was raised in the kings chamber how the 
 king was slaine, his bodie conueied awaie, and the bed all beraied 
 with bloud; he with the watch ran thither, as though he had 
 knowne nothing of the matter, and breaking into the chamber, 
 and finding cakes of bloud in the bed, and on the floore about the Drnwaid 
 
 ° averie 
 
 sides of it, he foorthwith slue the chamberleins, as guiltie of that f^T^- 
 heinous murther, and then like a mad man running to and fro, he c^l? oftS 
 ransacked euerie corner within the castell, as though it had beene the ung-s 
 to haue scene if he might haue found either the bodie, or anie slew the two 
 
 chomher- 
 
 of the murtherers hid in anie priuie place : but at length oomming ^JJv rf the 
 to the posterne gate, and finding it open, he burdened the ™"^"J- 
 chamberleins, whome he had slaine, with all the fault, they hauing 
 the keies of the gates committed to their keeping all the night, 
 and therefore it could not be otherwise (said he) but that they 
 were of counsell in committing of that most detestable murther. 
 
 Finallie, such was his ouer earnest diligence in the seuere f?me^ 
 
 ' ^ tTian other, 
 
 inquisition and triall of the oflfendors heerein, that some of the ^^^' 
 lords began to mislike the matter, and to smell foorth shrewd 
 tokens, that he should not be altogither clears himselfe. But for 
 so much as they were in that countrie, where he had the whole 
 rule, what by reason of his friends and authoritie togither, they 
 doubted to vtter what they thought, till time and place should 
 better seme therevuto, and heere ypon got them awaie euerie man 
 to his home. 
 
 The circumstances of Duff's murder, related above, have their dra- 
 matic parallels in (1) Duncan's presence as a guest in Macbeth's castle ; 
 (2) the part taken by Lady Macbeth in urging and planning the 
 murder ; (3) the drunken sleep of Duncan's chamberlains on the night 
 of the murder ; (4) Macbeth's precautionary slaughter of the chamber- 
 lains; (5) the suspicion caused by his over-acted horror when the 
 murder was discovered. 
 
 We have seen how, in Gymbelme, Shakspere used a tradition of the 
 three Hays' prowess at the battle of Loncart, fought in the reign of 
 Kenneth III., King of Scots. A story told of this Kenneth furnished, 
 it has been conjectured,^ a hint for some words of Macbeth (II. ii. 35 ; 
 41 — 43), uttered in the first agony of remorse for Duncan's murder : 
 
 1 By Dr. Furness. See his variorum MaebeiJi, p. 359. 
 
30 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 Tfu M/ng 
 had a giliie 
 conscience. 
 
 A voUe 
 heard by 
 the Icing, 
 
 [After hear- 
 ing this 
 voice the 
 King passed 
 a sleepless 
 night.] 
 
 Me thought I heard a voyce cry, " Sleep no more ! " , . . 
 Still it cry'd " Sleepe no more ! " to all the House : 
 " Glamis hath murther'd Sleepe, and therefore Cawdor 
 " Shall sleepe no more ; Macbeth shall sleepe no more ! " 
 
 In order to obtain his son's succession Kenneth had secretly 
 poisoned his nephew Malcolm, — son of the late King Duff, — who, by 
 Scottish law, was the rightful heir to the throne. Kenneth ruled well ; 
 and his sole guilty deed remained undiscovered. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. S. I58/1/9.J Thus might he seeme happie to all 
 man, hauing the loue both of his lords and commons : but yet 
 to himselfe he seemed most vnhappie, as he that could not but 
 still line in continuall feare, least his wicked practise concerning 
 the death of Malcolme Dufie should come to light and knowledge 
 of the world. For so commeth it to passe, that such as are 
 pricked in conscience for anie secret offense committed, haue euer 
 an vnquiet mind. And (as the fame goeth) it chanced that a 
 voice was heard as he was in bed in the night time to take his 
 rest, vttering vnto him these or the like woords in effect : " Thinke 
 "not Kenneth that the wicked slaughter of Malcolme Duffe by 
 "thee contriued, is kept secret from the knowledge of the eternall 
 " God : thou art he that didst conspire the innocents death, enter- 
 " prising by traitorous meanes to doo that to thy neighbour, which 
 "thou wouldest haue reuenged by cruell punishment in anie of 
 " thy subiects, if it had beene offered to thy selfe. It shall there- 
 "fore come to passe, that both thou thy selfe, and thy issue, 
 "through the iust vengeance of almightie God, shall suffer 
 "woorthie punishment, to the infamie of thy house and familie 
 "for euermore. For euen at this present are there in hand secret 
 "practises to dispatch both thee and thy issue out of the waie, 
 " that other male inioy this kingdome which thou doost indeuour 
 "to assure vnto thine issue." 
 
 The king with this voice being striken into great dread and 
 terror, passed that night without anie sleepe comming in his eies. 
 
 All now leave the stage except Duncan's sons, Malcolm and 
 Donalbain, who, after a brief colloquy, resolve to fly from Scotland 
 (II. iii. 141 — 152). Holinshed says that 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. S. 171/1/73.J Malcolme Cammore and Donald 
 
III. MACBETH, 31 
 
 Bane the sons of king Duncane, for feare of their lines (which MaUoime 
 
 , ^ Common 
 
 they might well know that Mackbeth would seeke to bring to ^^^^ 
 end for his more sure confirmation in the estate) fled into Cumber- SS^" 
 land, where Malcolme remained, till time that saint Edward the fSS\ 
 Sonne of Ethelred recouered the dominion of England from the ^mitiand!' 
 Danish power, the which Edward receiued Malcolme by way of 
 most friendlie enterteinment : but Donald passed ouer into 
 Ireland, where he was tenderlie cherished by the king of that 
 land.i 
 
 Act II. sc. iv. — Boss and an old man enter and talk of certain 
 portents connected with Duncan's murder (1 — 20). Similar occurrences 
 attended the murder of Duff, as my next excerpt shows. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. JET. S. 151/I/I2.] For the space of six moneths ^^°^ 
 togither, after this heinous murther thus committed, there J^'o^reen 
 appeered no sunne by day, nor moone by night in anie part of SonSs, 
 the realme, but still was the skie couered with eontinuall clouds, So."' "" ' 
 and sometimes such outragious winds ^ arose, with lightenings 
 and tempests, that the people were in great feare of present 
 destruction. . . . 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. S. 152/1/9.] Monstrous sights also that were 
 seene within the Scotish kingdome that yeere were these : horsses ^"^^ 
 in Louthian, being of singular beautie and swiftnesse, did eate 
 their owne flesh, and would in no wise taste anie other 
 meate. . . . There was a sparhawke also strangled by an Ji-'^S* 
 owle. Neither was it anie lesse woonder that the sunne, as 
 before is said, was continuallie couered with clouds for six moneths 
 
 1 Malcolm says : " He to England." Donalbain determines otherwise : 
 
 " To Ireland, I ; our seperated fortune 
 Shall keeps ,.vs both the safer : where we are. 
 There's daggers in men's Smiles : the neere in blood, 
 The neerer bloody." 
 
 II. iii. 143-147. By "England" and "Ireland" the kings of those countries 
 are, I suppose, meant. Shakspere several times uses "England" in this sense: 
 see, for example, Macbeth, IV. iii. 43, and John, III. iv. 8. 
 
 2 Compare what Lennox says (II. iii. 59, 60), just before Duncan's murder 
 is discovered: 
 
 " The Night ha's been vnruly : where we lay, 
 Our Chimneys were blowne downe " ; . . . 
 
 fitsh. 
 
 an irttU. 
 
32 
 
 III, MACBETH. 
 
 Mackbeths 
 liberalitie. 
 
 Mackbeth 
 studUth to 
 aduance 
 iustice. 
 
 A hinglU 
 tncUuour. 
 
 [If Macbeth 
 had heen a 
 lawftil king, 
 and if he had 
 not proved a 
 tyrant at 
 last, he 
 might have 
 been ac- 
 counted one 
 of the best 
 of princes.] 
 
 Makbetkg 
 counterfeit 
 zeale and 
 tguitie. 
 
 space. But all men vnderstood that the abhominable murther of 
 king DuflFe was the cause heereof. . . ?■ 
 
 Two months — ^the utmost dramatic time, including intervals,^ which 
 can fairly be assigned to this play — left Shakspere no room to set forth 
 Duncan's murderer as other than a graceless tyrant, led rapidly on 
 from crime to crime. But the following passages witness that ten of 
 the seventeen years of Macbeth's reign were distinguished by a just 
 though rigorous government, harmful to none save lawbreakers and 
 oppressors of the weak. 
 
 \Hol. ii. H. S. 171/2/9.] Mackbeth, after the departure thus 
 of Dnncanes sonnes, vsed great liberalitie towards the nobles of 
 the realme, thereby to win their fauour, and when he saw that no 
 man went about to trouble him, he set his whole intention to 
 mainteine iustice, and to punish all enormities and abuses, which 
 had chanced through the feeble and slouthfull administration of 
 Duncane. . . . Mackbeth shewing himselfe thus a most diligent 
 punisher of all iniuries and wrongs attempted by anie disordered 
 persons within his realme, was accounted the sure defense and 
 buckler of innocent people ; and hereto he also applied his whole 
 indeuor, to cause yoong men to exercise themselues in vertuous 
 maners, and men of the church to attend their diuine seruice 
 according to their vocations. . . . 
 
 To be briefe, such were the woorthie dooings and princelie acts 
 of this Mackbeth in the administration of the realme, that if he 
 had atteined therevnto by rightfull means, and continued in 
 vprightnesse of iustice as he began, till the end of his reigne, 
 he might well haue beene numbred amongest the most noble 
 princes that anie where had reigned. He made manie holesome 
 laws and statutes for the publike weale of his subiects. . . . 
 
 These and the like commendable lawes ^ Makbeth caused to 
 be put as then in vse, gouerning the realme for the space of ten 
 yeares in equall iustice. 
 
 1 An account of the execution of Duff's murdereTS is followed by these 
 •words : " This dreadfull end had Donwald and his wife, before he saw anie 
 sunne after the murther was committed, and that by the appointment of the 
 most righteous God, the creator of that heauenlieplanet and all other things, 
 who siuFereth no crime to be vnreuenged." — Mol. ii if. 8. I5I/2/43. Cp. 
 Macbeth, II. iv. 5-7. 
 
 2 T-A., 207, 208. 
 
 ' Given in Sol. ii. H. 8. pp. 171, 172, under this heading : " Lawes made 
 by king Makbeth set / foorth according to Hector / Boetius." • 
 
in. MACBETH. 33 
 
 Act III. sc. iii. — ^These words conclude all that is recorded in 
 Macbeth's praise ; and we then enter -upon the second period of his 
 reign, which is said to have begun " shortlie after " the close of his 
 ten years of good rule. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. iS. 172/2/24. J But this was but a counterfet zeale 
 of equitie shewed by him, partlie against his naturall inclination, 
 to purchase thereby the fauour of the people. Shortlie after, he 
 began to shew what he was, in stead of equitie practising crueltie. 
 For the pricke of conscience (as it chanceth euer in tyrants, and Makbethi 
 such as atteine to anie estate by vnrighteous means) caused him m^dmce. 
 euer to feare, least he should be serued of the same cup, as he 
 had ministred to his predecessor. The woords also of the three [Heremem- 
 weird sisters would not out of his mind, which as they promised thf wo^ls of 
 him the kingdome, so likewise did they promise it at the same risto"* 
 time vnto the posteritie of Banquho. He willed therefore the 
 same Banquho, with his sonne named Fleance, to come to a supper 
 that he had prepared for them ; which was in deed, as he had ^"JJ/'^j,j„ 
 deuised, present death at the hands of certeine murderers, whom Sa^ 
 he hired to execute that deed ; appointing them to meete with the 'iwLnee]. 
 same Banquho and his sonne without the palace, as they returned to bemur- 
 to their lodgings, and there to slea them, so that he would not |J*™'"*'^ 
 haue his house slandered, but that in time to come he might cleare the pSaoe, 
 himselfe, if anie thing were laid to his charge vpon anie suspicion Macbeth 
 
 . , .I might be 
 
 that might anse.^ heiagnut- 
 
 It chanced yet, by the benefit of the darke night, that, though ^„„^„<, 
 the father were slaine, the sonne yet, by the helpe of almightie God 'i^'^^* 
 reseruing him to better fortune, escaped that danger ; and after- "'"^«'*- 
 wards hauing some inkeling (by the admonition of some friends 
 which he had in the court) how his life was sought no lesse than 
 his fathers, who was slaine not by chancemedlie (as by the handling 
 of the matter Makbeth woould haue had it to appeare) but euen 
 Tpon a prepensed deuise : wherevpon to auoid further perill he ^^^^„, 
 fled into Wales. IZj&t 
 
 1 Macbeth tells the men (III. i. 131-133), who had undertaken to slay 
 Banquo and Fleance, that the murder 
 
 " must be done to-Night, 
 And something from the Pallace ; alwayes thought, 
 That I require a clearenesse " : . , . 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 [Nothing 
 prospered 
 with Mac- 
 beth after 
 Bangno's 
 murder.] 
 
 . Jifakbetha 
 
 dread. 
 
 SUcrueltie 
 
 caused 
 
 throgh 
 
 feare. 
 
 When the guests have retired from the supper to which Banquo 
 had been invited, Macbeth and Lady Macbeth converse (III. iv. 
 128-130) : 
 
 Macb. How say'st thou, that Macduff denies his person 
 At our great bidding 1 
 
 Lady M. Did you send to him, Sir % 
 
 Maeb. I heare it by the way ; but I will send : . . . 
 
 Act m. sc. vi.i — Lennox enquires the issue of Macbeth's summons 
 (11. 40-43): "Sent he to MacdufE?" And the Lord, with whom. 
 Lennox talks, replies : 
 
 He did : and with an absolute " Sir, not I," 
 The clowdy Messenger turnes me his backe. 
 And hums, as who should say, " You'l rue the time 
 " That clogges me with this Answer." 
 
 Macduff's refusal to personally superintend the building of Dunsinane 
 Castle may be held to stand for the afEront which the dramatic 
 Macbeth receives from the answer brought him by his "clowdy 
 Messenger." This is the sole point of comparison with the following 
 excerpt. 
 
 \Hol. ii. H. S. 174/1/26.] But to returne vnto Makbeth, in 
 continuing the historic, and to begin where I left, ye shall vnder- 
 stand that, after the contriued slaughter of Banquho, nothing 
 prospered with the foresaid Makbeth: for in maner euerie man 
 began to doubt his owne life, and durst vnneth appeare in the 
 kings presence ; and euen as there were manie that stood in feare 
 of him, so likewise stood he in feare of manie, in such sort that he 
 began to make those awaie by one surmized cauillation or other, 
 whome he thought most able to worke him anie displeasure. 
 
 At length he found such sweetnesse by putting his nobles thus 
 to death, that his earnest thirst after blond in this behalfe might 
 in no wise be satisfied : for ye must consider he wan double profit 
 (as hee thought) hereby : for first they were rid out of the way 
 whome he feared, and then againe his coflFers were inriched by 
 their goods which were forfeited to his vse, whereby he might 
 better mainteine a gard of armed men about him to defend his 
 person from iniurie of them whom he had in anie suspicion. 
 Further, to the end he might the more cmellie oppresse his 
 Bubiects with all tyrantlike wrongs, he builded a strong castell 
 
 1 As to the impossibility of fixing the time of this scene, see T-A., 205. 
 
III. MACBETH. 35 
 
 on the top of an hie hill called Dunsinane, situate in Gowrie, ten rhe casuu of 
 
 ., „ -11. Duntincme 
 
 imles irom Perth, on such a proud height, that, standing there 6«'»''««'- 
 aloft, a man might behold well neere all the countries of Angus, 
 Fife, Stermond, and Ernedale,^ as it were lieng vnderneath him. 
 This casteU, then, being founded on the top of that high hill, put 
 the realme to great charges before it was finished, for all the 
 stuffe necessarie to the building could not be brought yp without [Macbeth 
 much toile and businesse. But Makbeth, being once determined ti»anes 
 
 come to 
 
 to haue the worte go forward, caused the thanes of each shire Dtmsmane, 
 
 ^ ' ana overlools 
 
 within the realme, to come and helpe towards that building, each ome"""® 
 man his course about. castie.]. 
 
 At the last, when the turne fell vnto MakduflTe, thane of Fife, to MaJcduffe 
 
 ,.,,,. , . tltane of Wift 
 
 build his part, he sent workemen with all needfuU prouision, and ^|°\„t*' 
 commanded them to shew such diligence in euerie behalfe, that no comi wm- 
 occasion might bee giuen for the king to find fault with him, in htttd"'' 
 that he came not himselfe as other had doone, which he refused w^l seize 
 to doo, for doubt least the king, bearing him (as he partlie vnder- 
 stood) no great good will, would laie Tiolent hands vpon him, as 
 he had doone vpon diuerse other. Shortlie after, Makbeth 
 comming to behold how the worke went forward, and bicause 
 he found not Makdufie there, he was sore ofiended, and said : MaM>ah i» 
 
 offended with 
 
 " I perceiue this man will neuer obeie my commandements, till he ^«*<*'«r«- 
 " be ridden with a snaffle ; but I shall prouide well inough for him." 
 
 Act rV". sc. i. — ^In the columns immediately preceding the excerpt 
 which begins with the words " But to returne," Shakspere would find 
 James TI.'s descent traced from Banquo.^ Part of this genealogy 
 may have suggested the stage direction, "A shew of eight Kings" 
 (IV. i. 111). Banquo's chief descendants, in successive generations, 
 were : Fleance ; "Walter, " who was made lord steward of Scotland " j 
 Alan ;■ Alexander ; John ; and Walter, who " marled Margerie Bruce 
 daughter to king Robert Bruce, by whome he had issue king Robert the 
 second." The lineal successors of Robert II. — first of the Stewards 
 who wore the crown, and first in the " shew of eight Kings " — were : 
 Robert III. (2) ; James I. (3) ; James II. (4) ; James III. (5) ; James 
 IV. (6) ; James V. (7) ; Mary ; and James VI. (8), who, ere this play 
 was acted, had become the first King of Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 1 "Stermond and Emedale" are Stormont and Strathem, districts of 
 Perthshire. 
 
 2 This descent is fictitious. Chalmers {Caledonia, i. 572-574) has deduced 
 the Fitz-Alans and the Stewards from a common ancestor, Alan, who was a 
 contemporary of our Henry I. 
 
36 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 Makhelhs 
 coTttfideTiee in 
 vtizzardi 
 [, who told 
 nimto 
 beware of 
 MacduS]. 
 
 [A witch 
 told him 
 that no 
 man born 
 of woman 
 should slay 
 him, nor 
 should he be 
 vanquished 
 till Bimam 
 Wood came 
 to Dunsi- 
 nane Castle.] 
 
 tMaeduff 
 resolves 
 upon going 
 to England, 
 and inviting 
 Malcolm to 
 claita the 
 Scottish 
 crown, 
 Macbeth 
 hears of 
 this.] ■ 
 
 tynxs eies 
 and Midas- 
 eaves. 
 [Macbeth 
 had spies 
 in every 
 nobleman's 
 house.] 
 
 Angered by the Thane of Fife's refusal to assist personally at the 
 building of Dunsinane Castle, Macbeth could not 
 
 \Hol. ii. H. S. 174/2/4.J afterwards abide to looke vpon the 
 said MakduiFe, either for that he thought his puissance ouer great ; 
 either else for that he had learned of certeine wizzards, in whose 
 words he put great confidence, (for that the prophesie had hap- 
 pened so right, which the three faries or weird sisters had declared 
 Tnto him,) how that he ought to take heed of Makdufie, who in 
 time to come should seeke to destroie him. 
 
 And suerlie herevpon had he put Makduffe to death, but that 
 
 a certeine witch, whome hee had in great trust, had told that he 
 
 should neuer be slaine with man borne of anie woman, nor ran- 
 
 quished till the wood of Bernane came to the castell of Dunsinane. 
 
 By this prophesie Makbeth put all feare out of his heart, supposing 
 
 he might doo what he would, without anie feare to be punished 
 
 for the same, for by the one prophesie he beleeued it was vnpos- 
 
 sible for anie man to vanquish him, and by the other vnpossible to 
 
 slea him. This Taine hope caused him to doo manie outragious 
 
 things, to the greeuous oppression of his subiects. At length 
 
 Makduffe, to auoid perill of life, purposed with himselfe to passe 
 
 into England, to procure Malcolme Cammore to claime the crowne 
 
 of Scotland. But this was not so secretlie deuised by Makduffe, 
 
 but that Makbeth had knowledge giuen him thereof: for kings (as 
 
 is said) haue sharpe sight like vnto Lynx, and long ears like vnto 
 
 Midas. For Makbeth had, in euerie noble mans house, one slie 
 
 fellow or other in fee with him, to reueale all that was said or 
 
 doone within the same, by which slight he oppressed the most part 
 
 of the nobles of his realme.^ 
 
 Act IV. sc. ii. — Macduff's flight to England is reported to Lennox 
 by a Lord, who enters in a previous scene (III. vi. 29-31). As soon as 
 the witches vanish, Macbeth hears the same news from Lennox, and 
 thereupon forms this resolve (IV. i. 150-153) : 
 
 The Castle of Macduff, I will surprize ; 
 Seize vpon Kfe ; giue to th' edge o' th' Sword 
 His Wife, his Babes, and all vnfortunate Soules 
 That trace him in his Line. 
 
 1 Cp. Macbeth, III. iv. 131, 132: 
 
 " There's not a one of them but in his house 
 
 I keepe a Seruant Feed." 
 
III. MACBETH. 37 
 
 On comparing the following passage with Act IV. sc. ii. 11. 80-85, 
 it will be noticed that Shakspere did not allow Macbeth to personally 
 direct the slaughter. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. S. 174/2/37.] Imraediatlie then, being aduertised ^^^^^ 
 
 whereabout Makduffe went, he came hastily with a great power ralae^but 
 
 into Fife, and foorthwith besieged the castell where Makduffe lrith™t*°* 
 dwelled, trusting to haue found him therein. They that kept the 
 house, without anie resistance opened the gates, and suffered him 
 
 to enter, mistrusting none euill. But neuerthelesse Makbeth most ^rammt 
 
 crueltievaed 
 
 cnieUie caused the wife and children of Makduffe, with all other Tf^L 
 
 whom he found in that castell, to be slaine. Also he confiscated •''»"'''"'• 
 
 the goods of Makduffe, proclamed him traitor, and confined him 
 
 out of all the parts of his realme ; but Makduffe was alreadie a^Ainu, 
 
 escaped out of danger, and gotten into England vnto Malcolme mtt"^ 
 
 Cammore, to trie what purchase hee might make by means of his ammore. 
 
 support, to reuenge the slaughter so crueUie executed on his wife, 
 
 his children, and other friends. 
 
 Act IV. sc. iii. — ^The dialogue which succeeds the account (quoted 
 below) of MacdufE's meeting with Malcolm is freely paraphrased in this 
 scene. In Holinshed the dialogue contains four clauses, namely : 
 Malcolm's confessions of (1) incontinence, (2) avarice, (3) faithlessness, 
 — each clause including Macduff's answers, — and (4) Malcolm's dis- 
 avowal of his self-detraction. With these clauses compare the lines 
 in Act rV. sc. iii., indicated by the following references : (1) 11. 57-76, 
 (2) 76-90, (3) 91-114, (4) 114-132. 
 
 \Hol. ii. H. S. 174/2/53.1 At his comming vnto Malcolme, he MaMuffes 
 declared into what great miserie the estate of Scotland was brought, ^l^^H^ 
 by the detestable cruelties exercised by the tyrant Makbeth, hauing ^neity?^ 
 committed manie horrible slaughters and murders, both as well of 
 the nobles as commons ; for the which he was hated right mortallie 
 of all his liege people, desiring nothing more than to be deliuered 
 of that intoUerable and most heauie yoke of thraldome, which they 
 susteined at such a caitifes hands. 
 
 Malcolme, hearing Makdnffes woords, which he vttered in verie Maimime 
 lamentable sort, for meere compassion and verie ruth that pearsed [.whereupon 
 his sorowfiill hart, bewailing the miserable state of his countrie, he JJf** J^* 
 fetched a deepe sigh; which Makduffe perceiuing, began to fall ^^/"^ 
 most eamestlie in hand with him, to enterprise the deliuering of iSms 
 
38 
 
 III, MACBETH. 
 
 title was 
 good, and 
 the people 
 hated 
 Macbeth.] 
 
 [Bat, though 
 Malcolm was 
 Sony for his 
 countrymen, 
 he dissem- 
 bled, fearing 
 that Macdutf 
 might be an 
 emissary 
 from 
 Macbeth.] 
 
 MaXcolitie 
 Ca/mrnore 
 hit answer. 
 
 [His vices : 
 1. Lust.] 
 
 Makdttiffes 
 amwer. 
 
 [Malcolm's 
 2nd vice : 
 Avarice.] 
 
 the Scotish people out of the hands of so cruell and bloudie a 
 tyrant, as Makbeth by too manie plaine experiments did shew 
 himselfe to be : which was an easie matter for him to bring to 
 passe, considering not onelie the good title he had, but also the 
 earnest desire of the people to haue some occasion ministred, 
 whereby they might be reuenged of those notable iniuries, which 
 they dailie susteined by the outragious crueltie of Makbeths mis- 
 gouernance. Though Malcolme was verie sorowfuU for the oppres- 
 sion of his countriemen the Scots, in manor as MakduflFe had 
 declared ; yet doubting whether he were come as one that ment 
 vnfeinedlie as he spake, or else as sent from Makbeth to betraie 
 him, he thought to haue some further triall, and therevpon, 
 dissembling his mind at the first, he answered as foUoweth : 
 
 " I am trulie verie sorie for the miserie chanced to my countrie 
 ' of Scotland, but though I haue neuer so great affection to relieue 
 'the same, yet, by reason of certeine incurable vices, which reigne 
 ' in me, I am nothing meet thereto. First, such immoderate lust 
 'and voluptuous sensualitie (the abhominable founteine of all 
 ' vices) followeth me, that, if I were made king of Scots, I should 
 'seeke to defloure your maids and matrones, in such wise that 
 'mine intemperancie should be more importable vnto you, than 
 ' the bloudie tyrannic of Makbeth now is." Heerevnto Makduffe 
 answered: "This suerlie is a verie euill fault, for manie noble 
 'princes and kings haue lost both liues and kingdomes for the 
 'same; neuerthelesse there are women enow in Scotland, and 
 ' therefore follow my counsell. Make thy selfe king, and I shall 
 'conueie the matter so wiselie, that thou shalt be so satisfied 
 ' at thy pleasure, in such secret wise that no man shall be aware 
 'thereof" 
 
 Then said Malcolme, " I am also the most auaritious creature 
 ' on the earth, so that, if I were king, I should seeke so manie 
 ' waies to get lands and goods, that I would slea the most part 
 ' of all the nobles of Scotland by surmized accusations, to the end 
 ' I might inioy their lands, goods, and possessions ; . . . There- 
 ' fore " saith Malcolme, " suffer me to remaine where I am, least, 
 ' if I atteine to the regiment of your realme, mine vnquenchable 
 'auarice may prooue such that yfe would thinke the displeasures^ 
 
III. MACBETH. 39 
 
 "which nowgrieue you, should seeme easie in respectof the vnmeasur- 
 "able outrage, which might insue through my comming amongst you." 
 
 Makduffe to this made answer, how it was a far woorse fault [Maodurs 
 than the other : " for auarice is the root of all mischiefe, and for ^^«^. 
 tnat crime the most part of our kmgs haue beene slaine and ™?«o/on 
 "brought to their finall end. Yet notwithstanding follow my 
 "counsell, and take vpon thee the crowne. There is gold and 
 "riches inough in Scotland to satisfie thy greedie desire." Then 
 said Malcolme againe, " I am furthermore inclined to dissimula- [Malcolm's 
 
 vices of) 
 
 "tion, telling of leasings, and all other kinds of deceit, so that I ^'^'^ 
 "naturallie reioise in nothing so much, as to betraie & deceiue ^*"''''» 
 "such as put anie trust or confidence in my woords. Then sith 
 " there is nothing that more becommeth a prince than constancie, 
 "veritie, truth, and iustice, with the other laudable fellowship of 
 " those faire and noble vertues which are comprehended onelie in 
 "soothfastnesse, and that lieng vtterlie ouerthroweth the same; 
 "you see how Tnable I am to gouerne anie prouince or region: 
 "and therefore, sith you haue remedies to cloke and hide all the 
 " rest of my other vices, I praie you find shift to cloke this vice 
 "amongst the residue." 
 
 Then said Makdufie : "This yet is the woorst of all, and there MaMvjra 
 " I leaue thee, and therefore sale : Oh ye vnhappie and miserable 
 " Scotishmen, which are thus scourged with so manie and sundrie 
 "calamities, ech one aboue other ! Ye haue one curssed and 
 " wicked tyrant that now reigneth ouer you, without anie right or 
 " title, oppressing you with his most bloudie crueltie. This other, 
 " that hath the right to the crowne,^ is so replet with the inconstant 
 
 1 In n. 108-111, Macduflf refers to the saintly parents of Malcolm, vrho was 
 " the truest Issue " of the Scottish throne. Perhaps Shakspere transferred to 
 Malcolm's father, and to his mother, — of whom we know nothing, — ^the virtues 
 which Malcolm himself possessed, and which were shared with him, in larger 
 measure, by his wife Margaret. Sol. says (ii. M. S. 178/2/44) : 
 
 . . . "king Malcolme (speoiallie by the good admonishment and exhortation ^. 
 of his wife queene Margaret, a woman of great zeale vnto the religion of Malcolme, 
 that time) gaue himselfe m maner altogither vnto much deuotion, and workes through 
 of mercie ; as in dooing of almes deeds, by prouiding for the poore, and such o/^^^" 
 like godlie exercises : so that in true vertue he was thought to excel! all other gimth 
 princes of his time. To be brief, herein there seemed to be in maner a cer- ^^^*° 
 tejne strife betwixt him and that vertuous queene his wife, which of them ^ ^odiw" 
 should be most feruent in the loue of God, so that manie people by the itrifi. 
 imitation of them were brought vnto a better lifeJ' 
 
40 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 MaUcdviffe 
 weepeth. 
 
 Malcolme 
 comfortith 
 Makdujffe^ 
 
 Matcdufft & 
 MalcolTiie 
 inibrace ech 
 other. 
 
 [Eodward's 
 gin of 
 prophecy, 
 and power 
 of healing 
 the king's 
 evi].] 
 
 " behauiour and manifest vices of Englishmen, that he is nothing 
 " woorthie to inioy it ; for by his owne confession he is not onelie 
 "auaritious, and giuen to vnsatiable lust, but so false a traitor 
 " withall, that no trust is to be had vnto anie woord he speaketh. 
 "Adieu, Scotland, for now I account my selfe a banished man for 
 " euer, without comfort or consolation : " and with those woords 
 the brackish teares trickled downe his cheekes verie abundantlie. 
 
 At the last, when he was readie to depart, Malcolme tooke him 
 by the sleeue, and said: "Be of good comfort, Makdufife, for I 
 "haue none of these vices before remembred, but haue iested 
 " with thee in this manner, onelie to prooue thy mind ; for diuerse 
 "times heeretofore hath Makbeth sought by this manner of 
 " meanes to bring me into his hands, but the more slow I haue 
 " shewed my selfe to condescend to thy motion and request, the 
 "more diligence shall I vse in accomplishing the same." Incon- 
 tinentlie heerevpon they imbraced ech other, and, promising to be 
 faithful! the one to the other, they fell in consultation how they 
 might prouide for all their businesse, to bring the same to good 
 effect. 
 
 For the matter of the loyal digression (IV. iii. 140-159) which 
 precedes Boss's entrance, Shakspere might have turned to Holinshed's 
 first volume, where the subjoined account of Eadward the Confessor's 
 miraculous gifts is to be found. 
 
 [Hoi. i. K E. I95/1/50.J As hath beene thought, he was 
 inspired with the gift of prophesie, and also to haue had the gift 
 of healing infirmities and diseases. He vsed to helpe those that 
 were vexed with the disease, commonlie called the kings euill, and 
 left that vertue as it were a portion of inheritance vnto his 
 successors the kings of this realme. 
 
 The latter part of sc. iii., Act IV., from Ross's entrance, is wholly 
 of Shakspere's invention, for, according to Holinshed, the slaughter of 
 Lady Macduff and her children was known to MacdufE before he joined 
 Malcolm. 
 
 Act V. sec. ii.-viii. — The following excerpts illustrate the last Act 
 of Macbeth. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. S. 175/2/35.] Soone after, Makduffe, repairing to 
 the borders of Scotland, addressed his letters with secret dispatch 
 vnto the nobles of the realme, declaring how Malcolme was con- 
 
III. MACBETH. 41 
 
 federat with him, to come hastilie into Scotland to claime the 
 crowne, and therefore he required them, sith he was right inheritor 
 thereto, to assist him with their powers to recouer the same out of 
 the hands of the wrongfull vsurper. 
 
 In the meane time, Malcolme purchased such fauor at king ^X4kS.'' 
 Edwards hands, that old Siward earle of Northumberland was ll^l^fb. 
 appointed vdth ten thousand men to go with him into Scotland, to to'supp^rt' 
 support him in this enterprise, for recouerie of his right.^ After gainst" 
 these newes were spread abroad in Scotland, the nobles drew into The wue, 0/ 
 two seuerall factions, the one taking part with Makbeth, and the dZiJed. 
 other with Malcolme. Heerevpon insued oftentimes sundrie 
 bickerings, & diuerse light skirmishes ; for those that were of 
 Malcolmes side would not ieopard to ioine with their enimies in 
 a pight field, till his comming out of England to their support. 
 But after that Makbeth perceiued his enimies power to increase, 
 by such aid as came to them foorth of England with his aduersarie 
 Malcolme, he recoiled backe into Fife, there purposing to abide in juaibeth 
 campe fortified, at the castell of Dunsinane, and to fight with his cSieT"* 
 enimies, if they ment to pursue him ; howbeit some of his friends 
 aduised him, that it should be best for him, either to make some 
 agreement with Malcolme, or else to flee with all speed into the Makbeth u 
 lies, and to take his treasure with him, to the end he might wage ^ ^"> «*« 
 sundrie great princes of the realme to take his part, & reteine 
 strangers, in whome he might better trust than in his owne 
 subiects, which stale dailie from him ; but he had such confidence 
 in his prophesies, that he beleeued he should neuer be ranquished, fa^iem 
 till Birnane wood were brought to Dunsinane ; nor yet to be slaine 2'"!2'*«««»- 
 with anie man, that should be or was born of anie woman. 
 
 It has been conjectured th^t Shakspere was thinking of a later 
 passage in the Chronicles when he made Macbeth caU Malcolm's 
 English allies "Epicures" (T. iii. 8). Malcolm III. (Canmore), 
 Macbeth's successor, offended his Gaelic subjects by his partiality to 
 English ideas and manners. On his death, in 1092, his brother 
 Donalbain — who had lived under very different conditions — came 
 
 1 Malcolm tells Macduff (IV. iu. 133-135) : 
 
 ..." before thy [they F.] heere approach, 
 Old Seyward, vnth ten thousamd warlike men, 
 Already at a point, was setting foorth." 
 
42 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 The retpeci 
 tliat the 
 people had 
 to receiue 
 Donald Sane 
 for their 
 king [was, 
 that they 
 hoped he 
 would put 
 down 
 English 
 gormandiz- 
 ing and 
 riotous 
 manners]. 
 
 [Malcolm 
 comes to 
 Bimam 
 Wood.] 
 
 Branches of 
 trees [borne 
 by Mal- 
 colm's 
 soldiers 
 as they 
 advance 
 against 
 Dunsinane]. 
 
 [Macbeth 
 remembers 
 the pro- 
 phecy about 
 Birnam 
 Wood.] 
 
 Macbeth 
 setteth his 
 men in order 
 iffbattell. 
 Makbeth 
 fijeetht A is 
 pwrsuedqf 
 Makdvffe. 
 
 forward as the representative of the old Scottish nation, and was 
 chosen king, in exclusion of Malcolm's sons. To a people of few wants 
 the standard of living adopted by a more luxurious society might 
 appear to be mere sensual indulgence ; and Donalbain owed some of 
 his success to this feeling. 
 
 [ffol. ii. E. S. I8O/1/61.] For manie of the people, abhorring 
 the riotous maners and superfluous gormandizing brought in 
 among them by the Englishmen, were willing inough to receiue 
 this Donald for their king, trusting (bicause he had beene brought 
 vp in the lies with the old customes and maners of their ancient 
 nation, without tast of the English likerous delicats) they should 
 by his seuere order in gouernement recouer againe the former 
 temperance of their old progenitors. 
 
 I resume the illustrative excerpts from the point where we are told 
 of Macbeth's trust in a prophecy that he could not be slain by any man 
 who " was borne of anie woman." 
 
 [Hoi. ii. S. S. 176/i/i.J Malcolme, following hastilie after 
 Makbeth, came the night before the battell vnto Birnane wood ; 
 and, when his armie had rested a while there to refresh them, he 
 commanded euerie man to get a bough of some tree or other of 
 that wood in his hand, as big as he might beare, and to march 
 foorth therewith in such wise, that on the next morrow they might 
 come closelie and without sight in this manner within view of his 
 enimies. On the morrow when Makbeth beheld them comming in 
 this sort, he first maruelled what the matter ment, but in the end 
 remembred himselfe that the prophesie which he had heard long 
 before that time, of the comming of Birnane wood to Dunsinane 
 castell, was likelie to be now fulfilled. ^ Neuerthelesse, he brought 
 his men in order of battell, and exhorted them to doo valiantlie ; 
 howbeit his enimies had scarselie cast from them their boughs, 
 when Makbeth, perceiuing their numbers, betooke him streict to 
 flight ; whom MakduflFe pursued with great hatred euen till he came 
 
 1 There are stories, belonging to other times and places, of armies bearing 
 leafy boughs while advancing upon the forces opposed to them. See Furness's 
 ed. of Macbeth, pp. 379-381. The removal of Bimam Wood seems, however, 
 to have been a tradition in Wyntoim's age (fourteenth century), for he says 
 (VI. xviii. 379, 380) : 
 
 " De flyttand Wod Jjai callyd ay 
 Dat [Bimam Wood] lang tyme eftyrehend Jiat day.'' 
 
III. MACBETH. 43 
 
 vnto Lunfannaine, where Makbeth, peroeiuing that Makduffe was J,^^°Jt*A 
 hard at his backe, leapt beside his horsse, saieng: " Thou traitor, Ma^uff)be 
 "what meaneth it that thou shouldest thus ia vaine follow me onibom™'^ 
 " that am not appointed to be slaine by anie creature that is borne * '"""*°'? 
 " of a woman 1 come on therefore, and receiue thy reward which 
 " thou hast deserued for thy paines ! " and therwithall he lifted vp 
 his swoord, thinking to haue slaine him. 
 
 But MakdufiFe, quicklie auoiding from his horsse, yer he came 
 at him, answered (with his naked swoord in his hand) saieng : " It an^e^that 
 " is true, Makbeth, and now shall thine insatiable crueltie haue an bom rfMs 
 "end, for I am euen he that thy wizzards haue told thee of: who rippedintot 
 
 ' her womb.] 
 
 " was neuer borne of my mother, but ripped out of her wombe : " 
 
 therewithall he stept vnto him, and slue him in the place. Then ^^^^^ 
 
 cutting his head from his shoulders, he set it vpon a pole, and 
 
 brought it vnto Malcolme. This was the end of Makbeth, after he 
 
 had reigned 17 yeeres ouer the Scotishmen. In the beginning of 
 
 his reigne he accomplished manie woorthie acts, verie profitable to 
 
 the common-wealth (as ye haue heard) but afterward, by illusion of 
 
 the diueU, he defamed the same with most terrible crueltie. He mbt. iq. m.i 
 
 was slaine in the yeere of the incarnation, 1057, and in the 16 
 
 yeere of king Edwards reigne ouer the Englishmen. 
 
 1061. H.B. 
 i.S.B. 
 
 When Earl Siward hears of his son's death, he asks : " Had he his 
 hurts before ? " And on Eoss answering, " I, on the Front," the old 
 warrior exclaims (Y. viii. 46-50) : 
 
 Why, then Gods Soldier be he 1 
 Had I as many Sonnes as I haue haires, 
 I would not wish them to a fairer death : 
 And so, his Knell is knoll'd. 
 
 This event was derived from another account of the war with 
 Macbeth, given in Holinshed's first volume. 
 
 \Hol. i. E. E. 192/1/27.] About the thirteenth yeare of king nM^wat. 
 Edward his reigne * (as some write) or rather about the nineteenth ;^-j^7;^ 
 or twentieth yeare, as should appeare by the Scotish writers, 
 
 1 John Mair or Major, a Scottish divine and historian, whose Historia 
 Gentis Scotorum appeared in 1521. He died about 1549. His date (1057) for 
 
 V Macbeth's death is confirmed by M. Seottus (PeHz, v. 558). 
 
 2 Eadward was crowned on Easter Day (April 3), lOiS.— AS. Chron. 
 {M. H. B.), 434. 
 
44 
 
 III. MACBETH. 
 
 Siward the noble earle of Northumberland with a great power 
 of horssemen went into Scotland, and in battell put to flight 
 Mackbeth ^ that had vsurped the crowne of Scotland, and, that 
 doone, placed Malcolme sumamed Camoir, the sonne of Duncane, 
 sometime king of Scotland, in the gouernement of that realme, who 
 afterward slue the said Mackbeth, and then reigned in quiet. ,. . . 
 It is recorded also, that, in the foresaid battell, in which earle 
 Siward vanquished the Scots, one of Siwards sonnes chanced to 
 be slaine, whereof although the father had good cause to be 
 sorowfull, yet, when he heard that he died of a wound which he 
 had receiued in fighting stoutlie, in the forepart of his bodie, and 
 that with his face towards the enimie, he greatlie reioised thereat, 
 to heare that he died so manfuUie. But here is to be noted, that 
 not now, but a little before (as Henrie Hunt, saith) ^ that earle 
 Siward went into Scotland himselfe in person, he sent his sonne 
 with an armie to conquere the land, whose hap was there to be 
 slaine : and when his father heard the newes, he demanded 
 whether he receiued the wound whereof he died, in the forepart 
 of the bodie, or in the hinder part : and when it was told him that 
 he receiued it in the forepart : " I reioise (saith he) euen with all 
 " my heart, for I would not wish either to my sonne nor to my 
 "selfe any other kind of death." 
 
 Malcolm's closing speech (V. viii. 60-75) is illustrated by the 
 subsequent passage, which comprises the names of several characters 
 who appear in Macbeth. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H S. 176/1/47.] Malcolme Cammore thus recouering 
 the relme (as ye haue heard) by support of king Edward, in the 
 scomH* »* 16 yeere of the same Edwards reigne, he was crowned at Scone * 
 
 1 Macbeth was defeated by Siward on July 27, 1054. — AS. Ch/ron, 
 {M. H. B., 453). Macbeth's escape from the battle is recorded in the Cottonian 
 MS. (Tiberius, B. 1.) of the AS. Ghron. 
 
 2 Eenr. Hrnvt {M- -H"- B., 760 B) : " Circa hoc tempus [1052] Siwardus 
 Consul fortissimus Nordhumbre . . . misit filium suum in Scotiam con- 
 quirendam." The passage given in my excerpt from Holinshed (" whose hap 
 was . . . kind of death ' ) is taken from Henry, who proceeds thus : " Siwardus 
 jgitur in Scotiam proficiseens, regem beUo vioit, regnum totum destruxit, 
 destructum sibi subjugavit." 
 
 3 Cp. the closing lines of Macbeth : 
 
 " So thankes to all at once, and to each one 
 Whom we inuite to see vs Crown'd at Scone.'' 
 
 [Siward 
 went into 
 Scotland 
 with an 
 army, 
 defeated 
 Macbetli, 
 and placed 
 Malcolm on 
 the Scottish 
 throne.] 
 Simon. Dun. 
 M. Wat. 
 
 [In this 
 battle with 
 Macbeth, 
 a son of 
 Siward was 
 slain, bnt 
 Siward re- 
 joiced when 
 to^d that his 
 son's death- 
 wound was 
 in front.] 
 
 [It is also 
 reported 
 that Si- 
 ward's son 
 invaded 
 Scotland 
 before this 
 battle, and 
 was slain, 
 whereupon 
 his father 
 (hearing of 
 the death- 
 wound in 
 front) said 
 that neither 
 of them 
 would wish 
 any other 
 kind of 
 death.] 
 
 Malcolme. 
 
IV. JOHN. 45 
 
 , the 25 day of Aprill, in the yeere of ouv Lord 1057. Immediatlie ^tpZ^* 
 after his coronation he called a parlement at Forfair, in the which 
 he rewarded them with lands and liuings that had assisted him 
 against Makbeth, aduancing them to fees and offices as he saw 
 cause, & commanded that speciallie those, that bare the surname 
 of anie offices or lands, should haue and inioy the same. He 
 created manie earles, lords, barons, and knights. Manie of them, S^ into 
 that before were thanes, were at this time made earles, as Fife, """'"■ 
 Menteth, . . . Leuenox, . . . Gathnes, Rosse, and Angus. These 
 were the first earles that haue beene heard of amongst the 
 Scotishmen^ (as their histories doo make mention.) Manie new *»»''"»»«»• 
 surnames were taken Tp at this time amongst them, as Cauder, 
 . . . Seiton, . . . with manie other that had possessions giuen 
 them, which gaue names to the owners for the time. 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 The Shaksperian play entitled 77te M/e and death of Kmg lohn 
 opens shortly after the King's first coronation, on Ascension Diay - (May- 
 27), 1199 ; and closes with his death on October 19,^ 1216. This is 
 also the time embraced by an anonymous writer's Troubhsorm Baigne 
 qf John King oj" England, 1591 ; a play which Shakspere has closely 
 followed, without making any independent use of historical sources. 
 The author of The Trovblesome Eaigne probably derived most of his 
 historical matter from Holinshed ; from whose Chronicles the larger 
 part of the succeeding excerpts is taken. 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — ^I begin with the excerpts which form the sources of 
 the opening scene. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 157/I/II.] lohn the yoongest son of Henrie the ■^rmoxeg.i. 
 
 second was proclaimed king of England, beginning his reigne 
 
 the sixt daie of April,' in the yeare of our Lord 1199. . . . This '^s- ^oued. 
 
 * "Mai. . . . My Thanes and Kinsmen,. 
 Hencefortli be Earles, the first that euer Scotland 
 In such an Honor nam'd." 
 ^ Or October 18. The words in M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 668, are : " Qui 
 [Johannes] postea, in nocte quae diem sancti Lucae Evangelistae proxime secuta 
 est, ex hac vita migravit." Coggeshale (184) says that John died about mid- 
 night, "in festo Sancti Lucae evangelistae." 
 
 ' The date of Kichard I.'s death. But John's regnal years are computed 
 from his coronation on Ascension Day (May 27), 1199. 
 
46 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 Maith. 
 Paris. 
 Chitum [de* 
 livered to 
 John by] 
 Robert de 
 Tumeham 
 I, and] 
 Saiomer. 
 Bog. Railed. 
 Thomaede 
 Fumes 
 [delivered 
 Angiers to 
 Artliur. 
 Arthur ac- 
 knowle^d 
 in Aqjon, 
 Maine, and 
 looraine.] 
 Strife 
 
 amongst the 
 English sub- 
 iects on tJte 
 other side of 
 the sea. 
 
 [Arthur son 
 to Geoflfrey, 
 elder brother 
 to John.] 
 
 [Eleanor 
 Bti*ove to 
 make the 
 English 
 swear fealty 
 to John.] 
 
 [John owed 
 his crown 
 chiefly to 
 Eleanor.] 
 
 man, so soone as his brother Richard was deceassed, sent Hubert 
 archbishop of Canturburie, and William Marshall earle of Striguill 
 (otherwise called Chepstow) into England, both to proclaime him 
 king, and also to see his peace kept ; togither with Geflrey Fitz 
 Peter lord cheefe iustice, and diuerse other barons of the realme ; 
 whilest he himselfe went to Chinon where his brothers treasure 
 laie, which was foorthwith deliuered rnto him by Robert de 
 Turneham: and therewithall the castell of Chinon and Sawmer 
 and diuerse other places, which were in the custodie of the fore- 
 said Robert. But Thomas de Fumes nephue to the said Robert 
 de Turneham deliuered the citie and castell of Angiers vnto 
 Arthur duke of Britaine. For, by generall consent of the nobles 
 and peeres of the countries of Anion, Maine, and Touraine, Arthur 
 was receiued as the liege and souereigne lord of the same 
 countries. 
 
 For euen at this present, and so soone as it was knowne that 
 king Richard was deceased, diuerse cities and townes, on that 
 side of the sea belonging to the said Richard whilest he liued, fell 
 at ods among themselues, some of them indeuouring to preferre 
 king lohn, other labouring rather to be vnder the gouernance of 
 Arthur duke of Britaine : considering that he seemed by most 
 right to be their cheefe lord, forsomuch as he was sonne to Geffrey 
 elder brother to lohn. And thus began the broile in those 
 quarters, whereof in processe of time insued great iuconuenience, 
 and finallie the death of the said Arthur, as shall be shewed 
 hereafter. 
 
 Now whilest king lohn was thus occupied in recouering his 
 brothers treasure, and traueling with his subiects to reduce them 
 to his obedience, queene Elianor his mother, by the helpe of 
 Hubert archbishop of Canturburie and other of the noble men 
 and barons of the land, trauelled as diligentlie to procure the 
 English people to receiue their oth of allegiance to be true to 
 king lohn. . . . 
 
 [Rol. iii. 158/1/42.] And all this was doone cheeflie by 
 the working of the kings mother, whom the nobilitie much 
 honoured and loued. For she, being bent to prefer hir sonne 
 lohn, left no stone vnturned to establish him in the throne, com- 
 
IV. JOHN. 
 
 47 
 
 paring oftentimes the difference of goueraement betweene a king 
 that is a man, and a king that is but a child. For as lohn was 
 32 yeares old, so Arthur duke of Britaine was but a babe to 
 speake of. . . . 
 
 Surelie queene Elianor the kings mother was sore against hir 
 nephue Arthur, rather mooued thereto by enuie conceiued against 
 his mother, than vpon any lust occasion giuen in the behalfe of the 
 child, for that she saw, if he were king, how his mother Constance 
 would looke to beare most rule within the realme of England, till 
 hir Sonne should come to lawfuU age, to gouerne of himselfe \ . . . 
 
 When this dooing of the queene was signified vnto the said 
 Constance, she, doubting the suertie of hir sonne, committed him 
 to the trust of the French king, who, receiuing him into his tuition, 
 promised to defend him from all his enimies, and foorthwith 
 furnished the holds in Britaine with French souldiers. 
 
 There is no historical authority for Chatillon's embassage ; nor did 
 Philip demand that England and Ireland should be yielded to Arthur. 
 Immediately after Richard I.'s death, Anjou, Maine, and Touraine 
 acknowledged, as we have seen, Arthur's right, while England passed 
 without question under the dominion of John. Such was the position 
 of affairs at the coronation of John, shortly after which event the 
 action of both plays begins with Chatillon's embassy. 
 Chatillon having departed, John says (I. i. 48, 49) : 
 
 Our Abbies and our Priories shall pay 
 
 This expeditions charge. 
 
 Faulconbridge is commissioned to wring from "hoording Abbots" 
 the money needed (III. iii. 6-11), and afterwards we hear that he is in 
 England, "ransacking the Church" (III. iv. 171,172). Shakspere 
 merely tells us what the older dramatist brings on the stage, in a scene 
 when the Bastard visits a Franciscan friary, to collect money for John. 
 Perhaps Shakspere's precursor embellished a case recorded by Holinshed, 
 which gave the regular clergy special ground to complain of John's 
 harshness. In 1200 * he ordered that horses and cattle belonging to 
 " the white moonks" (Cistercians), and left by them in his forests after 
 October 13, should be forfeited to him. 
 
 [She urged 
 that John 
 waBS2, 
 Arthur hut 
 a babe to 
 speak of.] 
 
 Queent 
 JBlia/nors 
 vniKTA agaimt 
 Arthur, 
 
 Oongta/ncet 
 dutchesae ctf 
 Britaine 
 [would rule 
 in England, 
 If Arthur 
 were king]. 
 
 [Arthur 
 entrusted by 
 Constance 
 to Philip's 
 care.] 
 
 1 Eleanor to Constance (II. i. 122, 123) : 
 
 « Out, insolent ! thy bastard shall be King, 
 That thou maist be a Queen, and cheoke the world ! " 
 
 2 In 1210, after his return from an expedition rato Ireland, John extorted 
 J100,000 from the regular clerffy and military orders. " The moonks of the 
 Cisteaux order, otherwise called white moonks, were constreined to paie 40 
 thousand pounds of siluer at this time, all their priuileges to the contrarie 
 notwithstanding."— flbl. iii. 174/2/6i (Jf. Paris, ii. 530, 531). 
 
48 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 [The Cister- 
 cians would 
 give John 
 nothing 
 towards the 
 payment of 
 
 the jeso.ooo ' 
 
 (30,000 
 marks. — 
 CoffgeshaUt 
 101, 103) 
 which he had 
 promised 
 Philip,] 
 
 Philip king 
 JSichards 
 boitard son 
 tlue the 
 vicount of 
 Limogei. 
 
 l^Hol. iii. 162/ 1/44.] The cause that mooued the king to 
 deale so hardlie with them was, for that they refused to helpe 
 him with monie, when before his last going ouer into Normandie, 
 he demanded it of them towards the paiment of the thirtie 
 thousand pounds which he had couenanted to pay the French 
 king. 
 
 King John is then required to hear the appeal of Eobert Faulcon- 
 bridge, who claims his paternal inheritance, on the ground that his 
 elder brother, Philip, is illegitimate. Concerning Philip (or Eichard) 
 Paulconbridge's historic original, Holinshed records that, in the year 
 1199, 
 
 \Eol. iii. I6O/2/69.J Philip, bastard sonne to king Eichard,^ to 
 whome his father had giuen the castell and honor of Coinacke, 
 killed the vicount of Limoges, in reuenge of his fathers death, 
 who was slaine (as yee haue heard) in besieging the castell of 
 Chalus Cheuerell, 
 
 Faulconbridge's choice is the chief subject of the scene in which he 
 is first presented to us, and he is best remembered in connexion with 
 this supreme moment of his life. A like choice was made by the 
 renowned Dunois, the Bastard of Orleans, whom we meet with in the 
 Fvrst Part of Henry VI. It is possible that the earlier dramatist 
 (whose Faulconbridge was inherited by Shakspere) availed himself of 
 the main situation in Dunois's case ; to which more effect was given by 
 bringing on the stage a legitimate younger brother, who vehemently 
 urges his right, and is supported by his mother, who is anxious to 
 conceal her shame. These additions are, as the reader will perceive, 
 the most important modifications in the following story, which is 
 narrated by Halle (6th of Hen. VI., pp. 144, 145). 
 
 Lewes Duke of Orleance (murthered in Paris ^ by Ihon Duke 
 of Burgoyne) . . . was owner of the Castle of Coucy, on the 
 Frontiers of Fraunce toward Arthoys ; whereof he made Constable 
 the lord of Cauni, a man not so wise as his wyfe was fayre ; and 
 
 1 Mr. Watkiss Lloyd (Essays on Shdk^ere, ed. 1875, p. 196) saw a re- 
 semblance both in name and character between Faulconbridge and Faico de 
 Brenta or Faukes de Breautd, whom Hoi. calls Foukes de Brent. Hoi. relates 
 how Faukes served John in the barons' war (1215-16), and afterwards aided 
 the royalists in their struggle with Lewis. Another bastard Fauconbridge — " a 
 man of no lesse corage then audacitie " (see illustration of 3 Hen, VI., I. i. 239), 
 "a stoute harted manne" {Hardyng-OH'afton, 459) — was a contemporary of 
 Edward IV. 
 
 2 In 1407. Lewis Duke of Orleans was brother to Charles VI. John Duke 
 of Burgundy, their first cousin, is present— but does not speak — ^in Henry V. 
 III. V. 
 
IV. JOHN. 49 
 
 yet she was not so faire, but she was aswell beloued of the duke {J^j,"^* °/ 
 of Orleance, as of her husband. Betwene the diike and her S^^ea'ty 
 husbande (I cannot tell who was father) she concerned a child, ofori^J*. 
 and brought fiirth a prety boye called Ihon ; whiche chylde beynge foithrbly, 
 of the age of one yere, the Duke disceased, and not longe after L^b^d? 
 the mother and the lorde of Cawny ended their lyues. The next aueg^to" 
 of kynne to the lord Oawny chalenged the enheritaunce, which bastard.) 
 was worth four thousand crownes a yere, alledgyng that the boye 
 was a bastard : and the kynred of the mothers syde, for to sane 
 her honesty, it plainly denyed. In conclusion, this matter was in ffili^y' 
 contention before the Presiderates of the parliament of Paris, and bSb™ th^ 
 there hanged in controuersie tyll the child came to the age of .Tiij. of the™ 
 Teres old. At whiche tyme it was demaunded of him openly of Paris, 
 
 " " J. « jjj j^ when 
 
 [p. 145] whose sonne he was : his frends 'of his mothers syde ^^ ™ ^ 
 aduertised him to requyre a day, to be aduised of so great an ^^^^ 
 answere ; whiche he asked, & to hym it was graunted. In the whwe^s™^ 
 meane season his sayed fremdes persuaded him to claime his * ^°^' 
 inheritauwce, as sonne to the lord of Cawni, which was an 
 honorable liuinge, and an aimcient patrimony ; affirming that, if 
 he said contrary, he not onely slaundered hys mother, shamed 
 himself, & stayned hys bloud, but also should haue no lyuyng, nor 
 any thynge to take to. The scolemaister, thinking that hys dis- 
 ciple had well learned his lesson, & woulde reherse it according 
 to hys instruccion, brought hym before the ludges at the daye 
 assigned; and, when the question was repeted to him again, he 
 boldly answered, "my harte geueth me, and my noble corage ^^l^ 
 " telleth me, that I am the sonne of the noble Duke of Orleaunce ; ^^^ 
 "more glad to be his Bastarde, wyth a meane liuyng, then the cSm 
 "lawful sonne of that coward cuckolde Cauny, with hys foure lawful son, 
 
 . . but the 
 
 "thousande crounes [a year]. The lustices muche merueyled JJ^^®"* 
 at his bolde answere, and his mothers cosyns detested him for 
 shamynge of his mother; and his fathers supposed^ kinne 
 reioysed in gayninge the patrimony & possessions. Charles, Duke 
 of Orleance, hearynge of thys iudgement, toke hym into his family 
 and gaue him great offices & fees, which he wel deserued, for 
 
 1 supposed father's. 
 
50 IV. JOHN. 
 
 D^of (duryag his [the Duke's] captiuitie) ^ he [Dimois] defended his 
 "dlTfOTtte [*^® Duke's] landes, expulsed thenglishmen, & in conclusion 
 l^v^^a procured his deliueraunce. 
 Duke good Stow (256) has a similar story : 
 
 semce,] 
 
 Morgan, Prouost of Beuerley, brother to K lohn, was elected 
 ^^. « byshop of Durham, but he comming to Borne to be consecrated, 
 ii.f S<e returned againe without it, for that he was a bastard, and K. Henry, 
 ^^"^ father to K lohn, had begotten him of the wife of one Radulph 
 Bloeth ; yet would the Pope haue dispensed with him, if he would 
 t^P^o haue called himselfe the son of the knight, and not of the king. But 
 biSJ tt'he ^®> 'ising the aduise of one William of Lane his Clarke, aunswered, 
 tt^E^a that, for no worldly promotion^ he would deny the kings blood. 
 
 Mood.] 
 
 "King Kichard, says the younger Faulconbridge (I. i. 99-101), took 
 advantage of Sir Biobert's absence 
 
 in an Embassie 
 To Germany, there, with the Emperor 
 To treat of high affiairs touching that time. 
 
 Perhaps Sir Bobert Faulconbridge usurped the mission of William 
 Longchamp, !3ishop pf Ely and Chancellor j sent by Richard, in 1196, 
 to confer with the Emperor Henry VI., who was anxious, to prevent, 
 peace being made between the King and Philip of France {ffol. iii. 
 148/1/25), Or we may imagine that Sir Robert was one of the 
 " diuerse Boble men " who represente.d Richard at the coronation of the 
 Emperor Otto IV., in 1198 (ffol iii. I52/2/69). The objection, that 
 neither of these dates is consistent with l^aulconbridge's dramatic age, 
 need not trouble us, for Rich^ird — who, s^nt ^ Robert to Germany-r. 
 began to reign in 1189, and Faulconbridge coqld not therefore have 
 numbered more than ten historic years at the opening of Act I. in 1199. 
 
 The Bastard would not have his mother sorrow for her w^JbiQSS> 
 because (I. i. 268,. 269), 
 
 He, that perforce r^b^ ^pns of their hearts, 
 May easily winne a womans. 
 
 A reference to a well-known story, which FSibyan thus notices (304) : 
 
 It is red of this Rycharde, that, durynge y* tyme of his Inprysone- 
 
 ment [in Germany], he shuld sle a lyon, & tere y' Hiarte out of his 
 
 tore m'u hody, where through he shuld deserue y" name of Rycharde Cure 
 
 lioa-she«rt.] ^j^ j^y^^^a _ _ 
 
 1 la Engl^odi from 1415, when he was taken prisoner at, AgiAcourt, to his. 
 release in 1440. 
 
 ^ Hoi. (iii. i56/i/6o)> gives, another reason for this name : 
 EU ditpoii- " As he was comelie of personage, so was he of stomach more coiu-t^ous and 
 
 Jj^"-^ fierce, so that, not without cause,, he obteined the surname of Oueur de lum, 
 
 that is to saie, ' The lions hart.'" 
 
IV. JOHN. 61 
 
 Acts II. -III. —The historic time ftf Acts II. and III. Extends to 
 nearly three years ; begiitiung at the inteirview of John and Philip " on 
 the morrow after the feast of the Assumption of our ladie" (August 
 16), 1199, and ending "on latnioas daie" (Angtist 1), 1202, wheii 
 Arthtif was tsikeni prisoner by John. Since these Acts contain so much 
 warfare for the possession of Angers, I quote here Holinshed's mention 
 of the winning of this place by Eleanor in 1199 ; and also his account 
 of its capture by John ht 1266. 
 
 iSol iii. 158/i/2S.] In [liS'S] ... his iftdthfer ^ueene 
 Elianor, togither with capteine Marchades, entred into Anion, and 
 wasted the salne, bicans^ ikef of that cduntfie liad receiued 
 Arthur for th^ir sduereigue lord aiid goiteriidtii'. Aiid, amongst 
 other townes aiid foitrdsses, they tooke the citie of Aiigiers, slue ^^TiOTf"^ 
 inanie of the dtizens, kad conlmitted the rest to prisoti. *'''^' 
 
 [Hoi. iiL 170/1/27.] [In 1206 John] entred into Anion, ^J^^'_ 
 and, cOBlming to the citie of Afigiers, appointed certeine bands ■''"'s'*^- 
 of bis fdotnien, & all hid light horssemen to compasse the towne 
 about, whilest he, trith the residue of the footmen, & all the men 
 of armes, did go to assault the gated. tVbich enterprise with fire ^^'^ 
 and sword he so ffianfollie executed, that the gates being in a "JJ^'^ 
 moment broken open, the citie was entered and deliiiered to the 
 Bouldiers for a pteie. So that of the citizens some were taken, 
 some killed, and the ii^als of the dtie beaten flat to the ground. 
 
 Holinshed records nothing which warrants Constance's aspersion of 
 Queen 'Eis&a6i'a fair fame (IL i. 129-131) : 
 
 My boy a baetard' ! bjr my sbule, I thihke 
 
 His fattb^r neuer was so true begot : 
 
 It cannot be, and if thou wert his mother. 
 
 In 1151 Eleanor was divorced by Lewis VII. of Prance, and was soon 
 afterwards married to Henry II., — then Count of Anjou, — " contrary " 
 (says Fabyan) " t» the e<mimaiandeiitent of his Edider; for he hadde 
 shewed to bym that he had lyen by her« whan he was y° sayd Kyngeli 
 Steward."^^281. According to Stow (213), " die was defamed of 
 adultery with an Infiidell, inXs" ^ 
 
 Prov^ed by Constance^s railings Eleanor asserts thdt a wilt exists 
 which " barres the title " of Arthur (IL i. 192). This will was made 
 by Bichard, who 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 155/2/69.] feelhig himselfe to wax weaker and 
 weaker, preparing his mind to death, which he perceiued now to 
 
 1 Op. also the ballad entitled "Queen Eleanor's Confession," in Percy's 
 
52 IV. JOHN. 
 
 Heardeineth bc at hand, hc ordeiucd his testament, or rather reformed and 
 
 hU testor 
 
 mmt. added simdrie things vnto the same which he before had made, at 
 
 the time of his going foorth towards the holie land. 
 [He assigned [». 156] Unto his brother lohn he assigned the crowne of 
 
 the crown ot '-■'^ -^ ° 
 
 j°^™**» England, and all other his lands and dominions, causing the 
 Nobles there present to sweare fealtie vnto him. 
 
 I now resume Holinshed's narrative of the events which followed 
 John's coronation. 
 
 Arthur duke [Sol. ill. I6O/2/4.J king Philip made Arthur duke of Britaine, 
 
 nmde knight, knight, and receiued of him his homage for Aniou, Poictiers, 
 
 Maine, Touraine, and Britaine. Also somewhat before the time 
 
 that the truce should expire ; to wit, on the morrow [Aug. 16] 
 
 after the feast of the Assumption of our ladie, and also the day 
 
 next following, the two kings talked by commissioners, in a place 
 
 betwixt the townes of Buteuant and Guleton.^ Within three 
 
 [joim and daies after, they came togither personallie, and communed at full 
 
 meet.] of the Variance depending betweene them. But the French king 
 
 hingf^""^ shewed himselfe stiffe and hard in this treatie, demanding the 
 
 whole countrie of Veulquessine ^ to be restored vnto him, as that 
 
 which had beene granted by Gefirey earle of Aniou, the father of 
 
 king Henrie the second, vnto Lewes le Grosse, to haue his aid 
 
 then against king Stephan. Moreouer, he demanded, that 
 
 Poictiers, Aniou, Maine, and Touraine, should be deliuered and 
 
 wholie resigned vnto Arthur duke of Britaine. 
 
 But these, & diuerse other requests which he made, king lohu 
 would not in any wise grant vnto, and so they departed without 
 conclusion of anie agreement. 
 
 About two months after this fruitless interview, William des Boches, 
 Arthur's general, stole Arthur away from Philip, and effected a 
 temporary reconciliation between the uncle and nephew. Des Koches 
 also surrendered Le Mans to John, who entered the town and there met 
 Constance and Arthur. But, being warned that John meant to 
 
 1 Boteavant, near Portmort, Normandy, and le Gcmlet, in the same duchy. 
 
 2 Cp. John's gift to Lewis (II. i. 527-529) : 
 
 " Then do I giue Volquessen, Toraine, Maine, 
 Poyetiers, and Aniow, these fine Prouinces, 
 With her to thee " ; . . . 
 
 Shakspere follows T. B., i. 29. 
 
 demmd. 
 
IV. JOHN. 53 
 
 imprison him, Arthur fled with Constance to Angers (Angiers), where 
 she repudiated her second husband Ranulph, Earl of Chester, and 
 married Guy de Thouars. This third marriage took place in the very 
 year (1199) when the dramatic Constance may be supposed to give 
 Austria ^ " a widdows thanks " (II. i. 32) for championing Arthur. — 
 Hoveden, iy. 96, 97. 
 
 Blanch of Castile was not present at the interview between John 
 and Philip, — ^which took place in August, 1199, — or at their later 
 meeting described below j and the circumstances of her subsequent 
 betrothal — on May 23, 1200— bore no resemblance to those imagined 
 by the dramatists. What Holinshed says of the later conference 
 between the two kings should be compared with Shakspere's version 
 (II. i. 484-530), which is based on the older play. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. I6I/1/S3.] Finallie, vpon the Ascension day in ^»««iJ«».2 
 this second yeare of his reigne, they came eftsoones to a com- 
 munication betwixt the townes of Vernon and Lisle Dandelie ; ^ 
 where finallie they concluded an agreement, with a marriage to i,^'^a 
 be had betwixt Lewes the sonne of king Philip, and the ladie ''»"»'^'^«- 
 Blanch, daughter to Alfonso king of Castile the 8 of that name, 
 & neece to K. lohn by his sister Elianor. 
 
 In consideration whereof, king lohn, besides the summe of ^^^ 
 thirtie thousand markes in siluer, as in respect of dowrie assigned [Blanch's 
 to his said neece, resigned his title to the citie of Eureux, and also 
 vnto all those townes which the French king had by warre taken 
 from him, the citie of Angiers onelie excepted, which citie he [Angers 
 receiued againe by couenants of the same agreement. The French *" ^"^-^ 
 king restored also to king lohn (as Bafe Niger writeth) the citie Ra. Niger 
 of Tours, and all the castels and fortresses which he had taken 
 
 1 The dramatic " Austria " has not even a nominal historic existence : he is 
 a compound of Leopold Duke of Austria and Widoinar Viscount of Limoges. 
 The former — who imprisoned Eichard {Coggeshale, 56) — died on December 26, 
 1195 {Coggeshale, 66) ; four years prior to the opening of this play. Eiehard 
 was mortally wounded whUe besieging Widomar's castle of Chaluz Chabrol 
 (Coggeshale, 95), and died on April 6 {IHceto, ii. 166) or April 7 {Coggeshale, 
 96), 1199. 
 
 2 In January, 1200, Philip and John " convenerunt ad colloquium inter 
 Andeli et Gwallun" [Anddi, Normandy, and GaMlon, Vexin], where they made 
 this agreement— flbiiedem, iv. 106. On May 22 they met again between Bote- 
 avant and le Goulet. — Eoveden, iv. 114. (As to Hoveden's probable error in 
 naming Midsummer Day for Ascension Day, see Dr. Stubbs's note in his ed. of 
 Soveden, iv. 114.) A third meeting of John and Philip took place at Vernon 
 (Normandy) on May 23, and Arthur then did homage to John for Brittany. 
 On the same day Lewis and Blanch were betrothed at Portmort. — Soveden, 
 iv. 115. (According to Itmermy, John was at Butavant on May 16, and at 
 Koche-Andely from May 17 to May 25.) 
 
54 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 [John did 
 homage to 
 Philip for 
 Brittany, 
 and received 
 homage for 
 the same 
 from 
 Arthur.] 
 
 tTerritory 
 anrrendered 
 by John.] 
 Polydin: 
 
 Thitang 
 cormOi backe 
 offoine into 
 SngUuid. 
 
 Arthur duki 
 ofBHtaine 
 doth hamagt 
 to the king 
 of Sngla/nd^ 
 
 [Arthur, 
 mistrusting 
 John, re- 
 turned irith 
 Philip.] 
 
 within Touraine : . . . The king of England likewise did homage 
 vnto the French king for Britaine, and againe (as after you shall 
 heare) receiued homage for the same countrie, and for the countie 
 of Bichmont, of his nephue Arthur. . . . 
 
 By this conclusion of marriage bptwixt the said Lewes and 
 Blanch, the right of king lohn went awaie ; which he lawfuUie 
 before pretended vnto the citie of Eureux, and vnto those townes 
 in the confines of Berrie, Chateau JRoux or Rapul, Cressie 
 and Isoldune, and likewise vnto the countrie of Veuxin or 
 Veulquessine, which is a part of the territorie of Gisors: the 
 right of all which lands, townes and oountfiea was released to the 
 king of France by K. lohn, who supposed that by his affinitie, and 
 resignation of his right to those places, the peace now made would 
 bane continued for euer. And, in consideration thereof, he pro- 
 cured furthermore, that the foresaid Blanch should be conueigd 
 into France to hir husband with all speed. That doone he 
 returned into England. 
 
 Arthur's homage to John for Brittany — referred to in my last 
 pxcerpt — was performed on May 23, 1200,^ when 
 
 [Sol, iii. IQ^fijzz.'^ king lohn and Philip king of France 
 met togither neere the towne of Vernon, where Arthur duke of 
 Britaine (as vassall to his vncle king lohn) did his homage Tuto 
 him for the duchie of Britaine, & those other places which he 
 held of him on this side and beyond the riuer of Loir, and after- 
 ward, still mistrusting his vncles curteaie, he returned backe againe 
 with the French king, and would not commit himselfe to his said 
 vncle, who (as he supposed) did beare him little good will. 
 
 Perhaps this is the ceremony which has received such a liberal 
 expansion in John's promise (II. i. 551-662) : 
 
 . . . wee'l create yong Arthur duke of Britaine, 
 And Earle of Bichmpiitd, . . , 
 
 When Fandulph enters (III. i, 134) and demands, in Ppjie 
 Innocent's name, why John continues ta 
 
 Keepe 3tepheq Langtpn, chosen Archbishop 
 Of Csiflterbury, from that, holy Sea \ 
 
 we are transported from the day of Lewis's betrothal (May 23, 120&) 
 
 » See Hote 2, p. 5?. 
 
It. JOHN. 55 
 
 to the Summer of 1211. The dispute which caused Imiocent III.'s 
 complaint arose after the death (on Ju^ l3, 1206. —Goggeskale, 166) of 
 Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury. To fill Hubert's place had been 
 elected Beginald Sub-Prior of the conventilal church at Canterbviry, 
 and "Walter de Grey Bishop of Norwich, John*s chaplain and nominee 
 for the vacant archbishopric. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 170/2/74.] But [j>. 171] after the pope was fuUie f^^ 
 informed of the manner of their elections, he disanuUed tliem j^*^^'*" 
 both, and procured by his papall authoritie tbe rtioonks of Cantur- jH^m ' 
 burie (of whome manie trere then come to Rome about that S.'"' 
 matter) to choose one Stephan Langton the cardinal! of S. 
 Chrysogon, an Englishman borne, and of good estimation and 
 learning in the court of Home, to be their archbishop. . . . 
 
 The king, sore oflFended in his mind tha,t the bishop of Norwich 
 was thus put beside that dignitie, to the which he had aduahced 
 him, . . . wrote his letters rnto the pope, giuing him to tnder- ^«»«' 
 
 ^ r 1- > o o lohnwnteth 
 
 stand for answer, that he would neuer consent that Stephan, which *"«■ f' ^ 
 
 r r pope [, rexuB- 
 
 had beene brought vp & alwaies conuersant with his enimies the ifn^n™^* 
 Frenchmen, should now inioy the rule of the bishopiike and dioccs 
 of Canturburie. Moreouer, he declared in the same letters, that 
 he maruelled not a little what the pope ment, in that he did not 
 consider how necessarie the freendship of the king of England was ^(SStJ 
 to the see of Rome, sith there came more gains to the Romane ^a^"*"' 
 church out of that kingdome, than out of any other realine on this 
 side the mountaines. He added hereto, that for the liberties of Se torTh?*^ 
 his crowne he would stand to the death, if the matter so required, the^crovn.] 
 
 In 1208 Innocent, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 171/2/67.] perceiuing that king lohn continued still in i^os- 
 his former mind (which he called obstinacie), sent ouer his bulles ^^^ ^t 
 into England, directed to William bishop of London, to Eustace cT'^mand- 
 bishop of Mie, and to Mauger bishop of Worcester, commanding iaf jo^snd 
 them that, vnlesse king lohn would suffer peaceablie thd ai'chbishop ^^JJ.^ ^ 
 of Canturburie to occupie his see, and his moonks their abbie, they ^^^^ 
 shodd put both him and [p. 172} his land vnder the sentence omupy'the 
 of interdiction, denouncii^ him and Ms land pMnelie accufssed. ctmierbtiTy]. 
 
 The bishops then had an audience of jTohn, Wh6m they warned of 
 the charge which they had received, but he refused to obey Innocent 
 
56 IV. JOHN. 
 
 and dismissed them with threats. The interdict haying been imposed, 
 John foresaw that Innocent might 
 
 tothiaTv [ffoL iii. 172/1/65.] proceed further, and absolue all his 
 Ire absolved subiects of theiT allegiance which they owght to him, and that his 
 jnegianoeby lords would happiUe reuolt and forsake him in this his trouble. 
 
 Innocent.] ^ '■ 
 
 In the summer of the year 1211,^ 
 
 ^m^'a/ \.^°^- "i- 175/1/8.] the pope sent two « legats into England, the 
 
 ??^d^r"' one named Pandulph ' a lawler, and the other Durant a templer, 
 
 exhorted who, commiug vuto king John, exhorted him with manie terrible 
 
 manie words to leauc his stubborne disobedience to the church, and to 
 
 terrible 
 
 obe'H'ke*° reforme his misdooings. The king for his part quietlie heard 
 
 SS^hbe"'' tbem, and, bringing them to Northampton, being not farre distant 
 
 "^e^e" from the place where he met them vpon his returne foorth of 
 
 yfdd!] Wales, had much conference with them ; but at length, when they 
 
 perceiued that they could not haue their purpose, neither for 
 
 restitution of the goods belonging to preests which he had seized 
 
 vpon, neither of those that apperteined to certeine other persons, 
 
 which the king had gotten also into his hands, by meanes of the 
 
 controuersie betwixt him and the pope, the legats departed, 
 
 i^^rad** leaning him accursed, and the land interdicted, as they found it 
 
 his land j. xi. ■ • „ 
 
 accursed.] at tbeu* commmg. 
 
 The following passages should be compared with two speeches of 
 Fandulph (III. i. 172-179 ; 191-194), in which he pronounces a subject 
 " blessed" who forswears " Allegeance to aa heretique" ; and exhorts 
 Philip, if John continue obstinate, to " raise the power of France vpon 
 his head." 
 
 poinaor. [JIol. iii. 175/2/ 17. J In the meane time pope Innocent, after 
 
 the returne of his legats out of England, perceiuing that king 
 lohn would not be ordered by him, determined, with the consent 
 
 * John met the legates at Northampton, on August 30, 1211. — Arm. Waverl., 
 268 (cp. Ann. Burton, 209, and Itinerary, an, 13). 
 
 ^ Fab. says (318) : " y" Pope sent ii. Legattys ; or, after some wryters, one 
 Legat, named Pandulphus," . . . 
 
 ' In answer to Pandulph, John, speaking with the mouth of Henry VIII., 
 claims spiritual supremacy (III. i. 155-158). Perhaps the parallel speech in 
 T. B. was an anachronistic development of an opinion held by a contemporary 
 of John, a theologian named Alexander the Mason, who asserted "that it 
 apperteined not to the pope, to haue to doo concerning the temporall possessions 
 of any kings or other potentats touching the rule and gouernment of their 
 subiects" (Hoi. iii. 174/i/7). 
 
IV. JOHN. * 57 
 
 of his cardinals and other councellours, and also at the instant suit w^w''* 
 of the English bishops and other prelats being there with him, to inno™ent 
 depriue king lohn of his kinglie state ; and so first absolued all his John, ana 
 
 , exhorted 
 
 subiects and vassals of their oths of allegiance made vnto the same i*"ip ""^ 
 
 ° other 
 
 king, and after depriued him by solemne protestation of his kinglie p^'e'X 
 administration and dignitie, and lastlie signified that his depriua- S?^"l[|^™ 
 tion vnto the French king and other christian princes ; admonishing eSe to 
 
 i.Tii-ii'iz-i 1 Godandhig 
 
 them to pursue kmg lohn, bemg thus deprmed, forsaken, and con- church."] 
 demned, as a common enimie to God and his church. He ordeined (inoooent 
 
 ' alBO con- 
 
 furthermore, that whosoeuer imploied goods or other aid to van- 'tose^who 
 
 quish and ouercome that disobedient prince, should remaine in o™?^ow 
 
 assured peace of the church, as well as those which went to visit same 
 
 the sepulchre of our Lord, not onlie in their goods and persons, were enjoyed 
 
 but also in suffrages for sauing of their soules. sepuicteJ] 
 
 But yet, that it might appeare to all men, that nothing could 
 
 be more ioifuU vnto his holinesse, than to haue king lohn to 
 
 repent his trespasses committed, and to aske forgiuenesse for the 
 
 same, he appointed Pandulph, which latelie before was returned podMiph 
 
 to Rome, with a great number of English exiles, to go into France, ^^^f,^ 
 
 togither with Stephan the archbishop of Canturbufie, and the other JKn^r^ritiiti? 
 
 English bishops ; gluing him in commandement that, repairing vnto SSo». 
 
 the French king, he should communicate with him all that which 
 
 he had appointed to be doone against king lohn, and to exhort 
 
 the French king to make warre vpon him, as a person for his 
 
 wickednesse excommunicated. 
 
 Pursuing the course of history we have now reached 1212,^ but the 
 action of the play brings us back to August 1, 1202.^ In the latter 
 year ^ war again broke out between Prance and England, and Arthur, 
 
 * The year in which John was deposed. 
 
 * In a letter addressed " omnibus baronibus suis," John says that he reached 
 Mirabeau " ad festum beati Petri ad Vinoula " (August 1), and there took Arthur 
 prisoner. This letter, preserved by Coggeshale (137, 138), was englished by 
 mi. (iii. 165/1/9, &cO- 
 
 * Hoi. (iii. 164/1/49, &0.), citing M. Paris (ii. 477), says : " In the yeare 1202 
 king lohn held his Christmasse at Argenton in Normandie, and in the Lent 
 following he and the French king met togither, neere vnto the castell of 
 Gulleton [le Qoulet], and there in talke had betweene, he commanded king 
 lohn with no small arroganoie, and contrarie to his former promise, to restore 
 vnto his nephue Arthur duke of Britaine, all those lands now in his possession 
 on that side the sea, which king lohn earnestlie denied to doo, wherevpon the 
 French king immediatlie after began war against him," . . . 
 
)8 IV. JOHN. 
 
 with the help of two hundred knights (milites) supplied him by Philip, 
 was enabled to reduce Poitou, Touraine, and Anjou. Queen Eleanor's 
 narrow escape from the enemies who "assayled " her in John's "Tent," 
 and Arthur's capture (III. ii. 5-7), are dramatic versions illustrated by 
 my next excerpts, which give the issue of Arthur's temporary success. 
 
 Nens [Hoi. iii. 164/2/1 3.] Queene Elianor, that was regent in 
 
 VianoT [gat _ t i» i * 
 
 ™tato^ those parties, being put in great feare with the newes of this 
 ndsentto gulden sturre, got hir into Mirabeau, a strong towne situat in the 
 S^Jr]. countrie of Anion, and foorthwith dispatched a messenger with 
 
 letters vnto king lohn, requiring him of speedie succour in this hir 
 iithmfas present danger. In the meane time, Arthur following the victorie, 
 00k h^ shortlie after followed hir, and woone Mirabeau, where he tooke 
 risoner.] y^ grandmother within the same ; whom he yet intreated verie 
 
 honorablie, and with great reuerence (as some haue reported). 
 te«j.por&>^ But other write far more trulie, that she was not taken, but 
 
 IfacEA. West I ' ' 
 
 1^ that she escaped into a tower, within the which she was straitlie besieged. 
 
 rtaraier]. Thither came also to aid Arthur all the Nobles and men of armes 
 
 in Poictou, and namelie the . . . earle of March,^ according to 
 
 appointment betwixt them : so that by this meanes Arthur had a 
 
 great armie togither in the field. 
 
 King lohn, in the meane time, hauing receiued his mothers 
 
 letters, and vnderstanding thereby in what danger she stood, was 
 
 •oiydor. maruellousUe troubled with the strangenesse of the newes, and 
 
 with manie bitter words accused the French king as an vntrue 
 
 prince, and a fraudulent league-breaker ; and in all possible hast 
 
 gpeedeth him foorth, continuing his ioumie for the most part both 
 
 r. lohn ^*y ^^'^ night to come to the succour of his people. To be briefe, 
 
 ^^fc^ he vsed such diligence, that he was vpon his enimies necks yer 
 
 KkedM. they could vnderstand any thing of his comming, or gesse what the 
 
 matter meant, when they saw such a companie of souldiers as he 
 
 brought with him to approch so neere the citie. . . . 
 
 irthur'3 And hauing . . . put them [the Poitevins] all to flight, they 
 
 J flilht, md [the English] pursued the chase towards the towne of Mu-abeau, 
 
 aptnred.] into whidi the enimies made verie great hast to enter ; but such 
 
 speed was vsed \yj the English souldiers at that present, that they 
 
 1 Hugh le Brun, Count of La Marehe. His hostility was caused by John's 
 marriage with Isabella of AngoulSme^ who had been betrothed to Hugh. — 
 Coggeshcde, 135. 
 
IV. JOHN. 59 
 
 entred and wan the said towne before their enimies could come 
 neere to get into it. Great slaughter was made within Mirabeau 
 it selfe, and Arthur, with the residue of the armie that escaped ^f^lJ^ 
 with life from the first bickering, was taken ; who, being herevpon ^S»»«-. 
 committed to prison, first at Falais, and after within the citie of j^^^^^ 
 Rouen, lined not long after, as you shall heare. . . . ^'"^■ 
 
 \Hol. iii. 165/ 1/3 1.] The French king, at the same time lieng in 
 siege before Arques, immediatlie vpon the newes of this ouerthrow, 
 raised from thence, and returned homewards, destroieng all that returned 
 
 ' ° to his own 
 
 came in his waie, till he was entred into his owne countrie. country.] 
 
 Act IV. — The sources of Act lY. sc. i., and IV. ii., as far as I. 105, 
 are contained in the following excerpts. The reader will observe how 
 much the historical Arthur l difEered from the gentle, unambitious boy 
 of the play. 
 
 {Hoi. iii. I65/1/3S.] It is said that king lohn caused his Annonep.i. 
 nephue Arthur to be brought before him at Falais, and there went to ^w 
 
 *^ ° Arthur away 
 
 about to persuade him all that he could to forsake his freendship fromPhmp,] 
 and aliance with the French king, and to leane and sticke to him, 
 
 being his naturall vncle. But Arthur, like one that wanted good [Arthur 
 
 counsell, and abounding too much in his owne wilfuU opinion, listen, hut 
 
 ' ° demanded 
 
 made a presumptuous answer ; not onelie denieng so to doo, but ^jJ^J^^ 
 also commanding king lohn to restore vnto him the realme of ^- ^'"'•'"d.i 
 England, with all those other lands and possessions which king 
 Richard had in his hand at the houre of his death. For, sith the 
 same apperteined to him by right of inheritance, he assured him, 
 except restitution were made the sooner, he should not long con- 
 tinue quiet, King lohn, being sore mooned with such words thus ^^^^^^^ 
 vttered by his nephue, appointed (as before is said) that he should ^^^^ 
 be straitlie kept in prison, as first in Falais, and after at Roan i^p^'o-'^'i.] 
 within the new castell there. Thus by means of this good 
 successe, the countries of Poictou, Towraine, and Anion were 
 recouered. ^^^^^ 
 
 Sbortlie after, king lohn, comming ouer into England, caused |?^y^^^ 
 himselfe to be crowned againe at Canturburie by the hands of ^g^l 
 
 1 Hei was then more than fifteen years old, havtog he#io bom 00 March 29, 
 n%'J.—Bmediet, i. 361. The Arthur of T. M. was a jwth, if one may judge 
 from his speeches in the scene which is the source of /owi, I V. i. 
 
) IV. JOHN. 
 
 Hubert the archbishop there, on the fourteenth day of Aprill,^ and 
 then went backe againe into Normandie, where, immediatlie vpon 
 
 fe Cog. his arriuall, a rumour was spred through all France, of the death 
 of his nephue Arthur. True it is that great suit was made to 
 haue Arthur set at libertie, as well by the French king, as by 
 
 ivers William de Riches a valiant baron of Poictou, and diuerse other 
 
 rons made ' 
 
 aiae'h^ Noble men of the Britains, who when they could not preuaile in 
 eMe"° their suit, they banded themselues togither, and, ioining in con- 
 federacie with Robert earle of Alanson, the vicount Beaumont, 
 William de Fulgiers, and other, they began to leuie sharpe wars 
 against king lohn in diuerse places, insomuch (as it was thought) 
 that, so long as Arthur lined, there would be no quiet in those 
 parts : wherevpon it was reported that king lohn, through persua- 
 sion of his councellors, appointed certeine persons to go Tuto 
 sedtoput Falais, where Arthur was kept in prison, vnder the charge of 
 38.] Hubert de Burgh, and there to put out the yoong gentlemans eies. 
 
 at Arthur But through such resistance as he made against one of the 
 ibert'de toimeutors that came to execute the kings commandement (for 
 uvered the Other ^ rather forsooke their prince and countrie, than they 
 would consent to obeie the kings authoritie heerein) and such 
 lamentable words as he vttered, Hubert de Burgh did preserue 
 him from that iniurie ; not doubting but rather to haue thanks than 
 displeasure at the kings hands, for deliuering him of such infamie 
 as would haue redounded ynto his highnesse, if the yoong gentle- 
 man had beene so cruellie dealt withall. For he considered, that 
 king lohn had resolued vpon this point onelie in his heat and 
 furie (which moueth men to vndertake manie an inconuenient 
 enterprise, vnbeseeming the person of a common man, much more 
 reprochfuU to a prince, all men in that mood being meere foolish 
 and furious, and prone to accomplish the peruerse conceits of their 
 ill possessed heart ; . . .) and that afterwards, ypon better aduise- 
 
 1 This must be the ceremony which John calls his " double Oorronation " 
 (IV. ii. 40). But we leam from his Itinerary that, on April 14, 1202, he was 
 at Orival near Bouen. John's second coronation took place on October 8, 
 1200. — Hoveden, iv. 139. On March 25, 1201, he was crowned for the third 
 and last time. — Soveden, iv. 160. 
 
 2 John bade three of his sergeants (" prsecepit . . . tribus suis servienti- 
 bus ") go to Falaise, and carry out this order. But two of the men fled his 
 Court rather than obey him. — Coggeshale, 139. 
 
 n.] 
 
IV. JOHN. 61 
 
 ment, he would both repeat himselfe so to haue commanded, and th^gMthat 
 giue them small thanke that should see it put in execution. Ibeyed""" 
 Howbeit, to satisfie his mind for the time, and to stale the rage orto would 
 of the Britains, he caused it to be bruted abroad through the thanks 
 countrie, that the kings commandement was fulfilled; and that 
 Arthur also through sorrow and greefe was departed out of this SSJur's 
 life. For the space of fifteene dales this rumour incessantlie ran anMunced, 
 through both the realmes of England and France, and there was ramoi» 
 ringing for him through townes and villages, as it had beene for ^"j^^ 
 
 his funerals. France.] 
 
 Historic time vanishes when, after John's barons have departed, he 
 is informed by a messenger that the French " are all arriu'd " (IV, ii. 
 115) : news which transports us from 1202 to 1216. But when, after 
 brief question, John is apprized of his mother's death on " the first of 
 Aprill " (U. 119-121), we are borne back to 1204,^ in which year 
 
 [Hbl. iii. I67/2/73.] queene Elianor the mother of king lohn [Q-Bieanor-s 
 departed this life, consumed [p. 168] rather through sorow and 
 anguish of mind, than of any other naturall infirmitie. 
 
 The entry of Faulconbridge with Peter of Pomfret makes 1212 the 
 historic date of 11. 132-157. 
 
 [Eol. iii. I8O/1/28.] There was in this season an heremit, ^^"^ 
 whose name was Peter, dwelling about Yorke ; a man in great f/wJ&id 
 reputation with the common people, bicause that, either inspired wriShaue. 
 with some spirit of prophesie, as the people beleeued, or else tomefirJ,"' 
 hauing some notable skill in art magike, he was accustomed to 
 
 1 Eleanor died on'April 1, 1204. — Arm. Wa/verl., 256. Perhaps Shakspere 
 chose April 1 for the day because a celestial appearance — of such sort as was 
 believedT to forebode the departure of great persons — is mentioned under the 
 same year, and on the same page, which contains the record of her decease. 
 Mol. says (iii. I67/1/40): "This yeare [1204] the aire toward the north and 
 east parts seemed to be on a bright fire1[1 the cmrora borealis, sometimes seen 
 in our latitudes] for the space of six houres togither. It began about the first 
 watch of the night, on the first of Aprill." The date of Constance's death — 
 rumoured to have happened "three dayes before" (1. 123) Eleanor's — ^is not 
 given by Hoi. According to Moveden (iv. 174) she died in 1201. Hol.'s 
 authority for the following passage (iii. I66/1/12), from which we learn that 
 she survived Arthur, was probably PoVyd. Verg., 267/6. 
 
 " But king PhUip, after he was aduertised of Arthur's death, tooke the 
 matter verie greeuouslie, and, vpon occasion thereof, cited king lohn to appeare 
 before him at a certeine day, to answer such obiections as Constance the onutanee, 
 duches of Britaine, mother to the said Arthur, should lay to his charge, touch- tu mother 
 ing the murther of hir sonne. And bicause king lohn appeared not, he was %^^ 
 condemned in the action, and adiudged to forfeit all that he held within the aecmetk 
 precinct of France, as well Normandie as all his other lands and dominions." *'"«' **»■ 
 
2 IV. JOHN. 
 
 tell yrhsA should follow after. And for so much as oftentimes his 
 
 saiengs prooued trae, great credit was giuen to him as to a verie 
 
 )im (80 prophet : , . . This Peter, about the first of laauMie^ la&t past, had 
 
 tertold '■ 
 
 "^etto^ told the king that^ at the feast of the AscensioUi it should come to 
 
 "eMion passe, that he should be cast out of his kingdome. And (whether, 
 
 '"'^ to the intent that his words should be the better beleeued, or 
 
 feredto whether vpon too much trust of his owne cunning) he oflFered him- 
 
 ffier death ^^^^ ^^ Buffcr dcatii for it, if his prophesie prooued not true. 
 
 led.]"^ Herevpon being committed to prison within the casteH of Coff, 
 
 rilb^fei when the day by him prefixed came, without any other notable 
 
 itd°ay.] damage vnto king lohn, he was, by the kings commandement, 
 
 ^ htmrut drawne from the said castell vnto the towne of Warham, & there, 
 
 dkisionne 
 
 "8'^ hanged, togither with his sonne. 
 
 Having heard Faulcofibridge's account of Petet's doings, John bids 
 Hubert " away with " the prophet to prison. During Hubart's' absence 
 on this business, 1216 becomes again the historic date, but when, at his 
 return, he speaks of the five moons, time runs back to the year 1200, 
 for under the latter date Holinshed records that 
 
 [Hot. iii. I63/1/44.] About the moneth of December, there 
 M moona. Were secue in the prouince of Yorke fine moones, one in the east, 
 the second in the west, the third in the north, the fourth in the 
 south, and the fift as it were set in the middest of the other ; 
 hailing manie stars about it, and went fiue or six times incom- 
 passii^ the other, as it were the space of one houfe, and sfaortlie 
 after vanished awaie. 
 
 I£ speeches referring to the Dauphin be excluded, the rest of Act 
 IV. may bear the historiisal date of April, 1203^ about which tim6 
 Arthur disappeared. Omitting a sentence- which does not illustrate' the 
 play, I resume ray opiotations at the point whero, in it& Idst excerpt 
 relating to Arthur, the bell-ringing " for his funerals " is mentioned 
 (p. 61 abov^j. 
 
 [JEol. m, I65/2/43.] But when the Britains were nothing, 
 pacified, but rather kindled more vehementKe to worke all the 
 
 1 " Sub Hfl . . . diebus,?' in the year 1212j was the time when,, according 
 to M. Paris, Peter flourished as, a prophet; "et ^uhlice asserebat^ quod nou 
 foret [JohaimesJ. rex in die Domiiiioee Ascensionis. piosimo secruentis nee 
 deinceps ; sed die ilia coronam AngUse ad alium transferri piseaixit."-^M, 
 Paris {Wendowr), ii 535. Peter's prediction must have been made after 
 Ascension Day (May 9X 1212, and was fulfilled on the Vigil of Ascension 
 Day (May 22), 1213, on which day John surrendered his crown to Pandulph. 
 
IV. JOHN. 63 
 
 mischeefe they could deuise, in reuenge of their souereignes death, [,^'f ^J",?^' 
 
 there was no remedie but to signifie abroad againe, that Arthur crafaaT" 
 
 •was as yet liuing and in health. Now when the king heard the ori&'° 
 
 truth of all this matter, he was nothing displeased for that his ^^J^^ 
 
 commandement was not executed, sith there were diuerse of his not dis- 
 
 capteins which vttered in plaine words, that he should not find ||^g|^^ 
 knights to keepe his castels, if he dealt so cruellie with his nephue. c™iiS^* ^^ 
 For if it chanced any of them to be taken by the king of France v "^tm^ta 
 or other their aduersaries, they should be sure to tast of the like tj^e^^ 
 
 castles.] 
 
 cup. IF But now touching the manor in verie deed of the end of 
 
 this Arthur, writers make aundrie reports. Neuerthelesse certeine [Ko one 
 
 it is, that, in the yeare next insuing, he was remooued from Falais Aithnr lUed, 
 
 but some say 
 
 vnto the casteU or tower of Rouen, out of the which there was not that, in 
 
 ' attempting 
 
 any that would confesse that euer he saw him go aliue. Some ^.JJj^J*''^ 
 
 haue written, that, as he assaied to haue escaped out of prison, and ^^ ^^ 
 
 proouing to clime ouer the wals of the castell, he fell into the tL seine, 
 
 riuer of Saine, and so was drowned. Other write, that through drowned.] 
 
 verie greefe and languor he pined awaie, and died of naturall 
 
 sicknesse. But some afiSrme, that king lohn secretlie caused him 
 
 to be murthered and made awaie, so as it is not throughlie 
 
 agreed vpon, in what sort he finished his dales ; but Tcrelie king 
 
 lohn was had in great suspicion,, whether worthilie or not, the 
 
 lord knoweth.^ 
 
 Act V. sc. i.^-Act V. opens on the Vigil of Ascension Day ^ (May 
 22, 1213). In the preceding year John had been deposed by !binocent, 
 and Pandulpb was commissioned to request Philip^s armed help in 
 effecting the dethronement (see p. 57 above). Philip 
 
 [Hbl. iii. 176/2/20.] was easilie persuaded thereto of an inward 
 
 hatred that he bare vnto our king, and therevpon with all diligence xuFrenei 
 
 made his prouision of men, ship», munition and vittell, in purpose ?«^^«» 
 
 to passe ouer into England : . . . ^^'"'■ 
 
 John assembled a large fleet and army, and, in the sping of 1213, 
 he was awaiting the French at Barham Down, Kent.* 
 
 1 Aeooxdi^g to Ann. Marg. (27) John, slew Arthur at Eouen, on April 
 3, 1203. 
 
 2 This date must be accepted with a reservation of dramatic time, for the 
 words of Papdulph and John (V. i 22, 25-27 ; cp. IV. ii. 151-157) show that 
 Act V. opena on ii«sension Day. 
 
 * M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 539. John's preparations must have begun soon 
 
64 IV. JOHN. 
 
 poiydore. ^jj^j jjj 176/2/6$.] But as he lay thus readie, neere to 
 
 the coast, to withstand and beat backe his enimies, there arriued 
 
 Twohnighu at Douer two Templeis, who, comming before the king, declared 
 
 t^reeS™ ^^^^ ^™ *^** ^^^y yifeve sent from Pandulph the popes legat, who 
 
 ^oltad"^ for Ws profit coueted to talke with him ; for he had (as they 
 
 propose"] affirmed) meanes to propone, whereby he might be reconciled 
 
 both to God and his church, although he were adiudged, in the 
 
 court of Rome, to haue forfeited all the right which he had to 
 
 his kingdome. 
 
 T^n'd'fh ^' ^'^'^^ '^^ l^^iDg. vnderstanding the meaning of the messengers, 
 
 ™™* sent them backe againe to bring oner the legat, who incontinentlie 
 
 came ouer to Douer ; of whose arriuall when the king was aduer- 
 
 tised, he went thither, and receiued him with all due honour and 
 
 reuerence. Now after they had talked togither a little, and cour- 
 
 teouslie saluted each other (as the course of humanitie required) 
 
 the legat (as it is reported) vttered these words following. 
 
 I omit " The sawcie speecli of proud Pandulph, the popes lewd legat, 
 to king lohn, in the presumptuous popes behalfe," since it was not 
 used by either dramatist. Matthew Paris, Holinshed's authority here, 
 enumerates four reasons ^ which moved John to submit. One, which 
 probably had much weight, was Pandulph' s assertion — in the course of 
 his " sawcie speech " — that Philip 
 
 TheEngiish \Hol. ill. l77/i/43.] hath (as he sticketh not to protest openlie 
 
 opds ofRsrsd ,— 
 
 teaitjrto to the world) a charter made by all the cheefest lords of England 
 touching their fealtie and obedience assured to him. 
 
 The result of Pandulph's threats I give in my next excerpt, which 
 should be compared with V. i. 1-4. 
 
 [J5bZ. iii. 177/1/60.] These words being thus spoken by 
 the legat, king lohn, as then vtterlie despairing in his matters, 
 when he saw himselfe constreined to obeie, was in a great per- 
 plexitie of mind, and as one full of thought, looked about him 
 with a frowning countenance ; waieng with himselfe what counsell 
 
 after March 3, 1213, when he issued writs for the assembly of a fleet at Ports- 
 mouth in Mid-Lent (Mid-Lent Sunday fell on March 24). — M. P<wis (Wend- 
 over), ii. 538. 
 
 1 " Quartam vero causam aUis omnibus plus timebat ; instabat enim dies 
 Dominlcee Ascensionis, in qua juxta prophetiam Petri heremitse, . . . cum ipsa 
 vita regnum tam temporale quam seternum amittere verebatur." — M. Paris 
 {Wendover), h. 541. 
 
 ?Ulip.] 
 
IV. JOHN. 65 
 
 were best f[or him to follow. At length, oppressed witfr4he 
 burthen of the imminent danger and mine, 'against his will, and 
 verie loth so to haue doone, he promised vpon his oth to stand [John swears 
 
 ^ to ODey 
 
 to the popes order and decree. Wherefore shortlie after (in like i™'"'™*-^ 
 manner as pope Innocent had commanded) he tooke the crowne 
 from his owne head, and deliuered the same to Pandulph the ^li^^oihu 
 legat ; neither he, nor his heires at^ anie time thereafter to receiue p^mIT 
 the same, but at the popes hands. ^ . , . 
 
 [ool. 2] Then Pandulph, keeping the crowne with him for the Panduiph 
 
 „ - , . . , J. c reitoreth the 
 
 space 01 hue daies m token of possession thereof, at length (as S!''jrS'''" 
 the popes vicar) gaue it him againe.^ 
 
 As Pandulph departs " to make the rrench lay downe their Armes " 
 (V. i. 24), — ^an errand denoting that historic time has again advanced to 
 the year 1216, — John remembers Peter's prophecy, now fulfilled, 
 John's reflection upon the manner of its fulfilment, and a hint that the 
 prediction had caused him some uneasiness (V. i. 25-29), are illustrated 
 by the following passage, completing the excerpt which ends with 
 the information that Peter was "hanged, togither with his sonne" 
 (p. 62 above). 
 
 [Sol. iii. 180/ 1/67. J The people much blamed king lohn for tPeopTesaid 
 this extreame dealing, bicause that the heremit was supposed j;,^iy'^°tto 
 to be a man of great vertue, and his sonne nothing guiltie onthe^gii 
 of the offense committed by his father (if any were) against Day'john™ 
 the king. Moreouer, some thought that he had much wrong to toinnooentj 
 die, bicause the matter fell out euen as he had prophesied ; for, 
 the day before the Ascension day, king lohn had resigned the 
 superioritie of his kingdome (as they tooke the matter) vnto the 
 pope, and had doone to him homage, so that he was no absolute 
 king indeed, as authors affirme. One cause, "and that not the least 
 
 1 John, Pandulph, and the nobles of the realm met at the Templars' house 
 near Dover, " decima quinta die Mali, in vigilia scilicet Dominicae Ascensionis ; 
 ubi idem rex juxta quod Bomae fuerat sententiatum resignavit coronam suam 
 cum regnis Angliae et Hyberniae in manus domni Papae, cujus tune vices 
 gerebat Pandulfus memoratus." — M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 544. The date 
 (May 15) is wrong, for in 1213 the Vigil of the Ascension fell on May 22. 
 
 2 In Act V. so. i. the redelivery of the crown by Pandulph to John im- 
 mediately ensues its surrender to tibe Legate by the King. In T. B. there is an 
 interval between a scene which closes before noon on Ascension Day, — when 
 John goes out to surrender his crown, — and the opening of another scene with 
 the redelivery of the crown to him by Pandulph. This interval comprises the 
 meeting of Lewis and the English nobles at St. Edmundsbury, and Falcon- 
 bridge's joumies to and from the same place (see T.B. ii. pp. 12, 15, 19, 20, 24)., 
 
66 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 rfjoto"!" which mooued king lohn the sooner to agree with the pope, rose 
 to^moS through the words of the said her emit, that did put such a feare 
 Peter^s " of somc great mishap in his hart, which should grow through the 
 disloialtie of his people, that it made him yeeld the sooner. 
 
 Historic time embraced by the rest of the action ranges from May 
 1216 to September 1217, if V. i. 38-43,— where Arthur's death is 
 spoken of as a recent occurrence, — ^be excepted. These dates mark the 
 arrival and departure of Lewis, the latter of which events took place 
 nearly a year after John's decease. At the historic date reached in V. 
 i. 1-4, when John surrenders his crown to Pandulph, the Erench, as we 
 have seen, were on the eve of invading England. Diverted from his 
 purpose by John's submission, Philip turned his arms against Ferrand 
 Count of Flanders, who had made a treaty with John, and Ferrand'd 
 appeal to his ally for help led to a war which closed with Philip's 
 victory over the combined Flemish, German, and English forces, at 
 Bouvines, on July 27, 1214.^ This blow, and the failure of an attempt 
 to recover Poitou and Brittany, so weakened John that the opportunity 
 was seized by a party of his barons, whose projects for restraining the 
 royal power finally took shape in the Great Charter of June 15, 1215. 
 The " cloked Pilgrimage " (see next excerpt) of these barons to the 
 shrine of Saint Edmund at Bury, on November 20 (1) , 121 4,^ was a first 
 step towards their ultimate triumph, but the dramatic turn given to 
 this meeting by the old playwright associates it with Lewis's invasion in 
 1216, and attributes to the barons, as a chief motive for joining Lewis, 
 their desire to be avenged on John for the murder of Arthur.^ Amid 
 such complexity of dates and facts a reader must choose what historical 
 time he pleases for sc. ii.. Act V., which opens shortly after these 
 " distemper' d Lords " arrive at St. Edmundsbury, whither they are 
 bound when they leave Faulconbridge in IV. iii. 115, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. I83/2/45.J The Nobles, supposing that longer 
 delaie therein was not to be suffered, assembled themselues 
 togither at the abbeie of Burie (vnder colour of going thither to 
 doo their deuotions to the bodie of S. Edmund which laie there 
 
 i clohed 
 pilgrimage. 
 
 1 M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 581. 
 
 2 John returned to England in October, 1214. (M. Paris gives Oct. 19 as 
 the date of the King's return, but it appears from the Itinerary that John was at 
 La Boehelle on Oct. 2 and at Dartmouth on Oct. 15.) " Sub eadem tempestate " 
 his earls and barons met at St. Edmundsbury ; " quasi orationis gratia, licet in 
 causa aliud fuisset." — M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 582. Mr. James E. Doyle 
 wrote to me : " Wendover says that the barons assembled at St. Edmimdsbury 
 ' as if for religious duties,' — that is, for duties that were well known, and there- 
 fore afforded an obvious and perfectly innocent motive for the gathering. Now 
 the feast of the Patron Saint of that church and locality, St. Edmund, King 
 and Martyr, took place on Nov. 20, and furnished the excuse required." 
 
 ' If The Trc/uhlesome Baigne had been lost, we should have wondered why 
 the Lords expected to meet Lewis at St. Edmundsbury (IV. iii, 11), for 
 Shakspere says nothing about the " cloked Pilgrimage." 
 
IV. JOHN, 67 
 
 inshrined) where they vttered their complaint of the kings 
 tyrannicall manners, . . . 
 
 And therfore, being thus assembled in the queere [p. 184] of the [ThenoMes 
 churoh of S. Edmund, they receiued a solemne oth vpon the altar if John, '. 
 
 " ■*■ refused their 
 
 there, that, if the king would not grant to the same liberties, with t^^^o^a 
 others which he of his owne accord had promised to confirme to Sm tm"e™ 
 them, they would from thencefoorth make warre vpon him, till ^'° 
 they had obteined their purpose, and inforced him to grant, not 
 onelie to all these their petitions, but also yeeld to the confirma- 
 tion of them tnder his seale, for euer to remaine most stedfast and 
 inuiolable. 
 
 Returning now to the dramatic order of events, my next excerpt 
 illustrates Faulconbridge's announcement (V. i. 30-34) that 
 
 All Kent hath yeelded ; nothing there holds out 
 But Doner Castle : London hath receiu'd, 
 like a kinde Host, the Dolphin and his powers : 
 Your Nobles will not heare you, but are gone 
 To offer seruice to your enemy, . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 191/2/25.] LeweSj . . . imbarking himselfe with his Beta^emthe 
 people, and all necessarie prouisions for such a iournie, tooke 
 the sea, and arriued at a place called Stanchorre in the He of inKmt. 
 Tenet,^ vpon the 21 day of Male ^ [1216] ; and shortlie after came 
 to Sandwich, & there landed with all his people, where he also 
 incamped vpon the shore by the space of three dales. In which 
 meane time there came vnto him a great number of those lords 
 and gentlemen which had sent for him ; and there euerie one apart 
 and by himselfe sware fealtie and homage vnto him, as if he had ^o'Z^g^ 
 beene their true and naturall prince. ""*" **'"• 
 
 Bang lohn, about the same time that Lewes thus arriued, came 
 to Doner, meaning to fight with his aduersaries by the way as they 
 should come forward towards London. But yet, vpon other aduise- 
 ment taken, he changed his purpose, bicause he put some doubt in 
 the Flemings and other strangers, of whome the most part of his Mam. 
 annie consisted, bicause he kn6w that they hated the French men 
 no more than they did the English. Therefore, furnishing the 
 castell of Douer, with men, munition, and vittels, he left it in the 
 
 Stonar, Isle of Thanet. ^ M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 653. 
 
68 
 
 IV. JOHN, 
 
 tJohn left 
 Dover Castle 
 in charge of 
 Hubert de 
 Burgh, and 
 retired from 
 Kent.] 
 
 Zewes 
 commefh to 
 London. 
 
 NobleTJien 
 reuniting 
 fro K. lohn 
 vnto Lewes. 
 
 keeping of Hubert de Burgh, a man of notable prowesse & 
 
 valiancie, and returned himselfe vnto Canturburie, and from thence 
 
 tooke the high waie towards Winchester. Lewes, being aduertised 
 
 that king lohn was retu-ed out of Kent, passed through the 
 
 countrie without anie incounter, and wan all the castels and holds 
 
 as he went, but Douer he could not win. . . . 
 
 [Afterwards] he came to London, and there receiued the 
 
 homage of those lords and gentlemen which had not yet doone 
 
 their homage to him at Sandwich. 
 
 Act Y. sc. ii. — ^The following excerpts — which, in Holinshed, 
 immediately succeed my last quotation — should be compared with 
 the Entry and first eight lines of Act V. sc. ii. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 191/2/60.] On the other part he [Lewis] tooke 
 an oth to mainteine and performe the old lawes and customes of 
 the realme, and to restore to euerie man his rightful! heritage and 
 lands ; requiring the barons furthermore to continue faithful! 
 towards him, assuring them to bring things so to passe, that the 
 realme of England should recouer the former dignitie, and they 
 their ancient liberties. Moreouer he vsed them so courteouslie, 
 gaue them so faire words, and made such large promises, that they 
 beleeued him with all their harts. . . . 
 
 The rumour of this pretended outward courtesie, being once 
 
 spred through the realme, caused great numbers of people to come 
 
 flocking to Mm ; among [p. 192] whome were diuerse of those which 
 
 before had taken part with king lohn, as William earle Warren, 
 
 William earle of Arundell, WiUiam earle of Salisburie, William 
 
 Marshall the yoonger,^ and diuerse other ; supposing Terelie that 
 
 the French kings sonne should now obteine the kingdome. 
 
 Pandulph's speech and Lewis's answer (V. ii. 69-102) take us back 
 to a time preceding the latter's invasion. John repudiated his grant as 
 soon as he had collected a mercenary force to levy war on his barons, 
 and he also appealed from them to Innocent, who annulled the Charter, 
 and finally excommunicated its supporters. Hard pressed by John's 
 soldiers, the barons 
 
 1 Son of William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke. " Pembroke," in both plays, 
 is, I suppose, the younger Marshal. He was one of the twenty-five barons 
 " swome to see the liberties granted and confirmed by the king [Magna Charta 
 and Charta de Foresta\ to be in euerie poiut obserued, but, if he went against 
 the same, then they should haue authoritie to compell him to the obseruing of 
 euerie of them." — Hoi. iii. I86/1/19. 
 
IV. JOHN. 69 
 
 [Hoi. iii. I9O/1/S3.] resolued with themselues to seeke for aid ^J^^^^ 
 at the enimies hands ; and therevpon Saer earle of Winchester, ^Z%fT 
 and Eobert Fitz Walter, with letters vnder their seales, were «"f n°ot™. 
 sent vnto Lewes the sonne of Philip the French king, offering 
 him the crowne of England, and sufficient pledges for performance 
 of the same, and other couenants to be agreed betwixt them ; 
 requiring him with all speed to come vnto their succour. This 
 Lewes had married (as before is said) Blanch daughter to Alfonse [Lewis's 
 king of Castile, neece to king lohn by his sister Elianor. Bianoh.j 
 
 Now king Philip, the father of this Lewes, being glad to haue 
 such an occasion to inuade the relme of England, which he neuer 
 looued, proriiised willinglie that his sonne should come vnto the [Jg^^ tarons' 
 aid of the said barons with all conuenient speed ; (but first he »<='=«p*«'^i 
 receiued foure and twentie hostages which he placed at Campaine 
 for further assurance of the couenants accorded ; ) and herewith he 
 prepared an armie, and diuerse ships to transport his sonne and 
 his armie ouer into England. . . . 
 
 [ffol. iii. 191/1/14.] The pope, desirous to helpe king lohn ^nno.seg. 
 all that he might (bicause he was now his vassall), sent his ^a^""" 
 legat Gualo into France, to disswade king Philip from taking anie pa^ 
 enterprise in hand against the king of England. But king Philip, The F)-ench 
 
 kings aUegO' 
 
 though he was content to heare what the legat could saie, yet by «^« '<> «*« 
 
 no meanes would be turned from the execution of his purpose ; ^^'°- 
 alledging that king lohn was not the lawfuU king of England, 
 
 hauina first vsurped and taken it awaie from his nephue Arthur the [John an 
 
 or i usurper, and 
 
 lawfuU inheritour, and that now sithens, as an enimie to his owne ^^^^unV 
 
 roiall dignitie, he had giuen the right of his kingdome awaie to the ^jSiuL 
 
 pope (which he could not doo without consent of his nobles) and "'*"■ 
 therefore through his owne fault he was worthilie depriued of all 
 his kinglie honor. . . . 
 
 Lewes, on the morrow following, being the 26 of Aprilli [1216], ^»^*- 
 
 by his fathers procurement, came into the councell chamber, and |™*^'*« 
 
 with frowning looke beheld the legat ; where by his procurator he SSS 
 
 defended the cause that moued him to take vpon him this iournie miTX^ 
 
 into England, disprouing not onelie the right which king lohn had Sn^ianl 
 
 M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 651, 652. 
 
70 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 [Failure of 
 Lewis's pro- 
 curators.] 
 
 Cardinall 
 Gualo 
 commeth 
 oner into 
 Bnglatid, 
 
 The points 
 wherewith 
 king lohn 
 was charged 
 [: John 
 having been 
 declared by 
 the French 
 peers guilty 
 of Arthur's 
 death, had 
 forfeited his 
 dominions, 
 to which 
 Lewis had 
 succeeded.] 
 
 to the crowne, but also alledging his owne interest, not onelie by 
 his new election of the barons, but also in the title of his wife, 
 whose mother the queene of Castile remained onelie aliue of all 
 the brethren and sisters of Henrie the second, late king of England. 
 
 In further illustration of V. ii. 69-102 I quote passages relating to 
 a time not long after Lewis's arrival, and beginning when he and his 
 English allies hoped to make their cause good through the arguments 
 of those ambassadors who had been sent " in all hast vnto the court of 
 Rome." 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 192/i/iS.] But this auailed them not, neither 
 tooke his excuse any such effect as he did hope it should ; for 
 those ambassadors, that king lohn had sent thither, replied against 
 their assertions, so that there was hard hold about it in that court : 
 albeit that the pope would decree nothing till he hard further from 
 his legat Gualo, who, the same time, (being aduertised of the pro- 
 ceedings of Lewes in his iournie,) with all diligence, hasted ouer 
 into England, and, passing through the middle of his aduersaries, 
 came vnto king lohn, then soiourning at Glocester ; of whome he 
 was most ioifuUie receiued, for in him king lohn reposed all his 
 hope of victorie. 
 
 Before Midsummer,^ 1216, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 192/1/73.] letters came also vnto Lewes from his 
 procurators, whom he had sent to the pope. . . . 
 
 The cheefest points (as we find) that were laid by Lewes his 
 procurators against king lohn were these : that, by the murther 
 committed in the person of his nephue Arthur, he had beene con- 
 demned in the parlement chamber, before the French king, by the 
 peeres of France ; and that, being summoned to appeare, he had 
 obstinatelie refused so to doo, and therefore had by good right 
 forfeited not onelie his lands within the precinct of France, but 
 also the realme of England, which was now due vnto the said 
 Lewes, as they alledged, in right of the ladie Blanch his wife, 
 daughter to Elianor queene of Spaine. But the pope refelled all 
 
 1 The letter from Lewis's procurators was written on or about May 10, 
 1216. — M. Paris (Wendover), ii. 656, 657. Lewis, "instante nativitate sancti 
 Johannis Baptistae " (the next date given), began the siege of Dover Castle. — 
 M. Paris {Wendover), ii. 664. 
 
IV. John, 71 
 
 such allegations as they produced for proofe hereof, & seemed to [Jfj"^"™* 
 defend king lohns cause Terie pithilie ; but namelie, in that he was ^^^^^ 
 vnder the protection of him as supreme lord of England. tfonT**"^ 
 
 Act V. so. iii. — " Alarums " may possibly represent the decisive 
 battle of Lincoln, fought on May 20, 1217,^ when the French and their 
 English allies were defeated by William Marshal Earl of Pembroke, 
 who commanded the army of the boy-king Henry III. If the general 
 disregard of historic time in this play be remembered, such a conjec- 
 ture is not affected by the qualification that it involves John's entry 
 some seven months after the date which historians fix for his death. 
 Before John leaves the field, a messenger has bidden him (V. iii. 
 9-11): 
 
 Be of good comfort ; for the great supply, 
 That was expected by the Dolphin heere, 
 Are wrack'd three nights ago on Goodwin sands. 
 
 Allowing for altered circumstance and antedating, we may suppose 
 this " great supply " to be the reinforcements sent by Philip of France, 
 about three months after the battle of Lincoln. These needful succours 
 never reached Lewis, for 
 
 [Rol. iii. 201/1/36.] the earle of Penbroke, and other the lords f^^- 
 
 that tooke part with king Henrie, hauing aduertisement, that 
 
 a new supplie of men was readie to come and aid Lewes, they 
 
 appointed Philip de Albenie and lohn Marshall to associat with 
 
 them the power of the cinque ports, and to watch for the comming ^/^^ ^^^^ 
 
 of the aduersaries, that they might keepe them from landing ; who fl^f^ 
 
 on saint Bartholomews ^ day set forth fro?n. Caleis, in purpose to 
 
 arriue in the Thames, and so to come vp the riuer to London. 
 
 Howbeit Hubert de Burgh, capiteine of the castell of Douer, 
 
 togither with the said Philip de Albenie and lohn Marshall; with 
 
 other such power as they could get togither of the cinque ports, 
 
 hauiug not yet aboue the number of 40 ships great & small, vpon 
 
 the discouering of the French fleet, (which consisted of 80 great 
 
 ships, besides other lesser vessels well appointed and trimmed,) 
 
 made foorth to the sea. And, first coasting aloofe from them, till f"^**;' * 
 
 they had got the wind on their backs, came finallie with their '^S!fiLu 
 
 maine force to assaile the Frenchmen, and, with helpe of their 
 
 crossebowes and archers at the first ioining, made great slaughter 
 
 of their enimies ; and so, grapling togither, in the end the English- 
 
 1 Coggeshale, 185. 
 
 * August 24, 1217. — M. Paris {Wendover), iii. 26, 
 
2 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 he French 
 
 '■etit 
 
 inquUhed, 
 
 tatOu 
 'arii. 
 
 Tuvicount 
 fMdwM 
 i$ameretk 
 hApurpou 
 
 TheviemaU 
 UeOi. 
 
 The EngUik 
 wMUUe 
 ieginfuthto 
 ttaUIceefOie 
 notch which 
 Ihegkad 
 node with 
 Lewa. 
 
 men bare themselues so manfdllie, that they vanquished the whole 
 
 French fleet, and obteined a famous victorie. 
 
 Act V. sc. iv. — Meltm's confession, and its result in detaching the 
 English barons from Lewis, form the subject of this scene. The date 
 — referred to in the following excerpt by the words " About the same 
 tune" — is probably August, 1216.^ 
 
 [Hoi. iii 193/2/6.] About the same time, or rather in the 
 yeare last past as some hold, it fortuned that the Ticount of 
 Melune, a French man, fell sicke at London, and, perceiuing that 
 death was at ^hand, he called vnto him certeine of the English 
 barons, which remained in the citie, vpon safegard thereof, and to 
 them made this protestation : " I lament " (saith he) " your destruc- 
 " tion and desolation at hand, bicause ye are ignorant of the perils 
 " hanging oner your heads. For this Tnderstand, that Lewes, and 
 "with him 16 earles and barons of France, haue secretlie swome 
 " (if it shall fortune him to conquere this realme of England, & to 
 " be crowned king) that he will kUl, banish, and confine all those 
 " of the English nobilitie (which now doo serue vnder him, and 
 "persecute theb owne king) as traitours and rebels ; and further- 
 " more will dispossesse all their linage of such inheritances as they 
 " now hold in England. And bicause " (saith he) " you shall not 
 " haue doubt hereof, I, which lie here at the point of death, doo 
 "now aflirme ynto yon, and take it on the perill of my soule, 
 "that I am one of those sixteen that haue swome to performe 
 "this thing: wherefore I aduise you to prpuide for your owne 
 " safeties, and your realmes which you now destroie ; and keepe 
 "this thing secret which I haue vttered vnto you." After this 
 8X>eech was vttered he streightwaies died. 
 
 When these words of the lord of Melune were opened vnto the 
 barons, they were, and not without cause, in great doubt of them- 
 selues, for they saw how Lewes had alredie placed and set French- 
 men in most of such castels and townes as he had gotten, the 
 right whereof indeed belonged to them. And againe, it greened 
 them much to vnderstand, how, besides the hatred of their prince, 
 they were euerie sundaie and holiedaie openlie accursed in euerie 
 
 1 After recording the homage of Alexander IL King of Scote to Lewis, in 
 August, 1216, Wendov&r (M. Paris, iL 666) dates Melun's illness as having 
 happened "hac tempestate." 
 
IV. JOHN. 73 
 
 chnrch, so that manie of them inwardlie relented, and could haue 
 bin contented to haue returned to king lohn, if they had thought 
 that they should thankfuUie haue beene receined. 
 
 Subsequently Holinslied observes : 
 
 [Sol. iiL 197/2/40. J It is reported by writers, that amongst 
 other things, as there were diuerse, which withdrew the hearts of ff?"*»' 
 
 '-' ' Melon 8 
 
 the Englishmen from Lewes, the consideration of the confession «™'*8"^i 
 which the * vicount of Melune made at the houre of his death, l^^^i 
 was the principal! 
 
 Act "V. sec. V. — viL — With sc. v., Act Y., the excerpts given in 
 relation to sc. iii., Act V., should be compared. The rest of the play 
 (save V. vii. 82-95; 101-118) is illustrated by my next quotations, 
 which date £rom October, 1216, when John, according to Holinshed, 
 was marching northwards, after spoiling Feterborongh and Crowland. 
 
 [Hoi. iii 194/1/45.] Thus, the countrie being wasted on 
 each hand, the king hasted forward tUl he came to Wellestreme 
 sands, where passing the washes he lost a great part of his armie, 
 with horsses and carriages ; so that it was iudged to be a punish- ^J^,'^ 
 ment appointed by God, that the spoile, which had beene gotten "'■™»* 
 and taken out of churches, abbeies, and other religious houses, 
 should perish, and be lost by such means togither with the spoilers. 
 Yet the king himselfe, and a few other, escaped the violence of «««. 
 the waters, by following a good guide. But, as some haue written, i^<i«i. 
 he tooke such greefe for the losse susteined at this passage, that 
 immediatlie therevpon he fell into an ague; the force and heat King John 
 whereof, togither with his immoderate feeding on rawe peaches, ^^J^- 
 and drinking of new sider, so increased his sicknesse, that he was ^'•™- 
 not able to ride, but was faine to be carried in a litter presentlie 
 made of twigs, with a couch of strawe vnder him, without any bed 
 or pillow, thinking to haue gone to Lincolne ; but the disease still 
 so raged and grew vpon him, that he was inforced to stale one 
 night at the castell of Laford, and, on the next day with great j^^ 
 paine, caused himselfe to be caried vnto Newarke, where, in the ^^ 
 castell, througli anguish of mind, rather than through force of sick- ^"™- 
 nesse, he departed this life the night before the nineteenth day of Ktngiohn 
 October, in the yeare of his age fiftie and one, and after he had w^. 
 
n 
 
 IV. JOHN. 
 
 John said 
 tie won]d 
 nake corn 
 learin 
 England, 
 nrhereupon 
 I monk 
 poisoned 
 um.] 
 
 ;He was 
 iinried at 
 Worcester.] 
 
 Bemffueil. 
 
 reigaed seauenteene yeares, six moneths, and seauen and twentie 
 dales. 
 
 H There be which haue written, that, after he had lost his 
 annie, he came to the abbeie of Swineshead in Lincolneshire, and, 
 there vnderstanding the cheapenesse and plentie of corne, shewed 
 himselfe greatlie displeased therewith, as he that for the hatred 
 which he bare to the English people, that had so traitorouslie 
 reuolted from him vnto his aduersarie Lewes, wished all miserie 
 to light vpon them ; and therevpon said in his anger, that he would 
 cause all kind of graine to be at a farre higher price, yer manie 
 dales should passe. Wherevpon a moonke, that heard him speake 
 such words, being mooned with zeale for the oppression of his 
 countrie, gaue the king poison in a cup of ale, wherof he first 
 tooke the assaie, to cause the king not to suspect the matter, and 
 so they both died in manner at one time. . . . 
 
 The men of warre that serued vnder his enslgnes, being for the 
 more part hired souldiers and strangers, came toglther, and march- 
 ing foorth with his bodie, each man with his armour on his backe, 
 in warlike order, conueied it vnto Worcester, where he was pom- 
 pouslle burled in the cathedrall church before the high altar ; not 
 for that he had so appointed (as some write) but bicause it was 
 thought to be a place of most suertle for the lords and other of 
 his freends there to assemble, and to take order in their businesse 
 now after his deceasse. 
 
 Nearly a year elapsed between the accession of Henry III. and the 
 departure of Lewis, shortly after the royalists' great naval victory in 
 August, 1217. Holinshed's account of how the French reinforcements 
 were destroyed (see p. 71 above) is followed by the ensuing passages, 
 which bear upon V. vii. 82-95. 
 
 After the 
 OSS of his 
 'einforce- 
 
 jewiB s 
 Lopes felL] 
 
 4n accord 
 ietvnxt 
 K. SenrU 
 t Laea. 
 
 [Sol. ill. 201/2/8.] But Lewes, after he vnderstood of this 
 mischance happening to his people that came to his aid, began 
 not a litle to despaire of all other succour to come vnto him at 
 any time heerafter : wherfore he inclined the sooner vnto peace, so 
 that at length he tooke such offers of agreement as were put vnto 
 him, and receiued furthermore a sum of monie for the release of 
 such hostages as he had in his hands, toglther with the title of the 
 
IV. JOHN. 75 
 
 kingdome of England, and the possession of all such castels and 
 holds as he held within the realme. . . . 
 
 This peace was concluded on the eleuenth day of September ^ Kf '"'™ 
 [1217], not farre from Stanes, hard by the riuer of Thames, where ^^'*' 
 Lewes himselfe, the legat Guallo, and diuerse of the spiritualtie, 
 with the earle of Penbroke, lord gouemor of the realme, and 
 others, did meet and talke about this accord. Now, when all 
 things were ordered and finished agreeable to the articles and 
 couenants of the peace, so farre as the time present required, 
 the lords of the realme (when Lewes should depart homeward) 
 attended him to Doner in honorable wise, as apperteined, and 
 there tooke leaue of him, and so he depaj-ted out of the realme S^^j^e.] 
 about the feast of saint MichaelL^ 
 
 The revival of patriotic feeling, which placed Henry III. on the 
 throne, is exhibited when Paulconbridge and Salisbury — the dramatic 
 characters who severally represent the royalist and baronial parties — 
 unite in proffering allegiance to their youthful sovereign (V. vii. 101- 
 107). Holinshed says : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 197/1/12.J Immediatlie after the death of his ^^^?°^''' 
 father king lohn, William Marshall earle of Penbroke, generall of SISj 
 his fathers armie, brought this yoong prince with his brother and ^sXite 
 sisters vnto Glocester, and there called a councell of all such lords iia^to 
 
 GloQcefltei]. 
 
 as had taken part with king lohn. Anon, after it was once openlie 
 knowne, that the sonnes and daughters of the late deceassed 
 prince were brought into a place of safetie, a great number of the 
 lords and cheefe barons of the realme hasted thither (I meane not [iMther 
 onelie such as had holden with king lohn, but also diuerse other, who had 
 
 ^ held with 
 
 which, vpon certeine knowledge had of his death, were newlie ot^r^^^,y 
 reuolted from Lewes) in purpose to aid yoong king Henrie, to CmLewis. 
 whome of right the crowne did apperteine. 
 
 In a speech delivered to the assemblage at Gloucester, Pembroke 
 vindicated Henry's title : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 197/2/17.] When the barons had heard this carles 
 words, after some silence and conference had, they allowed df 
 
 1 September 11,— Jf. Paris (Wendover), iii. 30. September 13.— Arm. 
 Theok 63. 
 
 2 Lewis returned to France on September 28, 1217. — Ann. Theok. 63. 
 
3 IV. JOHN. 
 
 his saiengs, and immediatlie, -with one consent, proclaimed tlie 
 enry pro- joong gentleman king of England : whome the bishops of Winches- 
 If of ter and Bath did crowne and annoint with all due solemnities at 
 
 gland, 
 
 lafter- Glocester, vpon the day of the feast of the apostles Simon & lude, 
 "™"'-' in presence of the legat. 
 
 Holinshed adds to his chronicle of John's reign the following general 
 remarks on the King's disposition, and dealings with the clergy. 
 
 Jim's [Hoi. iii. 196/1/4.1 He was comelie of stature, but of looke 
 
 arooter.] and countcnauce displeasant and angrie ; somewhat cruell of nature, 
 
 as by the writers of his time he is noted ; and not so hardie as 
 
 doubtful! in time of perill and danger. But this seemeth to be 
 
 an enuious report vttered by those that were giuen to speake no 
 
 at'he*''aa S^^^ ^f him whomc they inwardlie hated. Howbeit some giue 
 
 See! but *^^^ witnesse of him (as the author of the booke of Bernewell 
 
 Sto"**' abbeie and other) : that he was a great and mightie prince, but yet 
 
 ?al°"' not Tcrie fortunate, much like to Marius the noble Romane, tasting 
 
 his own of fortuuo both waies ; bountifuU and liberall vnto strangers, but 
 
 of his owne people (for their dailie treasons practised towards him) 
 
 a great oppressour ; so that he trusted more to forreners than to 
 
 them, and therfore in the end he was of them vtterlie forsaken. 
 
 IT Verelie, whosoeuer shall consider the course of the historic 
 
 written of this prince, he shall find, that he hath beene little 
 
 beholden to the writers of that time in which he lined ; for 
 
 scarselie can they afoord him a good word, except when the trueth 
 
 ufled^i^ inforceth them to come out with it as it were against their willes. 
 
 KjOTsehe rj\^^ occasiou whcrcof (as some thinke) was, for that he was no 
 
 em.] great freend to the clergie. . . . 
 
 ohn Certeinelie it should seeme the man had a princelie heart in 
 
 )thingbut him, and wanted nothing but faithfull subiects to haue assisted 
 
 itMol . 
 
 bjects.] him in reuenging such wrongs as were doone and offered by the 
 
 French king and others, 
 te resisted Morcouer, the pride and pretended authoritie of the cleargie 
 
 le clergy's 
 
 i'gpation he could not well abide, when they went about to wrest out of his 
 
 rerolX hands the prerogatiue of his princelie rule and gouernement. 
 
 ™' True it is, that to mainteine his warres which he was forced to 
 
 take in hand, as well in France as elsewhere, he was constreined 
 
V. RICHARD II. 77! 
 
 to make all the shift he could deuise to recouer monie, and, bicause [He took 
 he pinched their pursses, they conceiued no small hatred against them to pay 
 
 . , , ° for hia wars, 
 
 mm ; which when he perceiued, and wanted peraduenture discretion "2^/ to*red 
 to passe it ouer, he discouered now and then in his rage his t^ata'af 
 immoderate displeasure, as one not able to bridle his affections, "^^'^ 
 (a thing verie hard in a stout stomach,) and thereby missed now 
 and then to compasse that which otherwise he might verie well 
 haue brought to passe. 
 
 Pandulph is spoken of as he " who (as before is expressed) did the 
 message so stoutlie from pope Innocent to king lohn" {Hoi. iii, 
 202/1/65). Hubert de Burgh — "aright valiant man of warre as was 
 any where to be found" (Hoi. iii. 1 69/2/50) — showed "singular 
 constancie " in defending Dover Castle against Lewis {Hoi. iii. 
 193/1/45). '^he dramatic character is a person of much lower degree 
 than was this historical Hubert, the Justiciar of England, as he is 
 entitled in the treaty of peace between Henry III. and Lewis ; the 
 three names preceding his own in that document being those of the 
 Legate Gualo, the King, and William Marshal. — Byrmr, i. 222, 
 
 V. RICHARD II. 
 
 AcrL^jij,;— The first scene in The Tragedie of King Richa/rd the 
 second ^ opens on April 29,^ 1398, at "Windsor, where a day for combat 
 was assigned to Bolingbroke and Mowbray (I. i. 199). On March 12, 
 1400,^ a body, officially declared to be Eichard II.'s, was exhibited at 
 St. Paul's. The latter historic date marks the close of the action, when 
 Bolingbroke sees his " buried feare " (V. vi. 31) in the coffin which 
 Exton presents to him. 
 
 In the first scene King Eichard enters, and thus addresses John of 
 Gaunt (L i. 1-6) : 
 
 Ovid John of Gaunt, time honoured Lancaster, 
 
 Hast thou, according to thy oath and bande, 
 
 Brought hither Henrie Herford thy bolde sonne, 
 
 Here to make good the boistrous late appeale, 4 
 
 Which then our leysure would not let vs heare, 
 
 Against the Duke of Norfolke, Thomas Moubray? 
 
 1 
 
 - I quote the text of Qi (1597), from the Shakspere Quarto Facsimile of 
 Mr. Huth's copy. In the Parliament Scene (IV. i. 162-318) the text of Fi is 
 
 ^^° ^iJo*. Pari., iii. 383/i. ' Tmis., 103 ; 261. 
 
V. RICHAED II. 
 
 Bolingbroke's " late appeale " was made in a Parliament which 
 reassembled at Shrewsbury on January 27, 1398, and was dissolved on 
 January 31. On January 30, 1398,i 
 
 [Sol. iii. 493/2/16.] . . . Henrie, duke of Hereford, accused 
 f^d "^ Thomas Mowbraie, duke of Norfolke, of certeine words which he 
 iS^tejil^i^ vtter in talke had betwixt them, as they rode togither 
 
 
 before betwixt London and Brainford ; sounding highlie 
 
 to the kings dishonor. And for further proofe thereof, he pre- 
 
 «. WaXi. sented a supplication to the king, wherein be appealed the duke 
 
 of Norfolke in field of battel!, for a traitor, false and disloiall to 
 
 the king, and enimie vnto the realme. This supplication was 
 
 red before both the dukes, in presence of the king ; which doone, 
 
 the duke of Norfolke tooke vpon him to answer it, declaring that 
 
 i"f" whatsoeuer the duke of Hereford had said against him other than 
 
 ld*bT '^^, he lied falselie like an vntrue knight as he was. And, when 
 
 ™^ the king asked of the duke of Hereford what he said to it, he, 
 
 taking his hood off his head, said : " My souereigne lord, euen 
 
 Treated " ^^ *^® supplication which I tooke you importeth, right so I 
 
 lej"^" "sale for truth, that Thomas Mowbraie, duke of Norfolke, is a 
 
 "traitour, false and disloiall to your roiall maiestie, your crowne, 
 
 " and to all the states of your realme." 
 
 Then the duke of Norfolke being asked what he said to this, 
 
 he answered: "Eight deere lord, with your fauour that I make 
 
 "answer vnto your coosine here, I sale (your reuerence saued) 
 
 e^by " that Henrie of Lancaster, duke of Hereford, like a false and 
 
 " disloiall traitor as he is, dooth lie, in that he hath or shall say 
 
 "of me otherwise than well." "No more," said the king, "we 
 
 d%uoi "]iaue heard inough"; and herewith commanded the duke of 
 
 'teeJttie Surrie, for that turne marshall of England, to arrest in his name 
 
 Miuof the two dukes: the duke of Lancaster, father to the duke of 
 
 land, 
 
 dthe Hereford, the duke of Yorke, the duke of Aumarle, constable 
 
 es of ' ' ' 
 
 t^a' of England, and the duke of Surrie, marshall of the realme, 
 ^s for vndertooke as pledges bodie for bodie for the duke of Hereford ; 
 »^ but the duke of Northfolke was not suffered to put in pledges, 
 
 ^arance j 
 
 Mow- and so vnder arrest was led vnto Windsor castell, and there 
 
 1 £«es., 142-145. Cp. B,oi. Pari, iii. 382/i. 
 
V. RICHARD 11. 79 
 
 garded with keepers that were appointed to see him safelie kfptm 
 
 1 Windsor 
 
 kept. Castle.] 
 
 Now after the dissoluing of the parlement at Shrewsburie, 
 there was a daie appointed about six weeks after, for the king to appom^d 
 come vnto Windsor, to heare and to take some order betwixt the Rearing of 
 
 the appeal.] 
 
 two dukes, which had thus appealed ech other. There itf^^hemder of 
 great scaffold erected within the castell of Windsor ^ for the kiiQ^^K e%is 
 to sit with the lords and prelats of his realme ; and so, at the ^^ 
 daie appointed, he with the said lords & prelats being come 
 thither and set in their places, the duke of Hereford appellant, 
 and the duke of Norfolke defendant, were sent for to come & 
 appeare before the king, sitting there in his seat of iustice. And 
 then began sir lohn Bushie to speake for the king ; declaring to 
 the lords how they should vnderstand, that where the duke of 
 Hereford had presented a supplication to the king, who was there 
 set to minister iustice to all men that would demand the same, as 
 apperteined to his roiall maiestie, he therefore would now heare 
 what the parties could say one against [p. 494] an other : and"withall 
 the king commanded the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, (the one ^^^^^^''^ 
 being constable, and the other marshall,) to go vnto the two dukes, ^^^l^}^ 
 appellant and defendant, requiring them, on his behalfe, to grow Sl^^hem to 
 to some agreement ; and, for his part, he would be readie to to each 
 
 ° _ other, but 
 
 pardon all that had been said or doone amisse betwixt them, ^^1^^"^^^'^'/, 
 touching anie harm or dishonor to him or his realme ; but they 
 answered both assuredlie, that it was not possible to haue anie 
 peace or agreement made betwixt them. 
 
 When he heard what they had answered, he commanded that 
 
 1 According to Trais. — the original authority for this account of the pro- 
 ceedings at Windsor — "le Roy Richart retouma du parlemewt de Scrembory 
 en Ian mil ccc iiij*'' et xViij ou moys de Januier et xl jours apres fut la journee 
 a Windesore pour ouir les aeux seigneurs lesquelz auoyent appelle Inn lautre 
 de traison " (p. 13). Hoi. seems to have followed the computation of Trais., 
 regarding the " daie appointed " for Richard's presence at Windsor. The dis- 
 agreement of this date with the date (April 29) given by Bot. Pwrl. for the 
 Windsor assembly, may perhaps be explained by Supposing that the writer of 
 Trais counted forty days from March 19, 1398, when Bolingbroke and Mowbray 
 appeared before Richard at Bristol, and it was decided that their cause shoidd 
 be tried conformably to the "Ley de Chivalrie."— Eot Pa/rl, iii. 383/i. On 
 February 23, 1398, they appeared before Richard at Oswestry, and were then 
 ordered to present themselves before him at Windsor on Apnl 28, 1398. On 
 the next day (April 29) time and place of battle were fixed.— J6td. 
 
KICHARD II. 
 
 hen he 
 lied them 
 fore him, 
 
 they should be brought foorthwith before his presence, to heare 
 'iZS' what they would say. Herewith an herald in the kings name 
 ike peace with lowd voice Commanded the dukes to come before the king, 
 
 gether, 
 
 it Mow- either of them to shew his reason, or else to make peace togither 
 
 ay would ' ^ ° 
 
 do°Mr* ^^ttou*' more delaie. When they were come before the king and 
 lords, the king spake himselfe to them, willing them to agree, and 
 make peace togither : " for it is " (said he) " the best waie ye can 
 take." The duke of Norfolke with due reuerence herevnto 
 answered, it could not be so brought to passe, his honor saued. 
 ctad"*" Then the king asked of the duke of Hereford, what it was that he 
 iiingbroke demanded of the duke of Norfolke, " and what is the matter that 
 
 specify 
 
 jwbiay'a " ye can not make peace togither, and become friends ? " 
 
 Then stood foorth a knight, who, asking and obteining licence 
 ^o6i«- to speake for the duke of Hereford, said : " Right deare and 
 oijMt the 't souereigne lord, here is Henrie of Lancaster, duke of Hereford 
 J'thSihe " and earle of Derbie, who saith, and I for him likewise say, that 
 Ineydne "Thomas Mowbraie, duke of Norfolke, is a false and disloiall 
 lof "traitor to you and your roiall maiestie, and to your whole 
 
 a*b?en uie " '^alme : and likewise the duke of Hereford saith, and I for him, 
 ime^mover « jj^g^^. xhomas Mowbraic, dukc of Norfolke, hath receiued eight 
 nIS in " thousand nobles to pay the souldiers that keepe your towne of 
 5 past "Calis; which he hath not doone as he ought: and furthermore 
 
 fhteen 
 
 "*'.... X "the said duke of Norfolke hath beene the occasion of all the 
 
 and that, 
 
 ^tion " treason that hath beene contriued in your realme for the space 
 
 ^<^°^i^^' "of these eighteene yeares, &, by his false suggestions and 
 
 att.? ° " malicious counsell, he hath caused to die and to be murdered 
 
 "your right deere vncle, the duke of Glocester, sonne to king 
 
 " Edward. Moreouer, the duke of Hereford saith, and I for him, 
 
 " that he will proue this with his bodie against the bodie of the 
 
 prove " said dukc of Norfolke within lists." The king herewith waxed 
 
 Mges, angrie, and asked the duke of Hereford, if these were his woords ; 
 
 >lingbroke i ■■ i i i i i 
 
 manded yf]xo auswercd : "Right deere lord, they are my woords; and 
 ^* J "hereof I require right, and the battell against him." 
 
 There was a knight also that asked licence to speake for the 
 iStesmSf duke of Norfolke, and, obteining it, began to answer thus : "Right 
 itBrttog- "deere souereigne lord, here is Thomas Mowbraie, duke of 
 f;°^ "Norfolke, who answereth and saith, and I for him, that all which 
 
V. RICHARD II. 81 
 
 " Henrie of Lancaster hath said and declared (sauine the reuerence was a traitor 
 
 ^ ° to Richard 
 
 "due to the king and his councell) is a lie ; and the said Henri« ^ifSiii] 
 "of Lancaster hath falselie and viokedlie lied as a false and 
 "disloiall knight, and both hath beene, and is, a traitor against 
 "youj your crowne, roiall maiestie, & realme. This will I proue 
 "and defend as becommeth a loiall knight to ddo with rny bbdie 
 " against his : right deere lord, I beseech you therefore, and your 
 "councell, that it maie please you, in your roiall discretion, to 
 " consider and marke, what Henrie of Lancaster, duke of Hereford, 
 " such a one as he is, hath said." 
 
 The king then demanded of the duke of Norfolke, if these 
 were his woords; and whether he had anie more to saie. The 
 duke of Norfolke then answered for himselfe : " Right deere sir, ^fif^e^l 
 " true it is, that I haue receiued so much gold to paie your people Sey/r 
 "of the towne of Calls; which I haue doone, and I doo auouch had paid the 
 
 r 1-1 J' • 11 1 -1 soldiers of 
 
 "that your towne of Calls is as well kept at your commandemeut caiais their 
 
 *' r ,1 wages^and 
 
 " as euer it was' at anie time before, and that there neuer hath ^ gooaltete 
 "beene by anie of Calls anie complaint made vnto you of me. SolnhS- 
 " Bight deere and my souereigne lord, for the Toiage that I made compi^nfd 
 "mto France, about your marriage, I neuer receiued either gold he had n^ 
 " or siluer of you, nor yet for the voiage that the duke of Aumarle JS^Bj^'^^g* 
 " & I made into Almane, where we spent great treasure. Marie, (|) that' he 
 "true it is, that once I laid an ambush to haue slaine the duke of ambnshfor" 
 "Lancaster, that there sitteth; but neuerthelesse he hath par- Lancaster, 
 " doned me thereof, and there was good peace made betwixt vs, ^JH^^ 
 "for the which I yeeld him hartie thankes. This is- that which """J 
 " I haue to answer, and I am readie to defend my selfe against 
 " mine aduersarie ; I beseech you therefore of right, and to haue 
 " the battell against him in vpright iudgement." 
 
 After tills, when the king had communed with his councell a 
 little, he commanded the two dukes to stand foorth, that their ^^gP,^^'^*. 
 answers fflight be^ heard. The E. then caused them once againe ^^^'Xd 
 to be asked, if they would agree and make peace togither, but S^p'S^e* 
 they both flatlie answered that they would not : and withall the Boungbroke 
 duke of Hereford cast downe his gage, and the duke of Norfolke WBgjgcand 
 tooke it vp. The king, perceiuing this demeanor betwijct than, ^^,;^p„: 
 Bware by saint lohn Baptist, that he would neuer seeke to make *'"''"* 
 
 a 
 
RICHARD II. 
 
 ire that peacc bctwixt them againe. And therfore sir lohn Bushie in 
 
 Tt""" name of the king & his councell declared, that the king and his 
 
 m.]"'® councell had commanded and ordeined, that they should haue a 
 
 "oiTud*to ^^^^^ of battell appointed them at Couentrie. IT Here writers 
 
 ^^f disagree about the dale that was appointed : for some sale, it was 
 
 mpiM. vpon a mondaie in August ; other vpon saint Lamberts dale, 
 
 TuJiT' being the seuenteenth of September ; other on the eleuenth of 
 
 September : but true it is, that the king assigned them not onelie 
 
 the dale, but also appointed them listes and place for the combat, 
 
 and therevpon great preparation was made, as to such a matter 
 
 apperteined. 
 
 Nothing in this scene needs further historical illustration except 
 Mowbray's rather equivocal answer to the charge of having been. 
 Gloucester's murderer (I. i. 132-134) : 
 
 For Glocesters death, 
 I slewe him not 5 but (to my owne disgrace) 
 Neglected my "sworne duety in that case. 
 
 To explain these words a reference to some events in the preceding 
 year is necessary. Towards the end of June, 1397, Gloucester, Derby 
 (Henry Bolingbroke), Nottingham (Thomas Mowbray), and others, met 
 at Arundel Castle, and there agreed that, on a day in the following 
 August, they would seize and imprison the King and his uncles the 
 Dukes of Lancaster and York, and would put to death the rest of the 
 Bang's Council. Nottingham revealed this plot to Richard, and after- 
 wards, by the King's order, arrested Gloucester and brought him to 
 Calais.^ Hearing that Gloucester's guilt was proved, Richard 
 
 lered [Hol iii. 489/i/64.] sent vnto Thomas Mowbraie, earle 
 
 >wbray to 
 
 Bpatoh marshall and of Notingham, to make the duke secrethe awaie. 
 sretiyj rfjjg earlc prolonged time for the executing of the kings com- 
 
 'owbray 
 
 sitated, maudement, though the king would haue had it doone with all 
 
 lereupon ' ° ° 
 
 SSmed expedition, wherby the king "conceiued no small displeasure, and 
 
 n with ^ ___^ 
 
 ith.] 
 
 1 September 16.— iJoi. Pari, iii. 383/ 1. " The French pami)hlet," referred 
 to, in the sidenote, as an authority for the date, " a mondaie in August," is 
 Trais. (17 ; 149). It belonged to John Stow. The date in Eves., 146, is St. 
 Lambert's day. September 11. — Fab., ii. 544. Bolingbroke and Norfolk were 
 ordered to leave the realm "dedeins le jour de.le oeptas de Seint Edward le 
 Confessour [October 20] prochein venant." — Bot. Pari., iii. 383/2. The bur- 
 gesses of Lowestoft informed Richard that Norfolk embarked "le Samady 
 S October 19] proschein apres la fest de Seynt Edward, I'an de vos^re regne vynt 
 z secounde. — Bot.Parl.,ni. 384/i. It seems (Usfc, 35 ; 149) that Bolingbroke 
 went into exile on the feast (October 13). 
 
 ^ In Trais. (3 ; 121) there is a full account of this plot to imprison 
 Richard. 
 
V. RICHARD II. 83 
 
 sware that it should cost the earle his life if he quickly obeied not 
 his commandement. The earle thus, as it seemed, in maner 
 inforced, called out the duke at midnight, as if he should haue 
 taken ship to passe ouer into England, and there in the lodging 
 called the princes In, he caused his seruants to cast featherbeds 5Sl?dered°f 
 Tpon him, and so smoother him to death ; or otherwise to strangle 
 him with towiels (as some write.) This was the end of that * noble Ji^^aeter ] 
 man, fierce of nature, hastie, wilfull, and giuen more to war than * ^m u wos 
 to peace : and in this greatlie to be discommended, that he was J^'^s'j J^"^ 
 euer repining against the king in all things, whatsoeuer he wished **"*■ 
 to haue forward. . . . His bodie was afterwards with all funerall 
 pompe conueied into England, and buried at his owne manor of 
 Plashie within the church thwe ; in a sepulchre which he in his life P^.^'"^ 
 
 ' '■ buried at 
 
 time had caused to be made, and there erected. pieshey.] 
 
 In October, 1399, after Richard had been deposed, and Bolingbroke 
 had ascended the throne, Sir William Bagot, one of the late King's 
 favourites, " disclosed manie secrets ^ vnto the which he was priuie ; 
 and being brought on a dale to the barre [of the Commons], a bill was 
 read in English which he had made, conteining certeine euill practises 
 of king Richard " ; . . . The following clause formed part of Bagot's 
 revelations : 
 
 \Hol. iii. 6II/2/S9.] It was further conteined in that bill, that 
 as the same Bagot rode on a dale behind the duke of Norfolke in 
 the Sauoy street toward Westminster, the duke asked him what 
 he knew of the manner of the duke of Glocester his death, and he 
 answered that he knew nothing at all : " but the people " (quoth J^„™S" 
 he) " doo sale that you haue murthered him." Wherevnto the duke SSSd"* 
 sware great othes that it was vntrue, and that he had saued his ^o^X™' 
 life contrarie to the will of the king, and certeine other lords, by he^*"*** 
 the space of three weeks, and more ; afSrming withall, that he own*ufe^ 
 was neuer in all his life time more affraid of death, than he was at Gloucester.] 
 his comming home againe from Calls at that time, to the kings 
 presence, by reason he had not put the duke to death. "And ^^°^ted 
 " then " (said he) " the king appointed one of his owne seruants, t"put*^ 
 "and certeine other that Fp. 5121 were seruants to other lords to to death in 
 
 Norfolk's 
 
 "go with him to see the said duke of Glocester put to death;" presence.] 
 1 See pp. 110, 111 below. , 
 
4 V, EICHARD II. 
 
 swearing that, as he should answer afore God, it was neuer his 
 mind that he should haue died in that sort,^ but onelie for feare 
 of the king and sauing of his owne life. 
 
 ^JBtLsoii. — Gaunt, on his way to Coventry (1. 56), has visited the 
 Ducnes^TTrloiicester. 
 
 As they enter he says to her (11. 1-3) : 
 
 Alas, the part I had in Woodstockes blond 
 Doth more soUioite me than your exclaimes, 
 To stirre against the butchers of his life ! 
 
 Tn February, 1397, Richard was alarmed and angered by a rough 
 censure from Gloucester because Brest had been surrendered to John 
 Duke of Brittany, on the repayment of the money for which the town 
 was a pledge. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 488/i/8.] Upon this multiplieng of woords in such 
 presumptuous maner by the duke against the, king, there kindeled 
 such displeasure betwixt them, that it neuer ceassed to increase 
 into flames, till the duke was brought to his end. . . . 
 
 [Afterwards Richard] determined to suppresse both the duke 
 
 and other of his complices, and tooke more diligent regard to the 
 
 saiengs & dooings of the duke than before he had doone. And as 
 
 it commeth to passe that those, which suspect anie euill, doo euer 
 
 Richard decmc the worst ; so he tooke euerie thing in euill part, insomuch 
 
 omplained 
 
 "louceater-s ^^^^ ^® complaincd of the duke vnto his brethren the dukes of 
 hf S's^ Lancaster and Yorke, in that he should stand against him in all 
 mM^r things and seeke his destruction, the death of his counsellors, and 
 
 ouer throw of his realme. 
 
 S^Mte? °I '^^ *^o dukes of Lancaster and Yorke, to deliuer the kings 
 
 hTdtk!^" mind of suspicion, made answer, that they were not ignorant, how 
 
 Sn^*" their brother of Glocester, as a man sometime rash in woords, 
 
 would speake oftentimes more than he could or would bring to 
 
 eflect, and the same proceeded of a faithful! hart, which he bare 
 
 towards the king; for that it grieued him to vnderstand, that 
 
 the confines of the English dominions should in anie wise be 
 
 diminished : therefore his grace ought not to regard his woords, 
 
 sith he should take no hurt thereby. These persuasions quieted 
 
 the king for a time, till he was informed of the practise which the 
 
 1 that soH] Hoi. ed. 1. the fort Hoi. ed. 2. 
 
V. EIOHAED II. 85 
 
 duke of Glocester had contriued (as the same went among diuerse 
 persons) to imprison the king. For then the duke of Lancaster ^JS"* ""^ 
 and Yorke, first reprouing the duke of Glocester for his too ^fiSer 
 liberall talking, . . . and, perceuing that he set nothing by their ™h!ies8.] 
 woords, were in doubt least, if they should remaine in the court ^^^ 
 still, he would, vpon a presumptuous mind, in trust to be borne rmM(?ened 
 out by them, attempt some outragious enterprise. Wherefore presence, 
 they thought best to depart for a time into their countries, that court.] 
 by their absence he might the sooner learne to stale himselfe for 
 doubt of further displeasure. But it came to passe, that their 
 departing from the court was the casting awaie of the duke of [Their 
 Glocester. For after that they were gone, there ceassed not such as causes 
 
 Gloucester's 
 
 bare him euill will, to procure the K. to dispatch him out of the way. ™n.] 
 
 The Duchess of Gloucester's reproaches (I. ii. 9-34) have more 
 weight if, as would seem from the following excerpt, Gaunt and York 
 were at first disposed to avenge their brother's death. 
 
 [^0^. iii. 489/2/68.] The parlement was summoned to begin The lords 
 at Westminster the 17 of September,^ and writs therevpon directed com m war- 
 
 like ma/nner 
 
 to euerie of the lords to appeare, and to bring with them a ^''[^f^^'^i, 
 sufficient number of armed men and archers in their best arraie ; '^^'^^'i- 
 for it was not knowen how the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke [a doubt 
 
 ■ ■'*" '■ "' ■■ ■ .' ■ ■ ■ II I as to how 
 
 would take the death of their brother, . . . Suerlie the two dukes g*""* ™« 
 
 ' York would 
 
 when they heard that their brother was so suddenlie made awaie, ^othw^i' 
 they wist not what to sale to the matter, and began both to be pT^r. 
 sorowfuU for his death, and doubtfuU of their owne states : for [They 
 
 grieved fot 
 
 sith they saw how the king (abused by the counsell of euill men) "^/^^"J-^ 
 
 absteined not from such an heinous act, they thought he would 'orthem- 
 
 lieved for 
 isdeoth, 
 and feared 
 for them 
 selves.] 
 
 afterwards attempt greater misorders from time to time. There- l^'*'^^ 
 fore they assembled in all hast great numbers of their seruants, ^^^^ 
 freends, and tenants, and, comming to London, were receiued into *uS7hii 
 the citie. For the Londoners were right sorie for the death of dSngi. 
 the duke of Glocester, who had euer sought their fauour; in 'bdS**' 
 somuch that now they would haue beene contented to haue ioined Londoners.] 
 with the dukes in seeking reuenge of so noble a mans death, . . . 
 
 1 This Parliament was adjourned on September 29, 1397, and reassembled 
 at Shrewsbury on January 27, 1398.— Eveg., 141, 142 ; Usk, 17 ; 123. 
 
 / 
 
RICHARD II. 
 
 counsel Here the dukes and other fell in counsell, and manie things 
 l^^j. -were proponed. Some would that they should by force reuenge 
 renge^^ t^^ duke of Glocesters death ; other thought it meet that the earles 
 ■Mow-' Marshall and Huntington, and certeine others, as cheefe authours 
 
 rs-bnt of all the mischeefe, should be pursued and punished for .their 
 
 iTO^tMr <l®™6rites ; hauing trained vp the king in vice and euill customes, 
 
 l^^^ euen from his youth. But the dukes (after their displeasure was 
 
 somewhat asswaged) determined to couer the stings of their griefes 
 
 for a time, and, if the king would amend his maners, to forget also 
 
 the iniuries past. 
 
 Af.t, J. an. iii. — Mv next excerpt supplied the material for this scene. 
 
 ioneg. [ffol. iii. 494/2/41.] At^ the time appointed the king came to 
 
 ototedr^ Couentrie, where the two dukes were readie, according to the 
 ewkes*°* order prescribed therein ; comming thither in great arraie, accom- 
 mtey, panied with the lords and gentlemen of their linages. The king 
 been caused a sumptuous scaffold or theater, and roiall listes there to 
 
 itecL] ^ ' 
 
 ling- be erected and prepared. The sundaie before they should fight, 
 e of after dinner, the duke of Hereford came to the king (being lodged 
 
 hard on 
 
 Sunday about a quarter of a mile without the towne in a tower that 
 
 yre the ^ 
 
 M, and belonged to sir William Bagot) to take his leaue of him. The 
 crow (tie jjjqjq^ after, being the day appointed for the combat, about the 
 tie^ " spring of the dale, came the duke of Norfolke to the court to take 
 
 wbrsy 
 
 J bade leauc Ukewisc of the king. The duke of Hereford armed him in 
 
 King ° 
 
 swell.] his tent, that was set vp neere to the lists ; and the duke of 
 •ming Norfolke put on his armor, betwixt the gate & the barrier of the 
 iantmd towuc, in & bcautifuU house, hauing a faire perclois of wood 
 
 'endant.] , 
 
 towards the gate, that none might see what was doone within the 
 
 house. 
 e order of The dukc of Aumarle that dale, being high constable of England, 
 comtat. ^^^ ^j^g duke of Surrie, marshall, placed themselues betwixt them, 
 
 well armed and appointed ; and, when they saw their time, they 
 dswey first entered into the listes with a great companie of men 
 fultsj™* apparelled in silke sendall, imbrodered with siluer, both richlie and 
 
 1 The original authority for this excerpt is Trais., 17-23 ; 149-158. Halle 
 (3-5) added several details to this account (e. g. the apparel of the Dukes), 
 which Hoi. copied. 
 
V. RICHARD II. 87 
 
 curiouslie, euerie man hauing a tipped staffe to keepe the field in 
 order. About the houre of prime, came to the barriers of the ^^^e* 
 listes the duke of Hereford, mounted on a white courser, barded Slingbro^e 
 with greene & blew veluet imbrodered sumptuouslie with swans tmriers, and 
 and antelops of goldsmiths woorke ; armed at all points. The f^^^^ ^ 
 constable and marshall came to the barriers, demanding of him ^Y" 
 what he was. He answered : " I am Henrie of Lancaster, duke of [Boiing- 
 
 DToke's 
 
 "Hereford, which am come hither to doo mine indeuor against ™B''«ri 
 
 " Thomas Mowbraie, duke of Norfolke, as a traitor vntrue to God, 
 
 "the king, his realme, and me." Then incontinentlie he sware [Having 
 
 " taken an 
 
 vpon the holie euangelists, that his quarrell was true and iust, and ™*^^°^as° 
 vpon that point he required to enter the lists. Then he put vp infe'relthe 
 his sword, which before he held naked in his hand, and, putting dfsmomt- 
 downe his visor, made a crosse on his horsse ; and, with speare in wmseif on a 
 
 chair, await- 
 
 hand, entered into the lists, and descended from his horsse, and i^^a 
 
 ' ' ' adversary.] 
 
 set him downe in a chaire of greene veluet, at the one end of the 
 lists, and there reposed himselfe, abiding the comming of his 
 aduersarie. 
 
 Soone after him, entred into the field with great triumph king ^«°j.^ 
 Richard, accompanied with all the peeres of the realme, . . . The |"J|"g*''® 
 king had there aboue ten thousand men in armour, least some fraie ty'thrpeers 
 or tumult might rise amongst his nobles, by quarelling or partaking. °jg„*" 
 When the king was set in his seat, (which was richlie hanged and STeHfen 
 adorned,) a king at armes made open proclamation, prohibiting peac*!? 
 all men in the name of the king, and of the high constable and ^tiU wS?' 
 marshall, to enterprise or attempt to approch or touch any part of Tppointed 
 the lists vpon paine of death, except such as were appointed to the fieid) 
 order or marshall the field. The proclamation ended, an other bidden to 
 
 approach or 
 
 herald cried : " Behold here Henrie of Lancaster, duke of Hereford, JP'J**''® 
 "appellant, which is entred into the lists roiall to doo his deuoir [jBoKn|- 
 " against Thomas Mowbraie, duke of Norfolke, defendant; vpon challenge.] 
 "paine to be found false and recreant!" 
 
 The duke of Norfolke houered on horssebacke at the entrie of 
 the lists, his horsse being barded with crimosen veluet, imbrodered 
 richlie with lions of siluer and mulberie trees ; and, when he had 
 made his oth before the constable and marshall that his quarrell 
 was iust and true, he entred the field manfallie, saieng alowd : 
 
5 V. RICHARD II. 
 
 wbray " Gfod aid him that hath the right! " and then he depai'ted from 
 
 3n?he ^^^ horssfi, & sate him downe in his chaire, which was of crimosen 
 
 b'w^^, veluet, courtined ahout with white and red damasfce. The lord 
 
 ithat marshall viewed their speares, to see that they were of equatl 
 
 iitii'and length, and deliuered the one speare himselfe to the duke of 
 
 todfe- Hereford, and sent the other vnto the duke of Norfolke by a 
 
 fi^" * knight. Then the herald proclamed that the trauerses & chaires 
 
 itTeaS ^^ *^® champions should be remooued ; commanding them on the 
 
 i^ered Wngs bchalfe to mouut on horssebacke, & addresse themselues to 
 
 ntatants, t^e battcU aud combat. 
 
 re com- The duke of Hereford was quicklie horssed, and closed his 
 
 .udedto _ , , 
 
 .unt their bauier, and cast his speare into the rest, and when the trumpet 
 jiing. sounded set forward couragiousUe towards his enimie six or seuen 
 ■ward six pases. The duke of Norfolke was not fuUie set forward,^ when the 
 
 seven 
 
 Besjtat king cast downe his warder; and the heralds cried, "Ho, ho!" 
 gered] Then the king caused their speares to be taken from them, and 
 iitdbytu commanded them to repaire againe to their chaires, where they 
 remained two long houres, while the king and his councell deliber- 
 atlie consulted what order was best to be had in so weightie a 
 cause. Finallie, after they had deuised, and fullie determined 
 what should be doone therein, the heralds cried silence ; and sir 
 lohn Bushie, the kings secretarie, read the sentence and determina- 
 tion of the king and his councell, in a long roll, the effect wherof 
 was, that Henrie duke of Hereford should within fifteene dales 
 depart out of the realme, and not to retume before the terme of 
 iSdfOT ten yeares were expired, except by the king he should be repealed 
 fd^S- againe, and this vpon paine of death ; and that Thomas Mowbraie, 
 e.] duke of Norfolke, bicanse he had sowen sedition in the relme by 
 
 his wotds, should likewise auoid the realme, and neuer to retume 
 againe into England, nor approch the borders or confines thereof 
 a^°to leiry vpou paine of death ; and that the king would stale the profits of 
 lowbray's his lauds, till he had leuied thereof such summes of monie as the 
 
 laAs, to 
 
 *^ softhe ^^^^ ^*^ taken vp of the kings treasuror for the wages of the 
 ^s?"°* garrison of Calls, which were still vnpaid. 
 
 1 " Ig duo de Noruolt ne se bouga ne ne fist semblant de eoy deffendre." — 
 Tmis., 21. 
 
 ie king am 
 i7n« betvnxi 
 e tvjo 
 ikes, 
 
 loling- 
 ■oke was 
 
■W RICHARD II. 89 
 
 When these iudgements were once read, the king called before [Boung- 
 
 "= ' o r>Tdke and 
 
 him both the parties, and made them to sweare that the one Mowbray 
 
 r » were sworn 
 
 should neuer come in place where the other was, willinglie ; nor "o^^'m ''^ 
 keepe any company to gither in any forren region ; which oth they count^iT 
 both receiued humblie, and so went their waies. The duke of '^"tto^ 
 Norfolke departed sorowfuUie out of the relme into Almanie, and and™a8t 
 at the last came to Venice, where he for thought and melan- where he' 
 coohe deceassed : for he was in hope (as writers record) that he had^Jspe* , 
 
 ^ ^ ' that Richard 
 
 should haue beene borne out in the matter by the king, which ^"^g^™ 
 when it fell out otherwise, it greened him not a little. The duke """' 
 
 ' " [BoUng- 
 
 of Hereford tooke his leaue of the king at Eltham, who there Volte's sxiie 
 
 o ' was reduGea 
 
 released four© yeares of his banishment: so he tooke his iomie Hcmnrt"" 
 oner into Calls, and from thence went into France, where he ^'''""'®' 
 remained. 
 
 A^tJLsCj^^^— Richard enters with Bagot, Greene, and Aumerle. 
 Bolmgfeok?s^'courtship to the common people " (I. iv. 24, &c.), which 
 Bicbard has jioticed, is not mentioned in the Chronicles, but the 
 following paragraph shows that the Duke left many friends behind him. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 495/2/25.] A woonder it was to see what number of \ 
 
 pcQple ran after him in euerie towne and street where he came, \ 
 
 before he tooke the sea ; lamenting and bewailing his departure, as | 
 
 who would sale, that when he departed, the onelie shield, defense, Ha-^ard ] 
 
 ' tr > belouedof \ 
 
 and comfort of the commonwealth was vaded and gone. mpayaie. 
 
 Dismissing all thought of Bolingbroke, Greene advises Richard to 
 take prompt measures for the subjugation of " the rebels which stand 
 out in Ireland " (I. iv. 37-41). Holinshed says : 
 
 [Rol. iii. 496/2/70.J In this meane time 1 the king being aduer- Poit/dm-. 
 tised that the wild Irish dailie wasted and destroied the townes 1^^"/'^ 
 and Tillages within the English pale, and had slaine manie of the ^^^^^^^ 
 Bouldiers which laie there in garison for defense of that [p. 497] ^'e^edi" 
 countrie, determined to make eftsoones a voiage thither, & prepared ^oand in 
 all things necessarie for his passage now against the spring. 
 
 » Bqger fourth Earl of March was slain by the Irish on July 20, 1398.— 
 Ujtjfc, 19; 136. "Ciyus morte cognita, Rex statuit vindicaifi personaliter 
 mortem f jus, Hibemiensesque domare." — Wdk. ii. 229. Roger was Richard's 
 tiieutenant in Ulster, Cpnnaught, and Meath.— (Mend. B M. P P., 19 Ric. 
 II., 230/2/7. 
 
 y 
 
V. KICHARD II. 
 
 Holinshed mentions the farming of England by Eichard (1. iv. 45 ; 
 and cp. II. i. 57-64, 109-113, 256) : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 496/1/64.] The common brute ran, that the king had 
 1^^ set to farme the realme of England vnto sir William Scroope, earle 
 *'""• of Wiltshire, and then treasurer of England, to sir lohn Bushie, sir 
 lohn Bagot, and sir Henrie Greene, knights.^ 
 
 Of "blanke charters" (I. iv. 48-51) as sources of revenue, we 
 have the following account. In 1398 a reconciliation was effected 
 between Bichard and the Londoners,^ with whom he had been deeply 
 offended. 
 
 ;e \Hol. iii. 496/ 1 /i i.l But yet to content the kings mind, manie 
 
 jrs. 
 
 blanke charters were deuised, and brought into the citie, which 
 manie of the substantial! and wealthie citizens were faine to scale, 
 to their great charge, as in the end appeared. And the like 
 charters were sent abroad into all shires within the realme, whereby 
 great grudge and murmuring arose among the people : for, when 
 they were so sealed, the kings officers wrote in the same what 
 liked them, as well for charging the parties with paiment of monie, 
 as otherwise. 
 
 In April, 1399,' large fines were exacted from the inhabitants of 
 seventeen counties, who had aided the Duke of Gloucester in the coup 
 d'etat of 1387, and a new oath of allegiance was required. 
 
 k [Hal. iii. 496/2/30. J Moreouer, they were compelled to put 
 
 their hands and scales to certeine blankes,* wherof ye haue heard 
 before ; in the which, when it pleased him, he might write what he 
 thought good. 
 
 Holinshed does not name the object to which the money thus 
 raised was applied. Shakspere inferred (I. iv. 43-52) that the cost of 
 the Irish war obliged Eichard to farm the revenues and issue blank 
 charters. That Eichard was accused of extorting money for such a 
 
 1 Fah. (545), Mol.'s authority, says that this rumour was current in the 
 22nd year of Kichard's reign (June 21, 1398— June 20, 1399). 
 
 ^ According to Fai. (545) this reconciliation was effected after the adjourn- 
 ment of Parliament on September 29, 1397. Richard's ire was moved by the 
 Londoners' opposition to " certeyne actys " of that Parliament. 
 
 3 " cito post Pascha" (March 30).— OW., 199. Cp. Wals., ii. 230, 231. 
 
 * It appears from Ott, 200, and W(ds., 231, that these blank charters {alhas 
 chartas) were contemporaneous with the fines imposed upon the counties. But 
 according to Eves. (146, 147) these fines and blank charters were in operation, 
 about Michaelmas, 1398. 
 
V. RICHARD II. 91 
 
 purpose"' appears from one of the articles exhibited against him in the 
 Parliament by which he was depoBed. 
 
 [-ffoZ. iii. 502/2/56.] 19 Item, the spiritualitie alledged against iTheciergy 
 
 him, that he, at his going into Ireland, exacted mania notable ^'^jf^.g 
 
 summes of monie, beside plate and iewels, without law or custome, ifeS!']*'' 
 contrarie to his oth taken at his coronation. 
 
 Act II. so. i.r— While Richard devised means to pay for his IrishN 
 expedition he was entreated to visit John of Gaunt, who lay at Ely ) 
 House, " grieuous sicke " (I. iv. 54-58). Gaunt's death is thus briefly^ 
 recorded by Holinshed. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 496/1/22.] In this meane time [Feb. 3, 1399],^ the '^^f„f 
 duke of Lancaster departed out of this life at the bishop of Elies ^«'«»»""'- 
 place in Holborne. 
 
 The particulars of Gaunt's death (II. i. 1-138) were imagined by 
 Shakspere, but_fQr the rest of this scea(i.i he found' some material in 
 Holinshed. The ensuing excerpt illustrates 11. 160-162 ; 201-208. 
 
 \Eol. iii. 496/1/26.] The death of this duke gaue occasion of }iat?S''of 
 
 • • 11.1 ini'i 11 Bichardia 
 
 mcreasme more hatred m the people of this realme toward the increased 
 
 ^ * ^ because he 
 
 king, for he seized into his hands all the goods that belonged to th^|^^* 
 him, and also receiued all the rents and reuenues of his lands wMch^M 
 which ought to haue descended vnto the duke of Hereford by ia^^xil 
 lawfuU inheritance ; in reuoking his letters patents, which he had aiiow 
 granted to him before, by vertue wherof he might make his t'^to^*'^ 
 attorneis generall to sue liuerie for him, of any maner of inherit- Sli^*™* * 
 ances or possessions that might from thencefoorth fall vnto him ; ^ ^'^- "^"^ 
 and that his homage might be respited, with making reasonable 
 fine : whereby it was euident, that the king meant his vtter 
 vndooing. 
 
 Shakspere had Holinshed's authority for York's resentment of such 
 injustice, and consequent departure from Court (II. i. 163-214). 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 496/1/40.] This hard dealing was much misliked of 
 all the nobilitie, and cried out against of the meaner sort; but 
 
 1 OU. (197) says that during Lent, 1399, Richard exacted money, &c., for 
 the Irish expedition. 
 
 2 "in crastino Purificationis beatse Maries" (Feb. Z).—Ott., 198. "in 
 crastino Sancti Blassii" (Feb. 4).— Usfc) 23 ; 132. 
 
 8 See p. 102 below. 
 
V. EICHARD II. 
 
 namelie the duke of Yorke was therewith sore mooued ; who, before 
 ^^ this time, had borne things with so patient a mind as he could, 
 ester's though the same touched him verie neere, as the death of his 
 P brother the duke of Glocester, the banishment of his nephue the 
 timent, said duke of Hereford, and other mo iniuries in great number ; 
 
 as sore ° 
 
 ^y which, for the slipperie youth of the king, he passed ouer for the 
 Mtion tjmg^ ajj^ ^j(j forget aswell as he might. But now perceiuing that 
 tence.] neither law, iustice, nor equitie could take place, where the kings 
 wilful! will was bent vpon any wrongful! purpose, ... he thought 
 it the part of a wise man to get him in time to a resting place, . . . 
 •^eof Herevpon he with the duke of Aumarle his sonne went to his 
 
 mis- ■■■ 
 
 Zoeth house at Langlie. 
 
 One of the wrongs which York had borne patiently was (II. i. 167, 
 168) 
 
 . . . the preuention of poors BuUingbrooke 
 About his mariadge, . . . 
 
 What York refers to is thus narrated by Holinshed : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 495/2/31.] At his [Bolingbroke's] comming into 
 France, king Charles [VI.], hearing the cause of his banishment 
 >rdu (which he esteemed to be verie light), receiued him gentlie, and 
 dned him houorablie interteined, in so much that he had by fauour 
 flight obteined in mariage the onelie daughter of the duke of Berrie, 
 ^^t Tncle to the French king, if king Richard had not beene a let in 
 iter, if that matter ; who, being thereof certified, sent the earle of Salisburie^ 
 re- with all speed into France ; both to surmize, by vntrue suggestion, 
 
 d the 
 
 ''•' heinous offences against him, and also to require the French king 
 that in no wise he would suffer his cousine to be matched in 
 mariage with him that was so manifest an offendor. 
 
 As Eichard leaves the stage he announces his intention of sailing 
 for Ireland ' to morrow next ' ; and appoints York " Lord gouernour 
 of England" (II. i. 217-220). The "iusts" performed at Windsor 
 "a little before " Richard's embarkation {Hoi. iii. 497/i/3) may be 
 alluded to in II. i. 223 : 
 
 ' > The date of Salisbury's mission was, perhaps, March, 1399. Soon after 
 (" assez t6t apres ") his return to England, a royal proclamation directed that 
 a tournanient should be held at Windsor. After this tournament Richard 
 made preparations for going (" oidonna aller ") to Ireland. He left the Queen 
 at Windsor, and went thence to Bristol (Frqis., xiv. 163, 164). 
 
V. RICfiAHD II. 93 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 497/1/8.] When these iusts were finished, the king TiuHng 
 departed toward Bristow, from thence to passe into Ireland • »"*> ^"^bij 
 
 , , ^ ' icith a great 
 
 leaning the queene with hir traine still at Windesor : he appointed ""*• 
 for his lieutenant generall in his absence his vncle the duke of caxum. 
 Yorke : and so in the moneth of Aprill,^ as diuerse authors write, ^ork' 
 he set forward from Windesor, and finallie tooke shipping at gt^^Tc^f 
 Milford, and from thence, with two hundred ships, and a puissant '*f **'?«' ' 
 
 power of men of armes and archers, he sailed into Ireland. Ireland. 
 
 Three passages in Holinshed may have suggested to Shakspene the 
 conversation of Northumberland, Eoss, and Willoughby (jll. 241-248), 
 who remain on the stage after Richard's exit. Northumberland seems 
 to glance at (11. 241-245) an act of the subservient Parliament of 1397 ; 
 which Holinshed thus records : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 4&3/1/40.] Finallie, a generall pardon was granted ! 
 for all offenses to all the kings subiects (fiftie onelie excepted) P^'*^ 
 whose names he would not by anie meanes expresse, but resemed exciptea 
 them to his owne knowledge, that when anie of the nobilitie pardon.i 
 offended him, he might at his plesure name him to be one of the 
 number excepted, and so keepe them still within his danger. . . . 
 
 Manie other things were doone in this parfement, to the dis- 
 pleasure of no small number of people ; namelie, for that diuerse 
 rightfiill heires were disherited of their lands and liuings, by ^^ef"" 
 authoritie oi the same parlement : with which wrongfuU dooings "*"*«"*«<*• 
 the people were much offended ; so that the king, and those that 
 were about him, and cheefe in cojuncell, came into great infamie 
 and slander. 
 
 Largo grants had been obtained from his Parliaments by Richard 
 II. ; and the oppressive poll-tar — to which we may suppose Ross refers- 
 — caused the commons' rebellion in 1381. Of that impost Holinshed 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 428/2/36.] There was a new and strange subsidie or Agreeumi, 
 taske granted to be leuied for the kings vse, and towards the 
 charges of this armie that went oner into France with tiie earle of 
 Buckingham ; to wit^ of euerie preest secular or regular, six 
 
 1 "riost Pentecosten proximo sequens" [read sequentim or understand 
 festumj^—Eves., 148. "circa festum Pentecostes."— Ott., 200. WaTs., 231. 
 In 1399 Whit Sunday fell on May 18. Fab. (549)— quoted by Sol. in the 
 marginal note — gives "y" moneth of Aprell" as t&e date. 
 
UTax 
 
 V. RICHARD II. 
 
 shillings eight pence, and as much of euerie nunne, and of euerie 
 
 man & woman married or not married, being 16 yeares of age, 
 ,'j"' (beggers certenlie knowne onlie excepted,) foure pence for euerie 
 iLe one. Great grudging & manie a bitter cursse followed about the 
 
 leuieng of this monie, & much mischeefe rose thereof, as after it 
 
 appeared. 
 
 In illustration of 11. 247, 248, I quote the passage noticed above 
 (p. 90) concerning the fines levied from seventeen shires. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 496/2/9.] Moreouer, this yeare [1399] he caused 
 seuenteene shires of the realme, by waie of putting them to their 
 fines, to paie no small summes of monie, for redeeming their 
 offenses, that they had aided the duke of Glocester, the earles of 
 Aru&dell, and Warwike, when they rose in armor against him. 
 Mimmt The nobles, gentlemen, and commons of those shires were inforced 
 ailed a a,lso to Tcceiue a new oth to assure the king of their fidelitie in 
 
 nee as o 
 
 sthe K, t™e to come ; and withall certeine prelats and other honorable 
 M *"" personages were sent into the same shires to persuade men to this 
 e that paiment, and to see things ordered at the pleasure of the prince : 
 reimd and sucrlie the fines which the nobles, and other the meaner 
 
 le ' 
 
 M( their estates of those shires were constreined to paie, were not small,, 
 but exceeding great, to the offense of manie. 
 
 After "blanckes,"' Willoughby mentions " beneuolences " as one of 
 the " new exactions " devised by Kichard (II. i. 250). A " benevo- 
 lence " was — in name, at least — the conception of a later king.^ In 
 1473 Edward IV. was meditating an expedition to France : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 694/1/43.] But bicause he wanted monie, and could 
 not well charge his commons with a new subsidie, for that he had 
 receiued the last yeare great summes of monie granted to him by 
 Vt to parlement, he deuised this shift, — to call afore him a great number 
 ' of the wealthiest sort of people in his realme ; and to them declar- 
 
 ing his need, and the requisite causes thereof, he demanded of 
 euerie of them some portion of monie, which they sticked not to 
 
 1 Of those inhabitants of seventeen counties who paid fines to Richard in 
 1399, Wal$. says (ii 230, 231) : " coacti sunt Regi concedere . . . importabiles 
 summas pecuniae, pro benevolentia sua recuperanda." Ott. says (199) : " Vocab- 
 antur itaque tales summae, sic levatse de singulis comitatibus, h pleasawice." 
 Cp. Hol.'s sidenote, " The paiment," &c. 
 
V. RICHARD II. 95 
 
 giue. And therefore the king, willing to shew that this their 
 liberalitie was verie acceptable to him, he called this grant of ^J^J^jy 
 monie, " A beneuolence " : notwithstanding that manie with grudge ?benevo- 
 gaue great sums toward that new found aid, which of them might ^™''*' ' 
 be called, " A maleuolence." 
 
 When Willoughby demands what has become of the money thus 
 exacted by Richard, Northumberland answers (11. 252-254) : 
 
 Wars hath not wasted it, for warrde he hath not. 
 
 But basely yeelded vpon compromise 
 
 That which his noble auncestors atchiued with blowes. 
 
 Shakspere may have been thinking of Richard's cession of Brest to 
 John Duke of Brittany (see p. 84 above) ; a step which was censured i 
 by Gloucester, who bluntly said to the King : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 487/2/6S.] Sir, your grace ought to put your bodie io^na®''* 
 in paine to win a strong hold or towne by feats of war, yer you ; Ire^ylSi 
 take vpon you to sell or deliuer anie towne or strong hold gotten rncestora' 
 with great aduenture by the manhood and policie of your noble 
 progenitours. 
 
 Northumberland hints that deliverance is near, and, being urged 
 to speak out, says ; 
 
 I haue from le Port Blan 
 A Bay in Brittaine receiude intelligence, 
 That Harry duke of Herford, Rainold L. Cobham 
 That late broke from the Duke of Exeter 
 His brother,! archbishop late of Canterburie, 
 Sir Thomas Erpingham, Sir John Ramston, 
 Sir John Norbery, Sir Robert Waterton, and Francis Coines ; 284 
 All these well furnished by the Duke of Brittaine 
 With eight tall shippes, three thousand men of warre, 
 Are making hither with all due expedience. 
 And shortly meane to touch our Northerne shore : 288 
 
 Perhaps they had ere this, but that they stay 
 The first departing of the King for Ireland. 
 
 During Richard's sojourn in Ireland, 
 
 [Ebl. iii. 497/2/57.] . . . diuerse of the nobilitie, aswell prelats 
 as other, and likewise manie of the magistrats and rulers of the 
 cities, townes, and communaltie, here in England, perceiuing dailie 
 how the realme drew to vtter ruine, not like to be recouered to the 
 
 1 " His brother," i. e. Eichard Earl of Arundel's brother. Ritson suggested 
 that the missing line was taken almost literally from Hoi, 'and ran thus : 
 "The son and heir of the late earl of Arundel."— Far. Sh. xvi. 65. 
 
96 V. RICHAKD II. 
 
 ZiSr"^ former state of wealth ^rMlest king Biebard liued and reigned, (as 
 
 7^%^ they tooke it,) deuised with great deliberation, and considerate 
 
 fof^i^ aduise, to send and signifie by letters vnto duke Henriej whome 
 
 r^mmt. they now called (as he was in deed) duke of Lancaster and 
 
 Hereford, requiring him with all conuenient speed to conueie 
 
 himselfe into England ; promising him all their aid, power, and 
 
 assistance, if he, expelling K. Eichard, as a man not meet for the 
 
 office he bare, would take vpon him the scepter, rule, and diademe 
 
 of his natiue land and region. 
 
 He, therefore, being thus called vpon by messengers and letters 
 
 from his freends, and cheeflie through the earnest persuasion of 
 
 Thomas Arundell,^ late archbishop of Canturburie, who . . . had 
 
 beene remooued from his see, and banished the realme by king 
 
 The dnke of Richards mcaus, got him downe to Britaine, togither with the said 
 
 to'tt/dS' archbishop ; where he was ioifullie receiued of the duke and 
 
 ofLmtcMter. ^xickeasG, and found such freendship at the dukes hands, that 
 
 there were certeine ships rigged, and made readie for him, at a 
 
 The dyjce of placc iu basc Britaiue ^ called Le port blanc, as we find in the 
 
 his adherents chrouicles of Britaiuc ; and, when all his prouision was made 
 
 gaile into i i i i. 
 
 Eagimtd rcadic, he tooke the sea, togither with the said archbishop of 
 
 [, starting ' 70 * 
 
 himtC ^""^ Canturburie, and his nephue Thomas Arundeli, sonne and heire to 
 
 the late earle of Arundeli, . . . There were also with him, 
 
 Additions to Reginald lord Cobham, sir Thomas Erpingham, and sir Thomas 
 
 [, giving tiie Ramston, knights, lohn Norburie, Robert Waterton^ & Francis 
 
 names of ' ° 
 
 Srents] Coint, csquircs : few else were there, for (as- some write) he had 
 [Various uot past fiftcene lances, as they tearmed them in those dales, that 
 
 accounts of^ iii-iii 
 
 Boiing- ig to sale, men of armes, furnished and appointed as the vse then 
 
 broke s ' ' ^ '■ 
 
 forces.] ^g^g ^ Yet other write, that the duke of Britaine deliuered vnto 
 
 Thorn. Wals. 
 
 [reSSt li™ t^i'ce thousand men of warre, to attend him, and that he had 
 £d3ooo°^° eight ships well furnished for the warre, where Fwissard yet 
 men^ands gpgg,]j,gjUj jjyj gf thrcc. MorcoueT, wherc FMssard and also the 
 Froissard. c^jQnides of Britaine auouch, that he should land at Plimmouth, 
 by our English writers it seemeth otherwise : for it appearetb by 
 waiHng. t^eir assured report, that he, approching to the shore, did not 
 
 1 Thomas Arnndel (or Fitz-Alan), was exiled on September 24, 1307.— 
 Eves., 139. 
 
 2 La Basse Bxetagne ; lower, or western, Brittany. 
 
V. RICHAED II. 97 
 
 streight take land, but lay houering aloofe, and shewed hims^l^e {f °^|:^ 
 
 now in this place, and now in that, to see what countenance was "°*e*but'* 
 
 made by the people, whether they meant enuiouslie to reisist him, b^'jS?,''™' 
 
 or freendlie to receiue him. pia|e8,°tiiat 
 
 he might 
 
 In my excerpt from the play I retain the line-order and punotu»- j^e^^^Jije 
 tion, as well as the text, of Qi. In none of the original texts of leceiveij 
 Richa/rd II. is mention made of " Thomas Arundell, sonne and heire to 
 the late earle of Arundell." But the ipUowing passage shows that 
 Thomas Arundel must have been named in a preceding line as having 
 " late broke from the Duke of Exeter." 
 
 \Hol. iii. 496/ 1/68.] About the same time, the earle of 
 
 Arundels sonne, named Thomas, which was kept in tlie duke of 
 
 Exeters house, escaped out of the realme, by meanes of one 
 
 William Scot, mercer ; and went to his vncle Thomas Arundell, 
 
 late archbishop of Canturburie, as then soiourning at CuUeu^ 
 
 [Cologne]. 
 
 The reader will also note tha,t Bolingbroke delayed his landing in 
 order " to see what countenance was made by the people " ; not because 
 he awaited, as Northumberland conjectured (II. i. 290), 
 
 The first departing of the King for Ireland. 
 
 This deviation from his authority accords with Shakspere's annihi- 
 lation of time in the present, and the preceding, scene. As one day 
 only can be allowed for both scenes, — cp. the opening of the last scene 
 of Act I., with its close, connecting it with the first scene of Act II., — 
 Bolingbroke could not have left England ; yet,, at the close of the 
 present scene, we learn that he is returning from exile. Kichard's 
 absence from England, which lasted about two months, is ignored. For 
 it is evident that, when this scene ends, Richard had not even em- 
 barked j and, moreover, in the next scene — between which and the 
 present one we may admit an interval of a day or two — Greene hopes 
 " the King is not yet shipt for Ireland " {II. ii. 42).^ 
 
 Act II. sn. ii^ — The Queen enters jgotLJBughy and Bagbt. They 
 are jomed by Greene (ITID), anT York (1. 72). When Northumber- 
 land had told his news, he, accompanied by B«ss' and Willoughby, set 
 forth to meet Bolingbroke (H. i. 296-300). Greene announces their 
 flight and Bolingbroke's landing at Eavenspur (11. 49-55). Scene iL j 
 is, in general, a dramatic version of the useless, though, doubtless,,' 
 more formal, deliberations of the council to which' York smmnoned j 
 Richard's favourites. 
 
 [Hol. iii. 498/1/36.] When the lord gouernor, Edmimd duke 
 of Yorke, was aduertised, that the duke of Lancaster kept still the 
 
 » From Fab. 545 (an. 22 Rio. II.). " T-A., 265. 
 
 H 
 
 "1 
 
98 
 
 V. EICHARB II. 
 
 [When York 
 heard that 
 Bolingbioke 
 might land 
 anywhere, 
 he called a 
 council of 
 war, to 
 which the 
 Earl of 
 Wiltshire, 
 Bushy, 
 Bagot, and 
 Greene were 
 summoned.] 
 
 [Their use- 
 less advice 
 to collect an 
 army at St. 
 Albans.] 
 
 The 
 
 commos 
 denU to 
 resist the 
 d/yjce of 
 lanct^ster. 
 
 The duhe of 
 Lansaster 
 Iddeth [at 
 Bavens- 
 pnr] in 
 Yorkshire, 
 
 Additixms to 
 Polychron, 
 
 [Among the 
 first who 
 came to him 
 
 Willoughby, 
 Bos, and 
 Beaumont.] 
 
 sea, and was readie to arriue, (but where he ment first to set foot 
 on land, there was not any that vnderstood the certeintie,) he sent 
 for the lord chancellor, Edmund Stafford, bishop of Excester, and 
 for the lord treasuror, William Scroope, earle of Wiltshire, and 
 other of the kings priuie councell, as lohn Bushie, William Bagot, 
 Henrie Greene, and lohn Russell, knights : of these he required to 
 know what they thought good to be doone in this matter, concern- 
 ing the duke of Lancaster, being on the seas. Their aduise was, 
 to depart from London vnto S. Albons, and there to gather an 
 armie to resist the duke in his landing ; but, to how small purpose 
 their counsell serued, the conclusion thereof plainlie declared, for 
 the most part that were called, when they came thither, boldlie 
 protested, that they would not fight against the duke of Lancaster, 
 whome they knew to be euill dealt withall. . . . 
 
 The duke of Lancaster, after that he had coasted alongst the 
 shore a certeine time, & had got some intelligence how the peoples 
 minds were affected towards him, landed about the beginning of 
 lulie ^ in Yorkshire, at a place sometime called Rauenspur, betwixt 
 Hull and Bridlington ; and with him not past threescore persons, 
 as some write : but he was so ioifuUie receiued of the lords, 
 knights, and gentlemen of those parts, that he found means (by 
 their helpe) forthwith to assemble a great number of people, that 
 were willing to take his part. The first that came to him were 
 the lords of Lincolneshire, and other countries adioining ; as the 
 lords Willoughbie, Ros, Darcie, and Beaumont. 
 
 The defection, or resignation, of the Earl of Worcester, which 
 Greene next announces (11. 58-61), occurred soon after Richard's return 
 to Wales, late in July, 1399.2 Holinshed says : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 499/2/74. J Sir Thomas Persie, earle of Worcester,* 
 
 1 On June 28, according to Usk, 24; 134. "circa festum [June 24] S. 
 Johannis Baptistse." — Eves., 151. " circa festum [July 4] translationis sancti 
 Martini."— Oii,, 203. 
 
 2 Eichard landed in Wales on July 22, according to Usk, 27 ; 137. Hves.'s 
 (149) date -is July 25. In Trais. (46 ; 194) the date assigned to Richard's 
 landing is August 13. , t,. , •. 
 
 3 We learn from one chronicle (Ott, 206, 207) that when Richard, soon 
 after landing, withdrew to Flint,— in Eulog., iii. 381, Conway is, with more 
 probahility, the place named,— he left his household in Worcester's care. 
 Worcester, weeping most bitterly, broke his staff, and dismissed the royal 
 
V. RICHARD II. 99 
 
 lord [p. 500] steward of the kingS hou^e, either being so com- "^f^^^"^ 
 manded by the king, or else vpon displeasure (as some write) for ^'^^*^th 
 that the king had proclaimed his brother the earle of Northumber- *" «*«*'*''• 
 land, traitor, brake his white staffe, (which is the representing signe 
 and token of his office,) and without delaie went to duke Henrie. 
 When the kings seruants of [the] houshold saw this (for it was 
 doone before them all) they dispersed themselues, some into one 
 Countrie, and some into an other. 
 
 A servingman enters, and says to York : " My Lord, your son was 
 gone [to Ireland] before I came " (II. ii. 86). When Richard was at 
 Dublin,! 
 
 [-ffoZ. iii. 497/2/29.] the duke of Aumarle, with an hundred 2%edukeof 
 
 - Aumarle 
 
 saile, arriued, of whose comming the king was right ioifuU ; and, ^l™*^•t^ 
 
 although he had vsed no small negligence in that he came no mente]?'" 
 
 sooner according to order before appointed, yet the king (as he 
 
 was of a gentle nature) courteouslie accepted his excuse. Whether [His good 
 
 he was in fault or not, I haue not to sale; but verelie he was doubted. 
 
 greatlie suspected, that he dealt not well in tarieng so long after 
 
 his time assigned. 
 
 This servingman, whom York would send to Pleshey, to borrow ' 1 
 money from the Duchess of Gloucester, answers : " An houre before I 
 came the Dutchesse died " (II. ii. 97). Holinshed (514/2/3) records her j 
 death.2 _-' 
 
 " What, are there no Posts dispatcht for Ireland ? " exclaims York 
 (II. ii. 103). So Qi (1597). Q2 (1598) reads "two Posts," and Fi 
 has " What, are there postes dispatcht for Ireland 1 " The reading of 
 Q2 is at variance with the following excerpt from Holinshed, which 
 shows that but one opportunity occurred of sending news to Ireland of 
 
 servants. Wals. (ii. 233) says that Worcester was authorized by Richard to 
 release them from their duties till better times should come. Frois. (xiv. 167) 
 has a, story — to which, I suppose, Hoi. refers — that Richard, before going to 
 Ireland, published a sentence of banishment against Northumberland and 
 Henry Percy, and thereby angered Worcester ; who is not, however, said by 
 Frois. to have done anything to revenge the injury. Cp. Rich, II., II. iii. 26-30. 
 
 * I cannot reconcile the date when, according to Creton (Archaeol. xx. 27, 
 298), the campaign began, — which, after a few days, became a march to Dublin, 
 — with the dates subsequently given by him. Hoi. (497/2/ sidenote 2), on the 
 authority of Annales Hihemiae, a MS. printed in Pamden's Britanma, ed. 
 1607, p. 832, gives June 28 as the date of Richard's arrival at Dublin, and 
 Creton says {Ibid. 45, 309) that Aumerle arrived on the same day ; a date quite 
 irreconeilablie with Creton's subsequent scheme of time. 
 
 ' The inscription on her tomb in Westminster Abbey shows that the 
 Duchess died on October 3, 1399. 
 
100 V. EICHARB II, 
 
 Bolingbroke's landing, As Bushy soon afterwards (1. 123) remarks 
 that " the ■winde sits faire for newes to go to Ireland," the reading " no 
 Posts " conveys a rebuke for tardiness. 
 
 \Hol. iii. 499/1/14.] But here you shall note, that it fortuned 
 outos at the same time in which the duke of Hereford or Lancaster 
 Frmch (whether ye list to call him) arriued thus in England, the seas were 
 KCreton's so troubled by tempests, and the winds blew so contrarie for anie 
 
 D&positvm of 1/ i. r 
 
 Eiehard passagc to comc ouer foorth of England to the king, remaining 
 TPorsix still in Ireland, that, for the space of six weeks, he receiued no 
 
 weeks no 
 
 to Ric^d aduertisements from thence : yet at length, when the seas became 
 
 ES^iand.] calme, and the wind once turned anie thing fauourable, there came 
 ouer a ship ; whereby the king vnderstood the manner of the dukes 
 
 rwhen at arriuall, and all his proceedings till that dale in which the ship 
 
 tiddn'^sS'^ departed from the coast of England : wherevpon he meant foorth- 
 
 trows with to haue returned ouer into England, to make resistance 
 
 would have agaiust the duke ; but through persuasion of the duke of Aumarle 
 
 returned to ° ' or. 
 
 bufS'erie ^^ ^^^ thought) he staied, till he might haue all his ships, and 
 KtS^t.] other prouision, fullie readie for his passage. 
 
 My next excerpt shows how, after attending the fruitless council 
 mentioned above (p, 98), Richard's evil counsellors took to flight. 
 (Cp. II. ii. 135— 14;1.) 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 498/i/s6.] The lord treasurer, Bushie, Bagot, and 
 [Perceiving Grceue, pcrceiuiug that the commons would cleaue vnto, and take 
 mona' njnd, part With, the dukc, slippcd awaie ; leaning the lord gouernour of 
 escap^to the realme, and the lord chancellor, to make what shift they could 
 Greme'tOTk fo"" themselues. Bagot got him to Chester, and so escaped into 
 Bri^atoi™ Ireland ; the other fled to the castell of Bristow,^ in hope there to 
 
 Castle,] , . n ,. 
 
 be m satetie. 
 
 Act II. sc. iii. — The scene is laid near Berkeley Castle (11. 51-53) ; 
 andTaTtneexc^t given below proves, can be dated Sunday, July, 27,, 
 1399, St. James's Day (July 25) having, in that year, fallen on a 
 Friday.2 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 498/2/3. J At his [Bolingbroke's] comming vnto 
 Doncaster, the earle of Northumberland, and his sonne, sir Henrie 
 
 1 The swift action of the play establishes the Lord Treasurer (Earl of 
 Wiltshire) in Bristol Castle before Eichard's favourites separate. Cp. II. ii. 
 135, 136. 
 
 2 The authority for this date is Eves., 152. 
 
V, RICHARD II. lOl 
 
 Persie, wardens of the marches against Scotland, with the earle of The duke »/ 
 Westmerland, came vnto him; where he sware vrtto those Idrds «thtam 
 
 ' Uyrdt that 
 
 that he would demand no more, but the lands that were to him "'tilS— 
 descended by inheritance from his father,^ and in right of his wife. T^pr^™ 
 Moreouer, he mdertooke to cause the paiinent of taxes and fJSeritanoe. 
 tallages to be laid downe, & to bring the king to good g6uefnment, promised 
 & to remooue from him the Cheshire men, which were enuied of !^"?.* 
 
 ' taxation ; 
 
 manie ; for that the king esteemed of theiin more than of anie BicfeiS°*' 
 
 other; happilie, bicause they were more faithful! to him than ffi™ 
 
 other, readie in all respects to obeift his commandements and disband the 
 
 1 T-i T-v 1 ■ Cheshire- 
 
 pleasure. £ rom Doncaster, haumg now got a mightie armie about ™™J 
 
 him, he marched foorth with all speed through the countries, [He marched 
 
 , T-. 1 fromDon- 
 
 commmg by Eu«sham viito Berkelie : within the space of three ^^^ *<> 
 dales, all the kings castels in those parts were surrendred vnto 
 him. 
 
 The duke of Yorke, whome king Richard had left as gouernour 
 of the realme in his absence, hejiring that his nephue the duke of 
 Lancaster was thus arriued, and had gathered an armie, he also 
 assembled a puissant power of men of armes and archers ; (as tu hmu of 
 
 ,, ihecommont 
 
 before yee haue heard ;) but all was m VElme, for there was not a ^^ouebent 
 
 ■' ;', ' to the duke of 
 
 man that wilUuglie would thrust out one arrow against the duke of f?'^'"'' 
 Lancaster, or his partakers, or in anie wise offend him or his Sdtera 
 freends. The duke of Yorke, therefore, passing foorth towards %ht with 
 Wales to meet the king, at his commiilg' foorth of Ireland, was 
 reoeiued into the castell of Berkelie, and' there remained, till the ?"*■"* 
 
 ' ' Berkeley 
 
 comming thither of the duke of Lancaster, [to] whom (when he <^"^*'®J 
 perceiued that he was not able to resist, on the sundaie, after the 
 feast of saint lames, which, as that yeare came about, fell vpon the 
 fridaie) he came foorth into the church that stood without the 
 
 ' Cp. Northumberland's words (II. iii. 148, 149) : 
 
 " The noble Duke hath swome his comming is 
 But for his owne ; " . . . 
 
 Cp. also what Hotspur (1 Hen. IV., IV. iii. 60-65), and Worcester (1 Em. IV.,_ 
 V. i. 41-46), afterwards said about Bolingbroke's oath. The charge of having 
 transgressed this liniitation, ratified by oath at Doncaster, is'coiitMned in the 
 first article of the Pereies' "quarell" ; a document presented td Henry IV. on 
 the day before the battle of' Shrewsbury. — Hard., 352. But it' appears frbm 
 the excerpt quoted in! the text that Shakspere wronged Bolingbroke, who 
 undertook national reformation also. 
 
flock to 
 Boling- 
 broke.] 
 
 102 V. RICHARD 11. 
 
 [Meeting of castell, and there communed with the duke of Lancaster. With 
 
 BolmgbroKe 
 
 and York.] the duke of T?orke were the bishop of Norwich, the lord Berkelie, 
 
 [Names of l * i 
 
 those who the lord Seimour, and other: with the duke of Lancaster were 
 
 were with ' 
 
 York.] these: Thomas Arundell, archbishop of Canturburie, (that had 
 those who bccne banished.) the abbat of Leicester, the earles of Northumber- 
 
 werewlth 
 
 B<Jmg- land and Westmerland, Thomas Arundell, sonne to Richard, late 
 earle of Arundell, the baron of Greistoke, the lords Willoughbie 
 and Ros, with diuerse other lords, knights, and other people, which 
 
 [Love or fear dailie camc to him from euerie part of the realme : those that 
 
 made people ^ 
 
 came not were spoiled of all they had, so as they were neuer able 
 to recouer themselues againe, for their goods, being then taken 
 awaie, were neuer restored. And thus,- what for loue, and what 
 for feare of losse, they came docking vnto him from euerie part. 
 
 Justifying liislroti^ri" from Tiamshment, Bolingbroke says to York 
 (II. iii. 129, &c.) : 
 
 I am denyed to sue my Liuery here. 
 
 And yet my letters pattents giue me leaue : . . . 130 
 
 And I challenge law : Atturnies are denied me ; 
 
 And therefore personally I lay my claims 
 
 To my inheritance of free descent. 136 
 
 This complaint formed the subject of an article exhibited against 
 Richard in the Parliament which deposed him. 
 
 \Rol. iii. 502/2/16.] 10 Item, before the dukes departure, he 
 [Boiing- [Richard] vnder his broad scale licenced him fBolingbrokel to 
 
 brokedenled •* . L o j 
 
 at^je^to make atturnies to prosecute and defend his causes : the said king, 
 causes.) ^ftcr his departure, would suflfer none atturnie to appeare for him, 
 but did with his at his pleasure.^ 
 
 Act II. sc. iv. — From what follows, Shakspere constructed the 
 dialogue between Salisbury and " a Welch captaine " (II. iv.), whose 
 countrymen, after waiting " ten dayes " (1. 1) in arms, have dispersed, 
 believing Richard to be dead. Richard, as we have seen (p. 100 above), 
 delayed his return from Ireland " till he might haue all his ships, and 
 other prouision, fuUie readie for his passage." ^ 
 
 \TIol. iii. 499/1/32.] In the meane time, he sent the earle of 
 
 ' See p. 91 above. 
 
 ^ Creton says {^Archaaol.., xx. 55-58, 312, 313) that Aumerle treacherously 
 gave Eichard this advice ; and also suggested that Salisbury should oppose 
 Bolingbroke in the field, while thejoyal preparations for return were being 
 made. 
 
V. RICHARD 11. 103 
 
 SaUsburie ouer into England, to gather a power togither, by helpe [Salisbury 
 of the kings freends in Wales, and Cheshire, with all speed |J^*\,^o„ 
 possible ; that they might be readie to assist him against the duke, Sri^° 
 vpon his arriuall, for he meant himselfe to follow the earle, within 
 six dales after. The earle, passing ouer into Wales, landed at 
 Conwaie, and sent foorth letters to the kings freends, both in 
 Wales and Cheshire, to leauie their people, & to come with all 
 speed to assist the K., whose request, with great desire, & very 
 willing minds, they fulfilled, hoping to haue foimd the king him- 
 self at Conwaie ; insomuch that, within foure dales space, there were 
 to the number of fortie thousand ^ men assembled, readie to march [Poijy 
 with the king against his enimies, if he had beene there himselfe in men 
 
 " ° assembled.] 
 
 person. 
 
 But, when they missed the king, there was a brute spred [But when 
 amongst them, that the king was suerlie dead ; which wrought such J^o^''*'g*t 
 an impression, and euill disposition, in the minds of the Welshmen ttomthathe' 
 and others, that, for anie persuasion which the earle of Salisburie M^ftw'^ 
 might vse, they would not go foorth with him, till they saw the wm fourteen 
 
 . , days, tbey 
 
 king : onelie they Were contented to stale foureteene dales to see if dispersed.] 
 he should come or not ; but, when he came not within that tearme, "^ 
 
 they would no longer abide, but scaled & departed awaie ; wheras 
 if the king had come before their breaking vp, no doubt, but they 
 would haue put the duke of Hereford in aduenture of a field: so 
 that the kings lingering of time, before his comming ouer, gaue 
 opportunitie to the duke to bring things to passe as he could haue 
 wished, and tooke from the king all occasion to recouer afterwards- 
 anie forces sufficient to resist him. 
 
 The Wel sh Capt ain makes partial mention (II. iv. 8) of a portent 
 which~mayTiave happened~fi0t"1ong beforFtEe time of this scene. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 496/2/66.] In this yeare in a manner throughout all ^ y)^^ ""' 
 the realme of England, old bale trees withered, and, afterwards, ^s.^'^"'' 
 
 1 Cp. Richard's words (III. ii. 76, 77) when he hears that the Welshmen 
 have dispersed: 
 
 " But now the bloud of 20000. men 
 Did triumph in my face, and they are fled " ; . . . 
 
 Salisbury had told him (I. 70) that the Welshmen numbered twelve thousand. 
 
104 
 
 RICHARD II. 
 
 [Bay trees contrarfe to all mens thinking, grewgreene againe ; a strange sight, 
 and supposed to import some Tnknowne euent. 
 
 Act I ^^ s^ P lAiT*^"^^ ^^' 1399,1 ig t}je historic date on which the 
 Third Act opens. " On the morow after " the day (July 27) ■when 
 York met Bolingbroke at Berkeley, 
 
 The Duke of 
 Lancaster 
 marcheUi to 
 Bristow. 
 
 [Sol. iil. 498/2/61.] the forsaid dukes, with their power, went 
 towards Bristow, where (at their comming) they shewed themselues 
 before the towne & castell ; being an huge multitude of people. 
 There were inclosed within the castell, the lord William Scroope, 
 earle of Wiltshire and treasurer of England, sir Henrie Greene, 
 and sir lohn Bushie, knights, who prepared to make resistance ; 
 but, when it would not preuaile, they were taken and brought 
 foorth bound as prisoners into the campe, before the duke of 
 liancaster. On the morow next insuing, they were arraigned 
 before the constable and marshall, and found giltie of treason, for 
 misgoueming the king and realme ; and foorthwith had their heads 
 smit off. 
 
 At the close of sc. i., Act III., Bolingbroke says : 
 
 Come, Lords, away. 
 To fight with Glendor and his complices : 
 A while to worke, and, after, holidiay !, 
 
 Theobald suspected that the second line of this quotation had been 
 interpolated, because (1) the first and third lines ryme; (2). the second 
 line is, historically, quite out of place. It is true that the earliest 
 recorded foray of Glendower must be dated about a year later than the 
 time with which we are now concerned ; but Shakspere was not bound 
 by chronological fetters. Perhaps the following account of Glendower's 
 attack on Lord Grey of Euthih— ^in the summer of 1400 — is the source 
 of this line, for Holinshed, it will be observed, applied the term 
 " complices " to those who joined the raid. 
 
 Tuweuh- [Hol iiL 5I8/2/53.] In the kings [Henry IV. 'si absence, 
 
 men vebell by 
 
 o/Xct"*"™ T^hilest he was foorth of the realme, in Scotland, against his enimies, 
 
 eiendouer. ^jjg ^^elshmcn tooke occasion to rebell vnder the conduct of their 
 
 capteine Owen Glendouer ; dooing what mischeefe they could 
 
 1 According to Hves. (153), — whom Rol. follows, — Scrope, Bushy, and 
 Greene were arraigned on July 29 ; and (Bot. Pari., iii. 656/i) condemned to 
 death on the same day. Cp. Ott., 205'. IBnt Usk '(24 ; 134) says that Boling- 
 broke did not reach Bristol till July 29. Adam of- 'Usk was at Bristol when 
 Bolingbroke was there in July, 1399.(25 ; ipS). 
 
V. RICHARD II. 105 
 
 deuise vnto their English neighbours. This Owen Glendouer loimBum. 
 was Sonne to an esquier of Wales, named Griffith Vichan: ^^^^^as 
 he dwelled in the parish of Conwaie, within the countie of 
 Merioneth in Northvales, in a place called Glindourwie, which 
 ^s as much to sale in English, as "The vallie by the side of 
 the watef of Dee ; " by occasion whereof he was surnamed 
 G%dour D^w. 
 
 He was first set to studie the lawes of the realme, and became tfe was 
 
 ^ ■ ' • fidinitted to 
 
 an vtter barrester, or an apprentise of the law, (as they terme him^) ^^ontthe 
 and serued king Richard at Flint castell, when he. was taken by bw/ and 
 Henrie duke of Lancaster; though other haue written that he Bi^;tiat 
 
 11... -r-r.iiiiini -i Flint Cfistle. 
 
 serued this kmg Henrie the fourth, before he came to atteme the some say 
 
 ° • thathewaa 
 
 crowne, in roome of an es.quier ; and after, by reason of variance ^°^^^^ 
 that rose betwi:^t him and the lord Reginald Greie of Ruthin, ^i™*' 
 about the lands which he [p. 51,9] clainied to be his by right of [aun- 
 inlferitance, when he saw that he might not preuaile, finding no i^^fk ^i*''' 
 such fauor in his sute as he looked for, he first made warre Kitwn.] 
 against the said lord Greie, wasting his lands and possessions with y^wcosipn 
 fire and sword, cruellie killing his s^ruants and tenants. The king, **'" '" '■'*''^- 
 aduertised of such rebellious exploits,^ enterprised by the said entmhtito 
 Owen, and his vnrulie complices, determined to chastise them, as Z^ng to. 
 disturbers of his peace, and so with an aj-mie entered into Wales ; fa^ ^ 
 l)ut the Welshmen with their capteine withdrew into the mpunteines 
 of Snowdon, so to escape the reuenge, which, the king meant 
 towards them. The king therefore did much hurt in the countries 
 with fire and sword ; sleing diuerse that with weapon in hand came 
 foorth to resist him, and so with a great bootie gf beasts and 
 cattell he returned.^ 
 
 1 Full particulars of Glendower's rebellion reached Henry at Northampton, 
 a]]iqut. September 12-19, 1400. The campaign began soon qr immediately after 
 Septeinher 26, and was over before October 19, 1400. — Wylie. (i. 146-148), 
 citing public records. 
 
 2 According to one story Gtlendpwer " serued king Richard at Flint castelj, 
 when he was taken by Henrie Duke of Lancaster." I venture to suggest that 
 Shakspere — assuming from these words that Glendower was personally attached 
 to theteng — turned the borderstrife with Lord Grey of Ruthin intp warfare on 
 'Richard's behdf. The lines which I c[potp, above. (III. i, 42-44) might have 
 introduced this. lost or oinitted portion of the play, but they are now, I 
 suspect, imperfect and disarranged: th^,rymiiig lines^— which should. end the 
 scene— being out of place, and two talf lines^ at least, having beei\ Ipsji 
 
106 V. RICHAED II. 
 
 fi^ P,t. ITT, aCt_tij;;:j-^r iis^^ excerpt continues the history of Eichard's 
 fortunes, from the time when the Welshmen dispersed. 
 
 [ffol. iii. 499/1/66.] At length, about eighteene dales after 
 that the king had sent from him the earle of Salisburie, he tooke 
 the sea, togither with the dukes of Aumarle, Excester, Surrie, and 
 diuerse others of the nobilitie, with the bishops of London, 
 Lincolne, and CarleilL They landed neere the castell of Barclowlie ^ 
 retu'fLthoui in Wales, about the feast of saint lames the apostle, and staied a 
 and lawuth while iu thc same castell, being aduertised of the great forces 
 
 in WaU>. ' a o ^ 
 
 which the duke of Lancaster had got togither agamst him ; 
 Thorn. Wall, wherewith he was maruellouslie amazed, knowing certeinelie 
 
 that those, which were thus in armes with the duke of Lancaster 
 
 against him, would rather die than giue place, as well for the 
 \^lg hatred as feare which they had conceiued at him. Neuerthe- 
 he went to' Icssc he, departing from Barclowlie, hasted with all speed towards 
 
 Conwaie, where he vnderstoode the earle of Salisburie to be 
 Additumato gtiU remaining. 
 
 Polychron. ° 
 
 He therefore taking with him such Cheshire men as he had 
 with him at that present (in whom all his trust was reposed) he 
 doubted not to reuenge himselfe of his aduersaries, & so at the 
 [News came first he passed with a good courage ; but when he vnderstood, 
 thl^oft'of ^^ ^® went thus forward, that all the castels, euen from the 
 commorS,* bordcrs of Scotland Tuto Bristow, were deliuered vnto the duke of 
 behe^lngof Lancaster; and that likewise the nobles and commons, as well 
 ciiiorsat of the south parts, as the north, were fuUie bent to take part 
 
 Bristol.] . . . . 
 
 with the same duke against him ; and further, hearing how his 
 K. RiciMTd, trustie councellors had lost their heads at Bristow, he became so 
 dLlaire, greatlic discomforted, that sorowfullie lamenting his miserable 
 Boidierato state, he vtterlie despaired of his owne safetie, and calling his 
 
 return to ' _ » o 
 
 theirhomes.] armic togithcr, which was not small, licenced euerie man to 
 depart to his home. 
 
 ' " Castrum de Hertlowli in Wallia."— JJws., 149. Williams {Trms. 188, 
 note) supposed this place to be Harlech Castle, Merionethshire. According 
 to Usk (27 ; 137), and the text of Trms. (41 ; 188), Eichaxd landed at 
 Pembroke. The Lebaud and Ambassade MSS. of Trais. (Trais. 41, note 
 6), Creton (Archaeol.xx.lS ; 321), and Ott. (206) have Milford as Eichard's 
 landing-place. 
 
V. EICHAED II. 107 
 
 The souldiers, being well bent to fight in his defense, besought [Though 
 mm to be of good cheere, promising with an oth to stand with him 1"^^,*^ 
 against the duke, and all his partakers vnto death ; but this could ^'^^i^^ard 
 not incourage him at all, so that, in the night next insuing, he amaufnm 
 stole from his armie, and, with the dukes of Excester and emdtSih 
 Surrie, the bishop of Carleill, and sir Stephan Scroope, and about J«»«. 
 halfe a score others, he got him to the castell of Conwaie,^ where 
 he found the earle of Salisburie ; determining there to hold 
 himseUe, till he might see the world at some better stale ; for 
 what counsell to take to remedie the mischeefe thus pressing 
 vpon him he wist not. 
 
 Act III, sc. iii. — The scene is laid before Flint Castle. After 
 relating tJtie cause ot Richard's departure from Conway, and describing 
 the ambush on the journey (see note 1), Holinshed proceeds : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 6OO/2/71.J King Richard being thus come vnto the 
 castell of Flint, on the mondaie, the eighteenth of August, and the j^nf castie 
 duke of Hereford being still aduertised from houre to houre by im)]^*' 
 posts, [p. 501] how the earle of Northumberland sped, ther morow 
 following being tuesdaie, and the nineteenth of August,* he came 
 thither, & mustered his armie before the kings presence ; which [Boiing- 
 
 , broke 
 
 vndoubtedlie made a passing faire shew, being verie well ordered g"^®* 
 
 by the lord Henrie Persie, that was appointed generall, or rather ^J™*^ 
 
 (as we male call him) master of the campe, vnder the duke, ■*°s-^®-J 
 of the whole armie. . . . 
 
 * In a sidenote against this passage Richard is said to have withdrawn to 
 " the castell of Flint," after deserting his army ; and at the close of sc. ii., Act 
 III., he exclaims: 
 
 " Go to Flint Castle, there He pine away ; . . . 
 That power I haue, discharge," . . . 
 
 We learn from Creton (ArchMeol. xx. 129-149 ; 349-366), whom Hoi. sub- 
 sequently follows, that Northumberland decoyed Richard from Conway Castle 
 to a part of the road between Conway and Flint, where an ambush was laid. 
 On reaching this spot the Kins was obliged to proceed to Flint, which was in 
 the possession of Northumbenand's troops. Tra/is. (47-52 ; 196-201) has the 
 same story, with less detail. These authorities place the meeting of Richard 
 and Bolingbroke at Flint Castle. Usk (27 ; 138, 139), Ott. (207, 208), and 
 Weds. (ii. 233, 234), agree that Richard left Conway and met Bolingbroke at 
 Flint Castle. But, according to JSves., Richard, forsaking his army, betook 
 himself to Flint Castle (150), whence, after some negotiation, be departed to 
 Conway Castle, where Bolingbroke met him (154, 155). 
 
 * This date is derived from Eves., 155. 
 
108 V. EICHARD II. 
 
 ™teS "^^^ ^"*S • • " ^*® walking aloft on the braies i of the wals, to 
 
 of the!S^m|.) t»ehold the comming of the duke a farre off. 
 
 I Shakspere altered the time, place, and purpose of Northumberland's 
 mission. That mission had for its object the beguilement of Eichard 
 ' from Conway to Flint, where he would be in Bolingbroke's power. I 
 (begin the following excerpt — ^which contains the outline of III. iii. 
 31-126 — at the time when Northumberland — entrusted with the 
 difficult task of persuading Richard to leave Conway Castle — 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 500/2/14.] came before the towne, and then sending 
 
 an herald to the king, requested a safe conduct from the king, that 
 
 he might come and talke with him ; which the king granted, and so 
 
 ifi^thu'^er- the earle of N^orthumberland, passing the water, entred the castell, 
 
 lamU mat- , , 1 ■§ < 11 ■• 1. 1 ' n * "i i 
 
 TOffe to the and comming to the king, declared to him, that, it it might please 
 
 would* ^^ grace to vndertake, that there should be a parlement assembled, 
 
 ISo^a ^ *^^ which iustice might be had against such as were enimies to 
 
 i^'^"*' the common-wealth, and had procured the destruction of the duke 
 
 aMi^ of Glocester, and other noblemen, and herewith pardon the duke 
 
 pardon, 
 
 Boiingiroke of Hereford of all things wherin he had offended him, the duke 
 
 would ^ 
 
 Ei^hSd's would be readie to come to him on Ms knees,^ to craue of him 
 su^ct.*] forgiuenesse, and, as an humble subiect, to obeie him in all dutifuU 
 seruices. 
 
 The excerpt illustrating the rest of the scene is an account of what 
 happened at Flint, on a later date. When Bolingbroke approached the 
 castle, he 
 
 \Hol. iii. 501/1/62.] compassed it round about,- euen^ downe to- 
 
 tlie sea, with his people ranged in good and seemelie order at the 
 
 [Again foot of the mounteius : and then the earle of Northumberland,, 
 
 ascending to 
 
 ffiotod^'saw P^'Ssing foorth of the castell to the duke, talked with him a while 
 ibr^e^aarmy i^ sight of the king, being againe got vp to the walles, to take 
 theMBtie, better view of the armie, being now aduanced within two bowe 
 
 ' Creton — Bbl.'s authority for this passage — says that Richard " monta sur 
 les murs dudit chastel [of Flint], g^ui sont grans: & larges par dedens" 
 {Ardiaml. xx. 370). Cp, the stage- direction (1.61): "The trumpets sound, 
 Richard (Mmeareth on the avails." 
 
 2 Cp. m. iii. 112,&c.: 
 
 " His comming hither hath no further scope 
 Theji for his lineall roialties, and to beg: 
 Infranchisement immediate onhis.knees." 
 
V. RICHARD II. 109 
 
 shootes of the castell, to the small reioising (ye may be sure") of and NoHh- 
 
 o w ■; / umberland 
 
 the sorowfull king. The earle of Northumberland, returning to ^"s '"*'' 
 the castell, appointed the king to be set to dinner (for he was 
 fasting till then) and, after he had dined, the duke came downe 
 to the castell himselfe, and entred the same all armed, his rwithinthe 
 
 ' ' flrst gate of 
 
 bassenet onelie excepted ; and being within the first gate, he Boitagbroke 
 staled there, till the king came foorth of the inner part of the mc£i 
 castell Tuto him. 
 
 The king, accompanied with the bishop of Carleill, the earle 
 of Salisburie, and sir Stephan Scroope, knighfc,^-(who bare the 
 sword before him,) and a few other, came foorth into the vtter tTiieyineet 
 
 ' ' ' in the outer 
 
 ward, and sate downe in a place prepared for him. Foorthwith, ""^^ 
 as the duke got sight of the king, he shewed a reuerend dutie ^heduke$ 
 
 o o o> behauwur to 
 
 as -became him^ in bowing his knee,^ and, comming forward, did J^*™""' 
 so likewise the second and third time, till the king tooke him '"'"'"»• 
 by the hand, and lift him yp, saieng: "Deere cousine, ye are 
 " welcome." The duke, humblie thanking him, said : " My soue- y''« <2«*e» 
 
 ' o I J demand 
 
 " reigne lord and king, the cause of my comming at this present, J];^™* ^"3 
 " is (your honor saued) to haue againe restitution of my person, fands^knd 
 " my lands and heritage, through your fauourable licence." The wM^^t^d 
 king herynto answered : " Deere cousine, I am readie to accom- ^ 
 "plish your will, so that ye may inioy all that is yours, without 
 "exception." 
 
 Meeting thus togither, they came foorth of the castell, and the 
 king there called for wine, and, after they had dronke, they mounted aiA tuduu 
 on horssebacke, and rode [ — halting at eleyen places on the way — ^1 toguh^r 
 to London : . . . london. 
 
 1 Yorkj wliom Shakspere brings into this scene, was not at Flint. He was 
 then, perhaps, at Bristol. — Hoi. 500/i/i2 ; Eves. 153. Before the date of this 
 scene, Amnerle — who is named amongst Richard's friends in III. ii. 27 — went 
 over to Bolingbroke.— Cp. Eol. 6OO/1/57, &c. : Trais. 46; 194: Eves.- 154. 
 Anmerle was present at a meeting between Richard and - Archbishop Arundel, 
 which took place after Richard had been " walking aloft on the IwaieSj" and; 
 before. Bolingbroke drew near and surrounded Flint Castle. When the con- 
 ference was ended, Aumerle returned with Arundel to Bolingbroke.— BToJ. 
 501/1/8, &c.: Arehaeoi. xx. 157-159; 370, 371. 
 
 2 Cp. III. iii. 190, 191 : 
 
 " Faire coosen, you debase your princdy knee, 
 To make the base earth proud with kissing it : " . . . 
 
110 
 
 V, RICHARD II. 
 
 p — Act II|I p sp. iy.— - This scene — which is wholly of Shakspere's in- 
 vention — has been laid by editors at King's Langley (Herts.), the seat 
 of York, to whom Bolingbroke says (III. i. 36) : " Vncle, you say the 
 \ Queene is at your house." The gardener's words (III. iv. 68-70) show 
 ] that the historic time is shortly before September 30, 1399, the day of 
 I Richard's deposition. Queen Isabelle was then, perhaps, at Wallingford 
 L. Castle, Berks.i 
 
 Act IV..^c^ .'.i~ " J^nter BuUingbfooke with the Lords to parlia- 
 ment," is the stage direction which heads the Eourth Act. A 
 Parliament, simimoned in Richard's name, met at "Westminster on 
 September 30, 1399, deposed the King, elected Bolingbroke as his 
 successor, and dissolved on the same day. On October 13, Henry IV. 
 was crowned, and, on the following day, a new Parliament, summoned 
 in his name, assembled at Westminster. ^ If we regard Act IV., sc. i., 
 11. 1-90, from a historical point of view, the latter Parliament was 
 sitting when Bolingbroke enters, and, calling for Sir William Bagot, 
 thus addresses him ; 
 
 Now, Bagot, freely speake thy mind ; 
 What thou doest know of noble Gloucesters death, 
 Who wrought it with the King, and who performde 4 
 
 > The bloudy office of his timeles end. 
 
 We lost sight of Bagot on the eve of his flight to Ireland (II. ii. 
 141). Thence he had been brought fettered to London, and im- 
 prisoned.3 On Thursday, October 16, 1399, the Commons " rehearsed 
 all the errors of the last parlement holden in the one and twentith 
 yeare of king Richard [1397-98], & namelie in certeine fiue of them." 
 Of these "errors" the third was that "the duke of Glocester was 
 murthered, and after foreiudged" (Hoi. 5II/2/14). On the same day 
 Bagot was placed at the bar of the House, and a statement,* drawn up 
 by him, was read, from which I quote two clauses illustrating IV. i. 
 10-19 ; adding thereto the sources of 11. 33-90. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 512/1/6.] . . . there was no man in the realme to 
 whom king Eichard was so much beholden, as to the duke of 
 
 1 On July 12, 1399, the Queen was at Wallingford Castle, Berks. — Bymer, 
 viii. 83. On January 6, 1400, she was at Sonning, Berks.— OM., 225. 
 
 2 Uves., 156, 157, 160, 161. Parliament was summoned, in Henry's name, 
 to meet on October 6, but no business was done on that day. — Bot Pari iii. 
 415/1-2. 
 
 2 Usk, 28 ; 140. Fab. (565) says that Bagot was a prisoner in the Tower- 
 at this time. 
 
 * The excerpts relating to Bagot's charges, and the subsequent appeals, are 
 in MS. Bodl. 2376. f. ccvii. b. & seq., translated in Archaeol. xx. 275, &c. 
 That part of the MS. which contained the charges themselves is missing, but 
 the portion embracing my excerpt beginning with the words " On the satur- 
 daie," is perfect. Comparison of what is left shows that Sol. followed this 
 authority. Fab.'s account (565-567) of the Bagot incident, though varying in 
 details, is substantially the same as Hol.'s. 
 
V. RICHARD II. Ill 
 
 Aumarle : for he was the man that, to fulfill his mind, had set him ^JiS^"^^ 
 in hand -with all that was doone against the said duke, and the betajoon' 
 other lords. . . . There was also conteined in the said bill, that camoestor-s 
 Bagot had heard the duke of Aumarle say, that he had rather than [and of J 
 twentie thousand pounds that the duke of Hereford were dead ; not h*^ 
 for anie feare he had of him, but for the trouble and mischeefe 20,000 
 
 pounds that 
 
 that he was like to procure within the realme. weJ?lS* 
 
 After that the bill had beene read aad heard, the duke of The duke of 
 
 Auma/rle hia 
 
 Aumarle rose vp and said, that as touching the points conteined ^"^^J^f" 
 in the bill concerning him, they were vtterlie false and vntrue ; 
 which he would proue with his bodie, in what manner soeuer it 
 should be thought requisit. . . . 
 
 On the saturdaie next insuing [Oct. 18], sir William Bagot and ^"f"j^^, 
 the said John Hall ^ were brought both to the barre, and Bagot was *" '** ''""''• 
 examined of certeine points, and sent againe to prison. The lord 
 Fitzwater herewith rose vp, and said to the king, that where the 
 duke of Aumarle excuseth himselfe of the duke of Glocester's Theim-d 
 
 Fitzwater 
 
 death, "I say" (quoth he) "that he was the verie cause of his "^^feo/ 
 
 "death" ; and so he appealed him of treason, offering by throwing jteS'f.ta 
 
 downe his hood as a gage to proue it with his bodie. There were Gimeestel-s 
 
 twentie other lords also that threw downe their hoods, as pledges throws down 
 
 a gage of 
 
 to proue the like matter against the duke of Aumarle. The duke tattie.] 
 of Aumarle threw downe his hood to trie it against the lord other lorfs 
 
 did the 
 
 Fitzwater, as against him that lied falselie, in that he had charged ^^• 
 him with, by that his appeale. These gages were deliiiered to the l^tJ^*"^**^ 
 constable and marshall of England, and the parties put vnder SSilngeby 
 
 , throwing 
 
 arrest. down a 
 
 The duke of Surrie stood vp also against the lord Fitzwater, 
 auouching that where he had said that the appellants were causers 
 of the duke of Glocesters death, it was false, for they were con- gtirrey said 
 
 * that Fitz- 
 
 strained to sue the same appeale, in like manner as the said lord ^i^°^^^ 
 Fitzwater was compelled to giue iudgement against the duke of ftoewdo^ 
 Glocester, and the earle of Arundell; so that the suing of the *^*°*-' 
 appeale was doone by constraint, and if he said contrarie he lied : 
 
 » A former valet of Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk. Hall was, by his 
 own confession, present at the murder of Gloucester. — Bot Pari., iii. 453/i. 
 
112 
 
 RICHARD II. 
 
 [Amnerle 
 threw' down 
 a borrowed 
 gage of 
 battle 
 against 
 Norfolk, 
 who 
 
 accused him 
 of sending 
 two servants 
 to murder 
 Gloucester.] 
 
 [Norfolk was 
 licensed to 
 return, that 
 he might 
 arraign his 
 appeale.] 
 
 and therewith he threw downe his hood. The lord Fitzwater 
 answered herevnto, that he was not present in the parlement 
 house, when iudgement was giuen against them, and all the lords 
 bare witnesse thereof. Moreouer, where it was alledged that the 
 duke of Aumarle should send two of his seruants to Calls, to 
 murther the duke of Glocester, the said duke of Aumarle said, that 
 if the duke of Norfolke aflBrme it, he lied falselie, and that he 
 would proue with his bodie ; throwing downe an other hood which 
 he had borowed. The same was likewise deliuered to the 
 constable and marshall of England,^ and the king licenced the 
 duke of Norfolke to returne, that he might arraigne his appeale. 
 
 In agreement with the last sentence of these excerpts, Shakspere 
 makes Bolingbroke promise that Norfolk shall be recalled from exile, 
 to answer Aumerle's challenge. Carlisle says that Norfolk is dead 
 (IV. i. 86-102). Norfolk's death is thus noticed by Holinshed : ^ 
 
 [Hcl. iii. 514/1/73.] This yeare [1399] Thomas Mowbraie, duke 
 of Norffolke, died in exile at Venice ; whose death might haue 
 beene worthilie bewailed of all the realme, if he had not beene 
 consenting to the death of the duke of Glocester. 
 
 Holinshed does not tell us that Norfolk joined crusades 
 
 Against black Pagans, Turkes, and Saracens ; 
 
 but Shakspere may have transferred to Bolingbroke's foe the honour, 
 which Bolingbroke had himself acquired through warfare with 
 ; "miscreants." In 1390 a small corps of Englishmen formed part of 
 an army-^commanded by Lewis Duke of Bourbon, uncle of Charles 
 VI. — which besieged Africa, a fortress seventy miles distant from 
 Tunis. 
 
 [Poiydore [Sol. iii. i7S/i/6g.] Where, by Polydm' Virgil it may seeme, 
 
 t^fBoung- that the lord Henrie of Lancaster, earle of Derbie,* should be 
 mandedthe captcinc of the English men, that (as before ye haue heard) went 
 *n'lS-^'*r into Barbaric with the Frenchmen, and Genowais. It should 
 
 oiAmca.] ' 
 
 The death of 
 the duke of 
 NorJ^olke. 
 
 1 Northumberland was Constable. — Dugdale, i. 2'78/i. The Marshal was 
 Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland. — Dugdale, i. 298/i. 
 
 2 Norfolk died on September 22, 1399.-1^2. p. m. 1 H. IV— 71 (O. B.). 
 
 3 Polyd: Verg. has the support of St. Denys (i. 652), — written by a contem- 
 porary of Bolingbroke, — which records that a small band of Englishmen went 
 to the siege of Africa "cum comite Delby (sic) anglico. Alio duels Lencastrie." 
 Frois. (xii. 255) — whom Hoi. had previously cited — does not mention Boling- 
 broke's presence, but says that "messire Jean, dit Beaufort, flls bS,tard au duo 
 de Lancastre " was at the siege of Africa iii 1390. 
 
V. RICHARD il. 113 
 
 otherwise appeare by other writers, who afflrftie that the said earle ■^imuot 
 made a iournie in deed the same time against the miscreants ; not ^M*to 
 into Barbarie, but into Prutzenland, where he shewed good proofe os/aiMt «»« 
 01 nis noble and vahant courage : pntfem- 
 
 The appeals of battle having been adjourned (11. 104-106), York 
 enters with the news that Eichard has abdicated. On August 31 0), 
 1399, the day after his arrival in London, Eichard was conveyed to 
 the Tower,^ where 
 
 \Hol. iii. 503/1/47.] diuerse of the kings seruants, which by 
 licence had accesse to his person, comforted him (being with sorrow 
 almost consumed, and in manner halfe dead) in the best wise they 
 could, exhorting him to regard his health, andTsaue his life. 
 
 And first, they aduised him willinglie to sufifer himselfe to be The. ung u 
 deposed, and to resigne his right of his owne accord, so that the ««««« «*« 
 
 ° ° ' CT'OOTie to the 
 
 duke of Lancaster might without murther or battell obteine the '*'''*'• 
 scepter and diademe, after which (they well perceiued) he gaped : 
 by meane whereof they thought he might be in perfect assurance 
 of his life long to continue. Whether this their persuasion pro- 
 ceeded by the suborning of the duke of Lancaster and his 
 fauourers, or of a sincere aflFection which they bare to the king, as 
 supposing it most sure in such an extremitie, it is vncerteine ; but 
 yet the effect followed not, howsoeuer their meaning was : notwith- 
 standing, the king,, ifiing now in the hands of his enimies, and 
 vtterlie des^airjngjof^all comfort, was easilie persuaded to renounce 
 his'crowne and ^princelie preEemmencer so that^in^Hope of life 
 onelie^Iie-agreed^_to_all tHngs that were of him demanded. And 
 so (as it should seeme by the copie of an liistrument hereafter 
 following) he renounced and voluntarilie was deposed from his 
 roiall crowne and kinglie dignitie ; the mondaie being the nine and 
 twentith dale of September, and feast of S. Michaell the archangell, [Richard 
 
 . abdicated on 
 
 in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and m the three and twentith yeare st.MiohaeVs 
 
 •' ' •' Day, 1399.] 
 
 of his reigne. 
 
 The news, that Eichard has yielded his sceptre to Bolingbroke 
 (U. 107-110), should be compared with the testimony of witnesses 
 present at Jhe abdication, as to what followed the King's reading aloud 
 of the instrument mentioned in the preceding excerpt. 
 
 » Eves., 155, 156. 
 
114 
 
 EICHARD II. 
 
 [Bicliaid 
 wished to be 
 succeeded 
 by Boling- 
 broke.] 
 
 tBoling-' 
 broke stood 
 up, and 
 crossed 
 himself.] 
 
 [Hol. iii. 504/2/39.] Not foorthwith, in our presences and 
 others, he subscribed the same, and after deliuered it vnto the < 
 archbishop of Canturburie, saieng that if it were in his power, or 
 at his assignement, he would that the duke of Lancaster there 
 present should be his successour, and king after him . . .: desiring 
 and requiring the archbishop of Yorke, & the bishop of Hereford, 
 to shew and make report vnto the lords of the parlement of his 
 Toluntarie resignation, and also of his intent and good mind that 
 he bare towards his cousin the duke of Lancaster, to haue him his 
 successour and their king after him.^ ^ 
 
 When York has announced Richard's abdication, Bolingbroke says 
 (1. 112) : > 
 
 -^ In Gods name He ascend tlie regcM throne. 
 
 With reference to these words I quote the following passages, 
 showing how, on September 30, after hearing the sentence of Richard's 
 deposition read, Parliament elected Bolingbroke as his successor. 
 
 \Hol. iii. 505/2/28.] Immediatlie as the sentence was in this 
 wise passed, and that by reason thereof the realme stood void 
 without head or gouernour for the time, the duke of Lancaster, 
 rising from the place where before he sate, and standing where all 
 those in the house might behold him, in reuerend manner made a 
 signe of the crosse on his forh^ad, and likewise on his brest, and, 
 after silence by an officer commanded, said vnto the people, there 
 being present, these words following. 
 
 The duke of Lancaster laieth challenge 
 
 or cla/ime to the crovme. 
 " In the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, & of the Holie- 
 
 ' Bichard and the commissioneTs appointed to receive his abdication met 
 in the forenoon of September 29, — the abdication took place in the afternoon 
 of the same day, — " where was rehearsed vnto the king by the mouth of the 
 foresaid earle of Northumberland, that, before time at (jonwaie [? Flint] in 
 Northwales, the king being there at his pleasure and libertie, promised vnto 
 the archbishop of Canterburie, then Thomas Arundell, and vnto the said earle 
 of Northumberland, that he, for insufflciencie which he knew himselfe to be 
 of to occupie so great a charge as to goueme the realme of England, he would 
 gladlie leaue of and renounce his right and title, as well of that as of his title 
 to the crowne of France, and his maiestie roiall, vnto Henrie Duke of Here- 
 ford ; and that to doo in such conuenient wise, as by the learned men of this 
 land it should most sufiScientlie be deuised and ordained." — Hoi. 608/2/46 
 (Hot. Pari, iii. 416/2). 
 
V. RICHARD II. 115 
 
 "ghost. I Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England and 
 
 " the crowne, with all the appurtenances, as I that am descended by 
 
 " right line of the blood comming from that good lord king Henrie - 
 
 "the third ; and through the right that God of his grace hath sent ' 
 
 "me, with the helpe of my kin, and of my freends, to recouer the 
 
 "same, which" was in point to be vndoone for default of good 
 
 "gouernance and due iustice." 
 
 After these words thus hy him vttered, he returned and sate 
 Ijim downe in the place where before he had sitten. Then the SS^°"* 
 lords hauing heard and well perceiued this claime thus made by SStaiin'of 
 this noble man, ech of them asked of other what they thought **°'''*™^ 
 therein. At length, after a little pausing or stale made, the arch- 2j« *!mam<i 
 bishop of Canturburie, hauing notice of the minds of the lords, ^^^Xmn 
 stood vp & asked the commons if they would assent to the lords, «i„,, 
 which in their minds thought the claime of the duke made, to be 
 rightfull and necessarie for the wealth of the realme and them all : 
 whereto the commons with one voice cried, " Yea vea vea ' " f"** 
 
 ' ' •/ * «7 ■ commons 
 
 After which answer, the said archbishop, going to the duke, and ySfy^^"'"' 
 kneeling downe before him on his knee, addressed to him all his 
 purpose in few words. The which when he had ended, he rose, &, ^Tiom- wau. 
 taking the duke by the right hand, led him vnto the kings seate, h^^"^ 
 (the archbishop of Yorke assisting him,) and with great reuerence ^e^" ™ 
 set him therein, after that the duke had first vpon his knees made *• "''■i 
 his praier in deuout manner vnto almightie God. 
 
 Shakspere has antedated Carlisle's speech,^ if we assume it to have 
 been delivered on or about " wednesdaie following " the day (Saturday, 
 October 18, 1399) on which Aumerle was appealed by Fitz-Walter. 
 
 My next excerpt comprises the part of Carlisle's speech paraphrased 
 by Shakspere (IV. i. 117-135). 
 
 \Eol. iii, 512/2/29.] On wednesdaie [Oct. 22, 1399] following, 
 
 * The authenticity of this speech is doubtful. According to the writer of 
 Traia. — the earliest known authority for it — the speech was delivered on 
 October 1 (70 ; 220) ; if we are to understand " lendemain " as having refer- 
 ence to September 30, the date immediately preceding. But, as Mr. WUliams 
 pointed out (JVom., 221, note), Carlisle's protest seems more apposite if we 
 suppose that it was made on October 23, when, in a secret committee, North- 
 umberland asked the peers, " what should be done with Richard lately King, 
 saving his life, which ICing Henry wished by all means to be held sacred ? " — 
 JBo<. FaA., iii. 426/2. The excerpt, " On wednesdaie . . . was granted," is in 
 Bodl. MS. 2376 {Archmol. xx. 279, 280), 
 
116 
 
 RICHARD n. 
 
 John Stow. 
 
 Thertquesi 
 of the 
 
 Ball. 
 A bold 
 biahop and 
 a faithful 
 [was 
 Carlisle, 
 whoai^ed 
 (I)tlia.t 
 Bicbaid 
 Iwing their 
 Borereagn, 
 thelioids 
 conld not 
 judge him; 
 (2) it were 
 Q^ji2stto 
 
 him in bis 
 absence]. 
 
 fWhen 
 Carlisle had 
 
 speech, he 
 
 was 
 
 arrested.] 
 
 request was made by the commons, that sith king Richard had 
 resigned, and was lawfiillie deposed from his roiall dignitie, he 
 might haue iudgement decreed^against him, so as the reahue were 
 not troubled by him, and that the causes of his deposing might be 
 published through the realme for satisfieng of the people : which 
 demand was granted. Wherevpon the bishop of Carleill, a man 
 both learned, wise, and stout of stomach, boldlie shewed foorth 
 his opinion concerning that demand; affirming that there was 
 none amongst them woorthie or meet to giue iudgement vpon so 
 noble a prince as king Richard was, whom they had taken for their 
 souereigne and liege lord, by the space of two & twentie yeares 
 and more : " And I assure you " (said he) " there is not so ranke a 
 "traitor, nor so errant a theef, nor yet so cruell a murtherer 
 " apprehended or deteined in prison for his offense, but he shall be 
 " brought before the iustice to heare his iudgement ; and will ye 
 "proceed to the iudgement of an anointed king, hearing neither 
 "his answer nor excuse? I say, that the duke of Lancaster, whom 
 "ye call king [Cp. 1. 134j, hath more trespassed to K. Richard & 
 "his realme, than king Richard hath doone either to him, or 
 "vs: " ... As soone as the bishop had ended this tale, he was 
 attached by the earle marshall, and committed to ward in the 
 abbeie of saint Albons. 
 
 When Carlisle has been arrested, Bolingbroke says : 
 Fetch hither Kichard, that in common view 
 He may surrender ; so we shall proceede 156 
 
 Without suspition. 
 
 Afterwards Northumberland desires Kichard to read 
 
 These Accusations, and these grieuous Crymes 
 Committed by your Person, and your followers, 224 
 
 Against the State and Profit of this land ; 
 That, by confessing them, the Soules of men 
 May deeme that you are worthily depos'd. 
 
 The official acts, which have been dramatized in " the Parliament 
 Sceane," are thus described : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 504/2/6O.J Upon the morrow after, being tuesdaie, 
 and the last dale of September, all the lords spirituall and 
 temporall, with the commons of the said parlement, assembled at 
 Westminster, where, in the presence of them, the archbishop of 
 
V. RICHARD 11. 117 
 
 Yorke, and the bishop of Hereford, according to the kings request, [Richard's 
 shewed vnto them the voluntarie renouncing of the king, with the "hft Boiln^'' 
 fauour also which he bare to his cousine of Lancaster to haue him Boooe^fium, 
 his successour. And moreouer shewed them the schedule or bill t^p^^* 
 of renouncement, signed with king Richards owne hand; which °'*''' 
 they caused to be read first in Latine, as it was written, and after 
 in English. This doone, the question was first asked of the lords, 
 if they would admit and allow that renouncement : the which when 
 it was of them [». 506] granted and confirmed, the like question was ^- fiicharda 
 
 "-* -^ *-' ' -^ resignation 
 
 asked of the commons, and of them in like manner confirmed. ^^'^/^ 
 After this, it was then declared, that, notwithstanding the foresaid 
 renouncing, so by the lords and commons admitted and confirmed, ^^^^li^h \ 
 it were necessarie, in auoiding of all suspicions and surmises of ^^^^ere 
 euill disposed persons, to haue in writing and registred the upland ™ 
 manifold crimes and defaults before doone by king Richard, to the read.] ! 
 
 end that they might first be openlie declared to the people, and ,,^ 
 
 after to remaine of record amongst other of the kings records for 
 euer. 
 
 All this was doone accordinglie, for the articles, which before 
 yee haue heard, were drawne and ingrossed vp, and there shewed 
 readie to be read ; but, for other causes more needfuU as then to 
 be preferred, the reading of those articles at that season was 
 deferred. 
 
 Holinshed thus prefaces the "Articles" which Northumberland 
 desires Richard to "reade o're" (1. 243) : 
 
 [Sol. 111.5021 1 18.] . . . manie heinous points of misgouernance 
 and iniurious dealings in the administration of his kinglie office, 
 were laid to the charge of this noble prince king Richard : the 
 which (to the end the commons might be persuaded, that he was 
 
 , [Richard's 
 
 an vnprofitable prince to the common-wealth, and worthie to be '''i™^!,!^?™ \ 
 deposed) were ingrossed vp in 33 solemne articles. ^' articiefc^l j 
 
 Perhaps Richard's manual surrender of his crown (11. 181-189) is a 
 dramatic version of a symbolical transfer made by him in the Tower, 
 on September 29, after he had expressed a wish that Bolingbroke — who 
 was present — might be his successor. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 6O4/2/45.] And, in token heereof, he tooke a ring of 
 
118 V. RICHARD II. 
 
 gold from his finger, being his signet, and put it vpon the said 
 dukes [Bolingbroke's] finger, . . . 
 
 But Froissart (xiv. 222, 223) describes how, in the presence of 
 
 " lords, dukes, prelates, erles, barones, and knyghts, and of the notablest 
 
 men of london & of other good townes," Richard, " aparelled like a 
 
 king in his robes of estate, his sceptre in his hand, & his croun on his 
 
 hed," delivered the sceptre to Bolingbroke, and then " toke the crowen 
 
 fro his head with both his hands, and set it before him, & sayd : ' Fair 
 
 Ws^^^t'"* ' •'osyn, Henry duke of Lancaster, I geue and deliuer you this crowne 
 
 ring upon ' wherewyth I was crowned king of England, and therewith all the 
 
 broS? 'right there to dependynge.'" — Berner's Froissart, 1525, vol. ii. fol. 
 
 finger.] cccxiiii. 
 
 On the afternoon of September 29, 1399, Bolingbroke, Northumber- 
 land, William, Abbot of Westminster, and other witnesses, met " in 
 the cheefe chamber of the kings lodging," at the Tower (Hoi. iii. pp. 
 503, 504), before whom Richard, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 504/1/19.] T^ith glad countenance . . . said openlie 
 that he was readie to renounce and resigne all his kinglie maiestie 
 in maner and forme as he before had promised. And although he 
 had and might sufficientlie haue declared his renouncement by the 
 reading of an other meane person ; yet, for the more suertie of the 
 matter, and for that the said resignation should haue his full force 
 and strength, himselfe therefore read the scroll of resignation, in 
 maner and forme as foUoweth. 
 
 '~ 'By this official document, — which has a remote general likeness to 
 his speech in IV. i. 204-215, — Richard absolved his subjects from their 
 allegiance, resigned his crown and lordships, renounced the style and 
 
 . honours of a king, and acknowledged that he was justly deposed. 
 
 L In regard to Richard's words (11. 255-257), — 
 
 I haue no Name, no Title, 
 No, not that Name was giuen me at the Font, 
 But tis vsurpt, — 
 
 the late Rev. W. A. Harrison pointed out {Transactions of the New 
 Shakspere Society, 1880-82, p. 59*) two passages in Trdison, whence it 
 appears that Richard, after his abdication, was styled "lehan de 
 Bordeaulx qui fu nomme Roy Richart Dengleterre" (71, 72), and 
 " lehan de Londres lequel fu nomme Richart " (94). After his capture 
 the Londoners called him a bastard {Trais., 64) ; and Bolingbroke, 
 conversing with the fallen King in the Tower, before the abdication, 
 spoke of Richard's illegitimacy as a common rumour {Froia,, xiv. 219, 
 220). We learn from Ann. R. II.— H. IV. (237, 238) that Richard, 
 being in danger of death, was hastily baptized by the name of John, 
 but afterwards, in compliment to his godfather Richard King of the 
 Majorcas, "confirmatus fuit pfer Episcopum, vocatusque 'Hicardus.'" 
 
«u*» n n 
 
 cdmitted to 
 thi tower. 
 
 V. RICHAED II. 119 
 
 I have not found this story anent Richard's name in chronicles 
 
 published before 1608, when the Parliament Scene was first printed. 
 
 While heis gazing into the mirror (11. 281-283), Richard says : 
 
 Was this Face the Face 
 That euery day, vnder his House-hold Roofe, 
 Did keepe ten thousand men ? 
 
 Holinshed speaks thus of the King's lavish household expenditure : x 
 
 [Hoi. ill. 508/ 1 /S.] He kept the greatest port, and mainteined flim-W 
 the most plentiful! house, that euer any king in England did either , j 
 before his time or since. For there resorted dailie to his court WheLohu 
 
 _ Jliou8€-keep- 
 
 aboue ten thousand persons that had meat and drinke therp^^^^"* 
 allowed them. 
 
 Shakspere has postdated Richard's committal to the Tower (1. 316)7 
 According to Holinshed : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 501/2/63.] The next day after his comming to ^^S, 
 London, the king from Westminster was had to the Tower,^ and 
 there committed to safe custodie. 
 
 I know not why Bolingbroke should "solemnly set downe" his ; 
 coronation on " Wednesday next " (11. 319, 320). He was crowned on 
 Monday, October 13, 1399; as appears from Holinshed, who records \ 
 Bolingbroke's coronation on " saint Edwards daie, and the thirteenth ; 
 of October" (5II/1/24), and says (6II/1/71): "The solemnitie of the 
 coronation being ended, the morow after being tuesdaie, the parlement 
 began againe." 
 
 The first Parliament of Henry IV. entailed the crown upon him 
 and the heirs of his body. Holinshed relates this settlement, and thus 
 alludes to the impending plot of the Abbot of Westminster, broached 
 at the close of Act IV ^ 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 514/1/22.] By force of this act king Henrie thought 
 
 himselfe firmelie set on a sure foundation, not needing to feare any 
 
 storme of aduerse fortune. But yet shortlie after he was put hi [The Abbot 
 
 ■' ^ of West- 
 
 danger to haue beene set besides the seat, by a conspiracie begun "J5,'^-'\t 
 
 in the abbat of Westminsters house, which had it not beene detitooned 
 
 hindred, it is doubtfuU whether the new king should haue inioied brok^' 
 
 * According to Eves. (156) Richard reached London on Saturday, August 
 So, 1399, and was taken to the Tower on the following day. Ann. B. II. — H. 
 IV. (251) and Ott. (208, 209) give September 1 as the date of his arrival in 
 London, and add that on September 2 he was removed from the palsice of 
 Westminster, by water, to the Tower. With hesitation I accept the dates of 
 the monk of Evesham, whose authority concerning the events of Eichard's last 
 year deserves great regard. 
 
120 
 
 V. RICHARD II. 
 
 [Richard was 
 conveyed to 
 Leeds, and 
 afterwards 
 to Pomfret, 
 where he 
 died.] 
 
 The dukei 
 receiuing 
 into London. 
 
 his roialtie, or the old king (now a prisoner) restored to his 
 principalitie. 
 
 ^ct y. ac^— -Thfirn was no such parting of Richard and Isabelle as is 
 here represenJEed. They never met again after Eichard left Windsor ; i 
 not long before he sailed for Ireland. Between the two historical 
 events which this scene connects — Eichard's transference to Pomfret,^ 
 and Isabelle's return to France — an interval of more than a year elapsed. 
 Eichard's captivity in the Tower is ignored. Northumberland enters, 
 and thus addresses the deposed King (11. 51, 52) : 
 
 My Lord, the minde of BuUingbrooke is changde j 
 You must to Pomfret, not vnto the Tower. 
 
 Eichard was sent to the Tower on or about August 31, 1399 ; 
 whence, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 507/2/64.] shortlie after his resignation, he was con- 
 ueied to the castell of Leeds in Kent, & from thence to Pomfret, 
 where he departed out of this miserable life (as after you shall 
 heare). 
 
 Moreover, Northumberland tells the Queen that she " must away 
 to France " (1. 54). She was, however, detained by Bolingbroke ; and 
 did not, when returning to France, leave London — where this scene is 
 laid— until June 28, 1401.3 V 
 
 ,''' A.c i f „ "V" „ ^ fff,riJMaMi'-~'^^ description which York gives of Boling- 
 
 btoke's reception by the Londoners (V. ii. 7-17) has full warrant from 
 the following excerpt. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 501/2/44.] As for the duke, he was receiued with all 
 the ioy and pompe that might be of the Londoners, and was 
 lodged in the bishops palace, by Paules church. It was a woonder 
 to see what great concursse of people, & what number of horsses, 
 came to him on the waie as he thus passed the countries, till his 
 
 1 When in the Tower, Richard commanded that the Queen might be sent 
 for, to speak to him ; but Bolingbroke, who was present, pleaded the Council's 
 authority as an excuse for disobedience.— 2Vais., 66 ; 217. Richard married 
 her in 1396 ; and, at the historic date of Act V. sc. i., she was about twelve 
 
 - "x^ years of age. — Okron. B. II. — 3. IV., 129 (Appendix). 
 
 2 Richard was removed from the Tower on the Morrow of SS. Simon and 
 Jude (Oct. 29, 1399), soon after midnight.— ^jin. B. II.— H. IV., 313. Ott., 
 223. In Trais. (V5 ; 227) the date given for his removal from the Tower is 
 October 31, 1399. According to Ami. B. II.— H. IV. (313) and Ott. (223) the 
 place of his subsequent imprisonment was then, at least, a state secret ; but 
 the writer of Ghron. Giles tells us {Hen. IV., 10) that Richard was taken from 
 the Tower to Leeds Castle in Kent, and was thence conveyed to Pomfret 
 Castle. 
 
 * Usk, 61 ; 185. Adam of Usk was an eye-witness of her departure from 
 London. 
 
V, BICHAED II. 1^1 
 
 comming to London, where (vpon his approch to the citie) the 
 maior rode foorth to receiue him, and a great number of other 
 citizens. Also the cleargie met him with procession ; and such ioy 
 appeared in the countenances of the people, vttering the same also 
 with words, as the like [had] not lightlie beene seene. For in [Joy m the 
 
 '- -" ° towns and 
 
 euerie towne and village where he passed, children reioised, women ^^^^ 
 clapped their hands, and men cried out for ioy. But to speake of pMs^%he 
 the great numbers of people that flocked togither in the fields and streot^f 
 streets of London at his comming, I here omit ; neither will I thronged] 
 speake of the presents, welcommings, lauds, and gratifications 
 made to him by the citizens and communaltie. 
 
 When Richard was removed from Westminster to the Tower (p. 119 
 above), he narrowly escaped an outbreak of hatred far exceeding 
 what York noticed (V. ii. 5, 6 ; 27-30) on the day before. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 501/2/66.] Manie euill disposed persons, assembling 
 themselues togither in great numbers, intended to haue met with [a design to 
 
 ° ° waylay and 
 
 him, and to haue taken him from such as had the conueieng of Bteh^ 
 him, that they might haue slaine him. But the maior and alder- ^^*** 
 men gathered to them the worshipfuU commoners and graue awmtiimi.] 
 citizens, by whose policie, and not without much adoo, the other 
 were reuoked from their euill purpose : . . . 
 
 As York ends with a firm profession of loyalty to Bolingbroke, the 
 Duchess of York exclaims : " Here comes my Sonne ^ Aumerle ! " to 
 which the Duke replies (11. 41-43) : 
 
 Aumerle that was ; 
 But that is lost for being Richards friend. 
 And, Madam, you must call him Rutland ^ now : 
 By Parliament sitting on November 3, 1399, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 513/2/1.] it was finallie enacted, that such as were 
 appellants in the last parlement against the duke of Glocester and f »jj|^»* 
 other, should in this wise following be ordred. The dukes of ^^^\^td 
 Aumarle, Surrie, and Excester, there present, were iudged to loose "J^iMo/ 
 
 thieir Utles, 
 
 1 Aumerle's mother was Isabel, daughter of Pedro the Cruel, King of 
 Castile and Leon. She died in 1394.— HoJ. 48I/1/28 (Wals., ii. 214, 215). 
 York was survived by his second wife, Joan Holland, daughter of Thomas 
 Holland, second Earl of Kent. 
 
 2 Earl of Rutland was his former title. He was created Duke of Albemarle 
 on September 29, 1397 ; on which day the Parliament wherein he appealed 
 Gloucester was prorogued.— ^ws., 141. 
 
122 
 
 EICHAED II. 
 
 Ball. 
 
 What 
 
 mooued the 
 dbbat qf 
 Westmimltr 
 to ctm^re 
 a^aimt the 
 JciTlg, 
 
 The lorde 
 that con- 
 spired 
 apairbet the 
 duke. 
 
 [Mandelen, 
 a priest, 
 resembled 
 Bichard.] 
 
 their names of dukes, togither with the honors, titles, and dignities 
 therevnto belonging. 
 
 The historic date of January 4, 1400,^ — the day on which York 
 ^eteoted Aumerle's treason, — can be given to such portions of scenes ii. 
 I^xid iii., Act V., as have for their subject the discovery of the Abbot's 
 I plot. The material for these portions was chiefly furnished by the 
 iclosing sentence of the third, and the whole of the fourth, paragraph 
 nuoted below. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6 14/2/ 1 O.J But now to speak of the conspiracie, 
 which was contriued by the abbat of Westminster as cheefe instru- 
 ment thereof. Ye shall vnderstand, that this abbat (as it is 
 reported) vpon a time heard king Henrie saie, when he was but 
 ; earle of Derbie, and yoong of yeares, that princes had too little, 
 I and religious men too much. He therfore doubting now, least if 
 the king continued long in the estate, he would remooue the great 
 beame that then greened his eies, and pricked his conscience, 
 became an instrument to search out the minds of the nobilitie, and 
 to brmg them to an assemblie and councell, where they might con- 
 sult and commen togither, how to bring that to eflFect, which they 
 earnestlie wished and desired ; that was, the destruction of king 
 Henrie, and the restoring of king Richard. For there were diuerse 
 lords that shewed themselues outwardlie to fauor king Henrie, 
 where they secretlie wished & sought his confusion. The abbat, 
 after he had felt the minds of sundrie of them, called to his house, 
 on a day in the terme time,^ all such lords & other persons which 
 he either knew or thought to be as aifectioned to king Richard, so 
 enuious to the prosperitie of king Henrie ; whose names were : 
 John Holland earle of Huntington, late duke of Excester ; Thomas 
 Holland earle of Kent, late duke of Surrie ; Edward earle of 
 Rutland, late duke of Aumarle, sonne to the duke of Yorke ; lohn 
 Montacute earle of Salisburie ; Hugh lord Spenser, late earle of 
 Glocester ; Thomas ' the bishop of Carleill ; sir Thomas Blunt ; and 
 Maudelen, a priest, one of king Richards chappell, a man as like 
 
 1 Aumerle went to dine with his father " le premier Dimenche de Ian " 
 [1400] ; and, having seated himself, laid the letter containing evidence of the 
 plot on the table.— Troig., 80 j 233. 
 
 ^ The conspirators met at the Abbot of Westminster's chambers, on 
 December 17, lS99.—Trais., 77 ; 229. ' Thomas] John Hoi. 
 
V, RICHARD 11. 123 
 
 him in stature and proportion in all lineaments of bodie, as vnlike 
 in birth, dignitie, and conditions. 
 
 The abbat highlie feasted these lords, his speciall freends, and, 
 when they had well dined, they withdrew into a secret chamber, 
 where they sat downe in counceU, and, after much taike & con- 
 ference had about the bringing of their purpose to passe concerning 
 the destruction of king Henrie, at length by the aduise of the earle 
 of Huntington it was deuised, that they should take vpon them a 
 Bolemne iusts to be enterprised betweene him and 20 on his part, ^ »«»«« 
 
 * * deuwed to be 
 
 & the earle of Salisburie and 20 with him, at Oxford ; to the which ^^'" 
 triumph K. Henrie should be desired, &, when he should be most BdSigbroke 
 busilie marking the martiall pastime, he suddenlie should be slaine S* "and 
 and destroied, and so by that means king Richard, who as yet reinstated in 
 
 •' ° ' •> tfie throne.! 
 
 lined, might be restored to libertie, and haue his former estate & 
 dignitie. It was further appointed, who should assemble the 
 people ; the number and persons which should accomplish and put 
 in execution their deuised enterprise. Hervpon was an indenture ^» «»*»>- 
 
 ^ ^ fwre sexti- 
 
 sextipartite made, sealed with their scales, and signed with their 3"»-«*««- 
 hands, in the which each stood bound to other, to do their whole 
 indeuour for the accomplishing of their purposed exploit More- 
 ouer, they sware on the holie euangelists to be true and secret each 
 to other, euen to the houre and point of death. 
 
 When all things were thus appointed, the earle of Huntington 
 came to the king vnto Windsore, earnestlie requiring him, that he Be is desired 
 
 to come and 
 
 would vouchsafe to be at Oxenford on the daie appointed of their »«« «*« »'«"'• 
 iustes; both to behold the same, and to be the discouerer and 
 indifferent iudge (if anie ambiguitie should rise) of their couragious 
 acts and dooings. The king, being [p. 515] thus instantlie required of 
 his brother in law,^ and nothing lesse imagining than that which 
 was pretended, gentlie granted to fulfill his request. Which thing 
 obteined, all the lords of the conspiracie departed home to their [Theconr 
 
 '^ -^ spirators' 
 
 houses, as they noised it, to set armorers on worke about the g^^j"*" 
 trimming of their armour against the iusts, and to prepare all 
 other furniture and things readie, as to such an high & solemne 
 
 1 " Our trusty brother in law " {Bich. II., V. iii. 137), John Earl of Hunt- 
 ingdon, married Elizabeth, sister german of Bolingbroke. 
 
124 
 
 RICHARD II. 
 
 [They all 
 mot at 
 Oxford, 
 except 
 Butland. 
 
 (Butland 
 liad the 
 indenture in 
 his bosom.] 
 
 The dvJce of 
 Twke taketh 
 Vieiltdenture 
 from his son. 
 
 [York 
 reviled his 
 son, — for 
 whom he 
 had become 
 surety, — and 
 rode off to 
 Windsor, to 
 wamBoling- 
 broke.] 
 
 [Butland 
 
 outstripped 
 
 York.] 
 
 Th£ ecurle of 
 Rvtland 
 vttreth y 
 whoU con- 
 spiracie to 
 the king, 
 
 [Aflerwaids 
 came York 
 with the 
 indenture.] 
 
 triumph apperteined. The earle of Huntington came to his house 
 and raised men on euerie side, and prepared horsse and harnesse 
 for his compassed purpose ; and, when he had all things readie, he 
 departed towards Oxenford, and, at his comming thither, he found 
 all his mates and confederates there, well appointed for their 
 purpose, except the earle of Rutland, by whose follie their practised 
 conspiracie was brought to light and disclosed to king Henrie. 
 For this earle of Eutland, departing before from Westminster to 
 see his father the duke of Yorke, as he sat at dinner, had his 
 counterpane of the indenture of the confederacie in his bosome. 
 
 The father, espieng it, would needs see what it was ; and, though 
 the Sonne humblie denied to shew it, the father, being more earnest 
 to see it, by force tooke it out of his bosome ; and peroeiuing the 
 contents therof, in a great rage caused his horsses to be sadled out 
 of hand, and spitefuUie reproouing his sonne of treason, for whome 
 he was become suertie and mainpernour for his good abearing in 
 open parlement,^ he incontinentlie mounted on horssebacke to ride 
 towards Windsore to the king, to declare vnto him the malicious 
 intent of his complices. The earle of Butland, seeing in what 
 danger he stood, tooke his horsse,^ and rode another waie to 
 Windsore in post, so that he got thither before his father, and, 
 when he was alighted at the castell gate, he caused the gates to be 
 shut, saieng that he must needs deliuer the keies to the king. 
 When he came before the kings presence, he kneeled downe on his 
 knees, beseeching him of mercie and forgiuenesse, and, declaring 
 the whole matter vnto him in order as euerie thing had passed, 
 obteined pardon. Therewith came his father, and, being let in, 
 deliuered the indenture, which he had taken from his sonne, vnto 
 the king, who thereby perceiuing his sonnes words to be true, 
 changed his purpose for his going to Oxenford. 
 
 Act V. sec. iv. and v. — Scene iv.. Act V., and the latter part ' (11. 
 
 » Cp. JtHch. IL, V. ii. 44, 45. 
 
 2 Shakspere has made Aumerle take York's horse ; for, according to all the 
 texts of Rich. IL, V. ii. Ill, the Duchess exclaims : " After, Aumeue ! mount 
 the vpon his horse." 
 
 ' What a groom, who had once served Richard, says about " Roane Bar- 
 barie " (11. 76-80X and the fallen King's comment thereon (11. 84-86), may 
 possibly have been suggested to Shakspere by a story of a greyhound named 
 
V. RICHAKD II. 
 
 125 
 
 95-117) of the next scene, faitMully represent one of the several 
 accounts of Richard's death. 
 
 [ITol. iii. 517/1/7. J One writer,^ which seemeth to haue great sirPiertde 
 knowledge of king Richards dooings, saith, that king Henri^ m^'mctafd 
 sitting on a daie at his table, sore sighing, said: "Haue I no ^Xwweh 
 " faithful! freend which will deliuer me of him, whose life will be /SoStoote 
 " my death, and whose death will be the preseruation of my life 1" \ 
 This saieng was much noted of them which were present, and-J 
 especiallie of one called sir Piers of Exton. This knight incontin- 
 entlie departed from the court, with eight strong persons in his 
 
 [Bernei's 
 Froiasart, 
 ed. 1 (1623- 
 26), vol. ii. 
 fol. cccxii.] 
 
 Mathe ; though the dog's abandonment of his old master was deliberately cruel, 
 while Barbary was, as Richard admits, "created to be awed by man," and 
 "borne to beare." 
 
 And, as it was enformed me, kynge Richarde had a grayhounde 
 called Mathe, who alwayes wayted vpon the kynge, and wolde 
 knowe no man els. For, whansouer the kyng dyde ryde, he that 
 kept the grayhounde dyde lette hym lose, and he wolde streight 
 rynne to the kynge and fawne vpon hym, and leape with his 
 fore fete vpon the kynges shulders. And as the kynge & the erle 
 of Derby talked togyder in the courte [of Flint Castle], the 
 grayhounde, who was wont to lepe vpon the kyng, left the kynge 
 & came to the erle of Derby, duke of Lancastre, and made to 
 hym the same frendly couwtiaaunce & chere as he was wonte 
 to do to the kyng. The duke, who knewe nat the grayhounde, 
 demaunded of the kyng what the grayhounde wolde do. " Cosyn," 
 quod the kyng, "it is a gret good token to you, and an yuyll 
 "sygae to me." "Sir, howe knowe you that?" quod the duke. 
 " I knowe it well," quod the kyng : " The grayhounde maketh 
 " you chere this day as k3mge of Englande : (as ye shalbe, and I 
 "shalbe deposed:) the grayhounde hath this knowledge natur- 
 " ally, therfore take hym to you ; he wyll folowe you & forsake 
 "me." The duke vnderstode well those wordes, and cherisshed 
 the grayhounde, who wolde neuer after folowe kyng Richarde, 
 but folowed the duke of Lancastre. 
 Usk says (39, 40 ; 155) that the dog once belonged to Thomas Holland Earl of 
 Kent, on whose deaih it came to Richard, whom it had never before seen. 
 After leaving Richard it went to Shrewsbury, and there Usk saw it fawn upon 
 Henry. 
 
 » The writer, I suppose, of Trais. (93-96 ; 248-250). Eol. had a MS. of 
 Trais., which he cites as " The French pamphlet " (see p. 82, note 1, above). 
 But Mr. Williams pointed out (Trais,, 1., note 3) that a MS. of Froissart's 
 fourth book (No. 8323 Regius, Biblioth^ue du Roi) has an addition containing 
 the familiar story of Richard's murder by Exton, the writer of which addition 
 says that he was informed of its truth "par homme digne de foy, nomm6 
 Creton " (li.). The only important difference between Hd.'s version, and the 
 original story as narrated by Creton and the writer of Trais. is that, according 
 to the latter authorities, Bolingbroke expresshr ordered Exton to slay Richard : 
 the aside which gave Exton his cue (" Haue I no . . . of my life ") first occur- 
 ring, I believe, in Halle (20), whose account of Richard's murder agrees in 
 other particulars with what Hbl. relates. 
 
 [Richard had 
 a greyhound 
 called 
 Mathe, who 
 would 
 follow no 
 one else.] 
 
 [At Flint 
 Castle, 
 Mathe left 
 Bichard, 
 and fawned 
 on Boling- 
 broke.] 
 
 [This was an 
 omen that 
 Bolinehroka 
 should he 
 King of 
 England.] 
 
 [Mathe 
 would never 
 after follow 
 Richard.] 
 
126 
 
 V. RICHARD II. 
 
 [Exton went 
 to Fom&et 
 vith eight 
 followers ; 
 and ordei«d 
 tbe sewer 
 not to taste 
 Bichanl's 
 rood.] 
 
 [When the 
 sewer 
 refused to 
 taste the 
 food, 
 Bichaid. 
 struck him, 
 and bade the 
 devil take 
 him and 
 Boling- 
 broke. 
 Then the 
 murderers 
 entered.] 
 
 The degpernt 
 •mavhood of 
 fcing 
 Bichard. 
 
 K. RicJiard 
 murthnrecL 
 
 [Exton's 
 remorse.] 
 
 companie, and came to Pomfret, commanding the esquier, that was 
 accustomed to sew^ and take the assaie before king Richard, to doo 
 so no more, saieng: "Let him eat now, for he shall not long eat." 
 King Richard sat downe to dinner, and was serued without 
 courtesie or assaie ; wherevpon, much maruelling at the sudden 
 change, he demanded of the esquier whie he did not his dutie : 
 "Sir" (said he) "I am otherwise commanded by sir Piers of 
 "Exton, which is newlie come from K. Henrie." When king 
 Richard heard that word, he tooke the keruing knife in his hand, 
 and strake the esquier on the head, saieng: "The diuell take 
 " Henrie of Lancaster and thee togither ! " And with that word, 
 sir Piers entred the chamber, well armed, with eight tall men 
 likewise armed, euerie of them hauing a bill in his hand. 
 
 King Richard, perceiuing this, put the table from him, &, steping 
 to the formost man, wrung the bill out of his hands, & so valiantlie 
 defended himselfe, that he slue foure of those that thus came to 
 assaile him. Sir Piers, being half dismaied herewith, lept into the 
 chaire where king Richard was woont to sit, while the other foure 
 persons fought with him, and chased him about the chamber. 
 And in conclusion, as king Richard trauersed his ground, from one 
 side of the chamber to an other, & comming by the chaire, where 
 sir Piers stood, he was felled with a stroke of a pollax which sir 
 Piers gaue him vpon the head, and therewith rid him out of life ; ^ 
 without giuing him respit once to call to God for mercie of his 
 passed oflFenses. It is said, that sir Piers of Exton, after he had 
 thus slaine him, wept right bitterlie, as one striken with the 
 pricke of a giltie conscience, for murthering him, whome he had so 
 long time obeied as king. 
 
 sc. VI. — This- scene.,^ postdsiigd, for the revolt was sup- 
 pressed before Kichard's death, l^en sc. vi. opens, " the latest 
 newes " which Bolingbroke has heard is that the rebels have burnt 
 
 ' " sew . . . assaie " = serve and remove the dishes, and taste the food in 
 them. 
 
 2 February 14, 1400, is the usually accepted date of Richard's death (see 
 Eves., 169) ; but, on January 29, 1400, Charles VI. referred to him as Richard 
 late King of England, whom God pardon. — Bymer, viii. 124. Wylie (i. 114, 
 115) cites documentary evidence from which he infers that Richard was 
 murdered about the middle of January, 1400. 
 
V. KICHAED II. 127 
 
 Cirencester; but whether they had been "tane or alaine" was un- 
 known. As Holinshed's account of the rebellion was not dramatized, 
 an epitome of the chief facts recorded by contemporary chroniclers 
 will suffice. The rebel lords marched to Windsor, hoping to sur- 
 prise Henry. Warned in time, he fled by night (Jan. 4-5) to 
 Loudon, and raised forces to oppose them. The rebels retreated, and 
 arrived at Cirencester on January 6. At midnight, the townsmen 
 attacked them in their lodgings, and, after a struggle which lasted for 
 many hours, obliged them to surrender. The lords were then confined 
 in the abbey. About vespers a chaplain attached to them set fire to 
 some houses in Cirencester, in order that the prisoners might escape 
 while the townsmen were extinguishing the flames. But the men of 
 Cirencester, paying no heed to the fire, brought the rebels out of the 
 abbey, and beheaded the Earls of Salisbury and Kent about sunset, on 
 January 7, liOO.— Usk, 40, 41; 156. Trdison, 80-82; 233-235. 
 Ann. R. II.— H. 17., 323-326. 
 
 Holinshed's narration of what befell the other conspirators should 
 be compared with 11. 7-29. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 5I6/2/16.] The lord * Hugh Spenser,^ otherwise called • Thoma 
 
 _ _^_ Spenser 
 
 earle of Glocester, as he would haue fled into Wales, was taken ««»'* "'«'• <'' 
 
 ' ' others. 
 
 and carried to Bristow, where (according to the earnest desires of 
 
 the commons) he was beheaded. . . , Manie other that were jSpenser 
 
 '' beheaded.] 
 
 priuie to this conspiracie, were taken, and put to death, some at naii. 
 Oxford, as sir Thomas Blunt, sir Beuet Cilie, knight, . . . but sir ^^Ufjj^'^ 
 Leonard Brokas, and [others] . . . , were drawne, hanged, and Broras,and 
 beheaded at London. There were nineteene in all executed in xh^^^' 
 one place and other, and the heads of the cheefe conspirators were S'""' 
 set on polles oner London bridge, to the terror of others. Shortlie conspSi^' 
 after, the abbat of Westminster, in whose house the conspiracie set on' 
 
 , . London 
 
 was begun, (as is said.) goomg betweene his monasterie & mansion. Bridge.] 
 
 ° '^ >/ & o 1 » The abbat of 
 
 for thought fell into a sudden palsie, and shortlie after, without westmimter 
 speech, ended his life.^ The bishop of Carleill was impeached, and »»*««'«• 
 condemned of the same conspiracie ; but the king, of his merciful! 
 
 ' Qq. I, 2, 3, 4, read : " The heades of Oxford, Salisbury, Blunt and Kent" 
 (V. vi. 8). Fi has : "The heads of Salsbury, Spencer, Blunt, and Kent." As 
 Aubrey de Vers, Earl of Oxford, had no share in the rebellion, the reading o^f 
 Fi should be preferred. 
 
 2 William Colchester, Abbot of Westminster, was a prisoner in the Castle 
 of Reigate on January 25, 1400.— OJous ; 1 H. IV. pars i. m. 19 (0. B.). He 
 must have soon regained his freedom. — Arm. B. II. — H. IV., 330 ; and CZous, 
 1 H. IV. pars ii. m. 6 (0. B.). He was probably the William Abbot of West- 
 minster present at Pisa in 1408. — Marline's Thesav/rus Novvs Anecdotorum, ii. 
 1395 C. According to Dugdale (Monasticon, ed. 1817-30, i 275, 276) Colchester 
 was Abbot of Westminster until some date in October, 1420. 
 
128 
 
 V. RICHARD II. 
 
 after, ^ more through feare than force of sicknesse, as some haue 
 
 Tt',^}^ "{ clemencie, pardoned him of that offense ; although he died shortlie 
 
 through 
 fearet or 
 
 t^,K written. 
 
 greefe of 
 
 "h^' 'id" '^^^ excerpt quoted above (pp. 125, 126) contains all that Holinshed 
 
 protperashfi^s recorded touching Exton. From the subjoined description of 
 ' Richard's funeral, it appears that Bolingbroke paid as much respect to 
 
 tooke it. 
 Hall. 
 
 the late King's memory as may warrant the closing lines of this scene. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 517/1/49.] After he was thus dead, his bodie was 
 imbalmed, and seered, and couered with lead, all saue the face, to 
 the intent that all men might see him, and perceiue that he was 
 departed this life : for as the corps was conueied from Pomfret to 
 London, in all the townes and places where those that had the 
 conueiance of it did stale with it all night, they caused dirige to be 
 soong in the euening, and masse of Bequiem in the morning ; and 
 as well after the one seruice as the other, his face discouered, was 
 shewed to all that coueted to behold it. 
 
 Thus was the corps first brought to the Tower, and after 
 through the citie, to the cathedrall church of saint Paule, bare 
 faced ; where it laie three daies togither, that all men might behold 
 it. There was a solemne obsequie doone for him, both at Paules, 
 and after at Westminster, at which time, both at dirige ouernight, 
 Westminster and in the morning at the masse of Bequiem, the king and the 
 Pauls.] citizens of London were present. When the same was ended, the 
 corps was commanded to be had vnto Langlie, there to be buried 
 in the church of the friers preachers. 
 
 The following excerpts bear upon the characters of Richard II., 
 Edmund Duke of York, and Sir John Bushy. 
 
 In summing up the general aspect of society in Richard's time, 
 Holinshed says, with regard to the King : 
 
 HUperion- [Hoi. iii. 507/2/68.] He was seemelie of shape and fauor, & of 
 
 ""'■ ' nature good inough, if the wickednesse & naughtie demeanor of 
 such as were about him had not altered it. 
 
 His chance verelie was greatlie infortunate, which fell into such 
 calamitie, that he tooke it for the best waie he could deuise to 
 renounce his kingdome, for the which mortall men are accustomed 
 
 [Richard's 
 body con- 
 veyed from 
 Pomfret to 
 London.] 
 
 TliecUad 
 bodie of K, 
 Aicfia/rd 
 brought to 
 y Tovjtr. 
 
 [Funeral 
 rites at 
 
 * He lived several years after this time. See Wylie (i. 109, 110) for an 
 account of Carlisle's fortunes subsequent to the rebellion. 
 
V. RICHAED II. 129 
 
 to hazard [39. 508] all they haue to aAteiae thetevuto. But such mis- 
 fortune (or the like) oftentimes falleth vnto those princes, which, 
 when they are aloft, cast no doubt for perils that male follow, [He was 
 
 Tx procUga.1, 
 
 He was prodigall, ambitious, and much giuen to the pleasure 'mii>^ioo3. 
 of the bodie. . . • i"*®i 
 
 [Rol. iiL 5O8/1/32.] Furthermore, there reigned abundantUe [He was an 
 
 adulterer,] 
 
 the filthie sinne of leacherie and fornication, with abhominable 
 adulterie, speciallie in the king.^ 
 York, sfiys H0UApl>$d, 
 
 [ffol. iii. 464/2/49. J being verelie a man of a gentle n&bare, i|»fkj» 
 wished that the state of the common-wealth might haue beene "»*""•] 
 redressed without losse of any mans life, or other cwell dealing. 
 
 He 
 
 [Sol. iii 485/2/25. J was a man rather coueting to liue in [York was 
 pleasure, than to deale with much businesse, and the weightie a™wtipuB.j 
 aflFaires of the realme.^ 
 
 When John of Gaunt married Katharine Swinford, the Duke of 
 Gloucester, 
 
 /^'[IIol. iii. 486/ 1/20. J being a man of an high mind and stout [Gloucester 
 
 ^bmach, misliked his brothers matcliing so meanlie, but the duke toierltek 
 
 of Yorke bare it well inough. Satoh!? 
 
 The Speaker of the " Great Parliament " (Septemher, 1397) was 
 
 ^ [Hoi. iii. 490/2/28.] sir lohn Bushie, a knight of JJineolneshire, ^^{^" 
 Taccompted to be an exceeding cruell man, ambitious, and couetous ^«"*«''- 
 (beyond measure. 
 
 While discharging the oflSce of Speaker at this Parliament, 
 
 1 Bolindbroke ohargea Bushy and Greene with tempting Bichard to commit 
 this sin (in. i. 11-15). 
 
 2 Wfwiyng thus describes Mm (340, 341) : 
 
 . . . Edmonde hyght of Langley of good chere, 
 Glad and mery and of his owne ay lyued, 
 Without itrionge, as ehronicles hane l>reii^(J, 
 
 When all the lordes to councell and parlyatnent 
 Went, he wolde to hunte and also to hawefcyng, 
 All gentyll disporte as to a lorde appent; 
 He vsed aye, and to the pore ^upportyng 
 Where euer he was in any place bidyng, 
 Without suppryse, or any extoroyon 
 Of the porayle, or any oppiesayon. 
 
 K 
 
130 VI. FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 ^ - -[Hoi. iii. 49O/2/S7.] Sir lohn Bushie, in all his talke, when he 
 
 / proponed any matter vnto the king, did not attribute to him titles 
 
 \ of honour, due and accustomed ; but inuented vnused termes, and 
 
 such strange names as were rather agreeable to the diuine 
 
 Impudent \ maicstie of God, than to any earthlie potentate. The prince, 
 
 Busto'uk d ! "^^^S desirous inough of all honour, and more ambitious than was 
 
 by Bichard] /requisite, seemed to like well of his speech, and gaue good eare to 
 
 his talke. 
 
 Richard was very unfortunate in his choice of favourites, for 
 
 [ffol. iii. 492/2/72.] such as were cheefe of his councell were 
 i^ns°hSd esteemed of the commons to be the woorst creatures that might 
 NorfoSfand ^® > ^^ \.P- ^93] the dukcs of Aumarle, Norfolke, and Excester, the 
 te'th^Ji^irat earle of Wiltshire, sir lohn Bushie, sir William Bagot, and sir 
 greatly iiated Hcurie ^ Grceue : which three last remembred were knights of the 
 
 GreeneTc ■^^*^» ^gaiust whom the commons vndoubtedlie bare great and 
 JlV-m)]"- P™ie hatred. 
 
 VI. FIEST PAET OF KING HENKY THE FOUETH. 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — A more precise date than the year 1402 ^ cannot be 
 assigned to the opening scene in The Historie of Henry the /oti/rth ; * 
 because, though but "yesternight" (1. 36) a post had brought tidings 
 of Sir Edmund Mortimer's capture by Glendower, on June 22, 1402,* 
 Sir Walter Blunt has since arrived with news of the Scots' defeat at 
 Homildon (11. 67-73) ; which happened on September 14, 1402.^ The 
 last historic event of the play is the battle of Shrewsbury ; fought on 
 July 21, 1403.6 
 
 Of Mortimer's capture Holinshed gives the following account : 
 
 {Rol. iii. 520/1/64.] Owen Glendouer, according to his accus- 
 tomed manner, robbing and spoiling within the English borders, 
 caused all the forces of the shire of Hereford to assefnble togither 
 against them, vnder the conduct of Edmund Mortimer, earle of 
 
 1 Hen/rie'] Thomas Hoi. 
 
 ^ For an excerpt relating to the proposed crusade, of which Henry speaks 
 in this scene (U. 18-29), see p. 159 below. 
 3 I quote the text of Ql (1598). 
 * Usk, 75 I 200. s Ott, 233. « U$k, 80 ; 206. 
 
VI. FIRST PART OP KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 131 
 
 March. ^ But, cowimiag to trie the matter by battell, whether by Theearuof 
 
 •' ' >i March [Sir 
 
 treason or otherwise, so it fortuned, that the English power was gJ^^^L 
 
 discomfited, the earle taken prisoner, and aboue a thousand of his '^Znm- m 
 
 people slaine in the place. The shamefuU villanie ^ vsed by the o»m *" 
 
 Welshwomen towards the dead carcasses, was such as honest [t^^^u. 
 
 eares would be ashamed to heare, and continent toongs to speake ^"ny.f 
 thereof. The dead bodies might not be buried, without great 
 summes of monie giuen for libertie to conueie them awaie. 
 
 A Scottish army having been defeated on June 22, 1402,^ while 
 returning from a border foray, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 520/2/40.] Archembald, earle Dowglas, sore displeased 
 in his mind for this ouerthrow, procured a commission to inuade 
 England, and that to his cost, as ye may likewise read iu the 
 Scotish histories. For, at a place called Homildon, they were so bcou van- 
 
 quUhM at 
 
 nercelie assailed by the Englishmen, vnder the leading of the lord Bomndon. 
 Persie, surnamed Henrie Hotspur,* and George earle of March,^ that 
 with violence of the English shot they were quite vanquished and 
 
 1 In 1402, Edmund Mortimer, fifth Earl of March, being a minor, was 
 Henry's ward. — Usk, 21 ; 127. Glendower's prisoner was Sir Edmund Mor- 
 timer, brother to Roger Mortimer, fourth Earl of March (see p. 134, note 4, below), 
 and uncle to the fifth Earl. HoVs mistake misled Shakspere (1 Hen. IV., 
 I. iii. 8^. On December 13, 1402, Sir Edmund Mortimer wrote to his tenants, 
 informing them that he had joined in a quarrel raised by Owen Glendower, 
 " of which the object is, if King Richard be alive, to restore him to his Crown, 
 and if not, that my honoured nephew, who is the right heir to the said Crown, 
 shall be King of JEngland (la quelle est tielle, qe si le Roy Richard soit en vie 
 de luy restorer a sa coronne, et sinoun qe mon honore Neuewe q'est droit heir 
 al dit coronne seroit Roy d'Engleterre)."— ^Hts, II. i. 24. 
 
 2 I shall imitate Shakspere's reticence (I. i. 43-46) in regard to the Welsh- 
 women's " villanie." Bol. (528/1/36-48) gives full details. 
 
 3 Hd. bWj'ZJ'ii^. They were defeated at Nisbet, Roxburghshire. " Nesbit- 
 more in Marchia." — FordAm, ii. 433. Hoi. does not mention the date of 
 Mortimer's capture, which, as the reader will perceive, coincides with the 
 overthrow of the Scots in the summer of 1402. If it were possible that Shak- 
 spere could have known the former date, we might conjecture tliat he rolled 
 into one the defeats at Nisbet and Homildon, in order that the post bringing 
 tidings of Glendower's victory should reach London about the same time as Sir 
 Walter Blunt arrived with the consoling news of Scottish disaster. 
 
 * The Earl of Northumberland had two sons, " the one named Henrie, and 
 the other Rafe ; verie forward and lustie gentlemen. This Henrie, being the 
 elder, was surnamed, for his often pricking, Henrie Hotspur, as one that 
 seldome times rested, if there were anie seruice to be doone abroad." — Hoi. 
 H. 8. 249/1/30. According to Dugdale (i. 278/3) Northumberland had three sons, 
 named Henry, Thomas, and Ralph. 
 
 6 Shakspere's " Lord Mortimer of Scotland" (1 Hen. IV., III. ii. 164). See 
 p. 142 below. 
 
132 
 
 VI. FIRST PART OF KING HE^iTRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 The number 
 slaine. 
 
 PrUonei'8 
 tah&n. 
 
 ■/ 
 
 Avch^mbaXd 
 Doieglas 
 iv-uadeth 
 England, 
 
 The nobles of 
 Scotland in 
 this armie. 
 
 Henrie 
 Hotspur and 
 the earle of 
 March 
 assaile the 
 Scots at 
 Homildon, 
 
 put to flight, on the Rood daie in haruest, with a great slaughter 
 made by the Englishmen. . . . There were slaine . . . three and 
 twentie knights, besides ten thousand of the commons ; and of 
 prisoners among other wef e these : Mordacke earle of Fife, son to 
 the gouernour, Archembald earle Dowglas,^ (which in the fight lost 
 one of his eies,) Thomas erle of Murrey, George ^ earle of Ang-us, 
 and (as some writers haue) the earles of AthoU & Menteith ; * with 
 fine hundred other of meaner degrees. 
 
 I supplement my last excerpt by quoting from Holinahed's Historie 
 of Sootlcmd another account of the battle of Homildon. 
 
 [Hoi. ii. H. S. 254/1/57.] Archembald, earle of Dowglaese, sore 
 displeased, and woonderfulUe wroth in his mind for this ouerthrow 
 [at Msbet], got commission to inuade England with an armie of 
 ten thousand men ; and, hauingthe same once readie with all things 
 necessarie for his voiage, he set forward, and entering into England, 
 burnt and harried the countrie, mat staieng till he came as farre as 
 Newcastell. In this armie thers'was with the Dowglasse, Murdocke 
 (eldest Sonne to duke Robert Jearle of Fife, Thomas erle of Murrey, 
 George earle of Angus ; with manie other lords and nobles of 
 Scotland. At the last, when they were returning homewards with 
 a preie of infinit goods and riches, Henrie Hotspur, and George 
 earle of March, with a great power of men, met them, and assailed 
 
 1 In the origmal text of Hoi. (ed. 2) thia sentence stands thus : " Mordacke 
 earle of Fife, son to the gouernour Archembald earle Dowglas " ; and in the 
 1st ed. of Hoi. also the words " gouernour Arohembalde " are unpunctnated. 
 The corresponding lines (70-72) of 1 Hen. IV. (ed. 1), I. i. are : 
 
 " .... of prisoners. Hotspur tooke 
 Mordake [the] Earle of Fue, and eldest sonne 
 To beaten Ponglas ; " . . . 
 
 and subsequent editions have the same reading. Steevens believed (Far, Sh. 
 xvi. 187) that the omission of a comma after " gouernour " misled Shakspere ; 
 because the "gouernour," or Regent, of Scotland was Robert Steward, Duke of 
 Albany, whose eldest son was " Mordacke earle of Fife." But, as in the play 
 Murtlach Steward is called " ddest sonne," it would seem that Shakspere must 
 have known one or both of the excerpts relating to the battle of Uomildon, 
 which I quote from Holinahed's Histot'ie of Scotland. 
 
 2 George] Bobert Hoi. 
 
 ' Hol.'s slip has misled Shakspere (op. I. i. 73). " Menteith " was another 
 title of Murdoch Steward, who, in Hoi. (ii. H. S. 259/2/65, is called " Mordo 
 Steward earle of Fife and Menteith " ; a description confirmed by Hoi. ii. H. 8. 
 262/2/54, and H. S. 419/1/32. 
 
VI. FIRST PART OP KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 133 
 
 them so with such incessant shot of arrowes, that where the earle tuscou, 
 of Dowglas with his armie had the aduantage of an hill, called Mo^pthe 
 Homildon, he was constreined to forsake the same ; and, comming '^\^"'^ 
 downe vpon the Englishmen, was neuerthelesse put to the woorsse, 
 the most part of his people being either taken or slaine. . . . 
 
 Archembald earle of Dowglas, Murdocke Steward, eldest sonne pnsomn 
 to duke Eobert the gouernour, George erle of Angus, ... 
 with the most part of all the barons of Fife and Louthian 
 
 ,,,„,, Bueh. 1401. 
 
 were taken prisoners. This battell was fought on the Rood "H^^^X" 
 day in haruest, in the yeere 1403 [1402], vpon a Tuesday. — " 
 
 Act I. sc. iii.— This scene and 11. 91-99, so. i. Act I, are illustrated 
 by my next excerpts. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 621/1/1. 1.] Henrie, earle of Northumberland, with [Northum- 
 his brother Thomas, earle of Worcester, and his sonne the lord Hottpur™ 
 Henne Persie, surnamed Hotspur, which were to king Henrie, in S^Seaii 
 the beginning of his reigne, both faithfully frgends^ and earnest Stisn 
 - aiders, began now to enuie his wealth and felicitie ; and especiallie wereoSmed 
 they were greeued, bicause the king demanded of the earle and to'^wiiom't'ife 
 
 i_. 1 n • 1 . Earl of Fife 
 
 Bis Sonne such Scotish prisoners as were taken at Homeldon and heetf*^ 
 Nesbityfor, of all the captiues which were taken in the conflicts '*«"^^^«i-l 
 foughten in those two places, there was deliuered to the kings 
 possession onelie Mordake earle of Fife, the duke of Albanies 
 Sonne ; though the king did diners and sundrie times require 
 deliuerance of the residue, and that with great threatnings : 
 wherewith the Persies being sore offended, (for that they claimed 
 them as their owne proper prisoners, and their peculiar preies^)^ 
 the counsell of the lord Thomas Persie, earle of Worcester, whose [Worcester a 
 studie was euer (as some write) to procure malice, and set things "'*''''•'*'«•] 
 in a broile, came to the king ynto Windsore, (vpon a purpose to 
 prooue him,) and there required of him, that either by ransome or ^"^ «?«<«« 
 
 .0/ the Persies 
 
 otherwise, he would cause to be deliuered out of prison Edmund ^*]jj^°''"'y 
 Mortimer earle of March, their cousine germane,^ whom (as they SoSer]. 
 
 ^ Henry IV. and Hotspur were cousins, Henry's grandfethep, Henry Planta- 
 genet Duke of Lancaster, being brother german to Mary, Hotspur's grandmother. 
 Perhaps Halle (Hol.'s authority) alluded to the common descent of the two 
 Percies, and Edmund fifth Earl of March, from Henry III. 
 
134 VI. FIEST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 reported) Owen Glendouer kept in filthie prison, shakled with 
 
 irons ; onelie for that he tooke his part, and was to him faithful! 
 
 and true. 
 
 (Henij^ The king began not a little to muse at this request, and not 
 
 request]'' without cause : for in deed it touched him somewhat neere, sith 
 
 this Edmund was sonne to Roger earle of March, sonne to the 
 
 ladie Philip, daughter of Lionell duke of Clarence, th(3 third sonne 
 
 Ereh hid ^ of king Edward the third ; which Edmund, at king Richards going 
 
 Si?dheir- ^^^ Ireland, was proclamed heire apparant to the crowne and 
 
 mS*]''^ realme ; ^ whose aunt, called Elianor,^ the lord Henrie Persie had 
 
 married ; and therefore king Henrie could not well beare,* that 
 
 anie man should be earnest about the aduancement of that linage. 
 
 Ls^^ed The king, when he had studied on the matter, made answer, that 
 
 would not the earle of March was not taken prisoner for his cause, nor in his 
 
 Tansom 
 
 Morto^r, seruice, but willinglie suffered himselfe to be taken, bicause he would 
 ^j^Ji^ not withstand the attempts of Owen Glendouer, and his complices ; 
 ^^teke^] & therefore he would neither ransome him, nor releeue him.* 
 
 The Persies with this answer and fraudulent excuse were not a 
 Thttaimgof little fumcd, iusomuch that Henrie Hotspur said openlie : "Behold, 
 
 the L. Perne. ' e r > 
 
 " the heire of the relme is robbed of his right, and yet the robber 
 "with his owne will not redeeme him!"* So in this furie the 
 
 1 Hoi. has, I believe, copied a mistake of Halle (27). On August 6, 1385, 
 Parliament recognized Edmund's father— Roger fourth Earl of March — as 
 heir-presumptive to the crown. — Eidog., iii. 361. 
 
 2 Elizabeth. — Rymer, viiL 334. She was the sister of Sir Edmund 
 Mortimer, and the wife of Hotspur. — Miilog., iii. 396. 
 
 ^ beare] hea/re Hoi. edd. 1, 2. 
 
 * In the last article of their " quareU " the Percies, addressing Henry IV., 
 said that " Edmundus Mortymere, frater Rogeri Mortymere nuper comitis 
 Marchie et Ultonie, fuit captus per Owinum Glendore in mortal! bello cam- 
 pestri, et in prisona ac vinculis ferreis adhuc crudeliter tentus, in causa tua, 
 quem tu proclamasti captum ex dolo, et noluisti pati deliberacionem suam per 
 Be nee per nos consanguineos suos et amicos." — Hardyng, 353. Cp. p. 131, 
 n. 1, above, where a letter is quoted in which Edmund Mortimer speaks of his 
 nephew. As to Roger, fourth Earl of March, and father of Edmund, fifth 
 Earl, see p. 89, n. 1, above. Halle's version of this article (30) has " Edmond 
 Mortimer earle of Marche and Ulster," to represent " Edmundus Mortymere, 
 frater Rogeri Mortymere nuper comitis . . . Ultonie." 
 
 * We learn from Eulog. (iii. 395, 396) that, in 1403, Hotspur desired Henry 
 IV. to ransom Sir Edmund Mortimer. An altercation ensued, and the King 
 drew his dagger. " ' Non hie,' dixit Henricus [Percy], ' sed in campo.' Et 
 recessit." This open quarrel can hardly be assigned to an earlier date than 
 June, for on June 26, 1403, Northumberland wrote a friendly letter to Henry. 
 — Proc. Priv. Co. i. 204. 
 
Vr. FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 135 
 
 Persies departed, minding nothing more than to depose king Henrie 
 from the high type of his roialtie, and to place in his seat their 
 cousine Edmund earle of March, whom they did not onelie deliuer '^ «?>' 
 out of captiuitie, but also (to the high displeasure of kine Henrie") **« ^'^'^ 
 entered m league with the foresaid Owen Glendouer. . . , Qu^nixyvM. 
 
 King Henrie, not knowing of [«. 6221 this new confederacie i^™''' ™» 
 
 w i-.t J > unaware of 
 
 and nothmg lesse minding than that which after happened, ^oto*""™ 
 gathered a great armie to go againe into Wales ; whereof the earle 
 of Northumberland and his sonne were aduertised by the earle of 
 Worcester, and with all diligence raised all the power they could tu pema. 
 make, and sent to the Scots, which before were taken prisoners at !«"««•«• 
 Homeldon, for aid of men : promising to the earle of Dowglas the They eraue 
 towne of Berwike, and a part of Northumberland, and, to other 
 Scotish lords, great lordships and seigniories, if they obteined the 
 vpper hand. The Scots, in hope of gaine, and desirous to be 
 reuenged of their old greefes, came to the earle with a great 
 companie well appointed. 
 
 The Persies, to make their part seeme good, deuised certeine ^*« "^«*- 
 
 a > bwliap of 
 
 articles, by the aduise of Eichard Scroope, archbishop of Yorke, co^al^un, 
 brother to the lord Scroope, whome king Henrie had caused to be S^S" 
 beheaded at Bristow. 
 
 The Chronicles contain this notice of the marriage of Sir Edmund 
 Mortimer ; whom Shakspere, misled by Holinshed, makes Henry call 
 " that Earle of March " (I. iii. 84) : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 52I/1/21.] Edmund Mortimer, earle of March, 
 prisoner with Owen Glendouer, whether for irkesomnesse of cruell 
 captiuitie, or feare of death, or for what other cause, it is vncerteine, ^^'^ "•'' 
 agreed to take part with Owen against the king of England ; and S^S-'o/- 
 tooke to wife the daughter of the said Owen.^ eSower. 
 
 Believing that Glendower's prisoner was Edmund Earl of March^ 
 Holinshed thus comments upon Henry's unwillingness to ransom a 
 dangerous rival (Cp. 1 ffen. IV., I. iii. 158, 159) : 
 
 [Hol. iii. 520/2/5.] The king was not hastie to purchase the 
 
 1 " Eodem anno [1402] Dominus EdmunduB Mortimer, . . . circa festuro 
 S. Andreae Apostoli [Nov. 30], flliam prsedicti Owyni Glyndore desponsavit 
 maxima cum solemnitate, & (sicut vulgariter dioitur) conversus est totaliter ad 
 Wallicos."— .B«es., 182. 
 
136 VI. FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH, 
 
 The sm- deliuerance of the earle March, bicause his title to the crowne was 
 
 picum of ^ ' 
 
 ^oSd ^®^ inough kndwen, and therefore suffered him to remaine in 
 
 '^^cSa!* miserable prison j wishing both the said earle, and all other of his 
 
 linage, out of this life, with God and his saincts in heaueo, so they 
 
 had beeue out of the waie, for then all had beene well inough as 
 
 he thought. 
 
 Act II. 8c. iii. — The Lord, whose temporizing letter roused Hot- 
 Bpur's scorn (II. iii. 1-38), was, no doubt, one of the " noblemen " or 
 " states of the reahne " to whom the Percies' articles were submitted. 
 
 \Hol. iii, 522/1/19.] These articles being shewed to diuerse 
 
 Tiunn. Wall, noblemeo, and other states of the realnae, mooued them to fauour 
 
 their purpose, in so much that manie of them did not onelie 
 
 promise to the Persies aid and succour by words, but also by their 
 
 writings and seales^ confirmed the same. Howbeit, when the 
 
 [The percios matter Came to triall, the most part of the confederates abandoned 
 
 were aban- 
 doned by them, and at the daie of the conflict left them alone. Thus, after 
 
 nobles who ' ' 
 
 aid thl^]*° *^** *^^ conspirators had discouered themselues, the lord Henrie 
 Persie, desirous to proceed in the enterprise, vpon trust to be 
 assisted by Owen Glendouer, the earle of March [i. e. Sir Edmund 
 Mortimer], & other, assembled an armie of men of armes and 
 archers foorth of Cheshire and Wales. 
 
 Act II. sc, iv. — The Prince of Wales- was at a tavern in Easbcheap 
 
 when FalstafE — ^reporting to him the news of the rebellion, brought by 
 
 / a nobleman of the Court — says : " Worcester is stolne away to night '* 
 
 ^ (1. 392). We learn from Holinshed that, as soon as Hotspur had made 
 
 the first move, by assembling " an armie of men of armes and arehers," 
 
 ^Z^f [Bol. iii. 522/1/32.] his vncle Thomas Persie, earle of 
 m^^l, " Worcester, that had the gouemement of the prince of Wales, 
 Mm. who as then laie at London, in secret manner conueied ^ himselfe 
 
 Sail. , 
 
 * Hardyng tells us (351, prose addition ; 361) that he saw the sealed letters 
 by which these noblemen bound themselves to join the Percies' revolt. The 
 Lord, whose letter is read in II. iii., was "well contented to bee" at the 
 gathering-place, "in respect of the loue " he bore the Percies' house, but what 
 followed was a tacit refusal of help. 
 
 " "the prince . . . manner conueied." I have altered the punctuation 
 here by placing a comma after " London," and removing a comma which stood 
 after " 'manner. "^ Hol.'s punctuation — which is the same in both editions of 
 his ChroBicles— rmight lead one to infer that the Prince had come to town to 
 enjoy himself clandestinely, and Shakspere perhaps so understood the sentence. 
 Comparison with Ott. (240) shows that the words " in secret manner " apply to 
 Worcester. 
 
VI. FIRST PART OP KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 137 
 
 out of the princes house ; and comming to Stafford (where he 
 met his nephue) they increased their power by all waies and 
 meanes they could deuise. 
 
 Act III. sc. i. — The first scene of Act III. is laid at the Archdeacon 
 of Bangor's house, where Hotspur, Mortimer, and Glendower have met 
 to partition between them King Henry's realm. Before going to 
 business, Hotspur and Glendower talk of certahiportents attending 
 the lattei^s nativity (U. 13-40). I do not find in Holinshed any birth 
 recorded which was marked by such signs, but it is possible that a 
 horrible prodigy associated with Mortimer's entrance into the world 
 set Shakspere's imagination working to devise marvels suited to the 
 fairer fortunes of lie Welsh prince, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 521/1/27.] Strange wonders happened (as men 
 reported) at the natiuitie of this man, for, the same night he was 
 borne, all his fathers horsses in the stable were found to stand in ff'S^'^J* 
 
 Mortimers 
 
 blond vp to the bellies.^ "^^^^ 
 
 Malone conjectured that Shakspere transferred to the time of 
 Glendower's birth a portent recorded in the ensuing excerpt : 
 
 1402 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 519/2/59.] In the moneth of March [1402] appeared 
 a biasing starre, first betweene the east part of the firmament and , ^, . 
 the north, flashing foorth fire and flames round about it, and, '^^^g"^' 
 lastlie, shooting foorth fierie beams towards the north j foreshewing mi^md" 
 (as was thought) the great eflusion of blond that fojlowed, about teriand™ 
 the parts of Wales and Northumberland./ Por much about the 
 same time, Owen Glendouer (with his Welshmen) fought with the 
 lord Greie of Ruthen, comming foorth to defend his possessions, 
 which the same Owen wasted and destroied ; and, as the fortune 
 of that dales worke fell out, the lord Greie was taken prisoner, 
 
 Tfte lord 
 
 and manie of his men were slaine. This hap lifted the Welshmen ^™« "f 
 
 ■*- Ruthen 
 
 into high pride, and increased meruelouslie their wicked and ^ui^om 
 presumptuous attempts. eundou^. 
 
 » Accordiug to Ev^. (179), Ch/rm. CHies (Bin. IV. 11), and Mvlog. (398), 
 Mortimer's birth was thus signalized. But, as in Eol., the paragraph immedi- 
 ately preceding — which records Mortimer's marriage, and is quoted by me at 
 p. 135 above — ends with the words "the said Owen,'' "this man" might be 
 understood to mean Glendower. VFals. (ii. 253, 254) — from whom Hoi. derived 
 both paragraphs — meant, perhaps, that Glendower was the man at whose 
 nativity horses "were found to stand in blond vp to the bellies." 
 
138 VI. FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 Glendower claims to have thrice sent Henry "weather beaten 
 backe " to England (III. i. 64-67). The first of these luckless expedi- 
 tions was made in 1400 (see an account of it at p. 104 above). Henry's 
 second failure was ascribed to the " art magike," in which Glendower 
 professes to be so deeply skilled (III. i. 46-49). Holinshed says : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 520/2/19.] About mid of August [1402]/ the king, to 
 chastise the presumptuous attempts of the Welshmen, went with a 
 great power of men into Wales, to pursue the capteine of the 
 Welsh rebels,^ Owen Glendouer; but in effect he lost his labor, 
 for Owen coueied himselfe out of the waie into his knowen lurking 
 places, and (as was thought) through art magike, he caused such 
 intemperat foulc wcather of wiuds, tcmpest, raine, snow, and haile to be 
 [caused by raiscd, for the annoiance of the kings armie, that the like had not 
 
 Glendower's ■, 1 o • iii. --i 
 
 sorcery]. bccne heard of : m such sort, that the kmg was constremed to 
 returne home, hauing caused his people yet to spoile and burne 
 first a great part of the countrie. 
 
 The third expedition has been antedated. It was undertaken in 
 1405,^ after the suppression of Archbishop Scrope's revolt, when 
 Henry 
 
 TheK. \Hol. iii. 530/2/70.1 tooke his iournie directlie into Wales, 
 
 patiethinto '- i ii J 
 
 waiet. where he found fortune nothing fauourable vnto him, for all his 
 seioosethUs attempts had euill successe ; in somuch that, losing fiftie of his 
 
 cartages. a ' o 
 
 Heretumeth. cariagcs through abundance of rame and waters, he returned. 
 
 Waiving further discussion of supernatural matters, Glendower 
 draws Hotspur's attention to a map, upon which Mortimer points out 
 the intended partition of England and Wales between the confederates 
 (11. 70-77). According to Holinshed, Northumberland, Hotspur, and 
 Glendower, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 621/2/57.] by their deputies, in the house of the 
 
 archdeacon of Bangor, diuided the realme amongst them ; causing 
 
 dtniHin a tripartite indenture to be made and sealed with their seales, by 
 
 tripartite. ^^^ coucnauts whcreof, all England from Seuerne and Trent, south 
 
 A diuisum 0/ and eastward, was assigned to the earle of March : all Wales, & 
 
 that which ' " 
 
 they had not. ^jjg lands beyoud Seuerne westward, were appointed to Owen 
 
 1 Wals. ii. 250. Usk, 76 ; 201. Ott. 235. 
 
 2 rebels] Hoi. ed. 1. rebdl Hoi. ed. 2. 
 
 3 Wals. n. 271. 
 
VI. FIRST PAET OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 139 
 
 Glendouer : and all the remnant from Trent northward, to the lord 
 Persie.^ 
 
 Hotspur scoffs at a prophecy (11. 149-155) which seems to have had ^ 
 much weight ; for Holinshed, speaking of the partition described in my 
 last excerpt, says : 
 
 \E.ol. iii. 621/2/67.] This was doone (as some haue said) 
 through a foolish credit giuen to a vaine prophesie,^ as though king a. vatm 
 Henrie was the moldwarpe, curssed of Gods owne mouth, and they ^ 
 three were the dragon, the lion, and the woolfe, which should diuide 
 this realme betweene them. 
 
 Act III. so. ii. — In this scene Prince Henry is reproached by his 
 father for devotion to ignoble pleasures and base associates. The 
 Prince answers (11. 18-28) : 
 
 So please your Maiestie, I would I could 
 
 Quit all offences with as clear excuse. 
 
 As well as (I am doubtlesse) I can purge 20 
 
 My selfe of many I am chargd withall : 
 
 Yet such extenuation let me beg, 
 
 As, in reproofe of many tales deuisde 
 
 (Which oft the eare of greatnes needs must heare) 24 
 
 By smiling picktha/nks, and base newesmongers, 
 
 I may, for some things true, wherein my youth 
 
 Hath faulty wandred and irregular, 
 
 Find pardon on my true submission. 28 
 
 1 This alliance was made after Hotspur's death. On February 28, 1405, 
 " Henricus, comes Northumbriae, fecit legiam et confoederationem et amioitiam 
 cum Owino Glendore, et Edmundo de Mortuomari, filio quondam Edmundi 
 comitis Marchiae [the third Earl], in certis articulis continentibus formam quae 
 sequitnr et tenorem." — Gwon. Giles {Hen. IV. 39). In the following pages 
 of Chron. GUes (40, 41) the tripartite division of England and Wales is set 
 forth. 
 
 * This prophecy is in MSS. Bodl. 1787 (printed in Archaeol., xx. 258). The 
 " talpa ore Dei maledicta " was to suflfer for her past misdeeds ; and " terra rever- 
 tetur ad asinum [Richard II.], vel aprum, vel draconem, vel leonem." Hotspur 
 was angered by hearing from Glendower 
 
 "... of the Moldwa/rp and the Ant, 
 Of the dreamer Merlm and his prophecies, . . . 
 And of a Dragon . . . 
 A couching Lion, &e.'' 
 Halle says (28) : " a certayne writer writeth that this earle of Marche, the 
 Lorde Percy and Owen Glendor wer vnwysely made beleue by a, Welsh Pro- 
 phecier, that king Henry was the Moldwarpe, ... by the deuiacion and not 
 deuinaciora of that mawmet Merlyn." A clause in the indenture between 
 Northumberland, Mortimer and Glendower runs thus : " Item, si disponente 
 Deo, appareat praefatis dominis ex processu temporis, quod ipsi sint eaedem 
 personae, de quibus propheta loquitur, inter quos regimen Britanniae majoris 
 divididebeatetpaTtiri,:tuncipsi laborabunt, et quilibet ipsorum laborabit juxta 
 posse, quod id ad eflfectum efficaciter perducatur,"— OArow. Giles {Hen. IV., 40). 
 
140 VI, FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 The Prince's reference to the slanders of certain " pickthanks," who 
 accused him of a more serious transgression than that of keeping loose 
 company, seems to anticipate a misunderstanding which arose between 
 the father and son towards the end of Henry IV.'s reign. In 1412, 
 the 
 
 ofwS'' {Sol. iii. 539/1/ 1. J lord Heiirie, prince of Wales, eldest Sonne 
 
 to^tfJ?. *° ^"'S Henrie, got knowledge that certeine of his fathers seruants 
 were busie to giue informations against him, whereby discord 
 
 lohnsum. might arise betwixt him and his father: for they put into the 
 kings head, not onelie what euiU rule (according to the course of 
 youth) the prince kept to the offense of manie, but also what 
 great resort of people came to his house ; so that the court was 
 nothing furnished with such a traine as dailie followed the prince. 
 
 The «M- These tales brought no small suspicion into the kings head, least 
 
 picious ^ , 11. 
 
 geumsie of his souue would presumc to vsurpe the crowne, he being yet aliue ; 
 toward /.is through wMch suspicious gelousie, it was perceiued that he 
 
 8on. 
 
 fauoured not his sonne, as in times past he had doone. 
 
 The Prince (sore offended with such persons as, by slanderous 
 reports, sought not onelie to spot his good name abrode in the 
 realme, but to sowe discord also betwixt him and his father) wrote 
 his letters into euerie part of the realme, to reprooue all such 
 slanderous deuises of those that sought his discredit. And to 
 cleare himselfe the better, (that the world might vnderstand what 
 wrong he had to be slandered in such wise,) about the feast of 
 Tiupnwe Peter and Paule, to wit, the nine and twentith daie of June, he 
 
 goeth to the 
 
 court with a came to the court with such a number of noble men and other his 
 
 great traine. 
 
 freends that wished him well, as the like traine had beene sildome 
 scene repairing to the court at any one time in those dales. 
 
 At Westminster Prince Henry made his peace with the King, by 
 whom "he was dismissed with great loue and siglies of fatherlie 
 affection." • I give the passage following these words, because it 
 contains the epithet " pickthanks," which occurs in the lines quoted 
 above ; and also elucidates the Prince's avowal that " some things " 
 were " true," wherein his youth had " faulty wandred." 
 
 ["Pick- \E6h iii. 539/2/28.1 Thus were the father and the sonne 
 
 thanks" ■■ . 
 
 di^lfon reconciled, betwixt whom the said picMhcmks had sowne diuision, 
 Knl''and*''° iusomuch that the sonne, vpon a vehement conceit of vnkindnesse 
 H^Sy] sproong in the father, was in the waie to be worne out of fauour. 
 
VI. FIRST PART OP KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 141 
 
 Which was the more likelie to come to passe, by their informations 
 that priuilie charged him with riot ^ and other vnciuill demeanor [Prince 
 
 , „ Henry's 
 
 vaseemelie for a prince. Indeed he was youthfuUie giuen, growne tehavionr.i 
 to audacitie, and had chosen him companions agreeable to his age ; o/^V- "" 
 with whome he spent the time in such recreations,^ exercises, and ^^°^ , 
 
 '■ ' ' against 
 
 delights as he fansied. But yet (it should seeme by the report of diSn'in 
 some writers) that his behauiour was not offensiue or at least *'"^'' 
 tending to the damage of anie bodie ; sith he had a care to auoid 
 dooing of wrong, and to tedder his aflFections within the tract of 
 Tertue ; whereby he opened vnto himselfe a redie passage of good 
 liking among the prudent sort, and was beloued of such as could 
 discerne his disposition, which was in no degree so excessiue, as 
 that he deserued in such vehement maner to be suspected. 
 
 Continuing to rebuke his son, the King says (11. 32, 33) : 
 
 Thy place in counsell thou hast rudely lost, 
 Which by thy yonger brother is supplide. 
 
 Holinshed briefly mentions the well-known story ^ that Prince 
 Henry once struck Chief -Justice Gascoign ; and adds : 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 543/2/17.] The king after expelled him out of his [ciarence 
 priuie councell, banisht him the court, and made the duke of S'fc^^o?/ 
 Clarence (his yoonger brother) president of counceU in his steed. Mnaf "' 
 
 Henry. 
 
 * I find nothing to warrant this charge, but it is said that Eastcheap — the 
 Shaksperian Prince Hal's old haunt^^waa once disturbed by a riot in connexion 
 with which Prince John — Falstaff's "yong sober blouded boy" (2 Hen. IV., 
 IV. iii. 94) — is mentioned. Under 1410, Stow writes (550) : " Vpon the eenen 
 of Saint lohn Baptist [June 33], Thomas and John, the kings sonnes, being in 
 East-cheap at London, at supper, after midnight, a great debate hapned betweene 
 their men, and men of the court, lasting an honre, till the Maior and Sheriflfes 
 with other Citizens ceased the same." The riot is thus chronicled by Ch'eg. 
 (106) : "And the same tyme [1410] was the hurlynge in Estechepe by the lorde 
 Thomas and the lorde John, the kyngys sone, &c." 
 
 2 One of these "recreations" is thus described by Stow (557) : 'He [Prince 
 Henry] liued somewhat insolently, insomuch that, whilest his father liued, ^ y^ 
 being accompanied with some of his yong Lords and gentlemen, he would 
 waite in disguised aray for his owne receiuers, and distresse them of their 
 money ; and sometimes at such enterprises both he and his company were 
 surely beaten ; and when his receiuers made to him their complaints how they 
 were robbed in their comming vnto him, hee would giAie them discharge of so 
 much money as they had lost ; and, besides that, tliey should not depart from 
 him withmit great rewg/rdsfor their trouble and vexation ; especially they should 
 be rewarded that best had resisted him and his company, and of whom he had 
 reeeiued the greatest and most strokes.' With the words italicized cp. what 
 Prince Henry says in regard to the booty taken from the travellers on Gadshill : 
 " The money shall bee paid backe againe with aduantage " (1 Sen. IV., XL 
 iv. 599). ? See p. 161, below. 
 
142 VI. FIRST PART OP KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 / Shakspere has used a dramatist's freedom in making Henry IV. 
 
 speak of Hotspur as "being no more in debt to yeares" than the 
 Prince (1. 103). Whether Shakspere was ignorant of, or chose to 
 disregard, the chronological aspect of this matter, I know not, but 
 from a comparison of two passages in his authority {Hoi. ii. H. S. 249/ 
 2/7, &c., and iii. 5II/2/9, &c.) he could have learnt that in 1388 Harry 
 Percy was old enough to command the English forces at Otterburne, 
 while in 1399 Harry Monmouth was only twelve years of age. Indeed 
 it is probable that Hotspur was older than the King. Henry IV. was 
 born on April 3, 1367 (Gmnpotus Hugonia de Waterton, cited in Notes 
 & Queries, 4th S. xi. 162) ; and Walsingham tells us (i. 388) that, on 
 November 25, 1378, Hotspur displayed his pennon for the first time 
 (" primo . . . suum vexillum displicuit ") at the siege of Berwick 
 Castle. 
 
 When the Prince has succeeded in gaining his father's confidence, 
 and has been promised a command in the royal army. Sir Walter 
 Blunt enters and announces that news of the rebels' gathering at 
 Shrewsbury has been sent by " Lord Mortimer of Scotland " (1. 164). 
 In the following excerpt George of Dunbar, Earl of the March of 
 / Scotland,! jg galled " the Scot, the earle of March " ; an appellation 
 / which might have led Shakspere to believe that the Scottish Earls of 
 March were akin to the English Mortimers, Earls of March. 
 
 [^Hol. iii. 522/2/39.] King Henrie, aduertised of the proceedings 
 
 of the Persies, foorthwith gathered about him such power as he 
 
 might make, and, being earnestlie called vpon by the Scot, the 
 
 earle of March, to make hast and giue battell to his enimies, before 
 
 their power by delaieng of time should still too much increase, he 
 
 The ung» passcd forward with such speed, that he was in sight of his enimies, 
 
 duigmce. lieng iu campc neere to Shrewesburie, before they were in doubt of 
 
 anie such thing ; for the Persies thought that he would haue staled 
 
 at Burton vpon Trent, till his councell had come thither to him to 
 
 giue their aduise what he were best to doo. But herein the enimie 
 
 was deceiued of his expectation, sith the king had great regard of 
 
 expedition and making speed for the safetie of his owne person ; 
 
 wherevnto the earle of March incited him, considering that in 
 
 delaie is danger, & losse in lingering. 
 
 Act IV. sc. i. — A messenger brings Hotspur news that Northum- 
 berland " is grieuous sicke " (1. 16), and delivers a letter containing the 
 Earl's excuses for not coming himself or sending the expected rein- 
 forcements. After speaking of the efforts made by Hotspur and 
 Worcester to increase their strength (p. 137 above), Holinshed says;^ 
 
 » He is called " George de Dnnbarre, Erie of the Marche of Scotland," in 
 the indenture (dated July 25, 1400) by which he engages to transfer his allegi- 
 ance from Robert III. to Henry IV.—Bymer, viii. 153. 
 
VI. FIRST PART OP KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 143 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 522/1/39.] The earle of Northumberland himselfe was [North- 
 ^ not with them, but, being sicke, had promised vpon his amende- pre^nted 
 ment to repaire vnto them (as some write) with all conuenient Hoto w^iSd 
 
 speed. Worcester.] 
 
 Act rV". sc. ii. — ^If, in Shakspere's day, there were some captains 
 
 J who "misused the kinges presse damnablie " (1. 13), contemporaries of 
 
 Sir John FalstafE had also enriched themselves by a like practice. In 
 
 1387, Richard Earl of Arundel, — to whom the command of an English 
 
 fleet had been given, — 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 454/1 /S 3.] vnderstanding that the duke of Glocester, 
 and manie other noblemen would see the muster of his men, vsed 
 all diligence, and spared for no costs, to haue the most choisest 
 and pikedst fellowes that might be gotten ; not following the euill 
 example of others in times past, which receiued tag and rag to fill 
 vp their numbers, whom they hired for small wages, and reserued a great 
 
 _ . , abuse in 
 
 the residue to their pursses. o*""* »/ 
 
 *■ louliiurt. 
 
 Act IV. sc. iii. — Shakspere assigned to Sir Thomas Blunt the 
 w mission ^1. 41-51) which, as my next excerpt shows, was entrusted to 
 the Abbot of Shrewsbury and a clerk of the Privy Seal. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 523/1/35.] The next daie in the morning earlie, 
 being the euen of Marie Magdalene [July 21, 1403], they set their 
 battels in order on both sides, and now, whilest the warriors looked 
 when the token of battell should be giuen, the abbat of Shrewes- 
 burie, and one of the clearks of the priuie scale, were sent from The ung 
 
 offereth to 
 
 the king vnto the Persies, to offer them pardon, if they would Pfdmhu 
 
 come to any reasonable agreement. By their persuasions, the 
 
 lord Henrie Persic began to giue care vnto the kings ofiers, & so 
 
 sent with them his vncle the earle of Worcester, to declare vnto 
 
 the king the causes of those troubles, and to require some efiectuall 
 
 reformation in the same. 
 
 Act V. sc. i. — ^Holinshed's epitome of the Percies' charges is inter- 
 woven with the speeches of Hotspur (IV. iii. 60-62 ; 90-96) and 
 Worcester (V. i. 41-58). I have transposed the order of the passages . 
 
 in Holinshed concerning the Abbot of Shrewsbury's mission, and the j/ 
 
 delivery of the Percies' articles to Henry. " The next daie " — when, ^ 
 as appearsfrom the preceding excerpt, the Abbot offered Henry's terms 
 to the rebels — was the day after that on which Hotspur's esquires were 
 sent to the royal camp with these articles, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 623/1/8.] Now when the two armies were incamped, 
 
144 VI. FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 ThePerHea the One against the other, the earle of Worcester and the lord 
 
 sent their _ ° 
 
 th^uV P^''sie with their complices sent the articles (whereof I spake 
 
 before), by Thomas Caiton, and Roger ^ Saluain, esquiers, to king 
 
 King Bmrie Henric, vndcr their hands and scales ; which articles in eiFect 
 
 charged with ' ' 
 
 iieriMTO. charged him with manifest periurie, in that (contrarie to his oth 
 receiued vpon the euangolists at Doncaster, when he first entred 
 the realme after his exile) he had taken vpon him the crowne and 
 roiall dignitie, imprisoned king Richard, caused him to resigne his 
 title, and finallie to be murthered, Diuerse other matters they 
 laid to his charge, as leuieng of taxes and tallages, contrarie to his 
 promise, infringing of lawes & customes of the realme, and suffering 
 the earle of March to remaine in prison, without tranelling to haue 
 
 Frocurors i: him dcliucred.^ All which things they, asprocurors & protectors of 
 
 protectors of 
 
 ' muT™" ^^^ common-wealth, toote vpon them to prooue against him, as 
 they protested vnto the whole world. 
 
 King Henrie, after he had read their articles, with the defiance 
 The Hngs which they annexed to the same, answered the esquiers, that be 
 messmgers was Tcadic with dlut of sword and fierce battell to prooue their 
 
 that brought 
 
 the articles. quarrcU false, and nothing else than a forged matter ; not doubting, 
 but that God would aid and assist him in his righteous cause, 
 against the disloiall and false forsworne traitors. 
 
 Act V. sc. ii. — On tlje day of battle (July 21), Hotspur, after 
 hearing Henry's proposals, sent back their bearer, the Abbot of 
 Shrewsbury, accompanied by Worcester, to the King (see p. 143 above). 
 Holinshed left Worcester's treachery unexplained, but Shakspere has 
 supplied a motive for it (11. 4-23), 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 523/1/48.] It was reported for a truth, that now 
 
 1 Boger] Thomas Hoi. 
 
 2 All these charges are made in Hotspur's or Worcester's speech. (They 
 are contaiaed in the Percies' " quarell," cited at p. 134, n. 4, above.) Hotspur 
 says that Henry "taskt the whole state" (IV. iii. 92), and reformed "certaine 
 edicts " and " streight decrees " (IV. iii. 79) ; words which embody the accusa- 
 tions of having levied " taxes and tallages,'' and infringed " lawes and customes 
 of the realme.'' Worcester's complaint that they were in danger of their lives 
 from Henry's jealousy (V. i. 59-64)— cp. what Hotspur says (IV. iii. 98) — 
 occurs in some letters which, besides the articles, were sent abroad by the 
 Percies, wherein they affirmed that " where through the slanderous reports of 
 their enimies, the king had taken a ^eeuous displeasure with them, they 
 durst not appeare personalUe in the kings presence, vntill the prelats and 
 barona of the realme had obteined of the king licence for them to come and 
 purge themselues before him, by lawfuU triall of their peeres, whose iudgement 
 (as they pretended) they would in no wise refuse.^' — Sol. iii. 522/1/52. 
 
VI. FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 145 
 
 when the king had condescended vnto all that was resonable at 
 his hands to be required, and seemed to humble himselfe more 
 than was meet for his estate, the earle of Worcester (vpon his ThemrUof 
 
 Worcatert 
 
 returne to his nephue) made relation cleane contrarie to that the *«*^ ^^ 
 king had said, in such sort that he set his nephues hart more in ™™%„^ tiu 
 displeasure towards the king,~lhan euer it was before ; driuing him **""' """'^" 
 by that meanes to fight whether he would or not. 
 
 The armies are on the point of joining battle when Hotspur thus 
 encourages his followers (V. ii. 82-89) : 
 
 Gentlemen, the time of life is short ! 
 
 To spend that shortness basely were too long, 
 
 If life did ride vpon a dials point, 84 
 
 Still ending at the arriual of an houre. 
 
 And if we liue, we liue to tread on kings. 
 
 If die, braue death, when princes die with vs ! 
 
 Now, for our consciences, the armes are faire, 88 
 
 When the intent of bearing them is iust. 
 
 The ensuing excerpt contains a speech attributed to Hotspur, which 
 has less martial ardour than is displayed in these lines. 
 Henry's rapid advance obliged the rebels to desist 
 
 \Hol. iii. 522/2/60.] from assaulting the towne of Shrewesburie, tr<mbM 
 which enterprise they were readie at that instant to haue taken in **«"« f^^^ 
 
 ^ " coTtivnng. 
 
 hand ; and foorthwith the lord Persie (as a capteine of high tkc imrd 
 courage) began to exhort the capteines and souldiers to prepare ^^^f^^ ^ 
 themselues to battell, sith the matter was growen to that point, Jj,^^,*" ***''" 
 that by no meanes it could be auoided, " so that '' (said he) " this 
 "dale shall either bring vs all to aduancement & honor, or else, if 
 "it shall chance vs to be ouercome, shall deliuer vs from the kings 
 " spitefuU malice and cruell disdaine : for plaieng the men (as we 
 "ought to doo), better it is to die in battell for the common- 
 " wealths cause, than through cowardlike feare to prolong life, 
 "which after shall be taken from vs, by sentence of the enimie." 
 
 Act V. sc. ii. 11. 97-101 ; sc. iii. 11. 1-29 ; sc. iv. 11. 1-86.— Hotspur, 
 deceived by Worcester's false report of Henry's words, resolves to 
 fight: 
 
 YEol. iii. 523/1/57.] then suddenlie blew the trumpets, the 
 kings part crieng, "S. George ! vpon them ! " the aduersaries cried, 
 " Esfperance ! Persie ! " and so the two armies furiouslie ioined. The 
 archers on both sides shot for the best game, laieng on such load 
 
 L 
 
146 
 
 VI. FIRST PART OF KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 
 
 Hall. 
 The Scots. 
 
 The Welsh- 
 inen covie to 
 aid the 
 Persies. 
 
 [Valour of 
 Hotspur and 
 Douglas.] 
 
 The earle of 
 March 
 [withdrew 
 Henry from 
 the side of 
 the Aeld 
 where Hot- 
 spur and 
 Douglas 
 fought]. 
 
 Tho. Walsi. 
 
 [Sir Walter 
 Blunt and 
 the Earl of 
 Stafford 
 slain.] 
 
 Hall. 
 
 The valiance 
 of the yoong 
 prince [, who 
 ■would not 
 retire 
 though 
 he was 
 wounded.] 
 
 ■with arrowes, that manie died, and were driuen downe that never 
 rose againe. 
 
 The Scots (as some write), which had the fore ward on the 
 Persies side, intending to be reuenged of their old displeasures 
 doone to them by the English nation, set so fiercelie on the kings 
 fore ward, led by the earle of StaflFord, that they made the same 
 draw backe, and had almost broken their aduersaries arraie. The 
 Welshmen also, which before had laine lurking in the woods, 
 mounteines, and marishes, hearing of this battell toward, came to 
 the aid of the Persies, and refreshed the wearied people with new 
 succours. The king perceiuing that his men were thus put to 
 distresse, what with the violent impression of the Scots, and the 
 tempestuous stormes of arrowes, that his aduersaries discharged 
 freely against him and his people, — it was no need to will him to 
 stirre : for suddenlie, with his fresh battell, he approched and 
 relieued his men; so that the battell began more fierce than 
 before. Here the lord Henrie Persie, and the earle Dowglas, a 
 right stout and hardie capteine, not regarding the shot of the kings 
 battell, nor the close order of the ranks, pressing forward togither, 
 bent their whole forces towards the kings person ; comming vpon 
 him with speares and swords so fiercelie, that the earle of March, 
 the Scot, perceiuing their purpose, withdrew the king from that 
 side of the field (as some write) for his great benefit and safegard 
 (as it appeared) ; for they gaue such a violent onset vpon them that 
 stood about the kings standard, that, slaieng his standard-bearer 
 sir Walter Blunt, and ouerthrowing the standard, they made 
 slaughter of all those that stood about it ; as the earle of Stafford, 
 that dale made by the king constable of the realine, and diuerse 
 .other. 
 
 The prince that daie holpe his father like a Instie yoong gentle- 
 man ; for although he was hlirt in the face with an arrow, so that 
 diuerse noble men, that were about him, would haue conueied him 
 foorth of the field, yet he would not suffer them so to doo, least 
 his departure from amongst his men might happilie haue striken 
 some feare into their harts : and so, without regard of his hurt, he 
 continued with his men, & neuer ceassed either to fight where the 
 battell was most hot, or to incourage his men where it seemed 
 
VI. FIRST PART OP KING HENRY THE FOURTH. 147 
 
 most need. This battell lasted three long houres, with indifferent Amnbatm 
 
 fortune on both parts, till at length, the king, crieng, "saint mainuined. 
 
 " George ! victorie ! " brake the arraie of his enimies ; and aduen- 
 
 tured so farre, that (as some write) the earle Dowglas strake him d^Zfeo/' 
 
 downe, & at that instant slue sir Walter Blunt, and three other, v^Jgi^. 
 
 apparelled in the kings sute and clothing, saieng : " I maruell to S!nt ma 
 
 " see so many kings thus suddenlie arise one in the necke of an wto w™"^'" 
 
 " other." The king, in deed, was raised, & did that daie manie a wlS^'' 
 
 noble feat of armes, for, as it is written, he slue that daie with his m™So/ 
 
 owne hands six and thirtie persons of his enimies. The other on *''***""• 
 
 his part, incouragedby his dooings, fought valiantlie, and slue the me lord 
 
 lord Persie, called sir Henrie Hotspurre.^ S«i 
 
 Act V. so. V. — Touching the numbers slain (11. 6-10), and the fates 
 of Worcester and Vernon (I. 14), Holinshed says : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 523/2/52.] There was also taken the earle of Themrieof 
 Worcester, the procurer and setter foorth of all this mischeefe, sir ««*»• 
 Richard Vernon, and . . . diuerse other. There were slaine Tpon ^"iff^'s 
 
 ■^ slaine on the 
 
 the kings part, beside the earle of Stafford, ... sir Hugh Shorlie, *™ff«i"»''«- 
 sir lohn Clifton, ... sir Robert^ Gausell, sir ^Walter Blunt,* . . . 
 There died in all vpon the kings side sixteene hundred, and foure 
 thousand were greeuouslie wounded. On the contrarie side were 
 slaine, besides the lord Persie, the most part of the knights and 
 esquiers of the countie of Chester, to the number of two hundred, y*« 
 
 ^ ' slaughter of 
 
 besides yeomen and footmen : in all there died of those that fought ^'£''* ™'" 
 on the Persies side, about fine thousand. This battell was fought '""'"■ 
 on Marie Magdalene euen, being saturdaie. Upon the mondaie 
 folowing, the earle of Worcester, . . . and sir Richard Vernon ... n.e earie of 
 were condemned and beheaded, [p. 5241 The earles head was andop,ers 
 
 11.1 heheaded. 
 
 sent to London, there to be set on the bridge. 
 
 Douglas is then released, "ransomlesse and free" (11. 27-31). 
 Holinshed thus ends his account of the battle : 
 
 1 " Inter quos [the slain] Henricns Percy corruit interemptus, dubium 
 cujus manu, snis, ignorantibus ejus casum, putantibus, ipsum regem captasse 
 vel occidisse. Quamobrem se eohortaiite% elamabant ingementes, ' Henry 
 Percy Kinge.' Quorum clamores rex intelligens, ne vana spe deducti certarent 
 ulterius, . . . clamavit et ipse voce qua valuit, ' Mortuus est Heiiricus Percy.' " 
 —Ott., 243. * BoheH} Nicholas Hoi. 
 
 » " Sherly, Stafford, Blunt » (V. iv. 41). " Sir Nicholas GawBey . . , 
 Clifton" (V. iv. 45, 46). 
 
148 VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 
 
 [Hol. iii. 523/2/46.] To conclude, the kings enimies were 
 The earie Vanquished, and put to flight ; in which flight, the earle of Dowglas, 
 taken. for hast, fallms from the crag of an hie mounteine, brake one of 
 
 pnamer. < o o 
 
 his cullions, and was taken, and for his valiantnesse, of the king 
 frankelie and freelie deliuered. 
 
 VII. THE SECOND PAKT OF KING HENRY IV. 
 
 The Second part of ffenrie tke/owih is separated from the preceding 
 play by a historic interval of nearly two years, which elapsed between 
 the battle of Shrewsbury (July 21, 1403) and Archbishop Scrope's 
 rebellion (May — June, 1405). Dramatic action pauses while Morton is 
 speeding to the Earl of Northumberland with the news of Hotspur's 
 defeat and death. The historic period dramatized in the two Parts of 
 Henry IV. closes with Henry V.'s coronation on April 9, 1413. 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — For the brief space of time filled by Morton's warning 
 — that a "speedy power" (1. 133) has been sent against Northum- 
 berland — historic and dramatic dates coincide. Though Sir Robert 
 Waterton — not Prince John — was Westmoreland's colleague, we may 
 fairly identify the " power " spoken of by Morton with the "armie " 
 which, as the ensuing passage shows, was ' got on foot ' to meet 
 Northumberland. 
 
 [Hol. iii. 524/1/3.] The earle of Northumberland was now 
 
 marching forward with great power, which he had got thither, 
 
 either to aid his sonne and brother (as was thought) or at the 
 
 least towards the king, to procure a peace; but the earle of 
 
 Theearieof Wcstmcrland, and sir Robert Waterton, knight, had got an armie 
 
 Z^d^th on foot, and meant to meet him. The earle of Northumberland, 
 
 agStthe taking neither of them to be his freend, turned suddenlie backe, 
 
 Northuniber- and withdrew himselfe into Warkewoorth castell. 
 
 land. 
 
 Northumberland's submission, however, averted a battle, and peace 
 was restored until he gave countenance to Archbishop Scrope's revolt 
 in 1405. 
 
 Act I. sc. iii. — Archbishop Scrope and his fellow-conspirators 
 discuss their chances of success, and resolve to move at once, without 
 waiting for Northumberland. Nothing in this scene admits of histori- 
 cal comment except Hasting's report (11. 70-73) that the King's 
 . . . diuisions, as the times do brawle. 
 Are in three heads : one power against the French, 
 And one against Glendower ; perforce a third 
 Must take vp vs ; . . . 
 
VII. THE SECOND PAET OF KING HENRY IV. 149 
 
 The third power is commanded by Prince John ^ and Westmoreland, 
 the King and Prince Henry will encounter the Welsh, but " no certaine 
 notice " has been obtained of the leader who will oppose the French 
 (11. 82-85). 
 
 Shakspere seems to have antedated some assistance rendered by the 
 French to Glendower in the summer of 1405, after Archbishop Scrope's 
 revolt had been suppressed. About this time ^ 
 
 [Hol. iii. 531/1/8.] the French king had appointed one of the naii. 
 marshals of France, called Montmerancie, and the master of his mt^r^^ 
 crosbowes, with twelue thousand men, to saile into Wales to aid '^m" "" 
 Owen Glendouer. They tooke shippmg at Brest, and, hauing the 
 wind prosperous, landed at Milford hauen, with an hundred and 
 fourtie ships, as Thomas Walsingham saith ; though Unguerarvt de 
 Monstrellet maketh mention but of an hundred and twentie. 
 
 Failing to capture Haverfordwest, 
 
 [Hol. iii. 531/1/3;,.] they departed towards the towne of 5^^^^*r 
 Denbigh, where they found Owen Glendouer abiding for their ^'"^''^'si'-l 
 comming, with ten thousand of his Welshmen. Here were the 
 Frenchmen ioifiiUie receiued of the Welsh rebels, and so, when all ^^ mtittrft. 
 
 of Worcester 
 
 things were prepared, they passed by Glamorganshire towards ''"™*- 
 Worcester, and there burnt the suburbes : but, hearing of the kings "»* weish 
 approch, they suddenlie returned towards Wales. S'roache^ 
 
 Act II. sc. iii. — Moved by the prayers of his wife and daughter-in- 
 law the Earl of Northumberland determines to seek refuge for a while 
 in Scotland, though he would fain "go to meete the Archbishop" 
 (1. 65). But the historical fact is that Scrope was executed before 
 Henry marched against Northumberland, who, 
 
 [Hol. iii. 530/2/35.] hearing that his counsell was bewraied, 
 and his confederats brought to confusion, through too much hast 
 of the archbishop of Yorke, with three hundred horsse got him to 
 Berwike. The king comming forward quickelie, wan the castell of 
 
 1 Wrongly styled "Duke of Lancaster" (I. 82) by Shakspere, This title 
 was borne by Henry Prince of Wales. — Bot. Pari., iii. 428/i. 
 
 2 In a writ addressed to the Sheriff of Hereford, and dated from Pomfret 
 Castle, "vii die Augusti" [1405], Henry says that the arrival of the French at 
 Milford Haven " ad nostrum jam noviter pervenit intellectum." — Bymer, viii. 
 405. The French embarked about the end of July, 1405. When the wind 
 favoured them, they set sail, and landed at Milford Haven. — St. Benys, iii. 
 328. According to Ohron. Nwrmmde (370), they sailed on July 22, 1405, and 
 remained in Wales until November 1 next following. 
 
150 
 
 VII. THE SECOND PART OP KING HENRY IV. 
 
 The earle of 
 Northumber- 
 land [and 
 Lord 
 Bardolph 
 fled to 
 Scotland.] 
 
 Owen 
 Glendouer 
 endeth his 
 life in great 
 
 Warkewoorth. Whereypon the earle of Northumberland, not 
 thinking himselfe in suertie at Berwike, fled with the lord Berdolfe 
 into Scotland, where they were receiued of Dauid lord Fleming.^ 
 
 Act III. sc. i. — A note of time occurs at 1. 60, wMcli, if we could 
 ignore historic and dramatic contradictions, would enable us to say 
 that the Third Act opens in 1407. Henry calls to mind how " eight 
 yeares since," — that is, in 1399, — Northumberland had been his 
 trustiest friend. Yet this memory presents itself in the historical year 
 1405, before the end of Archbishop Scrope's rebellion was known. We 
 need not, however, concern ourselves about years, for but a few drama- 
 tic days have elapsed since the battle of Shrewsbury.^ Chronology 
 being thus travestied, the news that " Glendour is dead " (1. 103) is not 
 liable to question because he survived Henry ; nor is anything gained 
 if we accept the erroneous date^ giyen in the following excerpt : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 536/i/i.] Tlie Welsh rebell Owen Glendouer made 
 an end of his wretched life in this tenth yeare [1408-9] of king 
 Henrie his reigne ; being driuen now in his latter time (as we find 
 recorded) to such miserie, that, in manner despairing of all comfort, 
 he fled into desert places and solitarie caues ; where, being destitute 
 of all releefe and succour, dreading to shew his face to anie 
 creature, and finallie lacking meat to susteine nature, for meere 
 hunger and lacke of food, [he] miserablie pined awaie and died. 
 
 Act IV. sec. i.-ii. — From the ensuing passages were derived the 
 scenes in which the suppression of Archbishop Scrope's revolt is 
 dramatized. Before the rebellion broke out " the king was minded to 
 haue gone into Wales against the Welsh rebels, that, vnder their 
 cheefteine Owen Glendouer, ceassed not to doo much mischeefe still 
 against the English subiects" (Hoi. ui. 529/i/5i). 
 
 ^ Northumberland sealed a letter written at Berwick-upon-Tweed on June 
 11, 1405. — Eot. Pari., iii. 605/i. Before his flight he delivered Berwick to the 
 Scots. — Ott, 257. In the same month of June, ere Henry reached Berwick, 
 the Scots burnt the town and retreated. — Bot. Pa/rl., iii. 605/2. Ott., 257. 
 
 2 T-A., 285. 
 
 ' Pennant says, without citing any authority, that Glendower died on 
 September 20, 1415.— Toii/r in Wales, 1778, p. 368. But in the following year 
 Sir Gilbert Talbot was licensed to receive Glendower's submission. On 
 Pebraary 24, 1416, powers were granted by Henry V. " ad Oommunicandum 
 & Tractandum cum Meredith ap Owyn, Filio Owyni de Glendonrdy, de '& 
 super certis Materiis, praefato Gilberto per Nos injunctis & declaratis, Et tlim 
 ad praedictum Owinum, quam alios Rebelles nostros Wallenses, ad Obedientiam 
 & Gratias nostras, si se ad eas petendnm optulerint, nomine nostro Admitten- 
 dum & Recipiendum," . . . Bymer, vs. 330, 331. Mr. Gairdner wrote to me : 
 " But his [Glendower's] obit was no doubt observed in some churches in Wales, 
 by which the day of his death would have been long preserved, while the year, 
 I take it, was a mere false iaference on Pennant's part." 
 
yil. THE SECOND PART 01" KING HENEY IV. 151 
 
 [Hot. iii. 529/i/s6.] But at the same time, to his further dis- Anewmn- 
 quieting, there was a conspiracie put in practise against him at "^^^^^f^ 
 home by the earle of Northumberland, who had conspired with ^witemto-- 
 Riohard Scroope, archbishop of Yorke, Thomas Mowbraie, earle S-.. 
 marshal!, sonne to Thomas duke of Norfolke, (who for the quarrell 
 betwLxt him and king Henrie had beene banished, as ye haue 
 heard,) the lords Hastings, Fauconbricjge,^ Berdolfe, and diuerse 
 others. It was appointed that they should meet altogither with 
 their whole power, vpon Yorkeswold, at a dale assigned, and that 
 the earle of Northumberland should be cheefteine ; promising to f^'"^^^™" 
 bring with him a great number of Scots. The archbishop, accom- P'^^h^*" 
 panied with the earle marshall, deuised certeine articles of such ^mberof 
 matters, as it was supposed that not onelie the commonaltie of the so?op6 
 Realme, but also the nobilitie found themselues greeued with : articles 
 
 setting 
 
 which articles they shewed first vnto such of their adherents as forth the 
 
 •' gnevances 
 
 were neere about them, & after sent them abroad to their freends "'^jfty and 
 further off; assuring them that, for redresse of such oppressions, ™'°™™''i 
 they would shed the last drop of blood in their bodies,^ if need 
 were. 
 
 The archbishop, not meaning to stale after he saw himselfe ihearch- 
 accompanied with a great number of men, that came flocking to J^'^^^ "f 
 Yorke to take his part in this quarrell, foorthwith discouered his ™'«i'»™*'"»- 
 enterprise ; causing the articles a,fQresaid to be set Tp in the publike 
 streets of the citie of Yorke, and vpon the gates of the monasteries, 
 that ech man might vnderstand the cause that mooued him to rise 
 in armes against the king: the reforming whereof did not yet 
 appertcine vnto him.^ Herevpon, knights, esquiers, gentlemen, 
 yeomen, and other of the commons, as well of the citie townes 
 and countries about, being allured either for desire of change, or 
 
 1 In Bot. Pa/rl; iii 604/ 1, John " Faticonberge," Ealph Hastings, and John 
 « Colvyle de Dale," are styled " Chivalers." 
 
 2 With ".they would shed the last drop of blood in their bodies," cp. 
 Mowbray's threat (IV. ii. 43, 44) that, if the articles were rejected, 
 
 "... we ready are to trie our fortunes, 
 To the last man." 
 
 3 Westmoreland, addressing the Archbishop, denies the "neede of any such 
 redresse " as Scrope speaks of, and adds (IV. i. 98) : "Or if there were, it not 
 belongs to i/oxi." 
 
152 
 
 VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 
 
 The arch- 
 bishop in 
 armor. 
 
 The estima- 
 tion whi£h 
 inen hacL of 
 the arch- 
 bishop of 
 Torke. 
 
 The earle of 
 Westmer- 
 land ami the 
 lord John of 
 Lancaster 
 the kings 
 Sonne pre- 
 pare them- 
 selues to 
 resist the 
 kings 
 enimies. 
 
 The forest of 
 Qaliree. 
 
 else for desire to see a reformation ia such things as were 
 mentioned in the articles, assembled togither in great numbers ; 
 and the archbishop, comming foorth amongst them clad in armor,^ 
 incouraged, exhorted, and (by all meanes he could) pricked them 
 foorth to take the enterprise in hand, and manfuUie to continue in 
 their begun purpose ; promising forgiuenesse of sinnes to all them, 
 whose hap it was to die in the quarrell : and thus not onelie all 
 the citizens of Yorke, but all other in the countries about, that 
 were able to beare weapon, came to the archbishop, and the earle 
 marshall. In deed, the respect that men had to the archbishop 
 caused them to like the better of the cause, since the grauitie of 
 his age, his integritie of life, and incomparable learning, with the 
 reuerend aspect of his amiable personage, mooued all men to haue 
 him in no small estimation. 
 
 The kiag, aduertised of these matters, meaning to preuent 
 them, left his iournie into Wales, and marched with all speed 
 towards the north parts. Also Rafe Neuill, earle of Westmorland, 
 that was not farre off, togither with the lord lohn of Lancaster the 
 kings Sonne, being informed of this rebellious attempt, assembled 
 togither such power as they might make, and, togither with those 
 which were appointed to attend on the said lord lohn to defend 
 the borders against the Scots, (as the lord Henrie Fitzhugh, the 
 lordHafe Eeuers, the lord Robert Umfreuill, & others,) made for- 
 ward against the rebels ; and, comming into a plaine within the 
 forrest of Galtree,^ caused their standards to be pitched downe in 
 like sort as the archbishop had pitched his, ouer against them, 
 being farre stronger in number of people than the other ; for (as 
 some write) there were of the rebels at the least twentie thousand 
 men. 
 
 When the earle of Westmerland perceiued the force of the 
 aduersaries, and that they laie still and attempted not to come 
 
 * Prince John reproves the Archbishop for appearing " here, an yron man " 
 (IV. ii. 8). With the Prince's complimentary words (11. 16-22), cp. what is 
 said of ScTope in the last passage of this paragraph, " In deed, the respect," &c. 
 
 2 The two armies met on May 29, 1405, at " Shupton [Shipton] sur le More, 
 bien pres la Citee d'Everwyk." — Bot. Fori., iii. 605/i. Galtres Forest formerly 
 reached from York to Aldborough. — Bartholomew, s.v. 
 
VII. THE SECOND PART OP KING HENRY IV. 153 
 
 forward vpon him, he subtillie deuised how to quaile their purpose : Thembuii 
 
 and loorthwith dispatched messengers vnto the archbishop to 'S^^^^^ 
 
 vnderstand the cause as it were of that great assemblie, and for '"'^ 
 
 what cause (contrarie to the kings peace) they came so in a[r]mour. 
 
 The archbishop answered, that he tooke nothing in hand against 
 
 the kings peace,^ but that whatsoeuer he did, tended rather to ^^ i^reh- 
 
 bishops pro- 
 
 aduance the peace and quiet of the common-wealth, than other- ^'^^"''^ 
 wise ; and where he and his companie were in armes, it was for ''™ '"™*'' 
 feare of the king, to whom he could haue no free accesse, by reason 
 of such a multitude of flatterers as were about him ; and therefore 
 he mainteined that his purpose to be good & profitable, as well for 
 the king himselfe, as for the realme, if men were willing to vnder- 
 stand a truth : & herewith he shewed foorth a scroll, in which the [Scrope sent 
 
 •1 • inii» 111 Westmore- 
 
 articles were written wherof before ye haue heard. i™* a sorou 
 
 "' oontainuig 
 
 The messengers, returning to the earle of Westmerland, shewed *''^ articles.] 
 
 him what they had heard & brought from the archbishop. When 
 
 he had read the articles, \jp. 530] he shewed in word and countenance 
 
 outwardly that he likeA. ^ of the archbishops holie and yertuous [Westmore- 
 land affected 
 
 intent and purpose ; promising that he and his would prosecute the J^^^« 
 
 same in assisting the archbishop, who, reioising hereat, gaue credit 
 
 to the earle, and persuaded the earle marshall (against his will as 
 
 it were) to go with him to a place appointed for them to commune [Mowbray 
 
 • 1 Tl 1 1 ^"^ ^^' 
 
 togither. Here, when they were met with like number on either suadedby 
 part, the articles were read oner, and, without anie more adoo, ^eftmrae? 
 the earle of Westmerland and those that were with him agreed '*°'^' 
 to doo their best, to see that a reformation might be had, according 
 to the same. 
 
 The earle of Westmerland, vsing more policie than the rest: ^^^^^ 
 "Well" (said he) "then our trauell is come to the wished end; ^|f^ 
 "and where our people haue beene long in armour, let them depart 
 "home to their woonted trades and occupations: in the meane t^l^^'^^t 
 " time let vs drinhe togitJier ' in signe of agreement, that the people jj^''""^^ 
 
 1 The Archbishop says to Prince John (IV. ii. 31) : " I am not here against 
 your fathers peace." 
 
 2 Prince John says of the articles (IV. ii. 54) : " I like them all, and do 
 allow them well." 
 
 3 Cp. Prince John's words (IV. ii. 63) : " Lets drinhe together friendly, and 
 embrace," 
 
154 
 
 VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 
 
 together in 
 light of tlie 
 two arijiies.] 
 
 [Meanwhile 
 a message 
 was sent to 
 the rebels 
 that they 
 might 
 depart, for 
 peace was 
 concluded.] 
 
 They 
 
 accordingly 
 left the 
 field, but 
 Westmore- 
 land's forces 
 increased.} 
 
 The arch- 
 hisTiop of 
 Twkk and 
 the earle 
 marshatl 
 arrested. 
 
 " on both sides maie see it, and know that it is true, that we be 
 "light at a point." They had no sooner shaken hands togither, 
 but that a knight was sent streight waies from the archbishop, to 
 bring word to the people that there was peace concluded ; com- 
 manding ech man to laie aside his armes, and to resort home to 
 their houses. The people, beholding such tokens of peace, as 
 shaking of hands, and drinking togither of the lords in louing 
 manner, they being alreadie wearied with the vnaccustomed trauell 
 of warre, brake vp their field and returned homewards ; but, in the 
 meane time, whilest the people of the archbishops side withdrew 
 awaie, the number of the contrarie part increased, according to 
 order giuen by the earle of Westmerland ; and yet the archbishop 
 perceiued not that he was deceiued, vntill the earle of Westmer- 
 land arrested both him and the earle marshall, with diuerse other. 
 Thus saith Waldngham. 
 
 I quote another account which Holinshed gives, because two details 
 were taken from it by Shakspere ; namely, that the conference of the 
 royal oflEicers with Scrope and Mowbray was held — as "Westmoreland 
 proposes — " itist distance tweene our armies " (IV. i. 226) ; and that 
 the rebels submitted to Prince John. 
 
 SUon, 
 [Another 
 account is 
 that, in a 
 conference 
 midway 
 between the 
 armies, 
 Westmpre- 
 land per- 
 suaded 
 Scrope and 
 Mowbray to 
 trust the 
 king's mercy 
 by submis- 
 sion to 
 Prince 
 John.] 
 
 [Hol iii. 530/1/38.] But others write somwhat otherwise of 
 this matter ; affirming that the earle of Westmerland, in d^ed, and 
 the lord Rafe Beuers, procured the archbishop and the earle 
 marshall, to come to a communication with them, ypon a ground 
 mst in the midwaie betwixt both the armies ; where the earle of 
 Westmerland in talke declared to them how perilous an enterprise 
 they had taken in hand, so to raise the people, and to mooue 
 warre against the king ; aduising them therefore to submit them- 
 selues without further delaie ynto the kings mercie, and his sonne 
 the lord lohn, who was present there in the field with banners 
 spred, redie to trie the matter by dint of sword, if they refused 
 this counsell : and therefore he willed them to remember them- 
 selues well ; &, if they would not yeeld and craue the kings pardon, 
 he bad them doo their best to defend themselues. 
 
 Herevpon as well the archbishop as the earle marshall sub- 
 mitted themselues vnto the king, and to his sonne the lord lohn 
 that was there present, and returned not to their armie. Where- 
 
VII. THE SECOND PART OP KING HENRY IV. 1^-5 
 
 vpon their troops scaled and fled their waies ; but, being pursued, [The rebois 
 manie were taken, manie slaine, and manie spoiled of that that soro"rand 
 they had about them, & so permitted to go theii- waies. Howso- ^S nof 
 euer the matter was handled, true it is that the archbishop, and Sm!] 
 the earle marshall were brought to Pomfret to the king, who in 
 this meane while was aduanced thither with his power ; and from 
 thence he went to Yorke, whither the prisoners were also brought, StT^f" 
 and there beheaded the morrow after Whitsundaie [June 8, 1405] ^^'^. 
 in a .place without the citie : that is to vnderstand, the archbishop oS^« to 
 himselfe, the earle marshall, sir lohn iLampleie, and sir William^ Itr. m. out 
 Plumpton. IT Unto all which persons, though indemnitie were waiHn. 
 
 . Sppod. pag. 
 
 promised, yet was the same to none of them at anie hand performed, i^^- 
 
 Act IV; sc. iii. — The surrender of Sir John Oolevile of the Dale ^ to 
 Falstaff is a comic incident which appears to have been suggested by 
 the mere record of Colevile's execution at Durham, when Henry was 
 marching against Northumberland. 
 
 [5b/. iii. 530/2/31.] At his [Henry's] comming to Durham, the The lords 
 lord Hastings, the lord Fauconbridge, sir lohn Colleuill of the ^^J'^/^t"^!" 
 Dale, and sir lohn Griffith, being conuicted of the conspiracie, °f^. 
 were there beheaded. 
 
 Whether the historic time of this scene be 1405' or 1412 is 
 doubtful, for, shortly before leaving the stage, Prince John says (1. 83) : 
 
 I heare the King my father is sore sick. 
 
 1 WUHam] Bobert Hoi. 
 
 ^ It appears that in tlie montli of May,— but before the Archbishop and 
 Earl Marshal were arrested, — the rebels under Sir John Fauconberg, Sir Ralph 
 Hastings, and Sir John Oolvyle de Dale, were embattled near TopcUff, until 
 (" tan que ") Prince John and Westmoreland " eux fesoit voider le champ, & 
 eux myst a fuyte & sur lour fuier feurent pris." On May 29 the troops of 
 Prinee John and Westmoreland were ranged in order of battle upon Shipton 
 on the Moor, confronting the forces of Scrope and Mowbray, " armes & arraies 
 a faire de guerre, ... & en tiel arraie les ditz Bic]|^rd [Scrope] & Thomas 
 [Mowbray] & autres lour complices feuront pris mesme le jour sur le dit 
 More."— Eot. Farl, iii. 604/2 ; 605/i. 
 
 ' Halle (35) makes contemptuous mention of a story that " at the howreof 
 the exeoucion of " Archbishop Scrope, " the kyng at the same tyme ^yttyngat 
 dyner . . . was incontinently striken with a leprey," and (45) denies that the 
 "sore sodayn disease" which caused Henry's death was a " Lepry sta-yken by 
 the handes of God as folysh Friers before declared " (see p. 160 below). Accord- 
 ing to E%log. (408) the king, immediately after Scrope's execution (June 8, 
 1405), "quasi leprosus apparere cepit." Another account is that, in 1408, 
 Henry, after his return from York, where he had been occupied with punish- 
 ing ••Northumberland's accomplices, " decidit ia languorem et extasim con- 
 sequenter, ita ut mortuus putaretur apud Mortlake.'— OW., 263. 
 
156 vn. THE SECOND PART OE KING HENRY IV. 
 
 Under the latter date Holinslied first makes mention of the sickness 
 •which eventually proved fatal to Henry. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 540/2/72.] He [Henry] held his Christmas this yeare 
 
 Srfwfift* ^* Eltham, being sore vexed with sicknesse, so that it was thought 
 
 ikkimae. sometime, \_p. 541] that he had beene dead: notwithstanding it 
 
 pleased God that he somwhat recouered his strength againe, and 
 
 so passed that Ohristmasse with as much ioy as he might. 
 
 Act IV. sc. iv.— Henry died on March 20, 1413 {Wals., ii. 289), 
 about which time we might suppose this scene to open, if dramatic 
 chronology were reconcilable with historic dates. Soon after entering 
 the King says to Clarence (11. 20-26) : 
 
 How chance thou art not with the prince thy brother % 20 
 
 He loues thee, and thou dost neglect him, Thomas ; 
 
 Thou hast a better place in his affection 
 
 Then all thy brothers : cherrish it, my boy ; 
 
 And noble oflSces thou maist effect 24 
 
 Of mediation, after I am dead. 
 
 Between his greatnesse and thy other brethren. 
 
 It is just possible that a hint for these lines was taken from part 
 of a long speech addressed by Henry IV. to his eldest son (Stow, 554- 
 556), in which the King — who was then on his deathbed — expressed a 
 fear lest Clarence's ambition and the Prince's haughtiness might cause 
 strife between the two brothers. 
 
 The King advises Clarence to refrain from chiding Prince Henry 
 for faults, 
 
 Till that his passions, like a whale on ground, 
 Confound themselues with working. 
 
 Perhaps the source of this metaphor was the following account of a 
 stranded whale : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 1259/2/32.] The nmth of lulie [1574. 1573 accord- 
 ing to Harrison's Ghronologie {ShaJcspere's England, ed. F. J. 
 Furnivall, App. I. Ivi.)], at six of the clocke at night, in the He 
 isuTT'T ^^ Thanet besid[e]s Ramesgate, in the parish of saint Peter vnder 
 M X?'™™ *^6 cliffe, a monstrous fish or whale of the sea did shoot himselfe 
 hS7i^'^^'^ on shore ; where, for want of water, beating himselfe on the sands, he 
 minhii' died about six of the clocke on the next morning, before which 
 rwt in hu time he roared, and was heard more than a mile on the land. 
 
 As "Westmoreland announces Prince John's success (11. 83-87), time 
 recedes until 1405 is again the historic date, but, when Harcourt brings 
 tidings that Northumberland and Bardolph, " with a great power of 
 English and of Scots," have been overthrown by the Sheriff of York- 
 shire (11. 97-99), we are transported to the historical year 1408. 
 Northumberland's defeat is thus described : 
 
VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 157 
 
 [Sol. iii, 534/1/20.J The earle of Northumberland, and the ifos 
 lord Bardolfe, after they had beene in Wales, in France, and 
 Flanders, to purchase aid against king Henrie, were returned 
 backe into Scotland, and had remained there now for the space of 
 a whole yeare : and, as their euill fortune would, whilest the king 
 held a councell of the nobilitie at London, the said earle of North- p« earu 0/ 
 umberland and lord Bardolfe, in a dismall houre, with a great ^S'e 
 power of Scots, returned into England ; recouering diuerse of the earls SS*"*" 
 castels and seigniories, for the people in great numbers resorted 
 Tnto them. Heerevpon, incouraged with hope of good successe, 
 they entred into Yorkeshire, & there began to destroie the 
 countrie. At their comming to Threske, they published a pro- 
 clamation, signifieng that they were come in comfort of the English 
 nation, as to releeue the common-wealth ; willing all such as loued 
 the libertie of their countrie, to repaire vnto them, with their 
 armor on their backes, and in defensible wise to assist them. 
 
 The king, aduertised hereof, caused a great armie to be 
 assembled, and came forward with the same towards his enimies ; 
 but, yer the king came to Notingham, sir Thomas, or (as other 
 copies haue) Rafe Rokesbie, shiriffe of Yorkeshire, assembled the The MHffe 
 
 ofTorkeshire 
 
 forces of the countrie to resist the earle and his power ; comming ^^g^™^^^** , 
 to Grimbaut brigs, beside Knaresbourgh, there to stop them the to^resl™*^ 
 passage ; but they, returning aside, got to Weatherbie, and so to *''°'"'" 
 Tadcaster, and finallie came forward vnto Bramham more, neere 
 to Haizelwood, where they chose their ground meet to fight vpon. 
 The shiriflfe was as readie to giue battell as the earle to receiue it, hu hard 
 and so, with a standard of S. George spred, set fiercelie vpon the Mu. 
 earle, who, vnder a standard of his owne armes, incountred his 
 aduersaries with great manhood. There was a sore incounter and 
 cruell conflict betwixt the parties, but in the end the victorie fell to 
 the shiriflfe. The lord Bardolfe was taken, but sore wounded, so [Lord 
 that he shortlie after died of the hurts. H As for the earle of taken.f 
 Northumberland, he was slaine outright : . . . This battell was ji,^thumi%. 
 fought the ninteenth day of Februarie [1408]. 
 
 Hardly has the news of Northumberland's defeat been uttered ere 
 the King swoons, and historic time is again as it was when the scene 
 opened. 
 
158 VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 
 
 While the King is unconscious, Clarence mentions a portent ^ 
 (1. 125) : 
 
 The riuer hath thrice flowed, no ebbe between. 
 
 Holinshed says : 
 
 [Hoi iii. 540/i/4S.J In tliis yeare [1411], and vpon the twelfth 
 o/FcIt.^* day of October, were three flouds in the Thames, the one following 
 SeeXods ^1^^^ tli6 other, & no ehhing hetweene : which thing no man then 
 StS" liuing could remember the like to be scene. 
 
 Act IV. sc. V. — My next excerpt is the well-known story which is 
 dramatized in the " Crown Scene." 
 
 between. 
 
 Vfith his 
 crown on 
 his pillow.] 
 
 Hall. [Sol. ill. 541/1/22.] During this his [Henry IV. 's] last sick- 
 
 nesse, he caused his crowne (as some write) to be set on a pillow 
 
 ^Hemyiv. at his bcds head ; ^ and suddenlie his pangs so sore troubled him, 
 
 for^cS '^'' th^* ^® ^^1® ^s though all his vitall spirits had beene from him 
 departed. Such as were about him, thinking verelie that he had 
 beene departed, couered his face with a linnen cloth. 
 
 The r>rinee The princc, his Sonne, being hereof aduertised, entered into the 
 
 iaketh atuaie 
 
 Wmhu^ chamber, tooke awaie the crowne, and departed. The father, being 
 fM^r was suddenlie reuiued out of that trance, quicklie perceiued the lacke 
 
 of his crowne ; and, hauing knowledge that the prince his sonne 
 He is uarned had taken it awaie, caused him to come before his presence, 
 
 requiring of him what he meant so to misuse himselfe. The 
 His answer, prfnce, With a good audacitie, answered: "Sir, to mine and all 
 
 "mens iudgements you seemed dead in this world ; wherefore I, as 
 
 "your next heire apparant, tooke that as mine owne, and not as 
 Agmitit "yours." "Well, faire sonne" (said the king with a great sigh), 
 
 SS? "'^ " ^^^* "S^* ^ ^^^ *° ^*' ^^^ knoweth." " Well " (said the prince), 
 iBTMftefft « jf yo^ ^jg ^jjg^ J ^iii haxLG the garland, and trust to keepe it 
 
 "with the sword against all mine enimies, as you haue doone." 
 
 1 Recorded by Fah. (.576) under the 13th year of Henry IV. Clarence 
 speaks of a threefold tide which occnrred " a little time before" Edward III.'s 
 death, and Gloucester is alarmed by " vnfather'd heires, and lothly births of 
 nature" (IV. iv. 121-128), lately observed. I find no records of these latter 
 portents. There may be an allusion to the wet summer of 1594 — cp. Mids. 
 N. D., II. i. 82-114— in Gloucester's remark that "the seasons change their 
 manners," &c. (11. 123, 124). 
 
 ^ Mons. (ii. 435), who was, I suppose, Halle's authority for the following 
 story, says that, " comme il est accoutum^ de faire au pays," the crown was 
 placed "sur une couche assez prfes de lui" [Henry]. 
 
VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 159 
 
 Then said the king, " I commit all to God, and remember you to 
 
 "doo well." With that he turned himselfe in his bed, and shortlie vu death of 
 
 Ilenrie the 
 
 after departed to God in a chamber of the abbats of Westminster /■»"■«*■ 
 called lerusalem, the twentith daie of March, in the yeare 1413, 
 and in the yeare of his age 46 : when he had reigned thirteene 
 yeares, fiue moneths, and od dales, in great perplexitie and little 
 pleasure. . . . 
 
 The King's "very latest counsaile" (1. 183) to Prince Henry is 
 illustrated by two passages from Holinshed. Advising engagement in 
 " f orraine quarrells " as an expedient for occupying the " giddie 
 mindes " of unfaithful subjects, Henry says (11. 210-213) that he 
 
 had a purpose now 
 To leade out manie to the Holy Land, 
 
 Lest rest and lying stil might make them looke 212 
 
 Too neare vnto my state. 
 
 Holinshed thus describes the warlike preparations which were made 
 — as Fabyan asserts^ — with the design of reconquering Jerusalem : 
 
 [ffol. iii. 540/2/60.] In this fourteenth and last yeare of king FaHan. 
 Henries reigne, a councell was holden in the white friers in London ; u, ha^J^oe 
 
 -, 11" 1 r n 1 • 1** iournie 
 
 at the which, among other things, order was taken for ships and agamst the 
 gallies to be builded and made readie, and all other things neces- 
 sarie to be prouided for a voiage which he meant to make into the 
 holie land, there to recouer the citie of lerusalem from the 
 Infidels. . . . 
 
 [Sol. iii. 541/1/5.] The morrow after Candlemas daie began a uis 
 parlement, which he had called at London, but he departed this ^pariemmt. 
 life before the same parlement was ended : for now that his pro- 
 uisions were readie, and that he was furnished with sufficient 
 treasure, soldiers, capteins, tittels, munitions, tall ships, strong 
 gallies, and all things necessarie for such a roiall iournie as he 
 
 1 These preparations have perhaps been postdated, and their object (an 
 expedition against France) misunderstood. On April 18, 1412, a patent 
 {Bymer, viii. 730) was issued to press sailors "ad Deserviendum nobis in 
 quodam Viagio snpra Mare infra breve faciendo " ; and on July 12, 1412, 
 Henry acknowledges the loan of a thousand marks from the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, for the expenses which " Nos, pro communi Oommodo, circa 
 Proseoutionem & Adeptionem Juris nostri (Deo dante) in partibus Aquitannisfe, 
 ac alibi, in partibus Transmarinis, infra breve facere oportebit."— jRj/mer, viii. 
 760. In August, 1412, the Duke of Clarfence was sent with a strong force 
 ("manu valida") to the assistance of the Armagnae faction.— IFok., ii. 288. 
 On August 10 he landed at la Hogue-Saint- Vast.— OAron. NorrnaMe, 418. 
 
160 
 
 VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 
 
 The K. tick 
 of an 
 apopUxie. 
 Ball. 
 
 Fabian. 
 
 [Henry 
 swooned 
 while pray- 
 ing at the 
 slu'ine of 
 Edwanl the 
 Confessor.] 
 
 [A prophecy 
 that Henry 
 should 
 depart this 
 life in Jeru- 
 salem.] 
 
 pretended to take into the holie land, he was eftsoones taken with 
 a sore sicknesse, which was not a leprosie, striken by the hand of 
 God (saith maister Sail) as foolish friers imagined ; but a verie 
 apoplexie, of the which he languished till his appointed houre, and 
 had none other greefe nor maladie. 
 
 As the scene ends Henry recognizes the fulfilment of a prophecy 
 that he " should not die but in Jerusalem " (1. 238). Holinshed relates 
 how this prediction was accomplished : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 541/1/63.] We find, that he was taken with his last 
 sickenesse, while he was making his praiers at saint Edwards 
 shrine, there as it were to take his leaue, and so to proceed foorth 
 on his iournie : he was so suddenlie and greeuouslie taken, that 
 such as were about him, feared lest he would haue died presentlie ; 
 wherfore to releeue him (if it were possible) they bare him into a 
 chamber that was next at hand, belonging to the abbat of West- 
 minster, where they laid him on a pallet before the fire, and vsed 
 all remedies to reuiue him. At length, he recouered his speech, 
 and, vnderstanding and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place 
 which he knew not, he willed to know if the chamber had anie 
 particular name ; wherevnto answer was made, that it was called 
 lerusalem. Then said the king : "Lauds be giuen to the father of 
 "heauen, for now I know that I shall die heere in this chamber; 
 "according to the prophesie of me declared, that I should depart 
 "this life in lerusalem." ^ 
 
 1 Fab. (576) says that, by a council beld at White Friars on November 20, 
 1412, it was "concluded, that for the kynges great lournaye that he entendyd 
 to take, in vysytynge of the holy Sepulcre of our Lord, certayne Galeys of warre 
 shuld he made, & other purueaunce concemynge the same lournay." Fah 
 then tells the story — which I quote from Hoi. — of Henry's death in the Jeru- 
 salem Chamber. There can hardly be a doubt, however, that Henry accom- 
 plished a pilgrimage to Jerusalem before he ascended the throne. On November 
 18, 1392, the Venetian Senate granted the request of " Lord Henry of Lancaster, 
 Earl of Derby, Hereford, and Northampton, . . . the eldest son of the Duke 
 of Aquitaine " [John of Gaunt], that he might have " the hull of a galley, with 
 all necessary tackle, to visit the holy places." — Ven. State PP., i. 33/107. On 
 November 30, 1392, the Senate decreed the expenditure of a sum of public 
 money to honour the Earl of Derby, the eldest son of the Duke of Lancaster, 
 " the intimate friend of our Signory, on this his coming to Venice, bound for 
 the Holy Sepulchre."— Jtid., 33/io8. And on March 31, 1393, the Grand 
 Council ordained that one hundred golden ducats of public money should be 
 expended to " honour the Earl of Derby, son of the Duke of Lancaster, on this 
 his return." — Ibid., Ziji 10. 
 
VII. THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY IV. 161 
 
 Act V. sc. ii. — ^The new King hears a vindicatory speech of the 
 Lord Ohief-Juetice (II. 73-101), by whom, in time past, he had been com- 
 mitted to prison for a gross act of lawlessness. I have mentioned above 
 (p. 141) an insult offered by Prince Henry to the Chief- Justice, and 1 
 here quote the account which Holinshed gives of this matter. After his 
 coronation Henry V. is said to have dismissed his unworthy associates, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 543/2/10.] and in their places he chose men of ^^en 
 
 grauitie, wit, and high policie, by whose wise counsell he might tSnehi'"' 
 
 at aU times rule to his honour and dignitie ; calling to mind how ooSeu^™. 
 
 once, to hie oflFense of the king his father, he had with his fist [Onoe, when 
 
 striken ^ the cheefe iustice for sending one of his minions (vpon Princes ho 
 
 struck tliQ 
 
 desert) to prison : when the iustice stoutlie commanded himselfe J^®?-^ 
 also streict to ward, & he (then prince) obeied. 
 
 In his answer to the Chief-Justice the King repeats Henry IV. 's 
 words (11. 108-112) : 
 
 Happie am I that haue a man so bold. 
 That dares do iustice on my proper sonne ; 
 And no lesse happie, hauing such a sonne, 
 That would deliuer vp his greatnesse so. 
 Into the hands of Iustice ! 
 
 The story of Prince Henry's rudeness to the Chief-Justice made its 
 earliest known appearance in Sir Thomas Blyot's Gow&mowr, 1531 ^ 
 (ff. 122-123 verso). Stow copied Elyot (557, 558). I quote Tha 
 Gotiemour because it contains the remark attributed to Henry IV., 
 which Holinshed omitted. 
 
 ^ The following passage in Redman (11) is the earliest known authority for 
 the blow given by Prince Henry to the Chief- Justice, and the consequent 
 supersession of the Prince in the Couneil by the Duke of Clarence : " Senatu 
 movebatur, nee in curiam aditus ei patebat ; et illitis faiaa hsBsit ad metas, 
 quod summum judicem, litibus dirimendis et causarnm oognitionibus prae- 
 positum, manu percuteret, cum is unum in cnstodiam tradidisset ex cnjus 
 familiaritate voluptatem mirifloam Henricus perciperet. Bam dignitatem, quam 
 is amisit, Thomas illitis frater, Dux Clarensis, est consecutus." Mr. Cole 
 proves that Redman's Vita Sen. V. was " composed between 1536 . . . and 
 1544." — Ibid., pp. ix., x. 
 
 8 Sir N. H. Nicolas pointed out {Haeitorvm AbbrewaUo, pp. 256, 257) a 
 likely source for this fiction ; and in an exhaustive pa]^8T entitled " The Story 
 of Prince Henry of Monmouth and Chief-Justice Qaseoigii," Mr. F. Solly-Flood 
 has given details from which it appears that, on account of a judgment 
 delivered towards the close of Edward I.'s reign, in the case of Roger de 
 Hengham versus William de Brews, the Chief-Justice of the King's Benui was 
 reviled in open court by the defendant. The record (Rot. coram Bege, m. 33, 
 34 Ed. I., m. 75) of the Court's judgmait against De Brews for his mis- 
 behaviour contains the following passage : "Quse quidem, videlicet eontemptus 
 et inobedientia [cp. the words-"" contempt and disobedience " — attributed by 
 Elyot to the Ohiel-Justice] tam ministris ipsius Domini Regis quam sibi ipsi 
 aut curiae suae facta valde sunt odiosa et hoc nuper apparuit cum idem Dominus 
 Kex filinm suum primogenitum et carissimum Edwardum Principem Walliae 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 VII. THE SECOND PART OP KING HENRY IV. 
 
 [One of 
 
 Prince 
 Henr5''s 
 servants was 
 arraigned at 
 tlie King's 
 Bench for 
 felony.] 
 
 [The Prince 
 came to the 
 bar and 
 demanded 
 the release 
 of his 
 servant.] 
 
 [The Chief- 
 Justice 
 admonished 
 the Prince 
 to let the 
 law take its 
 course, or 
 obtain a 
 pardon from 
 the King.] 
 
 [The Prince 
 endeavoured 
 to take away 
 his servant, 
 
 [and, being 
 commanded 
 to desist, 
 
 [went up to 
 the Chief- 
 Justice in a 
 menacing 
 manner.] 
 
 (But the 
 Chief- 
 Justice, 
 without 
 blenching, 
 asserted his 
 authority 
 as the 
 King's 
 represent- 
 ative. 
 
 The moste renomed prince kinge Henry the fifte, late kynge of 
 Englande, durynge the life of his father was noted to be fierce [fol. 
 122 veTso\ and of wanton courage: it hapned that one of his 
 seruawtes, whom he well fauored, for felony by hym committed 
 was arrayned at the Kynges benche, wherof he being aduertised, 
 and incensed by light persones aboute hym, in furious rage came 
 hastily to the barre, where his seruant stode as a prisoner, and 
 commaunded hym to be vngyued and sette at libertie ; where at 
 all men were abasshed, reserued the chiefe iustice, who humbly 
 exhorted the prince to be contented that his seruaunt mought be 
 ordred accordyng to the auncient lawes of this realme, or, if he 
 wolde haue hym saued from the rigour of the lawes, that he shuld 
 optaine, if he moughte, of the kynge his father his gracious 
 pardon, wherby no lawe or iustice shulde be derogate. With 
 whiche answere the prince nothynge appeased, but rather more 
 inflamed, endeuored hym selfe to take away his seruaunt. The 
 iuge (consideringe the perilous example and incowuenience that 
 moughte therby ensue) with a valiant spirite and courage com- 
 maunded the prince, vpon his alegeance, to leue the prisoner and 
 departe his way. With whiche commandemewt the prince being 
 set all in a fury, all chafed & in a terrible maner, came vp to the 
 place of [fol. 123] iugemewt ; (men thinkyng that he wolde haue 
 slayne the iuge or haue done to hym some damage ;) but the 
 iuge, sittyng styll without mouynge, declarynge the maiestie of 
 the kynges place of iugement, and with an assured and bolde 
 countenance, hadde to the prince these wordes folowyng : 
 
 " Sir, remembre your selfe : I kepe here the place of the king 
 
 pro eo quod qusedam verba grossa et acerba cuidam ministrp bud dixerat et 
 hospicio sue fere per dimidium annum amovit nee ipsum filium suum in con- 
 spectu sue venire permisit quousque predioto ministro de prediota transgres- 
 sione satisfeceiat." — Solly-Mood, 106. Here we have evidence ol verbal abuse 
 bestowed on a royal ofScer by the iirst Prince of Wales, whose punishment 
 resembles that which, according to Redman, Prince Henry suflfered for striking 
 the Chief-Justice. (Cp. " nee in curiam aditus ei patebat," p. 161, note 1, 
 above.) Mr. Solly-Flood informs us that the Rotuli coram Rege and the Oon- 
 trolment rolls embrace every commitment by the King's Bench either ad 
 respondendmn, or m penam. He carefully examined all the entries made 
 during the reign of Henry IV. on these rolls, — which are perfect throughout 
 this reign, — and found no record of Prince Henna's commitment for any 
 offence, or of the commitment of any one during Henry IV. 's reign for the 
 .offences attributed to the Prince by Elyot and Redman. — Sotty-Flood, 102. 
 
Vir. THE SECOND PART OP KING HENRY IV. 163 
 
 "your Boneraigne lorde and father,^ to whom ye owe double 
 " obedience ; wherfore eftsones in his name I charge you desiste 
 " of your wilfiilnes and vnlaufuU entreprise, & from hewsforth gyue 
 "good example to those whiche hereafter shall be your propre [and bade 
 "subiects. And nowe for your contempt and disobedience go you ^Jij^nolt^a 
 "to the prisone of the kynges benche, where vnto I committe you ; finch.] 
 " and remayne ye there prisoner vntill the pleasiu"e of the kyng 
 " your father be further knowew." 
 
 With whiche wordes beinge abasshed, and also wondrynge at [,^^®g'j!°*'® 
 the meruailous grauitie of that worshipful lustice, the noble prince, ^rvaS"^ 
 layinge his waipon aparte, doinge reuerewce, departed, and wente ?nmiiant, 
 to the kynges benche as he was commaunded, Wherat his wtoie* 
 seruawtes, disdainyng, came and shewed to the kynge all the hole before t^ 
 aflFaire. Whereat he a whiles studienge, after, as a man all ^^^J^^ 
 rauisshed with [fol. 123 verso] gladnesse, holdyng his eien and *** 
 handes vp towarde heuen, abrayded, sayinge with a loude voice : £^?e a^dee 
 
 "0 mercifuU god, how moche am I, aboue all other men, miSstered 
 "bounde to your infinite goodnes! specially for that ye haue iMSyfaMa 
 "gyuen me a luge who feareth nat to ministre iustice, and also obeyed 
 
 justice.] 
 
 " a Sonne who can suflFre semblably and obey iustice ! " 
 
 Before leaving the stage Henry says (1. 134 ; 141, 142) : 
 
 Now call we our high court of parliament : . . , 
 
 Our coronation done, we wil accite 
 
 (As I before remembred) all our state. 
 Holinshed briefly notices the first Parliament of Henry V. 
 [Sol. iii. 543/2/44.] Immediatlie after Easter he called a ^^^^"^ 
 parlement, in which diuerse good statutes, and wholesome ordin- 
 
 1 I then did vse the person of your father ; 
 
 The image of his power lay then in me : . . . 
 
 Your Highnesse meased to forget my place, 
 
 The maiestie and power of law and iustice, 
 
 The image of the King whom I presented, 
 
 And strooke me in my very seate of iudgement ; . . . 80 
 The writer of Uie Famovs Victories of Henry the fifth, 1598, made the Judge — 
 to whom Prince Henry had given " a boxe on the eare " — say (so. iv. 11. 99-102, 
 
 f. 14) : "in striking me in this place, you greatly abuse me, and not me onely, 
 ut also your father : whose liuely person here in this place 1 doo represent." 
 This assertion has — accidentally, no doubt — the same scope as the doctrine laid 
 down by the Court of King's Bench in regard to William de Brews's contempt: 
 " Et quia sicut honor et reverentia qui ministris ipsius Domini Regis ratione 
 of&cii sui [fiunt] ipsi Regi attribuimtur, sic dedeeus et contemptus ministrlB suis 
 facta eidem Begi attribuuntur." — SoUy-Mood, 106, 
 
 Henry V.]. 
 
164 Til. THE SECOND PART OP KING HENRY IV. 
 
 ances, for the preseruation and aduancement of the common- 
 wealth were deuised and established. 
 
 Act V. so. V. — ^Falstaff interrupts the royal procession on its return 
 after Hetlry's coronation, and is sent by the King into banishment 
 ■with Henry's other " misleaders " ; all of whom have been forbidden to 
 come within " ten rnile " of ' our person ' ; though they are to receive 
 pensions now for " competence of life," and " aduancement " in future, 
 if they reform themselves (11. 67-74). Holinshed thus records Henry's 
 coronation and altered behaviour : 
 
 The day of [Hol. Hi. 543/i/54.] He was crowned the ninth of Aprill, 
 
 king Benriel j . -r, • i-i-i • i, , 
 
 coronation Dcmg Jf assion sundaie, which was a sore, ruggie, and tempestuous 
 
 o very ^ ^ 
 
 tempeituoua day, with wiud, snow, and sleet; that men greatlie maruelled 
 
 thereat, making diuerse interpretations what the same might 
 
 signifie. But this king euen at first appointing with himselfe, to 
 
 shew that in his person priucelie honors should change publike 
 
 manners, he determined to put on him the shape of a new man. 
 
 txal^'tf ^or whereas aforetime he had made himselfe a companion vnto 
 
 ^^'*'° misrulie mates of dissolute order and life, he now banished them 
 
 he tecame all from his prcsencc (but not vnrewarded, or else vnpreferred) ; 
 
 King, 
 
 banished Ms inhibiting them vpon a great paine, not once to approch, lodge, or 
 mates]. soioumc withiu ten miles, of his court or presence : . . . 
 
 The foUowiag sketch of Henry IV. 's character and circumstances 
 may have afforded Shakspere some hints. 
 
 His stature. [Hol. iii. 541/2/20.] This king was of a meane stature, well 
 
 proportioned, and formallie compact ; quicke and liuelie, and of a 
 
 chi^aoter.] stout courage. In his latter dales he shewed himselfe so gentle, 
 that he gat more loue amongst the nobles and people of this 
 realme, than he had purchased malice and euill will in the 
 beginning. 
 
 But yet to speake a truth, by his proceedings, after he had 
 atteined to the crowne, what with such taxes, tallages, subsidies, 
 and exactions as he was constreined to charge the people with ; 
 and what by punishing such as, mooued with disdeine to see him 
 vsurpe the crowne (contrarie to the oth taken at his entring into 
 this land, vpon his returne from exile), did at sundrie times rebell 
 against him ; he wan himselfe more hatred, than in all his life time 
 (if it had beene longer by manie yeares than it was) had beene 
 possible for him to haue weeded out & remooued. 
 
VIII. HENRY y, 165^- 
 
 VIII. HENKY V. 
 
 Hbnky V. appears to have received the Dauphin Lewis's^ gift of 
 tennis-balls in Lent, 1414.^ This date marks the commencement of 
 historic time in The Life qf Emmy the Fift ; and the play ends with 
 Katharine of Valois's betrpthal in May, 1420. 
 
 Act I. Prologue. — 
 
 for a Muse of Fire, that would ascend 
 The brightest Heauen of Inuentibn, 
 A Ejngdome for a Stage, Princes to Act, 
 And Monarchs to behold the sweUing Scene I 4 
 
 Then should the Warlike Harry, like himselfe. 
 Assume the Port of Mars ; and at his heeles 
 (Leasht in, like Hounds) should Famine, Sword, and Fire 
 Crouch for employment. 8 
 
 A speech ^ attributed to the " "Warlike Harry " contains a parable 
 which may have suggested the picture of these crouching hounds of 
 Famine, Sword, and Fire. On Jantmry 2, 1419, E.ouen, despairing of 
 succour, after five months' siege,* yielded to the pressure of famine so 
 far as to open communication with Henry through ambassadors. 
 
 
 
 Aim- 
 
 \Hol. iii. 667/1/39.] One of them, scene in the cijiill lawes, 
 was appointed to declare the message in all their names ; who, 
 shewing himselfe more rash than wise, more aFrog^^t than learned, ™^™'" 
 first tooke vpon him to shew wherhi the glorie of vietorie consisted ; 
 aduising the king not to shew his manhood in famishing a multi- 
 
 ^ Lewis was a contenipprary of the events dTamatized in Men. V., Acts 
 I. -IV. He died on December 18, 1415. — Mons., iii. 366 ; Jovmcd, xv. 210. 
 His brother, &e Dauphin John, died on April 3 (ffownaH,, 216) or 4 {Mom., 
 iii. 408), 1417. During the historic time embraced by Apt V. the Dauphin 
 was Charles, who afterwards reigned as Oharles VII., and is a character in 
 1 Hm. VL 
 
 2 " Eodem anno [1414] in Quadragesima rege existente apud KenUworth, 
 Karolus [se. Ludovicus], regis Francorum filius, Dalphinus vqcatus, misit pilas 
 Parisianas ad ludenduni cum pueris." — Ott, 274. In 1414 Ash Wedn«igday fell 
 on February 21. 
 
 * A speech, similar in outline, is attributed to Heniy by Bedmcm (55). I 
 quote from it a pass^e which has some resemblance to that in which Henry 
 takes credit to himself for employing the "meekest maid" to punish Eouen: 
 " Benigne et clementer omnia me adiainistrare nemo est qui non intelligat, 
 cum fame potius quam ilamma, ferro, aut sanguine, Eotomagum ad deditionem 
 perpello." 
 
 * The forces blockading Eouen were ordered to take up their positions on 
 August 1, 1418. — Page, 6. On January 2^ 1419, Henry gave audience to the 
 ambassadors from Eouen. — Page, 26-28. Eoumi opened her gates on January 
 19, 1419.— Pagfe, 41, 42. Page was present at the mge.—Pfige, 1. 
 
166 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 [Henry tu<ie of poore, simple, and innocent people, but rather suffer such 
 the people'"' miserable wretches, as laie betwixt the wals of the citie and the 
 
 without the jip,.. Ill 11 .1 
 
 walla to trenches of his siege, to passe through the campe, that they might 
 
 rad aen S^* ^^^^^ liuing in other places ; and then, if he durst manfullie 
 
 Eou^] assault the citie, and by force subdue it, he should win both 
 
 worldlie fame, and merit great meed at the hands of almightie 
 
 God, for hauing compassion of the poore, needie, and indigent 
 
 people. 
 
 When this orator had said, the king, who no request lesse 
 suspected, than that which was thus desired, began a while to 
 muse ; and, after he had well considered the craftie cautell of his 
 The Hnga enimics, with a fierce countenance, and bold spirit, he reprooued 
 this proud them: both for their subtill dealing with him, and their malapert 
 presumption, in that they should seeme to go about to teach him 
 what belonged to the dutie of a conquerour. And therefore, since 
 it appeared that the same was vnknowne vnto them, he declared 
 that the goddesse of battell, called Bellona, had three hand- 
 maidens, euer of necessitie attending vpon hir, as blood, fire, and 
 [He has famine. And whereas it laie in his choise to vse them all three, 
 
 chosen 
 
 tt^'^Mkest (y®^' ^^^ ^"^ ^^'^ °^ them, at his pleasure,) he had appointed onelie 
 h^to™di the meekest maid of those three damsels to punish them of that 
 Boue™'' citie, tin they were brought to reason. 
 
 And whereas the gaine of a capteine, atteined by anie of the 
 
 said three handmaidens, was both glorious, honourable, and 
 
 woorthie of triumph: yet, of all the three, the yoongest maid, 
 
 which he meant to vse at that time, was most profitable and 
 
 [If the commodious. And as for the poore people lieng in the ditches, 
 
 out the if they died through famine, the fault was theirs, that like cruell 
 
 walls die, J a > > 
 
 ^"eiiS" tyrants had put them out of the towne, to the intent he should 
 
 BoM^must slaie them; and yet had he saued their Hues, so that, if anie 
 
 btaie J* lacke of charitie was, it rested in them, and not in him. But to 
 
 their cloked request, he meant not to gratifie them within so 
 
 much ; but they should keepe them still to helpe to spend their 
 
 vittels. And as 'to assault the towne, he told them that he 
 
 [He will would they should know, he was both able and willing thereto, 
 
 course to as he should see occasion: but the choise was in his hand, to 
 
 city.] tame them either with blood, fire, or famine, or with them all; 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 167 
 
 ■whereof he would take the choise at his pleasure, and not at 
 theirs. 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — Henry Ohichele Archbishop of Canterbury tells John 
 Fordham Bishop of Ely ^ that a bill for disendowing the Church, -which 
 nearly passed in the eleventh year of Henry IV. 's reign, has been 
 revived. If this bUl were carried, the clergy must lose "the better 
 halfe " of their " Possession" : 
 
 For all the TemporaU Lcmds, which men deuout 
 
 By Testament haue giu&n to the Church, 
 
 "Would they strip from vs ; being valu'd thus : 
 
 As much as would mai/ntame, to the Kings honor, 12 
 
 'ExiW. ffteene Earles, And Jifteene htmdred Knights, 
 
 Six thxmsamd and two hwnd/red good Esquires ; 
 
 And, to relief e of Lazars, and weake age 
 
 Of indigent faint Soules, past corporall toyle, 16 
 
 A hv/nd/red Ahnes-hovses, right well supply'd ; 
 
 And to the Goffers of the King, beside, 
 
 A thousand povmds by th'yeere. Thus runs the Bill. 
 
 Holinshed took from Halle (49) the following account of the 
 
 renewal of this bill : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 545/2/6.] In the second yeare of his reigne, king Annoseg.% 
 Henrie called his high court of parlement, the last dale of Aprill, 
 
 1414 
 
 in the towne of Leicester ; in which parlement manie profitable at^ioester. 
 lawes were concluded, and manie petitions mooued were for that 
 time deferred. Amongst which, one was, that a bill exhibited in 
 the parlement holden at Westminster, in the eleuenth yeare of king 
 Henrie the fourth (which by reason the king was then troubled 
 with ciuill discord, came to none effect), might now with good 
 deliberation be pondered, and brought to some good conclusion. 
 The effect of which supplication was, that the temporall lands auu 
 
 ,,.,.,■ , ,. . ■, 1 exhibited to 
 
 (deuoutue g%'mn, and disordinathe spent by religious, and other theparUmM 
 spirituall persons) should be seized into the kings hands ; sith the "^ii^- 
 same might suflElce to mainteine, to the honor of the king, and 
 defense of the realme, fifteene earles, ffteene hundred knights, six 
 thousand and two hundred esquiers, and a hundred almesse-houses, 
 for relief e onelie of the poore, impotent, and needie persons ; and 
 the hing to haue cleerelie to his coffers twentie thousand pounds: 
 with manie other prouisions and values of religious houses, which 
 I passe ouer. 
 
 » Bishop of Ely from 1388 to l^f>,—Qodwm, 274 
 
168 
 
 VIII. HENEY V. 
 
 [The clergy 
 resolved to 
 divert 
 Henry's 
 attention 
 from the die- 
 endowment 
 hiU.] 
 
 The arch- 
 hUlwpof 
 Canturburies 
 oration in 
 the parle- 
 ment house. 
 
 My next excerpt shows how the danger was averted : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 545/2/29.] This bill was much noted, and more feared, 
 
 among the religious sort, whom suerlie it touched verie neere ; and 
 
 therefore to find remedie against it, they determined to assaie all 
 
 waies to put by and ouerthrow this bill : wherein they thought best 
 
 to trie if they might mooue the kings mood with some sharpe 
 
 inuention, that he should not regard the importunate petitions of 
 
 the commons.^ Wherevpon, on a dale in the parlement, Henrie 
 
 Chichelie archbishop of Canturburie made a pithie oration, wherein 
 
 he declared, how not onelie the duchies of Normandie and Aqui- 
 
 taine, with the counties of Aniou and Maine, and the countrie of 
 
 Gascoigne, were by vndoubted title apperteiuing to the king, as 
 
 to the lawfull and onelie heire of the same ; but also the whole 
 
 realme of France, as heire to his great grandfather king Edward 
 
 the third.2 
 
 Act I. sc. ii. — In presence of the assembled English peers, Henry 
 calls upon Chichele to show whether the Salic law " or should or should 
 not" bar the King's claim to Prance. I exhibit in parallel columns 
 Holinshed's version ^ of the Archbishop's speech and Shakspere's 
 paraphrase of it. Chichele inveighed 
 
 Farliamet 
 ofLei/ceter. 
 
 At'whiche 
 parliarht 
 woi put vp 
 ye Sylle 
 whiche was 
 put vp at ye 
 
 in ye xi. yere 
 ofkyng 
 Henry the. 
 
 '^ And this yere [1414] the kyng helde his Pariyamejit at Leyceter, where, 
 amonge other thynges, the foresayd Bylle [Psh., 575, 576] put vp hy the 
 Commons of the lande, for the Temporalties beynge in the Churche, as it is 
 before [towchid in the xi yere of the iiiith Henry], was agayne mynded. 
 In fere wherof, lest the kynge wolde therunto gyue any Comfortable Audy- 
 ence, as testyfye some wryters, certayne Bysshoppes and other hede men of 
 the Churche put y« kyng in mynde to clayme his ryght in Fraunce ; & for 
 the eiployte therof they offrede vnto hym great & notable summes. By 
 reason whereof y" sayd byll was agayne put by, and the kynge sette his 
 mynde for the Eeoouery of the same ; . . .-^Fab., 578. 
 
 When I said {Mervry V., revised ed.. New Sh. Soo,, p. viii) that " Hall seems 
 to be the sole authority for the revivalof the confiscation scheme in Henry the 
 Fifth's reign," this passage in Fab. was unknown to me. 
 
 2 There is not so much as an allusion to these claims of Henry in the 
 accounts of the Leicester Parliament's proceedings given by Bot. Pari, and 
 Mmham (cap. xvii.). When Parliament met at Westminster, on November 
 19, 1414, the Chancellor (Henry Beaufort) opened the session by a sermon in 
 which he announced that the King had determined to resort to war with 
 France, and therefore needed a large suhsidy. — Pot. Pari., iv. 34. It does 
 not appear from Bot. Pari. (iv. I6/1) that Chichele was one of the triers of 
 petitions in the Leicester Parliament, but we learn from the same authority 
 {Bot. Pa/rl. iv. 35/i) that he held the oflSce of trier in the Parliament of West- 
 minster. He was translated from S. David's to Canterbury. — Godwin, 512. 
 The Pope's confirmation of Chichele's election was requested by Henry in a 
 letter dated on March 23, 1414. — Bymer, ix. 119. The temporalities were 
 restored on May 30, lil4.— Ibid. 131., 
 
 ' Sol. abridged and turned into the third person a speech which Halle 
 
VIII. HENRY V, 
 
 169 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 545/2/46.] against the 
 Burmised and false fained law 
 Salike, which the Frenchmen 
 alledge euer agmnst the kings of 
 England in baare of their iust 
 title to the crowne of France. 
 The verie words of that supposed 
 law are these : ' In terram Salicam 
 ' mulieres ne succedamt ; ' that is 
 to saie, 'Into the Salike land let 
 •not women suceeed.' Which the 
 French glossers expound to he the 
 real/me of France, a/ad that this law 
 was made by king PJmrmwnd ; 
 whereas yet thevr owne authors 
 aff/rme, that the land Salike is in 
 Germanie, ietweene the riuers ^ 
 Flbe and Sola; and that when 
 Cha/rles the great had ouercome the 
 Saxons, he placed there certevM 
 Frenohvaeia, which hauing in dis- 
 deine the dishonest mcmers of the 
 Germa/ne women, made a law, that 
 the females, should not succeed to 
 any inheritance withm that land, 
 which at this dam is called Meisen : 
 so that, if this be true, this law 
 was not made for the realme <f 
 FVance, nor the FrenchmfSi pos- 
 sessed the land Salike, tiU fowre 
 hv/ndred and one and twentie yea/res 
 after the death of Pha/ramumd, the 
 swpposed maker of this Salike law ; 
 for this Pharamond deceassed in 
 
 There is no harre 
 To make ctgainst your Highnesse 
 
 Clayme to Frcmce, 
 But this, which they praduce from 
 
 Pharamond : 
 "In terram Salieam Mulieres ne 
 
 succedamt," 
 "BTo Woman shall succeed m Salike 
 
 Land : " 
 Which Salike Land, the French 
 
 vniustly gloze 
 To be the Bealme of France, and 
 
 Pha/ramond 
 The founder of this Law, and 
 
 Female Barre. 
 Yet their oione Authors faitbfliUy 
 
 affijrme, 
 That the Land Salike is in 
 
 „. The Salike 
 36 law. 
 
 Betweene the Flouds of Sala and of 
 
 Mue; 
 Where Charles the Great, hauing 
 
 subdu'd the Saxons, 
 There left behind, and settled 
 
 certaine French, 
 Who (holding in disdaine the 
 
 German Women, 
 For some dishonest maimers of their 
 
 life) 
 Eatabjisht then this Lam; to wit, 
 
 "No Female 
 " Should be Inheritrix in Salike 
 
 LaThd : " 
 Which Salike, (as I said,) 'twixt 
 
 Elue and Sala, 
 Is at this dwy in Germanie call'd 
 
 Then dotb it well appeare, the 
 > Salike Lww 
 Was not deuised for the Bealme of 
 
 France; 
 Nor did the French possesse the 
 
 Salike Land 
 Yntillfou/re hundredone and twentie 
 
 yeeres 
 After defunetion of King Phara- 
 
 mond, 
 (Idly suppos'd the founder of this 
 
 Law^ 
 
 40 
 
 44 
 
 [Though the 
 French 8»7 
 that Phara- 
 mond made 
 the law for 
 France, the 
 Balic land is 
 in Germany, 
 where 
 Charles the 
 Oreat placed 
 certain 
 Frenchmen, 
 
 J o long after 
 
 *° Phara- 
 mond's 
 death.] 
 
 Meama, 
 
 [Misena, 
 
 Meissen]. 
 
 52 
 
 56 
 
 assigns to Chiohele (50-52). On his deathbed Henry protested that neither 
 ambition nor the desire of fame prompted him to undertake war with ^France ; 
 " but onelie that, in prosecuting his lust title [to the French crown, through 
 Edward III.], he might ia the end atteiije to a perfect peace, and come to 
 enioie those peeces of his inheritance [from Henry II.], which to him of right 
 belonged : and that, before the be^nning of the same waires, he was fullie 
 persuaded by men both wise and of great holinesse of life, that vpon such 
 intent he might and ought both begin the same warres, and follow them," &c. 
 This last clause has the following sidenote : " Cheeflie Chichelie archb. of 
 Cantur. for dashing y' bUl against the cleargie," &c. Cp. Henry's appeal' to 
 Chichele (I. ii 13-32 ; 96). 
 
170 
 
 Vm. HENEY V, 
 
 [Pippin 
 traced his 
 title to t]]6 
 French 
 crown 
 through the 
 female line, 
 and so also 
 did Hugh 
 CapetJ 
 
 [Therefore 
 the king of 
 England 
 cannot be 
 barred from 
 claiming 
 France 
 
 the yecure 426, amd Cha/rUs the great 
 subdued the Saxons, amd placed the 
 Frenchmen, in those parts beyond 
 the riuer of Sala, im the yea/re 805. 
 Moreouer, it appearetli by thevr 
 owne writers, that kmg Pepme, 
 which deposed ChUderike, claimed 
 the crowne of France, as - heire 
 generaU, for that he was descended 
 of Blithild, doMghter to leimg Clo- 
 ihavr \jp. 546] the first. Hugh 
 Capet also, {who vsurped the crowne 
 vpon Charles duke of Loraine, 
 the sole hevre male of the lime 
 amd stocke of Charles the great,) 
 to make his title seeme true, and 
 appeare good, {though in deed it 
 was starke na/ught^ conueied hvm- 
 selfe as heire to the ladie Lvnga/rd, 
 daughter to king Cha/rlemaine, sonne 
 to Lewes the emperour, that was son 
 to Cha/rles the great. King Lewes 
 also, the tenth,^ (otherwise called 
 saint Lewes,) being verie heire to 
 the said vsurper Hugh Capet, could 
 neuer be satisfied in his conscience 
 how he might iustlie keepe and 
 possesse the crowne of France, tiU 
 he was persuaded and fuUie in- 
 structed, that queerne IsdbeU his 
 gramdmiotherwas lineallie descended 
 of the ladie Frmengard, da/ughter 
 and heire to the aboue named 
 Charles duke of Loraine; by the 
 which marriage, the bloud and line 
 of Charles the great was againe 
 vnited and restored to the crowne 
 & scepter of France ; so that more 
 cleere than the sunme it openlie 
 appeareth, that the title of king 
 
 Who died ■within the yeere of our 60 
 
 Bedemption 
 Foure hundred twentie six ; and 
 
 Charles the Great 
 Subdu'd the Saxons, and did seat 
 
 the French 
 Beyond the Riuer Sala, in the yeere 
 Eight hundred flue. Besides, their 64 
 
 Writers say, 
 KiTig Pepin, which deposed CHI- 
 
 Did, as Eeire GeneraU, (being 
 
 descended 
 Of Blithild, which was Daughter to 
 
 King Olothair,) 
 Make Clayme and Title to the 68 
 
 Crowne of France. 
 Bugh Capet also, {who iisurpt the 
 
 Of Charles the Duke of L&raine, sole 
 
 Heire male 
 Of the true Line and Stock of Charles 
 
 the Qreat,) 
 To find his Title with some shewes 72 
 
 of truth, 
 (Though, in pure truth, it was 
 
 corrupt and naught,) 
 Conuey'd himselfe as Hk' Scire to th' 
 
 Lady Lingare, 
 Daughter to Charlemaine, who was 
 
 the Sonne 
 To Lewes the Emperour, and Lewes, 76 
 
 the Sonne 
 Of Charles the Qreat. Also King 
 
 Lewes the Tenth, 
 "Who was sole Heire to the Vsvrper 
 
 Could not keepe quiet in his 
 
 conscience, 
 Wearing the Crowne of France, 'till 80 
 
 That faire Queene Isabel, his Grand- 
 mother, 
 
 Was Lineall of the Lady Ermengare, 
 
 Daughter to Charles the foresaid 
 Duke of L&raine : 
 
 By the which Marriage, the Lyne of 84 
 Charles the Great 
 
 Was Te-vnited to the Crowns of 
 France. 
 
 So that, as cleare as is the Summers 
 
 King Pepins Title, and Hugh Capets 
 
 Clayme. 
 King Lewes his satisfaction, all 88 
 
 appeare 
 To hold in Right and Title of the 
 
 * flbJ.'s slip misled Shakspere. 
 ninth" (51). 
 
 Halle has : " Kyng Lewes also the 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 171 
 
 Pepin, the clairm of Hugh Capet, 
 the possession of Lewes; yea, and 
 the French Mngs to this dme, are 
 deriued and conueied from the 
 heire female ; though they would, 
 vnder the colour of such a fained 
 law, harre the kings and princes 
 of this reakne of England of their 
 right and lawfull inheritance. 
 
 The archbishop further alledged 
 out of the hoohe of Nwmbers this 
 saieng : ' When a man dieth. with- 
 'out a Sonne, let the inheritance 
 ' descend to his daughter.' 
 
 through 
 the same 
 line of 
 descent.] 
 
 So doe the Kings of France vnto this 
 
 clay; 
 Howbeit fhey would hold vp this 
 
 Salique Law 
 To bcMrre your Highnesse olayming 92 
 
 from the Female ; 
 And rather chuse to hide them in a 
 
 Net, 
 Then amply to imbarre their 
 
 crooked Titles 
 Vsurpt from you and your Pro- 
 genitors. 
 King. May I, with right and 96 
 
 conscience, make this claim ? [The book of 
 
 Cant. The sinne vpon my head, Numbers.! 
 
 dread Soueraigne ! 
 For in the Booke of Nwmbers is it 
 
 writ, 
 " When the num dyes, Id the In- 
 
 heriianee 
 ' ' Descend vnto the Daughter. " 100 
 
 Chichele then reminds Henry how Edward III., "on a HiU, 
 stood "; watching the Black Prince defeat "the full Power of France," 
 with but half of the English army (I. ii. 105-110). Holinshed records 
 (iii. 372/2/27) how a knight, sent to ask Edward for reinforcements, 
 came "where" the King "stood aloft on a windmill hill," surveying 
 the battle.1 
 
 When Westmoreland says that the hearts of the English nobles are 
 in France, Chichele exclaims : 
 
 O let their bodyes follow, my deare Liege, 
 
 With Blood and Sword and Fire, to win your Bight ! 
 
 In &jde whereai, -we of the Spiritttaltie 132 
 
 Will rayse your ffighnesse such a mightie Svmrm, 
 
 As neuer did the Clergie at one time 
 
 Bring in to any of your Ancestors. 
 
 Chichele, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 646/ 1/30.] hauing said sufficientlie for the proofe of 
 the kings iust and lawfull title to the crowne of France, he 
 exhorted him to aduance foorth his banner to fight for his righi, to 
 conquer his inheritance, to spare neither iloud, sword, not fire; sith 
 his warre was iust, his cause good, and his claime true. And to 
 the intent his louing chapleins and obedient subiects of the 
 spwituaUie might shew themselues willing and desirous to aid his 
 maiestie, for the recouerie of his ancient right and true inheritance, 
 the archbishop declared that, in their spirituall conuocation, they 
 
 [Chichele 
 urged Henry 
 to make 
 war, and 
 promised 
 him a larger 
 sum of 
 money than 
 the clergy 
 had ever 
 paid to any 
 prince.] 
 
 * An incident which Charles VI. reminds his nobles of {Ren. V., II. iv. 
 53-62). 
 
172 
 
 Vlir. HENRY V. 
 
 The earle of 
 
 Westmer- 
 
 landper- 
 
 iuadeiky^ 
 
 hing to the 
 
 conquest of 
 
 ScoHaitd. 
 
 had granted to his highnesse such a summe of inonie, as neuer by no 
 spirituall persona was to any prince before those daies giuen or 
 aduanced.^ 
 
 CMchele answers Henry's fear, that the Scot might pour down upon 
 defenceless England, by recalling the day (October 17, 1346) when 
 David n. was vanquished and taken prisoner, during Edward III.'s 
 absence in France. — Aveshury, 145, 146. For the unhistorical assertion 
 that David was sent to France (1. 161), Shakspere was perhaps indebted 
 to the play of Kimg Edwa/rd III., where (Act IV. sc. ii. p. 53) we find 
 Edward resolving to summon Copeland, David's captor, 
 
 hither out of hand, 
 And with him he shall bring his prisoner king. 
 
 In the last scene (Act V. sc. i. p. 71), which is laid at Calais, Copeland 
 enters, " and King David." 
 
 To Chichele's instance Westmoreland replies (11. 166-168) : 
 
 But there's a saying very old and true : 
 " If that you will Framce win, 
 " Then with Scotland first begin." 
 
 After recording Chichele's speech, and offer of a subsidy, Holinshed 
 adds: 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 546/1/44.] When the archbishop had ended his pre- 
 pared tale, Rafe Neuill, earle of Westmerland, and as then lord 
 Warden of the marches against Scotland, vnderstanding that the 
 king, vpon a couragious desire to recouer his right in France, would 
 suerlie take the wars in hand, thought good to mooue the king to 
 begin first with Scotland; and therevpon declared how easie a 
 matter it should be to make a conquest there, and how greatlie 
 the same should further his wished purpose for the subduing of 
 the Frenchmen ; concluding the summe of his tale with this old 
 saieng : that, " Who so will France win, must with Scotland first 
 
 War with France being resolved on, audience is given to ambas- 
 sadors from the Dauphin. They present to the King a " Tun ^ of 
 
 1 The Convocation of Canterbury met on October 1, 1414, and broke up on 
 October 20, 1414, after granting Henry two whole tenths. — Wahe, 350, 351. 
 This convocation was summoned for the settlement of matters relating to 
 church discipline, as the mandate {Wake, Appendix, 87) shows. 
 
 2 Perhaps "Tunne" = a cwp. Higins {Nomenolator, 1585, p. 233, col. 1) 
 defined "Ooseyphium '' as "a twn, or nut to drinke in." In The Famovs 
 Victories, sc. ix., p. 29, the ambassador's action is described by this stage 
 direction : " He deliuereth a Tunne of Tennis Balles." Henry says : " What, a 
 guilded Tunne ? I pray you, my Lord of Yorke, looke what is in it." York 
 answers: " Here is a Carpet and a Tunne of Tennis balles." 
 
VIII. HENRY V, IT'S 
 
 Treasure " (1. 255), containing tennis-balls (1. 258) ; a gift which their 
 master deems "meeter for" Henry's "spirit" than French dukedoms. 
 Of this incident Holinshed gives the following account : 
 
 [Rol. iii. 545/1/1.] Whilest in the Lent season the king laie at f*""' . 
 
 Killingworth, there came to him from Charles [sc. Lewis] Dolphin ^amiaiaaae 
 
 of France certeine ambassadors, that brought with them a barrell [The 
 
 of Paris balles ; which from their maister they presented to him for '^l.^ 
 
 a token that was taken in verie ill part, as sent in scorne, to 
 
 signifie, that it was more meet for the king to passe the time with 
 
 such childish exercise, than to attempt any worthie exploit. 
 
 Part of Henry's answer (11. 264-266) to the ambassadors — 
 
 Tell him, " he hath made a match with such a Wrangler, 
 
 " That all ihe Gowrta of Frcmce will be disturb'd 
 
 " With Chaces " 
 — may be derived from the concluding portion of this excerpt : 
 
 \Hol. iii. 545/1/9.] Wherfore the K. wrote to him, that yer 
 ought long, he would tosse him some London balles that perchance IloS^'d 
 should shake the walles of the best court in France} baiies.'] 
 
 Act II. Chorus. — ^When Shakspere Wrote 11. 8-10, — 
 For now sits Expectation in the Ayre ; 
 And hides a Sword, from Hilts vnto the Point, 
 With Crownes Imperiall, Crownes, and Coronets 
 
 , — he may have been thinking of a woodcut-portrait of Edward III.,^ — 
 engraved on page 174, — which appeared in the first edition of Holinshed 
 (1577, vol. iii. p. 885). 
 
 Act II. sc. ii. — This scene is laid at Southampton, in August, 1415.^ 
 
 1 Cp. the rest of the passage in Ott. (cited above, p. 165) : " Cui rex 
 Anglorum reecripsit, dicens, se in brevi pilaa missurum Londoniarum quibus 
 terreret [tereret] & confiinderet sua tecta." Henry's threat that the Dauphiu's 
 balls shall become " Qun-stones " (I. ii. 282) may be Shakspere's reminiscence 
 of Caxton {Chronicle, ed. 1482, sign. t. 5), who says that Henry " lete make 
 tenys balles for the dolphyn in al the hast that they myjt be made, and they 
 were grete gorme stmies for the Dolphyn to playe with all." But a cannon- 
 shot was called a gunstone in Shakspere's time. See examples in the revised 
 ed. of Henry V. (New Sh. Soc), p. 162. In a contemporary poem, ascribed to 
 Lydgate, Henry speaks of a * game at tynes " which Ms guns " shall play with 
 Harflete."— C9w<w. Land., 220. 
 
 2 In Eastell's Pastyme of People, 1529, Edward III. is portrayed at full 
 length, holding a sword encircled by two crowns. For a comparison with II., 
 Chorus, 1. 6,^where Henry is styled " the Mirror of all Christian Kings,"-^ 
 see p. 205, note- 2, below. 
 
 3 The treason of Cambridge, Sorope, and Grey was "publisshid and openli 
 knowe " at Southampton, on August 1, 1415.— C^rore. B. II.— H. VI., 40. On 
 August 2, a jury found the conspirators guilty {Bot. Pwd. iv. 65), and, on 
 August 5, Clarence was commissioned to pass sentence on Cambridge and 
 Scrope {Bymer, ix. 300). 
 
174 
 
 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 All the historic negotiation which preceded Henry's departure for 
 France was passed over or postdated, and the event placed next to the 
 tennis-balls' incident is the conspiracy of Cambridge, Scrope, and Grey. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 548/ 1/66.] When king Henrie had fullie furnished 
 
 his nauie with men, munition, & other prouisions, [he,] perceiuing 
 
 that his capteines misliked nothing so much as delaie, determined 
 
 his souldiors to go a ship-boord and awaie. But see the hap ! the 
 
 night before the daie appointed for their departure, he was crediblie 
 
 informed, that Richard earle of Cambridge, brother to Edward 
 
 duke of Yorke, and Henrie lord Scroope of Masham, lord treasurer, 
 
 Theearuof ^^*^ Thomas Grais, a knight of Northumberland, being confederat 
 
 o^^S* togither, had conspired his death : wherefore he caused them to be 
 
 ^treasm apprehended. 
 
 Neither Holinshed nor, I believe, any chronicler published in Shak- 
 spere's day ^ relates that the conspirators were led on by Henry to doom 
 themselves (11. 39-51). The speech (11. 79-144) in which Henry upbraids 
 
 1 Samt-jRemy — whose M^moires, from 140Y to 1422, were first published 
 in 1663 — says— as do other chroniclers — that the conspirators sought to make 
 the Earl of March an accomplice by oifering to place him on the throne, but 
 that he revealed their design to Henry. Samt-Bemy adds (vii. 488-489) that 
 the King thereupon called a council of his nobles, and after telling them that 
 he had heard, though he could not believe, that some of his subjects were 
 engaged in a plot to deprive him of his crown, asked, if the report were true, 
 what should be done to these traitors. The question was put to each lord in 
 succession, and the conspirators answered that such traitors ought to suflfer a 
 death so cruel as to be a warning to others. Every one present having given 
 his opinion, Henry confronted March with the guilty men, who owned their 
 treasonable project. Womrin (V. i. 177-179) gives the same account of the 
 conspirators detection. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 175 
 
 the traitors was wholly Shakspere's work, except that part of it where 
 Scrope's dissimulation and ingratitude is denounced (11. 93-142). The 
 germ of these lines lay in the following passage : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 548/2/3,] The said lord Scroope was in such fauour 
 with the king, that he admitted him sometime to be his bedfellow ; 
 in whose fidelitie the king reposed such trust, that, when anie xhom. wau. 
 priuat or publike councell was in hand, this lord had much in the J^™"]^' 
 determination of it. For he represented so great grauitie in his scrape.] 
 countenance, such modestie in behauiour, and so Tertuous zeale to 
 all godlinesse in his talke, that whatsoeuer he said was thought for 
 the most part necessarie to be doone and followed. Also the 
 said sir Thomas Graie (as some write) was of the kings priuie 
 councell. 
 
 The formal words used by Exeter in arresting Cambridge seem to 
 have been taken from Holinshed : "I arrest thee of High Treason, hy 
 the wmm of Richard Earh of Gemibridge." Holinshed says (iii. 549/ 
 1/26) : "indicted he was hy the name of Ridmrd earle of Ga/mbridge of 
 Conneshurgh in the countie of Yorke, knight." 
 
 Cambridge qualifies his guilt (11. 155-157) : 
 
 For me : the Gold of France did not seduce ; 
 Although I did admit it as a motiue. 
 The sooner to effect what I intended. 
 
 The motive which is supposed to have really influenced him was of 
 a difEerent sort. 
 
 \Hol. iii. 548/2/72.] Diuerse write that Richard earle of 
 Cambridge did not conspire with the lord Scroope & Thomas 
 Graie for the murthering of king Henrie to [p. 549] please the 
 French king withall, but onelie to the intent to exalt to the crowne [Cambridge 
 his brother in law Edmund earle of March as heire to Lionell duke fntte'^*"''* 
 of Clarence : after the death of which earle of March, (for diuerse interest, but 
 
 , Lis real 
 
 secret impediments, not able to haue issue,) the earle of Cambridge object wa» 
 was sure that the crowne should come to him by his wife, and to forMS 
 his children, of hir begotten. And therefore (as was thought) he JopiS to 
 rather confessed himselfe for need of monie to be corrupted by the ^'""'^"^^ 
 French king, than he would declare his inward mind, and open his 
 verie intent and secret purpose, which if it were espied, he saw 
 plainlie that the earle of March should haue tasted of the same 
 cuppe that he had drunken, and what should haue come to his 
 owne children he much doubted. Therefore destitute of comfort 
 
176 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 & in despaire of life to saue his children, he feined that tale ; 
 desiring rather to saue his succession than himselfe, which he did 
 in deed; for his sonne Richard duke of Yorke not priuilie but 
 openlie claimed the crowne, and Edward his sonne both claimed 
 it, & gained it, as after it shall appeare. 
 
 Having heard Grey's ^ confession (11. 161-165), Henry dooms the 
 traitors : 
 
 K. God quit you in his mercy ! Hear your sentence ! 
 You haue conspvr'd against Our Koyall person, 
 loyn'd with an enemy proclaim'd, and from his Coffers 168 
 
 Keceyu'd the Golden Earnest of Our death ; 
 Wherein you would haue sold your King to slaughter, 
 His Princes and his Peeres to seruitude, 
 
 His Suhiects to oppression and contempt, 172 
 
 And his whole Kingdome into desolation. 
 Touching our person, seeke we no rermnge ; 
 But we our Kingdomes safety must so tender. 
 Whose ruine you haue ^ sought, that to her Lawes 176 
 
 We do deliuer you. Get you therefore hence, 
 QPoore miserahh wretches /) to yoitr death ! 
 The taste whereof, Ood, of his mercy, giue 
 You patience to indUre, cmd true Repentance 180 
 
 Of all yov/r deare offences ! — Beare them hence ! 
 
 These lines should be compared with the following speech, taken by 
 HoUnshed from Halle : 
 
 \Hol. iii. 543/2/15.] These prisoners, ypon their examination, 
 confessed, that for a great summe of monie which they had 
 receiued of the French king, they intended verelie either to haue 
 deliuered the king aliue into the hands of his enimies, or else to 
 haue murthered him before he should arriue in the duchie of 
 JIM.. Normandie. When king Henrie had heard all things opened, 
 
 which he desired to know, he caused all his nobilitie to come 
 before his presence ; before whome he caused to be brought the 
 offenders also, and to them said : " Hauing thus conspired the 
 
 * Johnson pointed out (Var. 8h., xvii. 314) a resemblance between Grey's 
 words (1. 165), — " My faidt, but not my body, pardon, Soueraigne," — and an 
 expression of Dr. William Parry, executed on March 2, 1584, for plotting the 
 death of Elizabeth. In a letter addressed to the Queen, Parry said : " I haue 
 no more to saie at this time, but that with my hart & soule I doo now honour 
 & loue you, am inwardlie sorie for mine offense, and readie to make you 
 amends by my death and patience. Discharge me A culpa but not A poena, 
 good ladie."— flbl. iii. 1387/l/57. 
 
 " you haue'] Qq. you three F2. you Fi. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 177 
 
 " death and destruction of me, which am the head of the realme ^ingHmnea 
 
 vjords to the 
 
 " and gouernour of the people, it maie be (no doubt) but that you «™»«o»'''- 
 
 " likewise haue sworne the confusion of all that are here with me, 
 
 " and also the desolaiion of your owne countrie. To what horror 
 
 " (0 lord !) for any true English hart to consider, that such an 
 
 " execrable iniquitie should euer so bewrap you, as for pleasing of 
 
 " a forren enimie to imbrue your hands in your bloud, and to ruine 
 
 "your owne natiue soile. Reuenge herein touching my person, 
 
 " though I seeke not ; yet for the safegard of you my deere freends, 
 
 "& for due preseruation of all sorts, I am by office to cause 
 
 " example to be shewed. Get ye hence therefore, ye jpoore miserable 
 
 " wretches, to the receiuing of your iust reward ; wherein Gods y^^ ^^^ „^ 
 
 "maiestie giue you grace of his mercie, and repentance of your d^ tu other 
 
 "heinous offenses." And so immediatlie they were had to exemta. 
 
 execution. 
 
 The general purport of Henry's final speech (11. 182-193) is the same 
 as the " words few " which he is said to have spoken after the traitors 
 " were had to execution." 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 548/2/43. J This doone, the king, calling his lords 
 againe afore him, said in words few and with good grace. Of his [Henry-a 
 
 ftdcirsss to 
 
 enterprises he recounted the honor and glorie, whereof they with ^^JPthe' 
 him were to be partakers ; the great confidence he had in their ^^"taid to 
 noble minds, which could not but remember them of the famous ®''®""^*'''°i 
 feats that their ancestors aforetime in France had atchiued, whereof 
 the due report for euer recorded remained yet in register. The 
 great mercie of God that had so gratiouslie reuealed vnto him the 
 treason at hand, whereby the true harts of those afore him [were] 
 made so eminent & apparant in his eie, as they might be right sure 
 he would neuer forget it. The doubt of danger to be nothing in 
 respect of the certeintie of honor that they should acquire ; wherein 
 himselfe (as they saw) in person would be lord and leader through 
 Gods grace. To whose maiestie, as cheeflie was knowne the equitie 
 of his demand, euen so to his mercie, did he onelie recommend 
 the successe of his trauels. 
 
 Act II. sc. iv. — A dramatic date should perhaps be given to the 
 council over which Charles VI. is presiding when the English ambas- 
 sadors crave admittance (11. 65-66). Henry — who, we learn, " is footed 
 
 N 
 
178 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 in this Land already" (1. 143) — disembarked near Harfleur on August 
 14, 1415.^ In February, 1415, Exeter was an ambassador to the 
 French Court, associated with others in negotiating a marriage between 
 Henry and Katharine.^ But the message here delivered by Exeter 
 (11. 77-109) substantially, and, to some slight extent, literally, repro- 
 duces the terms of a despatch addressed to Charles VI., which must 
 have been received about the time of the invasion, for, before putting 
 to sea, Henry, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 548/1/44.] first princelie appointing to aduertise the 
 SitagVom French king of his comming, therefore dispatched Antelope his 
 ton, Hm?y pursBuant at armes with letters to him for restitution of that which 
 letters to he wrongfuUv withheld : contrarie to the lawes of God and man : 
 
 Charles VI.] ° "' 
 
 the king further declaring how sorie he was that he should be thus 
 compelled for repeating of his right and iust title of inheritance, to 
 make warre to the destruction of christian people ; but sithens he 
 had offered peace which could not be receiued, now, for fault of 
 iustice, he was forced to take armes. Neuerthelesse exhorted the 
 French king, in the bowels of lesu Christ,* to render him that which 
 was his owne ; whereby effusion of Christian bloud might be 
 auoided. These letters, cheeflie to this effect and purpose, were 
 written and dated from Hampton the fift of August. When the 
 same were presented to the French king, and by his councell well 
 perused, answer was made, that he would take aduise, and prouide 
 therein as time and place should be conuenient : go the messenger 
 [was] licenced to depart at his pleasure. 
 
 Two passages may have served as authorities for the talk eonoerning 
 defensive measures which precedes Exeter's entrance (11. 1-49). When 
 news of Henry's preparations for invasion reached France, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 547/2/7.] the Dolphin, who had the gouernance of 
 the realme, bicause his father was fallen into his old disease of 
 
 1 Gesta, 14. "Kidecaws" — Henry's landing-place — is about three miles 
 distant from Harfleur. — Ibid,, 13, 
 
 2 Their powers are dated December 5, 1414. — Bymer, ix. 184, 185. They 
 had not concluded their mission on February 17, 1415. — Ibid., 201. An 
 aooount of this embassy — taken from SaUe (57) — was given by Hoi. (iii. 
 5461-2137). Op. Mons., iii. 273, 274, 289. 
 
 3 Henry bids Charles (II. iv. 102, 103), 
 
 " ... in the Bowels of the Lord, 
 Deliver vp the Crowne," . . . 
 
VIIL HENRY V. 179 
 
 frensie, sent for the dukes of Berrie ^ and Alanson, and all the other [The 
 lords of the counceU of France : by whose aduise it was deter- summoned 
 
 " the Duke of 
 
 mined, that they should not onelie prepare a sufficient armie to other iTrds 
 resist the king of England, when so euer he arriued to inuade coSfoii, 
 France, but also to stuflFe and furnish the townes on the frontiers ad^o^''for 
 
 1 . ..t ■ , • n the defence 
 
 and sea coasts with conuenient garrisons ot men : . , . of France.] 
 
 At a later date : 
 
 [Ebl. iii. 649/2/ss.] The French king, being aduertised that [The 
 king Henrie was arriued on that coast, sent in all hast the lord de and other 
 
 lords pro- 
 la Breth constable of France, the seneshall of France, the lord JeteMe of''* 
 Bouciqualt marshall of France, the seneshall of Henault, the lord ^™'"'«-' 
 Lignie, with other ; which fortified townes with men, victuals, and 
 artiHerie, on all those frontiers towards the sea. 
 
 Act III. Chorus. — Shakspere thus sums up the answer which 
 Exeter — " th'Embassador from the French" — brings to Henry (11. 
 29-31) : 
 
 That the King doth ofEer him 
 Katherine his Daughter, and with her, to Dowrie, 
 Some petty and vnprofitable Dukedomes. 
 
 This offer was made by William Bouratier, Archbishop of Bourges, 
 the spokesman of an embassy charged with the answer of the French to 
 Henry's demands. At Winchester,^ 
 
 [Sol. iii. 547/2/34.] before the kings presence, sitting in his 
 throne imperiall, the archbishop of Burges made an eloquent and 
 a long oration, dissuading warre, and praising peace ; offering to 
 the king of England a great summe of monie, with diuerse 
 countries, being in verie deed but base and poore, as a dowrie with 
 the ladie Catharine in mariage ; so that he would dissolue his Mncess 
 armie, and dismisse his soldiers, which he had gathered and put in and a ""wry 
 
 offered to 
 
 a readinesse. Henry.] 
 
 Act III. sc. i. — Henry encourages a storming-party, which has been 
 repulsed, to mount again a breach in the walls of Harfleur. Holinshed's 
 
 1 John Duke of Berri is present, and the Constable speaks (see next 
 excerpt), in sc. iv., Act II. At this council it was resolved that the Arch- 
 bishop of Bourges should be sent to Henry {Hoi. iii. 547/2/17). See next 
 note. 
 
 2 The ambassadors left France on June 17, 1415. — St. Dervys, v. 512. On 
 July 26, 1415, they reported, in Charles's presence, the ill success of their 
 mission. — St. Denys, v. 530. 
 
180 
 
 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 [Gloucester's 
 mines.] 
 
 [Tie French 
 counter- 
 mines.] 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 [An uncon- 
 ditional 
 surrender of 
 Harfleur 
 demanded.] 
 
 A Jlue daies 
 respit. 
 
 words (iii. 649/2/69), " ^^^ dailie was the towne assaulted," may have 
 suggested to Shakspere the King's speech (11. 1-34). 
 
 Act III. sc. ii. — Gower bids Fluellen " come presently to the Mynes ; 
 the Duke of Gloucester would speake with you " (11. 58-60). Fluellen 
 answers that "the Mynes is not according to the disciplines of the 
 Warre:^ . . . th'athuersarie ... is digt himselfe foure yard vnder 
 the Countermines." Holinshed says that 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 549/2/70.] the duke of Glocester, to whome the 
 order of the siege was committed, made three mines vnder the 
 ground; and, approchingto thewals with his engins and ordinance, 
 would not suffer them within to take anie rest. 
 
 [p. 550] For although they with their countermining somwhat 
 disappointed the Englishmen, & came to fight with them hand to 
 hand within the mines, so that they went no further forward with 
 that worke ; yet they were so inclosed on ech side, as well by 
 water as land, that succour they saw could none come to them. 
 
 Act III. sc. iii. — In the last scene a parley ^ was sounded from 
 Harfleur (III. ii. 148). Now King Henry enters and summons the 
 Governor to yield "to our best mercy" (1. 3). On September 18, 
 1415,^ the besieged made a conditional offer of submission. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 550/1/38.] The king, aduertised hereof, sent them 
 word, that, except they would surrender the towne to him the 
 morow next insuing, without anie condition, they should spend no 
 more time in talke about the matter. But yet at length through 
 the earnest sute of the French lords, the king was contented to 
 grant them truce vntUl nine of the clocke the next sundaie, being 
 the two and twentith of September ; with condition, that, if in the 
 meane time no rescue came, they should yeeld the towne at that 
 houre, with their bodies and goods to stand at the kings pleasure. 
 
 We may suppose that this scene opens on September 22, — the day 
 fixed for yielding Harfleur, if no relief came, — and therefore the 
 Governor thus answers King Henry's summons (11. 44-47) : 
 
 1 It seems that "the disciplines of the Warre" really were violated, for, 
 contrary to the prohibition of JSgidius Romanus, the mines were begun in 
 sight of the besieged, who of course countermined them. — Gesta, 24, 25. 
 jEgidius Eomanus wrote for Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy (1363-1404), 
 De Begimvne Princi^nmi, a part of which is entitled " De re militari veterum." 
 — Gesta, p. 16, note 2. 
 
 ^ Hol.'s account of the first overture for surrender has this sidenote : " The 
 seuenteenth of September they within Harflue praie parlee." 
 
 ' The truce was ratified on September 18. — Gesta, 30. The besieged asked 
 for a parley " about midnight," September 17. — Sol. iii. 550/ 1/23. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 181 
 
 Our expectation hath this day an end : 
 The Dolphin, whom of Succours we entreated, 
 Eeturnes vs " that his Powers are yet not ready 
 " To rayse so great a Siege." 
 
 During the truce, 
 
 [ffol. iii. 550/1/68.] the lord Bacquenill was sent vnto the 
 French king, to declare in what point the towne stood. To whome 
 the Dolphin answered, that the kings power was not yet assembled, S.f(„s°°d by 
 in such number as was conuenient to raise so great a siege. This Dwiphm.] 
 answer being brought vnto the capteins within the towne, they 
 rendered it vp to the king of England, after that the third daie 
 was expired ; which was on the daie of saint Maurice, being the 
 seuen and thirtith daie after the siege was first laid. The souldiors sarflm 
 
 ° yeuded and. 
 
 were ransomed, and the towne sacked, to the great gaine of the '"*"'• 
 Englishmen. 
 
 Henry then commands Exeter (11, 52, 53) to enter Harfleur ; 
 
 there remaine. 
 And fortifie it strongly 'gainst the French : ^ , . . 
 
 On September 22, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 550/2/30.] the king ordeined capteine to the towne [Exeter 
 his Tncle the duke of Excester, who established his lieutenant gapteinof 
 
 ' Harfleur.] 
 
 there, one sir lohn Fastolfe ; with fifteene hundred men, or (as 
 
 some haue) two thousand, and thirtie six knights. 
 
 Harfleur being disposed of, Henry says (11. 54-56) : 
 
 For vs, deare Vnckle, 
 (The Winter comming on, and Sicknesse growing 
 Vpon our Souldiers,) we will retyre to Galis. 
 
 Holinshed names several Englishmen of rank who died during the 
 siege, or were licensed to return home on account of sickness ; and adds : 
 
 \Hol. iii. 550/2/44.] King Henrie, after the winning of Harflue, 
 
 determined to haue proceeded further in the winning of other 
 
 townes and fortresses ; but, bicause the dead time of the winter 
 
 approched, it was determined by aduise of his councell, that he 
 
 should in aU conuenient speed set forward, and march through the l^?"?"* 
 
 countrie towards Calls by land, least his returne as then home" r«soi™don.] 
 
 1 In making Henry say to Exeter, " Vse mercy to them all " (1. 54), 
 Shakspere ignored Eol.'s report (iii. 55O/2/5) that the King expelled from 
 Harfleur " parents with their children, yoong maids and old folke," and filled 
 their places with English immigrants. Higden's Polychronicon (edd. Babington 
 and Lumbyi viii. 550) is Hol.'s authority. 
 
182 
 
 Vni. HENEY V, 
 
 Great death 
 in the host 
 hy the fix. 
 
 The French 
 king cosult- 
 eth how to 
 deale with 
 y English' 
 men. 
 
 Dolphin 
 king of 
 Sicill. 
 
 The French 
 K. sendeth 
 defiance to 
 Hng Henrie. 
 
 A cbariot.] 
 
 Wards should of slanderous toongs be named a running awaie ; 
 
 and yet that iournie was adiudged perillous, by reason that the 
 
 number of his people was much minished by the flix and other 
 
 feuers, which sore vexed and brought to death aboue fifteene 
 
 hundred persons of the armie : and this was the cause that his 
 
 returne was the sooner appointed and concluded. 
 
 Act III. sc. V. — Henry left Harfleur on October 8,1 and crossed the 
 Somme on October 19.^ The following excerpt illustrates this scene, 
 which opens after Charles VI. has received sure tidings that Henry 
 " hath past the Riuer Some " (1. 1) : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 552/1/42.] The French king, being at Rone, and 
 hearing that king Henrie was passed the riuer of Some, was 
 much displeased therewith, and, assembling his councell* to the 
 number of fiue and thirtie, asked their aduise what was to be 
 doone. There was amongst these fiue and thirtie, his sonne the 
 Dolphin, calling himselfe king of Sicill ; * the dukes of Berrie and 
 Britaine, the earle of Pontieu the kings yoongest sonne, and other 
 high estates. At length thirtie of them agreed, that the English- 
 men should not depart vnfought withall, and fiue were of a 
 contrarie opinion, but the greater number ruled the matter : and 
 so Montioy king at armes was sent to the king of England to 
 defie him as the enimie of France, and to tell him that he should 
 shortlie hane battel! 
 
 Charles commands the French princes to " goe downe vpon " (1. 53) 
 Harry England ; 
 
 And in a Chariot, Captiue into Eoan,^ 
 Bring him our Prisoner ! 
 
 Touching the assurance of victory which the French had on the 
 night before their defeat at Agincourt, Holinshed says : 
 
 [Sol. iii 554/1/7.] The noble men had deuised a chariot, 
 wherein they might triumphantlie conueie the king captiue to the 
 
 1 Gesixi,, 36 (cp. note 4). " Gesta, 43. 
 
 5 To reconcile a subsequent date (see p. 184, n. 2, below) we must suppose 
 that this council was held on October 19, not, as Mons. says (iii. 330), on 
 October 20. 
 
 * Hoi. has been misled by SaUe (64). Mons. (ui. 330) does not mention 
 the presence of the Dauphin at this eouncU, but says that " le roi Louis " was 
 there. Lewis was titular King of Sicily. He was the son of Lewis Duke of 
 Anjou, Charles VI.'s eldest unde ; and father of K^n6, whose daughter Margaret 
 married our Henry VI. 
 
 * CTMM-iot, Octpttite] P. A. Daniel conj. And in a Captiue Chariot into Boan'Fi. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 183 
 
 citie of Paris ; crieng to their soldiers : " Haste you to the spoile, 
 "glorie and honor!" little weening (God wot) how soone their 
 brags should be blowne awaie. 
 
 The Dauphin's presence at Agincourt (III. vii.), despite his father's 
 injunction to remain at Eouen (III. v. 64), is unhistorical.^ 
 
 [Rol. iii. 552/1/72. J The Dolphin sore desu-ed to haue beene g^\;„ 
 at the battell, but he was prohibited by his father. Sattie.^''* 
 
 Act III. so. vi.— Gower is told by Fluellen that " the Duke of 
 Exeter . . . keepes the Bridge most valiantly, with excellent discipline " 
 (11. 6-12). The fighting of which Fluellen speaks occurred at the 
 Ternoise, and is thus described by Holinshed : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 552/2/3.] The king of England, (hearing that the 
 Frenchmen approched, and that there was an other riuer for him 
 to passe with his armie by a bridge, and doubting least, if the 
 same bridge should be broken, it would be greatlie to his htnder- 
 ance,) appointed certeine capteins with their bands, to go thither 
 with all speed before him, and to take possession thereof, and so 
 to keepe it, till his comming thither. 
 
 Those that were sent, finding the Frenchmen busie to breake [The Frenoii 
 downe their bridge, assailed them so , vigorouslie, that thev dis- an attempt 
 
 totreak 
 
 comnted them, and tooke and slue them : and so the bridge was ?»?J" *^ 
 
 ' a Dndge over 
 
 preserued till the king came, and passed the riuer by the same ^^ 
 with his whole armie. This was on the two and twentith day of 
 October.^ 
 
 Pistol then enters and asks Fluellen to intercede with Exeter for 
 Bardolph, whom the Duke has sentenced to be hung for stealing a 
 " Pax* of little price " (11. 42-51). During Henry's march there was no 
 
 1 In the Q. version of Henry V. " Burbon " has the part in Act III. se. vii, 
 and Act IV. so. y. which F. assigns to the Dauphin. As to this matter, and 
 also Johnes's conjectTire that Shakspere confounded Sir Guichard Dauphin (see 
 p. 196 below) with the Dauphin of France, see Mr. Daniel's Introduction to the 
 Fcurallel Texts of Henry V. (New Sh. Soc), p. xiii. 
 
 2 Livius (15) gives the date October 22, wrongly adding that it was the day 
 of S. Eomanns, Confessor. This saint's day is kept on October 23. Elmhatn 
 says (56) that Henry crossed the Ternoise on the morrow of. S. Eomaaus (Oct. 
 24). On October 23, according to another authority, Henry was marching 
 towards the Ternoise, which he crossed on October 24. — Gesta, 46. We may, 
 I think, fairly infer that the bridge was seized on the day before Henry's 
 transit. 
 
 3 Mmham (53), Livim (13), and Gesta (41), agree that a pyx was stolen. 
 D'Amis's Lexicon Manuale, 1866, has these definitions : " Pax — Instrumentum 
 quod inter Missarum solemnia populo osculandum praebetur ; inskument que 
 
 Temoiae.] 
 
184 Vin. HENRY V, 
 
 imticein [Hol. m. 652/i/33.J outrage or offense doone by the English- 
 
 the theft of jjuqjx, except oac, which was, that a souldiour took a pix out of 
 a church, for which he was apprehended, & the king not once 
 remooued till the box was restored, and the offendor strangled. 
 
 Hearing from Fluellen of Bardolph's sentence, Henry says (11. 113- 
 117) : " Wee would haue all such offenders so cut off : and we giue 
 expresse charge that, in our Marches through the Countrey, there be 
 nothing compell'd from the Villages ; nothing taken but pay'd for." 
 At some time between August 14 — the date of Henry's landing near 
 Harfleur — and August 1,7,^ the King 
 
 j-ija, [Hol. ill. 549/2/28.] caused proclamation to be made, that no 
 
 Acharitabie P^^'soii should be SO hardic, on paine of death, either to take anie 
 
 ^MiojTMi- thing out of anie church that belonged to the same ; or to hurt or 
 
 doo anie violence either to priests, women, or anie such as should 
 
 be found without weapon or armor, and not readie to make 
 
 resistance.: . . . 
 
 One hardship of the march from Harfleur was lack of victuals : 
 
 Sidteo"* [Slol. iii. 552/1/30.] Yet in this great necessitie, the poore 
 people of the countrie were not spoiled, nor anie thing taken of 
 them without paiment, , . . 
 
 Turne thee back, 148 
 
 And tell thy King, T doe not seeke him now, 
 
 Goe, bid thy Master well aduise himselfe 168 
 
 K we may passe, we will ; if we be hindred. 
 We shall yov/r ta/umie ground with your red blood 
 Discolour : . . . 
 
 1 have quoted above parts of Henry's answer to Montjoy ^ (11. 148, 
 
 le pritre p^-isente A haiser; olpm] paix." "Pyxis — Vas in quo reponuntur 
 hostise eonsecratee ad viaticum ; pyxis, hoite A hosties." For more information 
 on this point see Var. Sh., 1821, xvii. 362, 363 ; Nares's Olossary, a. vv. " Pax " 
 and "Kx" ; Dyce's Glossary, s. v. "Pax" ; and French, 108-110. According 
 to Oesla (41) the thief "suspensus iateriit" on October 17. 
 » Gesta, 14, 15. 
 
 2 On October 20, Henry was iirformed by three French heralds that the 
 Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon would give him battle before he reached Calais. 
 — Gesta, 44, 45. According to Mmham (54) the three heralds who delivered 
 this message were sent from the Constable, the Dukes of Orleans, Brabant, 
 Bourbon, Alencon, and Bar. Perhaps Montjoy — whom Salle makes the sole 
 bearer of the French challenge — was one of these heralds. We learn from 
 Mons. (iii. 331, 332) that, during the interval which elapsed between the 
 decision of the council and the battle (Oct. 25), the Constable sent Montjoy to 
 Aire, a place not far distant from Agincourt. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 185 
 
 149 J 168-171); italicizing words found in Holinshed's paraphrase of 
 the speech attributed to the King by Halle (64). 
 
 [Rol. iii. 552/1/56.] King Henrie aduisedlie answered : "Mine ^- iif»riei 
 
 *- / / -^ J o ansvrer to the 
 
 " intent is to doo as it pleaseth God : / Trill not seeke your maister ^^'^™'- 
 " at this time ; but, if he or his seeke me, I will meet with them, 
 " God willing. If anie of your nation attempt once to stop me in 
 " my iournie now towards Calls, at their ieopardie be it ; and yet 
 " wish I not anie of you so vnaduised, as to be the occasion that 
 " I die your tawnie ground with your red hloud." 
 
 When he had thus answered the herald, he gaue him a princelie 
 reward,^ and licence to depart. 
 
 Act III. sc. vii. — ^Two of the French leaders named below — the 
 Constable and Eambures — take part in the dialogue which may have 
 been suggested to Shakspere by the closing words of my next excerpt. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 552/2/50.1 The cheefe leaders of the French host [The French 
 
 ■■ . leaders.] 
 
 were these : the constable of France, the marshall, the admerall,^ 
 the lord Rambures, maister of the erosbowes, and other of the 
 French nobilitie ; which came and pitched downe their standards 
 and banners in the countie of saint Paule, within the territorie of 
 Agincourt, . . . 
 
 They were lodged euen in the waie by the which the English- 
 men must needs passe towards Calis ; and all that night, after their 
 comming thither, made great cheare, and were verie merie, pleasant, [the French 
 and full of game.* of game.-] 
 
 Midnight is past when a messenger enters and says (11. 135, 136) : 
 " My Lord high Constable, the English lye within fif teene hundred 
 paces of your Tents." According to Holinshed, the French were 
 
 1 " There's for thy labour, Mountioy. . . . Thankes to your Highnesse " 
 (11. 167, 176). 
 
 2 Marshal Boucioaut, and the Admiral Jacques de Ch&tillon. 
 
 3 The Oonatable says that the English will " fight like Deuils," if they have 
 "great Meales of Beefe." Orleans observes: "I, but these English are 
 shrowdly out of Beefe." The Constable rejoins : " Then shall we finde to 
 morrow, they haue only stomaokes to eate, and none to fight." — ^U. 161-166. 
 Hcdle (66) makes the Constable encourage the French captains— when they 
 were awaiting a signal to join battle — by laying down this maxim: "For you 
 must vnderstand, y' kepe an Englishman one moneth from hys warme bed, 
 fat hefe, and stale drynke, and let him that season tast colde and suffre hunger, 
 you then shall se his courage abated, hys bodye waxe leane and bare, and euer 
 desirous to retume into hys own countrey." Cp. Famous Victories, xiii. 39 ; 
 1 Hen. VI., I. ii. 9 ; and Mward III., III. iii. pp. 43, 44. 
 
186 VIII. HENEY V. 
 
 [Distance [Hol. m. 652/2/48.] incamped not past two hundred and fiftie 
 
 06tW66Il 1/116 
 
 in Ml*"* pases distant from the English. 
 
 Act IV. Chorus. — In describing the two camps as they appeared by 
 night, the Chorus bids us observe how (11. 8, 9) 
 
 Fire answers fire, and through their paly flames 
 Each Battalia sees the others vmber'd face. 
 
 When the English encamped, 
 
 tTheoamp- [Sol. lii. 652/2/47.]. fieis were made to giue light on euerie 
 
 '^^ side, as there likewise Tfere in the French host, . . . 
 
 The confident and ouer-lustie French 18 
 
 Doe the low-rated English play at Dice ; . . . 
 The French, 
 
 [Rol. iii. 554/1/3.] as though they had beene sure of victorie, 
 made great triumph ; for the capteins had determined before how 
 pS'yedeuOT'' to diuide the spoUe, and the soldiers the night before had plaid 
 English.} the Englishmen at dice.^ 
 
 In the other camp (11. 22-28) : 
 
 The poore condemned English, 
 Like Sacrifices, by their watchfull Fires 
 
 Sit patiently, and inly ruminate 24 
 
 The Mornings danger ; and their gesture sad, 
 Inuesting lanke-leane Cheekes, and Warre-worne Coats, 
 Presenteth ^ them Amto the gazing Moone 
 So many horride Ghosts. 28 
 
 Steevens compared these lines with Tacitus' s description (Arm. L 
 Ixv.) of the night before a battle between the Romans and the Germans, 
 in A.D. 15, when Arminius was endeavouring to prevent Caecina from 
 reaching the Rhine. The different aspect of the hostile camps is thus 
 portrayed in Grenewey's translation (ed. 1598, p. 26) of this passage : 
 
 iThe German The night was vnquiet for diuers respects: the barbarous 
 enimie, in feasting and banketting, songs of ioie and hideous 
 outcries, filled the valleies and woods, which redoubled the sounde 
 
 [The Roman againc. The Romans had small fires, broken voices, laie neere the 
 
 camp.] p 11. 
 
 trenches, went from tent to tent ; rather disqmeted, and not able 
 to sleepe, then watchfull. 
 
 1 This is mentioned in the Cfesta (49) as a report: "Et ut dicebatur tam 
 secures se reputabant de nobis, qu6d regem nostrum et nobUes sues nocte illS 
 sub jactu alese posuerunt." Eambures asks (III. vii. 93, 94) : " Who will goe 
 to Hazard with me for twentie Prisoners ? " 
 
 2 27. Fresenteth] Hanmer, Presented F. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 187 
 
 Holinshed gives a somewhat brighter picture : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 552/2/63.] The Englishmen also for their parts were 
 of good comfort, and nothing abashed of the matter ; and yet they [Demeanour 
 were both hungrie, wearie, sore trauelled, and vexed with mania Engiisii.i 
 cold diseases. Howbeit, reconciling themselues with God by 
 hoossell and shrift, requiring assistance at his hands that is the 
 onelie giuer of victorie, they determined rather to die, than to 
 yeeld, or flee. 
 
 Act IV. sc. i. — Henry and Gloucester enter, and are soon joined by 
 Bedford and Sip Thomas Erpingham. In the third scene of this Act, 
 Exeter, "Westmoreland, and Salisbury take parts, and Warwick has a 
 short speech (1. 20) in the eighth scene. Gloucester ^ and Exeter ^ were 
 at Agincourt. Erpingham had the honour of beginning the battle.^ 
 Bedford and Westmoreland were not at Agincourt. Westmoreland 
 was a member of a council assigned to Bedford,* who was appointed 
 " Gustos " of England during Henry's absence.^ The presence of 
 Salisbury and Warwick at Agincourt is not, I believe, mentioned by 
 any chronicler. I do not know an authority for the association of 
 " Talbot " — doubtless the celebrated soldier of that name is meant — 
 with those whom Henry speaks of (IV. iii. 51-55) as sharers in the fame 
 of the coming battle. 
 
 Gower calls out " Captaine Fluellen ! " (1. 64), and, being reproved 
 by the Welshman, promises to " speake lower " (1. 82). On the previous 
 day (October 24), Henry, after crossing the Ternoise, beheld the French 
 approaching.* Expecting an attack, he disposed his troops for battle. 
 Subsequently the English continued their march until they reached a 
 yillage in which they encamped.'^ 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 552/2/41.] Order was taken by commandement from [The English 
 the king, after the armie was first set in battell arraie, that no noise suence.] 
 or clamor should be made in the host ; so that, in marching foorth 
 to this village, euerie man kept himseLfe quiet : . . . 
 
 The hour of battle is drawing near when Henry prays (11. 309-312) : 
 
 Not to day, O Lord, 
 
 not to day, thinke not vpon the fault 
 My Father made in compassing the Crowne ! 
 
 1 Ilichards body haue interred new j . . . 
 
 Soon after ascending the throne, Henry 
 
 1 Gesta, 58, 59. Mons., iiL 341. 2 Mom., iii. 341. 
 
 3 The English attacked ; " before whome there went an old knight, sir 
 Thomas Erpingham (a man of great experience in the warre) with a warder in 
 his hand " {Hoi. iii. 554/i/S3). 
 
 * Bymer, ix. 223. ^ Bymer, ix. 305. 
 
 ' Gesta, 46. Elmham,h1.. ',6?e«to, 46-48. EJmham,h1-b9. 
 
188 VIII. HENBY V. 
 
 tRiohard's [Hol. iu. 543/2/s8.] caused the bodie of [p. 544] king Richard 
 
 removed to be rcmooued with all fiinerall dignitie contienient. for his estate, 
 
 from ° 
 
 wTs?°^*° from Langlie to Westminster ; where he was honorablie interred 
 minster.] ^jj^ qyggng ^jjQg jjjg gjg^ ^jfg^ jn ^ solcmnc toome erected and 
 
 set vp at the charges of this king. 
 
 Henry also pleads (11. 315-319) : 
 
 Kue hundred poore I haue in yeerely pay, 
 Wlio twice a day their wlther'd hands hold vp 
 Toward Heauen, to pardon blood ; and I haue built 
 Two Chauntries, where the sad and solemne Priests 
 Sing still for Richards Soule. 
 
 Fabyan records (577) Henry's provision that there should be, on 
 Richard's behalf, 
 
 one day in the weke a Solempne Dirige, and vpon the morowe a 
 [A weekly Masse of Rcquicm by note ; after which Masse endyd, to be gyuen 
 alms.] wekely vnto pore people, xi. s. viii. d. in pens : & vpon y° day of 
 [A yearly ^^^ Annlucrsary, after y° sayd masse of Requiem is songe, to be 
 almsgiving.] ygj-giy Destrybutcd for his soule. xx. li. in .d. 
 
 Henry founded three ^ houses of religion, 
 
 [Fab., 589.] for asmoche as he knewe well that his Fader had 
 
 laboured the meanes to depose the noble Prynce Richarde the 
 
 Seconde, and after was consentyng to his deth ; for which offence 
 
 his said Fader had sent to Rome, of that great Cryme to be 
 
 rv ^ssayled, and was by y« Pope enioyned, that lyke as he had beraft 
 
 thi"pop"o ^y™ °^ ^^^ naturall and bodely lyfe for euer in this world, that so, 
 
 tol^°"' by cowtynuel prayer and Suffragies of the Churche, he shuld cause 
 
 toMoCd^l his Soule to lyue p«rpetuelly in the OelestyaU worlde. 
 
 soul.] 
 
 Act TV. sc. ii.— " The Sunne is high " (1. 63) when the Constable 
 exclaims (11. 60-62) : 
 
 I stay but for my Guard. On ! To the field ! 2 
 I will the Banner from a Trumpet take, 
 And vse it for my haste. 
 
 Henry is said to have received a message from the French leaders, 
 inviting him to fix his ransom (see p. 191 below). 
 
 [Sol. iii. 554/1/23.] When the messenger was come backe to 
 the French host, the men of warre put on their helmets, and 
 
 ^ One of the houses was dissolved by Henry V. — Fab., 589. 
 " I . . . Guard: on To . . . ta/ce,] Fi. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 189 
 
 caused their trumpets to blow to the battell. They thought them- 
 selues so sure of victorie, that diuerse of the noble men made such 
 hast towards the battell, that they left manie of their seruants and 
 men of warre behind them, and some of them would not once staie 
 for their standards : as, amongst other, the duke of Brabant, when 
 his standard was not come, caused a baner to be taken from a [The 
 trumpet and fastened to a speare ; the which he commanded to be bamerusea 
 borne before him in steed of his standard. standard.] 
 
 Act IV. sc. iii. — The English, leaders converse before each goes to 
 his charge. Speaking of the IVench, Westmoreland says (1. 3) : 
 
 Of fighting men they haue full threescore thousand. 
 
 This was Halle's ^ computation, according to whom they had 
 
 [Hoi iii. 552/2/56.] in their armie (as some write) to the ^'hT^eZh 
 number of threescore thousand horssemen, besides footmen, ^Je^"" 
 wagoners, and other. Engne,-ant. 
 
 Exeter remarks (1. 4) : 
 
 There's fine to one ; besides they all are fresh. 
 
 Shakspere made large allowance for losses on the march, and 
 invalided soldiers. After crossing the Somme, Henry 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 552/1/15.] determined to make haste towards Calis, 
 and not to seeke for battell, except he were thereto constreined ; 
 bicause that his armie by sicknesse was sore diminished : in so 
 much that he had but onelie two thousand horssemen, and TheHngs 
 thirteene thousand archers, bilmen, and of all sorts of other isooo. 
 footmen. 
 
 When the King enters, Westmoreland cries (11. 16-18) : 
 
 O that we now had here 
 But one ten thousand of those men in England, 
 That doe no worke to day ! 
 
 Henry expresses another view of the matter (11. 20, 21) : 
 
 If we are markt to dye, we are enow 
 To doe our Countrey losse j . . . 
 
 These words comprise all that Shakspere took from a speech 
 
 1 Though in the sidenote Hoi. refers to " Enguerant " (Monstrelet) as an 
 authority for 60,000, this estimate is really derived from HaUe (65). But 
 Mmis. — whom, to judge from the context, HaUe followed — says (iii. 335) that 
 " les Franjois fussent Men cent cinquante mille chevaucheurs." 
 
190 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 attributed to Henry by Liviusi (Forojuliensis), and englished by 
 Holinsbed. This speech^ should be contrasted with IV. iii. 21-67. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 553/2/44.] It is said, that as he heard one* of the 
 A mth. ^ost vtter his wish to another thus : "I would to God there were 
 A notie " Tvith vs now SO Qianie good soldiers as are at this houre within 
 
 courage of a ° 
 
 ^S' " England ! " the king answered : " I would not wish a man more 
 
 " here than I haue ; we are indeed in comparison to the enimies 
 
 "but a few, but if God of his clemencie doo fauour vs, and our 
 
 "iust cause, (as I trust he will,) we shall speed well inough. But 
 
 "let no man ascribe victorie to our owne strength and might, but 
 
 "onelie to Gods assistance ; to whome I haue no doubt we shall 
 
 [ifonr "worthilie haue cause to giue thanks therefore. And if so be that 
 
 p?e«lifthB "for our oflfenses sakes we shall be deliuered into the hands of our 
 
 the less loss " enimics, the lesse number we be, the lesse damage shall the 
 
 shall 
 
 f "tital " ""^^l™® of England susteine ; but if we should fight in trust of 
 " multitude of men, and so get the victorie, (our minds being prone 
 "to pride,) we should thervpon peraduenture ascribe the victorie 
 "not so much to the gift of God, as to our owne puissance, and 
 " thereby prouoke his high indignation and displeasure against vs ; 
 " and if the enimie get the vpper hand, then should our realme 
 " and countrie suffer more damage and stand in further danger. 
 "But be you of good comfort, and shew your selues valiant ! God 
 " and our iust quarrell shall defend vs, and deliuer these our proud 
 " aduersaries with all the multitude of them which you see (or at 
 "the least the most of them) into our hands." 
 
 As Henry dismisses the English leaders to their posts, he is 
 
 * Limius, 16, 17. 
 
 2 Part of another speech of Henry to his " capteins and soldiers " — epitom- 
 ized by Hoi. (553/2/32) from Halle (67, 68) — has a more Shaksperian tone : 
 " To conclude, manie words of courage he vttered, to stirre them to doo man- 
 fuUie, assuring them that England should neuer be charged with his ransome, 
 nor anie Frenchman triumph ouer him as a captiue ; for either by famous 
 death or glorious victorie would he (by Gods grace) win honour and fame." 
 
 2 Sir Walter Hungerford. This wish was uttered on October 24, after the 
 English had crossed the Temoise and were expecting an attack. Henry's 
 chaplain — an ear-witness, as the words I quote indicate — says: "Et inter 
 csetera quse tunc dicta notavi, quidam dominus Walterus Hungyrford miles 
 imprsecabatur ad faciem regis quod habuisset ad iUam paucam familiam quam 
 ibi habuit, decern millia de melioribus sagittariis AngUse, qui secum desidera- 
 rent esse. Cui rex, . . . noUem habere etsi possem plures per unum qukm 
 habeo." — Gesta, 47. 
 
Vin. HENEY V. 191 
 
 addressed by Montioy, whom the Constable has sent with a message 
 (11. 79-81) : 
 
 Once more I come to know of thee, King Harry, 
 If for thy Ransome thou wilt now compound, 
 Before thy most assured Ouerthrow : . . . 
 
 In his answer Henry recounts his soldiers' vow that (11. 116-121) 
 
 yet ere Night 
 They'le be in fresher Bobes ; or they will pluck 
 The gay new Coats o're the French Souldiers heads, 
 And turne them out of seruice. If they doe this, 
 (As, if God please, they shall,) my Bansome then 
 Will soone be leuyed. 
 
 And adds (11. 122-125) : 
 
 Come thou no more for Eansome, gentle Herauld ! 
 They shall haue none, I sweare, but these my ioynts, 
 Which if they haue as I will leaue vm them, 
 Shall yeeld them little, tell the Constable ! 
 
 This incident is based on the following story : 
 
 [ITol, iii. 654/1/13.] Here we may not forget how the French, ^""• 
 thus in their iolitie, sent an herald to king Henrie, to inquire what desired 
 ransome he would oflFer. Wherevnto he answered, that within two °^" fkema 
 
 ' ransom. He 
 
 or three houres he hoped it would so happen, that the Frenchmen r^*oms 
 should be glad to common rather with the Englishmen for their ™q^red° 
 ransoms, than the English to take thought for their deliuerance ; bnuhat"' 
 promising for his owne part, that his dead carcasse should rather iiave nothing 
 
 * ==• ^ save bis dead 
 
 be a prize to the Frenchmen, than that his lining bodie should """^i 
 paie anie ransome. 
 
 As the scene closes, York^ enters and craves a boon (11. 129, 130) : 
 
 My Lord, most humbly on my knee I begge 
 The leading of the Vaward ! 
 
 Holinshed says that Henry 
 
 [Sol. iii. 553/i/SS.] appointed a vaward, of the which he made ^"^j^ 
 capteine, Edward duke of Yorke, who of an haultie courage had ^^^4 
 desired that office, . . . 
 
 Act rV. sc. iv. — That Pistol was able to win a ransom shows how 
 utterly the French were defeated. As some warrant for the possibility 
 of such luck as befel " this roaring diuell i'th olde play " (IV. iv. 75, 
 76), I quote a passage from Holinshed, who thus describes the result of 
 
 * Aumerle in Rich. II. Lydgate tells us that York " fell on kne " to beg 
 this command from Henry. — Chron. Land., 226. 
 
192 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 a threatening movement made by Henry against the French rearward. 
 (The closing words of this excerpt should be noted.) 
 
 The French [ffol. m. 554/2/30.1 When the Frenchmen perceiued his intent, 
 
 rereward 
 
 dueamflted. they wcrc suddcnlic amazed and ran awaie like sheepe ; without 
 order or arraie. Which when the king perceiued, he incouraged 
 his men, and followed so quickelie vpon the enimies, that they ran 
 hither and thither, casting awaie their armour: manie on their 
 knees desired to haue their lines saued. 
 
 Act IV. sc. vi. — " Enter the King and his trayne, with Prisoners." 
 Henry says (1. 2) that " all's not done ; yet keepe the French the field." 
 By and bye an alarum is heard, and he exclauns (11. 35-38) : 
 
 But, hearke ! what new alarum is this same 1 
 The French haue re-inforc'd their scatter'd men : 
 Then euery souldiour kill his Prisoners ; 
 Giue the word through ! 
 
 Act IV. sc. vii. — We now learn what had happened. Fluellen 
 enters, speaking to Gower (11. 1-4) : " Kill the poyes and the luggage ! 
 'Tis expressely against the Law of Armes : 'tis as arrant a peace of 
 knauery, marke you now, as can bee ofEert : in your Conscience now, is 
 it not 1 " Gower answers : " 'Tis certaine there's not a boy left aliue ; 
 and the Cowardly Rascalls that ranne from the battaile ha' done this 
 slaughter : besides, they haue burned and carried away all that was in 
 the Kings Tent ; wherefore the King, most worthily, hath caus'd euery 
 soldiour to cut his prisoners throat." 
 
 When the French van and centre had been overthrown, their 
 rearward put to flight, and 
 
 [Sol. iii. 554/2/38.] the Englishmen had taken a great number 
 of prisoners, certeine Frenchmen on horssebacke, whereof were 
 capteins Eobinet of Borneuill, Rifflart of Clamas, Isambert of 
 Agincourt, and other men of armes, to the number of six hundred 
 horssemen, (which were the first that fled,) hearing that the English 
 tents & pauilions were a good waie distant from the armie, without 
 anie sufficient gard to defend the same, either vpon a couetous 
 meaning to gaine by the spoile, or vpon a desire to be reuenged, 
 caL^e^' entred vpon the kings campe ; and there spoiled the hails, robbed 
 the servants the tents, brake vp chests, and caried awaie caskets, and slue such 
 
 who resisted « i i . . 
 
 killed]. seruants as they found to make anie resistance. . . . 
 
 [The outcry But wheu the outcrie of the lackies and boies, which ran awaie 
 
 tecwesaDd for fcaro of the Frenchmen thus spoihng the campe, came to the 
 
 boyswhoran ixti-i i- •■ 
 
 away came kmgs carcs, he, (doubtmg least his enimies should gather togither 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 193 
 
 againe, and begin a new field ; and mistrusting further that the to Henry-s 
 prisoners would be an aid to his enimies, or the verie enimies to 
 their takers in deed if they were suffered to liue,) contrarie to his 
 accustomed gentlenes, commanded by sound of trumpet, that 
 euerie man (vpon paine of death) should incontinentlie slaie his au me 
 
 • vrisonei'8 
 
 prisoner. alaine. 
 
 "Alarum. Enter King Harry with Burbon and prisoners.^ 
 Monrish." As sc. v., Act IV., ends, Bourbon and the other French 
 leaders rush out, hoping to retrieve the day or at least sell their lives 
 dearly. Entering now with the prisoners taken during this renewal of 
 the conflict, Henry speaks thus (11. 58-68) : 
 
 I was not angry since I came to France, 
 
 Vntill this instant. — Take a Trumpet, Herald ; 
 
 Ride thou vnto the Horsemen on yond hill : 60 
 
 If they will fight with vs, bid them come downe. 
 
 Or voyde the field j they do offend our sight : 
 
 If they'l do neither, we will come to them, 
 
 And make them sker away, as swift as stones 64 
 
 Enforced from the old Assyrian slings : 
 
 Besides, wee'l cut the throats of those we haue ; 
 
 And not a man of them that we shall take. 
 
 Shall taste our mercy ! Go and tell them so ! 
 
 The prisoners spoken of here (1. 66) are evidently those who have 
 been captured with Bourbon, not those who entered in sc. vi., Act IV. 
 The existence of an entry showing that a second batch of prisoners was 
 taken disposes of Johnson's stricture on IV. vii. 66 : "The King 
 is in a very bloody disposition. He has already cut the throats of his 
 prisoners, and threatens now to cut them again." ^ Moreover, Shak- 
 spere had authority — as the following excerpt shows — for a renewal of 
 the battle after the prisoners previously taken were massacred. 
 
 [ffol. iii. 554/2/74.] When this lamentable slaughter was ended, 
 the [p. 555] Englishmen disposed themselues in order of battel], 
 readie to abide a new field, and also to inuade, and newlie set on, 
 their enimies : with great force they assailed the earles of Marie ^^* 
 and Fauconbridge, and the lords of Louraie, and of Thine, with 
 six hundred men of armes ; who had all that dale kept togither, 
 but [were] now slaine and beaten downe out of hand. 
 
 Immediately after this passage comes Holinshed's account (see next 
 excerpt) of the means adopted to rid the field of the lingering French- 
 men, whom Shakspere made Henry threaten with the slaughter " ef 
 those " prisoners " we haue " (IV. vii. 66). 
 
 1 Enter . . . prisoners] Enter King Marry and Bwrhon vMh prisoners. Fi. 
 » Few. 8h., xvii. 440. 
 
 O 
 
194 VIII, HENEY V. 
 
 [ffol. iii. 555/1/7.] Some write, that the king, perceiuing his 
 
 enimies in one part to assemble togither, as though they meant to 
 
 giue a new battell for preseruation of the prisoners, sent to them 
 
 an herald, commanding them either to depart out of his sight, or 
 
 A right wue clsc to come forward at once, and giue battell : promising herewith, 
 
 tmdvaluint t 1 • • 
 
 challenge i^f that, if thcY did offcr to fight agame, not onelie those prisoners 
 which his people alreadie had taken, but also so manie of them as, 
 in this new conflict, which they thus attempted, should fall into his 
 hands, should die the death without redemption. 
 
 The Frenchmen, fearing the sentence of so terrible a decrees, 
 without further delaie parted out of the field. 
 
 The bearer of Henry's message to the Ereneh horsemen goes out, 
 and Montjoy, entering, begs (11. 74-76) 
 
 for charitable License, 
 That we may wander ore this bloody field, 
 To booke our dead, and then to bury them ; . . . 
 Henry is not sure " if the day be ours, or no " (1. 87) ; and, when 
 Montjoy says, " The day is yours," asks, " What is this Oastle call'd 
 that stands hard by ? " Montjoy answers : " They call it Agincourt." 
 Henry replies (1. 93) : " Then call we this the field of Agincourt." 
 Shakspere rightly altered the date which my next quotation assigns to 
 Montjoy's replies.^ 
 
 dS&ve C-^"^- i^i- 555/1/36.] In the morning, Montioie king at armes 
 ^^ilcmly and foure other French heralds came to the K., to know the 
 whom the numbcr of prisoners, and to desire buriall for the dead. Before 
 
 victorv 
 
 teionged.] he made them answer (to vnderstand what they would sale) he 
 demanded of them whie they made to him that request ; considering 
 that he knew not whether the victorie was his or theirs ? When 
 Montioie by true and iust confession had cleered that doubt to the 
 high praise of the kipg, he desired of Montioie to ynderstand the 
 name of the castell neere adioining : when they had told him that 
 
 ^« !"»««"<>/ it was called Agincourt, he said, "Then shall this conflict be called 
 " the battell of Agincourt." 
 
 " Fought on the day of Crispin Crispianus ! " adds Henry, when he 
 has named the battle, After telling us how the English behaved on 
 the night of October 24 (see p. 187 above), Holinshed continues : 
 
 1 According to Mons. (iii. 346) both these replies were given on the day of 
 the battle. He does not say that Montjoy asked leave to bury the dead. 
 The French dead were left unhuried till Henry quitted Agincourt, on October 
 26.— Mons., iii. 357. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 195 
 
 [Sol. iii. 552/2/90.1 The daie following was the flue and Thebattaio/ 
 
 ^ II'-' " Agincourtf 
 
 twentith of October in the yeare 1415 ; being then fridaie, and the o<fiof«/ 
 feast of Crispine and Crispinian : a day faire and fortunate to the ^"®' 
 English, but most sorrowftill and vnluckie to the French. 
 
 Permission having been granted to register and bury the French 
 dead, Montjoy departs, accompanied, as Henry directs, by some English 
 heralds (L 121). Holinshed relates that Henry 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 555/1/48.] feasted the French officers of armes that 
 daie, and granted them their request ; which busilie sought through 
 the field for such as were slaine. But the Englishmen suflfered [^^,^™^'' 
 them not to go alone, for they searched With them, & found manie goX^*" 
 hurt, but not in ieopardie of their lines ; whom they tobke prisoners, the^uln" 
 and brought them to their tents. 
 
 For the accomplishment of a practical jbke, Henry gives Fluellen a 
 glove, saying (ll. 161-163) : "when Alanson aild my selfe were downe 
 together, I pluckt this Gloue from his Helme." Reference is here made 
 to an encounter which Holinshed thus describes : 
 
 [Sol. 554/2/20.] The king that daie shewed himselfe a valiant Amuant 
 knight, albeit almost felled by the duke of Alanson ; yet with |^th™*°' 
 plaine strength he slue two of the dukes conipanie, and felled the ■"™«»''' 
 duke himselfe ; whome, when he would haue yelded, the kings gard 
 (contrarie to his mind) slue out of hand. 
 
 Act IV. sc. viii.^ — A herald presents to Henry a note containing 
 "the number of the slaught'red French" (1. 7-9). From Exeter the 
 King learns "what Prisoners of good sort " have been taken. I give 
 below, in parallel columns, Shakspere's metrical roll of the French 
 prisoners, and of those slain on either side, for comparison with 
 Holinshed's lists. 
 
 rSbZ iii 555/2/^0.1 There were ■ Exe. Charles Bake of Orkame, Noblemen 
 
 tnVfin nrisonera- ^We« <ZMAe 0/ Nephew to the King ; pn,m^.. 
 
 taken prisoners, onaries ame oj ^^^ ^^^ ^^ Bv^Im, and Lord 
 
 Orkamce, vspfme to the Erench Bouchiquald : 
 
 himg ; lohn duke of Bv/rhon ; the qf other Lords and Bardns, KnigMi 
 
 lord Bouciqualt, one of the mar- and Squires, 
 
 dhals of ]^i*«nce ^e, after died in ^^M^nehtii^rid^hesides common 84 
 
 England) J with A number of otJm yjTig- ' Thia Note doth tell me 0/ 
 
 lords, hthigkts, amd esqmers, at the ten thousand French,. , 
 
 least j^eene hundred, besides the That in the field lye slaine .- of 
 
 in all of the Frinch part to the 1 ^ ^^^d tZrJ^l 
 
 mu/mher of ten thouscmd men ; One himd/i'ed tweniie six : added to 88 
 whereof were primces and noble 
 
196 
 
 VIII, HENRY V. 
 
 Miglishmen 
 
 0/ Knights, Esquires, and gallant 
 
 GerUUmen, 
 Mght thousand and fowre hundred ; 
 
 of the which, 
 Fiiie hundred were but yesterday 
 
 dubb'd Knights : 
 So that, in these ten thousand they 92 
 
 haue lost, 
 There are but sixteene hundred 
 
 Mercenaries ; 
 The rest are Princes, Barons, Lords, 
 
 Enights, Squires, 
 And Gentlemen of bloud and 
 
 qualitie. 
 The Names of those their Nobles 96 
 
 that lye dead : 
 Charles Delabreth, Sigh Constable of 
 
 France ; 
 lagues of GhatUion, Ad/mirall of 
 
 France ; 
 The Master of the Crosse-bowes, 
 
 Lord Bambures; 
 Qreat Master of France, the braue 100 
 
 Sir Guichard DolpMn ; 
 lohn Duke of Alanson ; Anthonie 
 
 Duke of Brdbant, 
 The Brother to the Duke of 
 
 men learing homers one humd/red 
 twentie and six ; to these, of hmghts, 
 esquiers, and gentlemen, so manie 
 as made vp the number of eight 
 thouscmd amd fowe hwnAred (of 
 the which fiue hund/red were dubbed 
 hndghts the night before the 
 battell) : so as, of the meaner 
 sort, not past sixteene hwndred. 
 Amongst those of the nobilitie 
 that were slaine, these were the 
 cheefest : Charles lord de la Breth, 
 high constable of France; laques 
 of Ghatilon, lord of Dampier, 
 advnerall of France ; the lord Rann- 
 hv/res, master of the crossehowes; 
 sir Guischard Dol/phin, great master 
 of Fromce ; lohn duke of Alanson ; 
 Anthonie duke of Braimvt, brotlier 
 to the dnike of Bwrgognie ; Edma/rd 
 duke of Ba/r ; the earle of Neuers, 
 an other brother to the duke of 
 Burgognie; with the eirles of 
 Ma/rle, YoMdemont, Bea/u/mont, 
 Ora/ndpree, Boussie, Fauconberge, 
 Fois, and Lestrdke ; beside a great 
 number of lords and barons of 
 name. 
 
 Of Englishmen, there died at 
 this battell, EdAua/rd duke of^ 
 Torhe; the earle of Suffolke; sir 
 Bichard Kikelie; and Dande Gamvme, 
 esquier ; and, of all other, not aboue 
 
 fMe and twentie persons, . . .^ 
 
 None else of name ; and, of all other 
 
 men, 
 But Jiue and twentie. 
 
 The death-rolls read, and solemn acknowledgment made that the 
 victory is due to God alone, Henry says (1. 128) : 
 
 Let there be sung JJfon nobis, and Te Dewm. 
 
 These thanksgivings are recorded by Holinshed : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 555/1/21.] And so, about foure of the clocke in the 
 after noone, the king, when he saw no apperance of enimies, caused 
 
 And Edward Duke of Barr ; of 
 
 lustie Earles, 
 Grandpree and Boicssie, Fauconbridge 104- 
 
 and Foyes, 
 Beaumont and Mavle, Faudemont 
 
 and Lestrale. 
 Here was a Eoyall fellowship of 
 
 death ! 
 Where is the number of our English 
 
 dead ?— 
 Edma/rd the Duke of Torke, the 108 
 
 Earle of Suffolke, 
 Sir Bichard Ketly, Dauy Garni, 
 
 1 In HoZ. the sidenote " Englishmen slaine " is printed twice : here, and, 
 also immediately after the sidenote ending "French part." 
 
 2 dnM of Yorke\ Hoi. ed. 1. dufce Yorhe Hoi. ed. 2. 
 
 ' "as some doo report" (says Hal.) ; "but other writers of greater credit" 
 (Grafton and Livius) raised the numbers of the slain. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 197 
 
 the retreit to be Woven ; and, gathering his armie togither, gaue 
 thanks to almightie God for so happie a victorie ; causii^ his ^<»*' 
 
 ^ *■ -^ ' ^° giuen to CM 
 
 prelats and chapleins to sing this psalme: "In exitu Israel de •^^ 
 " Aegypto ; " and commanded euerie man to kneele downe on the 
 ground at this verse : " Non nobis, Domine, non nobis, sed nomini ^ woorthte 
 
 II < J 1 • „ ti-r, • 1 ^ 1 , example of a 
 
 tuo da glonam. Which doone, he caused Te Bmm, with certeine J"^" 
 anthems to be soong; giuing laud and praise to God, without 
 boasting of his owne force or anie humane power. 
 
 Naught remains save the burial of the dead. 
 
 And then to Callice, and to England then : . . . 
 
 The resumption (on October 26 i) of Henry's march to Calais is 
 thus chronicled: 
 
 \Sol. iii. 555/I/5S.] When the king of England had well 
 refreshed himselfe, and his souldiers, (that had taken the spoile of 
 such as were slaine,) he, with his prisoners, in good order, returned [Retum to 
 to his towne of Calis. '"°' 
 
 Act V. Chorus. — The Chorus plays a historic " interim," beginning 
 on October 29,^ 1415, when the audience must imagine Henry at 
 Calais (11. 6,7), anden^ng on August 1, 1417, the date of his "backe 
 returne againe to France " ^ (11. 39-43). Nothing is said touching his 
 second campaign, which lasted about four years, and was brought to a 
 close by the treaty of Troyes, in 1420. 
 
 Shakspere's figure of (11. 11-13) 
 
 the deep-mouth'd Sea, 
 Which, like a mightie Whifller 'fore the King, 
 Seemes to prepare his way, 
 
 was perhaps suggested by Holinshed's mention of the gale which 
 Henry's fleet encountered on its retum to England. 
 
 \Sol. iii. 556/i/i6.] After that the king of England had em. 
 refreshed himselfe, and his people at Calis, . . . the sixt [16th] 
 daie of Nouember,* he with all his prisoners tooke shipping, and 
 the same daie landed at Doner, ... In this passage, the seas [Thajeas 
 were so rough and troublous, that two ships belonging to sir lohn ''*" ™'^'^ 
 
 1 Geda, 60. 
 
 * The date of Henry's arrival at Calais. — Gesta, 60. 
 
 3 He landed near Touque Castle, in Normandy, on August 1, 1417. — 
 (res^a, 111. 
 
 * Henry, " die Sabbati post sancti Martini solennia, . . . per portum 
 DpvorisB :; . . remeavit in Angliam." — Ceste, 60. In 1415 S. Martin's Day 
 (Nov. 11) fell on a Monday. 
 
198 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 Cornewall, lord Fanhope, vere driueu into Zeland; howbeit, 
 nothing was lost, nor any person perisht. 
 
 Henry baving landed, and " set on to London," 
 
 You may imagine him vpon Black-Heath, 16 
 
 Where that his Lords desire him to hau,e borne 
 His bruised Helmet, and his bended Sword, 
 Before him, through the Citie : he forbids it, 
 Beiijg free from vain-nesse and selfe-gloiious pride ; 20 
 
 Giuing fi41 Trophee, Signall, and Qst^nt, 
 Quite from himself e, to God. But now behold, 
 In the quick Forge and working-house of Thought, 
 How London doth powre out her Citizens t 24 
 
 The Maior and all his Brethren, in best sort, 
 (Like to the Senatours of th'4ntique Eome, 
 With the Plebeians swarming at their heeles,) 
 Goe forth and fetch their Conqu'ring Csesar in : . . . 28 
 
 Holinshed gives the following account of Henry's reception and 
 demeanour : 
 
 [Henry met fflbZ. iii. 656/i/28.1 The Hiaior of London, and the aldermen, 
 
 on Black- •- / ' J , , , 
 
 M?*orYnd'^ apparelled in orient grained scarlet, and foure hundred commoners 
 
 LondraT "' ^lad in beautiful! murrie, (well mounted, and trimlie horssed, with 
 rich collars, & great chaines,) met the king on Blackheath ;^ reioising 
 at his returne : and the clergie of London, with rich crosses, sump- 
 tuous copes, and massie censers, receiued him at saint Thomas of 
 Waterings with solemne processiop. 
 
 u^. ^® ^iiig> 'ike a graue and sober personage, and as one remem- 
 
 bring from whom all victories are sent, seemed little to regard such 
 vaine pompe and shewes as were in triumphant sort deuised for 
 
 modatu: of his wclcomming home from so prosperous a iournie : in so much 
 
 the king. ^ '■ ^ 
 
 [He wotdd that he would not suffer his helmet to be caried with him, whereby 
 
 Tint sufffiir 
 
 his helmet might hauc appeared to the people the blowes and dints that were 
 with him.] to be seeue in the same ; neither would he suffer anie ditties to be 
 made and soong by minstrels of his glorious victorie, for that he 
 would wholie haue the praise and thanks altogither giuen to God. 
 
 The last occurrence of the Interim is^ that (11, 38, 39) 
 
 The Emperour's comming ^ in behalf e of France, 
 To order peace betweene them ; . . . 
 
 1 On November 23.— Ge^ta, 61. 
 
 2 "Emperour's cominuig"="Er(iperour is cojnining" : assuming "As yet 
 . . . between them " (11. 36-39) to be a parenthesis. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 199 
 
 On or about May 1, 1416,^ 
 
 [ffol. iii. 556/2/27.] the emperour Sigismund . . . came into i^e^^ 
 England, to the intent that he might make an attonement S£JS'i««o 
 betweene king Henrie and the French king: . . . Mgiano. 
 
 Act Y. sc. ii. — ^This scene eiids with Eathariiie of Talois's betrothal 
 to Henry V. (11. 376-397), on May 21, 1420. The Duke of Burgundy 
 who speaks in this scene, and who, as appears from my next excerpt, 
 sent " ambassadours ... to mooue " Henry " to p6ace," was Philip the 
 Good, son of John the Fearless, whom Charles VI. addresses in III. v. 
 42.2 jjj September (i),^ 1419, while Henry was at Eouen, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 572/1/ 1 8.] there came fo him eitsoones ambassadours 
 from the French king and the duke of Burgognie to mooue him to 
 peace. The king, minding not to be reputed for a destroier of the 
 countrie, ivhich he coueted to preseme, or for a causer of christian King umrui 
 bloud still to be spilt in his quarell, began so to incline and giue eth to a 
 eare vnto their sute and humble request, that at length, (after often p"^'- 
 sending to and fro,) and that the bishop of Arras, and other men of 
 honor had beene with him, and likewise the earle of Warwike, and 
 the bishop of Rochester had beene with the duke of tiurgognie, 
 they both finallie agreed vpon certeine articles ; so that the French 
 king and his commons would thereto assent. 
 
 Now was the French king and the queene with their daughter 
 Katharine at Trois in Champaigne ; gouerned and ordered by them, 
 which so much fauoured the duke of Burgognie, that they would 
 not, for anie earthlie good, once hinder or pull backe one iot of 
 such articles as the same duke should seeke to preferre. And 
 therefore what needeth manie words 1 a truce tripartite was accorded £.<™f. 
 betweene the two kings and the duke, and their countries ; and 
 order taken that the king of England should send, in the companie 
 of the duke of Burgognie, his ambassadours vnto Trois in 
 Champaigne ; sufficientlie authorised to treat and conclude of so 
 great matter. The king of England, being in good hope that all 
 his ad'au'es should take good successe as he could wish or desire, 
 
 1 Ac66Jding to Chrcm. Land. (103)' : "the flrfete day of Maij, at nyght, he 
 [Sigismimd] landed at Dovorr." 
 
 ^ Philip was then (October, 1415) Coimt of Charolois. He is addressed by 
 Charles VI. (III. v. 45). 
 
 3 Mons., iv. 203-207. The murder of John the Fearless, on September 10, 
 1419 (Mom., iv. 179), caused his son to take this step. 
 
200 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 fi^^T^' ^®°* *° *'^^ ^^^ "f Burgognie, his vncle the duke of Excester, the 
 
 ^hHng. earle of Salisburie, the bishop of Elie, the lord Fanhope, the lord 
 
 Fitz Hugh, sir lohn Robsert, and sir Philip Hall, with diuerse 
 
 doctors, to the number of fiue hundred horsse; which in the' 
 
 companie of the duke of Burgognie came to the citie of Trois the 
 
 eleuenth of March. The king, the queene, and the ladie Katharine 
 
 them receiued, and hartUie welcomed ; shewing great signes and 
 
 tokens of loue and amitie. 
 
 The articiK After a few dales they fell to councell. in which at length it was 
 
 "conciS' concluded, that king Henrie of England should come to Trois, and 
 
 betweene hiTig 
 
 Bmrie ami marie the ladie Katharine ; and the king hir father after his death 
 
 the French ... 
 
 *»"«'• should make him heire of his realme, crowne, and dignitie. It was 
 
 also agreed, that king Henrie, during his father in lawes life, should 
 
 in his steed haue the whole gouernement of the realme of France, 
 
 as regent thereof : with manie other couenants and articles, as after 
 
 shall appeere. 
 
 Burgundy begins an appeal for peace by reminding the sovereigns 
 of England and France (11. 24-28) how he has laboured to bring them 
 
 Vnto this Barre and E,oyall enterview, . . . 
 
 Perhaps Shakspere supposed that the same course was taken at 
 Troyes as had been adopted at Meulan, where, on May 29, 1419,^ Henry, 
 Queen Isabelle, the Princess Katharine, and John Duke of Burgundy, 
 met to hold a personal conference which, it was hoped, might lead 
 to a peace between England and France. Henry then had his ground 
 
 [Henry's [Hol. iu. 569/2/2.] barred about and ported, wherin his tents 
 
 ?S^ed were pight in a princelie maner. 
 
 about."] ^ ° ^ 
 
 Burgundy winds up his speech by desiring to know " the Let " (1. 
 65) which hinders the return of Peace to Fiance. Henry answers 
 (U. 68-71) : 
 
 If, Duke of Burgonie, you would the Peace, 
 Whose want giues growth to th'imperfections 
 Which you haue cited, you must buy that Peace 
 With fuU accord to aM our iust demands, . . . 
 
 Shakspere may have been thinking of the unsuccessful close of the 
 conference at Meulan, when Henry, 
 
 [The Met' to [Sol. ui. 569/2/43.] mistrustuig that the duke of Burgognie 
 
 deliiresf] was the veric let and stop of his desires, said vnto him before his 
 
 departm-e : " Coosine, we will haue your kings daughter, and all 
 
 * Bymer, ix. 759. 
 
VIII. HENRY V. 201 
 
 " things that we demand with hir, or we will driue your king and 
 "you out of his realme." 
 
 Charles VI. then retires to scrutinize the treaty of peace j and is 
 attended by some members of the English Council, whom Henry thus 
 names (11. 83-85) : 
 
 Goe, Vnckle Exeter, 
 And Brother Clarence, and you, Brother Gloucester, 
 Warwick, and Huntington, goe with the King ; . . . 
 Henry went to Troyes, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 572/2/8.] accompanied with his brethren the dukes [The English 
 
 T)6fiFS who 
 
 of Clarence and Glocester, the earles of Warwike, Salisburie, ^^^^ 
 Huntington, . . .^ ^»y''-i 
 
 A revision of the treaty, after Henry's arrival at Troyes, is noticed 
 by Holinshed, who says that 
 
 [Rol. iii. 572/2/32.] the two kings and their councell assembled 
 togither diuerse dales ; wherein the first concluded agreement was rrhe treaty 
 
 , reviBed] 
 
 in diuerse points altered and brought to a certeinetie, according to 
 the effect aboue mentioned.^ 
 
 Queen Isabelle desires to have a voice in discussing the treaty ; 
 whereupon Henry asks that the Princess Katharine may remain with 
 him : 
 
 She is our capitall Demand, compris'd 
 Within the fore-ranke of our Articles. — ^11. 96, 97. 
 The first article of the treaty of Troyes runs thus : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 573/ 1/6 1.] 1 First, it is accorded betweene our father 
 and TS, that forsomuch as by the bond of matrimonie made for the 
 good of the peace betweene vs and our most deere beloued 
 Katharine,^ daughter of our said father, & of our most deere 
 
 1 Charles {St. Bervys, vi. 410), IsabeUe, and Clarence (Jw., 480), were at 
 Troyes when Henry married Katharine. On December 30, 1419, Gloucester 
 was appointed Warden of England because Bedford had been summoned to 
 join Heniy. — Symer, ix. 830. Gloucester was to hold office during the King's 
 absence. — Ibid. From what Exeter says in a letter written at Troyes, on May 
 23, 1420, I infer that he was present at the convention and betrothal. — Rymer, 
 ix. 907, 908. On June 4, 1420, Henry resumed bis campaign (Gesta, 142) ; 
 and, in July, 1420, he had with him, at the siege of Melun, Clarence, Bedford, 
 Exeter, Huntingdon, and Warwick. — Gesta, 144. Weds., ii. 335. 
 
 '■^ See excerpt at p. 200 above. 
 
 8 In May, 1419, Katharine was at Meulan (p. 200 above), having been 
 brought thither " by hir mother onelie to the intent that the king of England, 
 beholding hir excellent beautie, should be so inflamed and rapt in hir loue, 
 that he, to obteine hir to his wife, should the sooner agree to a gentle peace 
 
202 
 
 VIII. HENRY V. 
 
 [Filial 
 reverence 
 due ttoTn 
 Henry to 
 Katharine's 
 parents.] 
 
 (Henry to be 
 styled heir 
 of fVance.] 
 
 King Hinrie 
 etymmeth to 
 Trois to thA 
 JFreTich king. 
 
 King Henrie 
 Oijgkth the 
 French kings 
 daughter. 
 
 moother Isabel! his wife, the same Charles and Isabell beene made 
 our father and moother : therefore them as our father and moother 
 vre shall bane and worship, as it fitteth and seemeth so worthie a 
 prince and princesse to be worshipped, principallie before all other 
 temporal! persons of the world. 
 
 Soon after the re-entry of Charles, Isabelle, Biirgundy, and the rest, 
 Exeter points out that an article of the treaty has not yet been 
 subscribed (11. 364-370) : " Where your Maiestie demands, ' That the 
 King of France, hauing any occasion to write ior matter of Graunt,^ 
 shall name your Highnesse in this forme, and with this addition, in 
 French: Nostre tresoher filz Henry, Roy d'Anghterre, Heretere de 
 Frounce ; and thus in Latvne : Prceela/rissvmus Filiics noster Henricus, 
 Bex AnglicB, & Heres Francim.' " 
 
 This article appears in Holinshed with the same mistranslation of 
 treschier ^ as is found in Shakspere's text. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 574/2/69.] 25 Also that our said father, during his 
 
 life, shall Tiame, call, and write vs in French in this maner : Nostre 
 
 treschier fih Henry roy d'Engleterre heretm'e de France. And in 
 
 Latine in this maner: Frceclarissimus filius noster Henricus rex 
 
 AnglicB & hmres Franctce. 
 
 Isabelle having invoked God's blessing on the wedlock which is to 
 bring with it the union of England and France (II. 387-396), Henry 
 says (11. 398-400) : 
 
 Prepare we for our Marriage ! on which day, 
 My Lord of Burgundy, wee'le take your Oath, 
 And all the Peeres, for suretie of our Leagties. 
 
 On reaching Troyes, Henry rested a while, and then 
 
 [Hoi, iii. 572/2/26.] Went to visit the French king, the queene^ 
 
 and the ladie Katharine, whome he found in saint Peters chilrch, 
 
 where was a verie ioious meeting betwixt them ; (and this was on 
 
 the twentith daie of Maie ;) ^ and there the king of England and the 
 
 ladie Katharine were affianced. 
 
 and louing concord."— BbJ. iii 569/2/1 1. The conferences at Meulan led to 
 no result, " saue onlie that a certeine sparke of Mming lone was kindled in 
 the kings heart by the sight of the ladle Katharine." — Hoi. iii. 669/2/38; 
 
 1 By article 23 it is stipulated that, as a rule, " grants of offices and gifts 
 . . . shall be written and proceed vmdei the name and seale of " Charles VI. 
 —Hoi. 574/2/51. 
 
 ^ Prceda/rissimtis] Hoi. edd. 1 and 2. PreeUmssimus Halle (ed. 1-550). 
 PreeharissimuSf Halle (edd. of 1548). 
 
 5 May 21. In a letter written at Troyes on May 22j 1420, and addressed 
 to the Duke of Gloucester, Warden of Ei^land, Henry says : " Upon Moneday, 
 the XX. day of this present Moneth of May, wee arrived ia this Towne of 
 
VIII. HENRY V, 203 
 
 When the terms of the treaty were finally settled, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 572/2/37.J the kings sware for their parts to obserae 
 
 all the couenants of this league and agreement. Likewise the 
 
 duke of Burgognie, and a great number of other princes and nobles 
 
 which were present, receiued an oth, . . . 
 
 I close the excerpts illustrating this play with the panegjrric of 
 Henry, which Holinshed derived from Halle. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 583/i/S9.] This Henrie was a king, of life without spot ; ^^ nom- 
 a prince whome aU men loued, and of none disdained ; a capteine "^^^(^^ 
 against whome fortune neuer frowned, nor mischance once spurned ; ■^Vm.S ty 
 whose people him so seuere a iusticer both loued and obeied, ^«*ii2]. 
 (and so humane withall,) that he left no offense vnpunished, nor 
 freendship vnre warded; a terrour to rebels, and suppressour of 
 sedition ; his vertues notable, his qualities most praise^wortbie. 
 
 In strength and nimblenesse of bodie from his youth few to tHen^s 
 him comparable ; for in wrestling, leaping,^ and running, no man ^j^^™* 
 well able to compare. In casting of great iron barres and heauie 
 stones he excelled commonlie all men ; neuer shrinking at cold, nor 
 slothfoll for heat ; and, when he most laboured, his head commonlie 
 vncouered ; no more wearie of harnesse than a light cloake ; verie 
 Taliantlie abiding at needs both hunger and thirst ; so manfull of 
 mind as neuer scene to quinch at a wound, or to smart at the 
 paine ; to turne his nose from euil sauour, or to close ^ his eies 
 from smoke or dust ; no man more moderate in eating and drinking, 
 with diet not delicate, but rather more meet for men of warre, than 
 
 Troyes ; And on the Morowe hadden a OonTention betwix our Moder the 
 Queene of France, and our Brother the Due of Burgoigne (as Commissairs of 
 the 'K^iT'g of France our Fader for his Party) and Us in our own Personne, for 
 our Partie : And th' Accorde of the . . . Pees Perpetuell was there Swome by 
 both the sayde Commissaires, yn name of our foresaid Fader ; And semblably 
 by Us in, cure owne Name : . . . Also at the saide Convention was Mariage 
 betrowthed betwixt Us and oure Wyf, Doghter of our forsaid Fader the King 
 of France."-^JS!/TOer, ix. 906, 907. The date of the marriage is given in a 
 private letter written at Sens by " Johan Ofort," on June 6, 1420 : " And, as 
 touchyng Tydynges, The Kyng owre Sovereyn Loord was Weddid, with greet 
 Solempnitee, in the Oathedrale Ohirche of Treys, abowte Myd day on Tnnite 
 Sunday " [June 2]. — Rymer, ix. 910. 
 
 ^ In his wooing of Katharine, Henry says (V. ii. 142-145) : " If I could 
 winne a Lady at Leape-frogge, or by vawting into my Saddle with my Armour 
 on my backe, (vnder the correction of bragging be it spoken,) I should quickly 
 leape into a Wife." 
 
 ' to turne . . . or to dose] not to i/wrne . . . nor close Hoi. 
 
204 
 
 VIII. HENRY -^. 
 
 [Any honest 
 person 
 migbt speak 
 to him at 
 mealtimes, 
 and he 
 would gladly 
 hear causes 
 himself.] 
 
 [He slept 
 little, hut 
 very 
 soundly.] 
 
 [His great 
 abilily in 
 warfare.] 
 
 [Freedom 
 
 from 
 
 wantonness 
 
 and 
 
 avarice.] 
 
 [Equanimity 
 in good or 
 evil 
 fortune.] 
 
 [Bountiful- 
 ness.] 
 
 for princes or tender stomachs. Euerie honest person vras per- 
 mitted to come to him, sitting at meale ; where either secretlie or 
 ppenlie to declare his mind. High and weightie causes, as well 
 betweene men of warre and other, he would gladlie heare ; and 
 either determined them himselfe, or else for end committed them 
 to others. He slept verie little, but that verie soundlie, in so 
 much that when his soldiers soong at nights, or minstrels plaied, 
 he then slept fastest ; of courage inuincible, of purpose vnmutable ; 
 so wisehardie alwaies, as feare was banisht from him ; at euerie 
 alarum he first in armor, and formost in ordering. In time of 
 warre such was his prouidence, bountie and hap, as he had true 
 intelligence, not onelie what his enimies did, but what they said 
 and intended : of his deuises and purposes, few, before the thing 
 was at the point to be done, should be made priuie. 
 
 He had such knowledge in ordering and guiding an armie, with 
 such a gift to incourage his people, that the Frenchmen had 
 constant opinion he could neuer be Tanquished in battell. Such 
 wit, such prudence, and such policie withall, that he neuer enter- 
 prised any thing, before he had fullie debated and forecast all the 
 maine chances that might happen ; which doone, with all diligence 
 and courage, he set his purpose forward. What policie he had in 
 finding present remedies for sudden mischeeues, and what engines 
 in sailing himselfe and his people in sharpe distresses, were it not 
 that by his acts they did plainlie appeare, hard were it by words 
 to make them credible. Wantonnesse of life and thirst in auarice 
 had he quite quenched in him ^ ; vertues in deed in such an estate 
 of souereigntie, youth, and powet, as verie rare, so right commend- 
 able in the highest degree. So staled of mind and countenance 
 beside, that neuer iolie or triumphant for victorie, nor sad or 
 damped for losse or misfortune. For bountifulnesse and liberalitie, 
 no man more free, gentle, and franke, in bestowing rewards to all 
 persons, according to their deserts; for his saieng was, that he 
 neuer desired monie to keepe, but to giiie and spend. 
 
 Although that storie properlie serues not for theme of praise 
 or dispraise, yet what in breuitie may well be remembred, in truth 
 
 1 Sd. (ed. 1) and Halle read: "he . . . didde continually absteyne 
 from lasciuious lyuing and blynde auarice.'' 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 205 
 
 •would not be forgotten by sloth ; were it but onlie to remaine as a 
 spectacle for magnanimitie to haue alwaies in eie, and for incour- 
 agement to nobles in honourable enterprises. Knowen be it there- 
 fore, of person and forme was this prince rightlie representing his ^„^'g^eeX] 
 heroicall affects ; of stature and proportion tall and manlie, rather 
 leane than grose, somewhat long necked, and blacke haired, of 
 countenance amiable ; eloquent and graue was his speech, and of 
 great grace and power to persuade : for conclusion, a maiestie was 
 he that both liued & died a paterne in princehood, a lode-starre ^ in [^^^d 
 honour, and mirrour^ of magnificence ; the more highlie exalted in to'^thw""^ 
 his life, the more deepelie lamented at his death, and famous to p™"^'! 
 the world alwaie. 
 
 IX. HENRY YI. PART I. 
 
 If the range of The first Pmrt of Hewry the Sixt ' were measured by 
 historic dates, not by the order in which occurrences are dramatized, it 
 might be said that the time embraced by the action extended from 
 Henry V.'s funeral, on November 7, 1422,* to Talbot's death on July 
 17, 1453. But the dramatist has made the latter event precede Jeanne 
 Dare's capture in 1430 ; as well as the despatch of Suffolk to Tours in 
 1444, for the purpose of espousing Margaret and conducting her to 
 England. 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — The funeral of Henry V. is disturbed by the entrance 
 of a messenger who announces a series of calamities (11. 57-61), some of 
 Which are fictitious, while others are antedated.^ Orleans and Poitiers 
 
 1 In the Epilogue {Hen. V., 1. 6) he is called ' This Starre of England.' 
 
 2 The Chorus of Act II. (1. 6) styles Henry " the Mirror of all Christian 
 Kings." The original, which Hoi. paraphrased, is " the mirror of Christen- 
 dome."— fliiMe, 113. 
 
 ' 3 In quoting the three Parts of Eenry VI., I follow the text of Fi (1623). 
 
 * This date is given in Fab. (592), and Wyrc. (ii. 454). The F. entry is : 
 " Enter the Funerall of Bang Henry the Fift, attended on by the Duke of 
 Bedford, Regent of France ; the Duke of Gloster, Protector ; the Duke of 
 Exeter, Warwicke, the Bishop of Winchester, and the Duke of Somerset." The 
 corresponding personages in Hoi. iii. 584/i/i9 {Halle, 114) are : " Thomas 
 duke of Excester, Richard [Beauchamp] earle of Warwike, ... the earle of 
 Mortaigne, Edmund Beaufort [afterwards Duke of Somerset], ..." 
 
 s The 1st Mess, anticipates the loss of Rheims (1. 60) and Gisors (1. 61). 
 Charles VII. received the keys of the former place in 1429 {Wawrim,, V. iv. 
 315) ; the latter was surrendered to the French in 1449 {^ievenson, II. ii. 
 622). Paris opened her gates to them in 1436. To the series of calamities 
 Gloucester prophetically adds Rouen (1. 65), which we lost in 1449. 
 
206 IX. HEURY VI. PART I. 
 
 were not in our possession at Henry V.'s death ; and Guienne — the 
 last left of our continental dominions save Calais — was not lost till 
 1451. Perhaps the messenger's report is an embellishment of the 
 succeeding excerpt : ^ 
 
 vrfdMth t-^"'- '"• 585/2/13. Halle, 15.] And suerlie the death of this 
 
 &'chto*''* king Charles caused alterations in France. For a great manie of 
 
 reToit.] |.jjg nobilitie, which before, either for feare of the English puissance, 
 
 or for the loue of this king Charles, (whose authoritie they followed,) 
 
 held on the English part, did now reuolt to the Dolphin ; with all 
 
 indeuour to driue the English nation out of the French territories. 
 
 Whereto they were the more earnestlie bent, and thought it a 
 
 thing of greater facUitie, because of king Henries yoong yeares ; 
 
 whome (because he was a child) they esteemed not, but with one 
 
 consent reuolted from their sworne fealtie : . . . 
 
 His assertion, that these reverses were caused by " want of Men 
 and Money " (1. 69) and " Factions " (1. 71) among the English nobles, 
 seems to embody a remark of Holinsbed on the loss of Paris in 1436. 
 
 Snsion^ t-^"^- "^ 612/2/65. Salle, 179.] But heere is one cheefe 
 
 Bn^?sh'*''' point to be noted, that either the disdeine amongest the cheefe 
 
 coundi's*''* peeres of the realme of England, (as yee haue heard,) or the 
 
 seld^rein- ncgligeuce of the kings councell, (which did not foresee dangers 
 
 forcements, ,, „, iii.. «t-i 
 
 caused the to come.) was the losse 01 the whole dommion of France, betweene 
 
 loss of ' ' 
 
 France.] tbe riucrs of Sommc 2 and Marne ; and, in especiaU, of the noble citie 
 of Paris. For where before, there were sent ouer thousands for 
 defense of the holds and fortresses, now were sent hundreds, yea, 
 and scores ; some rascals, and some not [p. 613] able to draw a 
 bowe, or carrie a bill : . . . 
 
 A second messenger brings tidings (1. 92) that 
 
 The Dolphin Charles is crowned King in Rheimes. 
 
 1 If so, the dramatist ignores what Hoi. adds (585/2/3o) : " The duke of 
 Bedford, being greatlie mooued with these sudden changes, fortified his townes- 
 both with garrisons of men, munition, and vittels ; assembled also a great armie 
 of Englishmen and Normans ; and so eflfectuotislie exhorted them to continue 
 faithful! to their liege and lawful! lord yoong king Henrie, that manie of the 
 French capteins wulinglie sware to king Henrie fealtie and obedience ; by 
 whose example the communaltie did the same. Thus the people qmeted, and 
 the countrie established in order, nothing was minded but warre, and nothing 
 spoken of but conquest." Their defeat at Vemeuil— related by Hqli — in 1424 
 was nearly as disastrous to the French as Agincourt had been ; and the tide of 
 our success did not turn till we besieged Orleans in 1428-29, 
 
 ^ /Scujime] Halle. S<m& Hoi. ed. 2. Smne Hoi. ed. 1. 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PAET I. 207 
 
 This ceremony was not performed till 1429,^ but, if the second 
 messenger's words be construed freely, the following passage is sufficient 
 warrant for his news : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 585/2/42. JECalle, 115.] The Dolphin, which lay the 
 same time in the citie of Poitiers, after his fathers deceasse,^ caused ^^pj,i„ 
 himselfe to be proclamed king of France, by the name of Charles ^^^^ 
 the seuenth ; and, in good hope to recouer his patrimonie, with an '"'^*' 
 haultie courage preparing war, assembled a great armie : and first 
 the warre begaa by light skirmishes, but after it grew into maine 
 battels. 
 
 The third messenger's report is noticeable as showing how historic 
 time ia dealt with in this play. The battle which he describes (11. 110- 
 140) took place at Patay. On June 18, 1429,^ about six weeks after 
 the siege of Orleans — dramatized in two subsequent scenes — ^had been 
 raised, Joan, ^iengon, and Dunois, followed by an army numbering 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6OI/2/17. Halle, 601.J betweene twentie and three 
 and twentie thousand men, 
 
 . . . fought with the lord Talbot (who had with him not past mhoi. 
 
 six thousand men) neere vnto a village in Beausse called Pataie : ^»« ^ 
 
 at which battell the charge was giuen by the French so vpon a ''"'**^ *•"■ 
 
 sudden, that the Englishmen had not leisure to put themselues [The Bngjish 
 
 ' <^ i had not time 
 
 in araie, after they had put vp their stakes before their archers ; so J^f^^s 
 that there was no remedie but to fight at aduenture. This battell ^tl™ 
 continued by the space of three long houres ; for the Englishmen, arches.] " 
 though they were ouerpressed with multitude of their enimies, yet 
 they neuer fled backe one foot, till their capteine the lord Talbot [Taitot was 
 
 "' 111 wounded in 
 
 was sore wounded at the backe, and so taken. and ttken 
 
 Then their hearts began to faint, and they fled ; in which flight ermtusm 
 
 iji. 1 fi 1 onyEnglidi 
 
 were slaine about twelue hundred, and fortie taken, of whome the f*^; /*f 
 
 lordi Ttwiat, 
 
 lord Talbot, the lord Scales,* the lord Hungerford,, & sir Thomas S^j^J^ 
 Bampston were cheefe. . . . From this battell departed without '°*™' 
 
 * Hoi. iii. 6OI/2/74. Charles VII. was crowned at Poitiers, in 1422 ; " et 
 de ce jour [the day of Charles VI.'s death] en avant, par tous ceux tenant son 
 parti, flit nommS roi de Prance, comme 6toit son pfere en son vivant."*— Jlfbrw., 
 V. 10. Charles VII. was crowned at Bheims on July 17, 1429. — Wwwrin, V. 
 iv. 317. 
 
 2 Charles VI. died on October 21, 1422.— Jfcww., iv. 415. 
 
 * Qvr<m. de la Pucelle, ix. 334. 
 
 * Thomas Scales, Lord Scales, a character ia 2 Men. VI., IV. v. 
 
208 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PAET I. 
 
 [Sir John 
 Fastolfe 
 retreated 
 ' without 
 anie stroke 
 striken.'] 
 
 SU aduUe 
 [to his 
 brethren 
 and nobles,] 
 vpon hU 
 death bed. 
 
 [He willed 
 them (1) to 
 live in con- 
 cord, and (2) 
 to maintain 
 friendsliip 
 with the 
 Duke of 
 Bui^ndy ; 
 and (3) he 
 forbade 
 them to 
 yield any 
 territory to 
 Charles the 
 Danphin, or 
 (4) to release 
 the Duke of 
 Orleans and 
 the other 
 princes. 
 He advised 
 
 (1) that 
 Gloucester 
 be Protector 
 of England 
 during 
 Henry VI.'s 
 nonage ; and 
 
 (2) Bedford 
 Begent of 
 France, with 
 Burgundy's 
 help. He 
 
 anie stroke striken sir lohn Fastolfe ; ^ the same yeare for his 
 valiantnesse elected into the order of the garter. 
 
 Towards the close of the scene, Exeter says (11. 162-164) : 
 
 Remember, Lords, your Oathes to Henry sworne : 
 Eyther to quell the Dolphin vtterly, 
 Or bring him. in obedience to your yoake. 
 When Henry V. lay a-dying at Bois de Vincennes, he was visited by 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 583/i/4. Abridged from Halle, lll.J the dukes of 
 Bedford and Glocester, & the earles of Salisburie and Warwike, 
 whome the king louinglie welcomed, and seemed glad of their 
 presence. 
 
 Now, when he saw them pensife for his sicknesse and great 
 danger of life wherein he presentlie laie, he, with manie graue, 
 courteous, and pithie words, recomforted them the best he could ; 
 and therewith exhorted them to be trustie and faithfull vnto his 
 Sonne, and to see that he might be well and vertuouslie brought 
 vp. And, as concerning the rule and gouernance of his realms, 
 during the minoritie and yoong yeares of his said sonne, he willed 
 them to ioine togither in freendlie loue and concord, keeping con- 
 tinuall peace and amitie with the duke of Burgognie ; and neuer to 
 make treatie with Charles that called himselfe Dolphin of Vienne, 
 by the which anie part, either of the crowne of France, or of the 
 duches of Normandie and Guien, may be lessened or diminished ; 
 and further, that the duke of Orleance and the other princes 
 should still remaine prisoners, till his sonne came to lawfull age ; 
 least, returning home againe, they might kindle more fire in one 
 dale than might be quenched in three. 
 
 He further aduised them, that if they thought it necessarie, 
 that it should be good to haue his brother Humfreie duke of 
 Glocester to be protector of England, during the nonage of his 
 sonne, and his brother the duke of Bedford, with the helpe of the 
 duke of Burgognie, to rule and to be regent of France ;^ commanding 
 
 1 The dramatdst was not content with making a messenger relate Fastolfe'a 
 cowardice, but must needs exhibit it in some fictitious skirmish near Eouen 
 (III. ii. 104-109) ; which one might have suspected to be Patay refought, had 
 not Sir John, alluding possibly to that disastrous battle, said, " We are like to 
 haue tbe ouerthrow againe." 
 
 ' Under the year 1422 : " The duke of Bedford was deputed regent ol 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 209 
 
 Mm with fire and sword to persecute the Dolphin, till he had changed 
 
 ..1 , , , , , . r J Bedford m 
 
 eitner brought him to reason and obeisance, or else to driue and *» »"«««»« 
 
 *-' ' Dauplun to 
 
 expell him out of the realme of France. . . . w to e^d 
 
 The noble men present promised to obserue his precepts, and rranSf 
 to performe his desires; but their hearts were so pensife, and ^"^mised 
 replenished with sorrow, that one could not for weeping behold an ^Sfthem* 
 other. '^''''*'-' 
 
 Two more Bpeeches call for remark. Exeter had been " ordayn'd " 
 Henry VI.'s "speciall Gouernor" (1; 171), but taj next excerpt shows 
 that Winchester held a similar post ^ and was therefore not a " lack out 
 of Office "(1. 175). 
 
 [Sol. iii. 585/1/28. Halle, 115.] The custodie of this yoong [Exeter and 
 
 W lUCJlGSuQx 
 
 prince was appointed to Thomas duke of Excester, & to Henrie *^J^3 ^ 
 Beauford bishop of Winchester. f enry^i.] 
 
 Ere leaving the stage, ■Winchester expresses an intention to steal 
 the King from Eltham (11. 176, 177). About four years after Henry 
 V.'s funeral, Gloucester charged Winchester with this design. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 591/2/5. Halle, 131.J 2 Item, my said lord of 
 Winchester, without the aduise and assent of my said lord of 
 Glocester, or of the kings councell, purposed and disposed him to [Winchester 
 set hand on the kings person, and to haue remooued him from kS|™o*^® 
 Eltham, the place that he was in, to Windsor, to the intent to put ^"'^'"•i 
 him in gouernance as him list. 
 
 Act I. se. ii. — ^Neither Charles VII. nor Bend of Anjou was present 
 at the siege of Orleans, but Dunois (the Bastard of Orleans) commanded 
 the French gairison, and Alen^on — accompanied by Joan — led the 
 relieving force which rescued the city. The following account of a 
 sally made by Dunois was perhaps transmuted into the fruitless attempt 
 of Charles, Alengon, and Bene, to succour Orleans. (The stage direc- 
 tion after 1. 21 is : " Here Alarum ; they are beaten back by the English, 
 with great losse.") 
 
 [Mol. iii. 599/1/30. Salle, 145.] After the siege had continued 
 fall three week«s,^ the bastard of Orleance issued out of the gate of 
 
 France, and the duke of Glocester was ordained protectour of England " ; . . . 
 —Eol. iii. 585/I/30. 
 
 1 According to Gesta (159), one of Henry's last instructions was : |' Avun- 
 onlum meum ducem Exohiae et avunculum metun Henricum episcopimn 
 Wintoniae unJi cum comite Warwici circa regimen filii mei . . . attendentes 
 fore volo.et decemo." With this agrees Chron. Gfiles (Ben. VL), 3. 
 
 * MaUe (145) — Hd.'s authority — was mistaken. The bridge-tower was 
 
 P 
 
210 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 tBuiutis's 
 
 sally 
 
 repulsed.] 
 
 A hulworix 
 at Orlecmce 
 taken p>y the 
 English.] 
 
 [The bul- 
 wark and 
 hridge-tower 
 entrusted to 
 ■William 
 Glansdale.] 
 
 W.F. 
 
 Jehd de 
 Tillet. 
 
 Zes chronic. 
 deBretaigne, 
 
 Ze Rosier 
 ealleth him 
 Robert. 
 
 Jonc de Are 
 Piuell de 
 diffii. 
 
 the bridge, and fought with the Englishmen; but they receiued 
 
 him with so fierce and terrible strokes, that he was with all his 
 
 companie compelled to retire and flee backe into the citie. But 
 
 the Englishmen followed so fast, in killing and taking of their 
 
 enimies, that they entered with them. IT The bulworke of the 
 
 bridge, with a great tower standing at the end of the same, was 
 
 taken incontinentlie by the Englishmen, who behaued themselues 
 
 right valiantlie vnder the conduct of their couragious capteine, as 
 
 at this assault, so in diuerse skirmishes against the French ; partlie 
 
 to keepe possession of that which Henrie the fift had by his mag- 
 
 nanimitie & puissance atchiued, as also to inlarge the same. . . . 
 
 In this conflict, manie Frenchmen were taken, but more were 
 
 slaine ; and the keeping of the tower and bulworke was committed 
 
 to William Gla[n]sdale esquier. By the taking of this bridge the 
 
 passage was stopped, that neither men nor vittels could go or come 
 
 by that waie. 
 
 The siege of Orleans, begun by Salisbury on October 12, 1428, wag 
 raised on May 8, 1429 ;i and he was mortally wounded (Act I. sc. iv.) 
 about four months prior to Joan's first meeting with Charles ; ^ the 
 event which is dramatized in this scene. I quote the account given of 
 her by Holinshed : 
 
 [Rol. iii. 6OO/2/2.] In time of this siege at Orleance (French 
 stories saie), the first weeke of March 1428[-29], vnto Charles the 
 Dolphin, at Chinon, as he was in verie great care and studie how 
 to wrestle against the English nation, by one Robert* Ba[u]dricourt, 
 capteine of Va[u]couleur[s], (made after marshall of France by the 
 Dolphins creation,*) was caried a yoong wench of an eighteene 
 yeeres old, called lone Are,^ by name of hir father (a sorie 
 
 captured on October 24, 1428, and the attack was made by the English. — Ghron. 
 de Ja Pucdle, ix. 284. The siege began on October 12, 1428. — Ibid., ix. 281. 
 
 ^ The siege was raised on May 8, 1429. — Ghron. de la Pucdle, ix. 321. 
 
 ^ Joan reached Chinon on March 6, 1429. — Continuation of Guillaume de 
 Nangis {Qmcherat, iv. 313). Her first audience of Charles was deferred until 
 the third day (March 9) after her arrivaL — Letter of De Boulainvilliers to Pilippo 
 Maria Visconti {Qtdcherat, v. 118 ; cp. iii. 4). ^ Boberf] Peter Hoi. 
 
 . . * An error. Robert's son (Jean de Baudricourt) was made a marshal of 
 France by Charles VIII. — Ansdme, vii. 113. 
 
 5 The earliest instance of "d'Arc" occurs in 1576. — Ncmmelles recherches 
 sur la fa/mUle et swr le nom de Jeam/ne Dare, par M. Vallet de Viriville, p. 30. 
 M. de Viriville cites letters of ennoblement, dated December, 1429, and addressed 
 " Puellae Joannae Dare de Dompremeyo." — Ibid. p. 16. In this document 
 her father is called " Jacobum Dare." 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PAET I,- 211 
 
 sheepheard) lames of Are, and Isabell hir mother ; brought vp 
 poorelie in their trade of keeping cattell; borne at Domprin invua 
 (therefore reported by Bale, lone Domprin) vpon Meuse in 
 Lorraine, within the diocesse of Thoule. Of fauour was she P"™'' 
 
 aspect, 
 
 counted hkesome, of person stronglie made and manlie, of courage "'o^™^™! 
 great, bardie, and stout withall : an vnderstander of counsels though "^^'^"■^ 
 she were not at them ; great semblance of chastitie both of bodie 
 and behauiour; the name of lesus in hir mouth about all hir 
 businesses ; humble, obedient ; and fasting diuerse dales in the 
 weeke. A person (as their bookes make hir) raised vp by power 
 diuine, onelie for succour to the French estate then deepelie in 
 distresse ; in whome, for planting a credit the rather, first the 
 companie that toward the Dolphin did conduct hir, through places t^^J 
 all dangerous, as holden by the English, (where she neuer was i?SIs° 
 afore,) all the waie and by nightertale safelie did she lead : then at ''""^^ 
 the Dolphins sending by hir assignement, from saint Katharins [Her sword 
 church of Fierbois in Touraine, (where she neuer had beene and ^^""e on 
 
 iron at St. 
 
 knew not,) m a secret place there among old iron, appointed she ^f^JllSat'^ 
 hir sword to be sought out and brought hir, (that with fine floure IS'cftro. 
 delices was grauen on both sides, ^) wherewith she fought and did *' 
 manie slaughters by hir owne hands. On warfar rode she in • Prom umi 
 
 jL .0 1 1 » «o/ooJ[wa3 
 
 armour *cap a pie & mustered as a man; before hir an ensigne all sheciadm 
 white, wherin was lesus Christ painted with a floure delice in his ^^g^.] 
 hand. 
 
 Unto the Dolphin into his gallerie when first she was brought ; [^aa^'l^ms 
 and he, shadowing himselfe lehind, setting other gaie lords before ^anl before 
 him to trie hir cunning, from all the companie, with a salutation, piSed"hta° 
 (that indeed marz all the matter,) she pickt him out alone ; ^ who thu aaiuta. 
 thereypon had hir to the end of the gallerie, where she held him la'i^S"''^' 
 an houre in secret and priuate talke, that of his priuie chamber p- asb, 
 was thought verie long,^ and therefore would haue broken it oflF; [His 
 but he made them a signe to let hir saie on. In which (among thought that 
 other), as likelie it was, she set out vnto him the singular feats (for ^'tf^Y™^ 
 sooth) giuen hir to vnderstand by reuelation diuine, that in vertue ^< grand 
 
 chronic, 
 
 » Cp. 1 Hen. VI., I. ii. 98-101. « Cp, l Hen. VI., I. ii. 60-67. 
 
 * "Iteigneir. My Lord, me thinkes, is wry Imig m talhe." — 1 Hen. VI., I. 
 ii. 118. 
 
212 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 of that sword shee should atchiue ; which were, how with honor and 
 promised ^ictorie shee would raise the siege at Orleance, set him in state of 
 orieraTand t^e crowue of France, and driue the English out of the countries 
 Bngush* thereby he to inioie the kingdome alone. Heerevpon he hartened 
 France.] at full, appointed hir a sufficient armie with absolute power to lead 
 gavfiier an them, and they obedientlie to doo as she bad them. Then fell she 
 she relieved to workc, and first defeated, indeed, the siege at Orleance ; by and 
 
 Orleans, and ' ' > s 'J 
 
 caused iiim by iucouragcd him to crowne himselfe king of Fi-ance at Reims, 
 eSV* *^^* * ^i**l^ before from the English she had woone. Thus after 
 pursued she manie bold enterprises to our great displeasure a two 
 yeare togither : for the time she kept in state Tutill she were taken 
 and for heresie and witcherie burned ; as in particularities hereafter 
 foUoweth. 
 
 Act I. sc. iii. — I preface this scene by quoting what Holinshed say^ 
 about the open dissension of Gloucester and Winchester. In 1425 
 
 [Rol. iii. 590/2/60. Halle, 130.] fell a great diuision in the 
 
 realme of England ; which of a sparkle was like to haue grown to a 
 
 D«Mm«o» great flame. For whether the bishop of Winchester, called Henrie 
 
 duke of Beaufort, (sonne to lohn duke of Lancaster by his third wifcl 
 
 *win^h^'^ enuied the authoritie of Humfreie duke of Glocester, protectour of 
 
 the realme ; or whether the duke disdained at the riches and 
 
 pompous estate of the bishop ; sure it is that the whole realme 
 
 was troubled with them and their partakers : . . . 
 
 The action was partly developed from the first article in a series of 
 five charges against Winchester, preferred by Gloucester at some time 
 after February 18, and before March 7, 1426.1 
 
 [Rol. iii. 591/1/68. Salle, 130.] 1 First, whereas he, being 
 
 protectour, and defendour of this land, desired the Tower to be 
 
 [Rioiard opcncd to him, and to lodge him therein, Richard Wooduile^ 
 
 WoodTile . r, • 1 ■, A 
 
 cie8te?s esquier (hauing at that time the charge of the keeping of the 
 
 1 Parliament met at Leicester on February 18, 1426. — Bot. Pari., iv. 295/i. 
 On March 7, 1426, Gloucester and Winchester agreed to submit their differ- 
 ences to the arbitration of a committee of the Upper House. ^-JJot. Pa/th, iv. 
 297/2. Gloucester's five articles are not in Bot. Pari., but Wiuchester's answers 
 to articles 4 and 5 appear there (298/i-2). 
 
 " Created Earl Rivers on May 24, 1466.— DugrifosZe, iii. 231/i. Father of 
 •Elizabeth Woodvile, who married Sir John Grey, and .(secondly) Edward 
 IV. WoodvUe's son Anthony is Earl Rivers in Bich. III. 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 213 
 
 Tower) refused his desite ; and kept the same Tower against him J^^^ato 
 vndulie and against reason, by the commandement of my said lord oiSJcester 
 of Winchester; .. . Ji^?.^ 
 
 Winchester styles Gloucester a "most vsurping Proditor" (1. 31). 
 Gloucester retorts (11. 33, 34) ; 
 
 Stand back, thou manifest Conspirator, 
 
 Thou that contriued'st to murther our dead Lord ; . . . 
 
 The fourth article of Gloucester's charges contains this accusation : 
 
 [Hoi. m. 591/2/33. Halle, 131.] 4 Item, my said lord of 
 Glocester saith and afflrmeth, that our souereigne lord, his brother, 
 that was king Henrie the fift, told him on a tinqie, (when our 
 souereigne lord, being prince, was lodged in the palace of West- 
 minster, in the great chamber,) by the noise of a spaniell, there was 
 on a night a man spied and taken behind a * tapet of the said * or hang- 
 
 ing. 
 
 chamjbgr ; the which man was deliuered to the earle of Afundell to [Winchester 
 be examined rpon the cause of his being there at that time ; the man to° 
 which so examined, at that time confessed that he was there by ^°<:e of 
 
 ' •' Wales, 
 
 the stirring and procuring of my said lord of Winchester ; ordeined g^^f 
 to haue slaine the said prince there in his bed : wherefore the said 
 earle of Arundell let sacke him ^ foorthwith, and drowned him in j^^tS fa 
 the Thames. ^^^ 
 
 Obeying their master's command (1. 54), " Glosters men beat out the 
 CardinaUs men, and enter in the hurly-burly the Maior of London and 
 his Officers." The Mayor directs an officer to make " open Proclama- 
 tion " against rioting, and threatens also to " call for Olubs " (11. 71, 
 84). Gloucester and Winchester then retire. 
 
 After describing (ii. 595) how, on October 30, 1425, possession of 
 London Bridge was contested by the followers of Gloucester and 
 Winchester, Fabyan says (ii. 596) : 
 
 And lykely it was to haue ensued great Effucyon of blode shortly P^^^sror 
 therupon, ne had ben the discressyon of the Mayre and his ggol^^.] 
 Brether, that exorted the people, by all Polytike meane, to kepe 
 the kynges peas. 
 
 Act I. sc. iv. — Lords Salisbury, and Talbot, Sir William Glan^dale^ 
 Sir Thomas Gargrave, and others enter "on the Turrets " of the bridge- 
 tower captured by the English (see p. 210 above), whence, through " a 
 secret Grate," they can " ouer-peere the Citie " (1^. 10, 11). Talbpt's 
 narrative of his captivity and ransom (11. 27-56) contains nothing 
 authentic save the exchange by which he obtained his freedom. But 
 
214 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 Thelord 
 Talbot ran- 
 a(ymed by 
 txchange^ 
 
 [Talljot at 
 the siege of 
 Orleans.] 
 
 he was not released until 1433 ^ (Holinshed was wrong in saying that 
 Talbot was ransomed " with out delaie "), and the historic date of this 
 scene is 1428. In 1431 an English force defeated some French troops 
 at Beauvais.2 Many of the Frenchmen were taken. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6O6/2/34. Halle, 164.] Amongst other of the cheefest 
 prisoners, that valiant capteine, Poton * de Santrails, was one ; who 
 without delaie was exchanged for the lord Talbot, before taken 
 prisoner at the batteU of Pataie. 
 
 But Talbot's association with Salisbury, in the siege of Orleans, is 
 unhistorical. Salisbury was dead, and the 'battle of Patay — which 
 deprived Talbot of his liberty — had not been fought, when Bedford 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 599/2/48. Halle, 146.] appointed the earle of 
 Suflfolke to be his lieutenant and capteine of the siege ; and ioined 
 with him the lord Scales, the lord Talbot,* sir lohn Fastolfe, and 
 diuerse other right valiant capteins. 
 
 The following excerpt shows that the circumstances of Salisbury's 
 and Gargrave's deaths (11. 1-22 ; 60-88) are faithfully presented : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 599/2/5. Halle, 145.] In the tower that was taken 
 r^^ English at the bridge end (as before you haue heard) there was an high 
 chamber, hauing a grate full of barres of iron, by the which a man 
 might looke all the length of the bridge into the citie ; at which 
 grate manie of the cheefe capteins stood manie times, viewing the 
 citie, and deuising in what place it was best to giue the assault. 
 They within the citie well perceiued this tooting hole, and laid a 
 peece of ordinance directlie against the window. 
 
 It so chanced, that the nine and fiftith dale ^ after the siege was 
 laid, the earle of Salisburie, sir Thomas Gargraue, and William 
 Gla[n]sdale, with diuerse other went into the said tower, and so into 
 the high chamber, and looked out at the grate ; and, within a short 
 space, the sonne of the maister-gunner, perceiuing men looking out 
 at the window, tooke his match, (as his father had taught him ; who 
 was gone downe to dinner,) and fired the gun ; the shot whereof 
 brake and shiuered the iron barres of the grate, so that one of the 
 same bars strake the earle so violentlie on the head, that it stroke 
 
 used to view 
 Orleans 
 from a 
 
 window in 
 the bridge- 
 tower. The 
 hesieged 
 pointed a 
 guji against 
 this tooting 
 hole (spy- 
 hole).] 
 
 [One day, 
 when 
 Salisbnry, 
 Gargrave 
 and Glans- 
 dale were 
 looking out 
 at the 
 
 window, the 
 master- 
 gunner's son 
 fired, and 
 mortally 
 wounded 
 Salisbury 
 and 
 Gargrave.] 
 
 Th£ earle of 
 Saliiburie 
 
 1 Rymer, x. 536. 
 ' Potori] Pouton Hoi. 
 * Talbot and the others left 
 Chron. de la FucdU, ix. 287. 
 
 2 Journal, xv. 427, 428. 
 
 for Orleans on December 29, 1428.- 
 6 See p. 209, n. 2, above. 
 
IX. HBXRY VI. PART I. 
 
 215 
 
 awaie one of his eies, and the side of his cheeke.^ Sir Thomas [and sir 
 Gargraue was likewise striken, and died within two daies. Gaigrav^ 
 
 After a messenger bi?irigsnews that Charles and Joan are coming 
 to raise the siege (11. 100-103), and during the two remaining scenes o£ 
 Act I., historic time must be supposed to have advanced from October, 
 1428 — its position in sc. iv. 11. 1-97 — ^to April 29-May 8, 1429. When 
 Joan had received " a sufficient armie " (p. 212 above), she 
 
 [ffol. iii. 600/2/68. Halle, 148.] roade from Poictiers to Blois, 
 and there fovmd men of warre, vittels, and munition, readie to be 
 conueied to Orleance. 
 
 Heere was it knowne that the Englishmen kept not so diligent 
 watch as they had been accustomed to doo, and therefore this 
 maid (with other French capteins) comming forward in the dead 
 time of the [p. 601] night, and in a great raine and thunder, [Joan enters 
 [Cp. I. iv. 97] entred into the citie ^ with all their vittels, artillerie, 
 and other necessarie prouisions. The next dale the Englishmen 
 boldlie assaulted the towne, but the Frenchmen defended the 
 walles, so as no great feat worthie of memorie chanced that dale [The English 
 
 ^ assanit 
 
 betwixt them, though the Frenchmen were amazed at the valiant ori««°«-3 
 attempt of the Englishmen: whervpon the bastard of Orleance 
 gaue knowledge to the duke of Alanson, in what danger the towne 
 stood without his present helpe ; who, comming within two leagues 
 
 * Mons. (v. 194) says that Salisbury "ainsi blessd, . . . v^quit I'espace de 
 huit jours." He died at Meung, " au bout de huit jours de eadite blessure." — 
 . JMd. If this limit of time be accepted, we must suppose that Salisbury was 
 mortally wounded on or about October 27, for it appears from various inquisi- 
 tions post mortem dated in January, 1429, — whien were examined by Mr. 
 Oswald Barron, — that the Earl died on November 3, 1428. The date Nov. 3 
 agrees with the following record of a contemporary chronicler : " le regent de 
 France . . . partist de Paris . . . le mercredi, veille de Saint-Martin d'yver 
 [Nov. 10] mil quatre cent vingt^huit. Et le comte de Salcebry estoit mort la 
 sepmaine devant." — Journal, xv, 379. The date Oct. 27 is not, however, 
 reconcUeable with Mons.'s assertion (v. 194) that Salisbury was wounded on 
 the third day of the siege. According to the more exact Chron. de la Pucdle 
 the siege began on October 12 (ix. 281, 282) ; the bridge-tower was taken by 
 the English on October 24 (ix. 284, 285) ; and, on October 25, the French 
 fortified their end of the bridge and planted guns to batter the tower (ix. 285, 
 286). After October 25 "advint un jour" on which Salisbury was mortally 
 wounded (ix. 286). It does not necessarily follow that, because Mons. gave a 
 wrong prior date, — the third day of the siege, — ^he was therefore mistaken in 
 regard to the length of time during which Salisbury lingered between life and 
 death. The begmning of the siege is vaguely dated by Mons. "environ le 
 mois d'octobre." — v. 192. 
 
 ' ' On 4pril 29, 1429.— Chron. de la Fucdle, ix, 309. 
 
216 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 of the citie, gaue knowledge to them within, that they should be 
 readie the next daie to receiue him. 
 muIt™ J This accordinglie was accomplished : . . . 
 
 The relief of OrleanB was speedily followed by the recapture of the 
 tower at the bridge-foot. But, when the French assailed Talbot's 
 bastile, he " issued foorth a,gainst them, and gaue them so sharpe an 
 incounter, that they, not able to withstand his puissance, fled (like 
 sheepe before the woolfe) againe into the citie, with great losse of men 
 and small artillerie." — Hoi iii. 601/ 1/34. This may be represented by 
 the entry (so. v.) : " Here an 4-larum againe, and Talbot pursueth the 
 Dolphin, and driueth him" ; if we allow for a transposition of the French 
 victory at the bridge-foot (denoted by " Then enter loane de Puzel, 
 driuing Englishmen before her") and subsequent repulse. After Talbot's 
 successful defence, the English vainly ofEered battle on open grounds 
 and retired "in good order" from Orleans {Hoi. iii. 6OI/1/22-53). 
 Their departure is indicated by " Alarum, Retreat, Flourish " ; but the 
 preceding alarums and skirmish (11. 26, 32) are mere stage business. 
 
 Act II. so. i. — Talbot's recapture of Orleans is fictitious, but, on 
 May 28, 1428,^ Le Mans was regained under circumstances somewhat 
 like those dramatized in this scene. We learn that " diuers of the 
 cheefe rulers " of Le Mans agreed with Charles VII. to adinit the French 
 into their city. The enterprise proved successful, and the English 
 
 [Sol. iii. 598/1/70. Salk, 143.] withdrew without any tarri- 
 
 ance into the caatell, which standeth at the gate of saint Vincent, 
 
 whereof was constable Thomas Gower esquier ; whither also fled 
 
 manie Englishmen ; so as for vrging of the enimie, prease of the 
 
 [Suffolk number, and lacke of yittels, they could not haue indured long : 
 
 tie castle, whcrforo they priuilie sent a messenger to the lord Talbot, which 
 
 messenger then laie at Alanscm, certifieng him in how hard a case they were. 
 
 to Talbot, ' ° •' 
 
 a^ing for rj^g ^Q^d Talbot, hearing these newes, like a carefull capteine, in all 
 hast assembled togither about seuen hundred men ; & in the 
 euening departed from Alanson, so as in the morning he came to a 
 castell called Guierch, two miles &om Mans, and ther^ staled a 
 
 eo^™'^*^ while, till he had sent out Matthew * Gough,^ as an espiall, to 
 vnderstand how the Frenchmen demeaned themselues. 
 
 • ooche. Matthew * Gough so well sped his businesse, that priuilie in 
 
 the night he came into the castell, where he learned that the 
 Frenchmen verie neghgentlie vsed themselues, without taking heed 
 
 1 My authority for this date is Jqumfd, xv. 3Y4, 375. Ghrenique de la 
 PvmUb (ix. S7S-274) contains details given in my excerpt, and not 'mentioned 
 in Jovvnal. 
 
 2 Slain by Jack Cade's followere. See tlie entry of 2 Em. VI., IV. vii. 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 317 
 
 to their watch, as though they had beeme out of all danger : which f^l^^^J^^ 
 
 well vnderstood, he returned againe, and within a mile of the citie ^^^^^'' 
 
 met the lord Talbot, and the lord Scales, and opened vnto them tS^ 
 
 all things, according to his credence. The lords then, to make k^ewofus 
 
 hast in the matter, (bioause the dale approched,) with all speed issued tWre- 
 
 possible came to the posterne gate ; and, alighting from their tije^i"gonig 
 
 horsses, about six of the clocke in the morning, they issued out of ^^^Ih 
 
 the castell, crieng, " saint George ! Talbot ! " th?^°a'" 
 
 The Frenchmen, being thus suddenlie taken, were sore amazed ; Bhuts.] 
 
 in so much that some of them, being not out of their beds, got vp rwouwed. 
 
 in their shirts, and lept o^ler the walles} Other ran naked out of the naked, 
 
 leandng 
 
 gates to saue their lines, leaning all their apparell, horsses, armour, <^ t^ey 
 
 and riches behind them : none was hurt but such asresisted. ^™J 
 
 The scene closes with the entry of " a Souldier, crying ' a Talbot, a 
 Talbot ! ' " Charles, Joan, Juteafsn, Beso6, and Piinois, " flye, leauing 
 their Clothes hehind." The soldier remarks (11. 78-81) : 
 
 lie be so bold to take what they haue left. 
 The Cry of Talbot serues m« for a Sword ; 
 For I haue loaden me with many Spoylea, 
 Vsing no other Weapon but his Name. 
 
 Holinshed says that 
 
 [Eol. iii. 597/2/14. Salle, 141.] lord Talbot, being both of 
 Boble birth, and of haultie courage, after his comming into France, 
 obteined so manie glorious victories of his enimies, that his onelie 
 name was & yet is dreadfuU to the French nation ; and much '^i^fa 
 renowmed amongst all other people. copS. 
 
 Act II. SQ. ii. — On the tomb which Salisbury is to have in Orleans 
 shall be engraved, says Talbot, " Wliat a terror he had beene to France " 
 (1. 17). Salisbury's martial ability was thus extolled by Halle, whose 
 words Holinshed copied : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 598/2/58. Halle, 144.] This earle was the man at 
 that time, by whose wit, strength, and policie, the English name 
 was much fearefoll and terrible to the French nation; which ©f 
 himselfe might both appoint, command, and doo all things in 
 manmer at his pleasure ; in whose power (as it appeared after his 
 
 1 Cp. the stage direetions (1. 38) : _ " Cry : ' S. George I' 'A Talhat!' The 
 French leape ore the waiks in their §hirts,'' 
 
218 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 ^te'^r*' death) a great part of the conquest consisted : for, siierlie, he was 
 ^t^J^nd * ™*° ^^^^ painefull, diligent, and readie to withstand all 
 valiant man. (Jangerous chanccs that were at hand, prompt in counsell, and of 
 
 courage inuincible ;"so that in no one man, men put more trust; 
 
 nor any singular person wan the harts so much of all men. 
 
 Act II. sc. iii. — No source for this scene has yet been discovered. 
 The Countess of Auvergne's surprise at the mean aspect (11. 19-24) of 
 " the Scourge of France " (1. 15), with whose " Name the Mothers still 
 their Babes " (1. 17), does not accord with Halle's description of Talbot. 
 
 tTalbot a 
 8Gouj;ge and 
 terror to the 
 French.] 
 
 [The name 
 of Talhot 
 employed 
 to score 
 children,] 
 
 [Halle, 230.] This man was to the French people a very scorge 
 and a daily terror ; ^ in so muche that as his person was fearfuU and 
 terrible to his aduersaries present, so his name and fame was 
 spitefull and dreadfiiU to the common people absent ; in so much 
 that women in Fraunce, to feare their yong children, would crye, 
 " the Talbot commeth, the Talbot commeth ! " 
 
 Act II. sc. iv.' — No one has pointed out a source for this scene and 
 its sequel (III. iv. 28-45 ; IV. i. 78-161). From the next scene we 
 ascertain (cp. II. v. 45-50, 111-114) that Richard Plantagenet and 
 " Somerset " must have quarrelled on January 19, 1425, the historic 
 date of Mortimer's death. ^ John Beaufort, then Earl of Somerset, was 
 older than Richard, who calls Viim " Boy " (1. 76) ; the former being at 
 that time nearly twenty-one,^ while the latter was about thirteen.* 
 The subsequent action, however, shows that " Somerset " is John's 
 brother, Edmund Beaufort, whom Richard, in 1452, openly accused of 
 treason.^ Edmund Beaufort was about six years older than Richard.* 
 According to Halle, these nobles were foes in 1436, when Richard, who 
 had been appointed to the chief command in France, was embarrassed 
 
 1 Cp. the address of the French general, summoned by Talbot to surrender 
 Bordeaux (1 Hen. VI., IV. ii. 15, 16) : 
 
 " Thou ominous and fearefull Owle of death, 
 Onr Nations ierror, and their bloody scourge I " 
 
 « Esch. 3 Hen. VI. No. 32 {Proc. Priv. Co., iii. 169, note). 
 3 John Beaufort completed his twenty-first year on March 25, 1425. — Inq. 
 prob. etatis. 4 H. VI. No. 53 (O.B.). 
 
 * On December 12, 1415, Richard Plantagenet was of the age of three years 
 and iipwards. — Inq. p. m. 3 H. V. No. 45 (O.B.). 
 
 6 See p. 287 below. 
 
 * An Inq. p. m., taken at Bedford, shows that John Beaufort Duke of 
 Somerset died on May 27, 1444.— Jng. p. m. 22 H. VI. 19 (O.B.). On that 
 day — as appears from an Inq. p. m. teken at Whitechapel, Middlesex, on 
 August 21, 1444 — his heir male, Edmund Beaufort Marquis of Dorset, was of 
 the age of thirty-eight years and upwards. — Inq. p. m. 22 H. VI. 19 (O.B.). 
 
IX. HENKY VI. PART I. 219 
 
 by Edmund Beaufort's opposition. TJpon this matter Halle made the 
 following comment, the paraphrase of which by Holinshed I quote : ^ 
 
 [Sol. iii. 6I2/2/22. Halle, 179.] The duke of Yorke, perceiuing [Enmity of 
 his euill will, openlie dissembled that which he inwardlie minded, puntagenet 
 
 and Edmund 
 
 either of them working things to the others displeasure ; till, through Beaufort] 
 malice and diuision betweene them, at length by mortall warre 
 they were both consumed, with almost all their whole lines and 
 ofspring. 
 
 Act II. so. V. — The historical Edmund Mortimer, fifth Earl of 
 March, was, in his youth, under the care and control of Henry Prince 
 of Wales.^ He was not imprisoned when Henry succeeded to the 
 throne, — as was the dramatic Mortimer (11. 23-25), — but served in 
 France, and bore offices of trust.^ On April 27, 1423,* he was 
 appointed Lieutenant in Ireland, and held that post until his death on 
 January 19, 1425. The "Nestor-like aged" Mortimer, with "Feet, 
 whose strength-lesse stay is numme " (11. 6, 13), was taken from a brief 
 obituary notice of him, under the year 1424. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 589/2/73. Halle, 128.] During the same season, 
 Edmund Mortimer, the last earle of March [p. 590] of that name, [The last 
 
 ' L^ J > Mortimer 
 
 (which long time had beene restreined from his libertie, and finaUie ^aroh'died 
 waxed lame,^) deceassed without issue ; whose inheritance descended ^^^ek wm 
 
 1 The passage immediately preceding this quotation is given at p. 252 
 below. 
 
 2 In 1409 the " custodia et gubernatio " — i. e. the jailorship, as the context 
 shows — of March was transferred from Sir John Pelham to Heniy Prince of 
 Wales. — Bymer, viii. 608 ; cp. viii. 639. 
 
 8 The muster-roll of the army which went to France in 1417 shows that 
 March was followed by 93 lances and 302 archers. — Gesta, App. 266. In the 
 same year he was captain of Mantes. — Ibid., 277. At Katharine's coronation 
 (February 21, 1421) he was "knelyng on the hye deys on the ryght syde of 
 the queue and held a cepture in hys bond of the quenys." — Cfreg., 139. To 
 the same effect ^"06., 586. During the year 1423 March's presence in the 
 Council is often recorded. — Proc. Priv. Co., ui. 21, et passim. 
 
 * Proe. Priv. Co., iii. 68. His patent is dated May 9, 1423. — Bymer, x. 
 282-285. He died at Trim Castle, Co. M.ea,th.— Greg., 158. March was a 
 dangerous possible rival of the House of Lancaster on account of his inherited 
 title to the throne ; and we find that Henry V. did not suffer him " comitivam 
 regiam excedere." When, therefore, March attended the Parliament of 1423-24 
 with a very large retinue, the Council had misgivings, and sent him into 
 honourable bani^ment as Lieutenant of Ireland. — Chron. Giles {Hen. VI.), 6. 
 He had been appointed to this post in 1423, but it appears from Bymer (x. 
 319) that ships for his transport to Ireland were not ordered until February 
 14, 1424. 
 
 s I suspect that Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, has been confounded 
 with Sir John Mortimer, who, according to Halle (128) was the Earl's cousin. 
 Sir John Mortimer had been imprisoned in the Tower, whence, about April, 
 1422, he escaped. Having been soon captured, he was committed to Pevensey 
 
220 
 
 IX. HENRy VI. PART I. 
 
 Bichard 
 
 Flantage- 
 
 net] 
 
 [Richard 
 Flantagenet 
 heir to Darl 
 Edmund.] 
 
 to the lord Richard Plantagenet, sonne aad heire to Richard earle 
 of Cambridge, beheaded (as before yee haue heard) at the towne 
 of Southampton. 
 
 Mortimer says to Richard (1. 96) ; 
 
 Thou art my Seire ; the rest I wish thee gather. 
 
 Halle-^who was Holinshed's authority for Mortimer's imprisonment 
 — ^adds a few words touching Richard's subsequent course : 
 
 \HallR, 128.] Whiche Richard, within lease then .xxx. yeres, 
 as Imire, to this erle Edmowd, in open parliament claimed the 
 croune and scepter of this realme, as hereafter shall more 
 manifestly appere.^ 
 
 Act III. sc. i.— I have quoted above (pp. 209, 212, 213) three of the 
 articles exhibited against Winchester by Gloucester j which, in the 
 opening lines of this scene, the former calls " deepe premeditated 
 Lines," and "written Pamphlets studiously deuis'd." Gloucester 
 brands his rival with sundry vices ^ (11. 14-20), and then makes a 
 specific charge (11. 21-23) : 
 
 And for thy Trecherie, what's more manifest % 
 In that thou layd'st a Trap to take my Life, 
 As well at London Bridge as at the Tower. 
 
 "Winchester, as we have seen (p. 209 above), had been accused in 
 the second article of a design to remove the King from Eltham ; and 
 the third article contained the charge in 11. 21-23, arising out of the 
 purposed abduction of Henry VI. 
 
 \Hol. iii. 591/2/12. Salh, 131.J 3 Item, that where my said 
 
 Castle, and was afterwards sent again to the Tower. — feoAeguer Issviies, 373, 
 377, 384, 389. From a petition, addressed by him to the Comraoiis of the 
 Parliament which assembled at Westminster on Dec. 1, 1421, we learn that he 
 was heavily ironed diirmg his confinement in the Tower.^-JJot. Pari., iv, 
 I6O/2. Another petition-^oonjecturally assigned by Niepl^s to the year 1421 
 — was preferred by his wife Ele^npr to the Duke of Bedford and the Conncil, 
 "istating that her husband was imprisoned underground in the Tower, where 
 he had neither light nor air, and could not long exist ; praying that he 
 might be removed to the prison above-ground, in custody, as he was on 
 his first committal, whence he would not attempt to escape. "r—Proe. Prio. 
 Co., ii., pp. xxxLii., 311, 312. In February, 1424, hp was charged with 
 having asserted "that the erle of Marche shulde be kyng, by ryghl of 
 Enherytajmce, and that he hymselfe was nexte rygbtfull heyre to the aay4 
 (Browne, after the sayde Erie of Marche ; wherfore, if thp sayd Erie wold nat 
 take vpon hym the Growne, & rule of the Lande, he sayd that he ellys wpldj^.'^ 
 — Fab., ii. 5^3. On Feb. 26, 1424, judgment was delivered against $ir John. 
 ^-Bot. Pari., iv. 202/2. On the same day, apparently, he was belie£»ded. — 
 Ch/ron. Aue. Ign., 6, 7. Halle records (128) the execution, but says nothing 
 about the imprisonment, of Sir John Mortimer. 
 
 ^ See p. 255 below. 
 
 2 Halle's character of Winchester is given in an excerpt illustrating 2 Hen. 
 VI., III. iii. (p. 269 below). 
 
IX. HENRY TL PART I. 221 
 
 lord of Glocester, (to whome of all persons that should be in the 
 land, by the waie of nature afld birth, it belongeth to see the 
 gouemance of the kings person,) informed of the said vndue 
 purpose of my said lord of Winchester, (declared in the article next {Winchester 
 
 u6S6u 
 
 abouesaid,) and, in letting thereof, determining to haue gone to Brito"with 
 Eltham vnto the king to haue prouided as the cause required ; my p,S|^osS^°' 
 said lord of Winchester, vntrulie, and against the kings peace, to aStirof*''* 
 the intent to trouble my said lord of Glocester going to the king, who was ' 
 purposing his death, in case that he had gone that iraie, set men ^J*'^^*° 
 of armes and archers at the end of London bridge next Suthworke ; re^Jj'' 
 and, in forebarrmg of the kings high waie, let draw the chaine of 
 the stoupes there, and set vp pipes and hurdles in manner and 
 forme of bulworks ; and set men in chambers, cellars, & windowes, 
 with bowes and arrowes and other weapons, to the intent to bring 
 finall destruction to my said lord of Glocester's person, as well as 
 of those that then should come with him. 
 
 While Heiiry preaches peace to his unruly uncles, a " noyse within, 
 ' Down with the Tawny-Coats ! ' ", is heard ; followed by a " noyse 
 lagaine, ' Stones ! Stones ! ' " The Mayor of London entering announces 
 (U. 78-83) that 
 
 The Bishop and the Duke of Glosters men, 
 
 Forbidden late to carry any Weapon, 
 
 Haue fill'd their Pockets full of peeble stones, 80 
 
 And, banding themselues in contrary parts, 
 
 Doe pelt so fast at one anothers Pate, 
 
 That many haue their giddy braynes knockt out : . . . 
 
 I'abyan says (596) that the Parliament which witnessed the 
 reconciliation of Gloucester and Winchester 
 
 was clepyd of the Comon people the Parlyame^t of Battes : the 
 cause was, for Proclamacyons were made, that men shulde leue 
 theyr Swerdes & other wepeyns in theyr Innys,^ the people toke [When other 
 great battes & stauys in theyr neckes, and so folowed theyr lordes were fmbid- 
 and maisters vnto the Parlyament. And whan that wepyn was retimerekt 
 Inhybyted theym, then they toke stonys & plummettes of lede, & ^4°them- 
 trussyd them secretely in theyr sleuys & bosomys. rtonaLT'*^ 
 
 1 When Gloucester's and Winchester's servants " skirmish againe," the 
 Mayor is obliged " to make open Proclamation," whereby they are forbidden 
 " to weare, handle, or vse any Sword, Weapon, Or bagger hence-folwatd, vpon 
 pame of death."— 1 Sen. VI., I. iii. 71, &c, Cp. p. 213 above. 
 
223 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 [The 
 
 Londoners 
 obliged to 
 shnt their 
 Eftiopa.] 
 
 fWinehes- 
 ter's excul- 
 pation.] 
 
 (Glonces- 
 
 tert 
 
 answer.] 
 
 [Then they 
 were to take 
 ^each other 
 hy the 
 hand.] 
 
 The Mayor complains also that 
 
 Our Windowes are broke downe in euery Street, 84 
 
 And wey/or/eare, compell'd to shut our Shops. 
 
 In 1425, when Grloucester and Winchester were at open strife, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 590/2/69. Halle, 130.] the citizens of London were 
 faine to keeps dailie and nightlie watches, arid to shut vp their 
 shops, forfeare of that which was doubted to haue insued of their 
 [Gloucester's and Winchester's] assembling of people about them. 
 
 Several columns of Holinshed are filled with the formal documents ^ 
 pertaining to the reconciliation of Gloucester and "Winchester (II. 106- 
 143). The quarrel was submitted to the arbitration of a committee of 
 the Upper House, which wound up the matter by a decree 
 
 [Rol. iii. 595/1/64. Halle, 137.] that the said lord of Win- 
 chester should haue these words that follow Tnto my said lord of 
 Glocester : " My lord of Glocester, I haue conceiued to my great 
 "heauinesse, that yee should haue receiued by diuerse reports, 
 " that I should haue purposed and imagined against your person, 
 " honor, and estate, in diuers maners ; for the which yee haue 
 " taken against me great displeasure : Sir, I take God to my 
 " witnesse, that what reports so euer haue beene to you of me, 
 " (peraduenture of such as haue had no great affection to me, God 
 " forgiue it them !) I neuer imagined, ne purposed anie thing that 
 "might be hindering or preiudice to your person, honor, or estate ; 
 " and therefore I praie you, that yee be vnto me good lord from 
 "this time foorth : for, by my will, I gaue neuer other occasion, nor 
 "purpose not to doo hereafter, by the grace of God." The which 
 words so by him said, it was decreed by the same arbitrators, that 
 my lord of Glocester should answer and sale : " Faire Tncle, sith 
 " yee declare you such a man as yee sale, I am right glad that it 
 "is so, and for such a man I take you." And when this was 
 doone, it was decreed by the same arbitrators, that euerie each of 
 my lord of Glocester, and Winchester, should take either other by 
 the hand, in the presence of the king and all the parlement, in 
 signe and token of good lone & accord ; the which was doone, and 
 the parlement adiorned till after Easter. 
 
 1 The reconciliation of Gloucester and Winchester took place on March 12, 
 U26.-Bot. Farl., iv. 297/i. 
 
Tork.1 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 223 
 
 GlouoestOT and Winchester having made a truce, Henry wills that 
 " Richard be restored to his Blood " (1. 159), and therefore creates him 
 "Princely Duke of Yorke" (1. 173). Passing from the subject of 
 Gloucester's reconciliation with Winchester, HoUnshed proceeds thus : 
 
 [Hoi. iii 695/2/30. Halle, 138.] But, when the great fier of 
 this dissention, betweene these two noble personages, was thus by 
 the arbitrators (to their knowledge and iudgement) vtterlie 
 quenched out, and laid vnder boord, all other controuersies 
 betweene other lords, (taking part with the bne partie or the other,) 
 were appeased, and brought to concord ; so that for ioy ^ the king 
 caused a solemne fest to be kept on Whitsundaie ; on which daie 
 he created Richard Plantagenet, sonne and heire to the erle of ^^„et 
 Cambridge, (whome his father at Southhampton had put to death, JJ^^of 
 as before yee haue heard,) duke of Yorke ; ^ not foreseeing that this 
 preferment should be his destruction, nor that his seed should of 
 his generation be the extreame end and finall conclusion. 
 
 Having reinstated Richard Plantagenet, Henry accepts Gloucester's 
 advice " to be Crown'd in France " (1. 180) without delay ; and hears 
 that the ships which form the royal fleet " alreadie are in readinesse " 
 (1. 186). Gloucester and Winchester were reconciled during the 
 session of a Parliament which met at Leicester on February 18, 1426, 
 and Henry was crowned at Paris on December 16, 1431.* 
 
 AU now depart except Exeter, who stays to anticipate the renewal 
 of dissension, and the fulfilment of a "fatall Prophecie" (11. 195-199), 
 
 Which, in the time of Henry nam'd the Fift, 
 Was in the mouth of euery sucking Babe ; 
 That Henry home at Monmouth should winne all, 
 And Hewry horns at Windsor loose all. 
 
 The prophecy is thus recorded : 
 
 [Hal. iii. 581/i/68. Halle, 108.] This yeare [1421], at Windsore, 
 
 1 Henry was then about five years old. The dramatist did not much 
 exceed his authority by ma^ng the King mediate so eloquently between 
 Winchester and Gloucester. 
 
 2 That Richard was not created Duke of York at the Parliament of 
 Leicester — which met on February 18, 1426 — appears from a patent dated 
 February 26, 1425, whereby the King grants to Queen Katharine a house in 
 London formerly belonging to Edmund Earl of March, "in manibus nostris 
 ratione Minoris aetatis carissimi Consanguinei nostri Duels Eborum ezistens, 
 Habendum & Tenendum eidem Matri nostrsa Hospitium prsedictum, durante 
 Miaori setate praedicti Ducis," . . .—Bymer, x. 342. Eapin suggested {Hist. 
 Eng., ed. Tindal, 1732, voL i. p. 545, col. 1) that the mistake arose from 
 Richard having been made a knight at Leicester, in May, 1426 {Bymer, x. 356 
 cp. X. 358). ' Jovmwl, xv. 433, 434. 
 
224 
 
 rX. HENRY VI. PART L 
 
 Windsore, 
 The birth of 
 king Henrie 
 the sixt. 
 
 King ffenrie 
 Tprophesieth 
 qfhis i(mne. 
 
 An excellent 
 finesse in 
 loan'e [ ; a 
 castle taken 
 by means of 
 six men 
 disguised as 
 peasants, 
 and an 
 ambush]. 
 
 on the dale of saint Nicholas [Dec. 6], in Decembei*, the queene 
 was deliuered of a sonne named Henrie ; whose godfathers were 
 lohn duke of Bedford, and Henrie bishop of Winchester, and 
 laquet, or (as the Frenchmen called hir) laqueline, of Bauier, 
 countesse of Holland, was his godmother. The king, being certified 
 hereof, as he laie at siege before Meaux, gaue God thanks ; in that 
 it had pleased his diuine prouidence to send him a sonne, which 
 might succeed in his crowne and scepter. But, when he heard 
 reported the place of his natiuitie, were it that he Piad been] 
 warned by some prophesie, or had some foreknowledge, or else 
 iudged himselfe of his soimes fortune, he said vnto the lord Fitz 
 Hugh, his trustie chamberleine, these words : " My lord, I Hmrie, 
 " home at Monmouth, shall small time reigne, & much get ; amd 
 " Senrie, borne at Windsore, shall long reigne, and all loose ; but, as 
 "Godwin, so be it." 
 
 Act III. so. ii. — No date can be assigned to this scene. Chronology 
 and facts are ntterly scorned. Eouen was not surprised and recovered, 
 but willingly received Charles VII. within its walls on October 19, 
 1449.^ Joan, by whom the dramatic capture of Kouen is effected, was 
 burnt there on May 30, 1431 ;2 and on December 16 of the same year 
 took place the coronation of Henry at Paris, which Talbot proposes; 
 aittending (11. 128, 129). If 1431 be accepted as the time of this 
 scene, — the real circumstances attending our loss of the Norman capital 
 being ignored, — Bedford's death at Eouen (U. 110-114) is antedated, 
 for that event happened on September 14, 1435.^ 
 
 The fictitious capture of Eouen was, perhaps, an adaptation of a 
 story told by Holinshed, upon Halle's (197) authority. In 1441 * 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6I9/2/69. Salle, 197.] Sir Francis the Arragonois, 
 hearing of that chance [the loss of Evreux], apparelled six strong 
 fellowes, like men of the countrie, with sacks and baskets, as cariers 
 of corne and vittels ; and sent them to the castell of Cornill, in the 
 which diuerse Englishmen were kept as prisoners ; and he, [p. 620] 
 with an ambush of Englishmen, laie in a vallie nigh to the fortresse. 
 
 The six counterfet husbandmen entered the castell ynsuspected, 
 
 » Jowrnal, xv. 550. ^ Pnch, ix. 186-188. ■ 
 
 3 JovA-nal, XV. 465. Or between 2 and 3 a.m. on the 16th..— Ch-eg., 177. 
 * It appears from Halle (197) that not much time had elapsed between the 
 suirender of Evreux to the French and the surprise of this castle by the 
 English. Evreux was yielded by us OH September 14, 1441.— /owrtwrf, 
 XV. 518. 
 
IX. HENKY VI, PART I. 225 
 
 and streight came to the chamber of the capteine, & laieng hands 
 on him, gaue knowledge to them that laie in ambush to come to 
 their aid. The which suddenlie made foorth, and entered the 
 castell, slue and tooke all the Frenchmen, and set the Englishmen 
 at libertie : . . . 
 
 Fabyan's account of this stratagem (615) may also have been con- 
 sulted. He says that Sir Francis 
 
 sette a Busshement nere vnto y* sayd Castell, and in the Dawnynge [a oastie 
 of the mornynge arayed .iiii.^ of his Sowdyours in Husbandemewnes ^^^gli^g™' 
 Aray, and sent theym with Sakkes fylled with dyuers Frutes to oflFer men^^cmr- 
 
 to sell to the Occupyers of the Castell, The whiche, whan they ami^sp°eiai- 
 _ were comyn to the Gate, and by the langage taken for Frenshmen, 
 anone withoute Susspicion were taken in, and seynge that fewe 
 folkes were stirrynge, helde the Porter muet whyle one gaue the 
 foresayd Busshment knowlege, . . . 
 
 An incident of the betrayal of Le Mans to the French (see p. 216 
 above) may have suggested the means employed by Joan to apprize 
 Charles that the gates of Rouen were open. Compare, with the closing 
 words of my next excerpt, the stage direction after 1. 25 (" Enter 
 Pucell on the top, thrusting out a Torch hwrnvng "), and 11, 21-30, The 
 French 
 
 \Hol. iii. 598/1/46. Halle, 142.] in the night season approched 
 towards the walles, making a little fire on an hill, in sight of the j^nj^^ 
 towne, to signifie their comming ; which perceiued by the citizens ^*°^-^ 
 that neere to the great church were watching for the same, a 
 hu/ming cresset was shewed md of the steeple ; which suddenlie was 
 put out and quenched. 
 
 Talbot swears to recover Rouen or die, 
 
 As sure as in this late betrayed Towne, 
 
 Great Cordelions Heart was buryed (U. 82, 83). 
 
 Richard I. 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 156/1/11.] willed his heart to be conueied vnto uatth. 
 
 Rouen, and there buried ; in testimonie of the loue which he had [Hohard i/s 
 
 euer borne vnto that citie for the stedfast faith and tried loialtie at Eouen.] 
 at all times found in the citizens there. 
 
 1 In Act III., sc. ii., Joan enters " with/oure Souldiers." She anawers the 
 watchman's challenge with a few words spoken in French (1. 13). 
 
226 IX. HENRY VI. PABT I. 
 
 Bedford, who has been " brought in sicke in a Chayre " (1. 40), 
 determines to "sit before the Walls of Eoan" (1. 91), awaiting the 
 issue of an attempt to regain the city, for he has " read " 
 
 That stout Pendragon, in his Litter, sick, 
 Came to the field, and vanquished his foes : 
 Me thinkes I should reuiue the Souldiers hearts 
 Because I euer found them as my selfe. — 11. 95-98. 
 
 Geoffrey of Monmouth (VIII. xxii. 154, &o.) attributes this heroic 
 deed to TJter Pendragon, but Boece's version (152/49 b, &c.) of the story 
 — which Holinshed followed — is that Pendragon's brother, Aurelius 
 Ambrosius, 
 
 d^oi?r" [Sol. ii. H. S. 99/1/67.] euen sicJee as he was, caused himselfe 
 
 ea?riefsiok to bc caried forth in a Utter; with whose presence his people were 
 tattle.]'' " so incouraged, that, incountring with the Saxons, they wan thQ 
 victorie, . . . 
 
 Act III. sc. iii. — ^In August, 1435, representatives of England and 
 Prance met at Arras to discuss terms of peace. When this negotiation 
 failed, Burgundy, whose attachment to his English allies had long been 
 cooling, abandoned their cause, and soon afterwards turned his arms 
 against them.i September 21, 1435, is the date ^ of the instrument by 
 which he made peace with Charles VII. Joan — who is the dramatic 
 agent of their reconciliation — died on May 30, 1431. ^ 
 
 Joan proposes inducing Burgundy to forsake Talbot (11. 17-20). 
 Charles answers (11. 21-24) : 
 
 I, marry. Sweeting, if we could doe that. 
 Prance were no place for Henryes Warriors ; 
 Nor should that Nation boast it so with vs, 
 But be extirped from our Prouinces. 
 
 Alenfon adds : 
 
 For euer should they be expuls'd from France, . . . 
 
 Perhaps these lines echo part of a speech which Halle — translating 
 Polydore Vergil (485/16-24) — ^makes Charles address — ^in or about 
 1435 — to Burgundy, whom the King complimented by saying that now 
 there could be no question 
 
 S^'^Jheip [Salle, 177.] hit by your helpe and aide, we shall expell, cleane 
 shLfbf"''' pull vp hy the notes, and put out, all the Englyshe nacion, out of 
 S " our realmes, territories, and dominions. 
 
 Fiance.] 
 
 Joan's appeal to Burgundy's patriotism shakes him, and he yields 
 when she uses the following argument as a proof that the English paid 
 no regard to his interests (11. 69-73). 
 
 1 He besieged Calais in 1436.— -Mms., vi. 285-310. 
 
 " Mons., VI. 221. ' See p. 224 above. 
 
IX. HENfiY VI. PART I. 227 
 
 Was not the Duke of Orleance thy Foe? 
 And was he not in England Prisoner t 
 But, when they heard he was thine Enemie, 
 They set him free without his Eansome pay'd, 
 In spight of Burgonie and all his friends. 
 
 My next excerpt shows that these lines are at variance with historic 
 facts: 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6I8/2/11. Halle, 192.] Philip, duke of Burgognie, 
 partlie mooued in conscience to make amends to Charles duke of 
 Orleance (as yet prisoner in England) for the death of duke Lewes [Burgundy 
 his father, whome duke lohn, father to this duke Philip, cruellie Sse*° 
 murthered in the citie of Paris ; and partlie intending the aduance- t">m. 
 
 ° captivity.] 
 
 ment of his neece, the ladie Marie, daughter to Adolfe duke of 
 Cleue, (by the which aliance, he trusted, that all old rancor should 
 ceasse,) contriued waies to haue the said duke of Orleance set at 
 libertie, vpon promise by him made to take the said ladie Marie 
 vnto wife. This duke had beene prisoner in England euer since [Orleans had 
 the battell was fought at Agincourt, vpon the dale of Crispine and ^\a 
 Crispinian, in the yeare 1415, and was set now at libertie in the ^^"'^ 
 moneth of Nouember, in the yeare 1440;^ paieng for his ransome 
 foure hundred thousand crownes, though other saie but three 
 hundred thousand. 
 
 The cause whie he was deteined so long in captiuitie, was to (He wa» 
 
 ° '^ detained 
 
 pleasure thereby the duke of Burgognie : for, so long as the duke b^^*"^!- ] 
 
 of Burgognie continued faithfiill to the king of England, it was not 
 
 thought necessarie to suffer the duke of Orleance to be ransomed, 
 
 least vpon his deliuerance he would not ceasse to seeke meanes to 
 
 be reuenged vpon the duke of Burgognie, for the old grudge and 
 
 displeasure betwixt their two families ; and therefore such ransome 
 
 was demanded for him as he was neuer able to pay. But, after the [To punish 
 
 Burgundy 
 
 duke of Burgognie had broken his promise, and was turned to the forhis 
 French part, the councell of the king of England deuised how to pro^gf^'* 
 deliuer the duke of Orleance, that thereby they might displeasure ^^n^so 
 the duke of Buigognie.^ Which thing the duke of Burgognie per- p^^ 
 
 * Orleans was released from custody on October 28, 1440, at "Westminster. 
 —Bymer, x. 823. He was out of England (ep. 1 Men. VI., III. iii. 70) on 
 November 12, Um—Ibid., 829. 
 
 * MaUe, 194. I know not Salle's authority for attributing this design to 
 
228 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 Orleans's 
 ransom,] 
 
 lohn lord 
 Talbot 
 created earle 
 of Shrews- 
 burie. 
 
 [Names of 
 those 
 present 
 when Henry 
 was crowned 
 at Paris.] 
 
 King_ Hertrie 
 th£ 8ixt 
 crowned in 
 Paris. 
 
 ceiuing, doubted what might follow if he were deliuered without 
 
 his knowledge, and therefore to his great cost practised his deliuer- 
 
 ance, paid his ransome, and ioined with him amitie and aliance by 
 
 mariage of his neece. 
 
 Act III. so. iv. — Talbot presents himself before his sovereign, who 
 rewards his services by creating him Earl of Shrewsbury (11. 25, 26). 
 The new Earl is bidden to Henry's coronation (1. 27), though that 
 ceremony took place in 1431, and Talbot's advancement — ^recorded in 
 the passage quoted below — is placed by Holinshed among the events 
 of 1442. 
 
 \Hol. iii. 623/2/9. Halle, 202.] About this season, lohn, the 
 
 valiant lord Talbot, for his approued prowesse and wisdome, aswell 
 
 in England as in France, both in peace & warre so well tried, was 
 
 created earle of Shrewesburie ; ^ and with a companie of three 
 
 thousand men sent againe into Normandie, for the better defense 
 
 of the same. 
 
 Act lY. sc. i. — " Enter King, Glocester, Winchester, Yorke, 
 Suffolke, Somerset, Warwicke, Talbot, Exeter, and Gouernor of 
 Paris." 2 This entry should be compared with the list given by 
 Holinshed of those present at Henry's coronation in Paris.^ 
 
 \Hol. iii. 6O6/1/20. Halle, 160.] There were in his companie 
 of his owne nation, his vncle the cardinall of Winchester, the 
 cardinall and archbishop of Yorke, the dukes of Bedford, Yorke, 
 and Norffolke, the carles of Warwike, Salisburie, Oxenford, 
 Huntington, Ormond, Mortaigne, and Suffolke. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6O6/1/44. Halle, 161. J he was crowned king of 
 France, in our ladie church of Paris, by the cardinall of Winchester : 
 the bishop of Paris not being contented that the cardinall should 
 doo such an high ceremonie in his church and iurisdiction. 
 
 the Council. Burgundy did not discharge Orleans's ransom, but merely 
 authorized the Duchess of Burgundy to make herself responsible for the pay- 
 ment of 30,000 crowns, — which formed part of the ransom, — if the Dauphin 
 Lewis failed to become Orleans's pledge for the acquittance of that amount. — 
 Bymer, x. 788. 
 
 1 On May 20, IU2.— Charter-roll, 1-20 H. VI. (0. B.). 
 
 2 Exeter, and Gouefrnor of Parisi] and Oouemor Exeter. Fi. 
 
 3 Gloucester was in England when Henry was crowned at Paris. He was 
 appointed Lieutenant of England during the King's absence from the realm. — 
 Froe. Priv. Co., iv. 40. " Somerset " was Edmund Beaufort, then Earl of 
 Mortain. Talbot was a prisoner of war in 1431 (see pp. 213, 214 above). 
 Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, died about five years before Henry's corona- 
 tion at Paris (see p. 235 below). The French Governor of Paris (11. 3-8) is a 
 fictitious personage. 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 229 
 
 Opinion was converted into very vigorous action when Talbot tore 
 the Garter from the leg of " Falstaffe " (so spelt in the entry, 1. 8). 
 Holinshed merely says that, " for doubt of misdealing " at the battle of 
 Patay (see pp. 207, 208 above), Bedford took from Sir John Pastolfe 
 
 [Rol. iii. 6OI/2/50. Ralle, 150.] the image of saint George, [.^t^^a'to'' 
 
 and his garter; though afterward, by meanes of freends, and *'^*°if''i 
 
 apparant causes of good excuse, the same were to him againe 
 
 deliuered against the mind of the lord Talbot.^ 
 
 Falstaffe had brought with him a letter from Burgundy ; " plaine 
 and bluntly " addressed " To the King," whom the Duke does not call 
 " his Soueraigne" (11. 51, 52). Gloucester reads the letter, which runs 
 thus (11. 55-60) : 
 
 I haue, vpon especiall cause, 
 Mou'd with compassion of my Countries wracke. 
 Together with the pittifuU complaints 
 Of such as your oppression feedes vpon. 
 Forsaken your pernitious Faction, 
 And ioyn'd with Charles, the rightful! king of France. 
 
 Having made peace with Charles, 
 
 [Eol. iii. 6II/2/SS. Halle, 177.] the duke of Burgognie, to £J™«°°/°' 
 
 set a veile before the king of Englands eies, sent Thoison Dore his ^^7* 
 
 cheefe herald to king Henrie with letters ; excusing the matter by ITi^d^s 
 
 way of information, that he was constreined to enter in this league ma^ ™ 
 
 with K. Charles, by the dailie outcries, complaints, and lamenta- ch»ries.] 
 tions of his people, alledging against him that he was the onlie 
 cause of the long continuance of the wars, to the vtter impouerish- 
 ing of his owne people, and the whole nation of France. . . . 
 
 . . . Thesuperscriptionofthisletter was thus: 'Tb^Ae high and [ihesuper- 
 
 ■^ * , Bcnption of 
 
 " mightie prince, Henrie, by the grace of God, king of England, his ^^ ''""•' 
 " welbeloued cousine." Neither naming him king of France, nor his 
 souereigne lord, according as (euer before that time) he was accus- 
 tomed to doo. This letter was much maruelled at of the councell, 
 after they had throughlie considered all the contents thereof, & 
 they could not but be much disquieted ; so far foorth that diuerse ingeTof *"'* 
 of them stomaked so muche the vntruth^ of the duke, that cSn.] 
 they could not temper their passions, but openlie called him traitor. 
 
 1 The restoration of the Garter to Fastolfe caused "grand d^bat" between him 
 and Talbot, after the latter's release from captivity in 1433. — Mans., v. 230. 
 
 2 them stomaked so nmche the vntruth] Hoi. ed. 1. them offended so much 
 tvith the imtruth Hoi. ed. 2. 
 
230 IX. HENEY VI. PAET I. 
 
 When the letter has been read, Henry bids Talbot march against 
 Burgundy " straight," and make him feel " what offence it is to flout 
 his Friends " (1. 75). Toison d'Or was sent back to his master with the 
 verbal message that, " what a new reconciled enimie was in respect of an 
 old tried freend," Burgundy " might shortlie find" {Eol. iii. 6I2/1/30). 
 
 After playing the part of umpire in the strife of the Eoses, Henry 
 says (11. 162-168): 
 
 Cosin of Yorke, we institute your Grace 
 
 To be our Regent in these parts of France : 
 
 And, good my Lord of Somerset, vnite 
 
 Your Troopes of horsemen with his Bands of f oote ; 
 
 Go cheerefully together, and digest 
 Your angry OhoUer on your Enemies. 
 
 There is some historical warrant for this speech. In 1443, John 
 Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, received military commands in France and 
 Guienne, without prejudice to the authority of York, who was then 
 Lieutenant-General and Governor of France and Normandy. An 
 invasion of Normandy by the French was apprehended, and York was 
 desired to assist Somerset. ^ I give excerpts wherein mention is made 
 of a joint campaign conducted by York and Somerset ; premising that 
 the date (20th of Henry VI.) is too early, and that Halle — ^whom 
 Holinshed followed — wrongly attributed to Edmund Beaufort (the 
 dramatic " Somerset ") operations which were carried out by Edmund's 
 brother, John Beaufort. 
 
 [Invasion of \H.ol. iii. 619/1/2. SolU, 194] In the beginning of this 
 
 Ai^ou by ^ ■ 
 
 somCTMti t^sntith [xix. — E.all6\ yeare, Richard duke of Yorke, regent of 
 France, and gouemour of Normandie, determined to inuade the 
 territories of his enimies both by sundrie armies, and in seuerall 
 places, and therevpon without delaie of time he sent the lord of 
 Willoughbie with a great crue of soldiers to destroie the countrie 
 of Amiens ; and lohn lord, Talbot was appointed to besiege the 
 towne of Diepe; and the regent himselfe, accompanied with 
 Edmund duke of Summerset, set forward into the duchie of 
 Aniou. . . . 
 
 [Anjouand The dukcs of Yorke and Summerset . . . entered into Aniou 
 
 Maine 
 
 Yo^lnd'^ and Maine, and there destroied townes, and spoiled the people, and 
 Somerset] ^jtij grgat prclcs and prisoners repaired agaiue into Normandie, . . . 
 
 Act IV. sec. ii.-vii. — Since the historical time of the last scene 
 ranges from 1431 to 1443, it is impossible to determine the historic 
 
 ' Frm. Priv. Co., v. 255 ; 259-261. Cp. Cont. Croyl, 519. 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 231 
 
 interval between sc. i., Act IV., and the scenes in which Talbot's 
 expedition to Guienne is dramatized. The dramatic interval being of 
 uncertain length, an audience might suppose that, after chastising 
 Burgundy, as the King bade (see p. 230 above), Talbot rashly undertook 
 to widen the circle of English conquest by the reduction of Bordeaux. 
 But Bordeaux had belonged to us for nearly three centuries before it 
 was annexed by the Erench in 1451.1 The leaders of an English 
 party asked us to return, and, their offer having been accepted, Talbot 
 was sent to win back Guienne. Bordeaux opened its gates to him : the 
 larger portion of the Bordelois was speedily recovered, together with 
 Castillon in Perigord.^ Talbot was at Bordeaux when he heard that a 
 French army was besieging Castillon, and on July 17, 1453, he brought 
 relief to the garrison.* At his approach, the French 
 
 [Sol. iii. 640/2/46. Halle, 229.] left the siege, and retired in 
 good order into the place which they had trenched, diched, and 
 fortified with ordinance. The earle, aduertised how the siege was 
 remoued, hasted forward towards his enimies, doubting most least 
 they would haue beene quite fled and gone before his comming. 
 But they, fearing the displeasure of the French king (who was not 
 far ofi) if they should haue fled, abode the earles comming, and so The valiant 
 receiued him : who though he first with manful! courage, and sore f^""*,"^ 
 fighting wan the entrie of their campe, yet at length they com- XS"" 
 passed him about, and shooting him through the thigh with an 
 handgun, slue his horsse, and finallie killed him lieng on the 
 ground ; whome they durst neuer looke in the face, while he stood 
 on his feet. 
 
 Scenes ii.-iv. are imaginary. The story of young Talbot's devotion 
 to his father — dramatized in scenes v., vi. — is thus related : 
 
 [ffol. iii. 640/2/61. Halle, 229.] It was said, that after he 
 perceiued there was no remedie, but present losse of the battel], 
 he counselled his sonne, the lord Lisle, to sane himselfe by flight, 
 sith the same could not redound to anie great reproch in him, this 
 being the first iournie in which he had beene present. Manie 
 words he Tsed to persuade him to haue saued his life ; but nature J™^°*^a 
 so wrought in the son, that neither deske of life, nor feare of hSi.t'*"^ 
 
 1 A campaign which lasted about three months closed with the surrender 
 of Bayonne to the French in August, 1451.— Dit Glercq, xiL 89, 112. 
 
 2 D« aercq, xiii. 5-7. De Coussy, xi. 2, 3. „. ,, , .., 
 
 3 This date is confirmed by a letter written two days alter the battle. — 
 BibliotMque de VJ^cole des Chartes, 2nd series, vol. iii. pp. 246, 247. 
 
232 
 
 [Talbot 
 advised his 
 son to flee.] 
 
 A worthy 
 aaieing of a 
 wise prince. 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 death, could either cause him to shrinke, or conueie himselfe out 
 of the danger, and so there manfuUie ended his life with his said 
 father. 
 
 A few lines of old Talbot's appeal to his son (Act IV., sec. v., vi.) 
 have parallels in a speech attributed to the former by Halle (229). 
 
 Thou neuer hadst Eenowne, nor canst not lose it (v. 40). 
 
 And leaue my followers here to fight and dye ? 
 
 My Age was neuer tainted with such shame (v. 45, 46). 
 
 Flye, to reuenge my death, if I he slaine (v. 18). 
 
 My Deaths Eeuenge, thy Youth, and Englands Fame : 
 
 All these are sau'd, if thou wilt flye away (vi. 39, 41). 
 
 In the quasi-historical speech, Talbot urges that he — " the terror and 
 scourge of the French people " (cp. p. 218 above) — cannot die " without 
 great laude," or flee " without perpetuall shame " ; and he then thus 
 counsels his son ; 
 
 "But because this is thy first iourney and enterprise, neither 
 "thi flyeng shall redounde to thy shame, nor thy death to thy 
 "glory ; for as hardy a man wisely flieth as a temerarious person 
 " folishely abidethe : therfore y° fleyng of me shalbe y* dishonor 
 "not only of me & my progewie, but also a discomfiture of all my 
 ''company; thy departure shal saue thy lyfe, and make the able 
 "another tyme, if I he slayn, to reuenge my death, and to do honor 
 "to thy Prince and profjt to his Realme." 
 
 Dunois would hew to pieces the bodies, and hack asunder the bones, 
 of Talbot and young John (vii. 47). Charles's dissent from this savage 
 proposal, 
 
 Oh, no, forbeare ! For that which we haue fled 
 During the life, let vs not wrong it dead, 
 
 resembles an answer made by Lewis XI. to " oerteine vndiscreet 
 persons " who advised the defacement of Bedford's tomb at Rouen. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6I2/1/S4. Halle, 178.] "What honour shall it be to 
 "vs, or to you, to breake this monument, and to pull out of the 
 "ground the dead bones of him, whome in his life neither my 
 "father nor your progenitours, with all their power, puissance, and 
 " freends were once able to make flee one foot backward ; but by 
 "his strength, wit, and policie, kept them all out of the principall 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 233 
 
 "dominions of the realme of France, and out of this noble and 
 " famous duchie of Normandie 1 Wherefore I saie, first, God haue 
 "his soule ! and let his bodie now lie in rest ; which, when he was 
 "aliue, would haue disquieted the proudest of vs all." 
 
 The " silly stately stile " — as Joan calls it — of Talbot's dignities, 
 enumerated by Sir William Lucy when asking for " the great Alcides 
 of the field," agrees almost literally with an epitaph on Talbot in 
 Bichard Crompton's Momsion of Magnamvmitie, 1599, sign, E 4.^ I 
 give the epitaph and 11. 60-71 in parallel columns. 
 
 Here lieth the right noble knight, But where's the great Alcides of the 60 jmaipUon 
 
 lohn Talbott Earh of Shrewshwry, VaUant Lord r»»o^ .^aW« ./ ^W«. Tfl^nXt 
 
 Washford, Waterford, amd Valence, bury? SArcwrttt™ 
 
 Lord Talbot of Good^ige, and ^""^^^ ^°'' ^^ '^''^ '""""'"^ ^° 
 
 Vrchengfield, Lord Stramge of the Great Earle of Washford, Waterfiyrd, 
 
 hlacke Meere, Lord Verdon of . *^/f/?'''' ^ . ^ rr . • «. 
 ' „ ,. TTT- Zord lalbot of Goodrtg and Vrmin- 64 
 
 Alton, Lord Crumwell of Wing- field, 
 
 feld. Lord Louetoft of Worsop, ■^o'"'' Stramge of Blmkmere, Lord 
 
 Lord FvjrniuaU of Sheffield, Lord Lot^ Cromwell of Wingefieid, Lord 
 
 FaMlconbri[d'}ge, knight of the most Furniuallof Sheffeild, 
 
 17 J j: ct n a -nr- i 77 The thrice victorious Lord of Falcon- 
 noble order oj S. George, S. MichaeU, iridqe ■ 
 
 and the Golden fleece, Great Ma/r- Knight of the Noble Order of S. 68 
 
 shzll to king ffewy the sixt of his ^^^^^^ '^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^^ 
 
 realme of France : who died in the Fleece ; 
 
 battell of Burdeaux in the yeare Great Ma,rshall to Henry the si^ 
 
 T 1 -licrn Q/^ all fcs Warres Within the iJeaime 
 
 oi our Lord 1453. „/ Frarmi 
 
 1 In his Catalogtie. and Succession of the Kings, Princes, Dukes, Mourquesses, 
 Earles, and Viscmmts of this Realme of England, ed. 1619, p. 196, Balph 
 Brooke says of Talbot : " This lohn being slaine ... his body was buried in 
 a Toombe at Roane in Normandy, whereon this Epitaphe is written." The 
 epitaph which these words preface is the same as that given by Crompton ; 
 with three slight exceptions. After " Earle of Shrewsbury " Brooke has "Marie 
 of Weshford, Waterford and Valence." Brooke also omits "the" before 
 " Blakmere," and " most " before " Noble Order of S. George." From Leland 
 {Itinerary, ed. Heame, 1744, vol. iv., pt. 1, p. 23, fol. 40) we learn the follow- 
 ing particulars concerning the first interment of Talbot's body, and its sub- 
 sequent removal to England : " This John [3rd Earl of Shrewsbury] had 
 emong his Brethern one cauUid Gilbert Talbot, after a Knight of Fame, the 
 which buried the Erie his Grandfathers Bones browght out of Fraunce at 
 Whitechirche in a fair Chapelle, wher he is also buried hymself." Leland adds 
 {Itin., vol. vii., pt. 1, p. 8, fol. 15): " Talbot Erie of Shrobbesbyri and his Sonne 
 Lord Lisle slayne in Fraunce. This Erles Bones were browght out of Nor- 
 mandy to Whitchurche in Shrobbeshire." On April 9, 1874, the bones of 
 Talbot were discovered by some workmen engaged in repairing his monument 
 at Whitchurch. These remains were solemnly re-interred on April 17, 1874. 
 — Notes dk Queries, 5th S. I. 399 ; cp. 258. Crompton is the earliest known 
 authority for the epitaph I have quoted in my text. He cites in a preceding 
 
234 
 
 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 [The 
 
 Emperor 
 
 and other 
 
 Chrifitiaii 
 
 Princes 
 
 desired 
 
 mediation 
 
 between 
 
 England and 
 
 France.] 
 
 {The 
 
 Cardinal's 
 
 exhortation 
 
 to' 
 
 peace."] 
 
 Act V. sc. i. — Letters have arrived from the Pope (Eugenius IV.) 
 and the Emperor (Sigismund), whereby Henry is entreated (11. 5, 6) : 
 
 To haue » godly peace concluded of 
 
 Betweene the Eealmes of England and of France. 
 
 In 1435, during the session of the Council of Basle, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 6II/1/7. Halle, 174] motion was made among Sigis- 
 
 mmid the emperour and other christen kings . . . that, sith such 
 
 horror of bloudshed betweene the two nations continuallie so lament- 
 
 ablie raged in France, some mediation might be made for accord : . . . 
 
 The impiety of war between " Professors of one Faith" (L 14) is ex- 
 pressed in a speech which forms my next quotation ; and this speech also 
 contains the words " a godlie peace," occurring in the lines quoted above. 
 
 The English, French, and Burgundian plenipotentiaries having met 
 at Arras in August, 1435,^ " the cardinall of S. Crosse," who represented 
 Eugenius IV., 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 6II/1/40. Halle, 175.] declared to the three parties 
 the innumerable mischeefes, that had followed to the whole stata 
 of the christian common-wealth by their continuall dissention and 
 dailie discord ; exhorting them, for the honour of God, & for the 
 loue which they ought to beare towards the aduancement of his 
 faith and true religion, to conforme themselues to reason, and to 
 laie aside all rancor, malice and displeasure ; so that, in concluding 
 a godlie peace, they might receiue profit and quietnesse heere in 
 this world, and of God an euerlasting reward in heauen. 
 
 Gloucester informs Henry that, "the sooner to effect and surer 
 binde " a peace between England and France, the Earl of Armagnac 
 
 Proffers his onely daughter to your Grace 
 
 In marriage, with a large and sumptuous Dowrie. — 11. 19, 20. 
 
 The proffer here announced was made in 1442,^ — not 1435, our last 
 
 marginal note " Camden 462." The reference shows that he used the ed. of 
 Camden's Britwrmia which was published in 1594, because no previous ed. 
 contains any mention of Talbot at p. 462, and the next ed. did not appear till 
 1600. But at p. 462 of the ed. of 1594 Camden merely notices Talbot's tomb 
 at Whitchurch, and does not even quote another epitaph on Talbot once exist- 
 ing at Whitchurch, and having much less resemblance to the lines in 1 Henry 
 VI. thaa is displayed by the Rouen inscription. 
 
 1 Mons., vi. 178. Mons. says (vi. 161) : " de par notre Saint-Pfere le pape, 
 le cardinal de Saint-Croix." 
 
 2 On May 28, 1442, Robert Roos, Knight, Master Thomas Bekyngton, and 
 Edward HuU, Gentleman, were empowered to choose one of the daughters of 
 the Count of Armagnac, and espouse her to Henry. — Bymer, xi. 7. Bekyngton 
 and the other ambassadors embarked at Plymouth on July 10, 1442. — Beck- 
 ington's Embassy, 10. He returned in the following year; landing at Falmouth 
 on February 10, 1443. — BecMngton's Embassy, 89. 
 
IX. HENRY VL PART I. 235 
 
 historical date, — and John Count of Armagnac had, as the following 
 excerpt shows, a very different motive for desiring an alliance with 
 Henry.i 
 
 [Sol. iii. 623/2/S7. Kalle, 202.] In this yeare ^ died in Guien 
 the countesse of Comings, to whome the French king and also the 
 earle of Arminacke pretended to he heire, in so much that the 
 earle entred into all the lands of the said ladie. And bicause he 
 knew the French king would not take the matter well, to haue a 
 Rouland for an Oliuer he sent solemne ambassadours to the king tjhe Eaii of 
 
 o Armagnac 
 
 of England, oflFering him his daughter in mariage, with promise to a^oguto in 
 be bound (beside great summes of monie, which he would giue HeS^vrith 
 with hir) to deliuer into the king of Englands hands all such dower, and 
 
 contingent 
 
 castels and townes, as he or his ancestors deteined from him advantages.] 
 within anie part of the duchie of Aquitaine, either by conquest of 
 his progenitors, or by gift and deliuerie of anie French king ; and 
 further to aid the same king with monie for the recouerie of other 
 cities, within the same duchie, from the French king ; or from anie 
 other person that against king Henrie [p. 624] vniustlie kept, and 
 wrongfiillie withheld ^ them. 
 
 This offer seemed so profitable and also honorable to king 
 Henrie and the realme, that the ambassadours were well heard, 
 honourablie receiued, and with rewards sent home into their 
 countrie. After whome were sent, for the conclusion of the ^^^tf 
 marriage, into Guien, sir Edward Hull, sir Eobert Eos, and lohn ^f^„ 
 Grafton,* deane of S. Seuerines ; the which (as all the chronographers ^■^^Btmrie. 
 agree) both concluded the mariage, and by proxie affled the yoong 
 ladie. 
 
 Though Winchester was a Cardinal when sc. iii.. Act I., was before the 
 audience, Exeter is surprised at finding him " install'd " in that dignity, 
 and recollects a prophecy of Henry V. about the Bishop (11. 32, 33) : 
 If once he come to be a Cardinall, 
 Hee'l make his cap coequaU with the Crowne. 
 Exeter died in 1426 {Hoi iii. 595/2/73), t>^t Winchester was not 
 made a Cardinal until 1427.^ " Whyche degree," says Halle (139), 
 
 1 But what HalU says about Armagnac's proffer is inaccurate See Bech- 
 ington's Embassy, pp. xxxvii-xli. 
 
 2 The Countess of Oominges died in 1443.— jirweZme, ii. 637. 
 
 3 withheld] withholden Hoi. 
 
 * G^a/tonJ Halle. OraUon Hoi. 
 
 5 He received his hat on March 26, 14:21 .—Chron. Lmd., 115. 
 
236 IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 
 
 [Henry V. Kynge Henry the fifth, knowynge the haute corage, and the 
 
 miffer "° ambicious mynde of the man [Winchester], prohibited hym on hys 
 
 hats to be allegeaunce once either to sue for or to take i meanynge that 
 
 p™<»sm Cardinalles Hattes shoulde not presume to bee egall with Princes.^ 
 
 Holinshed copied from Halle a second series of articles containing 
 charges against Winchester, which were preferred by Gloucester in 
 1440.^ The first article was ; 
 
 ^m& i^°^- "^- 620/1/62. Ealle, 197.] 2 First, the cardinal!, then 
 
 wnchester being bishop of Winchester, tooke Tpon him the state of cardinall, 
 ca^S,i!]°' which was naied and denaied him by the king of most noble 
 memorie, my lord your father (whome God assoile) ; saieng that he 
 had as leefe set his crowne beside him, as see him weare a cardinals 
 hat, he being a cardinall. For he knew full well, the pride and 
 ambition that was in his person, then being but a bishop, should 
 haue so greatlie extolled him into more intollerable pride, when 
 that he were a cardinall : . . . 
 
 There is, I believe, no authority for representing Winchester as 
 having obtained a cardinalate by bribing the Pope (11. 51-54) ; but 
 perhaps the Bishop's subsequent wealth led to the inference that a large 
 sum must have been asked for the 
 
 Theuowpof [Hol. m. 696/2/r. Halle, 139.] habit, hat, and dignitie of a 
 
 made a cardinall, with all ceremonies to it apperteininar : which promotion, 
 
 V- ^- the late K. (right deeplie persing into the vnrestrainable ambitious 
 
 mind of the man, that euenfrom his youth was euer [wont] to checke 
 
 at the highest ; and [having] also right well ascerteined with what 
 
 intollerable pride his head should soone be swollen vnder such a 
 
 hat) did therefore all his life long keepe this prelat backe from that 
 
 presumptuous estate. But now, the king being yoong and the 
 
 regent his freend, he obteined his purpose, to his great profit, and 
 
 [Winchester the impouerfshing of the spiritualtie of this realme. For by a bull 
 
 treasure by legatinc ^, which he purchased fi-om Rome, he gathered so much 
 
 legatine.] trcasurc, that no man in maner had monie but he : so that he was 
 
 called the rich cardinall of Winchester. 
 
 Act V. sc. ii. — Charles has heard that " the stout Parisians do 
 
 1 Henry " would not that Cardinals hats shoulde in anye wise presume to 
 bee egwoZf wiih, regall crownes." — S.ol. ed. I. 
 
 2 Arnold, (279-286) contains the earliest printed text of these articles. 
 ' legatine] legcmtine Hol. 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 237 
 
 reuoU " (1. 2) ; and Alengon thereupon advises a march to Paris. Paris 
 was lost by the English before the play began (I. i. 61), but the Fourth 
 Act opened with Henry's coronation there. A sentence which concludes 
 Holinshed's account of the loss of the city in 1436 may be compared 
 with Charles's words. 
 
 [Eol. iii. 6I3/1/73. Salle, 180.] Thus was the citie of Paris S?,,-^, 
 brought into possession of Charles the French king,i through the 5?^^ the 
 vntrue demeanour of the citizens, who, contrarie to their oths, and ^"^'^'^^ 
 promised allegiance, like false and inconstant people, so reuolted 
 from the English. 
 
 Act V. sc. iii. — The action of this scene passes in Anjou (1. 147), 
 near the "Castle walles" of Ren^ (1. 129), assumed by editors to be 
 those girdling Angers. May 23, 1430, is the historic date of Joan's 
 capture. On that day she accompanied a sally from Compi6gne, — then 
 besieged by the English and Burgundians, — and was taken before she 
 could re-enter the town.^ Bedford was " Eegent " (1. 1) at the time, 
 but the dramatist killed him in Act III. sc. ii. York — whose prisoner 
 she becomes in this scene — held no such post \mtil 1436, when he 
 received the chief command in France. ^ 
 
 Suffolk's proxy-wooing of Margaret (11. 45-186) is, of course, 
 fictitious, but he arranged the marriage between her and Henry. In 
 1444, 
 
 [Rol. iii 624/i/6i. Ralle, 203.] England was vnquieted, . . . 
 
 and France by spoile, slaughter, and burning sore defaced ; (a 
 
 mischeefe in all places much lamented;) therefore, to agree the 
 
 two puissant kings, all the princes of christendome trauelled so j^^,„,„j 
 
 eflfectuouslie by their oratours and ambassadours, that a diet was ap- ^'iTtt 
 
 pointed to be kept at the citie of Tours in Touraine ; where for the XiS""' 
 
 king of England appeared William de la Poole earle of Suffolke, . 
 
 and France. 
 
 1 On April 13, 1436.— Jowrma?, xv. 471. 
 
 ^ In a letter to Henry VI., the Duke of Burgundy announces her capture 
 on May 23. — Chron. Land., 170. 
 
 3 In the address of a letter from Henry, dated on May 12 (1436, wrongly 
 placed under 1433), York is styled " oure lieutenant of cure reume of France 
 and duchie of Normandie." — Stevenson, II., part 1, Ixxiii. In this letter York 
 is urged to assume his government without longer delay. The issue roll (cited 
 in Eamsay's York and Lancaster, i. 484, note 5) shows that he must have sailed 
 soon after May 24, 1436. On April 7, 1437, the indentures, by which York 
 agreed to undertake the lieutenancy of France and Normandy, had nearly 
 expired, but he was asked to remain at his post until a successor should be 
 appointed. — Proc. Priv. Co., v. 6, 7. The appointment of his successor, Kichard 
 Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, is dated July 16, 1437. — Rymer, x. 674. War- 
 wick died in office on April 30, 1439 {Ohron. Land., 124); and, on July 2, 
 1440, York was made Lieutenant-General and Governor of France, Normandy, 
 &c., for a term of five years ending at Michaelmas, 1445. — Bymer, x. 736. 
 
238 IX, HENRY VI. . PART I. 
 
 railing to agree upon the terms of a peace, the commissioners 
 negotiated a truce. 
 
 [Eol. iii. 624/2/18. Ealle, 203.] In treating of this truce, the 
 earle of Suffolke, aduenturing somewhat vpon his commission, with- 
 out the assent of his associats, imagined that the next waie to 
 M^ged a come to a perfect peace was to contriue a mariage betweene the 
 tetoeaf French kings kinsewoman,^ the ladie Margaret, daughter to Reiner 
 andS^liTy.] dukc of Aniou, and his souereigne lord king Henrie. 
 
 Act V. sc. iv. — Entering fully into the spirit of the following 
 passages, the dramatist was not satisfied to avail himself of the worst 
 charges which they contain, but taxed his invention to make Joan deny 
 her father (11. 2-33). About five months after her capture, she was 
 delivered to the English,^ and 
 
 [Eol. iii. 6O4/2/23.] for hir pranks so vncouth and suspicious, 
 
 the lord regent, by Peter Chauchon bishop of Beauuois, (in whose 
 
 diocesse she was taken,) caused hir life and beleefe, after order of 
 
 tjom law, to be inquired vpon and examined. Wherein found though a 
 
 found guilty virgin, yet first, shamefullie reiecting hir sex abominablie in acts 
 
 craft, and and apparcU, to haue counterfeit mankind, and then, all damnablie 
 
 condemned x i. ' » / 
 
 impriMn-"*' faithlcssc, to bc a pernicious instrument to hostilitie and bloudshed 
 ment] j^ diuclish witchcraft and sorcerie,* sentence accordinglie was pro- 
 nounced against hir. Howbeit, vpon humble confession of hir 
 iniquities with a counterfeit contrition pretending a carefull sorow 
 for the same, execution spared and all mollified into this, that 
 from thencefoorth she should cast oflF hir vnnaturall wearing of 
 mans abilliments, and keepe hir to garments of hir owne kind, 
 abiure hir pernicious practises of sorcerie and witcherie, and haue 
 life and leasure in perpetuall prison to bewaile hir misdeeds. 
 Which to performe (according to the maner of abiuration) a 
 solemne oth verie gladlie she tooke. 
 
 But herein (God helpe vs! ) she fuUie afore possest of the feend, 
 
 1 Niece to Mary of Anjou, Queen of France, who was Rent's sister. 
 
 ^ Proeis (Dissertation), ix. 217, n 1. 
 
 3 In 1434, Bedford, defending Ms conduct as Regent of Prance, said that 
 the loss of territory, which hefel the English after Salisbury was slain at the 
 siege of Orleans, was " causedde in greete partye as I trowe of lak of sadrfe be 
 leve and of unlieful doubte Jiat bei hadde of a disciple and leme of J)« fende 
 caVLeAde ]>' Pucelle Jjat usedcJe fals enchantementes and sorcerie." — Proe, Priv. 
 Co., iv. 223. 
 
IX. HENRY VI. PART I. 239 
 
 not able to hold her in anie towardnesse of grace, falling streight Poiydo. 23, 
 waie into hir former abominations, (and yet seeking to eetch out [Haying 
 life as long as she might,) stake not (though the shift were shame- sou|m to° * 
 
 J. 1|, „ 1 . To 1 prolong life 
 
 tull; to coniesse hir selfe a strumpet, and (vnmaried as she was) to ^^rf^f t^^ 
 
 be with child.^ For triall, the lord regents lenitie gaue hir nine ^^'''''i^i 
 moneths stale, at the end wherof she (found herein as false as 
 wicked in the rest, an eight dales after, vpon a further definitiue 
 sentence declared against hir to be relapse and a renouncer of hir 
 
 oth and repentance) was therevpon^ deliuered ouer to secular ^^ite^sJe 
 
 power, and so executed by consumption of fire in the old market S^e'ST'*"* 
 
 place at Rone, in the selfe same steed where now saint Michaels cXT^ 
 church stands : hir ashes afterward without the towne wals shaken 
 into the wind. Now recounting altogither, hir pastorall bringing vp, 
 
 rude, without any vertuous instruction, hir campestrall conuersation ^" emndes 
 
 with wicked spirits,* whome, in hir first salutation to Charles the Dol- "»"• 
 
 phin, she vttered to be our Ladie, saint Katharine, and saint Anne, spirits gave 
 
 that m this behalfe came and gaue hir commandements from "an^s y^'* 
 
 ^ sne kept her 
 
 God hir maker, as she kept hir fathers lambs in the fields * . . . ^^^^.1 
 
 [p. 605, col. l.J These matters may verie rightfuUie denounce 
 Tnto all the world hir execrable abhominations, and well iustifie 
 the iudgement she had, and the execution she was put to for the 
 same. A thing yet (God wot) verie smallie shadowed and lesse K«^ 
 holpen by the verie trauell of the Dolphin, whose dignitie abroad ^'S him- 
 [was] foulie spotted in this point, that, contrarie to the holie degree soroenesj 
 of a right christen prince (as he called himselfe), for maintenance 
 of his quarels in warre would not reuerence to prophane his sacred 
 estate, as dealing in diuelish practises with misbeleeuers and witches. 
 
 When Joan has been led out to execution, Winchester enters and 
 greets York (1. 95) 
 
 1 This lie •was the source of 1 Hen. VI., V. iv. 60-85. 
 
 2 was therevpon] was she therevpon Hoi. 
 
 3 This sentence may have given the dramatist a hint for V. iii. 1-23, where 
 his Joan entreats the help of certain " Fiends,' ' whom she has summoned. 
 
 4 Cp. I. ii. 76, &c. : 
 
 " Loe, whilest I wayted on my tender Lambes, . . . 
 Gods Mother deigned to appeare to me, 
 And, in a Vision full of Maiestie, 
 Will'd me to leaue my base Vocation, 
 And free my Countrey from Calamitie." 
 
 Christian- 
 istimm rex. 
 
240 IX. HENRY VI. PAET L 
 
 With Letters of Commission from the King ; 
 
 which embody those "conditions of a friendly peace" between 
 England and Erance, drawn up by Henry's order (v. i. 37-40), in 
 response to an appeal from " the States of Christendome " (V. iv. 96-99). 
 Charles then enters, accompanied by his lords, and says (11. 116-119) : 
 
 Since, Lords of England, it is thus agreed 
 That peacef ull truce shall be proclaim'd in France, 
 We come to be informed by your selues. 
 What the conditions of that league must be. 
 
 Winchester answers (11. 123-132) : 
 
 Charles, and the rest, it is enacted thus : 
 
 That, in regard King Henry giues consent, 124 
 
 Of meere compassion and of lenity, 
 
 To ease your Countrie of distressefull Warre, 
 
 And suffer you to breath in fruitfuU peace, 
 
 You shall become true Liegemen to his Crowne : 128 
 
 And, Charles, vpon condition thou wilt sweare 
 
 To pay him tribute, and submit thy selfe. 
 
 Thou shaltbe plac'd as Viceroy vnder him. 
 
 And still enioy thy Regall dignity. 132 
 
 The terms of peace here announced were, according to Halle, 
 Holinshed's authority, offered at the conference of Arras, in 1435. 
 
 [The [Hoi. iii. 611/i/ss. Halle, 175.] The Englishmen would that 
 
 terms.] king Charles should haue nothing but what it pleased the king of 
 
 England, and that not as dutie, but as a benefit ^ by him of his 
 
 [The French ™eere llberalltie giuen and distributed. The Frenchmen, on the 
 
 ™^' ' other part, would that K. Charles should haue the kingdome 
 
 franklie and freelie, and that the king of England should leaue the 
 
 name, armes, and title of the king of France, and to be content 
 
 with the dukedomes of Aquitaine and Normandie, and to forsake 
 
 Paris, and all the townes which they possessed in France, betweene 
 
 the riuers of Some and Loire ; being no parcell of the duchie of 
 
 Normandie. To be breefe, the demands of all parts were betweene 
 
 them so farre out of square, as hope of concord there was none 
 
 at all. 
 
 ' If " benefit " = heneficiMm, flef, the English terms were as extravagant as 
 those dictated by Winchester to Charles (V. iv. 124-132). But M<ms. — whom 
 Halle seems to have had before him — gives the French terms alone, which were 
 that " le roi Henri d'Angleterre se voulsit d^porter et ddsister de lui nommer 
 roi de Prance, moyennant que, par certaines conditions, lui seroient aocord^es 
 les seigneuries de Guienne et Normandie ; laquelle chose les Anglois ne 
 voulurent point accorder."— vi. 180. 
 
IX. HENRY VI, PART I. 241 
 
 Act V. sc. V. — TloB opposite views of SufEolk and Gloucester 
 touching Henry's marriage are here brought forward. After a truce 
 between England and France had been arranged (see p. 238 above), 
 
 [Rol. iii. 624/2/45. Halle, 204.] the earle of Suffolke with his 
 companie returned into England, where he forgat not to declare 
 what an honourable truce he had taken, out of the which there 
 was a great hope that a finall peace might grow the sooner for that 
 honorable mariage, which he had concluded ; omitting nothing that ^^^ ^he 
 might extoll and set foorth the personage of the ladie, or the "Sit 
 nobilitie of hir kinred. "^ ""''"'•' 
 
 But although this mariage pleased the king and diuerse of his Theprouctm- 
 
 mUliked this 
 
 conncell, yet Humfrie duke of Glocester protector of the realme »«™«'* ^ 
 
 ' * ^ motion of 
 
 was much against it ; * alledging that it should be both contrarie to ^*^f 
 the lawes of God, and dishonorable to the prince, if he should 
 breake that promise and contract of mariage, made by ambas- 
 sadours sufficientlie thereto instructed, with the daughter of the 
 earle of Arminacke, vpon conditions both to him and his realme, as 
 much profitable as honorable. But the dukes words could not be Suffolk's 
 
 advice 
 
 heard, for the earles dooings were onelie liked and allowed. prevauea.] 
 
 Having urged that (1. 34) 
 
 A poore Earles daughter is vnequall oddes 
 
 for Henry, Suffolk thus answers Gloucester's objection that Margaret's 
 " Father is no better than an Earle " : 
 
 Yes, my Lord, her Father is a King, 
 
 The King of Naples amd leriisalem ; . . . 40 
 
 Holinshed says : 
 
 IHol. iii. 624/2/24. Halle, 204.] This Eeiner duke of Aniou [Rent's 
 named himselfe king of Sicill, Naples, and Jerusalem ; hauing onlie styiei 
 
 1 Gloucester might have disliked this marriage, but he expressed a formal 
 approval of it. On June 4, 1445, the Speaker of the Commons recommended 
 Suffolk to Henry's " good Grace," for having — besides rendering other services 
 to the State — concluded a marriage between Henry and Margaret ; wherefore 
 the Commons " desyred the said declarations, laboures, and demenyng of my 
 said Lord of Suflf', to be enacted in thys present Parlement, to his true 
 acquitail and discharge, and honour of hym in tyme to come ; uppon the 
 whiche request thus made to the Kyng our Soveraigne Loide, and to the 
 Lordes Spiritnell and Temporell, by the Communes, my Lorde of Gloucestr', 
 and many other Lordys Spirituell and Temporell abovesaid, arose of their 
 setis, and besoghtyn humbly the Kyng of the same as they wer prayed be 
 the said Communes, to pray and to beseehe his Highnesse to do " ; . . .-t-Bot. 
 
 Pwrl., V. 73. 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART 11. 
 
 [Character 
 
 ofQneen 
 
 Uai^garet.] 
 
 [Haigaret's 
 
 manly 
 
 courage.] 
 
 the name and stile of those realmes, without anie penie, profit, or 
 foot of possession. 
 
 Suffolk's praise (11. 70, 71) of Margaret's 
 
 . . . valiant courage and vndauHted spirit, 
 More then in women commonly is seene, 
 
 may be compared with Halle's description of her (p. 208; abridged in 
 Hoi. iii. 626/2/44): 
 
 But on the other parte, the Queue his [Henry's] wyfe was a 
 woman of a great witte, and yet of no greater wytte then of haute 
 stomacke ["a ladie of great wit, and no lesse courage." — Hoi.]; 
 desirous of glory and couetous of honor ; and of reason, pollicye, 
 counsaill, and other giftes and talentes of nature belongyng to a 
 man, full and flowyng : of witte and wilinesse she lacked nothyng, 
 nor of diligence, studie, and businesse she was not vnexperte ; but 
 yet she had one poynt of a very woman, for, often tyme, when she 
 was vehement & fully bente in a matter, she was sodainly, lyke a 
 wethercocke, mutable and turnyng. 
 
 Compare also a remark upon her, copied by Holinshed from Halle 
 (205) : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 625/1/34.] This ladie excelled all other, as well in 
 beautie and fauour, as in wit and policie ; and was of stomach and 
 courao;e more like to a man than a woman. 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 Historic time in The Second Part of 'Henry the Sixt commences 
 shortly before Margaret's coronation (I. i. 74) on May 30, 1445, and 
 ends on May 22, 1455, when the battle of St. Albans ^ was fought. As 
 this Second Part of Henry VI. is a recast of The First part of the 
 Corvtention hetwixt the two fa/movs houses of Yorke a/nd Lomcaster, my 
 excerpts are really illustrations of the latter drama. 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — ^During the interval which divides the First and 
 Second Parts of this play, Suffolk has escorted Margaret to England 
 (cp. 1 Hen. VI., V. v. 87-91). He now presents her to Henry, whom 
 he thus addresses (11. 1-9) : 
 
 ^ Called the first battle of St. Albans. A second battle was fought there on 
 February 17, 1461. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 243 
 
 As by your high Imperiall Maiesty 
 
 I had in charge at my depart for France, 
 
 As Procurator to your Excellence, 
 
 To marry Princes Margaret for your Grace ; 4 
 
 So, in the Famous Ancient City Toures, 
 
 (In presence of the Kings of France, and Sicill, 
 
 The Dukes of Orleance, Calaber, Britaigne, and Alanson, 
 
 Seuen Earles, twelue Barons, & twenty reuerend Bishops,) 8 
 
 I haue perform'd my Taske, and was espous'd : . . . 
 
 In November, 1444,^ SufEolk and a splendid retinue 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 625/i/i8. Ralle, 206.] came to the citie of Tours An-miui,. 
 in Touraine, where they were honorablie receiued both of the ' i^s 
 French king and of the king of Sicill. The marquesse of Suffolke, [Margaret 
 
 . espoiiBed by 
 
 as procurator to king Henne, espoused the said ladie in the church ^^\ 
 of saint Martins. At the which manage were present the father iJ"J'"°' 
 and mother of the bride ; the French king himselfe, which was 
 Tncle to the husband ; and the French queene also, which was 
 aunt to the wife. There were also the dukes of Orleance, of 
 Calabre, of Alanson, and of Britaine, seauen earles, twelue barons, 
 twentie bishops, beside knights and gentlemen. When the feast, 
 triumph, bankets and iusts were ended, the ladie was deliuered to 
 the marquesse, who in great estate conueied Mr through Normandie [ste is 
 
 conveyed by 
 
 vnto Diepe, and so transported hir into England, where she landed ^^''^f^^", 
 at Portesmouth in the moneth of Aprill. 
 
 Suffolk hands to Gloucester 
 
 the Articles of contracted peace, 
 Betweene our Soueraigne and the French King Charles, 
 For eighteene moneths concluded by consent. — 11. 40-42. 
 Suffolk's mission, in February, 1444,^ was to establish peace between 
 England and France, 
 
 [Hoi. m. 624/2/1 1. Halle, 203.] but, in conclusion, by reason 
 of manie doubts which rose on both parties, no fiiU concord could 
 be agreed vpon ; but, in hope to come to a peace, a certeine truce, 
 as well by sea as by land, was concluded by the commissioners for fs*^^. 
 eighteene moneths ; which afterward againe was prolonged to the 
 yeare of our Lord, 1449. 
 
 1 Suffolk left England on November 5, 1444, and returned on April 11, 
 1445, having been absent 157 days.— Issue Roll, Easter, 23 Hen. VI., 20th July 
 (cited in O/ron. Bich. II.— Hen. VI., 192). 
 
 « He was appointed ambassador on February 11, 1444.— JSi/mer, xi. 60. 
 
244 
 
 HENRY VI. PAET II. 
 
 [Uiug&ret's 
 coronatioii.] 
 
 [Suffolk 
 yielded 
 Aivjon and 
 Maine, and 
 demanded 
 no dowry for 
 Margaret.] 
 
 JIfarguage of 
 Suffollce 
 ^made duke. 
 
 It is provided by the first article (11. 46-50) that "Henry shal 
 espouse the Lady Margaret, daughter vnto Eeignier King of Naples, 
 Sicillia, and Jerusalem ; and Crowne her Queene of England, ere the 
 thirtieth of May next ensuing." Holinshed says : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 625/I/S8. Halle, 205.] Upon the thirtith of Maie 
 next following, she was crowned queene of this realme of England 
 at Westminster, with all the solemnitie thereto apperteining. 
 
 Another article is read by Cardinal Beaufort (11. 57-62) : " It is 
 further agreed betweene them, That the Dutchesse [Duchies] of Aniou 
 and Maine shall be released and deliuered ouer to the King her Father, 
 and shee sent ouer of the King of Englands owne proper Cost and 
 Charges, without hauing any Dowry." Suffolk's project for effecting 
 a peace through Margaret's marriage to Henry was coldly received 
 by the French ; 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 624/2/29. Halle, 204.] and one thing seemed to be 
 a great hinderance to it ; which was, bicause the king of England 
 occupied a great part of the duchie of Aniou, and the whole 
 countie of Maine, apperteining (as was alledged) to king Eeiner. 
 
 The earle of Suffolke (I cannot saie), either corrupted with 
 bribes, or too much affectioned to this vnprofitable mariage, con- 
 descended, that the duchie of Aniou and the countie of Maine 
 should be deliuered to the king the brides father ; ^ demanding for 
 hir mariage neither penie nor farthing : as who would saie, that 
 this new afiinitie passed all riches, and excelled both gold and 
 pretious stones. 
 
 Henry then (May, 1445) creates his procurator "the first Duke of 
 Suffolke " (1. 64). "Three historical years,^ however, were yet to elapse 
 before 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 627/2/34. Halle, 210.] the marquesse of Suffolke, by 
 great fauour of the king, & more desire of the queene, was erected 
 to the title and dignitie of duke of Suffolke, which he a short time 
 inioied. 
 
 Addressing York, Henry says (11. 66-68) : 
 
 We heere discharge your Grace from being Regent 
 I'th parts of France, till terme of eighteene Moneths 
 Be full expyr'd. 
 
 1 " Should he released and ddiuered to the kyng her father " (Halle, 204). 
 " Shall be released and deliuered ouer to the King her Father " (2 Hen. VI.^ I. 
 i. 59, 60). 
 
 2 He was created Duke of Suffolk on June 2, 1448.— Pat ; 26 H. VI. p. ii. 
 m. 14. (H.S.) 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 245 
 
 This "terme" was, perhaps, the eighteen months' truce (p. 243 
 above). Compare the next passage {Hoi. iii. 625/2/29), quoted at 
 pp. 250, 251 below. 
 
 [5bi iii. 625/2/25. Salle, 205.] During the time of the truce [^»* .. 
 Kichard duke of Yorke and diuerse other captains repaired into f^^the 
 England ; both to visit their wiues, children, and freends, and also *™*'^ 
 to consult what should be doone, if the truce ended. 
 Gloucester censures Suffolk for giving Anjou and Maine 
 Ynto the poore King Reignier, whose large style 
 Agrees not with the leannesse of his purse. — 11. Ill, 112. 
 Suffolk, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 625/1/9. Salle, 205.] with his wife and manie honor- 
 able personages of men and women richlie adorned both with 
 apparell & iewels, hauing with them manie costlie chariots and 
 gorgeous horslitters, sailed into France, for the conueiance of the 
 nominated queene into the realme of England. For King Reiner 
 hir father, for all his long stile, had too short a pursse to send his l?5ietnd°°^ 
 daughter honorablie to the king hir spouse. short puraej 
 
 Eichard Neville, Earl of Salisbury,^ cries out against the surrender 
 of Anjou and Maine, because (1. 114) 
 
 These Counties were the Keyes of Normamdie. 
 
 Compare Fabyan (617) : 
 
 And for that Maryage to brynge aboute, to the . . . kynge of ^n°""Tto 
 Cecyle was delyuered the Duchye of Angeou & Erledome of Saj/?"'' 
 Mayne, whiche are called the Tceyes of Normandy.^ 
 
 It is "a proper iest," says Gloucester, 
 
 That Suffolke should demand a whole Fifteenth 
 
 For Costs and Charges in transporting her ! — 11. 132-134. 
 
 1 The revived Earldom of Salisbury was bestowed on Richard Neville in 
 1429.— Doi/Ze, iii. 243. Hoi. (64I/2/71), copying BaUe (231), says that Richard 
 Neville Earl of Salisbury " was second son \i. e. son by a second marriage] to 
 Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, whose daughter the duke of Yorke had 
 maried, and the said Richard was espoused to ladie Alice, the onelie child and 
 sole heire of Thomas Montacute earle of Salisburie, slaine at the siege of 
 Orleance (as before is declared), of which woman he begat Richard, lohn [after- 
 wards Marquess Montague], and George [afterwards Archbishop of York], 
 Richard the eldest sonne espoused Anne, the sister and heire of the entire 
 bloud to lord Henrie Beauchamp, earle and after duke of Warwike, in whose 
 right and title he was created and named earle of Warwike." Regarding 
 York'spolitical alliance with the Nevilles, see pp. 283, 288 below. 
 
 ^ M)l. (625/i/6q) verbally repeats Salle's similes (205) for Anjou and 
 Maine (205) : "which countries were the verie stales and backestands to the 
 duchie of Normandie." Neither of these similes occurs in the Contention or 
 Whole Contention. 
 
246 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 An ominoits 
 mariage. 
 
 [Suffolk 
 demanded a 
 fifteentli.] 
 
 ["The good 
 Duke of 
 Glouces- 
 ter."] 
 
 [Glouces- 
 ter's 
 character.] 
 
 [He was 
 beloved of 
 the 
 commons.] 
 
 [Suffolk, 
 Bucking- 
 ham. 
 Cardinal 
 Beaufort, 
 and 
 
 Archhishop 
 Kempe 
 conspire 
 against 
 Gloucester.] 
 
 One reason, which caused " manie " to deem Henry's marriage to 
 Margaret " both infortunate and vnprofitable to the realme of England," 
 was that 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 625/1/64. Halle, 205.] the king had not one penie 
 with hir ; and, for the fetching of hir, the marquesse of Suffolke 
 demanded a whole fifteenth ^ in open parlement. 
 
 Gloucester goes out, whereupon Cardinal Beaufort impugns the 
 Protector's loyalty ; 
 
 . . . though the common people fauour him. 
 
 Calling him " Humfrey, the good Duke o/Gloster, . . ." ^ — 11. 158, 159. 
 
 According to Fabyan (619) : 
 
 This [man] for his honourable & lyberall demeanure was sur- 
 named y Good duke of Glouceter. 
 
 In Holinshed Gloucester's character is thus summed up : 
 
 [Hoi. in. 627/2/9.] But to conclude of this noble duke: he 
 was an vpright and politike gouernour, bending all his indeuours 
 to the aduancement of the common-wealth, verie louing to the 
 poore commons, and so beloued of them againe ; learned, wise, 
 full of courtesie ; void of pride and ambition : (a vertue rare in 
 personages of such high estate, but, where it is, most commendable). 
 
 Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham,^ Edmund Beaufort Duke 
 of Somerset, and Cardinal Beaufort now make an alliance for the 
 purpose of driving Gloucester from power ; and the Cardinal departs to 
 inform Suffolk of their cabal (11. 167-171). Under the years 1446-47, 
 Holinshed, on Halle's authority, relates that, by Queen Margaret's 
 " procurement,* diuerse noble men conspired against " Gloucester. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 626/2/74. Halle, 209.] Of the which diuerse writers 
 [p. 627] affirme the marquesse of Suflfolke, and the duke of 
 Buckingham to be the cheefe ; not vnprocured by the cardinall 
 of Winchester, and the archbishop of Yorke. 
 
 1 On April 9, 1446, the Commons gave Henry a fifteenth and a tenth {Bat. 
 Pari., V. 69/l) ; but, in specifying the purposes to which these grants were to 
 be applied, they did not mention the " costs and charges " of bringing Margaret 
 to England or any other expenses connected with her marriage. 
 
 2 " called the good duke of Gloucester." — Halle, 209. Not in Hoi. 
 
 2 Created Duke of Buckingham in 1444. — Doyle, i. 254. His father was 
 Edmund Earl of Stafford, slain at the battle of Shrewsbury, on July 21, 1403. 
 See p. 146 above. Edmund Beaufort was created Duke of Somerset in 1448. — 
 Duridale, ii. 123/2. 
 
 * Halle's corresponding words are (209) : " so that, by her permissioji and 
 fauor, diuerse noble men," . . . 
 
X. HBNEY VI. PARI II. 247 
 
 Buckingham and Somerset having departed, Salisbury, his son 
 Warwick,!— the future " Kingmaker,"— and York, are left on the 
 stage. In proposing that they three should form a counter-league 
 against Suffolk, Cardinal Beaufort, Somerset, and Buckingham, 
 Salisbury encourages Warwick by reminding him that (11. 191-193) 
 
 Thy deeds, thy plainnesse, and thy house-keeping,^ 
 Hath wonne the greatest fauour of the Commons, 
 Excepting none but good Duke Humfrey. 
 
 At a later time of his life than the date of this scene, Warwick was 
 
 [Sol. ill 678/ 1/3 3.1 one to whom the common-wealth was ■^'S'^« 
 much bounden and euer had in great fauour of the commons of '"^''' ''^■ 
 tms land, > by reason of the exceedmg houshold which he dailie j^jJJ^''" 
 kept in all countries where euer he soioumed or laie : and when *"*• 
 he came to London, he held such an house, that six oxen were 
 eaten at a breakefast, and enerie tauerne was fiill of his meat, for 
 who that had anie acquaintance in that house, he should haue had 
 as much sod and rost as he might carrie vpon a long dagger. . . . 
 
 Addressing the Duke, Salisbury says (II. 194-198) : 
 
 And, Brother Yorke, thy Acts in Ireland, 
 In bringing them to ciuill Discipline, 
 
 Haue made thee fear'd and honor'd of the people : 
 
 1 Richard Neville, bom on November 22, 1428 {Bows Bol., 57), was made 
 Earl of Warwick in 1449 {Dugdale, i. 304/ 1). What the dramatic Warwick 
 says touchiag his share in the French war (I. i. 119, 120 ; iii. 176, 177) shows 
 that — so far as these allusions apply — he is for a moment confounded with 
 Kichard Beauchamp, who was appointed Lieutenant-Geueral and Governor of 
 France, &o., on July 16, 1437 {Bymer, x. 674, 675) ; and died at Rouen on 
 April 30, 1439 (Chron. Lortd., 124). But, despite this fleeting identification 
 with Richard Beauchamp, we can hardly doubt that the " Warwicke" who 
 takes Richard Plantagenet's part in the Temple Garden scene (1 Hen.' VI., II. 
 iv.) is the same Warwick who is a character in the 2nd and 3rd Parts of Henry 
 VI. ("Warwick's" assertion that he conquered Anjou and Maine is a dramatic 
 embellishment). 
 
 2 Warwick's other virtues are recorded by Halle (231, 232) : " This Rycharde 
 was not onely a man of maruelous qualities, and facundious facions, but also 
 from his youth, by a certayn practise or natural! inclinacion, so set them 
 forward, with witte and gentle demeanour, to all persones of high and of lowe 
 degre, that emong all sortes of people he obteyned great loue, muche fauour, 
 and more credence : which e tninges daily more increased by his abundant 
 liberalitie and plentyfuU house kepynge, then by hys ryches, aucthoritie, or 
 hygh parentage. By reason of whiche doynges he was in suche fauour and 
 estimacion emongest the common people, that they iudged hym able to do all 
 thinges, and that, without hym, nothing to be well done. For whiche causes 
 his aucthoritie shortly so fast increased that whiche waie he bowed, that 
 waye ranne the streame, and what part he auaunced, that syde gat the 
 superioritie." 
 
2ia 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 A rebellion 
 in IrelaTid 
 [appealed 
 by York]. 
 
 [The 
 
 armourer's 
 
 servant,] 
 
 Salisbury, speaking in the historical year 1445, anticipates York's 
 successful administration of Ireland in 1448-50.^ Afterwards (Act III., 
 so. i., 11. 282-284) "a Poste" announces the rebellion which caused the 
 goyeriunent of Ireland to be conferred on York. Holinshed records 
 that, about the year 1448, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 629/2/26. Halle, 213.] began a new rebellion in 
 
 Ireland ; but Richard duke of Yorke, being sent thither to appease 
 
 the same, so asswaged the furie of the wild and sauage people 
 
 there, that he wan him such fauour amongst them, as could neuer 
 
 be separated from him and his linage ; which in the sequele of this 
 
 historic may more plainelie appeare.^ 
 
 Act I. so. ii. — We here find that Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's 
 second wife, looks forward to a day when she and her husband shall 
 reign instead of Henry and Margaret. The historic Queen Margaret 
 was not troubled by any ambitious hopes which the Duchess may hare 
 cherished j for Eleanor Cobham did penance in November, 1441, and 
 Margaret was, as we have seen, crowned on May 30, 1445. 
 
 Act I. sc. iii. — The Queen enters with Suffolk. Peter, an 
 " Armorers Man," presents a petition (11. 28, 30) against his " Master, 
 Thomas Horner, for saying, That the Duke of Yorke was rightfuU 
 Heire to the Crowne." Holinshed merely records that, in 1446, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 626/2/19.J a certeine armourer was appeached of 
 
 treason by a seruant of his owne.* 
 
 The petitioners having retired, Margaret tells Suffolk (11. 53-57) 
 that, when he ran a tilt at Tours in honour of her love, — doubtless a 
 reminiscence of those " iusts " which Holinshed says (iii. 625/1/30) 
 were held to celebrate her proxy-marriage, — she thought her husband 
 had resembled her champion. But all King Henry's mind 
 
 is bent to Holinesse, 
 To number Aue-Maries on his Beades ; 
 His Champions are the Prophets and Apostles, 
 His Weapons holy Sawes of sacred Writ, 
 His Studie is his Tilt-yard, and his Loues 
 Are brazen Images of Can6nized Saints. — 11. 58-63. 
 
 1 According to Halle (213), HoVs authority, York went to Ireland in the 
 27th year of Henry VI. (Sept. 1, 1448— Aug. 31, 1449). A warrant,— dated 
 February 10, 1449, — for the payment of York's salary as Lieutenant in Ireland, 
 shows that his ten years' term of office was to begin on September 29, 1447. — 
 Stevenson, I. 487, 488. He returned to England in 1450. See p. 282 below. 
 
 2 See p. 282, n. 1, and p. 296 (below). 
 
 3 Stow (635) gives these particulars : " lohn Dauid [Davy] appeached Ms 
 master William [John] Catur, an armorer dwelling in S. Dunstons parish in 
 Fleetstreet, of treason." The year was 1447. Cp. Exchequer Issiies, 458, 459, 
 The dramatic servant's name is Peter Thumpe ^2 Hen. VI., II. iii. 82-84). 
 The surname of one of the sheriffs of the year (25 Hen, VI., 1446-47) was 
 B-ome.— Fab., 618. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 249 
 
 Henry is thus described by Holinshed : 
 
 [ffol. iii. 69I/1/69.J He was plaine, vpright, farre fi-om fraud, [Henry's 
 ■ffholie giuen to praier, reading of scriptures, and almesdeeds ; . . , 
 Halle (303) says : 
 
 Kyng Henry was of stature goodly, of body slender, to which The damp- 
 proporcion al other members wer correspondent : his face beautiful, Bmry the 
 in y" which continually was resydent the bountie of mynde wyth [His boduy 
 whych he was inwardly endued. He dyd abhorre of hys owne [HoUness.] 
 nature al the vices, as wel of the body as of the soule ; and, from 
 hys verye infancye, he was of honest conuersacion and pure 
 integritie; no knower of euil, and a keper of all goodues; a 
 dispiser of al thynges whych were wonte to cause the myndes of 
 mortall menne ^o slyde, or appaire. Besyde thys, pacyence was so [Patience.] 
 radicate in his harte that of all the iniuries to him commytted 
 (which were no smal nombre) he neuer asked vengeaunce nor 
 punishement, but for that rendered to almightie God, his creator, 
 hartie thankes, thinking that by this trouble and aduersitie his 
 sinnes wer to him forgotten and forgeuen. 
 
 Henry and his Court enter, debating whether York or Somerset 
 shall be appointed Regent of France ; a question which gives Margaret, 
 and the four nobles who made an alliance in Act I., sc. i., an opportu- 
 nity of attacking Gloucester. Cardinal Beaufort accuses him of having 
 "rackf'the "Commons" (1. 131); and Somerset adds (11. 133, 134) 
 that the Protector's " sumptuous Buildings" and " Wiues Attyre" 
 
 Haue cost a masse of pubUque Treasurie. 
 
 In 1446-47, according to Halle (208, 209), Gloucester's enemies 
 
 perswaded, incensed, and exhorted the Queue, to loke wel vpon 
 
 the expenses and reuenues of the realme, and thereof to call an 
 
 accompt: afltanyng playnly that she should euidently perceiue 
 
 that the Duke of Gloucester had not so muche aduanced & pre- f,^J°^ef Jf 
 
 ferred the commonwealth and publique vtilitie as his awne priuate ^w?^^^"^ 
 
 thiuges & peculiar estate. mmey. 
 
 Buckingham thus assails Gloucester (11. 135, 136 ; op. III. i. 58, 
 59; 121-123): 
 
 Thy Crueltie in execution 
 
 Vpon Offenders hath exceeded Law, . . . 
 
 Under- the same date (1446-47) we find that Gloucester was charged 
 with this transgression. 
 
250 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 [Hol. iii. 627/1/4. Salle, 209.] Diuerse articles were laid 
 The faint agaittst hiiti in open councell, and in especiall one : ^ That he 
 
 guarell 
 
 ^kaitotht had caused men, adiudged to die, to be put to other execution, 
 
 CbUnS Oj 
 
 eiocester. than the law of the land assigned. Suerlie the duke, verie well 
 tiuegai learned in the law ciuill, detesting malefactors, and punishing 
 crimSi^s!]'' oflFenses in seueritie of iustice, gat him hatred of such as feared 
 condign reward ^ for their wicked dooings. 
 
 Lastly, Margaret imputes to him (1. 138) the "sale of Offices and 
 Townes in France." 
 
 Perhaps Gloucester has been made to change places with Cardinal 
 Beaufort, whom, in 1440, he accused of this misconduct. A long series 
 of criminatory articles (referred to above, p. 236) were then exhibited 
 by Gloucester against Beaufort. In the 22nd article Henry was asked 
 
 [Sol. iii. 622/2/17. Salle, 201.] to consider the . . . lucre of 
 the . . . cardinall, and the great deceipts that you be deceiued ' in 
 by the labour of him & of the archbishop [of York, John Kempe], 
 aswell in this your realme as in your realme of France and duchie 
 of Normandie, where neither office, liuelode, nor capteine may be 
 had, without too great good giuen vnto him ; wherby a great part 
 of all the losse that is lost, they haue beene the causers of; for 
 who that would giue most, his was the price, not considering the 
 merits, seruice, nor sufficiance of persons. 
 
 Making no reply to his adversaries, Gloucester withdraws a while, 
 and, on his return, delivers his opinion in regard to the B.egency (11. 
 163, 164) : 
 
 I say, my Soueraigne, Yorke is meetest mem 
 To be your Regent in the Kealme of France. 
 
 Suffolk — who had previously (I. iii. 36-39) sent for Horner — ^now 
 seizes a chance of opposing Gloucester and thwarting York through the 
 accusation of treason brought against the armourer. Holinshed copied 
 from Halle (206) a passage which records that, in 1446, 
 
 {Sol. iii. 625/2/29.] a parlement* was called, in the which it 
 was especiallie concluded, that by good foresight Normandie might 
 be so furnished for defense before the end of the truce, that the 
 
 1 in especiall one^ Halle, in especially one Hol. 
 
 2 In 2 Hen. Vl., III. i. 128-130, Gloucester says that he never gave 
 'condigne punishment' to any one, save a murderer or a highway robber. 
 
 * deceiued] Halle, receiiied Hol. 
 
 * This must have been the Parliament which began on February 25, 1445 
 (JBo<. Pa/rl., V. 66/1) ; and was sitting on June 4, 1445, and April 9, 1446 (see 
 p. 241, n. 1, and p. 246, n. 1, above). 
 
 [Cardinal 
 Beaufort's 
 sale of 
 offices.] 
 
 Anno Reg. 
 34. 
 
 U46 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 251 
 
 French king should take no aduantage through want of timelie 
 prouision : for it was knowne, that, if a peace were not concluded, 
 the French king did prepare to imploie his whole puissance to The duke of 
 make open warre. Heerevpon monie was granted, an armie Sl^^t 
 leuied, and the duke of Summerset appointed to be regent of amdtheduti 
 Normandie,^ and the duke of Yorke thereof discharged. dUcharged. 
 
 From a chronicler ^ who wrote in. Henry VI. 's reign, Holinshed 
 derived the information that Suffolk aided Somerset to obtain the 
 Regency. 
 
 [Rol. iii. 625/2/41.] I haue scene in a register booke belonging 
 sometime to the abbeie of saint Albons, that the duke of York 
 was established regent of France, after the deceasse of the duke of [y„,^ 
 Bedford, to continue in that office for the tearme of fine yeares ; i^raMfor 
 which being expired, he returned home, and was ioifuUie receiued ™ ^™"' 
 of the king with thanks for his good seruice, as he had full well 
 deserued in time of that his gouernement : and, further, that now, 
 when a new regent was to be chosen and sent ouer, to abide vpon 
 safegard of the countries beyond the seas as yet subiect to the 
 English dominion, the said duke of Yorke was eftsoones (as a man ^heduixof 
 most meet to supplie that roome) appointed to go ouer againe, as a^olnud to 
 regent of France, with all his former allowances. 
 
 But the duke of Summerset, still maligning the duke of Yorkes 
 aduancement, as he had sought to hinder his dispatch at the first 
 when he was sent ouer to be regent, (as before yee haue heard,*) he toC"*™*"* 
 likewise now wrought so, that the king reuoked his grant made to ^^a^nt. 
 the duke of Yorke for enioieng of that office the terme of other '"^^ud, 
 fiue yeeres, and, with helpe of William marquesse of Suffolke, "t^^^iht 
 
 p 1 . in 'mjarqyam of 
 
 obtemed that grant for himseiie. sv^tooa. 
 
 ^ On November 12, 1446, the government of France and Normandy was 
 in commission, York being absent. — JReport on Foedera, App. D. 523. On 
 November 11, 1447, he is styled Lieutenant-General and Governor of France 
 and Normandy. — Ibid., 535. By December 20, 1447, Somerset had been 
 appointed " to goo oure lieutenaunt into oure duohie of Normandie." — Stevenson, 
 I. 477, 478. On Jamiary 31, 1448, he is styled " oure lievetenaunt in our 
 reame of Fraunce, duchees of Normandie and Guyenne." — Stevetismi, I. 479, 
 480. The latter appointment should be regarded as the historical parallel of 
 Gloucester's " doome " on the dramatic second day : " Let Somerset be Regent 
 o're the French."— 2 Hen. VI., I. iii. 209. 
 
 2 John de Whethamstede (ed. Heame, pp. 345, 346). 
 
 3 See next page. 
 
 y charge 
 
 [Somerset 
 
 caused 
 
 York's 
 
252 
 
 HENRY VI. PART II, 
 
 [Paris lost 
 
 liecause 
 
 Edmund 
 
 Beaafort 
 
 hindered 
 
 York's 
 
 despatch.] 
 
 [Covert 
 attacks 
 made upon 
 Gloucester.] 
 
 tEleanor 
 Cobham 
 accused of 
 
 Intending 
 
 york says (U. 170-175) : 
 
 ... if I be appointed for the Place, 
 My Lord of Somerset will keepe me here, 
 Without Discharge, Money, or Furniture, 
 Till France be wonne into the Dolphins hands : 
 Last time, I danc't attendance on his will 
 Till Paris was besieg'd, famisht, and lost. 
 Holinshed, paraphrasing Halle (179), illustrates this complaint of 
 Edmund Beaufort's malice in 1436, when York was appointed to 
 succeed Bedford (see p. 219 above). 
 
 [Hoi. Hi. 612/2/ 14. Halle, 179.] Although the duke of Yorke 
 was worthie (both for birth and courage) of this honor and prefer- 
 ment, yet so disdeined of Edmund duke of Summerset, (being 
 cousme to the king,) that by all meanes possible he sought his 
 hinderance, as one glad of his losse, and sorie of his well dooing : 
 by reason whereof, yer the duke of Yorke could get his dispatch, 
 Paris and diuerse other of the cheefest places in France were 
 gotten by the French king. 
 
 Act I. sc. iv. — In this scene the Duchess of Gloucester causes a 
 spirit to be raised, from whom she learns the future fates of Henry, 
 Suffolk, and Somerset.^ 
 
 Examination of the charges brought against Cardinal Beaufort by 
 Gloucester in 1440 (see pp. 236, 250 above) was committed to Henry's 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 622/2/58. Halle, 202.] councell, whereof the more 
 part were spirituall persons ; so that, what for feare, and what for 
 fauour, the matter was winked at, and nothing said to it : onelie 
 faire countenance was made to the duke, as though no malice had 
 beene conceiued against him. But venem will breake out, & 
 inward grudge will soone appeare, which was this yeare to all men 
 apparant : for diuers secret attempts were aduanced forward this 
 season, against this noble man Humfreie duke of Glocester, a far 
 off, which, in conclusion, came so neere, that they beereft him both 
 of life and land ; as shall hereafter more plainelie appeere. 
 
 For, first, this yeare, dame Eleanor Cobham, wife to the said 
 duke, was accused of treason ; ^ for that she by sorcerie and inchant- 
 
 ' For the prophecies concerning the deaths of Suflfolk and Somerset see 
 p. 270, n. 2, and p. 289. 
 
 '^ She was arrested in the latter part of July, 1441. — Ghron. Rich. II. — 
 Men. VI., 57, 58. Wyrc, 460. The discrepancy of these authorities, and the 
 inaccuracy of Chron. Rich. II. — Sen. VI. with regard to the days of the week, 
 do not allow a more precise date to be given. 
 
X. HENEY VI. PART II. 253 
 
 ment intended to destroie the king, to the intent to aduance hir to destroy 
 
 11,, _ Henry by 
 
 husband vnto the crowne. ... [p. 623, eol. l.J At the same sorcery.] 
 season were arrested, arreigned, and adiudged giltie, as aiders to 
 the duchesse, Thomas Southwell priest, and canon of S. Stephans f^erwSs!] 
 at Westminster, lohn Hun priest, Roger Bolingbrooke a cunning ^K<«»/oii» 
 necromancer (as it was said), and Margerie lordeine, surnamed the 
 
 witch of Eie. [A waxen 
 
 image of 
 
 The matter laid against them was, for that they (at the request ^^ST "^^^ 
 of the said duchesse) had deuised an image of wax, representing '""'°"™' ' 
 the king, which by their sorcerie by little and little consumed; 
 intending thereby in conclusion to waste and destroie the kings 
 person. 
 
 There is not even an allusion in the play to the ofEence for which, 
 according to Halle, the Duchess and her confederates were arraigned. 
 But Stow (627) says that ^^^ 
 
 broke 
 
 Roger Bolingbroke was examined before the Bangs Counsaile, ™^^'^ 
 where he confessed that he wrought the said Negromancie at the ciwwm to 
 stirring and procurement of the said Dame Elianor, to knowe what futSL]*' 
 should befall of hir, and to what estate she should come, . . . 
 
 Act II. sc. i. — Sir Thomas More's dyodoge . . . Wheryn he treatyd 
 dyuers mate/rs as of tlie veriercbcyon & worshyp of ymagys & relyqiies , 
 
 prayng to sayntis & goynge on pylgrymage (2nd ed.,^ 1530, bk. I. chap, 
 xiv. leaf 25) contains the earliest account of the sham miracle at St. 
 Albans. The dramatic version of this story presents no important 
 change save that the rogue is made to feign lameness as well as 
 blindness ; a variation which leads . up to his being whipped ofE the 
 stage. The following excerpt from More's Dialogue should be compared 
 with Act II., sc. i., 11. 60-160: 
 
 ... I remember me that I haue herde my father tell of a 
 begger that, in kynge Henry his dayes the syxte, came wyth hys 
 wyfe to saynt Albonys. And there was walkynge about the towne 
 
 1 So in Halle (202) and in The Contention. Though the name rymes to 
 "Mum" in 2 Men. VI., I. ii. 88, the spelling is "Hume" throughout scenes ii. 
 and iv., Act I. In Fab. (614) and Stow (628) the name is spelt " Hum." 
 
 2 "Newly ouersene" by More. More's story of the sham miracle was 
 oopied by Grafton (i. 630) and Foace (i. 679/2). Foxe—I know not on whose 
 authority— says that the cheat was discovered in Henry VI.'s "young dayes," 
 when the King was "yet vnder the gouemaunce of this Duke Humfrey his 
 protector." Weever (321, 322) gives an epitaph " penciled" on the wall near 
 Gloucester's tomb in St. Alban's Abbey ; recording the Duke's detection of the 
 man who feigned blindness. 
 
254 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 and his wife ^^SSJ^S ^ ft^^ OF syxe daycs before the kyngys commynge thyther; 
 
 6rt!"lii«m3 saynge that he was borne blynde, and neuer saw in his lyfe. And 
 
 when Henry ^^^ wamod in his dreame that he shold come out of Berwyke 
 
 there") (where he sayd he had euer dwelled) to seke saynt Albon ; and that 
 
 Ktehe ^6 t^'d ten at his shryne, and had not bene holpen. And therfore 
 
 bUnd^aSd, he woId go sekc hym at some other place ; for he had herde some 
 
 dream, had sayc, syns he came, that saynt Albonys body sholde be at Colon : 
 
 journeyed 
 
 B?J?rickto ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ suche a contencyon hath there bene. But of trouth, 
 St. Albans.] ^s I am suTcly informed, he lyeth here at saynt Albonys ; sauyng 
 
 [But. not 
 
 Jetog some relyques of hym, whiche they there shew shryned. But to 
 
 coioiS?^*" tell you forth: when the kyng was comen, and the towne full, 
 MiOTed""* sodaynly this blynde man, at saynt albonys shryne, had his syght 
 bi^'i^.f agayne : and a myracle solemply rongen and te deum songen ; so 
 g^en King ^jjg^j nothyuge was talked of in all j" towne but this myracle. So 
 ^Teggar happened it than that duke Humfry of gloucester, a great wyse 
 and people man and very well lerned, hauynge greate loy to se such a myracle, 
 that a called y° pore man vnto hym. And fyrst shewynge hym selfe 
 
 TOo^ht ] loyouse of goddys glory, so shewed in the gettynge of his syght ; 
 [Gloucester and cxortyng hym to mekenes, and to none ascrybyng of any parte 
 humble*" ^^ *^® worssyp to hym selfe ; nor to be proude of the peoples prayse, 
 whiche wolde call hym a good and a godly man therby. At last 
 tandasited he loked wcl Tpou his eyen, and-asked whyther he coulde neuer se 
 could ever nothvuge at all in all his lyfe before. And, whara as well his wyfe 
 
 see anything jo j > .; 
 
 before.] 3,8 hymselfe afifermed fastely "no," than he loked aduysedly vpon 
 and his wife his cycu agayu, & sayd : "I byleue you very well, for me thynketh 
 "no"; yet, "that yc can not se well yet." "Yes, syr," quod he, "I thanke 
 
 "god and his holy marter, I can se nowe as well as any man." 
 [when "Ye can," quod the duke, "what colour is my gowne?" Than 
 
 ^to^oouu ' anone the begger, tolde hym. "What colour," quod he, "is this 
 raSura' ^^ " mawnys gowne ? " He tolde hym also ; and so forth, without any 
 (Th™ styckynge, he tolde hym the names of all the colours that could be 
 oauerMm shewcd hym.^ And, whan my lord saw that, he bad ^ hym, " walke, 
 setSin" " faytoure ! " and made hym be set openly in the stockys. For, 
 
 though he coulde haue sene sodenly by myracle y° dyfference 
 
 > With " I byleue . . . shewed hym," cp. 2 Hen. VI., II. i. 106-112. 
 " bad] ed. 1. had ed. 2. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 255 
 
 bytwene dyuers colours, yet coulde he not by y' syght so sodenly [For, if the 
 tell the names of all these colours, but yf he hadde knowen them ^^om 
 
 1 « Duna, he 
 
 betore, no more than the names of all the men y' he shold sodenly S2,yJ°,^^ed 
 se. [Lfxxv.sign.fi.] ^^^ 
 
 midit have 
 
 Act II. sc. ii.— At the close of sc. iv., Act I., after the Duchess of ^Jj 
 Gloucester and her confederates had been arrested, York sent Salisbury them.i 
 and Warwick an invitation to sup with him " to morrow Night " ; 
 that is, the night of the day on which Gloucester exposed the sham 
 miracle. Supper ended, York desires to have his guests' opinion of his 
 title to " Englands Crowne" (II. ii. 1-5). Warwick says (11. 7, 8) : 
 
 Sweet Yorke, begin : and if thy clayme be good, 
 
 The Neuills are thy Subiects to command. 
 The dramatic time of sc. ii., Act II., is brought into close relation 
 with Eleanor Cobham's arrest in 1441, but Holinshed's authority Halle 
 records (210) among the events of 1447-48 that 
 
 [ffol. iii. 627/2/37.J Richard, duke of Yorke, (being greatlie 
 alied by his wife to the chiefe peeres and potentates of the realme, 
 beside his owne progenie,) perceiuing the king to be no ruler, but 
 the whole burthen of the realme to rest in direction of the queene, 
 & the duke of Suffolke, began secretlie to allure his friends of the The duke of 
 nobilitie ; ^ and priuilie declared vnto them his title and right to the tmpmng 
 crowne, and likewise did he to certeme wise gouemours of diuerse **"« *» '*« 
 cities and townes. Which attempt was so politikelie handled, and 
 so secretlie kept, that prouision to his purpose was readie, before 
 his purpose was openlie published ; and his friends opened them- 
 selues, yer the contrarie part could them espie : for in conclusion 
 all shortlie in mischiefe burst out, as ye may hereafter heare. 
 
 On October 16, 1460, "a writyng,* conteignyng the clayme and 
 title of the right " which York laid " unto the Corones of Englond and 
 of Praunce, and Lordship of Ireland," was read before the Lords 
 Spiritual and Temporal assembled in Parliament at Westminster. 
 This document, or a similar one, was printed by Stow in his Annmles 
 (679, 680) ; and from Stow it was transferred to the pages of Holinshed.* 
 It sets forth York's pedigree. I quote in parallel columns II. ii. 10-20, 
 and the corresponding passage in Holinshed. York thus prefaces his 
 claim : 
 
 1 For passages in which Salisbury and Warwick are spoken of as York's 
 friends, see pp. 283, 288 below. 
 
 2 Printed in Bot. Pa/rl, v. 375. 
 
 * A prefatory sidenote thus describes Hoi's repript of this document : 
 « Abr[aham] Fl[eming] ex I.S [John Stow], pag. 700, 701, &c. in Quart." 
 
256 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 lEdward \Hol. iii. 657/2/47.1 Edward Edward the third, my Lords, had 
 
 III.'s sons.) , , . , , , . -rin i ■ seuen Sonnea : 
 
 the thvrd had issue, Edwwrd pnnce The first, Edward the Black-Prince, 
 
 of Wales; William of Eatfield, his Prince of Wales ; ^ „ ^ , ,„ 
 
 •' , 7-. 77 7 w J The second, William of Eatfield; 12 
 
 second, sonne ; Lionell the third, ^^^^ ^^^ third 
 
 duke of Clarence; lohn of Gant, Lionel Duke of Clarence: next to 
 
 ioxxrth,duke of Lancaster; Edmwnd ^^s^Xam of Gaunt, the JMke of 
 
 of Langleie, fft, duke of Torke; Lancaster; 
 
 Thmms of Woodstoke, sixt, duke of The^« was Edmond Langley, Duke 
 
 J- TIT- J of Torke; 
 
 Glocester; and William, of Windsor, The sixt was Thomas of Woodstock, 16 
 
 sea/uenth Luke of Gloster ; 
 
 _, ' . - „ , , . . William of Windsor was the seucTith 
 
 The said Mdwa/rd prince ot ^nd last. 
 
 Wales, which died in the life time Edward the Black-Prince dyed before 
 
 (Richard II.] of his father, had issue Richmd, ^niTleft hlhinde him Eichavd, his 
 
 which succeeded Edward the third onely ' Sonne, 
 
 his OT-andsirp • ^^°' ^^^^ Edward the thirds death, 20 
 
 nis granasire , . . . laign'd as King : . . 
 
 I now quote four lines immediately following my last excerpt from 
 York's statement of his title : 
 
 Till Hemry Bullinghrooke, Duke of Lancaster, 
 
 The eldest Sonne and Heire of lohn of Gaunt, 
 
 Crown'd by the Name of Henry the fourth, 
 
 Seiz'd on the Reahne, depos'd the rightfull King, ... 24 
 
 Though these lines contain matter of common knowledge, they may 
 have been prompted by the ensuing fragments of a speech which, 
 according to Halle (245, 246), York delivered from the throne to the 
 Peers assembled at Westminster in 1460 : 
 
 [Richard II. \Hol. ill. 656/i/i.] Which king Richard, of that name the 
 
 king.] second, was lawfuUie & iustlie possessed of the crowne and diadem 
 
 of this realme and region, till Henrie of Derbie duke of Lancaster 
 
 [Henry duke ^"^^ Hereford, Sonne to lohn of Gant . . . wrongftdlie Tsurped 
 
 rf Lancas er ^^^ intruded vpon the roiall power, and high estate of this realme 
 
 and region ; taking vpon him the name, stile, and authoritie of 
 
 king and gouernour of the same. 
 
 Salisbury interjects (1. 33) : 
 
 But WiUiam, of Eatfield dyed without an Heire. 
 
 * The corresponding passage in the 3rd (1619) ed. of The Contention stands 
 thus (23) : " Now Edward the blaoke Prince dyed before his Father, leauing 
 behinde him two sennas, Edward borne at Angolesme, who died young, and 
 Richard that was after crowned King," . . . flbi. (iii. 397/ 1/5 6) says: "In the 
 nine and thirtith yeere of king Edwards reigne, and in the monetb of Februarie 
 [1365], in the citie of Angolesme, was borne the first sonne of prince Edward, 
 and was named after his father, but he departed this life the seuenth yeare of 
 his age." 
 
 usurper.] 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART 11. 257 
 
 In my last quotation from the pedigree printed by Holinshed the 
 line is carried down to Richard II., who " succeeded Edward the third 
 his grandsire." The next words are : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 657/2/56.] Richard died without issue ; William of ^Seu.f 
 Hatfield, the second sonne of Edward the third, died without 
 issue ; . . . 
 
 The continuation of York's speech (11. 34-38) I place beside the 
 parallel passage in Holinshed : 
 
 \Hol. iii. 657/2/58.] Lionell the The third Sonne, Duke of Clarenee, [York's 
 
 third Sonne of Edward the third, from whose Line Lione°*dukr 
 
 duke of Ghm-ence, had issue Philip i dayme the Crowne, had Isme, otcv>x<a,<K.\ 
 
 his da^Mer AuA heire, which Phillip, ^ Daughter, 
 
 was coupled m matrimonie vnto -aj^, „ j nj j ,r ^- „„ 
 
 vj J -Mr .• ro ji 1 \p who marryed Edmond Mmivmer, 36 
 
 Jidmvumd Mortvmer 3rd 1 ea/rh of „ , „,, 
 
 March, and had issue Boger Mor- ^"'"^^ °-^ ^"'"'^ ' 
 
 timer [4th] ewrle of March, hir Edmond had Issue, Soger Marie of 
 
 Sonne and heire ; which Roger had March ; 
 
 issue Edmvwnd ^ [5th] erle of March, Soger had Issue, Edmond, Anne, and 
 
 Roger Mortimer, Arme, ElAom(yr ; Elianor. 
 
 which Edmund, Roger, and Elianor 
 
 died without issue. 
 
 Salisbury again interrupts York (11. 39, 40) : 
 
 This Edmond, in the Reigne of BuUingbrooke, 
 As I haue read, layd clayme vnto the O:owne ; . . . 
 
 The speech from the throne, attributed by Halle to York (see p. 256 
 above), has the same misstatement. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 656/1/54.] Edmutid earle of March, my most welbe- |?hES*of 
 loued vncle, in the time of the first vsurper, (in deed, but not by Sea the 
 right, called king Henrie the fourth,) by his coosines the earle of 
 Northumberland, & the lord Persie, (he being then in captiuitie 
 with Owen Glendouer the rebell in Wales,) made his title & 
 righteous claime to the destruction of both the noble persons. 
 
 Salisbury adds (11. 41, 42) that Edmund, 
 
 . . . but for Owen Glendour, had beene King, 
 Who kept him in Captiuitie till he dyed. 
 Here the inevitable confusion between Sir Edmund Mortimer and 
 Edmund Mortimer fifth Earl of March ^ is worse confounded. These 
 lines apparently sprang from the dramatist's vague remembrance of 
 Halle (23), who — in a sentence immediately preceding the assertion 
 that Glendower 
 
 1 had issue Edmvwnd] had issue of Edmund Hoi. 
 * See p. 131, n. 1, above. 
 
 crown.] 
 
258 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 [York's 
 mother was 
 Ajme 
 Mortimer.] 
 
 made warre on lorde Edmond Mortimer erle of Marche, . . . and 
 ^^^u *°'^® ^^^ prisoner, and, feteryng hym in chaynes, cast hym in a 
 depe and miserable dongeon — 
 
 says that E.eginald Lord Grey of Kuthin — another prisoner to 
 Glendower — was promised freedom conditionally upon marrying his 
 captor's daughter : 
 
 But this false father in lawe, this vntrew, vnhonest, and per- 
 tLord Greys iured persone, Jeejpt hym with his wyfe still in captiuitee till he 
 dyed. 
 
 The conclusion of York's speech (11. 43-52) and his pedigree as given 
 by Holinshed are here displayed in parallel columns. The fifth Earl of 
 March's 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 657/2/67.] And the 
 said Arme coupled in matrimonie 
 to Bicha/rd ea/rle of Cambridge, the 
 Sonne of Edmund of La/ngleie, the 
 fift sorme of Edwa/rd ' the third, and 
 had issue Bichard Flantagenet, 
 commonlie called duke of Yorke ; 
 ... To the which Richard duke 
 of Yorke, as sonne to Anne, 
 daughter to Roger Mortimer earle 
 of Ma/rch, sonne and heire of the 
 said Philip, daughter and heire of 
 the said LioneU, the third sonne of 
 king Edward the third, the right, 
 title, dignitie roiall, and estate of 
 the crownes of the realmes of 
 England and France, and the lord- 
 ship of Ireland, perteineth and 
 helongeth afore anie issue of the 
 said lohn of Gant, the fourth 
 Sonne of the same king Edward. 
 
 Act II. sc. iii. — In the opening lines of this scene Henry passes 
 sentence on Eleanor Duchess of Gloucester, and her confederates, 
 Margery Jourdain, Southwell, Hume, and Bolingbroke. To the latter 
 Henry says (11. 5-8) : 
 
 You foure, from hence to Prison back againe ; 
 From thence vnto the place of Execution : 
 The Witch in Smithfield shall be burnt to ashes, 
 And you three shall be strangled on the Gallowes. 
 
 Holinshed gives the following account of what bef el them : 
 
 [The issue of 
 Lionel duke 
 of Clarence 
 should suc- 
 ceed before 
 John of 
 Oaunt's 
 issue.] 
 
 eldest Sister, Anne, 
 My Mother, being Heire vnto the 44 
 
 Crowne, 
 Marryed Bichard Ewrle of Camhridge ; 
 
 who was son ' 
 To Edmond Langley, Edward the 
 
 thirds fift Sonne.^ 
 By her I clayme the Kingdome : she 
 
 was Heire 
 To Soger Earle of March, who was 48 
 
 the Sonne 
 Of Edmond Mortimer, who maiTyed 
 
 Phillip, 
 Sole Daughter vnto Lionel Duke of 
 
 Clarence : 
 So, if the Issue of the elder Sonne 
 Succeed before the younger, I am 52 
 
 King. 
 
 1 son] Rowe. cm. Fi. ^ Sonne\ Theobald. 
 
 ^ Edwa/rd the third] Senrk the third Hoi. 
 
 Sonnes Sonne Fi. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 259 
 
 [5bi!. iii. 623/ 1/20. Hcdle,202.] Margerie lordeine was burnt [Fateofthe 
 m Smithfield, and Roger Bolingbrooke was drawne to Tiborne and Gioucestera 
 
 1 J ^ ' confeder- 
 
 nanged and quartered ; taking vpon his death that there was neuer ***^' 
 anie such thing by them imagined. lohn Hun had his pardon,^ and 
 Southwell died in the Tower the night before his execution : . . . 
 
 Henry then addresses the Duchess of Gloucester (11. 9-13) : 
 
 You, Madame, for you are more Nobly borne, 
 Despoyled of your Honor in your Life, 
 Shall, after three ^ dayes open Penance done, 
 Line in your Countrey here in Banishment, 
 With Sir lohn Stanly, in the He of Man. 
 The Duchess of Gloucester 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 623/1/1. Ralle, 202.] was examined in saint Stephana 
 chappell before the bishop of Canturburie, and there by examina- 
 tion conuict, and iudged to doo open penance in three open places SJohess of 
 within the citie of London. ... and after that adiudged to per- s^nSlT' 
 petuall imprisonment in the He of Man, vnder the keeping of sir 
 Thomas Stanlie * knight. 
 
 Gloucester is about to withdraw, overwhelmed with sorrow for hia 
 wife's disgrace, when Henry speaks (11. 22-24) : 
 
 Stay, Humfrey Duke of Gloster : ere thou goe, 
 Giue vp thy Staffe ! Henry will to himselfe 
 Protector be ; . . . 
 
 This dismissal of Gloucester from the office of Protector is a 
 dramatic representation of a political change effected in 1446-47 by 
 Margaret,* who, 
 
 » This fact— which is recorded by Halle (202), Fab. (615), and Stow (628) 
 — may account for the dramatic Hume having been represented as a traitor. 
 Fab. (614) says that Hume was the duchess's chaplain. 
 
 * two] Contention. Fab. says nothing about the Duchess's penance. Stom 
 gives the dates of the three days on which it was performed. See p. 261 below. 
 
 3 lohn Stanley Halle (202). Thomas Stanley Tab. (614), Stow (628). In 
 1446 it was ordered that letters under Henry's privy seal should be directed to 
 Sir Thomas Stanley, authorizing him to convey Eleanor Cobham to the Isle of 
 Man. — Proc. Priv. Co., vi. 51. In 1443 she was removed from Chester Castle 
 to Kenilworth Castle. — Rymer, xi. 45. 
 
 * In 1441, according to Fob. (614), " began Murder [murmur] and Grudge 
 to breke at large, that before hadde ben kept in mewe, atwene parsones nere 
 aboute the kynge, and his vncle the famous Humfrey duke of Glouceter and 
 Protectour of the lande ; agayne whom dyuers Coniecturis were attempted 
 a farre, whiche after were sette nere to hym, so that they left nat tyll they 
 hadde brought hym vnto his confucion." In the next paragraph Fob. narrates 
 the treason of Eleanor Cobham and her accomplices. 
 
 Henry was crowned at Westminster on November 6, 1429 {Rot. PaH., iv. 
 
260 X. HENRY VI. PART 11. 
 
 cS^t t'^"^' "'• 626/2/51. Halle, 208, 209.] disdaining that hir 
 
 h1^"s husband should be ruled rather than rule, could not abide that the 
 nes3°tf' ™" duke of Glocester should doo all things concerning the order of 
 ouces er.] ^gjgjjjjg affaircs, least it might be said, that she had neither wit 
 nor stomach, which would permit and suffer hir husband, being of 
 most perfect age, like a yoong^'M^*^^,^ to be gouerned by the direc- 
 tion of an other man. Although this toy entered first into hir 
 [Gloucester's brainc thorough hir owne imagination, yet was she pricked forward 
 
 enemies ® o » ./ *. 
 
 npmlfer *o the matter both by such of hir husbands counsell, as of long 
 
 iiupntienoe.] ^^^^ j^g^^ bomc malice to the duke for his plainnesse Tsed in 
 
 declaring their vntruth (as partlie ye haue heard), and also by 
 
 counsell from king Reiner hir father ; aduising that she and the 
 
 king should take ypon them the rule of the realme, and not to be 
 
 The qveene ^^P* vnder, as wards and mastered orphanes. 
 
 f^thvpon -VYhat needeth manie words 1 The queene, persuaded by these 
 
 and dis"^ ' meanes, first of all excluded the duke of Glocester from all rule 
 
 ehargeth the 
 
 duke of and gouernance, . . . 
 
 Glocester. ° ' 
 
 Soon after Gloucester's exit, Horner and Peter present themselves 
 in the manner described by the following stage direction : " Enter at 
 one Doore the Armorer and his Neighbors, drinking to him so much 
 that hee is drunke ; . . . and at the other Doore his Man, . . . and 
 Prentices drinking to him." 
 
 As Holinshed's account of this judicial combat {Hoi. iii. 626/2/21) 
 is not a mere paraphrase of Halle, — the dramatist's chief authority, — 
 and differs in some respects from what we find in the play, I quote 
 Halle (207, 208) : 
 
 [The At the dale assigned, the frendes of the master brought hym 
 
 friends^' Malmcscy and Aqua vite, to comforte hym with all ; but it was the 
 
 brought him a 1 • ii.i i- -ni i- 
 
 malmsey cause of his and their discomforte. 1 or he poured in so muche 
 
 and aqua 
 
 "*"^;' that, when he came into the place in Smithfielde, where he should 
 
 337/1), and Gloucester resigned the Protectorate on November 15, 1429. — Ibid. 
 But Henry was nearly 16 when, on November 13) 1437, he assumed the 
 responsibility of government by appointing the members of a privy council 
 for the transaction of ordinary business ; reserving to himself the power of 
 deciding weighty questions and also those matters which might cause Ihe 
 disagreement of half or two-thirds of his council. — Proe. Prw. Go., vi. 
 312-314. 
 
 1 Cp. Margaret's words (2 Een. VI., I. iii. 49, 50) : 
 
 " What, shall King Henry be a PupUl still 
 Vnder the surly Glosters Gouernance 1 " 
 
 Cp. also 2 Hen. VI., II. iii. 28, 29. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 261 
 
 fyght, bothe his wytte and strength fayled hym : and so he, beyng [md made 
 
 a tall and a hardye personage, ouerladed with hote drynkes, was ^™tto„''^ 
 
 vanqueshed of his seruaunte, beyng but a cowards and a wretche ; ^ ml^'^^ 
 
 whose [the armourer's] body was drawen to Tyborne, & there by^Sfs*** 
 
 hanged and behedded. accuser.] 
 
 Act H. sc. iv. — Gloucester watches " the comming of" his " punisht 
 Duchesse " (1. 7). The historic dates of her " three dayes opea 
 Penance" (II. iii. 11) were November 13, 15, and 17, 1441.^ I quote 
 the stage direction or 2 Hen. VI., II. iv. 16 : " Enter the Duchesse in 
 a white Sheet, and a Taper burning in her homd, with the Sherife and 
 Officers." * None of the particulars given in this stage direction are 
 mentioned by Halle or Fabyan. In the second edition of Holinshed 
 the following detail of her penance is recorded (Hoi. iii. 623/i/5) : 
 
 Polychronicon saith she was inioined to go through Cheapside 
 with a taper in Mr hand. 
 
 Stow says (628) : 
 
 On Monday the 13. of Nouember, she came from Westminster, 
 by water, and landed at the Temple bridge, from whence, with a 
 taper of waxe of two pound in hir hande, she went through Fleete- 
 streete, hoodlesse (saue a kerchefe) to Pauls, where she oflFered hir 
 taper at the high altar. ... On Fryday she landed at Queene 
 Hiue, and so went through Cheape to S. Michaels in Cornehill, in 
 forme aforesaid : at all which times the Maior, sherifes, and crafts 
 of London, receiued hir and accompanied hir. This being done 
 she was committed to the ward of Sir Thomas Stanley, . . . hauing 
 
 Abr. PI. ex 
 Polychron. 
 
 [The 
 Duchess 
 carried a 
 taper.] 
 
 [The 
 
 Duchess of 
 
 Gloucester 
 
 bore a taper 
 
 through 
 
 Fleet 
 
 Street.] 
 
 [On each 
 diiy ofher 
 penance she 
 was accoin- 
 
 tianied by 
 he Mayor, 
 Sheriffs and 
 crafts of 
 London.] 
 
 1 As to Peter's cowardice and Homer's knowledge of fence, — not mentioned 
 by flbi!.,— see 2 Here. VI., II. iii. 56-58 ; 77-79. Hoi. (6mi2/28) says that the 
 armourer " was slaine without guilt," and that " the false servant . . . lined 
 not long vnpunished ; for being conuict of felonie in court of assise, he was 
 iudged to be hanged, and so was, at Tibume." In 2 Hen. VI., II. iii. 96, 
 Homer confesses treason, and Henry promises to reward Peter, whom Horner 
 " thought to haue murther'd wrongfully " (II. iii. 107, 108). 
 
 2 Stow, 628. Greg., 184. Ch/ron. Lmui., 129. Accordiog to one of Stow's 
 authorities {Chron. Bich. II.— Hen. VI., 59, 60) the days of penance were 
 November 9, 15, and 17. ..^ -n. 
 
 3 The stage direction in The Contention (27) runs as follows : "Enter Dame 
 Elnor Cobham bare-foote, and a white sheete about her, with a waxe candle in 
 her hand, and verses written on her backe and pind on, and accompanied with 
 the Sheriffes of London, and Sir lohn Standly, and Officers, with biUes and 
 holbards." In the Lament of the Duchess of Gloucester— a poem which Wnght 
 ■believed to be of contemporary date— she is made to eay : " I went bare fete 
 on my fette."— Poi. Poems, n. 207, and 205 note 2. 
 
262 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 [She had a yeerclj 100. markcs assigned for hir finding, ^ . . . whose pride, 
 
 hlr'^dwss ^^^^^ couetise,^ and lecherie, were cause of hir confusion. 
 
 to Sir The Duchess blames Gloucester for not resenting her disgrace (II. 
 
 sSe/8 23-25; 42-47); and he prays her "sort" her "heart to patience" (1. 
 ward.] 68). After recording the fates of the Duchess's confederates (p. 259 
 
 above), Holinshed says (iii. 623/1/27) : 
 
 [G^^^ester'B The duke of Glocester bare all these things patientlie, and said 
 
 little (Halle, 202). 
 
 Act III. so. i. — Henry wonders why Gloucester comes not to the 
 Parliament assembled at Bury St. Edmunds s (11. 1-3). Margaret asks 
 
 Can you not see ? or will ye not obserue 
 The strangenesse of his alter'd Countenance ] 
 With what a Maiestie he beares himselfe, 
 How insolent of late he is become, 
 How prowd, how peremptorie, and vnlike himselfe ? 
 What Hardyng says (400) about Gloucester's changed demeanour 
 after Eleanor Cobham's trial may possibly be the source of these lines : 
 
 Then was the kyng come vnto mannes age, 
 rfeif^°Ae Wherfore the lordes wolde no protector, 
 
 ate!) ° '" Wherfore the duke Joste his great auauntage 
 
 And was no more then after defensour ; 
 
 But then he fell into a greate errour, 
 
 Moued by his wyfe Elianor Cobham ; 
 
 To truste her so, men thought he was to blame. 
 [Eleanor He waxed then straunge eche day vnto y" kyng, 
 
 Cobham's p . i i n 
 
 condemnar For causc shc was formdged tor sossery, 
 
 tion made " •' ' 
 
 TOMtowarts ^^^ enchaun[t]mentees, that she was in workyng 
 
 ^""''•' Agayne the churche, and the kyng cursedly, 
 
 By helpe of one maysfcer Roger Oonly : 
 And into Wales he went of frowardnesse 
 And to the kyng had greate heuynesse. 
 
 While Margaret and her allies are striving to lessen Henry's esteem 
 for Gloucester, Somerset — lately appointed Regent of France * — enters 
 'and announces that " all is lost " (1. 85). 
 
 1 Stanley assures her that she shall be treated " Like to a Duchesse, and 
 Duke Humfreyes Lady " (2 Hen. VI., II. iv. 98). 
 
 * fals coiietise] Chron. Rich. II. — Hen. VI., 60. false, couetiae Stow. 
 ^ Opened on February 10, HAl.—Bot Pa/rl, v. 128/i. 
 
 * A dramatic interval of about two months has elapsed since his appoints 
 ment in Act I., sc. iii.— 2"-^., 307-310, 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 263 
 
 Suffolk's trace, negotiated in 1444, was renewed ^ from time to 
 time until it was broken on our side by the treacherous seizure of 
 Foug^es in March, 1449.^ A subsequent fifteen months' war' made 
 the French masters of Normandy ; the reconquest of which was 
 achieved at the surrender of Cherbourg on August 12, 1450.* When 
 a year later Bordeaux and a few other places in Guienne were added 
 to Charles VII.'s dominions (see p. 231 above), no foreign territory was 
 left us save Calais and the Channel Islands.* Somerset's share in the 
 war ended with his surrender of Caen on July 1, 1450.* Thence he 
 departed to Calais,^ and returned to England in October, 1450.* 
 
 The Regent's blunt announcement causes York to murmur, aside 
 (11. 87-90) : 
 
 Cold Newes for me ; for I had hope of France, 
 As firmely as I hope for fertile England. 
 Thus are my Blossomes blasted in the Bud, 
 And Caterpillers eate my Leaues away ; . . . 
 
 Holinshed paraphrased Halle's assertion (216) that Somerset's 
 surrender of Caen 
 
 The irrtcon- 
 
 [Hol. iii. 630/2/i8.] kindled so great a rancor in the dukes SLnil*^ 
 heart and stomach, that he neuer left persecuting the duke of [MHiuSy 
 Summerset, vntill he had brought him to his fatall end & rendeTof 
 
 . ° Caen]. 
 
 confusion. 
 
 Gloucester now enters the Parliament to which he was summoned 
 in a preceding scene (II. iv. 70, 71), and is immediately arrested by 
 Suffolk for high treason (11. 95-97). According to Halle (209), Holin- 
 shed's authority, Gloucester's exclusion from power in 1446 (see p. 260 
 above) was virtually a sentence of death. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 627/1 /i S-] But, to auoid danger of tumult that might 
 be raised, if a prince so well beloued of the people should be 
 openlie executed, his enimies determined to worke their feats in 
 his destruction, yer he should haue anie warning. For effecting i^''' 
 whereof, a parlement was summoned to be kept at Berrie ; whither ^j£'™"' 
 resorted all the peeres of the realme, and amongst them the duke ^!^^' 
 
 1 The renewals are set forth in Bymer's Foedera, vol. xi. 
 
 « De Coussy, x. 133. 
 
 3 Eeckoning from the surprise of Pont de-1'Arche by the French, on May 
 16, 1449. — De Gcmssy, x. 141 ; Bu Clercq, xii. 10. 
 
 * Ihb Clercq, xii. 81. 
 
 6 These islands formed part of the Duchy of Normandy. 
 
 6 Dm Clercq, xii. 73. 
 
 ^ De Coussy, x. 283, 284. 
 
 8 Wyrc, 473. Somerset's return to England in October was wjongly 
 placed by Wyrc. under the, year 1449, but the context shows that the year 
 should be 1450. 
 
264 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 of Griocester, which on the second dale of the session ^ was by the 
 lord Beaumont, then high constable of England, (accompanied with 
 areestod]^'^ the duke of Buckingham, and others,) arrested, apprehended, and 
 put in ward, and all his seruants sequestred from him, and thirtie 
 two of the cheefe of his retinue were sent to diuerse prisons, to 
 the great admiration of the people. 
 
 As Suffolk has specified no charge which might warrant the arrest, 
 Gloucester asks, " wherein am I guiltie ? " York answers (11. 104-106) : 
 
 'Tis thought, my Lord, that you tooke Bribes of France, 
 And, being Protector, stay'd the Souldiers pay ; 
 By meanes whereof his Highnesse hath lost IVance. 
 
 This accusation resembles one of the " Articles proponed by the 
 commons against the Duke of Suffolke," on February 7, 1450.^ 
 
 csuffoik [Hoi. iii. 631/2/S8. Halle, 218.] 9 Item, when armies haue 
 
 ftom ciuSes bccne prepared, and souldiers readie waged, to passe ouer the sea, 
 
 VII to stay 
 
 armies going to dcalc with the kiugs enimics : the said duke, corrupted by 
 
 to France.] ^ i , 
 
 rewards of the French king, hath restreined & staled the said 
 armies to passe anie further. 
 
 In a speech condemning his accusers' malice, Gloucester reveals the 
 hidden motive which prompted one of them (U. 158-160) : 
 
 . . . dogged Yorke, that reaches at the Moone, 
 Whose ouer-weening Arme I haue pluckt back, 
 By false accuse doth leuell at my Life : . . . 
 
 The following reflection upon the consequences of Gloucester's 
 death may have suggested these lines : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 627/1/68. Halle, 210.] Oft times it hapneth that a 
 man, in quenching of smoke, burneth his fingers in the fire : so the 
 queene, in casting how to keepe hir husband in honor, and hir selfe 
 in authoritie, in making awaie of this noble man, brought that to 
 passe, which she had most cause to haue feared ; which was the 
 deposing of hir husband, & the decaie of the house of Lancaster, 
 which of likelihood had not chanced if this duke had lined : for 
 
 1 February 11 was the second day of the session {Bot. Fwrlt, v. 129/9) > ^"* 
 according to Oreg. (188) Gloucester was arrested on February 18. In a con- 
 temporaneously written memorandum of the Parliament of Bury, Gloucester's 
 arrest is dated February 18 (Ohron. Bich. II. — Hen. VI., 116). 
 
 ' This is Hol.'s title. The charges are given in Rot. P<wl., v. IVT-IVS, 
 where the article which I quote from Hoi. is the 25th. My authority for the 
 date of Suffolk's impeachment is Hot. Pari, v. 177/i. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 265 
 
 then durst not the duke of Yorke haue attempted to set foorth his d' oioucee- 
 
 . '■ ter had lived 
 
 title to the crowne, as he afterwards did, to the great trouble of ^^ haw"* 
 the realme, and destruction of king Henrie, and of many other ci*™.]*''* 
 noble men beside. 
 
 Gloucester closes his speech with a recognition that his fate is sealed 
 (11. 168-171) : 
 
 I shall not want false Witnesse to condemne me, 
 Nor store of Treasons to augment my guilt j 
 The ancient Prouerbe will be well effected : 
 " A Staffe is quickly found to beat a Dogge." 
 
 We have seen (p. 250 above) that " diuerse articles were laid against 
 him in open councell." Defence was useless, for 
 
 [Eol. iii. 627/ 1 /ii. Halle, 209.1 although the duke sufficientlie [Gloucester's 
 answered to all things against him obiected ; yet, because his death J^^^, 
 was determined, his wisedome and innocencie nothing auailed. 
 
 A " Poste " from Ireland enters, bringing news " that Rebels there 
 are vp " (11. 282, 283). The task of subduing them is assigned to 
 York, who thus obtains the armed force which he needs to serve his 
 ambition (11. 341-347). The dramatist sent York to Ireland, as 
 Lieutenant, before the opening of the Second Pari of Henry the Sixth, 
 since in Act I., sc. i., Salisbury applies to an imaginary former term 
 of office praise which belongs to the historic administration of 1448-50 ; 
 undertaken by York in this scene. (See p. 248 above.) 
 
 All now go out save York, who thereupon unfolds his policy (11. 
 348-359 ; 374, 375) : 
 
 Whiles I in Ireland nourish a mightie Band, 348 
 
 I will stirre vp in England some black Storme 
 
 Shall blowe ten thousand Soules to Heauen or Hell ; 
 
 And this fell Tempest shall not cease to rage, 
 
 Vntill the Golden Circuit on my Head, 352 
 
 Like to the glorious Sunnes transparant Beames, 
 
 Do calme the f urie of this mad-bred Flawe. 
 
 And, for a minister of my intent, 
 
 I haue seduc'd a head-strong Kentishman, 356 
 
 lohn Cade of Ashford, 
 
 To make Commotion, as full well he can, 
 
 Vnder the title of lohn Mortimer. . . . 
 
 By this I shall perceiue the Commons minde, 374 
 
 How they affect the House and Clayme of Yorke. 
 Cade's rebellion broke out at the end of May, 1450.1 its origin is 
 thus described : 
 
 ' Septima in Pentecoste [septimcma Pentecosles Heame conj.] inoepit 
 communis insurreccio in Kancia."— TTyrc, 469. In 1450 Whit Sunday fell 
 on May 24. 
 
266 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART 11. 
 
 lache Cadei 
 rebellion in 
 Kent. [To 
 goto 
 
 adherents, 
 lie called 
 himself 
 Mortimer.] 
 
 The duke qf 
 Glocester 
 sudderUii 
 viurfhered. 
 
 Edw. Hall. 
 [209.] 
 
 [Hol. iii. 632/1/63. Salle, 220.] Those that fauoured the 
 duke of Yorke, and wished the crowne vpon his head, for that (as 
 they iudged) he had more right thereto than he that ware it, pro- 
 cured a commotion in Kent on this manner. A certeine yoong 
 man, of a goodlie stature and right pregnant of wit, was intised to 
 take vpon him the name of lohn Mortimer, coosine to the duke of 
 Yorke ; (although his name was lohn Cade, or, of some, lohn 
 Mend-all, an Irishman, as Polychronicon saith ;) and not for a small 
 policie, thinking by that surname, that those which fauoured the 
 house of the earle of March would be assistant to him. [Cp. p. 
 282, n. 2, below.] 
 
 Act III. sc. ii. — " Enter two or three running ouer the Stage, from 
 the Murther of Duke Humfrey." Afterwards (1. 121) : " Noyse within. 
 Enter Warwicke, [Salisbury], and many Commons." Warwick informs 
 Henry that, the murder of Gloucester by means of SufEolk and Cardinal 
 Beaufort having been reported, the Commons demand to "heare the 
 order " of Duke Humphrey's death. Gloucester's body is therefore 
 exhibited on the stage, and Warwick points out these signs of murder 
 (11. 168-170) : 
 
 But see, his face is blacke and full of blood. 
 His eye-balles further out than when he Uued, 
 Staring full gastly, like a strangled man ; . . . 
 
 Gloucester's sudden death gave rise to sinister conjectures : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 627/1/29.] The duke, the night after he was thus 
 
 committed to prison [p. 264 above], being the foure and twentith 
 
 of Februarie,^ was found dead in his bed, and his bodie shewed 
 
 to the lords and commons,^ as though he had died of a palsie, 
 
 or of an imposteme. 
 
 But all indifferent persons (as saith Hall) might well vnder- 
 
 stand that he died of some violent death. Some iudged him to be 
 
 strangled, some aflBrme that an hot spit was put in at his funda- 
 
 ' February 23. — Greg., 188. Wyrc, 464. From the memorandum of the 
 Bury Parliament {Chron. BAch. II. — Men. VI., Ill) it appears that Gloucester 
 " deyde sons appon iij on the belle at aftrenone " of February 23. Hol. pro- 
 bably followed Stow (635) in giving February 24 as the date of Gloucester's 
 death. Salh (209), the dramatist's chief authority, says that Gloucester " the 
 night after his emprysonment was foimd dedde in his bed." Hence I con- 
 jecture that between scenes i. and ii., Act III., there is not a dramatic interval 
 of one clear day from midnight to midnight. See T-A., 310. 
 
 2 "And on the Fryday [February 24, 1447] next folewyng [Gloucester's 
 death], the lordes spirituelle and temporelle, also knyjtes of the parlement,.and 
 ■whosoeuer wolde come, saugh hym [Gloucester] dede." — Memorandum of the 
 Bury Parliament {Chron. Bich. II. — Hen. VI., 117). 
 
Btrcmgledf 
 others write 
 that he was 
 smothered.] 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART IT. 267 
 
 ment, other write that he was smouldered ^ betweene two feather- [Some 
 
 , judged him 
 
 beds ; and some haue affirmed that he died of verie greefe, for J^^^ 
 that he might not come openlie to his answer. 
 
 Subsequently an attempt to enter the Upper House is made by the 
 Commons who had remained " within." Salisbury keeps them back, 
 and becomes their spokesman (11. 243-263) : 
 
 Dread Lord, the Commons send you word by me, 
 
 Vnlesse Lord Suffolke straight be done to death, 244 
 
 Or banished faire Englands Territories, 
 
 They will by violence teare him from your Pallaee, 
 
 And torture him with grieuous lingring death. 
 
 They say, by him the good Duke Humfrey dy'de ; 248 
 
 They say, in him they feare your Highnesse death ; 
 
 And meere instinct of Loue and Loyaltie 
 
 (Free from a stubborne opposite intent. 
 
 As being thought to contradict your liking) 252 
 
 Makes them thus forward in his Banishment. 
 
 The excerpts I quote seem tame beside such a message as this; 
 enforced by a threat from the impatient Commons that they " will all 
 breake in." There are no materials for judging whether Suffolk was 
 innocent or guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, but hatred and 
 mistrust of him were widely spread. In 1449-50 people 
 
 [Sol. ill. 631/i/i6. Halle, 217.1 began to make exclamation ^*« 
 
 *- ' 'JO common 
 
 against the duke of SuflFolke, charging him to be the onelie cause fg^tr 
 of the deliuerie of Aniou and Maine, the cheefe procuror of the '^o'L 
 duke of Glocester's death, the verie occasion of the losse of Nor- 
 mandie, the swallower vp of the kings treasure,^ the remoouer of 
 good and vertuous councellours from about the prince, and the 
 aduancer of vicious persons, and of such as by their dooings 
 shewed themselues apparant aduersaries to the common-wealth. 
 
 The queene hereat, doubting not onelie the duke's destruction. The 
 
 pcvrlemet 
 
 but also hir owne confusion, caused the parlement, before begun at ?f^^„ 
 the Blackfriers,^ to be adiourned to Leicester ; thinking there, by ^"j^' 
 force and rigor of law, to suppresse and subdue all the malice and *watLMer. 
 
 * The Contention (35) has the following stage-direction before Suifolk's first 
 Bpeech (2 Hen. VI., III. ii. 6): "Then the Curtaines being drawne, Duke 
 Humphrey is" discouered in his bed, and two men lying on his brest and 
 smothering him in his bed. And then enter the Duke of Suffolke to them." 
 2 In 2 Een. VI., IV. i. 73, 74, the "Lieutenant" thus addresses Suflfolk: 
 " Now will I dam vp this thy yawning mouth, 
 For swallowing the Treasure of the Eealme : " . . . 
 ' Parliament met at Westminster on November 6, 1449, and was adjourned 
 to meet at Black Friars on the following day. — Bot. Pari., v. 171/i. 
 
268 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 euill will conceiued against the duke & hir. At which place few 
 of the nobilitie would appeare : wherefore it was againe adiourned 
 to Westminster, where was a full appearance. In the which 
 session the commons of the nether house put vp to the king and 
 sdw. Hall, the lords manie articles of treason, misprision, and euill demeanor, 
 against the duke of Suffoike : . . . 
 
 I have cited above (p. 264) one of the " Articles proponed by the 
 commons against the Duke of Suffoike." The most important of these 
 articles accuse him of treasonable dealings with the French, but in 
 none of them is Gloucester even mentioned.^ Under the year 1 447 
 Fabyan relates (619) that 
 
 [Suffolk *^^ Grudge and Murmour of y" people ceasid nat agayne the 
 of ifeiSr Marquys of Suffoike, for the deth of the good Duke of Glouceter, 
 
 Gloucester's p i 11 .11 .1 
 
 murderer.] 01 whose murdrc hc was specially susspected. 
 
 Henry directs Salisbury to tell the Commons that, if they had not 
 urged this matter, 
 
 Yet did I piu-pose as they doe entreat ; 
 
 and, addressing Suffolk, says (11. 295-297) : 
 
 If after three dayes space thou here bee'st found. 
 
 On any ground that I am Ruler of, 
 
 The World shall not be Eansome for thy Life. 
 
 According to Halle (219), Holinshed's authority, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 632/1/23.J the parlement was adiourned to Leicester,^ 
 
 whither came the king and queene in great estate, and with them 
 
 [The the duke of Suffoike, as cheefe couneellour. The commons of the 
 
 Commons 
 
 mmf^^nt ^^'^^r house, not forgetting their old grudge, besought the king, 
 
 ^oidef "'"' ^^^^ such persons, as assented to the release of Aniou, and deliuer- 
 
 ^Se.]*"* ance of Maine, might be dulie punished. . . . When the king 
 
 perceiued that there was no remedie to appease the peoples furie 
 
 1 But in 1451 the Commons assembled at Westminster, after praying Henry 
 to attaint Suffolk (then dead) for the treasons of which the Duke Imd been 
 accused by the Commons in 1450, ended their petition thus : " Youre grate 
 Wysdome, rightwisnesse, and high discretion considering, that the seid William 
 de la Pole hath nought only don and commytted the forseii Treasons and 
 mischevous dedes, but was the cause and laborer of the arrest, emprisonyng, 
 and fynall destruction of the most noble vaillant true Prince, youre right 
 Obeissant Uncle the Duke of Gloucestre, whom God pardon," . . . — Bot. 
 Pari, v. 226. 
 
 2 The Parliament which met first at Westminster on November 6, 1449 
 (iJot Pari., V. 171/1) was adjourned to Leicester for April 29, 1450 (Bot. Pari., 
 V. 172/11). But Suffolk was banished on March 17, 1450 (see next note). 
 
X. HENEY VI. PART II. 269 
 
 by anie colourable waies, shortlie to pacifie so long an hatred, he 
 
 first sequestred the lord Saie, (being treasurer of England,) and 
 
 other the dukes adherents, from their offices and roomes ; and after 
 
 banished the duke of SuflFolke, as the abhorred tode and common [Suffolk 
 
 noiance of the whole realme, for tearme of fine yeares : ^ meaning Henry for 
 
 by this exile to appease the malice of the people for the time, and 
 
 after (when the matter should be forgotten) to reuoke him home 
 
 againe. 
 
 Act III. sc. iii. — Cardinal Beaufort was " at point of death " in the 
 last scene (III. ii. 369). He is now visited by Henry, Salisbury, and 
 Warwick. The dying man does not know his sovereign, and exclaims 
 (11. 2-4) : 
 
 If thou beest death. He giue thee Englands Treasure, 
 Enough to purchase such another Island, 
 So thou wilt let me line, and f eele no paine ! 
 
 I quote Halle's summing up (210, 211) of Cardinal Beaufort's life, 
 which contains a death-bed speech whence these lines were derived. 
 On April 11, 1447,2 
 
 Henry Beaufford, byshop of Wynchester, and called the ryche f^^"*'?,'', 
 Cardynall, departed out of this worlde, and was buried at Wyn- ^^j^lS, 
 Chester. This manne was sonne to Ihon of Gaunte duke of 
 Lancaster; disceJided on an honorable lignage, but borne in ^™'^°'^* 
 Baste ; more noble of bloud then notable in learnyng ; haut in '=''*™''**''> 
 stomacke, and hygh in countenaunce ; ryche aboue measure of all 
 men, & to fewe liberal ; disdaynfuU to his kynne and dreadful! to 
 his loners ; preferrynge money before frendshippe ; many thinges 
 begynning and nothing perfourmyng. His couetise * insaciable, and 
 hope of long lyfe, made hym bothe to forget God, his Prynce, and 
 hymself, in his latter dales. For doctor Ihon Baker, his pryuie [nr. Baker's 
 counsailer and hys chapellayn, wrote that he, lyeng on his death j^^'^"^^ 
 bed, said these wordes: "Why should I dye, hauing so muche 
 " ryches [that], if the whole Realme would saue my lyfe, I am able 
 " either by poUicie to get it, or by ryches to bye it ? Fye ! wyll Death be° 
 
 1 I 1IT1 hired, nor 
 
 "not death be hyered, nor will money do nothyng? When my "^'J,^^^, 
 
 1 On March 17, 1450, Suflfolk was banished for a term of five years, begin- 
 ning on May 1 next ensuing. — Bot Pa/i-l., v. 182/2, 183/i. 
 
 " Chron. Rich. II.— Hm. VL, 63. Wyrc, 464. On April 15, 1447, 
 permission to elect Beaufort's successor in the See of Winchester was granted. 
 Bymer, xi. 162, 163. Halle (210) wrongly placed Beaufort's death in 1448. 
 
 * couetise] couetous Halle. 
 
270 X. HENRY VI. PART H. 
 
 When "nephew of Bedford died, I thought my selfe halfe vp the whele ; 
 
 li 1011068 tCT 
 
 Sght " ^^* when I sawe myne other nephew of Gloucester disceased, 
 
 S[^o?"' " tlisn I thought my selfe able to be equale with kinges, and so 
 
 kings. ] „ tjjoQgjjij ^Q encrease my treasure in hoope to haue worne a tryple 
 
 "Croune. But I se nowe the worlde fayleth me, and so I am 
 
 " deceyued : praiyng you all to pray for me." Of the gettyng of 
 
 thys mannes goodes, both by power legatine ^ or spiritual bryberie, 
 
 iHopingto I vnl not speake: but the kepynge of them for his ambicious 
 
 obtain the ^ rj o 
 
 iSSt purpose, aspyryng to ascend to the papisticall sea, was bothe great 
 riche^^which losse to his naturall Prynce, and natyue countrey ; for his hidden 
 reUCTedtht riches might haue wel holpen the kyng, and his secrete treasure 
 common- misrht haue releued the commonaltie, whew money was scante, and 
 
 wealth.] * , . 
 
 importunate charges were dayly immment. 
 
 Act rV. sc. i. — "Alarum. Fight at Sea. Ordnance goes off." 
 Suffolk enters as a prisoner, and is beheaded ere the scene closes. The 
 historic date of the latter event was May 2, 1450.^ Henry had resolved, 
 when Suffolk's term of banishment expired, "to reuoke him home 
 againe" (p. 269 above). 
 
 ffol. iii. 632/1/45. Salle, 219.] But Gods iustice would not 
 
 that so vngratious a person should so escape ; for, when he shipped 
 
 in Suffolke, intending to transport himselfe ouer into France, he 
 
 was incountered with a ship of warre, apperteining to the duke of 
 
 Excester, constable of the Tower of London, called the Nicholas 
 
 of the Tower.* The capteine of that barke with small fight entered 
 
 ' legatine] legantye Halle. 
 
 2 Wyrc, 469. On April 30, 1450, Suffolk was intercepted and obliged to 
 transfer himself to the Nicholas of the Tower. There he remained until May 
 2, when " he was drawyn ought of the grete shippe yn to the bote," and 
 beheaded " by con of the lewdeste of the shippe." — Paston, i. 124, 125. 
 
 5 Suffolk's ransom is assigned by the Lieutenant to one Walter Whitmore 
 (Water Whiehmore, Contention, 43). The Duke starts when he hears this name, 
 and says (11. 33-35) : 
 
 " Thy name affrights me, in whose sound is death. 
 A cunning man did calculate my birth, 
 And told me that by Water I should dye " : . . . 
 
 (Op. the Spirit's prediction in 2 Hen. VI., I. iv. 36.) It appears that a pro- 
 phecy of Suffolk's death really met with a like unforeseen fulfilment. On 
 May 5, 1450, William Lomner wrote thus to John Paston: "Also he [Suffolk] 
 asked the name of the sheppe, and whanne he knew it, he remembred Stacy 
 that seid, if he myght eschape the daunger of the Towr, he should be saffe ; 
 and thanne his herte faylyd hym, for he thowghte he was desseyvyd," . . . 
 — Paston, i. 125. John Stacy, called " Astronomus," was also " ms^nns 
 Necromanticus." He was associated with Thomas Burdet, a valet of George 
 Duke of Clarence, and was executed in 1477. — Cont Croyl., 561, Suffolk was 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 271 
 
 into the dukes ship, and, perceiuing hia person present, brought Themetched 
 him to Douer road, and there, on the one side of a cock bote, ^oj%. 
 caused his head to be striken off, and left his bodie with the head 
 lieng there on the sands. Which corps, being there found by a 
 chapleine of his, was conueied to Wingfield college in Suffolke, and 
 there buried. 
 
 Act IV. sc. ii. — The dramatic version of the Kentishmen's rising 
 in 1450 contains some gleanings from Holinshed's account of the 
 villeins' revolt in 1381. A proposal to kill all the lawyers (11. 83, 84) 
 was not, so far as we know, made at the former date, but in 1381, 
 when the rebels had gained strength, they 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 430/1/65.] began to shew proofe of those things which f^l^^'^ 
 they had before conceiued in their minds, beheading all such men t^u to 
 of law, iustices, and iurors, as they might catch, and laie hands fiZt'^^u 
 vpon, without respect of pitie, or remorse of conscience : alledging 
 that the land could neuer enioy hir natiue and true libertie, till all 
 those sorts of people were dispatched out of the waie. 
 
 Wat Tyler demanded from Bichard II. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 432/1/56.] a commission to put to death all lawiers, ^J^^*^, 
 escheaters, and other which by any office had any thing to doo 
 with the law ; for his meaning was that, hauing made all those 
 awaie that vnderstood the lawes, all things should then be ordered 
 according to the will and disposition of the common people. 
 
 Some of Cade's men bring forward " the Clarke of Chattam," ^ who 
 has been taken " setting of boyes Copies " (1. 95). Cade sentences 
 him to be hung "with his Pen and Inke-horne ^ about his necke." 
 Holinshed says that in 1381 the rebels obliged 
 
 committed to the Tower on January 28, 1450 {Rot Pari., v. iVT/i) ; before 
 which time he had asked " of on that was an astronomer, what shoMe falls of 
 him, and how he sholde ende his lif ; and whanne the said astronomer hadde 
 labourid therfore in his said craft, he ansuerde to the duke and said that he 
 sholde die a shameful deth, and counselid him alwey to be war of the tour; 
 wherfor be instaunce of lordis that were his frendis, he was sone delyuerid out 
 of the said tour of Londoun."--Cfcron. Rich. II. — Mm. VI., 69. 
 f. ■ 1 Chattam] Qi, OhaHam Fi. Chartham is 2J miles S.W. of Canterbury. 
 —Bartholomew. A "parishe Clearke" of "Chetham" figures in a legend of 
 our Lady of Chatham, told in Lambarde's Perambulation of Kent (repr. 1826, 
 p. 324). 
 
 2 Pen amd Inke-home'] Fi. permy-inckhome Qi. Cp. " penner and inke- 
 home " in excerpt from Hal. In 1381 the rebels, "if they found any to haue 
 
 Een and inke, they pulled off his hoode, and all with one voice of crying, ' Hale 
 im out, and cut off his head.' ''—fftow, 453. 
 
 all law 
 aioKAed. 
 
272 X. HENEY VI. PART II. 
 
 [Grammar- [Hol. ui. 436/i/9.J tcachers of children ia grammar schooles ^ 
 
 forbidden.] ^q sweare neuer to instruct any in their art. ... it was dangerous 
 
 [It was among them to be knowne for one that was lerned, and more 
 
 toST dangerous, if any men were found with a penner and inkhorne at 
 
 inkhom.] his side : for such seldome or neuer escaped from them with life. 
 
 Cade thus animates his followers to encounter the Staffords (11. 
 193, 194): 
 
 Now shew your selues men, 'tis for Liberty ! 
 
 We will not leaue one Lord, one Gentleman : . . . 
 
 In June, 1381, John Ball exhorted the people assembled at 
 Blackheath 
 
 [Hol. iii. 437/1/73.J to consider that now the time was come 
 
 appointed to them by God, in which they might (if they would) 
 
 cast oflF the yoke of bondage, & recouer libertie. He counselled 
 
 them therefore to remember themselues, and to take good hearts 
 
 vnto tbem, that, after the manner of a good husband that tilleth 
 
 his ground, and riddeth out thereof such euill weeds as choke and 
 
 [Great lords dcstroic the good comc, they might destroie first the great lords ^ 
 
 thouidbe™ of the rcalmc, and after the iudges and lawiers, questmoongers, 
 
 thiitequauty and all othcr whom they vndertooke to be against the commons ; 
 
 secured.] for SO might they procure peace and suertie to themselues in time 
 
 to come, if, dispatching out of the waie the great men, there should 
 
 be an equalitie in libertie, no difference in degrees of nobilitie, but 
 
 a like dignitie and equall authoritie in all things brought in among 
 
 them. 
 
 Act IV. sc. iii. — " Alarums to the fight, wherein both the Staffords 
 are slaine. Enter Cade and the rest." The historic date of this fight 
 
 > Cade to Lord Say (2 Sen. VI., IV. vii. SS-SV) : " Thou hast most traiter- 
 ously corrupted the youth of the Eealme, in erecting a Grammar Schoole." 
 
 ^ Ball was wont to say : " A, good people, matters go not wel to passe in 
 England in these dayes, nor shall not do vntill euery thing be common, and 
 that there be no Villeynes nor gentlemen, . . . We be all come from one 
 father and one mother, Adam and Eue." — Grafton, i. 417, 418. His theme 
 when preaching at Blackheath was : 
 
 " When Adam delu'd, and Eue span 
 Who was then a gentleman 1 " — 361., iii. 437/1/63. 
 
 Cp. John Holland's assertion (2 Hen. VI., IV. ii. 9, 10) : " Well, I say it was 
 neuer merrie world in England since Gentlemen came vp." Cp. also Cade's 
 letort to Sir Humphrey Stafford (IV. ii. 142) : " And Adam was a Gardiner." 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 273 
 
 was June 18, 1450.^ Cade declined an engagement with a large force 
 which had been collected to oppose him, and retired from Blackheath.^ 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 634/1/5 1. Salle, 220.] The queene (that bare rule), 
 being of his retrait aduertised, sent sir Humfreie Stafford knight, 
 and William his brother, with manie other gentlemen, to follow 
 the Kentishmen, thinking that they had fled : but they were tm staf- 
 
 fordeslaine 
 
 deceiued, for at the first skirmish both the Staffords were slaine. ?' senocke 
 
 ' 'by lach 
 
 & all their companie discomfited. ''"*• 
 
 Cade's words — " This Monument of the victory will I beare " ^ 
 (1. 12) — are explained by the ensuing quotation : 
 
 \Hol. iii. 634/1/69. Halle, 220.1 lacke Cade, vpon victorie [Cade 
 
 , apparelled 
 
 against the Stafibrds, apparelled himselfe in sir Humfreies brigan- ^j^gi*™ 
 
 dine set fall of guilt nailes, and so in some glorie returned againe w^n^ne ] 
 
 toward London : diuerse idle and vagarant persons, out of Sussex, 
 
 Surreie and other places, still increasing his number. 
 
 Just before the Kentishmen set forth on their march to London, 
 Dick Butcher says (11. 17, 18) : "If we meane to thriue, and do good, 
 breake open the Gaoles, and let out the Prisoners " In July, 1450, 
 after his repulse from London Bridge (see p. 280 below). Cade, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 635/1/41. Halle, 222.] for making him more friends, 
 brake vp the gailes of the kings Bench and Marshalsie ; * and so [Cade broke 
 
 <^ ° ° ' _ open the 
 
 were manie mates set at libertie verie meet for his matters in g»oi8 1 
 hand. 
 
 Act IV. sc. iv. — As this scene opens the King enters " with a 
 Supplication " ; and soon afterwards Buckingham asks (11. 7, 8) : 
 " What answer makes your Grace to the Eebells Supplication V'^ 
 Early in June, 1450, Cade — who was then encamped on Blackheath — 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 632/2/73. Halle, 220.] sent vnto the king an humble ^°if^^^f„„';j?- 
 supplication, affirming that his comming was not against his grace, 
 [p. 633] but against such of his councellours, as were loners of 
 
 1 The date of Sir Humphrey Stafford's death given in the Inquisition post 
 mortem, 28 Hen. VI., No. 7. {Paston, I. p. Iii. note 3.) 
 
 2 Wyrc, 470. Qreg., 191. 
 
 3 This . . . heare] 2 Hen. VI. om. Contention. 
 
 * In 1381 also the rebels " brake vp the prisons of the Marshalsea, & the 
 Kings bench, set the prisoners at libertie, & admitted them into their com- 
 panie."— flb?. 430/2/53. "They also brake vp the prisons of newgate, and of 
 both the counters, destroied the books, and set prisoners at libertie."— Hbf. 
 iii. 431/2/43. 
 
 6 Enter the King reading of a Letter] Contention. From it he learns that 
 the Staffords have been slain, and that the rebels are marching to London. The 
 question, " What . . . Supplication," is not in Contention. 
 
 T 
 
274 
 
 HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 [Ambag- 
 Badors from 
 Henry sent 
 to Cade.] 
 
 [Cade 
 demanded 
 a personal 
 conference 
 with Henry.] 
 
 [Henry 
 retired to 
 Kenilworth, 
 leaving Lord 
 Scales to 
 defend the 
 Tower.) 
 
 [Cade 
 entered 
 Southwark, 
 and lodged 
 at the White 
 Hart.] 
 
 themselues, and oppressors of the poore commonaltie ; flatterers 
 of the king, and enimies to his honor ; suckers of his purse, and 
 rohbers of his subiects ; parciall to their freends, and extreame 
 to their enimies ; thorough bribes corrupted, and for indiflferencie 
 dooing nothing. 
 
 A messenger announces that Cade is master of Southwark (1. 27). 
 Buckingham counsels Henry's retirement "to Killingworth," until a 
 power can be raised for putting down the rebels (11. 39, 40). As the 
 scene closes the King goes out to take horse and away thither. The 
 historical order of events was as follows : disregarding the rebels' 
 supplication, Henry marched against them. Cade retreated, and, on 
 the day of Henry's arrival at Blackheath, the StafEords — who had 
 advanced in pursuit of the rebels — were overthrown. (June 18, see 
 pp. 272, 273 above.) The King then returned to London, and sub- 
 sequently went to Kenilworth. His army broke up.'- On or about 
 June 29,2 Cade 
 
 \^Eol. iii. 634/2/2. Halle, 220.] came againe to the plaine of 
 Blackheath, & there stronglie incamped himselfe ; to whome were 
 sent from the king, the archbishop of Canturburie, and Humfreie 
 duke of Buckingham, to common with him of his greefes and 
 requests. 
 
 These lords found him sober in talke, wise in reasoning, 
 arrogant in hart, and stiffe in opinion ; as who that by no means 
 would grant to dissolue his armie, except the king in person would 
 come to him, and assent to the things he would require. The 
 K., vpon the presumptuous answers & requests of this villanous 
 rebell, begining asmuch to doubt his owne meniall seruants, as his 
 vnknowen subiects, (which spared not to speake, that the capteins 
 cause was profitable for the common-wealth,) departed in all hast 
 to the castell of Killingworth in Warwikeshire, leauing onlie 
 behind him the lord Scales to keepe the Tower of London. The 
 Kentish capteine, being aduertised of the kings absence, came first 
 into Southwarke, and there lodged at the white hart, prohibiting 
 to all his retinue, murder, rape, and robberie ; by which colour of 
 well meaning he the more allured to him the harts of the common 
 people. 
 
 1 Fah., 622, 623. Wyre., 470. 
 
 2 "the xxix. daye of luny." — Fah., 623. " after seint Petres day." — Chron. 
 Lond., 136. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 275 
 
 Act IV. sc. V. — "Enter Lord Scales vpon the Tower, walking. 
 Then enters two or three Citizens below." Lord Scales asks (1. 1) : 
 " How now ! Is laoke Cade slaine 1 " The 1st Citizen answers : " No, 
 my Lord, nor likely to be slaine; for they haue wonne the Bridge,^ 
 killing all those that withstand them : the L. Maior cranes ayd of your 
 Honor from the Tower to defend the City from the Rebels." Lord 
 Scales replies : 
 
 Such ayd as I can spare you shall command ; . . . 7 
 
 But get you to Smithfield, and gather head, 10 
 
 And thither will I send you Matthew GofEe ; . . . 
 
 The 1st Citizen cannot be supposed to speak of the fight for the 
 possession of London Bridge, on July 5, 1450 (see p. 280 below). No 
 resistance was offered to Cade when he crossed London Bridge and 
 entered the City on July 2 or 3.^ But his robbery of two householders 
 — one of whom was an alderman — alarmed the wealthier Londoners, 
 and on July 4 ^ 
 
 [ffol. iii. 634/2/62. Halle, 221.] the maior and other the [The mayor, 
 magistrates of London perceiuing themselues neither to be sure of resolved to 
 goods, nor of life well warranted, determined to repell and keepe clty^askld 
 out of their citie such a mischieuous caitife and his wicked sorb's 
 companie. And, to be the better able so to doo, they made the ^^^^'^ 
 lord Scales, and that renowmed capteine Matthew *Gough, priuie *or rather 
 both of their intent and enterprise ; beseeching them of their helpe 
 and furtherance therein. The lord Scales promised them his aid, ^J^^^. so/ies 
 
 ^ ' promised his 
 
 with shooting off the artillerie in the Tower ; and Matthew Gough ^^o^J^a 
 was by him appointed to assist the- maior and Londoners in all Go^h^to 
 
 , . ,1 . !_ i assist the 
 
 that ne might, . . . Londonere.] 
 
 Act IV. sc. vi. — Cade enters with " the rest." He " strikes his 
 
 1 In IV. iv. 49, this news is brought to Henry by a second messenger, 
 who adds: 
 
 " The Rascall people, thirsting after prey, 
 loyne with the Traitor"; . . . 
 
 Cade committed two robberies in London. At the first " were present many 
 poore men of the Cytie, whiche at suche tymes been euer redy in all places to 
 do harme, where suche Eiottes been done." — Fab., 624. As a consequence of 
 these robberies, "the porayll and nedy people drewe vnto hym, & were 
 parteners of y' Hie." — Ibid. 
 
 2 According to Greg. (191) Cade entered the City on " Fryday [July 3] a 
 gayn evyn." Fab. says (623, 624) that Cade entered on July 2, in the 
 " aftemoone, aboute .v. of y^ Clok." 
 
 3 The citizens' resolve to exclude Cade, and the Mayor's communication 
 with Lord Scales, are recorded by Fab. (625) after the account of Cade's 
 second robbery, on July 4, and before July 5, when London Bridge was 
 defended against him. 
 
276 
 
 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 [Cade at 
 London 
 Stone,] 
 
 ICade killed 
 those who 
 knew that 
 he was not a 
 Mortimer.] 
 
 [Bayly was 
 
 beheaded 
 
 lest he 
 
 should 
 
 reveal 
 
 Cade's base 
 
 lineage.] 
 
 staff e on London stone " ; and cries : " Now is Mortimer Lord of this 
 City I " On July 2 or 3, Cade 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 634/2/25. Ealle, 221.] entred into London, cut the 
 ropes of the draw bridge, & strooke his sword on London stone ; 
 saieng : " Now is Mortimer lord of this citie ! " 
 
 Seated on London Stone, Cade declares (11. 5-7) that " henceforward 
 it shall be Treason for any that calles me other then Lord Mortimer." 
 Whereupon a soldier enters " running," and crying, " lacke Cade ! 
 lacke Cade ! " Cade says : " Knocke him downe there ! " The soldier is 
 killed ; and one of the rebels {Smith mod. edd.) observes : " If this 
 Fellow be wise, hee'l neuer call yee lacke Cade more : I thinke he hath 
 a very faire warning." The incident was probably suggested by a 
 tradition that Cade put to death some 
 
 \Hol. iii. 634/2/59. Ealle, 221.J of his old acquaintance, lest 
 they should bewraie his base linage, disparaging him for his 
 Tsurped surname of Mortimer. 
 
 Fabyan gives precise details (624) : 
 
 And the same tyme [July 4] ^ was there also behedyd an other 
 man, called Baylly ; the cause of whose dethe was this, as I haue 
 herde some men reporte. This [Then ed. 1516] Baylly was of the 
 famylyer & olde acquayntaunce of lak Cade, wherfore, so soon as 
 he espyed hym commynge to hym warde, he cast in his mynde that 
 he wolde dyscouer his lyuynge & olde maners, and shewe of his 
 Tyle kynne and lynage. 
 
 Act rV. sc. vii. — " Alarums. Mathew GofEe is slain, and aU the 
 rest. Then enter lacke Cade, with his Company." The dramatic 
 locality of this scene is Smithfield (cp. IV. vi. 13-15). But the 
 historical conflict in which Matthew Gough fell was waged on London 
 Bridge. The citizens, having determined to resist Cade (see p. 275 
 above), 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 635/1/1. Halle, 221.] tooke vpon them in the night 
 to keepe the bridge, and would not suffer the Kentishmen once to 
 approch. The rebels, who neuer soundlie slept for feare of sudden 
 assaults, hearing that the bridge was thus kept, ran with great hast 
 to open that passage, where betweene both parties was a fierce and 
 cruell fight. 
 
 1 The date of Lord Say's decapitation (see p. 278, n. 3 below) was also 
 that on which Bayly was beheaded, according to Wyrc. (471), Greg. (192), and 
 Fab. (624). 
 
X. HENEY VI. PART II. 277 
 
 Matthew * Gough, perceiuing the rebels to stand to their * or rather 
 
 _, Ooche. 
 
 tackling more manfullie than he thought they would haue doone, The aHrmUh 
 
 aduised his compauie not to aduance anie further toward South- iHwiTaJi 
 
 warke, till the dale appeared ; that they might see where the place vponiondm 
 
 of ieopardie rested, and so to prouide for the same : but this little 
 auailed. For the rebels with their multitude draue back the 
 citizens from the stoops at the bridge foot to the draw bridge, & 
 began to set fire in diuerse houses. ... l^et the capteins, not 
 sparing, fought on the bridge all the night valiantlie : but, in con- 
 clusion, the rebels gat the draw bridge, and drowned manie ; and 
 slue lohn Sutton alderman, and Eobert ^ Heisand, a hardie citizen, Matthew 
 with manie other, beside Matthew * Gough, a man of great wit fZJwsfm- 
 
 his acts 
 
 and much experience m feats of chiualrie, the which in continuall <^™«<^. "o" 
 
 ^ slaine on 
 
 warres had spent his time in sendee of the king and his father. ^^ ^'''^'■ 
 
 After Matthew Gough's defeat, Cade says (11. 1-3) : " So, sirs : now 
 go some and pull down the Sauoy ; others to th'Innes of Court ; downe 
 with them all ! " Here is a dramatic postdating of what happened 
 in the villeins' revolt. On June 13, 1381,^ they went to John of 
 Gaunt's 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 43I/1/18.] house of the Sauoie, to the which, in '^^^/ 
 beautie and statelinesse of building, with all maner of princelie ^Z^^^t 
 furniture, there was not any other in the realme comparable; ''*'**''''"''• 
 which, in despite of the duke, (whom they called traitor,) they 
 set on fire, and by all waies and means indeuoured vtterlie to 
 destroie it. . . . 
 
 Now after that these wicked people had thus destroied the 
 duke of Lancasters house, and done what they could deuise to his 
 reproch, they went to the temple ; and burnt the men of lawes The lamera 
 
 .. 1111J.1. -T-ii lodgings in, 
 
 lodgings, with their bookes, wntmgs, and all that they might lay *^^^^^j^^ 
 hand vpon. «""'■ ^ " 
 
 Addressing Cade, Dick Butcher says (11. 4 ; 7, 8) : "I haue a suite 
 vnto your Lordship. . V . that the Lcmes of Enghmd may come out of 
 your mouth." Cade answers : " I haue thought vpon it, it shall bee so. 
 Away, bume all the Records of the Eealme ! my mouth shall be the 
 Parliament of England." On June 14, 1381, Wat Tyler, it is alleged.^ 
 boasted, 
 
 Roger {Fal., 625). « Wals., i. 456. ^ Wala., i. 463, 464. 
 
278 
 
 HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 [The laws 
 of Bngland 
 from Wat 
 Tyler's 
 mouth.] 
 
 The next way 
 to extinguish 
 light, 
 
 [All records 
 burnt.] 
 
 [Records 
 destroyed 
 and reiuem- 
 hrancers 
 slain.] 
 
 [Lord Say a 
 party to the 
 cession of 
 Anjou and 
 Maine.] 
 
 [Abolition of 
 Fifteens.] 
 
 [Hol. iii. 432/1/63.J putting his hands to his lips, that within 
 foure daies all the lawes of EnglaTid should come foorth of his 
 mouth. 
 
 To illustrate Cade's order I quote an assertion that, in 1381, 
 [Hol. iii. 43O/1/73.J the common vplandish people, . . . pur- 
 posed to hurne and destroie all records, euidences, court-roUes, and 
 other muniments, that, the remembrance of ancient matters being 
 remooued out of mind, their landlords might not haue whereby to 
 chalenge anie right at their hands. 
 
 Touching this policy, Holinshed asks if they could 
 [Hol. iii. 436/1/11.] haue a more mischeefous meaning, than 
 to burne and destroie all old and ancient monuments, and to 
 murther and dispatch out of the waie all such as were able to 
 commit to memorie, either any new or old records ? ^ 
 
 A messenger announces the capture of Lord Say (11. 23-25) ; " which 
 sold the Townes in France " (1. 23). The Commons in the Parliament 
 of 1450 charged with being principal parties to the cession of Anjou 
 and Maine 
 
 [Hol. iii. 632/I/3I.] the duke of Suffolke, with William^ bishop 
 of Salisburie, and sir lames Fines, lord Sale, and diuerse others. 
 
 The same messenger also speaks of Lord Say as having " made vs 
 pay one and twenty Fifteenes, and one shilling to the pound, the last 
 Subsidie." Cade induced the Kentishmen to rebel by pointing out that, 
 
 [Hol. iii. 632/2/14. Halle, 220.J if either by force or policie 
 they might get the king and queene into their hands, he would 
 cause them to be honourablie vsed, and take such order for the 
 punishing and reforming of the misdemeanours of their bad 
 councellours, that neither fifteens should hereafter be demanded, 
 nor once anie impositions or taxes be spoken of 
 
 Lord Say's murder is thus related : on July 4,^ 1450, Cade 
 
 [Hol. iii. 634/2/31. Halle, 221.] caused sir lames Fines, lord 
 
 1 " at Westminster . . . they brake open the eschequer, and destroied the 
 ancient bookes and other records there, dooing what they could to suppresse 
 law, and by might to beate downe equitie and right." — Hol. iii. 43I/2/47. 
 
 * William] lohn Hol. 
 
 ^ The inscription on Lord Say's gravestone recorded that he died on July 
 4, 1450. — Register of the Sepulchral Inscriptions in the Church of the Grey 
 Friars, London (Nichols's Collectanea Topogra/phica et Genealogica, v. 279). 
 
Xi HENRY VI. PART II. 279 
 
 Saie, and treasuror of England, to be brought to the Guildhall, 
 and there to be arraigned ; who, being before the kings iustices put 
 to answer, desired to be tried by his peeres, for the longer delaie 
 of his life. The capteine, perceiuing his dilatorie plee, by force 
 tooke him from the officers, and brought him to the standard in The imd 
 Cheape, and there (before his confession ended) caused his head bekmdtd 
 to be striken ofiF, and pitched it vpon an high pole, which was cf^p^**'" 
 openlie home be/ore him thorough the streets. 
 
 Cade bids the executioners strike ofB Lord Say's " head presently ; 
 and then breake into his Sonne in Lawes h6use. Sir lames Cromer, 
 and strike ofB his head, and bring them both vppon two poles hither." 
 On the re-entry of "one with the heads," Cade gives a further order (11. 
 138-140 ; 143-145) : " Let them kisse one another, for they lou'd well 
 when they were aliue, . . . with these borne before vs, in steed of 
 Maces, will we ride through the streets, & at euery Corner haue them 
 kissa" Cade afterwards 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 634/2/42. jffalle, 221.] went to Mile end, and there 
 apprehended sir lames Cromer, then shiriffe of Kent, and sonne in 
 
 law to the said lord Saie ; causing him likewise (without confession crom™"' 
 
 or excuse heard) to be beheaded, and his head to be fixed on a ° ®* ® ' 
 
 pole ; and with these two heads this bloudie wretch entred into Sfiforrsay 
 
 the citie againe, and as it were in a spite caused them in euerie James 
 
 , Croiner 
 
 street to kisse togither, to the great detestation of all the made to 
 beholders. 
 
 Act IV. sc. viii. — The Entry runs thus : " Alarum, and Retreat. 
 Enter againe Cade, and all his rabblement." Cade cries : " Vp Fisb- 
 streete ! downe Saint Magnes corner ! Kill and knocke downe ! throw 
 them into Thames ! " ^ These orders are succeeded by " a parley," 
 which announces the entrance of Buckingham and old Clifford. Their 
 offer of pardon makes the Kentishmen waver ; and, in recalling his 
 followers to obedience. Cade asks (11. 23-26) : " Hath my sword there- 
 fore broke through London gates, that you should leaue me at the 
 White-heart (sic) in Southwarke ? " ^ Comparison with the next excerpt 
 might warrant a supposition that, when this scene opens, the Londoners 
 
 1 In defending London Bridge " many a man was drowned and slayne." — 
 Fab., 625. " many a man was slayne and caste in Temys, harnys, body, and 
 alle." — Greg., 193. According to Fab. (625) the battle was confined to a space 
 not much exceeding the northern end of the central draw-bridge and the 
 " Bulwerke at the Brydgefote " (the stoops in Southwark, I presume). That 
 the rebels penetrated to St. Magnus's corner rests on Halle's authority (222). 
 
 2 These lines (Hath . . . South/warke?) and the preceding quotation 
 (Alarum . . . Thames./) are not in the Contention. Cade "lodged at the 
 white hart." See p. 274 above. 
 
assent. 
 
 280 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 are being " beaten backe to Saint Magnus corner " ; but that they 
 have rallied, and driven the rebels "to the stoops in Southwarke," 
 before Cade complains of being left at the White Hart. As however 
 no interval occurs during which the rebels could have been repulsed, 
 Mr. Daniel's stricture (T-A., 312) that — the combatants " seem to be 
 on both sides of the river at one time " — is unanswerable. Waiving 
 this difficulty we may assume that 11. 1-3 dramatize the battle which, 
 beginning at 10 o'clock in the evening of Sunday, July 5, 1450,i 
 
 [Sol. iii. 635/1/32. Salle, 222.] indured in doubtfull wise on 
 Lw'iys from *^® bridge, till nine of the clocke in the morning : for somtime, the 
 cOTMShl Londoners were beaten backe to saint Magnus comer : and sud- 
 sovrthwaik.] denlic againe, the rebels were repelled to the stoops in South- 
 warke, so that both parts being faint and wearie, agreed to leaue 
 ^jtaie by off from fighting till the next dale ; vpon condition, that neither 
 Londoners should passe into Southwarke, nor Kentishmen into 
 London. 
 
 Buckingham thus discharges the commission entrusted to him and 
 old CUfEord (U. 7-10) : 
 
 Know, Cade, we come Ambassadors from the King 
 Vnto the Commons, whom thou hast misled j 
 And heere pronounce free pardon to them all. 
 That will forsake thee, and go home in peace. 
 
 Holinshed took from Halle (222) the ensuing account of the rebels' 
 dispersal. 
 
 {Eol. iii. 635/1/45.] The archbishop of Canturburie,^ being 
 
 chancellor of England, and as then for his suertie lieng within the 
 
 Tower, called to him the bishop of Winchester, who for some safe- 
 
 gard laie then at Haliwell. These two prelats, seeing the furie of 
 
 the Kentish people, by their late repulse, to be somewhat asswaged, 
 
 passed by the riuer. of Thames from the Tower into Southwarke ; 
 
 bringing with them, vnder the kings great scale, a generall pardon 
 
 vnto all the offenders, and caused the same to be oponlie published. 
 
 1 On the " evyn " of July 5 " Londyn dyd a rysse and cam owte uppon 
 hem [the Kentishmen] at x [of] the belle, beyng that tyme hyr captaynys the 
 goode olde lorde Schalys and Mathewe Goughe. And from that tyme unto 
 the morowe viij of belle they were ever fygbtynge uppon London Brygge." — 
 Greg., 193. Wyrc. (471), Fah. (625), and Ghron. Land. (136), agree that the 
 conflict began on the night of July 5. 
 
 2 John Kempe, then Archbishop of York, was Chancellor in July, 1450. 
 He received the Great Seal on January 31, 1450 (Bot. Pari, v. 172/i), and 
 retained it till his death in March, 1454 {Bot, Fa/rl, v. 240/2). The Bishop of 
 Winchester was William of Waynflete. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 281 
 
 The poore people were so glad of this pardon, and so readie to Prociama- 
 
 ° -^ Hoof pardon 
 
 receiue it, that, without bidding farewell to their capteine, they "^^^^a 
 withdrew themselues the same night euerie man towards his home. 
 
 Deserted, and fearing treachery from his former adherents, Cade 
 runs away. Buckingham exclaims (11. 68-70) : 
 
 What, is he fled ? Go some, and follow him ; 
 And he that brings his head vnto the King, 
 Shall haue a thousand Crownes for his reward ! 
 
 After relating the dispersal of the rebels, — " euerie man towards 
 his home," — Holinshed continues : 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 635/i/S9.] But lacke Cade, despairing of succours, j^s_ 
 
 Air, Fl. ex 
 
 pag. 
 
 and fearing the reward of his lewd dealings, put all his pillage and Quin!^' '" 
 goods that he had robbed into a barge, and sent it to Rochester 
 by water, and himselfe went by land, and would haue entred into 
 the castle of Quinborow with a few men that were left about him ; 
 but he was there let of his purpose : wherefore he, disguised in 
 strange attire, priuilie fled into the wood countrie beside Lewes in ^^^(^ 
 Sussex, hoping so to scape. The capteine & his people being thus 
 departed, not long after proclamations were made in diuerse places 
 of Kent, Sussex, and Southerie, that, whosoeuer could take the 
 foresaid capteine aliue or dead, should haue a thousand markes Srerad^OT' 
 for his traueU. 
 
 Act IV. sc. ix. — "Multitudes" of the rebels enter "with Halters 
 about their Neckes." Old ClifEord tells Henry that they yield ] 
 
 And humbly thus, with halters on their neckes. 
 
 Expect your Highnesse doome, of life or death. 12 
 
 Henry ends a gentle speech to them by saying (11. 20, 21) : 
 
 And so, with thankes and pardon to you all, 
 I do dismisse you to your seuerall Countries. 
 
 It was not until after Cade's death — dramatized in the next scene — 
 that 
 
 [Sol. iii. 635/2/71. Ralle, 222.1 the king himselfe came into tHenrysat 
 
 . 1 «• 1 1 -1 -n 1 injudgment 
 
 Kent, and there sat m ludgement vpon the ofltendors ; ^ and, if he Jp™^*^* 
 had not mingled his iustice with mercy, more than fiue hundred 
 by rigor of law had beene iustlie put to [p. 636] execution. Yet 
 
 1 On August 17, 1450, the Archbishop of York and the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham went to Rochester to try the Kentish rebels. — Faston, i. 139. 
 
282 X. HENEY VI. PART II. 
 
 IE we ^®' P^J^ishing onelie the stubborne heads, & disordered ringleaders, 
 paidoaea.] pardoned the ignorant and simple persons, to the great reioising of 
 all his subiects. 
 
 A messenger enters, and, addressing Henry, says (11. 23-30) : 
 
 Please it your Grace to be adu6rtised. 
 
 The Duke of Yorke is newly come from Ireland, 24 
 
 And, with a puissant and a mighty power 
 
 Of Gallow-glasses and stout Kernes,^ 
 
 Is marching hitherward in proud array ; 
 
 And still proclaimeth, as he comes along, 28 
 
 His Armes are onely to remoue from thee 
 
 The Duke of Somerset, whom he tearmes a Traitor. 
 
 York did not take up arms for the purpose here announced until 
 some time had elapsed after his return from Ireland. I give the 
 following excerpt as an illustration of the messenger's news ; premising 
 that, by " this yeare," the year 1451 is meant. The date of York's 
 return was September, 1450.^ 
 
 1 In 2 Hen. VI., Act "V. opens with this stage direction : " Enter Yorke, 
 and his Army of Irish, with Drum and Colours." The Contention has : " Enter 
 the Duke of Yorke with Drum and souldiers"; preceding 1. 1, spoken by 
 York: "In Armes from Ireland comes Yorke amaine." The messenger's 
 .speech (IV. ix. 23-30) is not in Contention. When, in October, 1459, a 
 temporary Lancastrian success caused York's flight to Ireland, " he was with 
 all ioy and honour gladUe receiued, all the Irish offering to Hue and die with 
 him ; as if they had beene his liegs subiects, and he their lord and prince 
 naturallie borne." — Sol. iii. 65O/2/23. This passage may have been the source 
 of York's " Army of Irish '' ; composed of " Gallow-glasses " and " Kernes." 
 Cp. also the excerpt at p. 248 above, where his beneficial government of Ireland 
 is recorded. 
 
 2 In the beginning of September ("in Principio mensis Septembris "), 1450, 
 Henry received news of York's sudden arrival in Wales. — Wyrc, 473. Chron. 
 Land, has a notice of the Kentish rebellion and Cade's death, which is 
 succeeded by the following passage (136, 137) : " And after, in the same yere, 
 Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke came out of Irland unto Westm', with 
 roial people, lowely bisechyng the kyng that justice and execucion of his lawes 
 myght be hadde upon alle such persones about him and in al his realme, frome 
 the highest degree unto the lowist, as were long tyme noisid and detectid of 
 high treason s^einst his persone and the wele of his realme, offring hymself 
 therto, and his service at the kings comaundement, to spend bothe his body 
 and goodes : and yet it might not be perfourmed." The attainder of York by 
 the Lancastrian Parliament which met at Coventry in November 1459 contains 
 this article : " First, he [York] beyng in Irland, by youre graunte youre Lieu- 
 tenaunt there, at which tyme John Cade, otherwise called Jakke Cade youre 
 grete Traitonr, made a grete insurrection ayenst youre Highnes in youre Shire 
 of Kent, to what entent, and for whome it was after confessed by some of hem 
 his adherentes whan they shuld dye, that is to sey, to have exalted the seid 
 Due, ayenst all reason, lawe and trouth, to the estate that God and nature hath 
 ordeyned you and youre succession to be bom to. And within short tyme 
 after, he comme oute of Ireland with grete bobaunce and inordinate people, to 
 youre Paleis of Westmynster unto youre presence," . . . — Hot. Pari, v. 346/l. 
 Moreover, we learn from Sot. JParl., v. 2II/2 that, on September 22, 1450, 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II. 283 
 
 [ffol. iii. 637/i/SO. ffalle, 225.] The duke of Yorke, pretend- ^J:^"^ 
 ing (as yee haue heard) a right to the crowne, as heire to Lionell SSo the 
 duke of Clarence, came this yeare out of Ireland vnto London, in cS'ftom " 
 
 Ireland to 
 
 the parlement time,^ there to consult with his speciall freends :, as ™"8"'* '"* 
 lohn duke of Northfolke, Richard earle of Salisburie, and the lord 
 Richard, his sonne, (which after was earle of Warwike,) Thomas 
 Courtneie earle of Deuonshire, & Edward Brooke lord Cobliam. 
 After long deliberation and aduise taken, it was thought expedient [it was 
 to keepe their cheefe purpose secret ; and that the duke should *houid raise 
 raise an armie of men, vnder a pretext to remooue diuerse coun- ^a™''' 
 cellors about the king, and to reuenge the manifest iniuries doone removing 
 
 divers 
 
 to the common-wealth by the same rulers. Of the which, as oonnseiiora 
 
 , abonttlie 
 
 pnncipall, the duke of Summerset was namelie accused, both for j^°8> "^^'^ 
 that he was greatlie hated of the commons for the losse of Nor- s^mraslt.! 
 mandie ; and for that it was well knowne, that he would be alto- 
 gither against the duke of Yorke in his chalenge to be made (when 
 time serued) to the crowne ; . . . 
 
 Act IV. sc. X. — Cade climbs into a garden belonging to " Alexander 
 Idem,, an Esquire of Kent " (I. 46) ; whom he challenges to mortal 
 combat, and by whom he is slain. Iden resolves to bear Cade's head 
 "in triumph to the King," leaving the "trunke for Crowes to feed 
 vpon " (11. 89, 90). 
 
 Cade was slain before July 15, 1450.^ Halle's account^ (222) is 
 that, when the Kentishmen withdrew to their homes, Cade, 
 
 desperate of succors, whiche by the frendes of the duke of Yorke 
 
 William Tresham, being then at Sywell, Northamptonshire, was "purposyng 
 by the writyng direct unto hym of the right high and myghty Prince, the 
 Duke of York, to ride on the morowe for to mete and speke with the seid 
 Duke " ; . . . 
 
 1 Parliament was opened at Westminster on November 6, 1450. — Bot. Pari., 
 V. 210/1. York returned before this date. See foregoing note. 
 
 2 The date of an order to pay Iden 1000 marks for Cade's head. — Bymer, 
 xi. 275. Cade was slain on July 12 {Greg., 194), or on July 13 {Three 
 Chronicles, 8. E. 0., 68). In Bot. Pari. (v. 224/2) the latest date assigned to 
 his movements is July 11. 
 
 ' On comparing the excerpt in my text with Hol.'s account — derived from 
 Stow (647) — ^the reader will observe that the latter is less like the dramatic 
 version. After a reward had been offered for Cade, "a gentleman'of Kent, 
 named Alexander Eden, awaited so his time, that he tooke the said Cade in a 
 garden in Sussex : so that there he was slaine at Hothfield [Heathfield, Sussex], 
 and brought to London in a cart, where he was quartered ; his head set on 
 London bridge, and his quarters sent to diuers places to be set vp in the shire 
 of Kent."— Hoi. iii. 635/2/64. 
 
284 
 
 HENRY VI. PAET II. 
 
 [Cade 
 betook 
 himself in 
 disguise to 
 Sussex.] 
 
 [A tbansand 
 marlis 
 offered for 
 his appie- 
 hensioD.] 
 
 [He was 
 found in a 
 garden, and 
 slain by 
 Alexander 
 Iden.] 
 
 The miser- 
 able endt of 
 lacke Cade. 
 
 wer to him promised, and seing his company thus without hys 
 knowledge sodainly depart, mistrustyng the sequele of y* matter, 
 departed secretly, in habite disguysed, into Sussex : but all hys 
 metamorphosis or transfiguracion little preuailed. For, after a 
 Proclamacion made that whosoeuer could apprehende the saied 
 lac Cade should haue for his pain a M. markes, many sought for 
 hym, but few espied hym, til one Alexander Iden, esquire of Kent, 
 found hym in a garden, and there in hys defence manfully slewe 
 the caitife Cade, «fe brought his ded body to London, whose hed 
 was set on Londow bridge. 
 
 Act V. so. i. — Buckingham and Somerset were present when Henry- 
 learnt that York was in arms for the purpose of removing Somerset 
 from the royal counsels. Hoping to disappoint York's enmity, the 
 King said (lY. iv. 3640) : 
 
 I pray thee, Buckingham,^ go and meete him. 
 And aske him what's the reason of these Armes. 
 Tell him He send Duke Edmund to the Tower ; — 
 And, Somerset, we will commit thee thither, 
 Yntill his Army be dismist from him. 
 
 Buckingham now enters, and, in return to York's question (V. i. 16), 
 Art thou a Messenger, or come of pleasure 1 
 answers : 
 
 A Messenger from Henry, our dread Liege, 
 
 To know the reason of these Armes in peace ; . . . 
 
 York explains : 
 
 The cause why I haue brought this Armie hither. 
 
 Is to remoue proud Somerset from the King, 36 
 
 Seditious to his Grace and to the State. . . . 
 
 Buckingham replies : 
 
 The King hath yeelded vnto thy demand : 
 The Duke of Somerset is in the Tower. . . . 
 
 York responds : 
 
 Then, Buckingham, I do dismisse my Powres. . 
 And let my Soueraigne, vertuous Henry, 
 Command my eldest sonne, nay, all my sonnes. 
 As pledges of my Fealtie and Loue ; 
 He send them all as willing as I liue : 
 
 40 
 
 44 
 48 
 
 • In May, 1455, "the king, when first he heard of the duke of Yorks 
 approch [to St. Albans], sent to him messengers, the duke of Buckingham, 
 and others, to vnderstand what he meant by his comming thus in maner of 
 wane."— Sol. iii. 643/1/34. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART 11. 285 
 
 Lands, Goods, Horse, Armor, any thing I haue, 52 
 
 Is his to vse, so Somerset may die. 
 
 Though many months had elapsed since York's return from Ireland 
 in September, 1450, Somerset's control of the state was undiminished. 
 York therefore determined to effect a change by force, and soon after 
 February 3, 1452,^ 
 
 [Eol. hi. 637/2/s. Halle, 225.] he assembled a great hoast, to wmmM. 
 the number of ten thousand able men, in the marches of Wales ; S*1™& 
 pubHshing openlie, that the cause of this his gathering of people ""rSZk/^ 
 was for the publike wealth of the realme. The king, much astonied m'^owM. 
 at the matter, by aduise of his councell raised a great power, and 
 marched forward toward the duke. But he, being thereof aduer- 
 tised, turned out of that way, which by espials he vnderstood that 
 the king held, and made streight toward London; and, hauing 
 knowledge that he might not be suffered to passe through the 
 citie, he crossed ouer the Thames at Kingston bridge, and so kept 
 on towards Kent, where he knew that he had both freends & well- 
 willers, and there on Burnt heath, a mile from Dertford, and [York 
 twelue miles from London, he imbatelled, and incamped himselfe nwr* 
 
 T ... i-o,-.. Dartford, 
 
 vene stronghe, muiromng his field with artiUerie and trenches. S'^ry** , 
 The king hereof aduertised, brought his armie with all diligence 
 vnto Blackeheath, and there pight his tents. 
 
 Whilest both these armies laie thus imbattelled, the king sent wiMiam- 
 
 the bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Bourchier, bishop of Elie, [Henry sent 
 
 Richard Wooduile, lord Riuers, and Richard Andrew, the keeper toMka™'' 
 
 of his priuie scale, to the duke : both to know the cause of so great York's 
 
 appearance 
 
 a commotion, and also to make a concord ; if the requests of the i° "™s.] 
 duke and his companie seemed consonant to reason. The duke. The dukm 
 
 answer to 
 
 hearing the message of the bishops, answered : that his comming '*« **«»« 
 was neither to damnific the king in honour, nor in person, neither 
 yet anie good man ; but his intent was, to remooue from him 
 
 1 A letter from York, addressed to the Bailiffs, Biirgesses, and Commons of 
 Shrewsbury, and written at Ludlow Castle on February 3, 1452, contains these 
 words: "I signify unto you that ... I, after long suflferance and delays, 
 [though it bef not my will or intent to displease my sovereign Lord, seeiag 
 that the said Duke [of Somerset] ever prevaileth and ruleth about the King's 
 person, that by this means the land is likely to be destroyed, am fully con- 
 cluded to proceed in all haste against him, with the help of my kinsmen and 
 friends" ; . . .—EUis, I. i. 12, 13. 
 
286 
 
 X. HENKY VI. PAET II. 
 
 [York 
 offered to 
 disband hia 
 army If 
 Somerset 
 were com- 
 mitted to 
 ward.] 
 
 [Somerset 
 committed 
 to ward.] 
 
 [York's 
 
 army 
 
 dlssolTcd.] 
 
 [Somerset 
 released by ■ 
 the Queen.] 
 
 cerfceine euill disposed persons of his councell, bloud-succours of 
 the nobilitie, pollers of the cleargie, and oppressours of the poore 
 people. 
 
 Amongst these, he cheeflie named Edmund duke of Summerset, 
 Tvhome if the king would commit to ward, to answer such articles 
 as against him in open parlement should be both proponed and 
 proued, he promised not onelie to dissolue his armie, but also 
 oflFered himselfe (like an obedient subiect) to come to the kings 
 presence, and to doo him true and faithfuU seruice, according to 
 his loiall and bounden dutie. 
 
 Henry apparently accepted this condition, and 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 639/1/23. Halle, 226.] it was so agreed vpon by 
 aduise, for the auoiding of bloudshed, and pacifieng of the duke 
 and his people, that the duke of Summerset was committed to 
 ward, as some say ; or else commanded to keepe himselfe priuie in 
 his owne house for a time. 
 
 Satisfied with the result he had obtained, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 639/1/46. Halle, 226.] the duke of Yorke, the first 
 of March, dissolued his armie, [and] brake vp his campe, . . . 
 
 His embassy having been successful, Buckingham says (11. 54, 55) : 
 
 Yorke, I commend this kinde submission : 
 "We twaine will go into his Highnesse Tent. 
 
 Henry then enters and receives York's excuse, but shortly after- 
 wards Somerset comes forward with Queen Margaret. Her responsi- 
 bility for Somerset's liberation in 1455 is asserted by Fabyan (628), 
 from whom we learn that 
 
 all contrary the Kynges promyse, by meanys of the Quene,^ which 
 than bare y' cure & charge of the Lawde, the Duke of somerset 
 
 1 In December, 1453, Somerset was " sent to the Tower of London " ; 
 Henry being then in a state of mental imbecility. " But, when the king was 
 amended againe [Christmas, 1454. — Boston, i. 315], and resumed to him his 
 former gouemement, either of his owne mind, or by the queenes procurement, 
 the duke of Summerset was set at libertie ; by which doing great enuie and 
 displeasure grew." — Mol. iii. 642/1/19, 41. Halle, 232. (Comparison of Bot. 
 Pari., V. 248/2, Byrmr, xi. 361, 362, and Wyrc, 477, shows that Somerset was 
 sent to the Tower in 1453, not in 1454 ; the date under which this proceeding 
 ■is recorded by Halle and Hoi.) Somerset was in the Tower for more than a 
 year and ten weeks prior to Peb. 7, 1455. — Bymer, xi. 362. 
 
X. HENRY VI. PART II, 287 
 
 was set at large, . . . and had as great rule about the Kyng as he 
 before dayes had ; . . . 
 
 Enraged at this treachery, York unbosoms himself (1. 87, &c.) : 
 
 How now ! is Somerset at libertie 1 . . . 
 
 False King ! why hast thou broken faith with me, 
 
 Knowing how hardly I can brooke abuse ? . . . 92 
 
 Heere is a hand to hold a Sceptre vp 
 
 And with the same to acte controlling Lawes : 
 
 Giue place ! by heauen thou shalt rule no more 104 
 
 O're him whom heauen created for thy Euler ! 
 
 Somerset exclaims (11. 106, 107) : 
 
 monstrous Traitor ! I arrest thee, Yorke, 
 
 Of Capitall Treason 'gainst the King and Crowne : , . . 
 
 The historical authority has not been far overstepped here. After 
 York " brake vp his campe," he 
 
 [Hoi. iii, 639/1/47. ffalle, 226.] came to the kings tent, where TUdviceof 
 contrarie to his expectation, & against promise made by the king o^ett the 
 (as other write) he found the duke of Summerset going at large swmerset. 
 and set at libertie, whome the duke of Yorke boldlie accused of ^^"f^ 
 treason, briberie, oppression, and manie other crimes. The duke SSm, 
 of Summerset not onelie made answer to the dukes obiections, but sZmm'S^t, 
 also accused him of high treason ; aflirming, that he with his ««<«»«. 
 fautors and complices had consulted togither, how to come by the 
 scepter and regall crowne of this realme. 
 
 Threatened with arrest by Somerset, York turns to an attendant 
 and says (11. 111-113) : 
 
 Sirrah, call in my sonne[s] to be my bale : 
 
 1 know, ere they wiU haue me go to Ward, 
 They'l pawne their swords for i my infranchisement. 
 
 The message quickly brings Edward and Richard Flantagenet to ; 
 their father's assistance. The historical Eichard was unborn at the / 
 date (March 1) ^ of this part of sc. i., Act V. ; but there is warrant for ' 
 Edward's intervention on York's behalf. York found himself a 
 prisoner when his army was disbanded, and, even if his life were not 
 imperilled, he ran some risk of a long and close detention. He was 
 obliged to return with Henry to London, where the government held 
 debate as to what should he done with their formidable captive.^ 
 
 2 Richard was bom on October 2, 1452. — Wyrc, 477. Edward was bom I 
 in AprU, 1442.— Tfyrc, 462. / 
 
 3 Fab., 627. Chron. Land., 138. / 
 
288 X. HENRY VI. PART II. 
 
 i*s2 [SbZ. iii. 639/2/17. Ealk,227.] Whilest the councelltreated 
 
 [A rumour of sauing or dispatching of this duke of Yorke, a rumor sprang 
 Earl of through Loudou, that Edward earle of March, sonne and heire 
 
 March was ° ' 
 
 aHray'to'' apparant to the said duke, with a great armie of Marchmen, was 
 London.] commiug toward London : which tidings sore appalled the queene 
 and the whole councell. 
 
 York therefore was set free, after taking an oath of allegiance to 
 Henry. 1 
 
 In the play York has a more commanding position. His part is 
 taken by his " two braue Beares," Salisbury and "Warwick, whom he 
 calls for when Margaret's summons brings the Cliffords to Henry's 
 aid. A sketch of York's policy in the year 1454 records his leaning 
 toward the Nevilles : 
 
 Tkedukeof [Mol. iii. 641/2/s6. Salle, 231.J The duke of Yorke (aboue 
 
 ZOTKB 86CKS 
 
 *^th^^e% ^^^ things) first sought means how to stir vp the malice of the 
 
 sumnuraet. pgopjg agaiust the dukc of Summerset ; imagining that, he being 
 
 made awaie, his purpose should the sooner take eflFect. He also 
 
 practised to bring the king into the hatred of the people, as that 
 
 he should not be a man apt to the gouernment of a realme, 
 
 wanting both wit and stomach sufficient to supplie such a roome. 
 
 Manie of the high estates, not liking the world, and disalowing the 
 
 dooings both of the king and his councell, were faine inough of 
 
 some alteration. Which thing the duke well rnderstanding, 
 
 He banded chicfclie sought the fauour of the two Neuils ; both named 
 
 tt« Neuat. Richard, one earle of Salisburie, the other earle of Warwike, the 
 
 first being the father, and the second the sonne. 
 
 When the Nevilles enter (1. 147), old Clifford tauntingly asks York, 
 " Are these thy Beares 1 " In an altercation with Clifford, Warwick 
 exclaims (11. 202, 203) : 
 
 Now, by my Fathers badge, old Neuils Crest, 
 
 The rampant Beare chain' d to the ragged staff e, . . . 
 
 Warwick assumed, but did not inherit, the badge of the bear and 
 ragged staff. He acquired a claim to it through his marriage with 
 Anne de Beauchamp, sister of Henry de Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick 
 (see p. 245, n. 1 above). 
 
 Act Y. sec. ii., iii. — The first battle of St. Albans — ^fought on May 
 
 1 The oath is recited in the Act of Attainder passed against York by a 
 Parliament which met at Coventry on November 20, 1459. — Bot Pari, v. 346/2. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 289 
 
 22, 1455 1 — is dramatized in scenes ii. and iii., Act V. As at Dartford 
 in 1452, so at St. Albans in 1455, the Dukes of York and Somerset 
 met to try the fortune of war ; but at St. Albans their rivalry ended 
 with the defeat and death of Edmund Beaufort. These scenes contain 
 no historic matter save the bare fact that Somerset and Thomas Lord 
 Clifford ^ (old Clifford) are killed. The former falls by the sword of 
 the dramatic Kichard, who thus taunts the slain man (11. 66-69) : 
 
 So, lye thou there ; 
 For vnderneath an Ale-house' paltry signe, 
 The Castle in S. Albons, Somerset 
 Hath made the Wizard famous in his death. 
 
 Halle, speaking of the Lancastrian losses at St. Albans, reported a 
 story (233) which I quote from Holinshed : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 643/2/9. ffalle, 233.1 For there died vnder the Theduteof 
 
 , Summeraet 
 
 Bigne of the castell, Edmund duke of Summerset, who (as hath »'«»»«• 
 beene reported) was warned long before to auoid all castels : * . . . 
 
 XI. HENRY YI. Pakt III. 
 
 Between The third Fori of Henry the Sixf, — a recast of The true 
 Tragedie of Eichard Duke of Torke, — and the Second part, there is a 
 dramatic interval sufficient for a rapid march from St. Albans to 
 London, after the battle at the former place. But the historic time of 
 the Third Part begins on October 24, 1460, — when York was declared 
 heir apparent, — and closes with the death of Henry YL on May 21, 
 1471. 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — The Yorkists enter and boast of their victory. " Lord 
 
 * Piiston, L 327. A fuU aecount of the battle follows. 
 
 ' Among those slain at St. Albans, Stow (661) specifies "the "clde Lord 
 ClifForde." ("olde" first appears in the ed. of 1592, p. 651.) Lord Clifford is 
 not, I believe, called "old in any other chronicle printed before the date of 
 this play ; and he is not thus distinguished from his son in the Contention. In 
 2 Hen. Yl. we find " old (Mfford" {Entry, IV. viii. 5), and " OU aif." is pre- 
 fixed to several speeches in V. i. His son is " young Cliflbrd " in the Conten- 
 tion and 2 Hen. VI. The son's name does not appear in a contemporary list 
 (Paston, i. 332, 333) of the chief persons present at the battle of St. Albans, 
 and I do not know of any book or MS. wMch records that he was there. 
 
 3 " Thys sayde Edmond duke of Somerset had herde a fantastyk prophecy 
 that he shuld dy vndre a castelle ; wherefore in as meche as in him was, he 
 lete the kyng that he sholde nat come in the casteUe of Wyndsore, dredyng 
 the seyde prophecy ; hut at Seynt Albonys ther was an hostry hanyng the 
 sygne of a castelle, and before that hostry he was slayne." — Chron. Bich. II. — 
 Hm. VI., 72. 
 
 U 
 
290 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 [The slain at 
 St. Albans.] 
 
 Thomas l&rd 
 Clifford, 
 taith Whet- 
 hamsted. 
 
 (Fugitives 
 from St. 
 Albans.] 
 
 Clifford 1 and Lord Stafford " charged the Yorkists' " maine Battailes 
 Front," and were slain by "common Souldiers." Buckingham -was 
 " either slaine or wounded dangerous " by Edward ; and Warwick's 
 brother, John Neville, afterwards Marquess Montague,^ shows "the 
 Earle of Wiltshires blood " (11. 7-15). These particulars are dramatic 
 additions to a simple record that, on the battle-field of St. Albans, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 643/2/12. Halle, 233.] laie Henrie, the second of 
 that name, earle of Northumberland ; Humfrie earle of Stafford, 
 Sonne to the duke of Buckingham ; Thomas * lord Clifford ; . . . 
 
 Humfreie, duke of Buckingham, being wounded, and lames 
 Butler, earle of Ormond and Wilshire, . . . seeing fortune thus 
 against them, left the king alone, and with a number fled awaie. 
 
 Henry's flight after the battle of St. Albans (11. 1-3) is fictitious. 
 He remained in the town, and there accepted the excuses of York, who, 
 on the following day, escorted him to London.* Parliament met at 
 Westminster on July 9, 1455, and, after passing an Act of indemnity 
 for York and his associates, was adjourned until November 12. On 
 November 19, 1455, York was appointed Protector, Henry having 
 during the adjournment again become imbecile. Early in the year 
 1456 the King recovered, and on February 25 York's Protectorate was 
 cancelled.^ On March 25, 1458, in pursuance of an award made by 
 Henry, York, Salisbury and Warwick were formally reconciled to the 
 sons of those nobles who had been slain at St. Albans.^ Some months 
 later the peace was broken by an affray from which Warwick barely 
 escaped unharmed.^ On July 10, 1460, the Yorkists' victory at North- 
 ampton left Henry their prisoner. He was conveyed to London, and a 
 
 » In 2 Hen. VI., V. ii. 28, he is slain by York. 
 
 2 On May 23, 1461, summoned to Parliament as Baron de Montague. — 
 Doyle, ii. 512. (1460 is the year according to Dugdale, i. 307/2.) Created 
 Marquess Montague in 1470 {Dugdale, i. 308/i). 
 
 ^ Thomas] lohn Hoi. 
 
 * Paston, i. 330, 331, 333. 
 
 ^ Parliament opened on July 9. — Bot. Pari., v. 278/i. Act of indemnity. 
 — Ibid., 281, 282. Prorogation of Parliament to November 12, 1455. — Ibid., 
 283/1-2. In a letter written on October 28, 1455, James Qresham tells John 
 Paston that "summe men ar aferd that he [the King] is seek ageyn." — Paston, 
 i. 352. By a commission dated November 11, York was authorized to hold the 
 Parliament adjourned to the following day j because, " propter certas justas & 
 rationabiles causas," Henry could not be present in person. — Bot. Pari., v. 
 284/2. For York's appointment as Protector see Bot. Pa/rl., v. 288/i ; for his 
 discharge from that office see Bot. Pari, v. 321/2. 
 
 ° Henry's award, dated March 24, is given in Wheth., 422 sqq. The agree- 
 ment was celebrated, on March 25, 1458, by a procession of the King, Queen, 
 and nobility at St. Paul's.— 2*'ab., 633. 
 
 ' According to Ohron. Bieh. II. — Hen. VI , 78, this affray happened on 
 November 9, 1458, but Fab. (633) dates it " aboute the feest of Candelmasse," 
 1459. July 4, 1459, is the date assigned by the Lancastrian Parliament of 
 Coventry to the Yorkists' first act of rebellion. — Bot. Pari., v. 349. 
 
XI. HENEY VI. PART UI. 291 
 
 Parliament assembled at "Westminster on October 7, 1460.1 Here we 
 rejoin the course of the drama. 
 
 York is seated on the throne when Henry enters with the Lancas- 
 trian nobles. Turning to them the King exclaims (11. 50, 51) : 
 
 My Lords, looke where the sturdie Rebell sits, 
 Euen in the Chayre of State ! 
 
 York is said to have made this, or a similar, public demonstration 
 of his right, soon after the assembly of Parliaiiient in October, 1460.^ 
 
 [JIol. iii. 655/1/73. J Maister Edward Hall in his chronicle [245] 
 maketh mention of an oration, which the duke of Yorke Tttered, [York in 
 sitting in the regall seai,^ there in the chamber of the peeres, either seat!"" 
 at this his first comming in amongst them, or else at some one 
 time after : the which we haue thought good also to set downe ; 
 though lohn Whethamsted, the abbat of saint Albons, who liued in 
 those daies, and by all likelihood was there present at the parle- 
 ment, maketh no further recitall of anie words, which the duke 
 should vtter at that time in that his booke of records, where he 
 intreateth of this matter.* But for the oration (as maister Sail 
 hath written thereof) we find as followeth : IT During the time ^'^■^- bm in 
 
 ' ° Hm. 6. fol. 
 
 (saith he) of this parlement, the duke of Yorke with a bold ''m™^.*''- 
 countenance entered into the chamber of the peeres, and sat 
 downe in the throne roiall, vnder the cloth of estate, (which is the 
 
 1 Fah., 636. Rot. Pari., v. 373/l. 
 
 2 The " writyng " which set forth York's title was read before the Peers on 
 October 16, 1460.— Jfo*. Pml., v. 375/i. 
 
 3 Warwick says (I. i. 25, 26) : 
 
 " This is the Pallace of the fearefuU King, 
 And this the Begall Seat : possesse it, York " ; , . . 
 
 " the regall seat " is Hoi's phrase, not Halle's. York, answering Warwick (1. 29), 
 says : " hither we haue broken in by force." In October, 1460, York " went 
 to the most principall lodging that the king had within aU. his palace [of 
 Westminster], breaking vp the lockes and doores, and so lodged himselfe 
 therein," . . . — Hoi. ill. 665/1/63 (from Wheth., 485). Halle has not this 
 passage. 
 
 * The passage referred to {Wheth., 484) is thus translated in Hoi. iii. 
 655/1/37, &c.: "At his [York's] comming to Westminster he entred the palace, 
 and, passing foorth directUe through the great haU, staied not till he came to 
 the chamber where the king and lords vsed to sit in the parlement time, . . . 
 and, being there entred, stept vp vnto the throne roiall, and there, laieng his 
 hand vpon the cloth of estate, seemed as if he meant to take possession of that 
 which was his right, (for he held his hand so vpon that cloth a good pretie 
 while,) and, after withdrawing his hand, turned his face towards the people, 
 beholding their preassing togither, and marking what countenance tney 
 made." 
 
292 
 
 XI. HEKRY Vr. PART III, 
 
 dTwn in^'the ^^°S^ pcculiat Seat,) and, in the presence of the nobilitie, as well 
 deSdhis spirituall as temporall (after a pause made), he began to declare 
 title.] jjjg ^j^jg ^ ^j^g crowne, in this forme and order as insueth. [See 
 
 excerpts from York's speech at pp. 256-258 above.] 
 
 Nortlramberland and ClifEord wish to "assayle the Family of 
 Torhe " ^ (I. 65), but Henry demurs : 
 
 Ah, know you not the Citie f auours them, . . . 
 
 This partiality was of service to York in (?) 1456, when Queen 
 Margaret perceived that 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 645/2/66. Jffalle, 236.] she could attempt nothing 
 LOTdoners against him neere to London;^ because the duke was in more 
 YOTk.™*^ estimation there, than either the king hir husband, or hir 
 selfe: . . . 
 
 Henry fails in an attempt to prove his title to the crown,^ and, 
 alarmed by the sudden appearance of Yorkist soldiers, proposes a 
 compromise, which is accepted (U. 170-175) : 
 
 Hemry. My Lord of Warwick, heare me but one word : 
 Let me for this my life time reigne as King. 
 
 Phmt. Confirme the Crowne to me and to mine Heires, 172 
 
 And thou shalt reigne in quiet while thou liu'st. 
 
 Henry. I am content : Richard Plantageuet, 
 Enioy the Kingdome after my decease. 
 
 On October 16, 1460, York's claim to the crown was, as we have 
 seen (p. 255 above), brought before Parliament. 
 
 Thedster- \Hol. iii. 657/ 1 /6g. Halle, 249.1 After lone debating of the 
 
 miTiation of '- i ^ ' j o o 
 
 ^"ff«ra- ™atter, and deliberate consultation amongest the peeres, prelats, 
 ^^tauing of ^.ud commous ; vpon the vigill of All saints,* it was condescended : 
 [the] crowne. ^^^ ^^ much as king Henrie had beene taken as king by the space 
 
 1 " Thomas Thorpe, second Barow of thexchequer, greate frende to the 
 house of Lancaster, and extreme enemie to the Famylie of Yorke." — Halle, 245. 
 
 2 After the second battle of St. Albans (p. 301 below) Margaret retired to 
 the north of England ; " hauing little trust in Essex, and lesse in Kent, but 
 least of aU in London."— BToJ. iii. 661, col. 1, L 40. Halle, 253. As to the 
 Yorkist feeling in Kent, see p. 296 below. 
 
 s Previously Henry said to York (1. 105) : " Thy [My Fi] Father was, as 
 thou art, Duke of Yorke." York's father was Richard Earl of C&mbridge, 
 younger son of Edmund of Langley. The Earl of Cambridge was executed 
 during the lifetime of his elder brother Edward Duke of York. 
 
 * Henry accepted the Peers' arbitrament on October 25. — Bot. Pa/il., v. 
 377/2. On October 31 York came to the Upper Plouse, and there, in the 
 presence of Henry and the Peers, took an oath of fidelity to the King. — But. 
 Pari., V. 379. See next page. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PAET III. 293 
 
 of thirtie and eight yeares and more, that he should inioy the [Henry to to 
 
 , , , . Kingdunng 
 
 name and title of king, and haue possession of the realme during YrnkT^be 
 his naturall life. And, if he either died, or resigned, or forfeited ■''^''^''^l 
 the same, by breaking or going against anie point of this concord, 
 then the said crowne & authoritie roiall should immediatlie be 
 deuoluted and come to the duke of Yorke, if he then lined ; or 
 else to the next heire of his linage. 
 
 Henry makes a stipulation (11. 194-200) : 
 
 I here entayle 
 The Crowne to thee and to thine Heires for euer ; 
 Conditionally, that heere thou take an Oath 196 
 
 To cease this Ciuill Warre ; and, whil'st I liue. 
 To honor me as thy King and Soueraigne, 
 And neyther by Treason nor Hostilitie 
 To seeke to put me downe, and reigne thy selfe. 200 
 
 The agreement ^ by which York was declared heir apparent to the 
 crown contained the following provision : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 658/1/33.J Item, the said Eichard duke of Yorke, 
 shall promit and bind him by his solemne oth, in maner and forme 
 as foUoweth : 
 
 " In the name of God, Amen : I, Richard duke of Yorke, promise me oth of 
 
 Richard 
 
 " and sweare by the faith and truth that I owe to almightie God, *»*« 0/ 
 " that I shall neuer consent, procure, or stirre, directlie or indirectlie, 
 "in priuie or apert, neither (as much as in me is) shall suffer to be 
 " doone, consented, procured, or stirred, anie thing that may sound 
 " to the abridgement of the naturall life of king Henrie the sixt, or 
 "to the hurt or diminishing of his reigne or dignitie roiall, by 
 " violence, or anie other waie, against his freedome or libertie : " . . . 
 
 When all except Henry and Exeter have left the stage, Queen 
 Margaret enters with her son Edward Prince of "Wales. She upbraids 
 Henry with his cowardice, and points out its uselessness (11. 238-241) : 
 
 Warwick is Chancelor, and the Lord of CaUice ; 
 Sterne Falconbridge commands the Narrow Seas ; 
 The Duke is made Protector of the Eealme ; 
 And yet shalt thou be safe i 
 Halle (233) and Holinsbed (iii. 644/2/17) record that, in the 
 Parliament wHch met soon after the first battle of St. Albans, 
 
 • The articles of agreement between Hemy EBid York (Bot. Pari., v. 378, 
 379), containing this oath, are not in Halle. They were taken fey Hoi. from 
 Stow (679-683). 
 
294 XI. HENRY VI. PART III, 
 
 Warwick's father — Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury — ^was appointed 
 Chancellor, while Warwick himself received the Captaincy of Calais. ^ 
 " Falconbridge " is perhaps a Lancastrian Vice- Admiral of later date; 
 
 [The bastard \Halle, 301.] One Thomas Neuel, bastard sonne to William^ 
 
 bridge lord Fauconbridg[e], the valyant capitayne ; a man of no lease corage 
 
 then audacitie. . . . This bastard was before this tyme [1471] 
 
 [made Vice, appoynted by the erle of Warwycke to be Vyce-admirall of the 
 
 admiral of , 
 
 the sea.] sea, and had in charge so to kepe the passage betwene Doner and 
 Caleys, that none which either fauoured kinge Edward or his 
 
 frendes should escape vntaken and vndrouned.* 
 
 Holinshed, on Halle's authority (249), relates the proclamation of 
 York's third protectorship.* 
 
 Thtdnkeof [SbZ. ill. 659/i/30.] And vpon the saturdaie [November 8, 
 
 lorhepro- 
 
 cUMMdmre 1460] ncxt insuing [AH Saints' Day], Richard duke of Yorke was 
 ^nSi."^ by sound of trumpet soleranelie proclamed heire apparant to the 
 crowne of England, and protectour of the realme. 
 
 Margaret tells Henry that the " Northerne Lords " will follow her 
 colours ; and she and her son are about to go — for " our Army is 
 ready" — when the King says (1. 259) : 
 
 Gentle Sonne Edward, thou wilt stay with ^ me 1 
 
 Qiieene. I, to be murther'd by his Enemies. 260 
 
 Prince. When I returne with victorie from ® the field, 
 
 He see your Grace : till then, He follow her. 
 
 My next excerpt shows that, though York had been declared heir 
 apparent, his position was not secure : 
 
 [llol. iii. 659/1/44. Halle, 249.] The duke of Yorke, well 
 [Margaret knowiug that the queene would spurne against all this, caused 
 
 came not 
 
 to Hen™ °™ ^^*'^ ^^^ ^°*^ ^^^ Sonne to be sent for by the king. But she, as 
 wed°fn™' woont rather to rule, than to be ruled, and thereto counselled by 
 
 army.] , . 
 
 1 In the correspondiag lines of T. T., Warwick's appointments as Chan- 
 cellor and " Lord " of Calais are not mentioned. Salisbury's Chancellorship 
 preceded the battle of St. Albans. He received the seals on April 1 (AprU 2, 
 the date given in my authority, fell on a Tuesday), 1454, and surrendered them 
 on March 7, 1455. — Proe. Priv. Go., vi. 355-359. Warwick was made Captain 
 of Calais on August 4, 1455.— Bot. Pari, v. 309/2. 
 
 2 WUliam] Thomas Halle. 
 
 3 This appointment must have been made in 1470, after Warwick had 
 broken with Edward IV. 
 
 * It appears from Wyrc. (484) that York became heir apparent and 
 " Eegens" by virtue of the same agreement. According to Ch/ron. Rich. II. — 
 Sen. VI. (106) and Chron. Land. (141) York was made Protector in 1460. 
 
 ' with] (Qq) E2. om. Fi. 
 
 « from] (Qq) F2. to Fi. 
 
XI. HENKY VI. PART III. 295 
 
 the dukes of Excester and Summerset, not onelie denied to come, 
 
 but also assembled a great armie ; intending to take the king by 
 
 fine force out of the lords hands. 
 
 Act I. sc. ii.— When "York heard that a Lancastrian army was 
 gathering in the North, he 
 
 [Sbi iii. 659/I/S2. Halle, 250.] assigned the duke of Norffolke, 
 
 and erle of Warwike, his trustie freends, to be about the king,i while 
 
 he, with the carles of Salisburie and Rutland, and a conuenient 
 
 number, departed out of London the second dale of December, ^ 
 
 northward ; and appointed the earle of March his eldest sonne to 
 
 follow him with all his power. The duke came to his castell of (York At 
 
 Sandall beside Wakefield on Christmasse eeuen,* & there began ^astie.] 
 
 to make muster of his tenants and freends. 
 
 The scene opens at Sandal Castle. Richard argues (11. 22-27) that 
 Henry, being an usurper, could not lawfully impose an oath upon York. 
 York is convinced and resolves to " be King or dye." Holinshed — in 
 a passage derived from Whethamstede (491) — says that many deemed 
 York's miserable end 
 
 [Sol. iii. 659/2/58.] a due punishment for breaking his oth of [The Pops 
 
 allegiance vnto liis souereigne lord king Henrie : but others held YorH*° 
 
 him discharged thereof, bicause he obteined a dispensation from a purchase 
 
 the pope, by such suggestion as his procurators made vnto him ; mr^wio, 
 
 whereby the same oth was adiudged void, as that which was nanng. 
 
 receiued vnaduisedlie, to the preiudice of himselfe, and disheriting 
 
 of all his posteritie. 
 
 York then takes steps to warn his friends of his intended revolt 
 (11. 40-42) : 
 
 You, Edward, shall vnto my Lord Cobham, 
 With whom the Kentishmen will willingly rise : 
 In them I trust ; . . . 
 
 Edward Brooke, Lord Cobham, was one of York's " speciall freends " 
 (see p. 283 above). When — about three weeks before the battle of 
 Northampton: — a Yorkist army, commanded by the Earls of March, 
 Salisbury, and Warwick,* was passing 
 
 1 " Warwicke, Cobham, and the rest," were left by York, " Protectors of the 
 King."— 3 Een. VI., I. ii. 56, 57. 
 
 2 HaUe, 250. December 9. — Ch-eg., 210. " a lyteUe before Crystynmas." — 
 Ch/ron. Rich. II.— Een. VI., 107. 
 
 3 HalU, 250. December il.—Wyrc, 484. 
 
 * They landed at Sandwich on June 26, 1460. — Ellis, III. i. 91 compared 
 with 85-88. The battle of Northampton was fought on July 10, 1460. 
 
296 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 Whcika/m.- 
 sted 
 1460 
 
 Abr, Flem. 
 
 [The 
 
 Kentishmen 
 were 
 Yorkists.] 
 
 Abr. Fl. ex 
 Tlohn 
 S[tow]. 
 pag. 697. 
 
 Tlu men of 
 Kent sent to 
 Calls fot' the 
 earles. 
 
 [Margaret's 
 army came 
 before 
 Sandal, and 
 offered 
 battle to 
 York.] 
 
 [Eol. iii. 653/2/71. Halle, 243.] through Kent, there came to 
 them the lord Cobham, lohn Gilford, William Pech, Eobert Home, 
 and manie other gentlemen ; . . . 
 
 The Yorkist leaders were encouraged to land in Kent, because 
 
 [Sol. iii. 653/2/43.] the people of that countrie and other parts 
 ■were altogither bent in their fauor ; and no lesse addicted to doo 
 them seruice both with bodie and goods, than the Irishmen ^ seemed 
 to be at their receiuing of the said duke of Yorke, and his yoonger 
 Sonne Edmund earle of Rutland ; whom they so highlie honoured, 
 that they oflFered to line and die in their quarrell. . . . 
 
 But it is to be read in a late writer, that the commons of Kent 
 . . . sent priuilie messengers to Calls to the foresaid erles ; beseech- 
 ing them in all hast possible to come to their succour. Wherevpon 
 the said earles sent oner into Kent the lord Fauconbridge, to know 
 if their deeds would accord with their words : ^ so that anon the 
 people of Kent, and the other shires adioining, resorted to the said 
 lord Fauconbridge in great number. 
 
 A messenger enters hastily and addresses York (11. 49-52) : 
 
 The Queene with all the Northerne Earles and Lords 
 Intend here to besiege you in your Castle : 
 She is hard by with twentie thousand men ; 
 And therefore f ortifie your Hold, my Lord. 
 
 Hearing of York's arrival at Sandal Castle, Margaret 
 [Hoi. iii. 659/1/61. Halle, 250.] determined to cope with him 
 yer his succour were come. 
 
 Now she,^ hauing in hir companie the prince hir sonne, the 
 dukes of Excester and Summerset, the earle of Deuonshire, the 
 lord Clifford, the lord Ros, and in effect all the lords of the north 
 parts, with eighteene thousand men, or (as some write) two and 
 twentie thousand, marched from Yorke to Wakefield, and bad base 
 to the duke, euen before his castell gates. 
 
 York now welcomes his uncles, — Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer, 
 ■ — and adds (1. 64) : 
 
 2, n. 1 above. " Irishmen . . . quarreU." Not in Halle, or in 
 
 1 See p. 
 Hoi. ed. 1. 
 
 2 words] Stow, woods] Hoi. 
 
 ' Queen Margaret wg,s not present at the battle of Wakefield, 
 battle she came from Scotland to York. — Wyrc, 485. 
 
 After the 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 297 
 
 The Armie of the Queene meane to besiege vs. 
 
 lohn. Shee shall not neede ; wee'le meete her in the field. 
 
 Torhe. What, -with fine thousand men ? . . . 
 Fine men to twentie 1 though the oddes be great, 72 
 
 I doubt not, Ynokle, of our Victoria. 
 Many a Battaile haue I wonne in France, 
 When as the Enemie hath beene tenne to one : 
 Why should I not now haue the like sucoesse ? 76 
 
 Words as confident as these were, we learn from Halle (250), 
 uttered by York when Margaret's army appeared before Sandal 
 Castle. The Duke, 
 
 hauyng with hym not fully fiue thousande persones, determined [Yorkdeter- 
 incontinent to issue out, and to fight with his enemies ; and all meet ws. 
 
 ' o 3 enemies in 
 
 though sir Dauy Halle, his old seruant and chief counsailer, auysed tlloijh^ir 
 him to kepe hys Castle, and to defende the same with his smal ^^edWm 
 numbre, till his sonne the Erie of Marche war come with his power castu.] 
 of Marchemen and Welshe souldiours, yet he would not be coun- 
 sailed, but in a great fury saied : " a, Dauy, Dauy ! hast thou 
 " loued me so long, and now wouldest haue me dishonored ? Thou 
 "neuer sawest me kepe fortres when I was Regent in Normandy, 
 " when the Dolphyn hymself, with his puissaunce, came to besiege 
 " me, but, lyke a man, and not like a birde included in a cage, I Lwer 
 "issued and fought with myne enemies, to their losse euer (I tattle with 
 
 ■^ the French, 
 
 "thanke God) and to my honor. . . . wouldest thou that I, for ™J^°^^ 
 "dread of a scolding woman, ^ . . . should incarcerate my self, and ^^'^f™ 
 " shut my gates ? " woS?'] 
 
 Act I. sc. iii. — Rutland and his Tutor enter, fleeing from Clifford. 
 They are overtaken and separated, the Tutor crying out (U. 8, 9), as he 
 is dragged off by soldiers, 
 
 Ah, Clifford, murther not this innocent Child, 
 Least thou be hated both of God and Man ! 
 
 Rutland plesids for mercy, but Clifford is obdurate (1. 47) : 
 
 Thy Father slew my Father] therefore, dye ! 
 
 Halle relates, (251) that, while the battle of Wakefield 
 
 was in fighting, a prieste called sir Robbert Aspall, chappelain and [Aspaii, 
 schole master to the yong erle of Rutland, (.ii. sonne to the aboue f^^^f^ 
 
 master, 
 
 * Richard thus encourages his father to accept Margaret's challenge (3 Hen. 
 VI., I. ii. 68) : " A Woman's generall ; what should we feare 1 " 
 
298 XI. HENKY VI. PART III. 
 
 named duke of Yorke, sca[r]ce of the age of .xii. yeres/ a fairs 
 gewtlemaw and a mayderelike person,) perceiuyng that f[l]ight was 
 [^sMretiy more sauegard than tariyng bothe for hym and his master, secretly 
 fronfthi conueyd therle out of the felde, by the lord Cliffordes bande, 
 battie-fleid.] toward the towne ; but, or he coulde entre into a house, he was by 
 foKrf d ^^^ ^^y*^ ^^^^ Cliiford espied, folowed, and taken, and, by reson of 
 thmn.)"'' ^lis apparell, demaunded what he was. The yong gentelman, dis- 
 ^utiand mayed, had not a word to speake, but kneled on his knees, implor- 
 meroy, yug mercy and desiryng grace, both with holding Tp his handes and 
 
 making dolorous countinance, for his speache was gone for feare. 
 entreaties " Sauc him," saydc his Chappelein, "for he is a princes Sonne, and 
 ab'^i'^ " peraduenture may do you good hereafter." With that word, the 
 [ciiffordsaid lord Clifford marked him and sayde: " by Gods blode ! thy father 
 
 to Rutland: j ./ ./ 
 
 "Thyather " slcw myuc, and so will I do the and all thy kyn ! " and, with that 
 
 slew mine, J > j j > 
 
 dotteelmd' woord, stacke the erle to the hart with his dagger, and bad his 
 Sn!"f Chappeleyn bere the erles mother & brother worde what he had 
 done and sayde. In this acte the lord Clyfford was accompted a 
 tyraunt and no gentelman, for the propertie of the Lyon ^ (which is 
 a furious and an vnreasonable beaste) is to be cruell to them that 
 withstande hym, and gentle to such as prostrate or humiliate them 
 selfes before hym. Yet this cruel Clifforde, & deadly bloudsupper, 
 LS°kmer [^^-s] not coutcut with this homicyde or chyldkyllyng,^ . . . 
 
 Act I. sc. iv. — York enters and tells his defeat (11. 1-4) : 
 
 The Army of the Queene hath got the field : 
 My Ynckles both are slaine in rescuing me ; 
 And all my followers to the eager foe 
 Turne backe, and flye, . . . 
 
 The Lancastrian victory of Wakefield was won on December 30, 
 1460.* Though York 
 
 1 Edmund Earl of Rutland, York's third son, was horn in M&j, 1443, and 
 was therefore more than seventeen years of age at this date. — Wyrc, 462. 
 After the battle he fled, but was overtaken and slain by Clifford on the bridge 
 at Wakefield. — Wyrc, 485. Rutland was "one the beste dysposyd lorde m 
 thys londe."— GVe^., 210. 
 
 2 Rutland compares Olifl^ord to " the pent-vp Lyon . . . insulting o're his 
 Prey."— 3 Sen. FT., I. iii. 12, &c. 
 
 3 In 3 Hen. VI., II. ii. 112, Richard calls Clifford « that crueU Child-kiUer." 
 (After " chyld-kyllyng," Clifford's unworthy treatment of York's dead body is 
 related. See next page.) 
 
 * Hot. Pari., V. 466/2. Wyrc. (485) gives December 29, and Chron. Rich. 
 II. — Sen. VI. (107), December 31, as the date of the battle. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 299 
 
 [Sol. iii. 659/2/10. JTalle, 250.1 fought manfullie, yet was he The duke of 
 
 . . ' ' . Torkeelaine. 
 
 ■Within half an houre slaine and dead, and his whole armie discom- 
 fited : with him died of his trustie freends, his two bastard vncles, 
 sir lohn and sir Hugh Mortimer, sir Dauie Hall, sir Hugh 
 Hastings, sir Thomas Neuill, William and Thomas Aparre, both 
 brethren ; and two thousand and eight hundred others, whereof oneiuimutn 
 
 ' ° ' hundred 
 
 manie were yoong gentlemen, and heires of great parentage in the ^'*S4 
 south parts : whose kin reuenged their deaths within foure moneths S"'""'' 
 next,^ as after shall appeare. 
 
 Being unable to escape, York becomes Queen Margaret's prisoner, 
 and is subjected by her to indignities. Addressing Clifford and North- 
 umberland, she says (11. 67 ; 94, 95) : 
 
 Come, make him stand vpon this Mole-hill here, . . . 
 A Crowne for Yorke ! and. Lords, bow lowe to him ! 
 Hold you his hands, whilest I doe set it on. 
 
 Of this matter Holinshed gave two versions, both of which I quote. 
 The former is an abridgment of Halle (251) ; the latter — whence we 
 learn that York " was taken aliue, and in derision caused to stand vpon 
 a molehill" — is, in part, a translation from Whethamstede (489). 
 According to Halle, Clifford, not satisfied with Butland's murder, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 659/2/37. Halle, 251.] came to the place where the [Tork-ehead 
 
 struck off, 
 
 dead corpse of the duke of Yorke laie, caused his head to be crownea 
 
 ^ with paper, 
 
 striken off, and set on it a crowne of paper,^ fixed it on a pole, and ™ntedto 
 presented it to the queene, not lieng farre from the field, in great ^"S"«*i 
 despite, at which great reioising was shewed: but they laughed 
 then that shortlie after lamented, and were glad then of other 
 mens deaths that knew not their owne to be so neere at hand. 
 IT Some write that the duke was taken aliue, and in derision whetham- 
 
 ated, 
 
 caused to stand vpon a molehill ; on whose head they put a garland [TheLan- 
 in steed of a crowne, which they had fashioned and made of sedges made York 
 
 stand upon 
 
 or bulrushes ; and, hauing so crowned him with that garland, they ^'^°^^™!. 
 kneeled downe afore him (as the lewes did vnto Christ) in scorne, Sfb„Se"!*'' 
 saieng ta him: "Haile king without rule! haile king without before wm 
 
 and derided 
 
 ■ ■ him.] 
 
 ' At the battle of To-wton. 
 
 2 Richard afterwards reproached Margaret for crowning his father's " War- 
 like Brows with Paper." — Rich. III., I. iii. 175. The Qq. and F. have no 
 stage direction against 3 Hen. VI., I. iv. 95. Wyrc. (485) says that the dead 
 bodies of York and his friends were decapitated, and their heads were placed 
 ■in different parts of the city of York. The Duke's head was crowned with 
 paper {c<wta), in contempt. All this was done at the lords' instance. 
 
300 XI. HENEY VI. PART III. 
 
 " heritage ! haile duke and prince without people or possessions ! " 
 
 And at length, hauing thus scorned him with these and diuerse 
 
 other the like despitefuU words, they stroke oflF his head, which (as 
 
 yee haue heard) they presented to the queene. 
 
 York is at last slain by the hands of Clifford and Margaret, where- 
 upon the Queen cries (11. 179-180) : 
 
 Off with his Head, and set it on Yorke Gates ; 
 
 So Yorke may ouer-looke the Towne of Yorke ! 
 The following excerpt illustrates these lines : 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 659/2/65. Halle, 251.J After this victorie by the 
 
 queene, the earle of Salisburie and all the prisoners were sent to 
 
 The Pomfret, and there beheaded ; whose heads (togither with the duke 
 
 Muaded. of Yorkes head) were conueied to Yorke, and there set on poles 
 
 ouer the gate of the citie, in despite of them and their linage. 
 
 Act II. sc. i. — "A March. Enter Edward, Eichard, and their 
 power." The brothers are talking of their father — of whose fate they 
 are ignorant — until Eichard says (11. 21, 22) : 
 
 See how the Morning opes her golden Gates, 
 And takes her f arwell of the glorious Sunne ! . . . 
 JSd. Dazle mine eyes, or doe I see three Sunnes ? 
 JRich. Three glorious Sunnes, each one a perfect Sunne ; 
 Not seperated with the racking Clouds, 
 
 But seuer'd in a pale cleare-shining Skye. 28 
 
 See, see ! they ioyne, embrace, and seeme to kisse, 
 As if they vow'd some League inuiolable : 
 Now are they but one Lampe, one Light, one Sunne. 
 In this the Heauen figures some euent. 32 
 
 Edward answers (11. 39, 40) : 
 
 What ere it bodes, hence-forward will I beare 
 Ypon my Targuet three faire shining Sunnes. 
 After collecting an army on the borders of Wales, Edward had 
 begun his march thence when 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 66O/1/14. Halle, 251.] newes was brought to him, 
 
 that lasper earle of Penbroke, halfe brother to king Henrie, and 
 
 lames Butler, earle of Ormund and Wilshire, had assembled a 
 
 great number of Welsh and Irish people to take him : he, herewith 
 
 The batua quickued, retired backe and met with his enimies in a faire plaine 
 
 croise. neere to Mortimers crosse, not far from Hereford east,^ on Candle 
 
 1 " The field of the battle of Mortimer's Cross is in the parish of Kingsland, 
 five miles north-west by west from Leominster, close to the fifth mile-stone of 
 the turn-pike road, leading from Leominster to Wigmore and Knighton," . . . 
 Brooke's Visiis to Fidds of Battle, 1857, p. 74. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 301 
 
 masse daie^ [Feb. 2, 1461] in the mormng. At which time the 
 sumie (as some write) appeared to the earle of March like three 
 sunnes, and suddenlie ioined altogither in one. Upon which sight 
 he tooke such courage, that he, fiercelie setting on his enimies, put 
 them to flight: and for this cause men imagined that he gaue the ^ce^^m 
 sunne in his full brightnesse for his badge or cognisance. '""*' '"""*' 
 
 The arrival of a messenger, who brings news to Edward of York's 
 death, is soon followed by the entry of Warwick with an army. From 
 Warwick Edward hears of the Yorkist defeat at the second battle of 
 St. Albans, fought on February 17, 1461.^ As the combined forces of 
 Edward and Warwick reached London on February 26, 1461,* their 
 meeting — dramatized in this scene — must have taken place on some 
 historic day between these dates. After Warwick's defeat at St. 
 Albans, the Lancastrians purposed marching to London, but they 
 retired to the north of England when 
 
 [Sol. iii. 66I/1/33. Halle, 252.1 true report came not onelie [Meeting of 
 
 '- I IJJ > J f Edward and 
 
 to the queene, but also to the citie; that the earle of March, Warwick.] 
 hauing vanquished the earles of Penbroke and Wilshire, had met 
 with the earle of Warwike (after this last battell at saint Albons) 
 at Chipping Norton by Cotsold; and that they with both their 
 powers were comming toward London. 
 
 Warwick gives an account of what happened after he had received 
 tidings of the conflict at Wakefield (11. 111-121) : 
 
 I, then in London, keeper of the King, 
 
 Muster'd my Soldiers, gathered flockes of Friends, 112 
 
 And, verie well appointed, as I thought,* 
 
 Marcht toward S. Albons to intercept the Queene, 
 
 Bearing the King in my behalf e along ; 
 
 For by my Scouts I was adu^rtised, 116 
 
 That she was comming with a full intent 
 
 To dash our late decree in Parliament, 
 
 Touching King Henries Oath, and your Succession. 
 
 Short Tale to make, we at S. Albons met, 120 
 
 Our Battailes ioyn'd, and both sides fiercely fought : . . . 
 
 1 According to Chron. Bich. II.— Hen. VI. (110) the three suns were seen 
 about 10 a.m., on February 2, 1461 ; and the battle of Mortimer's Cross was 
 fought on the following day. In Greg. (211) and Three Chronicles (S. E. C, 
 77) the battle and the appearance of three suns are dated February 2. 
 
 2 Bot. Fa/rl, v. 476/2. 
 
 3 Oreg., 215. Fab., 639. Three Chronicles {8. E. 0., 77). February 27.— 
 Three Ch/rmides {B. L. C, 172). ■ Februaiy 28.— Chron. Bich. II.— Sen. VI., 
 110. Edward and Warwick met at Chipping Norton, Oxfordshire.— 
 Wyrc, 488. 
 
 * 113. And . . . thought'] T. T. Not in 3 Hen. VI. 
 
302 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 But the Lancastrians prevailed ; 
 
 So that we fled ; the King vnto the Queene (1. 137) ; . . , 
 
 Halle relates (252) that, after the battle of "Wakefield, Queen 
 Margaret 
 
 [Margaret stiU Came forwardc with her Northren people, entendyng to sub- 
 southward, uerte and defaict all conclusions and agrementes enacted and 
 
 intending to _ , 
 
 annul the asscnted to in the last Parliament. And so after her long lorney 
 
 Yorkist ° 
 
 of'the™*"* ^^^ came to the town of sainct Albo?is ; wherof the duke of North- 
 crown.] folke, the erle of Warwycke, and other, (whom the duke of Yorke 
 
 [The Yorkist J > > \ 
 
 lords had lefte to gouerne the kyng in his absence,) beyng aduertised, 
 
 [gathered an by thc asscut of y° kyng, gathered together a great hoste, and set 
 
 army, and _ , _, ,, , ,^ .,, 
 
 marched to torward towardc saincte Albons, hauyng the kyng m their company, 
 by°He^""f ^ as the head and chefetayn of the warre ; and so, not myndyng to 
 dilFerre the tyme any farther, vpon shrouetuesday, early in the 
 [Defeated by momyug. Set Tpou their enemyes. Fortune that day so fauored 
 the^foraook the Qucne, that her parte preuayled, & the duke and the erle were 
 
 Henry and 
 
 fled] discomfited, and fled, leauing the king . . . 
 
 The Yorkist soldiers might (Warwick conjectures) have been 
 dispirited by 
 
 the coldnesse of the King, 122 
 
 Who look'd full gently on his warlike Queene, . . . 
 
 Holinshed says that, when the soldiers, who had charge of Henry, 
 fled from the field, the Yorkist 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 66O/2/14.] nobles that were about the king, perceiuing 
 
 how the game went, and withall saw no comfort in the king, but 
 
 g?od wiir* rather a good will and affection towards the contrarie part, . . . 
 
 to the Lan- .,11 1 * > 1 1 • 
 
 oastrians.] Withdrew . . . , Icauing the kmg . . . 
 
 Now after that the noble men and other were fled, and the 
 
 king left in maner alone without anie power of men to gard his 
 
 [Henry pcrsou, he was counselled by an esquier called Thomas Hoo, a man 
 
 fointhe ° wcU lauguagcd, and well scene in the lawes, to send some con- 
 
 (Lancas- ueuieut mcsscnger to the northerne lords, aduertising them, that 
 
 trian) lords.] ° , ' o > 
 
 he would now gladlie come vnto them, (whome he knew to be his 
 verie freends, and had assembled themselues togither for his 
 seruice,) to the end he might remaine with them, as before he had 
 remained vnder the gouernement of the southerne lords. . . . 
 [The Lancastrian lords conveyed Henry to Clifibrd's tent], and 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 303 
 
 brought the queene and hir sonne prince Edward vnto his [Meeting of 
 presence, whome he ioifuUie receiued, imbracing and kissing them ^^f^^^g 
 in most louing -wise ; and yeelding hartie thanks to almightie God, ^'i'""*-' 
 whome it had pleased thus to strengthen the forces of the 
 northerne men, to restore his deerelie belooued and onelie sonne 
 againe into his possession. 
 
 "Warwick tells Edward (11. 145-147) that George — afterwards Duke 
 of Clarence — 
 
 was lately sent 
 From your kinde Aunt, Dutchesse of Burgundie, 
 With ayde of Souldiers to this needfuU Warre. 
 
 Isabella of Portugal, a grand-daughter of John of Gaunt,^ and 
 consequently a distant cousin of Edward, was Duchess of Burgundy 
 in 1461. A passage derived by Holinshed from Halle (253) shows 
 that George was not in England during the historic time of sc. i., 
 Act II. 
 
 [Sol, iii. 66I/1/4S.] The duches of Yorke, seeing hir husband [Edward's 
 
 brothers, 
 
 and sonne slaine, and not knowing what should succeed of hir georgeand 
 
 ' ° Eichard, 
 
 eldest sonnes chance, sent hir two yonger sonnes, George and ree^veaat 
 Richard, oner the sea, to the citie of Utrecht in Almaine, where S^Dute of 
 they were of Philip duke of Burgognie well receiued ; and so "'^^° ^' 
 remained there, till their brother Edward had got the crowne and 
 gouernement of the realme. 
 
 Act II. sc. ii. — Henry, at Margaret's bidding, knights Prince 
 Edward (1. 61). The Prince was knighted on an earlier historic date 
 than that which must be assigned to this scene. After the second 
 battle of St. Albans Queen Margaret 
 
 \ffol. iii. 66O/2/64. Salle, 252.1 caused the king to dub hir PHnu 
 
 *■ ^ Edward 
 
 Sonne prince Edward, knight ; with thirtie other persons, which the '""^ hmgM. 
 day before fought on hir side against his part. 
 
 A messenger now warns the Lancastrians that Edward and 
 Warwick "are at hand" (1. 72). In the preceding scene Warwick 
 aaid that the Lancastrians had gone to London, and he therefore pro- 
 posed marching thither to give them battle (II. i. 174-185). But before 
 sc. i. ended he learnt from a messenger sent by Norfolk that 
 
 The Queene is comming with a puissant Hoast ; . . . 
 
 1 Daughter of John I., King of Portugal. Her mother Philippa was the 
 daughter of Blanch of Lancaster, John of Gaunt's first wife. The dramatist 
 may have been thinking of Edward IV. 's sister, Maigaret Duchess of Burgundy, 
 who assisted the adventurer known as Perkin Warbeck, for the real or ostensible 
 reason that he was her nephew, Richard Duke of York. 
 
304 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 JBdw. Hall 
 
 I, 262]. 
 
 [Henry's 
 
 presence 
 
 brought 
 
 defeat.] 
 
 [A rumour 
 tlmt Prince 
 Edward was 
 not King 
 Henry's 
 son.] 
 
 Scene ii. is laid at the gates of York (II. 1-4, cp. I. iv. 179). We 
 may suppose perhaps that Margaret, being refused an entrance into 
 London, turned northwards, and, on her march to York, passed near 
 the Duke of Norfolk's position ; which was " some six miles off " the 
 place where Warwick met Edward (II. i. 144). Advised by Norfolk of 
 the Queen's change of plan, Edward and Warwick followed her, and 
 in scene ii. they reach York. The historic facts are that the Lancas- 
 trians withdrew to the north, after the second battle of St. Albans, 
 but Edward and Warwick made for London, where Edward was 
 elected King. Soon after his election Edward marched northwards 
 and won the battle of Towton, which established him on the throne.^ 
 
 No sooner has the near approach of Edward and Warwick been 
 announced than Clifford breaks forth (11. 73, 74) : 
 
 I would your Highnesse would depart the field ! 
 The Queene hath best successe when you are absent.^ 
 
 Holinshed took from Halle (252) a remark that Queen Margaret was 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 66O/2/60.] fortunate in hir two battels [Wakefield 
 and 2nd St. Albans], but vnfortunate was the king in all his enter- 
 prises: for where his person was present, the victorie still fled 
 from him to the contrarie part. 
 
 The wrangle which succeeds the entry of Edward, Richard, and 
 Warwick admits of little illustration from historical sources. A 
 spirited utterance of the Prince invites Eichard's comment (11. 133, 134) : 
 
 Who euer got thee, there thy Mother stands ; 
 For, well I wot, thou hast thy Mothers tongue ; 
 
 and Edward suggests that her " Husband may be Menelaus " (1. 147). 
 
 When Prince Edward was born. Queen Margaret 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 641/1/54. Halle, 230.] susteined not a little slander 
 and obloquie of the common people, who had an opinion that the 
 king was not able to get a child ; and therefore sticked not to saie, 
 that this was not his sonne, with manie slanderous words, greatlie 
 BOimding to the queenes dishonour; much part perchance vntrulie.* 
 
 1 Greg., 214-216. 
 
 * While watching the battle of Towton, Henry says (3 Hen. VI., II. 
 V. 16-18): 
 
 " For Margaret my Queene, and Clififord too, 
 Haue chid me from the BatteU ; swearing both 
 They prosper best of all when I am thence." 
 
 ' much . . . vntridie.'] Hoi. which here nede not to he reheraed.'] Halle, 231. 
 " the common people " said that Prince Edward " was not the naturall sone of 
 Kynge Henrye, but chaungyd in the cradell." — Fa^., 628. Another slanderous 
 rumour circulated " that he that was called Prince was nat hir [1 his, i. e. 
 Henry's] sone, but a bastard goten in avoutry." — Chron. B. II. — Hen. 
 VL, 79. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 305 
 
 Act II. sc. iii.-^The actios of thie ancl the remaioing scenes of Act 
 II. cover the two days' fighting which ended at Tpwton on March 29, 
 1461.1 A preliminary skirmish at Ferrybridge, where Clifford discom- 
 fited the Yorkists, has been magnified into the serious reverse lamented 
 by Edward and George, when this scene opens (11. 6-13). Eichard 
 enters and cries to Warwick (11. 14-16) : 
 
 Ah, Warwicke ! why hast thou withdrawn thy self e ? 
 
 Thy Brothers ^ blood the thirsty earth hath drunk, 
 
 Broach'd with the Steely point of ClifBords Laqnce j . . . 
 Warwick responds: 
 
 Then let the earth be drunken with our blood : 
 
 He kill my Horse, because I will not fiye ! 
 In the conflict »t Ferrybridge was slain 
 [Eol. iiL 664/i/6o. Salle, 255.] the bastard of Salisburie, [Absstard 
 
 ' brother o( 
 
 brother to the earle of Warwike, a valiant yoong gentleman, and ^^j'"'' 
 
 of great audacitie. 
 
 When the earle of Warwike was informed hereof, like a man 
 
 desperat, he mounted on his hacknie, and hasted puffing and 
 
 blowing to king Edward, saieng: "Sir, I praie God hau@ mercie of 
 
 " their soules, which in the beginning of your enterprise haue lost 
 
 " their lines ! And bicause I see no succors of the world but in 
 
 " God, I remit the vengeance to him our creator and redeemer.*' 
 
 With that he alighted downe, and slue his horse with his sword, TheiarUaf 
 
 saieng : " Let him flee that will, for suerlie I will tarrie with him iJl^horje]. 
 
 "tlmt will tarrie with me " : and kissed the crosse of his sword as 
 
 it were for a vow to the promise. 
 
 As Warwick and the three brothers are going forth to renew the 
 battle, George says (11. 49-53) : 
 
 Yet let vs altogether to our Trpopes, 
 And giue themi leaue to fiye that will not stay ; 
 And call them Pillars that will stand to vs ; 
 And, if we thriue, promise them such rewards 
 As Victors weare at the Olympiani G^mes •.?.., 
 
 After the slaughter of the horse, 
 
 [ffol. iii. 664/1/74. Salle, 255.] Bang Edward, perceiuing the 
 
 1 The date from Eot. Fori., v. 477/2. The fighting began early on March 
 28, when Clifford took Ferrybridge from the Torkists.— G'res'.,216 j cp. MaUe, 
 254, 266. 
 
 * In the corresponding lines of T. 21, Richard announces the death of 
 Warwick's father, the Eaj-l of Ssiiebury. Sialisbunr was put to death Sifter the 
 battle of Wakefield.— TFwe., 485. 
 
 ' In T. T. George advises that they should "hiely promise to remimetate" 
 those who stood by them. 
 
 X 
 
306 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III, 
 
 A proclama- 
 turn 
 
 [licensing 
 soldiers to 
 depart, but 
 promising 
 reirards to 
 those who 
 stayed.] 
 
 courage of his trustie friend the earle of Warwike, made proclama- 
 tion, that all men which were afraid to fight should depart ; and, 
 to all those that tarried the battell, he promised great rewards ; 
 with addition, that anie souldier which voluntarilie would abide, 
 and afterwards, either in or before the fight should seeme to flee 
 or turne his backe, then he that could kill him should haue a 
 great reward and double wages. 
 
 Act II. sc. V. — Viewed from afar the battle appears to King Henry 
 (11. 5-12) 
 
 like a Mighty Sea 
 Forc'd by the Tide to combat with the Winde ; . . . 
 Sometime the Flood preuailes, and than the Winde ; . . . 
 Yet neither Conqueror nor ConquerSd : 1 ... 12 
 
 The long struggle at Towton is spoken of by Halle (256) in terms 
 not unlike these : 
 
 [Ebb and 
 
 flow of , 1 1 1< 1 . . 
 
 battiest in doubtful victorie, 
 
 Towton.] ' 
 
 (Family and 
 social ties 
 broken at 
 Towton.] 
 
 This deadly battayle and bloudy conflicte continued .x. houres 
 the one parte some tyme flowyng, and 
 sometime ebbyng, ... 
 
 There enter (11. 54, 79) " a Sonne that hath kill'd his Father, . . , 
 and a Father that hath kill'd his Sonne ; " in both cases unwittingly. 
 Each then recognizes his foeman's face, and laments the cruel chance of 
 civil war. 
 
 Halle says of Towton (256) : 
 
 Thi^ conflict was in maner rnnaturall, for in it the sonne fought 
 agaynst the father, the brother agaynst the brother, the nephew 
 against the vncle, and the tenaunt agaynst his lord, . . . 
 
 At the close of this scene Margaret, Prince Edward, and Exeter * 
 rush in from the £eld where the Lancastrians have been defeated. The 
 Queen cries to Henry (1. 128) : 
 
 Mount you, my Lord ! towards Barwicke post amaiue ! 
 
 When the battle of Towton was decided, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 665/I/4I. Halle, 256.] King Henrie, after he heard 
 of the irrecouerable losse of his armie, departed incontinentlie with 
 
 King Henrie 
 withdraweth 
 to Servnke, 
 &frQm 
 
 smutZ*" his wife and sonne to the towne of Berwike ; and, leaning the duke 
 
 1 Not in T. T. 
 
 2 "the dukes of Summerset [Henry Beaufort] and Excester [Henry 
 Holland] fled from the field and saued themselues." — Ed. iii. 6651 1 hi 
 {Halle, 256). 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. S07: 
 
 of Summerset there, went into Scotland, and, comming to the king 
 of Scots, required of him and his councell, aid and comfort. 
 
 Act II. Bc. vi.— "Enter Clifford wounded, with an arrow in his 
 necke," ^ is the opening stage direction of this scene in The Trite 
 Tragedie. On March 28, 1461,2 ClifEord blocked the passage of the 
 Aire at Ferrybridge. After the proclamation made by Edward (see p. 
 306 above), a Yorkist force passed the Aire 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 664/2/12. Halle, 255.] at Castelford, three miles 
 from Ferribridge, intending to haue inuironed the lord CliflFord and 
 his oompanie. But they, being therof aduertised, departed in great 
 hast toward king Henries armie ; yet they met with some that they 
 looked not for, & were so trapt yer they were aware. For the lord 
 Clifford, either for heat or paine, putting off his gorget, suddenlie 
 with an arrow (as some sale, without an head) was striken into the '^^^ 
 throte, and immediatlie rendred his spirit ; * . . ., ''"*"■ 
 
 By order of Warwick,— who enters subsequently (1. 30) with 
 Edward, George, and Eichard, — Clifford's head is to be fixed where the 
 head of Edward's father " stands " (1. 86). Edward reached York on 
 March 30,* 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 665/i/s6. Halle, 256.] and first he caused the heads ^^ "' 
 of his father, the earle of Salisburie, and other his freends, to be Amoved 
 taken from the gates, and to be buried with their bodies : and ^^.7"'^ 
 there he caused the earle of Deuonshire, and three other, to be 
 beheaded, and set their heads in the same place. 
 
 Clifford's head being provided for, Warwick says to Edward (11. 87, 
 88): 
 
 And now to London with Triv/mphoml march. 
 There to be crovynM Englands Hoyall Kmg : . . . 
 
 Edward assents, and thus addresses his brothers (11. 103, l04) : 
 
 Hichard, I will create thee Duke of Gloucester, 
 And George, of Clarence : . . . 
 
 In June ^ 1461 Edward 
 
 [Hoi. iii 665/2/9. Halle, 257, 258.] returned, after the maner 
 and fashion of a triiimphant conquerour, with great pompe vnto 
 
 1 A lowd akurum. Mnter CUfford Wounded.] 3 Hen. VI. 
 
 2 Greg., 216. HaUe, 254, 255 (Hoi. iii. 664/1/37). 
 
 » On Palm Sunday (March 29), UQl.—Inq.p. m. 4 E. IV, No. 52 (0. B.). 
 
 * Paston, ii. 5. 
 
 * On June 27 Edward rode from the Tower to, Westminster.^r-2%ree 
 Chromcles {B. L. C), p. 174. 
 
308 XI. HENRY VI, PART III. 
 
 London ; where, according to the old eustouie of the reabne, he 
 called a great assemblie of persons of all degrees ; and the nine & 
 twentith daie of lune ^ was at Westminster with solenmitie erovmed 
 
 crowned.] and annolnted king, , . . 
 
 CGeorge Also, after this, he created his two voonger brethren dukes ; 
 
 created •* w 
 
 ^^^^ that is to saie, lord George, duke of Clarence, lord Richard^ duke 
 g^»5' of Glocester; . . . 
 
 Oloncester.] 
 
 Hichardr J8 litther loth to accept this title (1. 107) : 
 
 For Glosters Dukedome is too ominous. 
 
 Holiushed derived from Halle (209) the following remark on 
 Hvunphrey Duke of Gloucester's death: 
 
 Buixsof [Rol. iii. 627/I/S2.] Some thinke that the name and title of 
 
 vnMtvnate. Qlocester hath beene vnluckie to diuerse, which for their honours 
 haue beene erected by creation of princes to that stile and dignitie ; 
 as Thomas * Spenser, Thomas of Woodstoke, sonne to king Edward 
 the third, and this duke Hum&eie : which three persons by miser^ 
 able death finished their daies ; and after them king Bichard the 
 third also, duke of Glocester, in ciuill warre slaine. 
 
 Act m. so. i. — After 1. 12 (3 Hen. 71.) the stage direction in The 
 l^ue Tragedie is : " Enter king Eenrie disguisde." * Henry begins a 
 soliloquy by saying : 
 
 From Scotland am I stolne euen of pure loue, 
 
 To greet mine owne Land with my wishful! sight.^ 
 
 He is overheard by two keepers, one of whom whispers to the other 
 0. 23) : 
 
 This is the quondam King ; let's seize vpon him. 
 
 Henry asks the Second Keeper (1. 74) : 
 
 Where did you dwell when I was K. of England 1 
 Hvan. \Sec. Keep.']. Heere in this Country, where we now remaine. 
 King. I was annointed Kiiig at nine monthes old j 76 
 
 My Father and my Grandfather were Kings, 
 
 And you were sworne true Subiects vnto me : 
 
 And tell me, then, haue you not broke your Oathes ? 
 
 " Not long before " Henry's death, 
 
 * Edward was crowned on June 28, 1461. — Greg., 218. Another con- 
 temporary chronicle (Cottonian MS., ViteUiuB, A. xvi.)-^eited in Fasion, ii. 
 18, note — gives June 28 as the date oi Edward's coronationi 
 
 « Thdmm] Hiufh Hoi. 
 
 ' Enter the King with a Prwyer boolce.'] 3 Hen. VI. 
 
 * To . . . tight!] 3 Hen. VI. And thva disguisde to ^reete my naiiue 
 lmd.—T. T. 
 
XI. HENEY VI. PART III. 309 
 
 [Sol. iii. 691/2/33. Stow, 706.] being demanded whie he had 
 so long held the crowne of England vniustlie, he replied : " My tHenry vi.'« 
 "father was king of England, quietlie inioieng the crowne all his 
 "reigne ; and his father, my grandsire, was also king of England ; 
 " and I euen a child in my cradeU was proclamed and crowned 
 "king without anie interruption; and so held it fortie yeares 
 "well-neere; all the states dooing homage vnto me, as to my 
 
 The keepers arrest him ; and, in the next scene, we find that he has 
 been brought to the " Pallace Gate " of King Edward, who, on receiving 
 this news, bids the messenger (III. ii. 120) 
 
 See that he be conuey'd vnto the Tower : . . . 
 
 About four historical years after the battle of Towton, — probably 
 in July, 1465,1 — Henry, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 667/1/26. ffalle, 261.J whether he was past all feare ; 
 or that hee was not well established in his wits and perfect mind ; 
 or for that he could not long keepe himselfe secret, in disguised 
 at[t]ire boldlie entred into England. 
 
 He was no sooner entred, but he was knowne and taken of one ^JjJ*^"* 
 Oantlow, and broiight toward the king ; whom the earle of Wiurwike 
 met on the way by the kings commandement, and brought him 
 through London to the Tower, & there he was laid in sure hold. 
 
 Act III. sc. ii. — Edward and his brothers enter, accompanied by 
 Lady Grey, whose business the King thus e3:pl3.ins to RicMrl (H. J-7) : 
 
 Brother of Gloster, at B. Albons field 
 
 This Ladyes Husband, Sir Richard Grey, was sls^ifte, 
 
 His Land then seiz'd on by the Conqueror : 
 
 Her suit is now to repossesse those Lands ; 4 
 
 Which wee in Justice canijpt well dpny. 
 
 Because, in Quarrell of the House of Yorke, 
 
 The worthy Gentleman did lose his Life. 
 
 In the next historical drama (Rich. III., I. iii. 127, 128), she is 
 reminded by Richard that, when he was a zealous servant of Edward, 
 she and her 
 
 Husband Grey 
 Were fjictious for the House of L^Jicaster ; . . . 
 
 And he demands : 
 
 » Henry was arrested about June 29, 14S5.-^Three Ohrort. (B. L. C), 180, 
 181. He was brought to the Tower on July U.—Qr^; 232, B33. 
 
310 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 Damt Bliza- 
 heth dreie 
 [was widow 
 of Sir John 
 Grey, who 
 was slain at 
 the 2nd 
 battle of St. 
 Albans.] 
 
 [She anked 
 Edward to 
 restore her 
 jointure.] 
 
 Theladie 
 Mizdbeth 
 Oraie [had a 
 suit to 
 Hdward]. 
 
 Was not yoTir Husband, 
 In Margarets Battaile, at Saint Albons, slaine 1 
 
 The truth of these taunts appears from the following excerpt. In 
 1464 1(?) s f 
 
 [ITol. iii. 726/ 1 /20. Ralle, 365.] there came to make a sute 
 by petition to the king dame Elizabeth Greie, which was after his 
 queene, at that time a widow, borne of noble bloud ^ by hir mother, 
 duches of Bedford yer she maried the lord Wooduile, hir father. 
 
 Howbeit, this dame Elizabeth hir selfe, being in seruice with 
 queene Margaret, wife Tnto king Henrie the sixt, was maried vnto 
 one lohn Greie, an esquier, whome king Henrie made knight 
 Tpon the field that he had on Barnet heath by saint Albons, 
 against king Edward. But litle while inioied he that knighthood : 
 for he was at the same field slaine. . . , this poore ladie made 
 humble sute vnto the king, that she might be restored vnto such 
 small lands as hir late husband had giuen her in iointure. 
 
 Further to illustrate this scene I quote passages describing the 
 circumstances and result of Lady Grey's petition to Edward. We are 
 told that 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 668/1/1. Halle, 264.] the king, being on hunting in 
 the forrest of Wichwood besides Stonistratford, came for his 
 recreation to the manor of Grafton, where the duchesse of Bedford 
 then soiourned, wife to sir Richard Wooduile lord Riuers ; on 
 whome was then attendant a daughter of hirs, called the ladie 
 Elizabeth Graie, widow of sir lohn Graie knight, slaine at the last 
 battell of saint Albons, . . . 
 
 This widow, hauing a sute to the king for such lands as hir 
 husband had giuen hir in iointure, so kindled the kings affection 
 towards hir, that he not onelie fauoured hir sute, but more hir 
 person ; for she was a woman of a more formall countenance than 
 of excellent beautie ; and yet both of such beautie and fauour. 
 
 1 After "manie a meeting" and "much wooing" (Mol. iii. 726/1/46), 
 Edward was privately married to Lady Grey on May 1, 1464. — Greg., 226. 
 Warkw., 3. 
 
 2 In 3 Hen. VI., IV. i. 69, 70, the Queen, addressing Clarence, Gloucester, 
 and Montagu, says : 
 
 " Doe me but right, and you must all confesse 
 That I was not ignoble of Descent " ; . . . 
 
Xr. HENRY VI. PAfeT 111. 311 
 
 that, with hir sober demeanour, sweete looks, and comelie smiline, [Edward feii 
 
 ° in love with 
 
 (neither too wanton, nor too bashful!,) besides hir pleasant toong ^I'^'^^f 
 and trim wit, she so allured and made subiect vnto hir the heart pa^m"^,, i 
 of that great prince, that, after she had denied him to be his toSe™^r 
 paramour, (with so good maner, and words so well set as better ' * ' 
 could not be deuised,) he finallie resolued with himselfe to marrie 
 hir ; not asking counsell of anie man, till they might perceiue it was 
 no bootie to aduise him to the contrarie of that his concluded 
 purpose; . . . 
 
 Other passages supplied fuller material for the dialogue between 
 Edward and Lady Grey (11. 36-98) : compare especially the words " as 
 she wist ... be his concubine " with 11. 97, 98 : 
 
 I know I am ioo meane to be your Queene, 
 And yet too good to be your Concitbme. 
 
 I resume my quotations at the point where it is related that Edward 
 heard the personal suit of Lady Grey : 
 
 [ffol. iii. 726/1/36. ffalle, 365, 366.] Whome when the king 
 beheld, and heard hir speake, as she was both faire and of a [Edwatd 
 goodlie fauour, moderate of stature, well made, and verie wise : Grey aSde, 
 he not onelie pitied hir, but also waxed inamoured of hir. And, iiiioitiove 
 
 to her.] 
 
 taking hir afterward secretlie aside, began to enter in talking more 
 familiarlie. Whose appetite when she perceiued, she vertuousUe 
 denied him. 
 
 But that did she so wiselie, and with so good maner, and words 
 so well set, that she rather kindled his desire than quenched it. 
 And, finallie, after manie a meeting, much wooing, and many great 
 promises, she well espied ^ the kings aflfection toward hir so greatlie 
 increased, that she durst somewhat the more boldlie saie hir mind ; 
 as to him whose hart she perceiued more feruentlie set, than to 
 fall off for a word. And, in conclusion, she shewed him plaine, ^ «^« , 
 
 ' ■ ' ■■ answer of a 
 
 that, as she wist hir selfe too simple to he his wife, so thought she 'J^^ 
 hir selfe too good to le his concubine. The king, much maruelling ,at ''^"■ 
 hir constancie, (as he that had not been woont elsewhere to be so 
 stiffelie said naie,) so much esteemed hir continencie and chastitie, 
 that he set hir vertue in the steed of possession and riches : and 
 
 1 espied\ Halle, espkng Hoi. 
 
312 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 [When their 
 marriage 
 was settled, 
 Eavard 
 asked his 
 friends' 
 advice about 
 it.] 
 
 [Lady Grey 
 
 thus, taking counsell of his desire, determined in all possible hast 
 to marie her. 
 
 Now after he was thus appointed, and had betweene them 
 twaine insured hir ; then asked he counsell of his other freends, 
 and that in such maner, as they might then perceiue it booted not 
 greatlie to say naie. 
 
 Edward's final argument (11. 102-104) — 
 
 Thou art a Widow, and thou hast some Children ; 
 And, by Gods Mother, /, being but a Batchelor, 
 Haue other-sowie — 
 
 was, it is said, his answer to an objection of his mother (Oeoily Duchess 
 of York) that he disparaged himself by marrying a widow instead of a 
 maid : 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 726/2/68. HalU, 367.] That she is a widcyw, and 
 mdeo^e' hath alrcadic children; iy Gods blessed ladie, Jam a bacheler, and 
 haue some too, and so ech of ts hath a proofe that neither of vs is 
 like to be barren. 
 
 Act III. sc. iii. — Since the close of scene vi.. Act 11., Queen 
 Margaret and Prince Edward have repaired to France. In scene iii.. 
 Act III., they are welcomed by Lewis XI., from whom Margaret craves 
 help towards her husband's restoration. So much of this scene as 
 precedes Warwick's entrance (11. 1-42) may be historically dated about 
 a year after the battle of Towton ; ^ when Henry, being 
 
 [Sol. iii. 665/i7s8. Salle, 257.] somwhat setled in the relme 
 of Scotland, . . . sent his wife and his sonne into France to king 
 Reiner hir father ; trusting by his aid and succour to assemble an 
 armie, and once againe to recouer his right and dignitie : but he in 
 the meane time made his aboad in Scotland, to see what waie his 
 friends in England would studie for his restitution. 
 
 The queene, being in France, did obteine of the yoong French 
 kiiig, then Lewes the eleuenth, that all hir husbands friends, and 
 those of the Lancastrian band, might safelie and suerlie haue 
 resort into anie part of the realme of France : prohibiting all other 
 of the contrarie faction anie accesse or repaire into that countrie. 
 
 In Act II., sc. vi., 11. 89, 90, Warwick proposed going to France 
 
 Queene 
 Margaret 
 with hir 
 Monne goeth 
 into France, 
 
 [Margaret 
 obtained 
 Lewis's 
 favour toe 
 the Lancas- 
 tiians.] 
 
 ' On April 16, 1462, Margaret arrived in Brittany. After visitins Ren6 
 at Angers, she betook herself to Lewiswith the view of obtaining his ai^teii&e. 
 
 — TVyrc, 493. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 313 
 
 after Edward's coronation (June 28, 1461), for the purpose of arranging 
 a marriage between his new sovereign and Lady Bona. Entering now, 
 Warwick offers Lewis " a League of Ami tie" ; to be confirmed 
 
 With Nuptiall Kjiot, if thou vouchsafe to graunt 
 
 That vertuous Lady Bona, thy faire Sister, 
 
 To Englands King in lawful! Marriage. — 11. 55-57. 
 
 Holinshed derived from Halle (263, 264) the following account of 
 this negotiation. In 1464, when Edward had brought England 
 
 [Sol. iii, 667/2/Si.] into a good & quiet estate, it was thought 
 meet by him and those of his councell, that a marriage were pro- 
 uided for him in some conuenient place ; and therefore was the 
 earle of Warwike sent ouer into France, to demand the ladie Bona, 
 daughter to Lewes duke of Sauoie, and sister to the ladie Carlot, 
 then queene of France; which Bona was at that time in the 
 French court. 
 
 The earle of Warwike, comming to the French king, then lieng wt^t '^ 
 at Tours, was of him honourablie receiued, and right courteouslie ^i^'^oat 
 interteined. His message was so well liked, and his request [between 
 
 Edwaidand 
 
 thought so honourable for the aduancement of the ladie Bona, that Bona. ?**'« 
 
 hir sister queene Carlot obteined both the good will of the king "»-i»'']. 
 
 hir husband, and also of hir sister the foresaid ladie : so that the 
 
 matrimonie on that side was cleerelie assented to, and the erle of 
 
 Dampmartine appointed (with others) to saile into England, for 
 
 the full finishing of the same. 
 
 Margaret warns Lewis not to ally himself with an usurper; and 
 Warwick, on the other hand, asserts her son to be no more a prince 
 than she is a queen. Whereupon Oxford remarks (11. 81, 82) : 
 
 Then Warwicke disanulls great lohn of Gaunt, 
 Which did subdue the greatest part of Spaine ; . . . 
 
 Warwick might well have exposed this misrepresentation. John of 
 Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, claimed Castile in right of his second wife 
 Constance, elder daughter of Pedro the Cruel. The Duke, however, 
 failed to dethrone John L, son of Pedro's bastard brother Hem-y II. ; 
 and obtained but a few transient successes by his invasion of Spanish 
 territory.^ 
 
 In the Third Pwrt of Hewry VI. Oxford wonders how Warwick can 
 
 • Mr. Daniel suggests that popular belief may have magnified these suc- 
 cesses ; as,^on April 11, 1601, Henslowe paid earnest for a play^entMed "the 
 conqueste of spayne by John a Qant." — Smtdowe's Diary (Old. Sh. See), p. 
 186. The facts conceHiing John of Gaunt's Spanish lexpedition might have 
 been ascertained from Qia&on or Holinshed, but the dramatist was not bound 
 to regard historical authority. 
 
314 XL HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 Speak against King Henry after " thirtie and six yeeres " of obedience 
 (U. 95-97). But in The True Tragedie Oxford assumes that Warwick 
 has been obedient during Henry's " thirtie and eight " regnal years : a 
 term ending on August 31, 1460. Warwick was attainted by the 
 Lancastrian Parliament which met at Coventry on November 20, 1459 ; 
 and his allegiance was merely formal after the attempt made on his 
 life some eight or ten months previously. ^ Ij;i the interval between 
 the battles of Northampton and St. Albans (July 10, 1460 — February 
 17, 1461) he acted with the supposed sanction of Henry VI., who was 
 then under Yorkist control. 
 
 Warwick bids Oxford " leaue Henry, and call Edward King." 
 Oxford indignantly replies (101-107) : 
 
 Call him my King by whose iniurious doome 
 
 My elder Brother, the Lord Aubrey Vere, 
 
 Was done to death 1 and more then so, my Father, 
 
 Euen in the downe-fall of his mellow'd yeeres, 104 
 
 When Nature brought him to the doore of Death ? 
 
 No, Warwicke, no ; while Life vpholds this Arme, 
 
 This Arme vpholds the House of Lancaster ! 
 
 In February, 1462,3 
 of tetord^ [So/, iii. 665/2/20. Ralle, 258.] the earle of Oxford far striken 
 
 beSehis ^° ^S^' ^^^ ^^^ Sonne and heire the lord Awbreie Veer, either 
 eitobrottier through malice of their enimies, or for that they had offended the 
 Txeeutcd.] king, were both, with diuerse of their councellours, attainted, and 
 
 put to execution ; which caused lohn earle of Oxford euer after to 
 
 rebel!.* 
 
 Having requested Queen Margaret, Prince Edward, and Oxford to 
 stand aside, Lewis demands of Warwick (11. 114, 115) : 
 
 Is Edward your true King ? for I were loth 
 To linke with him that were not lawfuU chosen. 
 
 In The True Tragedie Lewis asks ; 
 
 Is Edward lawfuU king or no ? for I were loath 
 To liuke with him that is not lawful heir. 
 
 1 I take the date of the Coventry Parliament from JSot Pml., v. 345/1. 
 For the date of the attempt on Warwick's life see p. 290, n. 7, above. 
 
 2 Wyrc, 492. J'a6., 652. 
 
 ^ John de Vere, thirteenth Earl of Oxford (the merchant Philipson in 
 Arum of Geierstein), did not rebel until 1470. In 1464 he addressed to Par- 
 liament a petition wherein he called himself Edward's " true Liegeman " ; and 
 styled Henry IV. the "late Erie of Derby," who "toke uppon hym to reigne 
 by Usurpation as Kyng of Englond." — Bot, Pari., v. 549/i, 2. Qjcford was 
 arrested on suspicion of treason in November, 1466, but was released. — Fah., 
 657. About April, 1470, he followed Warwick and Clarence to France, 
 whence he returned in September, 1470, as an avowed supporter of Henry. 
 —Fab., 658. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III, 315 
 
 Although Edward claimed the throne as heir of Lionel Duke of 
 Clarence, his title was strengthened by the people's direct vote. Par- 
 liament was not sitting when, soon after the second battle of St. Albans, 
 Edward summoned a great council of lords spiritual and temporal, who 
 determined that Henry had forfeited the crown ; 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 66I/2/2. Halle, 253, 254] and incontinentlie was ^^^"^ 
 Edward earle of March, sonne and heire to Richard duke of Yorke, l^fj^oo. 
 by the lords in the said councell assembled, named, elected, and spMhiT^d 
 admitted for king and gouernour of the realme. empora . 
 
 On which dale, the people of the earles part being in their 
 muster in 8. lohns field, and a great number of the substantial! 
 citizens there assembled to behold their order, the lord Faucon- S*« ^^ 
 bridge, who tooke the musters, wiselie anon declared to the people ttopeop*^"* 
 the offenses and breaches of the late agreement, committed by fn stjohng 
 
 Field 
 
 king Henrie the sixt : and demanded of the people, whether they whether 
 would haue mm to rule and reigne anie longer ouer them 1 To have Henry 
 
 00 oj Edward 
 
 whome they with whole voice answered : " Naie, naie ! " Then he ]^^]*'™ 
 asked them, if they would serue, loue, honour, and obeie the erle 
 of March, as their onlie king and souereigne lord? To which 
 question they answered: "Yea, yea!" crieng, "King Edward!" 
 with manie great showts & clapping of hands in assent and 
 gladnesse of the same. 
 
 The lords were shortlie aduertised of the louing consent which 
 the commons frankelie and freelie had giuen. Whervpon, inconti- [The lords 
 nentlie. they all with a conuenient number of the most substantiall Edward that 
 
 ' •' they had 
 
 commons repaired to the erle at Bainards castell ; making iust and ^°^™^jj^ 
 true report of their election and admission, and the louing assent ^' "**'» 
 
 „ ,, commons' 
 
 01 the commons. . . . assent.] 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 663/1/64. Halle, 254.J After that this prince Edward Annoiug.t. 
 earle of March had taken vpon him the gouernement of this 
 realme of England (as before ye haue heard), the morow next 
 insuing, being the fourth of March, he rode to the church of 
 saint Paule, and there offered; and, after Te Bewm soong, with ^^^^^">f 
 great solemnitie he was conueied to Westminster, and there S*l^. 
 set in the hall with the scepter roiall in his hand : whereto people 
 in great numbers assembled. His claime to the crowne was de- |^j«^ , 
 clared to be by two maner of waies ; the first, as sonne and heire to 
 duke Richard his father, right inheritor to the same ; the second. 
 
316 XI. HENKY VI. PART III. 
 
 by authoritie of parlement, and forfeiture committed by king Henrie. 
 commons Whercvpon it was againe demanded of the commons, if they would 
 ^mS^b admit and take the said erle as their prince and souereigne lord ; 
 
 which all with one voice cried ; " Yea, yea ! " 
 
 election.] 
 
 Finally Lewis assents to the proposed marriage. But this agree- 
 ment is soon of no worth, for a "Poste" enters with letters from 
 which Lewis and Warwick learn that Edward has wedded Lady Grey. 
 Lewis is deeply angered, and Warwick renounces allegiance to Edward 
 (11. 134-194). My next excerpt shows how Edward's breach of faith 
 was taken : 
 
 [Lewis was [fi^oZ. iii. 668/i/So. Halle, 265.] The French king' was not 
 
 Edward's ^®^ pleased to be thus dallied with ; but he shortlie (to appease 
 maniage.] ^]^g grecfe of his wife and hir sister the ladie Bona) married the 
 
 said ladie Bona to the duke of Millan. 
 
 Now when the earle of Warwike had knowledge by letters sent 
 
 to him out of England from his trustie friends, that king Edward 
 wir^e" had gotten him a new wife, he was not a little troubled ip his 
 
 offended leith .,»,, i.i 
 
 theHngt mmd : for that he tooke it his credence thereby was greatue 
 minished, and his honour much stained, namelie, in the court of 
 France : for that it might be iudged he came rather like an espiall, 
 to mooue a thing neuer minded, and to treat a marriage determined 
 before not to take effect. Suerlie he thought himselfe euill vsed, 
 that when he had brought the matter to his purposed intent and 
 wished conclusion, then to haue it quaile on his part ; so as all 
 men might thinke at the least wise, that his prince made small 
 account of him, to send him on such a sleeuelesse errand. 
 
 All men for the most part agree, that this marriage was the 
 onlie cause, why the earle of Warwike conceiued an hatred against 
 king Edward, whome he so much before fauoured. 
 
 The discredit brought upon his embassy makes Warwick speak of 
 another wrong, which he had condoned (1. 188) : 
 
 Did I let passe th'abuse done to my 2^eece 1 
 
 We have seen that Edward's marriage was generally believed to 
 have alienated Warwick. 
 
 [Edwaid [Mbl. iii. 668/1/73. ffalle, 265.] Other affirme other causes, 
 
 vioute and one speciaUi^ : for that king Edward did attempt a thing once 
 nfeM*]*"" "* *"** ^a'l^s house, which was much against the earles honestie ; 
 
XI. HENRY VI, PART III. 317 
 
 (whether he would haue defloured his daughter ^ or his neece, the 
 eerteintie was not for both their honours openlie reuealed;) for, 
 suerlie, such a thing was attempted by king Edward ; . . . 
 
 The Post is made the bearer of threatening messages to Edward 
 from Lewis, Margaret, and Warwick. Lewis then says to Warwick 
 (II. 234-239) : 
 
 Thou and Oxford, with fiue thousand men, 
 Shall crosse the Seas, and bid false Edward battaile ; 
 And, as occasion serues, this Noble Queen 236 
 
 And Prince shall follow with a fresh Supply. 
 Yet, ere thou go, but answer me one doubt. 
 What Pledge haue we of thy firme Loyalty ? 
 Warwick replies : 
 
 This shall assure my constant Loyalty, 240 
 
 That if our Queene and this young Prince agree, 
 He ioyne mine eldest daughter and my loy 
 To him forthwith in holy Wedlocke bands. 
 
 Queen Margaret and Prince Edward assent. Lewis adds : 
 
 Why stay we now 1 These soldiers shalbe leuied ; 
 
 And thou. Lord Bourbon, our High Admiral!, 252 
 
 Shall waft them ouer with our Boyall Fleete. 
 
 Historical time is annihilated in these speeches. Warwick did not 
 devote himself to Henry VI. 's restoration until 1470. The King- 
 maker withdrew to France after the failure — in March, 1470 — of a 
 rebellion which he had prompted ; ^ and was graciously received by 
 Lewis at Amboise. 
 
 [Rol. iii. 674/2/ SS- Salle, 281.] When queene Mai^ret, that ^^I'^J^ 
 soioumed with duke Reiner hir father, heard tell that the earle of ^eSto 
 Warwike was come to the French court, with all diligence shee Warwick.) 
 came to Ambois to see him, with hir onelie sonne prince Edward. 
 
 With hir also came lasper earle of Penbroke, and lohn earle of Thttaria of 
 Oxford, which, after diuerse imprisonments latelie escaped, fled out ^:^^yaii 
 of England into France, and came by fortune to this assemblie. ""b""*! 
 These persons, after intreatie had of their affaires, determined by 
 
 * Poh/d. Vera, merely tells us (514/i4) that Edward was said " tentasse ... 
 nescio quid in aomo comitis, qtiod ab nonestate onmino abesset"; and this 
 information is followed by a remark on the King's lascivious nature. The 
 other partiouLttTS are given by HaJIe. In Lord Lytton's Lad of the Ba/rons 
 
 S)k. VTlL, chap, vii.) the affront is offered to Anne Neville, Warwick's younger 
 at^hter. 
 
 * Wcurkw., 8, 9. Confession of Sir Robert Welles {Exeerpta Historica, 
 282-284). Edward's proclamation of Clarence and Warwick as rebels and 
 traitors is dated March 31.— Warkw., 59. Bot. Pari, vi. 23S. 
 
318 
 
 XI. HENEY VI. PART III. 
 
 A league. 
 
 Bdward 
 prince qf 
 Wales 
 maried [to 
 Warwick's 
 second 
 daughter]. 
 
 [The Lords 
 swore to 
 make Henry 
 or his son 
 King of 
 England.] 
 
 [Bonrbon, ' 
 Admiral of 
 France, 
 ordered to 
 convoy the 
 Lancas- 
 trians.] 
 
 meanes of the French king to conclude a league and amitie 
 betweene them. And first to begin withall, for the sure foundation 
 of their ijew intreatie, Edward prmce of Wales wedded Anne 
 second daughter ^ to the earle of Warwike, which ladie came with 
 hir mother into France. After which mariage, the duke [of 
 Clarence] and the earles tooke a solemne oth, that they should 
 neuer leaue the warre, tiU either king Henrie the sixt, or his 
 Sonne prince Edward, were restored to the crowne : and that the 
 queene and the prince [p. 675] should depute and appoint the 
 duke and the earle [of Warwick] to be gouernors & conseruators 
 of the common wealth, till time the prince were come to estate. . . . 
 The French king lent both ships, men, and monie vnto queene 
 Margaret, and to bir partakers ; and appointed the bastard of 
 Burbon,^ admerall of France, with a great nauie, to defend them 
 against the nauie of the duke of Burgognie ; which he laid at the 
 mouth of the riuer Saine, readie to incounter them, being of 
 greater force than both the French nauie and the English fleet. 
 
 Act rV. so. i. — Edward and his newly-wedded Queen enter. By 
 his invitation Clarence, Gloucester, and Montagu tell him freely what 
 they think of his marriage, Montagu regrets the abandonment of an 
 alliance with France ; but Hastings would have England trust to God 
 and the " fence impregnable " of her seas, 
 
 And with their helpes onely defend our selues ; 
 In them and in our selues our safetie lyes, 
 
 Clarence sarcastically comments (11, 47, 48) : 
 
 ~ For this one speech. Lord Hastings well deserues 
 
 To haue the Heire of the Lord Hungerford. 48 
 
 King. I, what of that t it was my will and graunt ; 
 And, for this once, my Will shall stand for Law, 
 
 Jiich. And yet me thinks your Grace hath not done well, 
 To giue the Heire and Daughter of Lord Scales 53 
 
 Vnto the Brother of your louing Bride ; 
 Shee better would haue fitted me or Clarence : 
 But in your Bride you burie Brotherhood. 
 
 Clar. Or else you would not haue bestow'd the Heire 56 
 Of the Lord Bonuill on your new Wiues Sonne, 
 And leaue your Brothers to goe speede elsewhere. 
 
 1 In 3 H, VI. (Ill, iii. 242) and T. T. the marriage of Prince Edward 
 and Warwick's "eldest daughter" is arranged, Isabel, the elder of Warwick's 
 two daughters, married Clarence, 
 ' 2 "Lord Bourbon, our High Admirall."— 3 H. VI. (Ill, iii, 252) and 7, T. 
 
XI, HENRY VI. PART III. 319 
 
 Holinshed, on Halle's authority (271), relates that, in 1468, 
 
 [ffol. iii. 671/2/48.] the earle of Warwike, being a far casting [Warwick 
 
 • •! i-i-iin^, works on 
 
 pnnce, perceiued somewhat m the duke of Clarence, whereby he Clarence's 
 
 , 'J diBafTection 
 
 ludged that he bare no great good will towards the king his to^*"""*! 
 brother; and therevpon, feeling his minde by such talke as he of 
 purpose ministred, vnderstood how he was bent, and so wan him 
 to his purpose : . . . 
 
 HolLnshed did not copy or paraphrase the subjoined passage in 
 Halle (271), containing Clarence's answer to Warwick's murmurs at 
 Edward's ingratitude. 
 
 The erle had not halfe tolde his tale, but y"= duke in a greate 
 fury answered ; " why, my lorde, thynke you to haue hym kynd to tHow can 
 " you, that is vnkynd, yea, and vnnatural to me, bevne his awne kindness 
 
 '.10 from him 
 
 "brother? thynke you that frendship will make hym kepe promise ^^^to 
 
 "where neither nature nor kynred in any wise can prouoke or hrotZin 
 
 "moue him to fauor his awne bloudi Thynke you that he will 
 
 " exalte and promote hys cosin or alie, whiche litle careth for the 
 
 " fall or confusion of hys awne line and lignage 1 This you knowe [Edward has 
 
 " well enough, that the heire of the Lorde Scales he hath maried ^'^ 
 
 ° Scales g 
 
 "to his wifes brother, the heire also of the lorde Bonuile and hfi^fe*" 
 " Haryngton he hath geuen to his wifes sonne,^ and theire of the ws^e-s" 
 "lorde Hungerford he hath graunted to the lorde Hastynges:^ gwenLo^ 
 " thre manages more meter for hys twoo brethren and kynne then heiress, and 
 "for suche newe foundlynges as he hath bestowed theim on. H^^orf 
 "But, by swete saincte George, I sweare, if my brother of bMtowedon 
 "Gloucester would ioyne with me, we would make hym knowe ^^^^e^. 
 " that wee were all three one mannes sonnes, of one mother and j^L™? we 
 "lignage discended, which should be more preferred and promoted Edw^to* 
 
 DPcfeir lis 
 
 "then straungers of his wifes bloud." rather than 
 
 strangers.] 
 
 The Post — ^who in Act III., sc. iii., brought letters to Warwick, 
 Lewis, and Margaret — enters and repeats to Edward their verbal 
 answers; ending with the news (1. 117): 
 
 1 "hir brother, lord Anthonie, was married to the sole heire of Thomas 
 lord Scales: sir Thomas Graie, sonne to sir John Graie, the queenes first 
 husband, was created marques Dorset, and married to Cioelie, heire to the lord 
 BonuiUe."— flbi. iii. 668/1/46. HaUe, 264. 
 
 ' The heiress of Lord Hungerford married Edward Lord Hastings, son of 
 Wniiam Lord Hastings, whom Clarence sneers at (11. 47, i8).—Dugd<de, iii, 
 211/1 ; cp. D(yyle, ii. 149, 150. 
 
320 
 
 XI. HENEY VI. PART III. 
 
 1469 
 
 Anno J 
 
 [Clarence 
 married fco 
 Warwick's 
 elder 
 daughter.] 
 
 That yong Prince Edward marryes Warwicks Daughter. 
 
 Clarence says : 
 
 Belike the elder ; Clarence will haue the younger. — 
 Now, Brother King, farewell, and sit you fast, 
 For I will hence to Warwickes other Daughter; ... 120 
 Yon that loue me and Warwicke, follow me ! 
 
 In the next scene Clarence joins Warwick, who welcomes him and 
 adds (1. 12) : "my Daughter shall be thine." 
 
 On July 11, 1469,1 the 
 
 [Eol. iii. 671/2/70. Halle, 272.] duke of Clarence, being come 
 to Calls with the earle of Warwike, aftei he had sworne on the 
 sacrament to keepe his promise and pact made with the said earle 
 whole and inuiolate, he married the ladie Isabell, eldest daughter 
 [p. 672] to the earle, in our ladies church there. 
 
 The challenge — " You that loue me and Warwick, follow me " — is 
 succeeded by this stage direction : " Exit Clarence, and Somerset 
 foUowes." As Clarence's ally has evidently been a subject of Edward, 
 we may suppose that " Somerset " is Henry Beaufort, the third Duke, 
 who, about Christmas, 1462, abandoned the Lancastrian party and was 
 taken into Edward's favour.^ Henry Beaufort soon rejoined the 
 Lancastrians, and was beheaded by the Yorkists on May 15, 1464, 
 after the battle of Hexham. But the historical peer who is called 
 "Somerset" in 3 Hen. VI., Act V., was Henry's brother Edmund, the 
 fourth Duke, who was always a staunch Lancastrian. He and his 
 brother, however, inake one dramatic " Somerset " (see p. 335 below). 
 
 Holinshed (iii. 666/1/45) °^ Halle (259) might have supplied the 
 fact that in 1463 — seven years before Clarence's rebellion — Henry 
 Beaufort " reuolted from King Edward, and fled to King Henrie." * 
 
 When Clarence and Somerset have departed, Edward gives an order 
 to resist Warwick's invasion (11. 130-133) ; 
 
 Fembrooke and Stafford, you in our behalfe 
 
 Goe leuie men, and make prepare for Warre ; 
 
 They are alreadie, or quickly will be, landed : 132 
 
 My self e in person will straight follow you. 
 
 At the historical date on which we may suppose this order to have 
 been given, there was no open hostility between Edward and Warwick. 
 Warwick, however, had secretly fomented a rebellion, which broke out 
 soon after Clarence's marriage to his daughter^ (July 11, 1469). 
 Whereupon 
 
 * This date is mven in ChUection of Ordmanees and BegvkMona for the 
 Government of the Moyal Sousehold (Sodety of Antiquaiies), 98. 
 
 2 WyrcidS. Oreg.,fa9. 
 
 ^ In these chronicles Somerset's return to the Lancastrians appears to be 
 antedated by some six months. He deserted Edward .'a-boute Crystysmas,' 
 1463 (Qreg., 223) ; and was beheaded on May 16, 1464 (dreg., 224, 228). 
 
 * Warkw., 6. Pembroke was defeated at Edgcote, on July 26, 1469.— ISid, 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 321 
 
 [ifoZ. iii. 672/i/6o. Halle, 27S.] King Edward, hauing perfect 
 knowledge of all the dooings of the earle of Warwike, and of his 
 brother the duke of Clarence, was by diuerse letters certified of 
 the great armie of the northerne men, with all speed comming 
 toward London; and therefore in great hast he sent to William ^^okt"'^ 
 lord Herbert, whom (as yee haue heard) ^ he had created earle of thTreb^s].'* 
 Penbroke ; requiring him without delaie to raise his power, and 
 incounter with the northerne men. ... 
 
 And, to assist him with archers, was appointed Humfrie lord ^^ff 
 Stafford * of Southwike, named but not created earle of Deuonshire ffirttue" 
 by the king ; in hope that he would serue valiantlie in that ioumie : plStooke]. 
 he had with him eight hundred archers. 
 
 Edward lingers until Montague and Hastings have assured him of 
 their loyalty. The former exclaims (1. 143) : 
 
 So God helpe Mountague as hee proues true ! 
 
 Such a fervid protestation must have misrepresented his real 
 feeling ; though he was not induced by his brother 
 
 [Hol. iii. 670/2/30. Halle, 270, 271.] to take anie part against 
 king Edward of a long time, till the earle had both promised him 
 great rewards and promotions, and also assured him of the aid 
 and power of the greatest princes of the realme. And euen as 
 the marques was loth to consent to his mhappie conspiracie, so 
 with a faint hart he shewed himselfe an enimie vnto king Edward ; 
 which double dissimulation was both the destruction of him and 
 his brethren. 
 
 When, in July, 1469, a commotion, arising from local discontent, 
 began in Yorkshife, Montague caused the leader of the rebels to be 
 beheaded.^ This procedure occasioned speculation : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 672/1/38. Salle, 272.] Some saie he did it, to the 
 
 1 " in reproofe of Jasper [Tudor, Henry VI.'s half-brother,] earle of Pen- 
 brooke, he [Edward I VJ created William lord Herbert earle of the same place." 
 ~-Hd. iii. 667/1/4. HaLU, 261. Herbert was created Earl of Pembroke in 
 1468. — Ditgdaie, ui. 256/1-2 ; cp. Doyle, iii. 16. 
 
 " In T. T. Edward's order is given to Pembroke alone, and Staflford is not 
 mentioned. 
 
 * HaUe, 272. HaUe was mistaken in supposing that this movement in 
 Yorkshire sprang from the Nevilles' intrigues. John Neville (Montague) was 
 then Earl of Northumberland, and the fact (recorded in Th/ree Chrormka, 
 B. L. C, 183) that one demand of the Yorkshire rebels was the restoration of 
 this earldom to the Percies explains his action. 
 
 y 
 
322 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 'Twiationsof ^^^^^^ *° seeme innocent and faultlesse of his brothers dooings. 
 
 "nduS!]' -^"^ °*'^®'" ^"^S® *^** ^® ^^*^ '*' ^^^ ^^^^' contrarie to his promise 
 made to his brother, he was determined to take part with king 
 Edward, with whome (as it shall after appeare) he in small space 
 entered into grace and fauour.^ 
 
 Act lY., sec. ii., iii.2 — " Enter Warwicke and Oxford in England, 
 with Erencli Souldiors" (sc. ii.). 
 
 Warwick is confident of success (11. 1, 2) : 
 
 Trust me, my Lord, all hitherto goes well ; 
 The common people by numbers swarme to vs. 
 
 Though the rest of sc. ii., and parts of sc. iii., dramatize an event 
 which happened in the Summer of 1469, the historical date of 
 Warwick's remark must be August or September, 1470;* when, as 
 the chronicler notes : 
 
 [Soldiers 
 flocked to 
 Warwick.] 
 
 [Eol. iii. 67 5/ 1 162. Ealle, 282.] It is almost not to be 
 beleeued, how manie thousands men of warre at the first tidings 
 of the earles landing resorted vnto him. 
 
 They are joined by Clarence and Somerset; the former of whom 
 Warwick thus addresses (11. 13-17) : 
 
 And now what rests but, in Nights Couerture, 
 
 Thy Brother being carelessely encamp'd. 
 
 His Souldiors lurking in the Towne about. 
 
 And but attended by a simple Guard, 
 
 Wee may surprize and take him at our pleasure 1 
 
 In sc. iii. "Warwicke, Clarence, Oxford, Somerset, and French 
 Souldiors," enter, "silent all"; put to flight the royal "Guard"; — 
 composed of three " Watchmen " ; — and seize Edward, who demurs at 
 
 ' In the Spring of 1470, after Warwick's withdrawal to France (see p. 317 
 above), Edward "began seriously to immagine who were his frendes, and who 
 were his foes, . . . many, trustyng to the kynges pardon, submitted and yelded 
 theimself[s] to the Kynges clemenoye. Emongest whoine Ihon Marques Mon- 
 tacute humbly yelded hymself, and vowed to bee euer true to the kyng (as 
 he had docn before tyme) ; whom he [Edward] with muche hiimanitie and faire 
 wordes did receiue and intertain," . . . — Halle, 280. Hoi. iii. 674/2/48. 
 
 ' The True Tragedie has one scene here, opening thus : " Enter Warwike 
 and Oxford, with souldiers." The talk between three "Watchmen" — with 
 which scene iii. opens in 3 Hen. VI. — is not in the earlier text, nor are they 
 mentioned in it. The entry of Warwick and the others (se. iii.), with " French 
 Souldiers, silent all," is not in T. T. 
 
 ' On August 5 the landing of Clarence and Warwick was expected " evyrye 
 daye." — Paston, ii. 406. August was the month in which, according to John 
 Hooker {Hd. iii. 676/3/63), they landed. Other chroniclers give the following 
 dates : about September 8 {Three Chronicles, B. L. C, 183) ; September 13 
 (Stow, 701) ; " a lytelle before Michaelmesse " {Wmrhw., 10). 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 323 
 
 being spoken of by "Warwick as " the Duke." The King-maker answers 
 (11. 32-34) : 
 
 When you disgrac'd me in my Embassade, 
 
 Then I degraded you from being King, 
 
 And come now to create you Duke of Yorke. ♦* 
 
 After Warwick's landing, in 1470, 
 
 [Hoi. ill. 675/i/s8. Halle, 282.] he made proclamation in the '^'^.'"'•j 
 name of king Henrie ^ the sixt, vpon high paines commanding and ^d°^Jge'd 
 charging all men able to bear armor, to prepare themselues to ^tinrt*^''' 
 fight against Edward duke of Yorke, which contrarie to right had cuke of 
 vsurped the crowne. 
 
 " But Henry now shall weare the English Crowne," says Warwick, 
 taking — according to the stage direction in 3 Hemry VI. — the crown off 
 Edward's head. Warwick then provides for his late sovereign's 
 detention (11. 51-53) : 
 
 My Lord of Somerset, at my request. 
 
 See that forthwith Duke Edward be conuey'd 
 
 Vnto my Brother, Arch-bishop of Yorke. 
 
 The Earl has still to fight " with Pembrooke and his fellowes " ; 
 though, if historic chronology be worth regarding, the army of which 
 Warwick speaks was not in the field when Edward was captured. On 
 July 26, 1469, Pembroke was defeated by the Northern rebels at 
 Edgcote.2 After this battle Edward 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 673li/So. Halle, 275.] assembled his power, and 
 was comming toward the earle, who, being aduertised thereof, sent 
 to the duke of Clarence, requiring him to come and ioine with 
 him. The duke, being not farre off, with all speed repaired to the 
 earle, and so they ioined their powers togither, and vpon secret |,f'^*™'„^ 
 knowledge had, that the king (bioause they were entered into ^"re^ie^f^""' 
 termes by waie of communication to haue a peace) tooke small who tonic 
 heed to himselfe, nothing doubting anie outward attempt of his tohimseif.] 
 enimies. 
 
 The earle of Warwike, intending not to leese such opportunitie 
 
 » "Applaud the Name of Henry with your Leader ! "is the order addressed 
 by Warwick to the soldiers, when they are setting forth to surprise Edward 
 (3 Hen. VI., IV. ii. 27). In 3 Hen. VI. this line is followed by the stage 
 direction : " They all cry ' Henry ! ' " In T. T. the soldiers, unbidden, shout, 
 " A Warwike, a Warwike ! " Halle says (283) that when Warwick landed, in 
 1470, "al the tounes and al the couwtrey adiacent [Lincolnshire] was in a 
 great rore, and made fiers and sange songes; criyng, 'king Henry, kyng 
 Henry ! a Warwycke, a Warwycke ! ''' * Wourkw., 6. ■ 
 
324 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 King 
 BdMard 
 tdken 
 IgriMner 
 [, conveyed 
 to] MaWt- 
 "ham cagfell 
 [, and keftt 
 thele by the 
 Archbishop 
 of York]. 
 
 K. Sdicards 
 freends take 
 twnctiMrie. 
 
 Queeiie 
 Migabeth 
 deliutred of 
 a prince. 
 
 of aduantage, in the dead of the night, with an elect companie of 
 men of -warre, (as secretlie as was possible,) set on the kings field, 
 killing them that kept the watch, and, yer the king was ware, (for 
 he thought of nothing lesse than of that which then hapned,) at a 
 place called Wolnie [? Honiley,^ Warwickshire], foure miles from 
 Warwike, he was taken prisoner and brought to the castell of 
 Warwike. And, to the intent his friends should not know what 
 was become of him, the earle caused him by secret iournies in the 
 night to be conueied to Middleham castell in Yorkeshire ; and 
 there to be kept vnder the custodie of the archbishop of Yorke,^ 
 and other his freends in those parties. 
 
 Act IV. sc. iv. — Queen Elizabeth and Eivers enter. More than a 
 historic year has elapsed since Edward's capture, but she has just had 
 news of this mischance. Being with child she resolves to take 
 sanctuary (1. 31). When, in the Autumn of 1470, Edward's flight 
 from England was known, all his 
 
 [Rol. iii 677/2/S. Salle, 285.] trustie freends went to diuerse 
 sanctuaries, and amongst other his wife queene Elizabeth tooke 
 sanctuarie at Westminster, and there, in great penurie, forsaken of 
 all hir friends, was deliuered of a faire son called Edward. 
 
 Act rV. sc. V. — Gloucester discloses to Lord Hastings and Sir 
 William Stanley a plan for rescuing Edward (11. 4-13): 
 
 you know our King, my Brother, 4 
 
 Is prisoner to the Bishop here, at whose hands. 
 He hath good vsage and great liberty ; 
 And, often but attended with weake guard, 
 Comes hunting this way to disport himselfe. 8 
 
 I haue adu6rtis'd him by secret meanes 
 That, if about this houre he makes this way, 
 Vnder the colour of his vsuall game, 
 
 He shall heere finde his Friends with Horse and Men, 12 
 
 To set him free from his Captiuitie. 
 
 In October, 1469, Edward recovered the liberty which he had lost 
 soon after Edgcote field' (July 26, 1469). His escape is thus narrated : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 673/1/73. Ealle, 275.] King Edward, being thus in 
 
 1 Qent. Mag., 1839, ii. 616. 
 
 2 the archbishop of Yorke] Hoi. the Archebnshop of Torke hys brother] 
 Halle, 275. 
 
 3 On September 29, 1469, Edward was at York, and virtually a prisoner.— 
 Warkw., 7 ; cp. Cont. Croyl, 552. On October 13, 1469, he was in London, 
 and iiee.'-Patton, ii. 389. (Mr. Qairdner informed me that the privy seal dates 
 show Edward to have been m London as early as October 13.) 
 
XI. HENJRY VI. PART III. 325 
 
 captiuitie, spake euer faire to the archbishop, and to his other [Eawani 
 keepers, so that he had leaue diuerse daies to go hunt. . . . ''""'• i 
 
 . . . Now, on a daie, rpon a plaine, when he was thus abrode, 
 there met with him sir William Stanleie, sir Thomas a Borough, **'• whimi^ 
 
 ' " ' stanleie. 
 
 and diuers other of his friends, with such a great band of men, ^'.S^ 
 that neither his keepers would, nor once durst, moue him to "^uuiue. 
 returne ynto prison againe. Some haue thought that his keepers 
 were corrupted with monie, or faire promises, and therfore sufited 
 him thus to scape out of danger. 
 
 Edward and a Huntsman enter. The King's question — " whether 
 shall we ]" — is answered by Hastings (11. 20, 21) : 
 
 To Lyn, my Lord, 
 And ship from thence to Flanders. 
 
 Edward's escape from the Nevilles' custody (October, 1469), and his 
 flight after Warwick's landing (September, 1470), are here fused into 
 one event. During the historic interval Edward was formally recon- 
 ciled to Warwick,^ and in March, 1470, suppressed a revolt which the 
 Earl had stirred up (see p. 317 above). On the failure of this attempt, 
 Warwick and Clarence withdrew to France, whence they invaded 
 England in September, 1470 (see p. 322 above). Edward was unable 
 to oppose them, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 6751 1/73. Halle, 283.] and therefore, being accom- [Edward fled 
 panied with the duke of Glocester his brother, the lord Hastings ^J""™'^"^ 
 his chamberlaine, (which had maried the earles [Warwick's] sister, Hsst^nB^i 
 and yet was euer true to the king his maister,) and the lord Scales, 
 brother to the queene, he departed into Lincolneshire. And, 
 bicause he vnderstood that all the realme was vp against him, and 
 some part of the earle of Warwiks power was within halfe a daies 
 iournie of him, following the aduise of his counsel], with all hast ^^^ 
 possible, he passed the Washes in great ieopardie, & comming to ^^^ 
 Lin found there an English ship, and two hulkes of Holland, ^thtup 
 readie (as fortune would) to make saile. aem. 
 
 Wherevpon he, with his brother the duke of Glocester, the lord '^^^ 
 Scales, and diuerse other his trustie friends, entered into the ship. Jf^J^J"' 
 The lord Hastings taried a while after, exhorting all his acquaint- HngUnd to 
 ance, that of necessitie should tarie behind, to shew themselues seiws 
 
 Cont. Oroyl., 552. 
 
326 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 Wends of opeulie as friends to king Henrie^for their owne safegard, but 
 Henry]. hartiUc Tcquired them in secret to continue faithfdl to king 
 Edward. This persuasion declared, he entered the ship with .the 
 other, and so they departed ;^ being in number in that one ship and 
 TKe. lamiber two hulkcs, about seucn or eight hundred persons, hauing no 
 owr with furniture of apparell or other necessarie thmgs with them, saumg 
 Ed.wn.ri.. apparell for warre. 
 
 Act IV. sc. vi. — This scene opens with Henry's deliverance from 
 the Tower. I quote an account of his liberation and reassumption of 
 kingly state. In the beginning of October,^ 1470, Warwick 
 
 King Henrie \Hol. ui. 677/2/40. EalU, 285.] Todc to the Tower of London, 
 
 f&tcJUd out of 
 
 the Tower <t and there deliuered kins Henrie out of the ward, where he before 
 
 restored to ^ 
 
 gmm^mmt. "^^^ ^G^t, and brought him to the kings lodging, where he was 
 serued according to his degree. 
 
 On the fiue and twentith day of the said moneth, the duke of 
 Clarence, accompanied with the earles of Warwike and Shrewes- 
 burie, the lord Strange, and other lords and gentlemen, some for 
 feare, and some for loue, and some onelie to gaze at the wauering 
 world, went to the Tower, and from thense brought king Henrie, 
 apparelled in a long gowne of blew veluet, through London to the 
 
 1 When the Mayor hesitates to open the gates of York to Edward, Hastings 
 says (3 Hen. VI., TV. vii. 28): "Open the Gates; we are King Henries 
 friends." In HcMe (283) the passage which I quote in my text {Hoi. iii. 
 675/2/14, &o.) runs thus: "The lord Chamberlayne taried a while after, 
 exhortyng al his acquaintaunoe, that of necessitie should tarye behinde, to 
 shew thewiselfs openly as frendes to the parte aduerse for their owne saue- 
 gard," . . . 
 
 2 On {Warkw., 11) or about {Cont. Croyl, 554) September 29, 1470. 
 
 ^ On October 6, according to Stow (702), Warwick removed Henry from the 
 Tower to the Bishop of London's palace at St. Pauls. On October 13 Henry 
 "went a procession crowned in Paules Church." — Ibid. Cont. Croyl. (554) 
 also gives October 13 as the date of this public function, but the place is not 
 named. Halle (285), Hol.'s authority, makes October 12 the date on which 
 Warwick removed Henry from a ward in the Tower to the royal lodgings 
 therein ; whence, on October 25, the King was publicly escorted to the Bishop 
 of London's palace. Fab. (659) says that, on October 13, Clarence, " accompanyed 
 with the Eriys of Warwyke, of Shrowysbury, and the lord Stanley, rode vnto 
 the Tower, and there with all honour and reuerence fet out kynge Henry, and 
 conueyed hym to Paulys, and there lodgyd hym in the Bysshoppes Palays, & 
 so was than admytted and taken for kynge thorugh all the lande." Stow's 
 early date — probably derived from Three Chronicles (B. L. C), 183 — for 
 Henry's removal from the Tower is to be preferred, because the restored 
 King's writs for the election of coroners were dated on October 9. — Bymer, 
 xi. 661. 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 327 
 
 church of saint Paule ; the people on euerie side the streets (Homy 
 
 • • • 1 brought 
 
 reioising and cneng, " God saue the king 1 " as though ech thing *^°^b'\ 
 
 had succeeded as they would haue had it : and, when he had to'st.l^imB, 
 
 offered (as kings vse to doo), he was conueied to the bishops w°r,£"oSi«d 
 
 palace, where he kept his houshold like a king. BiJuop's 
 
 palace.] 
 
 Having resolved to lead a private life, Henry commits the govern- 
 ment of England to Warwick and Clarence (1. 41) : 
 
 I make you both Protectors of this Land, . . . 
 
 Halle (286) was Holinshed's authority for representing that 
 Warwick 
 
 [Sol. iii. 678/1/43.] was made gouernour^ of the realme, with wl-^t"'^ 
 whom as fellow was associat George duke of Clarence. gommoii.r of 
 
 Vte realme. 
 
 Warwick accepts the charge, and says to Clarence (11. 53-57) : 
 
 now then it is more then needfull, 
 
 Forthwith that Edward be pronounc'd a Traytor, 
 
 And all hia Lands and Goods be confiscate.^ 
 
 Cla/r. What else ? and that Succession be determined. 56 
 Wwrk. I, therein Clarence shall not want his part. 
 
 The following excerpt forms the source of these lines, which are not 
 in The True Tragedie; 
 
 [Rol. iii. 677/2/71. Halle, 286.] When king Henrie had thus 
 readepted and eftsoons gotten his regall power and authoritie, he 
 called his high court of parlement, to begin the six and twentith a pariemem. 
 day of Nouember, at Westminster; in the [p. 678] which king ^J^^L 
 Edward was adiudged a traitor to the countrie, and an vsurper of tl'^Sfhia 
 the realme. JSis goods were confiscat ^ and forfeited. . . . flsoatedj. 
 
 Moreouer, . . . the crownes of the realmes of England and 
 France were by authoritie of the same parlement intailed to king The m>ane 
 
 ■' -^ ° intailed Ito 
 
 Henrie the sixt, and to his heires male ; and, for default of such Hemy with 
 
 ' ' ' remainder to 
 
 heires, to remaine to George duke of Clarence, & to his heires ciareaoe]. 
 male : and, further, the said duke was inabled to be next heire to 
 
 • Polyd. Verg. (521) was HaUeh autbority for Clarence's association with 
 Warwick in the government of England. " The roll of the parliament which 
 met on the 26th November 1470 is not known to be in existence ; probably 
 it was destroyed in 1477, when all the proceedings of that parliament were 
 annulled {Bot. Pari., vi. 191)." — Arrwal, 41. From the writer of The Arrival 
 of Edioard IV. (1, 8) we learn that Warwick was appointed by Henry, 
 " Lievetenaunte of England." 
 
 ' fee c<m,fiscate\ Malone. ccmfiscate 3 Hen. VI. 
 ' al his gooddes were confiscate} Halle, 286. 
 
328 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 his father Eichard duke of Yorke, and to take from him all his 
 landes and dignities, as though he had beene his eldest sonne at 
 the time of his death. 
 
 Henry entreats Warwick and Clarence (11. 58-61) to rank " with 
 the first of all " those " chiefe affaires " needing despatch, 
 
 That Margaret your Qneene and my Sonne Edward 
 Be sent for, to returne from France with speed ; . . . 
 
 They had news of the change in England, but their retui-n was 
 delayed. 
 
 [When Mar- [ffol. Hi. 678/ 1 j 49. Ealk, 286, 287-] When queene Margaret 
 
 oftheLan- Tuderstood by hir husbands letters, that the victorie was jjotten 
 
 pot^otU''*- y "" ""^^iids, she with hir sonne prince Edward and hir traine 
 
 En^S *" entered their ships, to take their voiage into England : but the 
 
 winter was so sharpe, the weather so stormie, and the wind so 
 
 contrarie, that she was faine to take land againe, and to deferre 
 
 hir iournie till another season.^ 
 
 Henry then says (11. 66, 66) : 
 
 My Lord of Somerset, what youth is that, 
 Of whom you seeme to haue so tender care 1 
 
 Somers. My Liege, it is young Henry, Earle of Richmond. 
 
 Laying his hand on Richmond's head, Henry predicts that " this, 
 prettie Lad " ^ is 
 
 Likely in time to blesse a Regall Throile. 
 Make much of him, my Lords, for this is hee 
 Must helpe you more then you are hurt by mee. 
 
 A story which Holinshed copied from Halle (287) has here been 
 dramatized. In 1471,^ 
 
 la, er earle [^ol. ill. 678/ 1 /S 7.] Jasper earle of Penbroke went into Wales, 
 
 [mrtHen^ to visit his lands in Penbrokeshire, where he found lord Henrie, 
 
 Tudor]. Sonne to his brother Edmund earle of Bichmond, hauing not full 
 
 ten yeares of age ; ^ he being kept in maner like a captiue, but 
 
 1 Lack of " stable wethar to passe with " detained her from March 24 till 
 April 13, W!!.— Arrival, 22. 
 
 ^ Henry VII. was " of a woonderfuU beautie and faire complexion."--Bb/. 
 iii. 797/i/so. Halle, 504. He was " so formed and decorated with all gifts 
 and lineaments of nature that he seemed more an angelicall creature than a 
 terrestriall personage." — Hd. iii. 757/i/S3. Halle, 416. 
 
 2 Pembroke seems to have gone to Wales about the time when Margaret was 
 awaiting a paesaze.— Halle, 287. Cp. Arrival, 24. 
 
 * Henry was Ijorn in M57.—^Doyle, iii. 119. 
 
XI. HENRY VJ. PART III. ' 329 
 
 lionorablie brought vp by the ladie Herbert, late wife to William 
 earle of Penbroke, . . . 
 
 The earle of Penbroke tooke this child, being his nephue, out 
 of the custodie of the ladie Herbert, and at his returne brought 
 the child with him to Loudon to king Henrie the sixt ; whome 
 when the king had a good while beheld, he said to such princes as ^ f^mgaf 
 were with him : " Lo, suerlie this is he, to whom both we and our ^^'of 
 "aduersaries, leauing the possession of all things, shall hereafter ^^w^' 
 "giue roome and place." So this holie man shewed before the f^h^ 
 chance that should happen, that this earle Henrie, so ordeined by 
 God, should in time to come (as he did indeed) haue and inioy the 
 kingdome and whole rule of this realme of England. 
 
 The dramatic fusion which made one event of Edward's escape from 
 his subjects' custody, and his flight from England, has a strange result 
 when "a Poste " tells "Warwick (11. 78, 79) : 
 
 That Edward is escaped from your Brother, 
 And fled (as he heares since) to Burgundie.'' 
 
 Half of this news (1. 78) takes us back to October, 1469 ; the other 
 half (1. 79) transports us to September, 1470 (see p. 325 above). 
 
 All now go out save Somerset, Eichmond, and Oxford. Somerset 
 fears what may befall Richmond in the conflicts which are sure to 
 follow Edward's escape : 
 
 Therefore, Lord Oxford, to preuent the worst, 
 Forthwith wee'le send him hence to Brittanie, 
 Till stormes be past of Ciuill Enmitie. — 11. 96-98. 
 
 The battle of Tewkesbury was fought on May 4, 1471.^ About 
 four months ^ after this date Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 693/I/S3. Halle, 303.] was conueied to Tinbie, ^^1^"^ 
 where he got ships, and with his nephue, the lord Henrie earle of MpftM%ie 
 Richmond, sailed into Britaine, where, of the duke, they were Sii^iw* 
 
 1 The order of events differs in T. T. and 3 Hen. VI. In the former we 
 have : Edward's escape (F., IV. v.) ; Queen Elizabeth's withdrawal to sanctuary 
 {F., IV. iv.) ; Edward's return {F., IV. vii.) ; Henry's release and prophecy 
 touching Eichmond {F., IV. vi.). Immediately after Henry's presageml words 
 have been uttered, there enters "one with a letter to "^arwike." From 
 this letter Warwick learns that Edward has landed and is marching to London 
 (F., IV. viii.). 
 
 « Arrival, 28. 
 
 ' Writing on September 28, 1471, Sir John Paston announces a report that 
 " the Erie of Penbroke is taken on to Brettayn ; and men saye that the Kynge 
 schall have delyvere oflf hym hs^stely, and som seye that the Kynge oflf France 
 woll se hym saffe, and sohall sett hym at lyberte ageyn."'^Pa»(o»i, iii. 17. 
 Richmond is not mentioned in the letter. 
 
330 XI. HENRY VI, PART III. 
 
 pout oatr courteouslie interteined ; with assurance made, that no creature 
 sritttine. should doo them anie wrong or iniurie within his dominions. 
 
 Act rV. sc. vii. — " Flourish. Enter Edward, Richard, Hastings, 
 and Souldiers." In The True Tragedie Edward, Eichard, and Hastings 
 enter " with a troope of Hollanders." ^ Edward has " brought desired 
 helpe from Burgundie " (1. 6) ; and has now " arriu'd," 
 
 From Bauenspurre Hauen, before the Gates of Yorke, . . . 
 
 Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 
 
 1471 [Hoi. iii. 678/2/72. Salle, 290.] would not consent openlie to 
 
 Heaideth aid king Edward ; but yet secretlie vnder hand by others he lent 
 wider hami vnto him fiftic thousand florens of the \p. 6791 crosse of S. Andrew, 
 
 [with money ui j 
 
 and ships], and further caused foure great ships to be appointed for him in 
 the hauen of de Veere, otherwise called Camphire in Zeland, which 
 in those dales was free for all men to come vnto, and the duke 
 hired for him fourteene ships of the Easterlings well appointed, 
 & for the more suertie tooke a bond of them to serue him trulie, 
 till he were landed in England, and fifteene dales after. 
 
 On March li, 1471,^ Edward landed at Eavenspur, and moved 
 towards York (Halle, 290, 291). 
 
 The gates have been " made fast " (1. 10). Hastings knocks " once 
 more, to summon " the magnates of the city. In response : " Enter, 
 on the Walls, the Maior of Yorke and his Brethren." A colloquy 
 succeeds (11. 17-24) : 
 
 Maior. My Lords, we were fore-warned of your comming, 
 And shut the Gates for safetie of our selues ; 
 For now we owe allegeance vnto Henry. 
 
 Hdw. But, Master Maior, if Henry be your King, 20 
 
 Yet Edward, at the least, is Duke of Yorke. 
 
 Maior. True, my good Lord, I know you for no lesse. 
 
 JEdw. Why, and I challenge nothing but my Dukedome, 
 As being well content with that alone. 24 
 
 The Mayor accepts Edward's explanation, and the gates are opened. 
 To illustrate this part of sc. vii., I quote Halle ^ (291, 292) : 
 
 Kyng Edward, without any wordes spoken to hym, cam peace- 
 ably nere to Yorke [on March 18,* 1471], of whose commynge, 
 
 1 Foib. (660) says that Edward landed at Bavenspur " with a small com- 
 pany of Flemynges and other." 
 
 ^ Arrived, 2. , 
 
 ' The account which Hoi. gives of Edward's campaign in 1471 was chiefly 
 taken from The Arrival of Edw. IV. This pamphlet contains a great deal 
 which is not in Halle, whom the writer ^f The-True Tragedie tolloweA. 
 
 * Arrival, 5. 
 
XI. HEKRY VI. PAET III. 331 
 
 when the citiezens wer certefied, without delay they armed them- 
 selfe, and came to defend the gates ; sendyng to hym two of the 
 chiefest Aldermen ^ of the citie, whych ernestly admonished hym [Two aider- 
 
 . •' men of York 
 
 on their behalfe to come not one foote nerar, nor temerariouslye to teifjjdward" 
 
 enter in to so great ieopardy ; consideringe that they were fully citizens 
 
 determined and bent to compell hym to retract with dent of rdSthfrn 
 
 swourd. Kyng Edward . . . determined to set forward neither ^tes" 
 with army nor with weapon, but with lowly wordes & gentel 
 entreatynges ; requyryng moste hartely the messengers that were 
 
 sent to declare to the citizens that he came neither to demaund [Edward 
 
 answered 
 
 the realme of England, nor the superiorities of the same, but onely ^S^^cuta 
 the duchie of Yorke, his olde enheritance ; the which duchie, if he ta* ^'°' 
 might by their meanes readept and recouer, he would neuer let lor^]"' 
 passe out of hys memorie so great a benifite, and so frendly a 
 gratuitie to hym exhibited. And so with fayre wordes and flatter- 
 ynge speche he dismissed the messengers, and with good spede he Emen' 
 and his folowed so quickly after that they were almost at y° gates to?^°**° 
 as sone as the Ambassadors. The citezens, heryng his good followed, 
 answere, that he ment nor entended nothynge preiudiciall to kynge the citizens 
 Henry nor his royall authoritie, were much mitigated & cooled, & ™=™' 
 began to cowimen with him from their walles, willyng him to conuey to^^*l 
 hym self into some other place without delay, which if he did they '"^*'*""*J'J 
 assured hym that he should haue neither hurte nor damage ; but pa^teyed^*"* 
 he, gently speakyng to all men, and especially to suche as were ^m tho""^ 
 Aldermen, (whome he called worshipful!, and by their proper inghimto 
 
 remove else- 
 
 names them saluted,) after many fayre promises to thewi made, J*"*^'.^"* 
 
 exhorted & desyred them that by their fauourable frendshyp & Jg^n^'" 
 
 frendly permission he might enter into his awne towne, of the which ^'^"^ ^"'^•' 
 he had both his name and title. All the whole daye was consumed 
 
 in doutful communication & ernest interlocution. The citiezens, ^*St^°^ 
 
 partely wonne by hys fayre wordes, & partly by hope [p. 292] of mSffion 
 
 hys large promises, fell to this pact & conuencion, that, yf kyng should use 
 
 "■ ■!••• i»-«rij» them well, 
 
 Edward woulde swere to entertayne his citiezens of Yorke alter a fn^ be loyai 
 
 " to Henry.] 
 
 gentell sorte & fashyon, and here after to be obedient and faythfuU 
 
 1 In 3 Hen. VI., IV. vii. 34, the Mayor opens the gates of York, and enters 
 below with " two Aldermen." In T. T. he enters alone. 
 
332 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 to all fcyng Henryes commaundementes and preceptes, that then 
 
 they woulde receyue hym in to their citie, & ayde and comfort hym 
 
 with money. . . . When kyng Edward had appesed the citiezens, 
 
 and that their fury was past, he entred in to the citie, &, clerely 
 
 ffnt^en forgettinge his othe, he first set a garrison of souldiers in the 
 
 f^T^A towne,^ to the entent that nothyng should be moued agayjist hym 
 
 ^^*on by the citezens, & after he gathered a great host, by reason of his 
 
 there.] 
 
 ' money. 
 
 When Edward has taken the keys of York from the Mayor, a march 
 is heard, and Sir John Montgomery enters " with Drumme and 
 Souldiers." Edward's question — "why come you in Armes " — is thus 
 answered by Sir John (11. 43, 44) : 
 
 To helpe King Edward in his time of storme. 
 
 As euery loyall Subiect ought to doe. 44 
 
 Edw. Thankes, good Mountgomerie ; but we now forget 
 Our Title to the Crowne, and onely clayme 
 Our Dukedome till God please to send the rest. 
 
 Mount. Then fare you well, for I wiU hence again : 48 
 
 I came to serue a King and not a Duke. — 
 Drummer, strike vp, and let vs march away ! 
 
 Edward is soon persuaded to reassume his royal style ; whereupon 
 Hastings cries (11. 69, 70) : 
 
 Sound Trumpet ! Edward shal be here proclaim'd : 
 Come, fellow Souldior, make thou proclamation ! 
 
 [Flovnsh. Sownd. 
 Soul. Edward the Fourth, by the Grace of God, King of England 
 and France, and Lord of Ireland, &c. 
 
 Edward left York on March 19, and arrived at Nottingham a few 
 days later ; ^ where 
 
 Edw^Haii. [Hol. iii. 68O/2/49. Halle, 292.] there came to him sir Thomas 
 
 Monteome^ Burgh, & sir Thomas Montgomerie, with their aids ; which caused 
 MmaifS him at their first comming to make proclamation in his owne 
 
 name, to wit, of K. Edward the fourth : boldlie affirming to him, 
 
 that they would serue no man but a king. 
 
 Act rV. so. viii. — King Henry, Warwick, Montague, Clarence, 
 
 ' When the Mayor has yielded the keys of York, he is told that " Edward 
 will defend the Towns and thee."— 3 Hen. VI., IV. vii. 38. 
 
 2 Arriixd, 5, 7. Sir Thomas Montgomery is not mentioned in Arrmd or 
 Warkw. According to the former (and better) authority Edward was " recey vyd 
 as Kynge" at Warwick, on or about April 2 ; "and so made hia proclamations 
 from that tyme forthe wards." — Arrival, 9. Warkw. (14) agrees with Salle in 
 assigning an earlier date to Edward's proclamation as King, and in making 
 Nottingham the scene of that step. 
 
 a king.] 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 333 
 
 Oxford, and Somerset meet to take counsel, since news has come that 
 
 Edward 
 
 With hastie Germanes, and blunt Hollanders, 
 
 Hath pass'd in safetie through the Narrow Seas, 
 
 And with his troupes doth march amaine to London ; . . . 4 
 
 "Warwick will muster up friends in Warwickshire,^ while the other 
 Lords do the same in different parts of England. All are to meet at 
 Coventry (1. 32). These arrangements made, they bid Henry farewell, 
 and depart. The scene is carried on, or a new scene begins,^ with 
 Henry's remark : 
 
 Here at the Pallace [of the Bishop of London] will I rest a while. 
 
 His army is already in the field, and he speaks confidently of his 
 subjects' affection for him. Before Exeter — whom Henry has been 
 addressing — can reply, they hear shouts, which are immediately 
 followed by the entrance of Edward, Eichard, and Yorkist soldiers. 
 Edward exclaims (11. 53, 54, 58) : 
 
 Seize on the shamefac'd Henry, beare him hence, 
 And once againe proclaime vs King of England ! . . . 
 Hence with him to the Tower ; let him not speake ! 
 
 Edward received a voluntary ofEer of submission from the Mayor, 
 aldermen, and leading citizens 6f London.^ 
 When, says Halle (294), 
 
 the duke of Somerset,* and other of kyage Henryes frendes, saw 
 the world thus sodaynly chaunged, euery man fled, and in haste 
 shifted for hym selfe, leuinge kyng Henry alone, as an hoste that 
 shoulde be sacrificed, in the Bishops palace of London adioyninge 
 to Poules churche ; not knowyng of whom, nor what, counsayll to 
 aske, as he which wyth troble and aduersitie was clerely dulled ^yngBemry 
 and appalled : in whych place he was [, on April 11,«] by kyng tu^'S'^ 
 Edward taken, and agayne committed to prison and captiuitie. pntm. 
 
 Act V. sc. i. — At the close of the last scene, after Henry has been 
 led out, Edward declares the next step to be taken (IV. viii. 59, 60): 
 
 And, Lords, towards Coventry bend we our course. 
 Where peremptorie Warwicke now remaines : . . . 
 
 1 He was in Warwickshire when Edward landed. — Sol. iii.680/i/s ; Halle, 
 291. A letter ftirinted in Oman's King-maker, 221, 222) contains a postscript 
 written by the Earl at Warwick, on March 25, 1471. 
 
 * Mr. Daniel begins another scene here, and allots a separate day to it. 
 T-A., 320. * Arrival, 16. 
 
 * In April, 1471, Queen Margaret's landing was expected, and, with the 
 design of collecting men to assist her, Somerset left London for the west of 
 England some days brfore April 11, when Edward entered the city. — 
 Arrival, 14, 15, * Arrival, 17. 
 
334 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 In this scene he appears before Coventry, and summons Warwick 
 to the walls. "Warwick marvels (v. i. 19, 20) : 
 
 Where slept our Scouts, or how are they seduc'd, 
 That we could heare no newes of his repayre ? 
 
 The dramatic action brings Edward from York to London, and 
 then from London to Coventry ; but the latter movement is fictitious. 
 Edward was bound for London when — on March 29, 1471 ^ — he 
 
 [Edward [Halle, 293.] auaureced hya power toward Couentre, & in a 
 
 Warwick plajD bv the citle he pytched his felde. And the next daye after 
 
 battle in ft 
 
 gJj^"*efore that he came thither, hys men were set forwarde, and marshalled 
 wonM ni"^ in array, & he valiamtly bad the erle battayle : which miBtrustyng 
 forth.] that he should be deceaued by the duke of Clarewce (as he was in 
 dede) kept hym selfe close within the Walles. 
 
 Warwick rejects with bitter scorn Edward's ofEer of grace, which 
 Richard presses (11. 21-52). According to Halle (293), after Clarence 
 had been reconciled to Edward, 
 
 was it concluded emongest the .iii. brethren to attempt therle of 
 
 [After 
 
 Clarence's 
 
 secession 
 
 brethren* Warwickc, if by any fayr means he might be reconciled or by any 
 to attempt a promisc allurcd to their parte. To whom the duke of Clarence 
 
 reconcilia- 
 
 wiS'*,'', sent diners of hys secrete frendes, first to excuse him of the act 
 
 Warwick.] *' ' 
 
 that he had done, secondarely to require him to take some good 
 excused eude HOW, whilc he might, with kyng Edward. 
 md^'SSS^ When the erle had hard paciently the dukes message, lorde, 
 reconcuii how he dctestcd & accursed him! crienge out on him that he, 
 Edw^d.] contrary to his oth, promise, & fidelitie, had shamefully turned hys 
 [Warwick face from his confederates & alies. But to the dukes messengers 
 that he was he gauc uouc othcr answere but thys : that he had leuer be 
 peijnred alwaycs lyke him selfe then lyke a false and a periured^ duke ; 
 Se^p"acf] *°^ *h^* h® ^^^ ^^^^y determined neuer to leue war, tyll eyther he 
 
 had lost hys owne natural! lyfe, or vtterly extinguished & put 
 
 vnder hys foes and enemies. 
 
 The forces of Oxford, Montague, and Somerset ^ now march into 
 
 1 Arrival, 9. 
 
 ' When Clarence is welcomed by Edward and Richard, Warwick exclaims 
 (3 nen. VI., V. i. 106) : " Oh passing Traytor, permr'd and vniust ! " 
 
 ' Somerset was not at Coventry. He went westward before Edward 
 entered London (see p. 333, n. 4, above); met Queen Margaret at Ceme Abbey, 
 Dorset, on April 15 {Arrival, 28) ; and mustered the forces which marched to 
 Tewkesbury (I6td.). 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PABT III. 335 
 
 Coventry. Each leader, as he enters the city, cries that he is " for 
 Lancaster ! " (11. 59-72). 
 
 The noblemen, who afterwards fought on Warwick's side at Barnet, 
 were, as Halle relates (295) : 
 
 [In 
 
 Henry ^ duke of Excester, Edmond Erie of Somerset,^ Ihon erle ^"y were 
 of Oxenford, and Ihon Marques Montacute, whom y° erle his someraet, 
 brother wel knewe not to be well mynded (but sore agaynste hys Montagu']' 
 stomacke) to take part with these lordes ; and therefore stode in a ^Ic^to 
 doubt whether he at this tyme might trust him or no ; but the with the 
 fraternal loue betwene thewi washed awaye and diminished all ^*^|g^"* 
 suspicion [cp. 3 Hen. VI., Y. ii. 33-47]. truatedum.] 
 
 As Somerset enters Coventry, Eiehard observes (U. 73-75) : 
 
 Two of thy Name, both Dukes of Somerset, 
 Haue sold their Liues vnto the House of Yorke ; 
 And thou shalt be the third, if this Sword hold. 
 
 The dramatist has here remembered that three historical Dukes of 
 Somerset lost their lives through opposing the House of York : (1) 
 Edmund Beaufort the elder, slain at the first battle of St. Albans ; (2) 
 Henry, his son, beheaded after Hexham field ; — a battle which is not 
 even alluded to in the play ; — and (3) Henry's brother german Edmund, 
 who met the same fate after the battle of Tewkesbury ^ (see p. 320 
 above). 
 
 Lastly, Clarence, approaching the walls of Coventry with a large 
 force, repudiates his oath of allegiance to Henry (11. 89-91), and turns 
 to Edward and Bichard, by whom he is gladly welcomed* (11. 100-105). 
 
 Halle (293) relates that Warwick, before shutting himself up in 
 Coventry, sent hastily 
 
 [Warwick 
 
 for the duke of Clarence to ioyne with hym ; which had conscribed ctoenee, 
 & assembled together a great host about London. But when he Msembud a 
 
 great host.] 
 
 perceiued that the duke lyngered, & dyd al thinges negligewtly, as [ciarence-s 
 though he were in doubt of warre or peace, he then began somwhat -wiS^^ 
 to suspect that the Duke was of hys bretherne corrupted & lately misgiviiiga.] 
 chaunged; ... yet he had perfect worde that the duke of app"o™h\d 
 
 . _y. with an 
 
 Clarence came forward toward hym with a great army. Jvyng arw, and 
 Edward, beynge also therof enformed, raysed his campe, & made ^^^da 
 toward y' duke.- . . . When echo host was in sight of other, ^'^■^ 
 
 1 Henry] Ihon Halle. 
 
 " Hoi. — who copied Arrival, 12— does not mention Somerset's presence. 
 
 3 "Three Dukes of Somerset" are counted by Edward among his slain 
 foemen (3 Hen. VI., V. vii. 5). , . . ., , ,. , 
 
 * Clarence met his brothers near Warwick, in Apnl ; not later than the 
 4th of that month. — Arrival, 11-13. 
 
33,6 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 [When the 
 armies were 
 In sight, 
 Oloacestei 
 mediated 
 between 
 Edward and 
 Clarence, 
 
 [and at last 
 the two 
 brothers 
 met and 
 embraced.] 
 
 (Clarence 
 was per- 
 suaded that 
 it was un- 
 natural to 
 take part 
 against his 
 own house, 
 and set np 
 the house of 
 Lancaster.] 
 
 [Edward 
 marched 
 towards 
 London.] 
 
 Rychard duke of Gloucester, brother to them both, as though he 
 had bene made arbitrer betwene them, fyrst rode to the duke, and 
 with hym commoned very secretly: from hym he came to kyng 
 Edward, and with lyke secretnes so vsed hym that in conclusion no 
 vnnaturall warre, but a fraternall amitie, was concluded and pro- 
 claymed ; and then, leuyng all armye and weapon a syde, bothe 
 the bretherne louyngly embraced, and familierly commoned 
 together. 
 
 Addressing "Warwick, Clarence gives a reason for abandoning 
 Henry (11. 83-85) : 
 
 I will not ruinate my Fathers House, 
 
 Who gaue his blood to lyme the stones together, 84 
 
 And set vp Lcmcaster. Why, trowest thou, Warwicke, 
 
 That Clarence is so harsh, so blunt, yrmatrtraU, 
 
 To bend the fatall Instruments of Warre 
 
 Against his Brother and his lawfuU King ? 88 
 
 This view had been urged on Clarence when he was a refugee in 
 France, about a year before his desertion of Warwick. A " damosell," 
 who professed to have been sent from England, by Edward, for the 
 purpose of making terms with the Earl of Warwick, 
 
 [Halle, 281.] perswaded the duke of Clarence that it was 
 neither naturall nor honorable to hym, either to condiscende, or 
 take parte, against the house of Yorke, (of which he was lineally 
 descended,) and to set vp again the house oi Lancaster, . . , 
 
 After welcoming Clarence, Edward challenges Warwick to " leaue 
 the Towne and fight." Warwick answers (11. 110, 111) : 
 
 I will away towards Barnet presently. 
 
 And bid thee Battaile, Edward, if thou dar'st. 
 
 Hdw. Yes, Warwicke, Edward dares, and leads the way. — 112 
 Lords, to the field ! Saint George and Victorie ! 
 
 [Exeunt. March. Warwicke and his companie /ollowes. 
 
 On April 5, 1471, Edward again offered Warwick battle before 
 Coventry. 1 As the Earl would not stir, 
 
 [Halle, 293-295.] kyng Edward, thus beyng [, by Clarence's 
 alliance,] furnished of a strong hoste, went without any maner 
 [p. 294] of diffidence or mistrust toward London. . . . Therle of 
 Warwycke, pondering that the gain of the whole battail stode in 
 makyng hast, with al diligence followed his enemies ; hopynge (that 
 
 * Arrieai, 13. Edward entered London on April 11.- 
 April 13 he encamped on Bamet field. — Arrival, 18 
 
 -Arrival,, 17. On 
 
XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 337 
 
 yf they wer neuer let so lytle yrith any stop or tariyng by y* waye) [Warwick 
 to fight with them before thei should come to London [p. 295]. . . . f^J'^jn 
 [After resting awhile at St. Albans] he remoued to a village in the u^r'^*''* 
 meane waye betwene London & saynct Albones, called Barnet, g*"'^^** 
 beyng tenne myle distaunt from bothe the tonnes. 
 
 Act V. sc. ii. — " Alarum and Excursions. Enter Edward bringing 
 forth Warwicke wounded." The Trite Tragedie has : " Alarmes, and 
 then enter Warwike wounded." From the former stage direction, 
 and the succeeding lines (1-4), — which are not in The True Tragedie, — 
 one may infer that Warwick has been mortally wounded by Edward. 
 For "Warwick's death at Edward's hand I find no authority. Halle 
 tells us (296) that, towards the close of the battle of Barnet, — fought 
 on Easter Day, April 14, 1471,^ — Warwick, 
 
 [Salle, 296.] beyng a manne of a mynde inuiucible, rushed 
 into the middest of his enemies, whereas he (auentured so farre 
 from his awne compaignie, to kill & sley his aduersaries, that he died flghting 
 could not be rescued) was, m the middes of his enemies, stnken otua 
 
 ' ' ' enemies.] 
 
 doune & slain. The marques Montacute, thynkynge to succor his [Montague 
 
 WAS SlftlQ lU 
 
 brother whiche he sawe was in greate ieoperdy, & yet in hope to*?S?ue°* 
 to obtein the victory, was likewise ouerthrowen and slain. ''™' 
 
 Edward leaves Warwick to die. Soon Oxford and Somerset enter. 
 They have just had news that (1. 31) 
 
 The Queene from France hath brought a puissant power ; 
 and, as the scene ends, Oxford cries : 
 
 Away, away, to meet the Queenes great power ! 
 Queen Margaret, having heard of Edward's return, 
 
 [Halle, 297.] gathered together no small compaignie of hardy [Maigaret-s 
 and valiaunt souldiours, determined with all haste and diligence, ^^^^"^ 
 with Prince Edwarde her sonne, to saile into Englande ; but yet ^^f "" 
 once again (suche was her destmie) beyng letted for lacke of pros- c^he came 
 perous wynde, & encombered with to[o] muche rigorous tempeste, TwJ^'^* 
 "a dale after the faire," (as the common prouerbe saieth,) landed ^"s'""*! 
 at the Port of Weymouth, in Dorsetshire [, on April 14, 1471].^ 
 
 Act V. sc. iii. — ^The historical date of this scene must be April 14, 
 1471, if we look solely at the fact that the battle of Barnet is just over. 
 
 * Arrival, 22! Warkw., 17. The battle of Barnet was fought on the same 
 da.j.—rArri'Bal, 19. 
 
338 
 
 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 [Warwick's 
 defeat over- 
 whelmed 
 Maigaret.] 
 
 But Edward already knows that Queen Margaret's troops " doe hold 
 their course toward Tewksbury " (1. 19) ; and he resolves to go thither 
 " straight." We learn from The Arrivall of Kmg Edwwrd I'V. that 
 news of her landing reached him on April 16; and on April 24 he 
 marched from Windsor in search of her army. He did not ascertain 
 the Lancastrians' purpose to give him battle at Tewkesbury until May 
 3, though before leaving Windsor he was satisfied that they were not 
 coming directly towards London, but were keeping to the north-west, 
 in hope of gathering reinforcements from Wales and Lancashire.^ 
 
 Act V. so. iv. — The dramatist has disregarded his authority in 
 making Queen Margaret address her confederates with such assurance 
 of future triumph ^ (U. 1-38) ; for Halle says (297) that, when news of 
 Barnet field came, 
 
 she, like a woman al dismaied for feare, fell to the ground, her 
 harte was perced with sorowe, her speache was in maner passed, 
 all her spirites were tormented with Malencoly. 
 
 Margaret would have deferred a battle, but she yielded to Somer- 
 set's advice that war should be renewed without delay (HaUe, 298, 299). 
 
 Act V. sc. V. — ^In The True Tragedie this scene opens with the 
 following stage direction : " Alarmes to the battell, Yorke flies, then 
 the chambers be discharged. Then enter the King, Cla. & Glo. & the 
 rest, & make a great shout, and crie, for Yorke, for Yorke, and then 
 the Queene is taken, & the prince, & Oxf. & Som. and then sound 
 and enter all againe." These instructions — which I print with the 
 punctuation unaltered — show that a retreat and victorious re-entry of 
 the Yorkists were exhibited on the stage. At Tewkesbury field, 
 Richard — as we learn from Halle (300) — led the Yorkist vaward 
 against that part of the entrenched Lancastrian camp which was 
 defended by Somerset. Failing to carry the position by assault, 
 Richard, "for a very politique purpose, wyth all hys men reculed 
 backe." Somerset followed the Yorkists who, turning, discomfited 
 their pursuers, and, supported by Edward's division, entered the camp. 
 The Lancastrians who remained there were soon routed. " The Quene 
 was founde in her Charriot almost deade for sorowe." ^ The Prince 
 was "apprehended," and Somerset was " by force " taken prisoner. 
 
 ' These particulars, with the dates of April 16, 24, and May 3, are given in 
 Arrival, 22, 24, 25, and 28. 
 
 2 Her speech just before the armies join battle (3 Hen. VI., V. iv. 77-81) 
 has a slight general resemblance to Warwick's oration when he was on the 
 point of engaging Edward's troops at Bamet. The Earl told his men that 
 " they fight not onely for the libertie of the countreye agaynste a tiraunte, 
 which wrongfullye and againste all right had inuaded and subdued thys 
 realme, but they fyght in the querel of a true and vndubitate king against a 
 cruell man and a torcious vsurper ; in the cause of a Godly and a pitiful 
 Prince against an abhominable manqueller and hloudy boutcher ; ... In 
 which cause beyng so good, so godly, & so iust, God of very iustice must nedes 
 be their shilde and defence." — Halle, 295. 
 
 3 On May 7 Edward heard that she had been found in " a powre religiows 
 place" near Worcester, where she stayed during the battle.— jfrriDoi, 3U 
 
XI, HENRY VI. PART III. 339 
 
 The victory won, Edward immediately disposes of two Lancastrian 
 leaders (11. 2, 3) : 
 
 Away with Oxford to Hames Castle straight 1 
 For Somerset, ofE with his guiltie Head ! 
 
 Oxford shared the Lancastrians' defeat at Barnet, but he was not 
 with them when they were vanquished at Tewkesbin'y, on May 4, 1471. 
 It was not until February 15, 1474,^ that 
 
 \Hol. iii. 693/2/20. Halle, 304.1 lohn earle of Oxford, which ThtearUof 
 
 after Barnet field both manfallie and valiantlie kept saint Michaels M^if^i?,®** 
 
 mount in Cornewall, either for lacke of aid, or persuaded by his wMTm-""* 
 
 friends, gaue vp the mount, and yeelded himselfe to king Edward t™MBtie'of 
 
 (his life onelie saued), which to him was granted. But, to be out i«2 [i«4] 
 
 beheaded.] 
 
 of all doutfuU imaginations, king Edward also sent him oner the 
 sea to the castell of Hammes, where, by the space of twelue yeeres, 
 hee was in strong prison shut vp and warilie looked to. 
 On May 6, 1471,2 
 
 [Halle, 301.] was Edmond duke of Somerset . . . behedded {,^?,^^5*, 
 in the market-place at Tewkesbury. 
 
 As Oxford and Somerset are led out, Edward asks (11. 9, 10) : 
 
 Is Proclamation made. That who finds Edward 
 Shall haue a high Beward, and he his Life ] 
 
 Scarcely have these words been uttered when Prince Edward is' 
 seen approaching. The King thus addresses his rival (11. 14-16) : 
 
 Edward, what satisfaction canst thou make 
 
 For bearing Armes, for stirring vp my Subiects, 
 
 And all the trouble thou hast turn'd me to t 16 
 
 Prince. Speake like a Subiect, prowd ambitious Yorke 1 
 Suppose that I am now my Fathers Mouth ; 
 Eesigne thy Chayre, and, where I stand, kneele thou, 
 Whil'st I propose the selfe-same words to thee, 20 
 
 Which, Traytor, thou would'st haue me answer to ! 
 
 1 Escaping from the rout at Barnet, John Earl of Oxford went first to 
 Scotland and afterwards to France. — Warkw., 16, 26 ; Arrival, 20. On April 
 10, 1473, he was at Dieppe, purposing, as was supposed, to sail for Scotland. — 
 Paston, iii. 88. He landed at St. Ossyths iu Essex on May 28, 1473, but soon 
 reembarked. — Paston, iii. 92. On September 30, 1473, he took possession of 
 St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall, which he defended against the royal forces 
 until February 15, 1474, when the defection of his garrison obliged him to 
 surrender. He was then brought as a prisoner to Edward, who immediately 
 sent him to Hammes Castle (Calais).— TFarfeio., 26, 27 ; Polyd. Verg., 532/44. 
 WiUiam of Worcester {ItmeraHum, 122) and Wiwkw. differ as to the length 
 of the siege, and the former gives Feb. 19 as the date of surrender. 
 
 2 Arrival, 31. Warkw., 19. 
 
340 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. 
 
 The Prince repeats his claim to sovereignty (11. 33-37), and is 
 forthwith murdered : 
 
 Edw. Take that, thou ^ likenesse of this Rayler here ! 
 
 [Stabs him. 
 Mich. Sprawl'st thou ? take that, to end thy agonie 1 
 
 [Bich. stabs him. 
 Clar. And ther's for twitting me with periurie ! 40 
 
 [Clar. stabs him. 
 
 The account of Prince Edward's death here dramatized is given by 
 Holinshed, whose authority was Halle (301). 
 
 [Hot. iii. 688/2/7.] After the field was ended, proclamation 
 
 was made, that whosoeuer could bring foorth prince Edward aliue 
 
 or dead, should haue an annuitie of a hundred pounds during his 
 
 life, and the princes life to be saued, if he were brought foorth 
 
 a^o^d^^ aliue. Sir Richard Crofts [the Prince's captor], nothing mistrusting 
 
 priTCfin** t^6 kings promise, brought foorth his prisoner prince Edward, 
 
 li^ahmld" being a faire and well proportioned yoong gentleman ; ^ whom when 
 
 taued. king Edward had well aduised, he demanded of him, how he durst 
 
 BO presumptuouslie enter into his realme with banner displaied ? 
 
 Wherevnto the prince boldlie answered, saieng: "To recouer 
 
 " my fathers kingdome & heritage, from his father and grandfather 
 
 Prince " to him, and from him after him to me, lineallie descended." At 
 
 Edward 
 
 murthend. which words king Edward said nothing, but with his hand thrust 
 him from him, or (as some sale) stroke him with his gantlet ; whom, 
 incontinentlle, George duke of Clarence, Richard duke of Glocester, 
 Thomas Greie marquesse Dorcet, and William lord Hastings, that 
 stood by, suddenlie murthered : . . . 
 
 Act V. sc. vi. — Having helped to slay Prince Edward, Eichard 
 posts ofE " to London on a serious matter " (Y. v. 47). Scene vi. is 
 laid at the Tower. Eichard enters with Henry, whom, after some con- 
 ference, he stabs to death (1. 57) with a sword (1. 63). Henry died on 
 May 21 or 22, 1471.8 He was 
 
 1 38. thou] Whole Contention (Q3). the 3 Hen. VI. 
 
 2 being a . . . gentleman] Hoi. beynge a good Femenine & a wel feautered 
 yoimge gentlemam, Halle, 301. Edward apostrophizes him as " thou likenesse 
 of this Kayler here " [Queen Margaret]. 
 
 ' Wa/rkw. (21) says : " And the same nyghte that Kynge Edwarde came to 
 Londone, Kynge Kerry, beynge inwarde [1 in ward] in presone in the Toure 
 of Londone, was putt to dethe, the xxj. day of Maij, on a tywesday nyght, 
 betwyx xj. and xij. of the cloke, beynge thenne at the Toure the Duke of 
 Gloucetre, brothere to Kynge Edwarde, and many other"; . . . From a 
 chronicle (MS. Arundel, Mus. Brit. 28, fol. 25, v°, cited in Warkw., xiii.) we 
 
XI. HENRY VI, PART III. 341 
 
 [Hol. iii. 690/2/61.] in the Tower spoiled of his life, by Richard 
 duke of Glocester, (as the constant fame ran,) who (to the intent fe** 
 that his brother king Edward might reigne in more suertie) ^l"Lf*"™ 
 murthered the said king Henrie with a dagger. m'nZ^.^ 
 
 Edward is ignorant of Richard's sudden resolve to despatch Henry 
 (1. 83). More — whose narrative I here give in Halle's words (343) 
 — asserts that Richard 
 
 slewe in the towre kynge Henry the sixt ; saiynge : "now is there KyngHmry 
 " no heire male of kynge Edwarde the thirde but wee of the house m ike 'towar 
 " of Yorke ! " ^ whyche murder was doen without kyng Edward his «*« »;■ 
 assent ; which would haue appointed that bocherly office to [too 
 Halle] some other rather then to hys owne brother. 
 
 Act V. sc. vii. — We may suppose this scene to be laid in the Palace 
 at Westminster. There are present King Edward, Queen Elizabeth, 
 Clarence, Gloucester, Hastings, and the infant Prince Edward, of whom 
 a nurse has charge. Clarence demands (11. 37-40) : 
 
 What will your Grace haue done with Margaret ? 
 Eegnard, her Father, to the King of France 
 Hath pawn'd the Sicils and Jerusalem, 
 
 And hither haue they sent it for her ransome. 40 
 
 King. Away with her, and waft her hence to France ! 
 
 An interval of more than four historic years elapsed between the 
 dates of Margaret's ransom and the battle of Tewkesbury ; though, 
 according to dramatic time, the latter event is very recent. In 1475 ^ 
 the agreement was made by which 
 
 learu that Henry "deeessit" on May 21. According to Three Chronicles 
 {B. L. C), 184, he died " feliciter " on May 22. A fourth chronicle (MS. Laud, 
 674 (B. 23) fol. 11, r", cited in Warkw., xi.) records that Henry "moriebatur" 
 on May 22. A fifth chronicle (MS. Bib. Reg. 2 B. xv. fol. 1, r», cited in 
 Warkw., xi.) fixes the time of his death between ("inter") the 21st and 22nd 
 of May. Finally, the Yorkist writer of Arrival (38) asserts that Henry died 
 on May 23, " of pure displeasure, and melencoly." 
 
 1 Glo. The Tower, man, the Tower; He root them, or**.] T. T. Rich. \The\ 
 Toioer, the Tower. 3 Hen. VI., V. v. 50. The words "now is . . . of Yorke " 
 are in Halle, but not in Hol. 
 
 2 The articles of this agreement—" aduisez par et entre Le Roy de France 
 dune part Et messires lehan seigneur de Hanart et Thomas seigneur de mon- 
 gomery chwalers conseillers du Roy dangleterre Touchant le oail et deliur- 
 ance de dame marguerit fille du Roy de Secille " — are dated October 2, 1475. 
 Her ransom was 60,000 crowns of gold. The original articles, signed by 
 Lewis's own hand, are preserved in the British Museum. An order, dated 
 November 13, 1475, and addressed to Sir Thomas Montgomery, authorizes him 
 to receive Margaret from Thomas Thwaytes and deliver her to Lewis or to 
 such persons as shaU be chosen by Lewis and Montgomery in Edward's name. 
 — Rymer, xii. 22. Her ransom was to be paid within five years {Bymer, xii. 
 51) ; and, on March 21, 1480, Edward gave Lewis a full acquittance.— JSi/mer, 
 
342 
 
 XII. EICHAKD III. 
 
 [Bend paid 
 Margaret's 
 nmsom by 
 selling Lewis 
 XI. the two 
 Sicilies and 
 Provence.] 
 
 [Halle, 301.J King Reiner her father rauwsomed her vfith 
 money, which summe (as the French writers aflferme) he borowed 
 of kyng Lewes y^ xi. ; and, because he was not of power nor abilitie 
 to repaye so greate a dutie, he solde to the French kyng & his 
 heyres the kingdomes of Naples and both the Sciciles, wyth the 
 coujitie of Prouince, . . . 
 
 There is another unhistorical personage in this play besides the 
 dual " Somerset." " "Westmerland " is a hot Lancastrian in 3 Hen. VI., 
 I. i., but the historical second Earl — son of Ralph Neville, the first Earl 
 — kept aloof from civil strife. ^ 
 
 " Exeter," in the First and Third Parts of Henry VI., is, I suspect, 
 the same person ; though the historical Thomas Beaufort, Duke of 
 Exeter, died in 1426, and, during the war of the Roses, this title was 
 borne by Henry Holland. Holland was a staunch Lancastrian ; but the 
 dramatic " Exeter " accepted the arrangement which reduced Henry 
 VI. to the position of King by the grace of Eichard Plantagenet. 
 
 French {Shakspea/reana Geneahgica, p. 199) conjectured that 
 " Summerfield " {T. T.) or " Someruile " (3 Hen. VI., V. i. 7-15) was 
 meant for Sir Thomas Somerville, who died 16 Henry "VII., 1500. 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 The Tragedy of Richm-d the Third ^ is not separated from The thvrd 
 Part of Heniry the Sixt by a dramatic interval of one clear day. For 
 although Clarence's arrest — the first incident of the former drama — 
 Occurred in 1477,^ the action of sc. ii.. Act I., takes us back to May 
 
 xii. 112. In consideration of the ransom, Ren6 agreed that Provence should 
 be united to the Prench crown after his death, and Margaret confirmed the 
 cession. — Jean de Troyes, 36, 37. 
 
 1 The dramatist might have been misled by finding in Halle (256) or Hoi. 
 (iii. 665/1/27) that "the earles of Northumberland and Westmerland'' were 
 slain at Towton. John Lord Neville — a brother of Ealph NeviUe, second Earl 
 of Westmoreland — was killed in this battle, fighting on the Lancastrian side. 
 —Bat. Pari., v. 477/2. 
 
 2 I quote the text of Fl. 
 
 3 We do not know when Clarence was arrested, but a probable date is based 
 on the following facts : On May 20, 1477, Burdett and Stacy, dependents of 
 Clarence, were executed for constructive treason. — D. K. Bep. 3, appendix ii. 
 p. 214. On May 21, Clarence came to the Council Chamber at Westminster, 
 accompanied by a priest named Godard, who read before the Council the 
 declarations of innocence made by Burdett and Stacy previous to execution. 
 Eesenting this interference, Edward summoned Clarence to appear " certo die " 
 at the palace of Westminster, and there, in the presence of the civic dignitaries, 
 vehemently censured him. The Duke was put " sub custodi^," and remained 
 a prisoner till his death.— Cont. Croyl., 561, 562. Edward's privy seals show 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 343 
 
 23, 1471, when Henry's corse was conveyed to Chertsey (p. 345, n. 2, 
 below). Henry died on May 21 or 22 (p. 340, n. 3, above) ; but, even 
 if we assume that May 21 was the date of his death, we can hardly 
 refer the closing scene of 3 Henry VI. to the same day. The Tragedy 
 of Richa/rd the Third ends with the battle of Bosworth, fought on. 
 August 22, 1485.1 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — Richard enters and soliloquizes. Two serious, 
 obstacles may, he trusts, soon be removed from Jiis path. 
 
 Plots haue I laide. Inductions dangerous. 
 
 By drunken Prophesies, Libels, and Dreames, 
 
 To set my Brother Clarence and the King 
 
 In deadly hate, the one against the other. — 11. 32-35. 
 
 News (U. 136, 137) that 
 
 The King is sickly, weake, and melanchoUy, 
 And his Physitiama feare him mightily,^ 
 
 leads to further anticipations (11. 145-152) : 
 
 He cannot line, I hope ; and must not dye 
 
 Till George be pack'd with post-horse vp to Heauen. 
 
 He in, to vrge his hatred more to Clarence, 
 
 With Lyes well steel'd with weighty Arguments ; 148 
 
 And, if I faile not in my deepe intent, 
 
 Clarence hath not another day to liue : 
 
 Which done, God take King Edward to his mercy. 
 
 And leaue the world for me to bussle in ! 152 
 
 " Some wise men " weened that Richard's 
 
 [ffol. iii. 712/2/28. More, 6/29.] drift, couertlie conueied, [Some be- 
 
 lacked not in helping foorth his brother of Clarence to his death : fj^^jl 
 
 which he resisted openlie, howbeit somewhat (as men deemed) S^Me^s 
 
 more faintlie than he that were hartilie minded to his wealth. Sd*!'™™'^ 
 
 And they, that thus deeme, thinke that he long time in king wani to 
 
 succeeding 
 
 Edwards life forethought to be king; in case that the king his Edward.] 
 brother (whose life he looked that euill diet * should shorten) should 
 
 that on May 26 he was at Greenwich, on May 27 at Greenwich and West- 
 minster, and on May 28 at Greenwich again. — 0. B.. May 27, then, is a date 
 in accordance with the testimony of the Croyland continuator, who, as he tells 
 us himseK (Cont. Oroyl., 557, sidenote), was in I47I or 1472 a member of the 
 CouncU. Clarence was attainted by the Parliament which met at Westminster 
 on January 16, 1478.— iJo*. Pari., vi. 167/i ; 193-195. 
 » Fab., ii. 672. 
 
 2 Edward perceived "that there was little hope of reoouerie in the cunning 
 of Ms physicians " {Sd. iii. 7O8/2/35. Not in HaMe). 
 
 3 Cp. what Richard says of Edward (I. i. 139, 140) : 
 
 " 0, he hath kept an ewiW diet long." 
 
344 
 
 XII. EICHAED III. 
 
 [Th8"G" 
 prophecy.] 
 
 Prophaia 
 
 diuelUh 
 
 fantaskt. 
 
 [Tlie Queen 
 
 and her 
 
 kindred 
 
 hated 
 
 Edward's 
 
 lineage.] 
 
 happen to deceasse (as in deed he did) while his children were 
 yoong. And they deeme, that for this intent he was glad of his 
 brothers death the duke of Clarence, whose life must needs haue 
 hindered him so intending ; whether the same duke of Clarence had 
 kept him true to his nephue the yoong king, or enterprised to be 
 king himselfe. 
 
 If expectation fail not. 
 
 This day should Clarence closely be mew'd vp, 
 
 About a Prophesie, which sayes that G 
 
 Of Edwards heyres the murtherer shall be. — 11. 38-40. 
 
 And Clarence, entering on his road to the Tower, informs Bichard 
 (11. 55-59) that Edward 
 
 . . . from the Crosse-row pluckes the letter G, 
 
 And sayes a Wizard told him that by G 56 
 
 His issue disinherited should be ; 
 
 And, for my name of George begins with G, 
 
 It followes in his thought that I am he. 
 
 Rumour declared that Clarence's death 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 703/1/46. Halle, 326.] rose of a foolish prophesie, 
 which was, that, after K. Edward, one should reigne, whose first 
 letter of his name should be a G. Wherewith the king and 
 queene were sore troubled, and began to conceiue a greeuous 
 grudge against this duke, and could not be in quiet till they had 
 brought him to his end. And, as the diuell is woont to incumber 
 the minds of men which delite in such diuelish fantasies, they said 
 afterward, that that prophesie lost not his effect, when, after king 
 Edward, Glocester Ysurped his kingdome. 
 
 Richard accuses Queen Elizabeth of having sent Clarence to the 
 Tower (11. 62-65). Another rumoured cause of Clarence's death was 
 his projected marriage to Mary Duchess of Burgundy, heiress of Charles 
 the Bold. 
 
 I [Hoi. iiL 703/1/61. Halle, 326.] Which marriage king Edward 
 (enuieng the prosperitie of his brother) both gainesaid and dis- 
 turbed, and thereby old malice reuiued betwixt them : which the 
 queene and hir bloud (euer mistrusting, and priuilie barking at the 
 kings linage) ceassed not to increase. 
 
 However, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 712/1/46. More, 5/13.] . . . were it by the queene and 
 
XII. EICHAED III. 345 
 
 lords of hir bloud, which highlie maligned the kings kinred, (as 
 women commonlie, not of malice, but of nature, hate them whome 
 their husbands loue,) or were it a proud appetite of the duke 
 himselfe, intending to be king ; at the least wise heinous treason 
 was there laid to his charge : . . . 
 
 I do not find that Hastings — who enters (1. 121) after bis release 
 from the Tower — either actually sttffiered imprisonment through the 
 enmity of Queen Elizabeth and Rivers, or regained bis liberty by 
 petitioning Mistress Shore (11. 66-77). But the Queen disliked 
 Hastings, and he was once in great peril owing to the accusation of 
 Rivers. See p. 366 below. 
 
 Act I. sc. ii. — " Enter the Coarse of Henrie the sixt with Halberds 
 to guard it, Lady Anne being the Mourner." The bier is set down for 
 a while till Lady Anne says (11. 29, 30) : 
 
 Come now towards Chertsey with your holy Lode, 
 Taken from Paules to be interred there ; . . . 
 
 Soon after Richard enters she cries to the guards (II. 55, 56) : 
 
 Oh, Gentlemen, see, see ! dead Henries wounds 
 Open their congeal'd mouthes and bleed afresh ! 
 
 Holinshed (iii. 69O/2/73) gives the following account of Henry's 
 funeral, and the bleeding of the corpse : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 690/2/73.] The dead corps, on the Ascension euen Thenmeand 
 [May 22, 1471], was conueied with billes and glaues pompouslie (if ^^g^, 
 [p. 691] you will call that a funerall pompe) from the Tower to [Henry's 
 
 body wfts 
 
 the church of saint Paule, and there, laid on a beire or coifen bare 1°°™!^ 
 
 ' ' from the 
 
 faced, the same in presence of the beholders did bleed : ^ where it PaSI'ml*' 
 rested the space of one whole dale. From thense he was caried tocSSey. 
 to the Blackfriers, and bled there likewise : and, on the next st. Panfs 
 dale ^ after, it was conueied in a boat, without priest or clerke, BiaokMare.] 
 torch or taper, singing or saieng, vnto the monasterie of Chertseie, 
 distant from London fifteene miles, and there was it first 
 buried : . . . 
 
 The historical Lady Anne did not attend Henry VL's funeral ; and 
 the dialogue between her and Richard (U. 46-225) is imaginary. She 
 
 1 This excerpt was partly derived from Halle (303), but he does not mention 
 the bleeding of Henry's corpse. 
 
 ^ Henry's body was conveyed to Chertsey on Ascension Day (May 23). — 
 Fab., ii. 662, and a London chronicle (Bibl. dotton. Vitell. A. xvi. fol. 133, r°) 
 cited in Warkw., xii. Hoi. was wrong if the words " where it rested . . . next 
 daie after " mean that the body was conveyed to Chertsey on May 24. 
 
346 XII. RICHAED III. 
 
 married Richard in 1472.1 From Holinshed (iii. 75I/1/45) Shakspere 
 might have learnt that she was 
 
 [Anne, [Hol. iil. 751/i/4S. Salle, 407.] the same Anne, one of the 
 
 Warwick's ■ '^•' ) • J j 
 
 S^ter daughters of the earle of Warwike, which, (as you haue heard 
 ma^d tot before,) at the request of Lewes the French king, was maried to 
 Edward.] prince Edward, sonne to king Henrie the sixt. 
 
 Richard's entreaty that she would go to Crosby Place, and receive 
 a visit from him there (11. 213-217), was perhaps suggested by the 
 mention (HoL iii. 72I/2/70) of his having "kept his houshold," as 
 \ Protector, at " Crosbies in Bishops gates street." A slip of the pen, or 
 a compositor's error, may account for Richard's order that the body be 
 taken to White-Friars, not to Chertsey (11. 226, 227). We have seen 
 (p. 345 above) how Henry's corpse, after its removal from St. Pauls, 
 rested at Black-Friars,^ and was thence conveyed to Chertsey. 
 
 Act I. sc. iii. — Queen Elizabeth tells Rivers (11. 11-13) that her 
 son's 
 
 minority 
 Is put vnto the trust of Richard Glouster, 12 
 
 A man that loues not me, nor none of you. 
 Biu. Is it concluded he shall be Protector 1 
 Qu. It is determin'd, not concluded yet : 
 But so it must be, if the King miscarry. 16 
 
 Edward died on April 9, 1483,^ and Richard was appointed Pro- 
 tector before the middle of May in the same year.* When — on May 
 4, 1483 5 — Edward V. entered London, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 7I6/2/S3. More, 22/31. J the duke of Glocester bare 
 
 him in open sight so reuerentlie to the prince, with all semblance 
 
 of lowlinesse, that, from the great obloquie in which he was so late 
 
 before, he was suddenlie fallen in so great trust, that at the 
 
 councell next assembled he was made the onelie man, chosen and 
 
 1 In a letter written on February 17, 1472, Sir John Paston reports Clarence 
 to have said " that he [Richard] may weell have my Ladye [Anne] hys 
 [Clarence's] suster in lawe, butt they schall parte no lyvelod." — Paston, iii. 38. 
 A petition for the reversal of the attainder of John Lord Neville was presented 
 to the Parliament which met at Westminster on October 6, 1472, and was 
 prorogued on November 30, 1472. This petition contains a salvo that nothing 
 asked for shall be prejudicial to "Richard Duke of Gloucestr' and Anne 
 Duches of Gloucestr" his wyfe." — Bot. Pari., vi.-25/i. It appears, therefore, 
 that Richard and Anne must have been married on some date between February 
 17 and November 30, 1472. 
 
 2 Salle (303) does not mention the deposit of Henry's body at Blackfriars. 
 
 3 Gont. Oroyl., 564. 
 
 * In commissions of the peace, dated May 14, he is styled Protector of 
 England. — Rot Pat. Edw. V. in dorso (cited in Orants of Edward V., ed. 
 J. 6. Nichols, xiii., xxxi.). If the entry on the Patent Roll can be trusted, he 
 was Protector on April 21. — Gairdner's Life of Bkhard IIL, ed. 2, p. 69. 
 
 s Fal>., 668. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 347 
 
 thought most meet to be protector of the king and his realme ; so The duke 0/ 
 that (were it destinie or were it foUie) the lambe was betaken to ^^"J^*™" 
 the woolfe to keepe. 
 
 The ensuing dialogue (11. 17.-31 9)^ is fictitious. Margaret — who is 
 one of the speakers — left England soon after November 13, 1475, and 
 died on August 25, 1482.i>^But as tljis scene cannot be ■ historically 
 dated before April 9, 1483," there is point in the rebuke (11. 255-256) which 
 she is made to give Dgrset, who pronounced her to be " lunaticke." 
 
 Peace, Master Marquesse, you are malapert ! 
 Your fire-new stampe of Honor is scarce currant. 
 
 Barely eight years had elapsed since Edward — on April 18, 
 14752— 
 
 [Sol. iii. 702/2/8.] created the lord Thomas, marquesse Dorset, [Thomas 
 before dinner ; and so in the habit of a marquesse aboue the habit Marquess 
 
 Dorset.] 
 
 of his knighthood he began the table of knights in saint Edwards 
 chamber. 
 
 She calls Richard a " rooting Hogge " (1. 228). In the second year 
 of Richard's reign (1484), William Colling borne published the couplet : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 746/2/10. Salle, 398.] 
 
 The Cat, the Rat, and Louell our dog, 
 Rule all England vnder an hog. 
 
 Meaning by the hog, the dreadfull wild boare, which was the cube wiid 
 
 Doai^— 
 
 kings cognisance. But, bicause the first line ended in dog, the ^^^^ 
 metrician could not (obseruing the regiments of meeter) end the ^^ ' 
 second verse in boare, but called the boare an hog. 
 
 Although, as I have said, the dialogue of this scene is fictitious, 
 Shakspere may have taken a hint for it from the following passage, in, 
 which Richard is accused of fomenting strife between the two factions 
 at Court. The writer has been speaking of a man named Pottier, who, 
 on hearing of Edward's death, straightway inferred that Richard would 
 be King. 
 
 [Sol. iii. 712/2/68. More, 7/26.] And forsomuch as he [Richard] 
 
 1 The date of Margaret's death is taken from Ansdme, i. 232. Cp. 
 Baudier's(flii«torj/ J)/ the Calamities of Mwrga/ret^f-An^ou Queen ofEnglamd, ^ 
 1737, pp. 191, 192. As to the date of Margaret's departure from England, 
 see p. 341, n. 2, above. i 
 
 2 I take this date from Stow (713), MoVs authority for the passage in 
 which Grey's elevation to the dignity of marque ss is recorded. 
 
348, 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 (Before 
 Edward's 
 death, 
 
 Bichud had 
 fostered 
 enmity 
 betwixt the 
 kindred of 
 the King and 
 Queen.] 
 
 [Afterwards 
 ho resolved 
 to moke 
 their 
 variance 
 serve his 
 ambition.] 
 
 Anno Rig. 
 17 [18.S4O10]. 
 George duke 
 of Clarence 
 drovmed in 
 a butt of 
 
 well wist and holpe to mainteine a long continued grudge and 
 heart-burning betweene the queens kinred and the kings bloud, 
 either partie enuieng others authoritie, he now thought that their 
 diuision should be (as it was in deed) a furtherlie beginning to 
 the pursuit of his intent. 
 
 Nay, he was resolued, that the same was a sure [p. 713] ground 
 for the foundation of all his building, if he might first (vnder the 
 pretext of reuenging of old displeasure) abuse the anger and ignor- 
 ance of the tone partie to the destruction of the tother ; and then 
 win to his purpose as mania as he could, and those, that could 
 not be woone, might be lost yer they looked therfore. For of one 
 thing was he certeine, that, if his intent were perceiued, he should 
 soone haue made peace betweene both the parties with his owne 
 bloud. 
 
 Act I. sc. iv. — In this scene two murderers, sent by Richard, slay 
 Clarence, though Edward's order for the Duke's death had been reversed 
 (II. i. 86). The First Murderer exclaims, as he stabs Clarence (I. iv. 
 276, 277) : 
 
 Take that, and that ! if all this will not do, 
 He drowne you in the Malmesey-But within. 
 
 I quote a passage containing the only detail of sc. iv. which 
 Shakspere did not invent. Edward's hatred of Clarence reached such 
 a pitch 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 703/1/40.] that finallie the duke was cast into the 
 Tower, and therewith adiudged for a traitor, and priuilie drowned 
 in a butt of malmesie, the eleuenth of March, in the beginning of 
 the seuententh yeare of the kings reigne.^ 
 
 Act II. sc. i. — Edward, who now daily expects death, has made, as 
 he hopes, an "vnited League" between the two parties which divided 
 his Court. Hastings exchanges assurance of friendship with Rivers ^ 
 
 ' Hoi. took this date (March 11) from Stow (717). The rest of the passage 
 is derived from Halle (326). Fab. (666) says that Clarence was put to death 
 on February 18, 1478 ; a date confirmed by Inq. p. m. 18 E. IV". 46 & 47 
 (0. B.). More {Hoi., iii. 712/1/54), Fab., Halle, and Sto^-, agree that the Duke 
 was drowned — or, as Stow puts it, "made his ende" — in a butt ("a vesseU" 
 Stow) of malmsey. Instead of " drowne you . . . within," the Qq. of Bich. 
 III. read : " chop thee . . . But in the next roome." 
 
 2 In F. (II. i. 7) Dorset and Rivers — who were not foes — are commanded 
 by Edward to take each other's hand. In the Qq. the King gives this order 
 to Rivers and Hastings. In both texts 11. 9-10 and 11 have the respective 
 prefixes B,iu. Hast. 
 
XII. EICHAED III. 349 
 
 and Dorset ; and kisses Queen Elizabeth's hand, which she gives him as 
 a sign of amity." Buckingham professes zealous regard for the Queen 
 and her kindred (11. 1-40). 
 
 Of this brief truce we have the following account : 
 
 [Hoi. iil 713/I/IO. More, 8/15.] King Edward, in his life, Sngood 
 albeit that this dissentiou betweene his freends somewhat irked mw^rd 
 
 cared little 
 
 him ; yet in his good health he somewhat the lesse regarded it : for the strife 
 bicause he thought, whatsoeuer businesse should fall betweene ^ffconrt] 
 them, himselfe should alwaie be able to rule both the parties. 
 
 But, in his last sicknesse, when he perceiued his naturall [^"i^^^knlgj 
 strength so sore infeebled, that he despaired all recouerie, then he, maS'peace 
 considering the youth of his children, albeit he nothing lesse mis- titem!™ 
 trusted than that that hapned, yet well foreseeing that manie 
 harmes might grow by their debate, while the youth of his children 
 should lacke discretion of themselues, & good counsell of their 
 freends, of which either partie should counsell for their owne 
 commoditie, & rather by plesant aduise to win themselues fauor, 
 than by profitable aduertisement to doo the children good, he 
 called some of them before him that were at variance, and in 
 especiall the lord marquesse Dorset, the queenes sonne by hir first 
 husband. 
 
 So did he also William the lord Hastings, a noble man, then ^<™9'« 
 lord chamberleine, against whome the queene speciallie grudged, ^^^^ 
 for the great fauour the king bare him: and also for that she Jurw^f* 
 thought him secretlie familiar with the king in wanton companie. 
 Hir kinred also bare him sore, as well for that the king had made 
 him capteine of Calls, (which ofSce the lord Riuers, brother to the 
 queene, clamed of the kings former promise,) as for diuerse other 
 great gifts which he receiued, that they looked for. When these 
 lords, with diuerse other of both the parties, were come in presence, 
 the king, lifting vp himselfe, and vnderset with pillowes, as it is 
 reported, on this wise said vnto them. [I omit "The oration of 
 the king on his death-bed."] 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 714/1/22. More, II/30.J And therewithall the king, 
 no longer induring to sit vp, laid him downe on his right side, his 
 face towards them : and none was there present that could refraine 
 from weeping. 
 
350 
 
 XII. EICHAED III. 
 
 A cowaterfet 
 and pre- 
 tended r€con~ 
 ciUment. 
 
 But the lords, recomforting him with as good words as they 
 could, and answering for the time as they thought to stand with 
 his pleasure, there in his presence, as by their words appeared, ech 
 forgaue other, and ioined their hands togither ; when (as it after 
 appeared by their deeds) their hearts were farre asunder. 
 
 When. Buckingham has vowed peace, Richard enters and quickly 
 seizes an opportunity to let Edward know that a royal order counter- 
 manding Clarence's death arrived too late (11. 75-90). Then comes the 
 " Earle of Derby," ^ beseeching pardon for his servant, who has been 
 guilty of homicide. Edward exclaims (11. 102-107) : 
 
 Haue I a tongue to doome my Brothers death, 
 
 And shall that tongue giue pardon to a slaue ? 
 
 My Brother kill'd no man ; his fault was Thought, 104 
 
 And yet his punishment was bitter death. 
 
 Who sued to me for him ? Who (in my wrath) 
 
 Kneel'd at my feet, and bad ^ me be aduis'd ? 
 
 After Clarence's removal, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 7 031 1 166. Halle, 326.] although king Edward were 
 
 consenting to his death, yet he much did both lament his infor- 
 
 [Whcna tuuatc chauce, & repent his sudden execution: insomuch that, 
 
 craved from when auic pcrsou sued to him for the pardon of malefactors con- 
 
 Edwardhe '^ . . 
 
 ilment that ^cmned to death, he would accustomablie saie, & openlie speake : 
 
 no one had 
 
 asked mercy 
 
 for It 1 I » 
 
 Clarence.] SUtC ! 
 
 'Oh infortunate brother, for whose life not one would make 
 
 Act II. sc. ii. — Shakspere might have learnt from Holinshed that 
 " the old Dutchesse of Yorke '' was grandmother to " the two children 
 of Clarence," * with whom she enters in this scene. Holinshed has 
 also an account (iii. 703/2/2) of the "two yoong infants" left by 
 Clarence ; whose names were Edward * and Margaret. 
 
 The Duchess and her grandchildren speak of Clarence's death 
 (February, 1478) as a recent event. Their talk is interrupted by the 
 entrance of Queen Elizabeth, distracted with grief for the loss of King 
 Edward (April 9, 1483). Rivers and Dorset accompany the Queen 
 (1. 33). Soon the characters already assembled are joined by Richard, 
 Buckingham, and Hastings (1. 100). 
 
 1 In some other scenes of the Qq. and F. he is rightly called Stanley. 
 Thomas Lord Stanley was created Earl of Derby by Henry VII., on October 
 27, 1485.— DwgniaJe, iii. 248/2. 
 
 2 Kneel'd at . . . cmd bad] Qi. Kneel'd and . . . amd hid Fi. 
 
 3 « In this verie season [1495] departed to God Oicilie duchesse of Yorke, 
 mootherto king Edward the fourth." — Hoi. iii. 780/i/i. 
 
 ^ In F. Edw. is prefixed to the first speech of Clarence's son. Afterwards 
 — and throughout this scene in the Qq.— he is called Boy. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 351 
 
 Buckingham reminds the lords present of their late reconciliation, 
 and adds (11. 120-122) : 
 
 Me seemeth good, that, with some little Traine, 120 
 
 Forthwith from Ludlow, the young Prince be fet 
 Hither to London, to be crown' d our King. 
 
 Riuers. Why " with some little Traine," my Lord of Buckingham ? 
 
 Buo. Marrie, my Lord, least, by a multitude, 124 
 
 The new-heal'd wound of Malice should breake out ; 
 Which would be so much the more dangerous, 
 By how much the estate is greene and yet vngouern'd : . . . 
 
 Rivers and Hastings accept Buckingham's advice (11. 134-140).i 
 Eichard says : « Then be it so" (1. 141). 
 
 The position of affairs at Edward's death, and Richard's intrigues 
 to gain possession of the young King, are described in the following 
 excerpts : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 7l4/i/^6. More, 12/6.] As soone as the king was ^^''tLu"°* 
 departed, the noble prince his sonne drew toward London ; which luX'^^'j* ** 
 at the time of his deceasse kept his houshold at Ludlow in 
 Wales, . . . 
 
 To the gouernance and ordering of this yoong prince, at his 
 sending tliither, was there appointed sir Anthonie Wooduile, lord f^f jj^"""' 
 Riuers, and brother vnto the queene ; a right honourable man, as b"™"""^- 
 valiant of hand as politike in counsell. Adioined were there vnto 
 him other of the same partie ; and in effect euerie one as he was 
 neerest of kin vnto the queene, so was he planted next about the 
 prince. That drift by the queene not vnwiselie deuised, whereby 
 hir bloud might of youth be rooted into the princes fauour, the 
 duke of Glocester turned vnto their destruction ; and vpon that 
 ground set the foundation of all his vnhappie building. For ^^^"^^"-^ 
 whome soeuer he perceiued either at variance with them, or bearing fto'ui^e^-' 
 himselfe their fauour, he brake vnto them, some by mouth, & some ijieen's*''* 
 
 . , , . kindred]. 
 
 by writmg. . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 714/2/35. More, 14/6.] With these words and 
 writings, and such other, the duke of Glocester soone set on fire 
 them that were of themselues easie to kindle, &, in especiall,^ 
 twaine, Henry ^ duke of Buckingham, and William lord Hastings, 
 then chamberleine ; both men of honour & of great power : the one 
 
 1 123-140. Eiuers. Why . . . say I] ¥. Not in Qq. 
 
 2 in specMl] More, in eapeciallie Hoi. ' Semry] Edward Hoi. 
 
352 XII, EICHARD III. 
 
 A commt bv long succession from his ancestrie, the other by his office and 
 
 to worhe • o 
 
 [iJe^ra" *^® kings fauour. These two, not bearing ech to other so much 
 
 iicteil- ^ovlS, as hatred both vnto the queenes part, in this point accorded 
 
 H^tin^. togither with the duke of Glocester; that they would Ttterlie 
 
 to'removl* remoue from the kings companie all his mothers freends, rnder 
 
 the Queen's „ , . . . 
 
 friends from the name of their enimies. 
 
 the young 
 
 King.) Upon this concluded the duke of Glocester, vnderstanding that 
 
 the lords, which at that time were about the king, intended to 
 bring him vp to his coronation accompanied with such power of 
 their freends, that it should be hard for him to bring his purpose 
 to passe, without the gathering and great assemblie of people and 
 in maner of open warre, whereof the end (he wist) was doubtfull ; 
 and in which, the king being on their side, his part should haue the 
 [Richard face and name of a rebellion ; he secretlie therfore by diuers means 
 the Queen caused the Queene ^ to be persuaded and brought in the mind, that 
 
 that her son "■ i , 
 
 ought not to it neither were need, and also should be ieopardous, the king to 
 
 nave a large ' x ' o 
 
 esoort.] jjQmg ^ strong. 
 
 For whereas now euerie lord loued other, and none other thing 
 studied vpou, but about the coronation and honor of the king ; if 
 the lords of hir kindred should assemble in the kings name much 
 people, they should giue the lords, betwixt whome and them had 
 beene sometime debate, to feare and suspect, least they should 
 gather this people, not for the kings safegard, (whome no man 
 impugned,) but for their destruction ; hauing more regard to their 
 old Tariance, than their new attonement. For which cause they 
 should assemble on the other partie much people againe for their 
 defense, (whose power she wist well far stretched,) and thus should 
 all the realme fall on a rore. And of all the hurt that thereof 
 should insue, (which was likelie [p. 715] not to be little, and the 
 most harme there like to fall where she least would,) all the world 
 would put hu- and hir kindered in the wight, and sale that they 
 had vnwiselie and yntrulie also broken the amitie & peace, that 
 the king hir husband so prudentlie made, betweene his kin and 
 
 1 In the play Queen EUzabetli is not asked to give her opinion about the 
 number of her son's escort. Eichard merely requests her and his mother to 
 deliver their "censures" touching the persons who are to be sent post to 
 Ludlow (II. ii. 141-144). 
 
XII. RICHARD III.; 35 a. 
 
 hire in his death bed, and which the other partie faithfullie 
 obserued. 
 
 The queene, being in this wise persuaded, such word sent vnto 
 hir Sonne, and vnto hir brother, being about the king, and ouer that 
 the duke of Glocester himselfe and other lords, the chiefe of his 
 bend, wrote vnto the king so reuerentlie, and to the queenes freends 
 there so louinglie, that thev, nothing earthlie mistrusting, brought [So the King 
 
 1 1 • • % T 1 • 1 1 ■ ^®^* ftom 
 
 the king vp in great hast, not in good speed, with a sober ^?4^°'*j„,gij 
 
 COmpanie. company.] 
 
 Act II. sc. iii. — Three Loudon Citizens meet and discuss the news 
 of Edward's death, which is not yet generally known (11. 7, 8). Before 
 they go out, the Second Citizen remarks (11. 38, 40) : 
 
 Truly, the hearts ^ of men are full of feare : 
 
 You cannot reason almost with a man 
 
 That lookes not heauily, and full of dread. 40 
 
 3 [Ci<.]. Before the dayes of Change, still is it so ; 
 By a diuiue instinct mens mindes mistrust 
 Pursuing danger ; as, by proof, we see 
 The Water swell be/ore a boyst'rous storme. 44 
 
 These lines contain reminiscences of a passage describing public- 
 feeling in June, 1483 ; ^ when 
 
 [Sol. iii. 721/2/57. More, 43/19.] began there, here and there 
 abouts, some maner of muttering among the people, as though all 
 should not long be well, though they neither wist what they feared, 
 nor wherefore : were it, that, before such great things, nuns hearts [Men warned 
 of a secret instinct of nature misgiue them : as the sea without instinct of 
 
 great politi- 
 
 wmd swellem of himselfe sometime lefore a tempest : ^ . . . cai changes.] 
 
 Act II. sc. iv. — ^Thomas Eotherham, Archbishop of York, imparts to 
 Queen Elizabeth news of her son's journey to London (11. 1-3) : 
 
 Last night, I heare, they lay at iN'orthhamptou ; 
 At Stonistratford will they be to night : 
 To morrow, or next day, they will be here. 
 
 In a previous scene (II. ii. 146-154) Bichard and Buckingham 
 resolved to leave London,^ and meet the King on his way to the capital. 
 My next excerpt concerns the two Dukes' arrival at Northampton. 
 
 1 hetwts] F. soules Qq. 
 
 2 When the several councils were held (see p. 363 below). 
 
 5 as the sea . . . tempest] Hoi. as the south vyynde somtyrne swdleth of hym 
 sdfe before a tempeste Halle (358). 
 
 * On receivingnews of Edward's death, Bichard left York for London, and 
 met the Duke of Buckingham at Northampton. Thence the two Dukes went 
 
 A A 
 
354 XII, RICHARD III. 
 
 [Hol. iii. 715/i/is. More, 15/23.] Now was the king in his 
 waie to London gone from Northampton, when these dukes of 
 
 [Richard and , -r^ i • , r > 
 
 Buckingham (jrlocestcr and Buckingham came thither ; where remained behind 
 tonStOT Mio *^® ^^^^ Riuers the kings vncle, intending on the morrow to follow 
 ua^m^ the king, and to be with him at Stonie Stratford, certeine miles 
 strrtford.] thcnce, earlie, yer he departed. 
 
 1 have quoted above the reading of the Quartos (Qi). The Folio' 
 has (11. 1-3) : 
 
 Last night I heard they lay at Stony Stratford ; 
 And at Northampton they do rest to night ; 
 To morrow, or next day, they will be heere. 
 
 London is nearer Stony Stratford than Northampton,^ but the Folio 
 reading may be, perhaps, defended,^ on the ground that Richard and 
 Buckingham, after arresting Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan, brought the 
 King back from Stony Stratford to Northampton.^ These arrests made, 
 
 [Eol. iii. 715/2/Si. More, I8/26.] the duke of Glocester tooke 
 [Richard's vpou himselfc the order and gouernance of the yoong king, whome 
 demeanour.] with much houor and humble reuerence lie conueied vpward 
 [The Queen towards the citie. But, anon, the tidings of this matter came 
 newlofher hastilic to the queene a little before the midnight following, and 
 
 Sou's CfLT)~ 
 
 ture and her that in the sorcst wisc : that the king hir son was taken, hir 
 
 friends' ° ' 
 
 arrest] brother, hir sonne, & hir other freends arrested, and sent, no man 
 wist whither, to be doone with God wot what. . . . 
 
 Now came there one in likewise not long after midnight from 
 the lord chamberleine [Hastings], to doctor Rotheram the arch- 
 bishop of Yorke, then chancellor of England, to his place not farre 
 from Westminster. And for that he shewed his seruants that he 
 had tidings of so great importance, that his maister gaue [p. 716] 
 him in charge, not to forbeare his rest, they letted not to wake 
 [Archbishop ^™> ^^^ ^^ *° admit this messenger in, to his bed side. Of whom 
 h^'Mw™f he heard that these dukes were gone backe with the kings grace 
 retumto^ from Stonie Stratford vnto Northampton. "Notwithstanding, sir" 
 ton.] (quoth he) "my lord sendeth your lordship word, that there is no 
 
 to Stony Stratford, where they found the King. — Polyd. Verg., 539, 540. 
 Richard was appointed Lieutenant-General against the Scots, June 12, 1482. — 
 Bymer, xii. 157, 158. 
 
 ' The difference is fourteen miles. — Levns. 
 
 2 This explanation is, however, inconsistent with the fact that Rotherham 
 is made to speak unconcernedly of the King's return to Northampton. 
 
 3 Hol. iii. 715/1/48—2/30. More, I6/20— 18/7. 
 
XII. EICHARD III. 355 
 
 "feare: for he assureth you that all shall be well." "I assure 
 "him" (quoth the archbishop) "be it as well as it will, it will 
 "neuer be so well as we haue seene it." 
 
 Thus, according to tlie historical narrative, Queen Elizabeth had 
 learnt all before Eotherham received his information, yet in the play 
 she accepts what he tells her as news. 
 
 The young Duke of York is entertaining the Queen and Duchess 
 with his waggish humour when a messenger ^ announces (11. 42-45) that, 
 by " the mighty Dukes, Gloucester and Buckingham," 
 
 Lord Riuers and Lord Grey are sent to Pomfret, 
 With 2 them Sir Thomas Yaughan, Prisoners. 
 Both Dukes took part iu the arrests {Hoi. iii. 715/r/6i ; 2/27. 
 More, I6/32 ; I8/4), but Bichard alone 
 
 \Hol.m. 715/2/46. More, I8/21.] sent the lord Riuers, and Thedeathqf 
 
 the lord 
 
 the lord Richard, with sir Thomas Vaughan, into the north *^»f 
 
 countrie, into diuerse places to prison; and afterward all to P<«"fr»*]- 
 
 Pomfret, where they were in conclusion beheaded. 
 
 Hoping to save her younger son from destruction, the Queen says 
 (1. 66) : 
 
 Come, come, my Boy ; we will to Sanctuary. . . . 
 
 Arch. My gracious Lady, go ; 68 
 
 And thether beare your Treasure and your Goodes. 
 
 For my part, He resigne vnto your Grace 
 
 The Scale I keepe : and so betide to me 
 
 As well I tender you and all of yours ! 72 
 
 Go, He conduct you to the Sanctuary. 
 On hearing what had befallen her elder son, Queen Elizabeth, 
 
 [Eol. iii. 715/2/60. More, 19/:.] in great fright & heauinesse, 
 bewailing hir childes reigne, hir freends mischance, and hir owne 
 infortune, damning the time that euer she dissuaded the gathering 
 of power about the king, gat hir selfe in all the hast possible with 
 hir yoonger sonne and hir daughters out of the palace of West- 
 minster, (in which she then laie,) into the sanctuarie ; lodging hir The gaenw 
 selfe and hir companie there in the abbats place. mnctwirie. 
 
 After the departure of Hasting's messenger, Botherham 
 [jEToZ. iii. 7I6/1/11. More, 10/25.] caused in all the hast all 
 his seruants to be called vp, and so, with his owne houshold about 
 him, and euerie man weaponed, he tooke the great scale with him, (The Aroh- 
 
 ° bishop went 
 
 and came yet before dale vnto the queene. About whom he found ^ter"aiici 
 
 ' In the Qq. Dorset is the bearer of these tidings. 
 2 43. With them] Q. and with them F. 
 
356 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 found men 
 removing 
 the Queen's 
 goods from 
 the palace 
 to the 
 sanctuar}'-] 
 
 The daolatt 
 state of the 
 QuteTie. 
 
 [He com- 
 forted her, 
 and gave her 
 the Great 
 Seal.] 
 
 [The King 
 asserted the 
 innocence of 
 
 much heauinesse, rumble, hast, and busiaesse; cariage and con- 
 ueiance of hir stuffe into sanctuarie ; chests, coffers, packs, fardels, 
 trussed all on mens backs ; no man vnoccupied, some lading, some 
 going, some discharging, some comming for more, some breaking 
 downe the walles to bring in the next waie, and some yet drew to 
 them that holpe to carrie a wrong waie : . . . 
 
 The queene hir selfe sate alone alow on the rushes all desolate 
 and dismaid, whome the archbishop comforted in best manner he 
 could ; shewing hir that he trusted the matter was nothing so sore 
 as she tooke it for, and that he was put in good hope and out 
 of feare by the message sent him from the lord chamberleine. 
 "Ah, wo woorth him! " (quoth she) "for he is one of them that 
 "laboreth to destroie me and my blond." "Madame" (quoth he) 
 "be yee of good cheere, for I assure you, if they crowne anie other 
 "king than your sonne, whome they now haue with them, we shall 
 "on the morow crowne his brother, whome you haue here with 
 " you. And here is the great scale, which in likewise as that noble 
 " prince your husband deliuered it vnto me ; so here I deliuer it 
 " vnto you, to the vse and behoofe of your sonne :" and therewith 
 he betooke hir the great seale, and departed home againe, yet in 
 the dawning of the daie. 
 
 Act III. sc. i. — After receiving the congratulations of Buckingham 
 and Kichard upon his entrance into London, the young King says (1. 6) : 
 
 I want more Vnkles '^ heere to welcome me. 
 
 Richard answers ; 
 
 Those Vnkles which you want were dangerous ; 12 
 
 Your Grace attended to their Sugred words. 
 
 But look'd not on the poyson of their hearts : 
 
 God keepe you from them, and from such false Friends ! 
 
 Frin. God keepe me from false Friends ! but they were none. 1 6 
 
 Bichard and Buckingham arrested Eivers before they left North- 
 ampton. At Stony Stratford they overtook the King, and arrested in 
 his presence Sir Bichard Grey, whom they accused of plotting with 
 Eivers and Dorset to obtain supreme control of the realm. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 715/2/21. More, 17/3 1.] Vnto which words the king 
 answered: "What my brother marquesse hath doone I cannot 
 
 1 Sir Richard Grey was the King's half-brother. See the excerpt quoted to 
 illustrate 11. 6 ; 12-16. Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan were arrested on April 30, 
 l4B3.—Cont. Croyt, 565. 
 
XII. EicHAED Hi. 357 
 
 "saie, but in good faith I dare well answer for mine vncle Riuers Rivers and 
 " and my brother here, that they be innocent of anie such matter.' Buokuigham 
 
 •' , said that 
 
 "Yea, my liege" (quoth the duke of Buckingham) "they haue i^ereSf' 
 "kept their dealing in these matters farre fro the knowledge of Seafed.™" 
 "your good grace." 
 
 The "Lord Maior" enters, and is introduced to the King by 
 Richard (1- 17) : 
 
 My Lord, the Maior of London comes to greet you. 
 Edward V.'s reception by the Lord Mayor is thus described : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 7I6/2/46. More, 22/24.] When the king approched 
 neere to the citie, Edmund Shaw, goldsmith, then maior, with 
 William White, and lohn Matthew, shiriffes, and all the other 
 aldermen in scarlet, with fine hundred horsse of the citizens, in 
 violet, receiued him reuerentlie at Harnesie ; and riding from rfte *»»3« 
 
 _ .,,..,. camming to 
 
 thence accompanied him into the citie, which he entered the fourth ^><^on. 
 
 dale of Male, the first and last yeare of his reigne. 
 
 The King is chafing at the absence of his mother and brother when 
 Hastings comes to announce (11. 27, 28) that 
 
 The Queene your Mother, and your Brother Yorke, 
 Haue taken Sanctuarie : . . . 
 
 Addressing Eotherham,i and then turning to Hastings, Buckingham 
 says (II. 32-36) : 
 
 Lord Cardinal!, will your Grace 
 Perswade the Queene to send the Duke of Yorke 
 Vnto his Princely Brother presently t — 
 If she denie. Lord Hastings, goe with him, 
 And from her iealous Armes pluck him perforce ! 
 
 Biotherham promises to try the efEect of his oratory upon the Queen ; 
 '.' but," he adds (11. 39-43), 
 
 if she be obdurate 
 To milde entreaties, God in heauen ^ forbid 40 
 
 "We should infringe the holy Priuiledge 
 Of blessed Sanctuarie ! not for all this Land 
 Would I be guiltie of so great a sinne. 
 
 > The prelate, who is sent to bring the Duke of York out of sanctuary, is 
 styled a Cardinal in the Qq. and F. According to More (25/28), Hol.'s 
 authority, the Cardinal who undertook this mission was Eotherham, Archbishop 
 of York. Editors have adhered to More in deciding that the Cardinal (Qq.) or 
 Archbishop (F.) of Act II. sc. iv. is Rotherham, but they have foUbwed Cant. 
 Ormjl. (566), Fab. (668), Pdyd. Verg. (542/ii), or Halle (352), in making 
 Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, the Cardinal of Act III. se. i. I agree 
 with Mr. Daniel in doubting "whether the dramatist intended to present more 
 than one personage."— T-A., 328, note. ^ in heauen] Q. om. F. 
 
358 
 
 XII. EICHARD III. 
 
 Tlie lord 
 cardinall 
 thought ths 
 fittest man to 
 dedU -with 
 the giMfine 
 for the sur- 
 rendring of 
 hir ionne. 
 
 [If she will 
 not surren- 
 der her son, 
 let him he 
 fetched out.] 
 
 [Botherham 
 would use 
 argument, 
 but could 
 not assent 
 to York's 
 removal 
 against the 
 Queen'B 
 wiU.] 
 
 Buckingham replies (11. 48-56) that to seize the Duke of York 
 cannot be a breach of sanctuary : 
 
 The benefit thereof is alwayes granted 48 
 
 To those whose dealings haue deseru'd the place, 
 
 And those who haue the wit to clayme the place : 
 
 This Prince hath neyther claym'd it nor deseru'd it ; 
 
 And therefore, in mine opinion, cannot haue it : [See p. 360 below.] 52 
 
 Then, taking him from thence that is not there, 
 
 You breake no Priuiledge nor Charter there. 
 
 Oft haue I heard of Sanctuarie men ; 
 
 But Somctva,rie children ne're till now. [See p. 360 below.J 56 
 
 These quotations (11. 32-56) embody portions of speeches delivered 
 by Richard, Cardinal Eotherham, and the Duke of Buckingham, at a 
 council held on or about June 16, 1483.^ Having pointed out what 
 evils might arise from the Duke of York's detention in sanctuary, 
 Richard concluded : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 717/1/42. More, 24/25.] "Wherefore me thinketh it 
 "were not worst to send vnto the queene, for the redresse of this 
 "matter, some honorable trustie man, such as both tendereth the 
 "kings weale and the honour of his councell, and is also in fauour 
 "and credence with hir. For all which considerations, none 
 "seemeth more meetlie, than our reuerend father here present, 
 " my lord cardinall, who may in this matter doo most good of anie 
 " man, if it please him to take the paine ; " . . . 
 
 " And if she be percase so obstinate, and so preciselie set vpon 
 " hir owne will, that neither his wise and faithfull aduertisement 
 " can not mooue hir, nor anie mans reason content hir ; then shall 
 "we, by mine aduise, by the kings authoritie, fetch him out of that 
 " prison, and bring him to his noble presence, in whose continuall 
 "companie he shall be so well cherished and so honorablie 
 " intreated, that all the world shall to our honour and hir reproch 
 "perceiue, that it was onelie malice, frowardnesse, or foUie, that 
 "caused hir to keepe him there." 
 
 Rotherham 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 717/2/8. More, 25/30.] tooke vpon him to mooue hir, 
 and therein to doo his vttermost deuoir. Howbeit, if she could be 
 in no wise intreated with hir good will to deliuer him, then thought 
 he, and such other as were of the spiritualtie present, that it were 
 not in anie wise to be attempted to take him out against hir will. 
 
 1 See p. 361, n. 1, below. 
 
XII. RICHARD III, 359 
 
 For it should be a thing that would turne to the great grudge luaaont 
 
 r 11 » 1 . 1 1. 1 fl r, 1 .« t , Be [omitted] 
 
 01 all men, and high displeasure of God, if the pnuilege of that «%«««» 
 holie place should now be broken, which had so manie yeares be^ mat to fetch 
 
 \raj\i- son out of 
 
 Ac^u, . . , tanetiiorU. 
 
 He protested against the employment of force : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 717/2/28. More, 26/i6.] "God forbid that anie man [GodforWd 
 "should, for anie thing earthlie, enterprise to breake the immunitie man should 
 "& libertie of the sacred sanctuarie, that hath beene the safegard """"t"""?'] 
 "of so manie a good mans life. And I trust" (quoth he) "with 
 " Gods grace, we shall not need it. But, for anie maner need, I 
 "would not we should doo it." 
 
 A long reply from Buckingham on the abuse of sanctuary contains 
 the following passages, which should be compared with 11. 48-56. Let 
 sanctuaries, said he, be respected 
 
 [Rol iii. 7I8/2/3. More, 30/s.] "as farre foorth as reason 
 "will, which is not fullie so farre foorth, as may serue to let 
 "vs of the fetching foorth of this noble man to his honor and 
 "wealth, out of that place, in which he neither is, nor can be, a 
 " sanctuarie man. . . . 
 
 " But where a man is by lawfuU means in perill, there needeth 
 "he the tuition of some speciall priuilege; which is the onelie 
 " ground and cause of all sanctuaries. 
 
 " From which necessitie, this noble prince is farre, whose lone 
 " to his king, nature and kinred prooueth ; whose innocencie to all 
 "the world, his tender youth prooueth; and so sanctuarie, as for [THeDuke 
 "him, neither none he needeth, nor also none can haue. Men needs no 
 
 ' sanctuaiy, 
 
 "come not to sanctuarie, as they come to baptisme, to require it ™*^'t 
 " by their godfathers ; he must aske it himselfe that must haue it. "'''"'"■l 
 " And reason, sith no man hath cause to haue it, but whose con- 
 " science of his owne fault maketh him fain need to require it. 
 "What will then hath yonder babe, which, and if he had discretion cifhehud 
 
 discretion he 
 
 " to require it, if need were, I dare say would now be right angrie ^ ^°'^'*^?th 
 "with them that keepe him there? . . . deSilSS..] 
 
 1 he, been, hee More. 
 
 2 Hastings tells the King (III. i. 29, 30) that York 
 
 " Would faine haue come with me to meet your Grace, 
 But by his Mother was perforce with-held." 
 
360 
 
 XII. RICHAED III. 
 
 [I never 
 heard of 
 sanctuary 
 children.] 
 
 [The Duke 
 of York has 
 neither will 
 to ask, nor 
 malice to 
 deserve, 
 sanctimy.] 
 
 The queenea 
 replie vpon 
 the lord 
 cardiTudl. 
 
 [Rotherham 
 was sent to 
 essay the 
 removal of 
 York with 
 the Queen's 
 good will.] 
 
 [York 
 brought 
 to the 
 Protector.] 
 
 dUsimvXO' 
 
 "And verelie, I haiie often heard ofsanctuarie men, Tmt I neuer 
 "heard earst of sanchiarie children."^ 
 
 During a subsequent conference with the Queen in the sanctuary, 
 Eotherham warned her that there were " manie " who thought 
 
 [Eol. iii. 720/1/4. More, 36/2.] "he can haue no priuilege in 
 " this place, which neither can haue will to aske it, nor malice to 
 "deserue it. And therefore, they reckon no priuilege broken, 
 " though they fetch him out ; which, if yee finallie refuse to deliuer 
 "him, I Terelie thinke they will." 
 
 Replying, she contemptuously stated his argument before meeting it : 
 
 [Eol iii, 720/1/20. More, 86/17.] "But my Sonne can deserue 
 " no sanctuarie, and therefore he can not haue it." ^ 
 
 Rotherham yields to Buckingham's arguments, and goes out with 
 Hastings (1. 60). Soon the two envoys return with the Duke of York 
 (1. 94). Meanwhile Eichard, in answer to the King's query (1. 62), 
 
 Where shall we soiourne till our Coronation ? 
 
 proposes the Tower, and obtains a reluctant assent from his victim 
 (11. 64, 65 ; 149, 150). More says that, after Buckingham's speech, the 
 majority of the council 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 719/1/2. Mm-e, 32/7.] condescended in effect, that, if 
 he were not deliuered, he should be fetched. Howbeit, they 
 thought it all best, in the auoiding of all maner of rumor, that the 
 lord cardinall should first assaie to get him with hir good will. 
 
 Wherevpon all the oouncell came vnto the Starre chamber at 
 Westminster ; and the lord cardinall, leaning the protector with 
 the councell in the Starchamber, departed into the sanctuarie to 
 the queene, with diners other lords with him : . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 721/1/42. More, 41/2.] When the lord cardinall, and 
 these other lords with him, had receiued this yoong duke, they 
 brought him into the Star chamber, where the protector tooke him 
 in his armes and kissed him with these words : "Now welcome, my 
 " lord, euen with all my verie heart ! " And he said in that of 
 likelihood as he thought. Therevpon, foorthwith they brought him 
 
 1 Cp. III. i. 55, 56, p. 358 above. 
 
 2 Cp. III. i. 52, p, 358 above: 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 361 
 
 vnto the king his brother into the bishops palace at Paules, and 
 
 from thense thorough the citie honourablie into the Tower,^ out of ^-^^ 
 
 the which after that daie they neuer came abroad. the towI-o 
 
 The King and his brother leave the stage (1. 150) ; followed by all 
 the persons present except Kichard, Buckingham, and Catesby. At 
 some time preceding this scene, — ^perhaps, as Mr. Daniel conjectures,^ 
 during the journey to London, and after the an-ests had been ejected, — 
 the dramatic Euckingham became aware of Richard's intention to usurp 
 the throne. (See III. i. 157 — 164.) But More — as my next excerpt 
 shows — believed that Buckingham was not apprized of Bichard's 
 purpose until the young Princes were safely lodged in the Tower. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 721/i/S2. More, 41/i2.] When the protector had 
 both the children in his hands, he opened himselfe more boldUe, 
 both to certeine other men, and also cheeflie to the duke of 
 Buckingham. Although I know that manie thought that this (^'"i""' 
 duke was priuie to all the protectors counsell, euen from the 3^^**''^^ 
 beginning ; and some of the protectors freends said, that the duke ^"otaird's 
 was the first moouer of the protector to this matter ; sending a SiS the 
 priuie messenger vnto him, streict after king Edwards death. 
 
 But others againe, which knew better the suhtill wit of the 
 protector, denie that he euer opened his enterprise to the duke, [or was 
 
 '■ ignorant of 
 
 vntill he had brought to passe the things before rehearsed. But >t_™t" ^« 
 
 or o Princes were 
 
 when he had imprisoned the queenes kinsfolks, & gotten both hir Ifo^jj j 
 sonnes into his owne hands, then he opened the rest of his purpose 
 with lesse feare to them whome he thought meet for the matter, 
 and speciallie to the duke, who being woone to his purpose, he 
 thought his strength more than halfe increased. 
 
 Though Catesby is sure of Hastings's love for the young King, 
 Buckingham resolves to test this conviction, and therefore says 
 (11. 169-171) : 
 
 goe, gentle Catesby, 
 And, as it were /awe off,^ sound thou Lord Hastings, 
 How he doth stand affected to our purpose ; . . . 
 
 J More erred in saying that the Duke of York was brought to the Bishop's 
 palace at St. Paul's. We learn from Cont. Croyl. (566) and Stallworthe's letter 
 {Excerpta Sidorica, 16, 17) that York left sanctuary on June 16, 1483, and 
 went thence to the Tower. A letter given under the King's signet shows that 
 Edward V. was in the Tower on May 19. — Grants, viii., 15. 
 
 2 The "story" (II. ii. 149), therefore, concerned Richard's purposed 
 assumption of the protectorate. 
 
 3 afarre off] Q. 
 
362 
 
 XII, EICHAB.D III. 
 
 [Kichai'd 
 moved 
 Catesby to 
 Bound 
 Hastings.] 
 
 We learn from More (45/3) ^^^ 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 722/1/41.] the protector and the duke of Buckingham 
 made verie good semblance vnto the lord Hastings, and kept him 
 much in companie. And vndoubtedlie the protector loued him 
 well, and loth was to haue lost him, sauing for feare least his life 
 should haue quailed their purpose. 
 
 For -which cause he mooued Catesbie to prooue with some 
 words cast out a farre off, whether he could thinke it possible to 
 win the lord Hastings vnto their part. 
 
 Catesby having departed, Eichard promises Buckingham a reward 
 (11. 194-196) : 
 
 And, looke, when I am King, clayme thou of me 
 The Earledome of Hereford, and all the moueables 
 Whereof the King my Brother was possest. 
 
 After the Princes had been conveyed to the Tower, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 721/2/31. More, 42/30.] it was agreed, that the 
 
 protector should haue the dukes aid to make him king, . . . and 
 
 mjerewaids that the protcctor should grant him the quiet possession of the 
 
 proJSsed earldome of Hereford, which he claimed as his inheritance, and 
 
 could neuer obteine it in king Edwards time. 
 
 Besides these requests of the duke, the protector, of his owne 
 mind, promised him a great quantitie of the kings treasure, and of 
 his houshold stuffe. 
 
 Act III. sc. ii. — " Vpon the stroke of foure " (1. 6) in the morning 
 of the dramatic day next after that on which the action of the last 
 scene passes, — or at midnight of the historic June 12-13, 1483,T^a 
 message is brought to Hastings from Stanley, who " this Night " 
 
 Dreamt the Bore had rased off his Helme : 
 
 Besides, he sayes there are two Councels kept ; 12 
 
 And that may be determin'd at the one, 
 
 Which may make you and him to rue at th'other. 
 
 Therefore he sends to know your Lordships pleasure, 
 
 If you will presently take Horse with him, 16 
 
 And with all speed post with him toward the North, 
 
 To shun the danger that his Soule diuines. 
 
 Hast. Goe, fellow, goe, returns vnto thy Lord ; 
 Bid him not feare the seperated Councells : ^ 20 
 
 Bucking- 
 liam.] 
 
 councds] Q. Cmmcdl F. 
 
XII. EICHAED III. 3 
 
 His Honor and my selfe are at the one, 
 And at the other is my good friend i Catesby ; 
 Where nothing can proceede, that toucheth vs, 
 "Whereof I shall not haue intelligence. 24 
 
 When Eichard and Buckingham had come to terms, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 721/2/42, More, 43/6.] they went about to prepare 
 for the coronation of the yoong king, as they would haue it seeme. 
 And that they might turne both the eies and minds of men from 
 perceiuing of their drifts other-where, the lords, being sent for from 
 all parts of the realme, came thicke to that solemnitie. But the 
 protector and the duke, after that they had sent the lord cardinall 
 [Bouchier], the archbishop of Yorke, then lord chancellor, the 
 bishop of Elie, the lord Stanleie, and the lord Hastings, then lord 
 chamberleine, with mania other noble men, to common & deuise [The 
 about the coronation in one place, as fast were they in an other councils. 
 place, contriuing the contrarie, and to make the protector king. 
 
 To which councell . . . there were adhibited verie few, and 
 they were secret: . . . 
 
 The rumoured existence of a cabal produced general uneasiness, and 
 caused 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 722I1IS. More, 44/8.] some lords eke to marke the 
 matter and muse thereon ; so farre foorth that the lord Stanleie, 
 (that was after earle of Derbie,) wiselie mistrusted it, and said 
 vnto the lord Hastings, that he much misliked these two seuerall 
 councels. "For while we" (quoth he) "talke of one matter in [Stoiey 
 " the tone place, little wot we wherof they talke in the tother separate 
 
 " councils.] 
 
 "place." 
 
 "My lord" (quoth the lord Hastings) "on my life, neuer doubt [Hastings 
 
 ^ did not fe 
 
 "you: for while one man is there, which is neuer thense, neuer cSnncS"^^* 
 "can there be thing once mooued, that should sound amisse """'* 
 " toward me, but it should be in mine cares yer it were well out of 
 "their mouths." This ment he by Catesbie, which was of his 
 neere secret councell, and whome he verie familiarlie vsed, and in 
 his most weightie matters put no man in so speciall trust ; reckoning 
 himselfe to no man so liefe, sith he well wist there was no man so 
 
 ^ good friend] F. seruant Q. The Q reading perhaps better characterizes 
 the relative social positions of Hastings and Catesby. 
 
 Catesby 
 attended i 
 
364 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 cafabit much to him beholden as was this Catesbie, which was a man well 
 
 ana ftis ' 
 
 d^M ^6^™ed in the lawes of this land, and, by the speciall fauour of the 
 lord chamberlaine, in good authoritie, and much rule bare in all 
 the countie of Leicester, where the lord chamberlains power 
 cheefelie laie. 
 
 But suerlie great pitie was it, that he had not had either more 
 truth, or lesse wit. For his dissimulation onelie kept all that 
 
 [Hastings mischcefe vp. In whome if the lord Hastings had not put so 
 
 wasbetmyod • n i 
 
 byCtttesby.] speciall trust, the lord Stanleie & he had departed with diuerse 
 other lords, and broken all the danse ; for manie ill signes that he 
 saw, which he now construes all to the best. So suerlie thought 
 he, that there could be none harm toward him in that councell 
 intended, where Catesbie was. 
 
 Having given a reason for not fearing " the separated Councells," 
 Hastings adverts to Stanley's dream (11. 26-33) : 
 
 And for his Dreames, I wonder hee's so simple 
 
 To trust the mock'ry of vnquiet slumbers : 
 
 To flye the Bore, before the Bore pursues, 28 
 
 Were to incense the Bore to follow vs, 
 
 And make pursuit where he did meane no chase. 
 
 Goe, bid thy Master rise and come to me ; 
 
 And we will both together to the Tower, 33 
 
 Where, he shall see, the Bore will vse vs kindly. 
 
 Me8s. lie goe, my Lord, and tell him what you say. \Exit. 
 
 Hastings had a warning of his fate when, on 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 723/1/35. More, 48/ 19. J the selfe night next before 
 
 his death, the lord Stanleie sent a trustie messenger vnto him at 
 
 midnight in all the hast, requii'ing him to rise and ride awaie with 
 
 him, for he was disposed vtterlie no longer to bide, he had so 
 
 Tht lard fearfuU a dreame ; in which him thought that a boare with his 
 
 Stanldes 
 
 dreame. tuskcs SO rased them both by the heads, that the bloud ran about 
 both their shoulders. And, forsomuch as the protector gaue the 
 boare for his cognisance, this dreame made so fearefuU an impres- 
 sion in his heart, that he was throughlie determined no longer to 
 tarie, but had his horsse readie, if the lord Hastings would go with 
 him, to ride so farre yet ^ the same night, that they should be out 
 of danger yer daie. 
 
 ' so far ye(\ MOre. yet so farre Hoi. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 365 
 
 " Ha, good Lord ! " (quoth the lord Hastings to this messenger) 
 " leaneth my lord thy maister so much to such trifles, and hath [Haatines 
 
 despised 
 
 such faith in dreames, which either his owne feare fantasieth, or stameyB 
 
 dream.] 
 
 " doo rise in the nights rest by reason of his daies thought 1 Tell 
 " him it is plaine witchcraft to beleeue in such dreames, which if 
 " they were tokens of things to come, why thinketh he not that we 
 " might be as likelie to make them true by our going, if we were 
 " caught & brought backe, as freends faile fliers ; for then had the 
 " boare a cause likelie to rase vs with his tusks, as folke that fled 
 "for some falsehood. . . . And therefore go to thy maister (man) 
 " and commend me to him, & praie him be merie & haue no feare : 
 "for I insure him I am as sure of the man that he woteth of, as I 
 "am of mine owne hand." "God send grace, sir!" (quoth the 
 messenger) and went his waie. 
 
 Stanley's messenger gone, Catesby enters, and answers Hastings's 
 demand for news " in this our tott'ring State," by saying (11. 38-40) : 
 
 It is a reeling "World indeed, my Lord ; 
 And, I beleeue, will neuer stand vpright, 
 .Till Bichard weare the Garland of the Bealme. 
 
 Hastings replies (11. 43, 44) : 
 
 He haue this Crown of mine cut from my shoulders, 
 Before He see the Crowne so foule mis-plac'd ! 
 
 He is no mourner for the news — which Catesby brings from the 
 Protector — of the impending execution of the Queen's kindred at 
 Pomfret, on " this same very day "; 
 
 But, that He giue my voice on Bichards side, 
 To barre my Masters Heires in true Descent, 
 God knowes I will not doe it, to the death ! 
 
 Catesby, — ^who had, as we have seen (p. 362 above), been charged to: 
 sound Hastings, — ■ 
 
 [Sol. iii. 722/ 1 /so. More, 46/ii.J whether he assaied him, or [catesby 
 assaied him not, reported vnto them, that he found him so fast, Hastiiigs-s 
 
 loyalty.] 
 
 and heard him speake so terrible words, that he durst no further 
 breake. 
 
 Stanley now enters (1. 73), and, after being reassured by Hastings, 
 departs with Catesby. As they are leaving the stage, a pursuivant 
 enters, and is accosted by Hastings (1. 98) : 
 
 How now, Sirrha ! how goes the World with thee ? 
 Furs. The better that your Lordship please to aske. 
 ffast. I tell thee, man, 'tis better with me now, lOQ 
 
366 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 Then when thou met'st me last where now we meet : 
 
 Then was I going Prisoner to the Tower, 
 
 By the suggestion of the Queenes Allyes ; 
 
 But now, I tell thee, (keepe it to thy selfe !) 104 
 
 This day those Enemies are put to death. 
 
 And I in better state then ere I was. 
 
 Of this incident we have the following account : 
 
 Kpfr. l^o^- iii- 723/2/31. More, 5O/9.] Upon the verie Tower wharfe, 
 
 h"^TO° SO neare the place where his head was off soone after, there met he 
 
 with one Hastings,^ a purseuant of his owne name. And, at their 
 
 meeting in that place, he was put in remembrance of another time, 
 
 ia which it had happened them before to meet in like manner 
 
 tHastings togither in the same place. At which other time the lord chamber- 
 had once ^ 
 
 dSn^?" leine had beene accused ynto king Edward by the lord Riuers, the 
 
 acOTsftio™ queenes brother, in such wise, as he was for the while (but it lasted 
 
 ivers.] ^^^ long) farre fallen into the kings indignation, & stood in great 
 
 [Hastings fearc of himselfe. And, forsomuch as he now met this purseuant 
 
 reminded . ^ 
 
 vant'o/thta "'"* Same place, that ieopardie so well passed, it gaue him great 
 pleasure to talke with him thereof; with whom he had before 
 talked thereof in the same place, while he was therein. 
 
 And therefore he said : " Ha, Hastings ! art thou remembred 
 "when I met thee here once with an heauie heart?" "Yea, my 
 " lord " (quoth he) " that remember I well, and thanked be God, 
 "they gat no good, nor you no harme thereby." " Thou wouldest 
 "say so" (quoth he) "if thou knewest as much as I know, which 
 " few know else as yet, and mo shall shortlie." That meant he by 
 [The Queen's the lords of the quecues kinred that were taken before, and should 
 to'te" ^^^^ that dale ^ be beheaded at Pomfret : which he well wist, but nothing 
 
 executed on _ i-i-rn 
 
 that day.] ware that the ax hung ouer his owne head. "In faith, man 
 
 * Enter Hastin. a PurssuantJ Q. Enter a Pursumant. F. 
 
 2 Hastings was executed on June 13 {Cont. Groyl., 566); but Rivera's will 
 was made at Sheriff Hutton (Yorkshire), on June 23. — Exeerpta Historica, 
 246. A Latin obituary calendar of saints (Cottonian MS. Faustina, B. VIII.), 
 written in the 14th century, has later additions at the side. On leaf 4 back, 
 at the side of " lunij 25," is written, in a 16th or late 15th century hand, 
 " Anthonij Eyvers " ; an entry which probably means that the obit of Earl 
 Rivers was kept on June 25. This calendar is cited in Exeerpta Historica, 
 244. (Dr. Fumivall, who examined the MS., tells me that it is not, as 
 was supposed, an obituary calendar belonging to St. Stephen's Chapel, 
 "Westminster.) Cp. also York Becords, 156, note, and Cont. Oroyl. (567), for 
 proof that the execution of Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan took place after 
 June 13. 
 
XII. RICHAED III. 367 
 
 (quoth he) "I was neuer so sorie, nor neuer stood in so great dread 
 " in my life, as I did when thou and I met here. And, lo, how 
 " the world is turned ! now stand mine enimies in the danger, (as 
 " thou maiest hap to heare more hereafter,) and I neuer in my life [Hastings's 
 
 •^ joy and 
 
 " so meme, nor neuer in so great suertie ! " confidence.] 
 
 The pursuivant's departure is succeeded by the entry of a priest, in 
 whose ear Hasti&gs is whispering ^ when Buckingham appears and 
 exclaims (11. 114-116): 
 
 What, talking with a Priest, Lord Chamberlaine ? 
 Your friends at Pbmfret, they doe need the Priest; 
 Your Honor hath Ho shriuing worke in hand. 
 
 In the morning of June 13, ere Hastings was up, there 
 
 [Sol. iii. 723 1 2 16. More, 49/26.] came a knight ^ vnto him, as it mn^e^ ^^ 
 were of courtesie, to accompanie him to the councell, but of truth B^hiidsent 
 sent by the protector to hast him thitherwards ; with whome he hS^!]" 
 was of secret confederacie in that purpose : a meane man at that 
 time, and now of great authoritie. 
 
 This knight (I say) when it happened the lord chamberleine by 
 the waie to stale his horsse, & common a while with a priest whom 
 he met in the Tower street, brake his tale, and said merilie to 
 him: "What, my lord, I pray you come on, whereto talke you so tThe knight 
 
 « * 1 ^ • jested at 
 
 " long with that priest? you haue no need of a priest yet " : and Hastings for 
 therwith he laughed vpon him, as though he would say, "Ye shall p?ie^J'*'** 
 " haue soone." But so little wist the tother what he ment, and 
 so little mistrusted, that he was neuer merier, nor neuer so full 
 of good hope in his life ; which selfe thing is oft seene a signe of 
 change. 
 
 1 He whispers in his eare.] Q (against 1. 113). cm. F. 
 
 2 "ere he ^Hastings] were vp from his bed . . , , there came to him Sir 
 Thomas Haward, sonne to the lorde Haward, (wliyche lord was one of the 
 priueyest of the lord protectonrs counsaill and doyng,) as it were of curtesye 
 to aceompaignye hym to the Connsaile, but of truthe sent by the lorde pro- 
 teetonr to hast him thetherward." — Halle, 361. Thomas Howard was knighted 
 at the child-marriage of Anne Mowbray and Kichard Duke of York, second son 
 of Edward IV. — Weever, 555. The Duke of York was married on Jamiary 15, 
 W8.—Sandford, 415, 416. On June 28, 1483, Eichard HI. created Sir Thomas 
 Howard Earl of Surrey.— J>ei/Ze, ii. 589. On February 1, 1514, the dukedom 
 of Norfolk was conferred on Surrey by Henry VIII. — Ibid., 590. Writing 
 about 1513 More might justly say that the " meane man " of Edward V.'s time 
 was " now of great authoritie ' ; for in the above-named year Surrey commanded 
 our army at Flodden. 
 
368 
 
 Xir. EICHARD III. 
 
 As the scene closes Hastings and Buckingham go out on their way 
 to the Tower. 
 
 Act III. sc. iii. — " Enter Sir Eichard EatclifEe, with ^ Halberds, 
 carrying the Nobles to death at Pomfret." The historical date of 
 Eivers's execution could not have been earlier than June 23 (see p. 366 
 above, n. 2) ; but, according to dramatic time, Rivers and Hastings 
 were beheaded on the same day (June 13). Shakspere followed the 
 narrative which Holinshed took from More (55/25), ^^° ^^7^ '• 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 725/i/ss. More, 55/25.] Now was it so deuised by 
 the protector and his councell, that the selfe daie, in which the 
 lord chamberleine was beheaded in the Tower of London, and 
 about the selfe same houre, was there (not without his assent) 
 beheaded at Pomfret, the foreremembred lords & knights that 
 were taken from the king at Northampton and Stonie Stratford. 
 Which thing was doone in the presence, and by the order, of sir 
 
 s.rRiciiard Richard Ratcliffe, knight; whose seruice the protector speciallie. 
 
 [described], yged iu that counccll, and in the execution of such lawlesse 
 enterprises ; as a man that had beene long secret with him, 
 hauing experience of the world, and a shrewd wit, short & rude 
 in speech, rough and boisterous of behauiour, bold in mischiefe, 
 as far from pitie as from all feare of God. 
 
 This knight bringing them out of the prison to the scafiFold, and 
 shewing to the people about that they were traitors, (not suffering 
 them to declare & speake their innocencie, least their words might 
 haue inclined men to pitie them, and to hate the protector and 
 his part,) caused them hastilie, without iudgement, processe, or 
 maner of order to be beheaded ; and without other earthlie gilt, 
 but onelie that they were good men, too true to the king, and too 
 nigh to the queene. 
 
 Act III. sc. iv. — The historical date of this scene is June 13, 1483.^ 
 
 Tlu lord 
 Jtiuers de 
 other 
 beheaded. 
 
 1 Enter . . . with the Lo. Bmers, Gray, and Vaughcm, prisoners."] Q. 
 Vaughan says (III. iii. 7) : " You liue that shall cry woe for this heereafter " ; 
 and Rivers asks God to remember Margaret's curse upon Hastings, Bucking- 
 ham, and Richard (U. 17-19). Halle added to More's narrative a passage (364) 
 wherein Vaughan appeals Richard " ' to the high tribunal of God for his wrong- 
 ful murther & our true innocencye.' And then Ratclyffe sayed : ' you haue 
 well apeled ; lay doune youre head.' ' Ye,' quod sir Thomas, ' I dye in right, 
 beware you dye not in wrong.' " 
 
 2 Hastings was beheaded on Friday, June 13, 1483. — Conf. Croyl. 566. 
 Simon Stallworthe, writing on Satiwday, June 21, to Sir William Stonor, 
 says: "on fryday last was the lord Chamberleyn [HastingsJ bedded sone 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 369 
 
 In a room in the Tower are assembled Buckingham, Stanley, Hastings, 
 the Bishop of Ely, EatclifEe, and Level. Hastings says (11. 1-3) : 
 
 Now, Noble Peeres, the cause why we are met 
 
 Is, to determine of the Coronation. 
 
 In Gods Name, speake ! when is the Eoyall day? 
 
 Buck. Are ^ all things ready for the Boyall time i 4 
 
 Darb. [Stan.'] It is, and wants but nomination. 
 
 My. To morrow, then, I iudge a happie day. 
 
 Discussion is prevented by Richard's entrance and greeting 
 (11. 23, 24): 
 
 My Noble Lords, and Cousins all, good morrow 1 
 I haue beene long a sleeper : . . . 
 
 Soon he addresses the Bishop of Ely (11. 33-35) : 
 
 When I was last in Holborne, 
 I saw good Strawberries in your Garden there : 
 I doe beseech you, send for some of them. 
 
 Uly. Mary, and will, my Lord, with all my heart. 36 
 
 [£xit Bishop. 
 Taking Buckingham aside, Bichard tells him of Catesby's failure to 
 seduce Hastings (11. 38-42). Richard and Buckingham then withdraw. 
 Business is resumed by Stanley's proposal that the coronation be 
 deferred until a later date than to-morrow (11. 44-47). Whereupon the 
 Bishop of Ely re-enters and asks (11. 48, 49) : " Where is my Lord the 
 Duke of Gloster 1 I haue sent for these Strawberries." 
 
 Ha. His Grace looks chearf ully & smooth this morning ; 
 There's some conceit or other likes him well. 
 When that he bids good morrow with such spirit. 52 
 
 Stanley distrusts Richard's cheerful mien. Hastings replies, but 
 fails to convince his friend (Q.), and the Protector re-enters with 
 Buckingham (IL 56-60). Richard immediately demands (11. 61-64) : 
 
 I pray you all, tell me what they deserue 
 
 That doe conspire my death with diuellish Plots 
 
 Of damned Witchcraft, and that haue preuail'd 
 
 Vpon my Body with their Hellish Charmes t 64 
 
 Hast. The tender loue I beare your Grace, my Lord, 
 Makes me most forward in this I^incely presence 
 To doome th' OfEendors : whosoe're they be, 
 I say, my Lord, they haue deseruSd death. 68 
 
 Eich. Then be your eyes the witnesse of their euill ! 
 Looke how I am bewitch'd ; behold mine Arme 
 
 apone noon." — Exoerpta Historiea, 16. To reconcile this piece of news with 
 the high authority of the Croyland continuator, we must suppose that Stall- 
 worthe meant Friday-week. More, although he gave no dates, made the 
 execution of Hastings succeed York's removal from sanctuary, but according 
 to Cont. Groyl. (566) the latter event took place on the Monday (June 16) 
 following Hastings's death ; a date coniirmed by Stallworthe (see p. 361, n. 1, 
 above), if we assume that " fryday last " = Friday-week. 
 » Are\ Q. Is F. 
 
 BB 
 
370 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 An auemblie 
 of lords in 
 Vie Tower 
 [to devise 
 about the 
 coronation]. 
 
 [Richard 
 entered late, 
 and apolo- 
 gized for 
 having over- 
 slept hjm- 
 eeU.] 
 
 [He asked 
 the Bishop 
 of Ely to 
 give them a 
 mess of 
 straw- 
 berries, and 
 then with- 
 drew.] 
 
 Is, like a blasted Sapling, -wither'd vp ! 
 
 And this is Edwards Wife, that monstrous Witoli, 72 
 
 Consorted with that Harlot Strumpet Shore, 
 
 That by their Witchcraft thus haue marked me ! 
 
 Hast. If they haue done this deed, my Noble Lord, — 
 
 JSich. " If " ! thou Protector of this damned Strumpet ! 76 
 
 Talk'st thou to me of " Ifs " 1 Thou art a Traytor !— 
 
 Off with his Head ! — Now, by Saint Paul I sweare, 
 
 I will not dine vntill I see the same 1 — 
 
 Louell and Eatcliffe, looke that it be done : — 80 
 
 The rest, that loue me, rise and follow me. 
 [Bxetmt. Mane\n\t Louell amd Ratcliffe, vnth the Lord Hastings.^ 
 
 Soon after Catesby had sounded Hastings ; 
 
 \Hol. iii. 722/1/6$. More, 45/24.] that is to wit, on the fridaie 
 [being the thirteenth of lune],^ manie lords assembled in the Tower, 
 and there sat in councell, deuising the honourable solemhitie of 
 the kings coronation ; of which the time appointed then so neere 
 approched, that the pageants and subtilties were in making daie 
 & night at Westminster, and much vittels killed therfore, that 
 afterward was cast awaie. These lords so sitting togither com- 
 muning of this matter, the protector came in amongst them, first 
 about nine of the clocke, saluting them courteouslie, and excusing 
 himselfe that he had beene from them so long ; saieng merilie that 
 he had beene a sleeper that daie. 
 
 After a little talking with them, he said vnto the bishop of 
 Elie: "My lord, you haue verie good strawberies at your garden 
 "in Holborn, I require you let vs haue a messe of them." 
 "Gladlie, my lord" (quoth he) "would God I had some better 
 " thing as readie to your pleasure as that ! " And therewithal! in 
 
 * Exeunt . . . Hastings.'] F. Exeunt, manet Cat. with Ha. Q. Sc. iii. 
 Act III. accords with More (see p. 368 above) in making Eatcliffe supervise 
 the execution of Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan, at Pomfret ; and the same 
 authority ia followed in assigning the deaths of Hastings and his enemies to 
 the same day. In the F. version of sc. v. Act III. (I. 13), Catesby enters with 
 the Lord Mayor, who was presumably sent for after Hastings's arrest. Then 
 (III. V. 21) Lovel and Ratcliffe enter, with Hastings's head. In the Q. version 
 of this scene no one accompanies the Lord Mayor, whose entry precedes the 
 appearance of Catesby bearing Hastings's head. In both versions, after the 
 Lord Mayor's entry, Richard bids Catesby " o'erlook the walls " (1. 17). Thus, 
 whUe the F. allows Ratcliffe to be present at Pomfret and London on the 
 same day, the Q. represents Catesby as being addressed while absent from the 
 
 * friday the day of many] More. The date (June 13), and the 
 brackets enclosing it, appear in Hol.'s reprint of More. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 371 
 
 all the hast he sent his seraant for a messe of strawberies. The 2%« beuuiaf 
 
 of the lord 
 
 protector set the lords fast in communing, & therevpon, praieng fj"'f,^"jj 
 them to spare him for a little while, departed thense. And soone "ihen'he'*' 
 after one houre, betweene ten & eleuen, he returned into the '®''™**^- 
 chamber amongst them, all changed, with a woonderfull soure 
 angrie countenance, knitting the browes, frowning, and fretting ^ and 
 gnawing on his lips : and so sat him downe in his place. 
 
 All the lords were much dismaid, and sore maruelled at this 
 maner of sudden change, and what thing should him aile. Then, 
 when he had sitten still a while, thus he began : " What were they ^^^"^^5,^ 
 " worthie to haue that compasse and imagine the destruction of ^0°" to''* 
 " me, being so neere of bloud vnto the king, and protector of his im^Md'wa 
 "roiall person and hisrealme?" At this question, all the lords 
 sat sore astonied, musing much by whome this question should be 
 meant, of which euerie man wist himselfe cleere. Then the lord 
 chamberlaine (as he that for the loue betweene them thought he aMwS 
 might be boldest with him) ^ answered and said, that they were S^ht'to^be 
 worthie to be punished as heinoils traitors, whatsoeuer they were. ?r^tors!] * 
 And all the other affirmed th^ same. "That is" (quoth he) t«'«i»5*.. 
 " yonder sorceresse my brothers wife, and other with hir " (meaning ^^e™.^'^ 
 the queene.) 
 
 At these words manie of the other lords were greatlie abashed, 
 that fauoured hir. But the lord Hastings was in his mind better 
 content, that it was mooued by hir, than by anie other whome he 
 loued better : albeit his heart somewhat grudged, that he was not 
 afore made of councell in this matter, as he was of the taking of 
 hir kinred, and of their putting to death, which were by his assent 
 before deuised to be beheaded at Pomfret this selfe same daie ; in frhe Queen-s 
 
 Kinarea 
 
 which he was not ware that it was by other deuised, that he him- f^^^^*^]™ 
 seUe should be beheaded the same daie at London. Then said the 
 protector : " Ye shall all see in what wise that sorceresse, and that 
 " other witch of hir councell. Shores wife, with their affinitie, haue, 
 
 ^ hroiijes, frowning amdfroting (mdkncMoing] Mare. 
 
 2 Hastings proposes to give a proxy-vote for Richard in the matter of 
 fixing a day for the King's coronation. Touching this offer Richard says 
 (III. iv. 30, 31): 
 
 " Then my Lord Hastings no man might be bolder ; 
 His Lordship knowes me well, and loues me well." 
 
372 XII. RICHAKD III. 
 
 [Riohaid " by their sorcerie and mtchcraft, wasted my bodie." And therwith 
 
 snowed lus *^ 
 
 ?rittlerea (as ^® plucked Tp his dublet sleeue to his elbow, vpon his left arme, 
 th^QueS where he shewed a weerish withered arme, and small ; as it was 
 
 and Shore's . r 
 
 wife.] neuer other. 
 
 Herevpon euerie mans mind sore misgaue them, well perceiuing 
 
 that this matter was but a quarell. For they well wist that the 
 
 queene was too wise to go about anie such follie. And also, if she 
 
 would, yet would she, of all folke least, make Shores wife of hir 
 
 counsell ; whome of all women she most hated, as that concubine 
 
 whome the king hir husband had most loued. And also, no man 
 
 was there present, but well knew that his arme was euer such since 
 
 his birth. Naithlesse, the lord chamberlaine (which from the death 
 
 kept Shore's of king Edward kept Shores wife, on whome he somewhat doted in 
 
 [Hastings the kiugs life, sauing, as it is said, he that while forbare hir of 
 
 they reuerence toward the king, or else of a certeine kind of fidelitie to 
 
 deserved 
 
 SttJe'^d*' ^^^ freend) answered and said : " Oerteinelie, my lord, if they haue 
 
 done!?""^^^ "so heinouslic doone, they be worthie heinous punishment." 
 
 iRio|ard' "What" (quoth the protector) "thou seruest me, I weene, with 
 
 "S^'^md " 'ifs' and with 'ands': I tell thee they haue so doone, and that 
 
 Stor!]™'' "I ^11 make good on thy bodie, traitor! " and therewith, as in a 
 
 ^|^s» great anger, he clapped his fist vpon the boord a great rap. At 
 
 which token one cried, [p. 723] " Treason ! " without the chamber. 
 
 Therewith a doore clapped, and in come there rushing men in 
 
 harnesse, as manie as the chamber might hold. And anon the 
 
 protector said to the lord Hastings : " I arrest thee, traitor ! " 
 
 "What me, my lord?" (quoth he.) "Yea, thee, traitor!" quoth 
 
 the protector. . . . 
 
 Then were they all quickelie bestowed in diuerse chambers, 
 
 except the lord chamberleine, whome the protector bad speed and 
 
 ^^Mt shriue him apace, " for, by saint Paule " (quoth he) " I will not to 
 
 Hasti^ "dinner till I see thy head off!" It booted him not to aske whie, 
 
 teheaded.] but hcauilie he^tooke a priest at aduenture, and made a short shrift:^ 
 
 for a longer would not be suffered, the protector made so much 
 
 * fce] More. om. Hoi. 
 
 * " Ma. [Cat. Q.TCome, come, dispatch 1 the Duke would be at dinner : 
 Make a short Shrift; he longs to see your Head." 
 
 — UwA. III., m. iv. 96, 97. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 373 
 
 hast to dinner, which he might not go to, vntill this were doone, 
 
 for sauing of his oth. 
 
 While Hastings lingers to muse on his sudden downfall, he recalls 
 an incident till now unheeded (11. 86-88) : 
 
 Three times to day my Foot-Cloth-Horse did stumble, 
 And started, when he look'd vpon the Tower, 
 As loth to beare me to the slaughter-house. 
 
 [Hoi iii. 723/1/71. Mm-e, 49/i8.] Certeine is it also, that in ^^^t 
 
 riding towards the Tower, the same morning in which he was ZYh^i^ 
 
 beheded, his horsse twise or thrise stumbled with him, almost to ^"'*'"<"- 
 the falling. 
 
 At the close of this scene Hastings is led out to execution. I quote 
 a passage which gives particulars of his death : 
 
 [Rol. in. 7231 1 1 ig. More, 48/ii.] So was he brought foorth ^^^^, 
 to the greene beside the chappell within the Tower ; and his head j^tf^""" 
 laid downe ypon a long log of timber, and there striken off, . . . *««"*«■ 
 
 Act III. sc. V. — " Enter Eichard and Buckingham, in rotten 
 Armour, maruellous iU-fauoured." ^ They feign great timidity (11. 14- 
 21). Addressing the Lord Mayor, — who has been sent for to hear an 
 explanation of the step which they have taken, — ^Richard speaks thus 
 of Hastings (11. 29-32) : 
 
 So smooth he dawb'd his Vice with shew of Vertue, 
 
 That, his apparant open Guilt omitted, 
 
 (I meane, his Conuersation with Shores Wife,) 
 
 He liu'd from all attainder of suspect.^ 32 
 
 When Richard sent for " manie substantiall men out of the citie " 
 (see next page), he despatched to the city a herald with a proclama- 
 tion (the same which the scrivener produces in sc. vi.. Act III.), 
 giving particulars of the alleged conspiracy, and accusing Hastings of 
 
 [Sol. iii. 724/ 1/43. J vicious liuing and inordinate abusion of his 
 bodie, both with manie other, and also speciallie with Shore's wife, E^onSi^ 
 which was one also of his most secret counsell in this most heinous shore-r*^ 
 treason ; with whom he laie nightlie, and namelie the night last 
 past next before his death.^ 
 
 Buckingham asks the Mayor (11. 35-39) : 
 
 Would you imagine, or almost beleeue, 
 
 (Wert not that, by great preseruation, 36 
 
 • Enter Richard . . . ] F. Enter Duke of Gloeester and BwMngham in 
 armow. Q. 
 
 2 suspect] Q. siispects F. 
 
 * with whom . . . his death] Halle (362), cm. More. 
 
374 XII. RICHARD IIi: 
 
 We liue to tell it,) that the subtill Traytor 
 This day had plotted, in the Councell-House, 
 To murther me and my good Lord of Gloster 1 
 
 The succeeding excerpt shows that Hastings was not represented to 
 have confessed his treason (11. 57, 58). The "substantial! men" were, 
 however, outwardly as acquiescent as the credulous dramatic Mayor, 
 who answers Eichard thus (11. 62, 63) : 
 
 But, my good Lord, your Graces word ^ shal serue. 
 As well as I had seene and heard him speake : . . . 
 
 [ffol. iii. 723/2/74. More, 5I/14.] Now flew the fame of this 
 lords death [p. 724] swiftlie through the citie, and so foorth 
 further about, like a wind in euerie mans eare. But the protector, 
 immediatlie after dinner, intending to set some colour vpon the 
 matter, sent in all the hast for manie substantial! men out of the 
 citie into the Towre. 
 [The Now, at their comming, himselfe with the duke of Buckingham 
 
 ci^i Z6T1 s 
 
 whom ' stood harnessed in old ill faring briganders, such as no man should 
 
 Richard sent 
 
 ^SX* weene, that they would vouchsafe to haue put vpon their backs, 
 ^^^sham except that some sudden necessitie had constreined them. And 
 brigiS^^™® then the protector shewed them, that the lord chamberleine, and 
 
 ders "1 
 
 [Bioiiard othcr of his conspiracie, had contriued to haue suddenlie destroied 
 het^** him, and the duke, there the same day in the councell. And what 
 h^bSli^ they intended further, was as yet not well knowne. Of which their 
 
 6scaped 
 
 death ftom treasou he neuer had knowledge before ten of the clocke the same 
 
 a plot of ° 
 
 Hastings.] forenoonc ; which sudden feare draue them to put on for their 
 defense such harnesse as came next to hand. And so had God 
 Sens holpen them, that the mischiefe turned vpon them that would haue 
 beuevrthis doone it. And this he required them to report. 
 Biotad""' Euerie man answered him faire, as though no man mistrusted 
 
 to report.] the matter, which of truth no man beleeued. 
 
 Eichard now bids Buckingham follow the Lord Mayor to Guildhall, 
 and there seize an opportunity of decrying Edward IV. in the citizens' 
 presence. As a proof of the late King's tyrannical humour Buckingham 
 is to 
 
 Tell them how Edward put to death a Citizen, 76 
 
 Onely for saying he would make his Sonne 
 Heire to the Orowne ; meaning indeed his House, 
 Which, by the Signe thereof, was tearmed so. 
 
 ' word] Q. words F. 
 
XII. EICHAED III. 375 
 
 In a speech delivered at the Guildhall, on June 24, 1483,i Bucking- 
 ham accused Edward of having turned "small trespasses into misprispjon, 
 mispris[i]on into treason"; and, to prove his charge, cited the following 
 case as being well known : 
 
 [Rol. iii. 728/2/3S. More, 67/26.] Whereof (I thinke) no man 
 looketh that we should remember you of examples by name, as 
 though Burdet were forgotten, that was for a word spoken in hast smdet. 
 cruellie beheaded, by the miscontruing of the laws of this realme, 
 for the princes pleasure. 
 
 Between the words "beheaded" and "by," Halle ^ inserted the 
 subjoined parenthetical comment (369) : 
 
 This Burdet was a marchauwt dwellyng in Chepesyde at y° signe ^^rchm" 
 of y" croune, which now is y* signe of y®* floure de luse, ouer agaynst ^T^'e"* "' 
 soper lane. This man merely, in y^ ruflHyng time of king Edward ci«^sid™i 
 y .iiij. his raign,* sayd to his owne sonne that he would make him 
 
 1 According to Fab. (669) Shaw's sermon (see p. 379 below) was preached 
 on June 15, — the Sunday following Hastings's execution on June 13, — and 
 Buckingham's speech was delivered on Tuesday, June 17. These dates agree 
 with More's order of events (cp. 56, 57, 63, 66). But StaUworthe — writing 
 from London on Saturday, June 21, and mentioning, amongst other news, 
 Hastings's execution — says not a word about Shaw's sermon (Exeerpta His- 
 torica, 16, 17). Besides, as the sermon was a complete unveiling of Eichard's 
 purpose, we can hardly suppose that such a hazardous step would be taken 
 before June 16, when the Duke of York was conveyed to the Tower. 
 
 ^ In Grafton (ii. 107) the same story is foisted into Morels narrative. 
 Hoi. records, under the year 1476, that " Thomas Burdet, an esquier of Arrow 
 in Warwikeshire, . . . was beheaded for a word spoken in this sort. King 
 Edward in his progresse hunted in Thomas Burdets parke at Arrow, and slue 
 inanie of his deere, amongst the which was a white bucke, whereof Thomas 
 Burdet made great account. And therefore when he vnderstood thereof, he 
 wished the buckes head in his beUie that moued the king to kill it. Which 
 tale being told to the king, Burdet was apprehended and accused of treason, 
 for wishing the buckes head (homes and all) in the kings belUe : he was con- 
 demned, drawne from the Tower of London to Tiburne, and there beheaded, 
 and then buried in the Greie friers church at London." — Hoi. iii. 703/i/6. 
 
 3 y] Halle (1548). om. Halle (1550). 
 
 * raign\ Ed. rage HaUe. The six editions of Halle belonging to the 
 British Museum have the wrong reading " rage." In one of these editions 
 (6004, ed. 1548), a corrector has written n upon the e ; a change which 
 substitutes the reading "ragn" (= reign) for "rage." Crotchets enclose 
 "This Burdet . . . Chepesyde" in the edd. of (?) 1542, and 1548, but 
 these words are not marked as a parenthesis in the edd. of 1550, or in 
 Grafton. Part of Halle's addition was thus expanded by Grafton (ii. 107) ; 
 " This man merily, in the ruifling time, betweue king Edward the fourth, and 
 king Henry the sixt, said to his owne sonne," ... In Halle and Grafton a 
 comma is placed after " spoken." In More and Hal. " spoken " is unpunctu- 
 ated, and in More a comma follows " hast." Hardyng-Grafton has not Halle's 
 addition. The punctuation of More was evidently changed to suit Halle's 
 version of Burdet's offence. 
 
376 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 [He said 
 that he 
 would make 
 his son heir 
 to "The 
 Crown."] 
 
 [For this 
 jest Edward 
 caused 
 Burdet to 
 die a 
 traitor's 
 death.] 
 
 ^haw and 
 
 Penker 
 
 described.] 
 
 The two 
 prituxi ihvi 
 vp in cloM 
 hold. 
 
 inheritor of y° croune, meaning his owne house, but these wordes 
 
 king Edward made to be miscorestmed & interpreted that Burdet 
 
 meant the croune of y* realme : wherfore, within lesse space ^ then 
 
 .iiij. houres, he was apprehended, iudged, drawen and quartered in 
 
 Chepesyde, by the misconstruynge of the lawes of the realme for 
 
 the princes pleasure, . . . 
 
 When Buckingham has departed, Eichard says (11. 103-105) : 
 
 Goe, Louell, with all speed to Doctor Shaw ; 
 [To Cate.] Goe thou to Fryer Penker; bid them both 104 
 
 Meet me within this houre at Baynards Castle.^ 
 
 Among those whom Richard employed to advocate his right to the 
 throne were 
 
 [Eol. iii. 725/2/30. More, 57/4-] lohn Shaw, clearke, brother 
 to the maior, and frier Penker, prouinciaU of the Augustine friers ; 
 both doctors of diuinitie, both great preachers, both of more 
 learning than vertue, of more fame than learning. 
 
 Left alone, Eichard mentions his resolve (11. 108, 109) 
 
 ... to giue order, that no manner person 
 Haue any time recourse vnto the Princes. 
 
 When Eichard became King (June 26,^ 1483), 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 735/1/37. More, 83/i6.] foorthwith was the prince 
 
 and his brother both shut vp, & all other remooued from them ; 
 
 onelie one (called Blacke Will, or William Slaughter) excepted, set 
 
 to serue them and see them sure. 
 
 Act III. sc. vi. — " Enter a Scrivener with a paper in his hand " (Q. 
 with . . . hand om. F.). He thus addresses the audience (11. 1-9) : 
 
 Here is the Indictment of the good Lord Hastings ; 
 
 Which m a set Scmd fairely is engross'd. 
 
 That it may be to day read o're in Paules. 
 
 And marke how well the sequell hangs together : 4 
 
 Elenen houres I haue spent to write it ouer, 
 
 For yester-night by Catesby was it sent me j 
 
 The Precedent was full as long a doing : 
 
 And yet within these fine houres Hastings liu'd 8 
 
 Vntainted, vnexamin'd, free, at libertie. 
 
 1 space] HaUe (1548). place HaUe (1550). 
 
 2 LI. 103-105 are not in Q. 
 
 ' The Memoranda Rolls of the Exchequer in Ireland contain a letter from 
 Richard III. to his Irish subjects, who were, it appears, uncertain about the 
 exact date of his accession. The King informs them that his reign began on 
 June 26, 1483. — Nicolas's Chronology of History, 326, 327. See also Cant. 
 Croyl.i 566, and York Records, 157, note. 
 
XII. RICHABD III. 377 
 
 The proclamation of Hastings's treason and vicious life (see p. 373 
 above) was 
 
 [ffol. iii, 724/1/62. More, 52/31.] made within two houres 
 after that he was beheaded, and it was so curiouslie indicted, & so 
 faire written in parchment, in so well a set hand, and therewith of 
 it selfe so long a processe, that euerie child might well perceiue |^*i„P'^]^ 
 that it was prepared before. For all the time, betweene his death g^J™*^ 
 and the proclaming, could scant haue sufficed vnto the bare writing decAho^' ' 
 alone, all had it bene but in paper, and scribled foorth in hast at 
 adueuture. So that, vpon the proclaming thereof, one that was 
 Bchoolemaister of Fowles, of chance standing by, and comparing 
 the shortnesse of the time with the length of the matter, said vnto [jestsofa 
 them that stood about him : " Here is a gale goodlie cast, foule master md a 
 
 1 . . i merchant.] 
 
 " cast awaie for hast." And a merchant answered mm, that it was 
 written by prophesie. 
 
 Act III. so. vii. — ^The scene is laid at Baynard's Castle. Since sc. v. 
 closed Buckingham had harangued the citizens at Guildhall. Bichard 
 now asks (1. 4) : 
 
 Toucht you the Bastardie of Edwards Children t 
 
 Buck. I did ; with his Contrdct with Lady Lucy, 
 And his Contrdct by deputie in France ; ^ 
 Th'vnsatiate greedinesse of his desire. 
 And his enforcement of the Citie Wiues j * . . . 8 
 
 Buckingham reminded the citizens at Guildhall how on Sunday 
 (June 22) Dr. Shaw 
 
 [Mol. iii. 729/2/S3. More, 70/21.] "groundlie made open vnto f^/^^J^^ 
 "you, the children of king Edward the fourth were neuer lawfullie ^a^ ^„ 
 "begotten; forsomuch as the king (leaning his verie wife dame LaI^*L^y.° 
 " Elizabeth Lucie) ^ was neuer lawfullie maried vnto the queene their 
 "mother," . , . 
 
 1 We do not learn from More that Warwick's marriage-making embassy 
 was noticed in Buckingham's speech at the Guildhall. The Shaksperian 
 Buckingham refers to this matter again (III. vii. 179-182), toother with 
 Edward's supposed contract to Lady Lucy. LI. 5, 6 {his . . . J'rcmee), are 
 not in Q. 
 
 2 8. And . . . Wiues] F. om. Q. 
 
 s The Parliament which met on January 23, 1484, ratified a petition— no 
 doubt presented to the Protector at Baynard's Castle— setting forth reasons for 
 Eichard's assumption of the crown. One of the petitioners' objections to the 
 validity of Edward IV. 's union with Elizabeth Grey was "that at the tyme of 
 contract of the same pretensed Mariage, and bifore and longe tyme after, the 
 
378 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 fie direcieth 
 his speech to 
 y commun- 
 altie of the 
 citie [, who 
 suffered 
 most 
 through 
 Edward's 
 lust.] 
 
 Buckingham also declared that 
 
 [Eol. iii. 729/I/S8. More, 1557, pp. 62, 63.] " the kings i greedle 
 "appetite was insatiable, and euerie where ouer all the realme 
 " intoUerable. 
 
 "For no woman was there anie where, yoong or old, rich or 
 "poore, whome he set his eie vpon, in whome he anie thing liked, 
 " either person or fauour, speech, pase, or countenance, but, with- 
 "out anie feare of God, or respect of his honour, murmur or 
 "grudge of the world, he would importunelie pursue his appetite, 
 "and haue hir, to the great destruction of manie a good woman, 
 " and great dolor to their husbands, . . . And all were it that, 
 " with this and other importable dealing, the realme was in euerie 
 " part annoied, yet speciallie yee heere, the citizens of this noble 
 " citie, as well for that amongest you is most plentie of all such 
 "things as minister matter to such iniuries, as for that you were 
 " neerest at hand ; sith that neere heere abouts was commonlie 
 "his most abiding." 
 
 Eichard had prescribed Edward's illegitimacy as a topic for Buck- 
 ingham's speech ; adding, however (III. v. 93, 94) : 
 
 Yet touch this sparingly, as 'twere farre ofE ; 
 Because, my Lord, you know my Mother liues. 
 
 Buckingham therefore reports (III. vii. 9-14) having drawn 
 attention to Edward's 
 
 seid King Edward was and stode maryed and trouth plight to cone Dame 
 Elianor Butteler, doughter of the old Earl of Shrewesbury [? John Talbot, the 
 first Earl] with whom the same King Edward had made a precontracts of 
 Matrimonie, longe tyme bifore he made the said pretensed Manage with the 
 said Elizabeth Grey, in maner and fourme abovesaid." — Bot. Pari., vi. 241/i. 
 The first Parliament of Henry VII. (1485) ordained that this petition should, 
 " for the false and seditious ymaginaciona and untrouths thereof, ... be taken 
 and avoided out of the Roll and Records of the said Parliament of the said late 
 King [Richard III.], and brente, and utterly destroyed." Parliament also 
 ordained " that every pcrsoune, haveing anie Coppie or Remembraunces of the 
 said Bill or Acte [the petition], bring unto the Ohauncellor of England for the 
 tyme being, the same Uoppies and Remembraunces, or utterlie destrue theym, 
 afore the . Fest of Easter next comen, upon Peine of ymprissonment, and 
 makeing fyne and ransome to the Kinge atte his will." — Bot. Pari., vi. 289/1. 
 More, writing about 1513, does not speak of Dame Eleanor Butler, but tells 
 us (61/33) that the Duchess of York objected to her son's marriage with Eliza- 
 beth Grey because "the kinge was sure to dame Elisabeth Lucy and her 
 husband before god." Dame Elizabeth Lucy, however, confessed that she and 
 Edward " were neuer ensured." — Ibid. 62/io. 
 
 ' the kings . . . their husbands] om. reprint of More, p. 69. 
 
XII, EICHARD III. 379 
 
 owne Bastardie, 
 As being got, your Father then in France, 
 And his resemblance, being not like the Duke : '■ 
 Withall I did inferre your Lineaments, [See next page.] 12 
 
 Being the right Idea of your Father, 
 Both in your forme and Noblenesse of Miude ; ^ 
 
 In his speech at the Guildhall, Buckingham alluded to 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 729/2/69. More, 70/32.J other things which the said 
 worshipful! doctor rather signified than ftillie explaned, & which 
 things shall not be spoken for me, as the thing wherein euerie man Jv^™e- 
 forbereth to say that he knoweth [jp. 730] ; in auoiding dis- ^JSt^to.] 
 pleasure of my noble lord protector, bearing (as nature requireth) a 
 filiall reuerence to the duchesse his mother. 
 
 Bichard and his Council resolved that Dr. Shaw should broach 
 Edward V.'s deposition 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 725/2/53, More, 57/24.] in a sermon at Paules crosse ; 
 in which he should (by the authoritie of his preaching) incline the 
 people to the protectors ghostlie purpose. But now was all the 
 labor and studie in the deuise of some conuenient pretext, for 
 which the people should be content to depose the prince, and 
 accept the protector for king. In which diuerse things they 
 deuised. But the cheefe thing & the weightiest of all that inuen- £^',*'^*" 
 tion rested in this, that they should alledge bastardie, either in ^mbchk) 
 king Edward himselfe, or in his children, or both. So that he tar^^in*' 
 should seeme disabled to inherit the crowne by the duke of wmseit 
 
 *^ and his 
 
 Yorke, and the prince by him. chiidien.] 
 
 To laie bastardie in king Edward sounded openlie to the J^'^^^^'" 
 rebuke of the protectors owne mother, which was mother to them tj^eafs™ 
 both ; for in that point could be no other color, but to pretend reverence 
 that his owne mother was an adultresse ; which, notwithstanding, to protestor's 
 further this purpose, he letted not. But neuerthelesse he would the basiardy 
 
 ^ *^ ' of Edward's 
 
 that point should be lesse and more fauourablie handled: not tJbf™iiy** 
 euen fiiUie plaine and directlie, but that the matter should be ^^^^^^-^ 
 touched aslope, craftilie ; as [p. 726] though men spared in that 
 
 1 11. Avd ... Dvkel F. cm. Q. 
 
 2 " Layd open all your Victories in Scotland," is the next line. Bucking- 
 ham's speech, in M<yre and HaUe, contains no allusion to these victories. 
 Richard's Scottish campaign is related by Hd. iii. 705-708. 
 
380 XII. KICHARD III. 
 
 point to speake all the truth, for feare of his displeasure. But 
 the other point, concerning the bastardie that they deuised to 
 surmize in king Edwards children, that would he should be openlie 
 declared and inforced to the Tttermost. 
 
 So instructed, Shaw, after denying the legitimacy of the late King's 
 children, told the people that 
 [Keioier [Eol. iii. 727/2/50. Movc. 64/26.1 neither king Edward him- 
 
 Edward nor , , , . 
 
 Clarence selfe, nor the duke of Clarence, among those that were secret in 
 
 was deemed ' • a i .ij /• j.i 
 
 teM/Ue *^^ houshold, were reckoned verie suerlie for the children of the 
 
 Eichmd noble duke ; as those that by their fauours more resembled other 
 
 York!]'' knowne men than him. From whose vertuous conditions he said 
 
 also that the late king Edward was far off. 
 
 j^^ But the lord protector, he said, the verie noble prince, the 
 
 the'toTllof speciall paterne of knightlie prowesse, as well in all princelie 
 
 ^""^■^ behauiour, as in the lineaments'^ and fauour of his visage, represented 
 
 the verie face of the noble duke his father. " This is " (quoth he) 
 
 " the fathers owne figure, this is his owne countenance, the verie 
 
 " print of his visage, the sure vndoubted image, the plaine expresse 
 
 "likenesse of that noble duke." 
 
 Buckingham thus concludes his report (11. 20-41) : 
 
 And, when my Oratorio drew toward end, 
 
 I bid them, that did loue their Countries good. 
 
 Cry, " God saue Eichard, Englands Eoyall King ! " 
 
 Jiieh. And did they so ] 
 
 JBuck. No, so God helpe me, they spake not a word ; 24 
 
 But like dumbe Statuas,^ or breathing Stones, 
 Star'd each on other, and look'd deadly pale. 
 Which when I saw, I reprehended them ; 
 
 And asked the Maior what meant this wilfuU silence ; 28 
 
 His answer was, the people were not vsed 
 To be spoke to but by the Recorder. 
 Then he was vrg'd to tell my Tale againe, 
 " Thus sayth the Duke, thus hath the Duke inferr'd ;" 32 
 
 But nothing spake ^ in warrant from himselfe. 
 When he had done, some followers of mine owne, 
 At lower end of the HaU, hurld vp their Caps, 
 And some tenne voyces cry'd, " God saue Kong Eichard ! " 36 
 And thus I tooke the vantage of those few, 
 " Thankes, gentle Citizens and friends," quoth I ; 
 " This generall applause and chearefuU showt, 
 
 1 Cp. III. vii. 12, p. 379 above. 
 
 ^ Stakias] Steevens (Reed). Statues. Q. F. 
 
 ' spake] Q. ^oke F. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 381 
 
 " Argues your wisdome, and your loue to Eichard : " 40 
 
 And euen here brake off, and came away. 
 
 More's account of Buckingham's speech contains details which were 
 omitted by Shakspere. The citizens' silence caused Buckingham — 
 "somewhat lowder" — to broach "the same matter againe in other 
 order, and other words." Howbeit the people remained "as stUl as the 
 midnight." After the B«corder's address, Buckingham whispered to 
 the Mayor, — " this is a maruellous obstinate silence " (cp. III. vii. 28), 
 — and then told his hearers that, though the lords, and the commons of 
 other parts, could do what was asked, yet regard for the citizens was a 
 motive for seeking their consent also. Hence he required an answer. 
 Thereupon a whispering began among the people, " as it were the sound 
 of a swarme of bees," till at last were heard the shouts proceeding from 
 " an ambushment of the dukes seruants." 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 73O/1/71. More, 72/i6.] When the duke had said, 
 and looked that the people, whome he hoped that the maior had 
 framed before, should, after this proposition made, haue cried, 
 "King Eichard, king Richard! " all was husht and mute, and not ^;|St° 
 one word answered therevnto. . . . 
 
 When the maior saw this [the failure of Buckingham's second 
 speech], he with other partners of that councell drew about the 
 duke, and said that the people had not beene accustomed there to 
 be spoken vnto, but by the recorder, which is the mouth of the ^aat*"^ 
 citie, and happilie to him they will answer. With that the mBw»?heir 
 recorder, called Fitz William, a sad man, & an honest, which was j^^irajiam, 
 so new come into that office, that he neuer had spoken to the "reSised 
 people before, and loth was with that matter to begin, notwith- i^-a^' 
 standing, thervnto commanded by the maior, made rehearsall to 
 the commons of that the duke had twise rehearsed to them 
 himselfe. gntsitz- 
 
 William 
 
 But the recorder so tempered his tale, that he shewed euerie ^^^^. 
 thing as the dukes words, and no part his owne. But all this ^ih. 
 nothing ^ no change made in the people, which alwaie after one fstm the 
 stood as they had beene men amazed. . . . slient"*"*™ 
 
 [When Buckingham demanded an answer] the people began Bucwngham 
 to whisper among themselues secretly, that the voice was neither SuSwct.] 
 lowd nor distinct, but as it were the sound of a swarme of bees ; 
 till at the last, in the nether end of the hall, an ambushment of 
 
 1 nothing] More. noUng Hoi. thy^ no chaunge made Halle. 
 
382 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 the dukes seruants, and one NashJSeld,^ and other belonging to the 
 
 protector, with some prentisses and lads that thrust into the hall 
 
 riMtof"'^* amongst the prease, began suddenlie at mens backes to crie out, 
 
 iS?^ ^s lowd as their throtes would giue: "King Eichard, king 
 
 n^^^cig"' " Richard ! " and threw vp their caps in token of ioy. And they, 
 
 "Kin? 
 
 Biohard, that stood before, cast backe their heads, maruelling thereof, but 
 
 King . 
 
 Eichard!"] nothing they said. Now when the duke and the maior saw this 
 
 maner, they wiselie turned it to their purpose, and said it was a 
 
 [Bucking- goodlic cric, & a ioifull, to heare euerie man with one voice, no 
 
 ham , 
 
 affinned that man saicug uaio. 
 
 these shouts -r tt . 
 
 expressed '< Wherefore, friends " (quoth the duke) " sith we perceme it 
 
 tll6 CltilZOZlS 
 
 minds.] «' jg ^U your whole miuds to haue this noble man for your king, 
 " (whereof we shall make his grace so effectuall report, that we 
 " doubt not but it shall redoimd vnto your great weale and com- 
 " moditie,) we [_p. 731] require ye, that ye to morrow go with vs, and 
 " we with you, vnto his noble grace, to make our humble request 
 "vnto him in maner before remembred." And therewith the 
 lords came downe, and the companie dissolued and departed, . . . 
 
 The historical date of the rest of this scene (U. 45-247) is June 25, 
 1483.2 The Lord Mayor is now at hand, so Richard departs in order to 
 show himself presently on the leads of Baynard's Castle. When the 
 Mayor and citizens enter they find Buckingham apparently waiting for 
 an audience. Catesby then brings what purports to be the Protector's 
 answer (11. 59-64) : 
 
 He doth entreat your Grace, my Noble Lord, 
 
 To visit him to morrow or next day : 60 
 
 He is within, with two right reuerend Fathers, 
 
 Diuinely bent to Meditation ; 
 
 And in no Worldly suites would he be"mou'd. 
 
 To draw him from his holy Exercise. 64 
 
 Catesby is despatched to ask again for an audience, but Richard 
 sends him back with another excuse (U. 84-87) : 
 
 He wonders to what end you haue assembled 
 Such troopes of Citizens to come to him, 
 His Grace not being warn'd thereof before : 
 He feares, my Lord, you meane no good to him. 
 
 * and one Nashfidd (Nashfedde)'} Halle, and Nashfields Hoi. cmd 
 Nashefeldes More. 
 
 " The morrow of Buckingham's speech at the Guildhall. See p. 375, note 
 1, above. Scenes ii.-vii., Act III., make one dramatic day. — T-A., 328-331, 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 383 
 
 Receiving Buckingham's profession of good faith, Catesby goes out, 
 and thereupon Richard enters " aloft, betweene two Bishops " ^ (1. 94). 
 
 I must premise (1) that nothing said by More, or any other historical 
 authority, supplied a hint even for the dramatic Richard's refusal of an 
 audience on the ground of preoccupation with " holy Exercise " : (2) the 
 words " with a byshop on euery hand of him " — which I have placed 
 between square brackets — were added by Halle or Grafton to More's 
 text. 
 
 I resume More's narrative at the point when, " on the morrow after " 
 Buckingham's speech, 
 
 [Rol iii. 731/I/II. More, 74/2;.] the maior with all the ^^'^^ 
 aldermen,^ and chiefe commoners of the citie, in their best maner faM^mto 
 apparelled, assembling themselues togither, resorted vnto Bainards jJouctm-. 
 castell, where the protector laie. To which place repaired also, 
 (according to their appointment,) the duke of Buckingham, and 
 diuerse noble men with him, beside manie knights and other [Bnoking- 
 
 ° ham sent 
 
 gentlemen. And therevpon the duke sent word vnto the lord Sf^gJJthj^t 
 
 protector, of the being there of a great and honourable companie, company 
 
 to mooue a great matter vnto his grace. Wherevpon the protector audimce"on 
 
 made difficultie to come out vnto them, but if he first knew some ant matter.] 
 
 part of their errand, as though he doubted and partlie mistrusted deeiSto 
 
 the comming of such a number vnto him so suddenlie, without knew some- 
 thing of their 
 anie warning, or knowledge whether they came for good or harme. business.] 
 
 Then the duke, when he had shewed this to the maior and 
 other, that they might thereby see how little the protector looked 
 for this matter, they sent vnto him by the messenger such louing 
 message againe, and therewith so humblie besought him, to vouch- 
 safe that they might resort to his presence to propose their intent, 
 of which they would vnto none other person anie part disclose ; 
 that at the last he came foorth of his chamber, and yet not downe [After 
 
 •' another 
 
 vnto them, but stood aboue in a gallerie oner them [with a byshop ^Ifojuf 
 on euery hand of him], where they might see him, and speake to |[^t5er??i "" 
 him, as though he would not yet come too neere them till he wist 
 what they ment. 
 
 1 94. Enter Ruihard aloft, . . . Bishops."] F. Muter Bieh. vMh two bishops 
 aloft (a loste Qi).] Q. Richard's summons of Shaw and Penker to meet him 
 at Baynard's Castle (III. v. 103-105) is not ia the Qq. See p. 376 above. 
 
 ' In the F. version of III. vii. 66, " the Maior and Aldermen " desire a 
 conference with Richard. The Q. reads: "the Maior and Cittizens;" and F. 
 has (1. 55) : " Enter the Maior, and Citizens," 
 
384 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 [Bucking- 
 ham craved 
 Bichard's 
 pardon 
 beforehand 
 for the 
 intent of 
 their 
 coming.] 
 
 [Bichard 
 gave 
 
 Buckingham 
 leave to 
 speak.] 
 
 Speaking on behalf of the Mayor and citizens, Buckingham thus 
 addresses Kichard (II. 100-103) : 
 
 Famous Plantagenet, most gracious Prince, 
 
 Lend fauourable eare to our requests ; 
 
 And pardon vs the interruption 
 
 Of thy Deuotion and right Christian Zeale. 
 Richard asks "what is your Graces pleasure?" and Buckingham 
 answering (11. 109, 110), 
 
 Euen that (I hope) which pleaseth God aboue. 
 
 And all good men of this yngouern'd He ; 
 proceeds, after some flattery, to make known their suit (11. 130-136) : 
 
 we heartily solicite 
 
 Your gracious self e to take on you the charge 
 
 And Kingly Gouemment of this your Land ; 132 
 
 Not as Protector, Steward, Substitute, 
 
 Or lowly Factor for anothers gaine ; 
 
 But as successiuely, from Blood to Blood, 
 
 Your Eight of Birth, your Empyrie, your owne. 136 
 
 Richard's answer (11. 141-173) contains nothing resembling the 
 speech attributed to him by More, save in 11. 148-150; 171. With 
 these lines compare the passage, " Notwithstanding, he not onlie . . . 
 to the prince." If, says Richard, I elect to keep silence, you might 
 deem tlmt I consented ; 
 
 If to reproue you for this suit of yours, 148 
 
 (So season'd with your faithfull loue to me,) 
 
 Then, on the other side, I checfc'd my friends.^ . . , 
 
 On him [Edward V.] I lay that you would lay on me, . . .171 
 
 [Sol. ill. 731/1/39. More, 75/20.] And therTpon the duke of 
 Buckingham first made humble petition vnto him on the behalfe 
 of them all, that his grace would pardon them, and licence them 
 to propose vnto his grace the intent of their comming, without his 
 displeasure; without which pardon obteined, they durst not be 
 bold to mooue him of that matter. 
 
 In which albeit they ment as much honor to his grace, as 
 wealth to all the realme beside, yet were they not sure how his 
 grace would take it ; whome they would in no wise ofiTend. Then 
 the protector (as he was Terie gentle of himselfe, and also longed 
 sore to wit what they ment) gaue him leaue to propose what him 
 liked ; verelie trusting (for the good mind that he bare them all) 
 none of them anie thing would intend vnto himward, wherewith he 
 ought to bee greened. When the duke had this leaue and pardon 
 to speake, then waxed he bold to shew him their intent and 
 
 » 148-150. If . . . friends] F. cm. Q. 
 
XII. RICHAED III. 385 
 
 purpose, with all the causes moouing them therevnto (as ye before 
 haue heard) ; and finallie to beseech his grace, that it would like 
 him, of his accustomed goodness and zeale vnto the realme, now [Richard 
 
 "111. . I, . . 111111 . 11 entreated to 
 
 With his eie of pitie to behold the long contmued distresse and ^^^^^^ t^o 
 
 ^ " sovereignty 
 
 decaie of the same, and to set his gratious hands to redresse and a^tressed 
 amendment thereof. ""^""-^ 
 
 All which he might well doo, by taking vpon him the crowne 
 and gouernance of this realme, according to his right and title 
 lawfullie descended vnto him ; and to the laud of God, profit of 
 the land, & vnto his noble grace so much the more honour, and 
 lesse paine, in that, that neuer prince reigned vpon anie people, 
 that were so glad to line vnder his obeisance, as the people of this 
 realme vnder his. When the protector had heard the proposition, 
 he looked verie strangelie thereat, and answered : that all were it 
 that he partlie knew the things by them alledged to be true, yet 
 such entire loue he bare vnto king Edward and his children, & ^ 
 so much more regarded his honour in other realmes about, than o lingular 
 the crowne of anie one, (of which he was neuer desirous,) that ^^^Jlf^ 
 he could not find in his hart in this point to incline to their gSktal- 
 
 j • liam's offer !] 
 
 desire. ... 
 
 Notwithstanding, he not onlie pardoned them the motion that spake other- 
 they made him, but also thanked them for the loue and hartie ™««™« ^ 
 
 ■' ' [, when he 
 
 fauour they bare him ; praieng them for his sake to giue and beare f^^^j*^™ 
 
 the same to the prince, . . . ul nephew]" 
 
 Buckingham replies ^ by urging the illegitimacy of Edward IV.'s 
 children (II. 177-180) : 
 
 You say that Edward is your Brothers Sonne : 
 So say we too, but not by Edwards Wife ; 
 For first was he contract to Lady Lucie, 
 (Your Mother Hues a Witnesse to his Yow,) . . . 
 
 When Edward lY. made known his betrothal to Lady Grey, the 
 Duchess of York 
 
 ^ d: so rmtch] Halle, tliat so vmch Hoi. (More). 
 
 2 in this speech (III. vii. 189) Buckingham says that Edward was seduced, 
 by a fancy for Lady Grey, " To base declension and loath'd Bigamie." The 
 Duchess of York told Edward that Lady Grey's widowhood should be a 
 sufficient deterrent, for it was " a verie blemish and high disparagement to the 
 sacred maiestie of a prince, that ought as nigh to approoh priesthood in clean- 
 nesse as he dooth in dignitie, to be defiled with higqmie in his first manage.' 
 —Hd. iii. 726/2/2 1 . More, 60/ 1 2. 
 
 C C 
 
386 XII. RICHAED III. 
 
 Mimbeth [Hol.m. 727I1I16. Mffre, 61/ 31.] openlie obiected against his 
 
 Dudhessof ™3'riage, (as it were in discharge of hir conscience,) that the king 
 
 Msertea- ■'^as surc to dame Elizabeth Lucie and hir husband before God. 
 
 Edward]. As Eichard still affects to hesitate, the petitioner uses a final 
 
 argument (11. 214-217) : 
 
 Yet whether ^ you accept our suit or no, 
 
 Your Brothers Sonne shall neuer reigne our King ; 
 
 But we will plant some other in the Throne, 216 
 
 To the disgrace and downe-fall of your House : . . . 
 
 Bichard yields ; declining all responsibility for his acquiescence 
 (11. 227-236). Buckingham exclaims (11. 239, 240) : 
 
 Then I salute you with this Koyall Title : 
 
 Long liue King Richard, Englands worthie King ! 
 
 The following passages illustrate the rest of this scene : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 731/2/30. Ifore, 77/i i.] Upon this answer giuen, the 
 
 duke, by the protectors licence, a little rowned aswell with other 
 
 noble men about him, as with the maior and recorder of London. 
 
 And after that (vpon like pardon desired & obteined) he shewed 
 
 alowd vnto the protector for a ^ finall conclusion : that the realme 
 
 [Bucking- was appointed K. Edwards line should not anie longer reigne vpon 
 
 They would thcm, both for that they had so farre gone, that it was now no 
 
 not suffer ' •' & ' 
 
 uneTJ*^^ suertie to retreat, as for that they thought it for the weale 
 
 reign.] vniucrsall to take that waie, although they had not yet begun it. 
 
 Wherefore, if it would like his grace to take the crowne vpon him, 
 
 they would humblie beseech him therevnto. If he would giue 
 
 [If Richard them a resolute answer to the contrarie, (which they would be loth 
 
 refuBcd their > \ j 
 
 shoSd Mek *° hearc,) then must they needs seeke and should not faile to find 
 
 othernobie some othcr noWc man that would. . . . 
 
 acce^lt^f [When Richard accepted the crown] there was a great shout, 
 
 ^^rn^f ■■ crieng : " King Richard, king Richard ! " 
 
 King ' Act rV. Bc. i. — Queen Elizabeth, the Duchess of York,^ the Mar- 
 
 Eiohard!"] quess of Dorset, Anne Duchess of Gloucester, and Lady Margaret 
 
 Plantagenet (Clarence's daughter), meet before the Tower ; purposing 
 
 to visit the Princes. They are informed by the Lieutenant of the 
 
 ^ yet whether] Q. yet know, where F. 
 
 2 for a] Halle, that for a Hoi. (More). 
 
 ' As this scene closes the Duchess of York says (1. 96) : 
 
 " Eightie odde yeeres of sorrow haue I seene," . . . 
 
 The historical Duchess was bom on May 3, 1415 {Wyrc, 453) ; and was there- 
 fore about eighty years of age when she died in 1495 (see p. 350, n. 3, above). 
 
XII. RICHARD III, 387 
 
 To-wer that Eichard will not suffer their visit (11. 15-17 ; cp. p. 376 
 above). In the previous scene (III. vii. 242-244) Eichard's coronation 
 was appointed for to-morrow. Stanley now enters, and, addressing 
 Anne, says (11. 32, 33) : 
 
 Come, Madame, you must straight to Westminster, 
 There to be crowned Eichards Eoyall Queene. 
 
 On July 6, 1483,^ — nearly a fortnight after the election at 
 Baynard's Oastle, — Eichard and Anne ascended their thrones in 
 Westminster Abbey, 
 
 [Hoi. iii, 734/1/3. Hcdle, 376.1 where the cardinal] of Cantur- neHng 
 
 d: queene 
 
 burie, & other bishops them crowned according to the custome of "•«"™<*- 
 
 the realme, . . . 
 
 Queen Elizabeth then bids Dorset begone (11. 42, 43) : 
 
 If thou wilt out-strip Death, goe crosse the Seas, 
 
 And liue with Eichmond, from the reach of Hell : . . . 
 
 Dorset went with Queen Elizabeth into sanctuary at Westminster,^ 
 and left it to join the rebellion raised by Buckingham in October, 
 1483.* Buckingham, before his capture, hoped either to collect a new 
 army, "or else shortlie to saile into Britaine to the earle of Eichmond" 
 (Hoi. iii. 743/2/56. HaMe, 394). Dorset, more fortunate, was one of 
 those who " fled by sea," and " arriued safelie in the duchie of Britaine " 
 {Hoi. iii. 743/2/68. Hdh, 394). When Eichmond returned to 
 Brittany, after his fruitless attempt to succour the rebellion, 
 
 \Eol. iii. 745/1/55. Ealle, 396.] he was certified by credible 
 information, that the duke of Buckingham had lost his head ; and 
 that the marquesse Dorset, and a great number of noble men of [Dorset in 
 
 Brittany, 
 
 England, had a little before inquired and searched for him there, searohiagfor 
 
 " ' ^ ' Richmond.] 
 
 and were now returned to Vannes. . . . 
 
 When they knew that he was safelie returned into Britaine, 
 Lord, how they reioised ! for before that time they missed him, and [Dorset 
 
 ' •' J ' andthe 
 
 knew not in what part of the world to make inquirie or search for J'^^j^^^'j™' 
 
 him. For they doubted and no lesse feared least he had taken iSSi^'ond-B 
 
 land in England, & fallen into the hands of king Richard, in whose ^^'^'^-^ 
 
 person they knew well was neither mercie nor compassion. 
 
 Wherefore in all speedie maner they galoped toward him, and [Tiieir meet- 
 
 him reuerentlie saluted. Riciimond.] 
 
 Act lY. sc. ii. — ^Eichard enters " crownd " (Q.) ; attended by Buck- 
 ingham, Catesby, a Page, and others. The King requires Buckingham's 
 "consent" that the young Princes shall die (1. 23). Buckingham 
 
 » Gont. Groyl, 567. ^ Polyd. Verg., 540/39. 
 
 3 Hoi. iii. 743/I/S9 {Halle, 393). 
 
388 XII. KICHARD III. 
 
 craves "some litle breath, some pawse," ere he can "positively speake 
 in this " (11. 24, 25) ; and goes out. Angered by Buckingham's 
 hesitation, Eichard calls the Page and asks (11. 34, 35) : 
 
 Know'st thou not any whom corrupting Gold 
 "Will tempt vnto a close exploit of Death 1 
 
 Page. I know a discontented Gentleman, 36 
 
 Whose humble meanes match not his haughtie spirit : 
 Gold were as good as twentie Orators, 
 And will (no doubt) tempt him to any thing. 
 
 Mich. What is his Name 1 
 
 Page. His Name, my Lord, is Tirrell. 40 
 
 Rich. I partly know the man : goe, call him hither. Boy. 
 
 After the Page's exit, Richard hears from Stanley of Dorset's flight. 
 The King then says (11. 51-53) : 
 
 Come hither, Catesby : rumor it abroad 
 
 That Anne, my Wife, is very grieuous sicke ; ^ 
 
 I will take order for her keeping close. 
 
 In March, 1485,^ Eichard 
 A rumour \Hol. Hi. 751/ 1 /iS. JIalle, 407-} procured a common rumor 
 
 spred abroad 
 
 ofthequeenea (but hc would uot hauc the Euthor knowne) to be published and 
 *mJio/ung Spfcd abroad among the common people, that the queene was 
 s.u:hmd. ^QSidi ; to the intent that she, taking some conceit of this strange 
 fame, should fall into some sudden sicknesse or greeuous maladie : 
 and to prooue, if afterwards she should fortune by that or anie 
 other waies to lease hir life, whether the people would impute hir 
 death to the thought or sicknesse, or thereof would laie the blame 
 to him. 
 
 Catesby departs, and Richard communes with himself (11. 61, 62) : 
 
 I must be marryed to my Brothers Daughter, 
 Or else my Kingdome stands on brittle Glasse. 
 
 In 1485, Richmond heard that Eichard 
 
 \Eol. iii. 752/2/42. Salle, 409.] intended shortlie to marie the 
 ladle Elizabeth, his h-others daughter ; . . . 
 
 The Page now returns with Tyrrel, who at once undertakes to 
 despatch the Princes (U. 78-81). 
 
 Let me haue open meanes to come to them, 
 And soone He rid you from the feare of them. 
 
 Bich. Thou sing'st sweet Musique. Hearke, come hither, Tyrrel : 
 Goe, by this token : rise, and lend thine Eare : . . . 80 
 
 is sicke and like to die'] Q. ^ See p. 396, n. 3, below. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 389 
 
 Tyrrel's work is to be done " straight " (F.), or before Eichard 
 sleeps (Q.). 
 
 The ensuing excerpts form the source of 11. 8-41 ; 66-85. 
 
 [ffol iii. 734/2/38. More, 81/iS.] King Richard, after Ma 
 coronation, taking his waie to Glocester to visit (in his new honour) 
 the towne of which he bare the name of his old, deuised (as he 
 rode) to fulfill the thing which he before had intended. And for- [Riohara 
 
 1 1..-1 1* 11. 1 1. • 1-1 determined 
 
 somuch as his mmd gaue mm, that, his nephues liumg, men would to imve wa 
 not reckon that he could haue right to the realme, he thought si»™-i 
 therefore without delaie to rid them ; as though the killing of his 
 kinsmen could amend his cause, and make hijn a kindlie king. 
 Whervpon he sent one John Greene (whom he speciallie trusted) fg^^tto'*"' 
 vnto sir Robert Brakenberie, constable of the Tower ; with a letter ^^^^ 
 and credence also, that the same sir Robert should in anie wise f«?^'^o«. 
 put the two children to death. Tcmer" 
 
 This lohn Greene did his errand vnto Brakenberie, kneeling 
 before our ladie^ in the Tower, Who plainelie answered, that he Themunher 
 would neuer put them to death to die therefore. With which soong 
 
 2ynnce8 set 
 
 answer lohn Greene returning, recounted the same to king Richard <^">'''^- 
 
 at Warwike, yet in his waie. Wherewith he tooke such displeasure 
 
 & thought, that the same night he said vnto a secret page of his : 
 
 " Ah ! whom shall a man trust 1 Those that I haue brought vp 
 
 " myselfe, those that I had weent would most suerlie serue me, euen 
 
 " those faile me, and at my commandement will doo nothing for 
 
 "me." "Sir" (quoth his page) "there lieth one on your pallet 
 
 "without, that I dare well sale, to doo your grace pleasure, the 
 
 " thing were right hard that he would refuse." Meaning this by 
 
 sir lames Tirrell, which was a man of right goodlie personage, and ^J^^ 
 
 for natures gifts worthie to haue serued a much better prince ; if *'="''«'■ 
 
 he had well serued God, and by grace obteined as much truth and 
 
 good will as he had strength and wit. 
 
 The man had an high heart, & sore longed vpward, not rising ^^^^^ 
 yet so fast as he^Tiad hoped, being hindered & kept vnder by the f rRateiiffe 
 meanes of sir Itichard Ratcliffe, [p. 735] and sir William Catesbie, ^pt^S^ 
 Tffhich, (longing for no mo parteners of the princes fauour ; and, pioyment]. 
 
 1 Kneeling in prayer before an image of our Lady. 
 
390 XII. EICHARD III. 
 
 namelie, not for him, ■whose pride they wist would beare no peere,) 
 kept him by secret drifts out of all secret trust : which thing this page 
 well had marked and knowne. Wherefore, this occasion ofifered, of 
 verie speciall friendship he tooke his time to put him forward, and 
 by such wise doo him good, that all the enimies he had (except the 
 deuill) could neuer haue doone him so much hurt. For vpon this 
 pages words king Richard arose, (for this communication had he 
 sitting at the draught, a conuenient carpet for such a councell,) and 
 came out into the pallet chamber, on which he found in bed sir 
 lames and sir Thomas Tirrels, of person like, and brethren of 
 bloud, but nothing of kin in conditions. 
 
 Then said the king merilie to them : "What, sirs, be ye in bed 
 lEichard " SO soouc ? " And Calling vp sir lames, brake to him secretlie his 
 
 easily gained 
 
 Tyrrei-s mind in this mischeeuous matter. In which he found him nothing 
 
 consent.] ~ 
 
 Themmtabu straugc. Wherefore on the morow he sent him to Brakenberie 
 daiuereth. with a letter, by which he was commanded to deliuer sir lames all 
 
 the keies to 
 
 airimMs the kcics ^ of the Tower for one night: to the end he might there 
 J^'^Xfe- accompUsh the kings pleasure, in such things as he had giuen him 
 commandement. After which letter deliuered, & the keies receiued, 
 sir lames appointed the night next insuing to destroie them ; 
 deuising before and preparing the meanes.^ 
 
 When Tyrrel is gone, Buckingham re-enters and makes a demand 
 (11, 91-94) : 
 
 My Lord, I clayme the gift, my due by promise, 
 
 For which your Honor and your Faith is pawn'd ; 92 
 
 1 The men sent to murder Clarence have a commission addressed to 
 Brakenbury, who, after reading it, delivers to them the keys. — Rich. III., 1. 
 iv. 90-96. 
 
 ' Assuming this account to be true, the Princes were murdered about the 
 middle of August, 1483. Richard III.'s privy seals show that he was at 
 Warwick from August 8 to August 14. On August 15 he was at Coventry 
 (H. 8.). At Warwick Grene reported Brakenbnry's answer {More, 8I/33). On 
 the day following Grene's arrival at Warwick, Tyrrel was despatched to take 
 the keys of the Tower from Brakenbury (More, 82/2, 88/2). The deed was 
 done on " the night nexte ensuing " the delivery of the keys to Tyrrel (More, 
 83/6). Warwick is 90 miles distant by road from London. — Lewis. In 
 Richard's reign messengers could post 100 miles a day. — Oont. Croyl., 571. If 
 Tyrrel were sent from Warwick, the latest date for his departure must have 
 been August 14, and he could reach London the same day. When Bucking- 
 ham's rebellion began (October), there was a rumour that the Princes were 
 dead. — Cont. Oroyl., 568. 
 
 ment. 
 
Xir, RICHARD III. 391 
 
 Th'Earledome of Herford,i and the moueables, 
 Which you haue promised I shall possesse. 
 
 While carrying out a purpose of contemptuously ignoring Buck- 
 ingham's demand, Hichard, vouchsafing no response, addresses Stanley 
 01. 95, 96) : 
 
 Stanley, looke to your Wife : if she oonuey 
 Letters to Richmond, you shall answer it. 
 
 In 1484,2 
 
 [Eol. iii. 746/ 1 1 S^' Salle, 398.] nothing was more maruelled 
 at, than that the lord Stanleie had not beene taken and reputed 
 as an enimie to the king; considering the working of the ladie 
 Margaret his wife, moother to the earle of Richmond. But, forso- 
 much as the enterprise of a woman was of him reputed of no 
 regard or estimation, and that the lord Thomas hir husband had 
 purged himselfe sufficientlie to be innocent of all dooings and 
 attempts by hir perpetrated and committed ; it was giuen him in |^?"^ . 
 charge to keepe hir in some secret place at home, without hauing '^a'staMe 
 anie seruant or companie : so that from thense foorth she should ^fi'^^Zt 
 neuer send letter or messenger vnto hir sonne, nor anie of his fi^md^Lg 
 freends or confederats, by the which the king might be molested 
 or troubled, or anie hurt or preiudice might be attempted against 
 his realme and communaltie. 
 
 Still apparently unmindful of Buckingham, Richard soliloquizes 
 about Henry VI.'s prophecy that Richmond should be King (see p. 329 
 above), which leads to a reflection on the prophet's unforeseen death,* 
 and is followed by a disagreeable reminiscence (U. 106-110) : 
 
 Richmond 1 When last I was at Exeter, 
 
 The Maior in curtesie showd me the Oastle, 
 
 And called it Ruge-mount : at which name I started, 108 
 
 Because a Bard of Ireland told me once, 
 
 I should not Hue long after I saw Richmond.* 
 
 » fler/ord] Q. Hertfwd F. erU of Eerfordes landes Halle (382), but (387) 
 Earle of Hartfordes landes. See p. 450, n. 2, below. 
 
 * This general feeling of surprise at Stanley's freedom is ^oken of by 
 Salle (397, 398) as having been prevalent about the time when Richard's sole 
 Parliament was sitting. "The session opened on January 23, 1484. — Eot. Pari., 
 vi. 237/1. 
 
 3 " How chance the prophet could not at that time 
 
 Haue told me, I being by, that I should kill him ? " (Q. om. F.) 
 The dramatic Richard of 3 Hen. VI. was, like the historic character, absent 
 from England during Henry's brief restoration. 
 
 * 106-110. Bichmond/ . . . Richmond.] Q. om. F. 
 
392 
 
 XII. EICHARD III, 
 
 lohn Hooier, 
 (dids Vowel. 
 K. Richard 
 cammeth to 
 Excester, and 
 
 with 
 presents. 
 
 A prophesie, 
 the ■memorie 
 whereof did 
 appall the 
 kings spirits. 
 
 Causes of the 
 duke of Buck' 
 ingham and 
 K. Richards 
 falling out. 
 
 [Richard 
 ref^ed, 
 with threats, 
 to give 
 Buckingham 
 the Earl of 
 Hereford's 
 lands.] 
 
 In November, 1483,i Exeter was visited by Richard, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 746/ 1 / 1.] whome the maior & his brethren in the best 
 
 maner they could did receiue, and then presented to him in a purse 
 
 two hundred nobles ; which he thankefiillie accepted. And during 
 
 his abode here he went about the citie, & viewed the seat of the 
 
 same, & at length he came to the castell ; and, when he vnderstood 
 
 that it was called Rugemont, suddenlie he fell into a dumpe, and 
 
 (as one astonied) said : " Well, I see my dales be not long." He 
 
 spake this of a prophesie told him, that, when he came once to 
 
 Richmond, he should not long Hue after : which fell out in the end 
 
 to be true ; not in respect of this castle, but in respect of Henrie 
 
 earle of Richmond, who the next [i.e. second] yeare following 
 
 met him at Bosworth field, where he was slaine. 
 
 Buckingham again solicits attention to his demand for the promised 
 earldom (114, 115). He supported Eichard at Northampton in April, 
 1483; 
 
 [ITol. in. 7S6/i/2i. More, 86/29.] and from thense still con- 
 tinued with him partner of all his deuises ; till that, after his 
 coronation, they departed (as it seemed) verie great freends at 
 Glocester. From whense as soone as the duke came home, he so 
 lightlie turned from him, and so highlie conspired against him, that 
 a man would maruell whereof the change grew. And, suerlie, the 
 occasion of their variance is of diuerse men diuerselie reported. 
 
 Some haue I heard say, that the duke, a little before his corona- 
 tion, among other things, required of the protector the erle^ of 
 Herefords lands, to the which he pretended himselfe iust inheritor. 
 And, forsomuch as the title, which he claimed by inheritance, was 
 somwhat interlaced with the title to the crowne by the line of king 
 Henrie before depriued, the protector conceiued such indignation, 
 that he reiected the dukes request with manie spitefull and mina- 
 torie words. Which so wounded his heart with hatred and mis- 
 trust, that he neuer after could indure to looke aright on king 
 Richard, but euer feared his owne life ; . . . 
 
 1 Buckingham was beheaded on November 2, 1483 (see p. 410 below). 
 On the following day Richard left Salisbury and marched westwards till he 
 reached Exeter.— Cowt. Groyl, 558. About the end of November the King 
 returned to London. — Cont. Croyl., 570. 
 
 2 erle] Halle, duke Hoi. (More). 
 
XII. EICHAED III. 393 
 
 Richard rejects his former ally's demand with studied insult ; and 
 all leave the stage save Buckingham, who lingers a moment to muse 
 (11. 123-126) : 
 
 And is it thus? repayes he my deepe seruice 
 With such contempt 1 made I him King for this t 
 O, let me thinke on Hastings, and be gone 
 To Brecnock, while my fearefuU Head is on ! 
 
 In the Summer of 1483, " soone after " Buckingham's 
 
 [Sol. iii. 736/2/3. More, 88/12] comming home to Brecknocke, [BucMng- 
 
 hauing there in his custodie, by the commandement of king B"™knOTk 
 
 Richard, doctor Morton, bishop of Elie, . , . [Buckingham] waxed Mendir^L 
 
 with him familiar ; whose wisedome abused his pride to his owne "^' ^""*'"'' 
 
 deliuerance, and the dukes destruction. 
 
 Halle's Chronicle contains (387) what professes to be an account of 
 this matter given by Buckingham himself to Dr. Morton, during the 
 time of the Bishop's detention at Brecknock Castle. When, said 
 Buckingham, Richard 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 739/1/74.] was once crowned king, and in full posses- ikcprind- 
 
 jy , -- - _ .1-11 1.. 1 P°^^ cauie 
 
 sion of the whole realme, he cast awaie his old conditions as the "}!/ '*« <*«*« 
 
 (ff Sucking. 
 
 adder dooth hir skin, verifieng the old prouerbe, "Honours change ^SSm4* 
 manners," as the parish preest remembreth that he was neuer^ SSttiw 
 parish clearke. For when I my selfe sued vnto him for my part mchaid-J™" 
 
 scom fill 
 
 of the earle of Herefords lands, which his brother king Edward r^eetion of 
 
 ' ° the Duke's 
 
 wrongfuUie deteined and withheld from me ; and also required to ^^J° ^^ 
 haue the office of the high constableship of England, as diuerse of ^ndfrad 
 my noble ancestors before this time haue had, and in long descent i^b?rahip of 
 continued : in this my first sute shewing his good mind toward °^ ™ ' 
 me, he did not onelie first delaie me, and afterward denaie me, 
 but gaue me such vnkind words, with such tawnts & retawnts, ye, 
 in manner checke and checkemate, to the vttermost proofe of my 
 patience : as though I had neuer furthered him, but hindered him ; 
 as though I had put him downe, and not set him vp. . . . 
 
 But when I was crediblie informed of the death of the two 
 yoong innocents, his owne naturall nephues, contrarie to his faith 
 and promise ; to the which (God be myiudge !) I neuer agreed, nor S""^,. 
 condescended ; Lord, how my veines panted, how my bodie ^^^5°? *''® 
 trembled, and how my heart inwardlie grudged ! insomuch that I "SSe^*" 
 so abhorred the sight, and much more the companie, of him, that ^eTd,) 
 
 1 (?) never remembreth that he was ever. 
 
394 
 
 XII. EICHARD III. 
 
 he left 
 
 Bichard'B 
 
 Court.] 
 
 The two 
 murtherers 
 of the two 
 princes 
 appointed. 
 
 The yoong 
 K. and his 
 brother mur- 
 thered in 
 their beds at 
 midnight in 
 the Tower. 
 
 [Richard 
 gave Tyrrel 
 great thanks 
 (cp. 11. 33, 
 34).] 
 
 I could no longer abide in his court, except I should be openlie 
 reuenged : the end whereof was doubtful!. 
 
 Act IV. sc. iii. — The Princes have been smothered while abed by 
 Dighton and Forreat, at the instance of Tyrrel, who now enters and 
 describes his agents' remorse (11. 3-21). Richard, entering, learns from 
 Tyrrel that " the thing " commanded " is done "; and asks (1. 27) : 
 
 But did'st thou see them dead ] 
 TV. I did, my Lord. 
 
 Hich. And buried, gentle Tirrell 1 28 
 
 Tir. The Chaplaine of the Tower hath buried them ; 
 But where (to say the truth) ^ I do not know. 
 
 Having undertaken to make away with the Princes, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 735/1/45. More, 88/23.] sir lames Tirrell deuised, 
 that they should be murthered in their beds. To the execution 
 whereof, he appointed Miles Forrest, one of the foure that kept 
 them, a fellow fleshed ^ in murther before time. To him he ioined 
 one lohn Dighton, his owne horssekeeper, a big, broad, square, and 
 strong knaue. 
 
 Then, all the other being remooued from them, this Miles 
 Forrest, and lohn Dighton, about midnight, (the seelie children 
 lieng in their beds,) came into the chamber, &, suddenlie lapping 
 them vp among the clothes, so to bewrapped them and intangled 
 them, keeping downe by force the fether-bed and pillowes hard 
 vnto their mouths, that, within a while, smoothered and stifled, 
 their breath failing, they gaue vp to God their innocent soules into 
 the ioies of heauen ; leaning to the tormentors their bodies dead in 
 the bed. Which after that the wretches perceiued, first by the 
 strugling with the paines of death, and after long lieng still, to be 
 thoroughlie dead, they laid their bodies naked out vpon the bed, 
 and fetched sir lames to see them ; which, vpon the sight of them, 
 caused those murtherers to burie them at the staire foot, meetlie 
 deepe in the ground, vnder a great heape of stones. 
 
 Then rode sir lames in great hast to king Richard, and shewed 
 him all the maner of the murther ; who gaue him great thanks, 
 and (as some sale) there made him knight. But he allowed not 
 (as I haue heard) the burieng in so vile a corner ; saieng, that he 
 
 * where {to say the truth)] F. how or in what place Q. 
 
 * Tyrrel calls both the murderers "flesht Villainea " (IV. iii. 6). 
 
XII. EICHAED III. 395 
 
 ■would haue them buried in a better place, bicause they were a 
 kings sonnes. . . . Whervpon, they sale that a priest of sir 
 Robert Brakenberies tooke vp the bodies againe, and secretlie [The 
 interred them in such place, as, by the occasion of his death, which boMernever 
 onelie knew it, could neuer since come to light. 
 
 When he is alone Richard recounts what has happened since the 
 close of sc. ii., Act IV. He had purposed (III. v. 107) secretly 
 
 To draw the Brats of Clarence out of sight. 
 Afterwards he remarked (IV. ii. 56) : 
 
 The Boy is foolish, and I feare not him. 
 Now (IV. iii. 36) he says : 
 
 The Sonne of Clarence haue I pent vp close. 
 
 Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick, son of George Duke of 
 Clarence, was executed in November 1499, for having shared Perkin 
 Warbeck's plot to escape from the Tower.i Warwick 
 
 [Rol. iii. 787/2/ IS. Salle, 490.] had beene kept in prison ^^«^ 
 within the Tower almost from his tender yeares ; that is to sale, '^^^^^ „' 
 from the first yeare of the king [Henry "VII. ], to this fifteenth '"i^ent. 
 yeare, out of all companie of men & sight of beasts ; insomuch 
 that he could not discerne a goose from a capon, . . . 
 
 Within a day or two after the battle of Bosworth, Henry VII. sent 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 762/1/6. Salle, 422.] sir Robert Willoughbie, knight, 
 to the manour of Sheriffehuton in the countie of Yorke, for Edward 
 Plantagenet, earle of Warwike, sonne and heire to George duke of 
 Clarence ; then being of the age of fifteene yeares : whome king [Warwick 
 Richard had kept there as prisoner during the time of his vsurped aTshS* 
 
 , Hutton by 
 
 reigne.'^ Bichard.J 
 
 A few dramatic hours have elapsed since Catesby departed, at 
 Richard's bidding, to 
 
 Inquire me out some meane poore Gentleman, 
 
 Whom I will marry straight to Clarence Daughter. — IV. ii. 54, 55. 
 
 Both obstacles are now removed. Clarence's son is " pent vp close"; 
 
 His daughter meanly haue I matcht in marriage. — ^IV. iii. 37. 
 
 1 Hcdle, 491. 
 
 * Kichard was at York in September, 1483 (York Becwds, 171-173) ; and 
 there knighted the young Earl of Warwick (Rows Bol, 60). 
 
396 
 
 XII. KICHARD III. 
 
 [Richard 
 proposed 
 marrying 
 Cicely 
 Flantagenet 
 to a man of 
 unknown! 
 ■• s.] 
 
 Tke queene, 
 wife to king 
 Richard the 
 third, sud- 
 denlie dead. 
 
 Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of Salisbury, Clarence's daughter, 
 was about twelve years of age at the time of Eichard's death, i She 
 married Sir Richard Pole, Chief Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber to 
 Prince Arthur.^ The Dramatist has, apparently, confounded her 
 with her first cousin. In 1485, the rumour that Richard would 
 marry his niece was accompanied by a report that he meant also 
 
 [ffol. iii. 752/2/48. Salle, 409.] to prefer the ladie Cicilie 
 hir sister to a man found in a cloud, and of an vnknowne linage 
 and familie. 
 
 Richard proceeds (11. 38, 39) : 
 
 The Sonnes of Edward sleepe in Abrahams bosome, 
 And Anne my wife hath bid this world good night. 
 
 Richard was, as we have seen (p. 388 above), accused of spreading a 
 false report of Anne's death. Hearing of this rumour, she feared that 
 Richard "had iudged hir worthie to die," and so 
 
 [Sol. iii. 751/1/40. Halle, 407.] either by inward thought and 
 pensiuenesse of hart, or by infection of poison (which is affirmed 
 to be most likelie), within few daies after the queene departed out 
 of this transitorie life.^ 
 
 Richard's meditations are interrupted by the entrance of Ratcliffe 
 , {Cateshy Q.), announcing (1. 46), 
 
 Bad news, my Lord : Mourton is fled to Richmond. 
 
 John Morton, Bishop of Ely, though he became a confidant of his 
 jailor Buckingham's plots against Richard, 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 741/1/7 1. Halle, 390.] did not tarrie till the dukes 
 
 ' She was bom. in August, 1473. — Bows Bol, 61. 
 
 2 " Margaret Plantagenet . . . became the Wife of Sir Eiehard Pole Kt. 
 (Son of Sir Jeffrey Pole Kt. descended from a Family of ancient Gentry in 
 Wales) who having valiantly served King Henry the Seventh, in his Wars of 
 Scotland [? in 1497 : see Bacon's Henry VII., I58/2], and being a Person miich 
 accomplished, was made chief Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber to Prince 
 Arthur, and Kt. of the Garter ; whereupon attending him into Wales, he 
 receiv'd Command to Govern in those Parts." — Sandford, 441. As her son 
 Henry Pole had livery of his lands on July 5, 1513 {Calendar, Hen. VIIL, 
 I. 4325), the year of her marriage could not have been later than 1492. 
 
 ^ The writer of Gont. Croyl. (572) says that Queen Anne's death occurred 
 about the middle of March, 1485 ; "in die magnae eccUpsis solis." The Kev. 
 S. J. Johnson, Vicar of Melplash, Dorset, wrote thus in response to my enquiry 
 anent the precise date of this eclipse : " The eclipse to which you refer took 
 
 ?lace on 16 March 1485. On making a rough calculation of it some years ago, 
 found 9 digits or three-fourths of the Sun would be eclipsed at London 
 about half-past three in the afternoon. In the Mediterranean it would be 
 total." Stmv (782) gives March 16, 1485, as the date of Anne's death. 
 
XII. RICHARD III, 397 
 
 companie were assembled, but, secretlie disguised, in a night nebuht^of 
 
 departed, (to the dukes great displeasure,) and came to his see ^^'?^ 
 
 of Elie ; where he found monie and freends ; and so sailed into Siftrad. 
 Flanders, where he did the earle of Richmond good seruice.^ 
 
 EatclifEe continues (11. 47, 48) : 
 
 And Buckingham, baekt with the hardy "Welshmen, 
 Is in the field, and still his power encreaseth. 
 
 Buckingham was 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 743/2/10. Halle, 394.1 accompanied with a great The duke of 
 
 . Buckinghat 
 
 power of wild Welshmen, whom he (being a man of great courage pmcero/^unu 
 and sharpe speech) in maner against their willes had rather thereto ij^/a*'^'"^^ 
 inforced and c6mpelled by lordlie and streict commandement, than ^"^ 
 by liberall wages and gentle demenour ; which thing was the verie 
 occasion why they left him desolate, & cowardlie forsooke him. 
 The duke, with all his power, marched through the forrest of Deane, 
 intending to haue passed the riuer Seuerne at Glocester, & there 
 to haue ioined his armie with the Courtneis, and other westerne 
 men of his confederacie and affinitie. Which if he had doone, no 
 doubt but king Richard had beene in great ieopardie, either of 
 priuation of his realme, or losse of his life, or both. 
 
 Eichard orders EatclifEe to " muster men " (1. 56) for immediate 
 action, and the scene closes. 
 
 Buckingham's revolt was seconded by simultaneous risings in 
 different parts of England,^ but 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 743/1/70. Halle, 393.] king Richard, (who in the K.Richardt 
 
 meane time had gotten togither a great strength and puissance,) ^^^^"^ 
 thinking it not most for his part beneficiall, to disperse and diuide 
 his great armie into small branches, and particularlie to persecute 
 
 anie one of the coniuration by himselfe, determined (all other d^eSed 
 
 things being set aside) with his whole puissance to set on the ^S'' 
 
 chiefe head, which was the duke of Buckingham. ham.]"^ 
 
 Act IV. sc. iv. — ^Eichard's forces have been mustered, and he enters 
 "marching, with Drommes and Trumpets" (Q.). He is met by the 
 
 1 Eichard says (IV. iii. 49, 50) : 
 
 " Ely with. Bichmond troubles me more neere. 
 Then Buckingham and his rash leuied Strength." 
 
 * See p. 403 below. 
 
398 XII. RICHARD Illr 
 
 Duchess of York and Queen Elizabeth. His mother goes out, laying 
 her " most greeuous Curse " upon him ; but he detains his sister-in-law, 
 and sues for the hand of his niece the Princess Elizabeth. In pleading 
 his cause, he says (11. 311-314) : 
 
 Dorset your Sonne, that, with a fearfuU soule, 
 
 Leads discontented steppes in Forraine soyle, 312 
 
 This faire Alliance quickly shall call home 
 
 To high Promotions, and great Dignity. 
 
 After long railing at him the Queen is so far appeased by his fair 
 words as to ask (1. 426) : 
 
 Shall I go win my daughter to thy will 1 
 Bich. And be a happy Mother by the deed. 
 Qu. I go. Write to me very shortly, 428 
 
 And you shal vnderstand from me her mind. 
 
 Rich, Beare her my true loues kisse j and so, farewell ! 
 
 [Exit QltieenJ. 
 
 EarKer in the eventful dramatic day which embraces scenes ii. — v., 
 Act IV., Richard sent Catesby to spread a rumour of Anne's mortal 
 sickness. Soon we hear from him of her death, and he adds (IV. iii. 
 40-43) : 
 
 Now, for I know the Britaine Hichmond aymes 
 At yong Elizabeth, my brothers daughter. 
 And, by that knot, lookes proudly on the Crowne, 
 To her go I, a ioUy thriuing wooer. 
 
 In the Autumn of 1483 the Countess of Eichmond and Queen 
 Elizabeth communicated through the agency of Lewis, the Countess's 
 physician, whose profession afforded him a convenient pretext for 
 visiting the sanctuary at Westminster, where the Queen stiU abode. 
 Acting under instructions obtained from the Countess, Lewis broached 
 to Queen Elizabeth a proposal — ^which was accepted — for uniting the 
 rival Houses : ^ 
 
 • PoVyd. Verg., 550/9. Richard III.'s privy seals show that he was at 
 Gloucester on August 2-4, 1483 (S". S.) ; and there Buckingham left him 
 {More, 88/i i). Tnence Buckingham went to Brecknock Castle, where he had 
 the custody of John Morton, Bishop of Ely. — More, 87/21 — 88/15. The 
 result of a conference at Brecknock between Buckingham and Morton was 
 that the former promised to aid Henry Earl of Richmond in obtaining the 
 crown, if the Earl agreed to maEry Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Edward IV, 
 By Morton's invitation, Reginald Bray, one of the household of Margaret 
 Countess of Derby, Richmond's mother, came from Lancashire — where she 
 was then residing — to Brecknock ; and, after conferring with Buckingham, 
 returned to the Countess and informed her of the Duke's promise. — Sa/rdyng- 
 Grafion, 526 ; Halle, 390. Thereupon she sent her physician Lewis to the 
 Queen Dowager, who was then in the sanctuary at Westminster ; instructing 
 him to propose the matrimonial alliance as though it were an idea of his own. 
 — Ha/rdyng-Grafton, 526 ; Halle, 390, 391. Allowing time for the joumies 
 and previous negotiations, we may fairly refer Lewis's share in the latter to 
 the early autumn of 1483. Before October 12, 1483, Buckingham had rebelled, 
 and Richard was marching against him. — Ellis, II. i. 159, 160. 
 
XII. EICHAED III. 399 
 
 [Hot. iii. 742/I/I. Halle, 391.1 "You know verie well, Theamiunc- 
 
 <■ ' I I > J > turn of the 
 
 " madame, that, of the house of Lancaster, the earle of Richmond fo families 
 
 ' ' ' moov£<i to 
 
 "is next of bloud, (who is lining, and a lustie yoong batcheler,) and pA^^„f' 
 " to the house of Yorke your daughters now are heires. If you 
 "could agree and inuent the meane how to couple your eldest 
 " daughter with the yoong earle of Eichmond in matrimonie, no 
 " doubt but the vsurper of the realme should be shortlie deposed, 
 "and your heire againe to hir right restored." 
 
 On Christmas Day, 1483, Bichmond was at Eennes, where he swore 
 to marry the Princess Elizabeth after his accession to the throne, and 
 received oaths of fidelity from the refugees who had espoused his cause.^ 
 Early in the year 1484,^ 
 
 [Sol. iii. 750/1/27. Halle, 406.] king Richard was crediblie 
 aduertised, what promises and oths the earle and his confederates 
 had made and sworn togither at Rennes,* and how by the carles 
 means all the Englishmen were passed out of Britaiue into France. 
 Wherefore, being sore dismaid, and in a maner desperate, bicause 
 his craftie chieuance * tooke none eflfect in Britaine, he imagined & ^ „. ^ ^ 
 
 ' " K, Richards 
 
 deuised how to infringe and disturbe the carles purpose by an f^^^„^ 
 other meane ; so that, by the marriage of ladie Elizabeth his neece, ^a'uof' 
 he should pretend no claime nor title to the crowne. . . . ^ri^ae. 
 
 [Richard therefore] determined to reconcile to his fauour his 
 brothers wife queene Elizabeth, either by faire words, or liberall 
 promises ; firmelie beleeuing, hir fauour once obteined, that she 
 would not sticke to commit (and louinglie credit) to him the rule Ambuuand 
 and gouernance both of hir and hir daughters; and so by that o/**"? 
 meanes the earle of Richmond of the affinitie of his neece should ^"s^f^ 
 
 earle of 
 
 be vtterlie defrauded and beguiled. . . . Bi^htmmi. 
 
 [Richard] would rather take to wife his cousine and neece the 
 
 1 Polyd. Verg. 553/44. 
 
 2 On March 1, 1484, Eichard took a solemn oath — peers spiritual and 
 temporal with the Lord Mayor and aldermen of London being present — to 
 ensure the personal safety and welfare of his nieces if they, leaving sanctuary, 
 would commit themselves to his care. — HUis, II. i. 149. Before Eichard 
 opened the negotiations with the Queen which, placed her daughters in hia 
 power, he had considered the expediency, if he should become a widower, of 
 marrying the Princess Elizabeth and thus forestalling Eichmond. — Folyd. 
 Verg. 556/2. 
 
 8 JJennes] JSenes Halle. Beimes Hol^_ 
 * To detain Eichmond in Brittany. 
 
400 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 (Biclmrd's 
 motive for 
 marrying 
 Elizabeth.] 
 
 [Bichard 
 sent messen- 
 gers to the 
 Queen, 
 excusing 
 past injuries 
 and mtucing 
 promises to 
 her and 
 Dorset] 
 
 Queene 
 Blizabeth 
 allureth Mr 
 ionne the 
 marguesse 
 Dorset home 
 out of 
 France. 
 
 ladie Elizabeth,^ than for lacke of that affinitie the whole realme 
 should run to ruine ; as who said, that, if he once fell from his 
 estate and dignitie, the ruine of the relme must needs shortlie 
 insue and follow.^ Wherefore he sent to the queene (being in 
 sanctuarie) diuerse and often messengers, which first should excuse 
 and purge him of all things before against hir attempted or pro- 
 cured, and after should so largelie promise promotions innumer- 
 able, and benefits, not onelie to hir, but also to hir Sonne lord 
 Thomas, Marquesse Dorset, that they should bring hir (if it were 
 possible) into some wanhope, or (as men saie) into a fooles 
 paradise. 
 
 The messengers, being men both of wit and grauitie, so per- 
 suaded the queene with great and pregnant reasons, & with^ 
 faire and large promises, that she began somewhat to relent, and 
 to giue to them no deafe eare ; insomuch that she faithfullie 
 promised to submit and yeeld hir selfe fuUie and frankelie to the 
 kings will and pleasure. . . . 
 
 After she sent letters to the marquesse hir sonne, (being then at 
 Paris with the earle of Eichmond,) willing him in anie wise to leaue 
 the earle, and without delaie to repaire into England, where for 
 him were prouided great honours, aud honourable promotions ; 
 ascerteining him further, that all ofienses on both parts were for- 
 gotten and forgiuen, and both he and she highlie incorporated in 
 the kings heart. 
 
 After Anne's death, in March, 1485, the 
 
 • There can be no doubt that rumour attribiited this purpose to Richard. 
 A little before Easter, 1485 (Easter fell on April 3), at the Priory of St. John 
 of Jerusalem, Clerkenwell, in the presence of the Mayor and citizens of 
 London, the King absolutely repudiated the design of marriage with his niece 
 Elizabeth. — Gont. Groyl., 572. In a letter to the Mayor and Aldermen of 
 York, dated April 5 (1485), Richard spoke of various ways by which " sedicious 
 and evil disposed personnes " sowed " sede of noise and disclaimdre agaynest 
 our persone"; and added: "for remedie wherof, and to thentent the troth 
 opinlye declared shuld represse all suche false and contrived invencions, we 
 now of late called before us the Maire and Aldermen of owr Oitie of London, 
 togidder wit^ the moste sadde and discrete persones of the same Oitie in grete 
 nombre, being present many of the lordes spiniuel and temporel of our land, 
 and the substance of all out housland, to whome we largely showed owr true 
 entent and mynd in all suche thinges as the said noise and disclaundre renne 
 upon in suche wise as we doubt not all wel disposed personnes were and be 
 therwit/i right wele content " ; . . . — York Records, 209. 
 
 2 Cp. Bidi. III., IV. iv. 406-411. 
 
 ' vntK] Halle, what with Hoi. 
 
XII. EICHARD III. 401 
 
 ' [Sol. iii. 751/1/49. Halle, 407.1 king thus (according to his Jf- Jfieion* 
 long desire) lo[o]sed out of the bonds of matrimonie, began to cast ^^l"^J^. 
 a foolish fantasia to ladie Elizabeth his neece ; making much sute ^^&fr. 
 to haue hir ioined with him in lawful! matrimonie. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth's exit is followed by the entrance of Batcliffe with 
 the announcement (U. 433-439) that 
 
 on the Westeme Coast 
 Bideth a puissant Nauie ; . . . 
 
 'Tis thought that Bichmond is their Admirall ; 437 
 
 And there they hull, expecting but the aide 
 Of Buckingham to welcome them ashore. 
 Bichard gives Catesby a message for the Duke of Norfolk (11. 448- 
 460): 
 
 bid him leuie straight 
 The greatest strength and power that he can make, 
 And meet me suddenly at Salisbury. 
 
 Starting from London, Bichard 
 
 [Rol. iii. 743/2/S. Halle, 394.] tooke his iournie toward jJ^S 
 Salisburie, to the intent that in his iournie he might set on the la^u;.] 
 dukes [Buckingham's] armie, if he might know him in anie place 
 incamped, or in order of battell arraied. 
 
 While Batcliffe ia speaking historic time has not advanced beyond 
 October, 1483, but, were it not for the rendezvous appointed, we might 
 suspect that the message with which Catesby is charged should be dated 
 August, 1486 j when, on hearing of Bichmond's landing, Bichard 
 
 [SbZ.iii. 754/1/S3. Halle, 412.] sent to lohn duke of Norflfolke, ^J^^ 
 Henrie earle of Northumberland, Thomas earle of Surrie, and to ^■2'S!» 
 other of his especiall & trustie friends of the nobilitie, which he ^^"^ 
 iudged more to preferre and esteeme his wealth and honour, than 
 their owne riches and priuate commoditie ; willing them to muster 
 and view all their seruants and tenants, and to elect and choose 
 the most couragious and actiue persons of the whole number, and 
 with them to repaire to his presence with all speed and diligence. 
 
 BatclifEe's news is confirmed by Stanley, who pretends to know 
 merely "by guesse" that Bichmond 
 
 , . . makes for England, here to clayme the Crowne (1. 469). 
 
 The rebellion of Buckingham and his adherents began on October 
 18, 1483.^ They were to be supported by Bichmond, who had 
 
 ' This is the date given in the attainder of Bnckingham and his con- 
 federates. — Bot, Pari., vi. 245/i, &c. But Norfolk, writing from London on 
 
 DD 
 
402 
 
 XII. EICHAED III. 
 
 The earle of 
 Rickmonda 
 preparation 
 of ships and 
 souldieTS to 
 the sea. 
 
 What noble 
 men K. 
 Richard 
 most mis- 
 trusted. 
 
 [He gave 
 least cre- 
 dence to 
 Stanley.] 
 
 [Hol. iii. 744/2/48. Jffalle, 395.] prepared an armie of fiue 
 
 thousand manlie Britons, and fortie well furnished ships. When 
 
 all things were prepared in a readinesse, and the dale of departing 
 
 and setting forward was appointed, which was the twelfe daie of 
 
 the moneth of October [1483], the whole armie went on shipbord, 
 
 and halsed vp their sailes, and with a prosperous wind tooke 
 
 the sea. 
 
 Richard taunts Stanley with a design of joining Eiehmond (II. 476- 
 478). Stanley asks permission to depart and collect men for the King's 
 service (488-490). Eicjiard yields a conditional assent (11. 496-498) : 
 
 Goe, then, and muster men ; but leaue behind 
 
 Your Sonne George Stanley : looke your heart be firme, 
 
 Or else his Heads assurance is but fraile. 
 
 Holinshed copied from Halle (408) a passage whence we learn that, 
 among those whom £.ichard 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 751/2/5.] most mistrusted, these were the principall : 
 Thomas lord Stanleie, sir William Stanleie his brother, Gilbert 
 Talbot, and six hundred other : of whose purposes although king 
 Richard were ignorant,^ yet he gaue neither confidence nor cre- 
 dence to anie one of them ; and least of all to the lord Stanleie, 
 bicause he was ioined in matrimonie with the ladie Margaret, 
 mother to the earle of Richmond, as afterward apparantlie yee 
 may perceiue. For when the said lord Stanleie would haue 
 departed into his countrie to visit his familie, and to recreate and 
 refresh his spirits, (as he openlie said, but the truth was, to the 
 intent to be in a perfect readinesse to receiue the earle of Richmond 
 at his first arriuall in England,) the king in no wise would suflFer 
 him to depart, before he had left as an hostage in the court George 
 Stanleie, lord Strange, his first begotten Sonne and heire. 
 
 When Stanley is gone, four messengers enter successively with new$ 
 of the revolt. The first messenger announces (II. 500-504) a rising in 
 Devonshire, headed by 
 
 Sir Edward Courtney, and the haughtie Prelate 
 Bishop of Exeter, his brother there,^ . . . 
 
 The " GuUfords," a second messenger reports (II. 505-507), have 
 
 October 10, 1483, tells John Paston, "that the Kentysshmen be up in the 
 weld, and sey that they wol come and robbe the cite, which I shall lett yf I 
 may." — Paston, iii. 308. 
 
 1 were ignoraurd] Halle, were not ignorant Hoi. 
 
 ' brother there] Q. dder Brother F. 
 
XII. BICHAED III. 403 
 
 taken wp arms in Kent. A fourth messenger brings ticfcgp of anothep 
 outbreak (U. 520, 521) : 
 
 Sir Thomas Louell and Lord Marqu^sse Dorset, 
 'Tis said, my Liege, in Yorkeshire are in Armes. 
 The rebellion was well-concerted, for Buckingham had 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 743/1 /S6. Halle, 393.] persuaded all his complices 
 and partakers, that euerie man in his quarter, with all diligence, 
 should raise vp people & make a commotion. And by this means, 
 almost in one moment, Thomas marques Dorset came out of 
 sanctuarie, (where since the begin[n]ing of K. Richards daies he had 
 continued, whose life by the pnelie helpe of sir Thomas Louell ^ 
 was preserued from all danger & perill in this troublous world,) [Rising? in 
 [and] gathered together a great band of men in Yorkeshire. 
 
 Sir Edward Courtneie, and Peter his brother,^ bishop of 
 Excester, raised an other afrlmie in Deuonshire and Cornewall [Devonshire, 
 
 *■ ■ Cornwall. 
 
 In Kent, Richard Gilford and other gentlemen collected a great ""d^^"'! 
 
 companie of souldiers, and openlie began warre. 
 
 The news of a third messenger 
 
 Is, that by sudden Floods and fall of Waters, 512 
 
 Buckinghams Armie is dispers'd and scatter'd ; 
 And he himselfe wandred away alonp. 
 No man knowes whither. 
 
 Buckingham meant to cross the Severn, and effect a jiinction with 
 his allies in the west (p. 397 above), but before 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 743/2/25. Halle, 394.] he could atteine to Seuerne 
 side, by force of continuall raine and moisture, the riuer rose so ^ ^'fio«d, 
 
 " ' ' or high 
 
 high that it ouerflowed all the countrie adioining ; insomuch that ^^^ „,^j 
 men were drowned in their beds, and houses with the extreame m^tTtf^ 
 violence were ouerturned, children were caried about the fields gr^^ater. 
 swimming in cradels, beasts were drowned on hilles. Which rage 
 of water lasted continuallie ten dales, insomuch thcit in the countrie 
 adioining they call it to this dale,* " The great water " j or, " the 
 duke of Buckinghams great water." By this floud the passages 
 were so closed, that neither the duke could come ouer Seuern to 
 
 1 Ths translg,tor of this passage from Pdyd,. Verg. (j551/45) spbstitutpd 
 " sir Thomas louell esquyer" for plain Thomas Eowell (''Eouelli"). 
 
 2 Cousin.— JVeweA, 248. 
 
 ^ The account of this flood was added to the traij^latjon of PoZj/rf, Verg. 
 (5b2) in MaUe. 
 
404 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 [The Welsb- 
 inen de- 
 parted.] 
 
 [Backing- 
 ham fled.] 
 
 [BncMng- 
 ham'B adher- 
 ents fled 
 when they 
 heard that 
 he could not 
 be found,] 
 
 A proclamor 
 tUmfor thi 
 aippreken' 
 nonofthe 
 duhe of 
 Suckinghd, 
 with large 
 retoards to 
 the appre- 
 hendor. 
 
 his adherents, nor they to him. During the which time, the 
 Welshmen, lingring idelie, and without monie, vittels, or wages, 
 suddenlie scattered and departed: and, for all the dukes faire 
 promises, threatnings, and inforcements, would in no wise either 
 go further nor abide. 
 
 The duke (being thus left almost post alone) was of necessitie 
 compelled to flie, . . . 
 
 Now when it was knowne to his adherents, (which were redie to 
 giue battell,) that his host was scatred, and had left him almost 
 alone, and [he] was fled, & could not be found, they were sud- 
 denlie amazed & striken with a sudden feare, that euery man like 
 persons desperate shifted for himselfe & fled. 
 
 Richard asks (11. 517, 518) : 
 
 Hath any well-aduised friend proclaym'd 
 Reward to him that brings the Traytor in ? 
 
 Mess. Such Proclamation hath been made, my Lord. 
 
 From Leicester, on October 23, 1483,^ Richard 
 
 \Hol. iii. 744/ 1/2 1. Halle, 394.] made proclamation, that what 
 person could shew and reueale where the duke of Buckingham 
 was, should be highlie rewarded : if he were a bondman, he should 
 be infranchised and set at libertie ; if he were of free bloud, he 
 should haue a generall pardon, and be rewarded with a thousand 
 pounds. 
 
 The fourth messenger's doubtful report of Dorset's appearance in 
 arms is counterbalanced by better and certain news (11. 623-529) : 
 
 The Brittaine Nauie is dispers'd by Tempest : * 
 
 Richmond, in Dorsetshire, sent out a Boat 524 
 
 Ynto the shore, to aske those on the Banks, 
 
 If they were his Assistants, yea or no ? 
 
 Who answer'd him, they came from Buckingham 
 
 Vpon his partie : he, mistrusting them, 528 
 
 Hoys'd sayle and made his course againe for Brittaine, 
 
 On October 12, 1483, Richmond put to sea "with a prosperous 
 wind " (p. 402 above) : 
 
 \Eol. iii. 744/2/55. Ealle, 396.] But toward night the wind 
 changed, and the weather turned, and so huge and terrible a 
 
 1 I take the date from Bymer, xii. 204, where the proclamation is printed. 
 « by Tempest] F. cm. Q. 
 
XII. RICHAKD III. 405 
 
 tempest so suddenlie arose, that, with the verie power and strength ^ 'J^r^ 
 of the storme, the ships were disparkled, seuered & separated *y««™i'"«- 
 asunder : some by force were driuen into Normandie, some were 
 compelled to returne againe into Britaine. The ship wherein the 
 earle of Bichmond was, associat onelie with one other barke, was 
 all night tossed and turmoiled. 
 
 In the morning after, (when the rage of the furious tempest was 
 asswaged, and the ire of blustering wind was some deale appeased,) 
 about the houre of noone the same daie, the earle approched to 
 the south part of the realme of England, euen at the mouth of the ^^'^^^nkt 
 hauen of Pole, in the countie of Dorset ; where he might plainelie S"*"* 
 perceiue all the sea bankes & shores garnished and furnished with "'"'*"^*- 
 men of warre and souldiers, appointed and deputed there to defend 
 his arriuall and landing. . . . Wherefore he gaue streict charge, 
 and sore commandement, [p. 745] that no person should once pre- 
 sume to take land, and go to shore, vntill such time as the whole 
 nauie were assembled and come togither. And, while he taried and f^^^^ 
 Imgered, he sent out a shipboate toward the land side, to know '^^fZm^ 
 whether they, which stood there in such a number, and so well ^iH^t um. 
 furnished in apparell defensiue, were his foes and enimies, or else 
 his freends and comforters. 
 
 They, that were sent to inquire, were instautlie desired of the 
 men of warre keeping the coast, (which thereof were before 
 instructed & admonished,) to descend and take land ; affirming that tofafc^'f/fe 
 they were appointed by the duke of Buckingham there to await ^^r*'" 
 and tarie for the arriuall and landing of the earle of Bichmond, 
 and to conduct him safelie into the campe, where the duke, not far 
 of[f], laie incamped with a mightie armie, and an host of great 
 strength and power, to the intent that the duke and the earle, 
 ioining in puissances and forces togither, might prosecute and 
 chase king Bichard being destitute of men, and in maner desperate; 
 jind so, by that meanes, and their owne labours, to obteine the end 
 of their enterprise which they had before begun. 
 
 The earle of Bichmond, suspecting their flattering request to be ^rtraTtod* 
 but a fraud (as it was in deed), after he perceiued none of his ships tlSi'tJ'uil^d, 
 to appeare in sight, he weied vp his anchors, halsed vp his sailes, ^ty.*''*** 
 &, hauing a prosperous and streinable wind, and a fresh gale sent 
 
406 
 
 XII. RIOHAED III. 
 
 The earle 
 arnueth in 
 Nortiiandie 
 cEr passeth hi 
 land into 
 Britaine 
 affaine. 
 
 The earle 
 arriueth at 
 Milford 
 hauen. 
 
 The lord 
 StanUiig 
 dewiie to 
 
 euen by God to deliuer him from that perill and ieopardie, arriued 
 safe and in all securitie in the duchie of Normandie ; where he (to 
 refresh and solace his soldiers and people) tooke his recreation by 
 the space of three daiesj and cleerelie determined with part of his 
 companie to passe all by land againe into Britaine. 
 
 Catesby — whom Richard had despatched (IV. iv. 444-450) to 
 Bummon the Duke of Norfolk to Salisbury-^now re-enters with the 
 latest advices (11. 533-536) : 
 
 My Liege, the Duke of Buckingham is taken ; 
 That is the best newes : that the Earle of Richmond 
 Is, with a mighty power, landed at Milford, 
 Is colder tidings^, but yet they must be told. 
 
 Here Shakspere annihilates the historical time which intervened 
 between Buckingham's luckless rebellion and Richmond's victorious 
 Enterprise. Buckingham was captured in October, 1483. Richmond, 
 
 [Hot. iii. 753/1/23. Halle, 410.] being accompanied onelie 
 
 with two thousand men, and a small number of ships, weied vp his 
 
 anchors, and halsed vp his sailes in the moneth of August [1485], 
 
 and sailed from Harfleet with so prosperous a wind, that, the 
 
 seuenth daie^ after his departure, he arriued in Wales in th6 
 
 euening, at a place called Milford hauen, and incontinent tooke 
 
 land, . . . 
 
 Act TV. sc. v. — Stanley enters with Christopher IJrswick, to whom 
 he says (U. 1-5) : 
 
 Sir Christopher, tell Richmo&d this from me : 
 
 That, in the stye of the most deadly Bore, 
 
 My Sonne George Stanley is frankt vp in hold : 
 
 If I reuolt, ofE goes yoiig Geotges head ; 4 
 
 The feare of that holds off my present ayde. 
 
 In August, 1485j "a daie or two before" Richmond sojourned at 
 Lichfield, 
 
 YSol. iii. 753/2/73. Halle, 411.] thelord Stanleie, hauingiuhis 
 band almost fiue thousand men, lodged in the \/p. 754] same towne. 
 But, hearing that the erle of Richmond was marching thitherward, 
 gaue to him place, dislodging him and his, and repaired to a 
 
 ^ tid,ings\ Q. Newes F. 
 
 2 Folyd. Verg. says (559/45) ^^^ Eichmond sailed frotti the mouth of the 
 Seine on August 1 ("Calend. Augusti"), and reached Milford Haven seven 
 days after his departure, about sunset. According to Gont Oroyl. (573) August 
 1 was the date of Richmond's artival &t Milford Haven. Bous (218) giveS 
 August 6 as the date on which Riehmond arrived at Milford Haven. 
 
Xn. RICHARD III. 407 
 
 towne called Aderatone ; the reabiding the comming of the earle. ««««««• 
 And this wilie fox did this act, to auoid all suspicion on king ^^^^ 
 Richards part. ><m-M>W'. 
 
 For the lord Stanleie was afraid, least, if he should seeme 
 openlie to be a fautor or aider to the earle his sonne in law, before 
 the day of the battell, that king Eichard, (which yet vtterlie did not 
 put in him diffidence and mistrust,) would put to some cruell death 
 his Sonne and heire apparant, George lord Strange, whome king 
 Richard (as you haue heard before) kept with him as a pledge or 
 hostage, to the intent that the lord Stanleie his father should 
 attempt nothing preiudiciall to him. 
 
 Until the day before the battle of Bosworth, Eichinond 
 
 \Hol. iii. 754/2/54. HalU, 413.] could in no wise be assured 
 of his father in law Thomas lord Stanleie, which, for feare of the [Pearforhis 
 destruction of the lord Strange his sonne (as you haue heard), as Stanley hold 
 
 " ^ ■' back to the 
 
 yet inclined to neither partie. For, if he had gone to the earle, last.] 
 and that notified to king Richard, his sonne had beene shortlie 
 executed. 
 
 Stanley also asks (1. 6) : 
 
 But, tell me, where is Princely Richmond now 1 
 
 Ghri, At Penbroke, or at Harford-west,^ in Wales. 
 
 Stem. What men of Name resort to him % 8 
 
 Ghn. Sir Walter Herbert, a renowned Souldier ; 
 Sir Gilbert Talbot, Sir William Stanley; 
 Oxford, redoubted Pembroke, Sir lames Blunt, 
 And Rice ap Thomas, with a valiant Crew ; 12 
 
 And many other of great name and worth : 
 And toward London do they bend their power, 
 If by the way they be not fought withaU.^ 
 
 The Earls of Oxford and Pembroke sailed with Richmond from 
 Normandy. On the day after his arrival at Milford Haven, Richmond, 
 " at the sunne rising, remooued to Hereford west " (Hoi. iii. 753/1/33. 
 Halle, 410). While there he received a 
 
 \Hol. iii. 753/1/44. BalU, 410.] message from the inhabitants 1^^^'^'^ 
 of the towne of Penbroke, . . . that the Penbrochians were readie rfp^m*^"** 
 to serue and giue their attendance on their naturall and immediat " '"' 
 lord lasper earle of Penbroke. 
 
 » Harfwdrvi&d\ Q. HeHfwd West F. 
 
 * 6-15. At . . . witlwM. I have taken these lines in the order of the Qq. 
 
408 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 [Sir Walter 
 Herbert and 
 Biceap 
 Thomas in 
 arniB for 
 Bichard,] 
 
 Theerle 
 smdtth tecret 
 word to his 
 mother and 
 other his 
 freendt, tftat 
 he meant a 
 direct pas- 
 sage to 
 ZondoUtib 
 [recfuired] 
 their 
 eovjerenee. 
 
 Sice ap 
 
 Thomas 
 
 sweareth 
 
 fealtie and 
 
 seruice to the 
 
 earleof 
 
 Sichmond. 
 
 Advancing farther, Eichmond 
 
 [Sol. iii. 753/2/10. Salle, 411.] was by his espials ascerteined, 
 that sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas were in harnesse 
 before him ; readie to incounter with his armie, and to stop their 
 passage. Wherefore, like a valiant capteine, he first determined to 
 set on them, and either to destroie or to take them into his fauour ; 
 and after, with all his power and puissance, to giue battell to his 
 mortall enimie king Richard. But, to the intent his freends should 
 know in what readinesse he was, and how he proceeded forward, 
 he sent of his most secret and faithfull seruants with letters and 
 instructions to the ladie Margaret his mother, to the lord Stanleie 
 and his brother [Sir William Stanley], to sir Gilbert Talbot, and to 
 other his trustie freends ; declaring to them that he, being succoured 
 and holpen with the aid and reliefe of his freends, intended to 
 passe ouer the riuer of Seuerne at Shrewesburie, and so to passe 
 directlie to the citie of London. 
 
 Wherefore he required them, (as his speciall trust and con- 
 fidence was fixed in the hope of their fidelitie,) that they would 
 meet him by the waie with all diligent preparation ; to the intent 
 that he and they, at time and place conuenient, might communicate 
 togither the deepnesse of all his doubtfull and weightie businesse. 
 When the messengers were dispatched with these commandements 
 and admonitions, he marched forward towards Shrewesburie : and, 
 in his passing, there met and saluted him Rice ap Thomas, 
 with a goodlie band of Welshmen ; which, making an oth and 
 promise to the earle, submitted himselfe wholie to his order and 
 commandement. 
 
 [Biclunond 
 joined by 
 Sir Gilbert 
 Talbot and 
 Sir William 
 Stanley.) 
 
 In the evening of the day on which Eichmond encamped near 
 Newport, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 753/2/ Sg. Salle, 411.] came to him sir Gilbert 
 Talbot, with the whole power of the yoong earle of Shrewesburie, 
 then being in ward ; which were accounted to the number of two 
 thousand men. And thus, his power increasing, he arriued at the 
 towne of Stafford, and there paused. 
 
 There also came sir William Stanleie accompanied with a few 
 persons. 
 
XH. RICHABD in. 409 
 
 In 1484,1 
 
 [Sol. iii. 749/1/17. Salle, 405.] lohn Vere, earle of Oxford, f^l'^i^^ 
 "which (as you haue heard before) was by king Edward kept in g^Mmto/ 
 prison within the castell of BAmmes, so persuaded lames Blunt, S^i^t' 
 capteine of the same fortresse, and sir lohn Fortescue, porter of BiimTbeing 
 
 one — ] go to 
 
 the towne of Calis, that he himselfe was not onelie dismissed and ^mruof 
 set at Ubertie, but they also, abandoning and leaning their fruitfull 
 ofiSces, did condescend to go with him into France to the earle of 
 Richmond, and to take his part. 
 
 The historic date of this scene must be August, 1485, but Stanley 
 gives Urswick a message relating to a matter which had been settled in 
 1483 (p. 399 above) : 
 
 Retourne vnto thy Lord ; commend me to him : 
 
 Tell him, the Queene hath hartelie consented 
 
 He shall espouse Elizabeth her daughter. — U. 16-18. (Qi). 
 
 When the marriage between Richmond and the Princess Elizabeth 
 had been arranged, 
 
 [Eol. iii, 742/1/58. Halle, 392.] the countesse of Richmond 
 tooke into hir seruice Christopher Urswike, an honest and wise Thteoimtau 
 pnest, and (after an oth of him for to be secret taken and sworne) vttena. the 
 
 r > \ • matter to 
 
 she vttered to him all hir mind and counsell ; adhibiting to him the ^^^'^^ 
 more confidence and truth, that he all his life had fauoured and ^i^'^^ 
 taken part with king Henrie the sixt, and as a speciall iewell put ""''*' 
 to hir seruice by sir Lewes hir physician. So the mother, studious 
 for the prosperitie of hir son, appointed this Christopher Urswike 
 to saile into Britaine to the earle of Richmond, and to declare and 
 reueale to him all pacts and agreements betweene hir & the queene 
 agreed and concluded. 
 
 Act V. sc. i. — ^When sc. iv.. Act IV„ closed, Richard was setting 
 out toward Salisbury, whither he commanded that Buckingham should 
 be brought. Buckingham now enters on his way to execution. He 
 asks the sheriff (1. 1) : 
 
 1 Oxford probably joined Richmond in October, 1484. We learn from the 
 minutes of Charles VIII.'s Council, sitting at Montargis, that Richmond had 
 left Brittany before October 11, 1484. — S^mces du Gonseil de Charles VIII., 
 128. The Council remained at Montargis until October 25, 1484. — KM., 142. 
 According to Pohjd. Verg. (556/13), Richmond, after escaping from Brittany, 
 went to Angers and thence to Mqntargis, where Oxford, Blunt, and Fortescue 
 came to him. 
 
410 XII. RICHAED III. 
 
 Will not King Bichard let me speake with him 1 
 Sher. No, my good Lord ; therefore be patient. 
 
 Assured, in answer to his enquiry, that it is All Souls' Day, the 
 Duke says (1. 12) : 
 
 Why, then Al-soules day is my bodies doomsday. 
 
 Buckingham, 
 
 S^kS^ [iTo?. iii. 744/2/13. iTaZZe, 395.] vpon All soules daie, without 
 ^*to?«* arreigment or iudgement, . . . was at Salisburie, in the open 
 ^Sm^ market place, on a new scaffold, beheaded and put to death. 
 
 [, on All 
 
 Souls' Day]. _^ct Y_ gg, jj, — Kichmond and his adherents enter. One of the 
 
 stages of his march was " the towne of Tamworth" {Hoi. iii. 754/2/32. 
 HaMe, 413) ; and scene ii. is laid in or near that place (1. 13). Blunt 
 depreciates Richard's strength (11. 20, 21) : 
 
 He hath no friends but what are friends for fear, 
 Which in his deerest neede will flye from him. 
 
 Holinshed copied Halle's mention (413) of some who joined Bich- 
 mond during the march between Lichfield and Tamworth ; but altered 
 the sense of the next passage.^ I quote this latter passage as it stands 
 in Holinshed : 
 
 [JSol. iii. 754/2/42. Ealle, 413.] Diuerse other noble person- 
 isome who ages, which inwardlie hated king Eichard woorse than a tode or 
 Bichaid a serpent, did likewise resort to him with all their power and 
 
 came to Iiim , ,.•. 
 
 through strength, wishing and working his destruction; who otherwise 
 would haue beene the instrument of their casting away. 
 On the day of battle, 
 
 \Rol. in. 757/1/26. Salle, 416.] such as were present (more 
 
 for dread than loue) kissed them openlie, whome they inwardlie 
 
 [Traitors in hatcd. Other sware outwardlie to take part with such whose 
 
 Bichards '■ 
 
 nrmy-] death they secretlie compassed, and inwardlie imagined. Other 
 promised to inuade the kings enimies, which fled and fought with 
 fierce courage against the king. Other stood still and looked on, 
 intending to take part with the victors and ouercommers. 
 
 Act V. sc. iii. — Richard enters with his partisans, and says (1. 1) : 
 
 Here pitch our tentes,* euen here in Bosworth field. 
 On August 21, 1485,8 
 
 * " Diuerae . . . strength " is Halle's translation of PoVyd. Virg. (66I/4 j, 
 46).^ Hoi., not perceiving that " him " refers to Bichmond, added the words 
 " wishing . . . away. ^ tentei] Q. Tent F. 
 
 ' I take the date from Gont. Groyl., 573. 
 
XII. EICHARD III. 411 
 
 [Sol. iii. 755/1/36. Halle, 413.] king Richard, "whioh was 
 appointed now to finish hia last labor by the very diuine iustice & 
 prouidence of God, (which called him to condigne punishment for 
 his mischiefous deserts,) marched to a place meet for two battels to 
 incounter, by a Tillage called Bosworth, not farre from Leicester : ^^^Md 
 and there he pitched his field on a hill called Anne Beame, S^„orth.] 
 refreshed his souldiers, and tooke his rest. 
 
 Norfolk is among those who are in attendance. Richard asks (1. 9) : 
 Who hath descried the number of the Traitors 1 
 
 Not. Six or seuen thousand is their vtmost power. 
 
 Eich. Why, Our Battalia 1 trebbles that account : . . . 
 When the two armies were drawn up for aetiofi, Hichmond's 
 
 \Hol. iii. 755/2/57. Halhi 414] whole number exceeded not [Richmond 
 fiue thousand men^ beside the power of the Stanleies, wherof three nZbered 
 thousand were in the field, vnder the standard of sir William ti^twoto 
 Sianleie. The kings number was double so much and more. 
 
 Eichard returns from surveying "the vantage of the ground" (V. 
 iii. 15), and takes up his quarters in the royal tfent. He gives some 
 orders ; one being (L 64) : 
 
 Saddle white Surrey for the Field to morrow. 
 
 On or about August 19, 1485,2 
 
 \Hol. iii. 764/2/20. Halle, 412.] he, (inuironed with his gard,) 
 with a frowning countenance and cruell visage, mounted on a great ^^^"*'' 
 white courser, . . . entered the towne of Leicester after the simne '=''™'«^i 
 set, . . . 
 
 Biichard then demands of Ratcliffe (1. 68) : 
 
 ^ battalion Q. 
 
 * After Bichmond's arrival at Lichfield, Richard left Nottingham for 
 Leicester. — PolyA^ Verg., 56I/11-39. The King proposed leaving Nottingham 
 on August 16 (jPaston, iii. 320) ; but a messenger — who was at York on 
 August 19 — found Kichard at Bestwood {Totk Becords, 216). Bestwood is 
 four miles north of Nottingham. — Bartholomew. This messenger might have 
 ridden as swiftly as one who seems to have been at Bosworth field on August 
 22, and, on the following day, brought news of the battle to York.-^rbrfc 
 Becords, 218. Such a feat was surpassed by Bernard Calvert, who, on July 
 17, 1619, rode — ^with relays of horses— 140 miles in 9 hours.-- Stow's Armales, 
 ed. 1631, p. 1032, col. 2. In Richard's reign messengers could, within twd 
 days, ride post for 200 miles. — Gont. Oroyl., 571. The distance between 
 Nottingham and Leicester is twenty-two miles in a straight line. Richard, as 
 we have seen, departed from Leicester on August 21. (In regard to Mr. 
 Davies's conjecture, York Becords, 216, note, that for Bestwood we should read 
 Prestwould, see Mr. Gairdner's Bichard III., p. 294, ilote.) 
 
412 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 Saw'at thou the melanchoUy Lord Northumberland 1 
 
 Bat. Thomas the Earle of Surrey, and himselfe, 
 Much about Cockshut time, from Troope to Troope 
 Went through the Army, chearing vp the Souldiers. 
 Here Malone quoted the following passage, prefacing it with the 
 explanation that " Richard calls him [Northumberland] melcmcholy, 
 because he did not join heartily in his cause." — Var. Sh., xix. 213. 
 Among those who submitted to Richmond after the battle 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 759/2/43, Halle, 419.] was Henrie the fourth earle 
 
 of Northumberland, which (whether it was by the commandement 
 
 of king Richard, putting diffidence in him ; or he did it for the 
 
 Liiand took loue aud fauour that he bare vnto the earle) stood still with a 
 
 the battle.} great compauie, and intermitted not in the battell, . . . 
 
 It is now " darke night " (1. 80). Richmond is in his tent, which 
 has been pitched at the other side of the field. He is secretly visited 
 by Stanley, who promises, " in this doubtfull shocke of Armes," such 
 aid as may not endanger George Stanley (11. 91-96). Stanley then says 
 (11. 97-100) : 
 
 Farewell ! the leysure and the fearfuU time 
 Cuts off the ceremonious Vowes of Loue, 
 And ample enterchange of sweet Discourse, 
 Which so long sundred Friends should dwell vpon ; 
 
 and goes out with the lords who have the charge of conducting him to 
 
 his " Regiment." Richmond, left alone, prays and sleeps (11. 108-117). 
 
 On or about August 20, 1485,^ in the daytime, Richmond went 
 
 The lard [Hol. iii. 755/i/i7. Salle, 413.] to the towne of Aderston, 
 
 statti^,«fe ^jjgj.g ^jjg jjjj.jj stanieie and sir William his brother with their 
 
 others mut, bauds wcrc abiding. There the erle came first to his father in 
 
 comuiu law, in a litle close, where he saluted him, and sir William his 
 
 brother : and after diuerse and freendlie imbracings, each reioised 
 
 of the state of other, and suddenlie were surprised with great ioy, 
 
 comfort, and hope of fortunate successe in all their affaires and 
 
 dooings. Afterward they consulted togither how to giue battell to 
 
 king Richard if he would abide, whome they knew not to be farre 
 
 off with an huge host. . . . 
 
 [Hol. iii. 755/2/22. Halle, 414.] After that the earle of 
 Richmond was departed from the communication of his freends 
 (as you haue heard before) he began to be of a better stomach, 
 
 1 Folyd. Verg., 562/i6, 24, 42. 
 
Blchard.] 
 
 XII. RICHAED III. 413 
 
 and of a more valiant courage, and with all diligence pitched his tBiciunond 
 field iust by the campe of his enimies, and there he lodged that ^^^ 
 night. 
 
 Bichard and Bichmond sleep, each in his tent. Their dreams bring 
 before them Prince Edward, Henry VI., Clarence, Bivers, Grey, and 
 Vaughan, Hastings, the young Princes, Anne, and Buckingham, who — 
 visible and audible to those present at the play — enter successively the 
 space between the armies. While promising victory to Bichmond, the 
 ghosts bid their murderer despair and die. When Buckingham 
 vanishes, "Eichard starts out of his dreame" (1. 176). 
 
 Bichard encamped near the village of Bosworth on August 21, 
 1485 (p. 410 above). 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 755/1/45. Hcdle, 414.] The fame went, that he had ^%^"^' 
 the same night a dreadfull and terrible dreame : for it seemed to at^jiJ^-' 
 him being asleepe, that he did see diuerse images like terrible o"m^ 
 diuels, which pulled and haled him, not suffering him to take anie 
 quiet or rest. The which strange vision not so suddenlle strake 
 his heart with a sudden feare,[but it stuffed his head and troubled 
 his mind with manie busie and dreadfull imaginations. For incon- 
 tinent after, his heart being almost damped, he prognosticated 
 before the doubtfiiU chance of the battell to come ; not vsing the 
 alaeritie and mirth ofmind^ and countenance as he was accustomed 
 to doo before he came toward the battell. And least that it might tnicharf 
 
 ° was d^ected 
 
 be suspected that he was abashed for feare of his enimies, and for ^j^j 
 that cause looked so pitiousUejj he recited and declared to his 
 familiar fi-eends in the morning his wonderfull vision and fearefiill 
 dreame. 
 
 The night is past. " Enter the Lords to Bichmond, sitting in his 
 Tent " (1. 222). He asks (1. 234) : 
 
 How f arre into the Morning is it. Lords i 
 Lor. Vpon the stroke of foure. 
 Eich. Why, then 'tis time to Arme, and giue direction. 
 
 Bichmond's procedure before the battle is thus described : 
 [Hoi. iii. 755/2/27. Halle, 414.] In the morning betimes, he [Bichmond's 
 caused his men to put on their armour, and apparell themselues ^^^i^jg 
 readie to fight and giue battell ; . . . ^^'^^■^ 
 
 1 Before he sleeps Eichard says (V. iii. 73, 74) : 
 " I hane not that Alacrity of Spirit, 
 Nor cheers of Minde that I tms wont to haue." 
 
414 XII. EICHARD HI. 
 
 '< His Ojration to his Souldjers" ensues (11. 237-170) -. 
 
 God, and our good ca/me, fight vpon pwr side ; . • . 240 
 
 Bichard except, those whom we fight against 243 
 
 Had rather haue vs win then him they follow : 
 
 For what is he they follow ? Truly, Gentlemen, 
 
 A bloudy Tyrant and ob Homicide ; . . . 
 
 One that made meanes to come by what he hath, ^48 
 
 And slaughter'd those that were the meanes tp help hin^ ; . . . 
 
 If you do sweate ^ to put a Tyrant downe, 255 
 
 You sleepe in peacei the Tyrant being slaine ; 
 
 If you do fight against your Countries Foes, 
 
 Your Countries Pat shall pay your paines the hyre ; . . . 
 
 Then, in the name of God and all these rights, 263 
 
 Adwmce your Stcmda/rds, draw your willing Swords! 
 
 For me, the ransome of my bold attempt 
 
 ShaM be this cold Oprpes on the earth's cold face j • • • 
 
 God a/nd Saint George I Kichmond and Victory ! 270 
 
 I give excerpts from " The oration of king Henrie the Seauenth to 
 his armie," ^ for comparison with V. iii. 240-270 : 
 
 \3ol. iii. 757I2I14, Salle, 416.] I doubt not, but God will 
 
 rather aid v^ (yea and fight for vs) than see vs vanquished and 
 
 ouerthrowne by such as neither feare him nor his laws, nor yet 
 
 regard iustice or honestie. 
 
 The eariei QuT cause is SO iust, that uo enterprise can be of more vertue, 
 
 cause imt 
 
 avarigM,j! both by the lawes diuine & ciuilL For what can be a more honest, 
 !S* ""^ goodlig, or godlie quarrell, than to fight agaiiist a capteine, being 
 
 good 
 
 succiae. 
 
 an hpmicide and murtherer of his owne bloud pr progenie, an 
 extrearoe destj-oier of his nobilitie, and to his and our conntrie and 
 the poore subiects of the same a deadlie mallet, a firie brand, and 
 a burthen intoUerable 1 . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 757/2/49. Halle, 417.] Beside this, I assure yon, 
 [Eidiaid that there be yonder in the great battell, men brought thither for 
 his soldiers.] feare, and not for loue ; souldiers by force compelled, and not with 
 good will assembled ; persons which desire rather the destruction 
 than saluation of their maister and capteine : . . . 
 i^i^ [Hoi. iii. 768/1/7. Halle, 417.] What mercie is in him that 
 
 friendB.3 slcieth his trustie freends as well as his extreame enimies ? . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 758/1 /S9. Halle, 417.] Therefore labour for your 
 gaine, & sweat for your right. While we were in Britaine, we had 
 
 ^ siueate] Q. sweare F. 2 ^fy^ ^ , ^ armie,'] Hpl. om. Halle, 
 
Xn. RICHARD III. 415 
 
 small liuings and little plentie of wealth or welfare, now' is the [The reward 
 
 , ofTictoiy.] 
 
 time come to get aboundance of riches, and copie of profit ; which 
 is the reward of your seruice, and merit of your paines. . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 758/2/23. Salle, 418,1 And this one thing I assure [Biohmond 
 
 ^ I ' " ' •• "3 preferred 
 
 you, that in so iust and good a cause, and so notable a quarrell, ""t]"^ 
 you shall find me this dale rather a dead carrion vpon the cold 
 ground, than a free prisoner on a carpet in a ladies chamber. . . . 
 
 [ffol. iii. 758/2/so. Halle, 418.] And therefore, in the name of f"^^^ „ 
 God and S. George, let euerie man couragiouslie aduance foorth his 
 standard/ 
 
 In the opposite camp Norfolk enters exclaiming (1. 288) : 
 
 Arme, arme, my Lord ! the foe vaunts in the field ! 
 
 Bichard thereupon declares how the royal troops are to be marshalled 
 (IL 291-300) ; 
 
 I will leade forth my Soldiers to the plaine, 
 
 And thus my BatteU shal be ordered : 292 
 
 My Foreward shall be drawne out all ^ in length, 
 
 Consisting equally of Horse and Foot ; 
 
 Our Archers shall be placed in the mid'st : 
 
 lohn Duke of Norfolke, Thomas Earle of Surrey, 296 
 
 Shall haue the leading of the Foot and Horse. 
 
 They thus directed, we will follow 
 
 In the maine BatteU, whose puissance on either Efide 
 
 Shall be well-wingfe'd with our cheefest Horse. 300 
 
 On August 22, 1485, 
 
 [ffol. iii. 755/2/7. Halle, 414.] king Bichard, being furnished ^«««r ^ 
 with men & all ablements of warre, bringing all his men out of ^"^i^fo 
 their campe into the plaine, ordered his fore-ward in a maruellous "'«»'«•"«• 
 length, in which he appointed both horsmen and footmen, to the 
 intent to jmpriAt, in the hearts of them that looked a farre ofij a 
 sudden terror and deadlie feare, for the great multitude of the 
 armed souldiers : and in the fore-front he placed the archers like a 
 strong fortified trench or bulworke. Ouer this battell was capteine, 
 lohn duke of Norffolke, with whome was Thomas earle of Surrie, ^M*^ 
 his Sonne. After this long vant-gard, followed king Richard him- o/su^'^m 
 selfe with a strong companie of ehosen and approued men of warre, ^"'^'"^ 
 hauing horssemen for wings on both sides of his battell. 
 
 * out all] Qi. The rest omit. 
 
416 
 
 XII. EICHAED III. 
 
 [Norfolk 
 warned b; a 
 rime to 
 refrain from 
 the field.] 
 
 * Richard. 
 
 (Norfolk's 
 fidelity to 
 Bichard.] 
 
 (Richard 
 disparaged 
 Bichmond's 
 followers.] 
 
 Norfolk shows the King a paper, saying (1. 303) : 
 
 This found I on my Tent this Morning. 
 
 The paper contains the ensuing couplet (11. 304, 305) ; 
 
 lockey of N'orfolke, he riot too bold,^ 
 
 For Dickon thy maister is bought amd sold. 
 
 From Halle (419) Holinshed copied a story that Norfolk 
 
 [Eol. iii. 759/2/3.] was warned by diuerse to refrain from the 
 field, in so much that the night before he should set forward 
 toward the king, one wrote this rime vpon his gate : 
 
 lacke of Rorffolke he not too hold, 
 
 For *Dikon thy maister is hought and sold. 
 
 Yet all this notwithstanding, he regarded more his oth, his 
 honor, and promise made to king Richard, like a gentleman ; and, 
 as a faithfull subiect to his prince, absented not himselfe from his 
 maister ; but as he faithfiillie lined vnder him, so he manfullie died 
 with him, to his great fame and laud. 
 
 Soon Bichard's "Oration to his a/rm/y"^ is delivered. From this 
 speech (11. 314-341) I give the following extracts : 
 
 Hemember whom you are to cope withall ; 315 
 
 A sort of Vagabonds, Eascals, and Run-oMuyes, 
 
 A scum of Brittcdnes, and base Lackey Fezants, . . , 
 
 You hauing Lands, and blest with beauteous wi/ubes, 321 
 
 They would restraine the one, distaine the other. 
 
 And who doth leade them but a paltry Fellow, 323 
 
 Long kept in Brilaine at our Mothers cost ? 
 
 A Milke-sop, . . . 
 
 If we be conquered, let men conquer vs, 332 
 
 And not these bastard Britainea ; whom owr Fathers 
 
 Haue, in their owne Land, beaten, bobb'd, and thump'd^ 
 
 And, on Eecord, left them the heires of shame. 
 
 "The oration of king Eichard the third to the chiefteins of Ms 
 mrmie " contains the subjoined passages, which should be compared with 
 the lines quoted above : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 756/1/60. Halle, 415.] Ye see ... , how a companie 
 of traitors, theeues, outlawes, and runnagates of our owne nation, 
 be aiders and partakers of his [Richmond's] feat and enterprise, 
 readie at hand to ouercome and oppresse vs. 
 
 You see also, what a number of beggerlie BrUans and faint- 
 
 > too] Capell. 
 2 His 
 
 to Qq. 6-8. so Qq. 1-5 Ff. 
 army.'] Hoi. om. Halle. 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 417 
 
 hearted Frenchmen be with him arriued to destroie vs, our wiues 
 and children. . . . 
 
 [Rol. iii. 756/2/f7. Halle, 415.1 And to begin with the erle TheK.ioouii 
 of Richmond, capteiue of this rebeUion, he is a Welsh milkesop, a captetra that 
 
 trie CCVfCB Oj 
 
 man of small courage, and of lesse experience in martiall acts and ^''*^^^*' 
 
 feats of warre ; broi^ht vp by my mooihers ^ meanes, and mine, 
 
 like a captiue in a close cage, mi the court of Francis duke of 
 
 Britaine; . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 75&l2i4.3. Halle, 415.1 And as for the Frenchmen Frmchmen 
 
 and Britans, their valiantnesse is such, that our noble progenitors, ^li^'*^' 
 
 and your valiant parents ^ haue them oftener vanquished and ouer- ™""''- 
 
 come in one moneth, than they in the beginning imagined possible 
 
 to compasse and finish in a whole yeare. 
 
 Almost immediately after Norfolk's last entrance, Bichard sent for 
 Stanley's contingent (1. 290). The King demands of a messenger who 
 now enters (1. 341) : 
 
 What sayes Lord Stanley ? will he bring his power ? 
 
 Mes. My Lord, he doth deny to come. 
 
 King. Off with his sonne Gteorges head ! 344 
 
 Nor. My Lord, the Enemy is past the Marsh : 
 After the battaile let George Stanley dye. 
 
 Halle, Holinshed's authority, says : 
 
 \Hol. iii. 760/I/S9. Halle, 420.] When king Richard was come 
 to Bosworth, he sent a purseuant to the lord Stanleie, commanding 
 him to aduance forward with his companie, and to come to his 
 presence ; which thing if he refused to doo, he sware, by Christes 
 passion, that he would strike oif his sonnes head before he dined. 
 The lord Stanleie answered the purseuant that, if the king did so, 
 he had more sonnes aliue ; and, as to come to him, he was not then stanuoM 
 
 bold answer 
 
 so determined. When king Richard heard this answer, he com- ^^^^ 
 manded the lord Strange incontinent to be beheaded : which was y"™*"""**- 
 at that verie same season, when both the armies had sight ech of p^isSa 
 other. But the councellors of king Richard pondered the time GeorgI' 
 
 ^ ■ iiiifN !• j>f Stanley's 
 
 and cause, (knowmg also the lord btrange to be innocent ot his execution 
 
 ' ^ ° ° till after the 
 
 fathers offense,) & persuaded the king that it was now time to fight, tattle.] 
 & no time to execute, 
 
 1 moothers] Hoi. (ed. 2). brothers Halle. Hoi. (ed. 1). 
 ^ pa/rents] Hoi. ed. 1. ports Hoi. ed. 2. 
 
 E E 
 
418 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 [The marsh 
 on Rich- 
 mond's right 
 flank.] 
 
 The policie of 
 the ea/rle, 
 
 [Richmond 
 was attacked 
 when he had 
 passed the. 
 maish,] 
 
 (i swift 
 horse was 
 brought to 
 him.] 
 
 [He refused 
 to fly.] 
 
 Besides that, they aduised him to keepe the lord Strange as 
 
 prisoner till the battell were ended, and then at leisure his pleasure 
 
 might be accomplished. So (as God would) king Bichard brake 
 
 his holie oth, and the lord was deliuered to the keepers of the 
 
 kings tents, to be kept as prisoner. 
 
 Richard attacked as soon as Richmond's right flank was no longer 
 J)rotected by the marsh of which Norfolk speaks. 
 
 [JIol. iii. 758/2/65. Halle, 418.] Betweene both armies there 
 
 was a great marish then (but at this present, by reason of diches 
 
 cast, it is growne to be firme ground) ^ which the earle of Richmond 
 
 left on his right hand ; for this intent, that it should be on that 
 
 side a defense for his part, and in so dooiug he had the sunne at 
 
 his backe, and in the faces of his enimies. When king Richard 
 
 saw the earles companie was passed the marish, he did command 
 
 with all hast to set vpon them. 
 
 Accepting Norfolk's counsel Richard cries (11. 348-350) : 
 
 Aduance our Standards, set vpon our Foes ; 
 Our Ancient word of Courage, faire S. George, 
 Inspire vs with the spleene of fiery Dragons ! 
 
 Compare some closing words in the speech attributed by Halle to 
 Richard, from which I have given excerpts above (pp. 416, 417). 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 757I1I16. Halle, 416.] Now saint George to borow, 
 let vs set forward, . . . 
 
 Act V. sc. iv. — ^Fortune has turned against Richard, and, when the 
 King enters calling for a horse, Catesby answers (1. 8) : 
 
 Withdraw, my Lord ; He helpe you to a Horse. 
 
 Rich. Slaue, I haue set my life vpon a cast, 
 And I will stand the hazard of the Dye ! 
 Richard might have fled, for 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 759/2/73. Halle, 419.] when the losse of the battell 
 was imminent and apparant, they brought to him a [p. 760] swift and 
 a light horsse, to conueie him awaie. He which was not ignorant of 
 the grudge and ill wiU that the common people bare toward him, 
 casting awaie all hope of fortunate successe and happie chance to 
 come, answered (as men saie) that on that dale he would make an 
 end of all battels, or else there finish his life. 
 
 Act V. sc. V. — In V. iv. 1-6, Catesby appealed to Norfolk for rescue : 
 
 then , . . ground] Not in Polyd. Verg., 568/19.. 
 
XII. RICHAED III. 419 
 
 Bescue, my Lord of Norfolk, rescue, rescue ! 
 
 The King enacts more wonders then a man, 
 
 Daring an opposite to euery danger ; 
 
 His horse is slaine, and all on foot he fights, 4 
 
 Seeking for Kichmond in the throat of death. 
 
 Eescue, faire Lord, or else the day is lost ! 
 
 The entry of scene v. (F) runs thus : " Alarum. Enter Bichard and 
 Richmond ; they fight. Richard is slaine." "While the vanguards of 
 the two armies were hotly engaged, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 759/1/26. Malle, 418.] king Richard was admonished 
 by his explorators and espials, that the earle of Richmond (accom- 
 panied with a small number of men of armes) was not far off. 
 And, as he approched and marched toward him, he perfectlie knew 
 his personage by certeine demonstrations and tokens, which he 
 had learned and knowen of others that were able to giue him full 
 information. Now, being inflamed with ire, and vexed with out^ 
 
 1" 1 1 • 1.1 11 <• [Hiohard ran 
 
 ragious malice, he put his spurres to his horsse, and rode out of yntb. spear 
 the side of the range of his battell, leauing the vant-gard fighting ; RJ^Mnd.] 
 and like a hungrie lion ran with speare in rest toward him. The 
 earle of Richmond perceiued well the king furiouslie comming mlhZy^ 
 toward him, and, bicause the whole hope of his wealth and purpose mcmmter 
 
 ' ' ^ . ^ ^ ir. Bichard 
 
 was to be determined by battell, he gladlie proffered to incounter J»*« *« 
 with him bodie to bodie, and man to man. 
 
 King Richard set on so sharplie at the first brunt, that he 
 ouerthrew the earles standard, and slue sir William Brandon ^ his ^^f^" 
 standard-bearer, (which was father to sir Charles Brandon, by king 
 Henrie the eight created duke of Suffolke,) and matched hand to 
 hand with sir lohn Cheinie, a man of great force and strength, 
 which would haue resisted him : but the said John was by him miohmond 
 manfullie ouerthrowen. And so, he making open passage by dint EtoLardat 
 of sword as he went forward, the earle of Richmond withstood his poinuo^w 
 violence, and kept him at the swords point, without aduantage, ha™ been 
 
 , , expected. 
 
 longer than his companions either thought or iudged : which, being tBiohmond's 
 almost in despaire of victorie, were suddenlie recomforted by sir tooId™™'sir 
 
 ^ ^ William 
 
 Stanlejr.] 
 
 1 Sir William Brandon was not slain at Bosworth, PoVyd. Verg. (663/38) 
 merely eays that Richard overthrew both standard and standard-bearer. A 
 petition presented by Brandon in the first Parliament of Henry VII. (November, 
 1485) shows that fear of Bichard obliged him to keep sanctuary at Gloucester 
 from Michaelmas 1484 "unto youre oomeing into this Reame, Soveraine 
 Lord."— iJot. Pari, vi. 291/2. 
 
420 
 
 XII. EICHAED III. 
 
 The hvngs 
 armiejlieth 
 
 [Bichard 
 Blain], 
 
 The lord 
 Stanleie 
 setteth y 
 crovme on 
 king Henries 
 Tvead. 
 
 ProclamO' 
 tion made to 
 bring in the 
 lord Strange. 
 
 [Henry 
 entered 
 Leicester on 
 the evening 
 after the 
 battle.] 
 
 William Stanleie, which came to his succors with three thousand 
 tall men. At which verie instant, king Richards men were driuen 
 backe and fled, & he himselfe, manfuUie fighting in the middle of 
 his enimies, was slaine ; and (as he worthilie had deserued) came to 
 a bloudie death, as he had lead a bloudie life. 
 
 A " Eetreat and Flourish " precede the re-entry of Kichmond, who 
 went out after slaying Richard. Stanley follows "bearing the 
 Crowne," which he offers to Eichmond (11. 4-7) : 
 Loe, heere, this long vsurped roialtie,^ 
 From the dead Temples of this bloudy Wretch 
 Haue I pluck'd off, to grace thy Browes withall : 
 Weare it, enioy it,^ and make much of it ! 
 Richmond's extemporaneous coronation was the last event of the 
 day. At the close of his second speech to his army (see next page), 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 760/ 1/42. Halle, 420.] the people reioised, and clapped 
 their hands, crieng vp to heauen, " King Henrie, king Henrie ! " 
 
 When the lord Stanleie saw the good will and gladnesse of the 
 people, he tooke the crowne of king Richard, (which was found 
 amongst the spoile in the field,) and set it on the carles head ; as 
 though he had beene elected king by the Toice of the people, as in 
 ancient times past in diuerse realmes it hath beene accustomed ; . . . 
 
 After his coronation Richmond asks (1. 9) : 
 
 But, tell me, is yong George Stanley liuing ? 
 
 Ber. £Stam,.] He is, my Lord, and safe in Leicester Towne ; 
 Whither, if it please you, we may now withdraw vs.^ 
 
 George Stanley, Lord Strange, was, as we have seen (p. 418 above), 
 " deliuered to the keepers of the kings tents, to be kept as prisoner." 
 
 [Eol. iii. 760/2/6. Halle, 420.] Which, when the field was 
 doone, and their maister slaine, and proclamation made to know 
 where the child was, they submitted themselues as prisoners to the 
 lord Strange, and he gentlie receiued them, and brought them to 
 the new proclamed king ; where, of him and of his father, he was 
 receiued with great ioy. After this the whole campe remooued 
 with bag and baggage. 
 
 The same night, in the euening, king Henrie with great pompe 
 came to the towne of Leicester ; . . . 
 
 1 this ... roialtie] Q. these . . . BoyalUea P. 
 
 2 ervioy i{]Q. i, 3. The rest omit. 
 
 ^ if it please you we may now withdraw vs"] Q. 
 withdraw vs F. 
 
 (if you please) we may 
 
XII. KICHAKD III. 421 
 
 To Eichmond's enquiry (1. 12), 
 What men of name are elaine on either side i [see sidenote to 759/2/i]. 
 
 Stanley replies : 
 
 lohn Duke of Norfolke, Walter Lord Ferrers,^ 
 
 Sir Robert Brakenbury,^ and Sir William Brandon.* 
 
 Halle (419) and Holinshed record that 
 
 Sviki of 
 
 [Hol. iii. 759/2/1.] of the nobilitie were slaine lohn duke of ^Zwfn the 
 Norffolke, ... ^- 
 
 ' What 
 
 There were slaine beside him, Walter lord Ferrers of Chartleie, *«•»»'«''/ 
 
 ' ' Tiat/ie were 
 
 sir Richard Radcliffe, and Robert Brakenberie, lieutenant of the jS^"" 
 
 Tower, and not manie gentleman more. si^.""^ 
 
 The play ends with a speech o{ Bichmond, which represents in a 
 measure his address to his soldiers before Stanley placed the crown on 
 his head (p. 420 above). I quote two excerpts partly illustrating the 
 commencement of the dramatic oration (11. 15-17) : 
 
 Interre their Bodies as become their Births : 
 
 Proclaime a pardon to the Soldiers fled, 
 
 That in submission will returne to vs : . . . 
 The victory won, Richmond 
 
 [Hol. iii. 760/I/3S. Halle, 420.] ascended vp to the top of a 
 little mounteine, where he not onelie praised and lauded his valiant ^r^^™^ 
 souldiers, but also gaue vnto them his hartie thanks, with promise eSSini^d* 
 of condigne recompense for their fidelitie and valiant facts ; willing swn should 
 and commanding all the hurt and wounded persons to be cured, to sepui- 
 and the dead carcasses to be deliuered to the sepulture. 
 
 [Hol. iii. 759/2/32. Halle, 419.] Of captiues and prisoners 
 there were a great number. For, after the death of king Richard 
 was knowne and published, euerie man, in manner vnarming him- 
 selfe, & casting awaie his abiliments of warre, meekelie submitted 
 themselues to the obeisance and rule of the earle of Richmond : of [After their 
 the which the more part had gladlie so doone in the beginning, if *^»^, 
 they might haue conuenientlie escaped from king Richards espials, sSStedto 
 which, hauing as cleere eies as Lynx, and open eares as Midas, '''o'™™'^-! 
 ranged & searched in euerie quarter.* 
 
 1 F&rrers] Capell. Ferris Qq. Ft. 
 
 2 Brackenbury] F4. Brokembury Qq. 3—8. Ff. 1—3. 
 
 3 Brandon was not slain. See p. 419, n. 1, above. 
 
 * In V. iii. 221, 222, Bichard goes' out with Batclifie ; saying, 
 " Vnder our Tents He play the eaves-dropper [F4. Ease-dropper F.], 
 To heare if any meane to shrinke from me." 
 
422 
 
 XII. RICHARD III. 
 
 Beicription 
 ofJBdwa.rd 
 the fourth, 
 
 [His 
 character.] 
 
 [Personal 
 appearance.] 
 
 [Over liberal 
 diet in his 
 latter days.] 
 
 [Fleshly 
 wantonness 
 in youth.] 
 
 Lastly I quote passages describing the characters and personal traits 
 of Edward IV., George Duke of Clarence, Eichai'd III., and Eichmond. 
 Edward 
 
 [JIol. ill. 711/1/46. More, 2/17.] was a goodlie personage, and 
 princelie to behold, of heart couragious, politike in counsell, in 
 aduersitie nothing abashed, in prosperitie rather ioifuU than proud, 
 in peace iust and mercifuU, in warre sharpe and fierce, in the field 
 bold and bardie, and natheles no further (than wisdome would) 
 aduenturous ; whose warres who so well considered, he shall no 
 lesse commend his wisedome where he voided, than his manhood 
 where he vanquished. He was of visage louelie, of bodie mightie, 
 strong, and cleane made : howbeit, in his latter dales, with ouer 
 liberall diet,^ somewhat corpulent and boorelie, and nathelesse 
 not vncomelie. He was of youth greatlie giuen to fleshlie 
 wantonnesse : ^ . . . 
 
 George duke 
 of Clarence. 
 
 [Hot. iii. 712/1/41. Mwe, 5/9.] George duke of Clarence was 
 a goodlie noble prince, and at all times fortunate, if either his 
 owne ambition had not set him against his brother, or the enuie of 
 had not tet his cuimies * his brother against him. 
 
 The descrip- 
 tion of 
 Richard the 
 third. 
 
 [Personal 
 appearance.) 
 
 [Malicious, 
 wrathful, 
 and 
 envious.] 
 
 (His 
 
 portentous 
 
 birth.] 
 
 [Hol. iii. 712/1/S9. More, 5/25.] Richard, the third sonne, of 
 whome we now intreat, was in wit and courage equall with either 
 of them, in bodie and prowesse farre vnder them both ; litle of 
 stature, ill featured of limmes, crooke backed, his left shoulder 
 much higher than his right,^ hard fauoiired of visage,* and such as 
 is in states called warlie, in other men otherwise ; he was malicious, 
 wrathfuU, enuious, and from afore his birth euer froward. It is for 
 truth reported, that the duchesse his mother had so much adoo in 
 hir trauell, that she could not be deliuered of him vncut ; and that 
 he came into the world with the feet forward, as men be borne 
 outward, and (as the fame runneth also) not vntoothed.^ . . . 
 
 1 Cp. Bieh. III., 1. i. 139-141. 
 
 2 Cp. 3 Men. VI,, II. i. 41, 42 ; and the asides of Clarence and Richard in 
 3 Hen. VI., III. ii. 
 
 3 Cp. 3 Hen. VI., III. ii. 153-162 ; Rich. III., I. i. 14-23. 
 « "Hardfcmor'd Richard" (3 Hen. VI., V. v. 78). 
 
 6 Cp. 3 Hen. VI., V. vi. 49-54, 70-75 ; Rich. III., II. iv. 27-29 ; IV. iv. 
 162—168, 
 
XII. RICHARD III. 423 
 
 None euill capteine was he in the warre, as to which his dis- [a good 
 
 , , general.] 
 
 position was more meetly than for peace. Sundrie victories had 
 he, & sometimes ouerthrowes ; but neuer on default as for his 
 owne person, either of hardinesse or politike order. Free was he [Mterai in 
 
 * ' ^ expendi- 
 
 called of dispense, and somewhat aboue his power liberall : with *™^-5 
 large gifts he gat him vnstedfast freendship, for which he was 
 faine to pill and spoile in other places, and got him stedfast hatred. 
 He was close and secret, a deepe dissembler, lowlie of countenance, [a aisaem- 
 
 . , bier.] 
 
 arrogant of heart, outwardlie companiable where he inwardlie 
 hated, not letting to kisse whome he thought to kill : despitious [Ambition 
 and crueU, not for euill will alway, but ofter for ambition, and cmeii 
 either for the suertie or increase of his estate. 
 
 Friend and fo was much what indiflferent, where his aduantage [and un- 
 
 Bcrupulous.] 
 
 grew ; he spared no mans death whose life withstoode his purpose. 
 
 Holinshed also contains the subjoined description of Eichard, 
 which was freely translated by Halle from Polydore Vergil {Angl. 
 Hist., 565/3) : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 76O/2/52. Ealle, 421.] As he was small and little of The damyp- 
 stature, so was he of bodie greatlie deformed ; the one shoulder awAonj. 
 higher than the other ; his face was small, but his countenance app^i^oe.] 
 cruell, and such, that at the first aspect a man would iudge it to 
 sauour and smell of malice, fraud, and deceit. When he stood Ktews 
 musing, he would bite and chaw busilie his nether lip ; ^ as who musLg.] 
 said, that his fierce nature in his cruell bodie alwaies chafed, 
 stirred, and was euer vnquiet : beside that, the dagger which he 
 ware, he would (when he studied) with his hand plucke vp & 
 downe in the sheath to the midst, neuer drawing it fullie out : he 
 was of a readie, pregnant; and quicke wit, wilie to feine, and apt [Character.] 
 to dissemble : he had a proud mind, and an arrogant stomach, the 
 which accompanied him euento his death; rather choosing to suffer 
 the same by dint of sword, than, being forsaken and left helplesse ?»™ WBiife 
 of his vnfaithfiill companions, to preserue by cowardlie flight such 
 a fraile and vncerteine life, which by malice, sicknesse, or condigne 
 punishment was like shortlie to come to confusion. 
 
 Richard's remorse for his nephews' murder is thus pictured : 
 
 > Cp. Rich. III., IV. ii. 27. See p. 371 above. 
 
424 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 IBichard's 
 remorse for 
 hiB nephews' 
 mnrder.] 
 
 Th& outward 
 and imeard 
 trovJbUs of 
 tyra/nU by 
 meanestifa 
 grvdging 
 cortscience. 
 
 (He took m 
 rest a 
 nights.] 
 
 The person 
 of the earle 
 ofj&ckmond 
 descried. 
 
 [Sol. lii. 735/2/ ^g. More, 85/19.] I haue heard by credible 
 report of such as were secret with his chamberleine, that, after this 
 abhominable deed doone, he neuer had a quiet mind. . . . 
 
 He neuer thought himselfe sure. Where he went abroad, his 
 eies whirled about, his bodie priuilie fensed,^ his hand euer vpon 
 his dagger, his countenance and maner like one alwaies readie to 
 strike againe; he tooke ill rest a nights, laie long waking and 
 musing, sore wearied with care and watch, rather slumbered than 
 slept, troubled with fearefull dreames, suddenlie sometime start 
 Yp, lept out of his bed, and ran ^ about the chamber ; ^ . . . 
 
 Kichmond 
 
 [Sol iii. 757/1/53. Salh, 416.] was a man of no great 
 stature, but so formed and decorated with all gifts and lineaments 
 of nature, that he seemed more an angelicall creature, than a 
 terrestriall personage. His countenance and aspect was cheerefuU 
 and couragious, his haire yellow like the burnished gold, his eies 
 graie, shining, and quicke : prompt and readie in answering, but of 
 such sobrietie, that it could neuer be iudged whether he were more 
 dull than quicke in speaking (such was his temperance.) 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 The meeting of Henry and Francis — June, 1520 * — is a recent event 
 when The Famous History of the Life of Kmg Hewry the Fight opens. 
 The action is brought to an end on September 10, 1533, the day of 
 Elizabeth's christening ; ^ but Cranmer's appearance before the Council 
 — July, 1544 — is dramatized in a preceding scene (Act V. sc. iii.). 
 
 Act I. sc. i. — ^Enter Norfolk, Buckingham, and Abergavenny. 
 Buckingham says (11. 4-7) : 
 
 An vntimely Ague 4 
 
 Staid me a Prisoner in my Chamber ■when 
 Those Sunnes of Glory, those two Lights of Men, 
 Met in the vale of Andren. 
 
 Nor. 'Twixt Guynes and Arde : 
 
 I was then present, saw them salute on Horsebacke ; 8 
 
 1 fense^ Hoi. (More), feinted Halle. 
 
 2 ran] Hoi. (More), loked Halle. 
 
 3 Cp. Bkh. III., V. iii. 159, 160. 
 
 * June 7, 1520, was the date of their first meeting (flciJJe, 608) ; and they 
 took leave of each other on June M (Haile, 620). * HaUe, 805. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 425 
 
 Beheld them, when they lighted, how they clung 
 In their Embracement, as they grew together ; . . . 
 
 On June 7, 1620, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 858/ 1/3 3. Halle, 608.] the two kings met in the vale Theinur- 
 of Andren, accompanied with such a number of the nobilitie of ^^J^'J'" 
 both realmes, so richlie appointed in apparell, and costlie iewels, ^'^'^'^■ 
 as chaines, collars of S S, & other the like ornaments to set foorth 
 their degrees and estates, that a woonder it was to behold and 
 view them in their order and roomes, which euerie man kept 
 according to his appointment. 
 
 The two kings meeting in the field, either saluted other in 
 most loning wise, first on horssebacke, and after alighting on foot 
 eftsoones imbraced with courteous words, to the great reioising of rrhetwo 
 the beholders : and, after they had thus saluted ech other, they embraced.] 
 went both togither into a rich tent of cloath of gold, there set vp 
 for the purpose, in the which they passed the time in pleasant . 
 talke, banketting, and louing deuises, till it drew toward the gpj^'l; 
 euening, and then departed for that night, the one to Guisnes, the ^™™'to 
 other to Ard. ^^'^ 
 
 The historical Euckingham was not his " Chambers Prisoner " 
 (1. 13) on June 17, 1520 ; for on that day, — after Francis had taken 
 leave of Queen Katharine and her ladies, — 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 86O/2/64. Halle, 616.] The lord cardinall, in statelie [Buoking- 
 
 L / / T ) J 1 ham was one 
 
 attire, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, and other great eLw^"'' * 
 lords, conducted forward the French king, and in their way they 
 incountered and met the king of England and his companie right The tm 
 
 111.1. 1 . 11 JeingB meet 
 
 in the vallie of Anderne, apparelled m their maskmg apparell ; t'n the 
 which gladded the French king. Andemej. 
 
 But Thomas Howard, second Duke of Norfolk, was in England ^ 
 while Henry and Francis were displaying the magnificence which the 
 dramatic "Norfolk" saw and describes (11. 16-38). 
 
 Though Buckingham asks who arranged the pageantry, he is able, 
 on learning that Wolsey ordered all (11. 45-51), to give the following 
 proof of the Cardinal's absolute control therein (11. 72-80) : 
 
 Bug. Why the Diuell, 72 
 
 Vpon this French going out, tooke he vpon him 
 (Without the priuity o'th'King) t'appoiat 
 
 1 Calendar {Hen. VIIL), III. i. 873, 895. 
 
426 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [The nobles 
 were dis- 
 pleased at 
 being sum- 
 moned to 
 attend 
 Henry with- 
 out the 
 council's 
 sanction.] 
 
 [Bucking- 
 ham was 
 especially 
 aggiievecL] 
 
 Ctreat hatred 
 hetweene the 
 cardinall, 
 and the duke 
 of Bucking- 
 havv^ 
 
 Who should attend on him ] He makes vp the File 
 
 Of all the Gentry ; for the most part such 76 
 
 To whom as great a Charge, as little Honor 
 
 He meant to lay vpon : and his owne Letter 
 
 (The Honourable Boord of Councell out) 
 
 Must fetch him in the Papers. 
 
 I quote passages illustrating Buckingham's words, and noticing his 
 hatred of Wolsey : 
 
 [Hoi. ill. 855/2/1. Polyd. Verg. 659/3.] The peeres of the 
 realme (receiuing letters to prepare themselues to attend the king 
 in this iournie, and no apparant neoessarie cause expressed, why 
 nor wherefore) seemed to grudge, that such a costlie iournie 
 should be taken in hand to their importunate charges and 
 expenses, without consent of the whole boord of the councell. 
 But namelie the duke of Buckingham (being a man of a loffcie 
 courage, but not most liberall) sore repined that he should be at 
 so great charges for his furniture foorth at this time, saieng : that 
 he knew not for what cause so much monie should be spent about 
 the sight of a vaine talke to be had, and communication to be 
 ministred of things of no importance. Wherefore he sticked not 
 to saie, that it was an intoUerable matter to obeie such a vile and 
 importunate person.^ 
 
 The duke indeed could not abide the cardinall, and speciallie 
 he had of late conceiued an inward malice against him for sir 
 William Bulmer's cause, whose trouble was onelie procured by the 
 cardinall ; who first caused him to be cast in prison.^ Now 
 such greeuous words, as the duke thus Tttered against him, came to 
 the cardinalls eare ; wherevpon he cast before hand all waies possible 
 to haue him in a trip, that he might cause him to leape headlesse. 
 
 In response to Norfolk's opinion that the peace is of little worth 
 (11. 87-89), Buckingham says ^1. 89-94) : 
 
 Euery man, 
 After the hideous storme that foUow'd, was 
 
 1 Halle merely says (600) that the project of an interview "was often 
 tymes hard and litle regarded, but yet by the meanes of the Cardinall at the 
 last, in the ende of February [1520] it was agreed that the kyng in person 
 should passe the sea to his castell and lordshyp of Guisnes, & there in Maie 
 next comming, betwene Guisnes and Arde, the kyng and the Frenche kyng 
 should mete." 
 
 2 See p. 438, n. 1; belpw. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 427 
 
 A thing Inspir'd ; and, not consulting, broke 
 
 Into a generall Prophesie : That this Tempest, 92 
 
 Dashing the Garment of this Peace, aboaded 
 
 The sodaine breach on't. 
 
 This supposed portent occurred about a week before the final leave- 
 taking of Henry and Francis. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 86O/2/74. Halle, 616.] On mondaie, the eighteenth ■f^'^l^ 
 of lune, was such an hideous stonne of wind and weather, that 3Jj^^^ 
 manie coniectured it did prognosticate trouble and hatred shortlie '"'"'''*• 
 after to follow betweene princes. 
 
 " Which," adds Norfolk, referring to the portent, 
 
 is budded out; 
 For France hath flaw'd the League, and hath attach'd 
 Our Merchants goods at Burdeux. 
 
 Abwr. Is it therefore 96 
 
 Th' Ambassador is silenc'd ? 
 
 Nor. Marry, is't. 
 
 The historic Edward StafEord, Duke of Buckingham, was beheaded 
 on May 17, 1521 ; some ten months before the event here spoken of. 
 On March 6, 1522, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 872/2/47. Halle, 632.] the French king commanded ^^J^^th 
 all Englishmens goods, being in Burdeaux, to be attached and put ^^goJ'^ 
 vnder arrest, , . . [Halle, 633.] The Merchauntes of England, &awr 
 that had factors at Burdeaux, complayned to the King of England, 
 and shewed hym how the Frewch king, contrary to his league and 
 his safeconduyte vnder hys seal, by hys people, had taken their 
 goodes, and emprisoned their factors and &endes, and can haue no 
 remedy.^ 
 
 This outrage was met by retaliatory measures ; and the French 
 
 TiTaZfe, 634] Ambassador was commaunded to kepe his house [The French 
 
 ambasaadoi 
 
 in silence,^ and not to come m presence till he was sent for, . . . suencei] - 
 
 Wolsey crosses the stage ; and, " in his passage, fixeth his eye on 
 Buckingham, and Buckingham on him, both full of disdaine " (1. 114). 
 Fearing that the Cardinal is gone to Henry for some malicious purpose, 
 Buckingham is about to follow, but Norfolk detains the angry Duke, 
 who then asserts (11. 163-167) that Wolsey 
 
 1 The substance of this excerpt from Halle and the words " league " and 
 " merchants " are in Mol.'s epitome (872/2/73) of Halle 633, but not in one 
 
 ' in s%knee\ Halle, om. Hoi. 
 
428 XIII. HENEY VIII. 
 
 Only to shew bis pompe, as well in France 
 
 As here at home, suggests the King our Master 164 
 
 To this last costly Treaty, th'enteruiew, 
 
 That swallowed so much treasure, and like a glasse 
 
 Did breake i'th'wrenching. 
 
 Norf. Faith, and so it did. 
 
 Buck. Pray giue me fauour. Sir ! This cunning Cardinall, 168 
 The Articles o'th'Combination drew 
 As himself e pleas'd ; . . . 
 According to Polydore Vergil (658/34), whom Holinshed translated, 
 Francis, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 853/1 / 1 I.J desirous to continue the friendship latelie 
 
 begun betwixt him and the king of England, made meanes Tnto 
 
 the cardinall, that they might in some conuenient place come to 
 
 an interuiew togither, that he might haue further knowledge of 
 
 [WoiBeys king Henrie, and likewise king Henrie of him. But the fame 
 
 love of pomp 
 
 made Mm went that the cardinall desired greatlie, of himselfe, that the two 
 
 desire to ° * ' 
 
 t^tatCT°°* kings might meet ; who, mesuring by his will what was conuenient, 
 
 Sl^'and thought It should make much with his glorie, if in France also, at 
 
 ""'''°' some high assemblie of noble men, he should be scene in his vaine 
 
 amiitums pompc and shew of dignitie : hee therefore breaketh with the king 
 
 humor <^ the ^ '^ ° _ ° 
 
 ywti ■'^ of that matter, declaring how honourable, necessarie, and con- 
 uenient it should be for him to gratifie his friend therein ; and thus 
 tHenry was ^^*^ ^^^ pcrsuasions the K. began to conceiue an earnest desire to 
 Sy w?bey scc the French king, and therevpon appointed to go ouer to Calls, 
 R^md^.] and so in the marches of Guisnes to meet with him. 
 
 It having been 
 
 The whole [Hol. iii. 853/2/io. Halle, 601. J concluded, that the kings of 
 
 S^icw ' England and France should meet (as yee haue heard), then both 
 to m the kings committed the order and manner of their meeting, and 
 
 canltnuU. ° °' 
 
 how manie dales the same should continue, & what preheminence 
 each should giue to other, vnto the cardinall of Yorke, which, to 
 set all things in a certeintie, made an instrument,^ conteining an 
 order and direction concerning the premisses by him deuised and 
 appointed. 
 
 1 In the instrument Wolsey uses these words : " we haue made, declared, 
 and ordeined certaine articles accepted & approoued by the same princes 
 respeetiuelie," &a.—Hol. iii. 853/2/64. Salk, 601. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 429 
 
 After attributing the costly and useless interview to Wolsey's love 
 of ostentation, Buckingham makes a more serious charge (11. 176-190) : 
 
 Charles the Emperour, 176 
 
 Vnder pretence to see the Queene his Aunt, 
 (For 'twas indeed his colour, but he came 
 To whisper Wolsey,) here makes visitation : 
 His feares were, that the Interview betwixt 180 
 
 England and France might, through their amity, 
 Breed him some preiudice ; for from this League 
 Feep'd harmes that menac'd him : he ^ priuily 
 DeaJes with our Cardinal ; and, as I troa, — 184 
 
 Which I doe well ; for, I am sure, the Emperour 
 Paid ere he promis'd; whereby his Suit was granted 
 Ere it was ask'd ; — but, when the way was made 
 And pau'd with gold, the Emperor thus desir'd : 188 
 
 That he would please to alter the Kings course, 
 And breake the foresaid peace. Let the King know 
 (As soone he shall by me) that thus the Cardinall 
 Does buy and sell his Honour as he pleases, 192 
 
 And for his owne aduantage. 
 
 On the Eve of Whit Sunday (May 26, 1520) Charles landed at 
 Dover, where, on the following day, Henry met him. 
 
 [Rol. in. 856/i/Si. Salle, 604. j On Whitsundaie, earlie in j^eemjimw 
 
 and K. 
 
 the morning, they tooke their horsses, and rode to the citie of Henritheept 
 Canturburie, the more to keepe solemne the feast of Pentecost, j*^*"*^ 
 but speciallie to see the queene of England his aunt was the fcharies 
 emperour his intent ; of whome ye may be sure he was most Teethe*" 
 
 ..„,,, . J , , , Queen, his 
 
 lomiUie recemed and welcomed. . . . aunt.] 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 856/I/70. Folyd. Verg. 66O/4S.] The chiefe cause, 
 that mooued the emperour to come thus on land at this time, was 
 to persuade that by word of mouth, which he had before done 
 most earnestlie by letters ; which was, that the king should not 
 meet with the French king at anie interuiew : for he doubted least, 
 if the king of England & the French king should grow into some 
 great friendship and faithfuU bond of amitie, it might turne him to 
 displeasure. 
 
 But, now that he perceiued how the king was forward on his The emperor 
 
 tabaureth to 
 
 iournie, he did what he could to procure that no trust should be hinder tu 
 committed to the faire words of the Frenchmen : and that, if it •"'««««'• 
 were possible, the great friendship, that was now in breeding 
 betwixt the two kings, might be dissolued. And, forsomuch as he 
 
 ' 7»e] F2. om. Fi. 
 
430 
 
 XIU. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [Wolsey 
 insisted 
 that the 
 interview 
 should go 
 forward, but 
 accepted 
 Charleses 
 bribe to 
 dissolve the 
 friendship of 
 Henry and 
 Francis.] 
 
 £dw. Hail 
 I, 622]. 
 
 [Arrest of 
 Bucking- 
 ham, 
 Hopkins, 
 Selacourt, 
 and Ferke.] 
 
 Anno Reg. 
 13. 
 
 knew the lord cardinall to be woone with rewards, as a fish with a 
 bait, he bestowed on him great gifts, and promised him much 
 more; so that hee would be his friend, and helpe to bring his 
 purpose to passe. The cardinall (not able to susteine the least 
 assault by force of such rewards as he presentlie receiued, and of 
 such large promises as on the emperours behalfe were made to 
 him) promised to the emperour, that he would so Tse the matter, 
 as his purpose should be sped : onelie he required him not to 
 disalow the kings intent for interuiew to be had ; which he desired 
 in anie wise to go forward, that he might shew his high magnificence 
 in France, according to his first intention. 
 
 An officer named Brandon ^ now enters (1. 197), preceded by "a 
 Sergeant at Armes " and " two or three of the Guard." At Brandon's 
 bidding Buckingham and Abergavenny are arrested ; it being Henry's 
 pleasure that they shall both to the Tower (11. 198-214). Brandon also 
 (11. 217 — 221) shows a warrant from 
 
 The King, t'attach Lord Mountacute ; and the Bodies 
 Of the Dukes Confessor, lohn de la Car, 
 One Gilbert Pecke, his chancellor, ^ — 
 
 Buck. So, so ; 
 
 These are the limbs o'th'Plot : no more, I hope. 220 
 
 £ra. A Monke o'th'Chartreux. 
 
 Buck. O ! Nicholas Hopkins 1 ^ 
 
 Bra. He. 
 
 Buckingham having been accused of treasonable designs 
 
 [Sol. iii. 863/i/2i.] was sent for vp to London, &, at his 
 comming thither, was streightwaies attached, and brought to the 
 Tower by sir Henrie Marneie, capteine of the gard, the sixteenth 
 of Aprill [, 1521]. There was also attached the . . , Chartreux 
 monke [, Nicholas Hopkins], maister lohn de la Car alias de la 
 Court, the dukes confessor, and sir Gilbert Perke, priest, the 
 dukes chancellor. 
 
 After the apprehension of the duke, inquisitions were taken in 
 diuerse shires of England of him; so that, by the knights and 
 
 ' 1 Perhaps." sir Thomas Brandon, master of the kings horsse," who appeared 
 in the royal train on the day before Henry VIII. s coronation, — Mol. iii, 
 8OI/2/1. EalU, 508. 
 
 ^ chancellor] Pope, ed. 2 (Theobald). Co^mcdlo^lr F. It appears from 
 Buckingham's indictment that the chancellor's name was Robert Gilbert. By 
 Halle (623) he was named Gylbert Perke. 
 
 s Nicholas] Pope, ed. 2 (Theobald). Michaell F. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 431 
 
 gentlemen, he was indicted of high treason, for cerfceine words TUdviaof 
 
 BuckiTiglumi 
 
 spoken ... by the same duke at Blechinglie, to the lord of ^^i^^"^ 
 Aburgauennie ^ and therewith was the same lord attached for ^^nny md 
 concelement, and so likewise was the lord Montacute, and both led ^ttSLi 
 
 , ,i rn sent to the 
 
 to the Tower. Tower.] 
 
 Act I. sc. ii. — Henry enters, " leaning on the Cardinals shoulder," 
 whom he thanks for detecting Buckingham's treason (11. 1-4). The 
 King wishes to hear in person the evidence which Buckingham's sur- 
 veyor has laid before Wolsey (11. 4-8) ; but at this moment Queen 
 Katharine enters, ushered by the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. She 
 is a petitioner for Henry's subjects, who 
 
 Are in great grieuance : there haue beene Commissions 20 
 
 Sent downe among 'em, which hath flaw'd the heart 
 
 Of all their Loyalties : wherein, although. 
 
 My good Lord Cardinall, they vent reproohes 
 
 Most bitterly on you, as putter on 24 
 
 Of these exactions, yet the King, om- Maister, 
 
 (Whose Honor Heauen shield from soUe !) euen he escapes not 
 
 Language vnmannerly, yea, such which breakes 
 
 The sides of loyalty, and almost appeares 28 
 
 In lowd Rebellion. 
 
 Norf. Not " almost appeares," 
 
 It doth appeare ; for, vpon these Taxations, 
 The Clothiers all, not able to maintaine 
 
 The many to them longing, haue put ofE 32 
 
 The Spinsters, Carders, Fullers, Weauers, who, 
 Vnfit for other life, compeld by hunger 
 And lack of other meanes, in desperate manner 
 Daring th'euent to th'teeth, are all in vprore, 36 
 
 And danger serues among them. 
 
 Besuming her petition Queen Katharine explains (U. 56-60) that 
 
 The Subiects griefe 56 
 
 Comes through Commissions, which compels from each 
 The sixt part of his Substance, to be leuied 
 Without delay ; and the pretence for this 
 Is nam'd, your warres in France : . . . 
 
 Previous to her entry historic time has not reached the date of 
 Buckingham's trial (May 13, 1521),^ but as soon as she begins to speak 
 we are transported to the historic year 1525,^ when Henry, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. ^Q\liJ2,i. Halle, 694. J being determined ... to 
 make wars in France, & to passe the sea himselfe in person, his 
 councell considered that aboue all things great treasure and 
 plentie of monie must needes be prouided. Wherfore, by the 
 
 1 See pp. 434, 435, below. "- Stow, 862. ^ ^cAle, 694. 
 
432 
 
 XIII. HENEY VIII. 
 
 [Wolsey'a 
 commis- 
 sions,] 
 
 The Hxt part 
 ofeuerie 
 
 aubstcmce 
 demanded. 
 
 tWolsey 
 laboured to 
 obtain tlie 
 money.] 
 
 [The com- 
 mons were 
 moved to 
 rebellion.] 
 
 A rebellion 
 inSuiffolke by 
 the grieuou8- 
 nesse of the 
 subsidie. 
 
 The duke of 
 Norffolhe 
 Cometh with 
 a power 
 againet the 
 rebels in 
 Suffolke. 
 
 Pou^rtie and 
 Necefsitie 
 capteine of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 cardinall there was deuised strange commissions, and sent in the 
 end of March into euerie shire, and commissioners appointed, and 
 priuie instructions sent to them how they should proceed in their 
 sittings, and order the people to bring them to their purpose : 
 which was, that the sixt part of euerie mans substance should be 
 paid in monie or plate to the king without delaie, for the furniture 
 of his war. Hereof followed such cursing, weeping, and exclama- 
 tion against both king & cardinall, that pitie it was to heare. . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 891/1/70. Halle, 697.] The cardinall trauelled 
 earnestlie with the maior and aldermen of London, about the aid 
 of monie to be granted, and likewise the commissioners, appointed 
 in the shires of the realme, sat vpon the same : but the burthen 
 was so greeuous, that it was generallie denied, and the commons 
 in euerie place so mooued, that it was like to grow to rebellion. . . . 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 891/2/8. Halk, 699.] The duke of SufiFolke, sitting 
 in commission about this subsidie in SufiFolke, persuaded by 
 courteous meanes the rich clothiers to assent therto : but, when 
 they came home, and went about to discharge and put from them 
 their spinners, carders, fullers, weauers, and other artificers, (which 
 they kept in worke afore time,) the people began to assemble in 
 companies. . . . And herewith there assembled togither, after the 
 maner of rebels, foure thousand men of Lanam [Lavenham], 
 Sudberie, Hadleie, and other townes thereabouts ; which put 
 themselues in harnesse, and rang the bels alarme, and began still 
 to assemble in great number. . . . 
 
 The duke of Norffolke,^ being therof aduertised, gathered a 
 great power in Norffolke, and came towards the commons, &, 
 sending to them to know their intent, receiued answer, that they 
 would line and die in the kings causes, and be to him obedient. 
 Herevpon he came himselfe to talke with them, and, willing to 
 know who was their capteine, that he might answer for them all, 
 it was told him by one lohn Greene, a man of fiftie yeares of age, 
 that Pouertie was their capteine, the which, with his cousin 
 Necessitie, had brought them to that dooing. 
 
 Henry exclaims (11. 67, 68) : 
 
 1 The third Duke. The second Duke died in June, 15M.— Halle, 697. 
 
XIII. HBN-RY VIII-. 433 
 
 By my life, 
 This is against our pleasure ! 
 
 Cwrd. And for me, 68 
 
 I haue no further gone in this, then by 
 A single voice ; and that not past me, but 
 By learned approbation of the ludges. . . . 
 
 Turning to Wolsey the King says (11. 91-102): 
 
 Haue you a President ^ 
 Of this Commission ] I beleeue, not any. 92 
 
 "We must not rend our Subiects from our Lawes, 
 And sticke them in our Will. Sixt part of each ? 
 A trembling Contribution ! . . . 
 
 ... To euery County 
 Where this is question' d, send our Letters, with 
 Free pardon to each man that has deny'de 100 
 
 The force of this Commission ! pray looke to't ; 
 I put it to your care ! 
 
 Card, \aside to his iSecrefory] A word with you ! 
 Let there be Letters writ to euery Shire, 
 
 Of the Kings grace and pardon. The greeued Commons 104 
 Hardly conceiue of me : let it be nois'd 
 That, through our Intercession, this Eeuokement 
 And pardon comes : . . . 
 
 The Suffolk rebels having dispersed, Henry 
 
 \Hol. iii, 891/2/64. Balk, 700.] came to Westminster to the [Hemypro- 
 
 j. ' ' ' -" tested that 
 
 cardmals palace, and assembled there a great councell, in the ^tto°Suc 
 which he openlie protested, that his mind was neuer to aske anie SSlwS^ 
 thing of his commons which might sound to the breach of his mmdidwho 
 lawes ; wherefore he willed to know by whose meanes the commis- the o^^ia- 
 
 ■ a _ sion.] 
 
 sions were so streictlie giuen foorth, to demand the sixt part of 
 euerie mans goods. 
 
 The cardinall excused himselfe, and said, that when it was The car- 
 mooued in councell how to leuie monie to the kings vse, the kings y^e^ 
 councell, and namelie the iudges, [p. 892] said, that he might law- »tifetmuhing 
 fiillie demand anie summe by commission, and that by the consent ^^^^ 
 of the whole councell it was doone ; and tooke God to witnes that rrhe judges 
 
 said that the 
 
 he neuer desired the hinderance of the commons, but like a true "°^i!!j?ri 
 
 ' werelawim.] 
 
 councellor deuised how to inrich the king. The king indeed was [Hemywas 
 much offended that his commons were thus intreated, & thought at the wrong 
 
 ° , done to the 
 
 it touched his honor, that his councell should attempt such a oommons.] 
 doubtful! matter in his name, and to be denied both of the 
 
 ' " President "= precedent. • ' 
 
 r F 
 
434 
 
 Xm. HENRY vin. 
 
 iHeimnnned spiritualtie and temporaltie. 
 
 the com- '^ ^ 
 
 Therefore he would no more of 
 {ettOT"Mid^ that trouble, but caused letters to be sent into all shires, that the 
 
 pradoned 
 those who 
 had lelbsed 
 to pay the 
 tax.] 
 
 [Wolsey 
 spreads 
 report that 
 this grace 
 wasdneto 
 his interces- 
 ■ion.] 
 
 The ea^ 
 diTutll dt' 
 uiieth tilt 
 datmetion 
 qf tht duhe 
 of Bucking- 
 ham [, by 
 meatts bf 
 KnyretJ. 
 
 matter should no further be talked of: & he pardoned all them 
 
 that had denied the demand openlie or seeretlie. The cardinall, 
 
 to deliuer himselfe of the euill will of the commons, purchased by 
 
 procuring & aduancing of this demand, affirmed, and caused it to 
 
 be bruted abrode,^ that through his intercession the king had 
 
 pardoned and released all things. 
 
 Historic time runs back to the year 1521 when Charles Knyvet, 
 Buckingham's surveyor, enters, and, at Henry's command, proceeds to 
 give evidence of the Duke's treason : 
 
 Ster. First, it was vsuall with him, euery day 132 
 
 It would infect his Speech, that i/ the Kmg 
 Should mthout issue dye, hee'l carry it so 
 To make the Scepter his : these very words 
 I'ue heard him vtter to his Sonne iu Law, 136 
 
 Lord Aburgany ; to whom by oth he menac'd 
 Beueuge vpon the Cardinall. . . . 
 
 Km. Speake on ! 
 
 How grounded hee his Title to the Crowne, 144 
 
 Vpon our f aile ? to this poynt hast thou heard him 
 At any time speake ought ! 
 
 Sv/r. He was brought to this 
 
 By a vaine Prophesie of Nicholas Henton. 
 
 Kin. What was that Henton t 
 
 Sw. Sir, a Chartreux Fryer, 148 
 
 His Confessor, who fed him euery minute 
 With words of Soueraignty. 
 On the authority of Polydore Vergil (665/i i) Holinshed relates that 
 
 \Rol. iii. 862/2/S3.J the cardinall, boiling in hatred against the 
 duke of Buckingham, & thirsting for his bloud, deuised to make 
 Charles Kneuet (that had beene the dukes surueior, and put from 
 him ^ . . .) an instrument to bring the duke to destruction. This 
 Kneuet, being had in examination before the cardinall, disclosed 
 
 _ * S.dlU says (701) that " letters were sent to all commissioners to cease, 
 with instruccions how to declare the kynges pardon. In whiche declaracion 
 was shewed that the Cardinal neuer assented to the first demaunde [for a 
 sixth. Henry afterwards asked for what his subjects would willingly give 
 him. — Salle, 697] ; and in the instruccions was comprehended that the lordes 
 and the ludges, and other of the kynges counsaill, diuised the same demaunde, 
 and that the Cardinall folowed the mynd of the whole counsaill : these two 
 poyntes were contrary one to another, whiche were well marked. And farther 
 the instruccions were that, at the humble peticioro and supplicacion of the 
 Cardinall, the saied greate sommes, whiche were demaunded by the kyngs anctho- 
 ritie royall, were clerely pardoned and remitted," ... ' See p. 437 below. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 435 
 
 all the dukes life. And first he vttered, that the 4uke was 
 accustomed, by waie of talke, to sale how he meant so to vse the tBaddngiuim 
 
 •' talked of 
 
 matter, that he would atteine to the crowne, if king Henrie toaV^a 
 chanced to die without issue : Sd that he had talke and conference '^ed^^out 
 of that matter on a time with George Neuill, lord of Abur- '°™*'^ 
 gauennie, vnto whome he had giuen his daughter in marriage ; 
 and also that he threatned to punish the cardinal! for his manifold 
 misdooings, being without cause his mortall enimie. 
 
 The cardinall, hauing gotten that which he sought for, inoour- £^7'" 
 aged, comforted, and procured Kneuet, with manie comfortable S^"*'* 
 words and great promises, that he should with a bold spirit and S?" "'* 
 countenance obiect and laie these things to the dukes charge, with 
 more if he knew it when time required. Then Kneuet [p. 863], 
 partlie prouoked with desire to be reuenged, and partlie mooued {^"*'p8- 
 with hope of reward, openlie confessed, that the duke had once ^^^ 
 fullie determined to d^uise meanes how to make the king away, &Sim 
 being brought into a full hope that he should be king, by a vainfi °°p^™°-1 
 prophesie which one Nicholas Hopkins, a monke of an house of the 
 Chartreux order beside Bristow, called ffenton, sometime his 
 confessor, had opened vnto him. 
 
 The cardinall, hauing thus taken the examination of Kneuet, ^f^. 
 went vnto the king, and declared vnto him, that his person was in S'^*' 
 danger hj such traitorous purpose, as the duke of Buckingham i^thel^nffT 
 had conceiued in his heart, and shewed how that now there is 
 manifest tokens of his wicked pretenge : wherefore, he exhorted 
 the king to prouide for his owne suertie with ^peed. The king, 
 hearmg the accusation, inforced to the vttermost by the cardinall, 
 made this answer : " If the duke haue deserued tp be punished, 
 "let him haue according to his deserts." 
 
 Knyvet then explains how he knew of Nicholas Hopkins's prophecy 
 (11. 151-171) : 
 
 Sur. Not long before your Highnesse sped to France, 
 The Dvjee being at the Rose, within the Parish 152 
 
 Saint Laurence PovMney, did of me demcmd 
 What was the speech among the Londoners, 
 Concerning the French lowmey : I replide. 
 Men fear'd ^ the French woi^d proue perfidious, 156 
 
 ' /e»»"'<^ Pope- feare'E.. 
 
436 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [Bucking- 
 ham asked 
 Knyvet . 
 what the 
 Londoners 
 said of 
 Henry's . 
 journey.] 
 
 [Knyvet's 
 answer.] 
 
 The luke 
 dU&mereth 
 the aecrede 
 of all the 
 matter to 
 his ovme 
 vndooinjf. 
 
 160 
 
 164 
 
 168 
 
 To the Kings danger. Presently, the Duke 
 Said, 'twas the feare, indeed ; and that he doubted 
 'Twould proue the verity of certaine words 
 Spoke by a holy Monke ; " that oft," sayes he, 
 " Kath sent to me, wishing me to permit 
 " John de la Gar, my Chaplame, a ehoyce howre 
 " To heare from him a matter of some moment : 
 " WTidm after, vnder the Confessions ^ Seale, 
 " ffe soUemnly had swome, that, what he spoke, 
 " My Chaplaine to no Creature lining, but 
 " To me, should vtter, with demure Confidence 
 " This pausingly ensu'de : ' Neither the King, nor's ff eyres 
 ' (Tell you the Duke) shall p-osper : bid him striue 
 ' To gain ^ the loue o'th' Commonalty : the Duke 
 ' shall gouerne England.' " 
 One of the charges in Buckingham's ^ indictment * was that 
 
 \Hol. iii. 864/2/12. Stow, 861.] the same duke, the tenth of 
 Male, in the twelfe yeare of the kings reigne [1520], at London in 
 a place called the Rose, within the parish of saint Laurence Poultnie 
 in Canwike street ward, demanded of the said Charles Kneuet 
 esquier, what was the talke amongest the Londoners concerning the 
 kings iourneie beyond the seas ? And the said Charles told him, 
 that manie stood in doubt of that iourneie, least the Frenchmen. 
 meant some deceit towards the king. Whereto the duke answered, 
 that it was to be feared least it would come to passe according 
 to the words of a certeine holie moonJce : " For there is " (saith he) 
 "a Chartreux moonke, that diuerse times hath sent to me, willing 
 " me to send vnto him my chancellor : and I did send vnto him 
 " lohn de la Court my chapleine, vnto whome he would not declare 
 "anie thing, till de la Court had swome vnto him to keepe all 
 "things secret, and to tell no creature liuing what hee should 
 "heare of him, except it were to me. 
 
 1 Oojifessions] Theobald. Com/m/issions F. Theobald justified his emend- 
 ation by quoting Mol. iii. 868/2/52 : " The duke in talke told the monke 
 [Hopkins] that he had dooue verie well to bind Ms chapleiae lohn de la Court, 
 vnder the seale of confession, to keepe secret such matter " : . . . 
 
 2 gam] F4. om. F. Malone supported this insertion by quoting "that 
 I should indeuor my selfe to purchase the good wils of the communaltie of 
 England " (see close of next excerpt). 
 
 3 On July 20, 1517, Hopkins prophesied " that before Christmas next there 
 should be a change, & that the duke should haue the rule and gouemement of 
 all England."— JaoZ. iii. 864/1/31. 8tow, 860. 
 
 * The indictment, as it appears in Stow, is prefaced by the remark that he 
 had " seen and read " it (859). 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 437 
 
 " And then the said moonke told de la Court, that neither the [HopMns-s 
 
 ,, _ , prophecy.] 
 
 k%7ig nor his heires should prosper, and that I should indeuour my 
 " selfe to purchase the good wils of the comimmaltie of England ; 
 " for I the same duke and my bloud should prosper, and haue the 
 " rule of the realme of England." 
 
 At this point Queen Katharine interposes with an appeal to 
 .Knyvet's conscience (11. 171-175) : 
 
 If I know you well, 
 You were the Dukes Surueyor, and lost your Office 172 
 
 On the complaint o'th'Tenants : take good heed 
 You charge not in your spleene a Noble person, 
 And spoyle your nobler Soule ! 
 In 1520 
 
 [Hoi. iii. B^QjilJ. Polyd. Verg. 66O/33.] it chanced that the 
 duke, comming to London with his traine of men, to attend the 
 king into France, went before into Kent vnto a manor place which 
 he had there. And, whilest he staid in that countrie till the king [Suddne- 
 set forward, greeuous complaints were exhibited to him by his tenants 
 
 ^ ^ complained 
 
 farmars and tenants against Charles Kneuet his surueiour, for such ^^^**' 
 bribing as he had vsed there amongest them. Wherevpon the chl^^'' 
 duke tooke such displeasure against him, that he depriued him of '^"' 
 his office; not knowing how that in so dooing he procured his owne 
 destruction, as after appeared.^ 
 
 Besuming his evidence Knyvet says (11. 178-186) : 
 
 I told my Lord the Duke, by th'Dvueh illusions 
 
 The Monke might he decevu'd ; and that 'twas dangerous for him ^ 
 
 To ruminate on this so farre, vntUl 180 
 
 It forg'd him some designe, which, beiing beleeu'd> 
 
 It was much like to doe: he answer'd, "Tush ! 
 
 " It can doe me no damage "; adding further, 
 
 That, had the King in his last Sicknesse faild, 184 
 
 The Cardinals and Sir Thomas Lovds heads 
 
 Should hMue gone off. 
 
 To illustrate these lines I quote the rest of the charge concerning 
 Buckingham's talk with Knyvet on May 10, 1520: 
 
 ! 
 
 ^ The excerpt "it chanced . . . appeared" is preceded by the following 
 passage : " Now in this meane while [Spring of 1520], the cardinall ceassed not 
 to.bring the duke out,.of the kings fanour by such forged tales and contriued 
 surmises as he dailie put into the kings head : insomuch that (through the 
 infelicitie. of his fate) diuerse accidents fell out to the aduantage of the 
 cardintdl ; which he not omitting, atchiued the thing whereat he so studiouslie 
 (for the satisfieng of hk canckered & malicious stomach) laid full aime*" — 
 Hoi. iii. 85512J72. ^ ^tm] Rowe. tiiis F. 
 
438 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 LSdSt t'^"^' "'• ^^^I^b7- ^*("^> 862.] Then said Charles Kneuet : 
 
 ^ppWns " fif^ moonke maie he deeeiued through the diuek illusion : " and 
 thedI?S.]^ that it was euill to meddle with such mattera. "Well" (said the 
 ofoStS^ duke) " it cannot hurt me ; " and so (saith the indictment) the duke 
 '^m]"wM ^ seemed to reioise in the moonks woords. And further, at the same 
 [; though he time, the duke told the said Charles, that, if the king had miscaried 
 
 said that the , ^ 
 
 pr^hecy uow m his lost sicknesse, he would haue chopped off the heads of 
 no harm], fj^ cardinoll, of dr Thomas Zouell knight, and of others ; and also 
 haddledf Said, that he had rather die for it, than to be Tsed as he had beene. 
 
 Backingham 
 
 ch"'*^off Questioned by Henry, Knyvet gives an instance of Buckingham's 
 
 the heads of truculent mood : 
 
 wseyand g^ Being at Greewwich, 188 
 
 Aftisr your Highnesse had repr&u'd the Duke 
 About Sir WiUiam Bvhmr} — 
 
 Kin. I remember 
 
 Of such a time : being my sworn seruant. 
 The Duke refeiw'd him his. But on ! what hence? 192 
 
 Sur. " If" (quoth he) " I for this had heene committed, 
 " As, to the Tower, I thought, I would haue plaid 
 " The Part my Father meant to act vpon 
 
 "Th'Vsurper Richard; who, being at Salshwry, 196 
 
 " Made suit to come in's presence ; which vf granted, 
 " (As he made semblance of his duty,) would 
 " Home put his hnife into him." 
 
 Kin. A Gyant Traytor ! 
 
 Card. Now, Madam, may his Highnes liue in freedome, 200 
 And this man out of Prison ? 
 
 QvMn. God mend all ! 
 
 Kim. Ther's somthing more would out of thee ; what say'st % 
 Sur. After « the Duke his Father," with " the knife," 
 He stretch'd him, and, with one hamd on his dagger, 204 
 
 Another spread on's breast, mounting his eyes, 
 He did discharge a horrible Oath ; whose tenor 
 Was, were he euill vs'd, he wovM outgoe 
 
 His Father, by as much as a performance 208 
 
 Do's an irresolute pwrpose. 
 In his indictment Buckingham was accused of having, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 864/1/64. Stmu, 861.] on the fourth of Nouember, 
 
 in the eleuenth yere of the kings reigne [1519], at east Greenwich 
 
 reproved in the couutic of Kent, said vnto one Charles EJieuet esquier, 
 
 Bacldiigham / t, 1 t t . 
 
 tore^^g [after that the king had reproouid the duke for rdeinmg WiUiam 
 Bntaier.j Bulmer, knight, into his seraice,^ that, if he had perceiued that he 
 
 ' Bvlm&r^ Hoi. Mhmmr F. 
 
 ' In Noveiaber, 1519, " the king spedallie rebuked sir William BuMer, 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 439 
 
 should haue beene committed to the Tower (as he doubted hee should [Bucking- 
 
 hamex- 
 
 haue beene), hee would haue so wrought, that the principall dooers J,J^ttod" 
 therein should not haue had cause of great reioising : for he would ^^erj 
 heme plaied the part which his faiher intended to haue put in 
 practise against king Richard the third at Sali^rie ; who made set me 
 earnest sute to haue come vnto the presence of the same kine SKkmatu 
 Richard : which sute if he might haue obteined, he hauing a ^nife ''**■ 
 secretlie about him, would haue thrust it into the bodie of king tben have 
 
 _ ° done to the 
 
 Richard, as he had made semblance to kneele downe before him. g^f^t 
 
 ' Henry dnke 
 
 And, in speaking these words, he maliciouslie laid his haTid rpon SlS m^f 
 his dagger, and said, that, if he were so euill vsed, he would doo his Bicbwdiii. 
 best to accomplish his pretensed pwpose ; swearing to confirme his 
 word by the bloud of our Lord. 
 
 Act I. sc. iii. — The Lord Chamberlain and Lord Sandys censure the 
 Gallic airs of those courtiers who went to France with Henry in 1520. 
 The Lord Chamberlain says (11. 5-10) : 
 
 As farre as I see, all the good our English 
 Haue got by the late Voyage, is but meerely 
 A fit or two o'th' face ; (but they are shrewd ones ; ) 
 For when they hold 'em, you would sweare directly, 8 
 
 Their very noses had been Councellours 
 To Pepin or Clotharius, they keepe State so. 
 
 Sir Thomas Lovell entering brings tidings of a 
 
 new Proclamation 
 That's clapt vpon the Court Gate. 
 
 L. Cham. What is't fori 
 
 Lou. The reformation of our trauel'd Gallants, 
 That fill the Court with quarrels, talke, and Taylors. 20 
 
 L. Cham. I'm glad 'tis there : now I would pray our Monsieurs 
 To thinke an English Courtier may be wise, 
 And neuer see the Louure. 
 Mr, Boyle supposes the " trauel'd Gallants " of James L's reign to 
 be ridiculed in this scene {Hemry VIII. in New Sh. Soc.'b Trams.^ 1880- 
 86, p. 461), but the following excerpt shows that they had their pre- 
 decessors. When, in 1519,^ "diuerse yoong gentlemen of England," 
 who resided awhile at the IVench Court, 
 
 \Sol. iii. QSO/i/i^. Halle, 697.] came againe into England, 
 
 knight, bicause he, being his seruant swome, refused the kings seruice, and 
 became seruant to the Duke of Buckingham."— JHbJ, iii. 852/?/72. JToJie, 599. 
 * After recording our surrender of Toumay on February .8, 1519, Ecdle 
 describes the conduct of these young gentlemen at Paris, " during this time " ; 
 and then speaks of their behaviour when they returned to England (597). 
 
•440 XIII. HENRY Vlll. 
 
 they were all French, in eating, drinking, and apparell, yea, afld 
 in French vices and brags, so that all the estates of England were 
 by them laughed at, the ladies and gentlewomen were dispraised ; 
 80 that nothing by them was praised, but if it were after the 
 a!^si^* French turne ; which after turned them to displesure, as you_ shall 
 
 men.] i 
 
 neare. 
 
 In May 1519 Henry's Council complained to him of "certeine 
 yoong men in his priuie chamber," who, " not regarding his estate or 
 degree, were so familiar and homelie with him, that they forgat 
 themselues." 
 
 [ffol. iii. 852/2/7. Salle, 598.] To whome the king answered, 
 
 that he had chosen them of his councell, both for the maintenance 
 
 of his honour, and for the defense of all things that might blemish 
 
 the same : wherefore, if they saw anie about him misuse them- 
 
 certeint of selucs, he Committed it vnto their reformation. Then the kings 
 
 ike priuie n i i t 
 
 chamber couucell caused the lord chamberleine to call before them diuerse 
 
 [, — ^who had 
 
 i?™oS *''* of *he priuie chamber, (which had beene in the French court,) and 
 
 ^^^^ banished them the court for diuerse considerations ; laieng nothing 
 
 their roo^ particularlie to their charges, & they that had offices were com- 
 
 manded to go to their offices. Which discharge out of court 
 
 greened sore the hearts of these yoong men, which were called the 
 
 kings minions. 
 
 In a passage omitted by Holinshed, Halle adds (598) : 
 
 [HM^y^s These young minions, which was thus seuered from the kyng, 
 
 Tom^ih^" had bene in Fraunce, and so highly praised the Frenche kyng and 
 
 conrtj""'' his courte, that in a maner they thought litle of the kyng and his 
 
 court in comparison of the other, they were so high in loue with 
 
 the Frenche court ; wherefore their fall was litle moned emong 
 
 wise men. 
 
 Act I. sc. iv.^^Towards the close of sc. iii.. Act I., the Lord 
 Chamberlain remembers an invitation of Wolsey : 
 
 This night he makes a Supper, and a great one, 52 
 
 To many Lords and Ladies ; there will be 
 The Beauty of this Kingdome, He assure you. 
 
 While going out to his barge, accompanied by Lord Sandys, the 
 Lord Chamberlain says (11. 66,, 67) : 
 
 For I was spoke to, with Sir Henry Guilford, 
 This night tb-be Comptrollers. 
 
XIII. HENEY VIII. .441 
 
 Sc. iv., Act I., opens thus : 
 
 " Hoboies. A small Table vnder a State for the Cardinall, a longer 
 
 Table for the Guests. Then Enter Anne Bullen, and diuers 
 
 other Ladies, & Gentlemen, as Guests, at one Doore ; at an other 
 
 Doore, enter Sir Henry Guilford." 
 
 After 1. 34 : " Hoboyes. Enter Cardinall Wolsey, and takes his 
 
 State." 
 
 The historical date of sc. iv. was January 3, 1527.-' The excerpts 
 illustrating sc. iv. were taken by Stow from Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, 
 and transferred from Stow to the pages of Holinshed. Cavendish — ■ 
 who was present when Henry came disguised to Wolsey's banquet — 
 thus describes the ceremony observed : 
 
 [Sol. ill 922/1 1 1. Stow, 845.] First, yee shall vnderstand that ^uVtau- 
 the tables were set in the chamber of presence banquetwise couered,^ tabunkea 
 & the lord cardinall sitting vnder the cloth of estate, there hauing 
 all his seruice alone : and then was there set a ladie with a noble 
 man, or a gentleman and a gentlewoman, throughout all the tables ^ 
 in the chamber on the one side, which were made and ioined as it ^^£g aj,^ 
 were but one table : all which order and deuise was doone by the aJj^^ 
 
 1 This banquet is noticed by Halle (719), who tells us that, on the night of 
 January 3, 1627, " the kyng and many young gentelmen with hym came to 
 Bridewell, & there put hym and xv. other all in Maskyng apparell, and then 
 toke his Barge, and rowed to the Cardinalles place, where wer at supper a 
 great compaignie of lordes and ladies ; and then the Maskers daunced, and 
 made goodly pastyme, and, when they had well danced, the Ladies plucked 
 away their visors, and so they were all knowen, and to the kyng was made a 
 great banket." Gasparo Spinelli, Venetian Secretary in London, writing to 
 his brother Ludovico on January 4, 1527, says : " Last evening I was present 
 at a very sumptuous supper given by Cardinal Wolsey, there being amongst 
 the guests the Papal, French, and Venetian ambassadors, and the chief nobility 
 of the English Court . . . During the supper the King arrived, with a gallant 
 company of masqueraders, and his Majesty, after presenting himself to the 
 Cardinsd, threw a main at dice and then unmasked, as did all his companions ; 
 whereupon he withdrew to sup in one of the Cardinal's chambers, the rest of 
 the guests continuing their repast, with such variety of the choicest viands and 
 wines as to be marvellous." After supper the Menaeehmei was acted in 
 another hall, and Latin verses were recited to Henry by the actors. " Having 
 listened to them all, the King betook himself with the rest of the guests to the 
 hall where they had all supped, the tables (at which they seated themselves in 
 the same order as before) being spread with every sort of confection, whereof 
 they partook." A pageant was then displayed, in which six damsels appeared, 
 each of whom was subsequently " taken by the hand by her lover, and to the 
 sound of trumpets they performed a very beautiful dance. On its termination 
 the King and his favourites commenced another with the ladies there present, 
 and with this the entertainment and the night ended, for it was already 
 day-break."— Fm. State PP., IV. 4. 
 
 ^ bcmquetivise covered] Cavendish, iust couered Hoi. and Stow. 
 
 3 The Lord Chamberlain to Lord Sandys (I. iv. 22, 24) : 
 
 " Two women, plac'd together, makes cold weather : . . , 
 Pray, sit betweene these Ladies." 
 
442 XIII. HENEY VIIL 
 
 Regulated lord Sandcs, then lord chamberleine to the king, and by sir Henrie 
 banquet] Gilford, comptroUor of the kings maiesties house. 
 
 Soon after "Wolsey's entrance comes the stage direction : " Drum 
 and Trumpet, Chambers dischargd" (1. 49). Attendants leave the 
 stage in obedience to the Lord Chamberlain's command, " Looke out 
 there, some of ye "; and one of them, re-entering, announces 
 
 A noble troupe of Stvamgers ; 
 For so they seeme : th'haue left their Barge and landed, 
 And hither make, as great Embassadors 
 From forraigne Princes. 
 
 Ga/rd. Good Lord Chamberlaine, 56 
 
 Go, giue 'em welcome ! you cam speake the French tongue ; 
 And, pray, receitte 'em Nobly, and conduct 'em 
 Into our presence, where this heauen of beauty 
 Shall shine at full vpon them. — Some attend him ! 60 
 
 [Exit Chamberlain, attended.] [All rise, and Tables remou'd. 
 — You haue now a broken Banket ; but wee'l mend it. 
 A good digestion to you all ! and once more 
 I showre a welcome on yee j welcome all ! 
 
 Hoboyes. Enter King and others, as Maskers, habited like 
 Shepheaa-ds, vsher'd by the Lord Chamberlaine. They passe 
 directly before the Ca/rdA/naU, and gracefully salute him. 
 A noble Company ! what are their pleasures ? 64 
 
 Cham. Because they speak no English, thus they praid 
 To tell yoiu- Grace : That, hauing heard by fame 
 Of this so Noble and so f aire assembly, 
 
 This night to meet heere, they could doe no lesse, 68 
 
 (Out of the great respect they beare to heoMty,) 
 But leaue their Flockes ; and, vnder yowr faire Conduct, 
 Crave leaue to view these Ladies, and entreat 
 An houre of Beuels with 'em. 
 
 Card. Say, Lord Chamberlaine, 72 
 
 They haue done my poore house grace ; for which I pay 'em 
 A thousand thankes, and pray 'em take their pleasures ! 
 
 Wolsey's 
 Thi ear- [Hol. iii. 921/2/45. Stow, 844.1 house was resorted to with 
 
 dinaU house 
 
 'StnM^ noblemen and gentlemen, feasting and banketting ambassadors 
 tt'J^and diuerse times, and all other right noblie. And when it pleased 
 the king for his recreation to repaire to the cardinals house, (as he 
 did diuerse times in the yeare,) there wanted no preparations or 
 furniture : bankets were set foorth with maskes and mummeries, 
 in so gorgeous a sort and costlie maner, that it was an heauen to 
 behold. There wanted no dames or damosels meet or apt to 
 danse with the maskers, or to garnish the place for the time : then 
 
 aumptuoua- 
 nttie. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 443 
 
 ■was there all kind of musike and harmonie, with fine voices both 
 of men and children. 
 
 On a time the hing came suddenlie thither ^ in a maske, with a ^ mukeaU 
 
 " ' banket, the 
 
 dozen mashers all in garments like sheephem'ds, made of fine cloth *»«»»» 
 of gold, and crimosin sattin paned, & caps of the same, with tt^^^oz. 
 visards of good physnomie, their haires & beards either of fine '"™"' 
 goldwire silke, or blaoke silke ; hauing sixteene torch-bearers, 
 besides their drums and other persons with visards, all clothed 
 in sattin of the same color. And, before his entring into the hall, 
 he came by water to the water gate without anie noise ; where 
 were laid diuerse chambers and guns charged with shot, and at his t^f"J^" 
 landing they were shot off, which made such a rumble in the aire, 
 that it was like thunder : it made all the noblemen, gentlemen, 
 ladies, and gentlewomen, to muse what it should meane, comming 
 BO suddenlie, they sitting quiet at a solemne banket, . . . 
 
 \Hol. iii. 92211/11. Stow, 845.] Then immediatlie after, the 
 great chamberleine and the said comptroUor [were] sent to looke 
 what it should meane (as though they knew nothing of the matter) ; 
 who, looking out of the windowes into the Thames, returned againe 
 and shewed him, that it seemed they were noblemen and strangers 
 that arriued at his bridge, comming as amhassadours from some 
 forren prince. 
 
 With that, quoth the cardinall, "I desire you, bicause you |?^ff|^ 
 " can speaJee French, to take the paines to go into the hall, there to ul^^^ 
 " receiue them according to their estates, and to conduct them itvto *** "»™^- 
 " this chamber, whire they shall see vs, and all these noble person- 
 "ages being merie at our banket; desiring them to sit downe with 
 " vs, and to take part of our fare." Then went he incontinent t^^g^ 
 downe into the hall, whereas they receiued them with twentie new ^^^^ 
 torches^ and conueied them vp into the chamber, with such a noise '"""' 
 of drums and flutes, as seldome had beene heard the like. At 
 their entring into the chamber, two and two togither, they went 
 directUe hefore the cardinall, where he sate, and saluted, him 
 reuerentlie. 
 
 1 Ow. . . . thither'] Hoi. (Stow), I have seen the king suddenly come in 
 thither Cavendish, i. 49. 
 
444 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 cardindll 
 reuerentlie 
 saluted qf 
 ttu ma»hert. 
 
 [Their 
 
 regpest, 
 
 made 
 
 through 
 
 the Lord 
 
 Chamt)e> 
 
 Iain.] 
 
 To whom the lord chamberleine for them said: "Sir, for as 
 " much as they be strangers, and can not speake English, they haue 
 " desired me to declare vnto you, that they, hauing vnderstanding 
 "of this your triumphant banket, where was assembled such a 
 " number of excellent dames, thet/ could doo no lesse, vnder support 
 " of your grace, hut to repaire hither, to view as well their incom^ 
 "parable beautie, as for to accompanie them at mum-chance, and 
 " then to danse unth them : and, sir, they require of your grace 
 "licence to accomplish the said cause of their oomming." To 
 whom the cardinall said he was verie well content they should 
 so doo. 
 
 The masquers " choose Ladies." Henry takes Anne Boleyn's hand 
 (1. 76). " Musicke, Dance " is the next stage direction. Then Wolsey 
 addresses the Lord Chamberlain (11. 77-81) : 
 
 Card. My Lord ! 
 
 Cham. Your Grace 1 
 
 Gaa-d. Pray tell 'em thus much from me : 
 
 There shovM, he one amongst 'em, by his person, 
 More worthy this place then my self e ; to whom 
 
 {If I but knew hinri) with my loue and duty 80 
 
 / would surrender it. 
 
 Chrnn. I will, my Lord. Whisper[s the Maskers.] 
 
 Card. What say they % 
 
 Cham,. Such a one, they all confesse, 
 
 There is indeed ; which they would haue yow Grace 
 Find out, and he will take it. 
 
 Ca/rd. Let me see, then. — 84 
 
 By all your good leaues. Gentlemen ; heere He make 
 My royall choyce. 
 
 Ye haue found him, Cardinall : . . . 
 
 Having played at mumchance with the guests, the masquers poured 
 out what coin they had before Wolsey, who won it all by a single cast 
 of the dice. 
 
 jje [Wolsey] [Hol. iii. 922/i/S7. ySifow, 846.1 Then quoth the cardinall to 
 
 mipecteth i i i i i i . t 
 
 u^^^^ the lord chamberleme, "I praie you" (quoth he) "that you would 
 Aife»tai(f'* "shew them, that me seemeth there should be a nobleman amongst 
 
 "theTO, who is more meet to occupie this seat aad;place than I am ; 
 
 " to whome I would most gladlie surrender the same according to 
 
 " my dutie, if I Jcmw him." 
 
 Then spake the lord chamberleine to them in French, and they 
 
 rounding him in the eare, the lord chamberlein said to my lord 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 445 
 
 cardiaall : " Sir " (quoth he) " they confesse, that among them there [Woisw wa« 
 "is such a noble personage, whome, if your grace can appoint him J'^'l'^ 
 "oiiit from the rest, he is content to disclose himselfe, and to 
 " accept your place." With that the cardinall taking good aduise- 
 ment among them, at the last (quoth he) " me seemeth, the gentle- 
 "man with the blacke beard should be euen hee":^ and with that 
 he arose out of his chaire, and offered the same to the gentleman 
 in the blacke beard, with his cap in his hand. The person to ne takeo. m, 
 whom he offered the chau'e was sir Edward Xseuill, a comelie <v^i' ^ 
 
 , ' decerned. 
 
 knight, that much more resembled the kings person in that maske 
 than anie other. 
 
 The king, perceiuing the cardinall so deceiued, could not for- Thtung 
 beare laughing, but pulled downe his visar and master Neuels also, iw fact and. 
 and dashed out such a pleasant countenance and cheere, that all !>'«»«»»'■ 
 the noble estates there assembled, perceiuing the king to be there 
 among them, reioised verie much. 
 
 Henry learns that his partner is the daughter of Thomas Boleyn, 
 "Viscount Kochford" (1. 93). The King kisses her and demands a 
 health ; whereupon Wolsey speaks (11. 98, 99) : 
 
 Sir Thomas Louell, is the Banket ready 
 rth' Priuy Chamber 1 
 
 Lou. Yes, my Lord. 
 
 Card. Your Grace 
 
 I feare, with dancing, is a little heated, 100 
 
 Km. I feare, too much. 
 
 Card. There's fresher ayre, my Lord, 
 
 In the next Chamber. 
 Henry proposes to drink the healths of the ladies, and dance again 
 (11. 105-107). Then they all go out, "with Trumpets." 
 The historical Wolsey, after failing to detect the King, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 922/2/1 1. Stow, 846.] eftsoons desired his highnesse f^^/'*''" 
 to take the place of estate. To whom the king answered, that he a^'Sf^L] ° 
 would go first and shift his apparell, and so departed into my lord 
 cardinals chamber, and there new apparelled him : in which time 
 the dishes of the banket were cleane taken vp, and the tables 
 spred againe with new cleane perfumed cloths ; euerie man and 
 woman sitting still, vntill the king with all his maskers came 
 among them againe all new apparelled. 
 
 1 Aee] Stow. 6e Hoi. 
 
446 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Anmbanhet Then the king tooke his seat vnder the cloth of estate, com- 
 
 vpon the 
 
 ^^^A manding euerie person to sit still as they did before : in came a 
 
 whOTHemy ?ew banket before the king, and to all the rest throughout all the 
 
 returned], ^ablcs, wherciu werc serued two hundred diuerse dishes, of .costlie 
 
 deuises and subtilties. Thus passed they foorth the night with 
 
 bankettiug, dansing, and other triumphs, to the great comfort of 
 
 the king, and pleasant regard of the nobilitie there assembled. 
 
 Act II. sc. i. — ^Two gentlemen enter, one of whom (Sec. Grent.) is on 
 his way to Westminster Hall. There — as he learns from the other 
 gentleman (First Gent.) — Buckingham has already been tried and 
 condemned (11. 1-8). The First Gentleman gives a brief account of the 
 trial, at which he was present (11. 11-22) : 
 
 The great Duke 
 Came to the Bar; where, to his accusations, 12 
 
 He pleaded still, not guilty, and aMeadged 
 Many sharpe reasons to defeat the Law. 
 The Kings Atturney, on the contrary, 
 
 Vrg'd on the Examinations, proo/es, confessions 16 
 
 Of diuers witnesses ; which the Duke desvr'd 
 To haue^ brought, viua voce, to his face : 
 At which appear'd against him, his Surueyor ; 
 Sir Gilbert Pecke his ChanceUour ; and lohn Car, 20 
 
 Confessor to him ; with that Diuell Monke, 
 HopkAns, that made this mischiefe. 
 
 2. That was hee 
 
 That fed him with his Prophecies i 
 
 1. The same. 
 
 All these accus'd hvn strongly ; which he/aine 24 
 
 Would haue flung from him, but, indeed, he could not : 
 
 And so his Peeres, vpon this euidence, 
 
 'S&xiBfov/nd him guilty of high Treason. Much 
 
 He spoke, and learnedly, for life ; but all 28 
 
 Was either pittied in him, or forgotten. 
 
 2. After all this, how did he beare himself e 1 
 
 1. When he was brought agen to th' Bar, (to heare 
 His Ejiell rung out, his ludgment,) he was stir'd 32 
 
 With such an Agony, he sweat extreamly. 
 And somthing spoke in choUer, ill, and hasty : 
 But he fell to himself e againe, and, sweetly. 
 In all the rest shew'd a most Noble patience. 36 
 
 The judges appointed to try Buckingham met at Westminster Hall 
 on May 13, 1521.^ Their president was Thomas Howard, second Duke 
 of Norfolk. 
 
 J F4. him F. 
 2 The date from Stow, 862. The other particulare from Scdle, 623. 
 
XIII. HENEY VIII. 447 
 
 [Hol. iii. 865/1/20. Halle, 623.] When the lords had taken ^j^^^^ 
 their place, the duke was brought to the larre, and, vpon hu JSdffilVn 
 arreignement, pleaded not guiltie, and put himselfe vpon his peerea. f^^\ 
 Then was his indictment read, which the duke denied to be truef, 
 and (as he was an eloquent man) ^ alledged reasons to falsifie the ^v^-„ 
 indictment; pleading the matter for his owne iustification verie [Tiieuiig-s 
 pithilie and earnestlie. The kings aitoumeie, against the dukes aureeathe 
 reasons, alledged the examinations, confessions, and proof es of witnesses. J^Y' 
 
 The duke desired that the witnesses might bee brought foorth. [Hiewit- 
 
 ° nesses whom 
 
 And then came before him Charles Kneuet, Perke, De la Court, f "^J^^J 
 & Hopkins the monke of the priorie of the Charterhouse beside J^^f* 
 Bath, which like a false hypocrite had induced the duke to the 
 treason wUh his false forged prophesies. Diuerse presumptions and 
 accusations were laid vnto him by Charles Kneuet ; which he would 
 faine haue couered. The depositions were read, & the deponents 
 deliuered as prisoners to the officers of the Tower. Then spake 
 the duke of Norflfolke, and said : "My lord, the king our souereigne ^^'g^'^h 
 "lord hath commanded that you shall haue his lawes ministred '***^" 
 " with fauour and right to you.^ Wherefore, if you haue anie other 
 "thing to say for your selfe, you shall be heard." Then he was 
 commanded to withdraw him, and so was led into Paradise, a 
 house so named. The lords went to councell a great while, and 
 after tooke their places. 
 
 Then said the duke of Norffolke to the duke of Suffolke : It^J^ 
 " What say you of sir Edward duke of Buckingham, touching the AiX^«oSf 
 " high treasons ? " The duke of Suffolke answered : " He is giltie " : 
 & so said the marques [of Dorset] and all the other earls and lords. 
 Thus was this prince, duke of Buckingham, found giltie of high 
 treason, by a duke, a marques, seuen carles, & twelue barons.* The 
 
 1 "he . . . man." — Pclyd. Verg., 666/34. In I. ii. Ill, Henry says of 
 Buckingliam : 
 
 " The Qentleman is Learn'd, and a most rare Speaker "; . . . 
 ' C^. Henry's last words anent Buckingham (I. ii. 211, 212) : 
 
 " if he may 
 Finde mercy in the Law, 'tis his"; . . . 
 ' Cp. Buckingham's admission (II. i. 118, 119) : 
 " I had my Tryall, 
 And, must needs say, a Noble one"; . . . 
 
448 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 duke was Irought to the la/rre sore chafing, and swet maruellouslie ; 
 &, after he had made his reuerence, he paused a while. The duke of 
 NorflFolke, as iudge, said: "Sir Edward, you haue heard how you 
 "be indicted of high treason; you pleaded thereto not giltie, 
 "putting your selfe to the peeres of the realme, which haue found 
 "you giltie." 
 
 The Second Gentleman's remark — (1. 40) " the Cardinall is the end 
 of this" — ^may be compared with the words of Holinshed, who, 
 declining to examine the truth or falsehood of Buckingham's 
 indictment, adds : 
 
 ffievid t-^"^- "''• 864/2/68.] Sauing that (I trust) I male without 
 
 prorared offenso saic, that (as the rumour then went) the cardinall chieflie 
 i^m?°*" procured the death of this noble man, no lesse fauoured and 
 
 deatli. 1 
 
 beloued of the people of this realme in that season, than the 
 cardinall himselfe was hated and enuied. Which thing caused the 
 dukes fall the more to be pitied and lamented, sith he was the 
 man of all [p. 865] other that chieflie went about to crosse the 
 cardinall in his lordlie demeanor, & headie proceedings. 
 
 In response to the Second Gentleman's positive assertion that 
 Wolsey was " the end of this," the Pirst Gentleman says (11. 40-44) : 
 
 1. Tis likely, 40 
 
 By all ooniectures : first, Kildares Attendure, 
 Then Deputy of Ireland ; who remou'd, 
 Earle Surrey was sent thither, and in hast too. 
 Least he should helpe his Father. 
 
 On the authority of Polydore Vergil (659/2o) Holinshed relates 
 that Wolsey, enraged by Buckingham's " greeuous words" (see p. 426 
 above), sought the Duke's destruction, but 
 
 [Wolsey \Hol. ill 855/2/2S.] bicause he doubted his freends, kinnesmen, 
 
 resolved to 
 
 send Surrey and alics, and cheeflie the earle of Surrie, lord admerall, (which 
 
 out of the J > \ 
 
 "^yi had married the dukes daughter,) he thought good first to send 
 
 him some whither out of the waie, least he might cast a trumpe in 
 
 [Enmity his waic. There was great enimitie betwixt the cardinall and the 
 
 Wolsey and earlc,^ for that, on a time, when the cardinall tooke vpon him to 
 
 checke the earle, he had like to haue thrust his dagger into the 
 
 cardinall. 
 
 1 Afterwards (1524) 3rd Duke of Norfolk. In III. ii. 275-277, the dramatic 
 "Surrey" (see p. 474, n. 1, below) professes to be deterred by naught save 
 Wolsey's priesthood from answering the Cardinal's rebuke with the sword. 
 
 Surrey.] 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 449 
 
 At length there was occasion offered him to oompasse his 
 purpose, by occasion of the earle of Kildare his comming out of 
 Ireland. For the cardinall, knowing he was well prouided of [Kudare's 
 monie, sought occasion to fleece him of part thereof. The earle England.] 
 of Kildare, being vnmarried, was desirous to haue an English 
 woman to wife ; and, for that he was a suter to a widow, contrarie 
 to the cardinals mind, he accused him to the king, of that he had 
 not borne himselfe vprightlie in his office in Ireland, where he was 
 the kings lieutenant. Such accusations were framed against him. The m-u of 
 
 ° ° Kildare com- 
 
 when no bribes would come, that he was committed to prison, and ^^^^1"^^^^ 
 then by the cardinals good preferment the earle of Surrie was sent foSILnd'an 
 into Ireland as the kings deputie, in lieu of the said earle of ^^™^^- 
 Kildare : there to remaine rather as an exile than as lieutenant [Suney 
 
 knew that 
 
 to the king, euen at the cardinals pleasure, as he himselfe well J^e was 
 
 O' r > exiled by 
 
 perceiued.1 ^"I'^y-^ 
 
 The two gentlemen's converse is interrupted by the entrance of 
 " Buckingham from his Arraignment ; Tipstaues before him ; the Axe 
 with the edge towards him ; Halberds on each side : accompanied with 
 Sir Thomas Louell, Sir Nicholas Vaux, Sir William ^ Sands, and common 
 people, &c." Addressing those who are following him the Duke says 
 (II. i.) : 
 
 I haue this day receiu'd a Traitors iudgement, 
 
 And by that name must dye : yet, Heauen beare witnes, 
 
 (And if I haue a Conscience, let it sincke me 60 
 
 Euen as the Axe falls,) if I be not faithfuU ! 
 
 The Law I beare no mallice for my death ; 
 
 T'has done, vpon the premises, but lustice : 
 
 But those that sought it I could wish more Christians : 64 
 
 Be what they will, I heartily forgiue 'em : . . . 
 
 For further life in this world I ne're hope, 
 
 Nor will I sue, although the King haue mercies 
 
 More then I dare make faults. You few that lou'd me, 
 
 And dare be bold to weepe for Buckingham, 72 
 
 His Noble Friends and Fellowes, whom to leaue 
 
 Is only bitter to him, only dying, 
 
 Goe with me, like good Angels, to my end ; 
 
 And, as the long diuorce of Steele fals on me, 76 
 
 Make of your Prayers one sweet Sacrifice, 
 
 And lift my Soule to Heauen ! 
 
 1 In III. ii. 260-264, " Surrey" accuses Wolsey of this. 
 
 2 fVUHam] Theobald. Walter F. Created Lord Sandys on April 27, 
 1523. — Stow, 874. In Act I., scenes iii. and iv., he appears as Lord 
 Sandys. 
 
 G G 
 
450 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [Bucking- 
 ham's speech 
 after 
 seutence.] 
 
 [The edge of 
 the axe was 
 turaed 
 towards 
 him.] 
 
 [Bucking- 
 ham said : 
 *'NowIam 
 but Edward 
 Bohun." 
 He was 
 receiyed at 
 the Temple 
 stairs by 
 Vaux and 
 Sandys. 
 He desired 
 the people to 
 pray for 
 him.] 
 
 A speech to this effect was made by Buckingham ^ on May 13, after 
 Norfolk had pronounced sentence of death. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 865/1/68. Halle, 624.] The duke of Buckingham 
 said, "My lord of Norffolke, you haue said as a traitor should be 
 "said vnto, but I was neuer anie : but, my lords, I nothing maligne 
 "for that you haue doone to me, but the eternall God forgiue you 
 " my death, and I doo. I shall neuer sue to the king for life, how- 
 "beit he is a gratious prince, and more grace may come from him 
 "than I desire. I desire you, my lords, and all my fellowes, to 
 "pray for me." Then was the edge of the axe turned towards 
 him, and he led into a barge. 
 
 Sir Thomas Lovell resigns the custody of Buckingham (11. 95-97) : 
 
 To th' water side I must conduct your Grace ; 
 
 Then giue my Charge vp to Sir Nicholas Vaux, 96 
 
 Who vndertakes you to your end. 
 
 Vaux. Prepare there. 
 
 The Duke is comming : see the Barge be ready ; 
 
 And fit it with such furniture as suites 
 
 The Greatnesse of his Person. 
 
 Buck. Nay, Sir Nicholas, 100 
 
 Let it alone ; my State now will but mocke me. 
 
 Wh&n I came hither, / was Lord High Constable 
 
 And Buhe of Buckingham, ; now, poore Edward Bohun : . . . 
 When Buckingham was " led into a barge " 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 865/2/4. Halle, 624.] Sir Thomas Louell desired 
 him to sit on the cushins and carpet ordeined for him. He said, 
 " nay ; for when I went to Westminster I was duhe of BuchingJuam ; 
 "now I am but Edward Bohune,^ the most caitife of the world." 
 Thus they landed at the Temple, where receiued him sir Nicholas 
 Vawse & sir William Sands, baronets, and led him through the 
 citie ; who desired euer the people to pray for him, . . . 
 
 1 He was beheaded on May 17, 1521. — HalU, 624. As the "last houre" 
 of the dramatic Buckingham has come in this scene (II. i. 132), it is evident 
 that the dates of his sentence and execution have been unified. 
 
 2 Buckingham's surname was Stafford. His descent from the Bohuns is 
 thus traced by Francis Thynne : " Humfrie de Bohune, the eight [seventh] & 
 last erle of Hereford of that surname of Bohune, . . . had issue two daughters 
 and heires, Eleanor the eldest, niaried to Thomas of Woodstooke ; and Marie the 
 second, married to Henrie of BoUingbrooke, after king of England, . . . 
 He [Thomas] had issue [by his marriage with Eleanor de Bohun] . . . foure 
 daughters : . . . The foure daughters, heires to Thomas of Woodstoeke, 
 . . . were Anne the eldest, married to Edmund Stafford erle Stafford," . . . 
 Hoi. iii. 867/2/25. Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, was the great- 
 great-grandson of Edmund Earl Stafford. — Collina, ii. 37-40. 
 
XIII. HENEY VIII. 451 
 
 Buckingham compares his lot with that of his father Henry, who 
 was also betrayed by a servant, but was not, like the speaker, tried 
 by his peers (II. i. 107-111 ; 118-123). 
 
 After the desertion of his troops (p. 404 above), Henry Duke of 
 Buckingham 
 
 {Hoi. iii. 743/2/49. Halle, 394.] conueied himselfe into the {JJ^^i^?"** 
 house of Humfreie Banaster, his seruant, beside Shrewesburie ; ^™e^it* 
 whome he had tenderlie brought vp, and whome he aboue all men ^™*^*^'^] 
 loued, fauoured, and trusted: now not doubting but that in his 
 extreame necessitie he should find him faithfiill, secret, and 
 trustie; . . . 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 744/ 1 /so. Halle, 395.1 Humfreie Banaster (were it H%mfrit 
 more for feare of life and losse of goods, or allured & prouoked by J^^^^^'" 
 the au£!,riciou8 desire of the thousand pounds) ^ . . . bewraied his fa^^tated 
 guest and maister to lohn Mitton, then shiriflFe of Shropshire ; . 
 
 his maUter. 
 
 Contrasting his treatment by his late sovereign and present King, 
 Buckingham notes that Henry YII. had restored him to his honours, 
 but Henry VIII. deprived him of life and all which belonged to it (11. 
 112-118). 
 
 In the first Parliament of Henry VII. (November, 1485), 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 763/I/2S. Halle, 424.] Edward Stafford, eldest 
 Sonne to Henrie late duke of Buckingham, he [Henry VII.] Stafford 
 
 ,. ..D • 1..11. restoredto 
 
 restored to his name, dignitie, & possessions, which by kmg ^j^g^J^*"™ 
 Bichard were confiscat and atteinted. '■""•i 
 
 When Buckingham and his Train have departed, the two gentlemen 
 resume their discourse. The Second Gentleman asks (11. 147-149) : 
 
 Did you not of late dayes heare 
 A buzzing, of a Separation 148 
 
 Betweene the King and Katherine 1 
 
 1. Yes, but it held not : 
 
 For when the King once heard it, out of anger 
 He sent command to the Lord Mayor straight 
 To stop the rumor, and allay those tongues 152 
 
 That durst disperse it. 
 
 in the Summer of 1527 ^ 
 
 1 See p. 404 above. 
 
 2 On June 2, 1527, news of the sacking of Eome reached Windsor. On 
 July 3, Wolsey, who had been appointed ambassador to France, passed through 
 London. — Halle, 727, 728. Between these dates occurs mention in Halle (728) 
 of the rumour touching Henry's marriage, prefaced by the words : " This 
 season began a fame in London that the kinges confessor," &c. 
 
452 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 The Kngt 
 marriage 
 brought in 
 quesUon. 
 
 [Henry bade 
 the Mayor 
 prevent 
 people from 
 talking of 
 the 
 mairlage.] 
 
 Doctor Long- 
 land, bishop 
 of Lincoln^ 
 [, denied the 
 legality of 
 Henry's 
 marriage]. 
 
 Why the car- 
 dinall was 
 suspected to 
 
 [Rol. iii. 897/1/65. Ralle, 728.] rose a secret brute in London 
 that the kings confessor, doctor Longland, and diuerse other great 
 clerks, had told the king that the marriage betweene him and the 
 ladie Katharine, late wife to his brother prince Arthur, was not 
 lawfuU : wherevpon the king should sue a diuorse, and marrie the 
 duchesse of Alanson, sister to the French king, at the towne of 
 Calls, this summer : and that the vicount Rochford had brought 
 with him the picture of the said ladie. The king was offended 
 with those tales, and sent for sir Thomas Seimor, maior of the 
 citie of London, secretlie charging him to see that the people 
 ceassed from such talke. 
 
 The Second Gentleman replies (11. 153-161) : 
 
 2. But that slander, Sir, 
 
 Is found a truth now : for it growes agen 
 Fresher than e're it was ; and held for certaine 
 The King will venture at it. Either the Cardinall, 156 
 
 Or some about him neere, haue, out of malice 
 ' To the good Queene, possest him with a scruple 
 That will vndoe her : to confirme this too, 
 
 Cardinall Campeius is arriu'd, and lately ; 160 
 
 As all thinke, for this busines. 
 
 1. Tis the Cardinall ; 
 
 And meerely to reuenge him on the Emperour, 
 For not bestowing on him, at his asking. 
 The Archbishopricke of Toledo, this is purpos'd. 164 
 
 In the first of the ensuing paragraphs Holinshed records — as though 
 it were a suspicion generally entertained — Polydore Vergil's unfounded 
 assertion (686/9) that Wolsey was the author of Henry's matrimonial 
 scruple : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 9O6/2/24.] Ye haue heard how the people talked a 
 little before the cardinals going ouer into France, the last yeare, 
 that the king was told by doctor Longland, bishop of Lincolne, and 
 others, that his marriage with queene Katharine could not be 
 good nor lawfull. The truth is, that, whether this doubt was first 
 mooued by the cardinall, or by the said Longland, being the kings 
 confessor, the king was not onelie brought in doubt, whether it 
 was a lawfull marriage 6v no ; but also determined to haue the 
 case examined, cleered, and adiudged by learning, law, and 
 sufficient authoritie. The cardinall verelie was put |in most blame 
 for this scruple now cast into the kings conscience, for the hate he 
 
XIII. HENEY vm. 453 
 
 bare to the emperor, bicause he would not grant to him the arch- *« against 
 bishoprike of Toledo, for the which he was a suter. And therefore ^wrriage. 
 he did not onelie procure the king of England to ioine in freend- 
 ship with the French king, but also sought a diuorse betwixt the ^^°l^f 
 king and the queene,^ that the king might haue had in marriage ^aS^the 
 the duchesse of Alanson, sister vnto the French king: and (as Men'^m.]'' 
 some haue thought) he trauelled in that matter with the French ^"'y*^- 
 king at Amiens, but the duchesse would not giue eare therevnto.^ 
 
 But howsoeuer it came about that the king was thus troubled f'^^^f'^'- 
 in conscience concerning his mariage, this followed, that, like a 
 wise & sage prince, to haue the doubt cleerelie remooued, he 
 called togither the best learned of the realme ; which were of SJ^^^ ;,« 
 seuerall opinions. Wherfore he thought to know the truth by m°o^&t 
 indiflferent iudges, least peraduenture the Spaniards, and other umcU'^ia 
 
 mcLirictge. 
 
 also in fauour of the queene, would saie, that his owne subiects 
 were not indifferent iudges in this behalfe. And therefore he 
 wrote his cause to Rome, and also sent to all the vniuersities in 
 Italie and France, and to the great clearkes of all christendome, 
 to know their opinions, and desired the court of Rome to send 
 into his realme a legat, which should be indifferent, and of a 
 great and profound iudgement, to heare the cause debated. 
 At whose request the whole consistorie of the college of 
 Rome sent thither Laurence Campeius, a preest cardinall, a campam 
 
 . , gent into 
 
 man of great wit and experience,* . . . and with mm was Bngiand. 
 
 1 Polyd. Verg. does not say that Wolsey's revenge was to counsel Henry's 
 divorce, but asserts that the Cardinal wanted a Queen whose disposition 
 resembled his own, since Katharine, although she had done him no harm, 
 "eius . . . malos oderat mores, quos ut continentia emendaret, identidem 
 benigne monebat." — 685/i2. 
 
 ^ Wolsey was ambassador to France in July — September, 1527. — Halle, 
 728-733. Margaret Duchess of Alenqon married Henry King of Navarre in 
 January, 1527. — Yen. State PP., IV. 7, 17. These dates are irreconcilable 
 with Polyd. Verg.'s supposition (687/i) that Wolsey endeavoured while at 
 Amiens to arrange a marriage between Henry and Margaret. 
 
 3 Cp. Wolsey's praise of the course which Henry took in regard to 
 Katharine (II. ii. 90-97) : 
 
 " The Spaniard, tide by blood and fauour to her, 
 Must now confesse, if they haue any goodnesse, 
 The TryaU inst and Noble. All the Clerkes 
 (I meane the learned ones) in Christian Kingdomes 
 Haue their free voyces : Kome, the Nurse of Iudgement, 
 Inuited by your Noble selfe, hath sent 
 
454 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [Henry 
 wished 
 Katharine 
 to have the 
 liest clerks 
 for her 
 counsel.] 
 
 ioined in commission the cardinall of Yorke and legat of 
 England.^ 
 
 This cardinall came to London in October,^ and did intimate 
 both to the king & queene the cause of his comming: which 
 being knowne, great talke was had thereof. 
 
 Act II. sc. ii. — I find no historical authority for the letter (11. 1 — 10) 
 which the Lord Chamberlain is reading as he enters. After 1. 73 the 
 Cardinals enter and have a private audience of Henry, Wolsey 
 assumes that Katharine is not to be denied what 
 
 A Woman of lesse Place might aske by Law : 112 
 
 Schollers allowed freely to argue for her. 
 
 Em. I, and the best she shall haue ; and my f auour 
 To him that does best : God forbid els ! . . . 
 "We learn from Halle (756) that, after Christmas 1528, and till 
 Easter 1529, " was none other thing commoned of but onely of the 
 kinges mariage." 
 
 \Hol. iii. 907/1/2. Ealle, 756.] And bicause the king meant 
 nothing but vprightlie therein, and knew well that the queene 
 was somewhat wedded to hir owne opinion, and wished that she 
 should do nothing without counsell, he bad hir choose the best 
 clearks of his realme to be of hir counsell, and licenced them to 
 doo the best on hir part that they could, according to the truth. 
 
 Addressing Wolsey, Henry says (11. 115-117) : 
 
 Cardinall, 
 Prethee call Gardiner to me, my new Secretary : 
 I find him a fit fellow. 
 
 Henry and Gardiner go aside and converse in whispers. Drawing 
 Wolsey's attention to the King's new secretary, Campeggio asks (11. 
 122, 123) : 
 
 Cwmp. My Lord of Yorke, was not one Doctor Pace 
 In this mans place before him % 
 
 One generall Tongue vnto vs, this good man, 
 
 This iust and learned Priest, CardnaU Campeius "; . . . 
 
 With "the Clerkes . . . Christian Kingdomes" op. "profound clerkes . . . 
 all christendome " (p. 479 below). 
 
 ' In II. ii. 104-107, Campeggio tenders to Henry the 
 
 ..." Commission ; by whose vertue, 
 The Court of Bome commanding, you, my Lord 
 Cardinall of Yorke, are ioyn'd with me their Seruant 
 In the vnpartiall iudglng of this Businesse." 
 
 2 Campeggio had his first audience of Henry on October 22, 1528. — CahndMf 
 {Een. rur), IV. ii. p. 2100 (cp. no. 4879, p. 21U). 
 
Xni. HENRY VIII. 455 
 
 Wol. Yes, he was. 
 
 Camp. Was he not held a learned man i 
 
 Wol. Yes, surely. 124 
 
 Camp. Beleeue me, there's an ill opinion spread, then, 
 '■ Euen of your selfe, Lord Cardinall. 
 
 Wol. How! of me? 
 
 Camp. They will not sticke to say, you enuide him ; 
 And, fearing he would rise, (he was so vertuous,) 128 
 
 Kept him a forraigne man still ; which so greeu'd him, 
 That he ran mad, and dide. 
 
 About the year 1529,^ 
 
 \Hol. iii. 907/ 1/20. Polyd. Verg. 687/20.] the king receiued Jxx:tor 
 into fauour doctor Stephan Gardiner, whose seruice he vsed in ^"''^g 
 matters of great secrecie and weight, admitting him in the roome Doctor pmie 
 of doctor Pace, the which, being continuallie abroad in ambassages, ^XtT* 
 and the same oftentimes not much necessarie, by the cardinals 
 appointment,^ at length he tooke such greefe therewith, that he 
 fell out of his right wits. 
 
 Act II. sc. iii. — In this scene the Lord Chamberlain announces to 
 Anne Boleyn that 
 
 the Kings Maiesty 60 
 
 Commends his good opinion of you to you ; ^ and 
 Doe's purpose honour to you no lesse flowing 
 Then Marchionesse of Pembrooke ; to which Title, 
 A Thousand pound a yeare, Annuall support, 64 
 
 Out of his Grace he addes. 
 
 Halle (790) was Holinshed's authority for the following passage : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 928/2/30.] On the first of September [, 1532,] being Theiadie 
 
 Anne 
 
 Bundaie, the K., being come to Windsor, created the ladie Anne Buuoyne 
 
 BuUongne marchionesse of Penbroke, and gaue to hir one ^^*if,.X 
 
 thousand pounds land by the yeare. 
 
 Act II. sc. iv. — In Act II., sc. ii., 11. 138-141, Henry directs that 
 the trial of his marriage shall be held at Black-Friars, and he bids 
 
 1 After November 17, 1529, Gardiner is spoken of as Henry's "newly made 
 Secretary."— Ba?ie, 760. 
 
 * Foxe says (ii. 963/ 1) : " But as the laude, and the renowmed prayse of 
 men, for their worthy proweses, commonly in this world neuer go vnaccom- 
 panyed without some priuye canker of enuy & disdayne folowyng after, so the 
 singular industry of Pacie, as it wanne much commendation with many, so it 
 coiud not auoyde the secret stynge of some Serpentes. For the conceaued 
 hatred of this CardinaU. so kyndled against him that he neuer ceased till first 
 he brought Tn'tn out of the kynges fauour, and at last also, out of his perfect 
 
 wittes." „ . ^ „ 
 
 3 of you, to you] F. to you Pope, of you Capell. 
 
456 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Wolsey see that the place be " furnish'd." Scene iv. opens with the 
 ensuing stage direction : 
 
 Trumpets, Sennet, and Cornets. 
 
 Enter two Vergers, with short siluer wands ; next them, two Scribes, 
 in the habite of Doctors ; after them, the Bishop of Canterbury 
 alone ; after him, the Bishops of Lincolne, Ely, Rochester, and 
 S. Asaph : Next them, with some small distance, followes a 
 Gentleman bearing the Purse, with the great Seale, and a 
 Cardinals Hat : Then two Priests, bearing each a Siluer Crosse : 
 Then a Gentleman Vsher bareheaded, aocompanyed with a 
 Sergeant at Armes, bearing a Siluer Mace : Then two Gentlemen 
 bearing two great Siluer Fillers : After them, side by side, the 
 two Cardinals ; two Noblemen, with the Sword and Mace. 
 The Kimg takes place vnder the Cloth of State. The two 
 Cardinalls sit vnder him as ludges. The Qti^ene takes place 
 some distance /rom the King. The Bishops place themselues on 
 each side the Court, in manner of a Consistory ; Below them, 
 the Scribes. The Lords sit next the Bishops. The rest of the 
 Attendants stand in conuenient order about the Stage. 
 
 The arrangements made for the trial are thus described : 
 AnnoB^. j"^^; jjj 907/1/27.] The place where the cardinals should sit, 
 
 [, 7M]. " to heare the cause of matrimonie betwixt the king and the queene, 
 [AhaUat was ordelncd to be at the Blacke friers in London : where in the 
 
 Black-Friars 
 
 fo™he °* great hall was preparation made of seats, tables, and other fur- 
 triai.] niture, according to such a solemne session and roiall apparance. 
 
 Abr. Fi. ex. The ^ court was platted in tables and benches in manner of a con- 
 959.' *'^' sistorie, one seat raised higher for the iudges to sit in. Then as 
 mS^,°'^ it were in the midst of the said iudges, aloft, aboue them three 
 
 personage of degrees high, was a cloth of estate hanged, with a chaire roiall 
 
 account in iii i- ii* ii.ii. 
 
 his place: vnder the same, wherein sat the kmg; and, besides him, some 
 distance from him sat the queene, and vnder the iudges feet sat 
 the scribes and other officers : the cheefe scribe was doctor 
 Steeuens,^ and the caller of the court was one Cooke of 
 Winchester. 
 
 Then before the king and the iudges, within the court, sat the 
 
 ^ The . . . fwrnished (pp. 456, 457).] Stow, 912 (Cavendish, i. 147). 
 
 ^ Stephen Gardiner. " The chief scribe there was Dr. Stephens, (who was 
 after Bishop of Winchester);" . . . — Cavendish, i. 147. As to Gardiner being 
 known as Stevens or Steven, see a note in Cavendish (loc. cit). Brewer says 
 (ii. 245, note 1) : " Gardiner always writes his own name Steven Gardiner, but 
 Wolsey and others call him by his Christian name Stevens (i e. Stephanus), 
 Steven or Stevens being the same name." 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 457 
 
 archbishop of Canturburie, Warham, and all the other bishops. 
 
 Then stood at both ends within, the counsellors learned in the 
 
 spirituall laws, as well the kings as the queenes. The doctors of 
 
 law for the king . . . had their conuenient roomes. Thus was the 
 
 court furnished. 
 
 In obedience to Henry's command, that she should "choose the 
 best clearks of his realme to be of hir counsell" (p. 454 above), Katharine 
 
 The gueent 
 
 [Mol. iii. 907/1/9. Halle, 756.] elected William Warham, ?^|JJ^^ 
 
 archbishop of Canturburie, and Nicholas West, bishop of Elie, **''*'"■'• 
 
 doctors of the laws ; and lohn Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and 
 
 Henrie Standish, bishop of St. Assaph, doctors of diuinitie ; and 
 
 manie other doctors and well learned men, which for suertie, like 
 
 men of great learning, defended hir cause, as farre as learning 
 
 might mainteine and hold it vp. 
 
 Part of the stage direction — " a Gentleman bearing . . . great 
 Siluer Fillers" — is taken from a description of Wolsey's "order in 
 going to Westminster hall dailie 'in the tearme." 
 
 \Eol. iii. 921/1/63. Siow, 844.1 Before him was borne, first ™««oim. 
 
 ■■ I I -J > J > and marki of 
 
 the broad scale of England, and his cardinals hat, by a lord, or ^^^^^ 
 some gentleman of worship, right solemnUe : &, as soone as he ''""" 
 was once entered into his chamber of presence, his two great 
 crosses were there attending to be borne before him : then cried 
 the gentlemen vshers, going before him bare headed, and said : 
 " On before, my lords and maisters, on before ; make waie for 
 " my lords grace ! " Thus went he downe through the hall with 
 a sergeant of armes before him, bearing a great mace of siluer, 
 and two gentlemen carieing two great pillers of siluer. 
 
 After Wolsey had been appointed legate, 
 
 [Sol. iii. 92O/1/14. Stow, 841.] had he his two great crosses twoiBey-s 
 of siluer, the one of his archbishoprike, the other of his legacie, *6»™".] 
 borne before him whither soeuer he went or rode, by two of the 
 tallest priests that he could get within the realme. 
 
 When all who have entered are in their places, Wolsey says (II. iv. 
 1—10) : 
 
 Car. Whil'sf our corrvmissiim from Rome is read, 
 Let silence be cammcmded ! 
 
 King. What's the need 1 
 
 • It hath already ptibliquely bene read, 
 
458 
 
 XIII. HENEY VIII. 
 
 TheUng 
 and qiM&M 
 caZled into 
 the eowrU 
 
 [KathaTine 
 luielt at 
 Heniy's 
 fuet.] 
 
 And on all sides th' Authority allow'd ; 4 
 
 You may, then, spare that time. 
 
 Cwr. Bee't so. — Proceed ! 
 
 Scri. Say, " Hewry, E. of Engh/tid, come into the Court ! " 
 
 Crier. "Hewry, King of Enghmd" dso. 
 
 King. Heerel 
 
 Scribe. Say, "Catherine, Queene of England, come into the Court /" 
 
 Crier. " Katherine, Queene of Enghmd," dsc. 
 
 [The Queene makes no answer, rises out of her Ghavre, goes 
 about the Gov/rt, comes to the King, and kneeles at his 
 Feete ; then speakes. 
 
 On June 21, 1529, Henry and Katharine appeared personally before 
 the Court.^ 
 
 [Hoi. ill. 907/i/SO. Stow, 912.] The iudges commanded silence 
 whilest their commission was read, both to the court and to the 
 people assembled. That doone the scribes commanded the crier 
 to call the king by the name of " king Senrie of Enghmd, come 
 "into the, court," &c. With that the king answered and said, 
 " Heere !" Then called he the queene by the name of " Katharive, 
 queene, of England, come into the court" &c. Who made no answer, 
 but rose ov,t of Mr chaire. 
 
 And, bicause shee could not come to the king directlie, for 
 the distance seuered betweene them, shee went about by the courtj 
 and came to the king, kneelmg downe at his feet, to whome she 
 said in eflfect as foUoweth : ^ 
 
 I exhibit in parallel columns Katharine's speech aA it appears in 
 Holinshed, and the version of it given in Hemry YIIlL Act II. sc. iv. 
 11. 13-57 : 
 
 lamentable 
 
 {Sol. iii. SO7/1/63. Stow, 912.] 
 " Sir " (quoth she) " / desire you 
 " to doo me iustice cmd right, and 
 
 Sir, I desire you do me Might and 
 
 Justice ; 
 And to bestow your piay on me : for 
 I a^ a most poore Woman, and a 
 ger, 
 
 1 The Court met for the first time on June 18, 1529, and adjourned to the 
 21st. Katharine was present on the 18th, hut Henry was on that day repre- 
 sented by proxies. — CaLendm {Men,. VIII.), IV. iii. 5694, 5707. 
 
 * This speech was taken by Stow from Cavendish (i. 149-152). According 
 to Halle (757), " the Quene departed without any thing saiyng." We learn, 
 however, from a letter of Campeggio that on June 21 — the day on which he 
 was writing — Katharine "interposed a very full appeal and supplication to the 
 Pope and withdrew ; but first she knelt there before the seat of judgment, 
 although the King twice raised her up, asked permission of the King that, as 
 it was a question which concerned the honour and conscience of herself and of 
 the house of Spain, he would grant her full permission to write and send 
 messengers to [the Emperor] and to his Holiness," . . . — Brewer, ii, 491. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII, 
 
 459 
 
 "take some pitie vpow me, /or I 
 " am apoore woman, amd a stranger, 
 " home out of your dominion ; 
 " hauing heere no indifferent coun- 
 " sell, (fc lesse assv/rcmce offreend- 
 " ship. Alas, sir, [in] what have I 
 " offended you, or what occasion of 
 " displeasure haue I shewed you j 
 "intending thMS to put me from 
 " you after this sort 1 I take God 
 " to my iudge, / haue heene to you 
 "a true ds humihle wife, euer con- 
 "formable to yowr will and pleasure; 
 "that neuer contraried or gaine- 
 " said any thing thereof, and, being 
 " alwaies contented -with all things 
 " wherein you had any delight, 
 " whether little or much, without 
 "grudge or displeasure, I loued 
 "for your sake all them whome 
 "you loued, whether they were 
 " my freends or enimies. 
 
 " I home beene yov/r wife these 
 " twentie yea/res and more, <Ss you 
 " heme had hy me diuerse children. 
 " If there be anie iust cause that 
 "you cam, alleage against me, 
 "either of dishonestie, or matter 
 "lawfuU to put me from you, I 
 "am content to depart to my 
 " shame and rebuke : and if there 
 " be none, then I praie you to let 
 "me haue iustice at your hand. 
 " The king yov/r father was in his 
 "time of excellent wit, and the 
 "king of Spaime, my faih^nr, Fer- 
 " dinamdo, was reckoned one of the 
 "wisest princes that reigned in 
 "Spaine mamie yearea before. It 
 "is not to be doubted, but that they 
 "had gathered as wise counseUora 
 " vnto them of euerie realms, as to 
 "their wisedoms they thought 
 "meet, who deemed the marriage 
 
 Some out of your Dominions J hauiiig 16 andpithit 
 
 No Iudge indifferent, nor no more 
 
 assurance 
 Cyequall Friendship and Proceeding. 
 
 Alas, Sir, 
 In what haue I offended you I what 
 
 cause 
 Hath my behauiour giuen to your 20 
 
 displeasure,' 
 That thus you should proceede to put 
 
 me off, ■ 
 And take your good Grace from me t 
 
 Heauen witnesse, 
 I haue bene to you a true and humble 
 
 Wife, 
 At all times to your will conformable ; 24 
 Euer in feare to kindle your Dislike, 
 Yea, subiect to your Countenance ; 
 
 Glad, or sorry, 
 As I saw it inclin'd ! "When was the 
 
 houre 
 I euer contradicted your Desire, 28 
 
 Or made it not mine too 1 Or which 
 
 of your Friends 
 Haue I not stroue to loue, although 
 
 I knew 
 He were mine Enemy ? what Friend 
 
 of mine, 
 That had to him deriu'd your Anger, 32 
 
 did I 
 Continue in my Liking ? nay, gaue 
 
 notice 
 He was from thence discharg'd ? Sir, 
 
 call to minde, 
 That I haue beene your Wife, in this 
 
 Obedience, 
 Vpward of twenty yeares, and haue 36 
 
 bene blest 
 With many Children by you : */, in 
 
 the course 
 And processe of this time, you can 
 
 report, 
 And proue it too, against mine 
 
 Honor aught, 
 My bond to Wedlocke, or my Loue 40 
 
 and Dutie, 
 Against your Sacred Person, in God's 
 
 name 
 Tume me away ! and let the fowl'st 
 
 Contempt 
 Shut doore vpon me, and so giue me vp 
 To the shaip'st kinde of Iustice! 44 
 
 Please you, Sir, 
 The King, your Father, was reputed 
 
 for 
 A Prince most Prudent, of a,n excellent 
 And vnmatch'd Wit, and ludgement : 
 
 presence of 
 the court. 
 
 [I desire you 
 to do me 
 justice. 
 How have I 
 offended 
 you?] 
 
 [I have been 
 a dutiful 
 wife.] 
 
 [We have 
 been married 
 these twenty 
 years.] 
 
 [If there be 
 a real cause 
 for my 
 divorce, I 
 will submit ; 
 if not, let 
 me have 
 justice.] 
 
 The queene 
 iuet^th the 
 nuxHage 
 [: Our 
 £ithers were 
 wise men, 
 and they 
 deemed our 
 marriage 
 lawful.] 
 
 My Father, King of Spaine, was 48 
 
 reekon'd one 
 The wisest Prince, that there had 
 
 reign'd, by mamy 
 
460 
 
 XIII. HENEY VIII. 
 
 [I desire a " b^tweene you and me good and 
 r°an h™ " ^*S^w^i *■<'• Wherefore, I hum,- 
 covmseifrom "Jfe desire you to spare me, ■vntill 
 
 my friends , i , 11 
 
 in Spam.] "/ may know what counsel! my 
 "/reends in Spaine will aduertise 
 " me to take, and, if you will not, 
 "then yowr pleasvx'e he fulfilled." 
 
 A ymxe h&fare, : it is not to he 
 
 question'd, 
 That they had gather' d a wise Oouncell 
 
 to them 
 Of euery Realme, that did debate tUs 52 
 
 Businesse, 
 Who deem'd our Marriage la/wfull. 
 
 Wherefore I humbly 
 Beseech you, Sir, to spareme, till I may 
 Be, by my Friends in Spaine, aduis'd ; 
 
 whose Counsaile 
 I will implore, jf/'raoi, i'th'nameofGod, 56 
 Your pleasure be fulfill' d! 
 
 Wolsey and Campeggio object to a delay of the trial (11. 57-68). 
 Katharine ^ then brings an accusation against "Wolsey (11. 75-84) : 
 
 I do beleeue 
 (Induc'd by potent Circumstances) that 76 
 
 You are mine Enemy ; and make my Challenge, 
 You shall not be my Judge : for it is you 
 Haue blowne this Coale betwixt my Lord, and me ; 
 (Which Gods dew quench ! ) Therefore, I say againe, 80 
 
 I vtterly ahhorre, yea, from my Soule, 
 Refise you for my Ivdge ; whom, yet once more, 
 I hold my most malicious Foe, and thinke not 
 At all a Friend to truth ! 
 
 Wolsey denies the charge (11. 84-105) ; but Katharine is unmoved 
 (11. 118-121): 
 
 I do refuse you for my ludge ; and heere. 
 
 Before you all, Ajypeah vnto the Pope, 
 
 To bring my whole Cause 'fore his Holinesse, 120 
 
 And to he iudg'd by him ! 
 
 The source of this part of scene iv. (11. 68-121) is the following 
 passage, derived by Holinshed from Polydore Vergil (688/4) : 
 
 1 In November, 1528, the two legates visited Katharine at Bridewell, and. 
 told her that they had been appointed judges of the legality of her marriage. 
 After maintaining its lawfulness, she said : " ' But of thys trouble I onely may 
 thanke you, my lorde Caidinall of Yorke ; for because I haue wotidered at 
 your hygh pride & vainglory, and abhone your volupteous life and abhomin- 
 able Lechery, and litle regard your presumpteous power and tiranny, therfore 
 of malice you haue kindled thys fyre and set thys matter a broche ; & in 
 especial for y^ great malice that you beare to my nephew the Emperour, whom 
 I perfectly know you hate worse then a Scorpion, because he would not satisfie 
 your ambicion and make you Pope by force ; and therfore you haue sayed 
 more then once that you would trouble him and hys frendes, and you haue 
 kept hym true promyse, for, of al hys warres and vexacions, he only may 
 thanke you, and as for me, hys poore aunte and kyns woman, what trouble you 
 put me to by this new found doubt, God knoweth, to whom I commyt my 
 cause according to the truth.' The cardinaU of Yorke excused himself, saying, 
 that he was not the begynner nor the mouer of the doubte, & that it was sore 
 agaynst hys wyl that euer y' mariage should come in question ; but he sayd 
 that, by his superior, the Bishop of Rome, he was deputed as a ludge to heare 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 461 
 
 [Hol. iii. 908/1/35.] Heere is to be noted, that the queene in Thecpumt 
 presence of the whole court most greeuouslie accused the cardinail °^^" 
 of vntruth, deceit, wickednesse, & malice ; which had sowne dis- 
 sention betwixt hir and the king hir husband: and therefore 
 openlie protested, that she did vtterlie abhorre, refuse, and forsake 
 such a, judge, as was not onelie a most malicious enimie to hir, but 
 also a manifest aduersarie to all right and iustice ; and therewith 
 did she appeale vnto the pope, committing hir whole cause to he skea^euth 
 judged of him. 
 
 Katharine's refusal of Wolseyas her judge (11. 118-121) is succeeded 
 by this stage direction : " She Curtsies to the King, and offers to 
 depart." Campeggio draws attention to her movement, whereupon 
 Henry cries (1. 125) : 
 
 Kin. Call Imr agadne ! 
 
 Crier. Katherine, Q. of England, come into the Gov/rt I 
 
 Gent. TTsh. Madam,, you are cald backe.. 
 
 Que. "What need you note it 1 pray you, keep yowr way : 
 When you are cald, retume ! (Now the Lord helpe. 
 They vexe me past my patience !) Pray you, passe on ! 
 / teiM not tarry ; no, nor euer more 
 Vpon this businesse my appearance make 
 In any of their Courts, 1 
 
 [Exeunt Queene, and her Attendants. 
 
 In the play Katharine's departure is preceded by her dispute with 
 Wolsey (11. 68-121), but, after Cavendish's report of her speech to 
 Henry, the passage which forms my next excerpt immediately ensues : 
 
 XKol. iii. 907/2/21. Stow, 913.] With that she arose vp, [Kuthnrine 
 
 ^ ' ' ' -■ '^' curtsied to 
 
 making a lowe curtesie to the king, and departed from thence. S^Sed"? 
 
 The king, being aduertised that shee was readie to go out of 
 the house, commanded the crier to call hir aqaine ; who called hir ^a* «««««« 
 
 ' o ' departing 
 
 by these words: "Katharine, queene of England, come into the ""^-fi?" 
 
 "court!" With that quoth maister Griffith,^ "Madame, you be 
 " called againe." " On, on " (quoth she) " it maketh no matter, / 
 "will not tarrie, go on your waies!" And thus she departed, 
 
 the cause, which he sware on his professyon to heare indififerently ; but, what- 
 soeuer was said, she beleued hym not, and so the Legates toke their leaue of 
 her & departed. These wordes were spoken in Frenehe, and written by 
 Cardinail Campeius secretary, (which was present,) and by me translated as 
 nere as I could." — Halle, 755. 
 
 1 Cavendish says (i. 152) that Katharine " took her way straight out of the 
 house, leaning (as she was wont always to do) upon the arm of her General 
 Receiver, called Master Griffith." 
 
 called 
 ogaifK. 
 
462 
 
 XIII. HENEY VIII. 
 
 [Henry's 
 praise of 
 Katharine.] 
 
 The car- 
 dinall re- 
 quireth to 
 ha/ue that 
 declared 
 which was 
 well enouffh 
 known. 
 
 without anie further answer at that time, or anie other, and neuer 
 would appeare after in anie court. 
 
 When Katharine is gone Henry closes a speech in her praise by 
 saying (U. 141-143) : 
 
 Shee's Nohle home; 
 And, like her true Nobility, she ha's 
 Carried her selfe towards me. 
 
 "Wolsey then addresses Henry (11. 143-149) : 
 
 Wol. Most gracious Svr, 
 
 In humblest manner I require your Highnes, 144 
 
 That it shall please you to declare, in hearing 
 Of all these eares, (for where I am rob'd and bound, 
 There must I be vnloos'd, although not there 
 At once and fully satisfide,) whether euer / 148 
 
 Did broach this busines to yowr Highness ; . . . 
 
 I continue to quote excerpts derived by Holinshed from Stow's 
 paraphrase of Cavendish : 
 
 lEol. iii. 907/2/33. Stow, 913.] The king, perceiuing she was 
 departed, said these words in efiFect : " For as much " (quoth he) 
 "as the queene is gone, I will in hir absence declare to you all, 
 " that shee hath beene to me as true, as obedient, and as conform- 
 " able a wife, as I would wish or desire. She hath all the vertuous 
 "qualities that ought to be in a woman of hir dignitie, or in anie 
 "other of a baser estate ; she is also surelie a nohle woman horne;- 
 " hir conditions will well declare the same." ^ 
 
 With that quoth Wolseie the cardinall : " Sir, I most humblie 
 "require yowr highnesse, to declare before all this audience, whether 
 " I haue beene the cheefe and first moouer of this matter vnto ymir 
 "maiestie or no, for I am greatlie suspected heerein." 
 
 Henry's oration (11. 155-209 ; 217-230) and the intervening answer 
 of Longland Bishop of Lincoln (11. 211-217) follow Wolsey's request : 
 
 Kin. My Lord Cardinall, 
 
 I doe excuse you ; yea, vpon mine Honour, 156 
 
 1 On November 8, 1528, at Bridewell, Henry spoke thus of Katharine to 
 an assemblage of nobles, judges, counsellors, and others whose attendance had 
 been commanded : " I assure you all that, beside her noble parentage of the 
 whiohe she is discended, (as you wel know,) she is a woman of moate genttenes, 
 of moste humilitie and buxumnes ; yea, and of al good qualities apperteignynge 
 to nobilitie she is wythoute comparyson, as I this .xx. yeres almoste haue had 
 the true experiment ; so that yf I were to mary agayne, if the mariage myght 
 be good, I would surely chose her aboue al other women." — Halle, Ihb.^ In 
 II. iv. 137-139, Henry praises her " sweet gentlenesse," meekness, and obedience. 
 
Xni. HENRY VIII. 463 
 
 I free you from't ; . . . 
 
 But will you be more iustifi'de 1 You euer 
 
 Haue wish'd the sleeping of this busines ; . . . 
 
 My Conscience first reoeiu'd a tendernes, 
 
 Scruple, and pricke, on oertame Speeches vtter'd 
 
 By th' Bishop of Bayon, then French Embassador ; 172 
 
 Who had heene hither sent on the debatimg 
 
 A ^ Maariage 'twixt the Duke of Orkance, and 
 
 Our Ba/ughter Mary : i'th'Progresse of this busines, 
 
 Ere a determinate resolution, hee 176 
 
 (I meane the Bishop) did require a respite ; 
 
 Wherein he might the King his Lord adutrtise, 
 
 Whether our Daughter were hgitvmate, 
 
 Respecting this our Ma/rriage with the Dowager, 180 
 
 Sometimes our Brothers Wife. This " respite " shooke 
 
 The bosome ^ of my Gortscience, enter'd me. 
 
 Yea, with a splitting * power, and made to tremble 
 
 The region of my Breast ; which forc'd such way, 184 
 
 That many maz'd considerings did throng. 
 
 And prest in with this Caution. First, me thought 
 
 I stood not in the smile of Heauen ; who had 
 
 Commanded Nature, that my Ladies wombe, 188 
 
 If it conceiu'd a male-child by me, should 
 
 Doe no more Offices of life to't then 
 
 The Graue does to th' dead : for her Male Issue 
 
 Or di'de where they were made, or shortly after 192 
 
 This world had ayr'd them. Hence I tooke a thought, 
 
 This was a ludgement on me ; that my Kingdome 
 
 (Well worthy the best Heyre o'th' World) should not 
 
 Be gladded in't by me : then followes, that 196 
 
 I weigh'd the danger which my Beahnea stood in 
 
 By this my issues faile ; and that gaue to me 
 
 M&nj a groaning throw. Thus hulling in 
 
 The wild Sea of my Conscience, I did steere 200 
 
 Toward this remedy, whereupon we are 
 
 Now present heere together ; that's to say, 
 
 / meant to rectifie my Conscience (which 
 
 I then did feele full sicke, and yet not well) 204 
 
 By all the Reuerend Fathers of the Land, 
 
 And Doctors learn'd. — ^First, I began in priuate 
 
 With you, my Lord of Lvncolne ; you remember 
 
 How vnder my oppression I did reeke, 208 
 
 When I first moii'd you. 
 
 B. Lin. Very well, my Liedge. 
 
 Kin. I haue spoke long : be pleas'd your selfe to say 
 How farre you satisfide me. 
 
 Lin. So please your Highnes, 
 
 The question did at first so stagger me, 212 
 
 » A'\ Howe (ed. 2). And F. 
 
 * bottcym] Theobald. Cp. next excerpt from Eol. ' splitting] ¥2. spittiiig F. 
 
464 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 (Bearing a State of mighty moment in't, 
 
 And consequence of dread,) that I committed 
 
 The daringst Oounsaile which I had, to doubt ; 
 
 And did entreate your Highnes to this course, 216 
 
 Which you are running heere. 
 
 Kin. / then mou'd you, 
 
 My Lord of Canterbury ; and got your leaue 
 To make this present Summons : vnsolicited 
 I left no Reuerend Person in this Court ; 220 
 
 But by particular consent proceeded 
 Vnder yowr hands and Seahs : therefore, goe on ; 
 For no dislike i'th' world against the person 
 Of the good Queene, but the sharpe thorny points 224 
 
 Of my alleadged reasons, driue' ^ this forward : 
 Proue but otw Marriage lawfuU, by my Life 
 And Kingly Dignity, we are contented 
 
 To weare our mortall State to come with her, 228 
 
 (Katherine our Queene,) before the primest Creature 
 That's Parragon'd o'th' World ! 
 
 With these lines compare the speeches of Henry and Longland, as 
 they appear in Holinshed : 
 
 K?h^the [Eol. iii. 907/2/46. Stow,9U.] " My lord cardinall" {quoth 
 of Henry's the king) "J Can well excuse you in this matter, marrie " (quoth he) 
 examined "7°" hsuxe beenc rather against me in the tempting heereof, than 
 " a setter forward or moouer of the same. The special! cause, that 
 "mooued me vnto this matter, was a certeine scrupulositie that 
 "pricked my conscience, vpow certeine words spoken at a time 
 " hy the bishop ^ of Baion, the French ambctssador? who had heene 
 "hither sent, vpo» the debating of a marriage to be concluded 
 " betweene onr daughter the ladie Marie, and the duke of Orleance, 
 "second son to the king of France. 
 
 " Upon the resolution and determination whereof, he desired 
 "respit to aduerfise the king his maister thereof, whether our 
 i^^T "daughter Marie should be legitimate in respect of this my 
 qiSrt^Md.] "marriage with this woman, being sometimes my brothers wife. 
 cmM^h "Which words, once conceiued within the secret bottome of my 
 Ittngtf "conscience, ingendered such a scrupulous doubt, that my con- 
 
 coTtMimce 
 
 1 drive] Pope, driues F. 
 
 2 time by the bishop] Cavendish, time when it wow, by the bishop Hoi. and 
 Stow. 
 
 ' A mistake. The ambassador to whom these words were officially attributed 
 was Gabriel de Grammont, Bishop of Tarbes. 
 
XIII. HENRY vni. 465 
 
 "science was incontinentlie accombred, vexed, and disquieted; ^j*'^^ 
 " whereby I ihougM my selfe to be greatlie in danger of God's ™<»"*^«- 
 " indignation. Which appeared to be (as me seemed) the rather, 
 " for that he sent ts no issue male, and all such issues male, as my said 
 
 [He Itad no 
 
 "wife had by m^ died incontinent after they came into the world; male issue.] 
 " so that I doubted the great displeasure of God in that behalfe. 
 
 " Thus, my conscience being tossed in the wanes of a scrupulous 
 " mind, and partlie in despaire to haue [p. 908] anie other issue than 
 " I had alredie by this ladie now my wife, it behooued me further to 
 "consider the state of this realme, and tJie danger it stood in for ^^j™*'™ 
 " lacke of a prince to succeed me. I thought it good in release of SSfota"' 
 " the weightie burthen of m«/ weake coMsciewce, . . . to attempt the mMeld" 
 "law therin, whether I may lawfiillie take another wife more 
 "lawfuUie, . . . not for anie displeasure or misUking of the 
 " queenes person and age ; with whome I would be as Well contented 
 "to continue, if our mariage may stand with the laws of God, as 
 "with anie woman aliue. 
 
 " In this point consisteth all this doubt that we go about now 
 "to trie by the learning, wisedome, and iudgement of you our 
 "prelats and pastors of all this our realme and dominions, now 
 "heere assembled for that purpose; . . . Wherein, after that I 
 "perceiued my conscience so doubtfuU, I mooued it in confession 
 " to you, my Lord of Zincolne, then ghostlie father. And, for so Jh^^mattw 
 "much as then you your selfe were in some dowbt, you mooued me toLm^-^'™ 
 " to aske the counsell of all these mj lords ; wherevpon / mooued oMained 
 " yo^t, my lord of Canturhurie, first to haue your licence, in as much try it from 
 "as you were metropolitane, to put this matter in questioln, and JJ^"*'",®? , 
 " so I did of all you, my lords : to which you granted mder your 
 
 "seaZes, heere to be shewed." 
 
 At the close of Henry's speech Gampeggio says (11. 230-235) ; 
 GoMvp. So please yoar Highnes, 
 
 The Queene 'being abseiit, 'tis a needful! fitnesse, 
 That we adiovme this Court t^ further day-; 232 
 
 Meane While must be an earnest motion 
 Made to tke Queene, to caM hcu^ her Appeale 
 She intends Vhto his EEolinesse. 
 Holinshed omitted a dispute between Warham and Fisher, which 
 succeeded the royal Srpeech, and was silenced by Hem;y. 
 
 [ffol. iii. 908/ 1/33. Stm, 915.] After that the king rose [J^o^Si 
 vp, and the court was acHourned yntill another daie. 
 
 H H 
 
466 Xm. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Notwithstanding Katharine's appeal, 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 908/I/4S. Polyd. Verg., 688/1 1.] the legats sat 
 
 weekelie, and euerie dale were arguments brought in on both 
 
 parts, and proofes alleaged for the vnderstanding of the case, and 
 
 urged tolaii Still they assaied if they could by anie meanes procure the queene 
 
 appeal.] to Call locJce hw wppeok, which she vtterlie refused to doo. 
 
 Campeggio's proposal to adjourn is accepted by Henry (1. 240), but 
 not without an aside (11. 235-237) : 
 
 Km. I may perceiue 
 
 These Cardinals trifle with me : I abhorre 235 
 
 This dilatory sloth, and trickes of Rome. 
 
 Holinshed copied Polydore Vergil's remark (688/14) t^** ^^^ 
 
 Theutiff [Hol. iii. 908/i/So.] king would gladlie haue had an end in 
 
 tiuugauof the matter, but, when the legats draue time, and determined vpon 
 deiaia. no ccrteiue point, he conceiued a suspicion that this was doone 
 
 of purpose, that their dooings might draw to none effect or 
 
 conclusion. 
 
 Act III. sc. i. — " Enter Queene and her Women, as at worke." A 
 Gentleman announces that 
 
 the two great Cardinals 16 
 
 Wait in the presence. 
 Queen. Would they speake with me 1 
 
 Gent. They wil'd me say so. Madam. 
 
 Katharine bids her Gentleman invite them to "come neere " (1. 19) ; 
 and presently the Cardinals enter. 
 
 The court at Black-Friars closed its sessions in the latter part of 
 July, 1529.1 It was opened, as we have seen (p. 458, n. 1, above) on June 
 18. Time passed in fruitless discussion, until one day, after the court 
 had adjourned, Henry's impatience obliged Wolsey and Campeggio to 
 make a direct appeal to Katharine.^ 
 
 Wols. Peace to your Highnesse ! 
 
 QvMn. Your Graces find me heere part of a Houswife : 24 
 I would be all, against the worst may happen. 
 WJtat are yowr photsv/tes vnth me, reuerent Lords 1 
 
 Wol. May it please you. Noble Madam, to withdraw 
 ItUo yowr priuate Ghcmiher, we shall giue yon 28 
 
 The full ooMse of owr eom/ming. 
 
 Qveen. Speake it heere : 
 
 There's nothing I haue done yet, o' my Conscience, 
 Deserues a Corner : would all other Women 
 
 1 " Cardinall Campeius sayd y* they myght not syt after luly, tyll October, 
 all whyche season was a vacacyon in the Courte of Borne, and, their court 
 beynge a member of the Courte of Rome, they must nedes do the same." — 
 HaJXe, 768. a Cavendish, i. 160, 161. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 467 
 
 Gould speake this with as free a Soule as I doe ! 32 
 
 My Lords, I care not, (so much I am happy 
 
 Abone a number,) if my actions 
 
 Were tri'de by eu'ry tongue, eu'ry eye saw 'em, 
 
 Enuy and base opinion set against 'em, 36 
 
 I know my life so euen. . . . 
 
 Out with it boldly 1 . . . 
 
 Caurd. \Woli\ Tanta est erga te mentis integritas, Begina 
 serenissima, — 41 
 
 Queen. O, good, my Lord, no Latin I . . , 
 Pray, speake vn English, ! 
 
 Wolsey replies (11. 54-61) : 
 
 We come not by the way of Accusation, 
 
 To taint that honour euery good Tongue blesses, 
 
 Nor to betray you any way to sorrow ; 56 
 
 (You haue too much, good Lady !) but to know 
 
 Bow you stand minded m the waighty difference 
 
 Betweene the King amd you ; and to deliuer, 
 
 Like free and honest men, our iust opinions, 60 
 
 And comforts to your ^ cause. 
 
 Camp. Most honour'd Madam, 
 
 My Lord of Yorke, (out of his Noble nature, 
 Zeale and obedience he still bore yovr Grace,) 
 Forgetting, like a good man, your late Censure 64 
 
 Both of his truth and him, which was too farre, 
 OfEers, as I doe, in a signe of peace, 
 His Seruice and his Counsell. 
 
 " To betray me," Katharine murmurs. Then she addresses the 
 Cardinals (U. 68-80) : 
 
 My Lords, I thamhe you both ^or yowr good vdUa ; 
 
 Ye speake like honest men ; (pray God, ye proue so !) 
 
 But how to make ye sodaMy an Answere, 
 
 In such a poynt of weight, so neere mine Honour, 
 
 (More neere my Life, I feare,) with my weake wit, 72 
 
 And to such men of grauity and learning, 
 
 In truth, I know not. / was set at worke 
 
 Among my Maids ; full little (God knowes) looking 
 
 Either for such men, or such businesse. 76 
 
 For her sake that I haue beene, (for I feele. 
 
 The last fit of my Greatnesse,) good your Graces, 
 
 Let me haue time and Councell for my Cause. 
 
 Alas, I am a Woman frendlesse, hopelesse ! 80 
 
 Wol. Madam, you wrong the Kings loue with these feares : 
 Your hopes and friends are infinite. 
 
 Queen. In Ungkmd 
 
 But little ybr my profit : can you thvnJce, Xiords, 
 That amy English man dare giue me Councell ] 84 
 
 * j/ow] Fa. om. Fi. 
 
468 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Qneene 
 
 Katharini 
 
 and the 
 
 cardin(jUs 
 
 ham com- 
 
 tminicatUyn 
 
 inhirpriuU 
 
 chamber 
 
 {; but at 
 
 first she 
 
 required 
 
 them to 
 
 speak in her 
 
 I^sence 
 
 Chamber], 
 
 [Wolsey 
 addressed 
 her in 
 Latin.] 
 
 [He and 
 Campeggio 
 desired to 
 know her 
 mind in 
 regard to the 
 marriage 
 question, 
 and to 
 connsel her.] 
 
 Th^qiuenc 
 refuseth to 
 make svdden 
 ariswer in so 
 weightie a 
 matter as the 
 diuorse 
 [: she had 
 just come 
 from work- 
 ing with her 
 maids]. 
 
 [She said 
 that no 
 
 Or be a lati&vme friend, 'gidnst his Highnes fJediiwre, 
 
 (Though he be gro^^ie so desperate to b6 honest,) 
 
 And liue a SuUect i Nay,foriooth, raj FriendB, 
 
 They that must weigh out toy aflaictio&s, 88 
 
 They that my trust mUst grow to, liue not heete : 
 
 They are (as all my other comforts) far hence. 
 
 In mine owne Cowntftey, Lords. 
 
 \Hol. iii. 9O8/2/2. Stow, 916.] The cardinals being in «the 
 queenes chamber of presence, the gentleman usher aduertised the 
 queene that the cardinals were come to speake with hir. With 
 that she rose vp, &, with a skeine of white thred about hir necke, 
 came into hir chamber of presence, where the cardinals were 
 attending. At whose comming quoth she, " What is yamr pleswre 
 " with me ? " " If it please your grace " (quoth cardinall Wolseie) 
 " to go into ymtr priuie ehainher,, we will shew you the cause of onr 
 ""camming" "My lord" (quoth she) "if yee haue auie thing to 
 "sale, speake it openlie before all these folke ; for I feare nothing 
 "that yee can saie against me, but that I would all tiie world 
 "should heare and see it, and thierefbre speake your mind." Then 
 began the cardinall to speake to hir in Latine. " Naie, good my 
 "lord" (quoth she) "speake to me in English'''^ 
 
 " Forsooth '' (quoth the cardiuall) " good madaine, if it please 
 " you, we come both to know yotu* mind htiw you are disposed to 
 " doo in this matter betweene the king and you, imd also to declare 
 "secretlie &u,r t^nmons and counsell vnto you: which we doo 
 "onelie for Tcrie zeale and dbedieiici we beare vnto yam grace." 
 "My lord" (quoth she) "J thanke you for your good will; but to 
 " make you answer in your request I cannot so siiddeniie^ for / was 
 " set among my maids at w&tke, thiuking full littie of attie such 
 "matter, wherein there needeth a longer deliberation^ and a better 
 "head than mine to make answer : for I need counsel! in this case 
 "which toucheth me so neere, & for anie counsell or freendship 
 "that I can find in Enghmd, they are not for my profit. What, 
 "thinke you, my lords, Will anie Mnglish'tnart counsell me, or be 
 
 1 speake to me m ^niflish, for I can (J thanke God) both speafe and wider- 
 stand jEngUdi, although I vrvdvrstamd soMk lalin.} Stow,, om. Hoi. Op. Katha- 
 rine's words (III. i. 44, 44) : 
 
 " I am not such a Truant since my comming. 
 As not to know the Language I haue liu'd in ": . . . 
 
XUL HENRY VIII. 469 
 
 "fremd to me agwm^ the Kpngs] jaleamre that is his «MJierf ? SSad°& 
 " Naie, forsooth. And as for my co^nsell in whpm I will put my aieid^eie 
 " trust, they be not here, they be in Spaine in my owne eoy,74rie. ™ ^"°' 
 
 "And, my lords, I am a poore woman, lacking wit, ttf answer [Sheen- 
 " to anie such noble persons of wisedome as you be, in so \jeightie cwdinais'* 
 " a matter, therefore I praie you be good to me, poore wopan, 
 " destitute of freends here in a forren region," , . . 
 
 Campeggip responds by offering his counsel (11. 93-97) ; 
 
 Put your maine cause into the K^ing's proteotJQji ; 
 
 Hee's louing and most gracious : 'twill he. nmch 
 
 Both for your Hon/wwr better, and your Cause j 
 
 For, if tha tryall of the Law o'retaibe ye, 96 
 
 You'l part away disgrae'd. 
 
 The object of the Cardinals' mission to Katharine was 
 [Eol. iii. 9O8/1/70. Stow, 916.] to persuade with W^ by their tn™^ 
 wisdoms, and to aduise hir to surrend^ the whole matter into the to*te™°he 
 kings hands by Mr owne consent & will, which should le much 0? ao°*"* 
 letter to hir honowr, than to stand to the triall of law, and thereby qS^to 
 to be condemned, which should seeme much to hir dishonour. 
 
 Katharine's anger is roused by this perfidious advice, but, growing 
 Calm at last, she says, as the scene ends (11. 181, 18^) : 
 
 Come, reuerend Fathers, 
 Bestow your Comuseh on me 1 
 
 We are not told by Cavendish how Katharine received th© legates' 
 proposition.^ After hw appeal, — "I praie you be good to me, poore 
 woman, destitute of freends here in a forren region,'' — she added : 
 
 [Eol. iii. 9O8/2/41. Stow, 917.] " and your eounsell aIbo I will be f^^J^^^* 
 "glad to heare." And therewith she tooke the cardinall [Wolsey] S|?^*° 
 by the hand, and led him into hir priuie chamber with the other '^'^'"^'^■l 
 cardinal!, where they tarried a season talking with the queene. 
 
 Act III. sc. ii. — Norfoll?, Suffolk, " Surrey »" and the fjord Chamber- 
 lain enter. Norfolk says (11. 1-3) : 
 
 If you will now vnite in your Complaints, 
 And force them with a Constancy, the Cardinall 
 Cannot stand vnder them : . . . 
 Suffolk explains how W<?lsey has forfeited H^nry'^ favour (H. 
 30-36): " 
 
 ^tJavendish says (L 164) ILat " we, in the other chamber, might sometime 
 hear the queen speak veiy loud, but ijrhat it was we could nat understand." 
 
470 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 The Cardinals Letters to the Pope miscarried, 
 
 And came to th'eye o'th'King : wherein was read, 
 
 How that the Cardinall did intreat his Holinesse 32 
 
 To stay the Judgement o'th'Diuorce ; for if 
 
 It did take place, "I do" (quoth he) "perceiue 
 
 " My King is tangled in affection to 
 
 " A Creature of the Queenes, Lady Anne Bullen." 36 
 
 After a while Wolsey enters and soliloquizes upon his intention of 
 imiting Henry to the Duchess of Alengon,! for the purpose of prevent- 
 ing the King's marriage to Anne Boleyn (11. 85-101). Soon Henry 
 enters and elicits from Wolsey great professions of loyalty, which the 
 King brings to a close by giving the Cardinal two papers, with these 
 words (11. 201-203) : 
 
 Bead o're this ; 
 And after, this [the Letter to the Pope] ; and then to Breakfast with 
 "What appetite you haue ! 
 
 [Exit King, frowning vpon the Cardinall : the Nobles 
 throng after him, smiling and whispering. 
 
 Polydore Vergil (688/16) was the original authority for part of my 
 next excerpt, down to the sentence ending, " honor and dignitie." He 
 asserts that, while the lawfulness of Henry's marriage was being 
 debated at Black-Friars, 
 
 Thekingt [ffol. uL 908/2/7O.J the cardinall of Yorke was aduised that 
 
 good mil la the king had set his affection vpon a yoong gentlewoman named 
 ^JJ^ Anne, the daughter of Sir Thomas Bullen, vicount Rochford, which 
 
 did wait vpon the queene. This was a [p. 909] great griefe vnto 
 tif Henry \\^q cardinall, as he that perceiued aforehand, that the king would 
 won™^^ marie the said gentlewoman, if the diuorse tooke place. Wherfore 
 B^yn.) he began with all diligence to disappoint that match, which, by 
 
 reason of the misliking that he had to the woman, he iudged 
 The tecret ought to be auoidcd more than present death. While the matter 
 
 working wnd, 
 
 diisimuia- gtood in this state, and that the cause of the queene was to be 
 
 turn of ' ^ ' 
 
 "^^ri? [to heard and iudged at Rome, by reason of the appeale which by hir 
 
 tooroe*!"* was put in, the cardinall required the pope by letters and secret 
 
 messengers, that in anie wise he should defer the iudgement of 
 
 the diuorse, till he might frame the kings mind to his purpose. 
 
 Howbeit he went about nothing so secretlie, but that the same 
 
 I^hd£' came to the kings knowledge, who tooke so high displeasure 
 
 ^Stthe ^th such his cloked dissimulation, that he determined to abase 
 
 [ont^ his degree, sith as an vnthankefull person he forgot himselfe and 
 
 account]. 
 
 r ■ ■ — 
 
 ' An anachionism. See p. 453, n. 2, above. 
 
XIII. HENRY vm. 471 
 
 hia dntie towards him that had «o faighUe aduanced him to all 
 honor and dignitie. When the nobles of the realme perceiued the saw. Bail 
 cardinall to be in displeasure, they began to accuse him of such 
 offenses as they knew might be proued against him, and thereof iMUiL 
 they made a booke conteining certeine articles, to which diuerse mr^Lii ' 
 of the kings councell set their hands. noMesj. 
 
 Before Wolsey entered, Suffolk mentioned (11. 56-60) a circumstance 
 which would be sure to confirm the resentment felt by Henry on 
 discovering the letter to the Pope. 
 
 Cardinall Campeius 
 Is stolne away to Eome ; hath ta'ne no leaue ; 
 Ha's left the cause o'th'King vnhandled ; and 
 Is posted, as the Agent of our Cardinall, 
 To second all his plot. 
 
 When the day came for the Legates' judgment to be delivered, 
 Campeggio thus addressed the Court assembled at Black-Friars : * 
 
 \Hol. iii. 908/2/57. Stow, 917.] "I will not giue iudgement cardinM 
 "till I haue made relation to the pope of all our proceedings j r^uufk 
 " whose counsell and commandement in this case I will obserue : »'«*«™«»«- 
 "the case is verie doubtfull, and also the partie defendant will 
 " make no answer here, but dooth rather appeale from vs, suppos- 
 "ing that we be not indifferent. Wherfore I will adiourne this 
 " court for this time, according to the order of the court of Rome." 
 And with that the court was dissolued, and no more doone. This iThe court 
 
 ' wnsalB- 
 
 protracting of the conclusion of the matter, king Henrie tooke JSJ^^^o 
 verie displeasantlie. Then cardinall Campeius tooke his leaue of SSi *° 
 the kiiig ^ and nobilitie, and returned towards Rome. 
 
 From my last excerpt it appears that Campeggio took leave of Henry 
 before returning to Borne. The Legate's clandestine departure was 
 perhaps inferred by the dramatist from the somewhat misleading ex- 
 pressions used by Foxe,* who says (ii. 967/2) that Campeggio 
 
 > On July 23 Campeggio prorogued the Court to October 1, 1529. — Calendar 
 {Hen. VIII.), IV. iii. p. 2589. 
 
 * Campeggio took leave of Henry at Grafton Begie, on September 20, 1529. 
 — Alward to Cromwell {Mlis, I. i. 309). Camnduk, i. 179. The testimony of 
 Alward and Cavendish — both of whom accompanied Wolsey to Grafton— does 
 not differ save in regard to the time of the day when Campeggio and Wolsey 
 took leave of Henry. 
 
 3 At the end of the paragraph which contains my quotation, Foxe gives as 
 a reference, "Ex Hallo." H<dle (759) records Campeggio's farewell of 
 Henry. 
 
472 
 
 XIII. HENEy VIII. 
 
 [Cninpeggio 
 left Henry's 
 cauae un- 
 determiiied,] 
 
 [Henry had 
 a liking for 
 Anne 
 
 Boleyn, who 
 wasa 
 Lutheran.] 
 
 Ca/rdinall 
 CampHus 
 
 fro the hyng. 
 
 craftily shifted hym self out of the realme before the day came 
 appoynted for determination, leaning his suttle felow behynd hym 
 to wey with the king in the meane time^ while the matter might 
 be brought vp to the court of Rome. 
 
 In a subsequent reference to the same subject Foxe adds (ii. 1023/i) 
 that, when the Legates observed the dangerous tendency of the question 
 which they were expected to decide, 
 
 & especially because the Cardinall of Yorte p^eeaued the kyng 
 to cast fauour to the Lady Anne, whom he knew to be a Ewtheran} 
 they thought best to winde them selues out of that brake by tyme, 
 & so Cardmal Campeius, dissemblyng the matter, conueyed him- 
 selfe home to Bome agayne, . . . 
 
 While Wolsey was musing, Henry entered " reading of a Scedule " 
 (1. 106). Showing it to Norfolk and Suffolk the King said, with 
 reference to Wolsey (11. 120-128) : 
 
 This morning, 120 
 
 Papers of State he sent me to peruse. 
 As I requir'd : and wot you what I found 
 There, (on my Conscience, put vnwittingly ? ) 
 Forsooth, an Inuentory, thus importing, 124 
 
 The seuerall parcels of his Plate, his Treasure, 
 Biich StufEes, and Ornaments of Houshold, which 
 I finde at such proud Bate, that it out-apeakea 
 Possession of a Subiect. 
 
 Steevens pointed out (Fan Sh., xix. 412) that a somewhat similar 
 mischance befel Thomas Buthal, Bishop of Durham, who had two books 
 precisely like in outward appearance, one describing " the whole estate 
 of the kingdome," the other containing an account of his private means. 
 Henry Vni. sent Wolsey for the former book, and Ruthal inadvert- 
 ently gave the private volume 
 
 [HoU iii. 796/2/6iix] to the cardinall to beare vnto the king. 
 
 1 When Wolsey is soliloquizing on the necessity of preven,ti9g Anne Boleyn 
 from becoming Queen, he says (III. ii. 97-101) : 
 
 " What though I know her vertvaus 
 And well deseruing 1 yet I know her for 
 A spleeny Lutheran; and not wholsome to 
 Our cause, that she should lye i' th' bosome of 
 Our hard rul'd King." 
 
 Elsewhere (ii. 1056/i) Foxe speaks thus of Anne Boleyn: "But because 
 touchyng the memorable vertues of this worthy Qaeene, partly we haue sayd 
 some thyng before, partly because more also is promised to be declared of her 
 veHuous life (the Lord so permittyng) by other who then were about her, I 
 will cease in this matter further to proceed*." I find no mention in SdlXe or 
 Hoi. of her Lutheranism. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 473 
 
 The cardiaall, hauing the booke, went from the bishop, and after 
 (in his studie by himselfe) vfldevstanding the contents thereof, he 
 greatlie reioised ; hauing now occasion (which he long sought for) 
 offered vnto him to bring the bishop into the king's disgrace. 
 
 Wherefore he went foorthwith to the king, deliuered the booke 'nu buhopi 
 mto his hands, and breefehe mformed the kmg of the contents ^uiadvan- 
 
 ° tapeable to 
 
 thereof; putting further into the kings head, that if at anie time *'™"**- 
 he were destitute of a masse of monie, he should not need to seeke 
 further therefore than to the cofers of the bishop, who by the 
 tenor of his owne booke had accompted his proper riches and 
 substance to the value of a hundred thousand pounds. 
 
 The " Scedule," which Henry entered reading, is the fiifst of the 
 two papers examined by Wolsey when the King and Nobles are gone. 
 It proves to be 
 
 th'Acoompt 
 Of all that world of Wealth I haue drawne together 
 For mine owne ends ; indeed, to gaine the Popedome, 212 
 
 And fee my Friends in Home. 
 
 In February, 1529, false news of the Pope's death reached England.^ 
 Wolsey aspired after the Papacy, and therefore wrote to Gardiner, 
 
 [Foxe, ii. 963/2.] willing hym to sticke for no Qoste, so farre i^d'Khe 
 as sixe or seuen thousand poundes woulde stretche : for more he crowii.] 
 sayd he would not geue for the triple crowne.^ 
 
 Finding the second paper to be the letter to the Pope, Wolsey 
 despairs of regaining Henry's confidence (U. 220-227). Then re-enter 
 
 1 Calendar {Hen. VIIL), IV. iii, 5269. 
 
 * Gardiner was journeying towards Rome in January, 1529. — Calendar 
 {Hen. VIII.)y IV. iii. 5237. He reached it on February 15, It&Q.-r-CaMndwr 
 {Hen. f^III.y, IV. iii. 5294. In February, 1529, Henry, believing Clement to 
 be dead, sent instructions to Gardiner and others that they should, if necessary, 
 endeavour to procure Wolsey's election as Pope by "proniises of spiritual 
 promotions, ofSces, dignities, rewards of money, and other thingSito show them 
 what Wolsey wiU give up if he enters into this dangerous storm and troublous 
 tempest for the relief of the Church ; all of which benefices shall be given to 
 the King's friends, besides other large rewards." — Ccdenda/r {Hen. VIIL), IV. 
 iii. 5270. Foxe, ii. 965/2. Henry hoped thus to be divorced from Katharine 
 by Paptj sanction, which Wolsey woidd grant. — Ibid. Foxe printed a letter 
 from Wolsey to Gardiner (iL 964/i. Calenda/f {Hen. VIIL), IV. iii. 5272) in 
 which general directions to make promises are given, but no specific sum of 
 money is named. I suspect Foxeh 6000 or 7000 pounds for the Popedom to 
 be the 5000 or 6000 ducats offered by Wolsey for bulls to hold Winchester. — 
 WolsOT to Sir Gregory Casale and Peter Vannes, Feb. 20, 1529 {Goiendar 
 {Hen. VIIL), IV. iS, 5313). 
 
474 
 
 XIII. HENKY VIII. 
 
 The card- 
 inall is loth 
 to pwrtfrom 
 ike great 
 Kale. 
 
 [He was 
 ordered to 
 depstt to 
 Esher.] 
 
 [He de- 
 manded tbe 
 dukes' 
 authority,] 
 
 [And refused 
 to surrender 
 the Great 
 Seal, wluch 
 Henry had 
 given him 
 (or life.] 
 
 (III. ii.) "the Dukes of Norfolke and SufEolke, the Earle of Surrey,^ and 
 the Lord Chamberlaine." 
 
 Nor. 'H.^&ve the King's phasure,G&vAmaX\.: who commands you 
 To render vp the Great Seale presently 
 Into our hands; and to Confine your selfe 
 To Asher-house, my Lord of Wmchestera,^ 
 Till you heare further from his Highnesse. 
 
 Car. Stay : 232 
 
 Where's your Commission, Lords ? words cannot carrie 
 Authority so weighty. 
 
 Suf. Who dare crosse 'em, 
 
 . Bearing the Kings wiU from his mouth expressely ? 
 
 Car. Till I finde more then will or words to do it, 236 
 
 (I meane your malice,) know, Officious Lords^ 
 I dare, and must deny it. . . . 
 
 That Seale, 
 You aske with such a Violence, the King, 
 (Mine and your Master,) with his owne hand, gaue me ; 
 Bad me enioy it, with the Place and Honors, 248 
 
 During my life ; and, to confirme his Goodnesse, 
 Ti'de it by Letters Patents : . . . 
 On October 16 (?), 1529, 
 
 \Hol. iii. 909/1/39. Stow, 918.] the king sent the two dukes 
 of Norfolke and Suffolke to the cardinals place at Westminster, 
 who went as they were commanded, and, finding the cardinall 
 there, they declared that the kings pleasure was that he should 
 surrender vp the great seale into their hands, and to depart simplie 
 \nto Asher, which was an house situat nigh vnto Hampton court, 
 belonging to the bishoprike of Winchester. The cardinall de- 
 manded of them their commission that gaue them such authoritie ; 
 who answered againe, that they were sufficient commissioners, and 
 had authoritie to doo no lesse by the kings mouth. Notwithstand- 
 ing, he would in no wise agree in that behalfe, without further 
 knowledge of their authoritie, saieng: that the great seale was 
 deliuered him by the kings person, to inioy the ministration 
 thereof, with the roome of the chancellor for the terme of his life, 
 whereof for his suertie he had the kings letters parents. 
 
 ' Norfolk and " Surrey " are historically one ; the dramatic twain form- 
 ing the historical third Duke of Norfolk, whose " Father-in-law" was " Noble 
 Buckingham" (III. ii. 256). 
 
 ^ The Bishopric of Winchester became vacant by the death of Bichard 
 Foxe in 1528. — Godtovn, 246. Wolsey afterwards held the see in commendam,, 
 and was succeeded by Stephen Gardiner.— Jttrf., 247. Gardiner is, perhaps, 
 the dramatist's "Lord of Winchester." 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 475 
 
 Holinshed — copying Stow (919), whose authority was Cavendish 
 (i. 181) — tells us that Wolsey steadily refused to surrender the Great 
 Seal to Norfolk and SuSolk ; so that, after the matter had been 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 909/i/s8. Stow, 919.] greatlie debated betweene lyi'^? »"'^ 
 
 them with manie great words,^ ... the dukes were faine to depart ^''ate^Jrth 
 
 againe without their purpose, and rode to Windsore to the king, w'ds/f"** 
 
 and made report accordinglie ; but the next daie they returned 
 
 againe, bringing with them the kings letters. Then the cardinall The card- 
 
 debuered vnto them the great seale,* and was content to depart ''*™"f^^*' 
 
 simplie, taking with him nothing but onelie certeine prouision for 
 
 his house : and after long talke betweene him and the dukes, they 
 
 departed with the great seale of England, and brought the same 
 
 to the king. 
 
 " Surrey " reviles Wolsey, and at last desires Norfolk to produce 
 certain articles which have been framed against the Cardinal. But, as 
 these articles are " in the Kings hand " (1. 299), the nobles rehearse 
 them from memory, " Surrey " beginning : ^ 
 
 [1] First, That, without the Kings assent or knowledge, 
 
 You wrought to he a Legate ; hy which power 
 
 You maim'd the Jurisdiction of aM Bishops. 312 
 
 [2] N'or. Then, That in all you writ to Some, or else 
 
 To Forrwigne Princes, " Ego S Rex meus " 
 
 Was still inscrib'd ; in which you brought the Xing 
 
 To be your Seruant. 
 [4] Stifi Then, That, without the knowledge 316 
 
 Either of King or Councell, when you went 
 
 Ambassador to the Emperor, you made bold 
 
 To carry into Flanders the Great Secde. 
 [5] Sur. Item, You sent a large Commiission 320 
 
 To Gregory de Gassado, to conclude, 
 
 Without the Kings will, or the States allowance, 
 
 A League betweene his Highnesse and Ferrara. 
 
 • great and heirums words'] Stow (919). stout words Cavendish (i. 182). 
 2 On October 17, 1529.— CkOendwr (Sen. VIII.), IV. iii. 6025. 
 ' Surrey prefaces the articles by saying (III. ii. 294-296) : 
 
 " He startle you 
 
 Worse then the Sacring BeU, when the browne Wench 
 
 Lay kissing in your Armes, Lord Cardinall ! " 
 
 Boswell (Var. 8h., xix. 424) illustrated these lines by a story of " a cardyAall 
 of Rome " [the Legate John of Crema], who caused much scandal ; " for, in y» 
 euenyng, after he had lewdely blowen his home, & sayd it was a detestable 
 synne to aryse from y" syde of a Strumpet, & sacre y° Body of Cryste, he waM 
 taken witfc a strumpet, to his open shame and rebuke." — Fab., 259. ■ Henry of 
 Huntii^don (ed. Savile, 1596, p. 219) — who was, perhaps, Fab.'s authority—^ 
 places wis event under the year 1125. 
 
476 
 
 XIII. HENKY VIII. 
 
 Torhe. 
 
 [7] Suf. That, out of meere Ambition, you haue ccms'd 324 
 Your Holy-Si** to be stampt on the Kimgs Come. 
 
 [9] Swr. Then, That you haue sent irvmmMmhh substance 
 (By what meanes got, I l^aue to your ownq conscience) 
 To furnish Borne, and to prepare the wayes 328 
 
 You haue for Dignities; to the meere TfndoOTig 
 Of all the Kingdonta Mama) more there are ; 
 Which, since they are of you, and odious, 
 I will not taint my mouth with. 332 
 
 In December, 1529,^ 
 
 [Ifo^. ill. 912/2/15. Halle, 7G'7.'\ was brought downe to the 
 
 commons the booke of articles, which the lords had put to the 
 
 king against the cardinall ; ^ the chiefe wherof were these : 
 
 Articia \ Mrst, that he without the Mnqs assent had procured to be a 
 
 mPdMitr ^^9^i> fcy reason whereof he tooke awaie the right of all Msheps and 
 
 spiritual! persons. 
 
 2 Item, in all writings which he wrote to Borne, or anie othe? 
 
 foreign prince, he wrote .%o <S; rex meus, I and my king : as who 
 
 would sale that the king were his s^ruant.^ . , . 
 
 4 Item, he without the kings assent carried the kings gr^t seale 
 with him into glanders, when he was sent ambassaddr to the emper&m\ 
 
 5 Item, he, without the kings assent, sent a commission to sir 
 Gregorie de Oassof^O,* knight, to conclude a league betweene the king 
 cfc the duke of Ferrar, without the Mv-gs knowledge. . . . 
 
 7 Item, that he caused the cardinals hat to be put on the Icings 
 coine. . . . 
 
 9 Item, that he had sent innwmeraiU substance to Borne, for the 
 obteining of his dignities ; to the great impouerishment of the realme. 
 
 These articles, with manie more, read in the common house, 
 and signed with the caidinak hand, was [sic] confessed by him. 
 
 Before) the nobles leave Wolsey, Suffolk adds (U. 337'344) : 
 
 Suf. Lord Cardinal!, the Kings further pleasure ip, 
 (Because aU those things you haue done of late, 
 
 1 December 1 is the date of the Artieles.— OitfemfeM' (JBen. VIII.), IV. ill. 
 jp. 2714. Parliament was prorogued on December n.—MaUej 768. 
 
 * See p. 471 above. 
 ' Halle has miequoted this article, Wolsey was accused (4) of " having i^ 
 
 divers letters and, instructionB to foreign parts used the expression, ' the King 
 and I,' . . . usii^g UmseH more like a fellow to your Highsess than a 
 subject."— OaleiMfer (Hin. VIIJ.), JV. iii. p. 2713. 
 
 * Sir Gregory Casale. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 477 
 
 By your power Legsbtme} lOitMn this Kitogdome, 
 
 Fall into tA'compasse qf a Premumrei) 340 
 
 That therefore such a Writ be sued agmngt you ; 
 
 To forfeit aM your Goods, LamAs^ Teinemeiits, 
 
 CaiaMes,^ and whatsoeuer, a/nd to be 
 
 Out of the Kings protection. This is toy Charge. 344 
 
 In October, 1529,3 
 
 {Hok m, 909/ 1 / $2. Halle, 760.] the king (bdiig mformed 
 that all those things, that the cardinall had dotme ly his p&wer 
 legatine* wUhin this realme, were in the case of the premunire and Sj«Md 
 prouision) caused his atturneie Christopher Hales to sue out a writ Tim^e! 
 of premunire against him ; in the which he licenced him to make 
 his atturneie. 
 
 After WoUey's retirement to Esher, 
 
 [Sol. iii, 909/2/43. Salle, 760.] in the kings bench, his '^^^:^^ 
 matter for the premuiure, being called vpon, two atturneis, which f'^Ssey'a 
 he had authorised by his warrant signed with his owne hand, con- '*''"™''^- 
 
 •' ° ' The card- 
 
 fessed the action ; ^ and so had iudgem^it to forfeit aM his lands, jj^^^; „ 
 tev,enients,goods,9xiA.(>attels,a'nd to he out of the kings 'protection: . . . p^'"™"*™- 
 
 Wolsey's soliloquy on his fall (11. 351-372) succeeds the nobles' 
 departure. Then Thomas Cromwell enters; and, in response to 
 Wolsey's question, " What Newes abroad ] *' answers (11. 393, 394) 
 
 that Sir Thomas Moore is chosen 
 Lord Chancellor in your place. 
 
 On October 25, 1529,« 
 
 [ffol. iii. 910/2/6. ffalte, 761.] was sir Thomas Moore made ^^„„^^^ 
 
 lord chancellor. ""^"'^■ 
 
 At the close of the trial-scene (II. iv. 238-240) Henry muttered : 
 
 My leam'd and welbeloued Seruant, Cranmer, 
 
 Prethee, returne : with thy approch, I know. 
 
 My comfort comes along. 
 In this scene (III. ii. 64-B7) Suffolk told Iforfolk that CrasiMer 
 
 is retum'd in his (pinions ; which 64 
 
 Haue satisfied the King for his Diuorce, 
 
 * Xe^/aiW] BoWe (ed. 2). Legdiiiie F. 
 
 2 CataJfesJHalle. CasOesF. C?iatt«?s Theobald. 
 
 s October 9 is the date of the bill of indictment preferred by Hales against 
 •Wohej.—Calenda/r {Ben. Vlll.), IV. iii. 6035. 
 
 * Uaatine'] legarMne Hoi. 
 
 S iSi Oetobet 30, W^.—WeMM- '(Sen. tlH.), IV. iii. 6035. 
 8 Calmdar {Hen. VIII.), IV. iii. 6025. 
 
478 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [The ques- 
 tion of the 
 King's mar- 
 riage was dis- 
 puted in the 
 universities 
 abroad and 
 at home.] 
 
 The hinges 
 
 fouTid by 
 Qodsword 
 
 Docttyar 
 Orwtimer 
 with other 
 sent to 
 Home 
 Ambassa- 
 dour to the 
 Pope. 
 
 [Cranmer 
 satisfied the 
 doubts of 
 the German 
 divines 
 touching 
 Henry's 
 cause.] 
 
 Soctour 
 CmnmeF 
 made Arch' 
 bishop of 
 Cant. 
 
 Together with all famous CoUedges 
 Almost in Christendome : . . . 
 
 Suffolk then (1. 74) declared that Cranmer's services were to be 
 rewarded with an archbishopric; and now (11. 401, 402) Cromwell 
 answers Wolsey's request for more news by the information 
 
 That Cranmer is return'd with welcome ; 400 
 
 Install'd Lord Arch-byshop of ^Canterbury. 
 
 We learn from Foxe (ii. 1754/i) that Cranmer was employed by 
 Henry to write a book in defence of 
 
 his [Cranmer's] opinion, whiche was this : that the Bishop of Rome 
 had no suche authoritie as whereby he might dispence with the 
 word of God and the Scripture. . . . And thus, by meanes 
 of D. Cranmers handlyng of this matter with the Kyng, not 
 onely certane learned men were sent abroade to the most part 
 of the yniuersities in Christendome, to dispute the question, 
 but also the same beyng by Commission disputed by the diuines 
 in both the vniuersities of Cambridge and Oxforde, it was 
 there concluded that no suche matrimonie was by the word 
 of God lawfull. Whereupon a solemne ambassage was then pre- 
 pared and sent to the Bishop of Rome, then [March, 1530]^ beyng 
 at Bonony, wherin went the Earle of Wiltshiere, D. Cranmer, D. 
 Stokesley, D. Carne, D. Benet, and diuers other learned men 
 & gentlemen. 
 
 When the embassy returned to England, Cranmer went to Germany, 
 and discussed the question of Henry's marriage with " diuers learned 
 men " of that nation ; 
 
 [Foxe, ii. 1754/2.] who, verye ambiguouslye heretofore con- 
 ceiuyng the cause, were fiilly resolued and satisfied by hym. 
 
 This matter thus prosperyng on Doct. Cranmers behalfe, as- 
 well touchyng the kinges question as concernyng the inualiditie of 
 the bishop of Romes authoritie. Bishop Warrham, then Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, departed this transitory life, wherby that dignity, 
 then beyng in the kynges gift and disposition, was immediatly 
 giuew to Doctour Cranmer,^ as worthy, for his trauaile, of suche 
 a promotion. 
 
 » Halle, 769. 
 
 ' Cranmer was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury on March 30, 1533. 
 — Beg. Sacr. Angl., 76. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII, 479 
 
 Suffolk, as we have seen (p. 478 above), speaks of the sanction 
 
 given to Henry's divorce by "famous Colledges" abroad. These 
 
 determmations" were made known to the Commons on March 30, 
 
 1531, by Sir Thomas More, Lord Chancellor, who, after reminding the 
 
 House of the doubtful legality of Henry's marriage, proceeded thus : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 923/2/28. EalU, 775.] "Wherefore the kmg, like a 
 "vertuous prince, willing to be satisfied in his conscience, & also 
 "for the suertie of his realme, hath, with great deliberation, con- 
 " suited with profound clerkes, & hath sent my lord of London Namii,, 
 "here present, to the chiefe vniuersities of all christendome to sm^ 
 
 « 1 ,1 . . . ■, . , [John Stokes- 
 
 know their opinion and ludgement in that behalfe. And 48^„ff*„^- 
 "although that the vniuersities of Cambridge and Oxford had 
 "beene sufficient to discusse the cause, yet, bicause they be in his 
 "realme, and to auoid all suspicion of parcialitie, he hath sent 
 "into the realme of France, Italie, the popes dominions, and 
 " Venecians, to know their iudgement in that behalfe, which haue 
 " concluded, written, and sealed thek determinations according as 
 "you shall heare read." 
 
 Before Wolsey's entrance the Lord Chamberlain asserted that 
 Henry had « already " married Anne Boleyn (III. ii. 41, 42). Suffolk 
 believed that " shortly " the King's 
 
 second Marriage shall be publishd, and 68 
 
 Her Coronation. Katherine no more 
 Shall he caWd Queene, hut Princesse Dowager, 
 And Widdow to Frince Arthur. 
 The last piece of news which Cromwell tells Wolsey is 
 
 that the Lady Anne, 
 Whom the King hath in seerecie long married. 
 This day was view'd in open as his Queene, 404 
 
 Going to Chappell ; and the voyce is now 
 Onely about her Corronatibn. 
 
 The exact date of Anne Boleyn's marriage cannot be ascertained.^ 
 
 1 Cranmer — writing on June 17, 1533, to our ambassador at the Emperor's 
 Court— says : " But nowe Sir you may nott ymagyn that this Coronacion 
 [Anne Boleyn's coronation, described in a previous part of the letter] was 
 before her mariege, for she was maried muche about saints Faules daye last 
 [January 25, 1533], as the condicion therof dothe well appere by reason she ys 
 nowe sumwhat bygg with chylde. Notwithstandyng yt hath byn reported 
 thorowte a greate parte of the realme that I maried her ; whiche was playnly 
 false, for I myself knewe not therof a fortenyght after yt was donne." — ElKs, 
 I. ii. 39. According to Stow (946) Henry was privately married to Anne 
 Boleyn on January 25, 1533. On April 9, 1533, Norfolk told the Imperial 
 ambassador, Eustace Chapuys, that Henry had married Anne more than two 
 
480 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Tlu king re- 
 tumeth into 
 
 ffe vut/rrieth 
 the lady 
 Anne 
 BuUongne. 
 
 Queene 
 AnneCa 
 coronation 
 day ap- 
 pointed]. 
 
 Qiuene 
 Katharine 
 to be named 
 princease 
 Dowager. 
 
 According to Halle, Henry, after taking leave of Francis on October 
 30, 1532, 
 
 [ffol. iii. 929/ 1 /s6. Stalk, 794.] staied at Calis for a con- 
 uenient wind till tuesdaie Hie twelfth ^ of Nouember at midnight, 
 and ttien takii^ his ship, landed at Doner the next daie about fine 
 of the clocke in the morning. And herewith vpon his returne, he 
 married priuilie the ladie Anne Bullongne the same daie, being the 
 fourteenth daie of Nouember, and the feast daie of saint Erken- 
 wald ; which marriage was kept so secret, that Terie few knew it 
 till Easter next insuing, when it was perceiued that she was with 
 child. 
 
 On April 12 (Easter Eve), 1533, Anne Boleyn 
 
 [Sol. iii. 929/2/40. ffalle, 795.] went to hir closet openlie as 
 queene ; and then the king appointed the daie of hir coronation to 
 be kept on Whitsundaie next following : . . . 
 
 In 1533,2 it -^as enacted by Parliament 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 929/2/29. Salle, 795.] that queene Katharine should 
 no more he called queene, but prineesse Dowager, as the widow of 
 jprince Arthwr. 
 
 Dismissing Cromwell, Wolsey says : 
 
 Seeke the King ; 
 (That Sun, I pray, may neuer set !) I haue told him 
 What, and how true, thou art : he will aduance thee ; . . 
 
 Cromwell answers : 
 
 Beare witnesse, aU that haue not hearts of Iron, 
 With what a sorrow Cromwel leaues his Lord ' 
 The King shall haue my seruice ; but my prayres, 
 For euer and for euer, shall be yours. 
 
 416 
 
 424 
 
 months ago. — Friedmann's Anne Boleyn, ii., appendix, note D, p. 339 {citing 
 Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 41). On May 10, 1533, Chapuys wrote that 
 the marriage was generally believed to have taken place on January 25.— JJid. 
 (citing Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 61). 
 
 1 thirteentK] Hoi. Tuesday was November 12. Sol. was misled by a mis- 
 take in Halle (794), whereby we read that Henry "landed at Douer the 
 
 morowe after pTuesday], beyng the .xiiii. daie of Nouember." As November 
 14 is the feast of S. Efkenwald, Sol. was betrayed into the further error of 
 assigning Henry's landing and marriage to " the same daie." SaUe says (794) : 
 " The kyng, after his returne, maried priuily the lady Anne Bulleyn, on sainct 
 Erkenwaldes daie," . . . 
 
 2 Halle, 795. The act is 25 Hen. VIII. c. 22 {Statutes, iii. 472). 
 
Xlir. HENRY VIII. 481 
 
 Cromwell was in Wolsey's service i for 
 
 [Foxe, ii. 1150/2.] a certayne space of yeares, growing vp cmmyuu 
 
 SO t/LyC% b C r 
 
 in office and authoritie, till at length he was preferred to be *p„'^^j;_ 
 sollicitour to the Cardinall. 
 
 In Lent, 1530,2 "diuerse" of Wolsey's 
 
 [S[ol. iii. 913/2/17, Malle, 769.1 seruants departed from him Thonuu 
 
 Orumaelt 
 
 to the kings seruice, and in especiall Thomas Crumwell, one of his <^'<^<^ <<> 
 chiefe counsel!, and chiefe dooer for him in the suppression of "^^'• 
 abbeies. 
 
 Having obtained a seat in the Parliament which met on November 
 3, 1529, Cromwell answered every charge made against Wolsey in the 
 Commons ; and thus, for his 
 
 [Stow, 926. Cavendish, i. 208.] behauior in his Masters cause, 
 he grew into such estimation in euerie mans opinion, that hee was 
 esteemed to be the most * faithfuU seruaunt to his Master of all pmiMd for 
 other ; wherein hee was greatlie of all men commended. to woisey.] 
 
 From the same source (Stow, 930; Cavendish, i. 229) we learn 
 that Cromwell was esteemed not only for his ability, but also for his 
 
 true and faithfuU demeanor towards his lord and master. 
 
 After again commending Cromwell to Henry's service, Wolsey says : 
 
 prythee, leade me in : 
 There take an Inuentory of all I haue, 
 To the last peny ; 'tis the Kings : . . . 452 
 
 On October 17, 1529, when Norfolk and Suffolk had departed with 
 the Great Seal, Wolsey 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 909/1/69. Stow, 919.] called all his officers before ^j^^f" 
 him, and tooke accompt of them for all such stuffe, whereof they f^^l^ 
 had charge. And in his gallerie were set diuerse tables, where- 
 vpon laie a great number of goodlie rich stuffe, as whole peeces of 
 
 1 A petition placed after the grants of December 1524 is addressed to 
 " Master Cromwell, couneillor to the lorde Legate." — Caienda/r {Hen. VIII.), 
 IV. i. 979. There are earlier papers in Cromwell's handwriting relating to 
 Wolsey's public business ; for example, a draft of a petition dated September 
 22, 1524.— Cafewdor (Hen. VIII.), IV. i. 681. 
 
 2 In Lent, 1530, Wolsey was ordered by Henry to reside in the province of 
 York. — Halle, 769. Cromwell then left Wolsey and became Henry's servant. 
 
 Ibid. Wolsey set forth on his journey northwards in the beginning of 
 
 Passion Week (April 11, 1530.)— Cavendish, i. 241. 
 
 3 caxise, he grew . . . the tnosf] Cavendish, cavse, grew so in evterie mans 
 opinion, how that hee was the most Hoi. and Stow. 
 
 I I 
 
 acixmnU, 
 
482 
 
 XIII. HENEY VIII. 
 
 [Inventories 
 of Wolsey's 
 staff.] 
 
 rWolse/s 
 officers were 
 to acconnt 
 to Henry for 
 the stuff in 
 their 
 charge.] 
 
 The cardi- 
 naXl 
 
 ascriheth hU 
 fall to the 
 iu8t iudge- 
 imnt of God. 
 
 ProclamO' 
 tionfor the 
 
 silke of all colours, veluet, sattin, damaske, taffata, grograine, and 
 other things. Also, there laie a thousand peeces of fine Holland 
 cloth. 
 
 There was laid on euerie table, bookes reporting the contents 
 of the same, and so was there inuentaries of all things in order 
 against the kings comming. . . . 
 
 Thus were all things prepared, [Wolsey] giuing charge of the 
 delirery thereof unto the king, to every officer within his office : 
 for the order ^ was such, that euerie officer was charged with the 
 receipt of the stuffe belonging to his office by indenture. 
 
 Wolsey's reflections on his fall close with these memorable words : 
 
 O Cromwel, Cromwel ! 
 Had I but seru'd my God with halfe the Zeale 
 / seru'd my King, he woiild not in mine Age 456 
 
 HoMe left me naked to mine Enemies ! 
 
 On November 29, 1530, when "VVolsey was dying, he said to Sir 
 William Kingston, Constable of the Tower : 
 
 [Sol. iii. 917/1/45. Stow, 940.] "I see the matter how it is 
 
 " framed ; ^ but if / had serued God as diligentlie as I haue doone 
 
 " the king. Tie would not haue giuen me ouer in my greie haires : 
 
 "but it is the iust reward that I must receiue for the diligent 
 
 "paines and studie that I haue had to doo him seruice ; not 
 
 "regarding my seruice to God, but onelie to satisfie his pleasure." 
 
 Act rV". sc. i. — The two Gentlemen, who appeared in Act II. sc. i., 
 meet again. Their " last encounter " was when Buckingham " came 
 from his Triall " (11. 4, 5). They now take their stand to see Anne 
 Boleyn " passe from her Corronation " (11. 2, 3). Between these events 
 a historic interval of more than twelve years elapsed. 
 
 The First Gentleman has in his hand a list 
 
 Of those that claime their Offices this day, 
 
 By custome of the Coronation. 16 
 
 The Duke of Suffolke is the first, and claimes 
 
 To be High Steward ; next, the Duke of Norfolke, 
 
 He to be Earle Marshall : you may reade the rest. 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 930/1/35. Halle, 798.] In the beginning of Male 
 
 [1533], the king caused open proclamations to be made, that all 
 
 ' cho/rge of . . . for the order] Cavendish, charge of all the said duffe, 
 %oifh all other remaimng in euerie office, to he deliuered to the king, to rmike 
 answer to their cha/rge : for the order Hoi. and Stow. 
 
 ^ Wolsey presaged the truth ; which was, that Kingston had been sent to 
 convey him to the Tower. — Cametidish, i. 304, &o. The date of Wolsey's death 
 is given by Caveiuiish (i. 319). 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 483 
 
 men that claimed to doo anie seruice, or execute anie office at the ««•""'**''» 
 
 oj queene 
 
 Bolemne feast of the coronation by the waie of tenure, grant, or ^'""• 
 
 prescription, should put their grant three weekes after Easter in 
 
 the Starrechamber before Charles ^uke of Suffolke, for that time 
 
 high steward of England, and the lord chancellor, and other com- SS^/" 
 
 missioners. The duke of Norffolke claimed to be erle marshall, t^wMe 
 
 and to exercise his office at that feast ; . . . fauperiom. 
 
 The Second Gentleman asks : 
 
 But, I beseech you, what's become of Katherine, 
 
 The Princesse Dowager 1 How goes her businesse ? 
 
 1 That I can tell you too. F/ie Archbishop 24 
 
 Of Canterbury, accompanied with other 
 
 JJeamed and Reuerend Fathers of his Order, 
 
 Held a late Court at I^unstable, since miles off 
 
 From AmpthUl, where the Princesse lay ; to which 28 
 
 She was often oyted by them, but appear'd not : 
 
 And, to be short, /or not Appearance, and 
 
 The Bangs late Scruple, by the maine assent 
 
 Of all these Lea/med men she was diuorc^d, 32 
 
 And the late Marriage made of none effect : . . . 
 
 The Parliament which reassembled, after prorogation, on February 
 4, 1533, passed an act forbidding appeals to Rome ; ^ 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 929/2/58. Halle, 796.] for that in ancient councels 
 it had beene determined, that a cause rising in one prouince 
 should be determined in the same. 
 
 This matter was opened with all the circumstances to the ladie ^""o reg. 
 Katharine Dowager (for so was she then called), the which per- 
 sisted still in hir former opinion, and would reuoke by no meanes 
 hir appeale to the court of Eome. Wherevpon the arcTiMshop of 
 CaTvturburie, accompanied with the bishops of London, Winchester, 
 Bath, Lincolne, and diners other learned men in great number, 
 rode to Dunstable, which is six miles from Ampthill, where the 
 princesse Dowager laie; and there hy one Doctor Lee she was cited 
 to appeare before the said archbishop in cause of matrimonie in 
 the said towne of Dunstable, and at the dale of appearance she The ladu 
 appeared not, but made default; and so she was called peremptori[li]e Boimger, ' 
 [p. 930] euerie dale fifteene dales togither, and, at the last, for f^*^^'""'" 
 
 Ralle, 789, 795. Tlie act is 25 Hen. VIII., c. 22 {Statutes, iii. 472, 473). 
 
484 Xlir. HENRY VIII. 
 
 cranmer'a lacke of appearaTtM, hy the assent of all the learned men there 
 rn^dS^oic'ed Present, she was diuorsed ^ from the king, and the manage declared 
 ipp^nce]. to t)e void and of none effect. 
 
 The trumpets now sound, and the procession enters in the manner 
 set forth by the following stage direction : 
 
 The Order of the Coronation. 
 
 1 A liuely Flourish of Trumpets. 
 
 2 Then, two Judges. 
 
 3 Lord GhcmceUor, with Purse and Mace before him. 
 
 4 Quirristers, singing. Musicke. 
 
 5 Maior of London, bearing the Mace. Then Ga/rter, in his Goate of 
 Armes, and on his head he wore a Gilt Copper Crowne.^ 
 
 6 Ma/rquesse Dorset, bearing a Scepter of Gold, on his head a Demy 
 Coronall of Gold. "With him, the Ea/rk of Surrey, bearing the Rod 
 of Siluer with tlie Doue, Crowned with an EarleS Coronet. Collars 
 of Esses. 
 
 7 Duhe of Suffolhe, in his Robe of Estate, his Coronet on his head, 
 bearing a long white Wand, as High Steward. With him, the Duke 
 of Norfolke, with the Rod of Marshalship, a Coronet on his head. 
 Collars of Esses. 
 
 8 A Ganopy borne by fowre of the Cinque-Porfe ; vnder it, the Qtteene 
 in her Robe ; in her haAre richly adorned with Pearle, Crowned. On 
 each side her, the Bishops of London and Winchester. 
 
 9 The Olde Dutchesse of NovfolTte, in a Coronall of Gold, wrought with 
 Flowers, bearing the Queenes Traine. 
 
 10 Certaine Ladies or Countesses, with plaine Circlets of Gold without 
 Flowers. 3 
 
 Anne Boleyn was crowned on June 1, 1533.* In the morning of 
 that day a procession was formed which escorted her from Westminster 
 Hall to a throne placed between the choir and high altar of the Abbey. 
 
 Thecomeiie [Sol, JiL 933/ 1 / 1. Halle, 802.] First went gentlemen, then 
 
 ZpTonth^'" esquiers, then knights, then the aldermen of the citie in their 
 daieofeuerie cloks of scarlct, after them the iudges in their mantels of scarlet 
 
 attendant in 
 
 hu degree, and coiflFcs. Then followed the knights of the bath being no lords, 
 euerie man hauing a white lace on his left sleeue ; then followed 
 
 1 On May 23, 1533, as we learn from Cranmer's letter (cited at p. 479, n. 1, 
 &}ooY&).— Ellis, I. ii. 36. 
 
 ^ Before the procession returned to Westminster Hall, " enerie king of 
 armes put on a crowne of coper and guilt." — Hoi. iii. 933/i/7o. Halle, 803. 
 
 ^ When the kings of arms put on crowns of copper gilt, " euerie countesse 
 [donned] a plaine circlet of gold without flowers." — Hoi. iii. 933/1/69. Halle, 
 803. These crowns and circlets " were worne till night." — Ibid. 
 
 4 Halle, 802. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 485 
 
 barons and vicounts in their parlement robes of scarlet. After [The 
 
 , . Judges.] 
 
 them came earls, marquesses, and dukes in their robes of estate of 
 crimsin reluet furred with ermine, pondered according to their 
 degrees. After them came the lord chancellor in a robe of scarlet [The Lord 
 open before, bordered with lettise; after him came the kings jne^Eng^s 
 chapell and the moonks solemnelie singing with procession, then sS'^ng.] 
 came abbats and bishops mitered, then sargeants and officers of 
 armes : then after them went the maior of London with his mace, [The Mayor 
 
 '' ' of London.] 
 
 and garter in his cote of armes ; then went the marquesse Dorset in [Garter.] 
 a robe of estate, which bare the sceptre of gold; and the earle of Ketf' 
 Anindell, which bare the rod of iuorie with the doue ; both togither. 
 
 Then went alone the earle of Oxford, high chamberleine of [The Duke 
 
 ^ > a of Suffolk, 
 
 England, which bare the crowne ; after him went the duke of Suffolke l^^g„ 
 in his robe of estate also, for that daie being high steward of England, represmting 
 hauing a long white rod in his hand ; and the lord William Howard ^ Norfolk] °' 
 with the rod of the marshalship ; and euerie knight of the garter had 
 on his collar of the order. Then proceeded foorth the queene in a ^-Ae qwem 
 
 ^ ■*■ wider a 
 
 circot and role of purple veluet furred with ermine, in hir here, f^^ 
 coiffe, and circlet as she had the saturdaie ; and ouer hir was home ^^epw«». 
 the canopie by foure of the &a.e ports, all crimsin with points of blue [The Bishops 
 and red hanging on their sleeues ; and the bishops of London and and 
 
 , , , . , ■ Winchester.] 
 
 Winchester bare vp the laps of the queenes robe, The queenes [The om 
 
 , . , . Duchess of 
 
 traine, which was Terie long, was borne by the old duches of Norfolk.] 
 
 [Ladies 
 
 Norffolhe ; after hir folowed ladies being lords wines. heing Lords' 
 
 The procession passes over the stage, and goes out with a great 
 flourish of trumpets.^ An interval is supposed to elapse before a Third 
 Gentleman enters, and, joining the twain who have hitherto played 
 chorus, gives them an account of the coronation : 
 
 The rich streame 
 Of Lords and Ladies, haning hrovght the Queene 
 To a prepar'd ^Sasce in the Quire, fell off 64 
 
 A distance from her ; while her Grace sate downe 
 To rest a while, some halfe an houre or so, 
 In a rich Ghaire of State, . . . 
 
 At length, her Grace rose, and with modest paces 
 Came to the Altar ; where she kneel' d, and. Saint-like, 
 
 1 In the Queen's procession from the Tower to Westminster Hall, on May 
 31, " rode the lord William Howard with the marshalles rod, deputie to his 
 brother the duke of Norffolk, marshall of England ; which was ambassador 
 then in France."— JffoJ. 93I/2/40. HaEe, 800. Hoi. has this sidenot?: "The 
 two dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke in their offices." 
 
486 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Cast her faire eyes to Heauen, and pray'd deuoutly : 84 
 
 Then rose againe, and bow'd her to the people : 
 When, by the Arch-hyshop of Ga/nterbury, 
 She had all the Eoyall makings of a Queene ; 
 As, holy Oyle, Edwwrd Confessors Croione, 88 
 
 The Rod, and Bird of Peace, and all such Emblemes, 
 Laid Nobly on her : which perform'd, the Quire, 
 With all the choysest Musicke of the Kingdome, 
 Together surig " Te Deum." So she parted, 92 
 
 And with the same full State pac'd backe againe 
 To Yorke-Place, where the Feast is held. 
 The ceremony subsequent to the procession is thus described : ' 
 
 The turner 0/ \Hol. iii. 933/ 1 /47. Holle, 803.1 When she was thus Irought 
 
 the corona- 
 
 mmmeT' ^° ^^^ ^^^ place made in the middest of the church, betweene the 
 queers and the high altar, she was set in a rich chaire. And after 
 that she had rested a while, she descended downe to the high altar, 
 and there prostrate hir selfe while the archbishop of Canturlurie 
 
 ^^e said certeine collects : then she rose, and the bishop annointed hir 
 
 ^d cTOTOed on the head and on the brest, and then she was led vp againe ; 
 
 mer'?r° where, after diuerse orisons said, the archbishop set the crowne of 
 saint Edward on hir head, and then deliuered hir the scepter of 
 gold in hir right hand, and the rod of iuorie with the done in the 
 
 [The quire " ° ' 
 
 Sio ^^^^ ^^^^ ! ^^^ ^er^ all the queere soong Te Deum, &c. . . . 
 
 When the queene had a little reposed hir, the companie 
 The gueene returned in the same order that they set foorth : and the queene 
 
 and the j ' n 
 
 utdies in went crowucd, and so did the ladies aforesaid. . . . Now when 
 
 itievr pomps ' ' 
 
 wJSnster she was out of the sanctuarie and appeered within the palace, the 
 trumpets plaied maruellouslie freshlie ; then she was brought to 
 Westminster hall, & so to hir withdrawing chamber : . . . 
 
 The last speaker's wrong designation of Henry's new palace is 
 corrected by the First Gentleman : 
 
 Sir, 
 You must no more call it Torke-Place, that's past ; 
 For, since the Cardinall fell, that Title's lost : 96 
 
 'Tis now the Kings, and call'd White-Hall. 
 
 In January, 1531,^ Henry 
 
 [ffol. iii. 923/i/i i. Halle, 774.] came to his manour of West- 
 minster, which before was called Yorke place : for after that the 
 
 ' After keeping Twelfth Night, 1531, at Greenwich.— IfaZJe, 774. 
 
 HaU]. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 487 
 
 cardinall was attainted in the premunire, & was gone northward, 
 he made a feoflfement of the same place to the king, and the 
 chapiter of the cathedrall church of Yorke by their writing con- 
 firmed the same feoffement ; & then the king changed the name [Woisey-s 
 and called it the kings manor of Westminster,^ and no more Yorke ei)ode oaued 
 
 , no more 
 
 place. Tork Place.] 
 
 The Second Geatlemau asks ; 
 
 What two Eeuerend Byshops 
 Were those that went on each side of the Queenel 100 
 
 3 Stofcesley and Gardiner ; the one of Winchester, 
 Newly preferr'd from the Kings Secretary ; 
 The other, London. 
 
 Gardiner was consecrated Bishop of Winchester on December 3, 
 1531.2 Jq 1530 the bishopric of London 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 909/2/ss. Halle, 761.1 was bestowed on doctor [stokesiey 
 
 ' ' ' -■ made Bishop 
 
 Stokesleie,^ then ambassadour to the Tniuersities beyond the sea for of I'ondon.] 
 
 the kings mariage. 
 
 The Second Gentleman remarks upon Gardiner's dislike to Cranmer. 
 The Third Gentleman answers that Cranmer will find an ally in 
 
 Thomas Cromwell 3 108 
 
 A man in much esteeme with th'King, and truly 
 A worthy Friend. The King ha's made him Master 
 O'th'Iewell House, 
 
 And one, already, of the Priuy Councell. 
 After Anne Boleyn's coronation had been ordained to take place on 
 Whit Sunday, 1533, the assessment of fines payable by those who 
 should refuse knighthood 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 929/2/46. Halle, 795.] was appointed to Thomas [Cromwen 
 Cromwell, maister of the kings iewell house,* & councellor to the the Eng-a 
 
 .lewel 
 
 king, a man newlie recemed into high fauour. house.] 
 
 Act IV. sc. ii. — In Act IV. sc. i. the First Gentleman, after relating 
 the circumstances of Katharine's divorce, added (U. 34, 35) : 
 
 1 By the Act 28 Hen. VIII., cap. 12 {Statutes, iii. 668) this former residence 
 of the Archbishops of York was annexed to the old palace of Westminster, and 
 the whole was to be known as "the Kynges Paleys at Westmynster." 'The 
 index to Halle has : "York Place called now whyt hall." In 1530 a petition 
 is spoken of as having been made to Wolsey " when he lay at the White Hall, 
 then called York's Place."— (Menrfar {Hen. VIII.), IV. iii. p. 2969. 
 
 2 Beg. Sacr. Angl., 76. 
 
 3 Stokesiey was consecrated Bishop of London on November 27, 1530. — 
 Beg. Sctcr. Angl., 76. 
 
 * Cromwell was made Master of the Jewel House on April 14, 1532. — Pat. 
 23 H. VIII., p. 2, m. 36 (H. S.). 
 
488 XIII. HENKY VIII, 
 
 Since whioli, she was remou'd to Kymmalton, 
 "Where she remaines now sicke. 
 
 The second scene of Act IV. opens with the following stage 
 direction : 
 
 Enter Katherine, Dowager, sicke; lead [led] betweene 
 Griffith, her Gentleman Ysher, and Patience, her 
 Woman. 
 
 About the middle of the scene a messenger announces to Katharine 
 (1. 106), 
 
 A Gentleman, sent from the King, to see you. 
 
 Griffith goes out and re-enters with Eustace Chapuys, the Imperial 
 ambassador, whom Katharine thus addresses : 
 
 If my sight faile not, 108 
 
 You should be Lord Ambassador from the Emperor, 
 My Royall Nephew, and your name Capuchius. 
 
 Chapuys's reasons for presenting himself at Kimbolton are : 
 
 First, mine owne seruice to your Grace ; the next, 
 
 The Kings request that I would visit you ; 116 
 
 Who greeues much for your weaknesse, and by me 
 
 Sends you his Princely Commendations, 
 
 And heartily entreats you take good comfort. 
 
 Before dismissing the ambassador, Katharine says to her woman : 
 
 Patience, is that Letter, 
 I caus'd you write, yet sent away 1 
 
 Pat. No, Madam. 128 
 
 Kath. Sir, I most humbly pray you to deliuer 
 This to my Lord the King. 
 
 Cap. Most willing, Madam. 
 
 Kath. In which I haue commended to his goodnesse 
 The ModeU of our chaste loues, his yong daughter, 132 
 
 (The dewes of Heauen fall thicke in Blessings on her !) 
 Beseeching him to giue her vertuous breeding ; 
 (She is yong, and of a Noble modest Nature ; 
 I hope she will deserue well ;) and a little 136. 
 
 To loue her for her Mothers sake, that lou'd him, 
 Heauen knowes how deerely ! My next poore Petition 
 Is, that his Noble Grace would haue some pittie 
 Vpon my wretched women, that so long 140 
 
 Have follow'd both my Fortunes faithfully : 
 Of which there is not one, I dare auow, 
 (And now I should not lye,) but will deserue, 
 For Vertue, and true Beautie of the Soule, 144 
 
 For honestie, and decent Carriage, 
 A right good Husband, let him be a Noble : 
 And, sure, those men are happy that shall haue 'em. 
 The last is, for my men ; (they are the poorest, 148 
 
 But pouerty could neuer draw 'em from me ;) 
 That they may haue their wages duly paid 'em. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 489 
 
 And something ouer, to remember me by : 
 
 If Heauen had pleas'd to haue giuen me longer life, 152 
 
 And able meanes, we had not parted thus. 
 
 These are the whole Contents : . . . 
 
 In December, 1535,^ the 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 939/2/13. S'olyd. Verg. 690/6.] princesse Dowager "^«- 
 lieng at Kimbalton, fell into hir last sicknesse, whereof the king i*',!^^ 
 being aduertised, appointed the emperors ambassador that was i°Ste. 
 legier here with him, named Eustachius Caputius, to go to visit 
 hir, and to doo his commendations to hir, and will hir to be of 
 good comfort. The ambassador with all diligence did his duetie ^Sto 
 therein, comforting hir the best he might ; but she, within six dales hL^.] 
 after, perceiuing hir selfe to wax verie weake and feeble, and to 
 feele death approching at hand, caused one of hir gentlewomen to 
 write a letter to the king, commending to him hir daughter and to Hemxi' 
 his, beseeching him to stand good father Tnto hir : and further 
 desired him to haue some consideration of hir gentlewomen that 
 had serued hir, and to see them bestowed in marriage. Further, 
 that it would please him to appoint that hir seruants might haue 
 their due wages, and a yeeres wages beside. This in eflFect was all 
 that she requested, and so immediatlie herevpon she departed this 
 life the seuenth^ of lanuarie at Kimbalton aforesaid, and was 
 buried at Peterborow. 
 
 The messenger, who announced Chapuys's arrival, did not kneel. 
 She rebuked the " sawcy Fellow " for his lack of reverence ; and 
 Griffith told him that he was to blame, 
 
 Knowing she will not loose her wonted Greatnesse, 
 To vse so rude behauiour. 
 
 The messenger then entreated her " Highnesse pardon "; his " hast " 
 made him " vnmannerly." Katharine, however, demanded that she 
 should never see him again (U. 100-108). 
 
 This incident may have been suggested by the latter clause of the 
 
 1 Hearing that Katharine was very ill, Eustace Ohapuys, Charles V.'s am- 
 bassador, " went to ask the King for leave to visit her, which he obtained, with 
 some trouble." — Calendar {Hen. VIII.), X. 60. Chapuya set oflf on December 
 30, 1535, and left Kimbolton on January 5, 1536. — Calendar {Hen. VIII.), 
 X. 59. She gave him audience twice on the day of his arrival, and after- 
 wards he had one audience on each day of his attendance at Kimbolton. She 
 died on January 7, 1536. — Ibid. 
 
 2 seuentK] Calendar. ei^M Hoi. 
 
490 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [Eatharine 
 r^ected 
 servants 
 who did not 
 serve her as 
 Qaeen,] 
 
 ensuing excerpt. On December 17, 1533,' Henry sent to Katharine the 
 Duke of Suffolk, who 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 936/2/7. Hcdh, 808.] discharged a great sort of hir 
 houshold seruants, and yet left a conuenient number to serue hir 
 like a princesse ; which were sworne to serue hir not as queene, but 
 as princesse Dowager. Such as tooke that oth she vtterlie refused, 
 and would none of their seruice ; so that she remained with the 
 lesse number of seruants about hir. 
 
 Before she entered Katharine had learnt from Griffith that "Wolsey 
 was dead (11. 5-7). To her question how the Cardinal died Griffith 
 answered : 
 
 Well, the voyce goes. Madam : 
 For after the stout Earle Northumberland 12 
 
 Arrested him at Yorke, and brought him forward 
 (As a man sorely tainted) to his Answer, 
 Se fell sioke sodainly, and grew so ill 
 He could not sit his Mule. 
 
 Kath. Alas, poore man ! 1 6 
 
 Grif. At last, with easie Rodes, he came to Leicester, 
 Lodg'd in the Abbey ; where the reuerend Allot, 
 With all his Couent, honoicrably recei/u'd him ; 
 To whom he gaue these words, " O, FatJier Allot, 20 
 
 " An old man, broken with the stormes of State, 
 " Is come to lay his weary bones am,ong ye ; 
 " Giue him a little earth for Charity ! " 
 
 So went to led : where eagerly his sicknesse 24 
 
 Pursu'd him still ; and, three nights after this. 
 About the houre of eight, (which he himself e 
 Foretold should be his last,) full of Repentance, 
 Continuall Meditations, Teares, and Sorrowes, 28 
 
 He gaue his Honors to the world agen. 
 His blessed part to Heauen, and slept in peace. 
 
 On November 4, 1530, Wolsey was arrested at Cawood Castle 
 (Yorkshire), by Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland.^ The Cardinal 
 left Cawood, under arrest, on November 6,' and on November 8 
 reached Sheffield Park, where for a fortnight he enjoyed the hos- 
 pitality of George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury.* On November 22 
 Sir William Kingston, Constable of the Tower, arrived at Sheffield 
 Park, charged with the duty of conveying Wolsey to London. On the 
 same day — but before he knew of Kingston's arrival — Wolsey was 
 seized with a sudden iUness.^ 
 
 1 Calendar (Hen. VIIL), VI. 1541. 2 Owvendi^, i. 268, 275-280. 
 
 ' Cavendish, 283, 284, 288. * CoAiendish, 293, 299. 
 
 5 Cavendish, 299-302. As to this date cp. 310, 311, 313-319. 
 
XIII. HENEY VIII. 491 
 
 Though his disorder increased he began his journey to London, 
 and, on November 26, rode from Nottingham ^ 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 917/ 1 /lo. Stow, 940.] to Leicester abbeie, and by 
 the waie waxed so sicke that he was almost fallen from his mule ; 
 so that it was night before he came to the abbeie of Leicester, where 
 at his comming in at the gates, the dbhat vyUh all his conuent met 
 him with diuerse torches light ; whom they hoTvorahlie receiued and 
 welcomed. 
 
 To whom the cardiuall said : " Father abbot, I am come hither 
 " to lay my hones among you ''; riding so' still vntill he came to the 
 staires of the chamber, where he allighted from his mule, and 
 master Kingston led him vp the staires, and as soone as he was 
 in his chamber he went to bed. This was on the Saturday at night ; 
 and then increased he sicker and sicker, vntill mondaie, that all 
 men thought he would haue died : so on tuesdaie, saint Andrewes 
 euen, master Kingston came to him and bad him good morrow, (for 
 it was about six of the clooke,) and asked him how he did 1 
 
 In less than two hours after Kingston's morning salutation, Wolsey 
 was at the point of death : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 917/1/65. Stow, 940.] & incontinent the clocke 
 stroke eight, and then he gaue vp the ghost, and departed this twoiseydied 
 present life : which caused some to call to remembrance how he themoming, 
 
 ^ as he had 
 
 said the dale before, that at eight of the clocke they should loose predicted.] 
 their master. 
 
 Having heard how Wolsey died, Katharine says : 
 
 So may he rest ; his Faults lye gently on him ! 
 
 Yet thus farre, GrifiB.th, giue me leaue to speake him, 33 
 
 And yet with Charity. He was a man 
 
 Of an vnbounded sfomacke, euer ranking 
 
 Himselfe with Princes ; one that, hy svggestion, 
 
 Ty'de all the Kingdome : SyTmnie was faire play ; 36 
 
 His owne O'pmion was his Law : i'th'presence 
 
 He would say vntruths ; a/nd be euer dovMe 
 
 Both in his words and meanvng : he was neuer 
 
 (But where he meant to Ruine) pittifvM : 40 
 
 His Promises were, as he then was, Mighty ; 
 
 But his performance, as he is now. Nothing : 
 
 ish, i. 311-313. 
 
492 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Of his owne body he was ill, and gaue 
 The Clergy ill example. 
 
 With Katharine's leave, Griffith thus proceeded to "speake" 
 Wolsey's " good ": 
 
 This Ca/rdimaU, 48 
 
 Though from an humble Stocke, vndoubtedly 
 Was fashion'd to much Honor from his Cradle. 
 He was a SchoUer, and a ripe and good one ; 
 Exceeding wis6,faire spoken, and perswading : 52 
 
 Lofty and sowre to them that lou'd him not ; 
 But, to those men that sought him, sweet as Summer. 
 And though he were vnsatisfied in getimg, 
 
 (Which was a sinne,) yet in bestowing, Madam, 56 
 
 He was most Princely : euer witnesse for him 
 Those twinnes of Learning, that he rais'd in you, 
 Ipswich and Oxford ! one of which fell with him, 
 Vn willing to out-liue the good that did it ; 60 
 
 The other (though wnfinish'd) yet so Famous, 
 So excellent in Art, and still so rising. 
 That Christendome shall euer speake his Vertue, 
 Mis Overthrow heap'd Happinesse vpon him ; 64 
 
 For then, and not till then, he felte himselfe. 
 And found the Blessednesse of being little : 
 And, to adde greater Honors to his Age 
 Then man could giue him, he dy'de fearing God. 68 
 
 For comparison with Katharine's unfavourable judgment of Wolsey 
 I quote the following passage, taken by Holinshed from Halle (774) : 
 
 [Hoi. iii. 923/2/48.] This cardinall . . . was of a great stomach, 
 
 miT'k^. for he compted himselfe equall with princes, & by craftie suggestion 
 
 TK^dSip. gat into his hands innumerable treasure : he forced little on 
 
 cardinau. simonie, and was not pittifull, and stood aflfectionate in his owne 
 
 opinion: in open presence he would lie and saie vntruth, and was 
 
 double both in speach and meaning: he would promise much & 
 
 performe little : he was vicious of his bodie, & gaue the clergie euill 
 
 example: . . . 
 
 Griffith's defence should be compared with another estimate of 
 Wolsey, which forms my next quotation : 
 
 m tocrip. ^j[gi iii 917/2/20.] This cardinall (as Edmund Campian in 
 
 rSr,"e« his historie of Ireland ^ describeth him) tvas a man mdoubtedly borne 
 
 ™ * to honor: I thinke (saith he) some princes bastard, no butchers 
 
 1 In the dedication of an account of Ireland {Sol. ii.), Raphael Holinshed 
 acknowledged his obligation to Campian's " two bookes of the Irish histories." 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 493 
 
 Sonne ; exceeding wise ; faire spoken ; high minded ; full of reuenge ; J*»««d 
 vitious of his bodie ; loftie to his enimies, were they neuer so big ; '"™'^"" 
 to those that accepted and sought his freendship woonderfuU 
 courteous ; a ripe schooleman ; thrall to aflTections ; brought a bed 
 with flatterie ; insatiable to get, and more princetie in bestowing, as 
 appeareth by his two colleges at Ipswich and Oxen/ord, the one twoiseys 
 ouerthrowne with his fall, the other vnfinished, and yet, as it lieth ipSlnd 
 for an house of students, considering all the appurtenances, incom- '^ " ^ 
 parable thorough Christendome ; whereof Henrie the eight is now 
 called founder, bicause he let it stand. He held and inioied at [His bene- 
 once the bishopriks of Yorke, Duresme, & Winchester, the digni- *°*°''' 
 ties of lord cardinall, legat, & chancellor, the abbeie of saint 
 Albons, diuerse priories, sundrie fat benefices " In commendam : " ^ (His charao- 
 a great preferrer of his. seruants, an aduancer of learning, stout in """ed)"] 
 euerie quarell, neuer happie till this his ouerthrow. Wherein he 
 shewed such moderation, and ended so perfectUe, that the houre of 
 his death did him more honor than all the pompe of his life passed. pteySii.] 
 
 Act V. sc. i. — Gardiner and Lovell meet. Hearing from Lovell 
 that Queen Anne is in labour and in great extremity, Gardiner wishes 
 that she, together with Cranmer and Cromwell, were dead. " As for 
 Cromwell," answers Lovell, he 
 
 Beside that of the lewell-House ^ is made Master 
 O'th'Eolles, and the Kings Secretary ; . . . 
 
 \_Hol. iii. 938/1/6. Stow, 962.1 The one and twentith of Sep- (Cromweu 
 
 ,, ^ made Master 
 
 tember [1534], doctor Tailor, master of the roUes, was discharged ""heHoUs.] 
 of that office; and Thomas Cromwell sworne in his place, the 
 ninteenth of October.^ 
 
 In Holinshed, iii. 94O/1/15 (Stow, 964), " Thomas Cromwell seere- 
 tarie" is mentioned as being one of the four persons who brought 
 Anne Boleyn to the Tower on May 2, 1536 ; but I find no record 
 of his appointment in Halle, Holinshed, Stow, or Foxe.* 
 
 1 I have substituted q^uotation commas for the original italics of In 
 commendam. 
 
 ^ See p. 487, n. 4, above. 
 
 ' Cromwell was made Master of the EoUs on October 8, 1534. — Pat. 26 
 H. VIII. p. 2, m. 1 (H. S.). 
 
 * A letter from Henry Marquis of Exeter to Cromwell, dated April V, 1534, 
 is addressed : " Master Secretary." — Galenda/r {Hen. VIII.), VII. 446. In a 
 document dated April 12, 1534, appointing Cromwell to be one of the pleni- 
 potentiaries for concluding peace with Scotland, he is called " Primarius 
 Secretarius noster." — Bymer, xiv. 536. 
 
494 
 
 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 The king a 
 ffreat s-ap- 
 porter if 
 Cranmer^ 
 
 " Th' Archbyshop," adds Lovell, 
 
 Is the Kings hand and tongue ; and who dare speak 
 One syllable against him ? 
 Touching the folly of those persons who hoped to ruin Cranmer 
 through the conspiracy which is dramatized in sc. iii. Act V., Foxe 
 remarks (ii. 1760/i) : 
 
 And it was muche to be marueiled that they would goe so farre 
 with hym, thus to seeke his vndoyng, this well vnderstandyng 
 before, that the kyng moste entirely loued him, and alwaies would 
 stande in his defence, who soeuer spate againste hym : as many 
 other tymes the kynges pacience was, by sinister informations, 
 against hym tried. 
 
 Gardiner replies that there are some who dare accuse Cranmer ; 
 
 TJie Papistes 
 [ — incited 
 by Oardiner 
 — ] busy to 
 bring the 
 Archbyahop 
 out of credit 
 with the 
 King. 
 
 [They told 
 Henry that 
 
 and I my selfe haue ventur'd 
 To speake my minde of him : and, indeed, this day, 
 (Sir, I may tell it you,) I thinke I haue 
 Incenst the Lords o'th'Councell, that he is 
 (For so I know he is, they know he is) 
 A most Arch-Heretique, a Pestilence 
 That does infect the Land : with which they moued, 
 Haue broken with the King ; who . . . 
 
 hath commanded. 
 To morrow Morning to the Councell Boord 
 He be conuented. 
 
 In (?) 1544,1 
 
 40 
 
 44 
 
 52 
 
 [Foxe, ii. l759/i.j certaine of the Counsaile, whose names 
 neede not to bee repeated, by the entisement and prouocation 
 of his [Cranmer's] auncient enemy the Bishop of Winchester, 
 and other of the same secte, attempted the Kyng againste hym ; 
 declaryng plainely that the realme was so infected with heresies 
 and heretickes, that it was daungerous for his highnesse farther 
 
 ' According to Foxe (ii. 1759/i) these counsellors attacked Cranmer " not 
 long after " the time when Cromwell was in the Tower. Cromwell was com- 
 mitted to the Tower on June 10, 1540 {Lordi Jowrnala, i. 143/2), and remained 
 there until he was beheaded on the 28th of July. — Salle, 839. But the attempt 
 to ruin Cranmer is placed imder the year 1544 by Strype, who, in regard to 
 the latter date, says : " I leave Fox to follow [Ralph] Morice, the Archbiahop's 
 secretary, in his manuscript declaration of the said Archbishop." — Strype's 
 Crwnmer, i. 176. Of the authority cited Strype speaks thus : " There is an 
 original writing of this Morice's hand, preserved in the Benet-library [the 
 library of Corpus Christi, Cambridge], entitled, A declaration, &c., which he 
 drew out for the use, and by the command, of Archbishop Parker." — Strype's 
 Gram/ner, i. 615. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 495 
 
 to permit it vnreformed, . . . [1759/2]. The kyng, perceiuyng the spread 
 their importune sute against the Archebishoppe, (but yet meanyng l^^^^d]^ 
 not to haue hym wronged, and vtterly giuen ouer vnto their ^^^F^^' 
 handes,) graunted to them that they should, the nexte daie, ^hoSiTbe 
 committe hym to the Tower for his triall. toZ"*"* 
 
 Gardiner goes out and Henry enters with Suffolk (1. 55). Suffolk's 
 exit is followed by the entrance of Sir Anthony Denny, who thus 
 addresses the King (U. 80, 81) : 
 
 Sir, I haue brought my Lord the Arch-byshop, 
 As you commanded me. 
 
 As Henry desires Cranmer's immediate presence, Denny goes out 
 and re-enters with the Archbishop. The King then bids Lovell and 
 Denny " Auoyd the Gallery." When they are gone Henry says to 
 Cranmer, who has knelt : 
 
 Pray you, arise. 
 My good and gracious Lord of Canterhurie. 92 
 
 Come, you and I must walke a turne together ; 
 / haue Newes to teU you : . . . 
 I haue, and most vnwillingly, of late 
 Heard many greeuous, I do say, my Lord, 
 Greeuous complaints of you ; which, being consider'd, 
 Haue mou'd Ys and our Councell, that you shall 100 
 
 This Morning come before vs ; where, I know. 
 You cannot with such freedome purge your selfe, 
 But that, till further Trial in those Charges 
 Which will require your Answer, you must take 104 
 
 Your patience to you, and be well contented 
 To make your house our Towre ; you a Brother of vs. 
 It fits we thus proceed, or else no witnesse 
 Would come against you. 
 
 Cran. I humbly thanke your Highnesse ; 108 
 
 And am right glad to catch this good occasion 
 Most throughly to be winnowed, where my Chaffe 
 And Corne shall flye asunder : for, I know. 
 There's none stands vnder more calumnious tongues, 112 
 
 Then I my selfe, poore man ! 
 
 Eing. Stand vp, good Canterbury : 
 
 Thy Truth and thy Integrity is rooted 
 In vs, thy Friend. Giue me thy hand, stand vp ; 
 Prythee, let's walke. Now, by my Holydame, 116 
 
 What manner of man are you ? My Lord, / look'd 
 You would haue giuen me your Petition, that 
 I should haue tcme some paines to bring together 
 Your selfe and your Accusers ; and to haue heard you, 120 
 
 Without indurance, further. . . . 
 
 Know you not 
 How your state stands t'th'world, with the whole world ? 
 
 Tower.] 
 
496 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 Your Enemies are many, and not small ; their practises 12S 
 
 Must beare the same proportion ; and not euer 
 
 The Justice and the Truth o'th'question carries 
 
 The dew o'th'Verdict with it : at what ease 
 
 Might corrupt iaiade& proewe Knavss as corrupt 132 
 
 To sweare against you ! such things haue bene done. 
 
 You are Potently oppos'd ; and with a Malice 
 
 Of as great Size. Weene you of better luche, 
 
 (I meane, in periur'd "Witnesse,) then yowr Master, 136 
 
 (Whose Minister you are,) whiles heere he liu'd 
 
 Vpon this naughty Earth ? Go to, go to : 
 
 You take a Precepit for no leape of danger, 
 
 And wooe your owne destruction. ... 140 
 
 Be of good cheere ; 
 They shall no more preuaile then we giue way to. 
 Keepe comfort to you ; and this Morning see 144 
 
 You do appeare before them : if they shall chance, 
 In cha/rgiTig you with matters, to commit you, 
 The best perswasions to the contrary 
 
 Faile not to vse, and with what vehemencie 148 
 
 Th'occasion shall instruct you : if intreatiea 
 Will render you no remedy, this Rimg 
 Deliu^ them, and your Appeale to vs 
 
 There make before them. (Looke, the good man weeps ! 152 
 He's honest, on mine Honor. Gods blest Mother I 
 I sweare he is true-hearted ; and a soule 
 None better in my Kingdome !) Get you gone, 
 And do as I haue bid you. [Exit Oranmer. 156 
 
 I resume my historical excerpts from the point where we learn that 
 Cranmer's enemies had obtained permission to " committe hym to the 
 Tower for his triaU " (p. 495 above). 
 
 The King [Foxc, u. 1759/2.] When Nighte came, the Kyng sent Sir 
 
 Antmy Anthonie Denie, aboute Midniarht, to Lambeth, to the Archbishop, 
 
 Dmyattfud- ' ° ^ 
 
 SftfiS* willyng hym forthwith to resorte vnto hym at the Courte. The 
 message doen, the Archbishop speedily addressed hym self to 
 the Court, and commyng into the Galerie where the kyng walked, 
 and taried for hym, his highnesse saied: "Ah, my Zorde of 
 
 [Heray and " Canterlurie, I can tell you newes. For diners waightie consider- 
 
 the Council ' •' ° 
 
 iom^t^*" "ations it is determined by me and the Counsaile, that you to 
 
 toth"" "morrowe at nine of the clocke shall bee committed to the 
 
 "Tower, , . . the Couwsail haue requested me ... to suflFer 
 
 "them to commit you to the Tower, or els no man dare come 
 
 "forthe, as witnesse in these matters, you beyng a Counsellour." 
 
 When the kyng had said his minde, the Archbishop kneeled 
 
XIII. HENBY VIII. 497 
 
 doune, and saied : "I am content, if it please your grace, with all f^^^^'J*" I 
 "my harte, to go thether at your highnes commaundemente ; and 'Z^Z^ \ 
 " I moste humbly thanke your Maiestie that I maie come to my \ 
 
 "triall, for there bee that haue many waies sclaundered me, and | 
 
 "nowe this waie I hope to trie my self not worthy of suche ^ 
 
 "report." 
 
 The Kyng, perceiuyng the mannes vprightness, ioyned with suche 
 simplicitie, saied : " Oh Lorde, what maner a man be you ? What [Henry was 
 
 , , astonished 
 
 simphcitie is m you ! / had thought that y&u would rather haue ^^^K' 
 "sued to vs to haue taken the paines to haue heard you and your 
 "accusers together, for your triaU, without any suche indurance. 
 " Doe Ttot you hiowe what state you bee in with the whole worlde, 
 " and how many greate enemies you haue 1 Doe you not consider 
 " wJtat an easie thyng it is to procure three or fower false hnaues 
 " to witnesse againste you ? Thinke you to haue better luche that 
 " waie then your Maister Christe had 1 I see by it, you will runne 
 " headlonge to your vndoyng, if I would suffer you. Your enemies tu Kinges 
 "shall not so preuaile against you, for I haue otherwise deuised '^^„a- 
 "with my selfe, to keepe you out of their handes. Yet, notwith- ^i^'X-""* 
 " standing, to morrowe, whew the Counsaile shall sitte, and sende coSjary. 
 "for you, resort vnto them, and if, in chargyng you with this 
 "master, they doe commit you to the Tower,^ . . . vse for your selfe 
 " as good perswasions ... as you maie deuise, and, if no intreatie 
 " or reasonable request will serue, then deliver vnto them this my 
 "ryng;" (whiche then the Kyng deliuered vnto the Archbishoppe;) The sing 
 
 sencUth his 
 
 . . . "for," (saied the Kyng then vnto the Archbishoppe,) "so ^^ff-J^^ 
 "sone as thei shall see this my ryng, thei knowe it so wel that j^J^"^ 
 "they shall vnderstande that I haue resumed the whole cause <'»»*"'""'2'- 
 "into myne owne handes and determination, and that I haue 
 "discharged them thereof." 
 
 The Archebishoppe, perceiuyng the kynges benignite so muche 1?^^';^^^^^ 
 to him wardes, had muche a doe to forbeare teares. "Well," saied \^^^^ 
 the kyng, " goe your waies, my Lorde, and doe as I haue bidden t^^^^^s."] 
 "you." My Lorde, humblyng hym self with thankes, tooke his [He thanked 
 leaue of the kynges highnesse for that night. departed.] 
 
 ' See p. 500, n. 1, below. 
 
 E K 
 
498 XIII. HENRY VIII. 
 
 An " Olde Lady" — who appeared with Anne Boleyn in so. iii., 
 Act II. — now enters and tells Henry that a daughter has been born to 
 him (V. i. 158-165). 
 
 The birth of Elizabeth is thus recorded : 
 
 BiSSbea.] [Sol. iii. 934/2/1. Ealle, 805.] The seuenth of September 
 
 [1533], being sundaie, betweene three & foure of the clocke in the 
 
 afternoone, the queene was deliuered of a faire yoong ladie, . , . 
 
 Act v. so. ii. — Cranmer is discovered at the door of the Council 
 Chamber. He says (11. 1-4) : 
 
 I hope I am not too late ; and yet the Gentleman, 
 
 That was sent to me from the Oouncell, pray'd me 
 
 To make great hast. — All fast 1 What meanes this ? — Hoa ! 
 
 Who waites there ? Sure, you know me 1 
 
 Enter [Door-]Keeper. 
 
 I^eep. Yes, my Lord ; 
 
 But yet I cannot helpe you. 
 
 Crcm. Why? 
 
 Keep. Your Grace must waight till you be call'd for. 
 
 Dr. Butts enters, and," witnessing the affront offered to Cranmer, 
 murmurs to himself : 
 
 This is a Peece ^ of Malice. I am glad 8 
 
 I came this way so happily : the King 
 
 Shall vnderstand it presently. [Exit Buts. 
 
 Gram, [aside] 'Tis Buts, 
 
 The Kings Physiticm ; . . . 
 
 Butts re-enters with the King, " at a Windowe aboue," and says : 
 
 Bufs. He shew your Grace the strangest sight — 
 King. What's that, Buts ? 20 
 
 Butts. I thinke your Highnesse saw this many a day. 
 Kin. Body a me ! where is it ? 
 Butts. There, my Lord : 
 
 The high promotion of his Grace of Canterbury ; 
 Who holds his State at dore, 'mongst Purseuants, 24 
 
 Pages, and Foot-boyes ! 
 
 Kin. Ha ! 'Tis he, indeed. 
 
 Is this the Honour they doe one another ? 
 'Tis well there's one aboue 'em yet. I had thought 
 They had parted so much honesty among 'em, 28 
 
 (At least, good manners,) as not thus to suffer 
 A man of his Place, and so neere our favour. 
 To dance attendance on their Lordships pleasures. 
 And at the dore too, like a Post with Packets. 32 
 
 By holy Mary, Butts, there's knauery : 
 Let 'em alone, and draw the Curtaine close : 
 We shall heare more anon. 
 
 Peece] Peere F. 
 
XIII. HEKRY vm. 499 
 
 The incident here dramatized is thus related by Foxe (ii.. 1759/2) : 
 
 On the morowe, about ix. of the clock before noone, the Ooun- TMArch. 
 
 saile sent a gentleman Husher for the Archebishop, who, when he bJr^im 
 came to the Oounsail chamber dore, could not bee let in, but of amma, 
 
 / . IX r i. I T 'made to 
 
 purpose (as it seemed) was [1760/ 1] compelled there to waite »'™<i»?"ie 
 among the Pages, Lackeis, and seruyng men, all alone. Doctor ^f*"" 
 Buttes, the Tcynges Phisition, resortyng that waie, and espiyng howe ^^*''^- 
 my Lorde of Canterburie was handled, went to the kynges highnesse 
 and saied: "My lorde of Canterbury, if it please your grace, is l""^'"" ,, 
 " well promoted : for nowe he is become a lackey or a seruyng ^^^^**' 
 "man; for yonder he standeth this halfe hower, without the -^S?"-^'^' 
 
 "Counsail chamber doore, amongest them." "It is not so," qwoth cW^Hemy 
 the kyng, "I trowe: nor the Counsaile hath not so little dis- merwas 
 
 . treated]. 
 
 "cretion as to vse the Metropolitane of the Bealme in that sort, 
 "specially beyng one of their owne number : but let them alone" [Henry 
 (saied the kyng) "and we shall heare more sone." to interfere 
 
 ^ •' °' for a while.] 
 
 Act v. sc. iii. — The scene is laid in the Council-Chamber. When 
 the counsellors are seated, " Norfolk " addresses the door-keeper : 
 
 Who waits there ? 4 
 
 Keep. Without, my Noble Lords ? 
 Gard. Yes. 
 
 Xeep. My Lord Archbishop ; 
 
 And ha's done halfe an houre to know your pleasures. 
 Chan. Let him come in. 
 
 Xeep. [To Cran.] Your Grace may enter now. 
 
 Cranmer [enters and] approches the Councell Table. 
 
 The Lord Chancellor then censures Cranmer, because 
 
 you, that best should teach vs, 
 Haue misdemean'd your selfe, and not a little, 
 Toward the King first, then his Lawes, in filling 
 UTie whole Beahne, by your teaching & your Ghaphmes, 16 
 
 (For so we are inform'dj) with new opinions, 
 Diuers and dangerous ; which are Heresies, 
 And, not ref orm'd, may proue pernicious. 
 
 Gardiner adds : 
 
 ... If we suffer 24 
 
 (Out of our easinesse and childish pitty 
 To one mans Honour) this contagious sicknesse, 
 Farewell all Physicke ! and what foUowes then ? 
 Commotions, vprores, with a generall Taint 28 
 
 Of the whole State : as, of late dayes, our neighbours. 
 
500 
 
 Xm. HENKY VIII. 
 
 [The late 
 commotions 
 in Germany 
 dne to her- 
 etical teach- 
 ing.] 
 
 The Arch- 
 bishop . . . 
 ac&medto 
 the king [j 
 of preaching 
 heresy]. 
 
 The vpper Germcmy, can deerely witnesse, 
 
 Yet freshly pittied in our memories. 
 When Cranmer's enemies drew Henry's attention to the spread 
 of heresy in England, they urged (see pp. 494, 495 above) " that it 
 was daungerous for his highnesse farther to permit it " 
 
 [Foxe, ii. l759/i.] vnrefoimied, lest peraduenture, by long 
 suflFeryng, suche co?itention should arise and ensue in the realme 
 among his subiectes, that thereby might spryng horrible commotions 
 and 'ffprores, hke as in some partes of Germanie it did not long 
 agoe: the enormitie whereof they could not impute to any so 
 muche as to the Archbishop of Canterburie, who, hy his own 
 preachyng and his GJMpUins, had filled tlm whole realms ftdl of 
 diners pernicious heresies. 
 
 Cranmer's speech in answer to this charge closes with the request 
 
 That, in this case of lustioe, my Accusers, 
 
 Be what they will, may stand forth face to face, 
 
 And freely vrge against me ! ^ 
 
 Suff, Nay, my Lord, 48 
 
 That cannot be : you are a GownseUor, 
 And, by that vertue, no man dare accuse you. 
 
 Gcvrd. My Lord, because we haue busines of more moment. 
 We will be short with you. 'Tis his Highnesse pleasure, 52 
 And our consent, for better tryall of you. 
 From hence you be coimniUedi to tlie Tower ; 
 Where, being but a priuate man againe, 
 
 You shall know many dare accuse you boldly, 56 
 
 More then (I feare) you are prouided for. 
 
 Having been informed that Cranmer " had filled the whole realme 
 full of diuers pernicious heresies," Henry " would needes knowe " the 
 Archbishop's 
 
 [Foxe, ii. 1759/2.] accusers. Thei [Cranmer's enemies] 
 [If Cranmer aunswered that, forasmuche as he was a Cownseller, tm man durst 
 committed take vpon hym to accuse him ; but, if it would please his highnesse 
 to commute hym to the Tower for a tyme, there would bee 
 accusations and proofes enough againste him ; for otherwise iuste 
 testimonie and witnesse against hym would not appeere; "and 
 
 to the 
 
 Tower, 
 
 witnesses 
 
 would not 
 
 appear 
 
 against 
 
 Iiim,] 
 
 ' During, their private conference, Henry said to Cranmer (gee p. 497 above) : 
 " if, in chargying you with this matter, they [the Council] doe commit you to 
 the Tower, require of them, because you are one of them a Counseller, that 
 you male haue your accusers brought before them, and that you maie aunswere 
 their accusations before them, without any further induraunce, and vse for your 
 selfe as good perswasions that waie, as you maie deuise," . . , 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 501 
 
 " therefore your highnesse " (saied they) " muste needes giue vs the 
 " Counsaill libertie and leaue to commit hym to duraunce." 
 
 Cranmer's committal to the Tower is delayed through an altercation. 
 Angered by Cromwell's mild censure for being "a little too sharpe" 
 with the Archbishop, Gardiner retorts : 
 
 Doe not I know you for a Fauourer 80 
 
 Of this new Sect ? ye are not sound. 
 
 Crom. Not sound ? 
 
 Ga/rd, Not sound, I say. 
 
 Crom. Would you were halfe so honest ! 
 
 Mens prayers then would seeke you, not their feares. 
 Foxe says of Cromwell (ii. 1159/2) : 
 
 In this worthy and noble person, besides diuers other eminent Three. 
 vertues, iij. thinges especially are to bee considered, to wytte, ST''" 
 florishyng authoritie, excellyng wysedome, and feruent zeale to i-^?'*- 
 Christ & to his Gospell.^ First as touching his feruent zeale in l^^f "'*°^' 
 settyng forward the sinceritie of Christen fayth, . . . more can 
 not almost be wyshed in a noble man, and scarse the lyke hath 
 bene sene in any. 
 
 [II6O/2] Thus, . . . as he was labouring in the common wealth, 
 and doyng good to the poore afflicted Saintes, helpyng them out 
 of trouble, the malice of his enemies so wrought, continuallye 
 huntyng for matter agaynst hym, that they neuer ceased till in the 
 end they, by false traynes and crafty surmises, brought him out 
 of the kinges fauour. 
 
 The chiefe and principal enemie against him was Steuen su-Qm- 
 Gardiner, Byshop of Winchester, . . . «nmie to 
 
 Foxe gives the following description of Gardiner (ii. 1679/i) : 
 
 He was of a proude stomake and high minded, in his owne [Oharacter 
 
 IP , . . « ofGardiner.J 
 
 opinion and conceite flatteryng hym selfe to muche ; m wit craftie 
 and subtile ; toward his superiour flattering and faire spoken f 
 to his inferiours fierce; against his equal stout and enuious, 
 namely if in iudgement and sentence hee any thyng withstode him : 
 
 • "This Cromwell was at that tyme [1538] the chief frend of the Gos- 
 pellers."— J'oice, 1097/2. 
 
 2 Cp. the rebuke addressed by Henry to Gardiner (V. iii. 126, 127) : 
 
 " To me you cannot reach, you play the Spaniell, 
 And thinke with wagging of your tongue to win me ; " . . . 
 
502 Xm. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [He and as appcrcd betwene the good Lord Cromwell and hym in the 
 were stout rcigue of Mog Hcnpy, beyng of like hautines of stomacke, . , . 
 
 Cromwell's ta.uiit — "would you were halfe so honest" — may be 
 illustrated by a passage (ii. 1679/i) in which Foxe pointed out the 
 apparent contradictions of Gardiner's teaching : 
 
 And as touching diuinitie, he was so variable waueryng with tyme, 
 
 that no constant censure can be geuen what to make of hym. If 
 [Either his doyugs & writyngcs were accordyng to his conscience, no 
 told contra- man cau rightlye say whether he was a right protestant or Papist. 
 °p™™| <"■ If he wrote otherwise then he thought, for feare, or to beare witA 
 time-server.] ^jjj^g^ ^jjg^ ^3,3 |jg j^ doublc dcpc dissemblcr before God and man, 
 
 to say & vnsay, to write & vnwrite, to sweare and forsweare, 
 
 so as he did. 
 
 The Lords of the Council agree that Oranmer shall be sent to the 
 Tower (11. 87-92). He asks : 
 
 Is there no other way of mercy, 
 But I must needs to th' Tower, my Lords? 
 
 The Bishop of Winchester answers slightingly, and calls for the 
 Guard, to whom he commits Oranmer. Cranmer then replies : 
 
 Stay, good my Lords, 
 I haue a little yet to say. Looke there, my Lords ; 
 By vertue of that B,ing, I take my cause 
 
 Out of the gripes of cruell men, omd giue it 100 
 
 To a most Noble ludge, the King my Maister. 
 
 At their interview on the night before the council-meeting, Henry 
 bade Oranmer, " if no intreatie or reasonable request will serue, then 
 deliuer vnto the»i this my ryng" (p. 497 above) ; 
 
 [Cranmer [Foxe, ii. 1759/2.1 and sale vnto them: "if there be no 
 
 was to 
 
 theSunou " '"^^^'^iSi iny Lordes, but that I must needes goe to the Tower, 
 to the King.] "thenlreuokc my cause from you, aTid appeale to the Kynges 
 " owne persone, by this his token vnto you all," . . . 
 
 Henry had foreseen what would happen. After waiting a "halfe 
 hower " (see p. 499 above), 
 
 bysho^' [Foxe, ii. l760/i] the Archbishop was called into the 
 
 the Com- Counsaill Chamber: to whom was alledged, as before is re- 
 
 taile. 
 
 The cov.n- hearscd. The Archbishop aunswered in like sort as the kyng had 
 
 aaile being */ o 
 
 ^"irX™' aduised hym : & in the ende, when he perceiued that no maner 
 
 ^^ththe "^ perswasion or intreatie could serue, he deliuered to them the 
 
 ^'^e^y Kynges rynge, reuoking his cause into the Kynges handes. 
 them.''™ Recognizing the ring, Suffolk exclaims : 
 
XIII, HENRY VIII. 503 
 
 'Tis the right Ring, by Heau'n ! I told ye all, 
 
 Whan -^Q first put this dangerous stone a rowling 104 
 
 'TiooM fall vpon our selues. 
 
 Norf. Doe you thmhe, my Lords, 
 
 The King will suffer but the little finger 
 Of this mam to be vex'd 1 
 
 Cham. 'Tis now too certaine : 
 
 How much more is his Life in value with him ? 108 
 
 Would I were fairely out on't ! 
 
 Crom. My mind gaue me 
 
 In seeking tales and Informations 
 Against this man, ... 
 Ye blew the fire that burnes ye : . . . 
 
 Foxe relates (ii. 1760/i) that, Cranmer having delivered to them 
 Henry's ring, and the 
 
 whole Counsaile beyng thereat somewhat amased, the Erie of [TheEariof; 
 
 ■' " ' Bedford re- 
 
 Bedford, with a loude voice, confirmyng his woordes with a solemne ^[Jou aat 
 
 othe, saied : " when you first began this matter, my Lordes, I tolde ^^%, 
 
 "you what would come of it. Doe you thinhe that the Kyng will see^witness 
 
 " smffer this manner fiv^ger to akel muche more (I warrant you) cranmer.i 
 
 '* wil he defende his life against brablyng varlettes. You doe but 
 
 "comber your selues to heare tales & fables against hyfti." 
 
 Immediately after Cromwell's speech (1. 113) Henry enters, 
 "frowning on them, takes his Seate." The King sternly answers 
 (11. 122-129) a flattering address from Gardiner (11. 114-121), reassures 
 Cranmer (11. 130-133), and then says : 
 
 I had thought I had had men of some vnderstanding 
 
 And wisedome of my Co'uncell ; but Ifinde none. 136 
 
 Was it discretion, Lords, to let this man, 
 
 This good man, (few of you deserue that Title,) 
 
 This honest man, wait like a lowsie Foot-boy 
 
 At Chamber dare ? and one as great as you are? 140 
 
 Why, what a shame was this ! Did my Com/mission 
 
 Bid ye so farre forget your selues ? I gaue ye 
 
 Power, as he was a GovmseUour, to try hian, 
 
 Not as a Groome : there's sorm ofje, I see, 144 
 
 More out of Malice then Integrity, 
 
 Wovid trye him to the vimiost, had ye meane ; 
 
 Which ye shall neuer haue while I line. 
 
 Cham. Thus farre, 
 
 My most dread Soueraigne, may it like your Grace, 148 
 
 To let my tongue excuse all. What was purpos'd 
 Concerning his Imprisonment, was rather 
 (If there be faith in men) meamtfor his try all, 
 And faire purgation to the world, then malice, 152 _ 
 
 I'm sure, in me ! 
 
 Kin. WeU, well, my Lords, respect him ; 
 
504 
 
 XIII. HENEY VIII. 
 
 [The Council 
 
 surrendered 
 
 Crajuner's 
 
 matter to 
 
 Henry's 
 
 decision.] 
 
 The hinges 
 wordes to 
 the coun- 
 saile in 
 defmce of 
 the Arch- 
 hishop. 
 
 [The excuse 
 offered by 
 " one or 
 twoo of the 
 chiefest of 
 the Coun- 
 saile,"] 
 
 The lorcks 
 of the Co%n- 
 saile glad to 
 beefHendes 
 againe with 
 the Arch- 
 bishop. 
 
 Take Mm, and vse him well, he^a worthy of it. 
 
 I will say thus much for him, if a Prmce 156 
 
 May be hehoJdmg to a Sviiect, I 
 
 Am, for his loue and seruice, so to him. 
 
 Make me ?io more adoe, but all embrace him. 
 
 After recording the Earl of Bedford's speech, Foxe proceeds thus 
 (ii. 1760/i) : 
 
 And so, incontiaently vpow the receipt of the kynges token, the! 
 al rose, and caried to the king his ring ; surrendering that matter, 
 as the order and vse was, into his own handes. 
 
 When thei wer all come to the kynges presence, his highnes, 
 with a seuere countenaunce, said vnto them; "Ah, my lordes, / 
 " thotight I had had wiser men of my eounsaile then now / finde 
 "you. What discretion was this in you, thus to make the Primate 
 " of the Realme, & one of you in ofl5ce, to waite at the Counsail 
 "chamber dore amongest seruyng men! You might haue eon- 
 " sidered that he was a Counseller as well as you, and you had no 
 "suche commission of me so to handle hym. /was content that 
 " you should trie him as a Counseller, and not as a meane subiect. 
 "But now / well perceiue that things be doen against him 
 "maliciously, and, if some (/you might haue had your minds, you 
 "would haue tried him to the vttermost. But I do you all to wit, 
 " and protest, that if a Prince maie bee beholdyng vnto his subiecte"; 
 and so (solem[n]ly laiyng his hande vpon his breaste) saied : " by 
 "the faithe I owe to God, I take this man here, my Lorde of 
 " Canterburie, to be of al other a moste faithfuU subiecte vnto vs, 
 " and one to whom we are muche beholding ": giuyng hym greate 
 commendations otherwise. And with that one or twoo of the 
 chiefest of the Counsaile, making their excuse, declared, that, in 
 requesting his induraunce, it was rather meante for his triall, and 
 his purgation against the common fame and sclaunder of the 
 worlde, then for any malice conceiued against him : " Well, well, 
 " my Zordes," quoth the kyng, " take hym and well vse hym, as 
 "he is worthde to be, and make no more ado." And with that 
 euery man caught hym by the hand, and made faire weather of 
 altogethers, whiche might easely be doen with that man. 
 
 Henry "once more" bids Gardiner embrace Oranmer; and, observing, 
 
Xra. HENRY VIII. 505 
 
 as this command is obeyed, the Archbishop's " ioyfull teares," remarks 
 (11. 176-178) : 
 
 The common voyce, I see, is verified 
 
 Of thee, which sayes thus : " Doe my Lwd of Cemterhwfy 
 
 " A shr&uod ttume, and hee's ymmefriemd for euer." 
 
 According to Foxe (ii. 1756/i) Cranmer's forgiving disposition was 
 so notorious 
 
 that it came into a com/mon prouerbe : " Do vnto my Lord of Canter- [Cranmei's 
 " Iwry displeasure or a shi-ewed turne, and then you may be sure ™*^ja 
 " to haue him your f rend whiles he lyueth." ^verb.] 
 
 Act V. sc. V. — In sc. iii., Act V., Henry desired Cranmer to be the 
 godfather of " a faire young Maid that yet wants Baptisme" (1. 162) ; 
 adding : " You shall haue two noble Partners with you ; the old 
 " Duohesse of Norfolke, and Lady Marquesse Dorset : " . . . 
 
 The return of the christening party to the Palace is set forth in the 
 following stage direction, with wMch sc. v. opens : 
 
 Enter Trumpets, sounding: Then two Aldermen, L. Maior, 
 Garter, Cranmer, Duke of Norfolke with his Marshals 
 Staffe, Duke of Suffoike, two Noblemen bearing great 
 standing Bowles for the Christening Guifts : Then foure 
 Noblemen bearing a Canopy, vnder which the Dutchesse of 
 Norfolke, Godmother, bearing the Childe richly habited in 
 a Mantle, &c., Traine borne by a Lady : Then followes the 
 Marchionesse Dorset, the other Gochnother, and Ladies. 
 The Troope passe once about the Stage, and Garter speakes. 
 
 GaH. Heauen, from thy endlesse goodnesse, send prosperous 
 life, long, and euer happie, to the Mgh cmd Mighty Primcesse of 
 Enghmd, Elizabeth I 
 
 Flourish. Enter King and Guard. 
 
 Addressing the godparents, Henry says (II. 13-15) : 
 
 My Noble Gossips, y'haue beene too Prodigall : 
 I thanke ye hewrtUy ; so shall this Lady, 
 When she ha's so much English. 
 
 The christening 
 
 [Hoi iii 934/2/5. Halle, 806, 806.] was appointed on the g^?^^^. 
 wednesdaie next following [Elizabeth's birth on Sunday, Sept. 7, ''*^»*e""e] 
 1533] ; and was accordinglie accomplished on the same dale, with 
 all such solemne ceremonies as were thought conuenient. The god- [Her god- 
 father at the font was the lord archbishop of Cantm-burie, the god- 
 mothers, the old dutches of NorflFolke, & the old marchionesse 
 
506 
 
 Xin. HENRY VIII. 
 
 [The old 
 Dnchetis of 
 Norfolk 
 and the 
 Dukes of 
 Norfolk and 
 Suffolk were 
 in the pro- 
 cession to 
 the chuich.] 
 
 Dorset, widowes ; ^ and at the confirmation the ladie marchionesse 
 of Excester was godmother : the child was named Elizabeth. 
 cmi'yAsoh.] Upon the dale of the christening, the maior, sir Stephan 
 iSyor md Peacocke, in a gowne of crimsin veluet, with his collar of S S, and 
 rfiSon all the aldermen in scarlet, with collars and chaines, and all the 
 hefcMaten- counccU of the citie with them, tooke their barge after dinner, at 
 one of the clocke, and the citizens had another barge; and so 
 rowed to Greenwich, where were manie lords, knights, and gentle- 
 men assembled. 
 
 When the procession to the church was formed 
 [Hoi. iii. 934/2/47. Ralle, 805, 806.] the old dutches of Nor- 
 ffolke bare the child in a mantell of purple veluet, with a long traine 
 furred with ermine. The duke of Norffolke with his marshall rod 
 went on the right hand of the said dutches, and the duke of 
 SufiFolke on the left hand, and before them went the officers of 
 armes. The countesse of Kent bare the long traine of the childs 
 mantell ; and betweene the countesse of Kent and the child went 
 the earle of Wilshire on the right hand, and the earle of Darbie 
 on the left hand, supporting the said traine : in the middest, ouer 
 the said child, was borne a canopie by the lord Rochford, the 
 lord Husee, the lord William Howard, and by the lord Thomas 
 Howard the elder ; after the child followed manie ladies and 
 gentlewomen. . . . 
 
 When the ceremonies and christening were ended. Garter, 
 cheefe king of armes, cried alowd, "God of his infinite goodnesse 
 " send prosperous life & long to the high and mightie princesse of 
 "Ungland, Elizabeth:" & then the trumpets blew. Then the 
 archbishop of Canturburie gaue to the princesse a standing cup 
 of gold : the dutches of Norffolke gaue to hir a standing cup of 
 gold, fretted with pearle : the marchionesse of Dorset gaue three 
 gilt boUes, pounced, with a couer : and the marchionesse of 
 Excester gaue three standing boUes, grauen, all gilt, with a 
 couer. . . . \Mol. iii. 935/1/3. Halle, 806.] Then they set for- 
 wards, the trumpets going before in the same order towards the 
 kings palace, as they did when they came thitherwards, sauing 
 
 A canopie 
 bffme ouer 
 the yoong 
 priTicesBe. 
 
 [Garter's 
 proclama- 
 tion.] 
 
 gium to the 
 princesse. 
 
 [The pro- 
 cession 
 returned in 
 the same 
 order.] 
 
 widowes] Halle, widow Hoi. 
 
XIII. HENRY VIII. 507 
 
 that the gifts that the godfather and the godmothers gaue were 
 borne before the child by foure persons, that is to sale : First, sir mo ica-e 
 
 the gifts 
 
 lohn Dudleie bare the gift of the ladie of Bxcester, the lord priammto 
 
 ° the prmcesie. 
 
 Thomas Howard the yoonger bare the gift of the ladie of Dorset, 
 the lord Fitzwater bare the gift of the ladie of Norfifolke, 
 and the earle of Worcester bare the gift of the archbishop of 
 Canturburie, . . . 
 
 In this order they brought the princesse to the Q[ueen's] tg^^^""^ 
 chamber, & tarried there a while with the maior & his brethren L^^iMijOT 
 the aldermen, and at the last the dukes of NorflFolke & Suffolte mraitn**'" 
 came out from the K., thanking them hartilie ; who commanded name.] 
 them to giue thanks in his name : which being doone, with other 
 courtesies, they departed, & so went to their barges. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abe 
 
 Abkrgavbnnt, George Neville, Baron (1491— 
 1535), arrested, 431 
 
 " ablements," habiliments, 415 
 
 "abrayded," started, 163 
 
 "accustomablie," habitually, 350 
 
 "adeption," acquiring, xiv. 
 
 Africa (Mahadiah), Tunis, 112 
 
 Aganippus, a prince of Gallia. See France, 
 King of 
 
 Albany, Duke of (Maglanus), marries GonoriUa, 
 3 ; naif of Britain bequeathed to him, i&. ; 
 rebels against Lear, and assigns him a portion 
 to live on, 4 ; defeated and slain, 5 
 
 , Robert Steward, Duke of, father of 
 
 Murdaoh Steward, 132, 133 
 
 Albemarle (Aumerle), Edward Duke of (1397- 
 99), becomes bail for Bolingbroke, 78 ; sent 
 by Richard to make peace between Boling- 
 broke and Norfolk, 79 ; spent money in 
 Richard's service, 81 ; officiates as high con- 
 stable in the lists at Coventry ; 86 — 88 ; retires 
 to King's Langley, 92 ; brings reinforcements 
 to Ireland, 99 ; his loyalty doubted, ib. ; per- 
 suades Richard to linger in Ireland, 100, 102 
 n 2 ; returns with Ridiard, 106 ; deserts him, 
 109 n 1 ; accused by Bagot, 111 ; accepts Fitz- 
 Walter's challenge, ib. ; challenges Norfolk, 
 112 ; his mother, 121 n 1 ; deprived of his 
 dukedom, 121, 122 ; reprobated by the com- 
 mons, 130. See Rutland, Edward Earl of 
 
 Albergati, Nicholas, Cardinal of Santa Croce, 
 counsels "a godlie peace," 234. (Q>. 1 Hen. 
 VI., V. i 5) 
 
 Albret, Charles d'. See Constable of France 
 
 Alen9on, John I., Duke of (1404-15), gives 
 advice for the defence of France, 179 ; promises 
 battle to Henry V., 184 « 2; encounters 
 Henry, 195 ; slain, 195, 196 
 
 , John II., Duke of (1415-76), relieves 
 
 Orleans, 215, 216; present at Margaret's 
 espousals, 243 
 
 Alexander lie Mason denies the pope's authority 
 in tempoml matters, 56 nS 
 
 "alongst," along, 98 
 
 " alow," low down, 356 
 
 " altogethers " = altogether, 604 
 
 "ands,"ifs, 372 
 
 Angers (Angiers) delivered to Arthur, 46 ; taken 
 
 Aiiu 
 by Eleanor, 51 ; taken by John, ib. ; Con- 
 stance and Arthur flee to, 53 ; restored to 
 John, ib. 
 
 Angus, George Douglas, Earl of, taken prisoner 
 at Homildon, 132, 133 
 
 Anjou yields allegiance to Arthur, 46 ; Arthur's 
 homage for, 52 ; possession of, demanded for 
 Arthur, ib, ; recovered by John, 59 ; ravaged 
 by York and Somerset, 230 ; ceded to Rene, 
 244 ; a key of Normandy, 245 
 
 , Reus, Duke of (1434-80), 182 w 4 ; his 
 
 daughter Margaret's marriage arranged, 238 ; 
 his kingly style, 241 ; present at Margaret's 
 espousals, 243; couldnot pay for her journey 
 to England, 245 ; advises her to discard 
 Gloucester's authority, 260 ; visited by her, 
 312 n 1 ; ransoms her, 342 
 
 Anne (NeviUe), wife of Richard III,, married to 
 Edward (Lancastrian) Prince of "Wales, 318, 
 346 ; date of her marriage to Richard, 345, 
 346 ; crowned, 387 ; rumour of her death 
 spread by Richard, 388 ; dies, 396 ; eclipse 
 of the sun at her death, 396 n 3 
 
 "antecessors," ancestors, 309 
 
 Antelope, Henry V.'s pursuivant, sent to 
 Charles VI., 178 
 
 "apert, in," openly, 293 
 
 Apollo, Lear's oath by, 5 ti 1 
 
 "appaire," deteriorate, 249 
 
 "appent," belonged, 129 n 2 
 
 Armagnac, John IV., Count of, proffers his 
 daughter in marriage to Henry VI., 235 
 
 Armourer, an, appeached of treason by his 
 servant, 248 ; two overcomes him in a judicial 
 duel, 260, 261 ; his servant was perjured, 
 261 ral 
 
 Arras, representatives of England and France 
 meet at, 226 ; and are exhorted to make peace, 
 234 ; terms proposed at, 240 
 
 Arthur. See Brittany, Arthur Duke of 
 
 Articles devised by the Percies, 135 ; which win 
 approval but no help, 136 ; presented to 
 Henry IV., 144 
 
 Arundel, Richard Fitz-Alan, Earl of (1376-97), 
 rebels against Richard II., 94 ; careful in 
 choosing soldiers, 143 
 
 , Thomas Pitz-Alan, Earl of (1400-15), 
 
 joins Bolingbroke's invasion, 06; "broke 
 
510 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aeu 
 
 Bed 
 
 from the Duke of Exeter," 97 ; goes with 
 Bolinghroke to meet York, 102 ; " let aaoke " 
 a man ordained to murder Prince Henry, 213 
 
 Arundel, "WiUiam Fitz-Alan, Earl of (1524-44), 
 in the coronation procession of Anne Boleyn, 
 485. (His place is filled by the dramatic 
 "Surrey") 
 
 (or Fitz-Alan), Thomas, Archbishop of 
 
 Canterbury, persuades Bolingbroke to de- 
 throne Richard II., 96 ; Joins Bolingbroke's 
 invasion, ib. ; goes with Bolingbroke to meet 
 York, 102 ; meets Richard at Flint Castle, 
 109 n 1 ; scroll of Richard's abdicatioil de- 
 livered to, 114 ; places Bolingbroke in "the 
 regaU throne," 115 ; lends money to Henry 
 IV.^ 159 w 1 
 
 Arvira^s, son. of the legendary Cymbeliae, 7 ; 
 a British prince named A., 7 «. 3 ; Spenser 
 made A. a brother of Cymbeline, 10 m 1 
 
 Ascension Day (May 27,. 1199), date of John's 
 coronation, 45 ; prophecy that John would 
 not be king on, in 1213 ("quod non foret 
 rex in die Dominicae Aacensionis^" — M. Paris, 
 ii. 535), 62 
 
 "aslope," indirectly, 379 
 
 AspaU, Robert, tries to save Rutland, 297, 298 
 
 "assaie, take the," taste the food, 126 
 
 "assayled," assoiled, 188 
 
 Athol, Walter Slewai-d, Earl of, taken prisoner 
 at HomUdon, 132 
 
 Audley, Sir Thomas^ 485. See Chancellor, Lord 
 
 Augustus knights the legendary Cymbelme, 7, 
 8 ; prepares to invade, the Britons, who re- 
 fused, tribute, 7 f turns his arms against the 
 Pannonians and Dalmatians, 8 ; the British 
 princes seek his amity, 9 ; sends an ambassador 
 to Cymbeline, ib. 
 
 Aumerle. See Albemarle, Rutland, and York 
 
 AureKus Ambrosius borne to battle in a litter, 
 226. See Uter 
 
 Aurora Borealis, (?) appearance of, 61 « 1. Cp. 
 137 
 
 "Austria,'' a composite character, 53 n 1. See 
 Limoges, 48 
 
 Bagot, Sir William, talks with Norfolk about 
 
 Gloucester's death, 83 ; his tower a lodging 
 
 for Richard II., 86 ; farms England, 90 ; 
 
 gives advice for resisting Bolingbroke, 98 ; 
 
 flees to Ireland, 100 ; accuses Aumerle, 110, 
 
 111 ; hated by the commons, 130 
 Baker, John, reports Cardinal Beaufort's last 
 
 words, 269 
 Baldud (Bladud), father of Leir, 1 
 Ban, John, exhorts the villeins at Blackheath, 
 
 272. 
 Banaster, Humphrey (Ralph), betrays Henry 
 
 Duke of BucMngham, 451 
 Bangor, Archdeacon or Dean of (David Daron), 
 
 tripartite division of England framed at his 
 
 house, 138 
 "banquetwisB," as for a banquet, 441 
 Banquo, thane of Loohaber, a fictitious person, 
 
 xiii. ; supposed ancestor of the Stewards, 19, 
 
 35; wounded by rebels, 19 ; complains to Dun- 
 can, ib. ; sent against Macdowald, 20 ; com- 
 mands the rear in the war with Sueno, 21 ; 
 defeats the Danes sent by Canute, 22 ; meets 
 the weird sisters, 23, 24 ; jests with Macbeth 
 about their prophecy, 24, 25 ; connives at 
 Duncan's murder, 25 ; murdered by Macbeth's 
 order, 33 
 Bar, Edward Duke of, promises battle to Henry 
 
 v., 184 » 2; slain, 196 
 Bardolf, Thomas Bardolf, Baron, conspires 
 against Henry IV., 151 ; invades England 
 and is defeated, 157 
 "bare him sore," had a grudge against him, 
 
 349 
 Barkloughly (Qi and Fi. Barclowlie Hoi. 
 Harlech Williams conj.), Richard II. lands 
 there, 106 
 Barons form a league against John at Bury St. 
 Edmunds, 66, 67 ; excommunicated by In- 
 nocent, 68 ; offer the English crown to Lewis, 
 69 {ep. 67, 68) ; their ruin plotted by Lewis, 
 72 ; become averse to Lewis, 72, 73 ; give 
 allegiance to Henry III., 76, 76 
 "baste," bastardy, 269 
 "Battes" (clubs), Parliament of, 221 
 Bay trees wither, 103 
 
 Bayly beheaded for knowing Cade's base lineage, 
 ,276 
 Bayonne, Bishop of. See Gabriel de Grammont, 
 
 , 464 «, 3 
 Beaufort, Henry, Bishop of Lincoln (1398 — 
 1405), Winchester (1405—1447), and Cardinal 
 (1427), returns with Richard II. from Ireland, 
 106 ; informs parliament of Henry V.'s pro- 
 jected war with France, 168 n 2 ; appointed 
 guardian of Henry VI.,, 209 ; accused by 
 Gloucester of plotting Henry's abduction, ib. ; 
 dissension betwixt him and Gloucester, 212 ; 
 orders the Tower to be kept against Gloucester, 
 212, 213 ; who accuses him of plotting Prince 
 Henry's murder, 213 ; and obstructing London 
 bridge, 220, 221 ; truce between, and Glou- 
 cester, 222 ; godfather to Henry VI., 224 ; 
 crowns Henry VI. at Paris, 228 ; made a 
 cardinal, 235, 236; conspires against Glou- 
 cester, 246 ; accused of selling offices, 250 ; 
 his character, 269 ; last words; 269, 270 
 " Beaumont," Earl of, slain at Agincourt, 196. 
 Not in Monstrelet's lists orin Harleian MS., 
 782. (See "Fois" and "Lestrake") Pe^ 
 haps Henri II., Comte de Blamont, is meant 
 (JfoBS. iii. 349) 
 Beaumont, Henry Beaumont, Baron, joins 
 Bolingbroke, 98 
 
 , John Beaumont, Viscount, arrests 
 
 Gloucester, 264 
 Bedford, John Duke of, not at Aginoourt, 187 ; 
 at the siege of Melun, 201 n 1 ; secures the 
 Normans' allegiance to Henry VI., 206 ml ; 
 at Henry Vjs- death-bed, 208 ; appointed 
 Regent of France, ib. ; a_ppoints Suffolk to 
 besiegeOrleans^ 214 ; petition to, from Eleanor 
 Mortimer, 219 re 5 ; godfather to Henry VL, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Bed 
 
 511 
 
 Bri 
 
 224 ; date of Us death, ib. ; attends Henry 
 Vr.'s coronation in Paris, 228 ; takes the 
 Garter from Fastolfe, 229 ; his tomb, Lewis 
 XI. advised to deface, 232 ; orders Jeanne 
 Dare's examination, 238; calls her a "Umb 
 of the fiend," 238 n 3. See John of Lancaster 
 
 Bedford, John Russell, Earl of (1550-55), warned 
 the council not to molest Cranmer, 503 
 
 Bellona, goddess of battle, and her three hand- 
 maidens, 166 
 
 "bend," band, 353 
 
 "Benevolence," a, given to Edward IV. 94, 95 
 
 Berkeley, Thomas de Berkeley, Baron, goes with 
 York to meet Bolingbroke, 102 
 
 Berri, John Duke of, his daughter's marriage 
 to Bolingbroke jprevented, 92 ; gives advice 
 for the defence of France, 179 ; at the council 
 summoned after Henry V. crossed theSomme, 
 182 
 
 Bertha, Perth, 21 w 1 
 
 "betooke," delivered, 356 
 
 BimamWood, Macbeth reassured by a prophecy 
 about, 36, 41 ; its removal a tradition, 42 m 1 
 
 Bishop, a, on each hand of Bichard Duke of 
 Gloucester, 383 
 
 Blaok-Friars, arrangement of the court at, for 
 trying Henry's cause, 456, 457 ; court at, ad- 
 journed, 465 ; closed, 471 
 
 Blanch of Castile marries Lewis, 53, 69 ; her 
 dower, 53 
 
 Blank charters issued by Eiohard II., 90 
 
 BUthild, fictitious ancestress of Pippin, 170 
 
 Blood, one of BeUona's handmaidens, 166 
 
 Blunt, James, captain of Hammes Castle, joins 
 Richmond, 409 
 
 , Sir Thomas, conspires against Henry IV., 
 
 122 ; beheaded, 127 
 
 , Sir Walter, slain by Douglas, 146, 147. 
 
 The historic messengers (143) were Thomas 
 Prestbury, Abbot of Shrewsbury, and a clerk 
 of the privy seal 
 
 "bobaunce," pride, 282 n 2 
 
 Boleyn, Anne, made Marchioness of Pembroke, 
 455; captivates Henry, 470; a Lutheran, 
 472 ; married to Henry, 479 n 1, 480 ; ac- 
 knowledged as queen, 480 ; in her coronation 
 procession, 485 ; crowned, 486 
 
 Bolingbroke, See mccesdvely Derby, Hereford, 
 Lancaster, and Henry IV. 
 
 (alias Oonly), Roger, accused of sorcery, 
 
 253 ; confesses his guilt, ib. ; recants, but 
 is executed, 259 ; was an accomplice of the 
 Duchess of Gloucester, 262 
 
 Bona (Bonne), daughter to Lewis Duke of 
 Savoy, her marriage to Edward IV. negotiated, 
 313 J married to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke 
 of Milan, 316 
 
 Bonvile and Harington, William Bonvile, 
 Baron, his heiress married Marquess Dorset, 
 319 re 1 . , , 
 
 Bordeaux, Englishmen's goods at, seized by 
 Francis I., 427 
 
 "borow," surety, 418 
 
 Botgosuane (Botgosuana Boeee 250/9. Bothgo- 
 
 wanan, the smith's bothy. — Robertson's Scot- 
 land under her Early Kings, i. 115 note), 25 
 
 Bouchier, Thomas, Bishop of Ely (1443-54), 
 Archbishop of Canterbury (1454-86), and 
 Cai-dinal (1464), envoy (in 1452) to York, 
 285 ; takes part in Edward V.'s coronation 
 council, 363 ; crowns Richard III., 387 
 
 Boucicault, John le Meingre, Marshal, provides 
 for the defence of France, 179; encamps at 
 Agincourt, 185 ; taken prisoner, 195 
 
 Bouratier, William, Archbishop of Bourges, 
 offers teims of peace to Henry V., 179 
 
 Bourbon, John Duke of, in the Q. of Een. V., 
 183 n 1 ; promises battle to Henry V., 184 
 n 2 ; taken prisoner at Agincourt, 195 
 
 , Lewis bastard of, admiral of France, 
 
 appointed to assist the Lancastrians, 318 
 
 Brabant, Anthony Duke of, promises battle to 
 Henry V., 184 n 2; uses a trumpet-banner 
 instead of his standard, 189 ; slain, 196 
 
 "braies," 108. '''Braye . . . An advanced 
 parapet surrounding the main rampart. " — New 
 English Dietionary 
 
 "brake," (!) thicket, 472. Perhaps a machine 
 for confining the legs of unruly horses 
 
 Brakenbury, Sir Robert, refuses to murder 
 Richard III.'s nephews, 389 ; delivers the 
 keys of the Tower to Tyrrel, 390 ; slain at 
 Bosworth field, 421 
 
 Brandon, Sir Thomas, (?) Brandon in Benry 
 
 VIII., 430 n 1 
 , Sir William, Richmond's standard- 
 bearer, overthrown by Richard, 419 ; was not 
 slain at Bosworth, 419 m 1 
 
 Breaute, Faukesde, compared with the dramatic 
 Faulconbridge, 48 ra 1 
 
 Bretons levy war against John on Arthur's 
 behalf, 60 ; enraged by the rumour of Arthur's 
 death, 62, 63 ; their character, 417 sidenote 2 
 
 "breued," recorded, 129 n 2 
 
 Brews, WilBam de, his contempt of court, 161 
 n2 
 
 Bridge-tower at Orleans taken by the English, 
 210 ; Salisbury wounded in the, 214, 215 
 
 "brigandine," 273, "briganders," 374, coats of 
 so^e-armour 
 
 Britain conquered by Claudius, 6 ; Augustus 
 prepares to invade, 7 ; tribute imposed on, 
 by Caesar, 9 m 2 ; "a worlde by it selfe," 10, 
 11 ; recovered by Maximian I., 11 ; governed 
 by a pentarchy of kings, 14 ; re-united by 
 Mulmucius, ib. 
 
 Britons refuse tribute to Augustus, 7; their 
 youth brought up among the Romans, 8 ; 
 their "lack of skiU" to oppose Julius Caesar, 
 8 m 2 ; their princes seek the friendship of 
 Augustus, 9 ; their imports, ib. ; used 
 chariots, 15 n 2 
 
 Brittany, Arthur Plantagenet, Duke of; Angers 
 delivered to, 46 ; acknowledged in Anjou, 
 Maine, and Touraine, ib. ; son of John's elder 
 brother, ib. ; much younger than John, 47 
 {op. 59 nl); placed in Philip's charge, ib. ; 
 is knighted by and does homage to PhiUp, 
 
512 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bei 
 
 Cae 
 
 62 ; reconciled to John, il. ; flees from John, 
 53 ; does homage to John, and returns with 
 Philip, 54 J takes Miraheau, 58 ; captured by 
 John, 59 ; demands possession of Richard's 
 dominions, ii. ; imprisoned, ih. ; persuades 
 Hubert de Buigh to save him from blinding, 
 60 ; his blinding and death rumoured, 61 ; 
 rumour of his death contradicted, 63 ; 
 various accounts of his death, ih. ; his 
 murder attributed to John, 70 (fip. 61 n 1) 
 Brittany, Constance Duchess of, entrusts Arthur 
 to Philip, 47 ; repudiates her second husband 
 and marries Guy de Thouars, 53 ; dies, 61 n 1 ; 
 accused John of Arthur's murder, ib. 
 
 , John v., Duke of (1364-99), Brest sur- 
 rendered to, 84, 95 ; aids Bolingbroke, 96 
 
 , John VI., Duke of (1399— 1442), at the 
 
 council summoned after Henry V. crossed the 
 Somme, 182 
 
 , Francis I., Duke of (1442-50), present at 
 
 Margaret of Anjou's espousals, 243 
 
 , Francis II., Duke of (1458-88), receives 
 
 the earls of Pembroke and Richmond, 329, 
 330 ; Richmond brought up in his court, 
 417 
 Brocas, Sir Leonard, conspirator against Hemy 
 
 IV., beheaded, 127 
 "broch,"s5., spit, 23 
 
 Buckingham, Humphrey Stafford, Duke of 
 (1444-60), conspires against Gloucester, 246 ; 
 when made duke, 246 n 3 ; present at Glou- 
 cester's arrest, 264 ; sent to York before the 
 battle of St. Albans, 284 n 1 ; wotmded at 
 St. Albans, 290 
 
 , Henry Stafford, Duke of (1460-83), aids 
 
 Gloucester in removing the queen's friends 
 from Edward V., 851, 352 ; aids Gloucester 
 to get possession of Edward at Stony Strat- 
 ford, 354 ; asserts that York needed no 
 sanctuary, 859, 360 ; was"he in Richard's con- 
 fidence from the first 1 361 ; courts Hastings, 
 362 ; promises made him by Richard, I'ft. ; 
 takes part in Richard's secret council, 363 ; 
 his speech at the Guildhall on Richard's 
 claim to the crown, 377 — 379 ; was received 
 with silence, 381 ; accepts packed applause as 
 an answer, 382 ; invites Richard to assume 
 the crown, 383 — 385 ; vainly demands the 
 eai-ldom of Hereford, 392 (cp. 362, 450 n 2) ; 
 relates his wrongs to Morton, 393 ; rebels, 
 397 ; promised to support Richmond, 398 n 1 ; 
 stopped by a flood, 403 ; his army deserts him, 
 404 ; beheaded, 410 ; meant to have stabbed 
 Richard, 439 ; betrayed by Banaster, 451 
 
 , Edward Stafford, Duke of (1486—1521), 
 
 escorts Francis I. in the vale of Andren, 425 ; 
 grudged the charges of attending the kings' 
 interview, 426 ; hated Wolsey, ib. ; arrested, 
 430 ; Knyvet's evidence against, 436 — 439 ; 
 had dismissed Knyvet, 437 ; tried and found 
 
 fmlty, 447, 448 ; Wolsey blamed for his 
 eath, 448 ; denies that he was a traitor, 450 ; 
 the edge of the axe turned towards him, ib. ; 
 says that he is now "but Edward Bohune," 
 
 ih. ; his dukedom restored by Henry VII., 
 
 451 
 Bulmer, Sii' William, his imprisonment by 
 
 Wolsey, 426 ; Buckingham's threat in con- 
 nection therewith, 438, 439 
 Burdett, Thomas, executed, 342 n 3 ; and why, 
 
 375, 375 n 2 
 Burgundy, John the Fearless, Duke of (1404- 
 
 19), murders Lewis Duke of Orleans, 48 ; 
 
 murdered, 199 n 3 ; confeiTed with Henry V. 
 
 atMeulan, 200; was the "let" of Henry's 
 
 , Philip the Good, Duke of (1419-67), 
 
 offers peace to Henry V., 199 ; concludes a 
 truce with Henry, i6. ; accompanies Henry's 
 ambassadors to Troyes, 200 ; swears to observe 
 the treaty of Troyes, 203 ; makes peace with 
 Charles VII., 226 ; besieged Calais, 226 ?i 1 ; 
 obtains Orleans's release, and why, 227, 228 ; 
 his excuse for deserting Henry VI., 229 ; 
 receives the Duchess of York's sons, 303 
 
 , Charles the Bold {le t4m4rome), Duke of 
 
 1467-77), secretly aids Edward IV. 's restora- 
 tion, 330 
 
 Bushy, Sir John, spokesman for Richard II. 
 regarding Bolingbroke's appeal, 79 ; an- 
 nounces the decision to settle Bolingbroke's 
 appeal by battle, 82 ; reads the sentences of 
 Bolingbroke and Norfolk, 88 ; farms England, 
 90 ; gives advice for resisting Bolingbroke, 
 98 J flees to Bristol, 100 ; beheaded there, 
 104 ; his character, 129 ; flatters Richard II., 
 130 ; hated by the commons, ih, 
 
 "buskling," bustling, noise, 28 
 
 Butler, Dame Eleanor, betrothed to Edward 
 IV., 377 n 3 
 
 Buttes, Dr. William, tells Henry that Cranmer 
 waits outside the council-chamber, 499 
 
 "by," about, concemjjig, 363, 371, 389 
 
 Cade {fllias Mend-all), John, date of his rebel- 
 lion, 265 ; called himself Mortimer, 266 ; a 
 feeler for York, 266, 282 n 2 ; defeats the 
 Staffords, 273 ; dons Sir H. Stafford's brigan- 
 dine, iJ>. ; releases prisoners, ih. ; sends a 
 supplication to Henry, 273, 274 ; confers 
 with Henry's messengers, 274 ; lodges at the 
 White Hart in Southwark, ib. ; robs, 275 
 n 1 ; enters London unopposed, 275 n 2 ; 
 strikes his sword on London stone, 276 ; kills 
 those who knew his base lineage, ib. ; tries to 
 seize London bridge, 276, 277 ; the dramatic 
 C. and Wat Tyler, 277, 278 ; proposes to 
 abolish fifteenths, 278 ; puts to death Lord 
 Saye and Sir James Cromer, 278, 279 ; makes 
 their heads kiss, 279 ; his followers disperse 
 and he flies, 280, 281 ; reward offered for 
 him, 281, 284 ; date of his death, 283 ; skin 
 by Iden, 284 
 
 Caesar, 0. Julius, imposes a tribute on Britain, 
 9 » 2 ; calls Britain "another world," 11 ; 
 his ships wrecked, 12 ; his good luck fails 
 him in Britain, 12 n 1 ; the British account 
 of his invasions, 12, 13 ; loses his sword, 13 
 
INDEX, 
 
 Cak 
 " cakes," s6., clots, 29 
 
 Calabria ("Calaber"), John of Anjou, Duke of, 
 present at his sister Margaret's espousals, 
 
 Calvert, Bernard, his ride, 411 » 2 
 
 Cambridge, Eichard Earl of, treason of, made 
 public, 173 ji 3 ; found guilty, ib. ; his con- 
 spiracy detected, 174 ; led to doom himself, 
 174 n 1 ; his real motive for conspiring, 175, 
 176 ; says that he was bribed by France, 176 ; 
 doomed by Hemy, 176, 177 
 
 Campeggio, Lorenzo, Cardinal, sent to try 
 Henry's cause of matrimony, 453, 454 ; closes 
 the court at Black-Friars, 471 ; takes leave 
 of Henry, 471, 472 
 
 " campestrall," champaign, 239 
 
 Camp-fires, the, at Agincourt, 186 
 
 Canterbury, Archbishop of, in Hervry V. See 
 Chichele 
 
 Capuchius, 488. (Eustace Chapuys) 
 
 Carlisle, Bishop of (Thomas Merkes), returns 
 with Richard II. from Ireland, 106 ; accom- 
 panies Richard to Conway, 107 ; present when 
 Bichard met Bolingbroke, 109 ; speaks on 
 Richard's behalf, 115, 116 ; attacked by 
 Westmoreland, ib. ; consjiires against Henry 
 IV., 122, 123 ; his subsequent history, 127, 
 128 
 
 Cassibelan, eldest son of Lud {Fab. 34), or 
 Lud's brother, 7 nl (Hoi.) : agrees to pay the 
 Romans tribute, 9 ; obstructs the Thames 
 with piles, 13; was "at point to master 
 Csesar's Sword" (Cfymb.) 13 n 2; celebrates 
 his second defeat of Caesar, 14 
 
 "cast," contrivance, 377 
 
 Castle, the, in St. Albans, Somerset slain there, 
 289 
 
 Catesby, Sir William ("the Cat," 347), moved 
 by Mchard to sound Hastings, 362 ; present 
 at Richard's secret council, 363 ; was trusted 
 and advanced by Hastings, 363, 364 ; reports 
 Hastings's loyalty, 365; hindered Tyrrel's 
 advancement, 389, 390 
 
 Catur, John, an armourer, appeached of treason 
 by his servant, 248 n 3 
 
 Cawdor, where, 23 m 3 ; the thane of, con- 
 demned for treason, 24 ; made an earldom, 
 45 
 
 "Cawny, the lorde of" (Aubert Le Flamenc, 
 seigneur de Cany), supposed father of Dunois, 
 49 
 
 Chamberlain, Lord, of the Household, 439, 
 440, 442-445, 454, 469, 503. Within the 
 historic range of Ben. FIJI. (1520-44) this 
 office was held by (1) Charles Somerset, 
 Earl of Worcester; (2) William Sandys, 
 Baron Sandys of the Vine ; and (3) William 
 Paulet, Baron Seiat John, afterwards Earl 
 of Winchester. The respective dates of 
 their appointments were : 1509, 1526, and 
 1543 
 
 Chamberlains, Dufifs two, made drunk by Don-, 
 wald and his wife, 27, 28 ; slain byDonwald, 
 
 513 
 
 Cla 
 
 "chambers,"' small cannon, 443 
 
 Chancellor, Lord (Sir Thomas Audley), in the 
 coronation procession of Anne Boleyn, 485 ; 
 Thomas Goodriok, Bishop of Ely, in Hen. 
 yill. V. iii. (p. 499). The dramatic character 
 is probably Sir Thomas More 
 
 "chaacemedlie," manslaughter by misadven- 
 ture, 33 
 
 "Change ... a diuine instinct" warns men 
 of, 353 
 
 Chapuys, Eustace, Charles V.'s ambassador, 
 visits Katharine, 489. See addition, p. xxiii 
 
 Chariots used by the Britons, 15 ra 2 
 
 " Charlemaine, king," Charles the Bald, 170 
 
 Charles V., the Emperor, visits Katharine, 429 ; 
 bribes Wolsey to dissolve the friendship be- 
 twixt Henry and Francis, 429, 430 
 
 VI., King of France, receives Bolingbroke 
 
 courteously, 92 ; desired by Richard II. to 
 prevent Bolingbroke's marriage, iS. ; urged 
 by Hemy V. to resign France peaceably, 178 ; 
 temporarily insane, 178, 179 ; advised to 
 interrupt Henry's march, 182 ; concludes a 
 truce with Henry, 199 ; receives Henry's 
 ambassadors at Troyes, 200 ; at Troyes when 
 the treaty was revised, 201 ; and when his 
 daughter married Henry, 201 n 1, 202 ; 
 swears to observe the treaty of Troyes, 203 ; 
 his death inclined the French to support his 
 son, 206 ; date of his death, 207 ra 2 
 
 VII., youngest son of Charles VI., present 
 
 at the council dramatized in Hen. V. III. v., 
 182 ; proclaimed king, 207 ; crowned at 
 Poitiers, 207 n 1 ; and at Rheims, ib. ; meets 
 Jeanne Dare, 211, 212 ; appoints her an army, 
 212 ; welcomes Burgundy, 226 ; re-established 
 in Paris, 237 ; impiously availed himself of 
 Jeanne Dare's help, 239; present at Margaret's 
 espousals, 243 
 
 ChSitillon, Jadques de, seigneiu: de Dampierre, 
 Admiral of France, encamps at Agincourt, 
 185 ; slain \ 96 
 
 Chichele, Henry, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 saves the clergy's endowments by advising 
 Henry V. to claim France, 168 ; translated 
 from S. David's, 168 n 2 ; argues that the 
 Salic law was not made for France, 169 — 171 ; 
 cites Numbers xxvii. 8, 171 ; promises a large 
 subsidy from the clergy, 171, 172 
 
 "chieuanoe," bargain, 399 
 
 "Christes passion, by," Richard IIL's oath, 
 417 
 
 Clarence, Thomas Duke of (1411-21), made 
 president of the council instead of Prince 
 Henry, 141 and 161 nl ; concerned with a 
 riot in Eaatcheap, 141 n 1 ; invades Nor- 
 mandy, 159 n 1 ; sentences Cambridge and 
 Sorope, 173 n 3 ; present when Henry V. 
 married Katharine, 201 «. 1 ; at the siege of 
 Melun, ib 
 
 , George Duke of (1461-77), sent to 
 
 Utrecht by his mother, 303 ; dukedom con- 
 ferred on, 308 ; joins the Lancastrian league, 
 318 ; angered by Edward's disposal of heir- 
 
 h L 
 
514 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cle 
 
 Des 
 
 esses, 319 ; marries Isabel, elder daughter of 
 Warwick, 320 ; invades England -witn "War- 
 wick, 322 n 3 ; aids Warwick in capturing 
 Edward, 323 ; releases Henry from the Tower, 
 326 ; made governor of England and heir to 
 the crown in remainder, 327 ; urges Warwick 
 to make peace with Edward, 334 ; his recon- 
 ciliation with his brothers, 335, 336 ; had 
 been urged not to supplant his own lineage, 
 336 ; helps to murder Prince Edward, 340 ; 
 probable date of his arrest, 342 n 3 ; the 
 " 6 " prophecy a rumoured cause of his death, 
 344 ; nis marriage to Mary of Burgundy op- 
 posed by Edward, ib. ; hated by the queen's 
 kindred, 344, 345 ; put to death, 348 ; his 
 fortune, 422 
 " clepyd," named, 221 
 
 Clifford, Thomas Clifford, Baron (1422-55), 
 "old Clifford," 289 ra 2 ; slain at St. Albans, 
 290 
 
 , John Clifford, Baron (1455-61), at 
 
 Wakefield, 296 ; kills Eutland, 298 ; insults 
 York's corpse, 299 ; defeats the Yorkists at 
 FeiTybridge, 305 ; slain, 307 
 Clifton, Sir John, slain at Shrewsbury, 147 
 Cobham, Edward Brooke, Baron, a supporter of 
 York's claim, 283 ; joins the Yorkist lords, 
 296 
 
 , Eleanor. See Gloucester, Eleanor Duchess 
 
 of 
 
 of Sterborough, Reginald Cobham, Baron, 
 
 joins Bolingbroke's invasion, 96 
 "Coinacke," Cognac, 48 
 
 Coint, Francis, joins Bolingbroke's invasion, 96 
 Colchester, Wiluam. See Westminster, Abbot of 
 Colevile of the Dale, Sir John, beheaded for 
 rebelling against Henry IV., 155 ; in arms at 
 Topcliffe, 155 n 2 
 Collingborne, William, ridicules Richard III. in 
 
 a couplet, 347 ' 
 
 "Colon," Cologne, 254 
 
 Constable of France, the (Charles d'Albret), 
 fortifies towns against Henry V., 179 ; pro- 
 mises battle to Henry, 184 n 2 ; encamps at 
 Agincourt, 185 ; slain, 196 
 Constance. See Brittany, Constance Duchess of 
 Copeland, John, captures David II., 172 
 Cordeilla's answer to Lear, 3 ; disinherited by 
 him, il. ; marries Aganippus, 4 ; receives 
 Lear kindly, 5 ; made his sole heiress, and 
 returns with him to Britain, il. ; succeeds 
 Lear, 6 ; her nephews rebel against her, ib. ; 
 she slays herself, ib. 
 Cordelia, the name so spelt in the Faerie 
 
 Queene, 2 » 1 
 Cornwall, Duke of (Henninus), marries Regan, 
 3 ; half of Britain bequeathed to him, ib. ; 
 rebels against Lear and assigns him a portion 
 to live on, 4 ; defeated and slain, 5 
 " counterpane," counterpart of a deed, 124 
 Courtenay, Edward Courtenay, Baron, aids 
 
 Buckingham's rebellion, 403 
 , Peter, Bishop of Exeter, aids Bucking- 
 ham's rebellion, 403 
 
 Courtiers return from France with French pre- 
 dilections, 439, 440 
 
 Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 in favour of Henry's divorce, 478 ; made 
 archbishop, ii. ; on the date of Anne Boleyn's 
 marriage, 479 n 1 ; divorces Katharine, 483, 
 484 ; crowns Anne Boleyn, 486 ; beloved by 
 Henry, 494 ; accused to Henry of spreading 
 heresy, 494, 495, 500 ; his committal to the 
 Tower urged, and licensed by Henry, 495, 
 500, 501 ; instructed by Henry how to meet 
 his foes, 496, 497, 502 ; obliged to wait out- 
 side the council-chamber, 499 ; shows Henry's 
 ring to the council, 502 ; and justifies Bed- 
 ford's warning, 503 ; his placable temper was 
 proverbial, 505 ; godfather to the princess 
 Elizabeth, 505 
 
 Crema, John of, legate, taken with a strumpet, 
 475 k 3 
 
 "Crooea mors," name of Caesar's sword, 13 » 2 
 
 Cromer, Sir James, beheaded and his head 
 borne on a pole, 279 
 
 Cromwell, Thomas, in Wolsey's service, 481 ; 
 enters Henry's service, ib. ; faithful to 
 Wolsey, ib. ; made master of the jewel house, 
 487 ; master of the rolls and Henry's secretai-y, 
 493 ; favovued the Protestants, 601 ; his chief 
 enemy was Gardiner, ib. 
 
 "cuUions," testicles, 148 
 
 Cymbeline, authentic particulars concerning, 6; 
 the legendary C. knighted by Augustus, 7, 
 8 ; who sends an ambassador to him, 9 ; 
 refuses tribute to the Romans, 10 w 1 
 
 Cymbeline, names in Bol. occurring there, 
 17, 18 
 
 "damnifie," injure, 285 
 
 "damning," censm-ing, 356 
 
 Danes, the, defeated, at Loncarty, 16, 17 ; 
 drugged with "mekilwoort," 21 ra 2 ; their 
 dead buried at Inchcolm, 22 ; make peace 
 with the Scots, 23 
 
 Daron, David. See Bangor, Archdeacon of, 
 138 
 
 Dauphin, Guichard, seigneur de Jaligny, Grand 
 Master of the King's Household, (" Souverain 
 Maitre de I'Hotel du Eoi." — Anselme, viii. 
 346), confounded by Shakspere with the 
 Dauphin, 183 n 1 ; slain, 196 
 
 David II., King of Scots, taken prisoner at 
 Neville's Cross, 172 
 
 Davy, John, armoiu'er's servant, appeaches his 
 master of treason, 248 n 3 
 
 Delacourt, John, arrested, 430 ; hears Hopkins's 
 prophecy, 436, 437 ; brought forth at Buck- 
 ingham's trial, 447 
 
 Denny, Sir Anthony, requires Cranmer's attend- 
 ance on Henry, 496 
 
 Derby, Henry Earl of, joins a conspiracy against 
 Richard II., 82 ; was a crusader in Prussia, 
 not in Barbary, 112, 113 ; anti-clerical in 
 youth, 122 ; made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 
 160 n 1. See Hereford, Henry Duke of 
 
 Despencer, Thomas Despencer, Baron, conspires 
 
INDEX. 
 
 515 
 
 Dig 
 against Henry IV., 122, 123 ; beheaded, 127. 
 See correction, p. xxiii 
 
 Dishton, John, a murderer of Edward IV. 's 
 children, 394 
 
 Dinner hour, the, (?) 11 a.m. Gp. 371, 372, 373 
 
 " disparkled," scattered, 405 
 
 "Domprin," Domremy, 211 
 
 Donalbain, son of Duncan I., chosen king of 
 Scots, zii 71, 2, 41, 42 ; takes refuge in Ireland, 
 31 
 
 Donwald detects the witchcraft practised against 
 Duff, 22, 23 ; has a blood feud with Duff, 
 26, 27 ; counselled by his wife to murder 
 Duff, 27 ; who visits Forres Castle, ih. ; they 
 make Diiff's chamberlains drunk, 28 ; Don- 
 wald's servants slay DuflF, and hide the body, 
 ib. ; searches the castle, and kills Duff's 
 chamberlains, 29 ; Donwald's zeal suspected, 
 ib. 
 
 Dorset, Thomas Beaufort, Earl of. See Exeter 
 
 , Thomas Grey, Marquess of (1475 — 1501), 
 
 married to the heiress of Lord BonviUe, 319 
 n 1 ; helps to murder Prince Edward, 340 ; 
 date of his marquessate, 347 ; his reconcilia- 
 tion with the king's friends, 349 ; joins Rich- 
 mond in Brittany, 387 ; promises made to 
 him (through his mother) by Richard, 400 ; 
 aided Buckingham's rebellion, 403 
 
 , Thomas Grey, Marquess of (1501-30), 
 
 found Buckingham guilty, 447 
 
 , Henry Grey, Marquess of (1530-61), in 
 
 the coronation procession of Anne Boleyn, 
 485 
 
 , Margaret (Mrs. Medley, born Wotton) 
 
 dowager Marchioness of, godmother to the 
 princess Elizabeth, 505, 506 ; her gift, 506 
 
 " donbte," fear, 238 ra 3 
 
 Douglas, Archibald Douglas, Earl of, defeated 
 at Homildon, 131 — 133 ; his help solicited 
 by the Percies, 135 ; makes Henry IV. the 
 object of his attack at Shrewsbury, 146 ; fells 
 Henry, 147 ; slays Sir Walter Blunt and three 
 who wore Henry's coat, ii. ; released without 
 ransom, 148 
 
 Duff', King of Scots, kept sleepless by witch- 
 craft, 22 ; the sorcery practised against him 
 discovered, 22, 23 ; executes kinsmen of 
 Donwald, who meditates revenge, 26, 27 ; 
 lodges at Eorres Castle, 27 ; and is murdered 
 there by Donwald's servants, 28 ; his body 
 hidden, ib. ; portents after Duff's murder, 
 31, 32. 
 
 "dumpe," reverie, 392 
 
 Duncan I. , King of Scots, slain in his youth, 
 win 2; his parentage, 18 ; character, i6. ; 
 his leniency encourages sedition, 19 ; sends 
 for some who had wounded Banquo, ib. ; asks 
 his nobles' advice for the subduing of Mac- 
 dowald, 20 ; blamed for slackness by Macbeth, 
 ib. ; commands the main body in the war 
 with Sueno, 21 ; gives the thanedom of 
 Cawdor to Macbeth, 24 ; confers Cumberland 
 on Malcolm, 25 ; murdered by Macbeth, ib. ; 
 buried at lona, 26 
 
 Ele 
 
 Duncan II., King of Scots, son of Malcolm III., 
 deposes Donaldbain, xii n 2; promises to 
 abjure foreigners, ib. 
 
 Dunois, John, Count of, bastard of Lewis Duke 
 of Orleans, 48 ; his legitimacy questioned, 
 49 ; chooses to be called Orleans s bastard, 
 ib. ; befriended by Charles Duke of Orleans, 
 ib. ; requites the Duke's kindness, 50 ; makes 
 a sally from Orleans, 209, 210 ; craves speedy 
 help from Alen9on, 215 
 
 Eadward the Confessor receives Malcolm Can- 
 more, 31 ; healed the king's evil, 40 ; orders 
 Siward to assist Malcolm, 41 ; when crowned, 
 43 71 2 ; his feast the date of Bolingbroke's 
 exile, 82 71 1 ; his shrine visited by Henry 
 IV., 160 
 
 Edward I. punished his son Edward for reviling 
 a royal officer, 161 n 2 
 
 III. watched the battle of Cr^cy from a 
 
 hiU, 171 ; in France when David II. was 
 captured, 172 ; woodcut portrait of, in Holin- 
 shed, 173, 174 
 
 IV. (Earl of March, 1445-60 ; Duke of 
 
 York, 1460-61), date of his birth, 287 ts 2 ; 
 comes to his father's rescue, 288 ; in arms with 
 his father, 295 ; welcomed by the Kentishmen, 
 295, 296 ; sees three suns at Mortimer's 
 Cross, 300, 301 ; takes the sun as his cognis- 
 ance, 301 ; joined by Warwick, ib. ; his pro- 
 clamation to his soldiers at Towton, 305, 306 ; 
 removes his father's head from York gates 
 and sets Devonshire's there, 307 ; crowned, 
 307, 308 ; gives dukedoms to George and 
 Richard, 308; wooes Elizabeth Grey, 310, 
 311 ; gives a reason for marrying her, 312 ; 
 was an elected king, 315, 316 ; insults a 
 relative of Warwick, 316, 317 ; his disposal 
 of heiresses, 319 ; appoints Pembroke and 
 Stafford to suppress the northern rebellion, 
 321 ; captured by Warwick, 323, 324; escapes, 
 324, 325 ; dethroned, 325, 326 ; returns, 330 ; 
 beguiles the citizens of York, 330 — 332 ; 
 obliged by Montgomery to proclaim himself 
 king, 332 ; bids Warwick battle at Coventry, 
 334 ; marches thence to London, 336 ; wins 
 the battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury, 337, 
 338 ; suffers Prince Edward to be murdered, 
 340; troubled by the "G" prophecy, 344; 
 opposed Clarence's marriage to Mary of Bur- 
 gundy, ib. ; date of his death, 346 ; on his 
 death-bed tried to reconcile the parties in his 
 court, 349, 350 ; sorrowed for Clarence's 
 hasty death, 360 ; lived chiefly in London, 
 378 ; his person and character, 422 
 
 v., born in sanctuary, 324 ; leaves Lud- 
 low for London, 351 ; his governor was Rivers, 
 ib. ; had a small escort to London, 353 ; his 
 journey interrupted, 354 ; asserts the inno- 
 cence of Rivers and Grey, 356, 357 ; enters 
 London, 357 ; conveyed to the Tower, 360, 
 361 ; in the custody of Slaughter, 376 ; 
 murdered, 394 ; his. body never found, 395 
 Eleanor wins England for John, 46 ; jealous of 
 
516 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Eli 
 
 Foi 
 
 Constance, 47 ; takes Angers, 51 ; scandal about 
 her, ib. ; besieged in Mirabeau, 58 ; dies, 61 
 
 Elizabeth (widow of Sir John Grey, afterwards 
 married to Edward IV.), a suitor to Edward, 
 310 ; refuses to be his paramour, 311 ; is be- 
 trothed to him, 312 ; her son Edward born in 
 sanctuary, 324; troubled by the "G" pro- 
 phecy, 344; hated Edward's kindred, 344, 345 ; 
 persuaded to lessen her son's escort to London, 
 352, 353 ; hears that his journey had been 
 interrupted, 334 ; takes sanctuary with her 
 children, 355 ; receives the great seal from 
 Rotherham, 355, 356 ; answers his advice to 
 part with York, 360 ; suffers York to go, ib. ; 
 accused of witchcraft by Gloucester, 371 ; 
 union between Eiohmond and her daughter 
 proposed to her, 398, 399; beguiled by 
 Eichard III.'s promises, 400 
 
 , eldest daughjer of Edwai-d IV., project 
 
 for her marriage to Richard III., 388, 399, 
 400, 401 ; Richmond swears to many her, 399 
 
 , daughter of Henry VIII., born, 498 ; 
 
 her god-parents, 505, 506 ; bearers of her 
 canopy in her christening procession, 506 
 (Baron Rochford, ? Baron Hussey of Sleford, 
 Baron Howard of EfBngham, and Lord 
 Thomas Howard) ; bearer of her train, ib. 
 (Anne, Countess of Kent) ; her proclama- 
 tion, ib. ; gifts to, ib. 
 
 Ely, Bishop of, 167 n 1 (John Fordham) 
 
 English, the, given to gormandizing, 42 ; paid 
 for food on the march to Calais, 184 ; can't 
 fight on an empty stomach, 185 ra 3 ; their 
 camp and the Romans' compared, 186 ; their 
 demeanour on the eve of Agincourt, 187 ; 
 silent when marching to their camping- 
 ground, ib. ; number of, at Agincourt, 189 ; 
 search for wounded French after the battle, 
 195 ; number of, slain at Agincourt, 196 ; 
 repulse Dunois's sally from Orleans, 210 ; 
 adopt French habits, 439, 440 
 
 Ermengarde of Lorraine (170), ancestress of 
 Lewis IX. through Alix of Namur, whose 
 grand-daughter Isabelle married Philip II., 
 King of France 
 
 Erpingham, Sir Thomas, joins Bolingbroke's in- 
 vasion, 96; begins the battle of Agincourt, 187 
 
 "Esperance ! Percy I " (battle-cry of the Percies), 
 145 
 
 " Everwyk," York, 152 n 2 
 
 Exeter, John Holland, Duke of (1397-99), 
 had the custody of Thomas Fitz-Alan, 97 ; 
 returns with Eichard II. from Ireland, 106 ; 
 accompanies Richard to Conway, 107 ; de- 
 prived of his dukedom, 121, 122 ; reprobated 
 by the commons, 130. See Huntiugdon 
 
 , Thomas Beaufort (Earl of Dorset, 1412- 
 
 16 ; Duke of Exeter, 1416-26), ambassador to 
 France, 178 {see Bonratier, 179); captain of 
 Harfleur, 181 ; a negotiator of the treaty 
 of Troyes, 200 ; (?) present at Henry V.'s 
 betrothal to Katharine, 201 n 1 ; attends on 
 Henry V.'s funeral, 205 n 4 ; appointed 
 guardian of Henry VI., 209 
 
 Exeter, Henry Holland, Duke of (1447-73), his 
 ship intercepts Suffolk, 270 ; advises Margaret 
 to oppose York, 294, 295 ; at Wakefield, 296; 
 flees from Towton, 306 n 2 ; with Wai-wiok 
 at Bamet, 335 
 
 "Exeter," the dramatic, 342 
 
 Exton, Sir Piers of, moved by Bolingbroke's 
 words to slay Richard, 125; murders Eichard, 
 126 ; his remorse, ib. 
 
 "facundious," eloquent, 247 n 2 
 
 Famine, one of BeUona's handmaidens, 166 
 
 "fastely," stedfastly, 254 
 
 Fastolfe, Sir John, lieutenant of Harfleur, 
 181; withdraws from the battle of Patay, 
 207, 208; a K.G., 208; joined with others 
 in the siege of Orleans, 214 ; the Garter 
 restored to, 229 
 
 Fauconberg, the bastard (son of William Neville, 
 Baron Fauconberg, afterwards Earl of Kent), 
 made vice-admiral, 294 
 
 Faulconbridge, Philip, collects money from the 
 clergy, 47 ; his inheritance claimed by his 
 younger brother, 48 ; chooses to be called 
 Richard's bastard, ib. ; historic parallels of 
 his choice, 48 — 50 
 
 , Sir Robert, (?) ambassador to the 
 
 Emperor, 50 
 
 Fauquembergue, Waleran Count of, holds his 
 men together at Agincourt, 193 ; defeated 
 and slain, ib., 196 
 
 "faytoure," rogue, 254 
 
 " feare," terrify, 218 
 
 "fensed," (?) was protected by a mail-coat, or 
 "feinted," flinched, 424 
 
 Ferrers of Chartley, Walter Devereux, Baron, 
 slain at Bosworth field, 421 
 
 Fife, Murdoch Steward, Earl of, taken prisoner 
 at Homildon, 132,' 133 ; wrongly called 
 "eldest son to " Douglas, 132 n 1 ; was Earl 
 of Menteith, 132 n 3 ; delivered to Henry IV. 
 by the Percies, 133 
 
 Fire, one of BeUona's handmaidens, 166 
 
 Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, Katharine's 
 counsel, 467 
 
 Fitz-Alans, they and the Stewards descended 
 from Alan (temp. Hen. I.), 35 ra 2 
 
 Fitz-Walter, Walter Fitz- Walter, Baron, appeals 
 Aumerle of treason. 111 ; challenged by 
 Surrey, ib. j. replies to Surrey, 112 
 
 Fitzwilliam, Thomas, recorder of London, re- 
 hearses Buckingham's speech, 381 ; present 
 at Baynard's Castle, 386 
 
 Fleance, son of Banquo, a fictitious person, xiii ; 
 escapes Maobeth's plot, and flees to Wales, 
 33 ; in the genealogy of the Stewards, 35 
 
 "flix," flux, dysentery, 182 
 
 "flyttand Wod," Birnam Wood, 42 ?i 1 
 
 "Fois" (i%esF.), Earl of, slain at Agincourt, 196. 
 No Comte deFoix is mentioned in Monstrelet's 
 lists (iii. 348—356). The list given in Har- 
 leiau MS. 782, fol. 48 verso, col. 2 (quoted in 
 Nicolas's Agimcowrt, ed. 2, p. 867), places 
 "The Countie de fois" among the slain 
 
INDEX 
 
 FOK 
 
 "forced," cared for, 492 
 
 " forebarring," impeding, 221 
 
 " foreiudged," judged beforehand, lia, 262 
 
 " formal!," regular, 310 
 
 "fonnallie compact," well made, 164 
 
 Forres an abode of witches, 22 j the weird 
 sisters appear on the way there, 23 ; Duff 
 murdered in the castle of, 28 
 
 Forrest, Miles, a murderer of Edward IV.'s 
 children, 394 
 
 "forsake," deny, 461 
 
 France, Kingof (Agauippus), marries Cordeilla, 
 4 J restores Lear to the throne, 5 ; dies, 6 
 
 Francis I. meets Henry VIII. in the vale of 
 Andren, 425 ; seizes EngUshmen's goods, 
 427 ; wished to meet Henry, 428 
 
 French, the, "full of game" on the eve of 
 Agincourt, 185 ; encamped near the English, 
 186 ; played dice for the English, ib. ; their 
 camp and the Germans' compared, iJ. ; make 
 great haste to the battle, 189 ; number of, at 
 Agincourt, ib.; invite Henry Y. to fix his 
 ransom, 191 ; their rearward fly, 192 ; some 
 of, rob Henry's camp, ib.; list of, made 
 prisoners or slain, 195, 196 ; inclined to sup- 
 port Charles VII., 206 ; but are reclaimed by 
 Bedford, 206 n 1 ; surprised at Le Mans, 
 217; reconquer Normandy, 263; their cha- 
 racter, 417 sicUnote 2 
 
 "fretting," froting, chafing, 371 
 
 " furtherlie," serviceable, 348 
 
 517 
 
 Glo 
 
 "6" prophecy, the, 344 
 
 Gamme, Davy, slain at Agincourt, 196 
 
 Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, re- 
 ceives a place near Henry, 455 ; his name, 
 456 71 2; in the coronation procession of 
 Anne Boleyn, 485, 487 ; attacks Cramner, 
 494 ; the chief enemy of Cromwell, 501 ; his 
 character, i6. ; vacillating in divinity, 502 
 
 Gargrave, Sir Thomas, mortally wounded at 
 Orleans, 214, 215 
 
 Garter (Sir Thomas "Writhe or Wriothesley), in 
 the coronation procession of Anne Boleyn, 
 485 ; proclaims the princess Elizabeth, 506 
 
 Gascoign, Sir William, Chief-Justice of the 
 King's Bench, punishes Prince Henry for 
 contempt, 162, 163 
 
 Gaunt, John of. See Lancaster 
 
 GauseU ("Gawsey"), Sir Robert, slain at 
 Shrewsbury, 147 
 
 "George! St., Talbot! (217) 
 ,, „ toborow! (418) 
 ,, ,, vpon them I (145) 
 „ victorie ! " (147) 
 
 Germans, the, and the French, aspect of their 
 camps compared, 186 
 
 "ghostlie," inward, 379 
 
 Glansdale (or Glasdale), William, entrusted 
 with the bridge-tower at Orleans, 210 ; views 
 Orleans therefrom, 214. (See addition, p. xxiii 
 
 Glendower, Owen, what he was, 105 ; wars 
 upon Lord Grey of Kuthin ib.; attacked 
 by Henry IV., ib.; defeats Sir Edmund 
 
 Mortimer, 130, 131 ; is joined by Mortimer, 
 131 Ji 1 ; his daughter marries Mortimer, 
 135 ; dramatic portents connected with, 137 ; 
 defeats Lord Grey of Kuthin, ih. ; and im- 
 prisons him, 268 ; foils Henry IV. by sorcery, 
 138 ; a party to the indenture dividing Henry 
 IV.'s realm, 138, 139 ; encouraged by a pro- 
 phecy, 139 ; meets his French allies at Den- 
 bigh, 149 ; his last days, 150 ; date of his 
 death, 150 n 3 
 Gloucester, the title of,-uulucky, 308 
 Gloucester, Thomas of Woodstock, Dukeof (1385- 
 97), Norfolk accused of causing his death, 
 80 ; joins a conspiracy against Eichard II., 
 82, 84, 85 ; ari'ested, 82; put to death, 83 ; his 
 character, 83, 129 ; buried at Pleshey, 83 ; 
 rebukes Richard II. for surrendering Brest, 
 84, 95 ; reproved by his brothers for rash 
 taU:ing, 85 ; the Londoners sorry for his 
 death, iJ. ; rebelled against Richard II., 94 ; 
 his murder caused by Aumerle, 111 ; his 
 appellants degraded, 121, 122 
 
 , Eleanor de Bohun, Duchess of, dies, 
 
 99 
 
 , Humphrey, Duke of (1414-47), mines 
 
 Harfleur, 180 ; in England when Henry V. 
 was affianced to Katharine, 201 ra 1 ; at 
 Henry's death-bed, 208 ; appointed Protector 
 of England, ib. ; accuses Beaufort of plotting 
 Henry VI.'s abduction, 209 ; dissension be- 
 twixt him and Beaufort, 212 ; kept out of 
 the Tower by Beaufort's order, 212, 213 ; 
 accuses Beaufort of plotting Prince Henry's 
 murderj 213 ; and of obstructing London 
 Bridge, 220, 221 ; truce between, and Beau- 
 fort, 222 ; Lieutenant of England, 228 m 3 ; 
 disapproves of Henry VI.'s marriage, 241 ; 
 his character, 246 ; conspiracy against, ib. ; 
 charges against, 249, 250 (cp. 259 n 4) ; his 
 wife accused of treason, 252, 253 ; detects a 
 rogue at St. Albans, 253, 254 ; this event 
 recorded in his epitaph, 253 n 2 ; resigns the 
 proteetorate, 259 n 4 ; deprived of power, 
 260; his patience, 262; resents his wife's 
 disgrace, i6. ( arrested at Bury, 263, 264 ; 
 his death gave scope to York's ambition, 
 264, 265 ; his defence disregarded, 265 ; dies, 
 266, 267 
 
 , Eleanor, Duchess of, accused of treason, 
 
 252, 253 ; condemned to open penance and 
 imprisonment, 259 ; committed to the 
 custody of Stanley, ib. and 261 ; her 
 penance described, 261 
 
 , Richard, Duke of (1461-83), date of 
 
 his birth, 287 n 2 ; sent to Utrecht by his 
 mother, 303 ; dukedom conferred on, 308 ; 
 flees with Edward from England, 325 ; makes 
 peace between Edward and Clarence, 335, 
 336 ; his strategy at Tewkesbnryj 338 ; helps 
 to murder Prince Edward, 340 ; murdered 
 Henry VI., 341 ; looked forward to being king, 
 343, 344 ; date of his marriage to Anne, 345, 
 346 ; lived at Crosby Place, 346 ; made pro- 
 tector, ii. ; his reverential bearing to Edward 
 
518 
 
 God 
 
 v., 346, 347 J fosters strife in his brotlier's 
 court, 347, 348 ; intrigues with Buckingham 
 and Hastings to rexDOve the queen's friends 
 from Edward V., 351 — 383_; gets possession 
 of Edward at Stony Stratfbrd, 354; asks 
 Eotherham to bring York from sanctuary, 
 358 ; receives York joyfully, 860 ; was Buck- 
 ingham in his confidence from the first ? 361 ; 
 seeks to win Hastings, 362 ; his promises to 
 Buckingham, ib. ; held secret councils, 363r ; 
 calls Hastings to the coronation council, 
 367 ; asks for strawberries and leaves the 
 council, 370, 371 ; returns and denounces 
 Hastings, 371, 372 ; tells the Londoners that 
 Hastings had plotted his death, 374 ; was the 
 image of his father, 380 ; invited to assume 
 the crown, 383 — 385 ; his answer, 385 ; ac- 
 cepts the crown, 386. See Richard III. 
 " Gods blessed ladie, by, "Edward IV. 's oath, 312 
 Gonorilla, her answer to Lear, 3 ; marries Mag- 
 
 lanus, ih. ; diminishes Lear's retinue, 4 
 Gough (or Goohe), Matthew, obtains news of 
 the French in Le Mans, 216, 217 ; appointed 
 to assist the Londoners against Cade, 275 ; 
 slain, 277 ; his military renown, ib. 
 Grammont, Gabriel de, Bishop of Tarbes, ques- 
 tioned the Princess Mary's legitimacy, 464 m 3 
 Grand-Prd, Edward Count of, slain at Agin- 
 
 court, 196 
 Great Chamber, the, in Westminster Palace, 
 Prince Henry's peril there, 213. See addition, 
 p. xxiii 
 Greene, John, brings Brakenbury an order to 
 murder Richard III. 's nephews, 389 ; reports 
 Brakenbury's refusal to Richard, ib. Cp. 
 390 » 2 
 
 , Sir Henry, farms England, 90 ; gives 
 
 advice for resisting Bolingbroke, 98 ; flees to 
 Bristol, 100 ; beheaded there, 104 ; hated by 
 the commons, 130 
 Grey of Ruthin, Reginald, Baron, waiTed upon 
 by Glendower, 105 ; defeated by Glendower, 
 137 ; and imprisoned, 258 ; confounded with 
 Sir Edmund Mortimer, ib. See correction, p. 
 xxiii 
 Grey, Sir Richard, arrested by Gloucester and 
 Buckingham, 354, 356 ; sent to Pomfret and 
 beheaded, 355 
 
 , Sir Thomas, treason of, made public, 
 
 173 ra 3 ; found guilty, ib. ; his conspiracy 
 detected, 174 ; led to doom himself, 174 n 1 ; 
 was of the privy council, 175 ; says that he 
 was bribed by France, 176 ; doomed by Henry, 
 176, 177 
 Griffith (GrifBn Richardes), leads Katharine out 
 
 of the court at Black-Friars, 461 
 "Grimbaut brigs," Grimbald Bridge, 157 
 "groundlie," solidly, 377 
 Gruoch, Maobeth's wife, gives Kirkness to the 
 
 Culdees, xiii 
 Gualo (Walo) tries to prevent Lewis from in- 
 vading England,«69 ; visits John, 70 ; present 
 at the conclusion of peace with Lewis, 75 ; 
 a party^to the treaty of peace with Lewis, 77 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hen 
 
 GuideriuB, son of the legendary Cymbeline, 
 rebels against the Romans, 10 
 
 Guildford, Richard, aids Buckingham's rebel- 
 lion, 403 
 
 , Sir Henry, regulated Wolsey's banquets, 
 
 441, 442 
 
 "Gun-stones," oanjion-balls, 173 w 1 
 
 "hails," pavilions, 192 
 
 "Haliwell" (Holy "Well, afterwards Sadler's 
 
 ■Wells), 280 
 Harlech Castle, 106 n 1. Richard II. landed 
 
 near ? See Barkloughly 
 "Harnesie," Homsey, 357 
 Hastings, a pursuivant, meets Lord Hastings on 
 
 Tower wharf, 366 
 Hastings, 'William Hastings, Baron (1461-83), 
 flees with Edward IV. from England, 325, 
 326 ; helps to murder Prince Edward, 340 ; 
 his reconciliation with the queen's friends, 349 ; 
 aids Gloucester in removing the queen's 
 friends from Edward V., 351, 352 ; takes part 
 in the coronation council, 363 ; feared not 
 the secret council while Catesby attended it, 
 ib. ; trusted and advanced Catesby, 363, 364 ; 
 despises Stanley's dream, 365 ; refuses to 
 make Richard king, ib. ; had been endangered 
 by Eivers's accusation, 366 ; of which he 
 cheerily reminds a pursuivant, 366, 367 ; 
 sent for by Gloucester, 367 ; talks with a 
 priest on his way to the Tower, ib. ; kept 
 Jane Shore, 372 ; denounced by Gloucester 
 and beheaded, 372, 373 (see 368 n 2) ; omen 
 of his fate, 373 ; a proclamation of his vicious 
 life, ib. ; prepared before his death, 377 
 
 , Edward Hastings, Baron (1497—1506), 
 
 married the heiress of Lord Hungerford, 319m2 
 Hay and his sons check the Scots' flight at 
 
 Loncarty, 16 
 Henninus. See Cornwall, Duke of 
 Henry IV., his first expedition against Glen- 
 dower, 105 ; his coronation-day, 119 ; the 
 crown entailed upon his heirs, ib. ; the abbot 
 of "Westminster's conspiracy against, 122 — 
 124 ; is revealed to him by Rutland, 124 ; 
 complains of peril from Richard, 125 ; flees 
 from "Windsor, 127; present at Richard's 
 funeral, 128 ; demands the Percies' Scottish 
 prisoners, 133 ; refuses to ransom Sir Edmund 
 Mortimer, 134 ; threatens Henry Percy, 134 
 n 5 ; ignorant of the Percies' conspiracy, 135 ; 
 why he would not ransom the Earl of March 
 (i. e. Sir Edmund Mortimer), 135, 136 ; his 
 second and third expedition against Glen- 
 dower, 138 ; his realm partitioned, 138, 139 ; 
 prophesied of as themoldwarp, 139 ; distrusts 
 his son Henry, but is reassured, 140 ; dis- 
 graces Prince Henry, 141 ; his rapid advance 
 against Hotspur, 142 ; offers terms to the 
 Percies, 143 ; reaids the Percies' articles and 
 offers battle,>144 ; relieves his men at Shrews- 
 bury, 146 ; withdrawn from the main attack 
 at Shrewsbury, ib. ; breaks the enemy's 
 ranks, 147 ; felled by Douglas, ib. ; fights 
 
Hen 
 
 INBBX. 
 
 519 
 
 valiantly, ih. ; takes Warkworth, 149, 150 ; 
 Scrope and Mowbray brought as prisoners to 
 him, 155 ; struck with leprosy, 155 n 3 {cp. 
 160) ; loses consciousness, ib. ; vexed with 
 sickness, 156 ; fears dissension between Prince 
 Henry and Clarence, ih. ; his crown removed 
 by Prince Henry, 158 ; dies, 159 ; his pre- 
 parations for a crusade, 159, 160, 160 n 1 ; 
 for an expedition to France, 159 n \; his 
 death caused by apoplexy, 160 ; taken with 
 his last sickness at Edward the Confessor's 
 shrine, ib. ; died in the Jerusalem Chamber, 
 ib. ; had made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 
 160 TO 1 ; his person and character, 164 (op. 
 142, last sentence of excerpt) ; bill for dis- 
 endowing the clergy in his reign, 167 ; en- 
 joined by the Pope to have prayer made for 
 Richard XL's soul, 188 
 Henry V._, chooses wise counsellors after his 
 coronation, 161 ; calls his first parliament, 
 163, 164 ; his coronation, 164 ; banishes his 
 former misleaders, ib. ; besieges Bouen, 165 ; 
 his answer to an orator's plea for Rouen, 
 166 {op. 165 n 3) ; summons parliament to 
 Leicester, 167 ; advised to claim the crown 
 of France, 168 — 172 ; his dying declaration 
 that his war with France was lawful, 168 «. 3 ; 
 promised a large subsidy from the clergy, 
 171, 172 ; advised to conquer Scotland, 172 ; 
 receives tennis-balls from the Dauphin, 173 ; 
 conspiracy against, detected, 174 ; dooms the 
 traitors, 176, 177 ; encourages his lords, 177 ; 
 lands near Harfleur, 177, 178; urges Charles VI. 
 to resign France peaceably, 178; gives audience 
 to the French proposals for peace, 179 ; grants 
 a truce to Harneur, 180 ; Harfleur surrendered 
 to, 181 ; sacks Harfleur, ib. ; makes Exeter 
 (Dorset) captain of Harfleur, ib. ; colonizes 
 Harfleur with English folk, 181 n 1 ; resolves 
 on a march to Calais, 181, 182 ; crosses the 
 Somme, 182 ; was to be borne captive in a 
 chariot, 182, 183 ; crosses the Temoise, 183 ; 
 executes a soldier for stealing u pyx, 184 ; 
 forbids theft and violence, ib. ; pays for food, 
 ib. ; answers Montjoy's defiance, 185 ; orders 
 silence on the march to the camping-ground, 
 187 ; removes Richard II. 's body to West- 
 minster, 188 ; gives alms and founds chantries 
 on Richard's behalf, ib. ; speech before the 
 battle attributed to, 190 ; refuses to fix his 
 ransom, 191 ; overthrows the French rear- 
 ward, 192; his camp robbed, ib. ; orders his 
 men to slay their prisoners, 192, 193 ; his 
 men renew the battle, 193 ; bids the lingering 
 French fight or decamp, 194; questions 
 Montjoy, ib. ; names the battle, ib. ; date 
 of the battle, 195; grants burial to the 
 French dead, ib. ; encounters Alenyon, ib. ; 
 gives thanks to God for his victory, 196, 197; 
 reaches Calais, 197 ; his return to France in 
 1417, ib. ; lands at Dover after a rough pas- 
 sage, 197, 198 ; his welcome at Blackheath; 
 198 ; his humility, ib. ; peace offered to him 
 by Philip the Good, 199 ; concludes a truce 
 
 Hen 
 
 with Philip, ib. ; sends ambassadors to Troyes, 
 199, 200 ; his marriage with Katharine ar- 
 ranged, 200 ; made heir of France, ib. ; con- 
 ference with, at Meulan, ib. ; snubs the 
 "let" of his desires (John the Fearless), 200, 
 201 ; at Troyes when the treaty was revised, 
 201 ; faUs in love with Katharine at Meulan, 
 201 « 3 ; styled heir of France, 202 ; affianced 
 to Katharine, ib. ; date of his marriage, 202 
 n 3 ; swears to observe the treaty of Troyes, 
 203 ; his bodily powers, and character, 203, 
 
 204 ; military skul, 204 ; aspect and speech, 
 205 ; an example to princes, ii>. ; his fimeral, 
 
 205 » 4 ; his dying injunctions and advice, 
 208, 209 ; prophecy touching his son, 224 
 
 Henry VI., guardians of, 209 ; knights Richard 
 Duke of York, 223 (cp. n 2) ; birth of, at 
 Windsor, 223, 224 ; his godparents, 224 ; 
 prophecy about, ib. ; crowned at Paris, 228 ; 
 deserted by Burgundy, 229 ; loses Paris, 237 
 {ep. 205to5); his marriage to Margaret arranged, 
 238 ; espoused to her by Suffolk, 243 ; his char- 
 acter, 249 ; date of his coronation at Westmins- 
 ter, 259 n 4 ; begins to govern, ib. ; banishes 
 Suffolk, 268, 269 ; receives a supplication from 
 Cade, 273, 274 ; marches against him, 274 ; 
 retires to Kenilworth, i6. ; tries Cade's fol- 
 lowers, 281, 282 ; marches against York, 285 ; 
 sends envoys to York, ib. ; becomes insane, 
 286 n 1, 290; defeated at St. Albans, 288, 
 289 ; reconciles the Yorkist and Lancastrian 
 parties, 290 ; defeated at Northampton, ib. ; 
 in custody of Norfolk and Warwick, 295, 
 302 ; released by the Yorkists' defeat at St. 
 Albans, 302, 303 ; knights his son, 303 ; his 
 presence brought defeat, 304 ; flees from "Tow- 
 ton, 306 ; justified his right to reign, 309 ; 
 returns secretly to England, ib. ; arrested and 
 sent to the Tower, i6. ; had been in Scotland, 
 312 ; his regnal years, 313, 314 ; deposed by 
 popular vote, 315; restored, 326, 327; his 
 parliament attaints Edward and makes 
 Clarence heir in remainder, 327 ; prophesies 
 that Richmond shall be king, 329 ; again 
 imprisftned, 333 ; date of his death, 340 n 
 3 ; his murderer supposed to be Gloucester, 
 341 ; his corpse bled at his fimeral, 345 
 
 VII. restored the dukedom to Bucking- 
 ham, 451 
 
 VIII. meets Francis I. in the vale of 
 
 Andren, 425 ; silences the French ambassador, 
 427 ; tax of a sixth demanded for him, 431, 
 432 ; repudiates the tax, 433, 434 ; his answer 
 to Wolsey's accusations of Buckingham, 435 
 (ep. Hen. VIII. I. ii. 211—213) ; a rumour 
 that his marriage was imlawful, 452 ; bids 
 the lord mayor silence such talk, ib. ; takes 
 steps to have the matter sifted, 452—454 ; 
 desires that Katharine should have the best 
 counsel, 454 ; called into court, 458 ; Katha- 
 rine's appeal to, 458 --460 _; commends her, 
 462 ; his reasons for submitting the lawful- 
 ness of his marriage to trial, 464, 465 ; sus- 
 pects that the legates mean to do nothing, 
 
520 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hee 
 
 Jea 
 
 466 ; sends them to Katharine, ib. ; in love 
 with Anne Boleyn, 470 ; angered byWolsey's 
 secret opposition to his divorce, 470, 471 ; by 
 chance sees Kuthal's private accounts, 472, 
 473 ; sends to Wolsey for the great seal, 474 ; 
 marries Anne Boleyn, 479, 480 ; changes 
 the name of York Place, 486, 487 ; attached 
 to Cranmer, 494 ; is told that Cramner 
 spreads heresy, 494, 495, 500 ; licenses 
 Cranmer'a committal to the Tower, 495 ; in- 
 structs Oranmer how to meet the accusers, 
 496, 497, 502 ; hears that Cranmer waits 
 outside the council-chamber, 499 ; rebukes 
 the council for insulting Cranmer, 504 ; to 
 whom he is much beholden, ib. ; bids the 
 counsellors be friends with Cranmer, ib. ; 
 sends thanks to the lord mayor for attending 
 Elizabeth's christening, 507 
 
 Herbert, Sir "Walter, in arms for Richard III. , 408 
 
 Hereford, Henry, Duke of (1397-99), appeals 
 Norfolk of treason, 78 ; bail taken for him, 
 ib. ; refuses to make peace with Norfolk, 79, 
 81 ; his specific charges against Norfolk, 80 ; 
 casts down his gage, 81 ; day and place of 
 battle appointed him, 82 ; date of his exile, 
 82 ra 1 ; takes leave of Eichard II. near 
 Coventry, 86 ; arms for the battle, ib. ; enters 
 the lists, 87 ; his spear delivered to him by 
 Surrey, 88 ; sets forward against Norfolk, ib. ; 
 banished for ten years, i6. ; swears that he 
 will keep a;part from Norfolk, 89 ; his exile 
 reduced to six years, ib. ; goes to France, ib. ; 
 beloved of the people, ib. See Lancaster 
 
 Hertlowli (Barkloughly), Richard II. landed 
 near the castle of, 106 m 1 
 
 "heuynesse," displeasure, 262 
 
 Holinshed, Raphael, his will, ix ; 2nd ed. 
 of his chronicles the source of some plays, ix, 
 X ; used unauthentic materials, xii ; names 
 in Cymb. occurring in his chronicles, 17, 18 
 
 HopHns, Nicholas, arrested, 430 ; lived at 
 Henton, 435 ; his prophecy about Buckingham, 
 437 ; brought forth at Buckingham's trial, 447 
 
 Horses eat their own flesh, 31 ; immersed in 
 blood, 137 
 
 "hoste " (hostia), victim, 333 
 
 Howard, John Howard, Baron, one of Glou- 
 cester's trustiest counsellors, 367 n 2. See 
 Norfolk, John Duke of 
 
 , Lord Thomas, son of Thomas 2nd Duke 
 
 of Norfolk, and Agnes Tilney ("the old 
 dutches of Norffolke "), bearer of the princess 
 Elizabeth's canopy, 506 
 
 of EfiBngham, William Howard, Baron 
 
 (1554-73), deputy in the coronation procession 
 of Anne Boleyn, 485 ; bearer of the princess 
 Elizabeth's canopy, 506 
 
 , Sir Thomas, laughs at Hastings for 
 
 lingering with a priest, 367 ; when knighted, 
 367 n 2. See Surrey, Thomas Earl of, and 
 Norfolk, 2nd Duke of 
 
 Hubert, difference between the dramatic and 
 historic H., 77. See Kent for the historic 
 Hubert 
 
 Hume (or Hun), John, accused of sorcery, 253 ; 
 pardoned, 259 ; was the Duchess of Glouces- 
 ter's chaplain, 259 n 1 
 
 Hungerford, Sir Walter (afterwards Baron 
 Hungerford), wishes for more soldiers at Agin- 
 court, 190 n 3 ; taken prisoner at Patay, 207 
 
 , Thomas (son of Robert 3rd Baron 
 
 Hungerford), his heiress married Lord 
 Hastmgs, 319 n 2 
 
 Huntingdon, John Holland, Earl of (1387— 
 1400), misled Richard II., 86 ; conspires 
 against Henry IV., 122, 123 ; devises Hemy'a 
 death at a justs, 123 ; requests Henry to be 
 present, ib. ; raises men and joins his confed- 
 erates, 124. See Exeter, John Holland 
 
 , John HoUand, Earl of (1416-43), present 
 
 at Henry v. 's betrothal to Katharine, 201 ; at 
 the siege of Melun, 201 n ; attends Hewy VI. 's 
 coronation at Paris, 228 
 
 "hurlynge," strife, 141 n 1 
 
 Hussey of Sleford, John Hussey, Baron, (?) 
 bearer of the princess Elizabeth's canopy, 506 
 
 Iden (or Eden) slays Cade, 284 (cp. 283 n 3) 
 
 "importable," intolerable, 378 
 
 " imposteme," aposteme, abscess, 266 
 
 Ina, King of Wessei, his daughters' answers 
 touching their love for him, 2 Ji 2 
 
 " incensed," insensed, instructed, 249 
 
 Innocent III. causes Langton to be chosen 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, 55 ; threatens 
 John with an interdict, ib. ; sends Pandulph to 
 John, 56 ; deposes John, 57 ; commands 
 Philip to make war on John, ib. ; John does 
 homage to, 65 ; sides with John against the 
 . English barons, 68 ; tries to prevent Lewis 
 from invading England, 69 ; defends John's 
 title, 70, 71 
 
 "insane Root," the, possibly " mekilwoort," 
 21 ™ 2 
 
 "intreatie," conference, 317, 318 
 
 Irish, the, war with the Britons 8 «. 2 ; invade 
 the English pale, 89 ; attached to York, 248, 
 282 n 1, 296 ; and Rutland, 296 
 
 Isabel, daughter of Pedro the Cruel, was 
 Aumerle's mother, 121 n 1 
 
 Isabelle of Bavaria, wife of Charles VI., receives 
 Henry V.'s ambassadors at Troyes, 200 ; 
 present at the conference of Meulan, ib. ; at 
 Troyes when Katharine was married, 201 n 1 ; 
 brought Katharine to Meulan, 201 n 3 
 
 of Flanders. See Ermengarde 
 
 of Valois, second wife of Richard II., 
 
 her marriage mentioned, 81 ; her residences, 
 110 n 1 ; leaves London 120 
 
 " Isoldune," Issoudun, 54 
 
 James, titular king of Majorca, was Richard 
 II.'s godfather, 118. See correction, p. TYiii 
 
 Jeanne Dare brought to Charles VII., 210 ; date 
 of her first audience, 210 n 2 ; her surname, 
 210 n 5 ; parentage and condition, 210, 211 ; 
 person and character, 211 ; journey to Charles, 
 ib. ; sword, ib. ; ensign, ib. ; first talk with 
 Charles, ib. ; an army appointed her by 
 
INDEX. 
 
 521 
 
 JOH 
 
 LAN 
 
 Charles, 212 ; her exploits and death, ib. ; 
 raises the siege of Orleans, 216, 216 ; the 
 dramatic Jeanne takes Rouen, 224, 225 ; 
 historic date of her capture, 237 ; examined 
 by Cauchon, 288 ; called "the Pucelle," 238 
 n 8 ; relapses, 239 ; burnt, ib. ; her visions, ib. 
 John, Richard II., baptized as, 118 
 "John Baptist, by St.," Richard ll.'s oath, 81 
 John, King of Enghmd, his regnal years com- 
 puted from Ascension Day, 45 n 8 ; proclaimed 
 king, 46 ; Chinon and Saumur delivered to, 
 a. ; owed his crown chiefly to Eleanor, ib. ; 
 exacted money from the clergy, 47, 48 ; 
 takes Angers, 51 ; England bequeatlied to, 
 52 ; rejects Philip II. 's terms, ib. ; recon- 
 ciled to Arthur, ib. ; cedes and regains 
 territory, 53, 54 ; does homage to Philip and 
 receives Artiiur's homage, 54; returns to 
 England, ib. ; refuses to confirm Langton's 
 election, 55 ; gives audience to Pandulph, 56 ; 
 formally deposed by Innocent, 57 ; refuses to 
 surrender his transmarine dominions to 
 Arthxir, 57 nZ; recaptures Mirabeau, 58, 69 ; 
 takes Arthur prisoner, and offers friendship 
 to him, 59 ; imprisons Arthur, ib. ; recrowned, 
 59, 60; orders the blinding of Arthur, 60; 
 accused by Constance of Arthur's murder, 61 
 nl; his deposition prophesied, 62 ; imprisons 
 and hangs Peter of Pomfret, ib.; glad to hear 
 that Arthur was not blinded, 63; suspected 
 of being Arthur's murderer, ib. ; prepares to 
 resist FhiUp's invasion, ib. ; receives a mes- 
 sage from Pandulph, 64 ; confers with Pan- 
 dulphand yields to Innocent, 64, 66 ,; delivers 
 his crown to Pandulph, 65 ; blamed for hang- 
 ing Peter, i5. ; influenced by Peter's prophecy, 
 
 65, 66 ; his forces defeated by Philip at Bou- 
 vines, 66 ; fails to recover Poitou and Brittany, 
 ib. ; league against him formed by his barons, 
 
 66, 67; retreats from Lewis, 67, 68; repudiates 
 the Great Charter, 68 ; his crown offered to 
 Lewis, 69 ; his procurators oppose^ Lewis's 
 claim, 70 ; receives Gualo, ij. ; loses his 
 baggage in the Wash, 73 ; sickens and dies, 
 ib. ; said to have been poisoned, 74 ; buried 
 in Worcester Cathedral, ib. ; his person and 
 character, 76 ; quarreled with the clergy, ib. ; 
 hated by his subjects for pinching their 
 purses, 76, 77 
 
 of Lancaster, 8rd son of Henry IV., con- 
 cerned with a riot in Eastcheap, 141 ra 1 ; 
 marches against Archbishop Scrope, 152 ; 
 receives the submission of Scrope and Mow- 
 bray, 164. See Bedford, John Duke of 
 
 "iolie," joyful, 204 
 
 Jourdain, Margery, accused of sorcery, 263 ; 
 executed, 259 
 
 Katharine of Arragon visited by Charles V., 
 429 ; rumour that her marriage was unlawful, 
 462 ; the best clerks were to be her counsel, 
 454 ; their names, 457 ; called into court, 
 458 ; her appeal to Henry, 468—460 ; accuses 
 Wolsey, 461 ; leaves the court, 461, 462 ; will 
 
 not recall her appeal to the pope, 466, 483 ; 
 visited by the two cardinals, 468, 469 ; who 
 advise her to surrender her cause to Henry's 
 decision, 469 ; styled princess dowager, 480 ; 
 divorced, 483, 484 ; visited by Chapuys, 
 489 ; her letter to Henry, ib. ; dies, iJ. ; 
 would be served as a queen, 490 
 
 Katharine of Valois, her marriage to Henry V. 
 broached, 178 ; her dowry offered, 179 ; 
 receives Henry's ambassadors at Troyes, 200 ; 
 her marriage with Henry arranged, ib. ; 
 present at the conference of Meman, ib. ; 
 afiBanced to Henry, 202 ; date of her marriage, 
 202 n 3 ; grant to, of house inherited by 
 York, 223 TO 2 ; her son bom, 223, 224 
 
 Kenneth III., King of Scots, defeats the Danes 
 at Loncarty, 16, 17 ; reproached by a noctur- 
 nal voice for the murder of Malcolm Duff, 80 
 
 Kent, Anne (born Blennerhasset), Countess of, 
 bears the train of the princess Elizabeth, 506 
 
 , Hubert de Burgh, Earl of, would not 
 
 blind Arthur, 60 ; yet gives out. that Arthur 
 was blinded and was dead, 61 ; holds Dover 
 Castle against Lewis, 68, 77 ; assists in 
 defeating Lewis's reinforcements, 71, 72 ; a 
 party to the treaty of peace with Lewis, 77 
 
 , Thomas Holland, 2nd Earl of, his 
 
 daughter married York, 121 n 1 ; story of his 
 dog Mathe, 124 n 3 
 
 , 3rd Earl of, conspires against Henry 
 
 IV., 122, 123 ; beheaded, 127. See Surrey, 
 Thomas Holland 
 
 Kentishmen were Yorkists, 296 
 
 "kiffe,"kith, 2»2 
 
 Kikelie {Ketly F.), Sir Richard, slain at Agin- 
 court, 196. "Le S' de Richard Kykelley," 
 Harleian MS. 782, fol. 49, col. 1 (quoted in 
 Nicolas's Agimcourt, ed. 2, p. 369) 
 
 Kildare, Gerald Fitzgerald, 9th Earl of, com- 
 mitted to prison, 449 
 
 Knyvet, Charles, Buckingham's surveyor, pro- 
 cured by Wolsey to accuse Buckingham, 434, 
 435; his evidence, 436—439; had been dis- 
 missed by Buckingham, 437 ; brought forth 
 at Buckingham's trial, 447 
 
 Lady, a, bearing the train of the princess 
 Elizabeth, 506. (Anne, Countess of Kent) 
 
 Lady Macbeth (Gruoch), xiii 
 
 " Laford," Sleaford, 73 
 
 Lancaster, John of Gaunt, Duke of, becomes 
 bail for Bolingbroke, 78 ; ambush laid against 
 him by Norfolk, 81 ; excuses Gloucester to 
 Richard II., 84 ; reproves Gloucester, and 
 leaves the court, 85 ; comes to London with a 
 power, ib. ; forgives Gloucester's death, 86; 
 dies, 91 ; his third marriage disliked by Glou- 
 cester, 129 ; his house (the Savoy) burnt by the 
 villeins, 277 ; his Spanish expedition, 313 
 
 , Henry of Bolingbroke, Duke of, his 
 
 inheritance confiscated, 91, 102 ; his mar- 
 riage prevented, 92 ; invited to dethrone 
 Richard 11., 96; sails from Brittany, ib. ; 
 delays landing in England, 96, 97 ; 
 
522 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 LAN 
 
 Mac 
 
 York's levies will not resist him, 98, 101 ; 
 lands at Eavenspur, 98 ; joyfully received, 
 ib. ; his oath to the lords at Doncaster, 101 ; 
 marches to Berkeley and meets York, 101, 
 102; adherents flock to him, 102; Bichard's 
 favourites brought before him at Biistol, 104; 
 goes to Flint, 107, 108 ; meets Richard 
 there, 109 ; rides with him to London, ib. ; 
 present at Richard's abdication, 114, 118; 
 claims the crown, 114, 115 ; his claini con- 
 firmed by parliament, 115 ; ring put on his 
 finger by Richard, 117, 118 ; the crown 
 deUvered to him by Richard, 118 ; was 
 joyfully received by the Londoners, 120, 
 121 ; followed by ifiohard's greyhound, 124 
 71 3. See Henry IV. 
 
 " Lancastrian," Lancastrian, 312 
 
 Lane, the long, at Loncarty, 16 
 
 Langton, Stephen, chosen Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 55 ; rejected by John, ib. ; goes with 
 Pandulph to Philip II., 57 
 
 " laund," si. plain, 23 
 
 " leame," sb. light, 15 »i 2 
 
 Lear (Leir), sources for the story of, 1 ; madness 
 of, ib. ; built Leicester, 2 ; his daughter's 
 answers touching their love for him, 2, 3; gives 
 his elder daughters in marriage, and makes 
 their husbands his heirs, but disinherits Corde- 
 lia, 3; deposed, and his retinue diminished, 4 ; 
 flees to Cordelia and is kindly received, 5 ; 
 makes her his sole heiress, i6. ; restored to 
 the throne by Aganippus, ib. ; dies, ib. ; 
 swears by Apollo, 5 m 1 ; compares himself 
 to a dragon, ib. 
 
 "legacie," legateship, 457 
 
 Leicester, Abbot of (Richard Pexal), receives 
 Wolsey as his guest, 491 
 
 "Lestrake" (Lestrale ¥.), Earl of, slain at 
 Agincourt, 196. No similar title occurs in 
 Monstrelet's lists (iii. 348—356). The list 
 given in Harleian MS. 782, fol. 48 verso, col. 
 2 (quoted in Nicolas's Agincourt, ed. 2, p. 
 367), places "The Countie de Lestrake" 
 among the slain 
 
 " lettise," grey fiir, 485 
 
 Leuenoz, Lennox, 45 
 
 " lewdeste," most illiterate, 270 n 2 
 
 Lewis, son of Philip II., King of France, 
 betrothed to Blanch of Castile, 53 ; invades 
 England, 67 ; many Englishmen do homage 
 to him, 67, 68 ; he makes them large pro- 
 mises, 68 ; his procurators defend his title to 
 the crown of England, 69, 70 ; his army 
 defeated at Lincoln, 71 ; the reinforcements 
 sent him destroyed, 71, 72 ; his plot against 
 the English barons, 72 ; makes peace with 
 Henry III., and leaves England, 74, 75 
 
 , Dauphin of France, eldest son of Charles 
 
 VI., sends tennis-baUs to Henry V., 165, 
 173 ; seeks advice for the defence of France, 
 178, 179 ; refuses succour to Harfleur, 181 ; 
 prevented by his father from being at Agin- 
 court, 183 ; at Agincourt according to the F. 
 textofficji. F., 183 »1 
 
 Lewis XL, King of France, refuses to deface 
 
 ' Bedford's tomb, 232, 233 ; favours the Lan- 
 castrians, 312 ; assents that Bona shall marry 
 Edward IV., 313 ; leagues with the Lancas- 
 trians, 317, 318 ; lends Ren6 money to ransom 
 Margaret, 342 (cp. 341 n 2) 
 
 Lewis, the Countess of Richmond's physician, 
 proposes to Queen Elizabeth an alliance of 
 Lancaster and York, 398, 399 
 
 Limoges, Widomar Viscount of, slain by Richard 
 I.'s bastard, 48. See Austria, 53 » 1 
 
 Lingai'd, fictitious ancestress of Hugh Capet, 170 
 
 Lisle, John Talbot, Viscount, refuses to desert 
 his father, 231, 232 
 
 Lists not to be touched, 87 
 
 " lode-starre in honour," Henry V. a, 205 
 
 London, Mayor of, in 1 Sen. VI. (John 
 Coventre), prevents rioting, 213. See also Sir 
 Edmund Shaw and Sir Stephen Peacock 
 
 London, rejoicing there to celebrate Caesar's 
 defeat, 14 ; took its name from Lud, ib. ; 
 temple there — afterwards St. Paul's — built 
 by Lud, 14 re 1 ; Lewis (son of Philip II.) 
 there, 68 ; the citizens of, sorry for Glou- 
 cester's death, 85 ; joyful reception of Boling- 
 broke there, 120, 121 ; balls, Henry V..'s, 173; 
 mayor of, welcomes Henry V., 198 ; troubled 
 by the strife of Gloucester and Winchester, 
 222 ; mayor of, asks for help against Cade, 
 275 ; bridge, conflict on, with Cade, 276, 
 277, 279 n 1, 280 ; favours the Yorkists, 
 292; Edward I V.'s chief residence, 378 
 
 Longland, John, Bishop of Lincoln, asserts 
 that Henry's marriage was unlawful, 452 
 
 "Lovell, Sir Thomas," 403 n 1. See Rowell, 
 Thomas 
 
 , Sir Thomas, attends Buckingham to 
 
 the Temple stairs, 450 
 
 Lucy, Dame Elizabeth, her alleged betrothal 
 to Edward IV., 377 
 
 Lud, King of Britain, much esteemed London, 
 14 ; which took its name from him, ib. ; 
 built a temple there, turned to St. Paul's 
 church, 14 » 1 
 Lynx, Lynceus the Argonaut, 36, 421. But cp. 
 a marg. note in Salle (54) : " Lynx is a beast 
 like to a wolfe, whose sighte dooeth peiroe all 
 thinges " 
 
 Macbeth probably not regarded as an usurper, 
 xii ; stories about, xiii ; his wife's name 
 was Gruoch, ib. ; temporarily dethroned, 
 xiii n 1 ; rebellion against, ib. ; his parent- 
 age, 18 ; character, ib. ; blames Duncan's 
 leniency, 20 ; sent against Maodowald, whom 
 he defeats, ib. ; sends Macdowald's head to 
 Duncan, 21 ; commands the van in the war 
 with Sueno, ib. ; defeats the Danes sent by 
 Canute, 22 ; grants burial to their dead, ib. ; 
 meets the weird sisters, 23, 24 (cp. xiii) ; 
 jests with Banquo about their prophecy, 24 ; 
 made thane of Cawdor, ib. ; resolves to seize 
 the kingdom, 25 ; urged thereto by his wife, 
 ib. ; murders Duncan, ib. ; is made king. 
 
Mao 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 523 
 
 26 ; rules well for ten years, 32 ; his laws, 
 ib. ; causes Banquo to be murdered, 83 ; 
 becomes a cruel tyrant, Si ; builds a castle 
 on Dunsinane, 34, 35; is angered by Macduff's 
 refusal to visit Dunsinane, 35; warned to 
 beware of Macduff, 36 ; trusts in a mteh's 
 prophecies, 36, 41 ; keeps spies in his nobles' 
 houses, 36; slays Macduff's wife and 
 children, 37 ; tries to entrap Malcolm, 38, 
 40 ; some of his nobles take part with Mal- 
 colm, 41 ; retires to Dunsinane, ib. ; his 
 friends' advice, ib. ; sees the approach of 
 Bimam Wood', 42 (cp xiii) ; flies from 
 Dunsinane, ib. ; slain by Macduff in 1057 
 {cp. xiii), 43; length of his reign, xiii, 
 43 ; escapes from the battle with Siward, 44 
 n 1 
 
 Macdowald (Macdonwald Macb.) rebels against 
 Duncan, 19 ; obtains men from the western 
 isles, 20 ; defeats Duncan's people, ib. ; 
 defeated by Macbeth, and slays himself, 
 ib. ; his head sent to Duncan, 21 
 
 Macduff, thane of JFife, refuses to visit Dunsi- 
 nane, 35 ; destined to slay Macbeth, 36 
 (ep. xiii) ; resolves to join Malcolm Canmore 
 in England, ib. ; his wife and children slain 
 by Macbeth, 37 ; acquaints Malcolm with 
 Macbeth's cruelty, ib. ; urges Malcolm to 
 attempt Macbeth's overthrow, 38 ; answers 
 Malcom's self-accusations, 38, 89 ; despairs 
 when he hears of Malcolm's dissimulation, 39 ; 
 is undeceived by Malcolm, 40 ; requires the 
 Scottish nobles to support Malcolm, 40, 41 ; 
 pursues Macbeth to Lumphanan, 42 ; was 
 ripped from his mother's womb, 43 ; slays 
 Macbeth, ib. ; made earl of Fife, 45 
 
 Maglanus, Duke of Albania. See Albany, 
 Duke of 
 
 Maine yields allegiance to Arthur, 46 ; Arthur's 
 homage for, 52 ; possession of, demanded for 
 Arthur, ib. ; ceded to Ren6 of Anjou, 244 ; 
 a key of Normandy, 245 
 
 " mainpemour," surety, 124 
 
 Malcolm III. (Canmore) made prince of Cum- 
 berland, 26 ; takes refuge with Eadward the 
 Confessor, 31 ; hears from Macduff of Mac- 
 beth's cruelty, 37 ; tests Macduff's sincerity 
 by accusing iimself of vices, 38, 39 ; his 
 piety, 39 m 1 ; undeceives Macduff, 40 ; ob- 
 tains the assistance of Siward, 41 ; attached 
 to English habits, ib. {cp. xii) ; his soldiers 
 take branches from Bimam Wood, 42 j is 
 presented with Macbeth's head, 43 ; crowned 
 at Scone, 44; calls a parliament at Forfar, 
 45 ; gives earldoms to his thanes, ib. 
 
 March, Edmund Mortimer, fifth Earl of (1398— 
 1425), confounded with his uncle Edmund, 
 131 n 1, 134 n 4, 257, 258 ; reveals Cam- 
 bridge's conspiracy to Henry "V., 174 n 1 ; 
 date of his death, 218 ; charge of, entrusted 
 to Prince Henry, 219 ; not a state prisoner, 
 ib. ; his offices, ib. ; Halle's obituary notice 
 of, *. ; (?) confounded with Sir John Mor- 
 timer, 219 n 5 
 
 MOE 
 
 March, Edward Plantagenet, Earl of. See 
 Edward IV. 
 
 , George de Dunbar, Earl of ("Lord 
 
 Mortimer of Scotland "), defeats the Soots at 
 Homildon, 131-^133; urges Henry IV. to 
 attack Hotspur without delay, 142 ; engages 
 to become Henry's subject, 142 n 1 ; with- 
 draws Henry from the main attack at Shrews- 
 bury, 146 
 Margaret of Anjou, her intrigue with Suffolk a 
 fiction, xiii, xiv ; her marriage to Henry VI. 
 arranged, 238 ; her character, 242 ; her es- 
 pousals, 243 ; conveyed to England, ib. ; 
 crowned, 244; was dowerless, ib. (cp. 246); 
 favours the conspiracy against Gloucester, 
 246 ; deprives him of power, 260 ; ruined by 
 his death, 264, 265 ; tries to screen Suffolk, 
 267, 268 ; sends the Staffords against Cade, 
 273 ; releases Somerset from ward, 286, 287 ; 
 refuses to join Henry, and raises an army, 294, 
 295 ; York's head presented to, 299 ; with- 
 draws to the north, 301, 304 ; defeated the 
 Yorkists at St. Albans, 302 ; reunited to 
 Henry, 802, 303 ; fortunate in two battles, 
 304 ; defamed, ib. ; seeks help from Lewis 
 XL, 312 ; visits Eene, 312 n 1 ; leagues with 
 "Warwick, 317, 318 ; her return to England 
 delayed by weather, 328 ; met Somerset at 
 Cerne Abbey, 334 n 3 ; landed at "Weymouth, 
 337 ; her despair after "Warwick's defeat, 338 ; 
 a prisoner after Tewkesbury field, ib. ; ran- 
 somed, 341 n 2, 342 ; date of her death, 347 
 Marie, Robert de Bar, Count of, holds hia men 
 together at Agincourt, 193 ; defeated and 
 slain, ib., 196 
 Mathe, Richard II. 's greyhound, story of, 12 re 3 
 "mawmet," puppet, 139 n 2 
 "meane stature," middle height, 164 
 Melun, Adam, Viscount of, confesses Lewis's 
 plot against the English barons, 72 ; his con- 
 fession averts them from Lewis, 72, 73 
 Merlin likens TJtherpendragon to a dragon's 
 head, 6 nl ; his prophecy about the mold- 
 warp, 139 n 2 
 "messe, a," four persons' share, 370 
 "mewe, in," encaged, concealed, 259 n 4 
 Minions, the king's, courtiers who had been in 
 
 France, 440 
 "mirrour of magnificence," Henry V. a, 205 
 Montague, Henry Pole, Baron, arrested, 431 
 
 , John Neville, Baron and afterwards 
 
 Marquess, 290 n 2 ; loth to revolt from Edward, 
 821, 322 ; with "Warwick at Barnet, 335 ; 
 slain, 337 
 Montgomery, Sir Thomas, obliges Edward IV. 
 
 to proclaim himself king, 332 
 Montjoy, Herald of France, sent to defy Henry 
 v., 182; sent to Aire, 184 n 2;. receives 
 Henry^s answer to his defiance, 185 ; craves 
 burial for the dead, 194 ; answers Henry's 
 questions, ib. 
 Moons, five seen at once in John's reign, 62 
 Moray, Thomas Dunbar, Earl of, taken prisoner 
 at Homildon, 132 
 
524 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mob 
 
 Nor 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, made lord chaucellor, 477 ; 
 informs the commons of the universities' 
 opinions of Henry's marriage, 479 
 
 Morgan, Provost of Beverley, chooses to be 
 called Henry II. 's bastard, 50 
 
 Mortain. See Somerset, Edmund 2nd Duke of 
 
 Mortimer, Elizabeth, wife to Hotspur, 134 n 2 
 
 , Sir Edmund, defeated by Glendower, 
 
 130, 131 ; confounded with the fifth Earl of 
 March, 131 n 1, 184 n 4 ; joins Glendower, 
 131 ?il, 135; was Glendower's prisoner, 133, 
 134; marries Glendower's daughter, 135 ; por- 
 tent at his birth, 137 ; a party to the indent- 
 ure dividing Henry IV.'s realm, 139 n 1 ; 
 encouraged by a prophecy, 139 ; confounded 
 with Lord Grey of Kuthin, 257, 258 
 
 , Sir Hugh, slain at Wakefield, 299 
 
 , Sir John, (?) confounded with Edmund 
 
 5th Earl of March, 219 n 5 ; account of, ib. ; 
 his name assumed by Cade, 266 
 , Sir John, slain at Wakefield, 299 
 
 Morton, John, Bishop of Ely, takes part in the 
 coronation council of Edward V., 363 ; sends 
 for strawberries at Gloucester's request, 370, 
 371 ; hears the tale of Buckingham's wrongs, 
 393 ; escapes from Buckingham's custody, 
 396, 397 ; obtained Buckingham's promise to 
 support Bichmond, 398 n 1 
 
 Mulmucius Dunwallon becomes monarch of 
 Britain, 14 ; his laws, 14, 15 ; the first who 
 wore a crown in Britain, 15 
 
 "mum-chance," 444. "Chance: . . . the 
 game at dice called Mumchance, or such 
 another. " — Cotgrave 
 
 Murderer, a, detected by the bleeding of the 
 corpse, 28 
 
 "murrie," dark red, 198 
 
 Nashfield, a retainer of Richard Duke of 
 
 Gloucester, 382 
 Necessity, cousin of Poverty, caused the rebel- 
 
 Uon in Suffolk, 432 
 Nennius, Cassibelan's brother, caiises the loss 
 
 of Caesar's sword, 13 
 "nephue," grandson, 18 
 Nevers, Philip, Count of, slain at Agincourt, 
 
 196 
 Neville, Cecilia. See York, Cecilia Duchess of 
 , George, Archbishop of York (1464-76), 
 
 has the custody of Edward IV., 324 
 
 , Isabel, marries Clarence, 320 
 
 , John Neville, Baron, slain at Towton, 
 
 842 » 1 ; his attainder reversed, 346 n 1 
 "Nicholas of the Tower," Suffolk intercepted 
 
 by the, 270 
 "nightertale," night-time, 211 
 "Non nobis," sung after Agincourt, 197 
 Norbury, John, joins Bolmgbroke's invasion, 
 
 96 
 Norfolk, Agnes (bom Tilney), dowager Duchess 
 
 of, in the coronation procession of Anne 
 
 Boleyn, 485 ; godmother to the princess 
 
 Elizabeth, 505 ; in the christening procession 
 
 of Elizabeth, 506 ; her gift, ib. 
 
 Norfolk, Thomas Mowbray, 1st Duke of (1397- 
 99), denies Bolingbroke's charge of treason, 
 78 ; arrested and put in ward, ib. ; refuses 
 to make peace with Bolingbroke, 79, 80, 81 ; 
 denies Bolingbroke's specific charges, 80, 81 ; 
 spent money in Richard's service, 81 ; 
 takes up Bolingbroke's gage, ib.; day and 
 place of battle appointed him, 82 ; date of 
 his exile, 82 m 1 ; denies having murdered 
 Gloucester, 83 ; takes leave of Richard II. 
 near Coventry, 86 ; arms for the battle, ib. ; 
 enters the lists, 87, 88 ; his spear sent to him 
 by Surrey, 88 ; delays setting forward against 
 Bolingbroke, ib. ; banished for life, ib. ; 
 swears that he will keep apart from Boling- 
 broke, 89 ; dies at Venice, ib. and 112 ; hoped 
 that Richard would favour him, 89 ; licensed 
 to return and answer Aumerle's challenge, 
 112 ; reprobated by the commons, 130 
 Norfolk, John Mowbray, 2nd Duke of (1424-32), 
 2nd son of Thomas, attends Henry VI. 's 
 coronation in Paris, 228 
 
 , John Mowbray, 3rd Duke of (1432-61), 
 
 son of John, a supporter of York's claim to 
 the crown, 283 ; charged with Henry's 
 custody, 295, 302; defeated at St. Albans, 
 302 
 
 , John Howard, 1st Duke of (1483-85), 
 
 summoned to oppose Richmond, 401 ; com- 
 mands the vaward at Bosworth, 415 ; warn- 
 ing couplet addressed to, 416 ; slain, 421. See 
 Howard, John 
 
 , Thomas Howard, 2nd Duke of (1514-24), 
 
 by Henry VIII.'s creation, 367 n 2 ; not at 
 the meeting of Henry and Francis, 425 ; date 
 of his death, 432 n 1 ; presides at Bucking- 
 ham's trial, 446—448. See Howard, Sir 
 Thomas, and Sm-rey, Thomas Howard 
 
 , Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of (1524-54), 
 
 talks with John Greene, one of the Suffolk 
 rebels, 432 ; commands Wolsey to surrender 
 the great seal, 474 ; receives it after much 
 debate, 475 ; claims to exercise his ofice as 
 earl marshal, 483 ; represented by his half- 
 brother (Howard of Efilngham) in the coro- 
 nation procession of Anne Boleyn, 485 ; in 
 the christening procession of the princess 
 Elizabeth, 506 
 Northumberland, Henry Percy, Earl of (1377 — 
 1408), proclaimed a traitor by Richard II., 
 99 ; receives Bolingbroke's oath at Doncaster, 
 100, 101 ; goes with him to meet York, 102 ; 
 decoys Richard II. into an ambush, 107 n 
 1; bears Bolingbroke's terms to Richard, 
 108 ; at Flint Castle, 109 ; receives the gages 
 of Aumerle and other lords, 111, 112 ; pre- 
 sent at Richard's abdication, 118 ; his Scot- 
 tish prisoners claimed by Henry IV., 133; 
 requires Henry to ransom Sir Edward Mor- 
 timer, ib. ; joins Glendower, 135 ; obtains 
 aid from the Scots, ib. ; a party to the in- 
 denture dividing Henry IV.'s realm, 138, 
 139 ; encouraged by a prophecy, 139 ; pre- 
 vented by sickness from joining Hotspur at 
 
INDEX 
 
 NOE 
 
 Shrewsbury, 143; submits to Henry IV., 
 148 ; flees to Berwick, 149 ; and thence to 
 Scotland, 150 ; delivers Berwick to the Soots, 
 150 ?i 1 ; his conspiracy against Henry IV., 
 151 ; returns with Scottish forces to England, 
 157 ; craves help from his countrymen, ib. ; 
 defeated and slam, ib. 
 Northumberland, Henry Percy, Earl of (1415- 
 56), slain at St. Albans, 290 
 
 , Henry Percy, Earl of (1455-61), slain at 
 
 Towton, 342 n 1 
 Northumberland, John Neville, Earl of (1464- 
 70), local feeling against, 321 ji 3. (Afterwards 
 Marquess of Montagu) 
 
 , Henry Percy, Earl of (1470-89), sum- 
 moned to oppose Richmond, 401 ; took no 
 part in the battle of Bosworth, 412 
 
 , Henry Percy, Earl of (1527-37), arrests 
 
 Wolsey, 490 
 
 , Siward, Earl of. See Siward 
 
 Nottingham, Thomas Mowbray, Earl of (1383- 
 97), joins a conspiracy against Eichard II., 
 82 ; reveals it to Richard, ib. ; arrests Glou- 
 cester, ib. ; delays Gloucester's death, ib. ; 
 despatches him, under Richard's compulsion, 
 83 ; misled Richard, 86. See Norfolk, Thomas 
 Mowbray, 1st Duke of 
 
 , Thomas Mowbray, Earl of (1399—1405), 
 
 elder son of Thomas, conspires against Henry 
 IV., 151 ; persuaded to confer with "West- 
 moreland, 153 ; arrested by Westmoreland, 
 154; said to have yielded freely, i5.; beheaded, 
 155 
 
 525 
 
 Pet 
 
 Oonly, Roger, 262. See Bolingbroke, Roger 
 " orient grained," brightly dyed, 198 
 Orleans, Lewis Duke of (1391 — 1407), murdered 
 by John Duke of Burgimdy, 48 ; father of 
 Dnnois, 49 
 
 , Charles Duke of (1407-65), befriends 
 
 Dunois, 49 ; a captive in England, 60 ; 
 promises battle to Henry V., 184 n 2 ; taken 
 prisoner, 196 ; released, 227 ; present at 
 Margaret's espousals, 243 
 "Oxford," wrong reading in the Qq. texts of 
 
 Rich. II., V. vi. 8, 127 n 1 
 Oxford, John de Vere, Earl of (1417-62), be- 
 headed, 314 
 
 , John de Vere, Earl of (1462—1613), 
 
 embittered by his father's execution, 314 ; 
 date of his rebellion, 314 ft 3; joins the 
 Lancastrian league, 317, 318 ; with Warwick 
 at Bamet, 336 ; defends St. Michael's Mount, 
 339 ; imprisoned in Hammes Castle, ib. ; 
 joins Ricmnond's invasion, 407 ; had escaped 
 from Hammes, 409 
 
 Pace, Richard, kept abroad by Wolsey, 455 
 Page, a, recommends Tyrrel to Eichard III.'s 
 
 service, 389, 390 
 Pandulph, sent to John, 56 ; sent to bid Philip 
 make war on John, 57 ; obtains John's sub- 
 mission to Innocent, 64, 65 ; receives John's 
 crown, 65 ; did Innocent's message stoutly, 77 
 
 "paned," striped, 443 
 
 " papisticall," 270 
 
 "Paradise," a house near Westminster HaU, 
 
 447 
 Parley, a, from Harfleur (Sen. V., III. ii. 148), 
 
 180 ji 2 
 Parry, Dr. William, begs Elizabeth to forgive 
 his fault but not his punishment, 176 « 1. See 
 correction, p. xxiii 
 "Paul, by St.," Richard III.'s oath, 372 
 Pax, definition of a, 183 n S 
 Peacock, Sir Stephen, Lord Mayor of London, 
 in the coronation procession of Anne Boleyn, 
 485 ; at the christening of the princess Eliza- 
 beth, 606, 507 
 Pembroke, WUliam Marshal (the elder). Earl 
 of, sent to proclaim John, 46 ; defeats Lewis's 
 army at Lincoln, 71 ; present at the con- 
 clusion of peace with Lewis, 76 ; brings John's 
 children to Gloucester, and asserts Henry 
 III.'s title, ib. ; a party to the treaty of peace 
 with Lewis, 77 
 
 , WUliam Marshal (the younger). Earl of, 
 
 forsakes John for Lewis, 68 ; a Guardian of 
 the Great Charter, 68 ?i 1 
 ■ , Jasper Tudor, Lancastrian Earl of, de- 
 feated at Mortimer's Cross, 300, 301 ; joins 
 the Lancastrian league, 317, 318 ; meets 
 Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, 328, 329 ; 
 takes him to Brittany, 329, 330 ; joins Rich- 
 mond's invasion, 407 
 
 , William Herbert, Yorkist Earl of (1468- 
 
 69), defeated at Edgcote, 320 n 4 ; had been 
 appointed to suppress the northern rebellion, 
 321 
 Pendragon. See Titer 
 Penker, Eriar, his character, 376 
 "penner," pen-case, 272 
 "perclois," screen, 86 
 
 Percy, Henry, surnamed ' ' Hotspur, " banishment 
 of, by Richard II., 98 re 3 ; receives Boling- 
 broke's oath at Doncaster, 100, 101 ; mar- 
 shals Bolingbroke's army before Flint Castle, 
 107; why called "Hotspur," 131 re 4; de- 
 feats the Scots at Homildon, 131 — 133 ; his 
 Scottish prisoners claimed by Henry IV., 
 133 ; requires Henry to ransom Sir Edmund 
 Mortimer, ib. ; his speech when Henry re- 
 fused, 134 ; threatened by Henry, 134 re 5 ; 
 joins Glendower, 135; obtains aid from the 
 Scots, ib. ; assembles an army, 136 ; joined 
 by Worcester, 136, 137 ; was much older 
 than Mnce Henry, 142; commanded at 
 Otterbourne, ib. ; his first military service, 
 ib. ; did not expect Henry IV. 's rapid advance 
 upon Shrewsbury, iJ. ; sends Worcester to 
 parley with Henry, 143 ; driven to fight by 
 Worcester's false report of Henry's words, 
 145 ; his speech to ms followers, ib. ; makes 
 Henry IV. the object of his attack at 
 Shrewsbury, 146 ; slain, 147 
 Perke, Gilbert (Robert Gilbert), arrested, 430 ; 
 
 brought forth at Buckingham's trial, 447 
 Peter of Pomfret prophesies John's dethrone- 
 
526 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Phi 
 
 Eio 
 
 ment, 61, 62 ; imprisoned and hanged, 62 ; 
 sufiFered unjustly, 65 
 
 Philip, bastard of Richard I., kills the Viscount 
 of Limoges, 48 
 
 Philip II. (Augustus), King of France, takes 
 charge of Arthur, 47 ; knights Arthur and 
 receives his homage, 52 ; proposes terms to 
 John, ib. ; concludes a peace with John, 53 ; 
 receives John's homage, 54 ; exhorted by 
 Innocent to make war on John, 57 ; demands 
 John's transmarine dominions for Arthur, 
 57 re 3 (cp. 52) ; aids Arthm-, 57, 58 ; craves 
 Arthur's liberty, 60 ; cites John to answer 
 the charge of Arthur's murder, 61 to 1 ; pre- 
 pares to invade England, 63 ; attacks Ferrand 
 Count of Flanders, 66 ; defeats John's forces 
 at Bouvines, ii. ; accepts the offer of John's 
 barons, 69 ; argues that John is an usurper, 
 ib. ; sends reinforcements to Lewis, 71 
 
 "physnomie," physiognomy, 443 
 
 " pikedst," choicest, 143 
 
 Plantagenet, Cicely, a mean marriage purposed 
 for her by Richard III., 396 
 
 "platted," arranged, 456 
 
 Plautins, Aulus, sent to subdue Britain, 6 ; his 
 soldiers loth to foUow him, 11 ; a portent of 
 his success, 15 re 2 
 
 Pole, Sir Richard, married Margaret Planta- 
 genet, Countess of Salisbury, 396 
 
 "porayle, the," the poor, 129 to 2 ; 275 re 1 
 
 Posting in Richard III.'s reign, 390 re 2 
 
 "pounced," ornamented with perforations or 
 indentations, 506 
 
 Poverty, captain of the Suffolk rebels, 432 
 
 "powdered," sprinkled, 485 
 
 "Prseclarissimus," mistranslation of "tresch- 
 ier," 202 
 
 Prestbury, Thomas, Abbot of Shrewsbury, sent 
 to offer terms to the Percies, 143 
 
 "pretended," intended, 160 
 
 Priest, a ("Chaplaine of the Tower"), 
 buries the bodies of Edward I V. 's children, 
 395 
 
 Princes' Inn, the, Calais, scene of Gloucester's 
 murder, 83 
 
 "promit," promise, 293 
 
 Proverbs and phrases: — "kings . . . haue 
 sharpe sight like vnto Lynx, and long ears 
 like vnto Midas," 36 {ep. 421) ; left no stone 
 vntumed, 46; "tag and rag," 143; "shot 
 for the best game, "145; " Who so will France 
 win, must with Scotland first begin," 172; "to 
 haue a Rouland for an Oliuer," 285 ; " block- 
 ham feast," 271 sidetwte 2 ; "When Adam 
 delu'd, and Eue span, / Who was then a 
 gentleman ? " 272 to 2 ; "a sleeuelesse errand," 
 316; "adaieafterthefaire,"337; "broken 
 all the danse," 364 ; " freends faile fliers," 
 365; "Honourschangemanners,"393 ; "the 
 parish priest never remembreth that he was 
 ever paiish clerk," ib. ; " cheoke and checke- 
 mate," ib. ; "he could not disceme a goose 
 from a capon," 395; "a man found in 
 a cloud," 396; "a fooles paradise," 400; 
 
 "left . . . post alone," 404; "Frenchmen & 
 Britans great bosters small rosters," 417 side- 
 note 2; "bag and baggage," 420; "haue 
 him in a trip," 426; "cause him to leape 
 headlesse," ib. ; "cast a trumpe in his waie," 
 448; "made faire weather of altogethers," 
 504 
 Pyx (box for preserving the host), a soldier 
 strangled for stealing a, 184 
 
 " quaile," fail, 816 
 
 "quarell," list of charges, 101 n 1 ; 134 to 4 ; 
 
 144 
 Queene Hiue, Queenhithe, 261 
 " questmoongers," jurymen, 272 
 "quinch," start, 208 
 Quoint, Francis, 96. See Coint 
 
 "radicate,'' rooted, 249 
 
 Rambures, David seigneur de, Grand Master of 
 the Crossbowmen, encamps at Aginoouit, 
 185 ; slain, 196 
 
 Ramston, Sir Thomas, joins Bolingbroke's 
 invasion, 96 
 
 Ra,tcliffe, Sir Richard ("the Rat," 347), super- 
 intends the execution of Rivers, Grey, and 
 Vaughan, 868 ; Iiis character, ib. ; hindered 
 Tyrrel's advancement, 389, 390 ; slain at 
 Bosworth, 421 
 
 " reare supper," second supper, 28 
 
 "reculed back," fell back, 338 
 
 Regan, her answer to Lear, 3 ; marries Hen- 
 ninus, ib. ; diminishes Lear's retinue, 4 
 
 "reserued," except, 162 
 
 "retawnts," repetition of taunts, 393 
 
 Rice ap Thomas joins Richmond, 408 
 
 Richard I., King of England, date of his death, 
 45 n 3 ; slain at Chaluz, 48 ; why called 
 Cceur de Lion, 50 ; bequeaths England to 
 John, 52 ; his heart buried at Rouen, 225 
 
 II., present when Bolingbroke accuses 
 
 Norfolk of treason, 78 ; orders the dukes' 
 arrest, ib. ; endeavours to reconcile them, 79, 
 80, 81 ; hears the appeal of treason, 80, 81 ; 
 swears that he will cease endeavouring to 
 reconcile the dukes, 81 ; appoints time and 
 place for their combat, 82 ; conspiracy against 
 him in 1397, ib. ; orders Nottingham to 
 despatch Gloucester, on pain of death, 82, 83; 
 rebuked by Gloucester for surrendering Brest, 
 84, 95 ; complains of Gloucester's enmity ; 
 84 ; persuaded to despatch Gloucester, 85 ; 
 summons a parliament, ib. ; goes to Coventiy, 
 86 ; Bolingbroke and Norfolk take leave of 
 him, ib. ; enters the field at Coventry, 87 ; 
 stays the combat, 88 ; banishes Bolingbroke 
 and Norfolk, H. ; makes them swear that 
 they will keep apart, 89 ; shortens Boling- 
 broke's exile, ib. ; resolves on a campaign in 
 Ireland, 89 ; sets England to farm, 90 ; 
 reconciled to the Londoners, ib. ; issues blank 
 charters, ib. ; imposes fines and a new oath, 
 ib. , 94 ; exacts money from the clergy for his 
 Irish campaign, 91 ; confiscates Bolingbroke's 
 
Eio 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 527 
 
 inheritance, ib. ; prevents Bolingbroke's mar- 
 riage, 92 ; appoints York lieutenant-general, 
 93 ; goes to Ireland, ib. j excepts nobles from 
 pardon, ib. ; disinherits heirs, ib. ; a poll-tax 
 levied for, 93, 94 ; proclaims Northumber- 
 land a traitor, 99 ; receives news (delayed by 
 contrary winds) of Bolingbroke's landing, 
 100 ; persuaded to defer his return, ib. ; sends 
 Salisbury to gather an army, 102, 103 ; Glen- 
 dower said to have served him, 105 ; lands in 
 Wales, 106; dismissesand leaves his army, 106, 
 107 ; at Conway, 107 ; an ambush laid for 
 him, 107 n 1 ; sees Bolingbroke's army 
 approaching Flint, 107, 108; dines, 109; meets 
 Bolingbroke, ib. ; rides with him to London, 
 ib. ; persuaded to abdicate, 113 ; reads 
 and signs the scroll of his abdication, 114, 
 118 ; which is read in parliament, 117 ; his 
 crimes set forth in articles, ib. ; puts his ring 
 on Bolingbroke's finger, 117, 118 ; delivers 
 his crown to Bolingbroke, 118 ; named John, 
 ib.; his "noble housekeeping," 119; com- 
 mitted to the Tower, ib. ; design to waylay 
 him, 121 ; plot to restore him, 122 — 124 ; 
 his greyhound Mathe, 124 n 3 ; murdered, 
 126 ; date of his death, 126 ?i 2 ; his funeral, 
 128 ; buried at King's Langley, ib. ; his 
 person and character, 128, 129 _; flattered by 
 Bushy, 130 ; his heir presumptive was Koger 
 Earl of March, 134 {(^, n 1); his body 
 removed to "Westminster, 188 
 Bichard III. expresses remorse for his nephews' 
 murder, xiv (cp, 424) ; date of his birth, 
 287 n 2 ; his cognisance called a hog, 347 ; 
 date of his accession, 376 n 3 ; crowned, 387 ; 
 spreads a rumour of Anne's death, 388 ; in- 
 tends to marry his niece Elizabeth, ib., 399- 
 401 ; plans his nephews' murder, 389, 390 ; 
 charges Stanley to prevent Richmond's mother 
 from plotting, 391 ; prophecy that Bichmond 
 would be fatal to him, 392 ; refused to give 
 Buckingham the earldom of Hereford, ib., 
 393 (cp. 362, 450 n 2) ; thanks Tyrrel for 
 murdering his nephews, 394 ; but disapproves 
 of their sepulture, 394, 395 ; his plan for 
 suppressing Buckingham's rebellion, 397 ; 
 makes overtures to Elizabeth, 399, 400 ; 
 denies that he meant to marry his niece, 400 
 n 1 ; marches against Buckingham, 401 ; 
 after Kichmond's landing summons his friends 
 to muster forces, ib. ; the persons whom he 
 most mistrusted, 402 ; offers a reward for 
 Buckingham's apprehension, 404 ; hostility 
 or indifference among his followers, 410 ; 
 encamps near Bosworth, 411 ; outnumbered 
 Richmond, ib. ; his white courser, ib. ; his 
 dream, 413 ; draws up his army, 415 ; com- 
 mands the main body at Bosworth, ib. ; his 
 speech to his army, 416, 417 ; his summons 
 rejected by Stanley, 417 ; defers the execution 
 of George Stanley, 417, 418 ; joins battle, 
 418 ; refused to fly when defeated, ib. ; as- 
 sails Richmond, overthrowing those who 
 opposed him, 419 ; slain, 420 ; his soldiers 
 
 Rut 
 
 submit to Richmond, 421 ; his person and 
 character, 422, 423 ; portentous birth, 422 ; 
 habit of biting his lip, 423 
 
 Richmond, Henry Tudor, Earl of, Henry VI.'s 
 prophecy about, 328, 329 ; his person and 
 character, 328 n 2, 424 ; date of his birth, 
 328 m 4 ; taken to Brittany, 329, 330 ; Dorset 
 joins him there, 387 ; hears that Richard will 
 marry the Princess Elizabeth, 388 ; promises 
 to marry her, 399 ; sails with an army to 
 join Buckingham, 402 ; his fleet dispersed 
 by a tempest, 404, 405 ; treacherously invited 
 to land at Poole, 405 ; returns to Normandy, 
 405, 406 ; lands at Milford, 406 ; could not 
 depend on Stanley's help, 407 ; his army in- 
 creases, 407, 408 ; meets Stanley, 412 ; en- 
 camps, 412, 413 ; his speech before the battle, 
 414, 415 ; a marsh on his right flank, 418 ; 
 keeps Richard at bay, 419 ; crowned after 
 Bosworth field, 420 ; removes to Leicester, 
 ib. ; his speech after the battle, 421 
 , Margaret, dowager Countess of, com- 
 municates with her son, 391 ; broaches his 
 marriage to the Princess Elizabeth, 398 
 
 Rivers, Richard Woodvile, Earl, envoy (in 
 1452) to York, 285 ; his daughter Elizabeth 
 wooed by Edward IV., 310, 311 
 
 , Anthony Woodvile, Earl, flees with 
 
 Edward IV. from England, 325 ; governor of 
 Edward's elder son, 351 ; his character, ib. ; 
 arrested by Gloucester and Buckingham, 354 ; 
 sent to Pomfret and beheaded, 355 ; date of 
 his execution, 366 n 2. See Scales, Anthony 
 
 Rochford, George Boleyn, Baron, bearer of the 
 princess Elizabeth's canopy, 506 
 
 Rokesby, Sir Thomas, sheriff of Yorkshire, 
 defeats Northumberland and Bardolf, 157 
 
 Romans, the, and the English, aspects of their 
 camps compared, 186 
 
 "rongen," rung, 254 
 
 "rore," commotion, 323 n 1, 352 
 
 Eos, William de Ros, Baron, joins Bolingbroke, 
 98 ; goes with him to meet York, 102 
 
 Rotherham, Thomas, Archbishop of York, 
 Cardinal, and Chancellor, hears that Edward 
 V.'s journey had been interrupted, 354, 356 ; 
 takes the great seal to Elizabeth, 355, 366 ; 
 asked to bring York from sanctuary, 358 
 (q>. 357 n 1) ; his answer, 358, 359 ; advises 
 Elizabeth to part with York, 360 ; brings 
 him from sanctuary, 360 ; takes part in the 
 coronation council, 363 
 
 Roussy, John Count of, slain at Agincourt, 196 
 
 Rowell, Thomas ("sir Thomas Louell") saves 
 Dorset's life, 403 n 1 
 
 "rowned," whispered, 386 
 
 Rushes a floor covering, 356 
 
 Ruthal, Thomas, Bishop of Durham, his private 
 accounts accidentally seen by Henry V III., 
 472, 473 
 
 Rutland, Edward Earl of, conspires against 
 Henry IV., 122, 123; detected by York, 
 124 5 obtains Henry's pardon, ib. See Albe- 
 marle, cmd York, Edward Duke of 
 
528 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Rut 
 
 Si-W 
 
 Butland, Edmund, Earl of, in arms with Richard 
 Duke of York, 295 ; beloved by the Irish, 
 296 ; his tutor tries to save his life, 297, 298 ; 
 slain by Cliflford, 298 ; his age, 298 m 1 ; 
 character, ib. 
 
 "saoke, let," caused to be put in a sack, 213 
 
 "sacre," consecrate, 475 n 3 
 
 "sad," gi-ave, 881, 400 » 1 
 
 " sadde,^' firm, 238 w 3 
 
 St. Maur, Richard de St. Maur, Baron, goes 
 with York to meet Bolingbroke, 102 
 
 St. Paule, St. Pol, 185 
 
 Sainte-Traille (Xaintrailles), Potou de, ex- 
 changed for Talbot, 214 
 
 Salisbury, the bastard of (son of Richard Earl 
 of Salisbury), slain at Ferrybridge, 305 
 
 , William Lungespee, Earl of, forsakes 
 
 John for Lewis, 68 
 
 , John de Montagu, Earl of, employed to 
 
 prevent Bolingbroke's marriage, 92 ; gathers 
 an army to await Richard's return, 103 ; 
 meets him at Conway, 107 ; present when 
 Richard met Bolingbroke, 109 ; conspires 
 against Henry IV., 122, 123 ; beheaded, 127 
 
 , Thomas de Montagu, Earl of, son of 
 
 John, a negotiator of the treaty of Troyes, 
 200 ; at Troyes when Henry V. was affianced 
 to Katharine, 201 ; at Henry's death-bed, 
 208 ; mortally wounded, 214, 215 ; date of 
 his death, 215 n 1 ; martial renown of, 217, 
 218 
 
 , Richard Neville, son-in-law of Thomas, 
 
 Earl of, attends Henry VI. 's coronation in 
 Paris, 228 ; mamed Alice de Montagu, 245 
 n 1 ; his children, i6. ; a supporter of York's 
 claim, 283, 288 ; reconciled to the Lancas- 
 trians, 290 ; his chancellorship, 294 « 1 ; in 
 arms with York, 295 ; welcomed in Kent, 
 295, 296 ; beheaded, 300 ; his head removed 
 from York gates, 307 
 
 , Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of 
 
 (1499—1539), married Sir Richard Pole, 396 ; 
 date of her birth, 396 n 1 
 "sanotuarie children" unheard of, 360 
 
 Sandys, William Sandys, Baron, regulated 
 Wolsey's banquets, 441, 442; date of his 
 creation, 449 n 2; attends Buckingham's 
 execution, 450 
 Say & Sele, James Fiennes, Baron, removed 
 from ofSce, 269 ; charged with ceding Anjou 
 and Maine, 278; beheaded, 278, 279; his 
 head borne on a pole, 279 
 Scales, Thomas Scales, Baron, taken prisoner 
 at Patay, 207 ; joined with others in the 
 siege of Orleans, 214 ; at the retaking of Le 
 Mans, 217 ; charged to keep the Tower against 
 Cade, 274 ; promises help to the Londoners 
 in resisting him, 275 
 
 , Anthony WoodvUe, Baron (1462^69), 
 
 married the heiress of Thomas, Baron Scales, 
 319 n 1. See Rivers, Anthony Woodvile, 
 Earl of 
 Soots, the, expel Malcolm's English followers, 
 
 xii «. 2 ; came from Ireland, 3 re 1 ; defeat 
 the Danes at Loncarty, 16, 17; defeat 
 Sueno, King of Norway, 21 ; and Canute's 
 power, 22; make peace with the Danes, 
 23 ; abhorred English excesses, 42 ; de- 
 feated at Nisbet and Homildon, 131 — 133 ; 
 join the Percies, 135 ; attack Henry IV. 's 
 van at Shrewsbury, 146 ; defeated at Neville's 
 Cross, 172 
 
 Scrope of Masham, Henry Scrope, Baron, 
 treason of, made public, 173 M 3 ; found 
 guilty, ib. ; his conspiracy detected, 174 ; 
 led to doom himself, 174 n 1 ; high character 
 of, 175 ; says that he was bribed by France, 
 176 ; doomed by Henry, 176, 177 
 
 Sci'ope, Richard, Archbishop of York, directed 
 to report Richard's abdication to parliament, 
 114, 116, 117 ; devises the Percies' articles, 
 135, 151 ; conspires against Henry IV., 151 ; 
 wears armour, 152 ; his character, *&. ; at 
 Galtres Forest, ib. ; confers with Westmore- 
 land, 153, 154 ; arrested by "Westmoreland, 
 154 ; said to have yielded freely, ib. See 
 correction, p. xxiii 
 
 , Sir Stephen, accompanied Richard II. to 
 
 Conway, 107; present when Richard met 
 Bolingbroke, 109 
 
 "seelie," innocent, 394 
 
 Seely, Sir Bennet, conspirator against Henry 
 IV., beheaded, 127 
 
 " Seimour, the lord." See St. Maur 
 
 "sendall, silke," 86 
 
 " sentence," opinion, 501 
 
 Sergeant-at-arras, Duncan's, slain by rebels, 19 
 {ep. 18) 
 
 " sew," serve at table, 126 
 
 Seyton (Seiton), name assumed in Malcolm 
 Ill's time, 45 
 
 Shaw, Dr. John or Ralph, his character, 376 ; 
 his arguments for Gloucester's claim to the 
 crown, 377, 379, 380 
 
 , Sir Edmund, Mayor of London, receives 
 
 Edward V., 357; present during Buckiag- 
 ham's speeches at the Guildhall, 381, 382, 
 and at Baynard's Castle, 383 
 
 Shirley, Sir Hugh, slain at Shrewsbmy, 147 
 
 Shore, Jane, accused of wasting Gloucester by 
 sorcery, 371, 372 ; kept by Hastings, 372, 
 373 
 
 Shrewsbury, John Talbot, Earl of (1442-53), 
 appointed to besiege Dieppe, 230 ; sent to 
 recover Guienne, 231 ; slain, »5. ; advised his 
 son to flee, 231, 232 ; his words to his son 
 232 ; epitaph, 233 ; his bones brought to 
 England, 233 n 1 ; and found at Whitchurch, 
 ib. 
 
 SicUius, father of Posthumus {Gyrrib.), aids in 
 Caesar's defeat, 13 ?i 1 ; name in Sol., 18 
 
 Sigismnnd, the Emperor, comes to make peace 
 between Henry V. and Charles VI., 199 ; 
 seeks to make peace between England and 
 France, 234 
 
 Sinell, thane of Glamis, father of Macbeth, 18 
 
 Siward, Earl of Northumberland, temporarily 
 
iNl)EX. 
 
 529 
 
 Sod 
 dethrones Macbeth, xiii n 1 ; ordered to 
 assist Malcolm, 41 ; defeats Macbeth, 44 ; hia 
 speech when his son was slain, ib. 
 
 "sod," boiled, 247 
 
 Somerset, John Beaufort, 1st Duke of, his age 
 at Mortimer's death, 218 ; date of his death, 
 218 n 6 ; ravages Anjou, 230 
 
 , Kdmund Beaufort (Earl of Mortain, 1431, 
 
 Earl of Somerset, 1444), 2nd Duke of, brother 
 of John, attends Henry V.'s funeral, 205 n 4 ; 
 the "Somerset" of 1 & 2 Sen. VI., 218 
 (cp. 335) ; his age at Mortimer's death, ih. ; 
 enmity between him and York, 218, 219 ; 
 attends Henrj VI. 's coronation in Paris, 228 ; 
 conspires against Gloucester, 246 ; when made 
 duke, 246 n 3 ; supersedes York in the lieu- 
 tenancy of France, 251 ; date of his lieuten- 
 ancy, 251 n 1 ; retards York's departure to 
 France, 252 ; surrenders Caen, 263 ; blamed 
 for the loss of Normandy, 283 ; his committal 
 to ward demanded by York, 286 ; released 
 by Margaret, 286, 287; accuses York of 
 treason, 287 ; slain, 289 
 
 Somerset, Henry Beaufort, 3rd Duke of, son of 
 Edmund, advises Margaret to oppose York, 
 294, 295; at Wakefield, 296; flees from 
 Towton, 306 n 2 ; deserts and rejoins the 
 
 '»■ Lancastrians, 320 ; beheaded, ib. 
 
 , Edmund, 4th Duke of, brother of Henry, 
 
 meets Margaret on her return to England, 
 333 » 4, 334 m 8 ; with Warwick at Bamet, 
 335 ; taken prisoner at Tewkesbury, 338 ; 
 beheaded, 339 
 
 Somerrille, Sir Thomas, perhaps "Someruile" 
 in 3 Em. VI., 842 
 
 "songen," sung, 254 
 
 "Southerie," Surrey, 281 
 
 Southwell, Thomas, accused of sorcery, 253 ; 
 dies in the Tower, 259 
 
 Sparhawk, a, strangled by an owl, 81 
 
 " Spencer." (F. reading in Bieh. II. V. vi. 8), 
 127 n 1. See Despencer 
 
 Stafford, Edmund Stafford, 6th Earl of, com- 
 mands Henry IV.'s van at Shrewsbury, 146 ; 
 slain, ib. ; made Constable on the day of the 
 battle, ib. 
 
 , Humphrey Stafford, Earl of, son of 
 
 Humphrey Duke of Buckingham, slain at St. 
 Albans, 290 
 
 , Humphrey Stafford, Baron S. of South- 
 wick, appointed to suppress the northern 
 rebellion, 321 
 
 — — , Sir Humphrey, and his brother, defeated 
 by Cade, 272, 273 
 
 Standish, Henry, Bishop of St. Asaph, Katha- 
 rine's counsel, 457 
 
 Stanley, Sir Thomas, has the custody of the 
 Duchess of Gloucester, 259, 261 
 
 , Sir William, aids Edward IV.'s escape 
 
 from the Nevilles, 325 ; distrusted by Richard 
 III., 402 ; comes to Richmond, 408 ; his con- 
 tingent, 411 ; meets Richmond, 412 ; his 
 succour gives Richmond victory at Bosworth, 
 419, 420 
 
 Sum 
 
 Stanley, Thomas Stanley, Baron, "Derby" in 
 Eieha/rd III., 350 ; takes part in the corona- 
 tion council, 863 ; mistrusts the separate 
 councils, ib. ; his dream, 364 ; charged by 
 Richard to prevent his wife from communi- 
 cating with Richmond, 391 ; his son de- 
 manded from him as a hostage, 402 ; afraid 
 to befriend Richmond openly, 407 ; meets 
 Richmond, 412; rejects Richard's summons, 
 417 ; crowns Richmond after Bosworth field, 
 420 
 
 Star, a blazing, seen in 1402, 137 (cp. 61 n 1) 
 
 "states," persons of high rank, 422 
 
 Stewards, Boece's genealogy of the, 36 ; they 
 and the Fitz-Alans descended from Alan 
 (^emp. Hen. I.), iJ. m 2 
 
 Stokesley, John, Bishop of London, asks his 
 clergy's aid in buying pardon of the pre- 
 munire, xxiv; in the coronation procession of 
 Anne Boleyn, 485, 487 
 
 Storm, portentous, before the leave-taking of 
 Henry and Francis, 427 
 
 "stoupes," 221, "stoops," 277, stulpes, short 
 posts 
 
 Strange, George Stanley, Baron, a hostage to 
 Richard HI. , 402 ; narrowly escaped execu- 
 tion before Bosworth field, 417, 418 ; brought 
 to his father after the battle, 420 
 
 "streinable," vehement, 405 
 
 Sueno, King of Norway, invades Scotland, and 
 is defeated, 21 ; ransoms his dead {Mcicb.), 
 22 nl 
 
 Suffolk, Michael de la Pole, third Earl of, slain 
 at A^court, 196 
 
 , William de la Pole, Duke of, brother of 
 
 Michael, his intrigue with Margaret ficti- 
 tious, xiii, xiv ; appointed to besiege Orleans, 
 214 ; attends Henry VI. 's coronation in Paris, 
 228 ; ambassador at Tours, 237 ; arranges 
 Henry VI.'s marriage, 238 ; returns to Eng- 
 land, 241 ; his services acknowledged by 
 Parliament, 241 n 1 ; procurator for espous- 
 ing Margaret to Henry, 243 : conveys her to 
 England, ib. ; dispenses with her dowry, 244; 
 cedes Anjou and Maine to Rene, ib. ; created 
 Duke of Suffolk, ib. ; sent to bring Margaret 
 from France, 245 ; demands a fifteenth, 246 ; 
 conspires against Gloucester, ib. ; aids 
 Somerset to obtain the Uentenancy in France, 
 251 ; accused of taking bribes from France, 
 264 ; and of other crimes, 267, 268, 278 ; sus- 
 pected of Gloucester's murder, 268 ; banished, 
 269 ; murdered, 270, 271 ; prophecy of his 
 fate, 270 n 3 
 
 , Charles Brandon, Duke of (1514-45), a 
 
 commissioner for levying a sixth, 432 ; found 
 Buckingham gmlty, 447 ; commands Wolsey 
 to surrender the greait seal, 474 ; receives it 
 after much debate, 475 ; high steward for 
 the coronation of Anne Boleyn, 488 ; in the 
 procession, 485 ; dismissed many of Katha- 
 rine's servants, 490 ; in the christening pro- 
 cession of the princess Elizabeth, 506 
 
 Summer, wet, in 1594, 158 n 1 
 
530 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sun 
 
 Wal 
 
 Sun obscured after Duff's murder, 31 ; ap- 
 pears as three suns at Mortimer's Cross, 301 ; 
 eclipse of, at Queen Anne's death, 396 n 3 
 
 " suppryse," oppression, 129 n 2 
 
 " Surrey " in the coronation .procession of Anne 
 Boleyn, 484. See Arundel, William Fitz 
 Alan, 485 
 
 , Thomas Holland, Duke of, arrests 
 
 Bolingbroke and Norfolk, 78 ; becomes bail 
 for Bolingbroke, ib. ; sent by Kichard II. 
 to make peace between Bolingbroke and 
 Norfolk, 79 ; officiates as marshall in the 
 lists at Coventry, 86 — 88 ; returns with 
 Richard from Ireland, 106 ; accompanies 
 Kichard to Conway, 107 ; challenges Fitz- 
 Walter, 111, 112 ; deprived of his dukedom, 
 121, 122. See Kent, 3rd Earl of 
 
 Surrey, Thomas Howard,Earlof(1483— 1514), by 
 Bichard III.'s creation, 367 ni; summoned 
 to oppose Richmond, 401 ; in the vaward 
 at Bosworth, 415. See Howard, Sir Thomas, 
 and Norfolk, 2nd Duke of 
 
 , Thomas Howard, Eai-1 of (1514-24), was 
 
 near stabbing Wolsey, 448. See. Norfolk, 
 Srd Duke of 
 
 Surrienne, Fran9ois de, le Arragonnois, sur- 
 prises the Castle of "Comill," 224, 225. 
 (Source for the fictitious surprise of Rouen, 
 1 Een. VI., III. ii.) 
 
 Talbot, John Talbot, Baron, defeated at Pataj', 
 207 ; exchanged for Poton de Sainte-Traille, 
 214 ; joined with others in the siege of 
 Orleans, ib. ; retakes Le Mans, 216, 217 ; 
 dreaded by the French, 217 ; a scare to 
 children, 218 ; created Earl of Shrewsbury, 
 228. See Shrewsbury 
 , Sir Gilbert, joins Richmond, 408 
 
 " tapet," hanging, 213 
 
 "Te Deum" sung after Agincourt, 197 
 
 "tempering," experimenting, 255 sidenote 
 
 " Temple-garden "scene, characters in the, 218, 
 247 »1 
 
 Tenantius, form of the name, 7 n 1 ; aids in 
 Csesar's defeat, 13 n 1 
 
 Thanes of Scotland made earls, 45 
 
 Thomas of Lancaster. See Clarence, Thomas 
 Duke of 
 
 Thomas, St., of Waterings, Southwark, 198. 
 A brook or spring dedicated to St. Thomas b, 
 Becket. — Cunningham's Bandbook of London, 
 1850, p. 493, col. 2 
 
 Thorpe, Thomas, Baron of the Exchequer, an 
 enemy " to the famyUe of York," 292 n 1 
 
 "thought," sorrow, 127 
 
 "Thoine,"Toul, 211 
 
 "Threske,"Thirsk, 157 
 
 Tides, three continuous, in the Thames, 158 
 
 Toison d'Or brings Burgundy's letter to Henry 
 VL, 229 
 
 "tooting hole,'' spyhole, 214 
 
 "torcious," wrongful, 338 n 2 
 
 Troinovant (London), temple to Apollo in, 5 n 
 1 ; called London, 14 mrn-g. note 
 
 Troyes, treaty of, its terms, 200, 201 ; 1st article 
 of, 201, 202; 25th article of, 202; 23rd 
 article of, 202 n 1 ; sworn to, 203 
 
 Tun, drinking-cup, 172 n 2 
 
 " tuition," protection, 47, 359 
 
 Tyler, Wat, says that he will give laws to 
 England, 277, 278 
 
 " type," tip, summit, 135 
 
 " tyrantlike," 34 
 
 Tyrrel, Sir James, his character, 389 ; kept 
 under by Ratcliffe and Catesby, 389, 890 ; 
 agrees to despatch Richard III.'s nephews, 
 390 ; carries out the business, 394 ; thanked 
 by Richard, ib. 
 
 , Sir Thomas, quite unlike his brother 
 
 Sir James, 390 
 
 " underset," propped up, 349 
 
 " undertooke," understood, 272 
 
 Universities, foreign, consulted about Henry 
 VIII.'s marriage, 479 
 
 " unlieful," unbelieving, 238 n 3 
 
 Urswick, Christopher, a messenger to Richmond 
 from the Countess, 409 
 
 Uter (or Uther), called Pendragon, 5 ra 1 ; borne 
 to battle in a litter, 226 
 
 " utter barrester," 105. "And they [barristers] 
 are called Utter Barristers, i. e. Pleaders 
 without the Bar, to distinguish them from 
 Benchers, or those who have been Readers, who 
 are sometimes admitted to plead within the 
 Bar ; as the King, Queen, or Prince's Counsel 
 are." — Cowel's Law Dictionary, 1727, s. v, 
 
 Vaudemont, Ferri de Lorraine, Count of, slain 
 at Agincourt, 196 
 
 Vaughan, Sir Thomas, arrested by Gloucester 
 and Buckingham, 354 ; sent to Pomfret and 
 beheaded, 355 ; his last words, 368 n 1 
 
 Vaux, Sir Nicholas, attends Buckingham's 
 execution, 450 
 
 Venetian Senate assist Bolingbroke in his pil- 
 grimage to Jerusalem, 160 n 1 
 
 Vere, Aubrey de (heir of John, twelfth Earl of 
 Oxford), beheaded, 314 
 
 Vernon, Sir Richard, taken prisoner at Shrews- 
 bury and beheaded, 147 
 
 " Veulquessine, Vexin, 62, 54 
 
 "Vici,' translated "I ouercame," in North's 
 Plutarch, 12 re 1 
 
 Villeins' revolt and Cade's rebellion dramatically 
 amalgamated, xi ; villeins kill lawyers, 
 schoolmasters, and nobles, 271, 272 ; release 
 prisoners, 273 n 4 ; bum the Savoy, and the 
 lawyers' lodgings in the Temple, 277 ; destroy 
 records, 278 
 
 Wales, Edward Prince of (afterwards Edward 
 II.), punished by his father for reviling a 
 royal officer, 161 «. 2 
 
 , Edward Prince of (the Black Prince), 
 
 defeats the French at Cr&y, 171 
 
 . , Henry Prince of, deserted by Worcester, 
 
 136 ; distrusted by his father, 140 ; whose con- 
 fidence he regains, i&. ; his youthful vagaries, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 "Wal 
 
 531 
 
 Wit 
 
 141 ; disgraced by his father, ii. and 161 ra 1 ; 
 robs his receivers, 141 n 2 ; was much younger 
 than Hotspur, 142 ; wounded at Shrewsbury, 
 but continues fighting, 146 ; removes his 
 father's crown, 158 ; strikes chief-justice 
 Gascoign, 161, 163 n 1 ; insults Gascoign, 
 162 ; at whose bidding he goes to prison, 
 163 ; in danger from an assassin, 213 ; charge 
 of Mortimer entrusted to, 219. See Henry V 
 
 Wales, Edward, Lancastrian Prince of, meeting 
 between, and his father, 303 ; dubbed knight, 
 ib. ; said not to be Hemy's son, 804 ; espoused 
 to Anne Neville, 818 ; returns to England, 
 337 ; murdered after Tewkesbury field, 840 
 , Edward, Yorkist Prince of. ,See Edward V. 
 
 "wanhope," despair, 400 
 
 Warham, WiUiam, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 Katharine's counsel, 457 
 
 "warlie," warlike, 422. "The erle of Hunt- 
 yngdon also this yere [1433] was sent into 
 Eraunce with a warly company." — Fab. ii. 
 608 
 
 Warwick, Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of (1369 — 
 1401), rebels against Richard II., 94 
 
 , Richard Beauchamp, Earl of (1401-39), 
 
 son of Thomas, envoy from Henry V. to Philip 
 the Good, 199 ; at Troyes when Henry was 
 affianced to Katharine, 201 ; at the siege of 
 Melnn, 201 n 1 ; attends on Henry V.'s 
 funeral, 205 n 4 ; at Henry's death-bed, 
 208 ; appointed guardian of Henry VI., 209 
 n 1 ; attends Henry's coronation in Paris, 
 228 ; his lieutenancy in Erance, 237 n 3 ; 
 death, ib. ; 247 n 1 
 
 , Henry Beauchamp, Duke of (1444-45), 
 
 son of Richard, his sister married Richard 
 Neville (the King-maker), 245 n 1 
 
 , Richard Neville, Earl of (1449-71), his 
 
 hospitality, 247 ; when born, and made earl, 
 247 n 1 ; the dramatic " Warwick," ib. ; his 
 character, 247 w 2; a supporter of York's claim, 
 283, 288 ; assumed the Beauchamp badge, 
 288 ; reconciled to the Lancastrians, 290 ; 
 escapes from a Lancastrian riot, ib. ; made 
 captain of Calais, 294 n 1 ; charged with 
 Henry's custody, 295, 302; welcomed by 
 the Kentishmen, 295, 296 ; joins Edward, 
 301 ; defeated at, St. Albans, 302 ; slays his 
 horse at Eerrybri(ige, 305 ; conducts Henry 
 VI. to the Tower, 309; negotiates the 
 marriage of Bona to Edward, 313 ; angered by 
 Edward's marriage to Elizabeth Grey, 316 ; 
 and by Edward's insult to a relative, 316, 
 317 ; leagues with Margaret, 317, 318 ; his 
 daughter Anne espouses Edward Prince of 
 Wales, 318 ; tempted Clarence to revolt, 319 ; 
 his daughter Isabel marries Clarence, 320 ; 
 secretly foments a rebellion, ib. ; his invasion 
 favoured, 322, 323 ra 1 ; date thereof, 322 » 3 ; 
 proclaims Henry VI., 323 ; captures Edward, 
 323, 324 ; releases Henry from the Tower, 
 326 ; made governor of England, 327 ; in 
 Warwickshire when Edward landed, 333 n 1 ; 
 refuses Edward's offer of battle at Coventry, 
 
 334 ; rejects Clarence's offer of peace, ib. ; 
 follows Edward's march from Coventry, 336, 
 
 337 ; slain, 337 ; his speech before Barnet 
 
 field, 338 n 2 
 Warwick, Edward Plantagenet, Earlof (1490-99), 
 
 his long imprisonment, 395; was "a verie 
 
 innocent," ib. 
 Washford, Wexford, 233 
 
 Waterton, Sir Robert, joins Bolingbroke's inva- 
 sion, 96; marches against Northumberland, 148 
 "weerish," shrunk, 372 
 " weird sisters," 24 
 Welshmen disperse, believing Richard II. to 
 
 be dead, 103 ; rebel, led by Glendower, 105, 
 
 137 ; aid the Percies at Shrewsbury, 146 ; 
 
 desert Buckingham, 404 
 Welshwomen mutUate the slain, 131 
 West, Nicholas, Bishop of Ely, Katharine's 
 
 counsel, 457 
 Westminster, Abbot of (William Colchester), 
 
 present at Richard's abdication, 118 ; author 
 
 of a conspiracy against Henry IV., 122, 123 ; 
 
 his subsequent history, 127 
 Westmoreland, Ralph Neville, Earl of (1397- 
 
 1425), receives Bolingbroke's oath at Doncaa- 
 
 ter, 100, 101; goes with him to meet York, 102; 
 
 receives the gages of Aumerle and other lords, 
 
 III, 112 ; attaches Carlisle, 116 ; marches 
 against Northumberland, 148 ; and against 
 Archbishop Scrope, 152; quells Scrope's 
 revolt by politic dealing, 152-— 154 ; another 
 account of his procedure, 154, 155 ; advises 
 Henry V. to conquer Scotland, 172 ; not at 
 Agincourt, 187 
 
 , Ralph NevUle, Earl of (1425-84), and 
 
 the dramatic Westmoreland, 342. See cor- 
 rection, p. xxiii 
 Whale stranded, 156. (Simile in 2 Hen. IF. 
 
 IV. iv. 40, 41.) 
 "whiffler,"fifer, 197 
 
 White Hart in Southwark, Cade lodges at the, 
 274 
 
 White rose, Edward IV. 's emblem, xxiii 
 
 " wight," blame, 352 
 
 William of Lane ("de Lanum." — Gra/ysUmes, 
 Surtees Soc. ed., p. 35) advises Morgan not 
 to deny the king's blood, 50 
 
 Willoughby of Eresby, William WUloughby, 
 Baron, joins Bolingbroke, 98 ; goes with him 
 to meet York, 102 ; sent to ravage near 
 Amiens, 230 
 
 Wiltshire and Ormond, James Butler, Earl of, 
 attends Henry VI.'s coronation in Paris, 228 ; 
 fled from St. Albans, 290 ; . defeated at 
 Mortimer's Cross, 300, 301 
 
 Wiltshire, William Scrope, Earl of, fanns 
 England, 90 ; gives advice for resisting 
 Bolingbroke, 98 ; flees to Bristol, 100 ; be- 
 headed there, 104 ; reprobated by the com- 
 mons, 130 
 
 Winchester, Bishop of. See Beaufort, Henry 
 
 Winds, great, after Duff's murder, 31 
 
 " wisehardie,'! 204 
 
 Witch, revenge of the First i^Ia^.), 22 ; 
 
532 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Wit 
 
 YOE 
 
 witches at Forres, 22, 23 ; prophecies of a, 
 to Macbeth, 36 
 
 " witcherie," witchcraft, 212 
 
 Wolsey, Thomas, escorts Francis I. in the vale 
 of Audren, 425 ; angered by Buckingham's 
 abuse, 426 ; imprisons Bulmer, ib. ; per- 
 suades Hemy to meet Francis, 428 ; regulates 
 their interview, ib. ; bribed by Charles V. to 
 dissolve their friendship, 429, 430 ; devises a 
 tax of a sizth, 431, 432 ; excuses liimself for 
 projecting it, 433 ; claims credit for its 
 remission, 434 ; procures Enyvet to accuse 
 Buckingham, 484, 435 ; his stately banquets, 
 441 ; great resort to his house, 442 ; to one 
 of his banquets Henry comes masqued, 
 accompanied by masquers, 443 — 446 (cp. 441 
 n 1) ; blamed for Buckingham's death, 443 ; 
 sends Surrey (3rd Duke of Norfolk) away to 
 Ireland as lieutenant, 449 ; blamed for im- 
 pugning Henry's marriage to spite the emperor, 
 462, 453 ; wished Henry to marry the 
 Duchess of Alengon, 453 ; in commission 
 with Campeggio, 453, 454 ; blamed for keep- 
 ing Face abroad, 455 ; his usual procession 
 to Westminster Hall, 467 ; his two cross- 
 bearers, ib. ; accused by Katharine, 461 ; 
 asks Henry to acquit him of her charge, 
 462; hears of Henry's affection for Anne 
 Boleyn, 470; desu-es the pope to defer Henry's 
 divorce, ib. (cp. 472) ; his duplicity resented 
 by Henry, 470, 471 ; his enemies frame 
 articles against him, 471 ; delivers Ruthal's 
 private accoimts to Henry, 473 ; his bid for 
 the papacy, ib. ; surrenders the great seal 
 after much debate, 474, 476 ; the articles 
 framed against him, 476 ; condemned in a 
 premunire, 477 ; takes account of his goods 
 forfeited to Hemy, 481, 482 ; wishes that he 
 had served God better, 482 ; arrested by 
 Northumberland, 490 ; comes to Leicester 
 Abbey and dies there, 491 ; his character, 
 foundations, and preferments, 492, 493 
 
 Woodvile, Eichard (father of Richard, Earl 
 Rivers), keeps the Tower against Gloucester, 
 212, 213 
 
 Worcester, Thomas Percy, Earl of, dismisses 
 Richard II.'s household, 98, 99 ; prompts his 
 brother and nephew to demand Mortimer's 
 ransom, 133 ; informs them of Henry IV. 's 
 
 Proposed absence in Wales, 135 ; deserts 
 rince Henry and joins Hotspur, 136, 137 ; 
 sent to parley ■mth Henry IV., 143 ; mis- 
 reports to Hotspur the words of Hem'y, 144, 
 145 ; taken prisoner and beheaded, 147 
 
 Xaintrailles, 214. See Sainte-TraUle 
 
 York, Cecilia (Cecily), Duchess of, sends her 
 sons George and Richard to Utrecht, 303 ; 
 disapproves of Edward's marriage to a widow, 
 812 ; and calls it bigamy, 385 n 2; dates of 
 her birth and death, 386 n 3 ; slandered in 
 Shaw's sermon, 379 ; asserts that Edward was 
 betrothed to Elizabeth Lucy, 386 
 
 York, Edmund, Duke of, becomes bail for 
 Bolingbroke, 78 ; excuses Gloucester to Richard 
 11., 84 ; reproves Gloucester, and leaves the 
 court, 85 ; comes to London with a power, 
 ib. ; forgives Gloucester's death, 86 ; angered 
 by the confiscation of Bolingbroke's inherit- 
 ance, 91, 92; retires to King's Langley, 92; 
 appointed lieutenant-general of England, 93 ; 
 takes counsel to resist Bolingbroke, 97, 98 ; 
 his levies refuse to fight, 98, 101 ; meets 
 Bolingbroke at Berkeley Castle, 101, 102; 
 goes with Bolingbroke to Bristol, 104 ; his 
 two marriages, 121 m 1 ; detects Rutland's 
 treason, 124 ; reveals it to Henry IV., ib. i 
 his character, 129 
 
 , Edward Duke of, receives command of 
 
 the vaward at Agincourt, 191 ; slain, 196 
 
 , Richard, Duke of, his age at Mortimer's 
 
 death, 218 ; enmity between him and 
 Edmund Beaufort, 218, 219 ; was Mortimer's 
 heir, 219, 220 ; knighted by Henry VI., 223 
 {cp. n 2) ; attends Henry's coronation in 
 Paris, 228 ; ravages Anjou, 230 ; his lieu- 
 tenancies in France, 237 n S ; ia England 
 during the truce, 245 ; married Cecilia 
 Neville, 245 n 1 ; ingratiates himself with 
 the Irish, 248 (qp. 282 n 1, 296) ; date of his 
 lieutenancy in Ireland, 248 n 1 ; superseded 
 by Somerset in the lieutenancy of France, 
 251 ; his departure to France retarded by 
 Edmund Beaufort, 252 ; wins support for his 
 claim to the crown, 255 ; his pemgree, 255 — 
 258 ; supposed speech to the peers, 256 — 258, 
 291 ; angered by Somerset's surrender of 
 Caen, 263 ; his ambition served by Glou- 
 cester's death, 264, 265 ; his friends instigate 
 Cade's rebellion, 266, 282ji2; date of his return 
 &om Ireland, 282 ; consults his friends about 
 claiming the crown, 283 ; marches against 
 Henry, 285 ; answers Henry's envoys, 285, 
 286 ; demands Somerset's committal to ward, 
 286 ; dissolves his army, ib. ; finds Somerset 
 at large, 287 ; becomes a prisoner, ib. ; 
 released through his son Edward sintervention, 
 288 ; defames Henry and Somerset, ib. j 
 seeks the Nevilles' favour, ib. ; wins the 
 battle of St. Albans, 288, 289 ; Ws protector- 
 ates, 290, 294 ; reconciled to the Lancas- 
 trians, 290 ; breaks into Henry's lodging, 
 291 n 3 ; steps up unto the throne, 291 n 4 ; 
 declared heir apparent, 292 — 294 ; his 
 oath, 293 ; prepares for war, 295 ; at Sandal, 
 ib. ; absolved from his oath, ib. ; would not 
 avoid battle at Wakefield, 297; his death, 
 299, 300; his head set on York gates, 300 ; 
 but removed by Edward, 307 
 
 , Edward, Duke of. See Edward IV. 
 
 , Richard, Duke of (1474-83), taken from 
 
 sanctuary to the Tower, 360, 361 _; was 
 married to Anne Mowbray, 367 « 2 ; in the 
 custody of Slaughter, 376 ; murdered, 394 ; 
 his body never found, 395 
 York Place called White Hall, 487 n 1 
 
 tK. tXay If Sont, LU„ Iionim i Smgay.